AN ANSWER TO A CHALLENGE MADE BY A IESUITE in JRELAND. WHEREIN THE IVDGEMENT OF ANTIQUITY in the points questioned is truely delivered, and the Noveltie of the now ROMISH doctrine plainly discovered
By IAMES VSSHER Bishop of Meath.
From the beginning it was not so.
DUBLIN, Printed by the Societie of Stationers. 1624.
TO HIS MOST SACRED MAIESTIE, IAMES BY THE GRACE OF God King of great BRITAINE, FRANCE, and IRELAND, Defender of the Faith, &c.
WEe finde it recorded for the everlasting honour of Theodosius the yonger, that it was his use Socrat. lib. 7. hist. cap. 22. to reason with his Bishops of the things contained [Page] in the holy Scriptures, as if he himselfe had beene one of their order: and of the Emperour Alexius in latter dayes; that Suthym. Zigaben. in Praefat. Dogmaticae Panopliae. whatsoever time hee could spare from the publike cares of the Common-wealth, hee did wholly employ in the diligent reading of Gods booke, and in conferring thereof with worthy men, of whom his Court was never empty. How little inferiour, or how much superiour rather, your Majestie is to either of these in this kind of praise, I neede not speake: it is acknowledged even by such as differ from you in the point of Religion, as a matter that hath Io. Brereley, in his Epistle before S. Augu [...]tines Religion. added more than ordinary lustre of ornament to your Royall estate; that you doe not forbeare so much as at the time of your bodily repast, to have for the then like feeding [Page] of your intellectuall part, your Highnesse table surrounded with the attendance and conference of your grave and learned Divines.
VVhat inward joy my heart conceived, as oft as I have had the happinesse to be present at such seasons, I forbeare to utter: onely I will say with Job; that Iob 29.11. the eare which heard you blessed you, and the eye which saw you, gave witnesse to you. But of all other things which I observed, your singular dexteritie in detecting the frauds of the Romish Church, and untying the most knotty arguments of the Sophisters of that side, was it (I confesse) that I admired most. especially where occasion was offred you to utter your skill, not in the word of God alone, but also in the Antiquities of the Church: wherein [Page] you have attained such a measure of knowledge as (with honour to God, I trust I may speake it, & without flatterie to you) in a well studied Divine we would account verie commendable, but in such a Monarch as your selfe almost incredible. And this is one cause (most Gratious Soveraigne) beside my generall duty, and the many speciall obligations wherby I am otherwise bound unto your Majestie, which hath emboldned me to intreat your patience at this time, in vouchsafing to be a spectator of this combate, which I am now entred into with a Iesuite, who chargeth us to disallow many chiefe articles, which the Saints and Fathers of the Primitive Church did generally hold to be true; and undertaketh to make good, that they [Page] of his side doe not disagree from that holy Church, either in these, or in any other point of Religion.
Now true it is, if a man doe only attend unto the bare sound of the word, (as in the question of Merit, for example) or to the thing in generall, without descending into the particular consideration of the true ground thereof (as in the matter of Praying for the dead) he may easily be induced to beleeve, that in divers of these controversies the Fathers speake cleerely for them and against us: neither is there any one thing that hath wonne more credit to that religion, or more advanced it in the consciences of simple men, than the conformitie that it retaineth in some words and outward observances with the ancient [Page] Church o [...] Christ. Whereas if the thing it selfe were narrowly looked into, it would be found that they have onely the shell without the kernell, and we the kernell without the shell: they having retained certaine words and rites of the ancient Church, but applied them to a new invented doctrine; and we on the other side having relinquished these words and observances, but retained neverthelesse the same primitive doctrine, unto which by their first institution they had relation.
The more cause have I to count my selfe happy, that am to answer of these matters before a King that is able to discerne betwixt things that differ, and hath knowledge of all these questions.Act. 26.26. before whom therefore I may speake boldly: because [Page] I am perswaded that none of these things are hid from him. For it is not of late daies that your Majestie hath begun to take these things into your consideration: from a childe have you beene trained up to this warfare; yea before you were twenty yeeres of age, the Lord had taught your hands to fight against the man of sinne, and your fingers to make battell against his Babel. Whereof your Paraphrase upon the Revelation of S. John is a memorable monument left to all posterity: which I can never looke upon, but those verses of the Pöet runne alwaies in my minde:
[Page]How constant you have beene ever since in the profession and maintenance of the truth: your late protestation, made vnto both the houses of your Parlament, giveth sufficient evidence. So much whereof as may serve for a present antidote against that false and scandalous Merc. Gallobelgic. ann. 1623. Oration spread amongst forrainers under your Majesties sacred name: I humbly make bold to insert in this place, as a perpetuall testimony of your integrity in this behalfe.
His Majesties Answer to the Petition of the Parliament touching Recusants, 23. April. 1624. WHAT my religion is my bookes doe declare, my profession and my behaviour doe shew: and J hope in God, J shall never live to be thought otherwise; sure I am, J shall never deserve it. And for my part I wish that it might be written [Page] in Marble and remaine to posteritie, as a marke upon me, when I shall swerve from my Religion. for he that doth dissemble with God, is not to be trusted by man. My Lords, I protest before God, my heart hath bled, when I have heard of the increase of Popery: and God is my Judge it hath beene so great a griefe unto me, that it hath beene like thornes in mine eies and prickes in my sides; so farre have I beene and ever shall be, from turning any other way. And my Lords and Gentlemen, you all shall bee my Confessors; if J knew any way better than other to hinder the growth of Poperie, I would take it: and he cannot be an honest man, who knowing as J doe and being perswaded as I am, would doe otherwise.
As you have so long since begun, and happily continued, so goe on [Page] (most renowned King) and still shew your selfe to be a Defender of the faith. fight the Lords battells couragiously, honour him evermore, and advance his truth. that when you have fought this good fight,2 Tim. 4.7.8 and finished your course, and kept the faith; you may receive the Crowne of righteousnesse, reserved in heaven for you. for the obtaining of which double blessing, both of grace and of glory, together with all outward prosperitie and happinesse in this life; you shall never want the instant praiers of
TO THE READER.
IT is now about six yeeres (as I gather by the reckoning laid downe in the 25th page of this booke) since this following Challenge was brought unto me from a Iesuite; and received that generall Answer, which now serveth to make up the first chapter only of this present worke. The particular points, which were by him but barely named, I meddled not withall at that time: conceiving it to be his part (as in the 34th page is touched) who sustained the person of the Assailant, to bring forth his armes and give the first onset, and mine, as the Defendant, to repell his encounter afterwards. Only I then collected certaine materials out of the Scriptures and writings of the Fathers, which I meant to make use of for a second conflict, whensoever this [Page] Challenger should be pleased to descend to the handling of the particular articles by him proposed; the truth of euery of which he had taken upon him to prove, by the expresse testimonies of the Fathers of the primitiue Church, as also by good and certaine grounds out of the sacred Scriptures, if the Fathers authoritie would not suffice.
Thus this matter lay dead for diuers yeeres together: and so would still have done, but that some of high place in both Kingdomes, having beene pleased to thinke farre better of that little which I had done than the thing deserved, advised me to goe forward, and to deliver the iudgement of Antiquitie touching those particular points in controversie, wherein the Challenger was so confident that the whole current of the Doctors, Pastors and Fathers of the Primitiue Church did mainly run on his side. Hereupon I gathered my scattered notes together, and as the multitude of my imployments would give mee leave, now entred into the handling of one point and then of another: treating of each, either more briefly or more largely, as the opportunitie of my present leisure would give me leave. And so at last, after many interruptions, I have made up in such manner as thou seest, a kinde of a Doctrinall [Page] History of those seuerall points, which the Iesuite culled out, as speciall instances of the consonancie of the doctrine now maintained in the Church of Rome, with the perpetuall and constant iudgement of all Antiquitie.
The doctrine that here I take upon me to defend, (what different opinions soever I relate of others) is that which by publike authoritie is professed in the Church of England, and comprised in the booke of Articles agreed upon in the Synod held at LONDON in the yeere 1562. concerning which I dare be bold to challenge our Challenger and all his complices, that they shall never be able to prove, that there is either any one article of Religion disallowed therein, which the Saints and Fathers of the Primitive Church did generally hold to be true, (I use the words of my challenging Iesuit) or any one point of doctrine allowed, which by those Saints and Fathers was generally held to be untrue. As for the testimonies of the Authors which I alleage, I have beene carefull to set downe in the margent their owne words in their owne language (such places of the Greeke Doctors only excepted, whereof the originall text could not be had) as well for the better satisfaction of the Readers (who either cannot come by that variety of [Page] bookes, whereof use is here made, or will not take the paines to enter into a curious search of every particular allegation) as for the preventing of those trifling quarrels that are commonly made against translations. for if it fall out, that word be not everie where precisely rendred by word (as who would tie himselfe to such a pedanticall observation?) none but an idle caviller can obiect, that this was done with any purpose to corrupt the meaning of the Author; whose words he seeth laid downe before his eies, to the end he may the better judge of the translation and rectifie it where there is cause.
Againe, because it is a thing very materiall in the historicall handling of controversies, both to understand the Times wherein the severall Authors lived, and likewise what bookes be truly or falsly ascribed to each of them: for some direction of the Reader in the first, I have annexed at the end of this booke, a Chronologicall Catalogue of the Authors cited therein (wherein such as have no number of yeeres affixed unto them, are thereby signified to be Incerti temporis; their age being not found by me, upon this sudden search, to be noted by any:) and for the second, I have seldome neglected in the worke it selfe, whensoever a doubtfull or supposititious writing [Page] was alleaged, to give some intimation whereby it might be discerned that it was not esteemed to be the booke of that Author, unto whom it was intituled. The exact discussion as well of the Authors Times, as of the Censures of their workes, I refer to my Theological Bibliotheque: if God hereafter shall lend me life and leasure, to make up that worke, for the use of those that meane to give themselves to that Noble study of the doctrine and rites of the ancient Church.
In the meane time I commit this booke to thy favourable censure, and thy selfe to Gods gracious direction: earnestly advising thee, that whatsoever other studies thou intermittest, the carefull and conscionable reading of Gods booke may never be neglected by thee. for whatsoever becommeth of our disputes touching other antiquities or novelties: thou maiest stand assured, that thou shalt there finde so much by Gods blessing, as shall be able to make thee wise unto salvation, 2 Tim. 3.15. and to build thee up, Acts 20.32. and to give thee an inheritance among all them that are sanctified. Which next under Gods glory, is the utmost thing (I know) that thou aimest at: and for the attaining whereunto I heartily wish,Coloss. 3.16 that the word of Christ may dwell in thee richly, in all wisedome.
THE CONTENTS of the BOOKE.
- CHAP. I. A Generall answer to the Iesuites Challenge. pag. 1.
- CHAP. II. Of Traditions. pag. 35.
- CHAP. III. Of the Real presence. pag. 44.
- CHAP. IIII. Of Confession. pag. 81.
- CHAP. V. Of the Priests power to forgive sinnes. pag. 109.
- CHAP. VI. Of Purgatorie. pag. 163.
- CHAP. VII. Of Praier for the dead. pag. 182.
- CHAP. VIII. Of Limbus Patrum; and Christs descent into Hell. pag. 252.
- CHAP. IX. Of Praier to Saints. pag. 377.
- CHAP. X. Of Images. pag. 447.
- CHAP. XI. Of Free-will. pag. 464.
- CHAP. XII. Of Merits. pag. 492.
THE IESVITES CHALLENGE.
How shall I answer to a Papist, demaunding this Question?
YOur Doctors and Masters graunt that the Church of Rome for 400 or 500 years after Christ, did hold the true Religion. First then would I faine knowe, what Bishop of Rome did first alter that Religion, which you commend in them of the first 400 years? In what Pope his dayes was the true Religion overthrowne in Rome?
Next, I would faine know, How can your Religion be true, which dissalloweth of many chiefe articles, which the Saints and Fathers of that primitive Church of Rome did generally hold to be true?
For they of your side, that have read the Fathers [Page] of that unspotted Church, can well testifie (and if any deny it, it shall be presently shewen) that the Doctors, Pastors, and Fathers of that Church doe allow of Traditions; that they acknowledge the real presence of the body of Christ in the Sacrament of the Altar: that they exhorted the people to confesse their sinnes unto their ghostly Fathers: that they affirmed, that Priests have power to forgive sinnes: that they taught, that there is a Purgatory: that prayer for the dead is both commendable and godly: that there is Limbus Patrum, and that our Saviour descended into Hell, to deliver the ancient Fathers of the Old Testament; because before his Passion none ever entred into Heaven: that prayer to Saints, and use of holy Images was of great account amongst them: that man hath free-will, and that for his meritorious works he receiveth, through the assistance of Gods grace, the blisse of euerlasting happinesse.
Now would I faine know whether of both haue the true Religion, they that hold all these above said points, with the Primitive Church; or they that doe most vehemently contradict, and gaine-say them? They that doe not disagree with that holy Church, in any point of Religion; or they that agree with it but in very few, and disagree in almost all?
[Page]VVill you say, that these Fathers maintained these opinions, contrary to the word of God? why you know that they were the pillars of Christianitie, the champions of Christ his Church, and of the true Catholike Religion, which they most learnedly defended against diverse heresies; and therefore spent all their time in a most serious studie of the holy Scripture. Or will you say, that although they knew the Scriptures to repugne, yet they brought in the aforesaid opinions by malice and corrupt intentions? VVhy your selves cannot deny but that they lived most holy and vertuous lives, free from all malitious corrupting, or perverting of Gods holy word, and by their holy lives are now made worthy to raigne with God in his glory. In so much as their admirable learning may sufficiently crosse out all suspition of ignorant error; and their innocent sanctitie freeeth us from all mistrust of malitious corruption.
Now would I willingly see what reasonable answer may be made to this. For the Protestants graunt, that the Church of Rome for 400 or 500 yeares, held the true Religion of Christ: yet do they exclaime against the abovesaid Articles, which the same Church did maintaine and uphold, as may bee shewen by the expresse testimonies of the Fathers of the same Church; and shall be largely laid down, [Page] if any learned Protestant will deny it.
Yea, which is more, for the confirmation of all the aboue mentioned points of our Religion, wee will produce good and certaine grounds out of the sacred Scriptures, if the Fathers authority will not suffice. And we do desire any Protestant to alleage any one Text out of the said Scripture, which condemneth any of the aboue written points: which wee hold for certaine they shall never be able to doe. For indeed they are neyther more learned, more pious, nor more holy then the blessed Doctors and Martyrs of that first Church of Rome, which they allow and esteeme of so much, and by which we most willingly will be tryed, in any point which is in controversie betwixt the Protestants and the Catholicks. VVhich wee desire may be done with christian charity and sincerity, to the glory of God, and instruction of them that are astray.
AN ANSVVER TO THE FORMER CHALLENGE.
TO uphold the Religion, which at this day is maintained in the Church of Rome, and to discredit the truth which we professe: three things are here urged, by one who hath vndertaken to make good the Papists cause against all gainesayers. The first concerneth the originall of the errors wherwith that part standeth charged: the Author and time whereof, he requireth us to shew. The other two respect the testimonie, both of the Primitive Church, & of the sacred Scriptures: which, in the points wherein we varie, if this man may be believed, maketh wholly for them, and against us.
First then would he faine know, what Bishop of Rome did first alter that Religion, which wee commend in them of the first 400 yeares? In what Popes dayes was the true Religion overthrowne in Rome? To which I answere, First, that wee doe not hold that Rome was built in a I day; or that the great dung-hill of errors, which now wee see in it, was raised in an age: and therefore it is a [Page 2] vaine demand, to require from us the name of anie one Bishop of Rome, by whom or under whom this Babylonish II confusion was brought in. Secondly, that a great difference is to be put betwixt Heresies which openly oppose the foundations of our Faith; and that Apostasie which the Spirit hath evidently foretold should bee brought in by such as speake lyes in hypocrisie. (1. Tim. 4.1, 2.) The impietie of the one is so notorious, that at the verie first appearance it is manifestly discerned: the other is a mysterie of iniquitie (as the Apostle termeth it, 2. Thes. 2.7.) iniquitas, sed mystica, id est, pietatis nomine palliata, (so the ordinarie Glosse expoundeth the place) an iniquitie indeed, but mysticall, that is, cloked vvith the name of pietie. And therefore they who kept continuall watch and ward against the one, might sleepe while the seeds of the other were a sowing; yea peradventure might at unawares themselves have some hand in bringing in of this Trojan horse, commended thus unto them under the name of Religion, III and semblance of devotion. Thirdly, that the originall of errors is oftentimes so obscure, and their breede so base, that howsoever it might be easily observed by such as lived in the same age, yet no wise man will mervaile, if in tract of time the beginnings of manie of them should be forgotten, and no register of the time of their birth found extant. Wee Act. 23.8. reade that the Sadducees taught, there were no Angels: is any man able to declare unto us, under what high Priest they first broached this error? The Grecians, Circassians, Georgians, Syrians, Egyptians, Habassines, Muscovites and Russians, dissent at this day from the Church of Rome in many particulars: will you take upon you to shew in what Bishops dayes these severall differences did first arise? [Page 3] When the point hath been well skanned, it will be found, that many errors have crept into their profession, the time of the entrance whereof you are not able to designe: and some things also are maintained by you against them, which have not been delivered for Catholick doctrine in the primitive times, but brought in afterwards, your selves know not when.
Such, for example, is that sacrilege of yours, whereby you withhold from the people the use of the Cuppe in the Lords Supper; as also your doctrine of Indulgences and Purgatorie: which they reject, and you defend. For touching the first, Valent. de legit. usu Euchar. cap. 10. Gregorius de Valentia, one of your principall Champions, confesseth that the use of receiving the Sacrament in one kinde, began first in some Churches, and grew to be a generall custome in the Latin Church not much before the Councell of Constance, in which at last (to wit, 200 yeres ago) this custome was made a law. But if you put the question to him, as you doe to us, What Bishop of Rome did first bring in this custome? he giveth you this answer, that it began to be used, not by the decree of any Bishop, but by the very use of the Churches, and the consent of the faithfull. If you further question with him, quando primum vigere coepit ea consuetudo in aliquibus Ecclesijs? When first did that custome get footing in some Churches? he returneth you for answer, Minimé constat: it is more then he can tell.
The like doth Roffens. Assert. Lutheran. confutat. artic. 18. Fisher Bishop of Rochester, & Caietan. Opusc. tom. 1. tract 15. de Indulgent. cap 1. Cardinall Caietan give us to understand of Indulgences; that no certaintie can be had, what their originall was, or by whom they were first brought in. Fisher also further addeth concerning Purgatorie: that in the ancient Fathers, there is either none at all, or very rare mention [Page 4] of it; that by the Grecians it is not beleeved even to this day; that the Latins also, not all at once, but by little and little received it: and that, Purgatorie being so lately knowen, it is not to be mervailed, that in the first times of the Church there was no use of Indulgences; seeing these had their beginning, after that men for a while had been affrighted with the torments of Purgatorie. Out of which confession of the adverse part, you 1 may observe: 1. What little reason these men have, to require us to set down the precise time wherin all their profane novelties were first brought in: seeing that this 2 is more then they themselves are able to doe. 2. That some of them may come in pedetentim (as Fisher acknowledgeth Purgatory did) by little and little, and by very slow steps, which are not so easie to be discerned, 3 as fooles be borne in hand they are. 3. That it is a fond imagination, to suppose that all such changes must be made by some Bishop, or any one certaine author: whereas it is confessed, that some may come in by the tacite consent of manie, and grow after into a generall custome, the beginning whereof is past mans memorie.
And as some superstitious usages may draw their originall from the undiscreet devotion of the multitude: so some also may be derived from want of devotion in the people; and some alterations likewise must be attributed to the verie change of time it selfe. Of the one we cannot give a fitter instance, then in your private Masse, wherein the Priest receiveth the Sacrament alone: which Hard. answer to the first Article of Iuels challenge, fol. 26. b. Edit. Ant [...]erp. Ann. 1565. Harding fetdheth from no other ground, then lacke of devotion of the peoples part. When you therefore can tell us, in what Popes dayes the people fell from their devotion; wee may chance tell you, in [Page 5] what Popes dayes your private Masse began. An experiment of the other wee may see in the use of the Latin Service, in the Churches of Italy, France, and Spaine. For if wee be questioned, When that use first beganne there? and further demanded, Allen. artic. 11. demand. 9.Whether the language formerly used in their Liturgie, was changed upon a suddaine? our answer must be, That Latin Service was used in those countries from the beginning: but that the Latin tongue at that time was commonly understood of all, which afterward by little and little degenerated into those vulgar languages which now are used. When you therefore shall be pleased to certifie us, in what Popes dayes the Latin tongue was changed into the Italian, French, and Spanish (which we pray you doe for our learning:) wee will then give you to understand, that from that time forward the language, not of the Service, but of the people, was altered. Nec enim lingua vulgaris populo subtracta est, sed populus ab eà recessit (saith Erasm. in declarationib. ad censuras Parisiens. tit. 12. sect. 41. Erasmus:) The vulgar tongue vvas not taken away from the people; but the people departed from it.
If this which I have said, will not satisfie you; I would wish you call unto your remembrance, the answer which Arnobius sometimes gave to a foolish question, propounded by the enimies of the Christian faith: Arnob lib. 2. contra Gentes. Nec si nequivero causas vobis exponere, cur aliquid fiat illo, vel hoc modo, continuo sequitur, ut infecta fiant, quae facta sunt. And consider, whether I may not returne the like answer unto you. If I be not able to declare unto you, by what Bishop of Rome, and in what Popes daies, the simplicitie of the ancient faith was first corrupted; it will not presently follow, that vvhat vvas done, must needs by undone. Or rather, if you please, call to mind the Parable in the Gospel, where Matth. 13.24, 25. the kingdome [Page 6] of heaven is likened unto a man, vvhich sowed good seede in his field; but vvhile men slept, his enemy came and sowed Tares among the Wheat, and went his vvay. These that slept, tooke no notice, when or by whom the Tares were scattered among the Wheat; neither at the first rising, did they discerne betwixt the one and the other, though they were awake. But Ibid. v.26, 27. vvhen the blade vvas sprung up, and brought forth fruit, then appeared the Tares: and then they put the question unto their Master; Sir, didst not thou sow good seed in thy field? from whence then hath it tares? Their Master indeed telleth them, it was the enemies doing: but you could tell them otherwise, and come upon them thus. ‘You yourselves graunt, that the seed which was first sowen in this field, was good seed, and such as was put there by your Master himselfe. If this which you call Tares, be no good graine, and hath sprung from some other seed then that which was sowen here at first: I would faine knowe that mans name, who was the sower of it; and likewise the time in which it was sowen. Now you being not able to shew either the one, or the other: it must needes be, that your eyes here deceive you; or if these be tares, they are of no enemies, but of your Masters owne sowing.’
To let passe the slumbrings of former times, wee could tell you of an age, wherein men not only slept, but also snorted: it was (if you know it not) the tenth from Christ, the next neighbour to that wherein Apoc. 20.7. Hell broke loose. That Infelix dicitur hoc seculum, exhaustum hominibus ingenio & doctrinâ claris, sive etiam claris principibus & pontificibus. Genebrard. Chro [...]. libr. 4. Vnhappie age (as Genebrard, and other of your owne Writers terme it,) exhausted both of men of account for vvit and learning, and of vvorthy [Page 7] Princes and Bishops: In which there were Bellarm. in Chronol. an. 970 no famous Writers, nor Councells; then which (if wee will credite Bellarmine) there was never age Idem, de Rom. Pon [...]if lib. 4. cap. 12. more unlearned and unhappy. If I bee not able to discover what feates the Divell wrought in that time of darkenesse, wherin men were not so vigilant in marking his conveyances; and such as might see somewhat, were not so forward in writing bookes of their Observations: must the infelicitie of that age, wherein there was little learning, and lesse writing, yea, which for want of Writers (as Cardinal Baron. Annal. tom. 10. an. 900. sect. 1. Baronius acknowledgeth) hath been usually named the Obscure age; must this (I say) inforce me to yeeld, that the Divell brought in no tares all that while, but let slip the opportunitie of so darke a night, and slept himselfe for company? There are other meanes left unto us, whereby we may discerne the Tares brought in by the instruments of Satan; from the good seed which was sowen by the Apostles of Christ; beside this observation of times and seasons, which will often faile vs. Ipsa doctrina eorum (saith Tertull. Praescript. advers. Haeret. cap. 32. Tertullian) cum Apostolicâ comparata, ex diversitate & contrarietate suâ pronuntiabit, neque Apostoti alicujus auctoris esse, ne (que) Apostolici. Their very doctrine it selfe, being compared with the Apostolick, by the diversitie and contrariety thereof, will pronounce, that it had for author, neyther any Apostle, nor any man Apostolicall. For there cannot be a better prescription against Hereticall novelties, then that which our Saviour Christ useth against the Pharisees; Matth. 19.8. From the beginning it vvas not so: nor a better preservative against the infection of seducers that are crept in unawares, then that which is prescribed by the Apostle Iude, v. 3, 4. Iude; earnestly to contend for the faith vvhich vvas once delivered unto the Saints.
[Page 8]Now to the end we Luke 1.4. might know the certaintie of those things, wherein the Saints were at the first instructed; God hath provided, that the memoriall thereof should be recorded in his owne Booke, that it might remaine Esai. 30.8. for the time to come, for ever and ever. He then who out of that Booke is able to demonstrate, that the doctrine or practice now prevailing, swarveth from that which was at first established in the Church by the Apostles of Christ; doth as strongly prove, that a change hath beene made in the middle times, as if hee were able to nominate the place where, the time when, and the person by whom any such corruption was first brought in. In the Apostles dayes, when a man had examined himselfe, hee was admitted unto the Lords Table, there to eate of that bread, and drinke of that cup: as appeareth plainly, 1. Cor. 11.28. In the Church of Rome at this day, the people are indeed permitted to eate of the bread (if bread they may call it) but not allowed to drinke of the cup. Must all of us now shut our eyes, and sing, As it was in the beginning, [...]o now. Sicut erat in principio, & nunc: unlesse we be able to tell by whom, and when this first institution was altered? By S. Pauls order, who would have all things done to edification, Christians should pray with understanding, and not in an unknowne language: as may be seene in the fourteenth chapter of the same Epistle to the Corinthians. The case is now so altered, that the bringing in of a tongue not understood (which hindred the edifying of Babel it selfe, and scattered the builders thereof) is accounted a good meanes to further the edifying of your Babel, and to Ledesim. de Scriptur. quâvis lingud non legendis, cap. 17. Bellarm. lib. 2. de Verbo Dei, cap. 15 hold her followers together. Is not this then a good ground to resolve a mans judgement, that things are not now kept in that order, wherin they were set at first [Page 9] by the Apostles: although he be not able to point unto the first author of the disorder?
And as wee may thus discover innovations, by having recourse unto the first and best times: so may wee doe the like, by comparing the state of things present with the middle times of the Church. Thus I finde by the constant and approved practice of the auncient Church; that all sorts of people, men, women, and children, had free libertic to reade the holy Scriptures. I finde now the contrary among the Papists: and shall I say for all this, that they have not removed the bounds which were set by the Fathers, because perhaps I cannot name the Pope, that ventured to make the first inclosure of these commons of Gods people? I heare S. Hieronym. Praefat in libros Salomon. Epist. 115. Hier [...]me say: Iudith, & Tobiae, & Macchabaeorum libros legit quidem Ecclesia, sed eos inter Canonicas Scripturas non recipit. The Church doth reade indeed the books of Iudith, and Toby, and the Macchabees; but doth not receive them for Canonicall Scripture. I see that at this day, the Church of Rome receiveth them for such. May not I then conclude, that betwixt S. Hieromes time and ours, there hath beene a change; and that the Church of Rome now, is not of the same judgement with the Church of God the [...]: howsoever I cannot precisely lay downe the time, wherein shee first thought her selfe to be wiser herein then her Forefathers?
But here our Adversary closeth with us, and layeth downe a number of points, held by them, and denied by us: which he undertaketh to make good, as well by the expresse testimonies of the Fathers of the Primitive Church of Rome; as also by good and certaine grounds out of the sacred Scriptures, if the Fathers authoritie will not suffice. Where if hee would change his order, and [Page 10] give the sacred Scriptures the precedency; hee should therein do more right to God the author of them, who well deserveth to have audience in the first place: and withall ease both himselfe and us of a needlesse labour, in seeking any further authority to compose our differences. For if he can produce (as he beareth us in hand he can) good and certaine grounds o [...]t of the sacred Scriptures, for the points in controversie, the matter is at an end: he that will not rest satisfied with such evidences as these, may (if he please) travaile further, and speed worse. Therefore as S. Aug. de Pastorib. cap. 14. Augustine heretofore provoked the Donatists, so provoke I him: Auferantur chartae humanae, sonent voces divinae: ede mihi unam Scripturae vocem pro parte Donati. Let humane vvritings be removed, let Gods voyce sound: bring mee on [...]e voyce of the Scripture for the part of Donatus. Produce but one cleere testimony of the sacred Scripture, for the Popes part, and it shall suffice: alledge what authority you list, without Scripture, and it cannot suffice. Wee reverence indeed the ancient Fathers, as it is fit we should; and hold it our duety to rise up before the hoare head, and to honour the person of the aged: Levit. 19.32. but still with reservation of the respect we owe to their Father and ours, that Ancient of dayes, Dan. 7.6. the hayre of vvhose head is like the pure vvooll. We may not forget the lesson, which our great Master hath taught us: Matth. 23.9. Call no man your Father upon the earth; for one is your Father which is in heaven. Him therefore alone doe wee acknowledge for the Father of our Faith: no other Father doe we know; upon whose bare credite we may ground our consciences, in things that are to be beleeved.
And this wee say, not as if wee feared that these men were able to produce better proofes out of the writings [Page 11] of the Fathers, for the part of the Pope, then we can do for the Catholick cause (when we come to joine in the particulars, they shall finde it otherwise:) but partly to bring the matter unto a shorter triall, partly to give the word of God his due, and to declare what that rocke is upon which alone we build our faith,Ephes. 2 20. even the foundation of the Apostles and Prophets; from which no sleight that they can devise, shall ever draw us.
The same course did S. Augustine take with the Pelagians: against whom he wanted not the authority of the Fathers of the Church. Quos si colligere, & eorū testimoniis uti velim, & nimis longum erit, & de canonicis authoritatibus, à quibus non debemus averti, minùs fortasse videbor praesumpsisse quàm debui. Aug. de nupt. & concupiscent. lib. 2. cap 29. Which if I vvould collect (saith he) and use their testimonies, it would be too long a worke, and I might peradventure seeme to haue lesse confidence then I ought in the Canonicall authorities, from which we ought not to be withdrawen. Yet was the Pelagian Heresie then but newly budded: which is the time wherein the pressing of the Fathers testimonies is thought to be best in season. With how much better warrant may we follow this president, having to deale with such as have had time and leisure enough to falsifie the Fathers writings, and to teach them the learning and the tongue of the Chaldeans? The method of confuting heresies by the consent of holy Fathers, is by none commended more then by Vincentius Lirinensis who is carefull notwithstanding, herein to give us this caveat. Sed neque semper, neque omnes haereses hoc modo impugnandae sunt, sed novitiae recētes (que) tantummodo, cùm primùm scilicet exoriū tur; antequàm infalsare vetustae fidei regulas, [...]p [...]us temporis vetantur angustiis, ae priusquàm manante latiùs veneno majorū volumina vitiare cone [...]tur Caeterùm dilatatae & inveteratae haereses nequaquā hâ [...] viâ adgrediēdae sunt, eò quòd proli [...]o temporum tractu longa his furandae veritatis patu [...]rit occasio. V [...]ncent. de Heres. cap. 39. But neither alwayes, nor all kindes of heresies are to be impugned after this manner, but such only as are new, and lately sprung: namely, when they doe first arise, while by the straitnesse of the time it selfe they be hindred from falsifying the rules of the ancient faith; and before [Page 12] the time that, their poyson spreading farther, they attempt to corrupt the writings of the ancient. But farre-spred and inveterate heresies are not to bee dealt vvithall this way; for as much as by long continuance of time, a long occasion hath lyen open unto them to steale away the truth. The heresies with which wee have to deale, have spred so farre, and continued so long, that the defenders of them are bold to make Vniversality and Duration the speciall markes of their Church: they had opportunity enough of time and place, to put in ure all deceiveablenesse of unrighteousnesse; neither will they have it to say, that in coyning and clipping, and washing the monuments of Antiquitie, they have beene wanting to themselves.
Before the Councell of Nice (as hath beene observed by Aeneas Sylvius, Epist. 288. one, who sometime was Pope himselfe) little respect, to speake of, was had to the Church of Rome. If this may be thought to prejudice the dignity of that Church, which would be held, to have sate as Queene among the Nations, from the very beginning of Christianity: you shall have a craftie merchant (Isidorus Mercator, I trow, they call him) that will helpe the matter, by counterfeiting Decretall Epistles in the name of the primitive Bishops of Rome, and bringing in thirty of them in a row, as so many Knights of the Poste, to beare witnesse of that great authority, which the Church of Rome enjoyed before the Nicene Fathers were assembled. If the Nicene Fathers have not amplified the bounds of her jurisdiction, in so large a maner as shee desired: shee hath had her well-willers, that have supplied the Councels negligence in that behalfe, and made Canons for the purpose, in the name of the good Fathers, that never dreamed of such a businesse. [Page 13] If the power of judging all others will not content the Pope, unlesse he himselfe may be exempted from being judged by any other: another Con [...]il. Roman. sub Syl [...]estr. cap. 20. Nem [...] enim judicabi [...] primam sedem. Councell, as ancient at least as that of Nice, shall be suborned, wherein it shall be concluded, by the consent of 284 imaginarie Bishops, that No man may judge the first seat. and for fayling, in an elder Concil. Sinuessan. circa fin. Councell then that, consisting of 300 buckram Bishops of the very selfe same making, the like note shall be sung: quoniam prima sedes non judicabitur à quoquam; The first seat must not be judged by any man. Lastly, if the Pope do not thinke that the fulnesse of spirituall power is sufficient for his greatnesse, unlesse hee may be also Lord paramount in temporalibus: hee hath his followers ready at hand, to frame a faire donation, in the name of Constantine the Emperour, whereby his Holinesse shall be estated, not only in the Citie of Rome, but also in the seigniory of the whole West. It would require a Volume, to rehearse the names of those severall Tractates, which have beene basely bred in the former dayes of darknesse, and fathered upon the ancient Doctors of the Church, who, if they were now alive, would be deposed that they were never privie to their begetting.
Neither hath this corrupting humour stayed it selfe in forging of whole Councels, and intire Treatises of the ancient writers: but hath, like a canker, fretted away diverse of their sound parts, and so altered their complexions, that they appear not to be the same men they were. To instance in the great question of Transubstantiation: we were wont to reade in the books attributed unto S. Ambrose, De Sacramentis, libr. 4. cap. 4. Si ergo tanta vis est in sermone Domini Iesu, ut inciperent esse quae non erant: quanto magis operatorius est, ut sint [Page 14] quae erant, & in aliud commutentur? If therefore there be so great force in the speech of our Lord Iesus, that the things which were not begun to bee (namely at the first creation:) how much more is the same powerfull to make, that things may still be that which they were, and yet be changed into another thing? It is not unknowne, how much those words, ut sint quae erant, have troubled their braines, who maintaine, that after the words of consecration, the elements of bread and wine be not that thing which they were: and what devises they have found, to make the bread and wine in the Sacrament to be like unto the Beast in the Revelation,Apoc. 17.8. that was, and is not, and yet is. But that Gordian knot, which they with their skill could not so readily untye, their masters at Rome (Alexander-like) have now cut asunder; paring cleane away in their Romane Edition (which is also followed in that set out at Paris, Anno 1603.) those words that so much troubled them, and letting the rest run smoothly after this maner: quanto magis operatorius est, ut quae erant, in aliud cōmutentur? how much more is the speech of our Lord powerfull to make, that those things which were, should be changed into another thing?
The author of the imperfect work upon Matthew, homil. 11. writeth thus: Si ergo haec vasa sanctificata ad privatos usus transferre sic periculosum est, in quibus non est verum corpus Christi, sed mysterium corporis ejus continetur: quanto magis vasa corporis nostri, quae sibi Deus ad habitaculum praeparavit, non debemus locum dare Diabolo agendi in eis quod vult? If therefore it be so dangerous a matter, to transferre unto private uses those holy vessels, in which the true body of Christ is not, but the mysterie of his body is contained: how much more for the vessels of our body, which God hath prepared for himselfe to dwell in, [Page 15] ought not wee to give way unto the Divell, to doe in them what he pleaseth? Those words (in quibus non est verum corpus Christi, sed mysterium corporis ejus continetur: in which the true body of Christ is not, but the mysterie of his body is contained) did threaten to cut the very throat of the Papists real presence; and therefore in good policie they thought it fit to cut their throat first, for doing any further hurt. Whereupon, in the Editions of this Worke printed at Antwerpe, apud Ioannem Steelsium, anno 1537: at Paris, apud Ioannem Roigny, anno 1543: and at Paris again, apud Audoenum Parvum, anno 1557. not one syllable of them is to be seene; though extant in the ancienter editions, one whereof is as olde as the yere 1487. And to the same purpose, in the 19 Homily, in stead of Sacrificium panis & vini, the sacrifice of bread and vvine, (which we find in the old impressions) these latter editions have chopt in, Sacrificium corporis & sanguinis Christi, the sacrifice of the body and blood of Christ.
In the yeare 1608. there were published at Paris certaine workes of Fulbertus Bishop of Chartres, Quae tam ad refutandas haereses huius temporis, quàm ad Gallorum Hist. pertinent. pertayning as well to the refuting of the heresies of this time, (for so saith the inscription) as to the cleering of the History of the French. Among those things that appertaine to the confutation of the Heresies of this time, there is one especially, fol. 168. laid downe in these words. Nisi manducaveritis, inquit, carnem filij hominis, & sanguinem biberitis, non habebitis vitam in vobis. Facinus vel flagitium videtur jubere. Figura ergo est, dicet haereticus, praecipiens Passioni Domini esse cōmunicandum tantùm, & suaviter atque utiliter recondendum in memoria, quòd pro nobis caro ejus crucifixa & vulnerata sit. Vnlesse (saith Christ) ye eate the flesh of the Sonne of man, and drinke his blood, yee shall not haue life in you. He seemeth [Page 16] to command an outrage or wickednesse. It is therefore a figure, will the hereticke say, requiring us only to communicate with the Lords Passion, and sweetly and profitably to lay up in our memory, that his flesh was crucified and wounded for us. He that put in those words, (dicet haereticus) thought hee had notably met with the heretickes of this time: but was not aware that thereby he made S. Augustine an Hereticke for company. For the Hereticke that speaketh thus, is even S. Augustine himselfe: whose very words these are, in his third booke de Doctrinâ Christianâ, the 16. chapter. Which some belike having put the publisher in minde of: he was glad to put this among his Errata, and to confesse that these two words were not to be found in the Manuscript copie which hee had from Petavius;Vide Tom. 11. Bibliothecae Patrum, edit. Colon. pag. 44. b. but telleth us not what we are to thinke of him, that for the countenancing of the Popish cause, ventured so shamefully to abuse S. Augustine.
In the yeare 1616. a Tome of ancient Writers, that never saw the light before, was set forth at Ingolstad by Petrus Steuartius: where, among other Tractates, a certaine Penitentiall, written by Rabanus that famous Archbishop of Mentz, is to be seene. In rhe 33. chapter of that booke, Rabanus making answer unto an idle question moved by Bishop Heribaldus concerning the Eucharist, (what should become of it, after it was consumed, and sent into the draught, after the maner of other meats:) hath these words. (initio pag. 669.) Nam quidam nuper de ipso sacramento corporís & sanguinis Domini non ritè sentientes dixerunt: hoc ipsum corpus, & sanguinem Domini, quod de Mariâ Virgine natum est, &, in quo ipse Dominus passus est in cruce, & resurrexit de sepulcro*—cui errori quantum potuimus, ad Egilum [Page 17] Abbatem scribentes, de corpore ipso quid veré credendum sit aperuimus. For some of late, not holding rightly of the Sacrament of the body and blood of our Lord, have said; that the very body and blood of our Lord, which was borne of the Virgin Mary, and, in which our Lord himselfe suffered on the Crosse, and rose againe from the grave*—Against which error, writing unto Abbot Egilus, according to our ability, we have declared, what is truly to be beleeved cōcerning Christs body. You see Rabanus tongue is clipt here for telling tales: but how this came to passe, were worth the learning. Steuartius freeth himselfe from the fact, telling us in his margent, Lacuna hîc est in MS exemplari. that here there was a blanke in the manuscript copy, and we doe easily beleeve him: for Possevine the Iesuite hath given us to understand, that Ad istos enim quoque purgatio pertinet. Possevi [...]. lib. 1. Bibliothec [...] select. cap. 12. Manuscript bookes also are to be purged, as well as printed. But whence was this Manuscript fetcht, thinke you? Out of Ex MS. Cod. celeberrimi Monasterii Weingartensis. the famous Monastery of Weingart; saith Steuartius. The Monkes of Weingart then belike must answer the matter: and they (I dare say) upon examination will take their oathes, that it was no part of their intention to give any furtherance unto the cause of the Protestants hereby. If hereunto we adde, that Heribaldus and Rabanus both, are Wald. tom. 1. Doctrinal. in Prolog. ad Martinum V. ranked among heretickes by Thomas Walden, Id. tom. 2. cap. 19. & 61. for holding the Eucharist to be subject to digestion and voidance, like other meates; the suspition will be more vehement: whereunto yet I will adjoine one evidence more, that shall leave the matter past suspition.
In the Libraries of my worthy friends, Sr. Rob. Cotton, (that noble Baronett, so renowmed for his great care in collecting & preserving all antiquities) & Dr. Ward, the learned Mastr of Sidney Colledge in Cambridge; I met with an ancient Treatise of the Sacrament (beginning [Page 18] thus: Sicut ante nos quidam sapiens dixit, cujus sententiam probamus, licèt nomen ignoremus.) which is the same with that in the Iesuites Colledge at Lovaine, blindely Ant. Possevin. Apparat. sac. in Berengario Turon. fathered upon Berengarius. The author of this Treatise, having first twited Heribaldus for propounding, & Rabanus for resolving this question of the voidance of the Eucharist: layeth downe afterward the opinion of Paschasius Ratbertus, (whose writing is yet extant) quòd non alia plané sit caro quae sumitur de altari, quàm quae nata est de Mariâ Virgine, & passa in cruce, & quae resurrexit de sepulcro, quaeqúe & pro mundi vitâ adhuc hodie offeratur. That the flesh which is received at the altar, is no other then that which was borne of the Virgin Mary, suffered on the Crosse, rose again from the grave, and as yet is daily offered for the life of the vvorld. Contra quem (saith he) satis argumentatur, & Rabanus in Epistolâ ad al. Elgionem, &, Helgimonem. Egilonem Abbatem, & Ratrannus quidam libro composito ad Karolum regem; dicentes aliam esse. Against whom both Rabanus in his Epistle to Abbot Egilo, and one Ratrannus in a booke which he made to King Charles, argue largely; saying that it is another kind of flesh. Whereby, what Rabanus his opinion was of this point in his Epistle to Abbot Egilo or Egilus, & consequently what that was which the Monkes of Weingart could not indure in his Penitentiall, I trust is plaine enough.
I omit other corruptions of antiquitie in this same question, which I have touched De Christian. Eccles. success. & statu, Edit. ann. 1613. pag. 45. & 198. elsewhere: only that of Bertram I may not passe over, wherein the dishonesty of these men, in handling the writings of the ancient, is laid open, even by the confession of their owne mouthes. Thus the case standeth. That Ratrannus who joined with Rabanus in refuting the error of the carnall presence, at the first bringing in thereof by Paschasius [Page 19] Ratbertus; is he who commonly is knowen by the name of Bertramus. The booke which he wrote of this argument to Carolus Calvus the Emperour, was forbidden to be read, by order from the Roman Inquisition, confirmed afterwards by the Councell of Trent. The Divines of Doway, perceiving that the forbidding of the booke did not keepe men from reading it, but gave them rather occasion to seeke more earnestly after it: thought it better policy, that Bertram should be permitted to goe abroad, but handled in such sort, as other ancient writers, that made against them, were wont to be. Seeing therefore (say Quum igitur in Catholicis veteribus aliis plurimos feramus errores, & extenuemus, excusemus, excogitato cōmento persaepe negemus, & commodū iis sensū affingamus, dū opponuntur in disputationibus, aut in conflictionibus cū adversariis: non videmus cur non eandē aequitatem & diligentem recognitionem mereatur Bertramus. ne haeretici ogganniant, nos antiquitatem pro ipsis facientem exurere & prohibere. Index Expurg. Belg [...]c. pag. 5. edit. Antuerp. ann. 1571. they) we beare with very many errors in other of the old Catholike vvriters, and extenuate them, excuse them, by inventing some device oftentimes deny them, and fayne some commodious sense for them, when they are objected in disputations or conflicts with our adversaries: wee doe not see, why Bertram may not deserve the same equitie, and diligent reviseall. Least the heretickes cry out, that we burne and forbid such antiquity as maketh for them. Marke this dealing well. The world must be borne in hand, that all the Fathers make for the Church of Rome against us, in all our controversies. When we bring forth expresse testimonies of the Fathers to the contrary; what must then be done? A good face must be put upō the matter, one device or other must be invented to elude the testimonies objected, and still it must be denied that the Fathers make against the doctrine of the Papists. Bertram, for example, writeth thus. Quae á se differunt, idem non sunt. Corpus Christi quod mortuū est & resurrexit, & immortale factū jam non moritur, & mors illi ultrà nō dominabitur, aeternū est, nec jā passibile. Hoc autē quod in Ecclesiâ celebratur, tēporale est, non aeternum; corruptibile est, non in corruptum. B [...]rtram. de corp. & sang. Dom. The things which differ one from another, are not the same. The body of Christ which was dead and rose again, and being made immortall now dyeth [Page 20] not, (death no more having dominion over it) is everlasting, and now not subject to suffering. But this which is celebrated in the Church, is temporall, not everlasting; it is corruptible, not free from corruption. What device must they finde out here? They must say this is meant of the accidents or Secundùm species Sacramenti corruptibiles: aut de re ipsâ & usu sacramenti, qui non contingit, nisi praesenti in saeculo. Index expurg. pag. 7. formes of the Sacrament, which are corruptible; or of the use of the Sacrament, which continueth only in this present world. But how will this shift serve the turne, when as the whole drift of the discourse tendeth to prove, that that which is received by the mouth of the faithfull in the Sacrament, is not that very bodie of Christ which dyed upon the Crosse, and rose againe from death? Non malé aut inconsulté omittantur igitur omnia haec; It were not amisse therefore (say our Popish Censurers) nor unadvisedly done, that all these things should be left out.
If this be your maner of dealing with antiquity, let all men judge whether it be not high time for us to listen unto the advice of Vincentius Lirinensis, and not be so forward to commit the triall of our controversies to the writings of the Fathers, who have had the ill hap to fall into such hucksters handling. Yet that you may see, how confident we are in the goodnesse of our cause: we will not now stand upon our right, nor refuse to enter with you into this field; but give you leave for this time both to be the Challenger, and the appointer of your owne weapons. Let us then heare your challenge, wherin you would so faine be answered. I would faine know (say you) how can your Religion be true, which disalloweth of many chiefe articles, which the Saints and Fathers of that primitive Church of Rome did generally hold to be true? For they of your side, that have read the Fathers of that unspotted Church, can well testifie (and if [Page 21] any deny it, it shall be presently shewen) that the Doctors, Pastors, and Fathers of that Church doe allow of Traditions, &c. And againe: Now would I faine know, whether of both have the true Religion; they that hold all these abovesaid points with the primitive Church, or they that do most vehemently contradict, and gainsay them? they that doe not disagree with that holy Church, in any point of Religion; or they that agree with it but in very few, and disagree in almost all? And the third time too, for fayling: Now would I willingly see, what reasonable answer may be made to this. For the Protestants graunt that the Church of Rome, for 400 or 500 yeares, held the true Religion of Christ: yet do they exclaime against the abovesaid articles, which the same Church did maintaine and uphold; as may be shewen by the expresse testimonies of the Fathers of the same Church, and shall be largely layd downe, if any learned Protestant will deny it.
If Albertus Pighius had now beene alive, as great a Scholer as he was, he might have learned that he never knew before. Who did ever yet (saith Quis per Romanā Ecclesiam unquam intellexit aut universalem Ecclesiam, aut generale Concilium? Pigh. Eccles. Hierarch. lib. 6. cap. 3. he) by the Church of Rome understand the Vniversall Church? That doth this man (say I) who styleth all the ancient Doctors and Martyrs of the Church Vniversall, with the name of the Saints and Fathers of the primitive Church of Rome. But it seemeth a small matter unto him, for the magnifying of that Church, to confound Vrbem & Orbem: unlesse he mingle also Heaven and Earth together, by giving the title of that unspotted Church, which is the speciall priviledge of the Church triumphant in heaven, unto the Church of Rome here militant upon earth. S. Augustine surely would not have himselfe otherwise understood, whensoever hee speaketh of the unspotted Church: and therefore, to prevent all mistaking, [Page 22] hee thus expoundeth himselfe in his Retractations. Vbicunque in his libris cō memoravi Ecclesiam non habentem maculam aut rugam; non sic accipiendum est quasi jam sit, sed quae praeparatur ut sit quando apparebit etiam gloriosa. Nunc enim propter quasdam ignorantias & infirmitates membrorum suorū habet unde quotidie tota dicat: Dimitte nobis debita nostra. August. Retractat. lib. 2. cap. 18. Wheresoever in these bookes I have made mention of the Church not having spot or wrinkle; it is not so to be taken, as if she were so now, but that she is prepared to bee so, when she shall appeare glorious. For now, by reason of certaine ignorances and infirmities of her members, the whole Church hath cause to say every day: Forgive us our trespasses. Now as long as the Church is subject to these ignorances and infirmities, it cannot be otherwise, but there must be differences betwixt the members thereof: one part may understand that whereof an other is ignorant; and ignorance being the mother of error, one particular Church may wrongly conceive of some points, wherein others may be rightly informed. Neyther will it follow thereupon, that these Churches must be of different Religions, because they fully agree not in all things: or that therefore the Reformed Churches in our dayes must disclaime all kindred with those in ancient times, because they have washed away some spots from themselves, which they discerned to have been in them.
It is not every spot that taketh away the beautie of a Church, not every sicknesse that taketh away the life thereof: and therefore though wee should admit that the ancient Church of Rome was somewhat impaired both in beautie and in health too, (wherein we have no reason to be sorie, that we are unlike unto her) there is no necessitie that hereupon presently she must cease to be our sister. S. Cyprian and the rest of the African Bishops that joined with him, held that such as were baptized by heretickes, should be rebaptized: the African Bishops in the time of Aurelius were of another minde. Doth the diversitie of their judgements in this point, [Page 23] make them to have been of a diverse Religion? It was the use of the ancient Church to minister the Communion unto Infants: which is yet also practised by the Christians in Egypt and Ethiopia. The Church of Rome, upon better consideration, hath thought fit to doe otherwise: and yet for all that will not yeeld, that either she her selfe hath forsaken the Religion of her ancestors, because she followeth them not in this; or that they were of the same religion with the Cophtites and Habassines, because they agree together in this particular. So put case the Church of Rome now did use prayer for the dead in the same maner that the ancient Church did: (which we will shew to be otherwise:) the reformed Churches that upon better advice have altered that usage, need not therefore graunt that eyther themselves hold a different Religion from that of the Fathers, because they doe not precisely follow them in this, nor yet that the Fathers were therefore Papists, because in this point they thus concurred. For as two may be discerned to be sisters by the likenesse of their faces, although the one have some spottes or blemishes which the other hath not: so a third may bee brought in, which may shew like spots and blemishes, and yet have no such likenesse of visage as may bewray her to be the others sister.
But our Challenger having first conceited in his minde an Idea of an unspotted Church upon earth; then being farre in love with the painted face of the present Church of Rome, and out of love with us, because we like not as he liketh: he taketh a view of both our faces in the false glasses of affection, and findeth her on whom he doteth to answer his unspotted Church in all points, but us to agree with it in almost nothing. And [Page 24] thereupon he would faine know, whether of both have the true Religion? they that doe not disagree with that holy Church in any point of Religion; or they that agree with it but in very few, and disagree in almost all? Indeed, if that which he assumeth for granted, could as easily bee proved, as it is boldly avouched: the question would quickly be resolved, whether of us both have the true Religion? But he is to understand, that strong conceits are but weake proofes: and that the Iesuites have not been the first, from whom such bragges as these have beene heard. Dioscorus the hereticke was as peart, when hee uttered these speeches in the Councell of Chalcedon: [...]. Concil. Chalced. Act. 1. pag. 97. edit. Rom. I am cast out with the Fathers. I defend the doctrines of the Fathers, I transgresse them not in any point: and I have their testimonies, not barely, but in their very bookes. Neither need we wonder, that he should beare us down, that the Church of Rome at this day doth not disagree from the primitive Church in any point of Religion; who sticketh not so confidently to affirme, that we agree with it but in very few, and disagree in almost all. For those few points, wherein hee confesseth wee doe agree with the ancient Church, must either be meant of such articles onely, wherein wee disagree from the now Church of Rome; or else of the whole bodie of that Religion which we professe. If in the former he yeeld that wee doe agree with the primitive Church: what credite doth he leave unto himselfe, who with the same breath hath givē out, that the present Church of Rome doth not disagree with that holy Church in any point? If he meanethe latter: with what face can he say, that wee agree with that holy Church but in very few points of religion, and disagree in almost all? Irenaeus, who was the Disciple of those which heard S. Iohn the Apostle, [Page 25] Irenae. lib. 1. cap 2.3. Epiphan. haeres. 31. layeth downe the articles of that faith, in the unitie whereof the Churches that were founded in Germany, Spaine, France, the East, Egypt, Lybia, and all the world, did sweetly accord: as if they had all dwelt in one house, all had but one soule, and one heart, and one mouth. Is he able to shew one point, wherein we have broken that harmony, which Irenaeus commendeth in the Catholick Church of his time? But that Rule of faith so much commended by him and Tertullian, and the rest of the Fathers; and all the articles of the severall Creedes that were ever received in the ancient Church, as badges of the Catholicke profession (to which we willingly subscribe) is with this man almost nothing: none must now be counted a Catholicke, but he that can conforme his beliefe unto the Forma professionis fidei, in Bullâ Pij IV. edit. ann. 1564. Creed of the new fashion, compiled by Pope Pius the fourth some foure and fiftie yeares ago.
As for the particular differences, wherein he thinketh he hath the advantage of us; when we come unto the sifting of them, it shall appeare how farre he was deceived in his imagination. In the meane time, having as yet not strucken one stroake, but threatned only to doe wonders, if any would be so hardy to accept his Challenge; he might have done very well, to have deferred his triumph, untill such time as he had obtayned the victory. For as if he had borne us downe with the weight of the authority of the Fathers, and so astonished us therwith, that we could not tell what to say for our selves; he thus bestirreth himselfe, in a most ridiculous maner, fighting with his owne shadow. Will you say that these Fathers (saith he, who hath not hitherto layd downe so much as the name of any one Father) maintained these opinions contrary to the vvord of God? [Page 26] Why you know that they were the pillers of Christianitie, the champions of Christ his Church, and of the true Catholick Religion, which they most learnedly defended against diverse heresies, and therefore spent all their time in a most serious studie of the holy Scripture. Or will you say that, although they knew the Scriptures to repugne, yet they brought in the aforesaid opinions by malice and corrupt intentions? Why your selves cannot deny but that they lived most holy and vertuous lives, free from all malitious corrupting or perverting of Gods holy word, and by their holy lives are now made worthy to raigne with God in his glory. Insomuch as their admirable learning may sufficiently crosse out all suspition of ignorant errour; and their innocent sanctity freeth us from all mistrust of malitious corruption.
But, by his leave, hee is a little too hastie. Hee were best to bethink himselfe more advisedly of that which he hath undertaken to performe: and to remember the saying of the King of Israel unto Benhadad; 1. King. 20.11. Let not him that girdeth on his harnesse, boast himselfe, as he that putteth it off. Hee hath taken upon him to prove, that our Religon cannot be true, because it disalloweth of many chiefe articles, which the Saints and Fathers of that primitive Church of Rome did generally hold to be true. For performance hereof, it wil not be sufficient for him to shew that some of these Fathers maintained some of these opinions: he must prove (if hee will be as good as his word, and deale any thing to the purpose) that they held them generally, and held them too, not as opinions, but tanquam de fide, as appertayning to the substance of faith and religion. For (as Vincentius Lirinensis well observeth) Antiqua sanctorum patrū consensio, non in omnibus divinae legis quaestiunculis, sed solùm, certé praecipué, in fidei regulâ magno nobis studio & investiganda est, & sequenda. Vinc [...]n [...] ▪ contra haer [...]s. cap. 39. the auncient consent of the holy Fathers is with great care to be sought and followed by us, not in every [Page 27] petty question belonging to the Law of God, but only, or at least principally, in the Rule of faith. But all the points propounded by our Challenger, be not chiefe articles: and therefore if in some of them the Fathers have held some opinions, that will not beare waight in the ballance of the Sanctuary (as some conceits they had herein, which the Papists themselves must confesse to be erroneous) their defects in that kinde doe abate nothing of that reverend estimation which we have them in, for their great paines taken in the defence of the true Catholick Religion, and the serious studie of the holy Scripture. Neither doe I thinke that he who thus commendeth them for the pillers of Christianitie, and the champions of Christs Church; will therefore hold himselfe tyed to stand unto every thing that they have said: sure he will not, if he follow the steppes of the great ones of his owne Societie.
For what doth hee thinke of Iustin Martyr, Irenaeus, and Epiphanius? Doth he not account them among those pillers and champions hee speaketh of? Yet, saith Cardinall Bellarmine, Iustini, Irenaei, Epiphani [...] atque Oecumenii sententiā non video, quo pacto ab errore possimus defendere. Bellarmin. lib. 1. de Sanctor. Beatit. cap. 6. I doe not see, how we may defend their opinion from error. When others object, that they have two or three hundred testimonies of the Doctors to prove that the Virgin Mary was conceived in sinne: Primó quid [...] agunt multitudine Doctorū, quos errare in re tanti momenti non est facilè admittendum. Respondemus tamen ex Augustini libro 1. de Morib. Eccles c. 2. tùm ex B. Thomae doctrinâ, locum ab authoritate esse infirmum. Salmer. in Epist. ad Rom. libr. 2. disput. 51. Salmeron the Iesuite steps forth, and answereth them, first, out of the doctrine of Augustine and Thomas, that the argument drawne from authoritie is weake: then, out of the word of God, Exod. 23. In judicio, plurimorum non acquiesces sententiae, ut á vero devies. In judgement, thou shalt not be ledde with the sentence of the most, to decline [Page 28] from the truth. And lastly telleth them, Cúm Donatistae in autorū multitudine gloriarentur; respondit Augustinus, signū esse causae á veritatis nervo destitutae, quae soli multorum autoritati, qui errare possunt, innititur. Ibid. that when the Donatists gloried in the multitude of authors, S. Augustin did answer them, that it was a signe their cause was destitute of the strength of truth, which was onely supported by the authority of many, who were subject to error. And when his Adversaries presse him, not onely with the multitude, but also with the Tertio argumenta petunt á Doctorum antiquitate, cui semper major honor est habitus, quàm novitatibus. Respondetur, quamlibet aetatem antiquitati semper detulisse: & quilibet senex, ut quidam Poëta dixit, laudator tēporis acti. Sed illud asserimus: quo juniores, eo perspicaciores esse Doctores. Ibid. antiquitie of the Doctors alledged, unto which more honour alwayes hath beene given, then unto novelties: he answereth, that indeed every age hath alwayes attributed much unto antiquity; and every old man, as the Poët saith, is a commender of the time past: but this (saith he) vvee averre, that the yonger the Doctors are, the more sharpe-sighted they be. And therefore for his part he yeeldeth rather to the judgement of the yonger Doctors of Paris: Nam in celeberrimâ Parisiorum Academiâ nullus Magistri in Theologiâ titulo dignus habetur, qui priùs etiam iuris iurandi religione non se adstrinxerit ad hoc Virginis privilegium tuendum, & propugnandum. Ibid. Vid. & Laur. Sur. commentar. rer. in orbe gestar. ann. 1501. among whom none is held worthy of the title of a Master in Divinitie, who hath not first bound himselfe with a religious oath, to defend and maintaine the priviledge of the B. Virgin. Only he forgot to tell, how they which take that oath, might dispense with another oath which the Pope requireth them to take; that Nec eam unquam nisi juxta unanimem consensum Patrum accipiam, & interpretabor. Bulla Pij IV. pag. 478. Bullarij á Petro Matthaeo edit. Lugdun. ann. 1588. they will never understand and interprete the holy Scripture, but according to the uniforme consent of the Fathers.
Pererius in his disputations upon the Epistle to the Romans, confesseth that Graeci Patres, nec pauci etiam Latinorum Doctorum arbitrati sunt, idqúe in scriptis suis prodiderunt; causam praedestinationis hominum ad vitam aeternam, esse praescientiā quam Deus ab aeterno habuit, vel bonorum operum quae facturi erant cooperando ipsius gratiae, vel fidei quâ credituri erant verbo Dei & obedituri vocationi ejus. Perer. in Rom. 8. sect. 106. the Greeke Fathers, and not a few of the Latine Doctors too, have delivered in their writings, [Page 29] that the cause of the predestination of men unto everlasting life is the foreknowledge which God had from eternitie, either of the good workes which they were to doe by cooperating with his grace, or of the faith wherby they were to beleeve the word of God, & to obey his calling. And yet he for his part notwithstanding thinketh, that Sed hoc videtur contrariū divinae Scripturae, praecipué autē doctrinae B. Pauli. Jdem ibid. sect. 111. At enimveró praesciētiā fidei non esse rationem praedestinationis hominum, nullius est negotii multis & apertis Scripturae testimoniis ostendere. Ibid. sect. 109. this is contrary to the holy Scripture, but especially to the doctrine of S. Paul. If our Questionist had beene by him, hee would have pluckt his fellow by the sleeve, and taken him up in this maner. Will you say that these Fathers maintained this opinion contrary to the word of God? Why you know that they were the pillers of Christianity, the Champions of Christ his Church, and of the true Catholick religion, which they most learnedly defended against diverse heresies, and therefore spent all their time in a most serious studie of the holy Scripture. He would also perhaps further challenge him, as he doth us: Will you say that, although they knew the Scriptures to repugne, yet they brought in the aforesaid opinion by malice & corrupt intentions? For sure hee might have asked this wise question of any of his owne fellowes, as well as of us, who doe allow and esteeme so much of these blessed Doctors and Martyrs of the ancient Church (as he himselfe in the end of his Challenge doth acknowledge:) which verily we should have little reason to doe, if wee did imagine that they brought in opinions which they knew to be repugnant to the Scriptures, for any malice, or corrupt intentions. Indeed men they were, compassed with the common infirmities of our nature, and therefore subject unto error: but godly men, and therefore free from all malicious error.
Howsoever then we yeeld unto you, that their innocent sanctitie freeth us from all mistrust of malitious corruption: [Page 30] yet you must pardon us if wee make question, whether their admirable learning may sufficiently crosse out all suspicion of error, which may arise either of affection, or want of due consideration, or such ignorance as the very best are subject unto in this life. For it is not admirable learning that is sufficient to crosse out that suspicion: but such an immediate guidance of the holy Ghost, as the Prophets and Apostles were led by, who were the penners of the Canocicall Scripture. But this is your old wont, to blinde the eyes of the simple with setting forth the sanctitie and the learning of the Fathers: much after the maner of your grandfather Pelagius; who in the third of his bookes which hee writ in defence of Free-will, thought he had struck all dead by his commending of S. Ambrose. Blessed Ambrose the Bishop (saith Beatus Ambrosius Episcopus, in cuius praecipué libris Romana [...]lucet fides, qui scriptorum inter Latinos flos quidam speciosus enituit, cuius fidē & purissimum in Scripturis sensum▪ ne inimicus quidem ausus est reprehendere. he) in whose bookes the Romane faith doth especially appeare, who like a beautifull flowre shined among the Latin writers, whose faith and most pure understanding in the Scriptures the enemy himselfe durst not reprehend. Vnto whom S. Augustine: Ecce qualibus & quantis praedicat laudibus, quamlibet sanctum & doctum virum, nequaquam tamē authoritati Scripturae canonicae comparandum. August. de gratiâ Christi▪ cont. Pelag. l [...]b. 1. cap. 43. Behold with what and how great prayses he extolleth a man, though holy and learned, yet not to be compared unto the authoritie of the Canonicall Scripture. And therefore advance the learning and holinesse of these worthy men, as much as you list: other answer you are not like to have from us, then that which the same S. Augustine maketh unto S. Hierome. Solis eis Scripturarum libris, qui iam Canonici appellantur, didici hunc timorē honoremqúe deserre, ut nullum eorum authorem scribē do aliquid errâsse firmissimé credam &c. Alios autem ita lego, ut quantalibet sanctitate doctrinaqúe praepolleant, non ideò verū putē, quia ipsi ita senserunt: sed quia mihi vel per illos authore [...] canonicos, vel probabili ratione, quòd á vero nō abhorreat, persuad [...]e potuerūt. Aug. ep. 19. This reverence and honour have I learned to give to those bookes of Scripture only, which now are called Canonical, that I most firmely beleeve none of their authors could any whit erre in writing. But others I so reade, that [Page 31] with how great sanctitie and learning soever they doe excell, I therefore thinke not any thing to be true, because they so thought it: but because they were able to perswade mee, either by those Canonicall authors, or by some probable reason, that it did not swarve from truth.
Yet even to this field also doe our challengers provoke us; and if the Fathers authority will not suffice, they offer to produce good and certaine grounds out of the sacred Scriptures, for confirmation of all the points of their religion which they have mentioned: yea, further, they challenge any Protestant to alledge any one text out of the said Scripture which condemneth any of the above written points. At which boldnesse of theirs wee should much wonder, but that wee consider that Bankrupts commonly doe then most brag of their ability, when their estate is at the lowest: perhaps also, that Ignorance might be it, that did beget in them this Boldnesse. For if they had been pleased to take the advice of their learned Counsell: their Canonists would have told them touching Confession, (which is one of their points;) that Gloss. in Gratian. de Poeniten. dist. 5. cap. 1. In poenitentia. it were better to hold, that it was ordained by a certaine tradition of the universall Church, then by the authority of the New or Old Testament. Melchior Canus Can. lib. 3. loc. Theolog. cap. 4. could have put them in minde, that it is no where expressed in Scripture, that Christ descended into Hell, to deliver the soules of Adam, and the rest of the Fathers which were detayned there. And Dominicus Bannes, Bannes, in 2.2 qu. 1. artic. 10. col. 302. that the holy Scriptures teach, neither expressé, nor yet impressé & involuté, that prayers are to be made unto Saints, or that their Images are to be worshipped. Or, if the testimony of a lesuite will more prevayle with them: that Images should be vvorshipped, Saints prayed unto, Auricular Confession frequented, Sacrifices celebrated [Page 32] both for the quicke and the dead, and other things of this kind; Coster in compendiosâ orthodoxae fidei Demonstrat. propos. 5. cap. 2 pag. 162 edit. Colon. ann. 1607. Fr. Coster would have to be reckoned among divine Traditions, which be not laid downe in the Scriptures.
Howsoever yet the matter standeth, we have no reason but willingly to accept of their challenge: and to require them to bring forth those good and certaine grounds out of the sacred Scriptures, for confirmation of all the articles by them propounded: as also to let them see, whether we be able to alledge any Text of Scripture, which condemneth any of those points. Although I must confesse it will be a hard matter, to make them see any thing, which before hand have resolved to close their eyes; having their mindes so preoccupied with prejudice, that they professe before ever we begin, they hold for certaine that wee shall never be able to produce any such Text. And why, thinke you? because, forsooth, we are neither more learned, more pious, nor more holy, then the blessed Doctors and Martyrs of that first Church of Rome. As who should say, we yeelded at the first word, that all those blessed Doctors and Martyrs expounded the Scriptures every where to our disadvantage: or were so well perswaded of the tendernesse of a Iesuites conscience, that because he hath taken an oath never to interpret the Scripture, but according to the uniforme consent of the Fathers, he could not therefore have the forehead to say: Non nego me huius interpretationis authorem neminē habere: sed hanc eò magis probo quàm illam alteram Augustini, caeterarum alioqui probabilissimam; quòd haec cum Calvinistarū sensu magis pugnet: quod mihi magnum est probabilitatis argumentum. Maldonat. in Io [...]an. 6.62. I doe not deny, that I have no author of this interpretation: yet doe I so much the rather approve it, then that other of Augustines, though the most probable of all the rest; because it is more contrary to the sense of the Calvinists: which to mee is a great argument of probabilitie. Or as if lastly a man might not dissent from the ancient Doctors, so much as in an exposition of a [Page 33] Text of Scripture, but hee must presently make himselfe more learned, more pious, and more holy, then they were.
Yet their great Tostatus might have taught them, Sed nec ista argumentatio valet, se. Iste homo s [...]it aliquam conclusionem, quam nescivit Aug. e [...]go est sapientior Aug. Et sicut quidam peritus medicus dixit, homines nostri temporis ad antiquos comparantur, sicut pusillus homo positus collo Gigantis ad ipsum Gigantē Nam pusillus ibi positus videt quicquid vidit Gigas, & insuper plus; & tamen si deponatur de collo Gigantis, parùm aut nihil videbit ad Gigantem collatus. Ita & no [...] firmati super ingenia antiquorum & opera eorum, non esset admirandum, immo foret valde rationabile, si videremus quidquid illi viderunt, & insuper plus: licèt hoc adhuc non profitemur. Abulens. 2. part. D [...]fensor. cap. 18. that this argument holdeth not: Such a one knoweth some conclusion, that Augustine did not know; therefore he is wiser then Augustine. Because, as a certaine skilfull Physician said, the men of our time being compared vvith the ancient, are like unto a little man set upon a Giants neck, compared with the Giant himselfe. For as that little man placed there, seeth whatsoever the Giant seeth, and somewhat more; and yet if he be taken downe from the Giants neck, would see little or nothing in comparison of the Giant: even so we being setled upon the wits and workes of the ancient, it were not to be wondred, nay it should be very agreeable unto reason, that we should see whatsoever they saw, and somewhat more. Though yet (saith he) wee doe not professe so much. And even to the same effect speaketh Friar Stella: that though it be farre from him to condemne the common exposition given by the ancient holy Doctors; Bene tamen sci [...]us, Pygmaeos Gigantum humeris impositos, plusquam ipsos Gigantes videre. Stella, enarrat. in Luc. cap. 10. yet he knoweth full well, that Pygmeis being put upon Gyants shoulders, doe see further then the Gyants themselves. Salmeron addeth, Per incrementa temporum nota facta sunt divina mysteria, quae tamen anteà multos latuerunt: ita ut hoc loco nôsse, beneficium sit temporis, non quòd nos meliores simus, quàm Patres nostri. Salmeron. in epist. ad Roman. lib. 2. disput. [...]1. that by the increase of time, divine mysteries have beene made knowen, which before were hid from many: so that to know them now, is to be attributed unto the benefite of the time, not that we are better then our Fathers were. Bishop Fisher, [Page 34] Ne (que) cuīquā obscurum est, quin posterioribus ingeniis multa sint, tam ex evangeliis, quàm ex scripturis caeteris, nunc excussa luculentiùs, & intellecta perspicaciùs, quàm fuerant olim. Nimirum, aut quia veteribus adhuc non erat perfracta glacies, neque sufficiebat illorum aetas, totū illud scripturarū pelagus ad amussim expendere: aut quia semper in amplissimo scripturarū cāpo post messores quantumvis exquisitissimos, spicas adhuc intactas licebit colligere. Rossens confutat. Assert. Lutheran. artic. 18. that it cannot be obscure unto any, that many things, as well in the Gospels as in the rest of the Scriptures, are now more exquisitely discussed by latter wits, and more clearely understood, then they have beene heretofore. Either by reason that the yce was not as yet broken unto the ancient, neither did their age suffice to weigh exactly that vvhole sea of the Scriptures: or because in this most large field of the Scriptures, even after the most diligent reapers, some eares will remaine to be gathered, as yet untouched. Hereupon Cardinall Caietan, in the beginning of his Commentaries upon Moses, adviseth his Reader, Nullus ita (que) detestetur novū sacrae scripturae sensum ex hoc quod dissonat á priscis doctoribus; sed scrutetur perspicaciùs textum ac contextum scripturae: & si quadrare invenerit, laudet Deum, qui non alligavit expositionem scriptura [...]um sacrarum priscorum doctorum sensibus. Caietan. in Genes. 1. not to loath the new sense of the holy Scripture for this, that it dissenteth from the ancient Doctors: but to search more exactly the text and context of the Scripture; and if he find it agree, to praise God, that hath not tyed the exposition of the Scriptures to the senses of the ancient Doctors.
But leaving comparisons, which, you know, are odious (the envie whereof notwithstanding your owne Doctors and Masters, you see, helpe us to beare off, and teach us how to decline:) I now come to the examination of the particular points by you propounded. It should indeed be your part by right, to be the Assailant, who first did make the Challenge: and I, who sustaine the person of the Defendant, might here wel stay, accepting only your challenge, & expecting your encounter. Yet do not I meane at this time to answer your Bill of Challenge as Bills are usually answered in the Chancerie, with saving all advantages to the Defendant: I am content in this also to abbridge my selfe of the libertie wch I might lawfully take, & make a further demōstration of my forwardnes in undertaking the maintenāce of so good a cause, by giving the first onset my selfe.
OF TRADITIONS.
TO begin therefore with Traditions, which is your forlorne Hope that in the first place we are to set upon: this must I needes tell you before we begin, that you much mistake the matter, if you thinke that Traditions of all sorts promiscuously are struck at by our Religion. We willingly acknowledge, that the word of God which by some of the Apostles was set downe in writing, was both by themselves, and others of their fellow-labourers, delivered by word of mouth: and that the Church in succeeding ages was bound not only to preserve those sacred writings committed to her trust, but also to deliver unto her children vivâ voce the forme of wholsome words contayned therein. Traditions therefore of this nature, come not within the compasse of our controversie: the question being betwixt us de ipsâ doctrinâ traditâ, not de tradendi modo; touching the substance of the doctrine delivered, not of the maner of delivering it. Againe, it must be remembred that here wee speake of doctrine delivered as the word of God, that is, of points of religion revealed unto the Prophets and Apostles, for the perpetuall information of Gods people: not of rites and ceremonies, and other ordinances which are left to the disposition of the Church, and consequently be not of divine but of positive and humane right. Traditions therefore of this kinde likewise are not properly brought within the circuit of this question.
But that Traditions of men should be obtruded unto us for articles of Religion, and admitted for parts of Gods worship; or that any Traditions should be accepted [Page 36] for parcels of Gods word, beside the holy Scriptures, and such doctrines as are either expressely therein contayned, or by sound inference may be deduced from thence: I thinke wee have reason to gainsay. As long as for the first wee have this direct sentence from God himselfe; Matth. 15. In vaine doe they worship me, teaching for doctrines, the Commandements of men. And for the second, the expresse warrant of the Apostle, 2. Tim. 3. testifying of the holy Scriptures, not onely that they are able to make us wise unto salvation (which they should not be able to doe, if they did not containe all things necessary to salvation) but also that by them the man of God (that is, 1. Tim. 6.11. the minister of Gods word, unto whom it appertaineth Act. 20.27. to declare all the counsell of God) may be perfectly instructed to every good worke: which could not be, if the Scriptures did not containe all the counsell of God which was fit for him to learne, or if there were any other word of God which he were bound to teach, that should not be contained within the limits of the Booke of God.
Now whether herein we disagree from the doctrine generally received by the Fathers: we referre our selves to their owne sayings. For Rituall Traditions unwritten, and for doctrinall Traditions written indeed, but preserved also by the continual preaching of the Pastors of the Church successively; wee find no man a more earnest advocate then Tertullian. Yet hee, having to deale with Hermogenes the hereticke in a question concerning the faith, (whether all things at the beginning were made of nothing?) presseth him in this manner, with the argument ab authoritate negativé; for avoyding whereof, the Papists are driven to flie for succour to their unwritten verities. An autem de aliquâ subjacenti materiâ facta sint omnia, nusquam adhuc legi. Scriptum esse doceat Hermogenis officina. Si non est scriptum timeat Vae illud adjicientibus aut detrahentibus destinatum. Tertull. advers Hermogen. cap. 22. Whether all things vvere [Page 37] made of any subject matter, I have as yet read no where. Let those of Hermogenes his shop shew that it is written. If it be not written, let them feare that Woe which is allotted to such as adde or take away.
In the two Testaments, saith Origen, In quibus licèat omne verbum quod ad Deum pertinet requiri & discuti; atque ex ipsis omnem rerum scientiam capi. Si quid autem superfuerit quod non divina Scriptura decer [...]at, nullam aliam debere tertiam Scripturam ad authoritatem scientiae suscipi: sed igni tradamus quod superest, id est, Deo reservemus. Neque enim in proesenti vitâ Deus scire nos omnia voluit, Orig. in Levit. hom. 5. every word that appertayneth to God may be required and discussed; and all knowledge of things out of them may be understood. But if any thing doe remaine, which the holy Scripture doth not determine; no other third Scripture ought to be received for to authorize any knowledge: but that which remaineth we must commit to the fire, that is, we must reserve it to God. For in this present world God would not have us to know all things.
Hippolytus the Martyr, in his Homily against the Heresie of Noëtus. Vnus Deus est, quem non aliunde, fratres, agnoscimus, quàm ex sanctis Scripturis. Quemadmodum enim si quis vellet sapientiam hujus saeculi exercere, non aliter hoc cōsequi poterit, nisi dogmata Philosophorū legat: sic quicunque volumus pietatem in Deū exercere, non aliunde discemus, quàm ex Scripturis divinis. Quaecunque ergo sanctae Scripturae praedicant, sciamus; & quaecunque docent, cog [...] noscamus Hippolyt. tom. 3. Biblioth. Pat. pa. 20.21. edit. Colon. There is one God, whom wee doe not otherwise acknowledge (brethren) but out of the holy Scriptures. For as he that would professe the wisedome of this world, cannot otherwise attaine hereunto, unlesse hee reade the doctrine of the Philosophers: so whosoever of us will exercise pietie toward God, cannot learne this elsewhere, but out of the holy Scriptures. Whatsoever therefore the holy Scriptures doe preach, that let us know; and whatsoever they teach, that let us understand.
Athanasius, in his Oration against the Gentiles, toward the beginning: [...]. Athanas. The holy Scriptures given by inspiration of God, are of themselves sufficient to the discoverie of truth.
S. Ambrose: Quae in Scripturis sanctis non reperimus, ea quemadmodum usurpare possumus? Ambros. Offic. lib. 1. cap. 23. The things which vve finde not in the [Page 38] Scriptures, how can vve use them? And againe: Lego quia primus est, lego quia non est secundus▪ illi qui secundum aiunt, doceant lectione. Id in Virginis instit. cap. 11. I reade that he is the first, I reade that hee is not the second; they who say he is the second, let them shew it by reading.
It is well, Bene habet, ut iis quae sunt scripta contentus sis. Hilar. l. 3. de Trinit. saith S. Hilary, that thou art content vvith those things vvhich be written. And in another place, In quantum ego nūc beatae religiosaeque voluntatis veré te Domine Constanti Imperator admiror, fidem tantùm secundùm ea quae scripta sunt desiderantem. Id. lib. 2. ad Constantium. Aug. he commendeth Constantius the Emperour, for desiring the faith to be ordered onely according to those things that be vvritten.
S. Basil: [...]. Basil. hom. 29. advers. calumniantes S. Trinitat. Beleeve those things vvhich are written; the things which are not written seeke not. [...]. Idem de Fide. It is a manifest falling from the faith, and an argument of arrogancy, either to reject any point of those things that are written, or to bring in any of those things that are not written. He teacheth further, [...]. Idem, in Ethicis, Regul 26. that every word and action ought to be confirmed by the testimony of the holy Scripture, for confirmation of the faith of the good, and the confusion of the evill ▪ and that it is the propertie of a faithfull man, to bee fully perswaded of the truth of those things that are delivered in the holy Scripture, [...]. Id. ibid. reg. 80. ca. 22. and not to dare eyther to reject or to adde any thing thereunto. For if whatsoever is not of faith be sinne, as the Apostle saith, and faith is by hearing, and hearing by the word of God: then vvhatsoever is without the holy Scripture, being not of faith, must needs be sinne. Thus farre S. Basil.
In like maner Gregory Nyssene, S. Basils brother, layeth this for a ground, [...]. Gregor. Nyssen. Dialog. de Animâ & Resurrect. tom. 2. edit. Grae [...]olat. pag. 639. vvhich no man should contradict; that in that onely the truth must be acknowledged, [Page 39] wherein the seale of the Scripture testimony is to be seene. And accordingly in another booke (attributed also unto him) we finde this conclusion made: Cùm id nullo Scripturae testimonio suffultum sit, ut falsum improbabimus. lib. de Cognit Dei, citat. ab Euthymio in Panoplia, Tit. 8. Forasmuch as this is upholden vvith no testimony of the Scripture, as false vve will reject it.
Thus also S. Hierome disputeth against Helvidius· Vt haec quae scripta sunt non negamus; ita ea quae non sunt scripta renuimu [...]. Natum Deum esse de Virgine credimus, quia legimus: Mariam nupsisse post partum non credimus, quia non legimus. Hieron. advers. Helvid. As vvee denye not those things that are written; so vve refuse those things that are not vvritten. That God was borne of a Virgin we beleeve, because we reade it: that Mary did marry after shee was delivered, wee beleeve not, because wee reade it not.
In those things, In iis quae aperté in Scripturâ posita sunt, inveniuntur illa omnia quae continent fidem mores (que) vivendi. August. de doctrinâ Christian. li. 2. cap. 9. saith S. Augustine, vvhich are layd downe plainly in the Scriptures, all those things are found which appertaine to faith and direction of life. And againe: Quicquid inde audieritis, hoc vobis bene sapiat: quicquid extra est respuite, ne erretis in nebulâ. Id. in li. de Pastor. cap. 11. Whatsoever ye heare from the holy Scriptures, let that savour vvell unto you; whatsoever is without them, refuse, lest you wander in a cloud. And in another place: Omnia quae praeteritis tēporibus erga humanū genus majores nostri gesta esse meminerunt, nobis (que) tradiderunt; omnia etiam quae nos videmus, & posteris tradimus, quae tamen pertinent ad veram religionem quaerendam & tenendā, divina scriptura non tacuit. Idem, ep 42. All those things which in times past our ancestors have mentioned to be done toward mankind, and have delivered unto us; all those things also which we see, and doe deliver unto our posteritie, so farre as they appertaine to the seeking and maintayning of true Religion, the holy Scripture hath not passed in silence.
The holy Scripture, Sufficit divina Scriptura ad faciendum eos qui in illâ educati sunt sapientes, & probatissimos, & suffientissimam habentes intelligentiam: Cyril. li. 7. cont Iulian. saith S. Cyrill of Alexandria, is sufficient to make them which are brought up in it wise, and most approved, and furnished with most sufficient understanding. And againe: [...]. Cyril Glaphyrorū, in Gen. l. 2. That which the holy Scripture [Page 40] hath not said, by what meanes should wee receive, and account it among those things that be true?
Lastly, in the writings of Theodoret wee meete with these kinde of speeches. [...]. Theod. dialog. 1. [...]. By the holy Scripture alone am I perswaded. [...]. Id. dial. 2. [...]. I am not so bold, as to affirme any thing which the sacred Scripture passeth in silence. [...]. Id. in Exod. quaest. 26. quod in Graecorum Catenâ in Pentateuchum, à Franc. Zephyro editâ, ita expositū legimus: Impudentis est, quod á Scripturâ reticetur, velle inquirere. It is an idle and a senselesse thing, to seeke those things that are passed in silence. [...]. Theodoret. in Genesim. quaest. 45. Wee ought not to seeke those things which are passed in silence; but rest in the things that are written.
By the verdict of these twelve men, you may judge, what opinion was held in those ancient times of such Traditions as did crosse, either the verity or the perfection of the sacred Scripture: which are the Traditions we set our selves against. If now it be demanded, in what Popes dayes the contrarie doctrine was brought in among Christians: I answer, that if S. Peter were ever Pope, in his dayes it was, that some seducers first laboured to bring in Will-worship into the Church; against whom S. Paul opposing himselfe, Coloss. 2. counteth it a sufficient argument to condemne all such inventions, that they were the commandements and doctrines of men. Shortly after them, started up other Hereticks, who taught, that Quia non possit ex his inveniri veritas ab his, qui nesciant Traditionem. Non enim per literas traditam illam, sed per vivam vocem: ob quam causam & Paulum dixisse; Sapientiam autem loquimur inter perfectos. Irenae. contr. hares. lib. 3. cap. 2. the truth could not be found out of the Scriptures by those to whom Tradition was unknowen. forasmuch as it was not delivered by writing, but by word of mouth: for which cause S. Paul also should say; Wee speake wisedome among them that be perfect.
The verie same Text doe the Bellarmin lib. 4. de Verbo Dei, cap. 8. Iesuites alledge, to prove the dignitie of manie mysteries to be such, that they require silence; and that it is unmeet they should [Page 41] bee opened in the Scriptures, which are read to the whole world, and therefore can onely be learned by unwritten Traditions. Wherein they consider not, how they make so neare an approach unto the confines of some of the ancientest Heretickes, that they may well shake hands together. For howsoever some of them were so madde as to Dicentes, se non solum Presbyteris, sed etiam Apostolis existente [...] sapientiores, since [...]am invenisse veritatem. &c. Evenit itaque neque Scripturis jam neque Traditioni consentire eos. Iren. ut sup. say, that they were wiser then the Apostles themselves; and therefore made light account of the doctrine which they delivered unto the Church, either by writing or by word of mouth: yet all of them broake not forth into that open impietie; the same mysterie of iniquitie wrought in some of Antichrists fore-runners then, which is discovered in his ministers now. Confitentur quidem nihil Apostolos ignorâsse, nec diversa inter se praedicâsse, sed non omnia illos volunt omnibus revelâsse: quaedam enim palam & universis, quaedam secretó & paucis demandâsse. quia & hoc verbo usus est Paulus ad Timotheum: O Timothee, depositum custodi. Et rursum: Bonum depositum custodi. Tertull. de praescript. advers. haeret. cap. 25. They confessed indeed (as witnesseth Tertullian) that the Apostles were ignorant of nothing, and differed not among themselves in their preaching: but they say, they revealed not all things unto all men; some things they delivered openly and to all, some things secretly and to a few. because that Paul useth this speech unto Timothy: O Timothy, keep that which is committed to thy trust. And againe; That good thing which was committed unto thee, keepe. Which verie Texts the Bellar. lib 4. de Verbo Dei, cap. 5. Iesuites likewise bring in, to prove, that there are some Traditions, which are not contayned in the Scripture.
In the dayes of S. Hierome also, this was wont to be the saying of Hereticks: Filii sumus sapientium, qui ab initio doctrinam nobis Apostolicam tradiderunt. Hieron. lib 7. in Esa. ca. 19. We are the sonnes of the wise men, which from the beginning have delivered the doctrine of the Apostles unto us. But Sed & alia, quae absque auctoritate & testimoniis scripturarū, quasi traditione Apostolicâ spōte reperiūt at (que) cōfingūt, percutit gladius Dei. Id. in Agg [...]. c. 1. those things (saith that Father) which they of themselves finde out and faine to have received as it were by Tradition from the Apostles, [Page 42] without the authoritie and testimonies of the Scriptures, the sword of God doth smite. S. Chrysost. in Iohan 10. homil. 59. tom. 2. edit. Savil. pag. 799. Chrysostome in like maner giveth this for a marke of Antichrist, and of all spiritual theeves: that they come not in by the doore of the Scriptures. For the Scripture (saith hee) [...] Ibid. like unto a sure doore, doth barre an entrance unto Hereticks, safeguarding us in all things that we will, and not suffering us to be deceived. Whereupon he concludeth, that [...]. Ibid. who so useth not the Scriptures, but commeth in otherwise, that is, betaketh himselfe to another and an unlawfull way, he is a theefe.
How this mysterie of iniquitie wrought when Antichrist came unto his full growth, and what experiments his followers gave of their theevish entry in this kind, was well observed by the author of the book De unitate Ecclesiae (thought by some to be Waltram Bishop of Naumburg:) who speaking of the Quale mysterium iniquitatis praetendunt plures Monachi in veste suâ, per quos fiunt, & facta sunt schismata atque haereses in Ecclesiâ: qui etiam á matre filios segregant, oves á pastore [...]ollicitant, Dei sacramenta disturbant: qui etiam Dei traditione contēptâ, alienas doctrinas appetunt, & magist [...]ria humanae institutionis inducunt Lib de unitat. Eccl [...]s. Tom. 1. Script. Germanic. á M. Fre [...]ero edit. pag 233. Monks that for the upholding of Pope Hildebrands faction, brought in schismes and heresies into the Church, noteth this specially of them; that despising the tradition of God, they desired other doctrines, and brought in maisteries of humane institution. Against whom hee alledgeth the authoritie of their owne S. Benedict, the father of the Monkes in the West; writing thus: Ideoque nihil debet Abbas extra praeceptum Domini quod sit, aut docere, aut constituere, vel jubere: sed jussio ejus vel doctrina, ut fermentum divinae justitiae in discipulorum mentibus conspergatur. Benedict. in Regulâ. The Abbot ought to teach, or ordaine, or command nothing, which is without the precept of the Lord: but his commandement or instruction should be spred as the leaven of divine righteousnesse in the minds of his Disciples. Whereunto also hee might have added the testimonie of the two famous [Page 43] Fathers of Monasticall discipline in the East: S. Antony I meane, who taught his Schollers that [...]. Athanas in Vitae Antonij. quod Evagrius Antioch [...]nu. presbyter redaidie: Ad omnem mandatorum disciplinam Scripturas posse sufficere. the Scriptures were sufficient for doctrine; and S. Basil, who unto the question, Whether it were expedient that novices should presently learne those things that are in the Scripture? returneth this answere: [...]. Basil. in Reguiis br [...]viorib. op. 95. It is fit and necessarie, that every one should learne out of the holy Scripture that which is for his use; both for his full settlement in godlinesse, and that hee may not be accustomed unto humane traditions.
Marke here the difference betwixt the Monkes of Saint Basil, and Pope Hildebrands breeding. The Novices of the former were trayned in the Scriptures, to the end they might not be accustomed unto humane traditions: those of the latter, to the cleane contrarie intent, were kept back from the studie of the Scriptures, that they might be accustomed unto humane traditions. For this, by the foresaid author, is expressely noted of those Hildebrandine Monkes, that they Qui ne pueros quidem vel adolescentes permittunt in monasteriis habere studium salutaris scientiae: ut scilicet rude ingenium [...]utriatur siliquis daemoniorum, quae sunt consuetudines humanarum traditionum: ut ejusmodi spurcitiis assuefacti, non possint gustare quam suavis est Dominus. Lib. de Vnitat. Eccles. pag. 22 [...]. permitted not yong men in their Monasteries to studie this saving knowledge: to the end that their rude wit might be nourished with the huskes of divels, which are the customes of humane traditions; that being accustomed to such filth, they might not taste how sweet the Lord was. And even thus in the times following, from Monkes to Friars, and from them to secular Priests and Prelates, as it were by tradition from hand to hand, the like ungodly policie was continued, of keeping the common people from the knowledge of the Scriptures; as for other reasons, so likewise that by this meanes they might be drawne to humane traditions. Which was not onely observed by [Page 44] Verùm enimveró vereor, ne isti qui velint populum nihil attingere, non tam periculo commoveantur illorum quàm sui respectu: videlicèt ut ab istis solis, velut ab oraculis petantur omnia. Quid hâc de rescriptum est? hoc scriptum est Quem habet sensum, quod scriptum est? Sic intellige, sic senti, sic loquere. Atqui istuc est bubalum esse, non hominem. Fortassis movet & nonnullos, quoniam animadvertunt divinam scripturam parùm quadrare ad vitam suam. malunt eam antiquari, aut certé nesciri; ne quid hinc jaciatur in os. Et ad humanas traditiunculas populum avocant, quas ipsi ad suam commoditatem probé commenti sunt. E. asm in ena [...]rat. 1. Psalmi, edit. ann. 1515. Erasmus, before ever Luther stirred against the Pope: but openly in a maner confessed afterwards by a bitter adversarie of his, Petrus Sutor, a Carthusian Monke; who, among other inconveniences for which he would have the people debarred from reading the Scripture, alledgeth this also for one. Cùm multa palàm tradantur observanda, quae sacris in literis expressé non habentur: nónne idiotae haec animadvertentes facilè murmurabunt, conquerentes cur tantae sibi imponantur sarcinae, quibus & libertas Evangelica ita graviter elevatur? Nónne & facilè retrahentur ab observantiâ institutionum Ecclesiasticarum, quando [...]as in lege Christi animadverterint non contineri? Sutor de tralatione Bibliae cap. 22. fol. 96. ed [...]t. Paris. an. 1525. Whereas manie things are openly taught to be observed, which are not to be expressely had in the holy Scriptures: will not the simple people, observing these things, quickly murmure, and complaine that so great burdens should be imposed upon them, whereby the libertie of the Gospell is so greatly impaired? Will not they also easily be drawne away from the observation of the ordinances of the Church, when they shall observe that they are not contained in the Law of Christ?
Having thus therefore discovered unto these Deuterotae (for so S. Hieronym. lib. 2. Comment. in Esai. cap. 3. & lib. 9. in Esai. cap. 29. Hierome useth to style such Tradition-mongers) both their grandfathers, and their more immediat progenitors: I passe now forward unto the second point.
OF THE REAL PRESENCE.
HOw farre the real presence of the bodie of Christ in the Sacrament, is allowed or disallowed by us, I have at large declared in an Serm. a [...] Westminst. before the house of Commons. ann. 1620. other place. The summe [Page 45] is this: That in the receiving of the blessed Sacrament, we are to distinguish betweene the outward and the inward action of the Communicant. In the outward, with our bodily mouth wee receive really the visible elements of Bread and Wine: in the inward, wee doe by faith really receive the bodie and bloud of our Lord, that is to say, wee are truely and indeed made partakers of Christ crucified, to the spirituall strengthning of our inward man. They of the adverse part have made such a confusion of these things, that for the first, they do utterly denie, that after the words of consecration there remaineth anie Bread or Wine at all to be received: and for the second, do affirme, that the bodie and bloud of Christ is in such a maner present, under the outward shewes of bread and wine, that whosoever receiveth the one (be he good or bad, beleever or unbeleever) doth therewith really receive the other. We are therfore here put to prove, that Bread is bread, and Wine is wine: a matter (one would thinke) that easily might be determined by common sense. That which you see (saith Quod ergo vidistis, Panis est & Calix: quod vobis etiam oculi vestri renunciant. August. in Sermone de sacram. apud Bedam▪ in 1. Cor. 10. & Ratrannum de corp. & sangu. Dom. vel in Sermone de Verbis Domini: ut citatur ab Algero, lib. 1. de Sacram. cap. 5. S. Augustine) is the Bread and the Cup: which your very eyes doe declare unto you. But because we have to deale with men, that will needs herein be senselesse; wee will for this time referre them to Tertull. in lib. de Animâ, cap. 17. cui titulus: De quinque sensibus. Tertullians discourse of the five senses, (wishing they may be restored to the use of their five witts againe:) and ponder the testimonies of our Saviour Christ, in the sixt of Iohn, and in the words of the Institution, which they oppose against all sense, but in the end shall finde to be as opposit to this phantasticall conceit of theirs, as anie thing can be.
Touching our Saviours speech, of the eating of his flesh, and the drinking of his bloud, in the sixth of Iohn; [Page 46] these five things specially may be observed. First, that the question betwixt our Adversaries & us, being not, Whether Christs bodie be turned into bread, but whether bread be turned into Christs bodie; the words in S. Iohn, if they be pressed literally, serve more strongly to prove the former, then the latter. Secondly, that this Sermon was uttered by our Saviour, above a yeare before the celebration of his last Supper, wherein the Sacrament of his bodie and bloud was instituted: at which time none of his hearers could possibly have understood him to have spoken of the externall eating of him in the Sacrament. Thirdly, that by the eating of the flesh of Christ, and the drinking of his bloud, there, is not here meant an externall eating or drinking with the mouth and throate of the bodie, (as the Ioh 6.52. Iewes then, and the Romanists farre more grossely then they, have since imagined:) but an internall and a spirituall, effected by a lively faith and the quickning spirit of Christ in the soule of the beleever. For [...]. Basil. in Psalm. 33. there is a spirituall mouth of the inner man, (as S. Basil noteth) wherewith hee is nourished that is made partaker of the Word of life, which is the bread that commeth downe from heaven. Fourthly, that this spirituall feeding upon the bodie and blood of Christ, is not to be found in the Sacrament onely, but also out of the Sacrament. Fiftly, that the eating of the flesh, and the drinking of the b [...]ood here mentioned, is of such excellent vertue, that the receiver is thereby made to remaine in Christ, and Christ in him, and by that meanes certainly freed from d [...]ath, and assured of everlasting life. Which seeing it cannot be verified of the eating of the Sacrament (whereof both the godly & the wicked are partakers:) it proveth, not onely that our Saviour did not here [Page 47] speake of the Sacramentall eating; but further also, that the thing which is delivered in the externall part of the Sacrament, cannot be conceived to be really, but sacramentally onely, the flesh and blood of Christ.
The first of these may be plainly seene in the Text: where our Saviour doth not onely say, I am the bread of life, vers. 48. and, I am the living bread that came downe from heaven, vers. 51. but addeth also in the 55. verse. For my flesh is meate indeed, and my bloud is drinke indeed. Which words being the most forcible of all the rest, & those wherewith the simpler sort are cōmonly most deluded, might carry some shew of proofe, that Christs flesh & blood should be turned into bread & wine; but have no maner of colour to prove, that bread and wine are turned into the flesh and blood of Christ. The truth of the second, appeareth by the four [...]h verse: in which we finde, that this fell out not long before the Passeover; and consequently, a yeare at least before that last Passeover, wherein our Saviour instituted the Sacrament of his Supper. Wee willingly indeed do acknowledge, that that which is inwardly presented in the Lords Supper, and spiritually received by the soule of the faithfull, is that verie thing which is treated of in the sixth of Iohn: but wee denie that it was our Saviours intention in this place, to speake of that which is externally delivered in the Sacrament, and orally received by the Communicant. And for our warrant herein, wee need looke no further then to that earnest asseveration of our Saviour in the 53. verse: Verily, verily I say unto you; Except yee eate the flesh of the Sonne of man, and drinke his blood, ye have no life in you. Wherin there is not onely an obligation laid upon them for doing of this, (which in no likelyhood could be intended [Page 48] of the externall eating of the Sacrament, that was not as yet in being:) but also an absolute necessitie imposed, non praecepti solùm ratione, sed etiā medij. Now to hold, that all they are excluded from life, which have not had the meanes to receive the Sacrament of the Lords Supper: is as untrue, as it is uncharitable. And therefore manie of the Papists themselves, as Biel, Cusanus, Cajelan, Tapper, Hessels, Iansenius, and others, confesse, that our Saviour in the sixth of Iohn did not properly treat of the Sacrament.
The third of the points proposed, may be collected out of the first part of Christs speech, in the 35. and 36. verses. I am the bread of life: hee that commeth to mee, shall never hunger; and he that beleeveth on me, shall never thirst. But I said unto you, that yee also have seene me, and beleeve not. But especially, out of the last, from the 61. verse forward. When Iesus knew in himselfe that his Disciples murmured at it, hee said unto them; Doeth this offend you? What then if you should see the Sonne of man ascend up where hee was before? It is the spirit that quickneth, the flesh profiteth nothing: the words that I speake unto you are spirit and life. But there are some of you that beleeve not. Which words Athanasius (or whosoever was the author of the Tractate upon that place; Quicunque dixerit verbum in filium homi [...]is) noteth our Saviour to have used; that his hearers might learne, [...]. A [...]hanas. that those things which hee spake, were not carnall but spirituall. For how many could his bodie have sufficed for meat, that it should be made the food of the whole world? But therefore it was that he made mention of the Sonne of mans ascension into heaven, that he might draw them from this corporall conceit; and that hereafter they might learne, that the flesh which he spake of, was celestiall [Page 49] meat from above, and spirituall nourishment to be given by him. For the words which I have spoken unto you (saith he) are spirit and life. So likewise Tertullian: Etsi carnem ait nihil prodes [...]e, ex materiâ dicti dirigendus est sensus. Nam quia durum & intolerabilē existimaverunt sermonem ejus, quasi veré carnem suam illis edendam determinâsset: ut in spiritu disponeret slatum salutis, praemisit; Spiritus est qui vivificat. atque ita subjunxit: Caro nihil prodest, ad vivificandum scilicèt. Tertull de Resurrect. carnis. cap. 37. Although he saith that the flesh profiteth nothing, the meaning of the speech must be directed according to the intent of the matter in hand. For, because they thought it to be a hard and an intolerable speech, as if he had determined that his flesh should be truly eaten by them: that hee might dispose the state of salvation by the spirit, hee premised; It is the spirit that quíckneth. and so subjoyned; The flesh profiteth nothing, namely to quicken. &c. Quia & sermo caro erat factus, proinde in causam vitae appetendus, & devorandus auditu, & ruminandus intellectu, & fide digerendus. Nam & paulò antè carnem suam panem quoque coelestem pronuntiârat; urgens usquequaque per allegoriam necessariorum pabulorum, memoriam patrum, qui panes & carnes Aegyptiorum praeverterant divinae vocationi. Idem ibid. And because the Word was made flesh, it therefore was to be desired for causing of life, and to be devoured by hearing, and to be chewed by understanding, and to be digested by faith. For a little before he had also affirmed that his flesh was heavenly bread: urging still by the Allegory of necessary food, the remembrance of the fathers, who preferred the bread and the flesh of the Egyptians before Gods calling. Adde hereunto the sentence of Origen: Est & in novo Testamento litera quae occidit eum, qui non spiritualiter ea quae dicuntur adverterit. Si enim secundùm literam sequaris hoc ipsum quod dictum est; Nisi manducave [...]itis carnem meam, & biberitis sanguinem meum occidit haec litera. Orig. in Levit. cap. 10. [...]om 7. There is in the New Testament also a letter which killeth him that doth not spiritually conceive the things that be spoken. For if according to the letter you do follow this same which is said; Except yee eate the flesh of the Sonne of man, and drinke his blood: this letter killeth. And those sayings which everie where occurre in S. Augustines Tractates upon Iohn: Quomodo in coelum manū mittā, ut ibi sedentē teneā? Fidē mitte, & tenuisti. Aug. in Evang. Iohan. Tract. 50. How shall I send up my hand unto heaven, to take hold on Christ sitting there? Send thy faith, and thou hast hold [Page 50] of him! Vt quid paras [...]dentes & ven [...]rem? C [...]ede, & manducàsti. Id. ibid. Tracta [...]. 25. Why preparest thou thy teeth and thy belly? Bele [...]ve, and thou hast eaten. Credere enim in eum, hoc est mandu [...]a [...]e panem vivum. Qui credit in eum, manducat. Invisibiliter saginatur, quia invisibiliter renascitur. Infans intus est, novus intus est: ubi novellatur, ibi satiatur. Id. ibid. Tractat. 26. For this is to eate the living bread, to beleeve in him. He that beleeveth in him, eateth. He is invisibly fedd, because he is invisibly regenerated. He is inwardly a b [...]be, inwardly renewed: where he is renewed, there is he nourished.
The fourth proposition doth necessarily follow upon the third. For if the eating and drinking here spoken of, be not an externall eating and drinking, but an inward participation of Christ, by the communion of his quickning spirit: it is evident, that this blessing is to be found in the soule, not onely in the use of the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, but at other times also. It is no wayes to be doubted by anie one (saith S. Nulli est aliquatenùs ambigendum, tunc unumquemque fidelium corporis sanguinisque Dominici participem fieri, quando in baptismate membrum Christi efficitur: nec alienari ab illius pan [...]s calicis (que) consortio, etiamsi antequàm panem illum comedat & calicem bibat, de hoc seculo in unitate corporis Christi constitutus abscedat. Sacramenti quippè illius participatione ac beneficio non privatur, quando ipse hoc quod illud sacramentum significat, invenit. August. in Serm ad in [...]ante [...] ▪ de sacram. apud Bedam, in 1. Cor. [...]0. Augustine) that every one of the faithfull is made partaker of the body and bloud of our Lord, when he is made a member of Christ in Baptisme: and that hee is not estranged from the communion of that bread and cup, although before he eate that bread, and drinke that cup, hee depart out of this world, being setled in the unitie of the body of Christ. For he is not deprived of the participation and the benefite of that Sacrament, when hee hath found that which this Sacrament doth signifie. And hereupon wee see, that diverse of the Fathers doe apply the sixth of Iohn, to the hearing of the Word also: as, Clem. Ale [...]andr. P [...]dagog. lib 1. cap. 6. Clemens Alexandrinus, Origen. in L [...]vit. cap. 10 homil. 7. Origen, Eusebius Caesareensis, and others. We are said to drinke the blood of Christ (saith Bibere autem dicimur sanguinem Christi, non solùm sacramentorum rit [...], sed & cùm sermones ejus recipimus, in quibus vita consistit sicut & ipse dicit: Verba quae locutus sum, spiritus & vita est. Origen. in Numer. cap. 24 hom. 16. Origen) not onely by [Page 51] way of the Sacraments, but also when we receive his word, wherein consisteth life. even as hee himselfe saith· The words which I have spoken, are spirit and life. Vpon which words of Christ, Eusebius paraphraseth after this maner: [...]. Euseb. lib. 3. Ecclesiasticae Theologiae, contra Marcellum Ancyranum. MS. in publicâ Oxoniensis Academiae Bibliothecâ: & in privatis virorum doctissimorum, D. Richardi Montacutij & M. Patricij Iunij. Doe not thinke that I speake of that flesh wherewith I am compassed, as if you must eate of that; neither imagine that I command you to drinke my sensible and bodily blood: but understand well, that the vvords which I have spoken unto you, are spirit and life. So that those very words and speeches of his, are his flesh and blood; whereof who is partaker, being alwayes therewith nourished as it were with heavenly bread, shall likewise be made partaker of heavenly life. Therefore let not that offend you, saith he, which I have spoken of the eating of my flesh and of the drinking of my blood; neither let the superficiall hearing of those things which were said by me of flesh and blood, trouble you. For these things sensibly heard, profite nothing: but the spirit is it, which quickneth them that are able to heare spiritually. Thus farre Eusebius: whose words I have layd down the more largely, because they are not vulgar.
There remaineth the fift and last point: which is oftentimes repeated by our Saviour in this Sermon. as in the 50. verse: This is the bread which commeth downe from heaven, that a man may eate thereof, and not dye, and in the 51: If any man eate of this bread, hee shall live for ever. and in the 54: Who so eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood, hath eternall life. and in the 56: He that eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood, dwelleth in mee, and I in him. and in the 58: This is that bread which came downe from heaven: not as your fathers did eate Manna, and are [Page 52] dead: hee that eateth of this bread, shall live for ever. Whereupon Origen rightly observeth the difference that is betwixt the eating of the typicall or symbolicall (for so he calleth the Sacrament) and the true bodie of Christ. Of the former, thus he writeth: Quod sanctificatur per verbum Dei & per obsecrationem, non suápte naturâ sanctificat utentem. Nam id si esset, sanctificaret etiam illum, qui comedit indigné Domino: neque quisquam ob hunc esum infirmus aut aegrotus fuisset, aut obdormisset. Nam tale quiddā Paulus demōstrat, quū ait: Propter hoc inter vos infirmi, & male habētes, & dormiunt multi. Origen. in Matt. 15. That which is sanctified by the word of God and by prayer, doth not of it own [...] nature, sanctifie him that useth it. For if that were so, it would sanctifie him also which doth eate unworthy of the Lord: neither should any one for this eating be weake, or sicke, or dead. For such a thing doth Paul shew, when he saith: For this cause many are weake and sickly among you, and many sleepe. Of the latter, thus: Mult [...] porrò & de ipso Verbo dici possent, quod factum est caro, verusque cibus, quē qui comederit, omnino vivet in aeternum; quem nullus malus potest ed ere. Etenim si fieri possit, ut qui malus adhuc perseveret, edat Verbum factum carnem, quum sit verbum & panis vivus, nequaquàm scriptum fuisset: Quisquis ederit panem hunc, vivet in aeternum Id. ibid. Many things may be spoken of the Word it selfe, which was made flesh, and true meate; which whosoever eateth, shall certainly live for ever: which no evill person can eate. For if it could be, that he who continueth evill, might eate the Word made flesh (seeing hee is the word and the bread of life) it should not have beene written: Whosoever eateth this bread, shall live for ever. The like difference doth S. Augustine, also upon the same ground, make betwixt the eating of Christs bodie sacramentally and really. For having affirmed, that wicked men Nec isti dicendi sunt manducare corpus Christi. quoniam nec in membris computandi sunt Christi. August. de Civit. Dei, lib 21. cap. 25. may not be said to eate the body of Christ, because they are not to be counted among the members of Christ: hee afterward addeth. Denique ipse dicens, Qui manducat carnem meam, & bibit sanguinem meum, in me manet, & ego in eo; ostendit quid sit non sacramento tenus, sed reverà manducare corpus Christi, & ejus sanguinem bibere: hoc est enim in Christo manere, ut in illo maneat & Christus. Sic enim hoc dixit, tanquàm diceret: Qui non in me manet, & in quo ego non maneo, non se dicat aut existimet manducare corpus meum, aut bibere sanguinem meum. Id. ibid. Christ himselfe saying, He that eateth my flesh, and drinketh [Page 53] my bloud, remaineth in mee, and I in him, sheweth what it is, not sacramentally but indeed, to eate the flesh of Christ and drinke his bloud: for this is, to remaine in Christ, that Christ likewise may remaine in him. For hee said this, as if he should have said: He that remayneth not in me, and in whom I do not remaine; let not him say or thinke, that he eateth my flesh or drinketh my bloud. And in another place, expounding those words of Christ here alledged; hee thereupon inferreth thus: Hoc est ergo manducare illam escam, & illum bibere potum; in Christo manere, & illum manentem in se habere. Ac per hoc qui non manet in Christo, & in quo non manet Christus, proculdubio nec manducat spiritaliter carnē ejus, nec bibit ejus sanguinē, licèt carnaliter & visibiliter premat dentibus sacramentum corporis & sanguinis Christi: sed magis tantae rei sacramentū ad judicium sibi manducat et bibit, quia immundus praesumpsit ad Christi accedere sacramenta. Id. in Evangel. Iohan. Tract. 26. This is therefore to eate that meate, and drinke that drinke; to remaine in Christ, and to have Christ remayning in him. And by this, he that remaineth not in Christ, and in whom Christ abideth not, without doubt doth neither spiritually eate his flesh, nor drinke his bloud: although he do carnally and visibly presse with his teeth the Sacrament of the bodie and bloud of Christ; and so rather eateth and drinketh the Sacrament of so great a thing for judgement to himselfe, because that being uncleane hee did presume to come unto the Sacraments of Christ.
Hence it is that we finde so often in him, and in other of the Fathers, that the bodie and bloud of Christ is communicated only unto those that shall live, and not unto those that shall dye for ever. Hic est panis vitae. Qui ergò vitam manducat, mori non potest. Quomodo enim morietur, cui cibus vita est? Quomodo deficiet, qui habuerit vitalem substantiam? Ambr. in Psal. 118. octonar. 18. He is the bread of life. He therefore that eateth life, cannot dye. For how should he dye, whose meat is life? how should he fayle, who hath a vitall substance? saith S. Ambrose. And it is a good note of Macarius: that, as men use to give one kinde of meate to their servants, and another to their children; so Christ who [...]. Macar. Aegypt. homil. 14. created all things, nourisheth [Page 54] indeed evill and ungratefull persons: but the sonnes which he begat of his owne seed, and whom he made partakers of his grace, in whom the Lord is formed, he nourisheth with a peculiar refection and food, and meat and drinke, beyond other men; giving himselfe unto them, that have their conversation with his Father. as the Lord himselfe saith: He that eateth my flesh, and drinketh my bloud, remayneth in me, and I in him, and shall not see death. Among the sentences collected by Prosper out of S. Augustine, this also is one. Escam vitae accipit, & aeternitatis poculum bibit, qui in Christo manet, & cujus Christus habita [...]or est. Nam qui discordat à Christo, nec carnem ejus manducat, nec sanguinem bibit: etiamsi tantae reisacramentum ad judicium suae praesumptionis quotidie indifferenter accipiat. Prosp. senten [...]. 339. He receiveth the meat of life, and drinketh the cup of eternitie, who remaineth in Christ, and whose inhabiter is Christ. For he that is at discord with Christ, doth neither eate his flesh nor drinke his bloud: although, to the judgement of his presumption, he indifferently doth receive everie day the sacrament of so great a thing. Which distinction betweene the Sacrament and the thing whereof it is a sacrament, (and consequently betweene the sacramentall and the reall eating of the bodie of Christ,) is thus briefely and most excellently expressed by S. Augustine himselfe, in his exposition upon the sixt of Iohn. Hujus rei sacramentum de mensâ Dominicâ sumitur; quibusdam ad vitam, quibusdam ad exitiū. Res veró ipsa, cujus sacramē tum est, omni homini ad vitam, nulli ad exitium, quicunque ejus particeps fuerit August. in Iohan. tractat. 26. The sacrament of this thing, is taken from the Lords Table; by some unto life, by some unto destruction: but the thing it selfe whereof it is a sacrament, is received by every man unto life, and by none unto destruction, that is made partaker therof. Our conclusion therfore is this:
The bodie and bloud of Christ, is received by all unto life, and by none unto condemnation.
But that substance which is outwardly delivered in the Sacrament, is not received by all unto life, but by manie unto condemnation.
Therefore that substance which is outwardly delivered in the Sacrament, is not really the bodie and bloud of Christ.
[Page 55] The first proposition is plainly proved by the Texts which have been alledged out of the sixth of Iohn. The second is manifest, both by common experience, and by the testimonie of the Apostle, 1. Cor. 11. vers. 17, 27, 29. We may therefore well conclude, that the sixth of Iohn is so farre from giving anie furtherance to the doctrine of the Romanists in this point, that it utterly overthroweth their fond opinion, who imagine the bodie and bloud of Christ to be in such a sort present under the visible formes of bread and wine, that whosoever receiveth the one, must of force also really be made partaker of the other.
The like are we now to shew in the words of the Institution. For the better clearing whereof, the Reader may be pleased to consider, first, that the words are not; This shall be my body: nor, This is made, or, shall be changed into my body: but, This Is my body. Secondly, that the word THIS, can have relation to no other substance, but that which was then present, when our Saviour spake that word; which (as wee shall make it plainly appeare) was Bread. Thirdly, that it being proved that the word This, doth demonstrate the Bread; it must of necessitie follow, that Christ affirming that to be his BODY, cannot be conceived to have meant it so to be properly, but relatively and sacramentally.
The first of these, is by both sides yeelded unto: so likewise is the third. For this is impossible, saith the Glosse Hoc tamen est impossibile, quòd panis sit corpus Christi. De consecrat. dist. 2. cap 55. Panis est in altari. Gloss. upon Gratian, that bread should be the bodie of Christ. And it cannot be, saith Cardinall Non igitur potest fieri, ut vera sit propositio, in quâ sub [...]ectum supponit pro pane, praedicatum autem pro corpore Christi. Panis enim & corpus Domini res diversissimae sunt. Bellarmin. de Eucharist. lib. 3. cap. 19. Bellarmine, that that proposition should be true, the former part whereof designeth Bread, the latter the Body of Christ: for asmuch [Page 56] as Bread and the Lords Body be things most adverse. And therefore hee confidently affirmeth, Ibidē scripsi [...] Lut [...]erus, verba Evangelistae, Hoc est corpus meum, hunc facere sensum, H [...] panis est corpus meum: quae sententia aut accipi debet tropicé, ut panis sit corpus Christi significativé; aut est plané absurda & impossibilis. nec enim fieri potest ut panis sit corpus Christi. Id. lib. 1. de Eucharist. cap 1. that if the words, This is my body, did make this sense, This bread is my body: this sentence must either be taken tropically, that bread may be the body of Christ significatively; or else it is plainly absurd & impossible for it cannot be, saith he, that bread should be the body of Christ. Doctor Matth. Kellison, Survey of the new Religion, lib. 8. chap. 7. sect 7. Kellison also in like maner doeth freely acknowledge, that If Christ had said, This bread is my body; wee must have understood him figuratively and metaphorically. So that the whole matter of difference resteth now upon the second point: whether our Saviour, when hee said This is my body, meant anie thing to be his Bodie, but that Bread which was before him. A matter which easily might be determined, in anie indifferent mans judgement, by the words immedia [...]ly going before. Hee tooke bread, and gave thankes, and brake, and gave it unto them, saying: This is my bodie which is given for you; this do in remembrance of mee. (Luk. 22.19.) For what did hee demonstrate here, and said was his Body, but that which he gave unto his Disciples? What did hee give unto them, but what he brake? What brake hee, but what he tooke? and doth not the Text expressely say, that he tooke bread? Was it not therefore of the Bread, he said; This is my Body? And could Bread possibly bee otherwise understood to have beene his Bodie, but as a Sacrament, and (as hee himselfe with the same breath declared his owne meaning) a memoriall thereof?
If these words be not of themselves cleare enough, but have need of further exposition: can we looke for a better, then that which S. Paul giveth of them, 1. Cor. 10.16. The bread which we breake, is it not the communion [Page 57] of the bodie of Christ? Did not S. Paul therefore so understand Christ, as if he had said; This bread is my body? And if Christ had said so; doth not Kellison confesse, and right reason evince, that hee must have beene understood figuratively? considering that it is simply impossible, that Bread should really be the Bodie of Christ. If it be said, that S. Paul by Bread, doth not here understand that which is properly Bread, but that which lately was bread (but now is become the bodie of Christ:) we must remember, that S. Paul doth not onely say The bread, but The bread which vvee breake. which breaking, being an accident properly belonging to the bread it selfe, and not to the bodie of Christ (which being in glorie, cannot be subject to anie more breaking) doth evidently shew, that the Apostle by Bread understandeth Bread indeed. Neither can the Romanists well denie this, unlesse they wil denie themselves, and confesse that they did but dreame all this while they have imagined that the change of the bread into the bodie of Christ, is made by vertue of the sacramentall words alone, which have not their effect untill they have all beene fully uttered. For the Pronoune THIS, which is the first of these words, doth point to somthing wch was then present. But no substance was then present but bread: seeing by their owne grounds, the bodie of Christ commeth not in, untill the last word of that sentence, yea and the last syllable of that word, be completely pronounced. What other substance therefore can they make this to signifie, but this bread only?
In the institution of the other part of the Sacrament, the words are yet more plaine, Matth. 26. vers. 27.28. He took the cup, and gave thanks, and gave it to them, saying, [Page 58] Drinke yee all of it. For this is my blood of the new Testament: or, (as S. Paul and S. Luke relate it) This cup is the new Testament in my blood. That which hee bidd them all drinke of, is that which hee said was his blood. But our Saviour could meane nothing but the Wine, when he said, Drinke ye all of it: because this sentence was uttered by him before the words of consecration, at which time our Adversaries themselves doe confesse, that there was nothing in the cup but wine, or wine and water at the most. It was wine therefore which he said was his blood: even the fruite of the Vine, as he himselfe termeth it. For as in the deliverie of the other cup before the institution of the Sacrament, S. Luke (who alone maketh mention of that part of the historie) telleth us, that hee said unto his Disciples; Luk. 22.18. I will not drinke of the fruit of the Vine, untill the kingdome of God shall come: so doth S Matthew and S. Marke likewise testifie, that at the deliverie of the Sacramentall cup, when he had said, This is my blood of the new Testament, which is shed for many for the remission of sinnes; hee also added: Matth. 26.29. Mark. 14.25. But I say unto you, I will not drinke henceforth of this fruit of the Vine, untill that day that I drinke it new with you in my Fathers kingdome. Now seeing it is contrary both to sense and saith, that Wine or the fruite of the Vine, should really be the blood of Christ; there being that formall difference in the nature of the things, that there is an utter impossibilitie that in true proprietie of speech the one should be the other: nothing in this world is more plain, than when our Saviour said it was his blood, he could not meane it to be so substantially, but sacramentally.
And what other interpretation can the Romanists themselves give of those words of the institution in S. [Page 59] Paul? [...]. 1 Cor. 11.25. This cup is the new Testament in my blood. How is the cup, or the thing contayned in the cup, the new Testament, otherwise then as a Sacrament of it? Marke how in the like case the Lord himselfe, at the institution of the first Sacrament of the old Testament, useth the same maner of speech, Genes. 17.10. [...]. Gen. 17.10. This is my Covenant, or Testament (for the Greeke word in both places is the same:) and in the words presently following, thus expoundeth his owne meaning. [...] (vel, [...]. Gen. 17.11 It shall be a SIGNE of the Covenant betwixt me and you. And generally for all Sacraments, the rule is thus laid downe by S. Augustine, in his Epistle to Bonifacius: Si enim Sacramēta quandam similitudinem earum rerum quarum sacramenta sunt non haberent, omninò Sacramēta non essent Ex hâc autem similitudine plerum (que) etiam ipsarum rerum nomina accipiunt. Sicut ergo secundùm quendam modum sacramentum corporis Christi corpus Christi est, sacramentū sanguinis Christi sanguis Christi est; ita-sacramentū fidei fides est. Aug. epist. 23. If Sacraments did not some maner of vvay resemble the things wherof they are Sacraments, they should not be Sacraments at all. And for this resemblance they doe of oftentimes also beare the names of the things themselves. As therefore the Sacrament of the bodie of Christ, is after a certaine maner the bodie of Christ, and the sacrament of Christs blood is the blood of Christ; so likewise the sacrament of faith, is faith. By the sacrament of faith hee understandeth Baptisme; of which he afterward alledgeth that saying of the Apostle, Rom. 6.4. Wee are buried with Christ by baptisme into death: and then addeth. Non ait, Sepulturā significamus: sed prorsus ait, Consepulti sumus. Sacramentū ergo tantae rei non nisi ejusdē rei vocabulo nuncupavit. Id ibid. He saith not, We signifie his buriall; but hee plainly saith, Wee are buried. Therefore the sacrament of so great a thing hee would not otherwise call but by the name of the thing it selfe. And in his Questions upon Leviticus: Solet autē res quae significat, ejus rei nomine quā significat nuncupari. sicut scriptum est: Septē spicae, septē anni sunt▪ (non enim dixit; Septem annos significant) &, septem bo [...]es, septem anni sunt: & multa hujusmodi. Hinc est quod dictū est: Petra erat Christus Non enim dixit, Petra significat Christū; sed tāquā hoc esset, quod utique per substantiā non hoc erat, sed per significationē. Sic & sanguis, quoniā propter vitalē quandā corpulentiā animā significat, in sacramentis anima dictus est Aug. in Levit. quaest 57. The thing that signifieth [Page 60] (saith he) useth to be called by the name of that thing which it signifieth. as it is written: The seven eares of corne, are seven yeares; (for hee said not; they signifie seven yeares:) and the seven Kine are seven yeares: and many such like. Hence was that saying: The Rocke was Christ. For he said not, The Rock did signifie Christ; but as if it had beene that very thing, which doubtlesse by substance it was not, but by signification. So also the blood, because for a certaine vitall corpulencie which it hath, it signifieth the soule; after the maner of Sacraments it is called the soule. Our argument therefore out of the words of the institution, standeth thus:
If it be true, that Christ called Bread his bodie, and Wine his blood: then must it be true also, that the things which bee honoured with those names, cannot be really his bodie & blood, but figuratively and sacramentally.
But the former is true. Therefore also the latter.
The first proposition hath bene proved by the undoubted principles of right reason, and the cleare confession of the adverse part: the second, by the circumstances of the Text of the Evangelists, by the exposition of S. Paul, and by the received grounds of the Romanists themselves. The conclusion therefore resteth firme: and so wee have made it cleare, that the wordes of the Institution do not only not uphold, but directly also overthow the whole frame of that which the Church of Rome teacheth, touching the corporall presence of Christ under the formes of Bread and Wine.
If I should now lay downe here all the sentences of the Fathers, which teach that that which Christ called his Body, is Bread in substance, and the Body of the [Page 61] Lord in signification and sacramentall relation: I should never make an end. Iustin Martyr, in his second Apologie to Antoninus the Emperour, telleth us, that the bread and the wine, even that [...]. Iustin. Apolog. 2. sanctified food wherewith our blood and flesh by conversion are nourished, is that wch we are taught to be the flesh and blood of Iesus incarnate. Irenaeus in his 4th book against heresies, saith, that our Lord Quomodo autem justé Dominus, si alterius patris existit, hujus conditionis, quae est secundùm nos, accipiens panem, suum corpus esse confitebatur; & temperamentum calicis suum sanguinem confirmavit. hen. lib. 4 cap 57. taking bread of that condition which is usuall among us, confessed it to be his body: & Calicem, qui est ex eâ creaturâ quae est secundùm nos, suum sanguinē confessus est. Id lib. 4. cap. 32. the cup likewise contayning that creature which is usuall among us, his blood. And in his fift book he addeth: Eum calicem qui est creatura, suum sanguinem qui effusus est, ex quo auget nostrùm sanguinem; & eum panem qui est á creaturâ, suum corpus confirmavit, ex quo nostra auget corpora. Quando ergo & mixtus calix & fractus panis percipit verbum Dei, fit Eucharistia sanguinis & corporis Christi, ex quibus augetur & consistit carnis nostrae substantia. Id. lib. 5. cap 2. edit. Colon an. 1596. That cup which is a creature, he confirmed to be his blood which was shedde, wherby he increaseth our blood; and that bread which is of the creature, to be his body, wherby he increaseth our bodies. Therefore when the mixed cup and the broken bread doth receive the word of God, it is made the Eucharist of the blood and body of Christ, whereby the substance of our flesh is increased and doth consist. Our Lord, saith Clemens Alexandrinus, [...]. Clem. Alexand. Paedagog. lib. 2. cap. 2. did blesse vvine, vvhen hee said; Take, drinke, This is my blood, the blood of the Vine. Tertullian: Acceptum panem & distributum discipulis, corpus suum illum fecit, Hoc est corpus meum dicendo, id est, figura corporis mei. Tertull. advers. Marci [...]n. lib. 4. cap 40. Christ taking bread and distributing it to his Disciples, made it his body, saying, This is my body, that is, the figure of my body. Origen: Ille cibus qui sanctificatur per verbum Dei, perque obsecrationem, juxta id quod habet materiale, in ventrem abit, & in secessum ejicitur: caeterùm juxta precationem quae illi accessit proportione fidei fit utilis, efficiens ut perspicax fiat animus, spectans ad id quod utile est. Nec materia panis, sed super illum dictus sermo est, qui prodest non indigné Domino comedenti illum. Et haec quidem de typico symbolicóque corpore. Origen. in Matth. cap. 15. That meate which is sanctified by [Page 62] the word of God and by prayer, as touching the materiall part thereof goeth into the belly, and is voyded into the draught: but as touching the prayer which is added, according to the portion of faith it is made profitable; enlightning the minde, and making it to behold that which is profitable. Neyther is it the matter of bread, but the word spoken over it, which profiteth him that doth not unworthily eate thereof. And these things I speake of the typicall and symbolicall bodie; saith Origen. In the Dialogues against the Marcionites, collected for the most part out of the writings of Maximus (who lived in the time of the Emperors Commodus and Severus) Origen, who is made the chiefe speaker therein, is brought in thus disputing against the Heretickes: [...]; Orig. Dial. 3. If Christ, as these men say, were without bodie and blood: of what kinde of flesh, or of what body, or of what kinde of blood did hee give the bread and the cup to be Images of, when he commanded his Disciples by them to make a commemoration of him? S. Cyprian also noteth,Quâ in parte invenimus calicem mixtū suisse quem Dominus obtulit, & vinum suisse, quod sanguinem sun̄ dixit. Cypr. epist. [...]. sect. 6, that it was Wine, even the fruit of the Vine, which the Lord said was his blood: and that Nec corpus Domini potest esse fa [...]ina sola, aut aqua sola; nisi utrumque adunatum fuerit & copulatū, & panis unius compage solidatum. Id. ibid. sect. 10. floure alone, or water alone, cannot bee the bodie of our Lord, unlesse both be united and coupled together, and kneaded into the lumpe of one bread. And againe; that Nam quando Dominus corpus suum panem vocat de multorum granorum adunatione congestum; populum nostrum, quem portabat, indicat adunatū: & quando sanguinem suum vinum appellat, de botris atque acinis plurimis expressum atque in unum coactum, gregem item nostrū significat, cōmixtione adunatae multitudinis copulatum. Id. epist. 76. sect. 4. the Lord calleth bread his body, which is made up by the uniting of many cornes: and wine his blood, which is pressed out of many clusters of grapes, and gathered into one liquor. Which I finde also word for word in a maner, transcribed in the Commentaries upon the Gospels, attributed unto Theoph. Antioch. in Evang. lib. 1. pag. 152. tom. 2 Bibliothec. Patr. edit. Colon. Theophilus Bishop of Antioch. Wherby [Page 63] it appeareth, that in those elder times the words of the institution were no otherwise conceived, then as if Christ had plainly said; This bread is my body, and, This wine is my blood: which is the maine thing that wee strive for with our Adversaries; and for which the words themselves are plaine enough. the substance whereof we finde thus laid downe in the Harmonie of the Gospels, gathered, as some say, by Tatianus, as others, by Ammonius, within the second or the third age after Christ. Mox acceptopane, deinde vini calice, corpus esse suum ac sanguinem testatus, manducare illos jussit & bibere; quòd ea sit futurae calamitatis suae mortisque memoria. Ammon. harmon. Evang. tom. 3. Biblioth. Patr. pag. 28. Having taken the bread, then afterward the cup of wine, and testified it to be his body and blood, hee commanded them to eate and drinke thereof; forasmuch as it was the memoriall of his future passion and death.
To the Fathers of the first three hundred yeares, we will now adjoyne the testimonies of those that flourished in the ages following. The first whereof shall be Eusebius: who saith that our Saviour [...]. Euseb. lib. 8. Demonstrat. Evangel. in fine cap. 1. delivered to his Disciples the symboles of his divine dispensation, commanding them to make the Image of his owne body; and [...]. Id. ibid. appointing them to use Bread for the symbole of his Body. and that we still [...]. Id. l [...]b. 1. Demonstr. cap. ult. celebrate upon the Lords table, the memory of his sacrifice, by the symboles of his body and blood, according to the ordinances of the New Testament. Acacius, who succeeded him in his Bishopricke, saith that Panis vinumque ex hâc materiâ vescentes sanctificat. Acac. in Gen. 2. Graec. caten. in Pentate [...]ch Zephyro interp. the bread and wine sanctifieth them that feed upon that matter: acknowledging thereby, that the materiall part of those outward elements do still remaine. In the Church, saith [...]. Macar. Aegypt. homil. 27. Macarius, is offered bread wine, the type of his flesh and blood: and they which are partakers of the visible [Page 64] bread, doe spiritually eate the flesh of the Lord. Christ, saith S. In typo sanguinis sui non obtulit aquam, sed vinum. Hieronym. lib. 2. advers. Iovinian. Hierome, did not offer water, but wine, for the type of his blood. S. Augustine bringeth in our Saviour thus speaking of this matter. Non hoc corpus quod videtis manducaturi estis, & bibituri illum sanguinem, quem susu [...]i sunt qui me crucifigent. Sacramentum aliquod vobis commendavi: spiritualiter intellectum vivisicabit vos. Augustin. in Psalm. 98. You shall not eate this bodie which you see, nor drinke that blood which they shall shed that will crucifie mee. I have commended a certaine Sacrament unto you: that being spiritually understood vvill quicken you. The same Father in another place writeth, that Adhibuit ad convivium, in quo corporis & sanguinis sui figuram discipulis commendavit & tradidit. Id. in Psal. 3. Christ admitted Iudas to that banquet, wherein he commended and delivered unto his Disciples the figure of his body and blood: but (as he elsewhere Illi manducabant panem Dominum: ille panem Domini contra Dominum. Id. in Evang. Iohan. tract. 59. addeth) they did eate that bread which was the Lord himselfe; hee the bread of the Lord against the Lord. Lastly: the Lord (saith Non enim Dominus dubitavit dicere, Hoc est corpus meum; cùm signum daret corporis sui. August. contr. Adimant. cap. 12. he) did not doubt to say, This is my body; when he gave the signe of his body.
So the Author of the Homily upon the 22. Psalme, (among the workes of Chrysostome:) Istam mensam praeparavit servis & ancillis in conspectu corum, ut quotidie in similitudinem corporis & sanguinis Christi, panem & vinum secundùm ordinem Melchisedec, nobis ostenderet in sacramento In Psal 22 Chrysost. tom. 1 This table hee hath prepared for his servants and hand-maydes in their sight: that he might every day, for a similitude of the body and blood of Christ, shew unto us in a sacrament bread and wine after the order of Melchisedec. And S. Chrysostome himselfe, in his Epistle written to Caesarius, against the heresie of Apolinarius: Sicut enim antequàm sanctificetur panis, panem nominamus: divinâ autem illum sanctificante gratiâ, mediante sacerdote, liberatus est quidem ab appellatione panis, dignus autem habitus est Dominici corporis appellatione, etiamsi natura panis in ipso permansit: & non duo corpora, sed unum Filii corpus praedicatur sic & hîc divinâ i [...]undante corporis naturâ (vel potiùs, divinâ naturâ in corpore insidente: Graecé enim [...] hîc legitur▪ in MS. Bibliothecae Florentinae exemplari, unde ist [...] [...]ranstulit Perus Martyr) unum filium, unam personam, [...]traque haec fecerunt. Chrysost. ad Caesarium monachum. As before the bread be sanctified, we call it bread; but when Gods grace hath sanctified it by [Page 65] the meanes of the Priest, it is delivered from the name of bread, and is reputed worthy the name of the Lords body, although the nature of the bread remain still in it; and it is not called two bodies, but one body of Gods sonne: so likewise here, the divine nature residing in the body of Christ, these two make one sonne, and one person. In the selfe same maner also doe Theodoret, Gelasius, and Ephraemius proceed against the Eutychian heretickes. Theodoret for his part, layeth downe these grounds. That our Saviour [...]. Theod. dialog. 1. [...], fol. 8. edit. Rom. ann. 1547. in the deliverie of the mysteries called bread his body, and that which was mixt (in the cupp) his blood. That [...]. Ibid. hee changed the names; and gave to the body the name of the symbol or signe, and to the symbol the name of the body. That hee [...]. Ib. honoured the visible symboles with the name of his bodie and blood; not changing the nature, but adding grace to nature. And that [...]. Ib. this most holy food, is a symbol & type of those things whose names it beareth, to wit, of the body and blood of Christ. Gelasius writeth thus: Certa sacramenta quae sumimus corporis & sanguinis Christi, divina res est, propter quod, & per eadem divinae efficimur consortes naturae; & tamen esse non desinit substantia, vel natura panis & vini. Et certé imago & similitudo corporis & sanguinis Christi, in actione mysteriorum celebrantur. Satis ergo nobis evidenter ostenditur, hoc nobis in ipso Christo Domino sentiendum, quod in ejus imagine profitemur, celebramus, & sumus: ut sicut in hanc, scilicèt in divinam transeant, sancto spiritu perficiente substantiam, permanente tamen in suae proprietate naturae; sic illud ipsum mysterium principale, cujus nobis efficientiam virtutemque veraciter repraesentant, &c. Gelas. de duab. natur. in Christo, contra Eutychen. The sacraments which we receive, of the body and blood of Christ, are a divine thing, by meanes whereof wee are made partakers of the divine nature: and yet the substance or nature of bread and wine doth not cease to be. And indeed the image and the similitude of the bodie and blood of Christ are celebrated in the action of the mysteries. It appeareth therefore evidently enough unto us, that wee are to hold the same opinion of the Lord Christ himselfe, [Page 66] which we professe, celebrate, and are, in his Image. that as (those Sacraments) by the operation of the holy Spirit, passe into this, that is, into the divine substance, and yet remaine in the propriety of their owne nature: so that principall mysterie it selfe, whose force and vertue they truely represent, should be conceived to be. namely, to consist of two natures, divine and humane; the one not abolishing the truth of the other. Lastly, Ephraemius the Patriarch of Antioch, having spoken of the distinction of these two natures in Christ, and said, that [...] (Schottus the Iesuite translateth this, & sensibilis essentiae non cognoscitur: which is a strange interpretation, if you marke it) [...]. Ephraemius de sacris Antioch [...]ae legib. lib. 1. in Pho [...]ij Bibliothecâ, cod. 219. no man having understanding, could say, that there was the same nature of that which could be handled, and of that which could not be handled, of that which was visible, and of that which was invisible; addeth. And even thus, the body of Christ which is received by the faithfull, (the Sacrament he meaneth) doth neither depart from his sensible substance, and yet remayneth undivided from intelligible grace. and Baptisme, being wholly made spirituall, and remayning one, doth both retaine the propertie of his sensible substance, (of water, I meane) and yet looseth not that which it is made.
Thus have wee produced evidences of all sorts, for confirmation of the doctrine by us professed touching the blessed Sacrament: which cannot but give sufficient satisfaction to all that with anie indifferencie will take the matter into their consideration. But the men with whom wee have to deale, are so farre fallen out with the truth; that neither sense nor reason, neither authoritie of Scriptures or of Fathers, can perswade them to be friends againe with it: unlesse we shew unto them, in what Popes dayes the contrarie falshood was first devised. If nothing else will give them content: [Page 67] we must put them in minde, that about the time wherein Soter was Bishop of Rome, there lived a cousening companion, called Marcus; whose qualities are thus set out by an ancient Christian, Vet. author, citatus ab Irenaeo, lib 1. cap. 12 who was famous in those dayes, though now his name be unknowne unto us.
Where first hee chargeth him to have beene an Idolmake [...]; then hee objecteth unto him his skill in Astrologie and Magicke, by meanes whereof, and by the assistance of Satan, hee laboured with a shewe of miracles, to winne credite unto his false doctrines, amongst his seduced disciples: and lastly hee concludeth that his father the Divel had imployed him as a forerunner of his antithean craft, or his antichristian deceiveablenesse of unrighteousnesse, if you will have it in the Apostles language. For he was indeed the Divels forerunner, both for the Apoc. 9.20, 21. idolatries and sorceries which afterward were brought into the East, and for those Apoc. 18.3, 23. Romish fornications and inchantments wherewith the whole West was corrupted, by that man of sinne, 2. Thess. 2.9. whose comming was foretold to be after the working of Satan, with all power and signes, and lying wonders. And that we may keep our selves within the compasse [Page 68] of that particular, which now wee have in hand: wee finde in Irenaeus, that this Arch-heretick made speciall use of his juggling feates, to breed a perswasion in the mindes of those whom hee had perverted; that in the cup of his pretended Eucharist, he really delivered them blood to drinke. For [...]. Irenaeus, lib. 1. cap. 9. fayning himselfe to consecrate the cups filled with wine, and extending the words of Invocation to a great length, he made them to appeare of a purple and redd colour: to the end it might be thought, that the Grace which is above all things, did distill the blood thereof into that cup by his Invo [...]ation. And even according to this precedent we finde it fell our afterwards, that the principall and most powerfull meanes whereby the like grosse conceit (of the gutturall [...]ating and drinking of the bodie and blood of Christ) was at the first fastened upon the multitude, and in processe of time more deeply rooted in them, were such delusions and fained apparitions as these: which yet that great Schooleman himselfe, Alexander of Hales, confesseth to happen sometimes, either by Humanâ procuratione, vel fortè diabolicâ operatione. Alex. Halens. Summ. Theolog. part. 4. quaest. 11. memb. 2. artic. 4. sect. 3. [...]he procurement of man, or by the operation of the divell. Paschasius Radbertus, who was one of the first letters forward of this doctrine in the West, spendeth a large chapter upon this point: wherein he telleth us, Nemo, qui Sanctorum vitas & exempla legerit, potest ignorare, quòd saepè haec mystica corporis & sanguinis sacramenta, aut propter dubios, aut certé propter ardentiùs amantes Christum, visibili spécie in agni formâ, aut in carnis & sanguinis colore monstrata sint: quatenùs de se Christus clementer adhuc non credentibus fidem faceret: ita u [...] dum oblata frangitur, vel offertur hostia, videretur agnus in manibus & crnor in calice, quasi ex immolatione profluere. ut quod latebat in mysterio, patesceret adhuc dubitantibus in miraculo. Paschas. de corp. & sangu. Dom. cap. 14. that Christ in the sacrament did shew himselfe oftentimes in a visible shape, eyther in the forme of a Lamb, or in the colour of flesh and blood, so that while the hoste was a breaking or an offering, a Lamb in the Priests hands, and blood in the Chalice should be seene as it [Page 69] were flowing from the sacrifice, that what lay hid in a mysterie, might to them that yet doubted be made manifest in a miracle. And specially in that place hee insisteth upon a narration, which he found in gestis Anglorum, (but deserved well to have been put into gesta Romanorum for the goodnesse of it) of one Ple [...]gils or Plegilus a Priest; how an Angell shewed Christ unto him in the forme of a childe upon the Altar, whom first hee tooke into his armes and kissed, but eate him up afterwards, when he was returned to his former shape again. Whereof arose that jeast which Berengarius was wont to use: Speciosa certé pax nebulonis; ut cui o [...]is praebuerat basium, dentiū inferret exitiū. Guilielm. Malmesbur. de gestis Reg. Anglor. lib. 3. This was a proper peace of the knave indeed, that whom hee had kissed with his mouth, hee would devoure with his teeth.
But there are three other tales of singular note; which though they may justly strive for winning of the Whetstone with anie other, yet for their antiquitie have gained credite above the rest: being devised, as it seemeth, much about the same time with that other of Plegilus, but having relation unto higher times. The first was had out of the English Legends too, as Io Diac. vit. Greg. lib. 2. cap. 41. Iohannes Diaconus reporteth it in the life of Gregory the first: of a Romane Matron, who found a piece of the sacramentall bread turned into the fashion of a finger, all bloodie, which afterwards, upon the prayers of S. Gregory, was converted to his former shape againe. The other two were first coyned by the Grecian lyars, and from them conveyed unto the Latines, and registred in the booke which they called Vitas patrum: which being commonly beleeved to have beene collected by S. Sanctus Hieronymus presbyter, ipsas Sanctorum Patrum Vitas Latino edidit sermone. Paschas. Radbert. in epist. ad Frudegard. Consule libros Carolinos, de Imaginib. lib. 4. cap. 11. Hierome, and accustomed to be read ordinarily in everie Monasterie; gave occasion of further spred, and made much way for the progresse of this mysterie of [Page 70] iniquitie. The former of these is not onely related there, Inter sententias Patrum, áe P [...]agio Roman [...]e ecclesiae d [...]acono Latiné versas, libell. [...]8. cui [...]i [...]lus de Providentiâ vel Proevidentiâ: sive, ut in P [...]o [...]ij [...]iblio [...]hecâ habetur, [...]od. 98. [...]. but also in the Legend of Simeon Metaphrastes, (which is such another author among the Grecians, as Iacobus de Voragine was among the Latines) in the Tom. 4. Surij, pag 257. edit. Colon an. 1573. life of Arsenius: how that a little childe was seene upon the Altar, and an Angell cutting him into small piec [...]s with a knife, and receiving his blood into the Chalice, as long as the Priest was breaking the bread into little parts. The latter, is of a certaine Iew, receiving the Sacrament at S. Basils hands, converted visibly into true flesh and blood: which is expressed by Cyrus Theodorus Prodromus, in this Tetrastich.
But the chiefe author of the fable was a cheating fellow, who, Nomen Amphilochii ad mentiendum accepit. Baron. tom 4. an. 369. sect. 43. that hee might lye with authoritie, tooke upon him the name of Amphilochius, S. Basils companion, and set out a booke of his life Scatens mē daciis, Id. ibid. an. 363. sect. 55. fraught with leasings: as Cardinall Baronius himselfe acknowledgeth. S. Augustines conclusion therefore may here well take place. Removean [...]ur ista vel figmenta mendacium hominū, vel portenta fallacium spirituū. Aut enim non sunt vera quae dicuntur, aut si haereticorum aliqua mira facta sunt, magis cavere debemus: quòd cùm dixisset Dominus quosdā futuros esse fallaces, qui nonnulla signa faciendo etiam electos si fieri posset fallerent; adjecit vehementer commendans, & ait, Ecce praedixi vobis. August. de unitat. Eccles. cap. 16. Let these things be taken away, which are eyther fictions of lying men, or wonders wrought by evill spirits. For eyther there is no truth in these reports, or if there be any strange things done by hereticks, we ought the more to beware of them: because, when the Lord had said, that certaine deceivers should come, who by doing of some wonders should seduce (if it were possible) the very elect, he verie [Page 71] earnestly commended this unto our consideration, and said; Behold, I have told you before. yea and added a further charge also, that if these impostors should say unto us of him, Matt. 24.26. Behold he is in secret closets, wee should not beleeve it: which whether it be appliable to them who tell us, that Christ is to be found in a Pixe, and thinke that they have him in safe custodie under Locke and Key; I leave to the consideration of others.
The thing which now I would have further observed, is onely this; that, as that wretched heretick who first went about to perswade m [...]n by his lying wonders, that he really delivered wine unto them in the cup of the Eucharist, was censured for being [...], an Idol-maker· so in after ages, from the Idol-makers and Image-worshippers of the East it was, that this grosse opinion of the orall eating and drinking of Christ in the Sacrament, drew it first breath; Rom. 1.27, 28. God having for their idolatrie, justly given them up unto a reprobate minde, that they might receive that recompence of their errour which was meete. The Popes name in whose dayes this fell out, was Gregory the second: the mans name who was the principall setter of it abroach, was Damascen. Orthodox. sid. lib. 4. cap. 14. Iohn Damascen; one that laid the foundation of Schoole-divinitie among the Greeks, as Peter Lombard afterwards did among the Latins. On the contrarie side, they who opposed the Idolatrie of those times, and more especially the CCCXXXVIII. Bishops assembled together at the Councell of Constantinople, in the yeare 754. maintayned, that Christ [...]. chose no other shape or type under heaven to represent his incarnation by, but the Sacrament; which [...]. he delivered to his ministers for a type and a most effectuall commemoration therof; [...]. commanding the substance of bread to be offered, which did [Page 72] not any way resemble the forme of a man, that so no occasion might be given of bringing in Idolatry. which bread they affirmed to be the bodie of Christ, not [...] but [...], that is, (as they themselves expound it) [...]. a holy and [...] &c. So a little after it is called [...], and [...]. a true image of his naturall flesh.
These assertions of theirs are to bee found in the Concil. gener. tom. 3. pag. 599.600. edit Rom. third Tome of the sixth Action of the second Councell of Nice, assembled not long after for the reestablishing of Images in the Church. where a pratchant deacon, called Epiphanius, to crosse that which those former Bishops had delivered, confidently avoucheth that none of the Apostles, nor of the Fathers, did ever call the Sacrament an image of the bodie of Christ. Hee confesseth indeed that some of the Fathers (as Eustathius expounding the Proverbs of Salomon, and S. Basil in his Liturgie) doe call the bread and wine [...], correspondent types or figures, before they were consecrated: [...]. Ib. pag. 601. but after the consecration (saith hee) they are called, and are, and beleeved to be the body and blood of Christ properly. where the Popes owne followers, who of late published the Acts of the generall Councells at Rome, were so farre ashamed of the ignorance of this blind Bayard; that they correct his boldnesse with this marginall note. [...]. Ibid. in margine. The holy gifts are oftentimes found to be called antitypes, or figures correspondent, after they be consecrated: as by Gregory Nazianz. in the funerall Oration upon his sister, and in his Apologie; by Cyrill of Ierusalem in his fifth Cateches. Mystagogic. and by others. And wee have alreadie heard, how the author of the Dialogues against the Marcionites, and after him Eusebius and Gelasius, expressely call the Sacrament an image of Christs bodie: howsoever this peremptorie Clerke denieth, that ever anie did so. By all which it may easily [Page 73] appeare, that, not the oppugners, but the defenders of Images, were the men who first went about herein to alter the language used by their fore-fathers.
Now as in the daies of Gregory the third this matter was set afoot by Damascen in the East: so about a hundred yeares after, in the Papacie of Gregory the fourth, the same began to be propounded in the West, by meanes of one Amalarius, who was Bishop, not (as hee is commonly taken to be) of Triers, but of Mets first, and afterwards of Lyons. This man writing doubtfully of this point; otherwhiles followeth the doctrine of S. Augustine, Amalar. de Ecclesiastic. offic, lib. 1. cap. 24. that Sacraments were oftentimes called by the names of the things themselves, and so the Sacrament of Christs bodie was secundùm quendam modum, after a certaine maner the bodie of Christ: otherwhiles maketh it a part of his Hic credimus naturam simplicem panis & vini mixti, verti in naturam rationabilem, scilicèt corporis & sanguinis Christi. Id. li. 3. cap. 24. beleefe, that the simple nature of the bread and wine mixed, is turned into a reasonable nature, to wit, of the body and blood of Christ. But what should become of this bodie, after the eating therof, was a matter that went beyond his little witt: and therefore, said he, Ita veró sumptum corpus Domini bonâ intentione, non est mihi disputandū utrùm invisibiliter assumatur in coelum, aut reservetur in corpore nostro usque in diem sepulturae, aut exhaletur in auras, aut exeat de corpore cū sanguine, aut per os emittatur; dicente Domino, Omne quod intrat in os in ventrem vadit & in secessum emittitur. Idem, in epistolâ ad Guitardum, MS. in Biblioth. Colleg. S. Benedict. Cantabrig. cod. 55. when the bodie of Christ is taken with a good intention, it is not for me to dispute, whether it be invisibly taken up into heaven, or kept in our body untill the day of our buriall, or exhaled into the ayre, or whether it go out of the body with the blood, (at the opening of a veyne) or be sent out by the mouth; our Lord saying, that every thing which entreth into the mouth goeth into the belly, and is sent forth into the draught. For this, and another like foolerie de Id. de Ecclesiastic. offic. lib. 3. cap. 35. triformi & tripartito corpore Christi, of the three parts or kindes of Christs body (which [Page 74] seeme to be those ineptiae de tripartito Christi corpore, that Paschasius in the end of his Epistle intreateth Frudegardus not to follow:) he was censured in a Florus in Actis Synod. Carisiac. MS. apud N. Ranchinum, in Senatu Tolosan [...] Regium Consiliarium. Vid. Phil. Morn. de Miss. lib. 4. cap. 8. Synod held at Carisiacum: wherein it was declared by the Bishops of France, that Panis & vinū efficitur spiritualiter corpus Christi. &c. Mentis ergo est cibus iste, non ventris: nec corrumpitur, sed permanet, in vitam aeternam. Ibid. the bread and wine are spiritually made the body of Christ; which being a meat of the mind, and not of the belly, is not corrupted, but remayneth unto everlasting life.
These dotages of Amalarius, did not only give occasion to that question propounded by Heribaldus to Rabanus, wherof we have spoken Supr. pag. 16. heretofore; but also to that other of far greater consequence: Whether that which was externally delivered & received in the sacrament, were the verie same body which was borne of the Virgin Mary, & suffered upon the Cr [...]sse, & rose again from the Grave. Paschasius Radbertus (a Deacon of those times, but somewhat of a better and more modest temper then the Greek Deacon shewed himselfe to be of) held that it was the ve [...]ie same; and to that purpose wrote his book to Placidus, of the Body & Blood of our Lord: wherein (saith a Iesuite) Genuinū Ecclesiae Catholicae sensum ita primus explicuit, ut viam caeteris aperuerit, qui de eodē argumento multi postea scripsere. Iac. Sirmond. in vitâ Radberti. he was the first that did so explicate the true sense of the Càtholick Church, (his owne Romane he meaneth) that he opened the way to those manie others, who wrote afterwards of the same argument. Rabanus on the other side, in a writing directed to Abbot Egilo, maintayned the contrarie doctrine: as hath before beene noted. Then one Frudegardus, reading the third book of S. Augustin de doctrinâ Christianâ, and finding there, that the eating of the flesh and drinking of the blood of Christ was a figurative maner of speech, began somewhat to doubt of the truth of that which formerly he had read in that foresaid Treatise of Paschasius: which moved Paschasius to [Page 75] write againe of the same argument, as of a question wherein he confesseth Quaeris enim de re ex quâ multi dubitant and againe. Quamvis multi ex hoc dubitent, quomodo ille integer manet, & hoc corpus Christi & sanguis [...]sse possit. Paschas. epist. ad Frudegard. many were then doubtfull. But neither by his first nor by his second writing was hee able to take these doubts out of mens mindes: and therefore Carolus Calvus the Emperour, being desirous to compose these differences, and to have unitie setled among his subjects, required Ratrannus (a learned man of that time, who lived in the Monasterie of Corbey, whereof Paschasius was Abbat) to deliver his judgement touching these points. Quod in Ecclesiâ ore fidelium sumitur corpus & sanguis Christi, quaerit vestrae magnitudinis excellentia, in mysterio fiat, an in veritate, &c. & utrùm ipsum corpus sit, quod de Mariâ natum est, & passum, mortuum & sepultum, quodque resurgens & coelos ascendens, ad dextram Patris consideat? Ratrann. sive Bertram. in lib. de corp. & sangu. Dom. edit. Colon. ann. 1551. pag. 180. Whether the body and blood of Christ which in the Church is received by the mouth of the faithfull, be celebrated in a mysterie or in the truth; and whether it be the same body, which was born of Mary, which did suffer, was dead and buried, & which rising againe and ascending into heaven sitteth at the right hand of the Father? Whereunto he returneth this answer: that Panis ille vinumque, figuraté Christi corpus & sanguis existit. Ibid. pag. 183. the bread and the wine are the body and blood of Christ figuratively; that Nam secundùm creaturarum substantiam quod fuerunt ante consecrationem, hoc & posteà consistunt. Ib. pag. 105. for the substance of the creatures, that which they were before consecration, the same are they also afterward; that Dominicum corpus & sanguis Dominicus appellantur; quoniam ejus sumunt appellationem, cujus existunt sacramentum. Ibid. pag. 200. they are called the Lords bodie and the Lords blood, because they take the name of that thing, of which they are a sacrament; & that Videmus itaque multâ differentiâ separari mysterium sanguinis & corporis Christi, quod nunc á fide [...]ibus sumitur in Ecclesiâ, & illud quod natū est de Mariâ virgine, quod passum, quod sepultum, quod resurrexit, quod coelos ascendit, quod ad dextram Patris sedet. Ibid. pag. 222. there is a great difference betwixt the mysterie of the blood and body of Christ, which is taken now by the faithfull in the Church, and that which was borne of the Virgin Mary, which suffered, which was buried, which rose again, which sitteth at the right hand of the Father. All which hee [Page 76] proveth at large, both Animadvertat (clarissime Princeps) sapientia vestra, quòd positis sanctarū Scripturarum testimoniis, & sanctorum Patrū dictis evidentissimé monstratum est; quòd panis qui corpus Christi, & calix qui sanguis Christi appellatur, figura sit, quia mysterium: & quòd non parva differentia sit inter corpus quod per mysterium existit, & corpus quod passum est, & sepultum, & resurrexit. Ibid. pag. 228. by testimonies of the holy Scriptures, and by the sayings of the ancient Fathers. Wherupon Turrian the Iesuite is driven for pure need, to shift off the matter with this silly interrogation. Caeterùm, Bertramum ci [...]are, quid aliud est, quàm dicere, haeresim Calvini non esse novam? Fr. Turrian. de Eucharist. contra Volanum, lib. 1. cap. 22. To cite Bertram (so Ratrannus is more usually named) what is it else, but to say, that the heresie of Calvin is not new? As if these things were alledged by us for anie other end, then to shew, that this way which they call heresie is not new, but hath been troden in long since, by such as in their times were accounted good and Catholick teachers in the Church. That since they have been esteemed otherwise, is an argument of the alteration of the times, and of the conversion of the state of things: which is the matter that now we are inquiring of, and which our Adversaries (in an evill houre to them) doe so earnestly presse us to discover.
The Emperour Charles, unto whom this answer of Ratrannus was directed, had then in his Court a famous countrey-man of ours, called Iohannes Scotus: who wrote a booke of the same argument, and to the same effect that the other had done. This man for his extraordinarie learning, was in England (where hee lived in great account with King Alfred) surnamed Iohn the wise: and had verie lately a roome in the Martyrolog. Rom. IV. ID. Novemb. edit. An [...]uerp. ann. 15 [...]6. Martyrologe of the Church of Rome, though now he be ejected thence. Wee finde him indeed censured by the Church of Lyons and others in that time, for certaine opinions which he delivered touching Gods foreknowledge and predestination before the beginning of the world, Mans freewill and the concurrence thereof with Grace in this present world, and the maner of the punishment of reprobate Men & Angels in the world to come: but we finde not anie where, that his book of the Sacrament [Page 77] was condemned, before the dayes of x Lanfranc; who was the first that leavened that Church of England afterward with this corrupt doctrine of the carnall presence. Till then, this question of the reall presence continued still in debate: and it was as free for anie man to follow the doctrine of Ratrannus or Iohannes Scotus therein, as that of Paschasius Radbertus, which since the time of Satans loosing, obtayned the upper hand. Men have often searched, and doe yet often search, how bread that is gathered of corne; and through fires heate baked, may be turned to Christs bodie; or how wine that is pressed out of manie grapes is turned, through one blessing, to the Lords blood: saith Homilia Paschalis, Anglo-Saxonicé impressa Londini, per Io. Daium: & MS. in publicâ Cantabrigiensis Academiae Bibliothecâ. Aelfrick Abbat of Malmesburie, in his Saxon Homily, written about 650. yeares agoe. His resolution is not onely the same with that of Ratrannus, but also in manie places directly translated out of him: as may appeare by these passages following, compared with his Latin layd downe in the margent.
Ille panis qui per Sacerdotis ministeriū Christi corpus efficitur, aliud exteriùs humanis sensibus ostendit, & aliud interiùs fidelium mentibus clamat. Exteriùs quidē panis, quod antè fuerat, forma praetenditur, color ostenditur, sapor accipitur: ast interiùs Christi corpus ostenditur. Ratrann. sive Bertram. de corp. & sangu. Dom. pag. 182. The bread and the wine which by the Priests ministery is hallowed, shew one thing without to mens senses, and another thing they call within to beleeving mindes. Without they be seene bread & wine both in figure and in taste: and they be truely after their hallowing Christs body and his blood by spirituall mysterie. Consideremus fontem sacri baptismatis, qui fons vitae non immerito nuncupatur. &c. In eo si consideretur solummodo quod corporeus aspicit sensus, elementum fluidum conspicitur, corruptioni subjectum, nec nisi corpora lavandi potentiam obtinere. Sed accessit sancti Spiritus per Sacerdotis consecrationem virtus; & efficax facta est non solùm corpora verumetiam animas diluere, & spirituales sordes spirituali potentiâ dimovere. Eccè in uno eodemque elemento, duo videmus inesse sibi resistentia. &c. Igitur in proprietate humor corruptibilis, in mysterio veró virtus sanabilis. Sic itaque Christi corpus & sanguis superficie tenus considerata, creatura est, mutabilitati corruptelaeque subjecta: si mysterii veró perpendis virtutem, vita est, participantibus se tribuens immortalitatem Ibid. pag. 187 188. So the holy font water [Page 78] that is called the well-spring of life, is like in shape to other waters, and is subject to corruption: but the holy Ghosts might commeth to the corruptible water through the Priests blessing; and it may after wash the body and soule from all sinne, by spirituall vertue. Behold now we see two things in this one creature: in true nature that water is corruptible moisture, and in spirituall mysterie hath healing vertue. So also if we behold that holy housel after bodily sense, then see wee that it is a creature corruptible and mutable. If we acknowledge therein spirituall vertue, then understand we that life is therein, and that it giveth immortalitie to them that eate it with beleefe. Multâ differentiâ separantur, corpus in quo passus est Christus, et hoc corpus quod in mysterio passionis Christi qu [...]tidiè à fid [...]libus celebratur [...]bid. pag. 212. & 22 [...]. Much is betwixt the bodie Christ suffered in, and the body that is hallowed to housel. Illa namque caro quae c [...]ucifixa est, de Virginis carne facta est, ossibus & nervis compacta, & humanorum membrorum lineamentis distincta, rationalis animae spiritu vivificata in propriam vitam & congruentes motus. At veró caro spiritualis, quae populum credentem spiritualiter pascit, secundùm speciem quam gerit exteriùs, frumenti granis manu artificis consistit, nullis nervis ossibusque compacta, nullâ membrorum varietate distincta, nullâ rationali substantiâ vegetata, nullos proprios potens motus exercere. Quicquid enim in eâ vitae praebet substantiam, spiritualis est potentiae, & invisibilis efficientiae, divinaeque vi [...]tutis. Ibid. pag. 214. The body truely that Christ suffered in, was borne of the flesh of Mary, with blood and with bone, with skin and with sinewes, in humane limbs, with a reasonable soule living: and his spirituall body, which we call the housel, is gathered of many cornes, without blood and bone, without lim, without soule; and therefore nothing is to be understood therein bodily, but spiri [...]ually. Whatsoever is in that housel, which giveth substance of life, that is spirituall vertue, and invisible doing. Corpus Christi quod mortuum est & resurrexit, & immortale factum, jam non moritur, & mors illi ultrà non dominabitur, aeternum est, nec jam passibile. Hoc autem quod in Ecclesiâ celebratur, temporale est, non aeternum; corruptibile est, non incorruptum, &c. dispartitur ad sumendum, & dentibus commolitum, in corpus trajicitur. Ibid. pag. 216.217. Certainly Christs body which suffered death and rose from death, shall never dye henceforth, but is eternall and unpassible. That housel is temporall, not eternall, corruptible & dealed into sundry parts, chewed betweene teeth and sent into the belly. [Page 79] Et hoc corpus, pignus est & species: illud veró ipsa veritas. Hoc enim geritur, donec ad illud perveniatur: ubi veró ad illud perventum fuerit, hoc removebitur. Ib. pag. 222. This mysterie is a pledge and a figure: Christs bodie is truth it selfe. This pledge wee doe keepe mystically, untill that we be come to the truth it selfe; and then is this pledge ended. Christ hallowed bread and wine to housel before his suffering, and said: This is my body & my blood. Videmus nondū passum esse Christum, &c. Sicut ergo paulò antequàm pateretur, panis substantiam & vini creaturam convertere potuit in propriū corpus quod passurum erat, & in suum sanguinē qui pòst fundendus extabat: sic etiā in deserto manna & aquam de petrâ in suam carnē & sanguinem convertere praevaluit &c. Ibid. pag. 193. Yet he had not then suffered: but so notwithstanding hee turned through invisible vertue, the bread to his owne body, and that wine to his blood: as he before did in the wildernesse, before that he was borne to men, when he turned that heavenly meate to his flesh, and the flowing water from that stone to his owne blood. Manducavit & Moses manna, manducavit & Aaron, manducavit & Phinees, manducaverunt ibi multi qui Deo placuerunt; & mortui non sunt. Quare? Quia visibilem cibum spiritualiter intellexerunt, spiritualiter esurierunt, spiritualiter gustaverunt, ut spiritualiter satiarentur. Ibid. pag. 217. ex August. in Evang. Iohan. tractat. 26. Moses and Aaron, and manie other of that people which pleased God, did eate that heavenly bread, and they died not the everlasting death, though they dyed the common. They saw that the heavenly meate was visible and corruptible: and they spiritually understood by that visible thing, and spiritually received it.
This Homily was appointed publikely to be read to the people in England, on Easter day, before they did receive the communion. The like matter also was delivered to the Clergie by the Bishops at their Synods; out of two other writings of the same Im [...]ress. Londini cum Homiliâ Paschali: & MS. in publicâ Oxoniensis Academiae Bibliothecâ▪ & Colleg. S. Benedict. Cantabrig. Aelfrick: in the one wherof, directed to Wulfsine Bishop of Shyrburne, we reade thus. That housel is Christs bodie, not bodily but spiritually. Not the body which he suffered in, but the bodie of which he spake, when he blessed bread and wine to housel the night before his suffering; and said by the blessed bread, This is my body: and againe by the holy wine, This is my blood which is shed for many in forgivenesse of [Page 80] sinnes. In the other, written to Wulfstane Archbishop of Yorke, thus. The Lord which hallowed housel before his suffering, and saith that the bread was his owne bodie, and that the wine vvas truely his blood; halloweth daily by the hands of the Priest, bread to his body and wine to his blood in spirituall mysterie, as wee reade in bookes. And yet notwithstanding that lively bread is not bodily so, nor the selfe same body that Christ suffered in: nor that holy vvine is the Saviours blood which was shed for us, in bodily thing, but in spirituall understanding. Both be truely, that bread his body, and that wine also his blood, as was the heavenly bread, which vve call Manna, that fedde fortie yeares Gods people; and the cleare water, which did then runne from the stone in the vvildernesse, vvas truely his blood: as Paul wrote in one of his Epistles.
Thus was Priest and people taught to beleeve, in the Church of England, toward the end of the tenth, and the beginning of the eleventh age after the Incarnation of our Saviour Christ. And therefore it is not to be wondered, that when Berengarius shortly after stood to maintaine this doctrine, Sigebert. Gemblac. & Guiliel. Nangiac. in Chron. an. 1051. Conrad. Bruwilerens. in vitâ Wolphelmi, apud Surium, April. 22. manie both by word and writing disputed for him: and not onely the English, but also all the French almost & the Italians (as Flor. histor. ann. 1087. Matthew of Westminster reporteth) were so readie to entertaine that which hee delivered. Who though they were so borne downe by the power of the Pope (who now was growne to his height) that they durst not make open profession of that which they beleeved: yet manie continued, even there where Satan had his throne, who privately employed both their tongues and their penns in defence of the truth; as out of Zacharias Chrysopolitanus, Rupertus Tuitiensis, and others I have De Christian. Eccles. success. & stat. edit. ann. 1613. pag. 190.191.192. et 208. elsewhere shewed. Vntill at length, in the [Page 81] yeare 1215. Pope Innocent the third, in the Councell of Lateran, published it to the Church for an oracle: that Cujus corpus & sanguis in sacramento altaris sub speciebus panis & vini veraciter continentur; trāssubstantiatis pane in corpus, & vino in sanguinem potestate divinâ. Concil. Lateran. cap. 1. the body and blood of Iesus Christ are truely contayned under the formes [...]f bread and wine; the bread being transsubstantiated into the bodie, and the wine into the blood, by the power of God. And so are wee now come to the end of this controversie: the originall and progresse whereof I have prosecuted the more at large, because it is of greatest importance, the verie life of the Masse and all massing Priests depending thereupon. But this prolixitie shall be some wayes recompensed by the briefer handling of the points following: the next whereof is that
OF CONFESSION.
OVr Challenger here telleth us, that the Doctors, Pastors and Fathers of the primitive Church, exhorted the people to confesse their sinnes unto their ghostly fathers. And wee tell him againe, that by the publike order prescribed in our Church, before the administration of the holy Communion, the Minister likewise doth exhort the people, that if there be any of them, which cannot quiet his owne conscience, but requireth further comfort or counsell; he should come to him, or some other discreet and learned Minister of Gods word, and open his griefe: that he may receive such ghostly counsell, advice and comfort, as his conscience may be relieved; and that by the ministery of Gods word hee may receive comfort, and the benefite of absolution, to the quieting of his conscience, and avoyding of all scruple and doubtfulnesse. Whereby it appeareth, that the exhorting of the people to confesse their sinnes unto their ghostly fathers, maketh [Page 82] no such wall of separation betwixt the ancient Doctors and us, but we may well for all this be of the same religion that they were of: and consequently, that this doughtie Champion hath more will then skill to manage controversies, who could make no wiser choyce of pointes of differences to bee insisted upon.
Be it therefore knowne unto him, that no kinde of Confession, either publick or private, is disallowed by us, that is anie way requisite for the due execution of that ancient power of the Keyes which Christ bestowed upon his Church: the thing which wee reject, is that new pick-lock of Sacramentall Confession, obtruded upon mens consciences, as a matter necessarie to salvation, by the Canons of the late Conventicle of Trent. where those good Fathers put their curse upon everie one, that either shall Si quis negaverit Confessionem sacramentalem vel institutam, vel ad salutem necessariam esse jure divino: &c. Anathema sit. Concil. Trident. Sess. 14. Can. 6. deny, that Sacramentall confession was ordayned by divine right, and is by the same right necessary to salvation: or shall Si quis dixerit, in sacramē to Poenitentiae ad remissionē peccatorum necessarium non esse jure divino, confiteri omnia & singula peccata mortalia, quorū memoria cū debitâ & diligenti praemeditatione habeatur, etiam occulta & quae sunt contra duo ultima Decalogi praecepta, & circumstantias quae peccati speciem mutant: sed eam confessionem tantùm esse utilem ad erudiendum & consolandum poenitentem, & olim observatam fuisse tantùm ad satisfactionem canonicam imponendam; &c Anathema sit. Ibid. can. 7. affirme, that in the Sacrament of Penance it is not by the ordinance of God necessarie for the obtayning of the remission of sinnes, to confesse all and every one of those mortall sinnes, the memory wherof by due and diligent premeditation may be had; even such as are hidden and be against the two last Commandements of the Decalogue, together with the circumstances which change the kinde of the sinne; but that this confession is only profitable to instruct and comfort the penitent, and was anciently observed onely for the imposing of Canonicall satisfaction. This doctrine, I say, wee cannot but reject: as being repugnant to that which wee have [Page 83] learned both from the Scriptures and from the Fathers.
For in the Scriptures wee finde, that the confession which the penitent sinner maketh to God alone, hath the promise of forgivenesse annexed unto it: which no Priest upon earth hath power to make voyde, upon pretence that himselfe or some of his fellowes were not first particularly acquainted with the businesse. Psalm. 32.5. I acknowledged my sinne unto thee, and mine iniquity have I not hid: I said, I will confesse my transgressions unto the Lord; and thou forgavest the iniquitie of my sinne. And lest we should thinke that this was some peculiar priviledge vouchsafed to 2. Sam. 23.1. the man who was raised upon high, the Anointed of the God of Iacob: the same sweet Psalmist of Israel doth presently enlarge his note, and inferreth this generall conclusion thereupon. Psalm. 32.6. For this shall every one that is godly pray unto thee, in a time when thou mayest be found. King Salomon, in his prayer for the people at the dedication of the Temple, treadeth just in his Fathers stepps. If they turne (saith 2. Chronic. 6.37.39. 1. Kin. 8.47, 50.hee) and pray unto thee in the land of their captivity, saying; Wee have sinned, we have done amisse, and have dealt wickedly: if they returne to thee with all their heart, and with all their soule; &c. forgive thy people, which have sinned against thee, all their transgressions wherein they have transgressed against thee. And the poore Luk. 18.13, 14. Publican putting up his supplication in the Temple accordingly [God bee mercifull to me a sinner,] went back to his house justified; without making confession to anie other ghostly Father, but onely Hebr. 12.9. the Father of Spirits. of whom S. Iohn giveth us this assurance: that 1. Ioh. 1.9. if wee confesse our sinnes, he is faithfull and just, to forgive us our sinnes, and to cleanse us from all unrighteousnesse. Which promise, [Page 84] that it appertained to such as did confesse their sinnes unto God, the ancient Fathers were so well assured of: that they cast in a maner all upon this Confession, and left little or nothing to that which was made unto man. Nay, they doe not onely leave it free for men, to confesse or not confesse their sinnes unto others (which is the most that we would have:) but some of them also seeme, in words at least, to advise men not to doe it at all; which is more then we seeke for.
S. Chrysostome of all others is most copious in this argument: some of whose passages to this purpose, I will here lay downe. Nunc autem neque necessarium praesentibus testibus confiteri: cogitatione fiat delictorum exquisitio, absque teste sit hoc judicium. Solus te Deus confitentem videat. Chrysost. homil. de Poenitent. & Confession. tom. 5 edit. Latin. col. 901. edit. Basil. an. 1558. It is not necessary (saith he) that thou shouldest confesse in the presence of witnesses: let the inquiry of thy offences bee made in thy thought, let this judgement be without a witnesse; let God onely see thee confessing. [...]. Id. circa finem homiliae 5. [...], de incomprehensib. Dei natur. tom. 6. edit. Graec. D. Hen. Savil. pag. 424. & tom. 5. pag 262.263. Therefore I intreat and beseech and pray you, that you would continually make your confession to God. For I doe not bring thee into the theater of thy fellow servants, neyther doe I constraine thee to discover thy sinnes unto men: unclaspe thy conscience before God, and shew thy wounds unto him, and of him aske a medicine. Shew them to him that will not reproach, but heale thee. For although thou hold thy peace, he knoweth all. [...] Id. in epist. ad Hebr. cap 12. homil. 31. tom. 4. Savil. pag. 589. Let us not call our selves sinners onely, but let us recount our sinnes, and repeate every one of them in speciall. I doe not say unto thee, Bring thy selfe upon the stage, nor, Accuse thy selfe unto others: but I counsaile thee to obey the Prophet, saying, [Page 85] Reveale thy way unto the Lord. Confesse them before God, confesse thy sinnes before the Iudge; praying, if not with thy tongue, yet at least with thy memory: and so looke to obtayne mercy. [...]. Id. in Psalm. 50. hom. 2. tom. 1. Savil. pag. 708. But thou art ashamed to say, that thou hast sinned. Confesse thy faults then daily in thy prayer. For do I say; Confesse them to thy fellow-servant, who may reproach thee therewith? Confesse them to God, who healeth them. For, although thou confesse them not at all, God is not ignorant of them. [...]. Id. homil. 4. de Lazaro, tom. 5. Savil. pag. 258. Wherefore then, tell me, art thou ashamed & blushest to confesse thy sinnes? For doest thou discover them to a man, that he may reproach thee? Doest thou confesse them to thy fellow servant, that he may bring thee upon the stage? To him who is thy Lord, who hath care of thee, who is kinde, who is thy physitian, thou shewest thy wound. [...]. Id ibid. I constraine thee not, saith he, to go into the middest of the theater, and to make many witnesses of the matter. Confesse thy sin to me alone in privat, that I may heale thy sore, and free thee from griefe. [...]. Id. in [...] ad pop. Antiochen. homil 2 [...]. [...]om. 6. Savil. pag. 608. And this is not only wonderfull, that he forgiveth us our sinnes, but that he neither discovereth them, nor maketh them open and manifest, nor constraineth us to come forth in publike and disclose our misdemeanours; but commandeth us to give an account thereof unto him alone, and unto him to make confession of them.
Neyther doth S. Chrysostome here walke alone. That saying of S. Augustine is to the same effect: Quid mihi ergo est cum hominibus ut audiant confessiones meas, quasi ipsi sanaturi sint omnes languores meos? Aug. Confess. lib. 10. cap. 3. What have I to doe with men, that they should heare my confessions, as though they should heale all my diseases? [Page 86] and that [...]ollection of S. Hilary upon the two last verses of the 52 Psalme, Confessionis autem caussam addidit, dicens: Quia fecisti. au [...]orem scilicèt universitatis hujus Dominum esse cō fessus; nulli alii docens cō sitendū, quàm qui fecit Olivā fructife [...]am spei mise [...]icordia in seculum seculi. H. lar. in Psal. 51 that David there teacheth us to confesse to no other but unto the Lord, vvho hath made the Olive fruitfull with the mercy of hope (or, the hope of mercie) for ever and ever. and that advise of Pinuphius the Aegyptian Abbat (which I finde also inserted amongst the Antiqu. lib. Canon. 66. titulorum, MS. in Bibliot [...]ecâ Cottoni [...]nà. Canons collected for the use of the Church of England, in the time of the Saxons; under the title, De poenitentiâ soli Deo cōfitendâ:) Quis est qui non possit suppliciter dicere? Peccatum meū cognitum tibi feci, & in [...]ustitiam meam non operui ut per hanc con [...]essionem etiā illud confidenter subjungere mereatur: Et tu remisisti impietatem cordis mei. Quòd si verecundiâ retrahente revelare ea coram hominibus erubescis, illi quem latere non possunt, confiteri ea jugi supplicatione non desinas, ac dicere [Iniquitatem meam ego cognosco, & peccatum meum contra me est semper: tibi soli peccavi, & malum coram te feci:] qui & abs (que) ullius verecundiae publicatione curare, & sine improperio peccata donare consuevi [...]. Io. Cassiar. Collat. 20 cap 8 Who is it that cannot humbly say? I made my sinne knowne unto thee, and mine iniquity have I not hid. that by this confession he may confidently adjoyne that which followeth: And thou forgavest the impiety of my heart. But if shamefastnesse doe so draw thee backe, that thou blushest to reveale them before men: cease not by continuall supplication to confesse them unto him from whom they cannot be hid, and to say [I know mine iniquitie, and my sinne is against me alwayes; To thee onely have I sinned, and done evill before thee] whose custome is, both to cure without the publishing of any shame, and to forgive sinnes without upbraiding. S. Augustine, Cassiodor, and Gregory make a further observation upon that place of the 32 Psalme: I said, I will confesse my transgressions unto the Lord; and thou forgavest the iniquity of my sinne. that God upon the onely promise and purpose of making this confession, did forgive the sinne. Marke (saith Attende quanta sit indulgentiae vitalis velocitas, quan [...]a misericordiae Dei commendatio: ut confitentis desiderium comitetur venia, antequàm ad cruciatum perveniat poenitentia; antè remissio ad cor perveniat, quàm confessio in vocem [...]rumpat. Gregor. exposit. 2. Psal. Poenit [...]ntia al. Gregory) how great the swiftnesse is of this vitall [Page 87] Indulgence, how great the commendation is of Gods mercy; that pardon should accompany the verie desire of him that is about to confesse, before that repentance doe come to afflict him; and remission should come to the heart, before that confession did break forth by the voice. So S. Basil, upon those other words of the Psalmist, I have roared by reason of the disquietnesse of my heart; (Psalm. 38.8.) maketh this paraphrase. [...]. Basil. in Psalm. 37. I do not confesse with my lips, that I may manifest my selfe unto many. but inwardly in my very heart, shutting mine eyes, to thee alone who seest the things that are in secret, doe I shew my groanes, roaring within my selfe. For the groanes of my heart sufficed for a confession, and the lamentations sent to thee my God from the depth of my soule.
And as S. Basil maketh the groanes of the heart to be a sufficient confession so doth S. Ambrose the teares of the penitent. Teares (saith Lavant lachrymae delictum, quod voce pudor est cō fiteri. Et veniae fletus consulūt, & verecundiae: lachrymae sine horrore culpā loquuntur; lachrymae crimen sine offensione verecundiae confitentur. Ambros. lib. 10. commentar. in Luc. cap. 22. he) doe wash the sinne, which the voyce is ashamed to confesse. Weeping doth provide both for pardon and for shamefastnesse: teares doe speake our fault without horror, teares doe confesse our crime without offence of our shamefastnesse from whence, he that glosseth upon Gratian (who hath inserted these words of S. Ambrose into his collection of the Decrees) doth inferre; that Vnde etsi propter pudorem nolit quis confiteri; solae lachrymae delent peccata. Gloss. de Poenit. d [...]stinct 1. cap. 2. Lachrymae if for shame a man will not confesse, teares alone doe blot out his sinne. Maximus Taurinensis followeth S. Ambrose herein almost verbatim. The teare (saith Lavat lachryma delictum, quod voce pudor est confiteri. Lachrymae ergo verecundiae consulunt pariter & saluti; nec erubescunt in petendo, & impetrant in rogando. Maxim. homil. de Poenitent. Petri. Tom. 5. Biblioth. Pat [...]. part. 1. pag. 21. edit. Colon. he) washeth the sinne, which the voyce is ashamed to confesse. Teares therefore doe equally provide both for our shamefastnesse and for our health: they neyther [Page 88] blush in asking, and they obtaine in requesting. Lastly Prosper, speaking of sinnes committed by such as are in the ministery, writeth thus Deum sibi faciliùs placabunt illi, qui non humano cōvicti judicio, sed ultrò crimē agnoscunt: qui aut propriis illud confessionibus produnt, aut nescientibus aliis quales occulti sunt, ipsi in se voluntari [...]e excommunicationis sententiam ferūt, & ab altari cui ministrabant, non animo sed officio separati, vitam tanquā mortuam plangunt; certi, quòd reconciliato sibi efficacis poenitentiae fructibus Deo, non solùm amissa recipiant, sed etiā cives supernae civitatis effecti, ad gaudia sempiterna perveniant. Prosper, de vitâ contemplativâ, lib 2. cap. 7. They shall more easily appease God, who being not convicted by humane judgement, doe of their owne accord acknowledge their offence: who eyther do discover it by their owne confessions, or others not knowing what they are in secret, doe themselves give sentence of voluntarie excommunication upon themselves, and being separated (not in minde, but in office). from the Altar to which they did minister, doe lament their life as dead; assuring themselves, that God being reconciled unto them by the fruits of effectuall repentance, they shall not onely receive what they have lost, but also being made citizens of that citie which is above, they shall come to everlasting joyes. By this it appeareth, that the ancient Fathers did not thinke, that the remission of sinnes was so tyed unto externall confession, that a man might not looke for salvation from God, if hee concealed his faults from Man: but that inward contrition, and confession made to God alone, was sufficient in this case. Otherwise, neyther they nor wee do debarre men from opening their grievances unto the Physicians of their soules: eyther for their better information in the true state of their disease, or for the quieting of their troubled consciences, or for receiving further direction from them out of Gods word, both for the recoverie of their present sicknesse and for the prevention of the like danger in time to come.
Si peccavero, etiam in quocunque minuto peccato, & consumit me cogitatio mea, & arguit me, dicens: Quare peccâsti? quid faciam? Respondit senex: Quacunque horâ ceciderit homo in culpam, & dixerit ex corde, Domine Deus peccavi, indulge mihi; mox cessabit cogitationis vel tristitiae illa consumptio, Respons. Patr. Aegypt. á Pas [...]hasio diacono Latiné vers. cap. 11. If I shall sinne, although it be in anie small offence, and [Page 89] my thought doe consume me, and accuse me, saying; Why hast thou sinned? what shall I doe? said a brother once to Abbat Arsenius. The old man answered: Whatsoever houre a man shall fall into a fault, and shall say from his heart, Lord God I have sinned, grant mee pardon; that consumption of thought or heavinesse shall cease forthwith. And it was as good a remedie as could be prescribed for a greene wound: to take it in hand presently, to present it to the view of our heavenly Physician, Novit omnia Dominus, sed expectat vocē tuam; non ut puniat, sed ut ignoscat: non vult ut insultet tibi Diabolus, & celantē peccata tua arguat. Praeveni accusatorem tuum: si te ipse accusaveris, accusatorem nullum timebis. Ambr. de Poenitent. lib. 2. cap. 17. to prevent Satan by taking his office (as it were) out of his hand, and [...]. LXX. in Esa. 43.26. & P [...]overb. 18 17. accusing our selves first, that we may be justified. But when it is not taken in time, but suffered to fester and ranckle; the cure will not now prove to be so easie: it being found true by often experience, that the wounded conscience will still pinch grievously, notwithstanding the confession made unto God in secret. At such a time as this then, where the sinner can finde no ease at home, what should hee doe but use the best means he can to finde it abroad? Is Ierem. 8.22. there no balme in Gilead? is there no physician there? No doubt but God hath provided both the one and the other, for recovering of the health of the daughter of his people: and S. Iames hath herein given us this direction. Iam. 5.16. Confesse your faults one to another, and pray one for another, that yee may be healed. According to which prescription, Gregory Nyssen, toward the end of his Sermon of Repentance, useth this exhortation to the sinner. [...], &c. [...], Greg. Nyssen. de Poenitent. in Operū Appendice, edit. Paris. an. 1618. pag. 175.176. Be sensible of the disease, vvherewith thou art taken, afflict thy selfe as much as thou canst. Seeke also the mourning of [Page 90] thy intirely affected brethren, to helpe thee unto libertie. Shew me thy bitter and aboundant teares, that I may also mingle mine therewith. Take likewise the Priest for a partner of thine affliction, as thy Father. For who is it that so falsely obtayneth the name of a father, or hath so adamantine a soule, that he will not condole with his sonns lamenting? Shew unto him without blushing the things that were kept close: discover the secrets of thy soule, as showing thy hidden disease unto thy physician. Hee will have care both of thy credit and of thy cure.
It was no part of his meaning to advise us, that wee should open our selves in this maner unto everie hedge-priest; as if there were a vertue generally annexed to the order, that upon confession made and absolution received from anie of that ranke, all should be straight made up: but he would have us communicate our case both to such Christian brethren, and to such a ghostly father, as had skill in physick of this kinde, and out of a fellow-feeling of our griefe, would apply themselves to our recoverie. Therefore, saith Origen, Tantummodò circumspice diligentiùs, cui debeas confiteri peccatum tuum Proba priùs medicum, cui debeas caussam languoris expone [...]e, qui sciat infirmari cum infirmante, fle [...]e cum flente, qui condolendi & compatiendi noverit disciplinam: ut ita demùm si quid ille dixerit, qui se priùs & eruditum medicū ostenderit & mise [...]icordem, si quid consilii dederit, facias, & sequaris Origen. in Psal. 37. homil. 2. looke about thee diligently, unto whom thou oughtest to confesse thy sinne. Try first the physician, unto whom thou oughtest to declare the cause of thy maladie, vvho knoweth to be weake with him that is weake, to weepe with him that weepeth, who understandeth the discipline of condoling and compassionating: that so at length, if hee shall say anie thing, who hath first shewed himselfe to be both a skilfull physician and a mercifull, or if he shall give anie counsaile, thou mayest doe and follow it. For, as S. Basil well noteth, [...]. Basil. in Regul. breviorib. resp. 229. the verie same course is to be held in the [Page 91] confession of sinnes, which is in the opening of the diseases of the bodie. As men therefore do not discover the diseases of their bodie to all, nor to everie sort of people, but to those that are skilfull in the cure thereof: even so ought the confession of our sinnes be made, unto such as are able to cure them; according to that which is written. Yee that are strong, beare the infirmities of the weake, that is, take them away by your diligence. He requireth care and diligence in performance of the cure: being ignorant (good man) of that new compendious method of healing, invented by our Romane Paracelsians, whereby a man Secundùm Archiepisc. imò sanctum Thomam, & alios Theologos, in confessione fit quis de attrito contritus, virtute clavium. Summa Sylvestrina: de Confess Sacramental. ca. 1. sect. 1. in confession of attrite is made contrite by vertue of the keyes; that the sinner need put his ghostly father to no further trouble then this. Speake the word onely, and I shall be healed. And this is that Sacramentall confession, devised of late by the Priests of Rome: which they notwithstanding would faine father upon S. Peter, from whom the Church of Rome (as they would have us beleeve) received this instruction. Quòd si fortè alicujus cor vel livor, vel infidelitas, vel aliquod malum latenter irrepserit; non erubescat, qui animae suae curam gerit, confiteri haec huic qui prae est, ut ab ipso per verbū Dei & consilium salubre curetur. Clem. epist. 1. that if envie, or infidelitie, or anie other evill did secretly creepe into anie mans heart, hee who had care of his owne soule should not be ashamed to confesse those things unto him who had the oversight over him; that by Gods word and wholsome counsaile, he might be cured by him. And so indeed we reade in the apocryphall epistle of Clement, pretended to be written unto S. Iames the brother of our Lord: where in the severall editions of Crab, Sichardus, Venradius, Surius, Nicolinus, and Binius, wee finde this note also laid downe in the margent; Nota de confessione sacramentali, Marke this of sacramentall confession. But their owne Maldonat. Disputat. de Sacrament, tom. 2. de Confessionis origine cap. 2. Maldonat would have [Page 92] taught them, that this note was not worth the marking: forasmuch as the proper end of sacramentall confession, is the obtayning of remission of sinnes, by vertue of the keyes of the Church; whereas the end of the confession here said to be commended by S. Peter, was the obtayning of counsaile out of Gods word for the remedie of sinnes. which kinde of medicinall confession wee well approve of, and acknowledge to have beene ordinarily prescribed by the ancient Fathers for the cure of secret sinnes.
For as for notorious offences, which bred open scandall, private confession was not thought sufficient: but there was further required publick acknowledgement of the fault, & the solemne use of the keyes for the reconciliation of the penitent. Si peccatum ejus non solùm in gravi ejus malo, sed etiā in tanto scandalo est aliorū, atque hoc expedire utilitati Ecclesiae videtur Antistiti, in notitiâ multorum, vel etiā totius plebis agere poenitentiam non recuset, non resistat, non lethali & mortiferae plagae per pudorē addat tumorē. August. in lib. de Poenitentiâ: quae postrema est homilia ex 50. in 10. Tom. If his sin do not only redound to his own evill, but also unto much scandall of others, and the Bishop thinketh it to be expedient for the profit of the Church, let him not refuse to performe his penance in the knowledge of manie or of the whole people also, let him not resist, let him not by his shamefastnesse add swelling to his deadly and mortall wound: saith S. Augustine. and more largely in another place; where he meeteth with the objection, of the sufficiencie of internall repentance, in this maner. Nemo sibi dicat, Occulté ago, apud Deū ago; novit Deus qui mihi ignoscit, quia in corde ago. Ergo sine caussâ dictum est: Quae solveritis in terrâ, soluta erunt in coelo? Ergo sine caussâ sunt claves datae Ecclesiae Dei? Frustramus Evangelium Dei: frustramus verba Christi? Promittimus vobis quod ille negat? Nónne vos decipimus? Iob dicit: Si erubui in conspectu populi confiteri peccata mea. Talis justus thesauri divini obryzi, tali camino probatus, ista dicit: & resistit mihi filius pestilentiae, & erubescit genu figere sub benedictione Dei? Quod non erubuit Imperator, erubescit nec senator, sed tantùm curialis? Superba cervix, mens tortuosa. fortassis, imò quod non dubitatur, proptereà Deus v [...]luit ut Theodosius Imperator ageret poenitentiam publicam in conspectu populi, maximé quia peccatum ejus celari non potuit: & erubescit Senator, quod non erubuit Imperator? erubescit nec Senator, sed tantùm curialis, quod nō erubuit Imperator? Erubescit plebeius sive negotiator, quod nō erubuit Imperator? Quae ista superbia est? Nónne sola sufficeret gehēnae, etiamsi adulteriū nullū esset. Id. hom. 49. ex 50. ca. 3. Let no man say [Page 93] unto himselfe: I doe it secretly, I doe it before God; God vvho pardoneth me doth know, that I doe it in my heart. Is it therefore said without cause; Whatsoever you shall loose on earth, shall be loosed in heaven? Are the keyes therfore without cause given unto the Church of God? Doe we frustrate the Gospell of God? doe we frustrate the words of Christ? Doe we promise that to you which hee denieth you? Do wee not deceive you? Iob saith: If I was abashed to confesse my sinnes in the sight of the people. So just a man of Gods rich threasure, who was tried in such a furnace, saith thus: and doth the childe of pestilence vvithstand me, and is ashamed to bow his knee under th [...] blessing of God? That which the Emperor was not ashamed to doe, is he ashamed of, who is not as much as a Senator, but only a simple Courtier? O proud neck, ó crooked minde! perhaps, nay it is not to be doubted, it was for this reason God would that Theodosius the Emperour should doe publick penance in the sight of the people, especially because his sinne could not be concealed: and is a Senator ashamed of that, whereof the Emperour was not ashamed? is he ashamed of that who is no Senator, but a Courtier onely, whereof the Emperour was not ashamed? Is one of the vulgar sort, or a trader ashamed of that, whereof the Emperour was not ashamed? What pride is this? Were not this alone sufficient to bring them to hell, although no adultery had beene committed? Thus farre S. Augustine, concerning the necessitie of publike Repentance for knowne offences: which being in tract of time disused in some places, long after this, the Concil. Arelat. IV cap 26 & Cabilonens. II. cap. 25. Bishops of France, by the assistance of Charles the great, caused it to be brought in use againe, according to the order of the olde Canons.
Neyther is it here to be omitted, that in the time of [Page 94] the more ancient Fathers this strict discipline was not so restrayned to the censure of publicke crimes; but that private transgressions also were sometimes drawn within the compasse of it. For whereas at first, publike confession was enjoyned onely for publike offences: men afterwards, discerning what great benefit redounded to the penitents thereby, (aswell for the subduing of the stubburnesse of their hard hearts, and the furthering of their deeper humiliation; as for their raysing up againe by those sensible comforts which they received by the publike prayers of the Congregation, and the use of the keyes) some men, I say, discerning this, and finding their owne consciences burdened with the like sinnes, which being carried in secrecie, were not subject to the censures of the Church; to the end they might obtaine the like consolation and quiet of minde, did voluntarily submit themselves to the Churches discipline herein, and undergoe the burden of publick Confession and Penance. This appeareth by Origen in his second Homily upon the 37 Psalme, Tertullian in his booke de Poenitentiâ, chap. 9. S. Cyprian in his Treatise de Lapsis, sect. 23. (or 11. according to Pamelius his distinction) S. Ambrose in his first booke de Poenitentiâ, chap. 16. and others. And to the end that this publication of secret faults might be performed in the best maner: some prudent Minister was first of all made acquainted therewith; by whose direction the delinquent might understand what sinnes were fit to be brought to the publick notice of the Church, and in what maner the penance was to bee performed for them. Therefore did Origen advise (as wee heard) that one should use great care in making choyce of a good and skilfull physician, to whom hee [Page 95] should disclose his griefe in this kinde. and Si intellexerit, & praeviderit talem esse languorem tuū qui in conventu totius Ecclesiae exponi debeat, & curari, ex quo for [...]assis & caeteri aedificari poterunt, & tu ipse facilè sanari: multâ hoc deliberatione, & satis perito medici illius consilio procurandū est. Origen. in Psal. 37. h [...]mil. 2. if hee understand (saith he) and foresee that thy disease is such as ought to be declared in the assembly of the whole Church, and cured there, whereby peradventure both others may be edified, and thou thy selfe more easily healed; with much deliberation, and by the very skilfull counsaile of that physician, must this be done.
But within a while (shortly after the persecution raysed in the dayes of Decius the Emperour) it was no longer left free to the Penitent to make choyce of his ghostly father: but by the generall consent of the Bishops it was ordayned, that in every Church one certaine discreet Minister should be appointed to receive the confessions of such as relapsed into sinne after Baptisme. This is that addition, which [...]. Socrat. hist. lib. 5. cap. 19. Socrates in his Ecclesiasticall historie noteth to have beene then made unto the Penitentiall Canon; and to have beene observed by the governours of the Church for a long time: untill at length in the time of Nectarius Bishop of Constantinople (which was about CXL. yeares after the persecution of Decius) upon occasion of an infamy drawne upon the Clergie by the confession of a Gentlewoman, defiled by a Deacon in that citie, it was thought fit it should be abolished, and that [...]. Socrat. ibid. [...]. Sozomen. lib. 7. histor. cap. 16. libertie should be given unto everie one, upon the private examination of his owne conscience, to resort to the holy Communion. Which was agreeable both to the rule of the Apostle, 1. Cor. 11.28. (Let a man examine himselfe, and so let him eate of that bread and drinke of that cup:) and to the judgement of the more ancient Fathers, as appeareth by Clemens Alexandrinus, who accounteth a mans owne conscience to be his [...]. Clem. Alexandr. lib. 1. S [...]rom. best directer in this case. howsoever our new Masters of [Page 96] Concil. Trid [...]t. Sess. 13. Can. 11. Trent have not onely determined that sacramentall confession must necessarily be premised before the receyving of the Eucharist; but also have pronounced them to be excommunicate ipso facto, that shall presume to teach the contrarie.
The case then (if these mens censures were ought worth) would goe hard with Nectarius, and all the Bishops that followed him; but especially with S. Iohn Chrysostom, who was his immediat successor in the See of Constantinople. for thus doth hee expound that place of the Apostle: [...]. Chrysost. in 1. Cor. 11. homil. 28. Let every one examine himselfe, and then let him come. He doth not bid one man to examine another, but every one himselfe; making the judgement private, and the tryall without witnesses. and in the end of his second homily of Fasting (which in others is the eighth de Poenitentiâ) frameth his exhortation accordingly. [...]. Id. tom. 6. Savil. pag. 837. Within thy conscience, none being present but God who seeth all things, enter thou into judgement and into a search of thy sinnes, and recounting thy whole life, bring thy sinnes unto judgement in thy minde: reforme thy excesses, and so vvith a pure conscience draw neare to that sacred Table, and partake of that holy sacrifice. Yet in another place hee deepely chargeth Ministers, not to admit knowne offendors unto the Communion. But [...] Id. in fine hom. 82 in Matt. [...]dit. Graec. vel 83 Latin. if one (saith hee) be ignorant that hee is an evill person, after that hee hath used much diligence ther [...]in, he is not to be blamed. for these things are spoken by me of such as are knowne. And we finde both in him, and in the practise of the times following, that the order of publick Penance was not wholly taken away; but according to the ancient discipline established by the Apostles in the Church, open offendors were openly censured and pressed to make publick confession of [Page 97] their faults. Whereby it is manifest, that the libertie brought in by Nectarius, of not resorting to any Penitentiarie, respected the disclosing of secret sinnes only; such as that foule one was, from whence the publick scandall arose, which gave occasion to the repeale of the former Constitution. For to suffer open and notorious crimes, committed in the Church, to passe without controule, was not a meane to prevent but to augment scandalls; nay the readie way, to make the house of God become a denne of theeves.
Two observations more I will adde upon this part of the historie. The one: that the abrogation of this Canon sheweth, that the forme of Confession used by the ancient, was Canonical, that is, appertayning to that externall discipline of the Church which upon just occasion might be altered; and not Sacramentall, and of perpetuall right, which is that our Iesuites stand for. The other: that the course taken herein by Nectarius, was not onely approved by S. Chrysostome, who succeeded him at Constantinople; but [...]. Sozom. lib. 7. cap. 16. generally in a maner by the Catholick Bishops of other places. howsoever the Arrians, and the rest of the sectaries (the Novatians onely excepted, who from the beginning would not admit the discipline used in the Church for the reconciliation of Penitents) retained still the former usage. as by the relation of Socrates and Sozomen more fully may appeare. And therefore when within some XXI. yeares after the time wherein they finished their histories, and about LXX. after that the publication of secret offences began to be abolished by Nectarius, certaine in Italy did so doe their penance, that they caused a writing to be publickly read, containing a profession of their severall sinnes: Leo, who at that time was Bishop [Page 98] of Rome, gave order, that by all meanes Ne de singulorum peccatorum genere libellis scripta professio publicé recitetur: cùm reatus cō scientiarum sufficiat solis sacerdotibus indicari confessione secretâ. Quamvis enim plenitudo fidei videatur esse laudabilis, quae propter Dei timorem apud homines erubescere non veretur: tamen quia non omnium hujusmodi sunt peccata, ut ea, quae poenitentiam poscunt, non timeant publicare, removeatur tam impro babilis consuetudo; ne multi á poenitentiae remediis arceantur, dum aut crubescunt, aut metuunt inimicis suis sua facta referare, quibus possint legum constitutione percelli. Sufficit enim illa confess [...]o, quae primùm Deo offertur, tum etiam Sacerdoti, qui pro delictis poenitentium precator accedit. Tunc enim demùm plures ad poenitentiā poterunt provocari si populi aur [...]bus non publicetur conscientia confitentis. Leo, epist. 80. ad Epis [...]opos Campaniae, Samnij & Pi [...]ni. that course should be broken off; forasmuch as it was sufficient, that the guilt of mens consciences should be declared in secret confession to the Priests alone. For although (saith he) the fulnesse of faith may seeme to be laudable, vvhich for the feare of God doth not feare to blush before men: yet because all mens sinnes are not of that kinde, that they may not feare to publish such of them as require repentance, let so inconvenient a custome be removed; lest many be driven away from the remedies of repentance, vvhile eyther they are ashamed, or afraid to disclose their deedes unto their enemies, whereby they may be drawne within the perill of the lawes. For that confession is sufficient, which is offered first unto God, and then unto the Priest, who commeth as an intercessor for the sinnes of the penitent. For then at length more may be provoked to repentance, if that the conscience of him who confesseth be not published to the eares of the people.
By this place of Leo we may easily understand, how upon the removeall of publick Confession of secret faults (together with the private made unto the Penitentiarie, which was adjoyned as a preparative thereunto) Auricular confession began to be substituted in the roome thereof: to the end, that by this meanes more might be drawne on to this exercise of repentance; the impediments of shame and feare, which accompanied the former practise, being taken out of the way. for indeed the shame of this publick Penance was such, that in the time of Tertullian (when this discipline was thought most needefull for the Church) it was [Page 99] strongly Plerosque tamen hoc opus ut publicationē sui aut suffugere, aut de die in diem differre, praesumo; pudoris magis memores quàm salutis. Tertull. de Poenit cap. 9. presumed, that many did eyther shunne this worke as a publication of themselves, or deferred it from day to day, being more mindefull (as hee saith) of their shame than of their salvation. Nay S. Ambrose observed that Nam plerique futuri supplicii metu, peccatorū suorum conscii, poenitentiam petunt: & cùm acceperint, publicae supplicationis r [...]vocantur pudore. Hi videntur malorū petisse poenitentiam, agere bonorū, Ambr. de poenitent. lib. 2. cap 9. some, who for feare of the punishment in the other world, being conscious to themselves of their sinnes, did here desire their penance, vvere yet for shame of their publick supplication drawne back, after they had received it. Therfore the conjecture of Porrò non aliam ob caussam compluriū hîc testimoniis usi sumus, quàm ne quis admiretur Tertullianum de clanculariâ istâ admissorum confessione nihil locutum: quae, quantum conjicimus, nata est ex istâ Exomologesi per ultroneam hominum pietatem, ut occultorum peccatorum esset & Exomologesis occulta. Nec enim usquàm praeceptam olim legimus. B. Rhenan. argument. in lib. Tertullian. de Poenitent. Rhenanus is not to be contemned, that from this publick confession, the private tooke his originall: which by Stapleton, (in his Fortresse, part. 2. chap. 4.) is positively delivered in this maner. Afterward this open and sharpe penance vvas brought to the private and particular confession now used; principally for the lewdnesse of the common lay Christians, which in this open confession began at length to mocke and insult at their brethrens simplicity and devotion. although it may seeme by that which is written by Si ergo hujusmodi homo memor delicti sui, confitea tur quae commisit, & humanâ▪ confusione parvi pendat eos qui exprobrant eum confitentem, & notant vel irrident: &c. Origen. in Psalm. 37. homil. 2. Origen, that the seeds of this lewdnesse began to sprout long before; howsoever Certé periculum ejus tunc si fortè onerosum est, cùm penes insultaturos in risiloquio consistit, ubi de alterius ruinâ alter attollitur, ubi prostrato superscenditur. Caeterùm inter fratres atque cons [...]rvos, ubi communis spes, metus, gaudium, dolor, passio: quid tuos aliud quàm te opinaris? Quid consortes casuum tuorum, ut plausores fugis? Non potest corpus de unius membri vexatione laetum agere: Tertullian. de Poenitent. cap 9. Tertullian imagined, that no member of the Church would be so ungracious as to commit such folly.
The publick confession therefore of secret sinnes being thus abolished, by Nectarius first (for the scandall that came thereby unto others) and by the rest of the [Page 100] Catholick Bishops after him (for the reproach and danger, whereunto the penitents by this meanes were layd open:) private Confession was so brought in to supply the defect thereof, that it was accounted no more sacramentall, nor esteemed (at least generally) to be of more necessitie for the obtayning of remission of sinnes, then that other. So that whatsoever order afterward was taken herein, may well be judged to have had the nature of a temporall law, which, according to the definition of S. Augustine, Appellemus istam legem, si placet, temporalem, quae quamvis justa sit, commutari tamen per tempora justé potest. August. de lib. arbitr. lib. 1. cap. 6. although it be just, yet in time may be justly also changed. Nay we finde that Laurence Bishop of Novaria, in his homily de Poenitentiâ, doth resolutely determine, that for obtayning remission of sinnes, a man needeth not to resort unto anie Priest, but that his owne internall repentance is sufficient for that matter: God (saith Post Baptisma, remedium tuum in teipso statuit, remissionem in arbitrio tuo posuit, ut non quaeras Sacerdotē cùm necessitas flagitaverit: sed ipse jam acsi scitus perspicuusque magister, errorem tuum intra te emendes, & peccatum tuū poenitudine abluas La [...]r. Nouar [...]om. 6. Biblioth. Patr. part. 1. pag. 337. a edit. Colon. hee) after Baptisme hath appoynted thy remedy within thy selfe, hee hath put remission in thine owne power, that thou needest not seeke a Priest when thy necessity requireth; but thou thy selfe now, as a skilfull and plaine master, mayest amend thine error within thy selfe, & wash away thy sin by repentance. [...] Author homiliae in illud; Quaecunque ligaveritis &c. inter opera Chrysostomi, tom. 7. edit. Savil. pag. 268. He hath given unto thee (saith another, somewhat to the same purpose) the power of binding and loosing. Thou hast bound thy selfe with the chayn of the love of wealth; loose thy selfe with the injunction of the love of povertie. Thou hast bound thy selfe with the furious desire of pleasures; loose thy selfe with temperance. Thou hast bound thy selfe with the misbeleefe of Eunomius; loose thy selfe with the religious embracing of the right faith.
[Page 101]And, that wee may see how variable mens judgements were touching the matter of Confession in the ages following: Bede would have us In hâc sententiâ illa debet esse discretio; ut quotidiana leviá que pecca [...]a alteru [...]um coaequalibus confiteamur, corumque quotidianâ credamus oratione salvari. Porrò gravioris leprae immūditiā juxta legem sacerdoti pandamus, atque ad ejus arbitrium qualiter & quanto tempore jusserit, purificari curemus. Bed. in Iacob. 5. confesse our daily & light sinnes one unto another, but open the uncleanenesse of the greater leprosie to the Priest. Alcuinus, not long after him, would have us Volens dimittere omnia his qui in se peccaverunt, confiteatur omnia peccata sua, quae recordari potest. Alcuin. de divin. offi [...]. cap 13 in capite Iejunii. confesse all the sinnes that we can remember. Others were of another minde. For some (as it appeareth by the writings of the same Id. epist. 26. Alcuinus and of Haymo in Evangel. Dominic. 15. post Pentecost. Ite ostēdite vos Sacerdotib. Haymo) would not confesse their sinnes to the Priest; but Dicentes, sibi sussicere, ut soli Deo peccata sua confiteātur; si tantùm ab ipsis peccatis in reliquo cessent. Haymo, ut supra. said, it was sufficient for them that they did confesse their sinnes to God alone, provided alwayes that they ceased from those sinnes for the time to come. Others confessed their sinnes unto the Priests, but not fully Sed & hoc emendatione egere perspeximus, quòd quidā dū cōfitentur peccata sua sacerdotibus, non plené id faciūt. Concil. C. bilo [...]. II. cap. 32.: as may be seene in the Councell of Cauailon, held in the dayes of Charles the great where, though the Fathers thinke that this had need to be amended: yet they freely acknowledge, that it remained still a question, whether men should only confesse to God, or to the Priests also; and they themselves put this difference betwixt both those confessions, that the one did properly serve for the cure, the other for direction in what sort the repentance (and so the cure) should be performed. Their words are these. Quidā solūmodò Deo cōfiteri debere dicūt peccata, quidā veró Sacerdotibus confitēda esse percensent: quod utrūque non sine magno fructu intra sanctam fit Ecclesiā ita duntaxat, ut & Deo, qui remissor est peccatorū, confiteamur peccata nostra, (& cum David dicamus: Delictū meū cognitū tibi feci, & injustitiā meam non abscōdi, Dixi, Cōfitebor adversùm me injustitias meas Domino, & tu remisisti impietatē peccati mei.) et secundùm institutionē Apostoli, cōfiteamur alterutrū peccata nostra, & oremus pro invicem ut salvemur. Confessio itaque quae Deo fit, purgat peccata: ea veró quae Sacerdoti fit, docet qualiter ipsa purgētur peccata. Deus nam (que) salutis & sanitatis author & largitor, plerūque hāc praebet suae potētiae invisibili administratione, plerūque Medicorū operatione. Ibid. cap. 33 Some [Page 102] say, that they ought to confesse their sinnes onely unto God, and some thinke that they are to be confessed unto the Priests: both of which, not without great fruit, is practised within the holy Church. namely thus, that wee both confesse our sinnes unto God, who is the forgiver of sinnes (saying with David: I acknowledged my sinne unto thee, and mine iniquity have I not hid. I said, I will confesse against my selfe my transgressions vnto the Lord: and thou forgavest the iniquity of my sinne.) and according to the institution of the Apostle, confesse our sinnes one unto another, and pray one for another, that we may be healed. The Confession therfore which is made unto God, purgeth sins: but that which is made unto the Priest, teacheth in what sort those sinnes should be purged. For God the author and bestower of salvation and health, giveth the same sometime by the invisible administration of his power, sometime by the operation of Physicians.
This Canon is cyted by Grat. de Poenit. distinct. 1. cap. ult. Quidā Deo. Gratian out of the Penitentiall of Theodorus Archbishop of Canterbury: but clogged with some unnecessarie additions. as when in the beginning thereof it is made the Quidā Deo solummodò cōfiteri debere peccata dicūt, ut Graeci: qui dam veró Sacerdotibus cō fitenda esse percensent, ut tota feré sancta Ecclesia. Ibid. opinion of the Grecians, that sinnes should be confessed onely unto God; and of the rest of the Church, that they should be confessed to Priests. where those words, ut Graeci, in Gratian seeme unto Cardinall Bellarmine, Videtur irrepsisse in textum ex margine: & marginalem annotationem imperiti alicujus fuisse, qui ex facto Nectarii collegit sublatam omnino Confessionem Sacramentalem apud Graecos. Nam alioqui in ipso capitulari Theodori, unde canon ille descriptus est, non habentur duae illae voces [ut Graeci,] neque etiam habentur in Concilio II. Cabilonensi, c. 33. unde Theodorus Capitulum illud accepisse videtur: sed nec Magister Sentent. in 4. lib. dist. 17. eandem sententiam adducens, addidit illud, [ut Graeci.] Bellarmin. de Poenitent. lib. 3. cap. 5. to have crept out of the margent into the text; and to have beene a marginall annotation of some unskilfull man, who gathered by the fact of Nectarius, that Sacramentall Confession was wholly taken away among the Grecians. For otherwise [Page 103] (saith hee) in the Capitular it selfe of Theodorus, whence that Canon was transcribed, those two words [ut Graeci] are not to be had; nor are they also to be had in the second Councell of Cauaillon, c. 33. whence Theodorus seemeth to have taken that chapter: neyther yet doth the Master of the Sentences, in his 4. booke and 17. distinction bringing in the same sentence, adde those words [ut Graeci.] But the Cardinalls conjecture of the translating of these words out of the margent into the text of Gratian, is of little worth: seeing wee finde them expressely laid downe in the elder collections of the Decrees, made by Burchard. Decret. lib. 19 cap. 145. Burchardus and Ivo Decret. part. 15. cap. 155. Ivo; from whence it is evident that Gratian borrowed this whole chapter, as he hath done manie a one beside. For as for the Capitular it selfe of Theodorus, whence the Cardinall too too boldly affirmeth that Canon was transcribed; as if hee had looked into the booke himselfe: we are to know, that no such Capitular of Theodorus is to be found: onely Burchardus and Ivo, (in whom, as we said, those controverted words are extant) setteth downe this whole chapter as taken out of Theodors Penitentiall, & so misguided Gratian. for indeed in Theodorus his Penitentiall (which I did lately transcribe out of a most ancient copie kept in Sir Robert Cottons Threasurie) no part of that chapter can be seene: nor yet any thing else tending to the matter now in hand, this short sentence onely excepted. Confessionem suam Deo soli, si necesse est, licebit agere. It is lawfull, that Confession be made unto God alone, if need require. And to suppose as the Cardinall doth that Theodorus should take this chapter out of the second Councell of Cauaillon: were an idle imagination▪ seeing it is well knowne that Theodore died Archbishop of Canterbury in the yeare of [Page 104] our Lord 690: and the Councell of Cauaillon was held in the yeare 813. that is, 123. yeares after the others death. The truth is; hee who made the additions to the Capitularia of Charles the great and Ludovicus Pius, (gathered by Ansegisus and Benedict) translated this Canon out of that Councell into his Ad. lit. 3. cap. 31. edit. Pi [...]ae [...], & Lindenbrogij. Collection: which Bellarmine, as it seemeth, having someway heard of, knew not to distinguish between those Capitularia, and Theodors Penitentiall. being herein as negligent, as in his allegation of the fourth book of the Sentences: where the Master doth not bring in this sentence at all, but having among other questions propounded this also for one, Vtrum sufficiat peccata confiteri soli Deo, an op [...]rteat confiteri Sacerdoti Quibusdam visum est sufficere, si soli Deo fiat confessio sine judicio Sacerdotali & confessione ecclesiae. quia David dixit; Dixi Confitebor Domino, &c. non ait, Sacerdoti: & tamen remissum sibi peccatum dicit. Petr. Lombard. lib. 4. Senten [...] dist. 17. Whether it be sufficient that a man confesse his sinnes to God alone, or whether hee must confesse to a Priest; doth thereupon set down the diversitie of mens opinions touching that matter, and saith, that unto some it seemed to suffice, if confession vvere made to God onely without the judgement of the Priest or the confession of the Church. because David said; I said, I will confesse unto the Lord: he saith not, Vnto the Priest; and yet he sheweth that his sinne was forgiven him. For in these points, as the same author had before noted,In his enim etiam docti diversa s [...]ntire inveniuntur: quia super his varia ac pené adversa tradidisse videntur doctores. Ibid. even the learned were found to hold diversly: because the Doctors seemed to deliver diverse and almost contrarie judgement [...] therein.
The diverse sentences of the Doctors touching this question, whether externall confession were necessarie or not, are at large layd downe by Gratian: who in the end, leaveth the matter in suspense, and concludeth in this maner. Quibus auctoritatibus, vel quibus rationū firmamentis utraque sententia innitatur, in medium breviter exposuimus. Cui autem harum potiùs adhaerendum sit, lectoris judicio reservatur. Vtraque enim fautores habet sapientes, & religiosos viros, De P [...]ie. dist. 1. cap. 29▪ Quamvis. Vpon what authorities, or upon what [Page 105] strength of reasons both these opinions are grounded, I have briefly layd open. But to whether of them wee should rather cleave to, is reserved to the judgement of the reader. For both of them have for their favourers both wise and religious men. And so the matter rested undetermined 1150. yeares after Christ: howsoever the Romane Correctors of Gratian doe tell us, that now the case is altered, and that Certissimum est. & pro certissimo habendum peccati mortalis necessariam esse cō fessionem sacramentalem eo modo, ac tē pore adhibitā, quo in Concilio Tridentino post alia Concilia est constitutum. Rom. C [...]rrect. ibid. it is most certaine, and must be held for most certaine, that the sacramentall confession of mortall sinnes is necessary, used in that maner, and at such time, as in the Councell of Trent after other Councels it is appointed. But the first Councell, wherein we finde any thing determined touching this necessitie, is that of Lateran under Innocent the III. wherein wee heard that Transsubstantiation was established▪ for there it was ordayned, that Omnis utriusque sexus fidelis, postquàm ad annos discretionis pervenerit, omnia sua solus peccata confiteatur fideliter saltem semel in anno proprio sacerdoti; & injunctam sibi poenitentiam studeat pro viribus adimplere, suscipiens reverenter ad minùs in Pascha Eucharistiae sacramentum: &c. alioquin & vivens ab ingressu Ecclesiae arceatur, & moriens Christianâ careat sepulturâ. Concil. Lateran. cap 21. Omnis utriusque sexus sidelis, every faithfull one of eyther sex, being come to yeares of discretion, should by himselfe alone, once in the yeare at least, faithfully confesse his sinnes unto his owne Priest; and indevour according to his strength to fulfill the penance injoyned unto him, receiving reverently at least at Easter the sacrament of the Eucharist: otherwise, that both being alive hee should be kept from entring into the Church, and being dead should want Christian buriall. Since which determination, Thomas Aquinas (in his exposition of the text of the fourth booke of the Sentences, distinct. 17.) holdeth Magister & Gratianus hoc pro opinione ponunt Sed nunc post determinationem Ecclesiae sub Inn. 111. factam, haeresis reputanda est. Thom. the deniall of the necessitie of Confession unto salvation to be heresie: which before that time (saith Bonaventure, in his disputations upon the same fourth booke) was not hereticall, forasmuch as manie [Page 106] Catholick Doctors did hold contrarie opinions therein, as appeareth by Gratian.
But Medina will not admit by anie meanes, Ideò dicendum, quòd praesata assertio non est stricté haeresis, sed sapit haeresim. Io. Medina. tractat. 2. de Confessione, quaest. 4. that it should be accounted strictly heresie: but would have it said, that it savours of heresie. and for this decree of Confession to be made once in the yeare, hee saith Nam illud, quod illic dicitur de confessione semel in anno, non procedit declarando, nec divinū jus interpretā do, sed potiùs tempus confitendi instituendo. Id. ibid. quaest· 2. that it doth not declare nor interpret any divine right of the thing, but rather appointeth the time of confessing. Durand thinketh that it may be said, that this statute contayneth In quo praemittitur exhortatio sancta & salubris de cō fessione faciendâ, & subjungitur praeceptū de perceptione Eucharistiae vallatum poenâ. Durand. in lib. 4. Sentent. distinct. 17. quaest. 14. an holy and wholsome exhortation of making confession, and then adjoyneth a precept of the receiving of the Eucharist backed with a penaltie: or if both of them be precepts, that Et ob hoc posset rationabiliter videri alicui, quòd praedicta poena illius statuti respicit solum praeceptum de communione de cujus transgressione constare potest, & non praeceptum de confessione. Id. ibid. the penaltie respecteth onely the precept of communicating (of the transgression whereof knowledge may be taken) and not the precept of confession, of the transgression whereof the Church can take no certaine notice, and therefore can appoint no certaine penaltie for it. But howsoever; this wee are sure of, that the Canonists afterward held no absolute necessitie of obedience to be required therein, as unto a Sacramentall institution ordayned by Christ for obtayning remission of sinnes; but a Canonicall obedience onely, as unto an usefull constitution of the Church. And therefore where Gratian in his first distinction de Poenitentiâ, had in the 34. chapter and the three next following, propounded the allegations which made for them who held, Vnde datur intelligi, quòd etiam ore tacente, veniam consequi possumus. De Poenit. dist. 1. cap. 34. Convertimini. Vid. initium eiusd. distinct. & Glossam. ibid. verb. Sunt enim. that men might obtaine pardon for their sinnes without anie orall confession of them; and then proceeded to the authorities which might [Page 107] seeme to make for the contrarie opinion: Iohannes Semeca at the beginning of that part, upon those words of Gratian, Alij é contrario tes [...]antur, putteth too this Glosse. Ab hoc loco usque ad sect. His auctoritatib. pro aliâ parte allegat, quòd scilicèt adulto peccati [...] non dimittitur sine oris confessione. quod tamen falsum est G [...]oss. From this place untill the section His auctoritatib. he alledgeth for the other part, that sinne is not forgiven unto such as are of yeares, without confession of the mouth which yet is false: saith he. But this free dealing of his did so displease Friar Manrique, who by the command of Pius Quintus, set out a censure upon the Glosses of the Canon law; that hee gave direction these words, which yet is false, should be cleane blotted out. which direction of his notwithstanding, the Romane Correctors under Gregory the XIII. did not follow: but letting the words still stand, give them a check only with this marginall annotation. Imó verissimum sine confessione in voto non dimitti peccatum. Rom. Correct. ibid. in marg. Nay it is most true, that without confession, in desire at least, the sinne is not forgiven.
In like maner, where the same Semeca holdeth it to be the better opinion, that Confession was Meliùs dicitur ea [...] institutam fuisse à quadam universalis Ecclesiae traditione, potiùs quàm ex novi v [...]l veteris Testamē ti auctoritate, Gloss. de Poenitēt. init. distinct. 5. In poenitentia. ordayned by a certaine tradition of the universall Church, rather then by the authoritie of the new or old Testament, and inferreth thereupon, that it is Ergo necessaria est confessio in mortalibus apud nos, apud Graecos non: quia non emanavit apud illos traditio talis Ibid. necessarie among the Latins, but not among the Greekes, because that tradition did not spread to them: Friar Manrique commandeth all that passage to be blotted out, but the Romane Correctors clap this note upon the margent for an antidote. Imò confessio est instituta à Domino, & est omnibus post Baptismum lapsis in mortale peccatū, tam Graecis quàm Latinis, jure divino necessaria. Rom. Correct. ibid. in marg. Nay confession was ordayned by our Lord, and by Gods Law is necessary to all that fall into mortall sinne after Baptisme, as well Greekes as Latins. and for this they quote onely the 14. Session of the Councell of Trent: [Page 108] where that opinion is accursed in us, which was held two or three hundred yeares ago by the men of their owne religion. among whom, Michael Angrianus in Psal. 29. Michael of Bononia (who was Prior general of the order of the Carmelites in the dayes of Pope Vrban the sixth) doth conclude strongly out of their owne received grounds; that confession is not necessary for the obtayning of the pardon of our sinne: and Panormitan the great Canonist, Multùm mihi placet illa opinio: quia nō est aliqua authoritas aperta, quae innuat Deū seu Christum aperté instituisse confessionem fiendā Sacerdoti. Panorm. in 5. Decretal. de Poenit. & remiss. cap. 12. Omnis utriusque. sect. 18. professeth that the opinion of Semeca doth much please him, which referreth the originall of Confession to a generall tradition of the Church: because (saith he) there is not anie cleare authority, which sheweth that God or Christ did clearely ordayne that Confession should be made unto a Priest. Yea, Omnes juris Pontificii periti, secuti primū suum Interpretem, dicunt Confessionem tantùm esse introductam jure Ecclesiastico. Maldonat. Disp. de Sacrament. Tom. 2. de Confess. orig. cap. 2. all the Canonists, following their first Interpreter, say that Confession was brought in onely by the law of the Church, and not by anie divine precept: if we will beleeve Maldonat. who addeth notwithstanding, that Sed tamen haec opinio, aut jam declarata est satis tanquā haeresis ab Ecclesiâ; aut faceret Ecclesia operae pretium, si declararet esse haeresim. Id. ibid. de praecepto Confess. cap 3. this opinion is eyther alreadie sufficiently declared by the Church to be heresie, or that the Church should doe well if it did declare it to be heresie.
And we finde indeed, that in the yeare of our Lord 1479. (which was 34. yeares after the death of Panormitan) by a speciall commission directed from Pope Sixtus the fourth unto Alfonsus Carillus Archbishop of Toledo, one Petrus Oxomensis, professor of Divinitie in the Vniversitie of Salamanca, was driven to abjure Quòd confessio de peccatis in specie suerit ex aliquo statuto universalis Ecclesiae, non de jure divino. Congregat. Complutens. sub Alfonso Carillo: apud Ca [...]ranzam in Summâ Concil. sub Sixto IV. this conclusion, which hee had before delivered as agreeable to the common opinion of the Doctors; that confession of sinnes in particular vvas grounded upon some statute of the universall Church, and not upon [Page 109] divine right. and when learned men for all this would not take warning, but would needs be medling againe with that which the Popish Clergie could not indure should be touched, (as Iohannes de Selva, among others, in the end of his treatise de Iurejurando; Erasmus in diverse of his workes, and Beatus Rhenanus in his argument upon Tertullians booke de Poenitentiâ:) the fathers of Trent within 72. yeares after that, conspired together to stop all mens mouthes with Concil. Trident. S [...]ss. 14. Can. 6. an anathema, that should denie sacramentall confession to be of divine institution or to be necessarie unto salvation. And so we are come to an end of that point.
OF THE PRIESTS POVVER TO FORGIVE SINNES.
FRom Confession we are now to proceed unto Absolution: which it were pitie this man should receive, before he made confession of the open wrong he hath here done, in charging us to denie that Priests have power to forgive sinnes. whereas the verie formall words, which our Church requireth to be used in the ordination of a Minister, are these: The forme of ordering of Priests. Whose sinnes thou doest forgive, they are forgiven; and vvhose sinnes thou doest retaine, they are retained. And therefore if this be all the matter, the Fathers and we shal agree well enough: howsoever this make-bate would faine put friends together by the eares, where there is no occasion at all of quarrell. For wee acknowledge most willingly, that the principall part of the Priests ministerie is exercised in the matter of forgivenesse of sinnes: the question only is of the maner how this part of their function is executed by them, and of the bounds and limits thereof, [Page 110] which the Pope and his Clergie for their owne advantage have inlarged beyond all measure of truth and reason.
That wee may therefore give unto the Priest the things that are the Priests, and to God the things that are Gods; & not cōmunicate unto any creature the power that properly belongeth to the Creator, who Esai. 48.11. will not give his glory unto another: we must in the first place lay this downe for a sure ground, that to forgive sinnes properly, directly, and absolutely, is a priviledge onely appertayning unto the most High. I, saith he of himselfe, even I am he that blotteth out thy transgressions for mine owne sake, and will not remember thy sinnes. (Esai. 43.25.) Who is a God like unto thee, that pardoneth iniquitie? saith the Prophet, Micah 7.18. which in effect is the same with that of the Scribes: (Mark. 2.7. and Luk. 5.21.) Who can forgive sinnes, but God alone? And therefore when David saith unto God; Thou forgavest the iniquitie of my sinne: (Psalm. 32.5.) Gregory surnamed the great (the first Bishop of Rome of that name) thought this to be a sound paraphrase of his words. Tu qui solus parcis, qui solus peccata dimittis. Quis enim potest peccata dimittere, nisi solus Deus? Gregor. exposit. 2. Psalmi Poenittential. Thou, vvho alone sparest, who alone forgivest sinnes. For who can forgive sinnes but God alone? Hee did not imagine that he had committed anie great error in subscribing thus simply unto that sentence of the Scribes: and little dreamed that anie petie Doctors afterwards would arise in Rome or Rhemes, who would tell us a faire tale; that Rhemists, annot. in Matt. 9.6. the faithlesse Iewes thought, as Hereticks now adayes, that to forgive sinnes was so proper to God, that it could not be communicated unto man; and that Rich. Hopkins, in the Memoriall of a Christ. life, pag. 179. edis, ann. 1612. true beleevers referre this to the increase of Gods honour, which miscreant Iewes and Hereticks doe accompt blasphemie against God, and injurious to his Majestie. whereas [Page 111] in truth the faithlesnesse of the Iewes consisted in the application of this sentence unto our Saviour Christ, whom they did not acknowledge to be God; as the senslesness of these Romanists, in denying of the axiom it selfe.
But the world is come unto a good passe, when we must be accounted hereticks now adayes, and consorted with miscreant Iewes, for holding the selfe same thing that the Fathers of the ancient Church delivered as a most certain truth, whensoever they had anie occasion to treate of this part of the historie of the Gospel. Old Irenaeus telleth us, that our Saviour in this place Peccata igitur remittens, hominem quidem curavit, semetipsum autem manifesté ostendit quis esset. Si enim nemo potest remittere peccata, nisi solus Deus; remittebat autē haec Dominus, & curabat homines: manifestum est, quoniam ipse erat Verbum Dei, Filius hominis factus, &c., & quomodo homo compassus est nobis, tanquam Deus misereatur nostri, & remittat nobis debita nostra, quae factori nostro debemus Deo. Irenaeus advers. haeres. lib. 5. cap. 17. forgiving sinnes, did both cure the man, and manifestly discover who he was. For if none (saith hee) can forgive sinnes but God alone, and our Lord did forgive them, and cured men; it is manifest, that he was the Word of God, made the Sonne of man: and that as man hee is touched with compassion of us, as God he hath mercy on us, and forgiveth us our debts which we doe owe unto God our maker. Tertullian saith, that Nam cùm Iudaei solummodò hominem eius intuentes, needum & Deum certi, quâ Dei quoque filium, meritò retractarent, non posse hominem delicta dimittere, sed Deum solum, &c. Tertullian. lib 4, advers. Marcion. cap. 10. when the Iewes beholding onely his humanitie, and not being yet certaine of his Deitie, did deservedly reason, that a man could not forgive sinnes, but God alone: he by answering of them, that the Sonne of man had authoritie to forgive sinnes, would by this remission of sinnes have them call to minde that he was Illum scilicèt solum filium hominis apud Danielis Prophetiam, consecutum iudicandi potestatem, ac per eam utíque & dimittendi delicta. Id. ibid. that onely sonne of man, prophesied of in Daniel, who received power of judging, and thereby also of forgiving sinnes. (Dan. 7.13, 14.) S. Hilary commenting upon the [Page 112] ninth of Matthew, writeth thus. Movet Scribas remissum ab homine peccatum Hominem enim tantùm in Iesu Christo contuebantur; & remissum ab eo, quod l [...]x laxare non poterat Fides enim sola justificat. Deinde mu [...]murationē eorum Dominus introspicit, dicitque facile esse filio hominis in terraâ peccata dimittere. Verum enim, nemo potest dimittere peccata, nisi solus Deus: ergo qui remittit Deus est, quia nemo remittit nisi Deus. Deus in homine manens curationem homini praestabat. Hilar. in Matth. Canon. 8. It moveth the Scribes, that sinne should be forgiven by a man. For they beheld a man onely in Iesus Christ; and that to be forgiven by him, which the law could not release. For it is faith onely that justifieth. Afterward the Lord looketh into their murmuring, and saith that it is an easie thing for the Sonne of man upon earth to forgive sinnes. For it is true, none can forgive sinnes but God alone: therefore hee who remitteth is God, because none remitteth but God. God remayning in man, performed this cure upon man. S. Hierom thus: Legimus in Prophetâ dicentem Deū: Ego sum qui deleo iniquitates tuas. Consequenter ergo Scribae, quia hominem putabant, & verba Dei non intelligebant, arguunt eum blasphemiae. Sed Dominus videns cogitationes eorum, ostendit se Deum, qui possit cordis occulta cognoscere: & quodammodo tacens loquitur; Eâdem majestate & potentiâ, quâ cogitationes vestras intueor, possum & hominibus peccata dimittere. Hieronym. lib. 1. Commentar. in Matth. 9. We reade that God saith in the Prophet; I am he that blotteth out thine iniquities. Consequently therefore the Scribes, because they thought him to be a man, and did not understand the words of God, accuse him of blasphemy. But the Lord seeing their thoughts, sheweth himselfe to be God, who is able to know the secrets of the heart: and holding his peace after a sort speaketh; By the same majestie and power, vvherewith I behold your thoughts, I am able also to forgive sinnes unto men. or, as Euthymius expresseth it in his commentaries upon the same place: Veré nullus potest remittere peccata, nisi unus, qui intuetur cogitationes hominum. Euthym. cap. 13. in Matth. In truth, none can forgive sinnes but one, who beholdeth the thoughts of men. S. Chrysostome likewise in his Sermons upon the same, sheweth that Christ here declared himselfe to be God equall unto the Father: and that [...].Chrysost. in Matth. 9. hom 20. Graec. 30. Latin. if he had not beene equall unto the Father, he would have said; Why doe you attribute unto me an unfitting opinion? [Page 113] I am farre from that power. To the same effect also writeth Christianus Druthmarus, Paschasius Ratbertus, and Walafridus Strabus in the ordinarie Glosse upon the same place of S. Matthew. Victor Antiochenus upon the second of Mark; Theophylact and Bede upon the second of Mark, and the fifth of Luke: S. Ambrose upon the fifth of Luke. who in another place also bringeth this sentence of the Scribes, as a ground to prove the deitie of the holy Ghost withall: forasmuch as Peccata nemo condonat, nisi unus Deus: quia aequé scriptum est; Quis potest peccata donare nisi solus Deus? Ambros. de Spir. sanct. lib. 3. cap. 19. none forgiveth sinnes but one God; because it is written, Who can forgive sins but God alone? as S. Cyril doth to prove the deitie of the Sonne. Istud enim solum malicia Iudaeorum veré di ebat, quòd nullus potest dimittere peccata, nisi solus Deus, qui legis Dominus est Cyrill. Alexandr. Thesaur. lib. 12. cap. 4. For this onely, saith he, did the malice of the Iewes say truely, that none can forgive sinnes, but God alone, who is the Lord of the law ▪ and thence he frameth this argument. [...]; Id. in lib. de rectâ fide ad Reginas. If he alone who is the Lord of all doth free us from our sins, and this agreeeth to no other, and Christ bestoweth this with a power befitting God; how should he not be God?
The same argument also is used by Novatianus and Athanasius to the selfe same purpose. Quòd si cùm nullius sit nisi Dei, cordis nosse secreta, Christus secreta conspicit cordis: quòd si, cùm nullius sit nisi Dei, peccata dimittere, idem Christus peccata dimittit: &c. meritò Deus est Christus Novatian de Trinitat. cap. 13. For if, when it agreeth unto none but unto God to know the secrets of the heart, Christ doth behold the secrets of the heart; if, when it agreeth unto none but unto God to forgive sinnes, the same Christ doth forgive sinnes: then deservedly is Christ to be accounted God, saith Novatianus. So Athanasius demandeth of the Arrians: [...]; Athanas. orat. 3. contra Arian. pag. 239. tom. 1. edit. Graecolat. if the Sonne were a creature, how was he able to forgive sinnes? it being written in the Prophets, that this is the work of God. [Page 114] For who is a God like unto thee, that taketh away sinnes and passeth over iniquities? [...]. Id. in epist. de Synodis Arimin. & Seleuc. pag. 712. Vid. etiam Orat. 4. contra Arrian. pag. 254. & 281. But the sonne (saith hee) said unto whom he would; Thy sinnes are forgiven thee: when the Iewes murmuring also he demonstrated this forgivenesse in deed, saying to the man that was sicke of the palsie; Arise, take up thy bedd, and goe unto thine house. And therefore Bede rightly inferreth, that Sed multo dementiùs errant Arriani, qui cùm Iesum & Christum esse, & peccata posse dimittere, Evangelii verbis devicti negare non audeant; nihilominus Deum negare non timent. Bed. in Marc. lib. 1. cap. 10. the Arrians doe erre here much more madly then the Iewes: vvho when they dare not denie, being convicted by the words of the Gospell, that Iesus is both the Christ and hath power to forgive sinnes; yet feare not for all that to denie him to be God. and concludeth himselfe most soundly: that Si & Deus est iuxta Psalmistam, qui quantum distat oriens ab occasu elongavit á nobis iniquitates nostras, & filius hominis potestatem habet in terrâ dimittendi peccata: ergo idem ipse & Deus, & filius hominis est; ut & homo Christus per divinitatis sure potentiam peccata dimittere possit, & idem Deus Christus per humanitatis suae fragilitatem pro peccatoribus mori. Id. ibid. if he be God according to the Psalmist, who removeth our iniquities from us as farr as the East is from the West, and the sonne of man hath power upon earth to forgive sinnes; therefore the same is both God and the sonne of man, that the man Christ by the power of his divinitie might forgive sinnes, and the same Christ God by the frailtie of his humanitie might dye for sinners. Whereunto wee will adde another sweete passage of his (borrowed from some ancienter author:) Nemo tollit peccata (quae nec Lex, quamvis sancta & iusta & bona, potuit auferre) nisi ille in quo peccatum non est. Tollit autem, & dimittendo quae facta sunt, & adiuvando ne fiant, & perducendo ad vitam ubi fieri omnino non possint. Bed. in 1. Iohan. 3. No man taketh away sinnes (which the Law, although holy and just and good, could not take away) but he in whom there is no sinne. Now hee taketh them away, both by pardoning those that are done, and by assisting us that they may not be done, & by bringing us to the life where they cannot at all be done.
P Lombard. lib. 4. Sentent. distinct. 18 D. Peter Lombard alledgeth this as the saying of S. Augustine: [Page 115] the former sentence only being thus changed. Nemo tollit peccata, nisi solus Christus, qui est agnus [...]ollens peccata mundi. August. None taketh away sinnes, but Christ alone, vvho is the Lamb that taketh away the sinnes of the world. agreeable to that, which in the same place he citeth out of S. Ambrose: Ille solus peccata dimittit, qui solus pro peccatis nostris mortuus est. Ambros. He alone forgiveth sinnes, who alone dyed for our sinnes. and to that of Clemens Alexandrinus: [...]. Clem. Alexandr. Paedaegog. lib. 1. cap. 8. He alone can remit sinnes, who is appointed our Master by the father of all, who alone is able to discerne disobedience from obedience. to which purpose also, S. Ambrose maketh this observation upon the historie of the woman taken in adulterie, Ioh. 8.9. that Donaturus peccatum, solus remanet Iesus. &c. Non enim legatus neque nuncius, sed ipse Dominus salvum fecit populum suum. Solus remanet, quia non potest hoc cuiquā hominum cum Christo esse commune ut peccata condonet. Solius hoc munus est Christi, qui tulit peccatum mundi. Ambros. epist. 76. ad Studium. Iesus being about to pardon sin, remayned alone. For it is not the ambassador (saith hee) nor the messenger, but the Lord himselfe that hath saved his people. He remaineth alone, because it cannot be common to anie man with Christ to forgive sinnes. This is the office of Christ alone, who taketh away the sinne of the world. Yea S. Chrysostom himselfe, who of all the Fathers giveth most in this point unto Gods ambassadors and messengers, is yet carefull withall to preserve Gods priviledge entire, by often interposing such sentences as these. [...]. Chrysost. in 2. Corinth. 3. homil. 6. None can forgive sinnes, but God alone. [...]. Id. in Iohan 8. homil. 54. edit. Graec. vel 53. Latin. To forgive sinnes, belongeth to no other. [...]. Id in 1. Corinth. 15 homil. 40. To forgive sinnes, is possible to God onely. [...]. Id. ibid. God alone doth this: which also hee worketh in the washing of the new birth. Wherein, that the work of cleansing the soule is wholly Gods, and the minister hath no hand at all in effecting anie part of it; Optatus proveth at large in his fifth booke against the Donatistes: shewing that [Page 116] Sordes et maculas mentis lavare non potest, nisi qui ejusdem fabricator est mentis Optat▪ lib. 5. none can wash the filth and sports of the minde, but hee who is the framer of the same minde; and convincing the hereticks, as by manie other testimonies of holy Scriptur [...], so by that of Esai. 1.18. which he presseth in this maner. Dei est mundare, non hominis: ipse per Prophetam Esaiam promisit se loturū, dum ait; Et si [...]uerint peccata vestra velut coccum, ut nivem inalbabo. Inalbabo dixit; non dixit, faciam inalbari. Si hoc Deus promisit: quare vos vultis reddere, quod vobis nec promittere licet, nec reddere, nec habere? Ecce in Esaiâ fe promisit, Deus inalbare peccatis affectos, non per hominem. Id. ibid. It belongeth unto God to cleanse, and not unto man: he hath promised by the Prophet Esai that hee himselfe would wash, when he saith; If your sinnes were as scarlet, I will make them as white as snow. I will make them white, he said: he did not say, I will cause them to be made white. If God hath promised this, why will you give that, which is neyther lawfull for you to promise, nor to give, nor to have? Behold in Esai God hath promised that he himselfe will make white such as are defiled with sinnes; not by man.
Having thus therefore reserved unto God his prerogative royall in cleansing of the soule, we give unto his under-officers their due, when we 1. Cor. 4.1, 2. account of them, as of the ministers of Christ, and stewards of the mysteries of God. Chrysost. in 1. Cor. 4. hom. 10. not as Lords, that have power to dispose of spiritual graces as they please: Id. in 2. Cor. 4. homil. 8. circa init. but as servants that are tyed to follow their Masters prescriptions therin; & in following therof do but bring their external ministerie ( [...]. Id. ibid. for which it self also they are beholding to Gods mercie & goodnes) God conferring the inward blessing of his spirit thereupon, when & where he will. 1. Cor. 3.5. Who then is Paul, (saith S. Paul himselfe) and who is Apollo? but Ministers by whom yee beleeved, even as the Lord gave to every man? Therfore, saith Optatus, Est ergo in universis servientibus non dominium, sed ministerium. Optat. lib. 5. in all the servants there is no dominion, but a ministerie. Id. ibid. simili [...]er & [...]hrysostom. in 1. Cor. 3. homil. 8 [...]. Cui creditur, [Page 117] ipse dat quod creditur, non per quem creditur. It is hee who is beleeved, that giveth the thing which is beleeved, not he by whom we doe beleeve. Whereas our Saviour then saith unto his Apostles, Ioh. 20. Receive the holy Ghost, Whose sinnes you forgive shall be forgiven: Ambros. de Spir. sanct. lib. 3. cap. 19. S. Ambrose, August. contr. epist. Parmenian. lib. 2. cap. 11. & homil. 23. ex 50. S. Augustine, Chrysost. in 2. Corin. 3. homil. 6. S. Chrysostome, and Cyrill. Alexandr. in Io [...]an. lib. 12. cap. 56. S. Cyrill, make this observation thereupon; that this is not their work properly, but the worke of the holy Ghost, who remitteth by them, and therein performeth the worke of the true God. For indeed (saith S. Et certé solius veri Dei est, ut possit à peccatis homines solvere. Cui enin alii praevaricatores legis liberare à peccato licet, nisi legis ipsius autori? Id. ibid. Cyrill) it belongeth to the true God alone, to be able to loose men from their sinns. for who else can free the transgressors of the law from sin, but he who is the author of law it selfe? Daturus erat Dominus hominibus Spiritum sanctum; & ab ipso Spiritu sancto fidelibus suis dimitti peccata, non meritis hominum volebat intelligi dimitti peccata. Nam quid es homo, nis [...] aeger sanandus? Vis mihi esse medicus? mecum quaere medicum. Augustin. homil. 23. ex. 50. The Lord (saith S. Augustine) was to give unto men the holy Ghost, and he would have it to be understood, that by the holy Ghost himselfe sinnes should be forgiven to the faithfull, and not that by the merits of men sins should be forgiven. For what art thou, ô man, but a sick-man that hast need to be healed? Wilt thou be a physician to me? Seek the physician together with mee. So S. Ambrose: Ecce quia per Spiritum sanctum peccata donantur. Homines autem in remissionem peccatorum ministerium suum exhibent, non jus alicujus potestatis exercent. Ambros. de Spir. Sanct. lib. 3. cap. 19. Behold, that by the holy Ghost sinnes are forgiven. But men to the remission of sinnes bring their ministery, they exercise not the authoritie of any power. S. Chrysostom, though he make this to be the exercise of a great power (which also hee Chrysost. lib. 3. de Sacerdotio. elsewhere amplifieth, after his manner, exceeding hyperbolically) yet in the maine matter accordeth fully with S. Ambrose; that it lyeth in [...]. Id. in Iohan. 20. homil. 86. edit. Graec. v [...]l 85. Latin. God alone to bestowe the things wherein the Priests service is employed. [Page 118] [...]. Id. ibid. And what speake I of Priests? saith he. Neyther Angell nor Archangell can doe ought in those things which are given by God: but the Father and the Sonne and the holy Ghost doe dispense all. The Priest lendeth his tongue, and putteth too his hand. [...] Id. in 2. Tim. cap. 1. homil. 2. His part only is to open his mouth: but it is God that worketh all. And the reasons whereby both he,Id. in Iohan. 8. homil. 54 Graec. vel 53. Latin. and Theophylact after him, doe prove that the Priests of the law had no power to forgive sinnes; are of as great force to take the same power from the ministers of the Gospell. first, because [...]. Theophylact. in Iohan. 8. it is Gods part onely to forgive sinnes. secondly, because [...]. Id. ibid. the Priests were servants, yea servants of sinne, and therefore had no power to forgive sinnes unto others: but the Sonne is the Lord of the house; who 1. Ioh. 3.5. was manifested to take away our sinnes, and in him is no sinne, saith S. Iohn. upon which saying of his, S. Augustin giveth this good note: In quo non est peccatum, ipse venit auferre peccatū. Nam si esset & in illo peccatum, auferendum esset illi, non ipse auferret, August. tract. 4. in I. Iohan 3. It is he in whom there is no sinne, that came to take away sinne. For if there had beene sinne in him too, it must have beene taken away from him, he could not take it away himselfe.
To forgive sinnes therefore being thus proper to God onely and to his Christ: his ministers must not be held to have this power communicated unto them, but in an improper sense; namely because God forgiveth by them; and hath appointed them both to apply those meanes by which he useth to forgive sinnes, and to give notice unto repentant sinners of that forgivenesse. Quis enim potest peccata dimittere nisi solus Deus? qui per eos quoque dimittit, quibus dimittendi tribuit potestatem Ambros. lib. 5. commentar. in Luc. 5. For who can forgive sinnes but God alone? yet doth he forgive by them also, unto whom hee hath given power to forgive: saith S. Ambrose, and his Beda. & Strabus in Marc. 2. & Luc. 5. followers. [Page 119] And Quamvis Dei proprium opus sit, remittere peccata: dicuntur tamē etiam Apostoli remittere, non simpliciter, sed quia adhibent media, per quae Deus remittit peccata. Haec autem media sunt, Verbum Dei & Sacramenta, Io. Ferus, annota [...]. in Iohan 20. Item, lib. 3. Comment. in Matth. cap. 16. though it be the proper worke of God to remit sins, (saith Ferus:) yet are the Apostles (and their successors) said to remit also, not simply, but because they apply those meanes whereby God doth remit sinnes. Which means are, the Word of God and the Sacraments. Whereunto also wee may adde, the relaxation of the Censures of the Church, and Prayer ▪ for in thes [...] foure the whole exercise of this ministerie of reconciliation (as the 2. Cor. 5.18. Apostle calleth it) doth mainly consist. of each whereof it is needefull that wee should speake somewhat more particularly.
That Prayer is a meanes ordayned by God for procuring remission of sinnes, is plaine by that of S. Iames. Iam. 5.15, 16. The prayer of faith shall save the sicke, and the Lord shall raise him up: and if he have committed sinnes, they shall be forgiven him. Confesse your faults one to another, and pray one for another, that ye may be healed: for the fervent prayer of a righteous man avayleth much. The later of which sentences hath reference to the prayers of everie good Christian, whereunto we finde a gracious promise annexed, according to that of S. Iohn. 1. Ioh. 5.16. If anie man see his brother sinne a sinne which is not unto death, he shall aske, and he shall give him life for them that sinne not unto death. But the former, as the verse immediatly going before doth manifestly prove, pertayneth to the prayers made by the ministers of the Church; who have a speciall charge to be the Lords remembrancers for the good of his people. And therefore, as S. Augustin out the later proveth, that Quòd etiam frater fratrem á delicti poterit contagione mundare. Aug. in Evangel. Iohan. tract. 58. one brother by this meanes may cleanse another from the contagion of sinne: so doth S. Chrysostom out of the former, that Priests doe performe this, not [...]. Chrysost. lib. 3. de Sacerdot. tom. 6. edit. Savil pag. 17. by teaching onely and admonishing, but by assisting us also with their prayers. [Page 120] and the faithfull prayers, both of the one and of the other, are by S.Augustin. de Baptismo contra Donatist. lib. 3. cap. 17.18. Augustin made the especiall meanes whereby the power of the keyes is exercised in the remitting of sinnes: who thereupon exhorteth offendors to shew their repentance publickly in the Church, Id. homil. 49. ex 50. Agite poenitentiam qualis agitur in Ecclesiâ, ut oret pro vobis Ecclesia. that the Church might pray for them, and impart the benefite of absolution unto them.
In the life of S Basil, fathered upon Tom. 2. Vit. Sanct. ab Aloysio Lipomano edit. Vene [...]. ann. 1553. fol. 298. Vit. Patrum, ab Her. Rosweydo edit. Antuerp. an. 1615. pag. 160. Miscellan. á Gerardo Vossio edit. Mogunt. an. 1604 pag. 136. Amphilochius, (of the credite whereof we have before spoken) a certaine gentlewoman is brought in, comming unto S. Basil for obtayning remission of her sinnes: who is said there to have demanded this question of her. Hast thou heard, ô vvoman, that none can forgive sinnes but God alone? and shee to have returned him this answer. I have heard it, Father: and therefore have I moved thee to make intercession unto our most mercifull God for mee. Which agreeth well with that which Alex. in Sum. part. 4 quaest. 21. membr. 1. Alexander of Hales and Bonaventur. in lib. 4. Sent. dist. 18. art. 2. quaest. 1. Bonaventure doe maintaine: that the power of the keyes extend to the remission of faults, by way of intercession onely and deprecation, not by imparting anie immediate absolution. And as in our private forgiving and praying one for another, S. Augustin well noteth, that Nostrum est donante ipso ministerium charitatis & humilitatis adhibere: illius est exaudire, ac nos ab omni peccatorum contaminatione mundare per Christum, & in Christo; ut quod aliis etiam dimittimus, hoc est in terrâ solvimus, solvatur & in coelo. Augustin in fine tractat. 58. in evangel. Iohann. it is our part, God giving us the grace, to use the ministerie of charitie and humilitie; but it is his, to heare us, and to cleanse us from all pollution of sinnes for Christ, and in Christ; that what we forgive unto others, that is to say, what wee loose upon earth, may be loosed also in heaven: so doth S. Ambrose shew that the case also standeth with the ministers of the Gospell, in the execution of that commission given unto them [Page 121] for the remitting of sinnes, Ioh. 20.23. I [...]i rogant, divinitas donat. Humanum enim obsequium, sed munificentia supernae est potestatis. Ambros. de Spir. sanct. lib. 3. cap. 19. They make request, (saith he) the Godhead bestoweth the gift: for the service is done by man, but the bountie is from the power above. The reason which hee rendreth thereof, is, because in their ministerie it is the holy Ghost that forgiveth the sinne; and it is God onely that can give the holy Ghost. Non enim humanum hoc opus, neque ab homine datur; sed invocatus á Sacerdote, á Deo traditur: in quo Dei munus, ministeriū Sacerdotis est. Nam si Paulus Apostolus judicavit, quòd ipse donare Spiritum sanctum suâ authoritate non posset; & intantum se huic officio imparē credidit, ut á Deo nos spiritu optaret impleri: quis tantus est, qui hujus traditionē muneris sibi audeat arrogare? Itaque Apostolus votum precatione detulit, non jus authoritate aliquâ vindicavit: impetrare optavit, non imperare praesumpsit. Id. ibid. lib. 1. cap. 7. For this is not an humane worke (saith he in another place) neyther is the holy Ghost given by man, but being called upon by the Priest, is bestowed by God: wherein the gift is Gods, the ministery is the Priests. For if the Apostle Paul did judge, that hee could not conferre the h [...]ly Ghost by his authoritie; but beleeved himselfe to be so farre unable for this office, that hee wished wee might be filled with the spirit from God: who is so great as dare arrogate unto himselfe the bestowing of this gift? Therefore the Apostle did intimate his desire by prayer, hee challenged no right by anie authoritie: hee wished to obtaine it, he presumed not to command it. Thus farre S. Ambrose of whom Paulinus writeth, that whensoever anie penitents came unto him, Caussas autem criminum, quas illi confitebantur, nulli nisi Domino soli, apud quē intercedebat, loquebatur: bonū relinquens exemplū posteris sacerdotibus, ut intercessores apud Deū magis sint, quàm accusatores [...]pud homines. Paulinus, in vitâ S. Ambrosij. the crimes which they confessed unto him hee spake of to none, but to God alone unto whom he made intercession; leaving a good example to the Priests of succeeding ages, that they be rather intercessors for them unto God, than accusers unto men. The same also, and in the selfe same words, doth Iona [...], in vitâ S. Eustachij Luxovi [...]nsi [...] abbatu, cap. 1. apud Surium, tom. 2. Mart. 29. Ionas write of Eustachius, the scholler of Columbanus our famous countrey-man.
Hitherto appertaineth that sentence cyted by Tho. Waldens. tom. 2. de Sacramentis, cap. 147. Thomas [Page 122] Waldensis out of S. Hieroms exposition upon the Psalmes: that voyce of God Quotidie in unoquoque nostrûm flammam libidinis per confessionē & gratiam Spiritus sancti intercidit, id est, per orationem Sacerdotis facit cessare. Hieronym. in exposit. Psalm. 28. inedit. cutteth off daily in everie one of us the flame of lust by confession and the grace of the holy Ghost, that is to say, by the prayer of the Priest maketh it to cease in us and that which before hath been alledged out of Leo; of the confession offered first to God, and then to the Priest,Qui pro delictis poenitentium precator accedit Leo, in fin. epist. 80. ad episc. Campan. vvho commeth as an intreater for the sinnes of the penitent. which hee more fully expresseth in another epistle, affirming it to be Multū enim utile ac necessarium est, ut peccatorū reatus ante ultimū diem sacerdotali supplicatione solvatur. Id. epist. 91. ad Theodor. episc. very profitable and necessarie, that the guilt of sinnes (or sinners) be loosed by the supplication of the Priest before the last day. See S. Gregor. in 1. Reg. lib 2. cap. 3. ad illud: Si peccaverit vir in virum, &c. Gregory, in his morall exposition upon 1. Sam. 2.25. Anastasius Sinaita or Nicaenus, in his answer to the 141. question (of Gretsers edition:) and Nicolaus Cabasilas, in the 29. chapter of his exposition of the Liturgie: where he directly affirmeth, that remission of sinnes is given to the penitents by the prayer of the Priests. And therefore by the Order used of old in the Church of Rome, the Priest before hee began his worke, was required to use this prayer. Domine Deus omnipotens, propitius esto mihi peccatori, ut condigné possim tibi gratias agere, qui me indignum propter tuam misericordiam ministrum fecisti sacerdotalis officii, & me exiguum humilemque mediat rem constituisti ad orandum & intercedendum ad Dominum nostrū Iesum Christum, pro peccatoribus ad poenitentiam revertentibus. Ideoque dominator Domine, qui omnes homines vis salvos fieri, & ad agnitionem veritatis venite, qui non vis mortem peccatoris, sed ut convertatur & vivat: suscipe orationem meam, quam fundo ante conspectum clementiae tuae, pro famulis & famulabus tuis, qui ad poenitentiam & misericordiam tuam confugerunt. Ordo Roman. antiqu. de officijs divinis, pag. 18. edit. R [...]m. ann 1591. Baptizatorum & Confitentiū Ceremonia antiquae, edit. Colon. an. 1530. Alcuin. de divin. offic. cap. 13 in capite Iejunii. O Lord God almightie, be mercifull unto me a sinner, that I may worthily give thankes unto thee, who hast made mee an unworthy one, for thy mercies sake, a minister of the Priestly office; and hast appointed me a poore and humble mediator, to pray and make intercession unto our Lord Iesus [Page 123] Christ, for sinners that returne unto repentance. And therefore, O Lord the ruler, who wouldest have all men to be saved and come to the knowledge of the truth, who doest not desire the death of a sinner, but that he may be reconciled and live: receive my prayer, which I poure forth before the face of thy mercie, for thy servants and handmaydes, who have fledd to repentance and to thy mercy.
Yea, in the dayes of Thomas Aquinas there arose a learned man among the Papists themselves, who found fault with that indicative forme of absolution then used by the Priest, I absolve thee from all thy sinnes, and would have it delivered by way of deprecation. alledging, that this was not onely the opinion of Gulielmus Altisiodorensis, Gulielmus Parisiensis, and Hugo Cardinalis; but also that Addit etiam objiciendo, quòd vix 30. anni sunt, quòd omnes hâc solâ formâ utebantur; Absolutionem & remissionem &c. Thom. Opusc. 22. cap. 5. thirtie yeares were scarce passed, since all did use this forme onely, Absolutionem & remissionem tribuat tibi omnipotens Deus, Almightie God give unto thee absolution and forgivenesse. What Thomas doth answer hereunto, may be seene in his little treatise of the forme of absolution, which upon this occasion he wrote unto the Generall of his order. This onely will I adde, that aswell in the ancient Ritualls and in the new Pontificale Roman. edit. Rom an. 1615. pag. 567.568. Pontificall of the Church of Rome, as in the present practise of the Greek Church, I finde the absolution expressed in the third person, as attributed wholly to God, and not in the first, as if it came from the Priest himselfe. One ancient forme of Absolutio Criminum. Misereatur tui omnipotens Deus, & dimittat tibi omnia peccata tua, praeterita, praesentia & futura, quae commisisti coram eo & sanctis ejus, quae confessus es, vel per aliquam negligentiam seu oblivionem vel malevolentiam abscondisti: liberet te Deus ab omni malo, hîc & in futuro, conservet & confirmet te semper in omni opere bono: & perducat te Christus filius Dei vivi ad vitam sine fine manentem. Confitentium Ceremoniae antiqu. edit. Colon. an. 1530. Absolution used among the Latins, was this. Almighty God be mercifull unto thee, and forgive thee all thy sinnes, past, present, and to come, visible and invisible, which thou hast [Page 124] committed before him and his Saints, which thou hast confessed or by some negligence or forgetfulnesse or evill vvill hast concealed: God deliver thee from all evill, here and hereafter, preserve and confirme thee alwayes in everie good worke; and Christ the sonne of the living God bring thee unto the life which remayneth without end: And so among the Grecians: [...]. Ierem. Patriarch. C. P. respons. 1. ad Tubingenses, cap. 11. whatsoever sinnes the penitent for forgetfulnes or shamefastnesse doth leave unconfessed, we pray the mercifull and most pitifull God that those also may be pardoned unto him, and we are perswaded that hee shall receive pardon of them from God; saith Ieremy the late Patriarch of Constantinople. Where by the way you may observe, no such necessitie to be here held of confessing everie knowne sinne unto a Priest, that if either for shame or for some other respect the penitent doe not make an intire confession, but conceale somewhat from the notice of his ghostly father; his confession should thereby be made voyde, and hee excluded from all hope of forgivenesse. which is that engine, whereby the Priests of Rome have lift up themselves into that height of domineering and tyrannizing over mens conscience, wherewith we see they now hold the poore people in most miserable awe.
Alexander of Hales and Bonaventure in the forme of absolution used in their time, Secundùm quod ascendit, habet se per modum inferioris & supplicantis: secundùm quod descendit, per modum superioris & judicantis. Secundùm primum modum potest gratiam impetrare, & ad hoc est idoneus: secundùm secundum modum potest Ecclesiae reconciliare. Et ideò in signum hujus, in formâ absolutionis praemittitur oratio per modum deprecativum, & subjungitur absolutio per modum indicativum: & deprecatio gratiam impetrat, & absolutio gratiam supponit. Alexand. Halens. Summ. part. 4. quaest. 21. membr. 1. & Bonaventur. in 4. Sentent. dist. 18. art. 2. quaest. 1. observe that prayer was premised in the optative, and absolution adjoyned afterward in the indicative mood. whence they gather, that the Priests prayer obtayneth grace, his absolution presupposeth it: that by the former he ascendeth unto God [Page 125] and procureth pardon for the fault, by the later he descendeth to the sinner and reconcileth him to the Church. for Quia etsi aliquis apud Deum sit solutus, non tamē in facie Ecclesiae solutus habetur, nisi per judicium Sacerdotis. Petr. Lombard. lib. 4. Sentent. distinct. 18. Vid. Ivon. Carnotens. epist. 228. & Anselm. in Luc. 17. although a man be loosed before God, (saith the Master of the Sentences) yet is he not held loosed in the face of the Church but by the judgement of the Priest. And this loosing of men by the judgement of the Priest, is by the Fathers generally accounted nothing else but a restoring of them to the peace of the Church, and an admitting of them to the Lords table againe: which therefore they usually expresse by the termes of [...]. Concil. Laodicen. can. 2. bringing them to the communion, Communioni, vel communione reconciliari. Concil. Eliberitan can 72. reconciling them to or with the communion, Reddi ei [...] cō munionē. Amb. de Poenitent. lib. 1. cap. 1. & lib. 2. cap 9. restoring the communion to them, Ad communicationem admittere. Cypr. epist. 53. communicationem dare. Id. epist. 54. tribuere communicationem. Id. de lapsis. admitting them to fellowship, Pacem dare. concedere pacem. Id. ibid. granting them peace, &c. Neyther doe we finde that they did ever use anie such formall absolution as this, I absolve thee from all thy sinnes: wherein our Popish Priests notwithstanding doe place the verie forme of their late devised sacrament of Penance, nay hold it to be so absolute a forme, that (according to Thomas Aquinas his new divinitie) In sacramentali absolutione non sufficeret dicere, Misereatur tui omnipotens Deus, vel, Absolutionem & remissionem tribuat tibi Deus: quia per haec verba Sacerdos absolutionem non significat fieri, sed petit ut fiat. Thom. part. 3. quaest. 84. art. 3. ad 1. it would not be sufficient to say, Almightie God have mercie upon thee, or, God grant unto thee absolution and forgivenesse. because, forsooth, the Priest by these vvords doth not signifie that the absolution is done, but intreateth that it may be done. which how it will accord with the Romane Pontificall, where the forme of Absolution is layd downe prayer-wise, the Iesuites who follow Thomas may doe well to consider.
I passe this over, that in the dayes not onely of S. Cyprian. epist. 13. Cyprian but ofAlcuin. de divin. offic. cap. 13. in capite Iejunii. Alcuinus also (who lived 800. yeares [Page 126] after Christ) the reconciliation of Penitents was not held to be such a proper office of the Priest; but that a Deacon, in his absence, was allowed to performe the same. The ordinarie course that was held herein,Vt secundùm formam Canonum antiquorū dentur poenitentiae, hoc est, ut priùs eum, quem sui poenitet facti, á communione suspensum, faciat inter reliquos poenitentes ad manus impositionem crebrò recurrere; expleto au [...]em satisfactionis tempore, sicuti Sacerdotalis contemplatio probaverit, eum communioni restituat. Concil. Toletan. III. cap. 11. according to the forme of the ancient Canons, is thus layde down by the fathers of the third Councell of Toledo. that the Priest should first suspend him that repented of his fault from the communion, and make him to have often recourse unto imposition of hands among the rest of the penitents: then, when hee had fulfilled the time of his satisfaction, as the consideration of the Priest did approve of it, he should restore him to the communion. And this was a Constitution of old fathered upon the Apostles: that Bishops [...]. Constitut. Apostolic. lib. 2 cap. 16. should separate those vvho said they repented of their sinnes, for a time determined according to the proportion of their sinne; and afterward receive them being penitent, as fathers would do their children. To this Penitential excommunication and absolution, belongeth that saying eyther of S. Ambrose or S. Augustin (for the same discourse is attributed to them both:) Qui egerit veraciter poenitentiam, & solutus fuerit á ligamento quo erat constrictus, & á Christi corpore separatus, & bene post poenitentiam vixerit: post reconciliationem cùm desunctus fuerit, ad Dominum vadit, ad requiem vadit, regno Dei non privabitur & á populo Diaboli separabitur. Ambros. in Exhortat. ad Poenitent. Augustin. homil. 41. ex 50. & inter Caesarij Arelat. sermones homil. 43. & 44. Hee who hath truely performed his repentance, and is loosed from that bond wherewith he was tyed, and separated from the body of Christ, and doth live well after his repentance: whensoever after his reconciliation he shall depart this life, he goeth to the Lord, he goeth to rest, he shall not be deprived of the kingdome of God, and from the people of the Divell he shall be separated. and that which we reade in [Page 127] Anastasius Sinaita: [...]. &c. [...]. Anastas. Sinait. quaest. 6. Binde him, and till thou hast appeased God, doe not let him loose; that he be not more bound with the wrath of God. for if thou bindest him not; there remaine bonds for him that cannot be broken. Neither doe we enquire, whither the wound were often bound; but whither the binding hath profited. If it have profited, although in a short time, use it no longer. Let the measure of the loosing, be the profit of him that is bound. and that exhortation which another maketh unto the Pastors of the Church: [...]. Homil. in illud. Quaecunque ligaveritis, &c. inter opera Chrysost. tom. 7. edit. Savil. pag. 268. Binde with separation such as have sinned after baptisme; and loose them againe when they have repented, receiving them as brethren. for the saying is true: Whatsoever you shall loose upon earth, shall be loosed in heaven.
That this authoritie of loosing remaineth still in the Church, wee constantly maintaine against the heresie of the Hieronym. epist. 54. contra Montanum, & lib. 2. adversus Iovinian. Tertullianus Montanizans, in lib. de Pudicitiâ, cap. ult. Montanists and Ambros. lib. 1. de Poenitent. cap. 2. Socrat. lib. 1. histor. cap. 7. Sozomen. lib. 1. cap. 21. Novatians, who (upon this pretence among others, that God onely had power to remit sinnes) took away the ministeriall power of reconciling such penitents as had committed haynous sinnes; denying that the Church had anie warrant to receive them to her communion againe, and to the participation of the holy mysteries, notwithstanding their repentance were ever so sound. Which is directly contrarie to the doctrine delivered by S. Paul, both in the generall; that Galat. 6.1. if a man be overtaken in a fault, they who are spirituall should restore such a one in the spirit of meekenesse: and in the particular of the incestuous Corinthian, who though hee had beene excommunicated for such a crime 1. Cor. 5.1. as was not so much as named [Page 128] amongst the Gentiles; yet upon his repentance the Apostle telleth the Church, that they 2. Cor. 2.7. ought to forgive him and comfort him, lest he should be swallowed up with overmuch sorrow. Where that speech of his is specially noted and pressed against the hereticks by S. Ambros. de Poenit. lib. 1. cap. 16. Ambrose: 2. Cor. 2.10. To whom yee forgive anie thing, I forgive also: for if I forgave anie thing, to whom I forgave it, for your sakes I forgave it, in the person of Christ. 1. Cor. 5 4, 5. For as in the name, and by the power of our Lord Iesus, such a one was delivered to Satan; so 2. Tim. 2.25, 26. God having given unto him repentance, to recover himselfe out of the snare of the Divell, in the same name and in the same power was hee to be restored againe: the ministers of reconciliation standing 2. Cor. 5.20. in Christs stead, and Christ himselfe being Matth. 18.18, [...]0. in the mids of them that are thus gathered together in his name, to binde or loose in heaven, whatsoever they according to his commission shall binde or loose on earth. And here it is to be noted, that Anastasius (by some called Nicaenus, by others Sinaita and Antiochenus) who is so eager against them which say that Confession made unto men profiteth nothing at all; confesseth yet, that the minister in hearing the confession and instructing and correcting the sinner, doth but give furtherance onely thereby unto his repentance, but that the pardoning of the sinne is the proper worke of God. [...]. Anastas. quaest. 6. For man (saith he) cooperateth with man unto repentance, and ministreth, and buildeth, and instructeth, and reproveth, in things belonging unto salvation, (according to the Apostle, and the Prophet:) but God blotteth out the sinnes of those that have confessed, [Page 129] saying; I am he that blotteth out thine iniquities for mine owne sake, and thy sinnes, and will not remember them.
There followeth now another part of the ministery of reconciliation, consisting in the due administration of the Sacraments: which being the proper seales of the promises of the Gospell (as the Censures are of the threats) must therefore necessarily also have reference to the Act. 2.38. Matth. 26.28. remission of sinnes. And so we see, the ancient Fathers doe hold, that Cyprian. epist. 76 (sect. 4. edit. Pamelij, 8. Goulaertij.) Cyrill. Alexandr. in Ioann. lib. 12. cap 56. Ambros. de Poenitent. lib. 1. cap. 7. Chrysost. lib. 3 de Sacerdot. tom. 6 edit. Savil. pag. 17. lin. 7.5. Vid. & tom. 7. pag. 268. lin. 37. the commission, Ioh. 20.23. Whose sinnes yee remit, they are remitted unto them, &c. is executed by the ministers of Christ, aswell in the conferring of Baptisme, as in the reconciling of Penitents: yet so in both these, and in all the sacraments likewise of both the Testaments, that August. quaest. in Levitic. cap. 84. Optat. lib. 5. contra Donatist. Chrysost. in Mat. 26. homil. 82. (edit. Graec. vel 83. Latin.) in 1. Cor. 3. homil. 8. & in 2. Tim 1. homil. 2. (circa finem) the ministerie onely is to be accounted mans, but the power Gods. For, as S. Augustin well observeth,Aliud enim est baptizare per ministeriū, aliud baptizare per potestatem. Aug. in Evang. Ioan. tract. 5. it is one thing to baptize by way of ministerie, another thing to baptize by vvay of power: Sibi tenuit Dominus baptizandi potestatem, servis ministerium dedit. Id. ibid. the power of baptizing the Lord retayneth to himselfe, the ministerie hee hath given to his servants: Potestatem dominici baptismi in nullum hominem á Domino transituram, sed ministerium plané transiturum; potestatem á Domino in neminem ministrorum, ministerium & in bonos & in malos. Id. ibid. the power of the Lords Baptisme was to passe from the Lord to no man, but the ministery was; the power was to be transferred from the Lord unto none of his ministers, the ministery was both unto the good and unto the bad. And the reason which hee assigneth hereof is verie good: Hoc noluit ideò, ut in illo spes esset baptizatorum, á quo se baptizatos agnoscerent. Noluit ergo servum ponere spem in servo. Id. ibid: that the hope of the baptized might be in him, by whom they did acknowledge themselves to have beene baptized. The Lord therefore would not have a servant to put his hope in a servant. And therefore those Schoolemen [Page 130] argued not much amisse, that gathered this conclusion thence. Paris potestatis est interiùs baptizare, & á culpâ mortali absolvere. Sed Deus non debuit potestatem baptizandi interiùs cō municare; ne spes poneretur in homine: Ergo pari ratione nec potestatem absolvendi ab actuali. Alexand. de Hales. Summ. part. 4. quaest. 21. memb. 1. It is a matter of equall power to baptize inwardly, and to absolve from mortall sinne. But it vvas not fit, that God should communicate the power of baptizing inwardly unto any; lest our hope should be reposed in man. Therefore by the same reason it was not fit, that hee should communicate the power of absolving from actuall sinne unto any. So Bernard, or whosoever was the author of the booke intituled Scala Paradisi: Officium baptizādi Dominus concessit multis, potestatem veró & authoritatem in baptismo remittendi peccata sibi soli retinuit: unde Ioannes antonomasticé & discretivé de eo dixit; Hic est qui baptizat in Spiritu sancto. Seal. Paradis. cap. 3 tem. 9 operum Augustini. The office of baptizing the Lord granted unto many, but the power and authoritie of remitting sinnes in baptisme he retayned unto himselfe alone. whence Iohn by vvay of singularitie and differencing said of him; He it is which baptizeth with the holy Ghost. And the Baptist indeed doth make a singular difference betwixt the conferrer of the externall and the internall baptisme, in saying: Mark. 1.8. Ioh. 1.26, 33. I baptize with water, but it is hee which baptizeth with the holy Ghost. While Iohn Illo operante dabat Deus, qui dando non deficit. Et nunc operantibus cunctis, humana sunt opera, sed Dei sunt munera. Optat. lib. 5. contra Donatist. did his service, God did give, who fayleth not in giving: and now when all others doe their service, the service is mans, but the gift is Gods; saith Optatus. and Arnaldus Bonaevallensis (the author of the twelve treatises de Cardinalibus operibus Christi, falsely ascribed to S. Cyprian:) touching the Sacraments in generall: Remissio peccatorum, sive per baptismum sive per alia sacramenta donetur proprié Spiritus sancti est; & ipsi soli hujus efficientiae privilegium manet. Arnald. abbas Bonaevallis, tract. de Baptismo Christi. Forgivenesse of sinnes, whether it be given by Baptisme or by other sacraments, is properly of the holy Ghost; and the priviledge of effecting this remayneth to him alone.
But the word of reconciliation is it, wherein the 2. Cor. 5.18, 19. Apostle doth especially place that ministerie of reconciliation, [Page 131] which the Lord hath committed to his Ambassadors here upon earth. This is that key of knowledge: which Clavis, quae & conscientiā ad confessionē peccati aperit, & gratiam ad aeternitatem mysterii salutaris includit. Maxim. Taurin. de natali Petri & Pauli. hom 5. doth both open the conscience to the confession of sinne, and include therein the grace of the healthfull mysterie unto eternitie; as Maximus Taurinensis speaketh of it. This is that powerfull meanes, which God hath sanctified for the washing away of the pollution of our soules. Now ye are cleane (saith our Ioh. 15.13. Vid. Eph [...]s. 5.26. & August. in Evangel. Iohann. tract. 80. Saviour to his Apostles) through the word which I have spoken unto you. And whereas everie transgressor is Proverb. 5.22. holden with the cords of his owne sinnes: the Apostles, according to the commission given unto them by their Master, that whatsoever they should loose on earth should be loosed in heaven, did loose those cords by the word of God, and the testimonies of the Scriptures, and exhortation unto vertues. as Funibus peccatorum suorū unusquisque constringitur. Quos funes atque vincula solvere possunt & Apostoli, imitantes magistrum suum qui eis dixerat: Quaecunque solveritis super terram, erunt soluta & in coelo. Solvunt autem eos Apostoli sermone Dei, & testimoniis scripturarum, & exhortatione virtutum. Hieronym. lib. 6. comment. in Esai. cap. 14. saith S. Hierome: Thus likewise doth S. Ambrose note, that Remittuntur peccata per Dei verbum, cujus Levites interpres & quidam executor est. Ambros. de Abel & Cain, lib. 2. cap. 4. sinnes are remitted by the word of God, whereof the Levite was an interpreter and a kinde of an executer: & in that respect concludeth, that Levites igitur minister remissionis est. Id. ibid. the Levite was a minister of this remission. As the Iewish Scribes therefore, by Luk. 11.52. compared with Matth. 23.13. taking away the key of knowledge, did shut up the kingdom of heaven against men: so Matth. 13.52. every Scribe which is instructed unto the kingdome of heaven, by Act. 14 27. opening unto his hearers the doore of faith, doth as it were unlock that kingdome unto them; being the instrument of God herein Act. 26.18. to open mens eyes, and to turne them from darkenesse to light, and from the power of Satan unto God, that they may receive forgivenesse of sinnes, and inheritance among them which are sanctified by faith [Page 132] in Christ. And here are we to understand, that the ministers of Christ, by applying the word of God unto the consciences of men both in publick and in private, doe discharge that part of their function which concerneth forgivenesse of sinnes, partly operatively, partly declaratively. Operatively: inasmuch as God is pleased to use their preaching of the Gospell as a meanes of Act. 10.44. Gal. 3.2. 2. Cor. 3 6.conferring his spirit upon the sonnes of men, of 1. Cor. 4.15. Gal. 4.19. begetting them in Christ, and of Rom. 10.17. Ioh. 17.20. 1. Cor. 3.5. Act. 14.27. and chap. 26. ver. 18, 20. working faith and repentance in them; whereby the remission of sinnes is obtayned. Thus Iohn Mark. 1.4. preaching the Baptisme of repentance for the remission of sinnes, and teaching Act. 19.4. the people, that they should beleeve on him which should come after him, that is, on Christ Iesus; is said to Luk. 1.16, 17. turne manie of the children of Israel to the Lord their God, and the disobedient to the wisedome of the just, by Ibid. vers 77. giving knowledge of salvation to Gods people, unto the remission of their sins. Not because he had properly anie power given him to turne mens hearts, and to worke faith and repentance for forgivenesse of sinnes when and where he thought good: but because he was trusted with the ministerie of the Act. 20.32. Psal. 19.7. and 119. vers. 50, 93. word of Gods grace, which is able to convert and quicken mens soules, and to give them an inheritance among all them which are sanctified. by the powerfull application of which word, Iam. 5.20. he who converteth the sinner from the errour of his way, is said to save a soule from death, and to hide a multitude of sinnes. For howsoever in true proprietie,Rom. 4.6, 7. Ierem. 31.18. Revel. 1.18. 1. Thess. 1.10. Act. 3.26. Matth. 1.21. the covering of sinnes, the saving from death, and turning of men from their iniquities, is a priviledge peculiar to the Lord our God; unto whom alone it appertayneth to 2. Cor. 5.19. reconcile the world to himselfe▪ by not imputing their sinnes unto them: yet inasmuch as he hath committed unto his ambassadors [Page 133] the Ibid. word of reconciliation, they in performing that worke of their ministerie, may be as rightly said to be imployed in reconciling men unto God, and procuring remission of their sinnes; as they are said to Iob. 33.23, 24. deliver a man from going downe into the pit, when they declare unto him his righteousnesse, and to 1. Tim. 4.16. save their hearers, when they 1. Cor. 15.1, 2. Act. 11.14. preach unto them the Gospel, by which they are saved.
For as the word it selfe which they speake, is said to be Ioh. 17.20. their word, which yet 1. Thess. 2.13. is in truth the word of God: so the worke which is effectually wrought by that word in them that beleeve, is said to be their worke, though in truth it be the proper worke of God. And as they that beleeve by their word, are said to be their Epistle, 2. Cor. 3.2. that is to say, the Epistle of Christ ministred by them (as it is expounded in the verse following:) in like maner, forgivenesse of sinnes and those other great graces that appertaine to the beleevers, may be said to be their worke, that is to say, the worke of Christ ministred by them. For in verie deed (as Optatus speaketh in the matter of Baptisme) Has res unicuique, non ejusdem rei operarius, sed credentis fides & Trinitas praestat. Optat. lib. 5. contra Donatist. not the minister, but the faith of the beleever and the Trinitie doe bring these things unto every man. And where the preaching of the Gospel doth prove Rom. 1.16. 1. Cor. [...].18. the power of God unto salvation; onely the weakenesse of the externall ministerie must be ascribed to men, but 2. Cor. 4.7. the excellency of the power must ever be acknowledged to be of God, and not of them: 1. Cor. 3.7. neyther he that planteth, being here any thing, neyther he that watereth, but God that giveth the increase. For howsoever in respect of the former, such as take paines in the Lords husbandry may be accounted [...], as the Ibid. vers. 9. Apostle termeth them, labourers together with God (though that little peece of service [Page 134] it selfe also bee not performed by their owne strength, but Ibid. vers. 10. according to the grace of God which is given unto them:) yet Iam veró quod sequitur, Sed Deus incrementum dedit; non per illos, sed per seipsum facit. Excedit hoc humanam humilitatem, excedit angelicam sublimitatem, nec omninò pertinet, nisi ad agr [...]colam Trinitatem, Aug. in Evangel. Ioann. tract. 80. that which followeth, of giving the increase, God effecteth not by them, but by himselfe. This (saith S. Augustin) exceedeth the lowlinesse of man, this exceedeth the sublimitie of Angels, neither appertayneth unto anie but unto the husbandman the Trinity.
Now as the Spirit of God doth not onely 1. Cor. 12.11. wo [...]ke diversities of graces in us, distributing to every man severally as he will; but also maketh us to 1. Cor. 2.12. know the things that are freely given to us of God: so the ministers of the New Testament, being 1. Cor. 3.6. made able ministers of the same spirit, are not onely ordayned to be Gods instruments to worke faith and repentance in men, for the obtayning of remission of sinnes, but also to declare Gods pleasure unto such as beleeve and repent, and in his name to certifie them and give assurance to their consciences that their sinnes are forgiven. they having Act. 20.24. received this ministerie of the Lord Iesus, to testifie the Gospell of the grace of God; and so by their function being appointed to be witnesses rather then conferrers of that grace. For it is here with them in the loosing part, as it is in the binding part of their ministerie; where they are brought in, like unto those seuen Angels in the book of the Revelation, Revel. 16.1. which powre out the vialls of the wrath of God upon the earth; 2. Cor. 10.6. having vengeance ready against all disobedience, and a charge from God, to I [...]rem. 15.1. cast men out of his sig [...]t: not because they are properly the avengers (for thatPsal. 94.1. title God challengeth unto himselfe) or that vengeance did anie way appertaine unto them (for Rom. 12.19. Hebr. 10.30. it is written: Vengeance is mine, I will repay; saith the Lord) but because they were the denouncers, not the inflicters of this vengeance. So though it be [Page 135] the Lord that Ierem. 18.7, 9. speaketh concerning a nation, to pluck up and to pull down and to destroy, or on the other side, to build and to plant it; yet he Ierem. 1.9, 10 in whose mouth God put those words of his, is said to be set by him over the nations and over the kingdomes, to roote out, and to pull downe, and to destroy, and to throw downe, to build and to plant: as if he himselfe were a doer of those great matters, who was onely Ibid vers. 5, [...]. ordeyned to be a Prophet unto the nations, to speake the things unto them which God had commanded him. Thus likewise in the thirteenth of Leviticus, where the Lawes are set downe that concerne the leprosie, which was a type of the pollution of sinne, wee meet often with these speeches, [...]. The Priest shall cleanse him, and, [...]. The Priest shall pollute him, and in the 44. verse, [...]. The Priest with pollution shall pollute him: Contaminatione contaminabit eum, haud dubium quin Sacerdos: non quo contaminationis author sit, sed quo ostendat eum contaminatum, qui priùs mundus plurimis videbatur. Hieronym. lib. 7. in Esai. cap 23. not (saith S. Hierome) that he is the author of the pollution, but that he declareth him to be polluted, who before did seeme unto many to have beene cleane. Whereupon the Master of the Sentences (following herein S. Hierome, and being afterwards therein followed himselfe by manie others) observeth, that In remittendis vel in retinendis culpis id juris & officii habent Evangelici sacerdotes, quod olim habebant sub lege legales in curandis leprosis. Hi ergo peccata dimittunt vel retinent, dum dimissa á Deo vel retenta indicant & ostendunt. Ponunt enim sacerdotes nomen Domini super filios Israel, sed ipse benedixit; sicut legitur in Numeris. Petr. Lombard. lib. 4. Sentent. dist. 14. f. in remitting or retayning sinnes the Priests of the Gospell have that right and office, which the legall Priests had of old under the Law in curing of the lepers. These therefore (saith hee) forgive sinnes or retaine them, whiles they shew and declare that they are forgiven or retayned by God. For the Priests put the name of the Lord upon the children of Israel, but it was he himselfe that blessed them, as it is read in Numbers. The place that he hath referrence unto, is in the sixth chapter of that booke, where the Priests are commanded [Page 136] to blesse the people, by saying unto them, The Lord blesse thee, &c. and then it followeth (in the last verse of that chapter:) So they shall put my Name upon the children of Israel, and I will blesse them.
Neyther doe we grant hereupon, (as the Bellarmìn. de Poenitent. lib 3. cap. 2. sect. ult. Adversarie falsely chargeth us) that a lay-man, yea or a woman, or a childe, or any infidell, or the Divell (the Father of all calumniators and lyars) or a Parrat likewise, if hee be taught the words, may aswel absolve as the Priest as if 1. Cor. 4.19, 20.the speech were all the thing that here were to be considered, and not the power: where we are taught, that the kingdome of God is not in word, but in power. Indeed if the Priests by their office brought nothing with them but the ministerie of the bare letter, a Parrat peradventure might be taught to sound that letter as well as they: but we beleeve, that 2. Cor. 3.6. God hath made them able ministers of the New Testament, not of the letter, but of the spirit. and that the Gospell ministred by them 1. Thess. 1.5. commeth unto us not in word onely, but also in power, and in the holy Ghost, and in much assurance. For God hath added a speciall Rom. 10.15. beautie to the feet of them that preach the Gospel of peace, that howsoever others may bring glad tydings of good things to the penitent sinner as truely as they doe; yet neyther can they doe it with the same authoritie, neyther is it to be expected that they should doe it with such power, such assurance, and such full satisfaction to the afflicted conscience. The speech of everie Christian (we know) should be employed Ephes. 4.29. to the use of edifying, that it may minister grace unto the hearers; and a private brother in his place may deliver found doctrine, reprehend vice, exhort to righteousnesse, verie commendably: yet hath the Lord notwithstanding all this, for the necessarie use of his Church, appointed [Page 137] publicke officers to doe the same things, and hath given unto them a peculiar 2. Cor. 10.8. & 13.10. power for edification, wherein they may boast above others; and in the due execution whereof God is pleased to make them instruments of ministring a more plentifull measure of grace unto their hearers, then may be ordinarily looked for from others. These men are appointed to bee of Gods high commission, and therefore they may Tit. 2.15. speake, and exhort, and rebuke with all authoritie· they are Gods Revel. 1.20. Angels and 2. Cor. 5.20. Ambassadors for Christ, and therefore in delivering their message are to be Gal. 4.14. received as an Angel of God, yea as Christ Iesus. that looke how the Prophet Esay was comforted, when the Angel said unto him, Esay. 6.7. Thine iniquitie is taken away, and thy sinne purged; and the poore woman in the Gospell, when Iesus said unto her, Luk. 7.48. Thy sinnes are forgiven: the like consolation doth the distressed sinner receive from the mouth of the Minister, when hee hath compared the truth of Gods word faithfully delivered by him, with the worke of Gods grace in his owne heart. according to that of Elihu: Iob. 33.23.24. If there be an Angel or a messenger with him, an Interpreter, one of a thousand, to declare unto man his righteousnesse; then will God have mercy upon him and say, Deliver him from going downe to the pit, I have received a reconciliation. For as it is the office of this messenger and interpreter, to 2. Cor. 5.20. pray us in Christs stead, that we would be reconciled to God: so when wee have listened unto this motion, and submitted our selves to the Gospell of peace, it is a part of his office likewise to declare unto us in Christs stead, that we are reconciled to God: and 2. Cor. 13.3. in him Christ himselfe must bee acknowledged to speake, who to us ward by this meanes is not weake, but is mightie in us.
[Page 138]But our new Masters will not content themselves with such a ministeriall power of forgiving sinnes as hath beene spoken of; unlesse we yeeld that they have authoritie so to doe properly, directly, and absolutely: that is, unlesse wee acknowledge that their high Priest sitteth in the Temple of God as God, and all his creatures as so manie demi-gods under him. For we Oportet dicere, in summo Pontifice esse plenitudinem omnium gratiarum; quia ipse solus confert plenam indulgentiam omnium peccatorum. ut competat sibi, quod de primo principe Domino dicimus; quia de plenitudine ejus nos omnes accepimus. De regimine Principum, lib. 3. cap. 10 inter opuscula Thomae, num. 20. must say (if we will be drunke with the drunken) that in this high Priest there is the fulnesse of all graces; because hee alone giveth a full indulgence of all sinnes: that this may agree unto him, which we say of the chiefe prince our Lord, that of his fulnesse all we have received. Nay wee must acknowledge, that the meanest in the whole armie of Priests that followeth this king of pride, hath such fulnesse of power derived unto him for the opening and shutting of heaven before men: that Negatur remissio illis, quibus noluerint Sacerdotes remittere. Bellar. de Poenit. lib. 3. cap. 2. forgivenesse is denyed to them, whom the Priest will not forgive; and his Absolution on the other side is a sacramentall act, which conferreth grace by the worke wrought, that is, (as they Activé, & proximé, atque instrumentali [...]er efficit gratiam jus [...]ificationis. Id. de Sacrament. in genere, lib. 2. cap. 1. expound it) actively, and immediately, and instrumentally effecteth the grace of justification in such as receive it. that Vt flatus extinguit ignem, & dissi [...]at n [...]bulas; sic etiam Absolutio Sacerdotis peccata dispergit, & evanescere facit. Id. de Poenitent. lib. 3. cap. 2. as the winde doth extinguish the fire, and dispell the clowdes; so doth the Priests absolution scatter sinnes, and make them to vanish away: the sinner being thereby immediately acquitted before God, howsoever that sound conversion of heart be wanting in him, which otherwise would be requisite. for Id. ibid. sect. penult. a conditionall Absolution, upon such termes as these, If thou doest beleeve and repent as thou oughtest to doe, is (in these mens judgement) to no purpose, and can give no securitie to [Page 139] the penitent; seeing it dependeth upon an uncertaine condition. Have wee not then just cause to say unto them, as Optat. lib. 5. Optatus did unto the Donatistes: Nolite vobis Majestatis dominium vendicare? Intrude not upon the royall prerogative of our Lord and Master. No man may challenge this absolute power of the keyes, but Revel. 3.7. he that hath the key of David, that openeth and no man shutteth, and shutteth and no man openeth; hee to whom Ioh. 17.2. the Father hath given power over all flesh, yea Matth. 18.18. all power in heaven and in earth; even the eternall Sonne of God, who hath in his hands Revel. 1.18. the keyes of death, and is able to Ioh. 5.21. quicken whom he will.
The Ministers of the Gospell may not meddle with the matter of soveraignetie, and thinke that they have power to proclaime warre or conclude peace betwixt God and man, according to their owne discretion: they must remember, that they are 2. Cor. 5.20. Ambassadors for Christ, and therefore in this treatie are to proceed according to the instructions which they have received from their soveraigne; which if they doe transgresse, they goe beyond their commission, therein they doe not [...] but [...], and their authoritie for so much is plainly voyde. The Bishop (saith S. Gregory, and the Fathers in the Councell of Aquisgran following him) Saepè in solvendis ac ligandis subditis suae voluntatis motus, non autem caussarum merita sequitur. Vnde fit ut ipsâ hâc ligandi & solvendi potestate se privet; qui hanc pro suis voluntatibus, & non pro subjectorum moribus exercet. Gregor. in Evangel. homil. 26. Concil. Aquisgran sub Ludovico Pio, cap. 37. in loosing and binding those that are under his charge, doth follow oftentimes the motions of his owne will, and not the merit of the causes. Whence it commeth to passe, that he depriveth himselfe of this power of binding and loosing, who doth exercise the same according to his owne will, and not according to the manners of them which be subject unto him. that is to say, he maketh himselfe [Page 140] worthy to be deprived of that power, which he hath thus abused; (as the Qui indignos ligat vel solvit, propriâ potestate se privat, id est, dignum privatione se facit. Petr. Lombard. lib. 4. Sentent. dist. 18. C. Master of the Sentences and Privat, id est, meretur privari. [...]o. Semeca. Gloss. Grat. caus. 11. quaest 3. cap. 60. Ipse ligandi. Semeca in his Glosse upon Gratian, would have S. Gregories meaning to be expounded) and pro tanto (as hath beene said) actually voideth himselfe of this power, this unrighteous judgement of his given upon earth, being no wayes ratified, but absolutely disanulled in the court of heaven. For hee who by his office is appointed to be a minister of Ephes. 1.13. Iam. 1.18. the word of truth, hath no power given him to 2. Cor. 13.8. do any thing against the truth, but for the truth: neyther is it to be imagined, that the sentence of man, who is subject to deceive and be deceived, should anie wayes prejudice the sentence of God, whose Rom. 2.2. judgement wee know to be alwayes according to the truth. Therefore doth Pacianus, in the end of his first epistle to Sympronianus the Novatian, shew that at that time, absolution was Scio frater, hanc ipsam poenitentiae veniam non passim omnibus dari, &c. Pacian. epist. 1. not so easily given unto penitents, as now a dayes it is: but Magno pondere magnoque libramine, post multos gemitus effusionemque lachrymarū, post totius Ecclesiae preces, ita veniā verae poenitentiae non negari, ut judicaturo Christo nemo praejudicet. Ibid. vvith great pondering of the matter and with great deliberation, after manie sighes and shedding of teares, after the prayers of the whole Church, pardon was so not denyed unto tr [...]e repentance, that Christ being to judge, no man should prejudge him. and a little before, speaking of the Bishop by whose ministerie this was done: Reddet quidem ille rationem, si quid perperàm fecerit, vel si corrupté & impiê judicârit. Nec praejudicator Deo, quo minùs mali aedificatoris opera rescindat: intereà, si pia illa administratio est, adjutor Dei operum perseverat, Id. ibid. He shall give an account (saith he) if hee have done anie thing amisse, or if he have judged corruptly and wickedly. Neyther is there anie prejudice done unto God, whereby he might not undoe the workes of this evill builder: but in the meane time, if that administration of his be godly, he continueth a helper of the workes of God. Wherein he doth but tread in the [Page 141] steps of S. Cyprian, who at the first rising of the Novatian heresie, wrote in the same maner unto Antonianus. Neque enim praejudicamus Domino judicaturo, quo minùs si poenitentiam plenā & justam peccatoris invenerit, tunc ratum faciat quod á nobis fuerit hîc starutum. si veró nos aliquis poenitentiae simulatione deluserit; Deus qui non deridetur, & qui cor hominis intuetur, de his quae nos minùs perspeximus judicet, & servorum sententiam Dominus emendet. Cypr. epist. 52. sect. 11. (edit Goulart.) Wee doe not prejudice the Lord that is to judge, but that hee, if he finde the repentance of the sinner to be full and just, he may then ratifie that which shall be here ordayned by us: but if any one doe deceive us with the semblance of repentance, God (who is not mocked, and who beholdeth the heart of man) may judge of those things which we did not well discerne, and the Lord may amend the sentence of the servants.
Hereupon S. Hierome, expounding those words, Daniel 4.24. It may be God will pardon thy sinnes; reproveth those men of great rashnesse, that are so peremptorie and absolute in their absolutions. Cum beatus Daniel, praescius futurorum, de sententiâ Dei dubitet: rem temerariā faciunt, qui audacter peccatoribus indulgentiam pollicentur. Hieronym. in Daniel. cap. 4. When blessed Daniel (saith he) who knew things to come, doth doubt of the sentence of God: they do a rash deed, that boldly promise pardon unto sinners. S. Basil also resolveth us, that [...]. Basil regul. brevior. qu. 25. the power of forgiving is not given absolutely; but upon the obedience of the penitent, and his consent with him that hath the care of his soule. For it is in loosing, as it is in binding. Coepisti habere fratrem tuum tanquam publicanum: ligas illum in terrâ. Sed ut justé alliges, vide. Nam injusta vincula dirumpit justitia. August. de ve [...]bis Domini, serm. 16. cap. 4. Thou hast begun to esteeme thy brother as a publican, (saith S. Augustin:) thou bindest him upon earth. But looke that thou bindest him justly. For unjust bonds justice doth breake. So when the Priest saith, I absolve thee: Maldonat confesseth, that hee meaneth no more thereby but, Quantum in me est, ego te absolvo. Maldonat. tom. 2. de poenitent. part. 3. thes. 5. As much as in me lyeth, I absolve thee: and Suarez acknowledgeth, that it implicity includeth this condition, Nisi suscipiens obicem ponat. Fr. Suarez. in Thom. tom. 4. disp. 19 sect. 2. num. 20. Vnlesse the receiver put some impediment; [Page 142] for which hee alledgeth the authority of Hugo de S. Victore, lib. 2. de Sacramentis, pa. 14. s. 8. affirming,Hanc formā magis significare virtutem suam, quàm eventum. Hugo. that this forme doth rather signifie the power and vertue, then the event of the absolution. And therefore doth the Master of the Sentences rightly observe, that Ita & hîc aperté ostenditur, quòd non semper sequitur Deus Ecclesiae judicium: quae per surreptionem & ignorantiam interdum iudicat; Deus autem semper iudicat secundùm veritatē. Petr. Lombard. Sentent. lib. 4. distinct. 18. f. God doth not evermore follow the judgement of the Church: which sometimes judgeth by surreption and ignorance; whereas God doth alwayes judge according to the truth. So the Priests Aliquando enim ostendunt solutos vel ligatos, qui ita non sunt apud Deum: & poenâ satisfactionis vel excommunicationis interdum indignos ligant vel solvunt; & indignos sacramentis admittunt, & dignos admitti arcent. Sed intelligendum est hoc in illis, quorum merita solvi vel ligari postulant. Tunc enim sententia Sacerdotis iudicio Dei & totius coelestis curiae approbatur & confirmatur, cùm ita ex discretione procedit, ut reorum merita non contradicant. Quoscunque ergo solvunt vel ligant, adhibentes clavem discretionis reorum meritis, solvuntur vel ligantur in coelis, id est, apud Deum: quia divino iudicio Sacerdotis sententia sic progressa approbatur & confirmatur. Id. ibid. h. Vid Gabriel Biel, in eand. distinct. 18. quaest. 1. lit. b. sometime declare men to be loosed or bound, who are not so before God: with the penaltie of satisfaction or excommunication they sometime binde such as are unworthy, or loose them; they admit them that be unworthy to the Sacraments, and put backe them that be worthy to be admitted. That saying therefore of Christ must be understood to be verified in them (saith he) whose merits doe require that they should be loosed or bound. For then is the sentence of the Priest approved and confirmed by the judgement of God and the whole court of heaven, when it doth proceed with that discretion, that the merits of them who be dealt withall doe not contradict the same. Whomsoever therefore they do loose or binde, using the key of discretion according to the parties merits, they are loosed or bound in heaven, that is to say, with God: because the sentence of the Priest proceeding in this maner, is approved and confirmed by divine judgement. Thus farre the Master of the Sentences: who is followed herein by the rest of the Schoolemen; who generally [Page 143] agree, that the power of binding and loosing committed to the Ministers of the Church, is not absolute, but must be limited with Clave non errante, as being then onely of force Quod in terrâ Sacerdos clave non errante, & recto iudicio procedens retinet, nec dimittit; Deus etiam in coelo retinet, nec dimittit. Tolet. comment. in Iohan. 20. when matters are carried with right iudgement, and no error is committed in the use of the keyes.
Our Saviour therefore must stil have the priviledge reserved unto him, of being the absolute Lord over his owne house: it is sufficient for his officers, that they bee esteemed as Moses was, Hebr 10.5, 6. faithfull in all his house as servants. The place wherein they serve, is a Stewards place: and the Apostle telleth them, 1. Cor. 4.2. that it is required in Stewards, that the man be found faithfull. They may not therefore carrie themselves in their office, as the Luk. 16.6, 7, 8. unjust steward did, and presume to strike out their Masters debt without his direction, and contrarie to his liking. Now we know that our Lord hath given no authoritie unto his stewards, to grant an acquittance unto anie of his debtors, that bring not unfayned faith and repentance with them. Nec angelus potest, nec archangelus: Dominus ipse, (qui solus potest dicere; Ego vobiscum sum) si peccaverimus, nisi poenitentiam deferentibus non relaxat. Ambr. epist. 28. ad Theodosium Imp. Neyther Angell nor Archangell can, neyther yet the Lord himselfe, (who alone can say; I am with you) when we have sinned, doth release us, unlesse vvee bring repentance with us: saith S. Ambrose. and Eligius Bishop of Noyon, in his Sermon unto the Penitents: Ante omnia autem vobis scire necesse est; quia licèt impositionem manuum nostrarum accipere cupiatis, tamen absolutionem peccatorum vestrorum consequi non potestis, antequàm per compunctionis gratiam divina pietas vos absolvere dignabitur. Eligius Nouiomens. homil. 11. tom. 7. Biblioth. Patr. pag. 248. edit. Colon. Before all things it is necessary you should know, that howsoever you desire to receive the imposition of our hands; yet you cannot obtaine the absolution of your sinnes, before the divine piety shall vouchsafe to absolve you by the grace of compunction. To thinke therefore that it lyeth in the power of anie Priest truely to [Page 144] absolve a man from his sinnes, without implying the condition of his beleeving and repenting as he ought to doe; is both presumption and madnesse in the highest degree. Neyther dareth Cardinall Bellarmine, who censureth this conditionall absolution in us for idle and superfluous, when he hath considered better of the matter, assume unto himselfe, or communicate unto his brethren, the power of giving an absolute one. For he is driven to confesse with other of his fellowes, that when the Priest Nam qui dicit; Ego te baptizo, vel absolvo, non affirmat se absoluté baptizare vel absolvere, eùm non ignoret, multis modis fieri posse, ut neque baptizet neque absolvat, licèt ea verba pronunciet: nimi [...]um si is, qui Sacramentum suscipere videtur, fortè non habeat suscipiendi intentionem, vel non sit ritè dispositus, aut obicem ponat. Igitur Minister illis verbis nihil aliud significat, nisi se, quod in se est, Sacramentum reconciliationis vel absolutionis impendere, quod vim habet in homine disposito peccata omnia dimittendi. Bellarmin. de Poenitent. lib. 2. cap. 14. sect. penult. saith, I absolve thee, he doth not affirme that he doth absolve absolutely; as not being ignorant, that it may many wayes come to passe that he doth not absolve, although he pronounce those words: namely if hee who seemeth to receive this Sacrament (for so they call it) peradventure hath no intention to receive it, or is not rightly disposed, or putteth some blocke in the way. Therefore the Minister (saith hee) signifieth nothing else by those words, but that hee, as much as in him lyeth, conferreth the sacrament of reconciliation or absolution, which in a man rightly disposed hath vertue to forgive all his sinnes.
Now that Contrition is at all times necessarily required for obtayning remission of sinnes and iustification, is a matter determined by the Fathers of Concil. Tridentin. sess. 14. cap. 4. Trent. But marke yet the mysterie. They equivocate with us in the terme of Contrition: and make a distinction thereof into perfect and imperfect. The former of these is Contrition properly: the latter they call Attrition. which howsoever in it selfe it be not true Contrition, yet when the Priest with his power of forgiving sinnes [Page 145] interposeth himselfe in the businesse, they tell us that A [...]t [...]i [...]io virtute clavium sit contritio. Romani Corrector [...]s Gloss. Gratiani, De poeni [...]ēt. d [...]stinct. 1. in principi [...]: & alij passi [...]n. attrition by vertue of the keyes is made contrition: that is to say, that a sorrow arising from a servile feare of punishment, and such a fruitlesse Matth. 27.3.4.5. repentance as the reprobate may carry with them to hell, by vertue of the Priests absolution is made so fruitfull, that it shall serve the turne for obteyning forgivenesse of sinnes; as if it had beene that 2. Cor. 7.10. godly sorrow which worketh repentance to salvation not to be repented of. By which spirituall coosenage, many poore soules are most miserably deluded, while they perswade themselves that upon the receipt of the Priests acquittance upon this carnall sorrow of theirs, all skores are cleered untill that day: and then beginning upon a new reckoning, they sinne and confesse, confesse and sinne afresh, and tread this round so long till they put off all thought of saving repentance; and so the Matth. 15.14. blinde following the blinde, both at last fall into the pit.
Mali & facinorosi, carnales, animales, diabolici, á seductoribus suis sibi da [...]i arbitrantur, quae non nisi munera Dei sunt, sive sacramenta sive spiritales aliquas operationes, circa praesentem salutem. August. de Baptism. contra Donatist lib. 3. cap. ult. Evill and wicked, carnall, naturall, and divellish men (saith S. Augustin) imagine those things to be given unto them by their seducers, which are onely the gifts of God, whether sacraments, or any other spirituall workes, concerning their present salvation. But such as are thus seduced, may doe well to listen a little to this grave admonition of S. Cyprian. Nemo se fallat, nemo se decipiat: solus Dominus misereri potest. Veniam peccatis, quae in ipsum commissa sunt, solus potest ille largiri, qui peccata nostra portavit, qui pro nobis doluit, quem Deus tradidit pro peccatis nostris. Homo Deo esse non potest major; nec remittere aut donare indulgentiâ suâ servus potest, quod in Dominum delicto graviore commissum est: ne adhuc lapso & hoc accedat ad crimen, si nesciat esse praedictum; Maledictus homo qui spem habet in homine. Cyprian. de Lapsis (sect. 7. edit. Pamel. 14. Goulart.) Let no man deceive, let no man beguile himselfe: it is the Lord alone that can shew mercy. He alone can grant pardon to the sinnes committed against [Page 146] him, who did himselfe beare our sinnes, who suffered griefe for us, whom God did deliver for our sinnes. Man cannot be greater then God; neyther can the servant by his indulgence remit or pardon that which by haynous trespasse is committed against the Lord: lest to him that is fallen this yet be added as a further crime, if hee be ignorant of that which is said; Cursed is the man that putteth his trust in man. Whereupon S. Augustin sticketh not to say, that good ministers doe consider that Ministri enim sunt, pro [...]udicibus haberi nolunt, spem in se poni exhorrescunt. August. in Evangel. Iohan. tract. 5. they are but ministers, they would not be held for Iudges, they abhorre that any trust should be put in them: and that the power of remitting and retayning sinnes is committed unto the Church, to be dispensed therein, No secundùm arbitrium hominum, sed secundùm arbitrium Dei. August. de Baptism. contra Donatist. lib. 3. cap. 18. not according to the arbitrement of man, but according to the arbitrement of God. Whereas our adversaries lay the foundation of their Babel upon another ground: that Christus instituit Sacerdotes iudices super terram cum eâ potestate, ut sine ipsorum sententiâ nemo post Baptismū lapsus reconciliari possit. Bellarm. de Poenit. lib. 3. cap. 2. Christ hath appointed Priests to be Iudges upon earth with such power, that none falling into sinne after Baptisme may be reconciled without their sentence; and hath Igitur in horum a [...]bitrio munus solvendi & ligandi, remittendi & retinendi peccata hominum, á Christo Domino, per Spiritum sanctum fuisse positum, liquido constat. Baron. An [...]al. tom. 1. ann. 34. s [...]ct. 197. put the authoritie of binding and loosing, of forgiving and retayning the sinnes of men, in their arbitrement.
Whether the Ministers of the Gospell may be accounted Iudges in some sort, we wil not much contend: for we dislike neyther that saying of S. Hierome, that Qui claves regni coelorum habentes, quodammodo ante iudicii diem iudicant. Hieronym. epist. 1. ad Heliodorum. having the keyes of the kingdome of heaven, they judge after a sort before the day of judgement; nor that other of S. Gregory, that the Apostles, & such as succeed them in the governement of the Church, Principatum superni iudicii sortiuntur, ut vice Dei quibusdam peccata retineant, quibusdam relaxent. Gregor. h [...]mil. 26. in Evangel. obtaine a principalitie of judgement from above, that they may in Gods stead [Page 147] retayne the sinnes of some, and release the sinnes of others. All the question is, in what sort they doe judge, and whether the validitie of their judgement doe depend upon the truth of the conversion of the penitent: wherein if our Romanists would stand to the iudgement of S. Hierome or S. Gregory (one of whom they make a Cardinall, and the other a Pope of their owne Church) the controversie betwixt us would quickly be at an end. For S. Hierome, expounding that speech of our Saviour, touching the keyes of the kingdome of heaven, in the sixteenth of S. Matthew; Istum locū Episcopi & Presbyteri non intelligentes, aliquid sibi de Pharisaeorum assumunt supercilio: ut vel damnent innocentes vel solvere se noxios arbitrentur: cùm apud Deū non sententia Sacerdotum, sed reorum vita quaer [...]tur Legimus in Levitico de leprosis, ubi iubentur, ut ostendant se Sacerdotibus, & si lepram habuerint, tunc á Sacerdote immundi fiant: non quò Sacerdotes leprosos f [...]ciant & immundos: sed quò habeant notitiam leprosi & non leprosi, & possint discernere, qui mundus quive immundus sit. Quomodo ergo ibi leprosum Sacerdos mundum vel immundum facit: sic & hî alligat vel solvit Episcopus & Presbyter, non eos qui insontes sunt vel noxii, sed pro officio suo, cùm peccatorum audierit varietates, scit qui ligandus scit quive solvendus, Hieronym. commentar. in Matth. cap. 16. The Bishops and Priests, saith he, not understanding this place, assume to themselves somewhat of the Pharisees arrogancie: as imagining, that they may either condemne the innocent, or absolve the guiltie; vvhereas it is not the sentence of the Priests, but the life of the parties that is inquired of vvith God. In the booke of Leviticus vvee reade of the Lepers, vvhere they are commanded to shew themselves to the Priests, and if they shall have the leprosie, that then they shall be made uncleane by the Priest. not that the Priests should make them leprous and uncleane, but that they should take notice who was a leper and who was not, and should discerne who was cleane and who uncleane. Therefore as there the Priest doth make the leper cleane or uncleane; so here the Bishop or Priest doth binde or loose: not binde the innocent, or loose the guiltie; but when according to his office hee heareth the variety of sinnes, hee knoweth who is to be bound and who to be loosed. Thus farre S. Hierome.
[Page 148]S. Gregory likewise in the very same place from whence the Romanists fetch that former sentence, doth thus declare in what maner that principalitie of iudgement, which he spake of, should be exercised: being therin also followed step by step, by the Fathers of the Councell of Aquisgran. Caussae ergo pensandae sunt, & tunc ligandi atque solvendi potestas exercenda. Videndū est quae culpa, aut quae sit poenitentia secuta post culpam: ut quos omnipotens Deus per compunctionis gratiam visitat, illos Pastoris sententia absolvat. Tunc enim vera est absolutio praesidentis: cùm aeterni arbitrium sequitur Iudicis. Gregor. in Evangel. homil. 26. Concil. Aquisgran. cap. 37. The causes ought to bee weighed, and then the power of binding and loosing exercised. It is to be seene, what the fault is, and what the repentance is that hath followed after the fault: that such as almightie God doth visite with the grace of compunction, those the sentence of the Pastor may absolve. For the absolution of the Prelate is then true, when it followeth the arbitrement of the eternall Iudge. And this doe they illustrate by that which we reade in the Gospell of the raysing of Lazarus, Ioh. 11.44. that Christ did first of all give life to him that was dead by himselfe, and then commanded others to loose him, and let him goe. Ecce illum discipuli iam viventem solvunt: quem magister resuscitaverat mortuum. Si enim discipuli Lazarum mortuum solverent: foetorem magis ostenderent quàm virtutem. Ex quâ consideratione intuendum est: quòd illos nos debemus per pastoralem auctoritatem solvere, quos auctorem nostrum cognoscimus per suscitantem gratiam vivificare. [...]idem ibidem. & El [...]gius Noviomens homil. 11. tom. 7: Bibliothec. Pa [...]r. pag. 248. [...]dit. Colon. Behold (say they) the disciples doe loose him being now alive; whom their Master had raysed up being dead. For if the disciples had loosed Lazarus being dead: they should have discovered a stinche more then a vertue. By which consideration vvee may see: that by our Pastorall authoritie vvee ought to loose those, vvhom vvee know that our Authour and Lord hath revived vvith his quickning grace. The same application also doe wee finde made, not onely by P. Lombard. lib. 4. Sent. dist. 18. lit. f. Alexand. de Hales, Summ. part. 4. quaest. 2 [...]. membr. 1. &c. Peter Lombard, and other of the Schoolemen, but also by Iudocus Clichtoveus, not long before the time of the Councell of Trent. [Page 149] Sed ante prodiit redivivus Lazarus ex s [...]pulchro, & deinde ut solveretur á discipulis & sineretur abire á Domino jussum est: quia peccatorem etiam consuetudine committendi reatus gravatū, priùs Dominus intrinsecus per seipsum vivificat, postea veró eundem per Sacerdotum ministeriū absolvit. Nullus quippe peccator absolvendus est, antequam per dignam poenitentiam correctus, & intrinsecùs appareat vivificatus. Vivificare autem interiùs peccatorē solius Dei munus est, qui per Proph [...]tam dicit: Ego sum qui deleo iniquitates vestras. Clichtov. in Evangel. Ioann. lib. 7. cap. 23. inter opera Cyrilli. Lazarus (saith Clichtoveus) first of all came forth alive out of the sepulchre, and then was commandement given by our Lord that hee should be loosed by the disciples and suffered to go his way: because the Lord doth first inwardly by himselfe quicken the sinner, and afterwards absolveth him by the Priests ministerie. For no sinner is to be absolved, before it appeareth that hee be amended by due repentance, and bee quickned inwardly. But inwardly to quicken the sinner, is the office of God alone, who saith by the Prophet: I am he that blotteth out your iniquities.
The truth therefore of the Priests absolution, dependeth upon the truth and sinceritie of Gods quickning grace in the heart of the Penitent: which if it be wanting, all the absolutions in the world will stand him in no stead. For example, our Saviour saith: M [...]tth. 6.14, 15. &c. 18.35. If yee forgive men their trespasses, your heavenly Father will also forgive you; but, if ye forgive not men their trespasses, neyther will your Father forgive your trespasses. and in this respect (as is observed by Sedulius) In aliorum personis aut absolvimur aut ligamur. Sedul. lib. 2. Paschalis Operis, cap. 11. in other mens persons we are eyther absolved or bound:
Suppose now, that a man who cannot find in his heart to forgive the wrong done unto him by another, is absolved here by the Priest from all his sinnes (according to the usuall forme of Absolution:) are wee to thinke that what is thus loosed upon earth, shall be loosed in heaven? and that Christ, to make the Priests word true, will make his owne false? And what wee say of charitie toward man, must much more be understood of the love of God and the love of righteousnesse: the [Page 150] defect whereof is not to be supplyed by the absolution of anie Priest. It hath beene alwayes observed for a speciall difference betwixt good and bad men, that the one Odetunt peccare boni virtutis amore. Horas. lib. 1. epist. 16. hated sinne for the love of vertue, the other onely for the feare of punishment. The like difference do our Adve [...]saries make betwixt Contrition and Attrition: Fatemur enim perfectum odium peccati esse illud, quod ex amore Dei, justitiaeque procedit; & ideò dolorem, sive odium ex timore poenae conceptū, non Contritionem, sed Attritionē nominamus. B [...]llarm. lib. 2. de Poenitent. cap. 18. that the hatred of sinne, in the one proceedeth from the love of God and of righteousnesse; in the other, from the feare of punishment. and yet teach for all this, that Id. ibid. Attrition (which they confesse would not otherwise suffice to justifie a man) being ioyned with the Priests Absolution, is sufficient for that purpose: he that was attrite being by vertue of this Absolution made contrite, and iustified, that is to say, hee that was led onely by a servile feare, and consequently was to be rancked among disordered and evill persons, being by this meanes put in as good case for the matter of the forgivenesse of his sinnes, as hee that loveth God sincerely. For they themselves doe graunt, that Argumentū recté probat eos, qui timorem servilem habeat, inordinatos ac malos esse &c. Id. ibid. such as have this servile feare, from whence Attrition issueth, are to be accounted evill and disordered men, by reason of their want of charitie: to which purpose also they alledge that saying of Gregory, Recti diligunt te, non recti adhuc timent te. Such as be righteous love thee, such as be not right [...]ous as yet feare thee.
But they have taken an order notwithstanding, that non recti shall stand recti in curiâ with them: by assuming a strange authoritie unto themselves of iustifying the wicked (a thing, we know, that hath the curse of Prov. 17.15. God and Prov. 24.24. man threatned unto it) & making men friends with God, that have not the love of God dwelling in them. For although we be taught by the word of God, that 1. Ioh. 4.18. perfect love casteth out feare; that wee [Page 151] Rom. 8.15. have not received the spirit of bondage to feare againe, but the spirit of adoption whereby wee cry Abba, father; that mount Sinai (which Heb. 12.18, 21. maketh those that come unto it to feare and quake) Gal. 4.24, 25, 31. engendreth to bondage, and is to be cast out with her children, from inheriting the promise; & that 1. Cor. 13.2, 3. Vid. authorem libri de verâ & fal â poenitentiâ cap. 17 inter opera Augustini, tom. 4. without love, both we our selves are nothing, and all that we have doth profit us nothing: yet these wonderfull men would have us beleeve, that by their word alone they are able to make something of this nothing; that feare without love shall make men capable of the benefite of their pardon, as well as love without feare; that whether men come by the way of mount Sinai or mount Sion, whether they have Legall or Evangelicall repentance, they have authoritie to absolve them from all their sinnes. as if it did lye in their power, to confound Gods Testaments at their pleasure, and to give unto a servile feare not the benefite of manumission only, but the priviledge of adoption also; by making the children of the bondwoman children of the promise, and giving them a portion in that blessed inheritance together with the children of her that is free.
Hebr. 6.1. Repentance from dead workes, is one of the foundations and principles of the doctrine of Christ. Poenitentiā certam non facit, nisi odium peccati, & amor Dei. August serm. 7. de Tempore. Nothing maketh repentance certaine, but the hatred of sinne, and the love of God. and without true repentance all the Priests under heaven are not able to give us a discharge from our sinnes, and deliver us from the wrath to come. Matth. 18.3. Except ye be converted, ye shall not enter into the kingdome of heaven. Luk. 13.3, 5. Except yee repent, yee shall all perish: is the Lords saying in the new Testament. and in the old: Ezech. 18.30, 31. Repent, and turne from all your transgressions: so iniquitie shall not be your ruine. Cast away from [Page 152] you all your transgressions, whereby yee have transgressed, and make you a new heart and a new spirit: for why will yee dye, O house of Israel? Now put case one commeth to his ghostly father, with such sorrow of minde as the terrours of a guiltie conscience usually doe produce, and with such a resolution to cast away his sins, as a man hath in a storme to cast away his goods, not because he doth not love them, but because he feareth to loose his life if he part not with them: doth not he betray this mans soule, who putteth into his head, that such an extorted repentance as this, which hath not one graine of love to season it withall, wil qualifie him sufficiently for the receiving of an absolution, by I know not what sacramentall facultie that the Priest is furnished withall to that purpose? For all doe confesse with S. Augustin, that Timor namque iste quo nō amatur justitia, sed timetur poena, servilis est, quia carnalis est, & ideò non c [...]ucifigit carnem. Vivit enim peccandi voluntas, quae tunc apparet in opere, quando speratur impunitas. Cùm veró paena c [...]editur secutura, latenter vivit, vivit tamen. Mallet enim licere & dolet non licere quod lex vetat: quia non spiritaliter delectatur ejus bono, sed carnaliter malum meruit quod minatur. August. in Psalm. 118. conc. 25. this feare which loveth not justice, but dreadeth punishment, is servile, because it is carnall, and therefore doth not crucifie the flesh. For the willingnesse to sinne liveth, which then appeareth in the work, when impunitie is hoped for: but when it is beleeved that punishment will follow, it liveth closely, yet it liveth. For it would wish rather, that it were lawfull to doe that which the Law forbiddeth, and is sorry that it is not lawfull: because it is not spiritually delighted with the good thereof, but carnally feareth the evill vvhich it doth threaten. What man then, doe we thinke, will take the paynes to get him a new heart and a new spirit, and undertake the toylsome worke of crucifying the flesh with the lustes thereof; if without all this adoe, the Priests absolution can make that other imperfect or rather equivocall contrition, arising from a carnall and servile feare, to [Page 153] be sufficient for the blotting out of all his sinnes? Or are wee not rather to thinke that this sacramentall penance of the Papists is a device invented by the enemie to hoodwinke poore soules, and to divert them from seeking that true repentance which is onely able to stand them in stead? and that such as take upon them to helpe lame dogges over the stile after this maner, by substituting quid pro quo, attrition in stead of contrition, servile feare in stead of filiall love, carnall sorrow in stead of godly repentance; are physicians of no value, nay such as minister poyson unto men under colour of providing a soveraigne medicine for them? Hee therefore that will have care of his soules health, must consider, that much resteth here in the good choyce of a skilfull physician; but much more, in the paines that must be taken by the patient himselfe. For that every one who beareth the name of a Priest, is not fit to bee trusted with a matter of this moment; their owne Decrees may give them faire warning, where this admonition is Decret. de Poenit. distinct. 1. ca. 88. Quem poenitet. & dist. 6. ca. 1. Qui vult twise laid down, out of the author that wrote of true and false repentance. Qui confiteri vult peccata, ut inveniat gratiam, quaerat sacerdotem scientem ligare & solvere: ne, cùm negligens circa se extiterit, negligatur ab illo, qui eum misericorditer monet, & petit, ne ambo in foveam cadāt, quam stultus evitare noluit. Lib. de ver. & fals. poenitent. cap 10. inter opera. Augustini, tom. 4. Hee who will confesse his sinnes, that he may finde grace, let him seeke for a Priest that knoweth how to binde and loose: least, while he is negligent concerning himselfe, he be neglected by him vvho mercifully admonisheth and desireth him, that both fall not into the pit, which the foole would not avoid. And when the skilfullest Priest that is, hath done his best: S. Cyprian will tell them, that Poenitenti, operanti, roganti potest clementer ignoscere; potest in acceptum referre, quidquid pro tasibus & petierint martyres, & fecerint sacerdotes. Cyprian. de Lapsis. (sect. 13. edit. Pamel. 29 Goulart.) to him that repenteth, to him that worketh, to him that prayeth, the Lord of his mercie can grant a pardon; hee can make good that which for [Page 154] such men eyther the Martyrs shall request or the Priest shall doe.
If we inquire, who they were that first assumed unto themselves this exorbitant power of forgiving sins: we are like to finde them in the Tents of the ancient hereticks and schismaticks; who 2 Pet. 2.19. promised unto others libertie, when they themselves were the servants of corruption. Quanti panem non hab [...]n [...]es & vestimen [...]a, cùm ipsi esuriant & nudi sint, nec habeant spirituales cibos neque Christi tunicā integram reservârint; aliis & alimonia & vestimenta promittunt, & pleni vulneribus medicos esse se jactant: nec servant illud Mosaicu, Provide alium quē mittas; aliud que mandatū, Ne quaeras judex fieri, ne fortè non possis aufe [...]re iniquitates. Solus Ie [...]us omnes [...] scriptum est▪ Qui sanat contritos corde, & alligat contritiones eorum. H [...]. onym. lib. 2. co [...]ent. in Esaei. cap. 3. How manie (saith S. Hierom) which have neyther bread nor apparell, when they themselves are hungry and naked, and neyther have spirituall meates, nor preserve the coate of Christ intire; yet promise unto others food and rayment, and being full of wounds themselves bragge that they be physicians: and doe not observe that of Moses, (Exod. 4.13.) Provide another vvhom thou mayest send; & that other commandement (Ecclesiastic. 7.6.) Doe not seeke to be made a Iudge, lest peradventure thou be not able to take away iniquitie. It is Iesus alone, who healeth all sicknesses and infirmities: of vvhom it is written, (Psalm. 147.4.) He healeth the contrite in heart, and bindeth up their soares. Thus farre S. Hierom.
The Rhemists in their marginall note upon Luke 7.49. tell us, that as the Pharisees did alwayes carp Christ for remission of sinnes in earth, so the Hereticks reprehend his Church that remitteth sinnes by his authoritie. But S. Augustin treating upon the selfe same place, might have taught them, that hereby the bewrayed themselves to be the off spring of Hereticks, rather then children of the Church. For whereas our Saviour there had said unto the penitent woman, Thy sinnes are forgiven; and they that sate at meate with him began to say within themselves, Who is this that forgiveth sinnes also? S. Augustin first compareth their knowledge and the knowledge of the woman thus together. [Page 155] Noverat ergo illum poste dimittere peccata: illi autem noverant hominem non posse peccata dimittere. Et credendum est, quòd omnes, id est, & illi discumbentes, & illa mulier accedens ad pedes Domini, omnes hi nō verant hominē non posse peccata dimittere. Cùm ergo omnes hoc nossent: illa quae credidit eum posse peccata dimittere, plus quàm hominē esse intellexit. August. hom. 23. ex. 50. cap. 7. Shee knew that hee could forgive sinnes; but they knew that a man could not forgive sinnes. And wee are to beleeve that all, that is, both they which sat at table, and the woman which came to our Lords feet, they all knew that a man could not forgive sinnes. Seeing all therefore knew this, shee who beleeved that hee could forgive sinnes, understood him to be more then a man. and a little after: Tamen illud bene nost [...]s, bene tenetis Tenete, quia homo non potest peccata dimittere. Illa quae sibi á Christo peccata dimitti credidit, Christū non hominē tantùm, sed & Deū credidit Id. ibid. That doe you know well, that doe you hold well; saith that learned Father. Hold, that a man cannot forgive sinnes. Shee who beleeved that her sinnes were forgiven her by Christ, beleeved that Christ was not only man, but God also. Then doth hee proceede to compare the knowledge of the Iewes then with the opinion of the Heretickes in his dayes. Herein (saith Sed in eo melior Pharisaeus; quia cùm putaret hominē Christū, non credebat ab homine posse dimitti peccata. Melior ergo Iudaeis quàm haereticis apparuit intellectus. Iudaei dixerunt, Quis est hic qui etiam peccata dimittit? Audet sibi homo usurpare? Quid contrà Haereticus? Ego mundo, ego sanctifico. Respondeat illi, non ego, sed Christus. O homo, quando ego á Iudaeis putatus sum homo, dimissionem peccatorum fidei dedi. Non ego, respondet tibi Christus. O Haeretice, tu cùm sis homo, dicis; Veni mulier, ego te salvam facio. Ego cùm putarer homo, dixi, Vade mulier, fides tua te salvam fecit. Id. ibid. cap. 8. he) the Pharisee was better then these men: for when he did thinke that Christ was a man, he did not beleeve that sinnes could be forgiven by a man. It appeared therefore that the Iewes had better understanding then the Hereticks. The Iewes said; Who is this that forgiveth sinnes also? Dare a man challenge this to himselfe? What saith the Heretick on the other side? I do forgive, I doe cleanse, I doe sanctifie. Let Christ answer him, not I: O man, when I was thought by the Iewes to bee a man, I ascribed the forgivenesse of sinnes to faith. Not I, but Christ doth answer thee. O Heretick, Thou when thou art but a man sayest; Come woman, I doe make the safe. I when I was thought to be but a man said; Goe woman, thy faith hath made thee safe.
[Page 156]The Hereticks at whom S. Augustin here aymeth, were the Donatists: whom Optatus also before him did thus roundly take up for the same presumption. Intelligite ves vel seró operarios esse, non dominos. Et si Ecclesia vinea est, sunt homines & ordinati cultores. Quid in dominium patrisfamilias irruistis? Quid vobis, quod Dei est, vindicatis? Optat. lib. 5. contra Donatist. Vnderstand at length, that you are servants, and not Lords. And if the Church be a vineyard, and men be appointed to be dressers of it: why doe you rush into the dominion of the housholder? Why doe you challenge unto your selves, that which is Gods? Concedite Deo, praestare quae sua sunt. Non enim potest munus abhomine dari, quod divinum est. Si sic putatis, Prophetarū voces, & Dei promissa inanire contenditis, quibus p [...]obatur, quia Deus lavat, non homo Id. ibid. Give leave unto God to performe the things that belong unto himselfe. For that gift cannot be given by man, which is divine. If you think so, you labour to frustrate the words of the Prophets, & the promises of God, by which it is proved that God washeth (away sinne,) and not man. It is noted likewise by Theodoret, of the Audian hereticks: that [...]. Theodoret. haeretic. fabul. lib. 4. they bragged they did forgive sinnes. The maner of Confession which he saith was used among them, was not much unlike that which Alvarus Pelagius acknowledgeth to have beene the usuall practise of them that made greatest profession of religion and learning in his time. Vix enim aut rarissime aliquis talium confitetur nisi per verba generalia: vix unquam aliquod grave specificant. Quod dicunt unâ die, dicunt & alterâ: ac si in omni die aequaliter offendant. Alvar. de Planct. eccles. lib. 2. artic. 78. A. For scarce at all (saith hee) or very seldome doth any of them confesse otherwise then in generall termes: scarce doe they ever specifie any grievous sinne. What they say one day, that they say another, as if every day they did offend alike. The maner of Absolution was the same with that, which Theodoricus de Niem noteth to have beene practised by the pardoners sent abroad by Pope Boniface the ninth: who Omnia peccata etiam sine poenitentiâ ipsis confitentibus relaxârunt; super quibuslibet irregularitatibus dispensârunt inte [...]ventu pecuniae: dicentes se omnem potestatem habere super hoc, quam Christus Petro ligandi & solvendi contulisset in terris. Niem de schismaete, lib. 1. cap. 68. released all sinnes to them that confessed, without any penance (or repentance;) affirming that [Page 157] they had for their warrant in so doing, all that power which Christ gave unto Peter of binding and loosing upon earth. just as Theodoret reporteth the Audians were wont to doe: who presently [...]. Theodor. haer. lib. 4. after confession graunted remission; not prescribing a time for repentance, as the lawes of the Church did require, but giving pardon by authoritie.
The lawes of the Church prescribed a certaine time unto Penitents, August. En [...]birid ad Laur. cap. 65. wherein they should give proofe of the soundnesse of their repentance: and gave order that afterwards they should be 2. Cor. 2.7. forgiven and comforted, lest they should be swallowed up with overmuch heavinesse. So that first their penance was injoyned unto them, and thereby Vid. Nomocanonem Nesteutae in Theod. Balsamonis coll [...]ct. Canon. edit. Paris. an. 1620. pag. 1101. lin. ult. & Niconis epist. ad. Enclistium, ibid. pag. 1096 1097. & Anast [...]s. Sinait. quaest. 6. pag. 64. edit. Graecola [...]. Gretseri. they were held to be bound: after performance whereof they received their absolution, by which they were loosed againe. But the Audian hereticks, without anie such triall taken of their repentance, did of their owne heads give them absolution presently upon their confession: as the Popish Priests use to doe now a dayes. Onely the Audians had one ridiculous ceremonie more then the Papists; that having placed the Canonicall bookes of Scripture upon one side, and certaine Apocryphall writings on the other, they caused their followers to passe betwixt them, and in their passing to make confession of their sinnes: as the Papists, another idle practise more then they; that after they have given absolution, they injoyne penance to the partie absolved, that is to say, (as they of old would have interpreted it) they first loose him and presently after binde him. which howsoever they hold to be done in respect of the temporall punishment remayning due after the remission of the fault: yet it appeareth plainly, that the penitentiall workes [Page 158] required in the ancient Church, had reference to the fault it selfe; and that no absolution was to be expected from the Minister for the one, before all reckonings were ended for the other. Onely where the danger of death was imminent, the case admitted some exception: reconci [...]iation being not denied indeed unto them that desired it at such a time, yet so granted, that it was left verie doubtfull, whether it would stand the parties in anie great stead or no. Si quis positus in ultimâ necessitate aegritudinis suae, voluerit accipere poenitentiam & accipit, & mox reconciliatur, & hinc vadit: fateor vobis, non illi negamus quod petit, sed non praesumimus quia bene hinc exit. Non praesumo, non vos fallo, non praesumo. August. homil. 41. ex 50. Ambros. exhort. ad poenitent. If any one being in the last extremitie of his sicknesse, saith S. Augustin, is willing to receive penance, and [...]oth receive it, and is presently reconciled, and departeth hence: I confesse unto you, wee doe not denie him that which hee asketh, but wee doe not presume that he goeth well from hence. I doe not presume, I deceive you not, I doe not presume. Agens poenitentiam ad ultimum & reconciliatus, si securus hinc exit, ego non sum securus. &c. Poenitentiam dare possum, securitatē dare non possum. Ibid. Hee who putteth off his penance to the last, and is reconciled; whether hee goeth secure from hence, I am not secure. Penance I can give him, securitie I cannot give him. Nunquid dico, damnabitur? Non dico Sed dico etiam, liberabitur? Non. Et quid dicis mihi? Nescio: non praesumo, non promitto nescio. Vis te de dubio liberare; vis quod incertum est evadere? Age poenitentiam dum sanus es. Ibid. Doe I say, hee shall be damned? I say not so. But doe I say also, he shall be freed? No. What doest thou then say unto mee? I know not: I presume not, I promise not, I know not. Wilt thou free thy selfe of the doubt? wilt thou escape that which is uncertaine? Doe thy penance while thou art in health. Poenitentia quae ab infirmo petitur, infirma est. Poenitentia quae á moriente tantùm petitur, timeo ne ipsa moriatur. Augustin. serm. 57. de Tempore. The penance which is asked for by the infirme man, is infirme. The penance which is asked for onely by him that is a dying, I feare lest it also dye.
But with the matter of penance we have not here to deale: those formal absolutions and pardons of course, immediately granted upon the hearing of mens confessions, [Page 159] is that which wee charge the Romish Priests to have learned from the Audian hereticks. Nonnulli ideo poscunt poenitentiam, ut statim sibi reddi communionem velint: hi non tam se solvere cupiunt, quàm Sacerdotem ligare. Suam enim conscientiam non exuunt, Sacerdotis induunt. Ambros. de Poenit. lib. 2. cap. 9. Some require penance to this end, that they might presently have the communion restored unto them: these men desire, not so much to loose themselves, as to binde the Priest; saith S. Ambrose. If this be true, that the Priest doth binde himselfe, by his hastie and unadvised loosing of others: the case is like to go hard with our Popish Priests, who ordinarily in bestowing their absolutions, use to make more hast then good speed. Wherein, with how little judgement they proceed, who thus take upon them the place of Iudges in mens consciences, may sufficiently appeare by this: that whereas the maine ground, whereupon they would build the necessitie of Auricular confession, and the particular enumeration of all knowne sinnes, is pretended to be this, that the ghostly Father having taken notice of the cause may judge righteous judgement, and discerne who should be bound and who should be loosed, the matter yet is so carried in this court of theirs, that everie man commonly goeth away with his absolution, and all sorts of people usually receive one and the selfe same iudgement. Ierem. 1 [...].19. If thou seperate the pretious from the vile, thou shalt be as my mouth: saith the Lord. Whose mouth then may we hold them to be, who seldome put anie difference betweene these, and make it their ordinarie practise to pronounce the same sentence of absolution aswell upon the one as upon the other?
If we would know, how late it was before this trade of pardoning mens sinnes after this maner was established in the Church of Rome: wee cannot discover this better, then by tracing out the doctrine publickly taught in that Church touching this matter, from the [Page 160] time of Satans loosing untill his binding againe by the restoring of the puritie of the Gospell in our dayes. And here Radulphus Ardens doth in the first place offer himselfe: who toward the beginning of that time preached this for sound divinitie. Potes [...]as peccata relaxandi solius Dei est. Ministerium veró, quod improprié etiam potestas vocatur, vicariis suis concessit; qui modo suo ligant vel absolvunt, id est, ligatos vel absolutos esse ostendunt. Priùs enim Deus interiùs peccatorē per cōpūctionem absolvit; Sacerdos veró exteriùs, sententiam proferendo, eum esse absolutum ostendit. Quod bene significatur per Lazarū, qui priùs in tumulo á Domino suscitatur, & pòst, ministerio discipulorum, á vitiis (f [...]r [...]. vittis) quibus ligatus fuerat absolvitur. Rad. A. den [...], homil. Dominic. 1. post Pascha. The power of releasing sinnes, belongeth to God alone. But the ministery (which improperly also is called a power) hee hath granted unto his substitutes; who after their maner doe binde and absolve, that is to say, doe declare that men are bound or absolved. For God doth first inwardly absolve the sinner by compunction: and then the Priest outwardly by giving the sentence doth declare that he is absolved. Which is well signified by that of Lazarus: who first in the grave was raysed up by the Lord, and afterward by the ministery of the disciples was loosed from the bands wherewith he was tyed. Then follow both the Anselmes, ours of Canterbury and the other of Laon in France: who in their expositions upon the ninth of S. Matthew, cleerely teach, that none but God alone can forgive sinnes. Ivo Bishop of Chartres writeth, that Per internum gemitum satisfit interno judici, & id [...]irco indilata datur ab eo peccati remissio, cui manifesta est interna conversio. Ecclesia veró, quia occulta cordis ignorat non solvit ligatum, licèt suscitatum, nisi de monumento elatum, id est, publicâ satisfactione purgatum. Ivo Carnotens. epist. 228. by inward contrition the inward judge is satisfied, and therefore without delay forgivenesse of the sinne is granted by him, unto whom the inward conversion is manifest: but the Church, because it knoweth not the hidden things of the heart, doth not loose him that is bound, although he be raysed up, untill hee be brought out of the tombe, that is to say, purged by publick satisfaction. and if presently upon the inward conversion God be pleased to forgive the sinne: the absolution of the Priest which followeth, cannot in anie sort [Page 161] properly be accounted a remission of that sinne, but a further manifestation onely of the remission formerly granted by God himselfe.
The Master of the Sentences after him, having propounded the diverse opinions of the Doctors touching this point, demandeth at last, In hâc tantâ varietate quid tenendum? Ho [...] sané dicere ac sentire possumus; quòd solus Deus dimittit peccata & retinet, & tamen Ecclesiae contulit potestatem ligandi & solvendi: sed aliter ipse solvit vel ligat, alit [...]r Ecclesia. Ipse enim per se tantùm dimittit peccatum; qui & animam mundat ab interiori maculâ, & á debito aeternae mortis solvit. Non autem hoc Sacerdotibus concessit: quibus tamen tribuit potestatem solvendi & ligandi, id est, ostendendi homines ligatos vel solutos. Vnde Dominus leprosum sanitati priùs per se restituit, deinde ad Sacerdotes misit, quorum judicio ostenderetur mundatus. Ita etiam Lazarum jam vivificatum obtulit discipulis solvendum. Petr. Lombard. lib. 4. S [...]ntent. distinct. 18. e f. In this so great varietie what is to be held? and returneth for answer. Surely this we may say and thinke: that God alone doth forgive and retayne sinnes, and yet hath given power of binding and loosing unto the Church; but He bindeth and looseth one way, and the Church another. For he only by himselfe forgiveth sinne, who both cleanseth the soule from inward blot, and looseth it from the debt of everlasting death. But this hath he not granted unto Priests: to whom notwithstanding he hath given the power of binding and loosing, that is to say, of declaring men to be bound or loosed. Wherupon the Lord did first by himselfe restore health unto the leper, and then sent him unto the Priests, by whose judgement he might be declared to be cleansed: so also he offered Lazarus to his disciples to be loosed, having first quickned him. In like maner Hugo Cardinalis sheweth, that it is Solius Dei est dimittere peccata. Hugo Card. in Luc. 5. onely God that forgiveth sinnes: and that Vinculo culpae & poenae debitae, non potest eum Sacerdos ligare vel solvere; sed tantùm ligatum vel absolutum ostendere. Sicut Sacerdos Leviticus non faciebat vel mundabat leprosum; sed tantùm infectum vel mundum ostendebat. Id. in Matth. 16. the Priest cannot binde or loose the sinner, with or from the bond of the fault and the punishment due thereunto; but onely declare him to be bound or loosed. as the Leviticall Priest did not make nor cleanse the leper, but onely declared him to be infected or cleane. And a great number of the [Page 162] Schoolemen afterward shewed themselves to be of the same judgement: that to pardon the fault and the eternall punishment due unto the same, was the proper worke of God; that the Priests absolution hath no reall operation that way, but presupposeth the partie to be first justified and absolved by God. Of this minde were, Altissiodorens. Summ. lib. 4. cap. de generali usu clavium. Guilielmus Altissiodorensis, Alexand. Haelens. Summ. part. 4. quaest. 21. membr. 1. Alexander of Hales, Bonavent. in 4. dist. 18. art. 2. quaest 1. & 2. Bonaventure, Gu [...]l Ockam. in 4. Sent. quaest. 9. li [...]. Q. Ockam, Argentin. in 4. Sent. dist. 18. art. 3. Thomas de Argentinâ, Mi [...]h. Angrian. in Psal. 29. & 31. Michael de Bononiâ, Biel. in 4. Sent. dist. 14. quaest. 2. d. n. & dist. 18. quaest. 1. k. Gabriel Biel, H [...]nr. de Oyta (al. lu [...]a) in propositionib apud Ill [...]ricum, in Catal. [...]est. veritat. Henricus de Huecta, Ma [...]or in 4. Sent di [...]t. 18. quaest. 1. Iohannes Major, and others.
To lay downe all their words at large would be too tedious. In generall, Hadrian the sixth (one of their owne Popes) acknowledgeth, that Hadrian in Quodliberic. quaest [...] art. 3 b. the most appr [...]ved Divines were of this minde, that the keyes of the Priesthood doe not extend themselves to the remission of the fault: and Maior in 4. dist. 14. qu. 2. concl. 3. Major affirmeth, that this is the common Tenet of the Doctors. So likewise is it avouched by Gabriel Biel, that Et illam opinionem communiter sequuntur doctores antiqui. Biel. in 4. dist. 14. quaest. 2. d. the old Doctors commonly follow the opinion of the Master of the Sentences; that Priests do forgive or retaine sinnes, while they iudge and declare that they are forgiven by God or retained. But all this notwithstanding, Suarez is bold to tell us, that Veruntamen haec sententia Magistri salsa est, & jam hoc tempore erronea. Fr. Suar [...]z. in Thom. tom. 4. disp. 19 s [...]ct 2. num 4. this opinion of the Master is false, and now at this time erroneous. It was not held so the other day, when Ferus preached at Mentz, that Non quòd homo proprié remittat peccatum; sed quòd ostendat ac certificet á Deo remissum. Neque enim aliud est Absolutio, quam ab homine accipis, quam si dicat: En sili, certifico te t [...]bi remissa esse peccata, annunc [...]o tibi te habere propitiū Deum; & quaecunque Christus in Baptismo & Evangelio nobis promisit, tibi nunc per me annunciat & promittit. Io. Ferus, lib. 2 comment. in Matth. cap. 9. edit. Mogunt. an. 1 [...]9. man did not properly remit sinne, but did declare and certifie that it was remitted by God. so that the Absolution received from man, is nothing else [Page 163] then if he should say: Behold my sonne, I certifie thee that thy sinnes are forgiven thee, I pronounce unto thee that thou hast God favourable unto thee; and vvhatsoever Christ in Baptisme and in his Gospell hath promised unto us, he doth now declare and promise unto thee by me. Of this shalt thou have me to be a witnesse: goe in peace, and in quiet of conscience. But jam hoc tempore the case is altered: these things must be purged out of Fer. in Matth. edit. Antuerp. an. 1559.1570. &c. Ferus as erroneous; the opinion of the old Doctors must give place to the sentence of the new Fathers of Trent. And so we are come at length to the end of this long question: in the handling whereof I have spent more time, th [...] [...] ani [...] of th [...] r [...]st, by reason our Priests doe make this facultie of pardoning mens sinnes to be one of the most principall parts of their occupation, and the particular discoverie thereof is not ordinarily by the writers of our side so much insisted upon. The performance therefore of my promise of brevitie, is to be expected in the briefer treating upon those articles that remaine: the fift whereof we are now to take into our consideration, which is
OF PVRGATORIE.
FOr extinguishing the imaginarie flames of Popish Purgatory, wee need not goe farre to fetch water: seeing the whole current of Gods word runneth mainly upon this; that 1. Ioh. 1.7. the blood of Iesus Christ cleanseth us from all sinne; that all Gods children 1. Cor· 15.1 [...]. 1. Thess. 4.16. dye in Christ, and that such as Revel. 14 13. dye in him, doe rest from their labours; that, as they be 2. Cor. 5.6, 8. absent from the Lord while they are in the bodie, so when they be absent from the bodie they are present with the Lord; and in a word, that they Ioh. 5.24. come [Page 164] not into judgement, but passe from death unto life. And if wee need the assistance of the ancient Fathers in this businesse: behold they be here readie, with full buckets in their hands.
Tertullian, to begin withall, C [...]ristum laedimus, cùm evocatos quosque ab illo, quasi miserandos non aequanimiter accipimus. Cupio, [...] jam, & [...] cum Christo quantò melius ostendit votum Christianorū. Ergo votum si alios consequutos impatienter dolemus, ipsi consequi no [...]umus. [...]er [...]ull. lib. [...]e Patient. cap. 9. counteth it iniurious unto Christ, to hold that such as be called from hence by him are in a state that should be pittied. whereas they have obtayned their desire of being with Christ: according to that of the Apostle, Philip. 1.23. I desire to depart, and to be with Chrest. What pitie was it, that the poore soules in Purgatorie should finde no [...] in those dayes to informe men better of their ruefull condition; nor no Secretarie to draw up such another supplication for them as this, which of late years Sir Thomas Moore presented in their name, The Supplication o [...] soules, made by Sir Tho Moore. To all good Christen people. In most piteous wise continually calleth and cryeth upon your devoute charitie and most tender pitie, for helpe, comfort and reliefe, your late acquaintance, kindred, spouses, companions, playfellowes, and friends, and now your humble and unacquainted and halfe forgotten suppliants, poore prisoners of God, the sely soules in Purgatorie, here abiding and enduring the grievous paynes and hote clensing fire, &c. If S. Cyprian had understood but halfe thus much: doubtlesse he would have strucken out the best part of that famous treatise which hee wrote of Mortalitie (to comfort men against death, in the time of a great plague) especially such passages as these are, which by no meanes can be reconciled with Purgatorie.
Ejus est mortem timere, qui ad Christum n [...]lit ire: ejus est ad Christū nolle ire, qui se non credat cum Chr [...]sto incipere regnare. Scriptum est enim, justū fide vivere. Si justus es, & fide vivis, si vere in Deum credis: cur non cum Christo futurus, & de Domini pollic tatione securus, quòd ad Christum voceris, amplecteris, & quòd Diabolo careas, grat [...]la [...]is? Cyprian, de Mortalit. sect. 2. edit. Goulart. It is for him to feare death, that is not willing to goe [Page 165] unto Christ: it is for him to bee unwilling to goe unto Christ, who doth not beleeve that hee beginneth to raigne with Christ. For it is written, that the just doth live by faith. If thou be just and livest by faith, if thou dost truly beleeve in God; why, being to be with Christ, and being secure of the Lords promise, doest not thou embrace the message whereby thou art called unto Christ, and rejoycest that thou shalt be ridd of the Divell? Simeon said; Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, according to thy word: for mine eyes have seene thy salvation. Probans scilicèt, atque cō testans [...]unc esse servis Dei pacem, tunc liberam tunc tranquillam quietē; quādo de istis mundi turbinibus▪ [...] tracti, sedi [...] & securitatis aeternae portum petimus, quando expunctâ hâc morte ad immortalitatē venimus. Ibid. proving thereby, and witnessing that the servants of God then have peace, then injoy free and quiet rest; when being drawen from these stormes of the world, vvee arrive at the haven of our everlasting habitation and securitie, vvhen this death being ended wee enter into immortalitie. Ad refrigerium justi vocantur, ad suplicium rapiuntur injusti: datur velociùs tutela fidentibus, perfidis poena. Ibid. sect. 11. The righteous are called to a refreshing, the unrighteous are haled to torment: safety is quickly granted to the faithfull, and punishment to the unfaithfull. Nec accipiendas esse hîc atras vestes, quando illi ibi indumenta alba jam sumpserint. Ibid sect. 14. Wee are not to put on black mourning garments here, when our friends there have put on white. Non est exitus iste, sed transitus, &, temporali itinere decurso, ad aeterna transgressus. Ibid. sect. 15. This is not a going out, but a passage, and, this temporall journey being finished, a going over to eternitie. Amplectamur diem, qui assignat singulos domicilio suo; qui nos istinc ereptos, & laqueis secularibus exsolutos paradiso restituit & regno coelesti. Ibid. sect. 18. Let us therefore embrace the day that bringeth every one to his owne house; which having taken us away from hence, and loosed us from the snares of this world, returneth us to Paradise and to the kingdome of heaven.
The same holy Father in his Apologie which hee wrote for Christians unto Demetrian the proconsul of Africk, affirmeth in like maner; that Donec aevi temporalis fine completo, ad aeternae vel mortis vel immortalitatis hospitia dividamur. Id. ad Demetrian. sect. 16. the end of this [Page 166] temporall life being accomplished, we are divided into the habitations of everlasting eyther death or immortalitie. Quando istinc excessum fuerit, nullus jam poenitentiae locus est, nul [...]us satisfactionis effectus: hîc vita aut amittitur, aut tenetur Id. ibid. sect. 22. When we are once departed from hence, there is now no farther place for repentance, neyther any effect of satisfaction. here life is eyther lost or obtayned. But if Tu sub ipso licet exitu & vitae temporalis occasu, pro delictis roges: & Deum, qui unus & verus est, confessione & fidè agnitionis ejus implores venia confitenti datur, & tredenti indulgentia salutaris de divinâ pictate conceditur; & ad immortalitatem sub ipsâ morte transitur. Hanc gratiam Christus impertit, hoc munus miscricordiae sua [...] tribuit; subigendo mortem tropha [...]o crucis, redimēdo credentē pretio sanguinis sui, reconciliādo hominē Deo Patri, vivificādo mortalē regeneratione coelesti. Ib. thou (saith he) even at the very end and setting of thy temporall life, dost pray for thy sinnes, and call upon the onely true God with confession and faith: pardon is given to thee confessing, and saving forgivenesse is granted by the divine piety to thee beleeving; and at thy very death thou hast a passage unto immortalitie. This grace doth Christ impart, this gift of his mercy doth he bestow; by subduing death with the triumph of his crosse, by redeeming the beleever with the price of his blood, by reconciling man unto God the Father, by quickening him that is mortall with heavenly regeneration.
Where Salomon sayeth, Ecclesiast. 12.5. that man goeth to his everlasting house, and the mourners goe about in the street: S. Gregory of Neocaesarea maketh this paraphrase upon those words; [...]. Greg. Neocaesar. metaphras. in Ecclesiast. The good man shall goe rejoycing unto his everlasting house, but the wicked shall fill all with lamentations. Therefore did the Fathers teach, that men should [...]. Anton. Meliss. part. 1. serm. 58. &c. rejoyce at their death: and the ancient Christians framed their practise accordingly; Nos non nativitatis diem celebramus; cùm sit dolorum atque tentationum introitus: sed mortis diem celebramus; utpote omnium dolorum depositionem, atque omnium tentationum effugationem. Author [...]ib. 3. in Iob, inter opera Origenis. Vide S. Basil. homil. in Psalm. 115. pag. 318. edit. Graecolat. not celebrating the day of their nativitie, which they accounted to be the entry of sorrowes and temptations, but celebrating the day of death, as being the putting away of [Page 167] all sorrowes, and the escaping of all temptations. And so being filled with [...] & paulo pòst. [...]. Dionys. Ecclesiast. hierarch. cap. 7. a divine rejoycing they came to the extremitie of death as vnto the end of their holy combates: [...]. Ibid. where they did more clearely behold the way that ledd unto their immortalitie, as being now made neerer; and did therefore prayse the gifts of God, and were replenished with divine joy, as now not fearing any change to worse, but knowing well that the good things which they possessed shall be firmely and everlastingly enjoyed by them.
The author of the Questions and Answeres attributed to Iustin Martyr, writeth thus of this matter. [...]. Iustin. resp. ad Orthodox. quaest. 7 5. After the departure of the soule out of the body, there is presently made a distinction betwixt the just and the unjust. For they are brought by the Angels to places fit for them: the soules of the righteous to Paradise, vvhere they have the commerce and sight of Angels and Archangels, &c. the soules of the unjust to the places in hell. That [...]. Athanas. de Virginitate. is not death (saith Athanasius) that befalleth the righteous, but a translation: for they are translated out of this world into everlasting rest: and as a man would goe out of a prison, so doe the Saints goe out of this troublesome life unto those good things that are prepared for them. S. Hilary out of that which is related in the Gospell of the rich man and Lazarus observeth; that Nihil illic dilationis aut morae est. Iudicii enim dies, vel beatitudinis retributio est aeterna vel poenae: tempus veró mortis habet unumquenque suis legibus, dum ad judicium unumquenque aut Abraham reservat aut poena. Hilar. in Psalm. 2. as soone as this life is ended, everie one without delay is sent over either to Abrahams bosome, or to the place of torment, [Page 168] and in that state reserved untill the day of judgement. S. Ambrose in his booke of the good of Death, teacheth us, that death Et quia portus quidam est eorū qui magno vitae istius jactati salo, sidae quietis stationem requirunt: & quia deteriorem statum non efficit, sed qualem in singulis invenerit, talem judicio futuro reservat, & quiete ipsá fovet, &c. Ambros. de bono mortis, cap. 4. is a certaine haven to them, who being tossed in the great Sea of this life, desire a rode of safe quietnesse: that it maketh not a mans state worse, but such as in findeth in every one, such it reserveth unto the future judgement, and refresheth with rest. that thereby Transitur autem á corruptione ad incorruptionem, á mortalitate ad immortalitatem, á perturbatione ad tranquillitatē. Ibid. a passage is made from corruption to incorruption, from mortalitie to immortalitie, from trouble to tranquillity. Therefore he saith, that where Insipientes mortem quasi summum malorum reformidant: sapientes quasi requiem post labores & finem malorum expetunt. Ibid. cap. 8. fooles doe feare death as the chiefe of evills, wise men do desire it, as a rest after labours and an end of their evills. and upon these grounds exhorteth us, that His igitur freti, intrepidé pergamus ad redemptorem nostrum Iesum, intrepidé ad Patriarcharum Concilium, intrepidé ad patrem nostrum Abraham, cùm dies advenerit, proficiscamur: intrepidé pergamus ad illum sanctorum caetum, justorumque conventum. Ibimus enim ad patres nostros, ibimus ad illos nostrae fidei praeceptores: ut etiamsi opera desint, fides opituletur, defendat haereditas. Ibid. cap. 12. when that day commeth, wee should goe without feare to Iesus our redeemer, without feare to the Councell of the Patriarches, without feare to Abraham our father; that without feare wee should addresse our selves unto that assembly of Saints, and congregation of the righteous. forasmuch as we shall goe to our fathers, we shall goe to those schoolemasters of our faith; that albeit our workes fayle us, yet faith may succour us, and our title of inheritance defend us.
Macarius, writing of the double state of those that depart out of this life, affirmeth that when the soule goeth out of the bodie; if it be guiltie of sinne, the Divell carrieth it away with him unto his place: but when the holy servants of God [...]. Macar. Aegypt. homil. 22. remove out of their bodie, the quyers of Angells receive their soules unto their [Page 169] owne side, unto the pure world, and so bring them unto the Lord. and in another place, moving the question concerning such as depart out of this world sustayning two persons in their soule, to wit, of sinne and of grace; whither they shall go that are thus held by two parts? hee maketh answere, that thither they shall goe, where they have their minde and affection setled. For [...]. Id. homil. 26. the Lord (saith hee) beholding thy minde, that thou fightest, and lovest him with thy whole soule, separateth death from thy soule in one houre, (for this is not hard for him to doe) and taketh thee into his owne bosome, and unto light. For he plucketh thee away in the minute of an houre from the mouth of darkenesse, and presently translateth thee into his owne kingdome. For God can easily doe all these things in the minute of an houre; this provided only, that thou bearest love unto him. then which, what can be more direct against the dreame of Popish Purgatorie? [...]. Basil Pr [...]m. in Regulas fusiùs disputat. [...]. Greg. Nazianzen. orat. 9 ad Iulianum [...]. This present world is the time of repentance, the other of retribution: this of working, that of rewarding: this of patient suffering, that of receiving comfort: saith S. Basil.
Gregory Nazianzen, in his funerall orations, hath manie sayings to the same purpose: being so farre from thinking of anie Purgatorie paynes prepared for men in the other world, that hee plainely denieth, that [...]. Nazianz. orat. 42 in Pascha. after the night of this present life there is any purging to be expected. and therefore hee telleth us, [...]. Id. orat. 15. in plagam grandinis. inde (que) in locis communib. Maximi, serm. 45. & Antonij, part. 2. serm. 94. that it is better to be corrected and purged now, than to be sent unto [Page 170] the torment there, where the time of punishing is, and not of purging. S. Hierome, comforteth Paula for the death of her daughter Blaesilla, in this mater. Lugeatur mortuus; sed ille, quem gelienna suscipit, quem tartarus devorat, in cujus poenam aeternus ignis aestuat. Nos, quorum exitum Angelorum turba comitatur, quibus obviam Christus occurrit, gravemur magis, si diutiùs in tabernaculo isto mortis habitemus. Quia quamdiu hîc moramur, peregrinamur á Domino. Hieronym. epist. 25. Let the dead be lamented; but such a one, vvhom Gehenna doth receive, whom Hell doth devoure, for whose paine the everlasting fire doth burne. Let us, whose departure a troupe of Angells doth accompanie, vvhom Christ commeth forth to meete, be more grieved, if we doe longer dwell in this tabernacle of death. Because, as long as wee remaine here, vvee are pilgrims from God.
By all that hath beene said, the indifferent Reader may easily discerne, what may be thought of the craking Cardinall, who would face us downe, that Omnes veteres Graeci & Latini ab ipso tempore Apostolorum constanter docuerunt Purgatorium esse. Bellarmin. de Purgator. lib. 1. c. 15. all the ancients, both Greek and Latine, from the very time of the Apostles, did constantly teach that there was a Purgatory. whereas his owne partners could tell him in his eare, that Alphons. de Castro advers. haeres. lib. 8. tit. Indulgentia. Io. Roffens. Assert. Lutheran. Confutat. artic. 18. Polydor. Vergil. de invent. [...]er. lib. 8. cap. 1. in the ancient writers there is almost no mention of Purgatory, especially in the Greek writers; and therefore that by the Grecians it is not beleeved untill this day. He alledgeth indeed a number of authorities to bleare m [...]ns eyes withall: which being narrowly looked into, will be found eyther to be counterfeit stuffe, or to make nothing at all to the purpose; as belonging eyther to the point of praying for the dead onely, (which in those ancient times had no relation to Purgatory; as in the handling of the next article wee shall see) or unto the fire of affliction in this life, or to the fire that shall burne the world at the last day, or to the fire prepared for the Divell and his Angells, or to some other fire then that which hee intended to kindle thereby. This benefite onely have wee here gotten by his labours: that hee hath saved us the paynes of seeking farre for the forge, from whence the first sparkles of [Page 171] that purging fire of his brake forth. For the ancientest memoriall that he bringeth thereof, (the places which he hath abused out of the Canonical and Apocryphal scriptures onely excepted) Bellarmin. de Purgator. lib. 1. cap. 11. is out of Plato in his Gorgias and Phaedo, Cicero in the end of his fiction of the dreame of Scipio, and Virgil in the sixth booke of his Aeneids: and next after the Apostles times, Id. ibid. cap. 7. & 10. out of Tertullian in the seventeenth chapter of his booke de Animâ, and Origen in diverse places. Onely hee must give us leave to put him in minde, with what spirit Tertullian was ledd, when hee wrote that book de Animâ: and with what authoritie hee strengtheneth that conceipt of mens paying in hell for their small faults before the resurrection, namely of Hoc etiam Paracletus frequentissimé commendavit; si quis sermones ejus ex agnitione promissorum charismatum admiserit. Tertullian. de Animâ, cap. ult. the Paraclete; by whom if hee meane Montanus the arch- hereticke (as there is small cause to doubt that he doth) we need not much envy the Cardinal, for raising up so worshipfull a patron of his Purgatory.
But if Montanus come short in his testimonie, Origen I am sure payes it home with full measure, not pressed down only and shaken together, but also running over. For he was one of those (as the Non defuerunt, qui adeò Purgatorium probârint, ut nullas poenas nisi purgatorias post hanc vitam agnoverint. Ita Origenes sensit. Bellarmin. de Purgator. lib. 1. cap 2. Cardinall knoweth full well) who approved of Purgatory so much, that he acknowledged no other paines after this life but purgatory penalties onely: and therefore in his iudgement Hell and Purgatorie being the selfe same thing, such as blindely follow the Cardinall may do well to look, that they stumble not upon Hell, while they seeke for Purgatorie. The Grecians professe, [...]. Gra [...]ci. in lib. de Purgatorio igne, á Bon. Vulcanio edit. that they are afrayde to tell their people of anie temporary fire after this life; [Page 172] lest it should breed in them a spice of Origens disease, and put out of their memorie the thought of eternall punishment, and by this meanes occasioning them to be more carelesse of their conversation, make them indeed fit fuell for those everlasting flames. Which feare of theirs, wee may perceive not to have beene altogether causelesse; when the Purgatorie of Origen resembleth the Purgatorie of the Pope so neerely, that the wisest of his Cardinalls is so readie to mistake the one for the other. And, to speake the truth, the one is but an unhappie sprigge cut off from the rotten trunck of the other: which sundry men long since endevoured to graffe upon other stockes, but could not bring unto anie great perfection; untill the Popes followers tryed their skill upon it, with that successe which now we behold. Some of the ancient that put their hand to this worke, extended the benefite of this fiery purge unto all men in generall: others thought fit to restrain it unto such as some way or other bare the name of Christians, others to such Christians onely as had one time or other made profession of the Catholick faith, and others to such alone as did continue in that profession untill their dying day.
Against all these S. Augustine doth learnedly dispute; proving that wicked men, of what profession soever, shall be punished with everlasting perdition. And whereas the defenders of the last opinion did ground themselves upon that place in the third chapter of the first Epistle to the Corinthians, which the Pope also doth make the principall foundation of his Purgatory (although it be a Vniuscujusque opus quale sit, ignis probabit. 1. Cor. 3.13. probatory, and not a purgatory fire that the Apostle there treateth of) S. Augustine maketh answere, that Augustin. de fide & operib. cap. 15. this sentence of the Apostle [Page 173] is verie obscure, & to be reckoned among those things which S. Peter saith are hard to be understood in his writings, which men ought not to pervert unto their owne destruction: and freely Id ibid. cap. 16 confesseth that in this matter he would rather heare more intelligent and more learned men then himselfe. Yet this he delivereth for his opinion: that by vvood, hay, and stubble is understood that over-great love which the faithfull beare to the things of this life; and by fire, that temporall tribulation which causeth griefe unto them by the losse of those things upon which they had too much placed their affections. But Sive ergo in hâc vitâ tantùm homines ista patiuntur, sive etiam post hanc vitam talia quaedam iudicia subsequuntur; non abhorret, quā tum arbitror, á ratione veritatis iste intellectus huius sententiae. Id. ibid. c. 16. whether in this life onely (saith he) men suffer such things, or whether some such judgements also doe follow after this life; the meaning which I have given of this sentence, as I suppose, abhorreth not from the truth. And againe. Sive ibi tantùm, sive hîc & ibi, sive ideò hîc ut non ibi, secularia (quā vis á damnatione venialia) concremantem ignem transitoriae tribulationis inveniāt; non redarguo, quia forsitan verum est. Id. lib. 21 de Civit. Dei, cap. 26. Whether they finde the fire of transitorie tribulation (burning those secular affections, which are pardoned from damnation) in the other world onely, or vvhether here and there, or vvhether therefore here that they may not finde them there; I gainsay it not, because peradventure it is true. And in another place. Tale aliquid etiā post hanc vitam fieri incredibile non est, & utrum ita sit quaeri potest, & aut inveniri aut latere; nonnullos fideles per ignem quēdam purgatoriū, quanto magis minúsve bona pereuntia dilexerunt, tanto tardiùs citiusque salvari. Id. in Euchirid. ad Laurent. cap. 69. That some such thing should be after this life, it is not incredible, and whether it be so it may be inquired, and either be found or remaine hidden; that some of the faithfull by a certaine purgatory fire, by how much more or lesse they have loved these perishing goods, are so much the more slowly or sooner saved. Wherein the learned Father dealeth no otherwise, then when in disputing against the same men, he is content, if they would acknowledge that the wrath of God did remaine everlastingly upon [Page 174] the damned, to give them leave to thinke that their paines might some way or other be lightned or mitigated. Which yet notwithstanding (saith Quod quidem non ideo confirmo, quoniam non refello. Id. de Civit. Dei, lib. 21. cap. 24. he) I doe not therefore affirme, because I oppose it not.
What the Doctors of the next succeeding ages taught herein, may appeare by the writings of S. Cyrill, Gennadius, Olympiodorus, and o [...]hers. S. Cyrill from those last words of our Saviour upon the Crosse, Father into thy hands I commend my spirit, Quod nobis magnae spei fundamentum a [...]que originē praebet. Credere namque deb [...]mus, quū á corporibus sanctorum animae abierint, tanquam in manus charissimi patris, bonitati divinae cōmendari; nec, ut quidam infidelium crediderunt, in terris conversari, quousque sepulturae honoribus affectae sint; nec, ut peccatorum animae, ad immensi cruciatus locum, id est ad Inferos, deferri: itinere hoc nobis á Christo primùm praeparato, sed in manus potiùs patris evolare. Tradidit enim animam suam manibus genitoris, ut ab illâ & per illam facto initio, certam huius rei spem habeamus: firmiter credentes, in manibus Dei nos post morlem futuros, vitamque multo meliorem ac perpetuò cum Christo victuros. ideò enim Pau [...]us desideravit resolvi, & esse cum Christo. Cyrill. Alexandr. in Iohann. lib. 12. cap. 36. delivereth this as the certaine ground and foundation of our hope. Wee ought to beleeve that the soules of the Saints, when they are departed out of their bodies, are commended unto Gods goodnesse, as unto the hands of a most deare Father; and doe not remaine in the earth (as some of the unbeleevers have imagined) untill they have had the honour of buriall; neyther are carried, as the soules of the wicked be, unto a place of unmeasurable torment, that is, unto Hell: but rather flye to the hands of the Father, this way being first prepared for us by Christ. For hee delivered up his soule into the hands of his Father, that from it, and by it a beginning being made, we might have certaine hope of this thing: firmely beleeving, that after death we shall be in the hands of God, and shall live a farre better life for ever with Christ. for therefore Paul desired to be dissolved, and to be with Christ. Gennadius, in a booke wherein hee purposely taketh upon him to reckon up the particular points of doctrine received by the Church in his time, when he commeth to treat of the state of soules separated from the body, maketh no mention at all of Purgatorie; but layeth down this for one of his positions. [Page 175] Post ascensionem Domini ad coelos, omnium sanctorū animae cum Christo sunt, & exeuntes de corpore ad Christum vadunt, expectantes resurrectionem corporis sui, ut ad integram & perpetuam beatitudinem cum ipso pariter immutentur: sicut & peccatorum animae in inferno sub timore positae, expectant resurrectionem sui corporis, ut cum ipso ad poenam detrudantur aeternam. Gennad. de Ecclesiastic. dogmatib. cap. 79. After the ascension of our Lord into heaven, the soules of all the Saints are with Christ, and departing out of the bodie goe unto Christ, expecting the resurrection of their bodie, that together with it they may be changed unto perfect and perpetuall blessednesse: as the soules of the sinners also being placed in Hell under feare, expect the resurrection of their body, that with it they may be thrust unto everlasting paine. In like maner Olympiodorus, expounding that place of Ecclesiastes,Eccles. 11.3. If the tree fall toward the South or toward the North, in the place where the tree falleth, there it shall be; maketh this inference thereupon. In quocunque igitur loco seu illustri seu tenebroso, hoc est, sive in turpi scelerum statione sive in honestâ vi [...]tutum, deprehendatur homo cùm moritur, in eo gradu atque ordine permanet in aeternum. Nam vel requiescit in lumine felicitatis aeternae cum justis & Christo Domino, vel in tenebris cruciatur cum iniquis & principe mundi huius Diabolo. Olympiodor. in Ecclesiast. cap. 11. In whatsoever place therefore, either lightsome or darke, that is, either in the foule station of sinnes or in the honest of vertues, a man is taken when he dyeth, in that degree and order he remaineth for ever. For either hee resteth in the light of eternall felicitie with the just and with Christ our Lord, or is tormented in darkenesse with the wicked and with the Divell the prince of this world.
The first whom we finde directly to have held, that Sed tamen de quibusdam levibus culpis esse ante judiciū purgatorius ignis credendus [...]st. Gregor. Dialog. l [...]b. 4. cap. 39. for certaine light faults there is a purgatory fire provided before the day of judgement; was Gregory the first, about the end of the sixth age after the birth of our Saviour Christ. It was his imagination, that the end of the world was then at hand, and that Quemadmodū cùm nox finiri & dies incipit oriri, ante Solis o [...]tū simul aliquo modo tenebrae cum luce commixtae sunt, quousque discedentes noct [...]s reliquiae in luce diei subsequentis perfectè vertantur: ita huius mundi finis jam cum futuri saeculi ex ordio permiscetur, atque ipsae reliquiarum tenebrae quâdam iam rerum spiritalium permixtione translucent. Id. ibid. cap. 41. as when the night beginneth to be ended and the day to spring, before [Page 176] the rising of the Sunne the darkenesse is in some sort mingled together with the light, untill the remaines of the departing night be turned into the light of the following day; so the end of this world was then intermingled with the beginning of the world to come, and the very darkenes of the remaines thereof made transparent by a certaine mixture of spirituall things. And this he assigneth for the reason, Quid hoc est quaeso te, quòd in his extremis temporibus tam multa de animabus clarescunt, quae antè latuerunt; ita ut apertis revelationibus atque ostensionibus venturū saeculū inferre se nobis, atque aperire videatur. Ibid. cap. 40. why in those last times so many things were made cleare touching the soules, which before lay hid; so that by open revelations and apparitions the world to come might seeme to bring in and open it selfe unto them. But as we see that he was plainly deceived in the one of his conceits; so have we just cause to call into question the veritie of the other. the Scripture especially having informed us, that a people for enquiry of matters should not have recourse to Esai. 8.19, 20. the dead, but to their God, to the Law and to the Testimony: it being not Gods manner, to send men Luc. 16.29, 30. from the dead to instruct the living, but to remit them unto Moses and the Prophets, that they may heare them. And the reason is well worth the observation which the author of the Questions to Antiochus rendreth, why God would not permit the soule of any of those that departed from hence to returne backe unto us againe, and to declare the state of things in Hell unto us: least [...]. Ad Antioch. quaest. 35. inter opera Athanasij. much errour might arise from thence unto us in this life. For many of the Divels (saith hee) might transforme themselves into the shapes of those men that were deceased, and say that they vvere risen from the dead; and so might spred many false matters & doctrines of the things there, unto our seduction and destruction.
Neither is it to be passed over, that in those apparitions and revelations, related by Gregory, there is no mention made of any common lodge in Hell appointed [Page 177] for purging of the dead (which is that which the Church of Rome now striveth for) but of certaine soules only that for their punishment were confined to Gregor. Dialog. lib. 4. cap. 40. & 55. bathes and other such places here upon earth; which our Romanists may beleeve if they list, but must seeke for the Purgatorie they looke for somewhere else. And yet may they save themselves that labour, if they will be advised by the Bishops assembled in the Councell of Aquisgran (240. yeares after these visions were published by Gregory) who will resolve them out of the word of God, how sinnes are punished in the world to come. Tribus itaque modîs peccata mortaliū vindicantur: duobus in hâc vitâ, tertio in futurâ vitâ. De duobus ita Apostolus inquit: Si nosmetipsos judicaverimus, á Domino non judicabimur. Haec est vindicta, quam inspirante Deo omnis peccator, pro suis admissis poenitendo, in seipso vindicat. Quod autem prosecutus idem Apostolus infert; Cùm judicamur autem, á Domino corripimur, ut non cum mundo damnemur: haec est vindicta quam omnipotens Deus misericorditer peccatori irrogat, iuxta illud: Deus quem amat, corripit, flagellat autem omnem filiū quem recipit. Tertia autem extat valde pertimescenda atque terribilis, quae non in hoc sed in futuro, iustissimo Dei iudicio, fiet saeculo, quando justus iudex dicturus est: Discedite á me maledicti in ignem aeternum, qui paratus est diabolo & angelis eius. Capitul. Aquisgran. Concil. ad Pipinum miss. lib. 1. cap. 1. The sinnes of men (say they) are punished three maner of wayes: two in this life, and the third in the life to come. Of those two the Apostle saith: If we would judge our selves, we should not be judged of the Lord. This is the punishment, wherewith (by the inspiration of God) every sinner, by repenting for his offences, taketh revenge upon himselfe. But where the Apostle consequently adjoyneth; When we are judged we are chastened of the Lord, that we should not be condemned with this world: this is the punishment, which almightie God doth mercifully inflict upon a sinner, according to that saying; Whom God loveth, he chasteneth, and he scourgeth everie sonne that hee receiveth. But the third is very fearefull and terrible, which by the most just judgement of God shall be executed, not in this world but in that which is to come, vvhen the just Iudge shall say: Depart from me ye cursed into everlasting fire, which is prepared for the Divell and his angells. Adde [Page 178] hereunto the saying of the author of the booke De vanitate saeculi (wrongly ascribed to S. Augustine:) Scitote, quòd cùm anima á corpore evellitur, statim aut in paradiso pro me [...]itis bonis collocatur, aut certè pro peccatis in infer [...]i tartara praecipitatur. Lib. de vanit. saeculi, cap. 1. tomo 9. Operum Augustini. Know, that when the soule is separated from the body, presently it is eyther placed in Paradise for his good merites, or cast headlong into the bottom of hell for his sinnes. and, that in the dayes of Otto Frisingensis himselfe (who wrote in the year of our Lord MCXLVI.) the doctrine of Purgatory was esteemed onely a private assertion held by some, and not an article of faith generally received by the whole Church. (for why should hee else write of it in this maner? Esse apud inferos locum purgatorium, in quo salvandi vel tenebris tantùm afficiantur, vel expiationis igne decoquantur, QVIDAM asserunt. Otto Frising lib. 8. Chron. cap. 26. That there is in Hell a place of Purgatory, wherein such as are to be saved are either only troubled with darkenesse, or decocted with the fire of expiation, SOM [...] doe affirme.) and lastly, that the Purgatorie wherewith the Romish clergie doth now delude the world, is a new devise, never heard of in the Church of God, for the space of a thousand yeares after the birth of our Saviour Christ.
For the Gregorian Purgatorie, which reached no further then to the expiation of Sed tamen hoc de parvis minimisque peccatis fieri posse credendū est; sicut est assiduus otiosus sermo, immoderatus risus, &c. Gregor. Dialog. lib. 4. cap. 39. small and very light faults, would not serve these mens turne; who verie providently considered, that little use could be made of that fire, if it had no other fuell but this to maintaine it. For such peccadilloes as these (they say) may be taken away in this life Sext. Proaem. in Glos [...]â. verb. Benedictionem. Francisc á Victoriâ in Summâ sacramentor. Eccles. num. 110. Iacob. de Graffijs, decis. cas. conscient. part. 1. lib. 1. cap. 6. num. 10. by knocking the breast, by receiving the Bishops blessing, by being sprinkled with holy water, and by such other easie remedies; that if this were all the matter to be cared for, men needed not greatly to stand in feare of Purgatorie. Yea admit they should be so extremely negligent in their life time, that they forgat to use anie of these helpes: they [Page 179] might for all this at the time of their death be more afraid then hurt; yea this Sed plerumque de culp [...]s minimis ipse solus pavor egredientes i [...] storu [...] animas purgat. Gregor. Dialog. lib. 4. cap 46. feare alone (if there were nothing else) might prove a meanes to purge their soules, at the very parting, from th [...]se faults of the lightest kinde; if Gregory may be credited Nay, which is more, diverse of their owne Dele [...] gra [...]ia sinalis peccatū veni [...]le in ipsâ dissolutione corporis & animae, &c. Hoc ab antiquis dictum est. sed nunc communiter tenetur, quòd peccatū veniale cùm hinc deferatur á multis, etiam quantum ad culpam, in Pu [...]gatorio purgatur. Albert Magn. in Compend. Theologicae veritat. lib. 3. c. 11. Vid. Alexand. Halen [...] Summ. part. 4. quaest. 15. memb [...]. [...]. artic. 3. Du [...]and. lib 4. dist. 46. quaest. 1. &c. elder Divines (to whom wee may adjoyne Cardinall Caietan. Opusc. tom 1. tract. 23. de Purgator. quaest. 1. Caietan also in these later dayes) have taught; that all the remaines of sinne in Gods children are quite abolished by finall grace, at the verie instant of their dissolution; so that the staine of the least sinne is not left behinde to be carried unto the other world.
Now Purgatory (as Bellarmine describeth it) is a Locus quidā, in quo tanquā in carcere post hanc vitā purgātur animae, quae in hâc non plené purgatae fuerunt; ut nimirùm sic purgatae in coelum ingredi valeant, quò nihil intrabit coinquinatum. De hoc est tota controversia. Bellarmin de Purgator. lib. 1. cap. 1. certaine place, in which as in a prison those soules are [...]urged after this life, which were not fully purged in this life; that being so purged they may be able to enter in to heaven, wherein to no uncleane thing can enter. And of this, saith he, is all the controversie. If that be so: their own Doctors, you see, will quickly bring this controversie unto an end. For if the soules be fully purged here from all spot of sinne: what need have they to be sent unto anie other Purgatorie after this life? Yes, say they, although the fault be quite remitted, and the soule clearely freed from the pollution thereof: yet may there remaine a temporall punishment due for the verie mortall sinnes that have beene committed; which (if reliefe doe not otherwise come, by the helpe of such as are alive) must be soundly layd on in Purgatory. But why in Purgatory, say we; seeing here there is no more purging worke left? for the fault and the blot being [Page 180] taken away already; what remaineth yet to be purged? The punishment onely they say is left behinde: and punishment, I hope, they will not hold to be the thing that is purged away by punishment. Againe we desire them to tell us, what Father or ancient Doctor did ever teach this strange divinity? that a man being cleerly purged from the blott of his sinne, and fully acquitted here from the fault thereof; should yet in the other world be punished for it with such grievous torments as the tongue of man is not able to expresse. And yet, as new and as absurd a doctrine as it is, the Pope and his adherents have builded thereupon both their guilefull Purgatory (with which it suteth as evill-favouredly as may be) and their gainefull Indulgences; which, by their own doctrine, Id. de Indulgent. lib. 1. cap. 7. propos. 1. free not a man from the guilt of anie fault, either mortall or veniall, but onely from the guilt of the temporall punishment, which remayneth after the fault hath beene forgiven.
When Thomas Aquinas & other Friars had brought the frame of this new building unto some perfection, and fashioned all things therein unto their owne best advantage: the Doctors of the Greeke Church did publickely oppose themselves against it. Matthaeus Quaestor by name wrote against Thomas herein: whose booke is still preserved in the Emperours Librarie at Vienna. So Athanasius his disputation against Purgatorie is (or lately was) to be seen in the French Kings Librarie: and the like of Germanus (Patriarch of Constantinople) and others, elsewhere. The Apologie of the Grecians touching the same subject, is commonly to be had: which was penned by Sixt. Senens. lib. 6. Bibliothec. Sanct. annotat. 259. Marcus Eugenicus archbishop of Ephesus, and Responsio Graecorum ad positionē Latinorum, opinionem ignis purgatorii fundantium & probantium. Quae lecta & data fuit reverendiss. & reverendis patribus, & Dominis deputatis, die sabbati, XIIII. mensis Iunii, 1438. in sacristiâ frarrum minorum, Basileae Praesentata Nicolao Cusano. Mar [...]in. Crusius in Turco-Graeciâ, pag. 186, ex libro MS. Ioan. Capnionis. presented to Cardinall Cusanus and the deputies of the Councell of Basil, in [Page 181] the yeare MCCCCXXXVIII. the 14 of Iune; Ast. Concil. Florentin. the verie same day, wherein Bessarion Archbishop of Nice disputed with the Latines of the same matter in the Councell assembled at Ferraria. In that Apologie, the Grecians begin their disputation with this proposition. [...]. Apolog Graecor. de Purgator. á Bonav. Vu [...]can. edit. A purgatory fire, and a punishment by fire which is temporall and shall at last have an end; neyther have we received from our Doctors, neyther doe we know that the Church of the East doth maintaine. They adde further. [...]. Ibid. Neither have we received it from any of our Doctors, and moreover no small feare doth trouble us, least by admitting a temporary fire both penall and purgatory, wee should destroy the full consent of the Church. And thereupon they conclude verie peremptorily. [...]. Ibid. For these reasons therefore, neyther have we ever hitherto affirmed any such thing, neither will we at all affirme it.
Yet within a yeare after, the Pope and his ministers prevailed so farre with them in the Councell at Florence, that they were content for peace sake to yeeld, that [...]. Concil. Florentin. Sess 25. the middle sort of soules were in a place of punishment; but whether that were fire, or darkenesse and tempest, or something else, they would not contend. And accordingly was the pretented Vnion betwixt them and the Latines drawne up: that,Si veré poenitentes in Dei charitate decesserint, antequàm dignis poenitentiae fructibus de commissis satisfecerint & omissis; eorum animas poenis purgatoriis post mortem purgari. Eugenij IV. Bulla Vnionis. ibid. Cuius [...] etiam inter [...] Cotteniana vidimus. if such as be truely penitent dye in Gods favour, before they have satisfied for their sinnes of commission and omission by worthy fruits of penance, their soules are purged after death with purgatory punishments; neither fire, nor anie other kinde of punishment being specified in particular. But neyther [Page 182] would Marcus the Bishop of Ephesus (who was one of the Legates of the Patriarches of Antioch and of Ierusalem) consent to this union: neither could the Greeke Church afterwards by anie meanes be drawne to yeeld unto it. And so unto this day, the Romish Purgatorie is rejected as well by the Grecians, as by the Muscovites and Russians, the Cophtites and Abassines, the Georgians and Armenians, together with the Syrians and Chaldaeans that are subject to the Patriarches of Antioch and Babylon, from Cyprus and Palaestina unto the East Indies. And this may suffice for the discoverie of this new-found creeke of Purgatorie.
OF PRAYER FOR THE DEAD.
PRayer for the dead, as it is used in the Church of Rome, doth necessarily suppose Purgatorie: and therefore whatsoever hath beene alledged out of the Scriptures and Fathers against the one, doth stand in full force against the other. so that here wee need not actum agere, and make a new worke of overthrowing that, which hath beene sufficiently beaten down alreadie. But on the other side, the admittall of Purgatorie doth not necessarily inferre Prayer for the dead: nay, if we shall suppose (with our Adversaries) that Purgatorie is the Matth. 5.26. prison, from whence none shall come out, untill they have payde the utmost farthing; their owne paying, and not other mens praying, must be the thing they are to trust unto, if ever they looke to be delivered out of that jayle. Our Romanists indeed doe commonly take it for granted, that Bishop against Perkins reform. Catholicke, part. 2. pag. 149. Purgatory and prayer for the [Page 183] dead be so closely lincked together, that the one doth necessarily follow the other: but in so doing, they reckon without their hoste, and greatly mistake the matter. For howsoever they may deale with their owne devises as they please, and lincke their Prayers with their Purgatorie as closely as they list: yet shall they never be able to shew, that the commemoration and prayers for the dead, used by the ancient Church, had anie relation unto their Purgatorie; and therefore whatsoever they were, Popish prayers we are sure they were not. I easily foresee, that the full opening of the judgement of the Fathers in this point, will hardly stand with that brevitie which I intended to use in treating of these latter questions: the particulars be so manie, that necessarily doe incurre into the handling of this argument. But I suppose the Reader will be content rather to dispense with that promise, whereby I did abbridge my selfe of the libertie which otherwise I might freely have taken: than be sent away unsatisfied in a matter, wherein the Adversarie beareth himselfe confident beyond measure, that the whole streame of antiquity runneth clearly upon his side.
That the truth then of things may the better appeare: we are here prudently to distinguish the originall institution of the Church, from the private opinions of particular Doctors which waded further herein then the generall intendment of the Church did give them warrant; and diligently to consider, that the memorialls, oblations and prayers made for the dead at the beginning, had reference to such as rested from their labours, and not unto anie soules which were thought to be tormented in that Vtopian Purgatorie, whereof there was no newes stirring in those dayes. [Page 184] This may be gathered, first, by the practise of the ancient Christians, laide down by the author of the Commentaries upon Iob, (which are wrongly ascribed unto Origen) in this maner. Proptereà & memorias sanctorū sacimus & parentum nostrorum vel amicorum in fide morientium devoté memoriam agimus; tam illorum refrigerio gaudentes, quàm etiam nobis piam consummationem in fide postulantes. Celebramus nimirum, religiosos cum sacerdotibus convocantes, fideles unâ [...]um clero; invitantes adhuc egenos & pauperes, pupillos & viduas saturantes: ut fiat festivitas nostra in memoriā requiei defunctis animabus, nobis autem efficiatur in odorem suavitatis in conspectu aeterni Dei Lib. 3. commentar. in Iob, inter opera Origenis. Wee observe the memorialls of the Saints, and devoutly keepe the remembrance of our parents or friends which dye in the faith; as well rejoycing for their refreshing, as requesting also for our selves a godly consummation in the faith. Thus therefore doe we celebrate the death, not the day of the birth: because they which dye, shall live for ever. and we celebrate it, calling together religious persons with the Priests, the faithfull with the Clergie; inviting moreover the needy and the poore, feeding the orphanes and widowes: that our festivity may be for a memoriall of rest to the soules departed whose remembrance we celebrate, and to us may become a sweet savour in the sight of the eternall God. Secondly, by that which S. Cyprian writeth of Laurentinus and Ignatius: whom he acknowledgeth to have received of the Lord palmes and crownes for their famous martyrdome, and yet presently addeth. Sacrificia pro eis semper, ut meministis, offerimus; quoties martyrum passiones & dies anniversariâ commemoratione celebramus. Cyprian. epist. 34. Wee offer sacrifices alwayes for them, when we celebrate the passions and dayes of the martyrs with an anniversarie commemoration. Thirdly, by that which we reade in the author of the Ecclesiasticall Hierarchy, set out under the name of Dionysius the Areopagite. For where the partie deceased is described by him to have departed out of this life Vid. supr. pag. 167. replenished with divine joy, as now not fearing any change to worse, being come unto the end of all his labours; and to have been both privately acknowledged by his friends, and publickly pronounced by the ministers of the Church to [Page 185] be a happy man, and to be verily admitted into the [...]. Dionys. Ecclesiact. hierarch. cap 7. societie of the Saincts that have beene from the beginning of the world: yet doth he declare, that the Bishop made prayer for him, (upon what ground we shall afterward heare) that [...]. Ibid. God would forgive him all the sinnes that he had committed through humane infirmitie, and bring him into the light and the land of the living, into the bosomes of Abraham, Isaac and Iacob, into the place from whence paine and sorrow and sighing flyeth. Fourthly, by the funerall ordinances of the Church, related by S. Chrysostome: which were appointed to admonish the living, that the parties deceased were in a state of joy and not of griefe. [...]; Chrysost. in epist. ad H [...]br. homil. 4. For tell me (saith he) what doe the bright lampes meane? doe wee not accompany them therewith as champions? What meane the Hymnes? [...]. Id. ibid. Consider what thou dost sing at that time. Returne my soule unto thy rest; for the Lord hath dealt bountifully with thee. and againe: I will feare no evill, because thou art with me. and againe: Thou art my refuge from the affliction that compasseth me. Consider what these Psalmes meane.
Fiftly, by the formes of the prayers that are found in the ancient Liturgies. as in that of the Churches of Syria, attributed unto S. Basil: Memento etiam Domine eorum qui decesserunt migrarunt (que) ex hâc vitâ & Episcoporum orthodoxorum qui inde á Petro & Iacobo Apostolis ad hunc us (que) diem, rectū Fidei verbū claré sunt professi; & nominatim Ignatij, Dionysij, Iulij, ac reliquorū Divorū laudabilis memoriae. Memento Domine eorū quo (que) qui us (que) ad sanguinem pro Religione steterūt, & Gregem tuū sacrum per justitiā & sanctitatem paverunt, &c. Basilij Anaphora, ab Andr. Masio. ex Syriaco conversa. Be mindefull, O Lord, of them which are dead, and are departed out of this life, and of the orthodoxe Bishops which from Peter and Iames the Apostles untill this day have clearely professed the right word of Faith; and namely, of Ignatius, Dionysius, Iulius, [Page 186] and the rest of the Saincts of worthy memory. Be mindfull, O Lord, of them also which have stood unto blood for Religion, and by righteousnesse and holinesse have fedd thy holy Flock. and in the Liturgie fathered upon the Apostles: [...], etc. Conctitus. Apostolic. lib. 8. cap. 12. We offer unto thee for all the Saints vvhich have pleased thee from the beginning of the world, Patriarches, Prophets, Iust men, Apostles, Martyrs, Confessors, Bishops, Priests, Deacons, &c. and in the Liturgies of the Churches of Aegypt, which carry the title of S. Basil, Gregory Nazianzen, and Cyrill of Alexandria. Memento Domine sanctorum tuorū: dignare ut recorderis omniū sanctorum tuorum, qui tibi placuerunt ab initio, Patrum nostrorum sanctorum, Patriarcharum, Prophetarum, Apostolorum, Martyrū, Confessorum, Euangelizantium, Euangelistarū, & omnium spirituum justorū, qui obierunt in fide: & inprimis sanctae, gloriosae semper (que) virginis Dei genitricis Mariae; & sancti Ioannis Praecursoris, Baptistae & Martyris; Sancti Stephani protodiaconi & protomartyris; Sancti Marci Apostoli, Euangelistae & Martyris; &c. Liturg. Aegyptiac. Basilij, Gregorij▪ & Cyrilli, á Victorio Scialach ex Arabico convers pag. 22.47. & 60. ed [...]t. August ann. 1604. Bee mindfull, O Lord, of thy Saints: vouchsafe to remember all thy Saints, which have pleased thee from the beginning, our holy Fathers, the Patriarches, Prophets, Apostles, Martyrs, Confessors, Preachers, Evangelists, and all the soules of the just, which have dyed in the faith: and especially, the holy, glorious, the evermore Virgin, Mary the mother of God; and S. Iohn the forerunner, the Baptist and Martyr; S. Stephen the first Deacon and Martyr; S. Marke the Apostle, Evangelist and Martyr; &c. and in the Liturgie of the Church of Constantinople, ascribed to S. Chrysostom: [...]. Chrysost. Li [...]urg. Graec. We offer unto thee this reasonable service, for those who are at rest in the faith, our Forefathers, Fathers, Patriarches, Prophets, and Apostles, Preachers, Evangelists, Martyrs, Confessors, religious persons, and every spirit perfected in the faith. but especially for our most holy, immaculate, most blessed Lady, the mother of God and aye-virgin Mary. which kinde of oblation for [Page 187] the Saincts sounding somewhat harshly in the eares of the Latines, Leo Thuscus in his translation thought best to expresse it to their better liking after this maner. Adhuc offerimu [...] tibi rationabile hoc obsequium pro fideliter dormientibus, pro patribus & proavis nostris▪ intervenientibus Patriarchis, Prophetis, Apostolis, Martyribus, Confessoribus, & omnibus Sanctis. Chrysost. Liturg. Latin. We offer unto thee this reasonable service for the faithfully deceased, for our fathers and fore-fathers; the Patriarches, Prophets, Apostles, Martyrs, Confessors, and all the Saints interceding for them. As if the phrase of [...]; Chrysost. homil. 21. in Act. tom. 4. edit. Sávil. pag. 736. & tom. 7. pag. 928. offering for the Martyrs, were not to be found in S. Chrysostoms own workes: and more universally [...]. Epiphan. haeres. 75. for the just, both the Fathers, and the Patriarches, the Prophets and Apostles, and Evangelists and Martyrs and Confessors, the Bishops and such as ledd a solitarie life, and the whole order; in the suffrages of the Church, rehearsed by Epiphanius. yea and in the Western Church it selfe: Pro spiritibus pausantiū Hilarij, Athanasij, Martini, Ambrosij, Augustini, Fulgentij, Leandri, Isidori, &c. Offic. [...]zarab. apud Eugen. R [...]bi [...]sium, in vi [...]â Francis [...]i Ximenij. for the spirits of those that are at rest, Hilary, Athanasius, Martin, Ambrose, Augustin, Fulgentius, Leander, Isidorus, &c. as may be seene in the Muzarabicall Office used in Spaine.
Sixthly, this may be confirmed out of the funerall orations of S. Ambrose: in one whereof, touching the Emperour Valentinian and his brother Gratian, thus he speaketh. Credamus quia ascendit á deserto, hoc est, ex hoc arido & inculto loco ad illas florulentas delectationes, ubi cum fratre conjunctus aeternae vitae fruitur voluptate. Beati ambo: si quid meae orationes valebunt; nulla dies vos silentio praeteribit. Nulla inhonoratos vos mea transibit oratio. Nulla nox non donatos aliquâ precum mearum contextione transcurret Omnibus vos oblationibu [...] frequentabo. Ambros. [...]e obitu Valentinians Imp. Let us beleeve that Valentinian is ascended from the desert, that is to say, from this dry and unmanured place unto those flowry delights; where being conjoyned with his brother, hee enjoyeth the pleasure of everlasting life. Blessed are you both: if my orizons shall prevayle anie thing; no day shall overslip you in silence. no oration [Page 188] of mine shall passe you over unhonoured. no night shall runne by, wherein I will not bestow upon you some portion of my prayers. With all oblations will I frequent you. In another, he prayeth thus unto God: Da requiem perfecto servo tuo Theodosio, requiem quam praeparasti sanctis tuis. Id. de obitu Theodosij Imp. Give rest unto thy perfect servant Theodosius, that rest which thou hast prepared for thy Saints. and yet hee had said before of him: Absolutus igitur dubio certamine fruitur nunc augustae memoriae Theodosius luce perpetuâ, tranquillitate diutu [...]nâ; & pro ijs quae in hoc gessit corpore, munerationis divinae fructibus gratulator. Ergo quia dilexit augustae memoriae Theodosius Dominum Deum suum, meruit sanctorū consortia. Id. ibid. Theodosius of honourable memory being freed from doubtfull fight, doth now enjoy everlasting light and continuall tranquillitie; and for the things which he did in this bodie, he rejoyceth in the fruits of Gods reward: because he loved the Lord his God, he hath obtayned the societie of the Saints. and afterward also. Manet ergo in lumine Theodosius, & sanctorum caetibus gloriatur. Ibid. Theodosius remaineth in light, and glorieth in the companie of the Saints. In a third, he prayeth thus for his brother Satyrus: Tibi nunc omnipotens Deus innoxiam commendo animam, tibi hostiam meam offero: cape propitius ac serenus fraternum munus, sacrificiū sacerdotis. Id. de obi [...]u fratris. Almightie God, I now commend unto thee his harmelesse soule, to thee doe I make my oblation; accept mercifully and gratiously the office of a brother, the sacrifice of a Priest. although he had directly pronounced of him before, that Intravit in regnum coelorum, quoniam credidit Dei verbo, &c. Id. ibid. he had entred into the kingdome of heaven, because he beleeved the word of God, and excelled in manie notable vertues. Lastly, in one of his Epistles he comforteth Faustinus for the death of his sister, after this maner. Tot igitur semirutarum urbium cadavera, terrarum (que) sub eodem conspectu exposita funera; non te admonent unius, sanctae licèt & admirabilis▪ foeminae decessionem consolabiliorem habendam? praesertim cùm illa in perpetuum prostrata ac [...]iruta sint; haec autem ad tempus quidem erepta nobis meliorem illic vitam exigat. Ita (que) non tam deplorandam, quàm prosequendā orationibus reor: nec moestificandā lachrymis [...]uis, sed magis oblationibus animam ejus Domino cōmendandam arbitror. Id. epist. 8. Doe not the carkases of so many halfe-ruined cities, and the funeralls of so much land exposed under one view, admonish thee; that the departure of one woman, although a holy and an admirable one, should be [Page 189] born with greater consolation? especially seeing they are cast down and overthrowen for ever; but she, being taken from us but for a time, doth passe a better life there. I therefore thinke, that she is not so much to be lamented, as to be followed with prayers: and am of the minde, that she is not to be made sadde with thy teares, but rather that her soule should be commended with oblations unto the Lord. Thus farre S. Ambrose. Unto whom we may adjoyne Gregory Nazianzen also: who in his funerall oration that he made upon his brother Caesarius, having acknowledged that he had [...]. Greg. Nazianz in fun. Caesarij, orat. 10. received those honours that did befit a new created soule, which the Spirit had reformed by water (for he had beene but lately baptized before his departure out of this life) doth notwithstanding pray, [...] Ibid. that the Lord would be pleased to receive him.
Diverse instances of the like practise in the ages following, I have produced in another Discourse of the Religion prof [...]ssed by [...]he ancient I [...]ish. pag. 21.22.23. place: to which I will adde some few more, to the end that the Reader may from thence observe, how long the primitive institution of the Church did hold up head among the tares that grew up with it, and in the end did quite choake and extinguish it. Our English Saxons had learned of Gregory to pray for reliefe of those soules that were supposed to suffer paine in Purgatorie: and yet the introducing of that noveltie was not able to justle out the ancient usage of making prayers and oblations for them which were not doubted to have beene at rest in Gods kingdome. And therefore the brethren of the Church of Hexham, in the anniversarie commemoration of the obite of Oswald King of Northumberland, used Vigilias pro salute animae ejus facere, plurimaque psalmorum lande celebratâ, victimā pro eo manè sacrae oblationis offerre. Bed▪ lib. 3. histor. Ecclesiast. cap. 2. to keep their Vigiles for the health of his soule, and having spent the night in praysing of God with psalmes, to offer for him in the morning the sacrifice of the [Page 190] sacred oblation, as Beda writeth: who telleth us yet withall, that Id. ibid. cap. 12. & 14. he raigned with God in heaven, and by his praye [...]s procured manie miracles to be wrought on earth. So likewise doth the same Bede Id. lib. 4. hist. cap. 23. report, that when it was discovered by two severall visions, that Hilda the Abbesse of Streansheale (or Whitby in Yorkeshire) was carried up by the Angels into heaven; they which heard thereof presently caused prayers to be said for her soule. And Osberne relateth the like of Dunstan: that being at Bathe, and Repentè ad superna rap [...]us cujusdam discipuli nobiliter á se apud Glestoniam educati animam innumerâ Angelorū frequentiâ hinc inde stipatam, atque immensi luminis sulgore perfusam, ad coeli palatium provehi conspexit. Moxque in manus divi [...]ae pietatis eā commendans, dominos quo (que) loci ad commendandum invitat. Osbernus, in vitâ S. Dunstani, MS. in Bibli [...]thec. Cottonianâ & [...]odl [...]ianâ. Notandum veró, in Io. Capgravij Legendâ (in quâ prior narrationis huius pars ad verbum ex Osberno, ut alia de Dunstano complura, descripta cernitur) p [...]steriorem hanc sententiam omit [...]i peni [...]ùs: in Eadm [...]ro veró (ex quo, non autem ex Osberno vel O [...]berto, Vita Dunstani quae Mai. 19. apud Surium legitur est desumpta) ita tantummodò ref [...]rri. Qui pro tantâ gloriâ fratris ultrà quàm dici queat exultans, & immensas corde & ore Deo cunctipotenti gratias agens; socijs quid acciderit manifestâ voce exposuit, & diem ac horam transitus ejus notari praecepit. beholding in such another vision the soule of one that had been his scholer at Glastenbury, to be carried up into the palace of heaven; he straightway commended the same into the hands of the divine pie [...]ie, and intreated the lords of the place where he was to do so likewise.
Other narrations of the same kind may be found among them that have written of Saincts lives: & particularly in the Tome published by Mosander, pag. 69. touching the decease of Bathildis Queen of France; & pa. 25. concerning the departure of Godfry Earle of Cappenberg. who is said there to have appeared unto a certain Abbess, called Gerbergis, & to have acquainted her, Noveris, ait, me modo sine ullâ dilatione, aut ullo severioris examinis periculo ad summi Regis palatium commigrâsse, atque tanquàm Regis immortalis filium beatâ immortalitate vestitum. Vit. Godefrid. cap. 13. á Iac. Mosandro edit. Colon. an. 1581. that he was now without all delay, & without all danger of any more severe triall, gone unto the palace of the highest King, and as the sonne of the immortall King was cloathed with blessed immortalitie. & the Monk that writ the Legend [Page 191] addeth, that Mox fratribus Cappenbergensibus indicavit beati viri obitum, & pro eo Missae sacrificium offerendum curavit. Ibid. shee presently thereupon caused the sacrifice of the Masse to be offered for him. which how fabulous soever it may be for the matter of the vision, yet doth it strongly prove, that within these 500. years (for no longer since it is, that this is accounted to have bene done) the use of offering for the soules of those that were beleeved to be in heaven was still retayned in the Church. The letters of Charles the great unto Offa King of Mercia are yet extant; wherein hee Deprecantes ut pro eo intercedi jubeatis: nullam habentes dubitationē, beatam illius animam in requie esse; sed ut fidem & dilectionem nostram ostendamus in amicum nostrum charissimum. Carol. M. apud Guil. Malmesburiens. de g [...]st. reg. Anglor. li. 1. cap. 4. wisheth that intercessions should be made for Pope Adrian then lately deceased: not having any doubt at all (saith hee) but that his blessed soule is at rest; but that we may shew our faithfulnesse and love unto our most deare friend. Lastly, Pope Innocent the third (or the second rather) being inquired of by the Bishop of Cremona, concerning the state of a certaine Priest that dyed without Baptisme: resolveth him out of S. Augustine and S. Ambrose, that Quia in sanctae matris Ecclesiae fide, & Christi nominis confessione perseveravit; ab originali peccato solutum, & coelestis patriae gaudium esse adeptum, asserimus incunctanter. Decretal. lib. 3. tit. 43. de presbytero non baptizato, cap. 2. Apostolicam. & Collect. 1. Bernardi Papiensis, lib. 5. [...]it. 35 cap. 2. because he continued in the faith of the holy mother the Church and the confession of the name of Christ; he was assoyled from originall sinne, and had attayned the joy of the heavenly country. Upon which ground at last he maketh this conclusion: Sopitis igitur quaestionibus, docto [...]um patrū sententias teneas: & in Ecclesiâ tuâ juges preces hostias (que) Deo offerri jubeas pro presbytero memorato. Ibid. Ceasing therefore all questions, hold the sentences of the learned Fathers; and command continuall prayers and sacrifices to bee offered unto God in thy Church for the foresaid Priest.
Now having thus declared, unto what kinde of persons the Commemorations ordained by the ancient Church did extend: the next thing that commeth to consideration is, what we are to conceive of the primarie [Page 192] intention of those prayers that were appointed to be made therein. And here we are to understand, that first prayers of Praise and Thankesgiving were presented unto God for the blessed estate that the partie deceased was now entred upon: whereunto were afterwards added prayers of Deprecation and Petition, that God would be pleased to forgive him his sinnes, to keep him from Hell, and to place him in the kingdome of Heaven. which kinde of intercessions, howsoever at first they were well meant (as we shall heare) yet in processe of time they proved an occasion of confirming men in diverse errors; especially when they beganne once to be applyed not onely to the good but to evill livers also, unto whom by the first institution they never were intended.
The terme of [...], a thankesgiving prayer, I borrow from the writer of the Ecclesiasticall Hierarchy: who in the description of the funerall observances used of old in the Church, informeth us, first, that the friends of the dead [...] (vel [...]. Dionys. Ecclesiast. Hierarch. cap. 7. accounted him to be (as he was) blessed, because that according to his wish he had obtained a victorious end: and thereupon sent forth Hymnes of thankesgiving to the authour of that victory; desiring withall, that they themselves might come unto the like end. and then that [...]. Ibid. the Bishop likewise offered up a prayer of thankesgiving unto God; when the dead was afterward [...]. Ibid. brought unto him, to receive as it were at his hands a sacred coronation. Thus at the funerall of Fabiola, the praysing of God by singing Sonabant Psalmi; & aurata tecta templorum, reboans in sublime qua [...]icbat alleluia. Hieronym. inepitaphio Fabiola, epist. 30. of Psalmes, and resounding of Alleluia, is specially mentioned by [Page 193] S. Hierom: and the generall practise and intention of the Church therein is expressed and earnestly urged by S. Chrysostom in this maner. [...]. Chrysost. in epist. ad Hebr. homil. 4. Do not we prayse God, and give thankes unto him for that he hath now crowned him that is departed, for that he hath freed him from his labours, for that quitting him from feare he keepeth him with himselfe? Are not the Hymnes for this end? Is not the singing of Psalmes for this purpose? All these be tokens of rejoycing. Whereupon hee thus presseth them that used immoderate mourning for their dead. [...]; Id. ibid. Thou sayest; Returne, O my soule, unto thy rest, for the Lord hath dealt bountifully with thee: and dost thou weepe? Is not this a stage-play, is it not meere simulation? For if thou dost indeed beleeve the things that thou sayest, thou lamentest idely: but if thou playest, and dissemblest, and thinkest these things to be fables; why doest thou then sing? why doest thou suffer those things that are done? Wherefore doest thou not drive away them that sing? and in the end hee concludeth somewhat prophetically; that he [...] Ibid. very much feared, lest by this meanes some grievous disease should creepe in upon the Church.
Whether the doctrine now maintayned in the Church of Rome, that the children of God presently after their departure out of this life, are cast into a lake that burneth with fire and brimstone, be not a spice of this disease, and whether their practise in chanting of Psalmes (appointed for the expression of joy & thankfulnesse) over them whom they esteeme to be torme [...] ted in so lamentable a fashion, be not a part of that scene and pageant at which S. Chrysostom doth so take on: I leave it unto others to judge. That his feare was not altogether vaine, the event it selfe doth shew. For howsoever in his dayes, the fire of the Romish Purgatorie [Page 194] was not as yet kindled: yet were there certain sticks then a gathering, which ministred fuell afterwards unto that flame. Good S. Augustin, (who lived three and twentie years after S. Chrysostoms death) declared himselfe to be of this minde: that the Cùm sacrificia sive altaris sive quarumcun (que) eleemosynarum pro baptizatis defunctis omnibus offeruntur; pro valde bonis gratiarum actiones sunt, pro non valde malis propitiationes sunt, pro valde malis etsi nulla sunt adjumenta mortiorum, qualescun (que) vivorū consolationes sunt. Augus [...]in. En [...]h [...]rid. ad Laurent. cap. 110. oblations and almes usually offered in the Church for all the dead that received baptisme, were thankesgivings for such as were very good, propitiations for such as were not very bad; but as for such as were very evill, although they were no helpes of the dead, yet were they some kinde of consolations of the living. And although this were but a private exposition of the Churches meaning in her prayers and oblations for the dead; and the opinion of a Doctor too, that did not hold Purgatorie to be anie article of his Creed: yet did the Romanists in times following greedily take hold of this, and make it the maine foundation upon which they laid the hay and stubble of their devised Purgatorie.
A private exposition I call this: not onely because it is not to be found in the writings of the former Fathers, but also because it suteth not well with the generall practise of the Church which it intendeth to interpret. It may indeed fit in some sort that part of the Church-service, wherein there was made a severall commemoration, first of the Patriarches, Prophets, Apostles and Martyrs, after one maner; and then of the other dead, after another: which, together with the conceit that Augustin. de Verbis Apostoli, serm. 17. an injury was offered to a Martyr, by praying for him, was it that first occasioned S. Id. ibid. & in Euang. Iohan. tracta [...]. 84. Augustin to thinke of the former distinction. But in the Non sunt praetermittendae supplicationes pro spiritibus mortuorum: quas faciendas pro omnibus in Christianâ & Catholicá societate defunctis, etiam tacitis nominibus quorumque, sub generali commemoratione suscepit Ecclesia. Id. de Curâ pro mortuis, cap 4. supplications for the spirits of the dead, which the Church under [Page 195] a generall commemoration was accustomed to make for all that we [...]e deceased in the Christian and Catholicke communion: to imagine, that one and the same act of praying should be a petition for some, and for others a thankesgiving only, is somwhat too harsh an interpretation. especially where we finde it propounded by way of petition, and the intention thereof directly expressed. as in the Greek Liturgie, attributed to S. Iames, the brother of our Lord: [...]. Iacob. Liturg. Be mindfull (O Lord God of the spirits and of all flesh) of such as vve have remembred and such as we have not remembred, being of right beleefe, from Abel the just untill this present day. Do thou cause them to rest in the land of the living, in thy kingdome, in the delight of Paradise, in the bosoms of Abrahā and Isaac & Iacob, our holy fathers: whence griefe & sorrow & sighing are fledd, where the light of thy countenance doth visit them and shine for ever. and in the Offices compiled by Alcuinus: Te, Domine sancte Pater omnipotens aeterne Deus, supplices deprecamur pro spiritibus famulorum & famu [...]arum tuarum, quos ab origine seculi hujus ad te accersire praecepisti: u [...] digneri [...], Domine, dare eis locum luc [...]dum, locum refrigerij & quietis; & ut liceat eis transire portas infernorum, & vias tenebrarum, maneantque in mansionibus Sanctorum, & in luce sanctâ quam olim Abrahae promisisti & semini ejus Alcuin. Offic. per ferias. col. 228. Oper. edit. Pa [...]is. ann. 16.7. O Lord, holy Father, almightie and everlasting God, we humbly make request unto thee for the spirits of thy servants and handmaydes, vvhich from the beginning of this world thou hast called unto thee: that thou wouldest vouchsafe, O Lord, to give unto them a lightsome place, a place of refreshing and ease; and that they may passe by the gates of hell, and the vvayes of darkenesse, and may abide in the mansions of the Saincts, and in the holy light which thou didst promise of old unto Abraham and his seed.
So the Commemoration of the faithfull departed, retained as yet in the Romane Missall, is begun with this orizon: [Page 196] Requiem aeternam dona eis Domine: et lux perpetua luceat eis. Intruitus Missae, in Commem [...]ratione omnium fidelium defunctorū. Agēda mortuorū. in Antiphonario Gregorij, circ fin. Eternall rest grant unto them, O Lord: and let everlasting light shine unto them. Whereunto we may adde these two prayers (to omit a great number more of the like kinde) used of old in the same Church. Suscipe, sancta Trinitas, hāc oblationē, quā tibi offerimus pro omnibus in tui nominis confessione defunctis: ut te dexterā auxilij tui porrigente, vitae perennis requiē habeāt; & á poenis impiorū segregati, semp [...]r in tuae laudis laetitiâ perseverēt. Miss [...] Latinae antiqua, edit. A [...]gentin. an. 1557. pa [...]. 52. Receive, O holy Trinitie, this oblation, vvhich vve offer unto thee for all that are departed in the confession of thy name: that thou reaching unto them the right hand of thy helpe, they may have the rest of everlasting life; and being separated from the punishments of the wicked, they may alwayes persevere in the joy of thy praise. and, Hanc igitur oblationē, quā tibi pro cōmemoratione animarū in pace dormientiū suppliciter immolamus, quae sumus, Domine, benignus accipias; & tuâ pietate cōcedas, ut & nobis proficiat hujus p [...]etatis affectus, & illis impetret beatitudinem sempiternam. Offic. Gregorian. tom. 5. Oper. Gr [...]gor. edit Paris an. 1605. col. 235.236. Tom. 2. Li [...]urgic. Pamelij pag. 610 & Praefation. verust [...]it. Colon an. 1530. num. 111. This oblation, which we humbly offer unto thee for the commemoration of the soules that sleepe in peace, we beseech thee, O Lord, receive graciously; and of thy goodnesse grant, that both the affection of this pietie may profite us, and obtaine for them everlasting blisse. Where you may observe, that the soules unto which everlasting blisse was wished for, were yet acknowledged to rest in peace, & consequently not to be disquieted with anie Purgatorie torment. even as in the Canon of the Masse it selfe, the Priest in the Commemoration for the dead praieth thus: Memento etiam, Domine, famulorū famularamque tuarum, qui nos praecesserunt cum signo fidei, & dormiunt in somno pacis. Ipsis Domine, & omnibus in Christo quiescētibus, locū refrigerij, lucis & pacis, ut indulgeas, deprecamur. Canon. Missae, in Officio Ambrosiano & Gregoriano, & Missa [...]. Roma [...]o in Graecâ tamen Li [...]urgiâ B. Petro at [...]ributâ pro Cōmemoratione defunctorū posita [...]îc cernitu [...] Comm [...]mora [...]io viventium ( [...].) & in vetustissimis quibusdā Romanis Missalibus manuscriptis, haec mortuorū cōmemorationi [...] formula nusquā extat: (P. [...] lib 5. de adultera [...]. Coen. Dom. & Misse myst [...]r cap. 48.) a [...]nominatim in votust [...]ssimo Canone Gregoriano, qu [...] in Tigurinae Abbatiae Biblioth [...]câ habebatur, ex authentico libro Bibliothecae cubiculi descriptus, (apud Henric. Bullinger lib. 2. de Origine erroris, cap. 8.) Remember, O Lord, thy servants and handmaydes, vvhich have gone before us with the ensigne of faith, and sleepe in the sleepe of peace. To them, O Lord, and to all that are at [Page 197] rest in Christ, we beseech thee that thou wouldest graunt a place of refreshing, light, and peace.
Nay the Armenians in their Liturgie, intreat God to P [...]r han [...] etiam obl [...]tionē da aeternā pa [...]ē omnibus. qui nos praece [...]serunt in fide Christi, [...]anctis patribus, Patriarchis, Apostolis, Prophetis, Martyribus, &c. Litu [...]g. Armen. edi [...]. Cra [...] viae, Andreâ Lubel [...]z [...]ck interp [...]. give eternall peace, not only in generall unto all that have gone before us in the faith of Christ; but also in particular to the Patriarches, Apostles, Prophets, and Martyrs. which maketh directly for the opinion of those (against whom S [...]d hîc nonnulli decepti sunt, non gratiarum actionem, sed pro sanctis ad Deū supplicationē, eorum memoriam esse putantes. Cabasil. exposit. Liturg. cap. 49. Nicolaus Cabasilas doth dispute) who held, that these Commemorations contayned a supplication for the Sainctes unto God, and not a thankesgiving only. as also doe those formes of prayer which were used in the Roman Liturgie in the dayes of Pope Innocent the third: Prosit vel proficiat, huic sancto vel illi, talis oblatio ad gloriam. Innocent. III. epist. ad archiep. Lugdun. lib. 3. Decretal tit. 41. de celebrat. missar. cap. 6. Cùm Marthae. Let such an oblation profit such or such a Sainct unto glory. and especially that for S. Leo, which is found in the elder copies of the Gregorian Sacramentarie. Annue nobis, Domine, ut animae famuli tui Leonis haec prosit oblatio. Gregor. oper. tom 5. edit. Paris. an. 1 [...]05. col 135 d. Grant unto us, O Lord, that this oblation may profit the soule of thy servant Leo. for which the later bookes have chopt in this prayer: Annue nobis Domine, ut intercessione famuli tui Leonis haec nobis prosit oblatio. Liturgic. Pamelij, tom. 2. pag. 314. Grant unto us, O Lord, that by the intercession of thy servant Leo this oblation may profit us. Concerning which alteration, when the archbishop of Lyons propounded such another question unto Pope Innocent, as our Challenger at the beginning did unto us; Tertio loco tua fraternitas requirit, quis mutaverit, vel quando fuit mutatum, aut quare, quod in secretâ beati Leonis, secundum quod antiquiores codice [...] cont [...]nent, &c. Inno [...]ent. [...]11. in Collect. 3. De [...]retal. (Petri Beneventam) l [...]b. 3. tit 33 cap. 5. vvho it was that did change it, or when it was changed, or why? the Pope returneth him for answer: Super quo ribi taliter respondemus: quòd quis illud mutaverit, aut quando mutatum fuerit, ignoramus; scimus tamen, quâ fuerit occasione mutatum. quia cùm sacrae scripturae dicat auctoritas, quòd injuriam facit martyri, qui orat pro martyre: idem est ratione consimili de sanctis alijs sciendum. Ibid. that who did change it, or when it was changed, [Page 198] he was ignorant of; yet he knew, upon what occasion it was changed. because that, where the authoritie of the Holy Scripture doth say, that he doth injurie unto a Martyr who prayeth for a Martyr, which is a new text of holy Scripture, of the Popes owne canonization) the same by the like reason is to be held of other Saincts. The Glosse upon this Decretall layeth down the reason of this mutation a little more roundly: Olim orabatur pro ipso: hodie ipse orat pro nobis. et ita mutatum est. Cap. Cùm Marthae. Extra. de celebr. Missar. in Glossa. Of old they prayed for him, now at this day hee prayeth for us; and so vvas the change made. And Alphons. Mendoz Controvers. Theolog. quaest. 6. scholastic. [...]um. 7. Alphonsus Mendoza telleth us, that the old prayer was deservedly disused, and this other substituted in the roome thereof: Grant unto us, we beseech thee O Lord, that by the intercession of thy servant Leo this oblation may profit us. which prayer indeed was to be found heretofore in modernioribus Sacramentarijs (as Pope Innocent speaketh) and in the Roman Missalls that were published before the Councell of Trent (as namely in that which was printed at Paris, an. 1529.) but in the new reformed Missall (wherwith, it seemeth, Mendoza was not so well acquainted as with his Scholasticall controversies) it is put out againe, and another prayer for Leo put in; that by the celebration of those Vt per haec piae placationis officia, et illum beata retributio comitetur, & nobis gratiae tuae dona conciliet. Missal. Roman. ex decreto Concil. Tridentin. restitut. in festo S. Leonis. offices of atonement, a blessed retribution might accompanie him. Neither is there anie more wrong done unto S. Leo, in praying for him after this maner, then unto all the rest of his fellowes in that other prayer of the Romane Liturgie: Sumpsimus, Domine, divina mysteria: quae sicut Sanctis tuis prosunt ad gloriam, ita nobis, quaesumus, proficiant ad medelam Bellarmin. de Purgator. lib. 2. cap. 18. Six [...], Senens. lib. 6. Bibliothec. Sanct. annotat. 47. ex Gregorij Sacramentario. We have received, O Lord, the divine mysteries; which as they doe profit thy Saints unto glory, so we do beseech thee that they may profit us for our healing, and nothing so much as [Page 199] is done unto all the faithfull deceased, when in their Masses for the dead they say daily: Domine Iesu Chris [...]e, rex gloriae, libera animas omniū fidelium defunctorum de poenis inferni, & de profundo lacu: liberae eas de ore leonis, ne absorbeat eas Tartarus, ne cadant in obscurum. Missa in Commemorat. omniū fidelium defunctorum. & in Missi [...] Quotidianis defunctorū. in Offertorio. Lord Iesus Christ, king of glory, deliver the soules of all the faithfull that are departed, from the paines of Hell, and from the deepe lake; deliver them from the mouth of the Lion, that Hell do not swallow them up, that they fall not into darkenesse. So that whatsoever commodious expositions our Adversaries can bring for the justifying of the Romane service: the same may wee make use of, to shew, that the ancient Church might pray for the dead, and yet in so doing have no relation at all unto Purgatorie; yea and pray for the Martyrs and other Saincts that were in the state of blisse, without offering unto them anie injurie thereby.
For the clearing of the meaning of those prayers which are made for Leo, and the other Saincts, to the two expositiōs brought in by Pope Innocent, Cardinall Bellarmine addeth this for a third; Adde tertio, fortasse peti gloriam corporis, quam habebunt in die resurrectionis. Nam etiamsi gloriam illam ce [...]tó consequentur, & debetur eorum meritis; tamen non est absurdum hoc illis desiderare & petere, ut pluribus modis debeatur. Bellarmin de Purgator. li. 2. ca. 18. that peradventure therin the glory of the body is petitioned for, which they shal have in the day of the Resurrectiō. For although (saith he) they shal certainly obtain that glory, & it be due unto their merits; yet it is not absurd to desire & aske this for them, that by more meanes it may be due unto them. Where, laying aside those unsavourie termes of debt and merits (whereof we shall have occasion to treate in their proper place) the answer is otherwise true in part, but not full enough to give satisfaction unto that which was objected. For the primary intention of the Church indeed, in her prayers for the dead, had reference unto the day of the Resurrection: which also in diverse places we finde to have beene expressely prayed for. as in the Aegyptian Liturgie, attributed unto S. Cyrill Bishop [Page 200] of Alexandria. Resuscita corpora eorū, in die quem constituisti, secundum promissiones tuas veras & mendacij expertes: concede eis secundùm promissa tua, id quod non vi [...]it oculus, & auris non audivit, & quod in cor hominis no [...] ascendi [...], quod praeparasti Domine amatoribus nominis [...]ui sancti; ut samuli tui non p [...]rmaneant in morte, sed ut inde emigrent, etiamsi p [...]rsecuta sit eos pigritia aut negligentia, &c Cyrill. Liturg. á Victorio Sci [...]la [...]h. ex Arabico convers. pag. 62. Raise up their bodies, in the day which thou hast appointed, according to thy promises which are true and cannot lye: graunt unto them, according to thy promises, that vvhich eye hath not seene, and eare hath not heard, and which hath not ascended into the heart of man; which thou hast prepared, O Lord, for them that love thy holy name: that thy servants may not remaine in death, but may get out from thence; although slouthfulnesse and negligence have followed them. and in that which is used by the Christians of S. Thomas (as they are commonly called) in the East Indies: Resurrectionē faciat defunctis vestris in die novissimo; & dignos faciat illos regno incorruptibili Spiritus sanctus Missa Angamaliensis ex Sy [...]iaco convers in Itinerar. Alexij. Menesij. Let the holy Gh [...]st give resurrection to your dead at the last day; and make them vvorthy of the incorruptible kingdome. Such is the prayer of S. Ambrose for Gratian and Valentinian the Emperours: Te quaeso; summe Deus, ut charissimos juvenes maturâ resurrectione suscites & resuscites; ut immaturū hunc vitae istius cursū maturâ resurrectione compenses. Ambros. de obit Valentin [...]ani: in ipso fine. I doe beseech thee, most high God, that thou wouldest rayse up againe those deare yong men with a speedie resurrection; that thou mayest recompence this untimely course of this present life vvith a timely resurrection. and that in Alcuinus: Nullā laesionē sustineāt animae eorū; sed cùm magnus ille dies resurrectionis ac remunerationis advenerit, resuscitare eos digneris, Domine, unâ eū Sāctis & electis tuis. Alcuin Offi [...] per f [...]rias; Oper. col 228 Prece [...]. Eccl [...]siast. á Georg. Cassan [...]ro colle [...]t. pag. [...]84 oper. Let their soules sustaine no hurt; but when that great day of the resurrection and remuneration shall come, vouchsafe to raise them up, O Lord, together with thy Saincts and thine elect. and that in Grimoldus his Sacramentarie: Omnipotens sempiterne Deus, collocare dignare corpus & animā & spiritū famuli tui N. in sinibus Abrahae, Isaac, & Iacob; ut cùm dies agnitionis tuae venerit, inter sanctos & electos tuos eū resuscitari praecipias G [...]imola Sac [...]am [...]nt. tom. 2. Liturgi [...] Pamel. pag. 456.457. Habetur eadem o [...]atio in Missali R [...]mano nondùm reformato (nam in novo ex de [...]reto Con [...]ilij [...]ridentini restituto nusquā com [...]are [...]) corporis ta [...]tùm mentione omissâ: & tomo 5. oper. Gregorij edit. Paris. an. 1605. col. 234. corporis simul & spiritus nominibus praetermissis. Almightie [Page 201] and everlasting God, vouchsafe to place the body and the soule and the spirit of thy servant N. in the bosomes of Abraham, Isaac, and Iacob; that vvhen the day of thy acknowledgement shall come, thou mayest command them to be raysed up among thy Saincts and thine elect.
But yet the Cardinalls answer, that the glorie of the body may be prayed for, which the Saincts shall have at the day of the Resurrection, commeth somewhat short of that which the Church used to request in the behalfe of S. Leo. For in that prayer expresse mention is made of his soule: and to it is wished that profit may redound by the present oblation. And therefore this defect must be supplyed out of his answer unto that other praier which is m [...]de for the soules of the faithfull depa [...]ted, that they may be delivered out of the mouth of the Lion, and that Hell may not swallow them up. To this he saith; that Eccl [...]sia orat pro animabus, quae in Pu [...]gatorio degu [...], ne damn [...]tur ad poenas Gehennae sempirernas; non quid [...]m quòd certū non sit, eas non damnandas ad eas poenas, sed quia vult Deus, no [...] orare etiā pro ijs rebus, quas certó accepturi súmus. Bellarm. de Purgator. l [...]b. 2 cap. 5. the Church doth pray for these soules, that they may not be condemned unto the everlasting paines of Hell: not as if it were not certain, that they should not be condemned unto those paines, but because it is Gods pleasure that we should pray, even for those things which we are certainly to receive. The same answer did Alphonsus de Castro give before him: that Saepissimè petuntur illa quae certó sciuntur eventura ut petuntur: & hujus rei plurima sunt testimonia. A [...]h [...]ns Caestr. contr haeres. lib. 12. de Purgator. haer. 3. very often those things are prayed for, which are certainely knowne shall come to passe as they are prayed for; and that of this there be very manie testimonies. and Iohannes Medina: that Gaudet Deus orari, etiam pro his, quae alioqui facturus esset. Decreverat enim Deus post peccatum Adae, carnem sumere; decrevit (que) tempus, quo venturus erat: & gratae illi fuerunt orationes Sanctorū pro sua incarnation [...], & adven [...]u orantium Decrevit etiam Deus omni peccatori poenitenti veniā dare & tamen grata est illi oratio, quâ vel ipse poenitens pro se, vel aliu [...] pro illo o [...]at, ut ejus poenitentiā Deus acceptare dignetur. Decrevit etiam Deus, & promisit Ecclesiā [...]uā non deserere, & Concilijs legit [...]mè congregatis adesse: & tamen grata est Deo o [...]atio, & hymni, quibus ejus praese [...]tia, & favor, & gratia ipsi Concilio, & Ecclesiae implora [...]ur. Io [...]. Medin. de Poe [...]it. tra [...]t. 6. quaest. 6. Codicis de Oratione. God d [...]lighteth to be prayed unto, even for those [Page 202] things, which otherwise he purposed to do. For God had decreed (saith he) after the sinne of Adam to take our flesh, and he decreed the time, wherein he meant to come: and yet the prayers of the Saincts, that prayed for his Incarnation and for his comming, were acceptable unto him. God hath also decreed to grant pardon unto every repentant sinner: and yet the prayer is gratefull unto him, wherein eyther the penitent doth pray for himselfe, or another for him, that God would be pleased to accept his repentance. God hath decreed also and promised, not to forsake his Church, and to be present with Councells lawfully assembled: yet the prayer notwithstanding is gratefull unto God, and the hymnes, vvhereby his presence, and favour, and grace, is implored both for the Councell & the Church. And whereas it might be obiected, that howsoever the Church may sometimes pray for those things which shee shall certainly receive, yet shee doth not pray for those things which shee hath alreadie received; and this shee hath received, that those soules shall not be damned, seeing they have received their sentence, and are most secure from damnation: the Cardinall replieth, that this obiection may easily be avoyded. Nam etsi animae Purgatorij jam acceperint primam sententiam in judicio particulari, eaque sententiâ liberae sint á Gehennâ: tamen adhuc superest judicium generale, in quo secundam sententiam accepturae sunt. Quocirca Ecclesia orans, ne in judicio extremo animae illae cadant in obscurum, nevé absorbeantur á tartaro, non orat pro eâ re, quam accepit, sed pro eâ quam acceptura est anima, Bellarmin. ut suprae. For although those soules (saith he) have received already their first sentence in the particular judgement, and by that sentence are freed from Hell: yet doth there yet remaine the generall judgement, in which they are to receive the second sentence. Wherefore the Church praying, that those soules in the last judgement may not fall into darkenesse, nor be swallowed up of Hel, doth not pray for the thing which the soule hath, but which it shall receive. Thus these [Page 203] men, labouring to shew how the prayers for the dead used in their Church may stand with their conceits of Purgatorie, doe thereby informe us how the prayers for the dead, used by the ancient Church, may stand well enough without the supposall of anie Purgatorie at all. For if we may pray for those things which wee are most sure shall come to passe; and the Church, by the Adversaries owne confession, did pray accordingly, that the soules of the faithfull might escape the paines of Hell at the generall Iudgement, notwithstanding they had certainly beene freed from them alreadie by the sentence of the particular Iudgement: by the same reason, when the Church in times past besought God to [...]. Liturg. Basil. & Chrysost. remember all those that slept in the hope of the resurrection of everlasting life (which is the forme of prayer used in the Greeke Liturgies) and to give unto them rest, and to bring them unto the place where the light of his countenance should shine upon them for evermore; why should not we thinke, that it desired these things should be granted unto them by the last sentence at the day of the Resurrection, notwithstanding they were formerly adiudged unto them by the particular sentence at the time of their dissolution?
For as Quod enim in die judicij futurū est omnibus, hoc in singulis die mortis impletur. Hieronym. in Ioel. cap. 2. that which shall befall unto all at the day of judgement, is accomplished in every one at the day of his death: so on the other side, whatsoever befalleth the soule of everie one at the day of his death, the same is fully accomplished upon the whole man at the day of the generall iudgement. Whereupon wee finde, that the Scriptures everie where doe point out that great day unto us, as the time wherein mercie and forgivenesse, rest and refreshing, ioy and gladnesse, redemption and salvation, rewards and crownes shall be bestowed [Page 204] upon all Gods children, as in 2. Timoth. 1.16, 18. The Lord give mercie unto the house of Onesiphorus: the Lord grant unto him, that he may finde mercie of the Lord in that day. 1. Cor. 1.8. Who shall also confirme you unto the end, that ye may be blamelesse in the day of our Lord Iesus Christ. Act. 3.19. Repent ye therefore, and be converted, that your sinnes may be blotted out, when the times of refreshing shall come from the presence of the Lord. 2. Thessal. 1.6, 7. It is a righteous thing with God, to recompense unto you which are troubled, rest with us, when the Lord Iesus shalbe revealed from heaven, with his mightie Angells. Philip. 2.16. That I may rejoyce in the day of Christ, that I have not runne in vaine, neyther labou [...]ed in vaine. 1. Thessal. 2.19. For what is our hope, or joy, or crowne of rejoycing? are not even yee in the presence of our Lord Iesus Christ at his comming? 1. Pet. 1. [...]. Who are kept by the power of God through faith unto salvation, readie to be revealed in the last time. 1. Corinth. 5.5. That the spirit may be saved in the day of the Lord I [...]sus. Ephes. 4.30. Grieve not the holy spirit of God, whereby yee are sealed unto the day of redemption. Luk. 21.28. When these things beginne to come to passe, then looke up, and lift up your heads, for your redemption draweth nigh. 2. Timoth. 4.8. Henceforth there is laid up for me a crown of righ [...]eousnesse, which the Lord the righteous judge shall give me at that day. and Luk. 14.14. Thou shalt be recompensed at the resurrection of the just.
And that the Church in her Offices for the dead had speciall respect unto this time of the Resurrection: appeareth plainly, both by the portions of Scripture appointed to be read therein, and by diverse particulars in the prayers themselves that manifestly discover this intention. For there [...]. D [...]onys. [...]. Ecclesiaest. [...]ap. 7. the ministers (as the writer [Page 205] of the Ecclesiasticall Hierarchy reporteth) read those undoubted promises vvhich are recorded in the divine Scriptures of our holy Resurrectiō: and then devoutly sang such of the sacred Psalmes as were of the same subject and argument. And so accordingly in the Romane Missall, the lessons ordained to be read for that time, are taken from 1. Corinth. 15. Behold I tell you a mysterie. Wee shall all rise againe, &c. Ioh. 5. The houre commeth wherein all that are in the graves shall heare his voyce, and they that have done good shall come forth unto the resurrection of life, &c. 1. Thessal. 4. Brethren, we would not have you ignorant concerning them that sleepe, that yee sorrow not, as others which have no hope. Ioh. 11. I am the resurrection and the life: he that beleeveth in me, although he were dead, shall live. 2. Maccab. 12. Iudas caused a sacrifice to be offered for the sinnes of the dead, justly and religiously thinking of the Resurrection. Ioh. 6. This is the will of my Father that sent me; that every one that seeth the Sonne, and beleeveth in him, may have life everlasting: and I will raise him up at the last day. and, He that eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood, hath life everlasting: and I will raise him up at the last day. and lastly, Apocal. 14. I heard a voyce from heaven, saying unto me: Write, Blessed are the dead which dye in the Lord, from henceforth now, saith the Spirit, that they may rest from their labours; for their workes follow them. Wherewith the Sequence also doth agree, beginning
and ending;
Tertullian in his booke de Monogamiâ (which hee wrote after hee had beene infected with the heresie of the Montanists) speaking of the prayer of a widow for the soule of her deceased husband, saith that Enimveró & pro animâ ejus orat, & refrigerium interim ad postulat ei, & in primâ resurrectione consortium. Tertull. de Monogam. cap. 10. she requesteth refreshing for him, and a portion in the first resurrection. Which seemeth to have some tang of the error of the Millenaries (whereunto not Id de Resurrect. carnis, c. 25. Tertullian onely with his Id. advers. Marcion. lib. 3. cap. ult. Prophet Montanus, but Sicut Nepos docuit, qui primam justorum resurrectionē, & secundam imp [...]orum confinxit. Gennad. de Ecclesiast. dogmat. cap. 55. Nepos also, and Lactant. Institut. divin. li. 7. cap. 21.24. et 26. Lactantius, and diverse other Doctors of the Church did fall) who misunderstanding the prophecie in the 20. of the Revelation, imagined that there should be a first resurrection of the just that should raigne here a thousand yeares upon earth, and after that a second resurrection of the wicked, at the day of the general judgement. Yet in a certaine Gotthicke Missall I meet with two severall exhortations made unto the people, to pray after the selfe same forme. the one, that God would Quiescentiū animas in sinu Abrahae collocare dignetur, & in partem primae resurrectionis admittat. Missal. Gottic. tomo 6. Biblioth. Patr edit. Paris. an. 1589 col. 251. vouchsafe to place in the bosome of Abraham the soules of those that be at rest, and admit them unto the part of the first resurrectiō: the other (which I find elsewhere also repeated in particular) that Deū judicem universitatis, Deū coelestium & terrestrium & i [...]fernorū, fratres dilectissimi, deprecemur pro spiritibus charorum nostrorum, qui nos in [...]ominicâ pace praecesserunt; ut cos Dominus in requie collocare dignetur, & in parte pr [...]mae resurrectionis resuscitet. Ibid. col. 257. Gr [...]gor. Oper. tom. 5. col. 228. edit. Paris. Preces. Eccl [...]iast. á Georg. Cassandro [...]ollect. pag. 385. Operum. he would place in rest, the spirits of their friends which were gone before them in the Lords peace, and rayse them up in the part of [Page 207] the first resurrection. Which how it may be excused otherwise then by saying, that at the generall resurrection 1. Thess. 4.16. the dead in Christ shall rise fi [...]st, and then the wicked shall be raysed after them; and by referring the first resurrection unto the Luk. 14.14. resurrection of the just which shall be at that day: I cannot well resolve. For certaine it is, that the first r [...]surrection spoken of in the 20. chapter of the Revelation of S. Iohn, is the resu [...]rection of the soule from the death of sinne and error in this world; as the second is the resurrection of the bodie, out of the dust of the earth, in the world to come. both whi [...]h be distinctly layd down by our Saviour in the fift chapter of the Gospell of S. Iohn: the first in the 25. verse; The houre is comming, and now is, when the dead shall heare the voyce of the Sonne of God, and they that heare shall live. the second in the 28. and 29. Marveile not at this: for the houre is comming, in which all that are in the graves shall heare his voyce, and shall come forth, they that have done good unto the resurrection of life, and they that have done evill unto the resurrection of damnation:
And to this generall resurrection and to the judgement of the last day, had the Church relation in her prayers: some patternes whereof it will not be amisse to exhibit here, in these examples following▪ Quamvis humano generi mortis illata conditio pectora nostra mentesque contristet; tamen clementiae tuae dono spe futurae immortalitatis erigimur, ac memores salutis aeternae, non timemus lucis hujus sustinere jacturā. quoniam beneficio gratiae tuae fidelibus vita non tollitur, sed mutatur: atque animae corporeo ergastulo liberatae, horrent mortalia, dum immortalia consequuntur Vnde quaesumus, ut famulus [...]uus N. in tabe [...]naculis beatorum constitutus, evasisse se carnales glorietur angustias, diemque iudicij cum fiduciâ voto glorificationis expectet. Pr [...]f [...]t antiqu edit. Colon. a [...]. 1530. num. 106. Tom. 2. Liturgi [...]. Pamel. pag. 608. & Tom. 5. Oper. G [...]egorij. edit. Paris. col. 233. Habetur & prior Praefat. huius pars in M [...]ssâ Ambro [...]ianâ, tomo 1. Liturg. Pamel. pag. 450.451. posterior in alterâ praefat. ibid. pag. 449. & Oper. Gregor. col 232 a. Although the condition of death brought in upon mankinde doth make our hearts and mindes heavy: yet by the gift of thy clemencie we are raised up with the hope of future immortalitie; and being mindfull of eternall salvation, are not [Page 208] afraid to sustaine the losse of this light. For by the benefite of thy grace life is not taken away to the faithful, but changed: and the soules being freed from the prison of the body, abhorre things mortall, when they attaine unto things eternall. Wherefore we beseech thee, that thy servant N. being placed in the tabernacles of the blessed, may rejoyce that he hath escaped the straytes of the flesh, and in the desire of glorification expect with confidence the day of Iudgement. Per Christū Dominum nostrum. Cujus sacram passionem pro immortalibus & bene quiescentibus animabus sine dubio celebramus: pro his praecipue, quibus secundae nativitatis gratiam praestitisti; qui exemplo ejusdem Iesu Christi Domini nostri coeperunt esse de resurrectione securi. Quippè qui fecisti quae non erant, potes reparare quae fuerant: & resurrectionis futurae nobis documenta non solùm per Propheticam & Apostolicam doctrinam, sed per ejusdem unigeniti tui Redemptoris nostri resurrectionem dedisti. Praesat. antiqu. 112. & 107. G [...]imold. Sacramentar. tom. 2. Liturg. Pamel pag 460.461 & tom. 5. Oper. Gregor. col. 235. Through Iesus Christ our Lord. whose holy passion we celebrate without doubt for immortall and well resting soules: for them especially, upon whom thou hast bestowed the grace of the second birth; who by the example of the same Iesus Christ our Lord have begunne to be secure of the resurrection. For thou vvho hast made the things that were not, art able to repaire the things that were: and hast given unto us evidences of the resurrection to come, not onely by the doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles, but also by the resurrection of the same thy onely begotten Sonne our Redeemer. Deus, qui universorū es Creator & conditor, quique tuorum es beatitudo Sanctorum; praesta nobis petentibus, ut spiritum fratris nostri corporis nexibus absolutum in beatâ resurrectione facias praesentari. Prec. Ecclesiast Cassandr. Oper. pag. 385. Tom. 5. Gregor. col. 228 e. O God, who art the Creator and maker of all things, and vvho art the blisse of thy Saincts; grant unto us who make request unto thee, that the spirit of our brother, who is loosed from the knott of his body, may bee presented in the blessed resurrection of thy Saincts. Omnipotens & misericors Deus, tuam deprecamur. clementiam, quia judicio tuo & nascimur & finimur; ut animam fratris nostri, quem tua pietas de incolatu hujus mundi transue praecepit, in requiem aeternam suscipias, & in consortio electorum tuorum in resurrectione sociari permittas, ut in aeternâ beatitudine unâ cum illis sine fine permaneat. Alcuin. Offic. per f [...]rias, Oper. pag. 230.231. collat. cum simili, tomo 5. Gregor, col. 228. c. d. & in Operib. Cassandr. pag. 385. O almightie and mercifull God, vve doe intreat [Page 209] thy clemency, forasmuch as by thy judgement we are borne and make an end; that thou wilt receive into everlasting rest the soule of our brother, whom thou of thy piety hast commanded to passe from the dwelling of this world, and permit him to be associated with the company of thine elect, that together with them he may remaine in everlasting blisse without end. Aeterne Deus, qui nobis in Christo unigenito filio tuo Domino nostro spem beatae Resurrectionis concessist [...]; praesta, quaesumus, ut animae, pro quibus hoc sacrificium redemptionis nostrae tuae offerimus majestati, ad beatae resurrectionis requiem, te miserante, cum sanctis tuis pervenire mereantur. Praefat. antiqu. 110. edit. Colon. an. 1530. Tom. 2. Liturg. Pamelij pag. 609. Tom. 5. Gr [...]gor. col. 236. e. Eternall God, vvho in Christ thine only begotten sonne our Lord hast given unto us the hope of a blessed Resurrection; grant, we beseech thee, that the soules, for which we offer this sacrifice of our redemption unto thy Majestie, may of thy mercy attaine unto the rest of a blessed resurrection with thy Saincts. Haec nos communio, quaesumus Domine, purget á crimine: & animae famuli tui N. coelestis gaudij tribuat consortium, ut ante thronum gloriae Christi tui segregata cum dextris, nihil commune habeat cum sinistris. Tom. 5 Gregor. col 33. c. Let this communion, we beseech thee O Lord, purge us from sinne; and give unto the soule of thy servant N. a portion in the heavenly joy, that being set apart before the throne of the glory of thy Christ with those that are upon the right hand, it may have nothing common with those that are upon the left. Per Christum Dominum nostrum. In cujus adventu, cùm geminam jusseris sist [...]re plebem, jubeas et famulum tuum á numero discerni malorum. Quem unâ tribuas poenae aeternae evadere flammas, & justae potiùs adipisci praemia vitae. &c. Offic. Ambrosian. tomo 1. Liturgic. Pamel pag 450. Through Christ our Lord. At whose comming, when thou shalt command both the peoples to appeare, command thy servant also to be severed from the number of the evill. and grant unto him, that he may both escape the flames of everlasting punishment, and obtaine the rewards of a righteous life. &c.
In these, and other prayers of the like kind, we may descry evident footsteps of the primarie intention of the Church in her supplications for the dead: which was, that the whole man (not the soule separated only) might receive publick remission of sinnes, & a solemne [Page 210] acquitall in the judgement of that great day; and so obtaine both a full escape from all the consequences of sinne (1. Cor. 15.26, 34. the last enemie being now destroyed, and death swallowed up in victory) and a perfect consummation of blisse and happinesse. all which are comprised in that short prayer of S. Paul for Onesiphorus (though made for him while he was alive:) 2. Tim. 1.18. The Lord grant unto him, that he may finde mercie of the Lord in that day. Yea diverse prayers for the dead of this kinde are still retained in the Romane Offices: of which the great Spanish Doctor Iohannes Medina thus writeth. Etsi quamplures orationes fidelium defunctorum legerim, quae in Missali Romano continentur; in nullâ tamen earum legi, per Ecclesiam pe [...]i, ut citiùs á poenis liberentur: legi tamē in nonnullis peti, ut, ab aeternis poenis liberentur. Io. Medin. in Codice de Oratione, quaest. 6. Although I have read manie prayers for the faithfull deceased, which are contayned in the Romane Missall; yet have I read in none of them, that the Church doth petition, that they may more quickly be freed from paines: but I have read that in some of them petition is made, that they may be freed from everlasting paines. For beside the common prayer that is used in the Masse for the Commemoration of all the faithfull deceased, that Christ would free them from the mouth of the Lion, that Hell may not swallow them up, and that they may not fall into the place of darknesse: this prayer is prescribed for the day wherin the dead did depart out of this life. Deus, cui propriū est misereri semper & parcere; te supplices exoramus pro animâ famuli tui N. quam hodie de hoc seculo migrare jussisti: ut non tradas eam in manus inimici, neque obliviscaris in finem; sed jubeas eam á sanctis Angelis suscipi, & ad patriam paradisi perduci: ut qu [...]a in te speravit & credidit, non poenas inferm sustineat, sed gaudia aeterna possideat. Orat. in die obitus s [...]u d [...]positionis [...]efuncti: in Missali Romano reformato. O God, vvhose propertie is alwayes to have mercie and to spare; vve most humbly beseech thee for the soule of thy servant N. which this day thou hast commanded to depart out of this world: that thou mayst not deliver it into the hands of the enemy, nor forget it finally; but command it to be received by the holy Angels, and brought unto the country of Paradise: that because he hath trusted and beleeved in thee, he may [Page 211] not sustain the paines of Hell, but possesse joyes everlasting. which is a direct prayer, that the soule of him which was then departed might immediatly be received into Heaven, and escape not the temporarie paines of Purgatorie, but the everlasting paines of Hell. for howsoever the new reformers of the Romane Missall have put in here poenas inferni (under the generalitie peradventure of the terme of the paines of hell intending to shrowde their Purgatorie, which they would have men beleeve to be one of the lodges of Hell) yet in the Missal. Rom. edit. Paris. an. 1529. old Missall, which Medina had respect unto, we reade expressely poenas aeternas, everlasting paines; which by no construction can be referred unto the paines of Purgatorie. and to the same purpose, in the book of the Ceremonies of the Church of Rome, at the exequies of a Cardinall, a prayer is appointed to be read; that by the assistance of Gods grace he might Gratiâ tuâ illi succurrente, mereatur judicium evadere ultionis aeternae, qui dum víveret insignitus est signaculo sanctae Trinitatis Lib. 1. sacr. Ceremoniar. Rom. Eccles sect. 15. ca. 1. fol. 152. b. edit. Colon. an. 1574. escape the judgement of everlasting revenge, who while he lived was marked with the seale of the holy Trinity.
Againe, Sunt aliae orationes, in quibus petitur, ut Deus animas defunctorū in corporibus ad beatitudinem in die judicii suscitet Io. Medin. ut suprà. there be other prayers (saith Medina) wherein petition is made, that God would raise the soules of the dead in their bodies unto blisse at the day of judgement. Such, for example, is that which is found in the Romane Missall. Absolve, quaesumus Domine, animam famuli tui ab omni vinculo delictorum: ut in resurrectionis gloriâ, inter sanctos & electos tuos resuscitatus respiret. Orat. p [...]o d [...]funct. in Missali Ro [...]ano, v [...]tere & novo. nec non in Gregorij Sacramentario, tom. 2. Liturgic. Pam [...]lij, [...]ag. 386. & tom. 5. oper. Gregor edi [...]. Paris. col. 229, 230. Similis etiam oratiuncula habetur in G [...]egorij Antiphonario, pag. 175. Pamel [...], col. 62. ed [...]. Paris Erue Domine animas eorum ab omni vinculo delictorum: ut in resurrectionis gloriâ inter sanctos tuos resuscitari mereantur. Absolve, vvee beseech thee O Lord, the soule of thy servant from all the bond of his sinnes: that in the glory of the resurrection, being raysed among thy saincts and elect, hee may breath againe, or bee refreshed. [Page 212] and that other in the Romane Pontificall. Deus, cui omnia vivunt, & cui non pereunt moriendo corpora nostra, sed mutantur in melius; te supplices deprecamur, ut suscipi jubeas animā famuli tui N. per manus sanctorum Angelorū tuorū deducēdā in sinū amici tui Abrahae Patriarchae, resuscitandamque in novissimo judicij magni die: & quicquid vitiorum, Diabolo fallente, contraxit, tu pius & misericors abluas indulgendo. Pontifical. Roman. Clem. VIII. iussu edit. Romae an. 1595. pag. 685. & Venet. an. 1572. fol. 226. col. 4. Lib. 1. sacr. Ceremon. Rom. Eccles. sect. 15. ca. 1. fol. 153 b. edit. Colon. Tom. 5. Oper. Gregorij, col. 227. edit. Paris. Prec. [...]cclesiastic. á G. Cassandro edit. pag 384. Operum. O God, unto whom all things doe live, and unto whom our bodies in dying do not perish, but are changed for the better; we humbly pray thee, that thou wouldest command the soule of thy servant N. to be received by the hands of thy holy Angells, to be carried into the bosome of thy friend the Patriarch Abraham, and to be raysed up at the last day of the great judgement: & whatsoever faults by the deceit of the Divel he hath incurred, do thou of thy pitie and mercy wash away by forgiving them. Now forasmuch as it is most certaine, that all such as depart in grace (as the Adversaries acknowledge that all in Purgatorie doe) are sure to escape Hell, and to be raysed up unto glorie at the last day: Medina perplexeth himselfe exceedingly in according these kinde of praiers with the received grounds of Purgatorie; and after much agitation of the businesse too and fro, at last resolveth upon one of these two desperate conclusions. that touching these Respondetur, quantum ad orationes quae pro defunctis in Ecclesiâ fiunt, posse primò dici, non esse necessarium omnes eas ab omni ineptitudine excusare. Multa enim in Ecclesiâ legi permittuntur, quae quamvis non omnino vera sint, vel omnino apta, conferunt tamen ad fideliū devotionē excitandam & augendam. Talia multa credendū est contineri in historijs non sacris, & in Legēdis Sanctorū, & in opinionibus Doctorū, & Scripturis, quae omnia tolerantur in Ecclesiâ interim, dum super illis nulla movetur quaestio, nullum (que) insurgit scandalum. Ac proinde non mirum, in orationibus praedictis aliquid minùs aptum contineri, & ab Ecclesiâ tolerari: cùm tales orationes factae sint á personis privatis, non á Concilijs, nec per Concilia omnino sint approbatae. Io. Medin. ut supr. praiers which are made in the Church for the dead, it may first of all be said, that it is not necessary to excuse them all from all unfitnesse. For many things are permitted to be read in the Church, which although they be not altogether true, nor altogether fit, yet serve for the stirring up and increasing the devotion of the faithfull. Many such things [Page 213] (saith he) we beleeve are contayned in the histories that be not sacred, and in the Legends of the Saincts, and in the opinions and writings of the Doctors: all which are tolerated by the Church in the meane time, while there is no question moved of them, and no scandall ariseth from them. And therefore it is no marvaile, that somewhat not so fitt should be contayned in the foresaid prayers, and be tolerated in the Church: seeing such prayers were made by private persons, not by Councells, neyther vvere approved at all by Councells.
And we easily doe beleeve indeed, that their Offices and Legends are fraught not only with untrue and unfit, but also with farre worse stuffe: neyther is this any newes unto us. Agobardus Bishop of Lions complayned about 800. yeares agoe, that the Antiphonary used in his Church had Multa ridiculosa et phantastica. Agobard. ad Cantores Iugdunens de Correct. Antiphonarij, pag. 396. edit. Paris. many ridiculous and phantasticall things in it: and that hee was faine Hâc de causâ & Antiphonarium pro viribus nostris magnâ ex parte correximus: amputatis his, quae vel superflua, vel levia, vel mendacia, aut blasphema videbantur. Id. ibid. pag. 392. to cut off from thence such things as seemed to be eyther superfluous, or light, or lying, or blasphemous. The like complaint was made not long since by Lindanus, of the Romane Antiphonaries and Missals: Vbi non apocrypha modó ex Euang. Nicodemi & aliis nugis sunt infarta; sed ipsae adeò secretae preces (imo ipse, prò pudor & dolor, Canon & varians & redundans) sunt mendis turpissimis conspurcatae. Wil. Lindan de opt. gen. interpr. script. lib. 3. ca. 3. wherein not only apocryphall tales (saith he) out of the Gospell of Nicodemus and other toyes are thrust in; but the very secret prayers themselves are defiled with most foule faults. But now that wee have the Missale Romanum ex decreto sacrosancti Concilii Tridentini restitutum, Pij V. Pont. Max jussu editum, & Clementis VIII. auctoritate recognitum. Rom. an. 1604. Paris. 1605. Romane Missall restored according to the decree of the Councell of Trent, set out by the command of Pius V. and revised againe by the authoritie of Clemens VIII. I doubt much whether our Romanists will allow the Censure which their Medina hath given of the praiers contained therein. And therefore if this will not please [Page 214] them, he hath another answer in store: of which though his country man Alphons. Mendoz. Controvers. Theologic. quaest. 6. scholastic. num. 5. Mendoza hath given sentence, that it is indigna viro Theologo, unworthy of any man that beareth the name of a Divine; yet such as it is, you shall have it. Supposing then, that the Church hath no intention to pray for anie other of the dead, but those that are detayned in Purgatorie: this he delivereth for his second resolution. Sciens Ecclesia Deum potestatem habere puniendi aeternaliter animas illas, per quas, cùm viverent, fuerat mortaliter offensus; quod (que) Deus potestatē suam non alligaverit Scripturis, & promissis quae in Scripturâ con [...]inentur; quan [...]oquidem ipse super omnia est, & tam omnipotens post promissa, acsi nil promisisset: ideò Ecclesia simpliciter Deum orat, ne illâ absolutâ omnipotentiâ contra animas fidelium, qui in gratiâ decesserunt, utatur; ideò orat, ut eas ab aeternis poenis, & á vindictâ, & judicio condemnationis liberare, & ut eas cum suis electis resuscitare, dignetur. Io. Medina, ut supr. The Church knowing that God hath power to punish everlastingly those soules, by which, when they lived, he was mortally offended; and that God hath not tyed his power unto the Scriptures, and unto the promises that are contayned in the Scripture (forasmuch as he is above all things, and a [...] omnipotent after his promises, as if he had promised nothing at all:) therefore the Church doth humbly pray God, that he would not use this his absolute omnipotencie against the soules of the faithfull, which are departed in grace; therefore shee doth pray that he would vouchsafe to free them from everlasting paines, and from revenge and the judgement of condemnation, and that he would be pleased to rayse them up againe with his Elect. But leaving our Popish Doctors with their profound speculations of the not limiting of Gods power by the Scriptures, and the promises which he hath made unto us therein: let us returne to the ancient Fathers, and consider the differences that are to be found among them touching the place and condition of soules separated from their bodies. for according to the several apprehensions which they had thereof, they made different applications and interpretations of the use of praying for the dead: whose particular intentions and devotions in that kinde, must of [Page 215] necessity therefore be distinguished from the generall intention of the whole Church.
S. Augustine (that I may begin with him who was, as the most ingenious, so likewise the most ingenuous of all others in acknowledging his ignorance where hee saw cause) being to treat of these matters, maketh this Preface before hand unto his hearers. Infernum nec ego expertus sum ad [...]uc nec vos: & fo [...]tassis alia via erit, & non per i [...]fe [...]num erit. Incerta sunt enim haec. Augustin. in Psal. 85. Of Hell neyther have I had any experience as yet, nor you: and peradventure it may be, that our passage may lye some other way, and not prove to be by Hell. For these things be uncertain. and having occasion to speake of the departure of Nebridius his deare friend: Nunc ille vivit in sinu Abraham, quicquid illud est quod illo significatur sinu; ibi Nebridius meus vivit. Id. Confession. lib. 9. cap. 3. Now he liveth, saith he, in the bosome of Abraham, whatsoever the thing be that is signified by that bosome; there doth my Nebridius live. But elsewhere he directly distinguisheth this bosome from the place of blisse into which the. Saincts shall be received after the last judgement. Post vitam istam parvam nondum eris ubi erunt Sancti quibus dicetur; Venite benedicti Patris mei, percipite regnum quod vobis paratum est ab initio mundi. Nondum ibi eris: quis nescit? Sed jam poteris ibi esse, ubi illum quondam ulcerosum pauperem dives ille superbus & sterilis in medijs suis tormentis vidit à longe requiescentem. In illâ requie positus, certé securus expectas judicii diem; quando recipias & corpus, quando immuteris ut angelo aequeris. Id. in Psalm. 36. conc. 1. After this short life (saith he) thou shalt not as yet be where the Saincts shall be unto whom it shall be said; Come ye blessed of my Father, receive the kingdome which was prepared for you from the beginning of the world. Thou shalt not as yet be there: who knoweth it not? But now thou mayest be there, where that proude and barren rich man in the middest of his torments saw a farre off the poore man, sometime full of ulcers, resting. Being placed in that rest, thou dost securely expect the day of judgement; when thou mayest receive thy body, when thou mayest be changed to be equall unto an Angell. and for the state of soules, betwixt the time of the particular and generall judgement, this is his conclusion [Page 216] in generall. Tempus au [...]em quod inter h [...]minis mortem & ultimam resurrectionem inter positum est, animas abditis receptaculis continet; sicut unaquae (que) digna est vel requie vel aerumnâ, pro eo quod sortita est in carne cùm viveret. Id. Enchirid. ad Laurent. [...]ap. 108. The time that is interposed betwixt the death of man and the last resurrection, contayneth the soules in hidden receptacles; as every one is worthy eyther of rest or of trouble, according unto that which it did purchase in the flesh when it lived. Into these hidden receptacles he thought the soules of Gods children might carry some of their lighter faults with them: which being not removed, would hinder them from comming into the kingdome of heaven (whereinto no polluted thing can enter) and from which by the prayers and almes-deeds of the living he held they might be released. But of two things he professed himselfe here to be ignorant. First, Sed quis iste sit modus, & quae sint ipsa peccata, quae ita impediunt perventionem ad regnū Dei, ut tamen sanctorum amicorum meritis impetrent indulgentiam; difficilimum est invenire, periculosissimū definire. Ego certé usque ad hoc tempus, cùm inde satagerem, ad eorū indaginem pervenire non potui. Id. lib. 21. de Civit. Dei, cap. 27. What those sinnes were, which did so hinder the comming unto the kingdome of God, that yet by the care of good friends they might obtaine pardon. Secondly, See before, pag. 173. Whether those soules did endure anie temporary paines in the Interim betwixt the time of Death and the Resurrection. For howsoever in his one and twentieth book of the City of God, and the thirteenth and sixteenth chapters (for the new patch which they have added to the foure and twentieth chapter is not worthy of regard) he affirme, that some of them doe suffer certaine purgatorie punishments before the last and dreadfull judgment: yet by comparing these places with the Ex his quae dicta sunt videtur evidentiùs apparere, in illo judicio quasdam quorundam purgatorias poenas futuras. &c. Verùm ista quaestio de purgatorijs poenis, ut diligentiùs pertractetur, in tempus aliud differenda est. nempe, ubi ad librum 21. perventum fu [...]rit. five and twentieth chapter of the twentieth booke, it will appeare, that by those purgatory punishments he understandeth here the furnace of the fire of Conflagration, that shall immediatly go before this last judgement, and (as [Page 217] he otherwhere describeth the effects thereof) Hoc aget caminus: alios in sinistram separabit, alios in dexteram quodammodo eliquabit. Aug. in Psalm. 103. conc. 3. separate some unto the left hand, and melt out others unto the right.
Neither was this opinion of the reservation of soules in secret places, and the purging of them in the fire of Conflagration at the day of iudgement, entertained by this famous Doctor alone: diverse others there were that had touched upon the same string before him. Origen in his fourth book [...], as we have him translated by Ruffinus (for in the [...]. Origenis Philocalia cap. 1. Extracts selected out of him by S. Basil and S. Gregory wee finde the place somewhat otherwise expressed) saith that De hoc mundo secundùm communem mortem istam recedentes, pro actibus suis & meritis dispensantur prout digni fuerint judicati; alii quidem in locum qui dicitur Infernus, alij in sinum Abrahae, & per diversa quae (que) vel loca, vel mansiones. Origen. de Principijs lib. 4. cap. 2. cum quo conferendus similis eiusdem locus in Numer. 31. homil 26. such as depart out of this world after the common course of death, are disposed of according to their deeds and merits, as they shalbe judged to be worthy; some into the place which is called Hell, others into Abrahams bosome, and through diverse eyther places or mansions. and in his Commentaries upon Leviticus, hee addeth further. Nondum receperunt laetitiam suam, ne Apostoli quidem; sed & ipsi expectant, ut & ego laetitiae eorum particeps fiam. Neque enim decedentes hinc Sancti, continuò integra meritorum suorum proemia consequuntur; sed expectant etiam nos licèt morantes, licèt desides. Jd. hom. 7. in Levit. cap. 10. Neyther have the Apostles themselves as yet received their joy; but even they doe expect, that I also may be made partaker of their joy. For the Saincts departing from hence doe not presently obtaine the full rewards of their labours; but they expect us likewise, howsoever staying, howsoever slacking. Then touching the purging of men after the Resurrection, he thus delivereth his minde in his Commentaries upon Luke. Ego puto, quòd & post resurrectionem ex mortuis indigeamus sacramento eluente nos at (que) purgante: nemo enim absque sordibus resurgere poterit. Id. in Luc. homil. 14. I thinke, that even after our resurrection from the dead we shall have need of a [Page 218] sacrament to wash and purge us: for none can rise without pollutions. and upon Ieremy: Si quis in secundâ resurrectione servatur, iste peccator est qui ignis indiget baptismo; qui combustione purgatur, ut quicquid habuerit lignorū, foeni, & stipulae, ignis consumat. Id. in Ierem. homil. 13. If any one be saved in the second resurrection, he is that sinner vvhich needeth the baptisme of fire, which is purged with burning; that whatsoever he hath of wood, hay, and stubble, the fire may consume it. Neither doth Lactantius shew himselfe to varie much from him, in eyther of those points; for thus he writeth. Sed & justos cùm judicaverit, etiam igni eos examinabit. Tum quorum peccata vel pondere vel numero praevaluerint, perstringentur igni, atque amburentur: quos autem plena justitia & maturitas virtutis incoxe [...]it, ignem illum non sentient. habent enim in se aliquid inde, quod vim flammae repellat ac respuat. Tanta est vis innocentiae, ut ab eâ ignis ille refugiat innoxius, qui accepit á Deo hanc potestatem. ur impios urat, just [...]s obtemperet. Nec tamen quisquam putet, animas post mortem protinùs judicari. Omnes in unâ, communique custodiâ detinentur, donec tempus adveniat, quo maximus Iudex meritorum faciat examen. Lactant. institut. divin. lib. 7. cap. 21. When God shall judge the righteous, he will examine them by fire. Then they whose sinnes shall prevaile eyther in weight or number, shall be touched with the fire and burned: but they whom perfect righteousnesse and the ripenesse of vertue hath throughly seasoned, shall not feele that fire. for from thence have they something in them, that will repell & put back the force of the flame: so great is the force of innocency, that that fire shall flye back from it without doing anie harme, vvhich hath received this power from God, that it may burne the wicked and do service to the righteous. Yet notwithstanding let no man thinke, that the soules are presently judged after death. All of them are detayned in one common custodie, untill the time come, wherein the great Iudge doth make tryall of their doings. In like maner doth S. Hilary write of the one part. Exeuntes de corpore, ad introitum illum regni coelestis, per custodiam Domini fideles omnes reservabuntur, in sinu scilicèt interim Abrahae collocati: quò adire impios interjectū chaos inhibet, quous (que) introeundi iursum in regnū coelorum tempus adveniat. Hilar. in Psal. 120. All the faithfull, when they are gone out of the bodie, shall be reserved by the Lords custodie for that entry into the heavenly kingdome, being in the meane time placed in the bosome of Abraham; whither the wicked are hindred from comming, by the gulfe interposed betwixt them, untill the [Page 219] time of entring into the kingdome of heaven doe come. and thus of the other. An cùm ex omni otioso verbo rationē simus praestituri, diem judicii concupiscemus, [...]n quo nobis est ille i [...] defessus ignis obeundus, in quo subeunda sunt gravia illa expiandae á peccatis animae supplicia? Id. in Psal. 118. octonar. 3. Being to render an account of every idle word, shall we desire the day of judgement, wherein that unwearied fire must be passed by us, in which those grievous punishments for expiating the soule from sinnes must be endured? for Salutis igitur nostrae & judicii tempus designat in Domino dieens; Illé baptizabit vo [...] in Spiritu sancto & igni: quia baptizatis in Spiritu sancto, reliquum sit consummari igne judicii. Id. in Ma [...]h. canon. 2. to such as have beene baptized with the holy Ghost, it remaineth that they should be consummated with the fire of judgement.
In S. Ambrose also there are some passages to bee found which seeme to make directly for either of these points: as these for the former. Solvitur corpore anima, & post finem vitae hujus, adhuc tamen futuri judicii ambiguo suspenditur. Ita finis nullus, ubi finis putatur. Ambr. de Cain & Abel, lib. 2. cap. 2. The soule is loosed from the body, and yet after the end of this life it is held as yet in suspence with the uncertainty of the future judgement: so that there is no end, where there is thought to be an end. Siquidem & in Esdrae libris legimus; quia cùm venerit judicii dies, reddet terra defunctorum corpora, & pulvis reddet eas quae in tumulis requiescunt reliquias mortuorum. Et habitacula, inquit, reddent animas quae his commendatae sunt: & revelabitur altissimus super sedem judicii. Ambros. de bono mortis, cap. 10. ex 4. Esdr. 7.32, 33. We reade in the books of Esdras; that when the day of judgement shall come, the earth shall restore the bodies of the deceased, and the dust shall restore the reliques of the dead which doe rest in the graves: and the habitacles shall restore the soules which were committed to them; and the most high shall be revealed upon the seat of judgement. Denique & scriptura habitacula illa animarum promptuaria nuncupavit: quae occurrens querelae humanae, eo quòd justi qui praecesserunt videantur usque ad judicii diem, per plurimum scilicèt temporis, debitâ sibi remuneratione fraudari; mirabiliter ait Coronae esse similem judicii diem, in quo sicut novissimorum tarditas, sic non priorum velocitas. Coronae enim dies expectatur ab omnibus; ut intra eum diem & victi erubescant, & victores palmam adipiscantur victoriae. Id. ibid. [...]u 4. Esdr. 4.35. & 5.41, 42. Also that scripture nameth those habitacles of the soules, Promptuaries (or secret receptacles:) and meeting with the complaint of man, that the just which have gone before may seeme to be defrauded (untill the day of [Page 220] judgement, which is a very long time) of the reward due unto them; saith wonderfully, that the day of judgement is like unto a crowne, wherein as there is no slackenesse of the last, so is there no swiftnesse of the first. For the day of crowning is expected by all; that vvithin that day both they who are overcome may be ashamed, and they who doe overcome may obtaine the palme of victory. Ergo dum expectatur plenitudo temporis, expectant animae remunerationem debitam. Alias manet poena, alias gloria: & tamen nec illae interim sine injuriâ, nec istae sine fructu sunt. Ibid. Therefore while the fulnesse of time is expected, the soules expect their due reward. Paine is provided for some of them, for some glory: and yet in the meane time neither are those without trouble, nor these without fruite. and these for the latter. Igne ergo purgabuntur filij Levi, igne Ezechiel, igne Daniel. Sed hi etsi per ignē examinabuntur, dicent tamen: T [...]ansivimus per ignē & aquam. Alij in igne remanebunt. Id. in Psalm. 36. With fire shall the sonnes of Levi be purged, with fire Ezechiel, with fire Daniel. But these, although they shall be tryed with fire, yet shall say: We have passed through fire and water. Others shall remaine in the fire. Et si salvos faciet Dominus servos suos; salvi erimus per fidem, sic tamen salvi quasi per ignem. Etsi non exuremur, tamen uremur. Id. ibid. And if the Lord shall save his servants, we shall be saved by faith, yet saved as it were by fire. Although we shall not be burned up, yet shall we be burned. Siquidem post consummationem seculi, missis angelis qui segregent bonos & malos, hoc futurum est baptisma; quando per caminū ignis iniquitas exuretur, ut in regno Dei fulgeant justi sicut Sol in regno patris sui. Et si aliquis ut Petrus sit, ut Ioannes, baptizatur hoc igni Id in Psalm. 118. serm 3. After the end of the vvorld, when the Angells shall be sent to separate the good and the bad, this baptisme shall be; when iniquitie shalbe burnt up by the furnace of fire, that in the kingdome of God the righteous may shine as the Sunne in the kingdome of their Father. And if any one be as Peter, or as Iohn, he is baptized with this fire. Seeing therefore Sed quia hîc purgatus, iterùm necesse habet illic purificari: illic quoque nos purificet, quando dicat Dominus; Intrate in requiem meam. ut unu [...]quis (que) nostrûm ustus romphaeâ illâ fiammeâ non exustus, introgrestus in illam paradisi amoenitatem, gratias agat domino suo, dicens: Induxisti nos in ref [...]igerium Id. ibid. Vid. & scim. 20. i [...] cund. Psal. 118. he that is purged here, hath need to be purged again there: let him purge us there also, when the Lord may say; Enter into my rest. that every [Page 221] one of us being burned with that flaming sword, not burned up, when he is entred into that pleasure of Paradise may give thankes unto his Lord, saying: Thou hast brought us into a place of refreshment.
Hereunto wee may adjoine that observation of Suarez the Iesuite. Qui opinantur, animas hominum non judicari in morte, nec proemiū aut poenam recipere, sed reservari in abditis receptaculis usque ad judicium universale; consequenter dicunt, sicut non accipiunt homines ultimum proemium vel poenam, ita ne (que) etiam purgari, donec sit facta generalis Resurrectio, & Iudicium: ex quo satis consequenter dice [...]e potuerunt, purgandos esse homines igne conflagrationis. Fr. Suarez, in 3 part Thom. quaest. 9 a [...]t. 6. d [...]sput. 57. sect. 1. They who thinke, that the soules of men are not judged at their death, nor do receive reward or punishment, but are reserved in hidden receptacles untill the generall judgement; doe consequently say, that as men do not receive their last reward or punishment, so neyther are they also purged, untill the generall Resurrection and Iudgement do come: from vvhence they might say vvith reasonable good consequence, that men are to be purged with the fire of Conflagration. and with as good consequence also (may we further adde) that prayers were not to be made for the deliverie of the soules of the dead from any purgatorie paines, supposed to be suffered by them betwixt the time of their death and their resurrection; which be the only praiers which are now in question. [...]. Gregor. Ceram. h [...]mil. in Indictionis sive novi anni principium. In the Resurrection, when our workes, like unto clusters of grapes, shall be cast into the probatory fire as it were into the wine-presse; every mans husbandry shall be made manifest: saith Gregorius Cerameus, sometime archbishop of Tauromenium in Sicilia. and, [...]. Anastas. Sinait. (al. N [...]can.) quaest. 91. No man as yet is entred eyther into the torments of Hell or into the kingdome of Heaven, untill the time of the resurrection of the bodies: saith Anastasius Sinaita upon whom Gretser bestoweth this marginall annotation: that this is the Error veterum quorundam, & recentioris Graeciae. Grets [...]r. ibid. in marg. pag. 501. edit. Ing [...]lstad. Error of certain of the ancient, & of latter Greece. [Page 222] And we finde it to be held indeed both by some of the ancient (as namely in Caius, who lived at Rome when Zephyrinus was Bishop there, and is accounted to be the author of the treatise falsely fathered upon Iosephus, [...], a large fragment whereof hath beene lately published by Hoeschelius in his notes upon Photius his Bibliotheke:) and by the latter Grecians; in whose name, Marcus Eugenicus archbishop of Ephesus, doth make this protestation against such of his countrymen as yeelded to the definition of the Florentine Councell. [...]. Marc. Ephesius, in Epistolâ Encyclicâ contra Concil Florentin. Vid. & Gennadium Scholarium, in Defens. Concil. Florentin. cap. 3. sect. 2. We say, that neither the Saincts do receive the kingdome prepared for them and those secret good things, neyther the sinners doe as yet fall into Hell: but that eyther of them doe remaine in expectation of their proper lott; and that this appertayneth unto the time that is to come after the Resurrection and the Iudgement. But these men, with the Latines, would have these to receive presently after death the things they have deserved: but unto those of the middle sort, that is, to such as dye in penance, they assigne a purgatory fire (which they faine to be distinct from that of Hell) that thereby, say they, being purged in their soules after death, they likewise may be received into the kingdome of heaven together vvith the righteous.
That barbarous impostor (as Io. Molan. histor. Imag. lib. 3. cap 36. Molanus rightly styleth him) who counterfeyted a letter, as written by S. Cyrill Bishop of Ierusalem unto S. Augustin, touching the miracles of S. Hierome, taketh upon him to lay down the precise time of the first arising of this sect [Page 223] among the Grecians in this maner. Postobitu [...] gloriosissimi Hieronymi, qua [...]dam haeresis inter Graecos, id est, secta surrexit, quae ad Latinos usque devenit, quae suis nefandis nitebatur rationibus probare: quòd animae beatorū us (que) ad universalis judicii diē, in quo eorum corporibus erant iterum conjungendae, visione & cognitione divinâ, in quâ tota constitit beatitudo sanctorū, privabuntur; & damnatorū animae similiter ad diem illum nullis cruciabuntur poenis. Quorum ratio talis erat; Sicut anima cum corpore meruit vel peccavit, ita cum corpore recipit proemia sive poenas. Asserebant etiam illius sectae nequissimi, nullum fore purgatorij locum in que animae, quae nondum de suis peccatis in mundo plenam egissent poenitentiam, purgarentur. Quâ quidem sectaâ pestiferâ crebrescente, tantus in nos dolor irruit, ut nos ampliùs pigeret vivere. Pseudo-Cyrillus, tom. 2. operum Augustini, epist 206. & sub finem tomi 4. operum Hieronymi edit. Basil. vel 9. ut á Mariano Victorio [...]omi sunt dispositi. After the death of most glorious Hierome, a certaine heresie or sect arose amongst the Grecians, and came to the Latines also, which went about with their wicked reasons to prove: that the soules of the blessed untill the day of the generall Iudgment, wherein they were to be joyned againe unto their bodies, are deprived of the sight and knowledge of God, in which the whole blessednesse of the Saincts doth consist; and that the soules of the damned in like maner untill that day are tormented with no paines. Whose reason was this: that as the soule did merit or sinne with the body; so with the bodie was it to receive rewards or paines. Those wicked sectaries also did maintaine, that there was no place of Purgatory wherein the soules, vvhich had not done full penance for their sinnes in this world, might be purged. Which pestilent sect getting head, so great sorrow fell upon us, that we were even weary of our life. Then he telleth a wise tale, how S. Hierome, being at that time with God, for the confutation of this new-sprong heresie, raysed up three men from the dead (after that hee had first Nam (ut mihi postmodùm interroganti dixerunt) beatus Hieronymus eos conduxerat secum in Paradisum, Purgatorium, & Infernum: ut quae ibi agebantur, patefacerent universis. Ibid. ledd their soules into Paradise, Purgatory, and Hell; to the end they might make known unto all men the things that were done there:) but had not the witt to consider, that S. Cyrill himselfe had need to be raysed up, to make the fourth man among them. for how otherwise should he, who dyed thirtie yeares before S. Hierome (as is knowne to every one that knoweth the history of those [Page 224] times) have heard and written the newes which those three good fellowes, that were raised by S. Hierome after his death, did relate concerning Heaven, Hell, and Purgatory? Yet is it nothing so strange to me (I confesse) that such idle dreames as these should be devised in the times of darknesse, to delude the world withall: as that now in the broad day light, [...]i [...]sfeld. de condition animr. post mortē, sect 5. Binsfeldius and Fran. Suarez in 3 part. Thom. tom 4. disput. 45. sect. 1. num. 1. Suarez, and other Romish merchants should adventure to bring forth such rotten stuffe as this, with hope to gaine anie credite of antiquitie thereby unto the new erected staple of Popish Purgatory.
The Dominican Friars, in a certaine treatise written by them at Constantinople in the yeare 1252. assigne somewhat a lower beginning unto this error of the Grecians: affirming that they Sequentes quendā hujus haereseos invē to [...]em Archiepiscopū quondam Caesareae Cappadociae, Andream nomine; qui dicit, propria corpora praestolari, ut cum cis, cum quibus bona vel mala cōmiserint, retributiones similiter factorū recipiant. Tractat. contra Graecos: in tomo auctorum á Petro Steuartio edit. Ingelstad. an. 1616. pag. 562. followed therein a certain inventer of this heresie named Andrew, Archbishop sometime of Caesarea in Cappadocia; who said, that the soules did wayt for their bodies, that together with them, with which they had committed good or evill, they might likewise receave the recompense of their deeds. But that which Andrew saith herein, he saith not out of his own head; (and therefore is wrongfully charged to be the first inventer of it:) but out of the judgement of many godly fathers that went before him. [...]. Andr. Caesar. cap. 17. commentar. in Apocalyps. It hath been said (saith he) by many of the Saincts, that all vertuous men (after this life) do receive places fit for them; whence they may certainly make conjecture of the glory that shall befall unto them. Where Peltanus bestoweth such another marginall note upon him, as Gretser his fellow-Iesuite did upon Anastasius. Haec sententia diserté est jam condemnata; & ab Ecclesiâ proscripta. Theod. Peltan. ad marginem Latinae sua versionis. This opinion is now expressely condemned, [Page 225] and rejected by the Church. And yet doth Alphonsus de Castro aknowledge, that Sunt adhuc alij hujus erroris patroni, viri quidem illustres, sanctitate perinde ac scientiâ clari: Irenaeus videlicèt beatissunus pro Christo martyr, Theophylactus Bulgariae episcopus, beatus Bernardus. Nec mirari quisquam debet, si tanti viri in tam pestiferum erro [...]ē sunt lapsi: quoniam (ut beatus Iacobus Apostolusait) qui non offendit in verbo, hic perfectus est vir. Alphons. Castr. lib. 3. advers. haereses; verbo, Beatitudo, haer. 6. the Patrons thereof vvere famous men, renowned as well for holinesse as for knowledge: but telleth us withall, that no man ought to marvaile, that such great men should fall into so pestilent an error; because (as the Apostle S. Iames saith) he that offendeth not in word, is a perfect man.
Another particular opinion, which wee must sever from the generall intention of the Church in her oblations and prayers for the dead, is that which is noted by Theophylact upon the speech of our Saviour, Luk. 12.5. in which he wisheth us to observe, that [...]. Theophylact. in Luc. 12. hee did not say, Feare him who after hee hath killed casteth into hell; but, hath power to cast into hell. For the sinners which dye (saith he) are not alwayes cast into hell: but it remaineth in the power of God, to pardon them also. And this I say for the oblations and doales which are made for the dead, which do not a little avayle even them that dye in grievous sinnes. He doth not therefore generally, after he hath killed, cast into hell; but hath power to cast. Wherfore let us not cease by almes and intercession to appease him, who hath power to cast, but doth not alwayes use this power, but is able to pardon also. Thus farre Theophylact: whom our Adversaries doe blindely bring in for the countenancing of their use of praying and offering for the dead; not considering, that the prayers and oblations which he would uphold, doe reach even unto such as dye in grievous sinnes (which the Romanists acknowledge to receive no reliefe at all by anie thing that they [Page 226] can doe) and are intended for the keeping of soules from being cast into Hell, and not for fetching them out when they have been cast into Purgatorie; a place that never came within the compasse of Theophylacts beleefe. His testimonie will fit a great deale better the prayer of S. Dunstan; O [...]bern. & Eadmer. (& ex [...]is, Capgrav. & Suriu [...]) in vitâ Dunstani. Vid. Gulielm. Malme [...]buriens. de gestis Regum Anglor. lib. 2. fol. 30. b. & lib. 1. de gestis Pontific. Anglor. fol. 115. [...]. edit. Londin. who (as the tale goeth) having understood that the soule of King Edwin was to be carried into Hell, never gave over praying untill hee had gotten him ridd of that danger, and transferred unto the coast of penitent soules: where hee well deserved, doubtlesse, to undergoe that penance which Injungatis mihi, ut secundùm voluntatē Dei sim in poenis Purgatorij usque in diem [...]ud [...]cii. Matth. Paru hist. Angl. an. 1198. Hugh Bishop of Coventry and Chester on his death-bed imposed upon himselfe; even to lye in the dungeon of Purgatory, without bayle or mainprise, untill the generall jayl [...]-deliverie of the last day.
Another private conceyte, intertained by diverse (as well of the elder as of middle times) in their devotions for the dead, was; that an augmentation of glory might thereby be procured for the Saincts, and eyther a totall deliverance, or a diminution of torment at least wise, obtained for the wicked. [...]. Chrys [...]st. in Ma [...]th. homil. 31. Graec. (32. Latin.) indeque homil. 69. pe [...]pe [...]àm insc [...]ipted populum Antiochen. If the Barbarians (saith S. Chrysostom) do bury with their dead the things that belong unto them: it is much more reason, that thou shouldest send with the deceased the things that are his; not that they may be made ashes, as they were, but that they may adde greater glory unto him. and, if hee be departed hence a sinner, that they may loose his sinnes; but if righteous, that an addition may be made to his reward and retribution. Yea in the verie latter dayes, Iuo Carnotensis writing unto Mawd Queene of England, concerning [Page 227] the prayers that were to be made for the King her brother his soule; saith, that Non vid [...]tur otiosum, si pro his intercedimus, qui jam requie perfruū tur, ut eorum requies augeatur. Iuo, ep. 174. it doth not seeme idle, if vve make intercessions for those who alreadie enjoy rest, that their rest may be encreased. Whereupon Pope Innocent the third doth bring this for one of the answers, wherewith he laboureth to salve the prayers which were used in the Church of Rome, that such or such an oblation might profite such or such a Sainct unto glory: that Licèt pleri (que) reputent non indignum, Sanctorum gloriā usque ad judicium augmentari: & ideò Ecclesiam interim sané posse augmentum glorificationis eorum optare. Innoc. 111. epist. ad archiep. Lugdun. Cap. Cùm Marthae Extr [...]. de celebr. M [...]ssar. many repute it no indignitie, that the glory of the Saincts should be augmented untill the day of judgement; and therefore that in the meane time the Church may wish the increase of their glorification. So likewise for the mitigation of the paines of them, whose soules were doubted to be in torment; this forme of prayer was of old used in the same Church (as in Grimoldus his Sacramentary may be seen) and retained in the Romane Missall it selfe, untill in the late reformation thereof it was removed. Omnipotens & misericors Deus, inclina, qua sumus, venerabiles aures tuas ad exiguas preces nostras, quas ante conspectum majestatis tuae p [...]o animâ famuli tui N. humiliter fundimus: ut quia de qualitate vitae ejus diffidimus, de abundantiâ pietatis tuae consolemur; & si plenam veniam anima ipsius obtinere non potest, saltem vel inter ipsa tormenta quae forsitan patitur, refrigerium de abundantiâ miserationum tuarum sentiat. Orat. pro defunc [...]. in M [...]ss [...]li Romano, edit. Parisan. 1529. Grim [...]ld. Sacramentar. tom. 2. Liturgic. Pamelij, pag. 457. O almightie and mercifull God, incline (vve beseech thee) thy holy eares unto our poore prayers, which we doe humbly poure forth before the sight of thy Majestie for the soule of thy servant N. that forasmuch as we are distrustfull of the qualitie of his life, by the abundance of thy pitie we may be comforted; and if his soule cannot obtaine full pardon, yet at least in the midst of the torments themselves, which peradventure it suffereth, out of the abundance of thy compassion it may feele refreshment. which prayer whither it tended, may appeare partly by that which Prudentius writeth of the play-dayes, which he supposeth the soules in Hell sometime do obtaine;
partly by the doubtfull conceits of Gods mercifull dealing with the wicked in the world to come, which are found in August. E [...] chirid. ad Laurent. cap. 110.112.113. Hieronym. lib. 1. contra Pelag. & in fine Commenta [...]ior. in Esai. Gregor. Nazianz orat. 40. de Baptismo. [...]. others: but especially by these passages that we meet withall in the Sermons of S. Chrysostom.
[...]; (the Latin [...]dition r [...]ndreth this, not very faithfully: Hoc igitur non plorabimus, dic, oro? non tentabimus nos ab his periculis eripere?) [...]. Chrysost. in Act. hom. 21. This man hath spent his whole life in vaine, neyther hath lived one day to himselfe, but to voluptuousnesse, to luxury, to covetousnesse, to sinne, to the Divell. Tell me therefore; shall we not mourne for him? shall we not endevour to pull him out of these dangers? For there be meanes, if we will, whereby his punishment may be made light unto him. If then we doe make continuall prayers for him, if we besto [...] almes; although he be unworthy, God will respect us. For [...]. Ibid. many have received benefite by the almes that have beene given by others for them: and found thereby, although not a perfect, yet some consolation. [...]. Ibid. This therefore is done, that although we our selves be not vertuous, we may be carefull to get vertuous companions and friends, and wife and sonne; as looking to reape some fruit even by them also: reaping indeed but little, yet reaping some fruit notwithstanding. [...]; Id. in epist. ad Philip. hom. 3. Let us not therefore simply [...]eepe for [Page 229] the dead, but for such as are dead in their sinnes: these be worthy of lamentations and bewaylings and teares. For what hope is there (tell me) for men to depart with their sinnes, where they cannot put off their sinnes? for as long as they were here, there was peradventure great expectation, that they would be altered, that they would be bettered. but being gone unto Hell, where there is no gayning of any thing by repentance (for in hell, saith he, who shall confesse unto thee?) how are they not vvorthy of lamentations? [...]. Ibid. Let us therefore weepe for such, let us succour them to our power, let us finde out some help for them, little indeed, but yet such as may releeve them. How and after what maner? both praying our selves, and intreating others to make prayers for them, and giving continually unto the poore for them. for this thing bringeth some consolation.
The like doctrine is delivered by Andr. Hierosolymitan. [...]. pag. [...]9. edit. Meursij. Andrew archbishop of Crete, in his Sermon of the life of man, and of the dead; and by Iohn Damascen, or whosoever else was author of the book ascribed unto him, concerning them that are departed in the faith: where three notable tales are told, of the benefite that even Infidells and Idolaters themselves should receive by such prayers as these. One touching the soule of the Emperour Trajan, delivered from Hell by the prayers of Pope Gregory: of the truth whereof least anie man should make question, he affirmeth very roundly, that no lesse then [...]. Damascen. serm. de Defunctis. the whole East and West will witnesse that this is true and uncontroulable. And indeed in the East this fable seemeth first to have risen: where it obtayned such credite, that the Grecians to this day do still use this forme of prayer; [...]. Eucholog. Grae [...]. cap. 19. As thou didst loose Trajan from punishment by the earnest intercession of thy servant Gregory the Dialogue-writer, heare us likewise who pray unto thee. And [Page 230] therefore to them doth Hugo Etherianus thus appeale, for justifying the truth of this narration: Nolite quaeso dicere in cordibus vestris, falsum hoc aut fictum esse. Quaerite, si placet, apud Graecos: Graeca certé omnis testatur haec Ecclesia. Hug. Etherian. de regr [...]ssu animar. ab Inferis, cap. 15. Do not, I pray you, say in your hearts, that this is false or fayned. Inquire, if you please, of the Grecians: the whole Greeke Church surely doth testifie these things. He might, if he had pleased, being an Italian himselfe, have inquired neerer home of the Romanes, among whom this feate was reported to have beene acted; rather then among the Grecians, who were strangers to the businesse. But the Romans, as wee understand by Io. Diacon. Vit. Gregor. li. 2. cap. 44. Iohannes Diaconus in the life of S. Gregory, found no such matter among their records; and when they had notice given them thereof out of the Legends of the Church of England (for from thence received they the newes of this and some other such strange acts reported to have beene done by S. Gregory among themselves) they were not verie hastie to beleeve it: because they could hardly be perswaded, that S. Gregory who had taught them, that Gregor. Moral. in Iob, lib. 34. cap. 16. quod pen [...] ad verbum descriptum etiam habetur lib. 4. Dialogor. cap. 44. Infidels and wicked men departed out of this life, were no more to be prayed for then the Divell and his angells which were appointed unto everlasting punishment; should in his practise be found to be so much different from his judgement. The second tale toucheth upon the verie times of the Apostles: wherein the [...]. Basil. Seleuc. in ipso initio Commentarij de vitâ Theclae. Apostolesse Thecla is said to have prayed for Falconilla (the daughter of Tryphaena, whom S. Paul saluteth, Rom. 16.12.) [...]. Damascen. a gentile and an Idolatresse, altogether profane and a servitour of another God, to this effect. [...]. Simeon. Metaphrast. in vitâ Theclae, O God, Sonne of the true God, grant unto Tryphaena according to thy will, that her daughter may live with thee time without end. or as [Page 231] Basil Bishop of Seleucia doth expresse it. [...]. Basil. Sel [...]us. lib. 1. de vitâ The [...]lae Grant unto thy servant Tryphaena, that her desire may be fulfilled concerning her daughter: her desire therein being this, that her soule may be numbred among the soules of those that have already beleeved in thee, and may enjoy the life and pleasure that is in Paradise.
The third tale he produceth out of Palladius his historicall book written unto Lausus (although neither in the Greek set out by Meursius, nor in the three severall Latin editions of that historie published before, the [...]e bee any such thing to be found): touching a dead mans skull, that should have uttered this speech unto Macarius the great Aegyptian anchorer. [...]. Damas [...]en. When thou dost offer up thy prayers for the dead, then doe wee feele some little cons [...]lation. A brainlesse answer you may well conceive it to be, that must be thought to have proceeded from a dry skull lying by the highway side: but as brainl [...]sse as it is, it hath not a little troubled the quick heads of our Romish Divines, and put m [...]ny an odd cratchet into their nimble braines. Renatus Laurentius telleth us, that Non est dubium quin Angelus fuit qui in cranio loquebatur Renat. [...]au [...]ent. annotat. in [...]er [...]ullian de Aniwâ. cap. 33. without all doubt it was an Angell that did speake in this skull. And Ad rem itaque dico, caput illud, quod, ut habetur in D. Damasceno, in viâ jacebat, nō fuisse hominis damnat [...], sed justi existentis in Purgatorio: nam Damascenus non dicit in illo sermone, quòd fuerit hominis Gentilis, ut ibi patet. Alp [...]o [...]s Mend [...]z. Controv T [...]eolo [...] qu [...] scholast [...]e [...]t 5 I say (quoth Alphonsus Mendoza) that this head which lay in the way, was not the head of one that was damned, but of a just man remayning in Purgatory: for Damascen doth not say in that sermon, that i [...] was the head of a Gentile, as it may there be seene. And true it is indeed, he neither saith that it was so, neither yet that it was not so: but the Grecians generally relate the matter thus; that Macarius [...]. M [...]na. Graec. Ian [...]ar. 19. did heare this, from the skull of one that had [Page 232] been a Priest of Idoles, which he found lying in the wildernesse; that by his prayers such as were with him in punishment received a little ease of their torment, whensoever it fell out that he made the same for them. and among the Latins, Thomas Aquinas, and other of the Schoolemen take this for granted: because they found in the Lives of the Fathers, that the speech which the dead skull used was this. Vit. Paltum. edit. Lugdun. an. 1515. f [...]l 105. col. 3.4. & fol. 143. col. 1.2. & edi. Antuerp. an. 1615. pag. 526. & 656. I was a Priest of the Gentiles (so Iohn the Roman subdeaco [...] translateth it) or, as Rufinus is supposed to have rendred it, I was the chiefe of the Priests of the Idoles, which dwelt in this place: and thou art abbot Macarius, that art filled with the spirit of God. At whatsoever houre therefore thou takest pitie of them that are in torments, and prayest for them; they then feele som consolation. Well, saith Mendoza then,Quòd si D. Tho. hanc historiam referens ex Vitis patrum, dicit fuisse caput Gentilis, ipse nodum hunc tenetur enodare. Alphons. Mendoz ut supr. if S. Thomas relating this history out of the Lives of the Fathers, doth say that this vvas the head of a Gentile; he himselfe is bound to untye this knot. And so hee doth: resolving the matter thus; Thom. Aquin. in lib. 4. Sentent. distinct. 45. quaest. 2. artic. 2 ad 4. & Durād. in eand. quaest. num. 15. that the damned get no true ease by the prayers made for them, but such a phantasticall kinde of joy only, as the Divels are said to have, when they have seduced and deceived any man. At fortasse meliùs rejicerentur, ut falsa & apocrypha, quae afferuntur de illo cranio. Bellarmin. de Purgator. lib. 2. cap. [...]8. But peradventure, saith Cardinall Bellarmine for the upshott, the things which are brought touching that skull, might better be rejected as false and apocryphall. and Stephen Durant, more peremptorily: Quare quod de Trajano & Falconillâ (quos liberatos ex inferno orationibus S. Gregorij & Theclae, ex Damasceno, & quibusdam alijs, vulgò fertur:) quae item de Cranio arido interrogato á Macario, ex historiâ Pailadij ad Lausum referuntur, ficta & commentitia sunt. Steph. Durant. de ritib. Eccles. lib. 2. cap. 43. sect. 12. The things vvhich are told of Trajan and Falconilla, delivered out of hell by the prayers of S Gregory and Thecla, and of the dry skull spoken too by Macarius, be fayned and commentitious.
[Page 233]Which last answere, though it be the truest of all the rest; yet is it not to be doubted for all that, but that the generall credite which these fables obtained, together with the countenance which the opinion of the Origenists did receive from Didymus, Euagrius, Gregory Nyssen, (if he be not corrupted) and other Doctors, inclined the minds of men verie much, to apply the common use of praying for the dead unto this wrong end of hoping to relieve the damned thereby. S. Augustine doth shew, that in his time not onely Frustrà ita (que) nonnulli, imò quamplurimi, aete [...]nam damnatorum poenam, & cruciatus sine intermissione perpetuos, humano miserantur affectu; at (que) ita futurū esse non credunt. Augustin. Enchirid. ad Laurent cap. 112. some, but exceeding many also, did out of an humane affection take compassion of the eternall paines of the damned, and would not beleeve that they should never have an end. And notwithstanding this error was publickly condemned afterwards in the Origenists, by the fifth generall Councell held at Constantinople: yet by idle and voluptuous persons was it still greedily embraced (as Ioh [...]n. Climac. in fine 5. gradus Scalae suae. Climacus complaineth) and Sunt enim nunc etiam, qui ideirco peccatis suis ponere finem negligunt, quia habere quando (que) finem futura super se judicia suspicantur. Gregor. Moral. in Iob, lib. 34. cap. 16. even now also, saith S. Gregory, there be some, who therefore neglect to put an end unto their sinnes, because they imagine that the judgements which are to come upon them shall sometimes have an end. Yea of late dayes this opinion was maintayned by the Porretanians (as Thomas calleth them) and some of the Gloss. in Graetian caus. 13. quaest. 2. cap. 23 Tempus. Durand in lib. 4. Sentent. dist. 45. quaest. 2. num. 7. Haec est sententia aliquorum Iuristarum. Canonists (the one following therein Gilbert Porreta Bishop of Poictiers, in his booke of Theological Questions; the other Iohn Semeca, in his Glosse upon Gratian) that by the prayers and suffrages of the living the paines of some of the damned were continually diminished; in such maner as infinite proportionable parts may be taken from a line, without ever comming unto an end of the division: which was in [Page 234] effect to take from them at the last all paine of sense or sense of paine. For (as Quia in divisione lineae tandem pervenitur ad hoc quod non est sensibile: corpus enim sensibile non est in infinitum divisibile. Et sic sequeretur, quòd post mu [...]ta suffragia poena reman [...]s propter sui parvitatem non sentiretur; & ita non esset poena. [...]hom in 4. Sentenl. dist. 45. qu. 2. art. 2. Thomas observeth it rightly, and Durand, in 4. d 45. q. 2. num 8. Durand after him) in the division of a Line, at last we must come unto that which is not sensible: considering that a sensible bodie cannot be divided infinitely. and so it would follo [...], that after many suffrages that paine remayning should not be sensible; and consequently should be no paine at all.
Neither is it to be forgotten that the invention of All Soules day (of which you may reade, if you please, Polydore Vergil in his sixth booke of the Inventers of things, and the ninth chapter) that solemne day, I say, wherein our Romanists most devoutly perform all their superstitious observances for the dead; was occasioned at the first by the apprehension of this same erroneous conceit, that the soules of the damned might not onely be eased, but fully also delivered by the almes & prayers of the living. The whole narration of the businesse is thus laid down by Sigebertus Gemblacensis in his Chronic [...]e, at the yeare of our Lord 998. Hoc tempore quidam religiosus ab Hicrosolymis re diens in Siciliâ reclusi cujus [...]ā humanitate a liquandiu recreatus, didicit ab eo intercete [...], quòd in illâ v [...]iniâ essent [...] [...]ructantia flammarum incendia, quae [...]oca vocantur ab incolis O [...]lae Vulcani, in quibus animae reproborū luant diversa pro meritorū qualitate supplicia; ad ea exequ [...]nda d [...]pu [...]atis ibi daemonibus, quorum se crebrò voces, iras, & terrores, saepè etiam [...]julatus [...] dicebat, plangen [...]ium quòd animae damnatorū eriperentur de manibus eorum per [...] & preces fideliū; & hoc tempore magis per orationes Cluniacens [...]um, orantiū indefessé pro defunctorum requie. Hoc per ipsum Abbas Odilo compe [...]o, constituit per omnia monasteri [...] sibi [...]ubjecta, ut sicut primo die Novembris solemnitas omniū Sanctorum agitur, ita s [...]quē [...]i die memoria omniū in Christo quies ētiū celebretur Quiritus ad multas Ecclesias transions, fideliū defunctorū memoriā solemnizari fecit. Sigeberi. Ch [...]on. an. 998. This time, saith he, a certaine religious man returning from Ierusalem, being intertained for a while in Sicile by the courtesie of a certaine anchoret, learned from him among other matters, that there were places neere unto them that used to cast up burning flames, which by the inhabitants were called the Potts of Vulcan, wherein the soules of the reprobate according [Page 235] to the qualitie of their deserts did suffer diverse punishments; the Divels being there deputed for the execution therof whose voyces, angers and terrors, and somtimes howlings also he said he often heard, as lamenting that the soules of the damned were taken out of their hands by the almes and prayers of the faithfull; and more at this time by the prayers of the monkes of Cluny, who prayed vvithout ceasing for the rest of those that were deceased. The abbot Odilo having understood this by him, appointed throughout all the monasteries under his subjection, that as upon the first day of November the solemnitie of all the Saints is observed, so upon the day following, the memoriall of all that rested in Christ should be celebrated. Which rite passing into many other Churches, made the memory of the faithfull deceased to be solemnized.
For the elect, this forme of prayer was wont to be used in the Romane Church. Dues, cui soli cognitus est numerus electorū in supernâ felicitate locandorum: tribue quaesumus, ut universorū, quos in oratione commendatos suscepimus, vel omnium sideliū nomina, beatae praedestinationis liber asscripta retineat. Gregor. Oper. tom. 5. col. 226. Alcuin. lib. Sacramentor. cap. 18. Oper. col. 1190. Missal. Roman. edit. Paris [...]an. 1529. inter Orationes commun [...]s. O God, unto whom alone is knowne the number of the elect that are to be placed in the supernall blisse: grant, we beseech thee, that the book of blessed predestination may retaine the names of all those whom we have undertaken to recommend in our prayer, or of all the faithfull, that are written therein. And to pray, that the names of all those that are written in the book of Gods election, should still be retayned therein, may be somewhat tolerable: considering (as the Divines of that side have informed us) that those things may be prayed for, which we know most certainly wilcome to passe. But hardly, I think, shall you finde in any Rituall a form of prayer answerable to this of the monkes of Cluny for the reprobate: unlesse it be that, whereby S. Francis is said to have obtained, that friat Elias should be made Raphäel Volater [...]an. Commentar. Vrban. lib. 21. ex praescito praedestinatus, an elect of a reprobare. Yet it seemeth, that some were not very well [Page 236] pleased, that what was done so seldom by S. Francis the Bonaventur. in Prelogo Vitae Francisci. Bernardin. d [...] Busto, Rosar tom. 2. serm. 27. [...]a. 1.2. Angel of the Friars, (& that for a reprobate yet living) should be so usually practised by the followers of S. Odilo the Fulbert. Carnot [...]s. epist. 66. Archangel of the Monkes for reprobates that were dead: & therefore in the cōmon editions of Sigeberts Chronicle they have cleane strucke out the word damnatorū, & instead of reproborū chopt in defunctorū. which depravatiō may be detected, aswel by the sincere edition of Sigebert published by Aubertus Miraeus out of the Manuscript of Gemblac abbay (wch is thought to be the originall copie of Sigebert himselfe) as by the comparing of him with Petrus Damiani in the life of Odilo, whence this whole narration was by him borrowed. For there also doe we reade, that in those flaming places In quibus etiam locis a [...]in [...]e reproborū d [...]versa luunt pro meritorum qualitate tormenta. Petr. Dami [...]n in vit. Odd. [...]omo. 1. Suri [...], Ianuar. 1. the soules of the reprobate according to the qualitie of their deserts did suffer diverse torments: and that the Divels did complaine, Quòd orationibus & eleemosynis quorundam, adversus eos infoe derabiliter concertantiū, frequenter ex eorum manibus eriperentur animae damnatorum. Inter caetera de Cluniacensium caetu permaximā & eorum abbate querimoniam faciunt, quia quàm sae pè per eos sui [...]uris vernaculos perdunt. Ibid. that by the almes and prayers of Odilo and others, the soules of the damned were taken out of their hands.
By these things we may see, what we are to judge of that which our Adversaries presse so much against us out of Epiphanius: that he Allen of Purgatory and prayer for the dead, lib. 2. cap. 14. nameth an obscure fellow one Aërius to be the first author of this heresie; that prayers and sacrifice profiteth not the departed in Christ. For neyther doth Epiphanius name this to be an heresie: neyther doth it appeare that himselfe did hold, that praiers and oblations bring such profite to the dead as these men dreame they do. He is much deceived, who thinketh everie thing that Epiphanius findeth fault withall in heretickes, is esteemed by him to be an heresie: seeing heresie cannot be but in matters of faith, and the course which Epiphanius taketh in that worke is not only to declare, in what speciall points of faith hereticks [Page 237] did dissent from the Catholicke doctrine, but in what particular observances also they refused to follow the received customes and ordinances of the Church. Therefore at the end of the whole worke hee setteth downe a Briefe, [...]. Epiphan. infine Panarij. pag. 465. first of the faith, and then of the ordinances and observances of the Church: and among the particulars of the latter kinde, he rehearseth this: [...]. Ibid. pag. 466. For the dead, they make commemorations by name, performing (or, when they doe performe) their prayers and divine service and dispensation of the mysteries, and disputing against Aërius touching the point it selfe, hee doth not at all charge him with forsaking the doctrine of the Scriptures, or the faith of the Catholick Church concerning the state of those that are departed out of this life: but with rejecting the order observed by the Church in her Commemorations of the dead; which being an ancient institution, brought in upon wonderfull good considerations, should not by this humorous hereticke have beene thus condemned. [...]. Id. haeres. 75. pag. 388. The Church, saith he, doth necessarily performe this, having received it by tradition from the Fathers: and who may dissolve the ordinance of his mother, or the law of his Father? and againe. [...]. Ibid. Our mother the Church hath ordinances setled in her, which are inviolable and may not be broken. Seeing then there are ordinances established in the Church, and they are well and all things are admirably done: this seducer is againe refuted.
For the further opening hereof, it will not be amisse to consider both of the objection of Aërius, and of the answer of Epiphanius. Thus did Aërius argue against [Page 238] the practise of the Church. [...]. Aërius, apud Epiphan. ib. pag. 386. For what reason doe you commemorate after death the names of those that are departed? He that is alive prayeth, or maketh dispensation (of the mysteries:) what shall the dead be profited hereby? And if the prayer of those here doe altogether profite them that be there: then let no body be godly, let no man do good, but let him procure some friends by what meanes it pleaseth him, eyther perswading them by money, or intreating friends at his death; and let them pray for him, that he may suffer nothing there, and that those inexpiable sins which he hath cōmitted may not be required at his hands. This was Aërius his argumentation: which would have beene of force indeed, if the whole Church had held, as manie did; that the judgement after death was suspended untill the generall Resurrection, and that in the meane time the sinnes of the dead might be taken away by the suffrages of the living. But hee should have considered, as Stephanus Gobarus (who was as great an heretick as himselfe) did, that the Doctors were not agreed upon the point; some of them maintayning, [...]. Gobar in Photij Bibliothe: â vel. 232. the soule of every one that departed out of this life received very great profite by the prayers and oblations and almes that were performed for him, and others on the contrary side, that it was not so: and that it was a foolish part of him, to confound the private opinion of some, with the common faith of the universall Church. That he reproved this particular error, (which seemeth to have gotten head in his time, as being most plausible to the multitude, and very pleasing unto the looser sort of Christians) therein he did well: but that thereupon he condemned the generall practise of the Church, which had no dependance upon that erroneous conceipt, therein he did like unto himselfe, headily [Page 239] and perversely. For the Church in her Commemorations and prayers for the dead had no relation at all unto those that had ledd their lives lewdly and dissolutely (as appeareth plainly, both by the [...]. Di [...]nys. Eccles. Hierarch. cap. 7. init E [...] postea: [...]. author of the Ecclesiasticall Hierarchy, and by diverse other evidences before alledged) but unto those that did end their lives in such a godly maner, as gave pregnant hope unto the living, that their soules were at rest with God: and to such as these alone did it wish the accomplishment of that which remained of their redemption; to wit, their publick justification and solemne acquitall at the last day, and their perfect consummation of blisse, both in body and soule, in the kingdome of heaven for ever after. not that the event of these things was conceived to be anie wayes doubtfull (for wee have beene told, that things may be prayed for, the event whereof is knowne to be most certaine) but because the commemoration thereof was thought to serve for speciall use, not onely in regard of the manifestation of the affection of the living toward the dead (he that prayed, as Dionysius noteth, [...]. Id. ibid. desiring other mens gifts as if they were his owne graces) but also in respect of the consolation and instruction which the living might receive thereby; as Epiphanius in his answer to Aërius doth more particularly declare.
The obiection of Aërius was this. The Commemorations and prayers used in the Church bring no profit to the dead: therefore as an unprofitable thing they are to be reiected. To this doth Epiphanius thus frame his answer. [...]. Epiphan. haeres. 75. As for the reciting of the names of [Page 240] those that are deceased; what can be better then this? what more commodious, and more admirable? that such as are present do beleeve, that they who are departed do live, and are not extinguished, but are still being and living with the Lord: and that this most pious preaching might be declared; that they who pray for their brethren have hope of them as being in a peregrination. Which is as much in effect, as if he had denied Aërius his consequence: and answered him, that although the dead were not profited by this action, yet it did not therefore follow that it should be condemned as altogether unprofitable. because it had a singular use otherwise: namely to testifie the faith and the hope of the living, concerning the dead. the faith: in [...] Dionys. Eccl [...]s. Hierarch. cap. 3. [...]. Clem. Consti [...]ut Apost. lib. 6. cap. 29. declaring them to be alive, (for so doth Dionysius also expound the Churches intention in her publick nomination of the dead) and as Divinitie teacheth, not mortified but translated from death unto a most divine life. the hope: in that they signified hereby, that they accounted their brethren to have departed from them no otherwise than as if they had beene in a journey, with expectation to meet them afterward; and by this meanes made a difference betwixt themselves, and 1. Thess. 4.13. others which had no hope. Then doth Epiphanius proceed further in answering the same objection, after this maner. [...]. (f. [...] Epiphan haer. 75. The prayer also which is made for them doth profite, although it do not cut off all their sinnes: yet forasmuch as whilest we are in the world, we oftentimes slip both unwillingly and with our will; it serveth to signifie that which is more perfect. For [Page 241] we make a memoriall, both for the just and for sinners: for sinners, intreating the mercy of God; for the just, (both the Fathers and Patriarches, the Prophets, and Apostles, and Euangelists, and Martyrs and Confessors, Bish [...]ps also and Anchorites, and the whole order) that vve may sever our Lord Iesus Christ from the ranke of all other men by the honour that we doe unto him, and that we may yeeld worship unto him. Which, as farre as I apprehend him, is no more then if he had thus replyed unto Aërius. Although the prayer that is made for the dead doe not cut off all their sinnes (which is the onely thing that thou goest about to prove) yet doth it profite notwithstanding for another purpose: namely to signifie the supereminent perfection of our Saviour Christ above the rest of the sonnes of men, who are subiect to manifold slipps and falls as long as they live in this world.
For aswell the righteous, with their involuntarie slipps, as sinners, with their voluntarie falls, doe come within the compasse of these Commemorations: wherein prayers are made, both for Luk. 15 [...]. sinners that repent, and for righteous persons that have no such need of repentance. For sinners; that being by their repentance recovered out of the snare of the Divell, they may finde mercy of the Lord at the last day, and bee freed from the fire prepared for the Divell and his angells: For the righteous; that they may be recompensed in the resurrection of the iust, and received into the kingdome prepared for them from the foundation of the world. Which kinde of prayer being made for the best men that ever lived (even the Patriarches, Prophets, Apostles, Euangelists, and Martyrs themselves) Christ onely excepted; sheweth that the profite which the Church intended should be reaped therefrom, was not [Page 242] the taking away of the sinnes of the parties that were prayed for, but the honouring of their Lord above them: it being hereby declared, [...]. Epiphan. contra Aëri. haer. 75. that our Lord is not to be compared unto any man; though a man live in righteousnesse a thousand times and more. for how should that be possible? considering that the one is God, the other man, (as the praying to the one, and for the other, doth discover) and the one is in heaven, the other in earth by reason of the remaines of the body yet resting in the earth, untill the day of the Resurrection, unto which all these prayers had speciall reference. This do I conceive to be the right meaning of Epiphanius his answer: as suting best both with the generall intention of the Church, which he taketh upon him to vindicate from the misconstruction of Aërius, & with the application therof unto his obiection, & with the known doctrine of Epiphanius, delivered by him elsewhere in these terms. [...]. Id. cont. Cathar. haer. 59. After death there is no helpe to be gotten, eyther by godlinesse, or by repentance. For Lazarus doth not goe there unto the rich man, nor the rich man unto Lazarus: neyther doth Abraham send any of his spoyles, that the poore may be afterward made rich thereby; neyther doth the rich man obtaine that which he asketh, although hee intreat mercifull Abraham [...]ith instant supplication. For the Garners are sealed up, and the time is fulfilled, and the combat is finished, and the lists are voyded, and the Garlands are given, and such as have fought are at rest, and such as have not obtained are gone forth, and such as have not fought cannot now be present in time, and such as have beene overthrowne in the lists are cast out, and all [Page 243] things are clearely finished, after that we are once departed from hence.
We are to consider then, that the prayers and oblations, for reiecting whereof Aërius was reproved, were not such as are used in the Church of Rome at this day, but such as were used by the ancient Church at that time: and therefore as we in condemning of the one, have nothing to doe with Aërius or his cause; so the Romanists, who dislike the other as much as ever Aërius did, must be content to let us alone, and take the charge of Aërianisme home unto themselves. Popish prayers and oblations for the dead, we know, do wholly depend upon the beleefe of Purgatorie: if those of the ancient Church did so too; how commeth it to passe that Epiphanius doth not directly answer Aërius, as a Papist would doe now, that they brought singular profite to the dead, by delivering their tormented soules out of the flames of Purgatorie? but forgetting as much as once to make mention of Purgatorie (the sole foundation of these suffrages for the dead, in our Adversaries iudgement) doth trouble himselfe and his cause, with bringing in such farr fett reasons as these: that they who performed this dutie, did intend to signifie thereby that their brethren departed were not perished, but remained still alive with the Lord; and to put a difference betwixt the high perfection of our Saviour Christ, and the generall frailtie of the best of all his servants. Take away Popish Purgatorie on the other side, (which in the dayes of Aërius and Epiphanius needed not to be taken away, because it was not as yet hatched) and all the reasons produced by Epiphanius will not withhold our Romanists from absolutely subscribing to the opinion of Aërius: this being a case [Page 244] with them resolved; that Ad hoc etiā est univ [...]rsalis [...]cclesiae consue [...]udo, quae p [...]o defunctis o [...]at: quae quidem oratio inu [...]ilis esset, si Purgatorium post mortem non ponatur. Thom. contr. Gentiles, lib. 4. cap. 91. if Purgatory be not admitted after death, prayer for the dead must be unprofitable. But though Thomas Aquinas and his abettors determine so, we must not therefore thinke that Epiphanius was of the same minde; who lived in a time wherein prayers were usually made for them that never were dreamed to have beene in Purgatorie, and yeeldeth those reasons of that usage, which overthrow the former consequence of Thomas everie whit as much, as the supposition of Aërius.
For Aërius and Thomas both agree in this: that prayer for the dead would be altogether unprofitable, if the dead themselves received no speciall benefite thereby. This doth Epiphanius (defending the ancient use of these prayers in the Church) shew to be untrue; by producing other profites that redounded from thence unto the living: partly by the publick signification of their faith, hope, & charitie toward the deceased; partly by the honour that they did unto the Lord Iesus, in exempting him from the common condition of the rest of mankinde. And to make it appeare, that these things were mainly intended by the Church in her Memorialls for the dead, and not the cutting off of the sinnes which they carried with them out of this life, or the releasing of them out of anie torment: he alledgeth (as wee have heard) that not onely the meaner sort of Christians, but also the best of them without exception, even the Prophets and Apostles & Martyrs themselves, were comprehended therein. from whence, by our Adversaries good leave, we wil make bold to frame this syllogisme.
They who reject that kind of praying and offering for the dead, which was practised by the [Page 245] Church in the daies of Aërius, are in that point flatt Aërians.
But the Romanists doe reject that kinde of praying and offering for the dead, which was practised by the Church in the dayes of Aërius.
Therefore the Romanists are in this point flatt Aërians.
The assumption or second part of this argument (for the first we thinke no body will denie) is thus proved.
They who are of the judgement, that prayers and oblations should not be made for such as are beleeved to be in blisse; doe reiect that kinde of praying and offering for the dead, which was practised by the ancient Church.
But the Romanists are of this iudgement.
Therefore they reiect that kinde of praying and offering for the dead, which was practised by the ancient Church.
The truth of the first of these propositions doth appear by the testimonie of Epiphanius, compared with those manie other evidences whereby we have formerly proved, that it was the custome of the ancient Church to make prayers and oblations for them, of whose resting in peace and blisse there was no doubt at all conceived. The veritie of the second is manifested by the confession of the Romanists themselves: who reckon this for one of their Fr. Suaerez, tom 4. in 3. part. Thom. disp. [...]8. sect. 4. [...]um. 10. Catholicke verities; that suffrages should not be offered for the dead that raigne with Christ. and therefore that ancient Illa formula precandi pro Apostolis, Martyribus & caet. meritò per des [...]etudinem exolevit. Alphons. Mend [...]z. Controvers Theologic. quaest. 6. s [...]holast. s [...]ct. 7. forme of praying for the Apostles, Martyrs, and the rest of the Saincts, is by disuse deservedly abolished; saith Alphonsus Mendoza. Nay Graeci sacrificia & preces offerunt Deo pro mortuis; non beatis certé, ne (que) damnatis ad inferos, quod plané esset absurdum & impium. Io. Azor. Institut. moral. tom. 1. lib. 8. cap. 20. to offer sacrifices and prayers to God for those that are in blisse, is plainly absurd and impious, in the iudgement [Page 246] of the Iesuite Azorius: who was not aware, that thereby hee did outstrippe Aërius in condemning the practise of the ancient Church, as farre, as the censuring it only to be unprofitable (for [...]; what shall the dead be profited thereby? was the furthest that Aërius durst to goe) commeth short of reiecting it as absurd and impious. And therefore our Adversaries may doe well, to purge themselves first from the blott of Aërianisme which sticketh so fast unto them, before they be so readie to cast the aspersion thereof upon others.
In the meane time, the Reader who desireth to be rightly informed in the iudgement of Antiquitie touching this point, is to remember; that these two questions must necessarily be distinguished in this inquiry. Whether prayers and oblations were to be made for the dead? and, Whether the dead did receive any peculiar profite thereby? In the latter of these, he shall finde great difference among the Doctors: in the former, verie little, or none at all. For Quamvis de statu illo animarum, quibus haec prodessent, non satis constaret, nee inter omnes conveniret: omnes tamen hoc officium, ut testimonium charitatis erga defunctos, & ut professionē fidei de immortalitate animarum & futurâ resurrectione, Deo gratum & Ecclesiae utile esse judicârunt. Cassand. Consultat. ad Fe [...]dinand. l. & Maximilian. II. artic. 24. howsoever all did not agree about the state of the soules (saith Cassander, an indifferent Papist) vvhich might receive profite by these things: yet all did judge this dutie, as a testimonie of their love toward the dead, and a profession of their faith touching the soules immortalitie and the future resurrection, to be acceptable unto God and profitable to the Church. Therefore for condemning the generall practise of the Church herein, which aymed at those good ends before expressed, Aë [...]ius was condemned: but for denying that the dead received profite thereby, eyther for the pardon of the sinnes which before were unremitted, or for the cutting off or mitigation of anie torments that they did endure in the other world, the Church [Page 247] did never condemne him. For that was no new thing invented by him: diverse worthy men before and after him declared themselves to be of the same minde, and were never for all that charged with the least suspition of heresie. [...]. Iustin. r [...]sp. ad Orthod. quaest. 60. The narration of Lazarus and the rich man (saith the author of the Questions and Answers in the workes of Iustin Martyr) presenteth this doctrine unto us: that after the departure of the soule out of the body, men cannot by any providence or care obtaine any profite. [...]. Greg. Nazianz in Ca [...]m. de rebus suis. Then (saith Gregory Nazianzen) in vaine shall anie one goe about to relieve those that lament. Here men may have a remedie, but afterwards there is nothing but bonds, or, all things are fast bound. For Post mortē poena peccati est immedicabilis. Theodoret. quaest. in lib. 2. Reg. cap 18.19. after death the punishment of sinne is remedilesse: saith Theodoret. and therefore S. Hierome doth conclude: Obscuré licèt docemur, per hanc sententiolam, novum dogma quod la [...]tat: dum in praesenti saeculo sumus, sive orationibus sive consilijs invicē posse nos coadjuvari; cùm autem ante tribunal Christi venerimus, non Iob, non Daniel, nec Noe rogare posse pro quoquam, sed unumquemque portare onus suum. Hieronym. lib. 3. Comm [...]ntar in Galat. cap. 6. that while we are in this present world, we may be able to helpe one another, eyther by our prayers or by our counsailes; but when vvee shall come before the judgement seat of Christ, neyther Iob, nor Daniel, nor Noah can intreate for any one, but every one must beare his owne burden.
Other Doctors were of another iudgement: that the dead received speciall profite by the prayers and oblations of the living; eyther for the remission of their sinnes, or the easing of their punishment. but whether this were restrained to smaller offences only, or such as lived and died in great sinnes might be made partakers of the same benefite, and whether these mens torments might be lessened only thereby, or in tract of time quite extinguished; they did not agree upon. That Stephanus Gobarus, whom before I alledged, made a [Page 248] collection of the different sentences of the Fathers: [...]. Phot. Bibliothec. volum. 232. whereof some contayned the received doctrine of the Church, others the unallowable opinions of certaine of the ancient that varied therefrom. Of this latter kinde he maketh this sentence to be one: [...]. Ibid. that such sinners as be delivered unto punishment, are purged therein from their sinnes, and after their purging are freed from their punishment; albeit not all who are delivered unto punishment, be thus purged and freed, but some onely. whereas the true sentence of the Church was; that none at all was freed from punishment. If that were the true sentence of the Church, that none of those who suffered punishment in the other world were ever freed from the same: then the applying of prayers to the helping of mens soules out of any such punishments, must be referred to the erroneous apprehension of some particular men, and not to the generall intention of the ancient Church; from which in this point, as in manie others beside, the latter Church of Rome hath swarved and quite gone astray. The ancient writer of the Ecclesiasticall Hierarchie, handling this matter of praying for the dead professedly, [...]. Dionys. Eccles. Hierarch. cap. 7. doth by way of objection move this doubt: to vvhat purpose should the Bishop intreat the divine goodnesse to grant remission of sinnes unto the dead, and a like glorious inheritance with those that have followed God? seeing by such prayers he can be brought to no other rest, but that which is fitting for him and answerable unto the life which he hath here ledd. If our Romish divinitie had bene then acknowledged by the Church; there had beene no place left to such questions and doubts as these. The matter might easily have beene answered, that though a man did die in the state of grace, yet was he not presently [Page 249] to be admitted unto the place of rest, but must first be reckoned withall; both for the committall of those smaller faults, unto which through humane frailtie he was daily subject, and for the not performance of full penance and satisfaction for the greater sinnes into which in this life he had fallen: and Purgatorie being the place wherein he must be cleansed from the one, and make up the iust payment for the other; these prayers were directed unto God for the deliverie of the poore soule, which was not now in case to helpe it selfe, out of that place of torment.
But this author, taking upon him the person of S. Pauls scholler, and professing to deliver herein [...]. Id ibid. that tradition which he had received from his divine Masters; saith no such thing, but giveth in this for his answer. The divine Bishop, as the Scriptures witnesse, is the interpreter of the divine judgements: for hee is the Angell of the Lord God almightie. He hath learned therefore out of the oracles delivered by God, that a most glorious and divine life is by his just judgement worthily adwarded to them that have lived holily; his divine goodnesse and kindenesse passing over those blots which by humane frailtie he had contracted: forasmuch as no man, as the Scriptures speake, is free from pollution. The Bishop therefore knowing these things to be promised by the true oracles; prayeth that they may accordingly come to passe, and those sacred rewards may be bestowed upon them that have lived holily. The Bishop at that time belike did not know so much as our Popish Bishops doe now; that Gods servants must dearely smart in Purgatorie for [Page 250] the sinnes wherewith they were overtaken through humane infirmitie: he beleeved that God of his mercifull goodnesse would passe by those slipps, and that such after-reckonings as these should give no stoppage to the present bestowing of those holy rewards upon the children of the promise. [...], etc. Id ibid. Ther [...]fore the divine Bishop (saith our author) asketh those things which vvere promised by God and are gratefull to him and without doubt will be granted: the [...]eby aswell manifesting his own good disposition, unto God who is a lover of the good; as declaring like an interpreter unto them that be present, the gifts that shall befall to such as are holy. Hee further also addeth, that the Bishops have a separating power, as the interpreters of Gods judgements: according to that commission of Christ; Whose sinnes ye remitt, they are remitted unto them, and whose you shall retaine, they are retained. and, Whatsoever thou shalt binde upon earth shall be bound in heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt loose upon earth shall be loosed in heaven. And as in the use of the keyes, the See above, pag. 135.161.162. Schoolemen following S Hierom do account the minister to be the interpreter onely of Gods judgement, by declaring what is done by him in the binding or loosing of mens sinnes: so doth this author he [...]e give them power onely to [...]. Dionys [...]u [...]. suprà. separate those that are al [...]eady judged of God, and by way of [...]. [...]d ibid. declaration, and convoy, to bring in those that are beloved of God, and to exclude such as are ungodly. And if the power which the Ministers have received by the foresaid commission doe extend it selfe to any further reall operation upon the living: Pope Gelasius will denie that it may be stretched in like maner unto the dead; because that Ch [...]ist saith, Whatsoever thou shalt binde upon earth. Super ter [...]ā inquit nam in hâc ligatione defunctum nusquam dixit absolvi. Gelas in Commonitorio ad [...]. He saith upon earth: for he that dyeth bound, [Page 251] is no where said to be loosed. and, Quod manens in corpore non receperit, consequi exutus carne non poterit. Leo, epist 89. v [...]l 91. ad Th [...]od [...]rimo. that which a man remayning in his body hath not received, being uncloathed of his flesh he cannot obtaine: saith Leo.
Whether the dead received profite by the prayers of the living, was still a question in the Church. Maximus in his Greeke scholies upon the writer of the Ecclesiasticall Hierarchy, wisheth us to [...]. Maxim. schol. in Eccles. Hierarch cap. 7. marke, that even before his time that doubt was questioned. Among the questions wherein Dulcitius desired to be resolved by S. Augustin, we finde this to be one; Virum oblatio, quae sit pro quiescentibus, aliquid eorum conserat animabus? Augustin ad Dul [...]it. qu [...]est. 2. Whether the offering that is made for the dead, did avayle their soules any thing? and that Ád quod multi dicunt, quòd si al. quis beneficij in hoc locus possit esse post mortem; quanto magis sibi anima ferret i [...]sa refr [...]geria, sua per s [...] illic confitendo peccata, quàm in eorum refrigeriū ab alijs oblatio procuratur. Ibid. MANY did say to this, that if herein any good were to be done after death; how much rather should the soule it selfe obtaine ease for it selfe, by it owne confessing of her sinnes there, than that for the ease thereof an oblation should be procured by other men. The like also is noted by Cyrill or rather Iohn Bishop of Ierusalem; that he [...]; Cyr [...]ll. Cateches. 5. My [...]tagogic. knew MANY who said thus. What profite doth the soule get that goeth out of this world (eyther with sinnes, or not with sinnes) if you make mention of it in prayer? and by Anastasius Sinaita (or Nicaenus:) [...]. Anastas. sin. pag. 540 edit. Graecolat. Some doe doubt; saying that the dead are not profited by the oblations that are made for them. and (long after them) by Petrus Cluniacensis in his treatise against the followers of Peter Bruse in France: Quòd bona vivorum mortuis prodesse valeant, & hi haeretici negant, & [...]uidam etiam Catholici dubitare videntur. Petr. Cluniac. [...]p [...]st. contra Petrobrusianos. That the good deeds of the living may profit the dead, both these hereticks doe deny, and some Catholicks also do seeme to doubt. Nay in the West, not the profite onely, but the lawfulnesse also of these doings for the dead was called in question: [Page 252] as partly may be collected by Boniface archbishop of Mentz his consulting with Pope Gregory, about 730. yeares after the birth of our Saviour; Pro obeuntibus quoque consul [...]isse dignosceris, si lice at oblationes offerre. Gregor. II. vel III. epist. ad Bonifac. in tomis Conciliorū. Whether it were lawfull to offer oblations for the dead (which hee should have no reason to doe, if no question had beene made thereof among the Germans) and is plainly delivered by Hugo Etherianus, about 1170. yeares after Christ, in these words. Scio pleros (que) vanis opinionibus defor [...]ari, putantes non esse orandum pro mortuis; eo quòd ne (que) Christus, ne (que) Apostoli ejus successores haec scriptis intimaverint. Nesciūt quidem illi plura esse, ac persummé necessaria, quae sancta Ecclesia frequentat, quorum traditio ex scripturis non habetur: nihilo tamen minus ad cultum Dei pertinent, & vigorem maximum obtinent. Hug. Etherian. de Animar. regr [...]ss. ab infer. cap. 13 I know that many are deformed with vaine opinions, thinking that the dead are not to be prayed for: because that neither Christ, nor the Apostles that succeeded him have intimated these things in the Scriptures. But they are ignorant that there be many things, and those exceeding necessary, frequented by the holy Church, the tradition whereof is not had in the Scriptures: and yet they pertaine neverthelesse to the worship of God, and obtaine great strength. Whereby it may appeare, that this practise wanted not opposition even then, when in the Papacie it was advanced unto his greatest height. And now is it high time, that I should passe from this article, unto the next following
OF LIMBVS PATRVM; And CHRISTS DESCENT INTO HELL.
HEre doth our Challenger undertake to prove against us; not only that there is Limbus Patrum, but that our Saviour also descended into Hell, to deliver the ancient Fathers of the Old Testament; because before [Page 253] his Passion none ever entred into Heaven. That there was such a thing as Limbus Patrum, I have heard it said: but what it is now, the Doctors varie, yet agree all in this; that Limbus it may well be, but Limbus Patrum sure it is not. An ab eo loco distinctus fue [...]it, in quo nunc in [...]a [...]tes sine baptismo de vitâ decedent [...]s recipi creduntu [...], Theologi dubitan [...]; nec est qui [...]quam de re dubiâ temerè pronuntiandum [...]o. Maldon. [...]omment. in Luc. [...]6.22. Whether it were distinct from that place, in which the infants that depart out of this life without baptisme are now beleeved to be received, the Divines doe doubt; neyther is there any thing to be rashly pronounced of so doubtfull a matter: saith Maldonat the Iesuite. The Dominican Friars, that wrote against the Grecians at Constantinople in the yeare 1252 resolve, that In quem (limbum) aute adventū Christi sancti Patres descendebant: nunc vero pueri, qu [...] absque baptismo decedunt, sine poenâ sensibili, detinentur. [...]act. contr. Graec. in tomo auctorum á P. Situartio edit. pag. 565. into this Limbus the holy Fathers before the comming of Christ did descend; but now the children that depart vvithout baptisme, are detained there: so that in their iudgement, that which was the Limbus of Fathers, is now become the Limbus of Children. The more common opinion is, that these be two distinct places: and that the one is appointed for unbaptized infants, but the other Nunc vacuus remanet. Bell [...]r. de Purgator. lib. 2 cap. 6. now remayneth voide, and so Manet autem, manebitque, licèt vacuus, hic infernus; ut testimonium perhibeat tùm justitiae, tùm misericordiae Dei. Henric. Vicus, de [...]es [...]ensu Christi ad inf [...]ros, sect. 41. Vi [...]. Abu [...]us. Paradox 5 cap. 183. shall remaine, that it may beare witnesse aswell of the justice as of the mercie of God. If you demand, how it came to be thus voyd, & emptied of the old inhabitants: the answer is here given; that our Saviour descended into Hell purposely [...]o deliver from hence the ancient Fathers of the Old Testament. But Aliud enim Inferi; ut puto, aliud quoque Abrahae sinus. Tertull. advers. Mar [...]ion lib. 4. ca [...]. 34 Hell is one thing, I ween, saith Tertullian, and Abrahams b [...]some (where the Fathers of the old Testament rested) another: Non uti (que) sinus ille Abrahae, id est, secret [...] cujusdā quietis habitatio, aliqua pars Inserorum esse credenda est. Augustin epist. 99. ad Euodium. neyther is it to be beleeved, that the bosome of Abraham, being the habitation of a secret kinde of rest, was any part of Hell; saith S. Augustin. To say then, [Page 254] that our Saviour descended into Hell, to deliver the ancient Fathers of the old Testament out of Limbus Patrum: would by this construction prove as strange a tale, as if it had beene reported, that Caesar made a voyage into Brittaine, to set his friends at libertie in Greece.
Yea, but before Christs Passion none ever entred into Heaven: saith our Challenger. The proposition that Cardinall Bellarmine taketh upon him to prove, where he handleth this controversie, is: Quòd animae piorum nō fuerint in coelo ante Christi ascensionem. Be [...]larmin. de Ch [...]ist. lib. 4. cap. 11. that the soules of the godly were not in Heaven before the As [...]ension of Christ. Our Iesuite, it seemeth, considered here with himselfe, that Christ had promised unto the penitent theefe upon the crosse; that not before his ascension only, but also before his resurrection, even Luk. 23.43. that day he should be with him in Paradise: that is to say, in the kingdome of heaven; as the Vera ergo expositio est Theophylacti, Ambrosij, Bedae, & aliorum, qui per paradisum intelligunt regnum coelorum. Bellarm. de Sanct Beatit. lib. 1. cap. 3. Cardina [...]l himselfe doth prove, both by the authoritie of S. 2. Cori [...]. 12.2.4. Paul, making Paradise and the third heaven to be the selfe same thing, and by the testimony of the ancient expositors of the place. This, belike, stuck somewhat in our Iesuites stomack: who being loath to interpret this of his Limbus Patrum (as Henr. Vic. de des [...]ens. ad infer. sect 41 pag. 129. Vide Thom. in 3. part. Sum quaest. 52. art. 4.. ad [...]. & Lyranu [...]s in Luc. 23.43. others of that side had done) and to maintaine that Paradise, in stead of the third Heaven, should signifie the third or the fourth Hell; thought it best to shift the matter handsomely away, by taking upon him to defend, that, not before Christs ascension (least that of the Thiefe should crosse him) but before his passion none ever entred into Heaven. But if none before our Saviours Passion did ever enter into Heaven: whither shall we say that Elias did enter? The Scripture assureth us, that he went up into heaven: (2. Kings, 2.11▪) & of this Mattathias put his sonnes in mind upon his death-bedd; that [...] ▪ 1. Maccab. 2.58. Elias being zealous and fervent for [Page 255] the law, was taken up into heaven. Elias and Moses both, before the passion of Christ are described to be Luk. 9.31. in glory: Luk. 16.22, 25. Lazarus is carried by the Angells into a place of comfort, and not of imprisonment: in a word, all the Fathers Hebr. 11.1 [...], 14, 16. accounted themselves to be strangers and pilgrims in this earth, seeking for a better countrey, that is, an heavenly, as well as Hebr. 13.14. we doe; and therefore having ended their pilgrimage, they arrived at the country they sought for, as well as wee. They Act. 15.11. beleeved to be saved through the grace of our Lord Iesus Christ, as well as we; they Habak 2 4. Rom 1.16, 17. lived by that faith, as well as we; they 1. Thess. 4.16. dyed in Christ, as well as we; they received Rom. 4.6, 7, 8, 9. Gal. 3.8, 9. remission of sinnes, imputation of righteousnes, and the blessednesse arising therefrom, as well as we: and the mediation of our Saviour being of that present efficacie, that it tooke away sinne and brought in righteousnesse from the very beginning of the world, it had vertue sufficient to free men from the penaltie of losse as well as from the penalty of sense, and to bring them unto him in whose Psal. 16 11. presence is fulnesse of joy, as to deliver them from the [...]uk. 16.28. place of torment where Matth. 8.11, 12. there is weeping and gnashing of teeth.
The first that ever assigned a resting place in Hell to the Fathers of the old Testament, was (as farre as wee can finde) Marcion the heretick: Sed Marcion aliorsum cogit, scilicet utramque mercedem Creatoris, sive tormēti sive refrigerij, apud inferos determinet eis positam qui Legi & Prophetis obedierint; Christi veró & Dei sui coel [...]stem desiniat sinum & portum. Tertullian. lib. 4. contra Marcion. cap. 34. Vid. etiā lib. 3. cap. 24. who determined that both kinde of rewards, whether of torment or of refreshing, was appointed in Hell for them that did obey the Law and the Prophets. Wherein he was gainsayd by such as wrote against him, not only for making that the place of their eternal rest; but also for lodging them there at all, and imagining that Abrahams bosome was any part of Hell. This appeareth plainly by the disputation, set out among the workes of Origen, betwixt Marcus the [Page 256] Marcionite, & Adamantius the defender of the Catholicke cause: who touching the In D. Bez [...] Grae [...]olitino Euangeliorum ve [...]e [...]and [...]e vit [...] statis e [...]emplari, quod in pu [...]licâ Cant [...]brigie [...]sis academi [...]e Bibliothecâ asservatur; historiae h [...]ic praet [...]i [...]t [...] tur i [...]a pr [...]es [...]tio. [...]. [...] [...]imilis e [...]iam in Missali R [...]m [...]no [...]feriâ 5 post Dominicam 2. Quadragesimae) legebatur: Dixit Iesus discipulis suis parabolam hanc. Verùm in Missali reformato duae po [...]teriores voces sublatae nuper sunt. parabolicall historie of the rich man & Lazarus in the sixteenth of S. Luke, are brought in reasoning after this maner. [...]. Ori [...]en. Dialog. 2. contra Marcion. MARCUS. He saith that A [...]raham is in hell, and not in the kingdome of heaven. ADAMANTIUS. Reade whether he sayt [...] that Abraham was in Hell. MARC. In that the rich man and he talked one to the other, it appeareth that they were together. ADAMANT. That they talked one with another, thou hearest; but the great gulfe spoken of, that thou hearest not. For the middle space betwixt heaven and earth he calleth a gulfe. MARC. Can a man therefore see from earth unto heaven? it is impossible. Can any man lifting up his eyes behold from the earth, or from hell rather see into heaven? If not; it is plain, that a vally only was set betwixt them. ADAMANT. Bodily eyes use to see those things only that are neere: but spirituall eyes reach farre. and it is manifest, that they who have here put off their body, doe see one another with the eyes of their soule. For marke how the Gospell doth say, that he lifted up his eyes. toward heaven one useth to lift them up, and not toward the earth. In like maner doth Respondebimus, & hâc ipsâ scripturâ revincente oculos ejus, quae ab infernis discernit Abrahae sinum pauperi. Aliud enim Inferi, ut puto, aliud quoque Abrahae sinus. Nam & magnum ait intercedere regiones istas prosundum, & transitum utrinque prohibere Sed nec allevâsset dives oculos, & quidem de longinquo, nisi in superiora, & de altitudinis longinquo per im [...]ensam illā distantiam sublimitatis & profunditatis. Tertull. advers. Marcion, lib. 4 cap 34. Tertullian also retort the same place of Scripture against Marcion, and prove that it [Page 257] maketh a plaine difference betweene Hell and the bosome of Abraham. For it affirmeth (saith he) both that a great deepe is interposed betwixt those regions, and that it suffereth no passage from eyther side. Neyther could the rich man have lifted up his eyes, and that afarre off, unlesse it had beene unto places above him, and very farre above him, by reason of the mightie distance betwixt that height and that depth. Thus farre Tertullian: who though he come short of Adamantius, in Eam itaque reg [...]onem sinū dico Abrahae, etsi non coelestem, sublimiorem tamen inferis, interim refrigeriū, praebituram animabus justorū, donec consummatio rerum resurrectionem omnium p [...]nitudine mercedis expungat. I [...]. I [...]id. making Abrahams bosome not to be any part of Heaven, although no member at all of Hell; yet doth he concurre with him in this, that it is a place of blisse, and a common receptacle wherein the soules of all the faithfull as well of the new as of the old Testament doe still remaine, in expectation of the generall resurrection▪ which quite marteth the Limbus Patrum of our Romanists, and the journey which they fancie our Saviour to have taken for the fetching of the Fathers from thence.
With these two doth S. Augustin also ioyne, in his 99. epistle to Euodius: concerning whose iudgement herein, I will not say the deceitfull, but the exceeding partiall dealing of Cardinall Bellarmine can verie hardly be excused. Augustinu [...], etsi in epist. 99. ambigere videtur, an sinus Abraham, ubi erant animae Patrum olim, in inferno esset an alibi: tamē lib. 20 de civit. Dei, cap 15. affi [...]at in inferno fuisse; ut caeteri omnes Patre [...] semper docuerunt. Bellarmin de Christ. lib. 4. cap. 11. in fine. Although Augustin (saith he) in his 99. epistle do seeme to doubt, whether the bosome of Abraham, where the soules of the Fathers were in times past, should be in Hell or somewhere else: yet in the 20. booke of the Citie of God, the 15. chapter, he affirmeth that it was in Hell; as all the rest of the Fathers have alwayes taught. If S. Augustin in that epistle were of the minde (as hee was indeed) that Abrahams bosome was no part of Hell: he was not the first inventer of that doctrine; others taught it before him, and opposed Marcion for teaching otherwise. [...]: alone he went [Page 258] not, two there were at least (as we have seen) that walked along with him in the same way. But for that which he is said to have doubted off in one place, and to have affirmed in another: if the indifferent Reader will be pleased but to view both the places, he shall easily discerne that the Cardinall looked not into these things with a single eye. In his 99. epistle,Quanquam in his ipsis tanti magistri verbis, ubi ait dixisse Abraham, Inter vos & nos chaos magnum firmatum est; satis, ut opinor, appareat non esse quandam partē & quasi membrum Inferorum tantae illius felicitatis sinum. Aug [...]st. epist 99. from that speech of Abraham; Betweene you and us there is a great gulfe fixed: he maketh this inference. In these words it appeareth sufficiently, as I thinke, that the bosome of so great happinesse is not any part and member of Hell. These seem unto the Cardinall to be the words of a doubtfull man: with what words then, when he is better resolved, doth he affirme the matter ? With these forsooth. Si enim non asburdé credividetur, antiquos etiam sanctos, qui venturi Christi ténuerunt fidē, locis quidem á tormentis impiorum remotissimis, sed apud inferos fuisse, donec eos inde sanguis Christi, & ad ea loca descensus c [...]ueret: profectò deinceps boni fideles effuso illo pretio jam redempti, prorsùs inferos nesciunt, do [...]ec etiam receptis corporibus bona recipiant quae merentur. Id. de Civit. Dei, lib. 20. cap. 15. If it do seem no absurditie to beleeve, that the old Saincts which held the faith of Christ to come, were in places most remote from the torments of the wicked, but yet in Hell; untill the blood of Christ, and his descent into those places, did deliver them: truely from henceforth the good and faithfull, who are redeemed with that price already shed, know not Hell at all. If, satis ut opinor apparet, [it appeareth sufficiently, as I thinke,] must import doubting; and, si non absurdé credi videtur, [if it doe seeme no absurditie to beleeve,] affirming: I know not, I must confesse, what to make of mens speeches.
The truth is: S. Augustin in handling this question discovereth himselfe to be neyther of the Iesuits temper nor beleefe. He esteemed not this to be such an article of faith, that they who agreed not therein must needs be held to be of different religions: as he doth modestly propound the reasons which induced him to [Page 259] think that Abrahams bosome was no member of Hell; so doth he not lightly reiect the opinion of those that thought otherwise, but leaveth it still as a disputable point. Vtrùm sinus ille Abrahae ubi dives impius, cùm in tormentis esset inferni, requiescentem pauperem vidit, vel paradisi censendus vocabulo, vel ad inferos pertinere existimandus sit; non facilè dixerim. I [...]. epist 57. Whether that bosome of Abraham where the wicked rich man, when he was in the torments of Hell, did behold the poore man resting, were eyther to be accounted by the name of Paradise, or esteemed to appertaine unto Hell, I cannot readily affirme: saith he in one place. and in another: Etenim apud inferos ut [...]ùm in locis quibusdā fuisset jam Abraham; non satis possumus definire. Id. in Psal. 85. Whether Abraham were then at any certaine place in Hell, we cannot certainly define. and in his 12. book de Genesi ad literam: Proinde, ut dixi, nondū inveni, & adhue quaero nec mihi occurrit inferos alicubi in bono posuisse Scripturā duntaxat Canonicam. Non autē in bono accipiendum sinum Abrahae, & illam requiem, quò ab angelis pius pauper ablatus est, nescio utrum quisquam possit audire: & ideò quo modo eum apud inferos credamus esse, non video. Id. de Gen ad lit. l [...]b. 12. cap. 33. I have not hitherto found, and I doe yet inquire, neyther doe I remember that the canonicall Scripture doth any where put Hell in the good part. Now that the bosome of Abraham and that rest, unto which the godly poore man was carried by the Angel, should not be taken in the good part, I know not whether any good man can endure to heare: and therefore how we may beleeve that it is in Hell I doe not see. Where it may further also be observed, that S. Augustin doth here assigne no other place to this godly poore man, then he doth unto the soules of all the faithfull that have departed since the comming of our Saviour Christ: the question with him being alike of them both, whether the place of their rest be designed by the name of Hell or Paradise. Therefore he saith: Quanquam & illud me nondum invenisse confiteor, inferos appellatos, ubi justorum animae requiescunt. Id. ibid. I confesse, I have not yet found, that it is called Hell, where the soules of just men doe rest. and againe: Quanto magis ergo post hanc vitam etiam sinus ille Abrahae Paradisus dici potest; ubi jam nulla tentatio, ubi tanta requies post omnes dolores vitae hujus? Ne (que) enim & lux ibi non est propria quaedam & sui generis, & profectò magna; quam dives ille de tormentis & tenebris inferorū, tam u [...]i (que) de longinquo cùm magnū chaos esset in medio, sic tamen vidit ut ibi illu quondā contemptū pauperē agnosceret. Id. ibid. cap. 34. How much more after this life may [Page 260] that bosome of Abraham be called Paradise; where now there is no temptation, where there is so great rest after all the griefes of this life? For neyther is there wanting there a proper kinde of light and of it owne kinde, a [...]d doubtlesse great; which that rich man out of the torments and darknesse of Hell, (even from so remote a place, where a great gulfe was placed in the midst) did so behold, that he might there take notice of the poore man whom sometime he had despised. and elsewhere, expounding that place in the 16. of S. Luke: Sinus Abrahae, [...]equies [...]st bea [...]on [...] pauperum, quorū est r [...]gnu coelotum, in quo post hanc vitā recipiuntur. Id. Quaestion. Eli [...] [...]el. lib. 2. cap. 38. The bosome of Abraham, saith he, is the rest of the blessed poore, whose is the kingdome of heaven, in which after this life they are received.
Bede in his Commentaries upon the same place, and Strabus in the ordinary Glosse doe directly follow S. Augustin in this exposition: and the Greeke interpreter of S Luke (who wrongly beareth the name of Titus Bostrensis, and Chrysos [...]om) for proofe thereof produceth the testimonie of Per sinum Abrahae, Isaac, & [...]acob, sanctus Dionysius Areopagita divinissimas illas fo [...]tunatas (que) sedes designatas asserit, quae omnes justos post [...]ehe [...]ssimā consummationem intia sese recipiunt. [...]it. Bo [...]r. in Luc. cap. 16. in ipso fine. Di [...]nysius Areopagita, affirming that by the bosome of Abraham, Isaac, and Iacob, those most divine and blessed seates are designed, w [...]ich doe receive within them all just men after their most happy consummation. The words that he hath relation unto, be these, in the 7. chapter of the Ecclesiasticall Hierarchy. [...] Diot [...] Eccl Hi [...]r cap. 7. The bosomes of the blessed Pa [...]riarches and of all the rest of the Saincts are, as I thinke, the most divine and blessed resting places, which doe recei [...]e all such as are like unto God, into that never-fading and most blessed perfection that is therein. Hitherto appertaine those passages in S. Ambrose. Veni in gremium Iacob: ut sicut Lazarus p [...]uper in Abrahae simi, ita etiam tu in Iacob patriarchae tramquillitate requiescas. Sinu [...] enim Patriarcharum recessus quidam est quietis aeternae. Ambros. orat. de obitu Valentinian [...] Imp. Come into the bosome of Iacob: that as poore Lazarus did in the bosome of Abraham, so thou also [Page 261] mayst rest in the tranquillitie of the patriarch Iacob. For the bosome of the Patriarches is a certaine retyring place of everlasting rest. Ibimus ubi sinum suum Abrahā sanctus expandit, ut suscipiat pauperes, sicur suscepit & Lazarū: in quo sinu requiescunt, qui in hoc seculo gravia atque aspera pertulerunt. Id de bono mortis. cap. 12. We shall goe where holy Abraham openeth his bosome, to receive the poore, as he did receive Lazarus: in which bosome they doe rest, who in this world have endured grievous and sharpe things. In Paradisum ascenditur, in Infernū descenditur. Descendant, inquit, in infernum viventes. Ideoque Lazarus pauper per angelos in Abrahae sinum est elevatus. Id. in Psalm. 48. Into Paradise is a ascent, into Hell a descent. Let them descend, saith he, quick into Hell. And therefore poore Lazarus was by the Angels lifted up into Abrahams bosome. Vide illuna pauperem bonis omnibus abundantem, quem sancti Patriarchae requies beata circumdabat. Id. ibid. Behold that poore man abounding with all good things, whom the blessed rest of the holy Patriarch did compasse about. Lazarus in Abrahae sinu recumbens, vitam carpebat aeternam. Id. in Psal. 118. serm. 3. Lazarus lying in Abrahams bosome, enjoyed everlasting life.
S. Chrysostom, or whosoever else was the author of that homily touching the Rich man and Lazarus, upon those wordes of the text, that the rich man lifting up his eyes beheld Lazarus in Abrahams bosome, moveth this question: [...].Chrysost. homil. in Divit. & Lazar. tom. 5. edit. Savil. pag. 730. Why Lazarus did not see the rich man, as well as the rich man is said to see Lazarus? and giveth this answer thereunto: because Etenebris autem quae sunt in luce tuemur. Quod contrà facere in tenebris é luce nequimus. Lucret. de rer. nat. lib. 4. he that is in the light doth not see him that standeth in the darke, but hee that is in the darke beholdeth him that is in the light; taking it for granted, that Abrahams bosome was a place of light and not of darkenesse. He that wrote the Homily upon that sentence of the Psalme, What man is he that would have life and desireth to see good dayes? who is commonly also, though not rightly, accounted to be Chrysostom; goeth further and saith, that the rich man Erexit oculos in coelum de loco tormentorum, & clamavitad patrem Abraham. Homil. in illud Psalm. 33. Quis est homo. tom. 1. Oper. Chrysost. lifted up his eyes unto Heaven out of the place of torments, [Page 262] and cryed unto father Abraham: yea he expressely affirmeth there, that Beatus pauper migravit ad. oelum; & dives pu [...]pu [...]â tectus mansit in inferno. [...]. id. the blessed poore man did go unto Heaven, and the rich man covered with purple did remaine in Hell. which agreeth well with that undoubted saying of S. Chrysostome himselfe: [...]. Chrysost. lib. 1. de Provident. ad Stager. tom. 6. [...]dit Savil. pag. 96. Lazarus, who vvas worthy of Heaven and the kingdome that is there, being full of sores was exposed to the tongues of doggs, and strove with perpetuall hunger. and with that which he writeth elsewhere: that [...].Id. in illud: Intrate per ang [...]st port. t [...]m. 5. edit. Savil. pag. 179. after famine, and soares, and lying in the porch, he enjoyed that refreshing which is impossible to be expressed by speech, even [...]. Ibid. pag. 180. unspeakable good things. Whereunto may be added that collection of his out of the words of our Saviour: Many shall come from the East and West, and shall sit downe with Abraham, and Isaak, and Iacob, in the kingdome of heaven, Matth. 8.11. that this kingdome is [...]. Id. in Matth. homil. 26. edit. Graec. 27. Latin. designed here by a new terme of the bosome of Abraham; and the [...], etc Ibid. consummation of all good called by the name of the bosomes of the Patriarches.
S. Basil in his sermon of Fasting, placeth Lazarus in Paradise. [...]; Basil. homil. 1. de Ieiunio. Dost not thou see Lazarus (saith he) how he entred by fasting into Paradise? and the ancient compiler of the Latin sermon translated from thence, frameth his exhortation accordingly, Vtamur ergo & nos hâc viâ quâ rediri ad Paradisum potest. etc. Illuc praecessit Lazarus Serm de Ieiunio, Zenoni Veronensi perpe [...]àem attributus. Let us therefore use this way, whereby we may returne unto Paradise. Thither is Lazarus gone before us. Asterius Bishop of Amasea placeth him in [...]. Asterius, in homil. de divite & Lazaro. a sweet and joyous state: Cyrill Bishop [Page 263] of Alexandria, in [...]. Cyrill. Alexandr. homil. Paschal. 11. unexpected delights: Salvianus, in blisse and everlasting wealth. Pauper beatitudinem emit mendicitate; dives suppliciū facultate. Pauper cum pen [...] tus nil haberet, emit a [...]ternas divitias egestate. Salvian. Massil. lib. 3. ad Eccles. Catholic. advers. avaritiā. Prior e [...]iam sententiae habetur apud authorem serm. 227. de Tempore, tom. 10. Oper. Augustini. The poore man (saith he) bought blisse with beggerie; the rich man punishment with wealth. The poore man, when he had just nothing, bought everlasting riches with penury. Gregory Nazianzen saith, he [...] Gregor. Nazianz. orat. 16. de pauperum amore, pag. 262. edit Graecolat. was enriched with refreshment in the bosomes of Abraham, that are so much to be [...]. Id. orat. 44. in Pentecost. pag. 714. desired. Prudentius, in his poeticall vaine, describeth him to be there hedged about with floures, as being in the garden of Paradise, even in the same paradise wherein pure soules do now rest since the ascension of Christ. for thus he writeth:
So where Iob sayeth; Naked came I out of my mothers wombe, and naked shall I returne thither: the Greeke scholies expound it thus: Thither: Nimirum ad Deum; ad illum, inquam, beatum finem & requietem. Catena Graec. in Iob. cap. 1. à P. Comitolo conversa. namely unto God, unto that blessed end and rest. which the author of the Commentaries upon Iob ascribed to Origen, expresseth [Page 264] thus at large. Illo, inquit, ibo, ubi sunt tabernacula justorū, ubi sunt sanctorum gloriae, ubi est fidelium requies, ubi est piorum consolatio, ubi est misericor dium ha [...]reditas, ubi est immaculatorum beatitudo, ubi est veracium laetitia & consolatio. Illuc ibo, ubi est lux & vita, ubi est gloria & jucunditas, ubi est laetitia & exultatio; vel unde aufugit dolor, tristitia & gemitus, ubi obliviscuntur priores tribulationes has quae sunt in corpore super terram. Illuc ibo, ubi est tribulationum depositio, ubi est remuncratio laborum, ubi Abrahae sinus, ubi Isaac proprietas, ubi Israel familiaritas, ubi sanctorum animae, ubi angelorum chori, ubi archangelorum voces, ubi spiritus sancti illuminatio, ubi Christi regnum, ubi aeterni Dei patris infecta gloria atque beatus conspectus. Origen. in Iob. lib. 1. Thither will I goe, saith he, where are the tabernacles of the righteous, where the glories of the Saints are, where is the rest of the faithfull, where is the consolation of the godly, where is the inheritance of the mercifull, where is the blisse of the undefiled, where is the joy and consolation of such as love the truth. Thither will I goe, where is light and life, where is glory & jocundnesse, where is joy and exultation: whence griefe and heavinesse and groning flie away, where they forgett the former tribulations that they sustayned in their body upon the earth. Thither will I goe, where there is a laying aside of tribulations, where there this a recompense of labors, where is the bosome of Abraham, where the proprietie of Isaac, where the familiarity of Israel; where be the soules of the Saints, vvhere the quire of Angels, where the voyces of Archangels, where the illumination of the holy Ghost, where the kingdome of Christ, where the endlesse glory and blessed sight of the eternall God the father. What difference I pray you now, is there betwixt this Limbus Patrum and Heaven it selfe?
Of Abrahams bosome Gregory Nyssen writeth after this maner. [...]. Gregor. Nyssen. Dialog de Animâ & Resurrect. tom. 2. Oper. pag. 651. As by a certaine abuse of speech we call a baye of the sea an arme or bosome: so it seemeth to me that the word doth signifie the exhibitiō of those unmeasurable good things by the name of a bosome; into which good bosome, or baye, all men that sayle by a vertuous course through this present life, when they loose from hence, put in their soules [Page 265] as it were into a haven free from danger of waves and tempests. and in another place. [...]. Id tractat. 2. de Psalm. inscript. cap. 6. (tom. 1. Oper. pag. 304.) If one hearing of a bosome, as it were a certaine large baye of the sea; should conceive the fulnesse of good things to be meant thereby where the Patriarch is named, and that Lazarus is therein: he should not thinke amisse. True it is indeed, that diverse of the Doctors who make Abrahams bosome to be a place of glorie, do yet distinguish it from Heaven: but it is to be considered withall that they hold the same opinion indifferently, of the place whereunto the soules of all godly men are received, aswell under the state of the New as of the Old Testament. For they did not hold (as our Romanistes doe now) that Christ by his descension emptyed Limbus, & removed the bosome of Abraham from Hell into Heaven: their Limbus is now as full of Fathers as ever it was, and is the common receptacle wherein they suppose all good soules to remaine untill the generall resurrection; before which time they admit neyther the Fathers nor us unto the possession of the kingdome of Heaven. [...] Id. de Hominis Opificio, cap. 22. For Abraham (saith Gregory Nyssen) and the other Patriarches, although they had a desire to see those good things, and never left seeking that heavenly countrey, as the Apostle saith: yet are they notwithstanding that, even yet in expectancie of this favour; God having provided some better thing for us, according to the saying of S. Paul, that they without us should not be made perfect. So Tertullian: Vnde apparet sapienti cuique qui aliquando Elysios audierit, esse aliquam localem determinationem, quae sinus dicta sit Abrahae, ad recipiendas animas filiorum ejus etiam ex Nationibus, patris scilicèt multarum Nationum in Abrahae censum deputandarum, & câdē fide quâ & Abraham Deo credidit, nullo sub jogo legis, nec in signo circumcisionis. Eam itaque regionem sinum dico Abrahae, etsi non coelestem sublimio [...]em tamen inferis, interim refrigeriū praebiturā animabus justorū, donec consummatio rerum resurrectionem omniū plenitudine mercedis expungat. Tertullian. lib. 4. coutr. Marci [...]n. cap. 34. It appeareth to every wise [Page 266] man, that hath ever heard of the Elysian fields, that there is some locall determination, which is called Ab [...]ahams bosome, to receive the soules of his sonnes, even of the Gentiles; he being the Father of many nations that were to bee accounted of Abrahams family, and of the same faith wherewith Abraham beleeved God, under no yoke of the law, nor in t [...]e signe of Circumcision. That region t [...]erefore doe I call the bosome of Abraham, although not heavenly yet higher than hell, which shall give rest in the meane season to the soules of the righteous, untill the consummation of thin [...]s doe finish the resurrection of all, with the fulnesse of reward. And we have heard S. Hilary say before, that Exeuntes de corpore ad in [...]io [...]tum illum regni coelestis per custodiam Domini fideles omnes reservabuntur: in sinu scilic [...]t interim Abrahae collocati, quò adire impios interjectum chaos inhibet, quous (que) introeundi rursum in regnum coelorum tempus adveniat. Huar. in Psalm 120. all the faithfull, when they are gone out of the body, shall be reserved by the Lords custody for that entrie into the heavenly kingdome; being in the meane time placed in the bosome of Abraham, whither the wicked are hindred from comming by the gulfe interposed betwixt them, untill the time of entring into the kingdome of heaven doe come. and againe. Testes nobis Euangelicus dives & pauper: quorum unu [...]angeli in sedibus beatorum & in Abrahae sinu lo [...]averunt, aliū statim poenae regio suscepit. id. in Ps [...]lm. 2. The rich and the poore man in the Gospell do serve us for witnesses: one of whom the Angels did place in the seates of the Blessed and in Abrahams bosome; the other the region of punishment did presently receive. Indicij enim dies, vel beatitudinis retr [...]butio est aeterna vel po [...]na [...] Tempus veró mortis habet unumquemque suis legibus, dum ad judi [...]ium unumqu [...] q [...]e aut Abraham reservat aut poena. Jd. ibid. For the day of judgement is the everlasting retribution eyther of blisse or paine: but the time of death hath every one under his lawes, while eyther Abraham or punishment reserveth every one unto judgement.
The difference betwixt the Doctors in their iudgement concerning the bosome of Abraham, and the resting of the ancient Fathers therein, wee finde noted in part in those expositions upon the Gospell, which goe [Page 267] under the name of Theophilus Bishop of Antioch and Eucherius Bishop of Lyons. In hoc quod apud [...]nfe [...] Abrahamum vidit, haec subesse á quibusdā ratio putatur; quòd omnes Sancti ante adventum Domini nostri Iesu Christi etiam ad inserna, licet in r [...]f [...]igerij locum, descendisse dicuntur. Alij opinantur locum illum in quo Abraham erat, ab illis inferni locis seorsim in superioribus fuisse cō stitutum: propter quod dicat Dominus de illo Divite, quòd elevans oculos suos cùm esset in tormentis, vidit Abraham de longé. Theophil. Antioch. Allegor. in Johann. lib. 4. [...]ucher. Lugd. de quaestionib. novi Testam in Lucâ. In that the rich man (say they) did in Hell behold Abraham, this by some is thought to be the reason: because all the Saints before the comming of our Lord Iesus Christ, are said to have descended into Hell, although into a place of refreshment. Others thinke, that the place wherein Abraham was, did lye apart from those places of Hell, situated in places above: for which the Lord should say of that rich man, that lifting up his eyes when he was in torments, he saw Abraham a far off. The former of these opinions is delivered by some of the Doctors doubtfully, by others more resolutely. Primasius setteth it downe with S. Augustins qualification: Si non absurdé credi videtur Primasius, lib. 5 in Apocalyps. cap 20 secutus Augustinum, lib. 20. de Civil. Dei, cap. 15. It s [...]em [...]th that without absurditie it may be beleeved. The author of the imperfect worke upon Matthew saith, that Vis autem manifesté scire, quoniam ante Christum coeli si aperiebantur, iterùm claudebantur Na [...] justi quidem forsitan ascendebant in coelum; peccatores autem nequaquam. Ideò autem dixi, forsitan, ne quibusdam placeat etiam ante Christi adventum justorum animas ascendere potuisse in coelum Alioqui nullam animam ante Christum arbitror ascendisse in co [...] lum, ex quo peccavit Adam, & clausi sunt ei coeli: sed omnes in inferno detentas. Op. imper [...]. in Matt [...]. homil. 4. int [...]r Opera Ch [...]ysostomi. peradventure the just did ascend into heave [...] before the comming of Christ: yet that he doth thinke, [...]hat no soule before Christ did ascend into heaven, since Adam sinned and the heavens were shut against him; but all were detayned in Hell. and, Vt enim arbitror, etiam patres nostri Abraham, Isaac, & Iacob, & totus chorus sanctorum Vatum & justorum, Christi adventu perfru [...]ti sunt Catena Graeca in Cantica utrius (que) Testamenti, ab Ant. Carafâ convers. tom. 1. Operū Theo [...]oreti, pag. 729. edit. Colon. 1573. as I doe thinke, saith the Greeke expositor of Zacharies Hymne likewise, even our fathers Abraham, Isaac, and Iacob, and the whole queere of the holy Prophets and just men, did enjoy the comming of Christ. Of which comming to visite the Fathers [Page 268] in Hell, Hieronym. ep. 151. ad Algas. quaest. 1. & lib. 2. [...]ommentar. in Matth. cap. 11. S. Hierome, Ruffin. in exposit. Symboli. Ruffinus, Ven. Fortunat. in exposit. Symboli. Venantius Fortunatus, Gregor. lib. 1. in Ezechiel. homil. 1. & in Euangel. hom. 6. Gregory, Julian. Tolet. lib. 2. contra Iudaeos. Iulianus Toletanus, and Euseb. Homil. in Euangel. Dominic. 3. Adventus. Eusebius Emissenus (as he is commonly called) interpret that question propounded by the Baptist unto our Saviour. Matth. 11.3. Luk. 7.19, 20. Art thou he that should come, or looke we for another? which exposition is by S.Chrysost. in Matth. 11. hom. 36. edit. Graec. vel 37. Latin. Chrysostome iustly reiected, as utterly impertinent and ridiculous. Anastasius Sinaita affirmeth very boldly, that [...]. Anastas. Sinait. (al. Nicaenus) quaest. 112. all the soules aswell of the just as the unjust were under the hand of the Divell, untill Christ descending into Hell said unto those that vvere in bonds, Come forth, and to those that were indurance, Be at libertie. For Non enim solùm interitū corporū dissolvit in sepulchro; sed & captivas animas ex inferno, in quo per tyrannidem detinebantur, liberavit, & fortasse non per tyrannidem, sed pro multis debitis detinebantur: quibus persolutis, qui propter liberationem descenderat, reduxit magnam copiam captivorum. Anastas. Sinait. de rect. dogmatib. o [...]at. 5. he did not only (saith he in another place) dissolve the corruption of the bodies in the grave: but also delivered the captive soules out of Hell, vvherein they were by tyrannie detained, and peradventure not by tyrannie neyther, but for many debts. which being payed, he that descended for their deliverie, brought backe with him a great company of captives. and thus was In eo spoliati sunt Inferni. In eo liberatus est Adamus ex moeroribus. Id. in Hexaemer. l [...]b. 7. Hell spoyled, and Adam delivered from his griefes. Which is agreeable to that which we reade in the works of Athanasius: that [...], (sive [...] Athanas. de sa [...]utari adventu Christi, advers. Apollinar. the soule of Adam was detayned in the condemnation of death, and cryed continually unto the Lord; such as had pleased God, and were justified in the law of nature, being detayned together with Adam, and lamenting and crying out with him. and that the Divell, [...]. Author ser [...]onis in Passionem & Crucem Dom. inter opera Athanasij. beholding [Page 269] himselfe spoyled, did bemoane himselfe; and beholding those that sometime were weeping under him, now singing in the Lord, did rent himselfe.
Others are more favourable to the soules of the Fathers, though they place them in Hell: for they hold them to have beene there in a state of blisse, and not of miserie. Thus the author of the Latin homily concerning the Rich man and Lazarus, which is commonly fathered upon Chrysostom, notwithstanding he affirmeth that Simul (que) considerandum, quód Abrahā apud inseros erat: necdum enim Christus resurrexerat, qui illum in Paradisum duceret. Antequàm Christus moreretur, nemo in Paradisum conscenderat, nisi latro. Rhomphaea illa flammea, & vertigo illa claudebat paradisum. Non poterat aliqui [...] intrare in Paradisum, quem Christus clauserat: latro primus cum Christo intravit. Homil. in Luc. 16. de Divit. tomo 2. Oper. Chrysost. Lati [...]. Abraham was in Hell, and that before the comming of Christ, none ever entred into Paradise: yet doth he acknowledge in the meane time that Lazarus did remaine there in a kinde of Paradise. For Paradisus pauperis, sinus erat Abrahae, Ibid. the bosome of Abraham, saith he, vvas the poore mans Paradise. and againe. Dicat mihi aliquis: In inferno est Paradisus? Ego hoc dico, quia sinus Abrahae Paradisi veritas est: sed & sanctissimum Paradisum fateor. Ibid. Some man may say unto me: Is there a Paradise in Hell? I say this, that the bosome of Abraham is the truth of Paradise: Yea and I confesse it to be a most holy Paradise. So Tertullian in the fourth booke of his Verses against Marcion, placeth Abrahams bosome under the earth, but in an open and lightsome seate, farre removed from the fire and from the darknesse of Hell:
Yea he maketh it to be one house with that which is eternall in the heaven, distinguisht onely from it, as the outer and the inner Temple (or the Sanctum and the Sanctum Sanctorum) were in the time of the Law, by [Page 270] the Vayle that hung between: which vayle being rent at the passion of Christ, he saith these two were made one everlasting house.
Yet elsewhere hee maketh up the partition againe: maintaining very stiffly, that the gates of Nulli patet coelum t [...]r [...]á a [...]huc salvâ, ne dixerim clau [...]â. Cum transactione enim mundi reserabuntur regna coelorum. Tertull. de A [...]imâ, cap. 5 [...]. Heaven remaine still shut against all men, untill the end of the world come and the day of the last judgement. Only Q [...]omodo Perpetua for [...]issima martyr sub die passionis in revelatione Paradisi, solos illic commartyre [...] suos ridit; nisi quia nullis romphaea Paradisi janitrix cedit, nisi qui in Christo decesse [...]i [...]t? Tota Paradisi clavis tuus sanguis est. Ibid. Vid. etiā lib. de Resurrect. carn cap. 4 [...]. Paradise he leaveth open for Martyrs (as that other author of the latin Homily Si persecutio venerit, imitemur latronem: si pax fuerit, imitemur Lazarum Si martyrium fecerimus, statim intrabimus Paradisum: si paupertatis poenam sustinuerimus, statim in sinum Abrahae. Habet & sanguis, habet & pax loca sua: habet & paupertas martyrium suum, & egestas benè tolerata facit marty [...]ium; sed egestas propter Christum, non propter necessitatem. Homil. de Divite. inter [...]pera Chrysost. seemeth also to doe:) but the soules of the rest of the faithfull he Habes etiam de Paradiso á nobis libellum, quo constituimus o [...]nem animam apud inferos sequestrari in diem Domini. Tertull. de Ani [...] cap. 55 Omnes ergo animae penes inferos? inquis, Velis ac nolis, & supplicia jam illic & refrigeria habes, pauperem & divitem. &c Cur enim non p [...]tes animam & puniri & fov [...]ri in inferis, interim sub expectati [...]ne utrius (que) judicij in quâdam usurpatione & candidâ ejus? Ibid. cap ult. sequest [...]eth into Hell, there to remaine Quòd si Christus Deus, quia & homo, mortuus secundùm scriptu [...]as, & sepultus secundùm ea dem, hic quoque legi satisfecit, formâ humanae mortis apud inferos functus; nec antè ascendit in sublimiora coelorum, quàm descendit in inferiora terrarum, ut illic Patriarchas & Prophetas compotes sui faceret: habes, & regionem inferûm subterraneam credere, & illos cubito pellere, qui satis superbé non putent animas fidelium inferis dignas; servi super magistrum, aspernati si fortè in Abrahae sinu, expectandae resurrectionis solatium earpere. Ibid. cap. 55. in Abrahams bosome untill the time of the generall resurrection. And to this part of Hell doth he imagine Christ to have descended, not with purpose to fetch the soules of the Fathers from thence (which is the only errand that our Romanistes [Page 271] conceive he had thither) but, ut illic Patriarchas & Prophetas compotes sui faceret, that he might there make the Patriarches and Prophets partakers of his presence.
S. Hierome saith, that Dominus noster Iesus Ch [...]istus ad forna [...]em descendit inferni, in quo cla [...]s [...], & p [...]ccatorum. & justo [...]um animae ten [...]bantur. ut absq [...]e executi [...]ne & noxâ [...]ui, [...]os qui tenebantur in [...]lusi, m [...]rtis vinculi lib raret. Id lib. [...] in Dan [...]el cap. 3. our Lord Iesus Christ descended into the furnace of Hell, wherein the soules both of sinners and of just men were held shut; that without any burning or hurt unto himselfe, he might free from the bonds of death those that were held shut up in that place: and that hee Invo [...]avit ergo rede [...]ptor [...]oster nomen Domini d [...] lacu nov [...]ssimo, cùm in virtute divinitatis descendit ad inferos, & destructis claustris Tartari, suos quos ibi reperit eruens, victo [...] ad superos ascen [...]it. Id. lib. 2. in Lament. Ierem. cap. 3. called upon the name of the Lord out of the lowermost lake, when by the power of his divinitie hee descended into Hell, and having destroyed the barres of Tartarus, (or the dungeon of Hell) bringing from thence such of his as he found there, ascended conquerour up againe. He saith further, that Infernus locus suppliciorum at (que) cruciatuum est, in quo videtur dives purpuratus: ad quem descendit & Dominus, ut vinctos de carcere dimitteret. Id. lib. 6 in Esai. cap. 14. Hell is the place of punishments and tortures, in which the rich man that was cloathed in pu [...]ple is see [...]e: unto which also the Lord did descend, that he might let forth those that were bound out of prison. Lastly, Descendit ergo in inferiora terrae, & ascendit super omnes coelos filius Dei: ut non tantùm legem prophetasque compleret, sed & alias quasdam occultas dispensationes, quas solus ipse novit cum patre. Ne (que) enim scire possumus, quomodo & angelis & his qui in inferno erant, sanguis Christi profuerit; & tamen quin profuerit, nescire non possumus. Id. lib. 2. in. phes. cap 4. t [...]e Sonne of God (saith he, following Origen, as it seemeth, too unaduisedly here) descended into the lowermost parts of the earth, and ascended above all heavens: that he might not only fulfill the law and the prophets, but certaine other hidden dispensations also, which hee alone doth know with the Father. For wee cannot understand, how the bloud of Christ did profite both the Angels and those that were in Hell; and yet that it did profite them, wee cannot be ignorant. Thus farre S. Hierome; touching Christs descent into the lowermost Hell: which Thomas and the other Schoolemen will not admitt that hee ever came unto. [Page 272] Yet this must they of force grant, if they will stand to the authority of the Fathers. Restabat tamen ad plenū nostrae redemptionis effectū, ut illuc usque homo sine peccato á Deo susceptus descenderet, quous (que) homo separatus á Deo, peccati merito cecidisset; id est, ad Infernum, ubi solebat peccatoris anima torqueri, & a [...] Sepulchrū, ubi consueverat peccatoris caro corrumpi: sic tamen, ut nec Christi caro in sepulchro corrumperetur, nec inferni doloribus anima torqueretur. Quoniam anima immunis á peccato, non erat subdenda supplicio: & carnem sine peccato nō debuit vitiare corruptio Fulgent ad Trasimund lib. 3. cap. 30. It remayned, saith Fulgentius, for the full effecting of our redemption, that man assumed by God without sinne, should thither descend, whither man separated from God should have fallen by the desert of sinne; that is, unto Hell, where the soule of the sinner was wont to be tormented, and to the Grave, where the flesh of the sinner was accustomed to bee corrupted: yet so, that neyther the flesh of Christ should be corrupted in the Grave nor his soule be tormented with the paines of Hell. Because the soule free from sinne, was not to be subjected to such punishment: neither ought corruption to tainte the flesh without sinne. Hoc autem ideò factum est, ut per morientem temporaliter carnem justi, donaretur vita aeterna carni; & per descendentem ad infernum animam justi, dolores solverentur inferni Ibid. And this hee saith was done for this end: that by the flesh of the just dying temporally, everlasting life might be given to our flesh; and by the soule of the just descending into Hell, the paines of hell might be loosed.
It is the saying of S. Ambrose, that Expers pec [...]ati Christus, cùm ad tartari [...]ma descendens, seras inferni januas (que) confringens, vinctas peccato animas mortis dominatione destructâ, é diaboli faucibus revocavit ad vitam. Ambros. de mysterio Paschae, cap 4. Christ being voyd of sinne, when hee did descend into the lowermost parts of Tartarus, breaking the barres & gates of Hell, called backe unto life out of the jawes of the Divell the soules that were bound with sinne, having destroyed the dominion of death: and of Eusebius Emissenus or Gallicanus (or who ever was the author of the sixt Paschall homily attributed to him) that Deposito quidem corpore imas at (que) abditas Tartari sedes filius hominis penetravit: sed ubi retentus esse inter mortuos putabatur, ibi vincula mortuorum ligatâ morte laxavit. Euseb. homil. 6. de Pas [...]ha. the sonne of man laying aside his body, pierced the lowest & hidden seates of Tartarus: but where he was thought to have beene detained among the dead, there binding death; did hee loose the bonds of the dead. [Page 273] Presently Confestim igitur aeterna nox inferorum Christo descendente resplenduit: siluit stridor lugentium ille, soluta sunt onera catenarū, dirupta ceciderunt vincula damnatorum. Attonitae mentis obstupue [...]e tortores: omnis simul impia officina contremuit, cùm Christum repenté in suis sedibus vidit. Ib. homil. 1. Caesarius Arelatens. de Pasch. hom. 3. therefore, saith Caesarius (in his third Paschall homily; wch is the same with the first of those that goe under the name of the former Eusebius) the everlasting night of Hell at Christs descending shined bright: the gnashing of the mourners ceased, the burthens of the chaines were loosed, the bursted bands of the damned fell from them. The tormentors astonished in minde were amazed: the whole jmpious shoppe trembled together, when they beheld Christ suddainly in their dwellings: So Arnoldus Bonaevallensis in his booke de Cardinalibus operibus Christi (commonly attributed to S. Cyprian) noteth, that at that time Ab inferna. lib. tormentis cessatum est. Arnald. abb. Bonaevallis, tract. de Vnctione Chrismatis, in fine. there was a cessation from infernall torments: which by Arator, historiae Apostolicae lib. 1. Arator is thus more amply expressed in verse.
S. Augustine doth thus deliver his opinion touching this matter. Christi animam venisse usque ad ea loca, in quibus peccatores cruciantur, ut eos solveret á tormentis, quos esse solvendos occultâ nobis suâ justitiâ judicabat, non immeritò creditur. Augustin. de Genesi ad literam, lib. 12. cap. 33. That Christs soule came unto those places wherein sinners are punished, that hee might loose them from torments, whom by his hidden justice he judged fit to be loosed; is not without cause beleeved. Nec ipsam tamen rerum partem noster salvator mortuus pro nobis visitare contempsit; ut inde solveret quos esse solvendos secundùm divinam secretamque justitiam ignorare non potuit. Jbid. cap. 34. Neyther did our Saviour being dead for us, scorne to visite those parts: that hee might loose from thence such as hee could not bee ignorant, according to his divine and secret justice, were not to [Page 274] bee loosed. Sed quia evid [...]ntia testimonia & infernum commemorāt & dolores; nulla causa occurrit, cur illò credatur venisse salvator, nisi ut ab ejus doloribus salvos faceret. Sed utrùm omnes quos in eis inven [...]t, an quosdam quos illo beneficio dignos judicavit, adhuc requiro. Fuisse tamē cum apud inferos, & in eorū doloribus constitutis hoc beneficiū praestitisse, non dubito. Id. epist. 99. ad Euodium. But whether hee loosed all that hee found in those paines, or some whom hee thought worthy of that benefit, I yet enquire. For that he was in hell, and bestowed this benefit upon some that did lye in the paines thereof, I doe not doubt. Thus did S. Augustine write unto Euodias, who inquired of him; whether Si omnes inde solvit salvator, & sicut [...]equirens scripsisti, exinanivit inferna. Item: Si, ut quaerēdo dicis, exinaniti sunt inferi. Jb. our Saviour loosed all from thence, and emptied Hell? which was in those dayes a great question: and gave occasion to that speech of Gregory Nazianzen. [...] Greg Nazianz orat. 42. quae est 2. in Pascha. If hee descend into Hell, goe thou downe with him (namely in contemplation and meditation) learne the mysteries of Christs doings there, what the dispensation and what the reason was of his double descent (to wit, from heaven unto earth, & from earth unto hell:) whether at his appearing he simply saved all, or there also such only as did beleeve. What Clemēs Alexandrinus his opinion was herein, every one knoweth, that [...], etc. Clem. Alexandr. lib. 6. Strom. our Lord descended for no other cause into Hell, but to preach the Gospell; and that [...] (leg. [...]. Ibid. such as lived a good life before the time of the Gospell, whether Iewes or Grecians, although they were in hell and in durance, yet hearing the voyce of our Lord (eyther from himselfe immediatly or by the working of his Apostles) were presently converted and did beleeve: in a word, that [...], Ibid. in Hell things were so ordred, that evē there all the soules, having heard this preaching might eyther shew their repentance, or acknowledge their punishment to be just, because they did not beleeve. Hereupon, when Celsus the Philosopher [Page 275] made this objection concerning our Saviour: [...]. Cels. Surely you will not say of him, that when hee could not perswade those that were heere, hee went unto Hell to perswade those that were there. Origen, the scholler of Clemens, sticketh not to returne unto him this answere. [...]. Origen. lib. 2. contra Celsum. Whether he will or no, wee say this, that both being in the bodie hee did perswade, not a few, but so many that for the multitude of those that were perswaded by him he was layd in wayt for: and after his soule was separated from his body, hee had conference with soules separated from their bodies; converting of them unto himselfe such as would, or such as he discerned to bee more fit for reasons best knowne unto himselfe.
The like effect of Christs preaching in Hell, is delivered by Anastas Sinait. vel Nicaen. quaest 111. Anastasius Sinaita, Iobius, de V [...]rbo inca [...]natio lib 9. cap. 38. in Photij Bibliothecâ, volum. 222. Iobius or Iovius, Io. Damascen. de Or [...]hodoxâ fide, lib. 3. cap ult. & in Serm. de Defunct. Damascen, Oecumen. in 1. Petr. 3. Oecumenius, Mich. Glyc. part. 2. Annalium. Michael Glycas, and his transcriber Theodor. Metochit. in Historiâ Romanâ, á Meursio nuper editâ: quae ex Glycâ tota est de sumpta. Theodorus Metochites. Procopius saith; that [...]. Procop. in Esai. cap. 42. hee preached to the spirits that were in Hell, restrayned in the prison house, releasing them all from the bonds of necessity. wherein he followeth S. Cyrill of Alexandria, writing upon the same place, Quòd spiritibus in inferno praedicatum abierit, & detentis in domo custodiae apparuerit Christus, & omnes vinculis liberaverit, & necessitate, & poenâ, & supplicio Cyrill. Ale [...]andr. fin. lib. 3. in Esai. cap. 42. that Christ went to preach to the spirits in Hell, and appeared to them that were detayned in the prison house; and freed them all f [...]om bonds and necessitie, and paine, and punishment. The same S. Cyrill in his Paschall homilies affirmeth more directly, that our Saviour [...]. Id. Homil. Paschal. 20. entring into the lowermost dennes of Hell, and [Page 276] preaching to the spirits that were there; [...]. Id. hom. 11. emptied that unsatiable denne of death, [...]. Id. hom. 6. spoyled Hell of spirits, and having thus [...]. Id. homil. 7. spoyled all Hell, left the Divell there solitarie and alone. Nam Christo ad inferos descendente, non sanctorum animae tantùm liberatae sunt inde; sed omnes adeò priùs in Diaboli errore, & simulachro [...]ū cultu servitutem servientes, aucti agnitione Dei, salutem sunt consecuti: quare & gratias agebant, Deum laudantes. Andronic. Dialog. contra Iudaeos, cap. 60. For when Christ descended into Hell, sayth Andronicus, not onely the soules of the Saints were delivered from thence; but all those that before did serve in the error of the Divell and the worship of idols, being enriched with the knowledge of God, obtayned salvation: for which also they gave thankes, praysing God. Whereupon the author of one of the sermons upon the Ascension, fathered upon S. Chrysostom, bringeth in the Divell complayning, that the sonne of Mary, Omnibus, qui jam inde ab initio apud me fuerant, tanquam accipiter celeriter advolans, abrep [...]is; desertum me reliquit. Chrysost. in Ascens. Domini, serm. 8. á Ger. Vossio edit. having taken away from him all those that were with him from the verie beginning, had left him desolate. whereas the true Chrysostom doth at large confute this fond opinion: censuring the maintayners thereof, as the [...]. Chrysost. in Matth. cap. 11. homil. 36. edit. Graec. vel 37. Latin. bringers in of old wives conceytes and Iewish fables. Yea Alij sunt haeretici, qui dicunt Dominum in infernum descendisse, & omnibus post mortem etiam ibidem renunciâsse (se nunciâsse, corrigendum est ex Gregorio) ut confitentes ibidē salvarentur. Philastr. Bri [...]ciens. de Haeresib. ca [...]. 74. Philastrius, & S. Alia (haeresis) descendente ad inferos Christo credidisse incredulos, & omnes inde existimat liberatos. Augustin. de Haeresib. cap. 79. Augustin out of him, doth brand such for hereticks: whose testimonie also is urged by S. Gregory against George and Theodore, two of the clergie of Constantinople; who held in his time (as many others did before and after them) that Omnipotentem Dominum salvatorem nostrum Iesum Christū ad inferos descendentē, omnes qui illic confiterentur eū Deū, salvâsse at (que) á poenis debitis libe [...]âsse Vid. Gregor. lib. 6. epist. 15. & in Euangel. hom. [...]2. our omnipotent Lord and Saviour Iesus Christ descending into Hell, did save all those vvho there confessed him to be God, and did deliver them from [Page 277] the paines that were due unto them. and when Clement our countryman, about 150. years after, did renue that old error in Germanie, that Qui contra fidem sanctorū contendit, dicens; quòd Christus filius Dei descendens ad inferos, omnes quos inferni carcer detinuit inde liberâsset, credulos & incredulos, laudatores Dei simul & cultores idolorum. Bonifa [...]. Moguntin. ad Zachariā P. e [...]ist. 135. the sonne of God descending into Hell delivered from thence all such as that infernall prison did detayne, beleevers and unbeleevers, praysers of God and worshippers of idols: the Dominum Iesum Christū descendentem ad inferos, omnes pios & impios exinde praedicat abstraxisse, ab omni sit sacerdotali officio nudatus, & anathematis vinculo obligatus; pariter (que) Dei judicio condemnatus, vel omnis qui ejus sacrilegis consenserit praedicationibus. S [...]nod. Romana sub Zachariâ P. an. 745. ha [...]ita: Ibid. & Concilior tom. 3. Romane Synod held by Pope Zacharie condemned him and his followers for it.
But to leave Clemens Scotus, and to returne unto Clemens Alexandrinus, at whom Philastrius may seeme to have aymed specially: it is confessed by our Adversaries, that he fell into this error, partly being Deceptus fuit superficie verborū Petri; quem non animadvertit longé distinctiù loqui, at (que) primâ facie videatur. Henric. Vicus, d [...] D [...]s [...]ens. Christi ad inferos. sect. 43. deceived with the superficiall consideration of the wordes of S. Pet [...]r, touching Christs preaching to the spirits in prison, Delusus authoritate Hermetis, putat Christū euangeliū praedicâsse damnatis, & eorum aliquos liberâsse, qui ex gentilibus sancté vixerant. Alphons. Mendoz. in Controvers. Theologic. quaest. 1. positiv. sect. 4 secu [...]us And [...]adium lib. 2. Defens fidei Tridentinae. 1. Pet. 3.19. partly being deluded with the authority of Hermes, the supposed scholler of S. Paul; by whose [...]. He [...]mes in Past [...]re, lib. 3. simili [...]ud. 9. Citatur á Clemen. Al [...]xandrino, lib. 2. Stromat. dreames he was perswaded to beleeve, that not onely Christ himselfe, but his Apostles also did descend into Hell, to preach there unto the dead & to baptize them. But touching the wordes of S. Peter is the maine doubt: whether they are to bee referred unto Christs preaching by the ministerie of Noë unto the world of [Page 278] the ungodly; or unto his owne immediate preaching to the spirits in Hell after his death upon the Crosse. For seeing it was the spirit of Christ which spake in the Prophets, (as S. 1. Pet. 1.11. Peter sheweth in this same Epistle) and among them was Noë 2. Pet. 2.5. a preacher of righteousnesse (as hee declareth in the next:) even as in S. Paul, Christ is sayd to have Ephes. 2.17. come and preached to the Ephesians, namely by his spirit in the mouth of his Apostles; so likewise in S. Peter may he be sayd to have gone and preached to the old world, Nehem. 9.30. Zachar. 7.12. 1. Sam. 23.2. by his spirit in the mouth of his Prophets (and of Noë in particular) when God having said that his Spirit Genes. 6.3. should not alwayes strive with man, because he was flesh, did in his long suffering wait the expiration of the time which he then did set for his amendment, even an hundred and twentie yeares. For which exposition the Aethiopian Translation maketh something: where the Spirit, by which Christ is sayd to have beene quickned and to have preached, is by the Interpreter termed Manphes Kades, that is, the Holy Spirit. the addition of which epithet wee may observe also to bee used by S. Paul in the mention of the resurrection, and by S. Luke in the matter of the preaching of our Saviour Christ. for of the one we read, Rom. 1.4. that he was declared to be the Sonne of God, with power, according to the Spirit of Holinesse, (or, the most holy Spirit) by the Resurrection from the dead. and of the other, Act. 1.2. that hee gave commandements to the Apostles by the holy Spirit.
Thus doth S. Hierome relate, that Vir prudentissimus. Hiero [...]ym. lib. 15. in Esai. cap. 54. a most prudent man (for so he termeth him) did understand this place: Praedicavit spiritibus in carcere constitutis, quando Dei patientia expectabat in diebus Noë, diluviū impijs inferens. Jbid. He preached to the spirits put in prison; when the patience of God did wayte in the dayes of Noë, bringing in the flood upon the wicked. as if this preaching were then performed, [Page 279] when the patience of God did expect the conversion of those wicked men in the dayes of Noë. S. Augustine more directly, wisheth us to Considera tamen ne fortè totum illud, quod de conclusis in carcere spiritibus, qui in diebus Noë nō crediderāt, Petrus Apostolus dicit, omnino ad inferos non pertineat; sed ad il [...]a potiùs tempora, quorum formam ad haec tempora translit. August. [...]p 99 consider, least happily all that which the Apostle Peter speaketh of the spirits shut up in prison, which beleeved not in the dayes of Noë, pertaine nothing at all unto Hell, but rather to those times which hee compareth as a patterne with our times. For Christ (sayth he) Quoniam priusquàm veniret in carne pro nobis moriturus, quod semel fecit, saepè anteà veniebat in spiritu ad quos volebat, visis eos admonens sicut volebat utique in spiritu; quo spiritu & vivificatus est, cùm in passione esset carne mortificatus. Ibid. before ever hee came in the flesh to die for us, which once he did, came often before in the spirit to such as hee pleased, admonishing them by visions in the spirit as hee pleased: by which spirit hee was also quickened, when in his passion hee was mortified in the flesh. Venerable Bede, and Walafridus Strabus in the Ordinarie Glosse after him, set downe their mindes herein yet more resolutely. Qui nostris temporibus in carne veniens iter vitae mundo praedicavit, ipse etiam ante diluvium eis qui tunc increduli erant & carnaliter vivebant, spiritu veniens praedicavit. Ipse enim per spiritum sanctum erat in Noë, caeterisque qui tunc fuere sanctis; & per eorum bonam conversationem, pravis illius aevi hominibus, ut ad meliora converterentur praedicavit. Bed. in 1. Pe [...]. 3. & Gloss. ordinar. ibid. He who in our times comming in the flesh, preached the way of life unto the world, even he himselfe also before the flood, comming in the spirit preached unto them, which then were unbeleevers and lived carnally. For by his holy spirit hee was in Noë, and the rest of the holy men which were at that time; and by their good conve [...]sation, preached to the wicked men of that age, that they might bee converted to a better course of life. The same exposition is followed by Anselmus Laudunensis in the Interlineary Glosse, Thom. 3. part. Sum. quaest. 52. artic. [...]. ad 3. Thomas Aquinas in his Summe, and diverse others in their Commentaries upon this place. Yea since the Councell of Trent, and in a booke written in defence of the faith of Trent, Doctor Andradius professeth that hee thinketh this to [Page 280] bee the plaine meaning of the place. In quo spiri [...]u jam olim ipse veniens (ne nunc primùm Eccl [...]siae curā eum suscepisse arbitraremur) praedicavit spiritibus illis, qui nunc in carcere meritas jam infidelitatis suae poenas luunt; quippe qui Noë [...]ecta monenti, & arcam Dei jussu construenti, fidem habere nunquàm voluerunt, quamvis Dei illos patientia diutissimè, hoc est, centum aut eo ampliùs annos expectaret. Andrad. Defens. Tridentinae fidei, lib. 2. In which spirit he himselfe long since comming (that we may not imagine, that hee now first undertooke the care of his Church) did preach unto those spirits, which now in prison doe suffer the d [...]served paines of their infidelitie; forasmuch as they would not beleeve Noë giving them good counsaile, and building the Arke by Gods appointment, notwi [...]hstanding the patience of God did wayt for them very long, to wit, a hundred yeares or more. which accordeth fully with that interpretation of S. Peters words, which is delivered by the learned of our side. In which spirit hee had gone and preached [...]o them that now are spirits in prison: because they disobeyed when the time was: when the patience of God once wayted in the dayes of Noë, vvhile the Arke was a preparing. (1. Pet. 3.19, 20.)
But there were diverse apocryphall scriptures and traditions afoot in the ancient Church, which did so possesse mens mindes with the conceite of Christs preaching in Hell, that they never sought for anie further meaning in S. Peters words. as that sentence especially, which was fathered upon the Prophet Esay or Ieremy; and from whence, if Cardinall Bellarm. lib. 4. de Christo, c [...]p. 13. Bellarmines wisedome may be heard, it is credible that S. Peter tooke his words. namely: [...]. Citatur á Iustino Mart. in Dialog. cum Tryphone: & Irenaeo, lib. 3. cap. 23. lib. 4. cap. 39. & lib. 5. cap. 31. The Lord the holy one of Israel remembred his dead, which slept in the earth of their graves; and descended to them, to preach unto them his salvation. and that blinde tradition, which Anastasius Sindita doth thus lay downe, immediatly after his citation of S. Peters text. [...]. Anast. Sin. vel Nican. qu. 111. It is now related among the old traditions, [Page 281] that a certaine Scholler using many opprobrious speeches against Plato the philosopher; Plato appeared unto him in his sleepe, and said. Man, forbeare to use opprobrious speeches against mee: for thereby thou hurtest thy selfe. That I was a sinfull man I doe not denie: but when Christ descended into Hell, in verie deede none did beleeve in him before my selfe. Nicetas Serronius reciteth this out of the histories of the Fathers: Hoe de Platone commemoratur: quod credendum sit necne, auditoribus judicandum relinquo. Nicet. commentar. in Gregor. Nazianz orat. 2. de Pascha. which whether it bee to bee beleeved or no, I leave (saith he) to be judged by the hearers. as if any great matter of judgement should be requisite, for the discerning of this to be (as Bellarmine doth censure it) Quare inter fabulas numeranda est illa narratio, quam in historijs Patrum circumferri dicit Nicetas, etc. Haec quidem fabula est, Bellarm. lib. 4 de Christo, cap. 16. a fable, or (as Dionysius Carthusianus before him) Istud inter Apocryphorū computandū est somnium. Dionys. Carthusian. in 1. Pet. 3. an apocryphall dreame. The like stuffe is that also which was vented heeretofore unto the world in the apocryphall gospell of Nicodemus. to say nothing of that sentence which is read in the old Latin edition of the booke of Ecclesiasticus; Penetrabo omnes inferiores partes terrae, & inspiciā omnes dormiē tes, & illuminabo omnes sperantes in Domino. vel ut ab authore Operis imperfecti in Matth. (inter opera Chrysostomi) homiliâ 4 citatur. Descendā ad inferiores partes terrae, & visitabo omnes dormientes, & illuminabo sperantes in Deum. Ecclesiastic. 24.45. I will pearce all the lower-most parts of the earth, and behold all that are asleepe, and enlighten all them that hope in the Lord. which although it be not now to be found in the Greeke originall, and hath perhaps another meaning then that to which it is applied; yet is it made by the author of the imperfect worke upon Matthew one of the chiefe inducements, which ledd him to thinke that our Saviour descended into Hell, to visite there the soules of the righteous.
The tradition that of all others deserveth greatest consideration, is the article of the Creed touching Christs descent into Hell: which Gilbert. Genebrard. lib. 3. de Trinitate. Genebrard affirmeth to have beene so hatefull to the Arrians, that, as Ambrose reporteth upon the fifth Chapter of the epistle to [Page 282] the Romanes, they struck it quite out of the verie Creed. But neither is there the least footstep of any such matter to be seene in S. Ambrose: and it sufficiently appeareth otherwise, that the Arrians did not onely adde this article unto their Creedes, but also set it forth and amplified it with many wordes; so farre off were they, from being guiltie of suppressing it. For as the Fathers of the first generall Councell, held in the yeare of our Lord CCCXXV. at Nice in Bithynia, did publish a Creed against the Arrians: so the Arrians on the other side, in the yeare CCCLIX. set out a Creed of their owne making, in a Synod purposely kept by them at Nice in Thracia, Sozomen. lib. 4. hist. cap. 18. that by the ambiguitie of the Councells name, the simpler sort might be more easily induced, to mistake this Nicene for that other Catholick Nicene Creed. And whereas the true Nicene fathers had in their Creed omitted the article of the descent into Hell (which, as we shall afterwards heare out of Ruffinus, was not to be had in the Symbols of the Easterne Churches:) these bastard fatherlings in their Nicene Creed, did not onely insert this clause, [...]. Theodoret. lib. 2. hist. cap. 21. Hee descended to the places under the earth; but added also for further amplification, Whom Hell it selfe trembled at. The like did they (with the words a little altered) in another [...]. Athanas. in epist. de Synodis Arimini & Selenciae. Socrat. lib. 2. hist. cap. 41. edit. [...]raec. vel 32. Latin. Creed set out in a Conventicle gathered at Constantinople: and in a third Creed likewise (framed by them at Sirmium and confirmed the same yeare in their great Councell at Ariminum) they put it in with a more large augmentation, after this maner. [...]. Athanas. ibid. Socrat. lib. 2. cap. 37. edit. Graec. vel 29. Laetin. The speech is taken from Iob 38 17. in the Septuagint. He descended to the places under the earth, and disposed things there; vvhom the keepers of Hell gates seeing, shooke for feare. If therefore any fault were committed in the omission of this article; it should touch the Orthodoxe Fathers of Nice [Page 283] and Constantinople rather: whom the Constat ex hoc, nihil esse de Symbolo Apostolorum subtrahendum. Subtractum tamen est illud: Descendit ad inferos. Verùm qui detraxerūt, id non negabant ne (que) cum veritate pugnabant. Ioann. F [...] roli viensi [...] episc. in Session. 10. Concil. Ferrar. Latines, disputing with the Grecians in the Councell of Ferrara, do directly charge with subtracting this article from the Apostles Creed; although they free them from blame in so doing, because they that tooke it away (say they) did not denie it, nor fight against the truth.
But first they should have shewed, that the Fathers of Nice and Constantinople did finde this article of Christs descent into Hell in the Apostles Creed: before they excused them from taking it away from thence. For the Creed of the Councell of Constantinople (which cōmonly goeth under the name of the Nicene Creed) being nothing else but an explanation & a more ample inlargement of the Creed Apostolicall; yea and so fully expressing the same, that it selfe hath beene heretofore Epiphaen. in [...]. pag. 518. [...]. accounted and In Misiâ Latinâ antiquâ, [...] dit. Argentin. an. 1557. pag. 41. post [...]ecitatū Symbolum Constantinopolit. subijcitur. Finito Symbolo Apostolorum dicat Sacerdos. Dominus vobiscū. named the Apostles Creed: it is not to be thought that it would leave out any article eyther unexplained or altogether unnamed, which was then commonly beleeved to have beene any parcell of the Creed received from the Apostles. Adde hereunto the ingenuous confession of Busaeus the Iesuite, in his positions touching Christs descent into Hell. Beatus Cyprianus, vel potiùs Ruffinus, in expositione symboli negat hunc articulū legi in Ecclesiae Romanae Symbolo, & Orientis Ecclesijs: et vetustissimi patres quidā, dum vel summam fidei Christianae, vel symbolum Apostolicū exponunt, hoc dogma praetermiserunt. Quando autem insertum s [...]t Symbolo, certé constitui non potest. Io. Busae. de descensu Christi [...]ad inferos, Thes. 33. S. Cyprian, or Ruffinus rather, in his exposition of the Creed denyeth that this article is read in the Creed of the Church of Rome, or the Churches of the East: and some of the most ancient Fathers, while either they gather up the summe of the Christian faith, or expound the Creed of the Apostles, have omitted this point of doctrine. But at what time it was inserted in the Creed, it cannot certainely bee determined. The first particular Church that is knowne to have [Page 284] inserted this article into her Creeed, is that of Aquileia: which added also the attributes of Omnipotentem.] His additur: Invisibilē & impassibilē. Sciendū quoòd duo isti sermones in Ecclesiae Romanae symbolo non habētur Constat autem apud nos additos haereseos causâ Sabelij. Ruffin. in exposit. Symb. invisible and impassible, unto God the Father almightie in the beginning of the Creed; as appeareth by Ruffinus, who Nos tamen illum ordinem sequimur, quē in Aquileiensi Ecclesiâ per lavacri gratiam suscepimus Id. ibid. framed his exposition of the Creed according to the order used in that Church. But whether any other Church in the world for 500. yeares after Christ, did follow the Aquileians in putting the one of these additions to the Apostolicall Creed, more then the other; can hardly, I suppose, bee shewed by any approved testimonie of antiquitie. Cardinall Bellarmine noteth, that S. Augustinus in libro de Fide & Symbolo, & quatuor libris de Symbolo ad Catechumenos, non meminit hujus partis, cùm totum Symbolum quinquies. exponat. B [...]llarm. de Christo, lib. 4. cap. 6. Augustine in his booke de Fide & Symbolo, and in his foure bookes de Symbolo ad Catechumenos, maketh no mention of this part, when hee doth expound the whole Creed fiue seuerall times. Nay Petrus Chrysologus, who was archbishop of Ravenna 450. years after Christ, doth Pe [...]r. Chrysolog. serm. 57.58.59.60.61.62 six severall times goe over the exposition of the Creed: and yet never medleth with this article. The like also may be observed in Maxim. Homil. d [...] traditione Symboli. Maximus Taurinensis his exposition of the Creed. For as for the two Tom. 5. Oper. Ch [...]ysost. Latin. Latin expositions thereof that go under the name of S. Chrysostom (the latter whereof hath it, the former hath it not) and the o [...]hers that are found in the tenth Tome of S Augustins works among the Sermons de Tempore (S [...]rm. de Tempore, 115.131.181 195. foure of which doe repeat it, & Serm. 119. & 123. two doe omitt it:) because the authors of them, together with the time wherein they were written, be altogether unknowne; they can bring us little light in this inquiry.
Neyther is there heereby any whit more derogated from the credit of this article, then there is from others, whose authority is acknowledged to bee undoubted [Page 285] and [...]eyond all exception: as namely that of our Saviours death, and the Communion of Saints. the one whereof as sufficiently implied in the article of the Crucifixion as a consequent, or the buriall as a necessarie antecedent thereof, the other as virtually contayned in the article of the Church; wee finde omitted not in the Constantinopolitan Symboll alone, and in the ancient Apostolicall Creeds expounded by Ruffinus, Maximus, and Chrysologus, but also in those that are extant in Fortunat. lib. 11. num. 1. in Exposit. Symbol. Venantius Fortunatus 580. and in Ether et Beat. lib. 1. contra Elipandū Tol [...]tan. pag. 51. edit. Ingo [...]sta [...]. Etherius and Beatus, 785. yeares after Christ. In all which likewise may bee noted, that the title of Maker of heaven and earth is not given to the Father in the beginning of the Creed: which out of the Creed of Constantinople wee see is now every where added thereunto. Of which additions as there is now no question any where made: so Descensum ad inferos nūc, consentientibus sectarijs, inter germanos Symboli Apostolici articulos numeramus. Io. Busaeus, de descens. thes. 33. by the consent of both sides, this of the descent into Hell also, is now numbred among the articles of the Apostles Creed. For the Act. 2.27 31. Scripture having expressely testified, that the prophecie of the Psalmist, Psalm. 16.10. Thou shalt not leave my soule in Hell, was verified in Christ; S. Augustins conclusion must necessarily be inferred thereupon. Quis ergo nisi infidelis negaverit fuisse apud Inferos Christum? Augustin. epist. 99. Who therefore but an Infidell will denie that Christ was in Hell? Thus Ac primùm omnes cōveniunt, quòd Christus aliquo modo ad. inferos descenderit. etc. At quaestio tota est de explicatione hujus articuli. Bellarm. de Christo. lib. 4. cap. 6. all agree, that Christ did some maner of way descend into Hell: saith Cardinall Bellarmine. But the whole question is touching the exposition of this article. The common exposition which the Romish Divines give thereof, is this: that by Hell is here understood, In 3. Sent. dist. 22. D. Thom. Bonavent. Richard. Gab. Palud. & Marsil. quaest. 13. & reliqui in hoc cōveniūt, quòd ad locū damnatorū non descendit. Fr. Suarez tom. 2. in 3. part. Thom. disp. 43. sect. 4. Non descendit ad inferos reproborum ac in perpetuum damnatorum, quoniam ex eo nulla est redemptio: igitur ad eum locum descendit, qui vel Sinus Abrahae, vel cōmuniter Limbus Patrum appellatur. Fr. Feuardent Dialog. 6. contr. Calvinian. pag. 509 edit. Colon. not that place wherein the wicked are [Page 286] tormented, but the bosome of Abraham, wherein the godly Fathers of the old Testament rested; for whose deliverie from thence they say our Saviour tooke his journey thither. But S. Augustin in that same place, wherein he counteth it a point of infidelitie to denie the going of Christ into Hell, gain sayeth this exposition thereof: professing that he could finde the name of Hell no where given unto that place wherein the soules of the righteous did rest. Qua propter si in illum Abrahae sinum Christum mortuum venisse sancta scriptura dixisset, non nominato inferno ejusque doloribus: miror si quisquā ad inferos eum descendisse asserere auderet. Sed quia evidentia testimonia & infernū commemorant & dolores; nulla caussa occurrit, cur illò credatur venisse salvator, nisi ut ab ejus doloribus salvos faceret. August. ep. 99. Wherefore (saith he) if the holy Scripture had said, that Christ being dead did come unto the bosome of Abraham, not having named Hell and the paines thereof: I marvayle vvhether any would have beene so bold, as to have avouched that Christ descended into Hell. But because evident testimonies doe make mention both of Hell and paines: I see no cause, why our Saviour should be beleeved to have come thither, but that he should deliver men from the paines thereof. And Vnde illis justis qui in sinu Abrahae erant, cùm ille in inferna descenderet, nondum quid contulisset inveni; á quibus eum secundùm beatificam praesentiam suae divinitatis nunquam video recessisse. Id. ibid. therefore, what benefite he brought unto those just men that were in the bosome of Abraham, when he did descend into Hell, I have not yet found. Thus farre S. Augustin.
For the better understanding of this, wee are to call unto minde that saying of the [...]. Plutarch. in lib. de Jside & Osiride. Philosophers: that they who do not learne rightly to understand words, use to be deceived in the things themselves. It wil not be amisse therefore, to consider somewhat of the name of Hell: that the [...]. Plato, in Cratylo. nature of the word being rightly understood, wee may the better conceive the truth of the thing that is signified thereby. Wee are to know then first of our English word Hell, that the originall thereof is by diverse men delivered diversly. Some derive it from the [Page 287] Hebrew word Sheol: eyther subtracting the first letter, or including it in the aspiration. For Adeò autē cognatio est huic literae, id est S, cū aspiratione; quòd pro eâ in quibusdam dictionibus solebant Boeoti pro S, H scribere Muha pro Musa dicentes. Priscian. lib. 1. this letter S (saith Priscian) hath such an affinitie with the aspiration; that the Boeotians in some words were wont to write H for S, saying Muha for Musa. Others bring it from the Greeke word [...], which signifieth a lake: others from the English hole, as signifying a pit-hole; others from hale, as noting the place that haleth or draweth men unto it. Some say, that in the old Saxon or German, Hel signifieth deepe; whether it bee high or low. But the derivation given by R [...]ch. Ve [...]sl [...]g. Restitution of English antiquiti [...]s, chap. 7. Verstegan is the most probable; from being helled over, that is to say, hidden or covered. For in the old German tongue (from whence our English was extracted) Vid. Goldasti animadvers. in Winsbekij Paraeneses, pag. 400. Hil signifieth to hide: and Hiluh in Otfridus Wissenburgensis; is hidden. And in this countrey, with them that retayne the ancient language which their forefathers brought with them out of England, to hell the head, is as much as to cover the head: and hee that covereth the house with tile or slate, is from thence commonly called a hellier. So that in the originall propriety of the word, our Hell doth exactly answere the Greeke [...], which denoteth [...], the place which is unseene or removed from the sight of man.
Wee are in the second place therefore to observe, that the tearme of Hell, beside the vulgar acception, wherein it signifieth that which Luke 16.28. is called the place of torment; is, in the Ecclesiasticall use of the word, extended more largely to expresse the Greeke word Hádes and the Latin Inferi, & whatsoever is contayned under them. Concerning which S. Augustine giveth this note: Varié in Scripturis & sub intellectu multiplici, sicut re [...]um de quibus agitur sensus exigit, nomen ponitur inferorum. Augustin. quaest. super Numer. cap. 29. The name of Hell is variously put in Scriptures, and in many meanings, according as the sense of [Page 288] the things which are entreated of doth require. and Master Casaubon (who understood the propertie of Greeke and Latin wordes as well as any) this other. Qui [...] proprié sedem damnatorum esse existmant, non minùs hallucinantur, quàm illi qui cùm legunt agunt apud Latinos scriptores, Inferos, de eodem loco interpretantur. Casaub. in Gregor. Nyssen. epist. ad Eustath. Ambros. & Basiliss. no [...]. 116. They who thinke that HADES is properly the seate of the damned, be no lesse deceaved, then they who, when they read INFEROS in Latin writers, doe interpret it of the same place. The lesse cause have wee to wonder, that Hell in the Scripture should bee made the place of all the dead in common, and not of the wicked onely. as in Psalm. 89.47, 48. Remember how short my time is: wherefore hast thou made all men in vaine? What man is hee that liveth, and shall not see death? shall hee deliver his soule from the hand of HELL? and Esai. 38.18, 19. HELL cannot prayse thee, death cannot celebrate thee: they that goe downe into the pit cannot hope for thy truth. The LIVING, the LIVING, hee shall prayse thee, as I doe this day. Where the opposition betwixt Hell and the state of life in this world is to be observed. Now as the common condition of the dead is considerable three maner of wayes, eyther in respect of the body separated from the soule, or of the soule separated from the bodie, or of the whole man indefinitely considered in this state of separation: so do we finde the word Hádes (which by the Latins is rendred Infernus or Inferi, and by the English, Hell) to be applied by the ancient Greek interpreters of the old Testament to the common state and place of the bodie severed from the soule, by the heathen Greekes to the common state and place of the soule severed from the bodie, and by both of them to the common state of the dead, and the place proportionably correspondent to that state of dissolution. And so the Doctors of the Church, speaking in the same language which they learned both from the sacred [Page 289] and the forraine writers, are accordingly found to take the word in these three severall significations.
Touching the first we are to note, that both the Septuagint in the Old Testament, and the Apostles in the Act. 2.27. 1. Cor. 15.55. New, doe use the Greeke word [...] HADES (and answerably thereunto the Latin Interpreters the word Infernus or Inferi, and the English the word Hell) for that which in the Hebrew text is named [...] SHEÓL: on the other side, where in the New Testament the word HADES is used, there the ancient Syriack translator doth put [...] Shejul in steed thereof. Now the Hebrew Sheol (and so the Chaldy, Syriack and Aethiopian words which draw their originall from thence) doth properly denote the interior parts of the earth, that lye hidden from our sight; namely whatsoever tendeth downeward from the surface of the earth unto the center thereof. In which respect we see that the Scripture describeth Sheol to be a deepe place; and opposeth the depth thereof unto the heighth of Heaven. (Iob. 11.8. Psalm. 139.8. Amos 9.2.) Againe, because the bodies that live upon the surface of the earth, are corrupted within the bowells thereof; Ecclesiast. 12.7. Iob. 34.15. the dust returning to the earth as it was: therefore is this word commonly put for the state and the place wherein dead bodies do rest, and are disposed for corruption. And in this respect wee finde that the Scripture doth oppose Sheol not only unto Heaven, but also unto this land of the living wherein we now breathe. (Esai. 38.10, 11. Ezech. 32.27.) the surface of the earth being the place appointed for the habitation of the living; the other parts ordayned to be the chambers of death. Thus they that are in the graves (Ioh. 5.28.) are said to sleepe in the dust of the earth (Dan. 12.2.) The Psalmist, in [Page 290] his prophesie of our Saviours humiliation, tearmeth it the dust of death: (Psal. 22.15.) which the Chaldee Paraphrast expoundeth [...] the house of the grave; interpreting Sheol after the selfe same maner, in Psa. 31.18. & 89.49. R. Mardochai Nathan in his Hebrew Concordance, giveth no other interpretation of the word [...] Sheol, but only [...], or, the grave. R. Abraham Aben-Ezra in his commentary upon those words, Genes. 37.35. I will goe downe into Sheól unto my sonne mourning; writeth thus. [...] Aben Ezra, in Genes. 37. Here the Translator of the erring persons (he meaneth the Vulgar Latin translation used by the Christians) erreth, in translating Sheól Hell or Gehenna: for behold, the signification of the word is [...] or the grave. for proofe whereof he alledgeth divers place of Scripture. Where by the way you may note, that in the last edition of the Masoriticall and Rabbinicall Bible, printed by Bombergius, both this and diverse other passages elsewhere have beene cut out by the Romish Correctors: which I wish our Buxtorfius had understood, when he followed that mangled and corrupted copie in his late renewed edition of that great worke. R. Salomo Iarchi, writing upon the same words, Gen. 37.35. saith, that [...] Salom. Iarchi, in Genes. 37. according to the literall sense, the interpretation thereof is the Grave: (In my mourning I will be buried, and I will not be comforted all my dayes:) but after the Midrash or Allegoricall interpretation, it is Gehenna. In like maner, R. David Kimchi expounding that place, Psal. 9.17. The wicked shall turne into Hell, and all the nations that forget God; acknowledgeth, that by the Derash or Elias in Tisc [...]bi, [...]erb. [...]. Allegoricall exposition, into Hell is as much to say, as into Gehenna: but according to the literall meaning he expoundeth it, [...] into the grave; intimating withall, that the Prophet [...] Kimchi in Ps. 9. useth here the terme of [Page 291] turning or returning, with reference to that sentence, Gen. 3.19. Dust thou art, and unto dust shalt thou returne.
Out of which observation of Kimchi wee may further note, that the Hebrewes, when they expound Sheol to be the grave, do not meane so much thereby an artificial grave (to wit, a pit digged in the earth, or a tomb raysed above ground) as a naturall sepulchre: such as the Poët speaketh of in that verse; ‘Nec tumulum curo, sepelit natura relictos.’ and Seneca in his Controversies. Omnibus natura s [...]pulturam dedit. naufragos idē fluctus qui expulit, sepelit. suffixorum corpora crucibus in sepulturam suam defluunt: eos qui vivi uruntur, poena funerat. Senec. lib. 8. Controvers. 4. Nature hath given a buriall unto all men: such as suffer shipwrack the same wave doth bury, that cast them away; the bodies of such as are crucified dropp away from the Crosses unto their buriall; to such as are burnt alive, their punishment is a funerall. For this is the difference that is made by authors, betwixt burying and interring: that Sepultus intelligitur quoquo modo cō ditus: humatus veró humo cont [...]ctus. Plin. lib. 7. na [...]. hist. cap. 54. he is understood to be buried who is put away in any maner, but hee to be interred who is covered with the earth. Hence different kindes of [...]. Lucianu [...]. de luctu. burialls are mentioned by them, according to the different usages of severall nations: the name of a sepulture being given by them, as well to the Nec dispersis bustis humili sepulturâ crematos. Cicer. Philippic. 14. burning of the bodies of the dead, used of old among the more civill nations; as to the devouring of them by dogges, which was the barbarous custome of the Eam (que) optimam illi censent esse sepulturam. Jd. lib. 1. Tuscul. quaest. Hyrcanians. Therefore [...]. Stobaeus. Diogenes was wont to say, that if the dogges did teare him, he should have an Hyrcanian buriall: and those beasts which were kept for this use, the [...]. Strabo Geograph. lib. 11. Bactrians did terme in their language Sepulchrall [Page 292] dogges; as Strabo relateth out of Onesicritus. So in the Scripture, the Prophet Ionas calleth the belly of the Whale, wherein he was devoured, Ion. 2.2. the belly of Sheol, that is, of Hell or the Grave. For [...]. Basil. Seleuc orat 12. quae in Ionam est 1. Ionas (saith Basil of Seleuciae) was carried in a living grave, and dwelt in a swimming prison; dwelling in the region of death, the common lodge of the dead and not of the living, while he dwelt in that b [...]lly which was the mother of death. and in the prophecie of Ieremy, King Iehojakim is said to bee Ier [...]m. 22.19. buried, (although with the buriall of an asse,) when his carkasse was drawen and cast forth beyond the gates of Ierusalem.
The earth which begetteth all, receiveth all: and hee that wanteth a coffin, hath the welkin for his winding sheet. Magna parens terra est. Ovid. 1. Metam. The earth is our great mother; ‘Lucret. de rernatur. lib. [...].Omniparens, eadem rerum commune sepulcrum.’ the common mother, out of whose wombe as naked we came, so Iob. 1.21. naked shall we returne thither. according to that, in Psalm. 146.4. His spirit goeth forth, he returneth to HIS earth. and Psalm. 104.29. Thou takest away their breath, they die; and returne to THEIR dust. And this is the Sheol, which Iob wayted for, when he said: Iob. 17.13, 14. Sheol or the grave, (for that is the Hell which is meant here: as is confessed not by Lyranus only, but by the Iesuite Pineda also) is mine house; I have made my bedde in the darkenesse. I have said to corruption, Thou art my father: to the vvorme, Thou art my mother, and my sister.
This is that common sepulchre, non factum sed natum, not made by the hand of man, but provided by nature it selfe: betwixt which naturall and artificiall [Page 293] grave these differences may be observed. The artificiall may be appropriated to this man or that man. The Patriarch David is both dead and buried, and his sepulcher is with us unto this day: saith S. Peter, Act. 2.29. and, Yee build the tombes of the Prophets, and garnish the sepulchers of the righteous: saith our Saviour Matth. 23.29. But in the naturall there is no such distinction. It cannot be said, that this is such or such a mans Sheol: it is considered as the common receptacle of all the dead. as wee read in Iob: Iob. 30.23. I knowe that thou wilt bring mee to death, and to the house appointed for all living. Cuilib [...]t enim homini domus pro sepulchro ipsa terra est constituta. Olymp [...]odor. Ca [...]en. Gr [...]c. in I [...]b 30. For to everie man (as Olympiodorus writeth upon that place) the earth it selfe is appointed as a house for his grave. Iob. 3.18.19. There the prisoners rest together (saith Iob) they heare not the voyce of the oppressor. The small and great are there; and the servant, free from his master. Againe, into a made grave a man may enter in alive and come out alive againe (as Joh. 20.6, [...]. Peter and Iohn did into the sepulcher of Christ:) but Sheol eyther findeth men dead when they come into it (which is the ordinarie course) or if they come into it alive (which is Num. 16.30. a new and unwonted thing) it bringeth death upon them; as wee see it fell out in Korah and his complices, who are said to have gone downe alive into Sheol, when the earth opened her mouth, and swallowed them up. (Numb. 16.30.33.) Lastly, as many living men doe goe into the grave made with hands, and yet in so doing they cannot bee said to goe into Sheol (beacuse they come from thence alive againe:) so some dead men also want the honour of such a grave (as it was the case of Gods servants Psal. 79.2.3. Revel 11.8, 9. whose bodies were kept from burial) and yet thereby are not kept from Sheol; which is the way that all flesh must goe to. For all goe unto one place; all are of the dust, [Page 294] and all turne to dust againe. (Ecclesiast. 3.20.) We conclude therefore, that when Sheol is said to signifie the grave; the tearme of grave must bee taken in as large a sense, as it is in that speech of our Saviour, Iohn. 5.28. All that are in the graves shall heare his voyce, and shall come forth; they that have done good, unto the resurrection of life, and they that have done evill, unto the resurrection of damnation. and in Esai. 26.19. according to the Greeke reading: The dead shall rise, and they that are in the graves shall bee raised up. upon which place Origen writeth thus. Sepulchra autem mortuorum in hoc loco, similiter & in multis alijs secundùm ce [...]tiorē Scripturae sensum accipiēda sunt, non solùm ea quae ad depositionem humanorum corporū videntur esse constructa, vel in saxis excisa, aut in terrâ desossa; sed omnis locus in quocun (que) vel integrum humanū corpus, vel ex parte aliquâ jacet: etiā si accidat ut unum corpus per loca multa dispersum sit, absurdum non erit omnia ea loca in quibus pars aliqua corporis jacet, sepulchra corpor [...] ejus dici. Si enim non ita accipiamus resurgere de sepulchris suis mortuos divinâ virtute: qui nequaquam sunt sepulturae mandati, neque in sepulchris depositi, sed sive naufragijs▪ sive in desertis aliquibus defuncti sunt locis, ita ut sepulturae mandari non potuerint; no [...] videbun [...]ur annumerari inter eos, qui de sepulchris resuscitandi dicuntur. Quod uti (que) valde absurdū est. Origen. in Esai. lib. 28. citatu [...] á Pamphilo, v [...]l [...]usebio potiùs, in Apologia pro Origene. In this place and in many others likewise, the graves of the dead are to be understood according to the more certaine meaning of the Scripture, not such onely as wee see are builded for the receiving of mens bodies, eyther cut out in stones or digged downe in the earth: but every place wherein a mans bodie lyeth, eyther entire or in any part, albeit it fell out that one body should be dispersed through many places; it being no absurditie at all, that all those places in which any part of the body lyeth, should bee called the sepulchres of that bodie. For if wee do not thus understand the dead to bee raysed by the power of God out of their graves: they which are not committed to buriall, nor layd in graves, but have ended their life either in shipwrackes or in some desart places, so as they could not be committed to buriall, should not seeme to bee recokoned among them who are said should bee raysed up out of their graves. which would bee a very great absurditie. Thus Origen.
[Page 295]Now you shall heare, if you please, what our Romish Doctors doe deliver touching this point. Duae super hâc questione sunt sententiae. Vna est Hebraeorum, & d [...] Christianis multorum in hâc aetate nostrâ, maximè verò Haereticorum affirmantium vocem Sceol non significare aliud in Scripturâ nisi fossam sive sepulchrum, & ex hoc falso argumentantiū. Dominum nostrum non descendisse ad Infernū. Per [...]. in Genes. 37. sect 92. There be two opinions, saith Pererius upon Genes. 37.35. concerning this question. The one of the Hebrewes, and of many of the Christians in this our age, but especially of the Heretickes, affirming that the word Sheol signifieth nothing else in the Scripture, but the pit or the grave, and from thence reasoning falsly, that our Lord did not descend into Hell. Altera est sententia exploratae certaeque veritatis; vocem Hebrae [...] Sceol, & Latinam ei respondentem Infernus, & in hoc loco Scripturae, & alibi saepenumerò significare non fossam vel sepulchrū, sed locū inferorum, & subterranea loca, in quibus sunt animae post mortē. Ibid. sect. 96. The other opinion is of undoubted and certaine truth: that the Hebrew word Sheol, and the Latin Infernus answering to it, both in this place of Scripture and elsewhere oftentimes doth signifie, not the pit or the grave, but the place of Hell, and the places under the earth wherein the soules are after death. Hebraicè, ubicun (que); Hieronymus ac Septuaginta infernū interpretati sunt, est Sheol, hoc est, fossa sive sepulchrū Neque enim significat cum locum, ubi sceleratorū animas recipi antiquitas opinata est. Aug. Steuch. in Gen. cap. 37. Wheresoever Hi [...] rome (saith Augustinus Steuchus upon the same place) and the S [...]ptuagint have translated Hell, it is in the Hebrewe, Sheol, that is, the pit or the grave. For it doth not signifie that place, wherein Antiquitie hath thought that the soules of the wicked are received. The Hebrew word properly signifieth the grave: saith Iansenius upon Proverb. 15.12. the Grave properly, and Hell onely metaphorically ▪ saith Arias Montanus, in his answere unto Leo á Castro. and, Feré semper Inferni nomen sepulchrum sonat in veteri Testamento. Alphons. Mendoz Controvers. Theologic. quaest. 1. [...]sitiv sect. 5. in the old Testament, the name of Hell doth alwayes almost import the Grave: saith Alphonsus Mendoza. The Iesuite Pineda commendeth one Illud non praeteribo, parùm consideratè (ne graviori inuram notâ) Cyprianū Cisterciensem (virum alioqui doctrinâ & pietate conspicuum) affirmâsse, Sheol, id est, inferos vel infernum in toto veterà Testamento accipi pro sepulchro. Io. Pinea. in Iob. cap. 7. vers. 9. num. 2. Cyprian a Cistercian monke, as a man famous for learning [Page 296] and pietie: yet holdeth him worthie to be censured, for affirming that Sheol or Hell is in all the old Testament taken for the Grave. Another croaking monke (Crocquet they call him) crieth out on the other side, that we shall Et ne vehementiùs sibi placeant ob suum illud Sheol: nunquam efficient ut uno saltem Scripturae loco prolato praeclaram illā interpretationē sepulchri confirment Andr. Crocquet. Caeteches. 19. never be able to prove by the producing of as much as one place of Scripture, that Sheol doth signifie the Grave. Cardinall Bellarmine is a little (and but a verie little) more modest heerein. The Hebrewe Sheol, hee saith, Ordinarié accipitur pro loco animarū subterranco; & vel raró vel nunquam, pro sepulchro. Bella [...]min. lib. 4. de Christo, cap. 10. is ordinarily taken for the place of soules under the earth; and eyther rarely or never, for the grave: but the Greeke Vox [...] significat semper infernum, nunquam sepulchrum. Ibid. cap. 12 word Hades alwayes signifieth Hell, never the grave. But Stapleton will stand to it stoutly, Contra Bezam laté ostendimus, nec [...], nec [...] pro sepulchro unquam, sed pro inferno semper in Scripturis accipi. Stapleton. Antidot in 1. Corinth. 15.55. & Act. 2.27. that neyther Hades nor Sheol is in the Scriptures ever taken for the grave, but alwayes for Hell. Caeterùm pro sepulchro vox infernus, [...], nuuquam accipitur. Sepulchrū Graecé [...], Hebraicé [...] vocatur. Quare & omnes paraphrastae Hebraeorum illam voce [...] [...] explicant per vocem gehennae; urlaté ostendit Genebrardus lib. 3. de Trinitate. Ibid. in Act. 2.27. The word Infernus, Hades, Sheol, saith hee, is never taken for the grave. The grave is called in Greeke [...], in Hebrewe [...]. Wherefore all the Paraphrastes of the Hebrewes also doe expound that word Sheol by the word Gehenna; as Genebrard doth shew at large in his third Booke of the Trinity. Where yet hee might have learned some more moderation from Genebrard himselfe, unto whom hee referreth us: who thus layeth downe his judgement of the matter in the place by him alledged. Quemadmodum in errore versantur qul Sheol nunquam sepulchrū designare contendunt: sic fronte sunt perfrictâ, qui uspiam gehennae regionem negant significare. Genebrard. de Trinitat. lib. 3. As they be in an error who contend that Sheol doth never designe the grave: so have they a shamelesse forehead, who denie that it doth any where signifie the region of the damned or Gehenna.
It is an error therefore in Stapleton (by his owne [Page 297] authors confession) to maintayne that Sheol is never taken for the grave; and in so doing, hee doth but bewray his old wrangling disposition. But least any other should take the shamelesse forehead from him, hee faceth it downe, that all the paraphrastes of the Hebrewes, do interpret Sheol by the word Gehenna. Whereas it is well knowne, that the two Paraphrastes that are of greatest antiquitie and credit with the Hebrewes, Onkelos the interpreter of Moses, and Ionathan ben Vzziel of the Prophets, never translate it so. Beside that of Onkelos, wee have two other Chaldee Paraphrases which expound the harder places of Moses; the one called the Targum of Ierusalem, the other attributed, unto Ionathan: in neyther of of these can wee finde, that Sheol is expounded by Gehenna; but in the latter of them we see it Genes. 37.35. & 44.29. twise expounded by [...] the house of the grave. In the Arabicke interpretations of Moses, where Ibidem (in Genesi, quam cum Commentaerio Arabico MS penes me habeo▪ & D [...]uteron [...]m.) 32.22. the translator out of the Greek hath [...] al-gehim, Hell; there Pentateuch▪ Arabic. ab Erpenio, edi [...]. an 1622. the translator out of the Hebrew putteth [...] al-tharai, which signifieth earth or clay. Pentateuch. Quadrilingue á Iudaeis. Constantinopoli encus. Iacobus Tawosius in his Persian translation of the Pentateuch, for Sheol doth alwaies put Ier apud. Armenios & Turcas terram significat. Gor, that is, the grave. The Chaldee Paraphrase upon the Proverbs keepeth still the word [...] deflected a little from the Hebrew: the Paraphrast upon Iob useth that word Iob. 11.8. & 24.19. & 26.6. thrise, but Iob. 21.13. [...] and Iob. 7.9. & 14.13. & 17.13, 16. [...] (which signifie the grave) in steed thereof five severall times. In Ecclesiastes the word commeth but Ecclesiast. 9.10. once: & there the Chaldee Paraphrast rendreth it [...] the house of the grave. R. Ioseph Coecus doth the like in his paraphrase upon Psalm. 31.17. and 89.48. In Psalm. 141.7. he rendreth it by the simple [...] the grave: but in the 15. and 16. verses of the 49. Psalme, by [...] or Gehenna. And only there, and [Page 298] in Cantic 8.6. is Sheol in the Chaldee paraphrases expounded by Gehenna: whereby if we shall understand the place not of dead bodies (as in that place of the Psalme the Paraphrast maketh expresse mention of the [...] Psal. 49.15. Chald. bodies waxing old or consuming in Gehenna) but of tormented soules (as the Elias in Tisch [...], verb. [...]. Rabbines more commonly doe take it) yet doe our Romanists get little advantage thereby, who would faine have the Sheól into which our Saviour went, be conceived to have beene a place of rest and not of torment, the bosome of Abraham and not Gehenna the seat of the damned.
As for the Greek word Hádes: it is used by Hippocrates to expresse the first matter of things, from which they have their beginning, and into which afterwards being dissolved they make their ending. For having said, that in nature nothing properly may be held to be newly made, or to perish: he addeth this. [...]. Hippocrat. de d [...]a [...]â, sive vi [...]tus ratione, lib. 1. But men do thinke, that what doth grow from Hades into light, is newly made; and what is diminished from the light into Hades, is perished. by light understanding nothing else but the visible structure and existence of things: and by Hádes, that invisible and insensible thing which other Philosophers commonly call [...], Chalcid in Timaum Plato [...]n. Chalcidius the Platonick translateth Sylvam, the Aristotelians more fitly Materiam primam. whence also it is supposed by Casaub. in Baron. exercit. 1. cap. 10. Master Casaubon, that those passages were borrowed, which we meet withall in the bookes that beare the name of Hermes Trismegistus. [...]. Merm. P [...]mandr. serm. 1. In the dissolution of a materiall bodie, the body it selfe is brought to alteration, and the forme which it had is made invisible: [...]. Jd. serm. 8. and so [Page 299] there is a privation of the sense made, not a destruction of the bodies. [...]. Id. serm. 11. I say then that the world is changed, in as much as every day a part thereof is made invisible, but never utterly dissolved. wherewith wee may compare likewise that place of Plutarch in his booke of living privately. Generation [...]. Plutarch. in illud [...]. doth not make any of the things that be, but manifesteth them: neyther is corruption a translation of a thing from being to not being, but rather a bringing of the thing that is dissolved unto that vvhich is unseene. Whereupon men, according to the ancient traditions of their fathers, thinking the sunne to be Apollo, called him Delius and Pythius: (namely from manifesting of things:) and the ruler of the contrary destinie (whether he be a God, or an Angel) they named Hádes; by reason that we, when we are dissolved, doe goe unto an unseene and invisible place. By the Latins this Hádes is termed Dispiter or Diespiter: which name they gave unto this Idem hic Diespiter dicitur, infimus aër, qui est conjunctus terra [...], ubi omnia oriuntur, ubi aboriuntur: quorū quòd finis ortus, Orcus dictus, Varro, de linguâ Latin. lib. 4. cap. 10. lower ayre that is joyned to the earth, vvhere all things have their beginning and ending; quorum quòd finis ortus, Orcus dictus, saith Varro. Terrenam vim omnem atque naturam, Ditem patrem dicunt: quia haec est natura terrae, ut & recidant in eam omnia, & rursus ex eâ orta procedant. Iul. Firmic. Matern. de errore profan. relig. ex Ciceron. lib. 2. de natur. Deor. All this earthly power and nature, saith Iulius Firmicus, they named Ditem patrem; because this is the nature of the earth, that all things doe both fall into it, and taking their originall from thence doe againe proceed out of it. Whence the Earth is brought in, using this speech unto God, in Hermes. [...]. Herm. Minerva Mundi. apud. lo. Stebaum in Eclogis Physicis, pag. 124. I do receive the nature of all things. For I, according as thou hast commanded, doe both beare all things, and receive such as are deprived of life. The use which we make of the testimony [Page 300] of Hippocrates, & those other authorities of the heathen, is to shew, that the Greek Interpreters of the old Testamēt did most aptly assume the word Hádes, to expresse that cōmon state & place of corruption which was signified by the Hebrew Sheol. & therfore in the last verse of the 17. of Iob, where the Greeke maketh mention of descending into Hádes; Paul. Comitol. Caten. Graec. in Iob. 17. ult. Comitolus the Iesuite noteth that S. Ambrose rendreth it, in sepulchrum, into the grave. which agreeth well with the paraphrase that the Greeke Scholiasts make upon that place. An non cō mune est mortalium omniū mori? an non Infernus est omnium domicilium? an non illic omnes suorum laborum exitum invenitunt? Polychronius, vel Olympiodorus, in Catenâ, ibid. Is it not a thing common unto all mortall men, to die? is not Hell (or Hádes) the house of all? doe not all finde there an end of their labours? Yea some doe thinke, that Homer himselfe doth take [...] either for the earth or the grave, in those verses of the eighth of his Iliads.
For Tartarus being cōmonly acknowledged to be a part of Hádes, and to be the very Hell where the wicked spirits are tormented: they thinke the Hell, from whence Homer maketh it to be as farre distant as the heaven is from the earth, can be referred to nothing so fitly as to the Earth or the Grave. It is taken also for a tombe in that place of Pindarus:
Other sacred Kings have gotten a tombe apart by themselves before the houses, or before the gates of the Citie. And therefore we see that [...] is by Suidas in his Lexicon expressely interpreted [...], and by Hesychius, [...], a tombe, or a grave, and in the Greeke Dictionary set out by the Romanists themselves, for the better understanding of the Bible, it is noted, that [...], Orcu [...], Tartarus, sepulchrū. Lexic. Graecolat. in saecro Apparatu Biblior. Regior. edit. Antuerp. an. 1572. Hádes doth not onely signifie that which we commonly call Hell, but the sepulchre or grave also. Of which, because Stapleton and Bellarmine doe denie that any proofe can be brought: these instances following may be considered.
In the booke of Tobi, chap. 3.10. I shall bring my fathers old age with sorrow [...], unto Hell: what can it import else, but that which is in other wordes expressed, chap. 6.14. I shall bring my fathers life with sorrow [...], unto the grave? In the 93. and 113. Psalm. according to the Greeke division, or the 94. and 115. according to the Hebrew; where the Hebrew hath [...] the place of silence (meaning the grave, as our adversaries themselves do grant) there the Greeke hath Hades or Hell. In Esai. 14.19. where the vulgar [...]atin translateth out of the Hebrew; Descenderunt ad fundamenta laci, quasi cadaver putridum, They descended unto the foundations of the lake or pit, as a rotten carkeis: in steed of the Hebrew [...] which signifieth the lake or pit, the Greeke both there and in Esai. 38.18. putteth in Hades or Hell. and on the other side Ezech. 32.21. [Page 302] where the Hebrew saith, The strong among the mightie shall speake to him out of the middest of Sheol or Hell; there the Greeke readeth, [...] or [...], in the depth of the lake or pit: by Hell, lake and pit nothing but the grave being understood; as appeareth by comparing this verse with the five that come after it. So in these places following, where in the Hebrew is Sheol, in the Greeke Hades, in the Latin Infernus or Inferi, in the English Hell: the place of dead bodies, & not of soules is to be understood. Gen. 44.31. We shall bring downe the gray haires of our father with sorrow unto Hell. where no lower Hell can be conceited, into which gray haires may be brought, then the Grave. So 1. King. 2.6. David giveth this charge unto Salomon concerning Ioab: Let not his hoare head goe downe to Hell in peace. and in the ninth verse concerning Shimei: His hoare head bring thou downe to Hell with bloud. Psalm. 141.7. Our bones are scattered at the mouth of Hell. Esai. 14.11. Thy pompe is brought downe to Hell: the worme is spread under thee, and the wormes cover thee. Psal. 6.5. In death there is no remembrance of thee: in Hell who shall give thee thankes? of which there can bee no better paraphrase, then that which is given in Psalm. 88.11, 12. Shall thy loving kindnesse bee declared in the grave? or thy faithfulnesse in destruction? Shall thy wonders bee knowne in the darke? and thy righteousnesse in the land of forgetfulnesse?
Andradius in his defence of the faith of the Councell of Trent, speaking of the difference of reading which is found in the sermon of S. Peter, Act. 2.24. (where God is sayd to have raysed up our Saviour, loosing the sorrowes of death, as the Greeke bookes commonly reade, or the sorrowes of Hell, as the Latin) saith [Page 303] for reconciliation thereof, that Nullum erit inter Latina Graeca (que) exemplaria dissidiū, si animadvertamus infernū hoc loco pro morte atque sepulchro, Hebraeorum dicendi more, usurpari: ut Psal. 15. quem mox Petrus citat; Quoniam non dereliquisti animā meā in inferno. & Esai. 38. Quia non infernus cōfitebitur tibi. Nam cùm de Christi resurrectioned disserat; multis atque apertissimis Davidis testimonijs confirmat, ita pro humano genere mortem Christū obijsse. ut morte obrui & delitescere inter mortuos diu non posset. Videtur autem mihi per dolores inferni sive mortis, mortem doloris atque miseriarum plenam, Hebraeorum dicendi more, significari: sicut Matthaei c. 24. abominatio desolationis accipitur pro desolatione abominandâ Andrad. desens. Tridentin fid. lib. 2. there will be no disagreement betwixt the Latin and Greeke copies, if we do marke that Hell in this place is used for Death and the Grave, according to the Hebrews maner of speaking: as in the 15th Psalme, which Peter presently after citeth; Because thou wilt not leave my soule in Hell. and Esai. 38. For Hell cannot confesse unto thee. For when he disputeth (saith hee) of the resurrection of Christ; he confirmeth by many and most evident testimonies of David, that Christ did suffer death for mankinde in such sort, that he could not be overwhelmed with death nor long lye hidden among the dead. And it seemeth to me, that by the sorrowes of Hell or Death, a death full of sorrow and miseries is signified, according to the Hebrewes maner of speaking: as in Matthew. 24. the abomination of desolation is taken for an abominable desolation. Thus farre Andradius: clearely forsaking herein his fellow-defenders of the Tridentine faith, who by the one text of loosing the sorrowes of death, would faine prove Christs descending to free the soules that were tormented in Purgatory; and by the other of not leaving his soule in Hell, his descending into Limbus to deliver the soules of the fathers that were at rest in Abrahams bosome.
The former of these texts, Act. 2.24. is thus expounded by Ribera the Iesuite. Suscitavit illum Deus, solvens & irritans dolores mortis, hoc est, quod per tot dolores mors effecerat, ut scilicèt anima separareturá corqore. Fr. Ribera, in Hose. cap. 13. num. 23. God raysed him up loosing and making voyde the sorrowes of death, that is to say, that which death by so many sorrowes had effected; namely that the soule should bee separated from the bodie. His fellow Sà interpreteth the loosing of the sorrowes of death [Page 304] to be theQuasi dicat, Ereptū á mortis molestijs: has enim dolores vocat. quā quàm mortis epitheton pos sit esse dolor; quoòd morti conjungi soleat. Emman Sá. No [...]at. in Act. 24.delivering of him from the troubles of death: although sorrow (saith hee) may be the epithet of death. because it useth to bee joyned with death. The Apostles speech hath manifest reference to the wordes of David, 2. Sam. 22.5, 6. and Psalm. 18. (al. 17.) 4, 5. where in the former verse mention is made of [...] the sorrowes of death, in the latter of [...] which by the Septuagint is in the place of the Psalmes translated [...], the sorrowes of Hell, in 2. Sam 22.6. Inedit, Aldinâ & Vaticanâ nam Complutensis h [...]bet [...]. [...], the sorrowes of Death; according to the explication following in the end of the selfe same verse. The sorrowes of Hell compassed me about; the snares of Death prevented me. and in Psalm. 116.3. The sorrowes of Death compassed me, & the paines of Hell found me, or, gate hold upon me. where Lyranus hath this note. In Hebraeo pro inserno ponitur Sheol; quod non solùm significat infernum, sed etiam significat fossam, sive sepulturam; & fic accipitur hîc, eò quòd sequitur ad mortem. N [...]c. de Lyra, in Psalm. 114. In the Hebrew for Hell is put Sheol: which doth not signifie onely Hell, but signifieth also the pit, or the grave; and so it is taken heere, by reason it followeth upon Death. The like explicatorie repetition is [...] R. Dav Kimchi in Psal. 16.10. Hoc meliùs ex suâ consuetudine explicans, exaggerans (que); Nec dabis sanctū tuū videre corruptionem. Aug. Steuchus. noted also by the interpreters to have beene used by the Prophet, in that other text alledged out of Psalm. 16.10. as in Psalm. 30. (al. 29.) 3. [...]. Thou hast brought up my soule from Hell; thou hast kept me safe (or alive) from those that goe downe to the pit. and Iob. 33.22. [...]. His soule drew neere unto death, and his life unto Hell. whence that in the prayer of Iesus the sonne of Sirach is taken, Ecclesiastic 51. [...]. My soule drew neere unto death, & my life was neere to Hell beneath. And therefore for Hell doth Pagnin in his translation of the sixteenth Psalme put the Grave (being therein also followed in the Interlineary [Page 305] Bible Censorum Lovauiensium judicio examiminata, & Academiae suffragio comprobata. Biblia interlineat. edit. an. 1 [...]72. approved by the Censure of the Universitie of Lovaine) & in the notes upon the same, that goe under the name of Vatablus, the word Soule is (by comparing of this with Levitic. 21.1.) expounded to be the Bodie. So doth Arias Montanus directly interpret this text of the Psalme: Nō relinques animam meam in sepulchro. Psal. 16.10. id est, Corpus meum, Ar. Mont. in Hebraicae linguae Idiotismis, voc. Anima. in sacr Bibl. Appaerat. edit. an. 1572. Thou shalt not leave my soule in the grave, that is to say, my body. and Isidorus Clarius in his annotations upon the second of the Acts, saith that, [My soule in hell,] in that place is according to the maner of speech used by the Hebrewes, put for [Heb. pro, Corpus meum in sepulchro vel tumolo, Isid. Clarius, in Act. 2. My bodie in the grave or tombe.] least any man should thinke that Master Beza was the first deviser or principall author of this interpretation.
Yet him alone doth Cardinall Bellarmine single out here, to try his manhood upon: but doth so miserably acquite himselfe in the encounter, that it may well bee doubted whether he laboured therein more to crosse Beza, then to strive with himselfe in the wilfull suppressing of the light of his owne knowledge. For whereas Beza in his notes upon Act. 2.27. had shewed out of the 1. and 11. verses of the 21. Chapter of Leviticus, and other places of Scripture, that the Hebrew word [...], which wee translate Soule, is put for a dead bodie: the Cardinall, to rid himselfe handsomely of this which pinched him very shrewdly, telleth us in sober sadnesse, Dico, multū inter [...] & [...] interesse. Nam [...] est generalissima vox, & significat sine ullo tropo tam animam, quàm animal, immò etiam corpus; ut patet ex plurimis Scripturae locis. etc. Itaque in Levitico non ponitur pars pro parte, id est, anima pro corpore; sed vocabulū, quod ipsum corpus significare solet: aut certé ponitur totum pro parte, id est, vivens pro corpore. At Actor. 2. ponitur [...], quae animā solam significat. Bellarm. de Christ lib. 4. cap. 12. that there is a very great difference betwixt the Hebrew [...] and the Greeke [...]. For [...] (saith he) is a most generall word, and signifieth without any trope as well the soule as the living creature it selfe, yea and the body it selfe also; as by very many places of Scripture it doth appeare. [Page 306] And therefore in Leviticus, where that name is given unto dead bodies, one part is not put for another, to wit, the soule for the body; but a word, which doth usually signifie the bodie it selfe: or the whole at leastwise is put for the part, namely the living creature for the body thereof. But in the second of the Acts [...] is put, which signifieth the soule alone. Now did not the Cardinall know (thinke you) in his own conscience, that as in the second of the Acts [...] is put, where the originall text of the Psalme there alledged hath [...], so on the other side, in those places of Leviticus (which he would faine make to be so different from this) where the originall text readeth [...], there the Greeke also putteth [...]? Doe we not there reade, [...], Levit. 21.1. and in the 11. verse: [...], He shall not goe in to any dead soule, that is, to anie dead bodie? The Cardinall himselfe bringeth in Num. 23.10. & 31.35. & Gen. 37.21. and Num. 19.13. to prove that [...] doth signifie eyther the whole man, or his verie bodie: and must not the word [...], which the Greek Bible useth in all those places, of necessitie also be expounded after the same maner? Take, for example, that last place, (which is most pertinent to the purpose) Numb. 19.13. [...], which the vulgar Latin rendreth, Omnis qui tetigerit humanae animae morticinum: and compare it with the 11. verse; [...], Hee that toucheth any soule of a dead man (that is, as the vulgar Latin rightly expoundeth the meaning of it, Qui tetigerit cadaver hominis, He that toucheth the dead body of any man) shall be uncleane seven dayes. and wee shall need no other proofe, that the Greek word [...], being put for the Hebrew [Page 307] [...], may signifie the dead body of a man: even as the Latin Anima also doth, in that place of the heathen Poët,—Virgil. Aeneid. 3. animamque sepulchro Condimus. We buried his soule in the grave. The argument therefore drawne from the nature of the word [...], doth no way hinder, that in Act 2.27. Thou wilt not leave my soule, should be interpreted, eyther Thou wilt not leave me (as in the 31. verse following, where the Greek text saith that his soule was not left, the old Latin hath, He was not left) or, Thou wilt not leave my body. as the Interpreters, writing upon that place, Genes. 46.26. All the soules that came with Iacob into Egypt which came out of his loynes, do generally expound it, eyther by a Synecdoche, whereby the one part of the man is put for the whole person (as we may see in the commentaries upon Genesis attributed to Eucherius, lib. 3. cap. 31. Alcuinus in Genes. interrog. 269. Anselmus Laudunensis in the interlineary Glosse, Lyranus and others) or by a Metonymie, whereby that which is contayned is put for that which doth containe it; for illustration whereof, S. Augustine very aptly bringeth in this example. Sicut ergo appellamus Ecclesiam basilicam, quâ continetur populus, qui veré appellatur Ecclesia; ut nomine Ecclesiae, id est, populi qui continetur, significemus locum qui continet: ita quòd animae corporibus continentur, intelligi corpora filio [...]ū per nominatas animas possunt. Sic enim meliùs accipitur etiam illud quod Lex inquinari dicit cū, qui intraverit super animā mortuam, hoc est, super defuncti cadaver; ut nomine animae mortuae, mortuum corpus intelligatur, quod animā continebat: quia & absente populo, id est Ecclesiâ, locus tamen ille nihilominus Ecclesia nun [...]upatur. Augustin. epist. 157. ad Optat. As we give the name of a Church unto the materiall building, wherein the people are contayned, unto whom the name of the Church doth properly appertaine; by the name of the Church, that is, of of the people vvhich are contained, signifying the place which doth contayne them: so because the soules are contayned in the bodies, by the soules here named the bodies of the sonnes (of Iacob) may be understood. For so may that also be taken, where the Law saith that he is defiled, who shall goe in to a dead soule (Levit. 21.11.) that is, to the [Page 308] carkase of a dead man; that by the name of a dead soule, the dead body may be understood which did containe the soule: even as vvhen the people are absent, vvhich be the Church, yet the place neverthelesse is still tearmed the Church.
Yea but Vox [...], ut supra ostencimus, significat semper infernū, nunquā sepulch [...]um. At corpus Christi non fuit in inferno: ergo anima ibi fuit. Bellarm. l [...]b. 4. de Christo, cap. 12. the word Hades (saith Bellarmine) as vvee have shewed, doth alwayes signifie Hell, and never the Grave. But the bo [...]y of Christ was not in Hell: therefore his soule was there. If he had said, that the word Hades did either rarely or never signifie the Grave, although he had not therein spoken truely, yet it might have argued a little more modestie in him, and that he had taken some care also, that his latter conceits should hold some better correspondencie with his former. For he m [...]ght have remembred, how in the place unto which hee doth referre us, he had said, that Jd. ibid. cap. 10. the LXXII. Seniors did every where in their translation put Hades in stead of Sheol: which (as he the [...]e hath told us) is ordinarily taken for the place of soules under the earth, and eyther rarely or never for the grave. But wee have shewed not only out of those Dictionaries, unto which the Consulantur omnia dictionaria. I [...]id. cap. 12. Cardinall doth referre us (having forgotten first to looke into them himselfe) but by allegation of diverse particular instances likewise (unto none of which he hath made any answere) that Hades in the translation of t [...]e LXXII. Seniors is not rarely, but verie usu [...]lly taken for the place of dead bodies. So for the use of the word Infernus in the Latin translation; Lyranus noteth, that it is Accipitur Infernus in sc [...]ipturâ dupliciter. uno modo pro fossâ, ubi ponuntur mortuorum cadavera A [...]io modo pro loco, ubi descendunt animae damnato [...]um ad purgandū, & generaliter illorū, qui non admittuntur statim ad gloriam. Lyran. in [...]sai. 5. taken in the Scripture, not for the place of the damned only, but also for the pit wherein dead [...]ens carkases were layd. And among the Iesuites, Gaspar Sanctius yeeldeth for the generall, that Est in Scripturâ frequens infernum pro sepulturâ, at (que) adeò pro morte sumi. Gosp. S [...]nct. commentar. in Act. 2. sect. 56. Infernus or Hell is frequently [Page 309] in the Scripture taken for buriall: and in particular, Emmanuel Sà confesseth it to be so taken, in Gen. 42.38. 1. Sam. 2.6. Iob. 7.9. and 21.13. Psalm. 29.4. and 87.4. and 93.17. and 113.17. and 114.3. and 140.7. (according to the Greek division) Prov. 1.12. and 23.14. Ecclesiast. 9.10. Cantic. 8.6. Ecclesiastic. 51.7. Esai. 28.15. and 38.10. Baruch. 2.17. Dan. 3.88. (in the Hymne of the three children) and 2. Maccab. 6.23. in all which places, Hádes being used in the Greek, and Inferi or Infernus in the Latin, it is acknowledged by the Emm. Sà, Notat. in Scriptur. Iesuite, that the Grave is meant: which by Bed. in Psalm. 48. Bede also is termed Infernus exterior, the exterior Hell. So Alcuinus, moving the question, how that speech of Iacob should be understood, Genes. 37.35. I will goe downe to my sonne mourning into Hell. maketh answer: that Perturbati & dolentis verba sunt, mala sua etiam hinc exaggerantis. vel etiā inferni nomine sepulchrum significavit, quasi diceret: In luctu maneo donec. me terra suscipiat, sicut illū sepulchrum. Aleuin. in Gen. Jnterrog. 256. these be the words of a troubled and grieving man, amplifying his evills even from hence. Or else (saith hee) by the name of Hell he signified the Grave: as if he should have said. I remaine in sorrow, untill the earth doe receive me, as the grave hath done him.
So Primasius, expounding the place, Hebr. 13.20. Deus ergo pater eduxit filium suum de mortuis: hoc est, de inferno, vel de sepulchro, juxta quod Psalmista praedixerat: Non dabis sanctum tuum videre corruptionem. Primaes. in Hebr. 13. God the father (saith hee) brought his sonne from the dead, that is to say, from Hell; or from the Grave: according to that which the Psalmiste had foretolde; Thou wilt not suffer thine holy one to see corruption. And Maximus Taurinensis saith, that Maria Magdalene non leviter fuit objurgata, cur post resurrectionem Dominum quaereret in sepulchro; & non reminiscens verborum ejus, quibus se ab inferis tertiâ die rediturum esse dixerat, putaret eum inferni legibus detineri. Maxim. Taurin. de sepultur. Dom. homil. 4. Mary Magdalene received a reproofe, because after the resurrection she sought our Lord in the grave, and not remembring his words, whereby hee had said that the third day he would returne from hell, shee thought him still to be detayned by the lawes of hell. And [Page 310] therefore (saith he) while Vnde & illa Maria Magdalene, quae Dominum inter caeteros defunctos in sepulchro quaerebat, arguitur, & dicitur illi: Quid quaeris viventē cum mortuis? hoc est, Quid quaeris apud inferos, quem redijsse jam constat ad superos? Id. de eâd. homil. 3. shee did seeke the Lord in the grave among the rest of the dead, shee is reprehended, and it is said umto her: Why seekest thou him that liveth, among the dead? that is to say, Why seekest thou him among them that are in the infernall parts, who is now knowne to have returned unto the supernall? Nam qui eū aut in infernis requirit, aut tumulis, dicitur ei; Quid quaeris viventē cum mortuis? Ibid. For he that seeketh for him eyther in the infernall places, or in the graves, to him it is sayd; Why seekest thou him that liveth among the dead? and to the same purpose he applieth those other wordes of our Saviour unto Mary; Touch me not, for I am not yet ascended unto my Father as if hee had sayd. Quid me cō tingere cupis, quae me dum inter tumulos quaeris, adhuc ad Patrem ascendisse non credis: quae dum me inter inferna scrutaris, ad coelestia redijsse diffidis; dum inter mortuos quaeris, vivere cū Deo patre meo non speras? Id. de sepul [...]ur. Dom. hom. 4. Why dost thou desire to touch me, who while thou seekest me among the graves, dost not as yet beleeve that I am ascended to my Father: who while thou searchest for me among the infernalls, dost distrust that I am returned to the celestials; while thou seekest me among the dead, dost not hope that I doe live with my father? Where his Inferi and Inferna, doe plainely import no more but tumulos and sepulchra.
Heereupon Ruffinus in his exposition of the Creed, having given notice, Sciendum sané est, quòd in Ecclesiae Romanae Symbolo non habetur additum; Descendit ad inferna: sed ne (que) in Orientis ecclesijs habetur hic sermo. vis tamen verbi eadem videtur esse in eo quod sepultus dicitur. Ruffin. in exposit. Symbol. that in the Symbol of the Church of Rome there is not added, He descended into hell, nor in the Churches of the East neyther; adjoyneth presently: Yet the force or meaning of the word seemeth to bee the same, in that he is sayd to have bene buried. For the tearmes of buriall and descending into hell in the Scripture phrase tend much to the expressing of the selfe same thing: but that the bare naming of the one doth lead us only to the consideration of the honor of buriall, the addition of the other intimateth unto us that [Page 311] which is more dishonourable in it. Thus under the buriall of our Saviour may be comprehended his [...] and [...], his funeration and his interring: which are both of them set down in the end of the 19. chapter of the Gospell according to S. Iohn. the latter in the two last verses, where Ioseph and Nicodemus are said to have laid him in a new Sepulchre, vvherein was never man yet laid: the former in the two verses going before, where it is recorded that they wound his body in linnen clothes, with spices, [...], as it is the maner of the Iews to bury. for to the [...] or funeratiō belongeth the imbalming of the dead body, & all other offices that are performed unto it while it remaines above ground. So Gen. 50.2. where the Physiciās are said to have imbalmed Israel; the Greek translators render it: [...]. and when Mary poured the pretious ointment upon our Saviour; himselfe interpreteth this to have beene done for his [...]. Matth. [...]6.12. [...]. Marc 14.8. [...]. Ioh. 12.7. funeration or buriall. Mos enim antiquitùs fuit, ut nobiliū corpora sepelienda unguentis pretiosis ungerentur, & cum a [...]omatibus sepelirentur. Euseb. Emiss. homil. Dominic. in Ramis Palmarum. For it was a custome in times past (saith Eusebius, commonly called Emissenus) that the bodies of noble men being to be buried, should first be annointed with pretious ointments, and buried with spices. And Quis nescit sepulchrum mortuo honori esse, non dedecori; & quorundam sceleribus sepulchra negari? Stapleton. Antid [...]t. in 1. Corinth. 15.55. who knoweth not (saith Stapleton) that a sepulchre is an honour to the dead, and not a disgrace? But the mention of Sheol (which hath speciall relation, as hath beene shewed, to the disposing of the dead body unto corruption) and so of Hades, Infernus, or Hell, answering thereunto, carrieth us further to the consideration of that which the Apostle calleth the sowing of the body in corruption and dishonour. (1. Corinth. 15.42, 43.) For which, that place in S. Augustine [Page 312] is worth the consideration. Nónne inferna Christo testimonium perhibuerunt, quando jure suo perdito Lazaru [...], quē dissolvendum acceperant, integrū per quatriduum reservaverunt; ut incolumē redderent, cùm vocem Domini sui jubentis audirent? O [...]at. c [...]ntra Iudaeos. Pagan. & Arrian cap. 17. tom. 6. Oper. Augustin. Did not the Hells (or, the Grave) give testimony unto Christ, when loosing their power, they reserved Lazarus (whom they had received to dissolve) for foure dayes together; that they might restore him safe againe, when they did heare the voyce of their Lord commanding it? where you may observe an H [...]ll appointed for the dissolution of dead mens bodies: the descending into which (according to Ruffinus his note) differeth little or nothing from the descending into the Grave.
In the thirteenth of the Acts S. Paul preacheth unto the Iewes, that God raysed up his Sonne from the dead, [...]. Act. 13 34. not to returne now any more unto corruption: and yet presently addeth, that therein was verified that prophecie in the Psalme; [...]. ibid. vers. 35. ex Psal. 16.10. Thou wilt not suffer thy Holy one to see corruption. implying thereby, that he descended in some sort for a time into corruption, although in that time he did not suffer corruption. And Ne mireris quomodo descenderit in corruptionem; cujus caro non vidit corruptionem. Descendit quidem in locum co [...]ruptionis, qui penetravit inferna; sed corruptionem incorruptus exclusit. Ambros. de Virginib. lib. 3. doe not wonder (saith S. Ambrose) how he should descend into corruption, whose flesh did not see corruption. He did descend indeed into the place of corruption, who pierced the Hells; but being uncorrupted he shut out corruption. For as the word [...], which the Prophet useth in the Psalm, doth signifie as well the pit or place of corruption, as the corruption it selfe: so also the word [...], whereby S. Luke doth expresse the same, is used by the Greek Interpreters of the old Testament to signifie not the corruption it selfe alone, but the verie place of it likewise. as where we read in Psalm. 7.15. He is fallen into the pit which he made. and, Psalm. 9.16. The heathen are sunke downe in the pit that they made. and, Proverb. 26.27. Who so diggeth a pit, shall fall therein. Aquila in the [Page 313] first place, the Septuagint in the second, Aquila and Symmachus in the third, retaine the Greek word [...], So that our Saviour, descending into Sheol, Hades or Hell, may thus be understood to have descended into corruption, that is to say, into the pit or place of corruption, (as S. Ambrose interpreteth it) although hee were free in the meane time from the passion of corruption. And because [...] and [...] & [...], Hell and Corruption, have reference to the selfe same thing: therfore doth the Arabick interpreter, an. 1578. although in the Arabi [...]k Testament, printed by Erpenius ann. 1616. the termes be varied: [...] al-hawita being put for Hell, and [...] phasada for corruption. translated by Iunius, in Act. 2.31. (or, as the Arabian divideth the book, Act. 4.10.) confound them together, and retaine the same word in both the parts of the sentence, after this maner. Hee was not left in perdition, neyther did his flesh see perdition. even as in the 29. Psalme (or the 30. according to the division of the Hebrewes) the Arabick readeth,Psalter. Arabic. edit. Genuae, an. 1516. & Romae, an. 1619. Verúm in duobus meis MSS. exemplarib. habetur hîc [...] alhalaci, quod perditionē vel interitū notat. [...] al-gehim, or Hell, where the Greek hath [...], the Hebrew [...], & the Chaldee paraphrase [...], that is, the house of the grave.
Athanasius in his booke of the Incarnation of the Word, written against the Gentiles, observeth that when God threatned our first parents, that whatsoever day they did eate of the forbidden fruite they should die the death; by [...]; Athanas. de Incarnat. Verbi, tom. 1. Oper. Graecolat. pa. [...]9. dying the death hee signified, that they should not onely die, but also remaine in the corruption of death: & that our Saviour comming to [...]. Ibid. pag. 54. free us from this corruption, kept his owne body uncorrupted, as a pledge and an evidence of the future resurrection of us all. which hath wrought such a contempt of death in his disciples, that (as he addeth afterwards) wee may [...]. etc. Ib. pag. 59. see [Page 314] men which are by nature weake, leaping or dauncing unto death, being not agaste at the corruption thereof, nor fearing the descents into Hell. So the Grecians sing in their Liturgy at this day: [...]. Graeci in Octoëcho Anastasimo. The corruption-working pallace of Hell was dissolved, when thou didst arise out of the Grave, O Lord ▪ and againe. [...]. etc. [...]. Cumûlas, in Graecorum Pentecostario. The stone is rouled away, the grave is emptied. Behold corruption is troaden under by life. That which was mortall is saved by the flesh of God. Hell mourneth. For God (saith Neque nostras animas derelinquet in inferno, nec dabit nos in corruptione in perpetuū manere: sed qui illum post diē tertium revocavit ab inferis, & nos revocabit in tempore opportuno; & qui illi donavit, ut nō videat caro ejus corruptionem, nobis donabit, non quidem ut non videat caro nostra corruptionem, sed ut liberetur á corruptione tempore opportuno. Origen. tractat. 3 [...]. in Matth. cap. 27. Origen) will neyther leave our soules in hell, nor suffer us to remaine for ever in corruption: but he that recalled him after the third day from hell, will recall us also in fit time; and he who granted unto him, that his flesh should not see corruption, will grant also unto us, that our flesh shall not see corruption, but that in fit time it shall bee freed from corruption. Neyther is it any whit strange unto them that are conversant in the writings of the ancient Doctors, to heare that our Saviour by his buriall descended into Hell, spoyled Hell, and brought away both his owne body and the bodies of the Saints from Hell. Wee finde the question moved by Gregory Nyssen, in his sermon upon the Resurrection of Christ; [...]. G [...]eg. Nyss in Pascha & Christi Resurrect. t [...]m. 2. Oper. Graecolat pag. 823. how our Lord did dispose himselfe at the same time three maner of wayes? both in the heart of the earth, (Matth. 12.40.) and in Paradise with the thiefe, (Luk. 23.43.) and in the hands of his Father. (Luk. 23.46.) [...]. Ibid. For neither will any man say, (quoth he) that Paradise is in the places under the earth, or the places under the earth in Paradise, that at the same time he might be in [Page 315] both; or that those (infernall) places are called the hand of the Father. Now for the last of these, hee saith the case is [...]. Ib. pag. 825. plaine, that being in Paradise he must needs be in his Fathers hands also: but the greatest doubt hee maketh to be, [...]; Ibid. pag. 824. how he should at the same time be both in Hades and in Paradise. for with him, the heart of the earth, the places under the earth, and Hades or Hell, are in this question one and the same thing. And his finall resolution is, that in this Hell Christ remained with his dead body, when with his soule hee brought the thiefe into the possession of Paradise. [...]. Ib. pag. 825. For by his body (saith he) wherein he sustayned not the corruption that followeth upon death, hee destroyed him that had the power of death: but by his soule he ledd the thiefe into the entrance of Paradise. And these two did worke at the selfe same time, the Godhead accomplishing the good by them both: namely, by the incorruption of the body, the dissolution of death, and by the placing of the soule in his proper seat, the bringing backe of men unto Paradise againe.
The like sentence doe wee meet withall in the same Fathers epistle unto Eustathia, Ambrosia, and Basilissa. [...]. Id. in Epist. ad Eustath. ibid. pag. 1093. His body he caused by dispensation to be separated from his soule: but the indivisible deitie being once knit with that subject, was neyther dis-joyned from the body, nor the soule. but was with the soule in Paradise, making way by the thiefe for an entrance unto mankinde thither; and with the body in the heart of the earth, destroying him that had the power of death. Wherewith wee may compare that place, which we meet withall in the workes of S. [Page 316] Gregory Bishop of Neocaesarea: wherein our Saviour is brought in speaking after this maner. [...]. Gregor. Neocaesar. serm. in Theophanta, pag. 111. Oper. edit. Mogunt. & inter Opera Chysostomi, tom. 7. edit. Savilian. pag. 660. I must descend into the very bottome of Hell, for the dead that are detay-there. I must by the three dayes death of my flesh overthrow the power of long continuing death. I must light the lamp of my BODY unto them vvhich sit in darkenesse and in the shadow of death. and that of S. Chrysostom (who is accounted also to be the author of that other sermon attributed unto S. Gregory:) [...]. Chrysost in Matth. cap. 11. homil. 36. edit. Graec. vel 37. Latin. How vvere the brasen gates broken, and the iron barres burst? By his BODY. For then appeared first a body immortall, and dissolving the tyrannie of death it selfe: whereby was shewed, that the force of death was taken away, not that the sinnes of those who dyed before his comming were dissolved. and that which we reade in another place of his workes: [...] reponendum, ex MS. Constantinopolitano) [...]. Orat. Catechetic. in S. Pascha; tom. 5. oper. Chrysostom. edit. Savilian. pag. 916. & in Graecorum Pentecostario: ubi pro primâ voce [...], rectiùs habetur [...]. He spoyled Hell, descending into Hell: hee made it bitter, when it tasted of his flesh. Which Esay understanding before hand, cryed out, saying: Hell was made bitter, meeting thee below. (so the Septuagint render the words, Esai. 14.19.) It was made bitter: for it was destroyed. It was made bitter: for it was mocked. It received a BODY, and light upon God: it received Earth, and met with Heaven: it received that vvhich it saw, and fell from that which it did not see. Thus Caesarius expounding the parable, Luk. 13.21. wherein the kingdome of God is likened unto leaven, vvhich a woman tooke, and hid in [Page 317] three pecks of floure, till all was leavened: saith that Farinae autē sata tria, primū quidem universa mortalium natura, deinde mors, postea orcus; in quo absconditū per sepulturā divinū corpus, fermētavit omnia in resurrectionē & vitam Caesarius, Dialog. 4. the three pecks of floure are first the whole nature of mankind, then death, and lastly Hell; wherein the divine BODY being hidden by BURIALL, did leaven all unto resurrection and life. Whereupon he bringeth in our Saviour in another place speaking thus. Idcirco sepeliar, propter eos qui in Orco sunt: idcirco veluti saxum aliquod percutiā illius portas, educens vinctos in fortitudine, quemadmodū inquit Davides servus meus. Id. Dialog 3. I will therefore be buried, for their sakes that be in Hell: I will therefore as it were a stone strike the gates thereof, bringing forth the prisoners in strength, as my servant David hath said. So S. Basil asketh, [...]. Basil. de Spiritu sancto. cap. 15. How we do accomplish the descent into Hell? and answereth, that we doe it in imitating the BURIALL of Christ, in Baptisme. For the bodies of those that be baptized, are as it were buried in the water: saith he. S. Hilary maketh mention of Christs Et haec vermis, vel non ex cōceptu cōmuniū originū vivens, vel é profundis terrae vivus emergens, ad significationē assumptae & vivificatae per se etiā ex inferno carnis professus est. Hilar. de Trinitat. lib. 11, flesh quickened out of Hell by himselfe. and Arator in like maner:
When the Lord went to Hell to destroy it, He brought from THENCE his owne flesh, sp [...]yling the grave.
Philo. in Cantic. 5.2. [...]. inter fragmenta Eusebij in Cantic. á Men [...]sio edita pag. 52. Philo Carpathius addeth, that in his grave he spoyled Hell. Whereupon the Emperour Leo in his oration upon the buriall of our Saviour, wisheth us to [...]. Leo Imp. homil. 1. honour it, by adorning our selves with vertues, and not by putting him in the grave againe. For it behoved (saith he) that this should be once done, to the end that Hell might be spoyled: and it was done. And the Grecians retaine the commemoration hereof in their Liturgies unto this day: as their Octoëchon Anastasimon and Pentecostarion [Page 318] do testifie; wherein such hymnes and prayers as these are frequent. [...]. Thou didst receive death in thy flesh, working thereby immortalitie for us, O Saviour: and didst dwell in the grave, that thou mightest free us from Hell, raysing us up together with thy selfe. [...]. When thou vvast put in the tombe as a mortall man, the keepers of Hell gates shooke for feare: for, having overthrowne the strength of Death, thou diddest exhibite incorruption to all the dead by thy Resurrection. [...]. Although thou didst descend into the grave as a mortall man, ô giver of life, yet didst thou dissolve the strength of hell, ô Christ, raysing up the dead together with thy selfe, whom it had also swallowed; and didst exhibit the resurrection, as God, unto all that in faith and desire doe magnifie thee. [...]. Thou who by thy three-dayes buriall didst spoyle Death, and by thy life-bringing resurrectiō didst raise up corrupted man (ô Christ our God) as a lover of mankinde: to thee be glory. [...]. Thou who by thy three-dayes buriall didst spoyle Hell, and by thy resurrection didst save man; have mercy upon me. [...]. By thy three-dayes buriall the enemy was spoyled, the dead loosed from the bands of Hell, death deaded, the palaces of hell voyded. Therefore in hymnes doe we honour and magnifie thee, ô giver of life. [...]. Thou wast put in the tombe, being voluntarily made dead; and didst emptie all the palaces of hell (ô immortall King) raysing up the dead with thy Resurrectiō. [...]. Tom. 6. Bibliothec. Pair. edit, an. 1589. col. 128. Thou who spoyledst hell by thy buriall, be mindfull of me.
Hitherto also belongeth that of Prudentius, in his Apotheosis:
where, in saying that our Saviour by his grave did break up the infernall kingdomes, and commanded those that were buried to rise up with him; he hath reference unto that part of the history of the Gospell, wherein it is recorded, that The graves were opened, and many bodies of the Saints which slept arose, and came out of the graves after his resurrection, and went into the holy citie, and appeared unto many. (Matth. 27.52, 53.) upon which place S. Hilary writeth thus. Illuminans enim mortis tenebras, & infernorum obscura collustrans; in sanctorum ad praesens conspicatorum resurrectione mortis ipsius spolia detrahebat. Hilar. in Matth. Canon. 33. Inlightning the darkenesse of death, and shining in the obscure places of Hell; by the resurrection of the Saints that were seene at the present, he tooke away the spoyles of death it selfe. To the same effect writeth S. Ambrose also. Sed nec sepulchrum quidem ejus miraculo caret. Nam cùm esset unctus á Ioseph, & [...]n ejus monumento sepultus; novo opere quodam, ipse defunctus defunctorum sepulchra reserabat. Et corpus quidem ejus jacebat in tumulo, ipse autem inter mortuos liber, remissionem in inferno positis, solutâ mortis lege donabat. Erat enim caro ejus in monumento, sed virtus ejus operabatur é coelo. Ambros [...]e [...]ura. nat, [...]ap. 5 Neither did his sepulchre want a miracle. For when he was anoynted by Ioseph, and buried in his tombe; by a new kinde of worke, he that was dead himselfe did open the sepulchres of the dead. His body indeed did lye in the grave; but he himselfe being free among the dead, did give libertie unto them that were placed in Hell, dissolving the law of death. For his flesh was in the tombe, but his power did worke from heaven. which may be a sufficient commentary upon that sentence, which we reade in the Exposition of the Creed attributed unto S. Chrysostom. Descendit ad infernum, ut & ibi á miraculo non vacaret. Nam multa corpora sanctorum resurrexerunt cum Christo. Homil. 2. in Symbol. tom. 5. Latin. Oper. Chrysostom. He descended into Hell, that there also he might not want a miracle. For [Page 320] many bodies of the Saints arose with Christ. namely, Reddunt inferi corpora rediviva sanctorum: & in occur [...]um authoris inferos penetrantis, temporalem accipiunt beatae animae commeatum Homil. 4 de P [...]oditore, & Pass. Dominic. tom. [...]. Latin. Oper Chrysost. HELL rendring up the BODIES of the Saints alive againe: as eyther the same, or another author that goeth under the like name of Chrysostom, doth elsewhere directly affirme. which is a further confirmation of that which we have heard delivered by Ruffinus, touching the exposition of the article of the Descent into Hell; that the substance thereof seemeth to be the same with that of the Buriall. for what other Hell can we imagin it to be but the Grave, that thus receiveth and giveth up the bodies of men departed this life?
And hitherto also may bee refer [...]ed that famous saying, of Christs descending alone & ascending with a multitude: which we meet withall in foure severall places of antiquitie. First, in the h [...]ads of the sermon of Thaddaeus, as they are reported by Eusebius out of the Syriack records of the citie of Edessa. [...]. Thaddaeus, [...]pud Euseb. lib. 1. histor. Ecclesiast. ca. ult He was crucified, and descended into Hades or Hell, and brake the rampiere never broken before since the beginning; and rose againe, and raysed up with him those dead, that had slept from the beginning: and descended alone, but ascended to his Father with a great multitude. Secondly, in the epistle of Ignatius unto the Trallians. [...]. Ignat. epist. 2. ad Trallian. He was truly, and not in opinion, crucified, and died; those that were in heaven, and in earth, and under the earth, beholding him. those in heaven, as the incorporeall natures. those in earth, to wit the Iewes and the Romanes, and such men as were present at that time, when the Lord was crucified. those under the earth, as the multitude that rose up together with the Lord: for many bodies (saith he) of the Saints [Page 321] which slept arose, the graves being opened. And hee descended into Hades or Hell alone, but returned with a multitude, and brake the rampiere that had stood from the beginning, and overthrew the partition thereof. Thirdly, in the disputation of Macarius Bishop of Ierusalem, in the first generall Councell of Nice. [...]. Macar. Hierosolymit. apud Gelasium Cyzicen. in Act. Concil. Nicaen. lib. 1. ca. 23. al. 24. After death wee were carried into Hades or Hell. Christ tooke upon him this also, and descended voluntarily into it; he was not detayned as wee, but descended onely. For hee was not subjected unto death, but was the Lord of death. And descending alone, he returned with a multitude. For he was that spirituall graine of wheat, falling for us into the earth, and dying in the flesh; who by the power of his godhead raysed up the temple of his body, according to the Scriptures, which brought forth for fruite the Resurrection of all mankinde. Fourthly, in the Catechises of Cyrill Bishop of Ierusalem: whose wordes are these. [...]. Cyrill. Hierosol cateches. 14. I beleeve that Christ was raysed from the dead. For of this I have many witnesses, both out of the divine scriptures, & from the witnesse and operation even unto this day of him that rose againe: of him (I say) that descended into Hades or Hell alone, but ascēded with many. For he did descend unto death; & many bodies of the Saints that slept were raised by him. which resurrection he seemeth afterward to make common unto all the Saints that dyed before our Saviour. [...]. Id. ibid. All the righteous men (saith he) were delivered, whom death had devoured. For it became the proclaymed [Page 322] King, to be the deliverer of those good proclaymers of him. Then did every one of the righteous say: O death where is thy victory? ô Hell, where is thy sting? for the conqueror hath delivered us. wherewith we may compare that saying of S. Chrysostom. [...]. Ch [...]ysost. in Matth 27. homil. 88. edit. Graec. vel 89. Latin ubi tamen Interpres vertit: Multo majus profectò est multos jam olim mortuos in vitā reduxisse. If it were a great matter, that Lazarus being foure dayes dead should come forth: much more, that all they who were dead of old should appeare together alive. which was a signe of the future resurrection. For many bodies of the Saints which slept arose; saith the text. and these articles of the Confession of the Armenians. Ergo & in sepulcrum quoad corpus, quod mo [...]tuū erat, descendit: juxta veró divinitatem, quae vivebat, infernu [...] intereà devicit. Te [...]tio die resurrexit: sed & animas fideliū secum unâ suscitavit; & dedit spem corporibus etiā á morte resurgendi sib similiter in secundo adventu Con [...]ess. A [...]men. artic. [...]22.123.124. According to his body, which was dead, he descended into the grave: but according to his divinitie, which did live, he over came Hell in the meane time. The third day he rose againe: but withall rays [...]d up the soules (or persons) of the faithfull together with him; and gave hope thereby, that our bodies also should rise againe like unto him at his second comming.
Of those who arose with our Saviour from the Grave, or (as anciently they used to speake) from Hell; two there be whom the Fathers nominate in particular: Adam and Iob. Of Iob, S. Ambrose writeth in this maner. Audito igitur quod locutus esset in eo Deus, & cognito per Spiritum sanctum quòd filius Dei non solùm veni [...]et in terras, sed etiam descensurus esset ad inferos, ut mortuos refuscitaret, (quod tunc quidē factum est ad testimonium praesentium, & exemplum futurorū) conversus ad Dominum ait: Vtinam in inferno conservares, absconderes autem me donec desinat ira tua, & statuas mihi tempus in quo memoriam mei facias. Am [...]ros. de Int [...]rpellatio [...], lib. 1. cap. 8. Having heard what God had spoken in him, and having understood by the holy Ghost, that the Sonne of God was not onely to come into the earth, but that he was also to descend into Hell to that he might rayse up the dead, (which was then done, for a testimony of the present, and an example of the future:) he turned himselfe unto the [Page 323] Lord and said: O that thou wouldest keepe me in Hell, that thou vvouldest hide me untill thy wrath be past, and that thou wouldest appoint me a time in which thou wouldest remember me. (Iob. 14.13.) in which wordes he affirmeth that Iob did prophecie, Quòd in passione Domini resuscitandus foret; sicut in fine hujus libri testatur. Ibid. that he should be raysed up at the passion of our Lord; as in the end of this booke, saith he, he doth testifie. meaning the apocryphall Appendix, which is annexed to the end of the Greeke edition of Iob: wherein we reade thus. [...]. Append. ad Iob. It is written, that he should rise againe, with those whom the Lord was to raise. which although it be accounted to have proceeded from the Septuagint; yet the thing it selfe sheweth, that it was added by some that lived after the comming of our Saviour Christ. Touching Adam, S. Augustine affirmeth that Et de illo quidem primo homine patre generis humani, quòd eum ibidem solverit, Ecclesia feré tota consentit: quod eam non inaniter credidisse credendum est, undecun (que) hoc traditum sit, etiamsi canonicarum scripturarum hinc expressa non proferatur authoritas. Aug. epist. 99. the whole Church almost did consent, that Christ loosed him in Hell. which we are to beleeve (saith he) that shee did not vainely beleeve, whencesoever this tradition came; although no expresse authoritie of the Canonicall Scriptures be produced for it. The onely place which he could thinke off that seemed to look this way, was that in the beginning of the tenth Chapter of the booke of Wisedome: Shee kept him who was the first formed father of the world, when hee was created alone, and brought him out of his sinne. which would be much more pertinent to the purpose, if that were added, which presently followeth in the In Biblijs Regijs, edit. Antuerp. an. 1572 & magnis Latinis Biblijs edit Venet. an. 1588. ubi in hanc particulam habentur notae Glossae interlinealis & Nic. Lyrani. Latin text (I meane in the old edition: for the new corrected ones have left it out) Et eduxit illum de limo terrae, and brought him out of the claye of the earth. which being placed after the bringing of him out of his sinne, may seeme to have reference unto some deliverance (like that of Davids, Psalm. 40 2. He brought me up out of the horrible pit, out of the mirye claye) rather then unto [Page 324] his first creation out of the dust of the earth. So limus terrae may here answere well unto the Arabians [...] al-tharai: which properly signifying moyst earth or slime or claye, is by the Arabick interpreter of Moses used to expresse the Hebrew Fr. Rapheleng in Lexico Arabico, pag 53. & 55 [...] & [...] Sepulcrum, infernus, [...]. Malé: inquit Erpenius, in observation. ad hunc locum. significat terram humidam. Verúm Raphelengium ab hâc reprehensione vindicat Arabs Pentateuchi interpres ab ipso Erpenio editus: qui Sheol vertit Tharai, Genes. 37.35. & 44.29, 31. item Num. 16.30, 33. & Deut. 32.22. [...] which we translate Hell or Grave. And as this place in the booke of Wisedome may be thus applied unto the raysing of Adams body out of the ear [...]h wh [...]rein hee lay buried: so may that other tradition also, which was so currant in the Church, be referred unto the selfe same thing; even to the bringing of Adam out of the Hell of the Grave.
The verie Liturgies of the Church doe lead us unto this interpretation of the tradition of the Church: beside the testimony of the Fathers, which discover unto us the first ground and foundation of this tradition. In the Liturgie of the Church of Alexandria, ascribed to S. Marke, our Saviour Christ is thus called upon. [...]. Marc. Liturg. O most great King, and coëternall to the Father, who by thy might didst spoyle Hell, and tread downe death, and binde the strong one, and raise Adam out of the grave by thy divine power and the bright splendour of thine unspeakeable Godhead. In the Liturgie of the Church of Constantinople translated into Latin by Leo Thus [...]us, the like speech is used of him. Crucem sponte pro nobis subijt, per quam resuscitavit protoplastum, & á morte animas nostras salvavit. Chrysost. Liturg. Latin. He did voluntarily undergoe the Crosse for us, by which he raysed up the first formed man, and saved our soules from death. And in the Octoëchon Anastasimon and Pentecostarion of the Grecians at this day, such sayings as these are very usuall. [...]. Nov. Autholog. Graec. edit. Romae, an. 1598. pa. 23. b Thou didst undergoe buriall, and rise in glory, and rayse up [Page 325] Adam together with thee, by thy almighty hand. [...]. Ibid. fin. pa. 239. Rising out of thy tombe, thou didst rayse up the dead, and break the po [...]er of death, and rayse up Adam. [...]. Ibid. pag. 262. b. Having slept in the flesh as a mortall man, ô King and Lord, the third day thou didst arise againe; raysing Adam from corruption, and abolishing death. [...]. Ib. pag. 278. b. Iesus the deliverer, who raysed up Adam of his compassion, &c. Therefore doth Theodorus Prodromus begin his Tetrastich upon our Saviors Resurrection with ‘ [...].’ Rise up, thou first formed old man, rise up from thy grave.
S. Ambrose pointeth to the ground of the tradition, when he intimateth that Christ suffered in Quam suscepit in Golgothâ Christus, ubi Adae sepulchrum, ut illū mortuū in suâ cruce resuscitaret. Vbi ergo in Adam mors omnium, ibi i [...] Christo omniū resurrectio. Ambros. lib. 5. epist. 19. Golgotha, where Adams sepulchre was, that by his Crosse he might rayse him that was dead; that where in Adam the death of all men lay, therein Christ might be the resurrection of all. Which he receaved (as he did many other things besides) from Origen: who writeth thus of the matter. Venit ad me traditio quaedā talis, quòd corpus Adae primi hominis ibi sepultum est ubi crucifixus est Christus: ut sicut in Adam omnes moriuntur, sic in Christo omnes vivificentur; ut in loco illo qui dicitur Calvariae locus, id est locus capitis, caput humani generis resurrectionem inveniat cum populo universo per resurrectionem Domini Salvatoris, qui ibi passus est, & resurrexit. Inconveniens enim erat, ut cùm multi ex eo nati remissionem acciperent peccatorum, & beneficium resurrectionis consequerentur; non magis ipse pater omnium hominum hujusmodi gratiam consequeretur. Origen. in tractat. 35. in Matth. cap. 27. There came unto me some such tradition as this, that the body of Adam the first man mas buried there, where Christ was crucified: that as in Adam all doe die, so in Christ all might be made alive; that in the place which is called the place of Calvarie, that is, the place of the head, the head of mankinde might finde resurrection with all the rest of the people, by the resurrection of our Lord and Saviour, who suffered there and rose againe. For it was unfit, that when many which were borne of him did receive forgivenesse [Page 326] of their sinnes and obtayne the benefit of Resurrection, he who was the father of all men should not much more obtaine the like grace. Athanasius, (or who ever else was author of the Discourse upon the Passion of our Lord, which beareth his name) referreth this tradition of Adams buriall place unto the report of the [...]. Athanas. in passion. & crucem Domini. Doctors of the Hebrewes (from whom belike hee thought that Origen had received it) and addeth withall, that it was very fit, that where it was said to Adam, Earth thou art and to earth thou shalt returne; our Saviour finding him there, should say unto him again. Arise thou that sleepest, and stand up from the dead, and Christ shall give thee light. Epiphan. cont. Tatian. haeres. 46. Vide etiam Paulae & Eusto [...]hij epist. ad Marcellami, tomo [...]. oper. Hieronymi, epist. 17. Epiphanius goeth a little furthet, and findeth out a mysterie in the water and bloud that fell from the Crosse upon the relicks of our first father lying buried under it: applying thereunto both that in the Gospell, of the arising of many of the Saints, Matth. 27.52. and that other place in S. Paule, Arise thou that sleepest, &c. Ephes. 5.14. which strange speculation, with what great applause it was received by the multitude at the first delivery of it, and for how little reason: he that list may reade in the fourth book of S. Hieroms cōmentaries, upon the 27. of S. Matthew, & in his third upon the fifth to the Ephesians, for upon this first point, of Christs descent into the Hell of the grave, and the bringing of Adam and his children with him from thence, we have dwelt too long already.
In the second place therefore we are now to consider, that as Hádes and Inferi, (which we call Hell) are applied by rhe Interpreters of the holy Scripture, to denote the place of bodies separated from their soules: so with forraine authors (in whose language, as being that wherewith the common people was acquainted, [Page 327] the Church also did use to speake) the same tearmes do signifie ordinarily the common lodge of soules separated from their bodies, whether the particular place assigned unto each of them be conceived to be an habitation of blisse or of miserie. For as when the Grave is said to be the common receptacle of dead bodies, it is not meant thereby that all dead carkasses are heaped together promiscuously in one certaine pit: so when the Heathen write that all the soules of the dead goe to Hades, their meaning is not, that they are all shut up together in one and the selfe same roome: but in generall onely they understand thereby the translation of them into the other world, the extreame parts whereof the Poëts place as farre asunder as wee doe Heaven and Hell. And this opinion of theirs S. Ambrose doth well like off (Atque utinā non superflua his & inutilia miscuissent. Ambros. de bono mortis, cap. 10. wishing that they had not mingled other superfluous and unprofitable conceits therewith) Satis fuerat dixisse illis, quòd liberatae animae de corporibus [...] peterent, id est, locum qui non videtur. Quem locum Latiné infernum dicimus Jbid. that soules departed from their bodies did goe to [...], that is, to a place which is not seene: which place (saith he) wee in Latin call Infernus. So likewise saith S. Chrysostom. [...]. Chrysost. in 2. Corinth. homil. 9. The Grecians, and Barbarians, and Poëts, and Philosophers, and all mankinde doe herein consent with us, although not all alike; and say that there be certaine seats of judgement in Hádes: so manifest and so confessed a thing is this. and againe. [...]. Chrysostom. de fato & providentiâ, orat. 4. tom. 6. edit. Savil. pa. 874. The Grecians were foolish in many things; yet did they not resist the truth of this doctrine. If therefore thou vvilt follow them, they have granted that there is a certaine life after this, & accounts, [Page 328] and seats of judgement in Hádes, and punishments, and honors, and sentences, judgements. And if thou shalt aske the Iewes, or heretickes, or any man; he will reverence the truth of this doctrine: & although they differ in other things, yet in this doe they all agree and say, that there are accounts to be made there of the things that be done here. Only amōg the Iwes, the Sadducees, wch Act. 23 8. say that there is no resurrection, neyther Angel, nor Spirit; [...], take away the punishments, and honours that are in Hádes: as is noted by Ioseph de Bello Iudaic. lib. 2. cap. 12. circa finem. Iosephus. For which wicked doctrine they were condemned by the other sectes of the Iewes: who generally acknowledged, that there was [...] Olam hanneshamoth (for so doe they in their language untill this day call that, [...]lia [...] Levita in Tis [...]hbi, verb. [...]. which Iosephus in Greeke tearmeth Hades) that is to say, the world of spirits; into which they held that the soules were translated presently after death, and there received their seuerall judgements.
The same thing doth Theodoret suppose to be signified by that phrase of being gathered to ones people, which is so usuall in the word of God. For it being said of Iacob, before he was buried, that he gave up the ghost, and was gathered unto his people, Genes. 49.33. Theodoret observeth, that Moses [...]. [...]heodoret. in Genes. quaest. 109. by these words did closely intimate the hope of the resurrection. For if men (saith he) had beene wholy extinguished, and did not passe unto another life; he would not have sayd, Hee was gathered to his people. So likewise where it is distinctly noted of Abraham, Genes. 25.8, 9. first, that hee gave up the ghost and died, then, that hee was gathered to his people, and lastly, that his sonnes buried him: Cardinall Caietan. on Genes. 25. Cajetan and the Iesuite Lorin. in Act. 13.36. Lorinus interpret the first de compositi totius dissolutione, of the dissolution of the [Page 329] parts of the whole-man, consisting of body and soule; the second of the state of the soule separated from the body, and the third of the disposing of the body parted from the soule. Thus the Scriptures speech of being gathered to our people should be answerable in meaning to the phrase used by the heathen of descending into Hell or going to Hades: which, as Syn [...]s. epist. 4. Synesius noteth out of Homer, was by them opposed [...], to a most absolute extinguishment as well of the soule as of the body. And forasmuch as by that tearme, the immortalitie of the soule was commonly signified: therefore doth Plato in his Phaedo disputing of that argument, make this the state of his question; [...]. Plat. Phaedoa. pag. 81. edit. Graecolatin. an. 1590. Whether the soules of men deceased be in Hades or no? and our Ecc [...]esiasticall writers also doe from thence sometimes fetch a difference betwixt Death and Hades. Comperies aliquod esse inferni & mortis discrimen: videlicèt quòd animas infernus contineat, mors veró corpora. Nam immortales sunt animae. Theophylact. in 1. Corinth. 15. You shall finde, saith Theophylact, that there is some difference betwixt Hades and Death: namely that Hades contayneth the soules, but Death the bodies. For the soules are immo [...]tall. The same we reade in Hoc differunt mors & infernus: quòd illa corpora, hîc animas detineat. Nicet. in Gregor. Nazianz. orat 42. Nicetas Serronius his exposition of Gregory Nazianzens second Paschall oration. Andreas Caesareensis doth thus expresse the difference. [...]. Andr. Caesareens. in Apocalyps. commentar. cap. 64. edit. Graec. 63. Latin. Death is the separation of the soule and the body. But Hades. is a place to us invisible or vnseene and unknowne, which receiveth our soules when they departe from hence. The ordinary Glosse, following S. Hierome upon the thirteenth of Hosea, thus. Mors est, quâ separatur anima á corpore. Infernus est locus ubi recluduntur animae, vel ad refrigerium, vel ad poenam. Strabus in Gloss. ordinar. [...]n Hieronym. lib. 3. in Ose. cap. 13. Death is that, whereby the soule is separated from the body. Hell is that place, [Page 330] wherein the soules are included, eyther for comfort or for paine.
The [...], Nicet init. Historiae. soule goeth to Hádes, saith Nicetas Choniates in the Prooeme of his Historie: but the bodie returneth againe into those things, of which it was composed. Caius, (or whoe ever else was the author of that auncient fragment, which wee formerly signified to have been falsely fathered upon Iosephus) holdeth that [...], Caius, in fragmento de Caussâ sive essentiâ Vniversi: de quo suprà, pag. 222. in Hades, the soules both of the righteous and unrighteous are contayned: [...]. Ibid. but that the righteous are led to the right hand by the Angels that awayte them there, and brought unto a lightsome region, wherein the righteous men that have beene from the beginning doe dwell (and this wee call Abrahams b [...]some: saith he) whereas the wicked are drawen toward the left hand by the punishing Angels, not going willingly, but drawen as prisoners by violence. Where you may observe how he frameth his description of Hades, according to that modell wherewith the Poets had before possessed mens mindes.
For [...]. Io. Tzetz. in Hesiodi [...]. as Wee doe allot unto good men a resting place in Paradise; so the Greekes doe assigne unto their Heroës the Fortunate Ilandes, and the Elysian fields: saith Tzetzes. [Page 331] And as the Scripture borroweth the terme of [...]. 2. Pet. 2.4. Tartarus from the Heathen: so is it thought by Tertullian. Apologetic. cap. 47. Tertullian and Greg. Nazianz. orat. 20 in laud. Basilij. Gregory Nazianzen that the Heathen tooke the ground of their Elysian fields from the Scriptures Paradise.
To heape up many testimonies out of the Heathen authors, to prove that in their understanding all soules went to Hades, and received there eyther punishment or reward according to the life that they led in this world; would be but a needlesse worke: seeing none that hath reade any thing in their writings can be ignorant therof. If any man desire to informe himselfe herein, he may repayre to Plutarches consolatory discourse written to Apollonius: where he shall finde the testimonies of Pindarus and many others alledged, [...], touching the state of the godly in Hades. Their common opinion is sufficiently expressed in that sentence of Diphilus, the old Comicall Poet. [...]. [...]. D [...]phil. apud Clement. Alexandr. lib. 5. Stromat, ind [...] (que) apud Euseb. Praeparat. Euangeli [...]. lib. 13. pag. 400. edit Grae [...]. & Theodoret. in Therapeutic. ad Graec. lib. 8. pag. 88.89. who commendeth this for true, philosophy indeed. In Hades we resolve there are two pathes: the one whereof is the way of the righteous, the other of the wicked. But as in this generall they agreed together both among themselves and with the truth: so touching the particular situation of this Hádes, and the speciall places whereunto these two sorts of soules were disposed, and the state of things there, a number of ridiculous fictions and fond conceits are to be found among them; wherein they dissented as much from one another, as they did from the truth it selfe. So we see, for example, Vid. Tertullian. de Animâ cap. 54.55. & Macrob. in Somn. Scipionis. lib. 1. cap. 9.10.11.12. that the best soules are placed by some of them in the companie of their Gods in heaven, by others in the Galaxias or milky circle, by others beyond the Ocean, and by others under the earth: ‘[Page 332] Antholog. lib. 1. cap. 37. [...],’ yet one Hádes notwithstanding was cōmonly thought to have received them all.
Plato relateth this, as a sentence delivered by them who were the first ordayners of the Grecian Mysteries: [...]. Plat. Phaedon. pag. 380. f. & 386. a. Whosoever goeth to Hádes not initiated and not cleansed, shal lye in the mire; but he that commeth thither, purged and initiated, shall dwell with the Gods. So Zoroaster the great father of the Magi in the East, is said to have used this entrance into his discourse touching the things of the other world. [...]. Zoroaster. apud. Clement. Alexandr. lib. 5. Stromat. inde (que) apud Euseb. Praeparat. Euangel. lib. 13.39 [...]. These things wrote Zoroaster, the sonne of Armenius, by race a Pamphylian, having beene dead in the warre, which I learned of the Gods, being in Hades. as Clemens Alexandrinus relateth in the fifth booke of his Stromata: where he also noteth, that this Zoroaster is that Er the sonne of Armenius, a Pamphylian, of whom Plato writeth in the tenth booke of his Common-wealth; that being slain in the warre he revived the twelfth day after, and was sent backe as a messenger to report unto men here the things which he had heard and seene in the other world one part of whose relation was this: that he saw certaine Plato, lib. 10. de Republ. pag. pag. 518. gulfes beneath in the earth, and above in the heaven, opposite one to the other; and that the just were commanded by the Iudges that sate betwixt those gulfs, to go to the right hand up toward Heaven, but the wicked to the left hand and downeward. which testimonie Euseb. Praeparat. Euangel. lib. 11. pag. 330. Eusebius bringeth in, among many others, to shew the consent that is betwixt Plato and the Hebrewes in matters that concerne the state of the world to come. Next to Zoroaster commeth Pythagoras: whose golden verses are concluded with this distich.
When thou shalt leave the body, and come unto a free heaven; thou shalt be an immortall God, incorruptible, and not subject to mortalitie any more. So Epicharmus the scholler of Pythagoras: [...]. Epicharm. apud Clement. Alexandr. lib. 4. stro [...].If thou be godly in minde, thou shalt suffer no evill when thou art dead; thy spirit shall remaine above in heaven. and Pindarus: [...]. Pindar. ibid. & apud Theodore [...]. in Therapeutic. ad Grae [...]os, lib. 8.The soules of the ungodly flie under the heaven (or under the earth) in cruell torments, under the unavoydable yoakes of evills. but the soules of the godly, dwelling in heaven, doe prayse that great blessed one with songs and hymnes.
Ci [...]ero in his Tusculan questions alledgeth the testimony of Romulus in co [...]lo cum dijs agit aevum: ut famae assentiens dixit Ennius. Cic Tus [...]ul. quaest. lib. 1. Ennius, approving the common fame, that Romulus did lead his life in heaven with the Gods. and in the sixth booke of his Common-wealth, he bringeth in Scipio teaching that Omnibus, qui patriam conservârint, adjuverint, auxerint, certum esse in coelo ac definitum locum, ubi beati aevo sempiterno fruantur. Id. in Som [...]o Scipionis. unto all them which preserve, assist, and enlarge their countrey, there is a certaine place appointed in heav [...]n, where they shall live blessed world without end. Ea vita, via est in coelum, & in hunc coetum eorum, qui jam vixerunt, & corpore laxati, illum incolunt locum quem vides (erat autem is splendidissimo candore inter flammas elucens circulus) quem vos, ut á Graijs accepistis, orbem lacteum nuncupatis Ibid. Such a life (saith he) is the way to heaven, and into the company of these, who having lived and are now loosed from their body, doe inhabite that place which thou seest, p [...]inting to the Galaxiaes or milky circle. whereof we reade thus also in Manil. lib. 1. Astronom. Manilius:
With Damascius the philosopher of Damascus, this circle [...] Damasc. is the way of the soules that goe to the Hades in heaven. Against whom Iohannes Philoponus doth reason thus, from the etymologie of the word. [...]; Philopon in 1. Mettor. fol. 104. b. If they passe through the Galaxias or milky circle; then this should be that [...] or Hades that is in heaven: and how can that be Hades, which is so lightsome? To which, they that maintayned the other opinion, would peradventure oppose that other common derivation of the word from the Dorick [...], which signifieth to please or to delight; or that which [...]. Socrat. apud Platonem in Cra [...]ylo. pag 265. Plato doth deliver in the name of Socrates, [...] from seeing or knowing all good things. For, there did Socrates looke to finde such things: as appeareth by that speech which Plato in his Dialogue of the Soule maketh him to use the same day that he was to depart out of this life. [...]. Id. apud. eund. in Phaedone. pag. 385. g. The soule, being an invisible thing, goeth hence into such another noble and pure and invisible place; to Hades, in truth, unto the good and wise God: whither, if God will, my soule must presently goe. which place is alledged by Euseb. Praepar. Euangel. lib. 11. pag. 325. Eusebius, to prove that [...]. Ibid. pag. 323. in the things which concerne the immortalitie of the soule, Plato doth differ in opinion nothing from Moses. The tale also which Socrates there telleth of the Plat. Phaedon. pag. 39 [...].399. pure land seated above in the pure heaven, though it have a number of toyes added to it (as tales use to have) yet the foundation thereof both Eusebius and Origen doe judge to have beene taken from [Page 335] the speeches of the Prophets touching the land of promise and the heavenly Canaan: and for the rest, Origen referreth us to Platoes interpreters, affirming that [...] Origen lib 7. contra Celsum, pag. 362. they who handle his writings more gravely, doe expound this tale of his by way of allegory.
Such another tale doth the same philosoper relate in the Dialogue which he intituleth Gorgias: shewing, that [...]. Plato, in Gorg. pag. 312. c. among men he that leadeth his life righteously and holily, shall when he is dead goe unto the Fortunate Ilands, and dwell in all happinesse, free from evills. but he that leadeth it unrighteously and impiously, shall goe unto the prison of punishment and just revenge, which they call Tartarus. which Theodoret bringeth in, to prove that [...]. Theodoret. Therapeutic. ad Graec. lib. 11. pag. 155. Plato did exactly beleeve that there were judgements to passe upon men in Hades. For being conversant with the Hebrewes (saith he) in Aegypt, he heard without doubt the oracles of the Prophets: and [...]. Ibid. pag. 166. taking some things from thence, and mingling other things therewith out of the fables of the Greekes, made up his discourses of these things. Among which mixtures, that which he hath of the Fortunate Ilands, is reckoned by Ibid. pag. 157. Theodoret for one: whereof you may reade in Hesiod. in [...]. Hesiod, Pindar. Olymp. Od. 2. Pindarus, Diodor. Bibliothec. lib. 3. Diodorus Siculus, Plutarch. in vitâ Serlorij. Plutarch, and Ioseph. de bello Iudaico, lib. 2. cap. 12. pag. 730. edit. Graec. Iosephus also; who treating of the diverse sectes that were among the Iewes, sheweth that the Essenes borrowed this opinion (of the placing of good mens soules in a certaine pleasant habitation beyond the Ocean) from the Grecians. But the Pharisees (as hee noteth [...]. Jd. lib. 18. Antiquit. cap. 2. pag. 548. elsewhere) held [Page 336] that the place, wherein both rewards were given to the good and punishments to the wicked, was under the earth: which as [...]. Origen cont [...]a Celsum, lib. 5 pag. 267. Origen doth declare to have been the common opinion of the Iewes, so doth Lucian shew that it was the more vulgar opinion among the Grecians. For among them [...]. Lucian. de luctu. the common multitude, whom wise men (saith he) call simple people, being perswaded of these things by Homer and Hesiod and such other fabulous authors, and receiving their Poëms for a law; tooke HADES to be a certaine deepe place under the earth. The first originall of which conceite is by Cicero derived from hence. In terram enim cadentibus corporibus, hisque humo tectis, ex quo dictum est humari; sub terrâ censebant reliquam vitam agi mortuorum. quam [...]orum opinionem magni errores consecuti sunt: quos auxerunt Poëtae. Cic. Tuscul. quaest. lib. 1. The bodies falling into the ground, and being covered with earth, (whence they are said to be interred) men thought that the rest of the life of the dead was led under the earth, upon which opinion of theirs (saith he) great errors did ensue: which were increased by the Poës. Others do imagine, that the Poets herein had some relation to the Hera [...]lid Pontic de Allegor. Homer. Servius, in Virgil. Ae [...]e [...]d. lib. 6. sphericall situation of the world: for the better understanding whereof, these particulars following would be considered by them that have some knowledge in this kinde of learning.
First, the materiall Spheres in ancient time were not made moveable in their sockets, as they are now, that they might bee set to any elevation of the Pole: but were [...]. G [...]minus, in Phaenomen. cap. 13. fixt to the elevation of XXXVI. degrees; which was the height of the Rhodian climat. Secondly, the Horizon which devided this Sphere through the middle, and separated the visible part of the world from the invisible, was commonly esteemed the utmost [Page 337] bound of the earth: so that whatsoever was under that horizon, was accounted to be under the earth. for neyther the common people, nor yet some of the learned Doctros uf the Church (as Lactant Institut. lib. 3. cap. 23. Lactantius, Augustin. de Civit. De [...]. lib. 16. cap. 9. S. Augustine, Procop. in Genes. cap. 1. Procopius, and others) could be induced to beleeve that which our daily navigations finde now to bee most certaine; that there should bee another southerne hemisphere of the earth, inhabited by any Antipodes, that did walke with their feete just opposite unto ours. Thirdly, the great Ocean was supposed to be the thing in nature which was answerable to this horizon in the Sphere. Therefore it is observed by Strabo, Geograph. lib. 1. ad quem doctiss. Casauhonus hane ex Grammaticis Oceani definitionem producit. [...]. Strabo that Homer, and by [...]. Theon in Arat. pag. 6. [...]. Ibid. pag. 59. edit. Paris. Theon, [...]. Ach [...]l. Stat. in Ar [...]. pag. 93 [...]dit. Florentin. ubi etiam alius scholiastes, pag. 115. de horizonte similiter notat. [...]. Achilles Statius, and others that Aratus and the rest of the Poets doe put the Ocean for the Horizon: and thereupon where the astronomers say that the Sunne or the starres at their setting, goe under the horizon the common phrase of the Poets is, that they doe tingere se Oceano, dive themselves into the Ocean. for as they tooke the Earth to be but halfe a globe, and not a whole one: so they imagined that demye globe to be as it were a great mountaine or Iland seated in, and invironed round about with the Ocean. Thus the author of the booke de Mundo, affirmeth that [...]. Aristot. de Mundo, cap. 3. the whole world is one Iland, compassed about with the Atlanticke sea: and Dionysius Alexandrinus, in the beginning of his Geography,
[Page 338] wherein he followed Eratosthenes, as his expositor Eustathius there noteth: who compareth also with this, that place of Orpheus [...],
whereunto answereth that of Citat ab Arati scholiaste, edit. cum Hipparcho, Florent. an. 1567. pag. 115. Euphorion, or (as Achil. Stat. in Arateis, ibid. pag 93. Achilles Statius citeth it) of Neoptolemus Parianus in his [...].
And this opinion of theirs the Fathers of the Church did the more readily entertayne: because they thought it had ground from Vid. Augustin. Quaest. 132. in Genesim. Psalm. 24.2. and 136.6. and such other testimonies of holy Scripture. Quòd autē universa terra in aquis subsistat, nec ulla sit pars ejus, quae infra nos sita est, aquis vacua & denudata, omnibus notum reor. Nam sic docet Scriptura: Qui expandit terram super aquas. Et iterùm: Quia ipse super maria fundavit eam, & super flumina praeparavit eam. &c. Nec decet ut credamus aliquam terram infra nos coli nostro orbi oppositam. Procop. in Genes. cap. 1. That the whole earth (saith Procopius Gazaeus) doth subsist in the waters, and that there is no part of it which is situated under us voyde and clear'd of waters; I suppose it be knowne unto all. For so doth the Scripture teach: Who stretcheth out the earth upon the waters. and againe: Hee hath founded it upon the seas, and prepared it upon the floods. Neyther is it fit we should beleeve, that any earth under us is inhabited, opposite unto our part of the world. The same collection is made by S. Hilari. in Psalm. 2. Hilary, Chrysostom. in Genes. cap. 2. homil. 12. Chrysostom, Caesar. Dialog. 1. Caesarius, and others. Fourthly, it was thought by the ancient heathen, that the Ocean (supplying the place of the Horizon) did [...]. Proclus Diadoch. in Hesiodi [...]. ab Hugone Sanfordo citatus; qui complura Veterum testimonia huc facientia diligenter congessit. separate the visible world from the kingdome of Hades: and therefore that such as went to Hádes (or the world invisible to us) must first [Page 339] passe the Ocean. and that the pole Antarctick was seene by them there, as the Arctick or North pole is by us here: according to that of Virgil in his Georgicks,
Fiftly, as they held that Hades was for situation placed from the center of the earth downeward; so betwixt the beginning and the lowest part thereof they imagined as great a space to be interjected, as there is betwixt Heaven and Earth. So saith Apollodorus of Tartarus, the dungeon of torment. [...]. Apollodor. Bibliothec. lib. 1. This is a darke place in Hades, having as great a distance from the earth, as the earth from the heaven. and Hesiod in his Theogonia (agreably to that which before we heard from Homer)
It is as farre beneath the earth, as heaven is from the earth: for thus equall is the distance from the earth unto darke Tartarus. whereunto that of Virgil may be added, in the [...]ixt of the Aeneids:
that, see how hye the heaven is over us, when we looke upward to it; the downright distance from thence to Tartarus, should be twice as deepe againe. for so wee must conceive the Poets meaning to bee: if wee will make him to accord with the rest of his fellowes.
[Page 340]These observations, I doubt not, will be censured by many to savour of a needlesse and fruitelesse curiositie: but the intelligent reader for all that will easily disc [...]rne, how hereby he may be led to understand, in what sense the ancient both heathen and Christian writers did hold Hades to be under the earth; and upon what ground. For they did not meane thereby (as the Schoolemen generally doe, and as Nobis inferi, non nuda cavositas, nec subdivalis aliqua mundi sentina credū tur: sed in fossâ terrae & in alto vastitas, & in ipsis visceribus ejus abstrusa profunditas. Tertull. de anima, cap. 55. Tertullian sometime seemeth to imagine) that it was contayned within the bowels of the earth: but that it lay under the whole bulke thereof, and occupied that whole space, which we now finde to be taken up with the earth, ayre and firmament of the southerne hemisphere. Esse autem hujus infernae regionis vas [...]aeque abyssi incolas pl [...]res, beati Ioannis Apocalypsi docemur. e [...]c. Hila [...]. [...]n P [...]alm. 2. the inhabitants of which infernall region and vast depth are thereupon affirmed by S. Hilary to be non intra terram sed infra terram, not within the earth but beneath the earth. And this proceeded from no other ground, but the vulgar opinion, that the southerne hemisphere of the earth was not inhabited by living men, as our north [...]rne is insomuch that some of the heathen atheists, finding the contrary to be true by the discourse of right reason; endevoured to perswade themselves from thence, that there was no such place as Hades at all. Lucretius ex majore part [...], & alij integré docent, inferorum regna ne esse quidem posse. Nam locum ipso [...]um quem possumus dicere; cùm sub [...]erris d [...]a [...]ur esse Antipodes? in mediâ veró terrâ eos esse, nec soliditas patitur, nec centrum terrae, quae terra si in [...] [...]edio mundi est; tanta ejus esse profunditas non potest, ut in medio sui habeat inferos, in quibus est Tartarus: de quo legitur, Bis patet in praeceps tantum, etc. Servius, in Aen [...]i [...]. 6. Lucretius for the greater part, (saith Servius) and others fully teach, tha [...] the kingdomes of Hell cannot as much as have a being. For what place can we say they have; when under the earth our Antipodes are sayd to be? and that they should be in the midst of the earth, neyther will the solidity permit, nor the center of the earth. which earth if it be in the middle of the world, the profundity thereof can [Page 341] not be so great, that it may have those Inferos within it, in which is Tartarus: whereof we reade,
But Chrstiian men, being better instructed out of the word of God, were taught to answere otherwise. Si de situ & loco quaesieris, respondebo, dicamque extra terra [...]ū orbē hunc aliquo esse positam. Non ergo erit, quo fuerit haec loco sita, quin magis quo pacto evitari possit, quaerendū [...] Chrysostom de p [...]aemij. sanctor. tom. 3. Oper. Lae [...]in. If thou dost aske me (saith S. Chrysostom) of the situation and place of Gehenna: I will answere and say, that it is seated somewhere out of this world; and that it is not to be inquired in what place it is situated, but by what meanes rather it may be avoyded.
In the Dialogue betwixt Gregory Nyssen and that admirable woman Macrina, S. Basils sister, touching the Soule and the Resurrection, this point is stood upon at large: the question being first proposed by Gregory in this maner. [...]. Gregor. N [...]ssen. in Macrin [...]s, tom. 2 Oper. pag 641. Where is that name of Hádes somuch spoken of? which is so much treated of in our common conversation, so much in the writings both of the heathen and our owne. into which all men thinke that the soules are translated from hence as into a certaine receptacle. For you will not say that the elements ar [...] this Hades. whereunto Macrina thus replyeth. [...]. (fort. [...].) Ibid. pag. 641.642. It appeareth that thou didst not give much heed to my speech. for when I spake of the translation of the soule from that which is seen unto that which is invisible; I thought I had left nothing behinde to be inquired of Had [...]s. Neyther doth that name, wherein soules are said to be, seeme to me to signifie any other thing eyther in profane writers or in the holy scripture, save onely a removing unto that which is invisible and unseene. Thereupon [Page 342] it being further demanded: [...]; etc. Ibid. pag. 642. how then doe some thinke that a certaine subterraneall place should be so called, and that the soules doe lodge therein? for answere thereunto it is said, that there is no maner of difference betwixt the lower hemisphere of the earth, and that wherein we live: that as long as the principall doctrine of the immortalitie of the soule is yeelded unto, no controversie should be moved touching the place therof; that locall position is proper to bodies, and the soule being incorporeall hath no need to be detained in certaine places. then the place objected from Philip. 2.10. of those under the earth that should bow at the name of Iesus, being largely skanned: this in the end is laid downe for the conclusion. [...] Ibid, pag. 644. These things being thus, no man can constraine us by the name of things under the earth to understand any subterraneall place: forasmuch as the ayre do [...]h so equally compasse the earth round about, that there is no part thereof found naked from the covering of the ayre. Both these opinions are thus propounded by [...]. Theophylact. in Luc. cap. 16. Theophylact, and by Infernum autem hi quidem putant regionem sub terrâ caliginis & tenebrarum. &c. Alij veró Infernum ex apparitione ad disparitionem animae nominaverunt. Quandiu anima est in corpore, per proprias videtur actiones: sed ubi á corpore discessum est, omnibus modis incognita nobis existit. Hugo. Etherian. de animar. regress. ab Inferis, cap. 11. Hugò Etherianus after him. What is Hades or Hell? Some say that it is a darke place under the earth. Others say, that it is the translation of the soule from that which is visible unto that which is unseene and invisible. For while the soule is in the body, it is seene by the proper operations thereof: but being translated out of the body, it is invisible; and this did they say was Hádes.
So where the author of the Ecclesiasticall Hierarchy [Page 343] defineth death to be a separation of the united parts, and the bringing to them [...], unto that which is invisible to us: his scholiast Maximus noteth thereupon, that [...] Maxim. in Dionys. Ecclesiast. Hi [...] rarch. cap. 2. this invisible thing some doe affirme to be Hádes; that is to say, an unseene and invisible departure of the soule unto places not to be seene by the sense of man. Hitherto also may be referred the place cited Suprá, pag. 217. before out of Origen in his fourth book [...]: which by S. Hierome is thus delivered. In isto mundo qui moriuntur separatione carnis & animae, juxta operum differentiā diversa apud Inferos obtinēt loca. Origen. de Prin [...]ipijs, lib. 4. apud Hieronym. epist. 59. ad Avitum. They who dye in this world by the separation of the flesh and the soule, according to the difference of their workes obtaine diverse places in Hell. Where by Hádes, Inferi, or Hell he meaneth indefinitely the other world: in which how the soules of the godly were disposed, hee thus declareth in another place. Relinquit anima mundi hujus tenebras, ac naturae corporeae caecitatem, & transfertur ad aliud seculum: quod vel sinus Abrahae, ut in Lazaro, vel Paradisus, ut in latrone qui de cruce credidit, indicatur; vel etiam si qua novit Deus esse alia loca, vel alias mansiones, per quae transiens anima Deo creden [...], & perveniens usque ad flumen illud quod laetificat civitatem Dei, intra ipsum sortem promissae patribus haereditatis accipiat. Origen. in Numer. 31. homil. 2 [...]. The soule leaveth the darkenesse of this world, and the blindnesse of this bodily nature, and is translated unto another world: which is eyther the bosome of Abraham, as it is shewed in Lazarus, or Paradise, as in the thiefe that beleeved upon the crosse; or yet if God know that there be any other places, or other mansions, by which the soule that beleeveth in God passing, and comming unto that river which maketh glad the citie of God, may receive within it the lott of the inheritance promised unto the Fathers. For touching the determinate state of the faithfull soules departed this life, the ancient Doctors (as we have shewed) were not so thoroughly resolved.
Now, all the question betwixt us and the Romanistes is, whether the faithfull be received into their everlasting tabernacles presently upon their removeall out of the body, or after they have beene first purified [Page 344] to the point (as Allen speaketh) in the furnace of Purgatorie: but in the time of the Fathers, as S. Augustin noteth, the Illa receptio utrùm statim post istam vitam flat, an in fine suculi in resurrectione mortuorum, atque ultimâ retributione judicij; non minima quaestio est. August. Quaestion Euange [...] lib. 2. cap. 38. great question was, vvhether the receiving of them into those everlasting tabernacles were performed presently after this life; or in the end of the world, at the resurrection of the dead, and the last retribution of judgement. And so concerning Hell the question was as great among them, whether all, good and bad, went thither or no? whereof the same S. Augustin is a witnesse also; who upon that speech of Iacob, Gen. 37.35. I will goe downe to my sonne mourning into Hell, writeth thus. Solet esse magna quaestio, quo modo intelligatur infernus: u [...]rùm illuc mali tantùm, an etiam boni mortui descendere soleant. Si ergo tantùm mali: quo modo iste ad filium suum se dicit lugentem descendere? Non enim in poenis inferni eum esse credidit. An per turbati & dolentis v [...]rba sunt, mala sua etiam hinc exagggerantis? Id. Quaestio. 126, in Genesim. & Eucher. in Genes. l [...]b. 3. cap. 18. It useth to be a great question, in what maner Hell should be understood: vvhether evill men onely, or good men also when they are dead doe use to goe downe thither. And if evill men only doe; how doth he say that he would goe downe unto his sonne mourning? for he did not beleeve that he was in the paines of Hell. Or be these the words of a troubled & grieving man, amplifying his evils frō hence? and upon that other speech of his, Genes. 42.38. You shal bring down mine old age with sorrow unto Hell. Vtrùm ideò ad infernum, quia cum tristitiâ? An etiam si abesset tristitia, tanquam ad in [...]ernum moriendo descensurus haec loquitur? De inferno enim magna quaestio est: & quid inde Scriptura sentiat, locis omnibus ubi fortè hoc commemoratum fuerit, observandum est. Augustin. Quaest. 142. in Genes [...]m. & Eucher. in Genes. lib. 3. cap. 27. Whether therefore unto Hell, because with sorrow? Or although sorrow were away, speaketh he these things as if he were t [...] goe down into hell by dying? For of Hell there is a great question: and what the Scripture delivereth thereof, in all the places where it hath occasion to make mention of it, is to be observed. Hitherto S. Augustin: who had reference to this great question, when he said as hath beene Supr. pag. 215. before alledged. Of Hell neyther have I had any experience [Page 345] as yet, nor you: and peradventure there shal be another way, and by Hell it shall not be. For these things are uncertaine. Neyther is there greater question among the Doctors of the Church concerning the Hell of the Fathers of the Old Testament, then there is of the Hell of the faithfull now in the time of the New: neyther are there greater differences betwixt them touching the Hell into which our Saviour went (whether it were under the earth or above, whether a darkesome place or a lightsome, whether a prison or a paradise) then there are of the mansions wherein the soules of the blessed do now continue.
S. Hierome, interpreting those words of King Ezechias, Esai. 38.10. I shall goe to the gates of Hell: saith that this is meant, Vel communi lege naturae, vel [...]illas portas, de qu [...]bus quòd liberatus sit, Psalmista decantat: Qui exaltas me de portis mortis, ut annunciem omnes laudationes tuas in portis filiae Sion Hi [...]ronym. lib. 11. in Esai. cap. 38. eyther of the common law of nature, or else of those gates, from which that he was delivered, the Psalmist singeth; Thou that liftest me up from the gates of death, that I may shew forth all thy prayses in the gates of the daughter of Sion. (Psalm. 9.13, 14.) Now as some of the Fathers doe expound our Saviours going to Hell, of his descending into Gehenna: so others expound it of his going to Hell according to the common law of nature; the common law of nature (I say) which extendeth it selfe indifferently unto all the dead, whether they belong to the state of the New Testament or of the Old. For as Christs soule was in all points made like unto ours (sinne onely excepted) while it was joyned with his body here in the land of the living: so when he had humbled himselfe unto the death, it became him in all things to be made like unto his brethren, even in that state of dissolution. [...]. Eustathius Antiochen. in Psal. 15. citatus á [...]heodoreto in [...]. dialog. 1. And so indeed the soule of Iesus had experience of both. For [Page 346] it was in the place of humaine soules, and being out of the flesh did live and subsist. It was a reasonable soule therefore and of the same substance with the soules of men; even as his flesh is of the same substance with the flesh of men, proceeding from Mary: saith Eustathius the Patriarch of Antioch in his exposition of that text of the Psalme; Thou wilt not leave my soule in Hell, Where by [...] or Hell, you see, he understandeth [...], the place of humaine soules (which is the Hebrewes [...] or world of spirits) and by the disposing of Christs soule there after the maner of other soules, concludeth it to be of the same nature with other mens soules. So S Hilary in his exposition of the 138. Psalme. Humanae ista lex necessitatis est, ut consepultis corporibus ad inferos animae descendant. Quam descensionem Dominus ad consummationem veri hominis non recusavit. Hilari. in Psal. 138. This is the law of humaine necessitie, saith he, that the bodies being buried, the soules should goe to Hell. Which descent the Lord did not refuse for the accomplishment of a true man. and a little after he repeateth it, that de supernis ad inferos mortis lege descendit, he descended from the supernall to the infernall parts by the law of death. and upon the 53. Psalme more fully. Ad explendam quidem hominis naturam etiā morti se, id est, discenssioni se tanquam animae corporisque subjecit; & ad infernas sedes, id quod homini debitum videtur esse, penetravit. Id. in Psalm. 53. To fulfill the nature of man he subjected himselfe to death, that is, to a departure as it were of the soule and body; and pierced into the infernall seates, which was a thing that seemed to be du [...] unto man.
So Leo, in one of his Sermons upon our Lords passion. Leges inferni moriendo subijt, sed resurgendo dissolvit: & ita perpetuitatem mortis incîdit, ut eam de aeternâ faceret temporalem. Leo de passion. serm. 8. Hee did undergoe the lawes of Hell by dying, but did dissolve them by rising againe: and so did cut off the perpetuitie of death, that of eternall hee might make it temporall. So Irenaeus, having said, that our Lord Nunc autem tribus diebus conversatus est ubi erant mortui. Irenaeus, lib. 5. cap. ult. conversed three dayes where the dead were, addeth that [Page 347] therein he Dominus legem mortuorū servavit, ut fieret primogenitus á mortuis, et commoratus usque ad te [...]tiā diē in inferioribus terrae, pòst deinde surgens in carne, ut etiā figuras clavorū ostenderet discipulis, sic ascendit ad patrem. Ibid. observed the law of the dead, that hee might be made the first begotten from the dead; staying untill the third day in the lower parts of the earth, and afterward rising in his flesh. Then he draweth from thence this generall conclusion. Cùm enim Dominus in medio umbrae mortis abierit, ubi animae mortuorum erant, post deinde corporaliter resurrexit, & post resurrectionē assumptus est: manifestū est quia & discipulorum ejus, propter quos & haec operatus est Dominus, animae abibunt in invisibilem locum, definitū eis á Deo, & ibi usque ad resurrectionem commorabuntur, sustinentes resurrectionem; pòst recipientes corpora & perfecté resu [...]gentes, hoc est corporaliter, quemadmodum & Dominus resurrexit, sic venient ad conspectum Dei. Nemo enim est discipulus super magistrum: perfectus autem omnis erit, sicut magister ejus. Ibid. Seeing our Lord went in the midst of the shadow of death, vvhere the soules of the dead were, then afterward rose againe corporally, and after his resurrection was assumed: it is manifest that the soules of his disciples also, for whose sake the Lord wrought these things, shall goe to an invisible place appointed unto them by God, and there shall abide untill the resurrection, wayting for the resurrection; and afterwards receaving their bodies, and rising againe perfectly, that is to say corporally, even as our Lord did rise againe, they shall so come unto the presence of God. For there is no disciple above his master: but every one shall be perfect, if he be as his master. The like collection doth Tertullian make in his booke of the Soule. Tertullian de Animâ, cap. 55. vid. supr. pag. 270. ad liter. b. If Christ being God, because he was also man, dying according to the Scriptures, and being buried according to the same, did heere also satisfie the law, by performing the course of an humane death in Hell; neyther did ascend into the higher parts of the heavens, before he descended into the lower parts of the earth, that he might there make the Patriarches and Prophets partakers of himselfe: thou hast, both to beleeve that there is a region of Hell under the earth, and to push them with the elbowe, who proudly enough doe not thinke the soules of the faithfull to be fit for Hell; servants above their Lord, and disciples above their Master, scorning perhaps to take the comfort of expecting [Page 348] the resurrection in Abrahams bosome. And in the same booke, speaking of the soule: Quid est illud quod ad inferna transfertur post divortium corporis, quod detinetur illic, quod in diem judicij reservatur, ad quod & Christus moriendo descendit, puto ad animas Patriarcharum. Jbid. cap. 7. What is that, saith he, which is translated unto the infernall parts (or Hell) after the separation of the body? which is detayned there, which is reserved unto the day of judgement, unto which Christ by dying did descend, to the soules of the Patriarches, I thinke. Where he maketh the Hell unto which our Saviour did descend, to be the common receptacle not of the soules of the Patriarches alone, but also of the soules that are now still separated from their bodies: as being the place quò universa humanitas trahitur (as he speaketh Ibid. cap. 58. elsewhere in that booke) unto which all mankinde is drawne.
So Novatianus after him, affirmeth that the very places Quae infraterram jacent, neque ipsa sunt digestis & ordinatis potestatibus vacua. Locus enim est, quò piorum animae impiorumque ducuntur, futuri judicij pra [...]judicia sentientes Novatian. de Trinitat. cap 1. which lye under the earth be not voyde of distinguished and ordered powers. For that is the place (saith he) whither the soules both of the godly and ungodly are led, receiving the fore-judgements of their future d [...]ome. Lactantius saith that our Saviour Lactant. Justitut. lib. 4. cap. 19. rose againe ab inferis, from Hell: but so he saith also that the dead Saints shall be I [...]. lib. 7. cap. 24. vid. & cap. 22. raised up ab inferis at the time of the Resurrection. S. Cyrill of Alexandria saith that the Iewes [...] Cyrill. Glaphyr. in Genes. lib. 6. pag. 154. killed Christ, and cast him into the deepe and darke dungeon of death, that is, into Hades: adding afterward, that [...]. Ibid. pag 155. Hades may rightly be esteemed to be the house and mansion of such as are deprived of life. Nicephorus Gregoras in his funerall Oration upon Theodorus Metochites, putteth in this for one strayne of his lamentation. [...]; Niceph. G [...]egor. histor. Roman. lib. 10. Who hath brought downe that heavenly man unto the [Page 349] bottome of Hades? and Andrew archbishop of Crete, touching the descent both of Christ and all Christians after him even unto the darke and comfortlesse Hades writeth in this maner. [...]; Andre. Hierosolymitan. serm. in vitam humanam, & in Defunctos. If hee, who was the Lord and master of all, and the light of them that are in darknesse, and the life of all men, would taste death, and undergoe the descent into Hell, that he might be made like unto us in all things, sinne excepted; and for three dayes went thorough the sad, obscure and darke region of Hell: what strange thing is it, that wee who are sinners, and dead in trespasses (according to the great Apostle) who are subject to generation and corruption; should meete with death, and goe with our soule into the darke chambers of Hell, where we cannot see light, nor behold the life of mortall men? For are wee above our Master, or better then the Saints, who underwent these things of ours after the like maner that we must doe?
Iuvencus intimateth, that our Saviour giving up the ghost sent his soule unto heaven, in those verses of his:
Eusebius Emesenus collecteth so much from the last words which our Lord uttered at the same time; Father, into thine hands I commend my spirit. [...], saith Euseb. Em [...]sen. á Theodore [...]o citatus in [...]. dialog. 3. he, [...]. His spirit was above, and his body remayned upon the crosse for us. In the Greeke exposition of the Canticles, collected out of Eusebius, Philo Carpathius and others, that sentence in the beginning of the sixt chapter, My beloved [Page 350] is gone down into his garden, is interpreted of Christs [...]. Euseb. in Cantic. pag. 68. going to the soules of the Saints in Hádes. which in the Latin collections that beare the name of Philo Carpathius is thus more largely expressed. Per descensum Sponsi quem patruelem appellat, Domini nost [...]i Iesu Christi descensum ad inferos possumus intelligere, ut arbitror: nam & haec sequentia probant, cùm dixit; Ad aromatum phialas sive areolas. Prisci enim illi sanctissimi viri, per phialas aromatum non inepté significantur; quales fuere, Noë, Abraham, Isaac, Iacob, Moses, Iob, David, Samuel, Elisaeus, Daniel, alijque quamplurimi ante Legem & in Lege: qui quidem omnes, veluti aromatum phialae sive areolae, sanctissimae justitiae odores ac fructus suavissimé oluerunt. Tunc enim Paradisum triumphator ingressus est, cùm ad inferos penetravit. Adest nobis ipse Deu [...] hâc in re testis, cùm in Cruce Latroni (sese illi ipsi religiosissime commendanti) clementissimé respondit; Hodie mecū eris in Paradiso. Philo Carpath in Canti [...]. 6. By this descending of the Bridegrome, we may understand the descending of our Lord Iesus Christ into Hell as I suppose: for that which followeth proveth this, when he sayeth; To the beds of spices. For those ancient holy men are not unfi [...]ly signified by the beds of spices; such as were, Noë, Abraham, Isaac, Iacob, Moses, Iob, David, Samuel, Elisaeus, Daniel, and very many others before the Law & in the Law: who all of them, like unto beds of spices, gave a most sweete smell of the odours and fruits of holy righteousnesse. For then as a triumpher did he enter into PARADISE, when he pierced into Hell. God himselfe is present with us for a witnesse in this matter, when he answered most graciously to the Thiefe upon the Crosse, commending himselfe unto him most religiously; To day shalt thou be with me in Paradise. Lastly touching this Paradise, the various opinions of the ancient are thus layd downe by Olympiodorus; to seeke no farther. Digna fané inquisitu res est, ubinā sub Sole justi vitâ functi collocentur. Constat autem quòd in Paradiso: cùm dixerit Christus Latroni; Hodie mecum eris in Paradiso. Sciendum (que) est, quòd literalis Traditio Paradisum docet esse in terrâ. Nonnulli veró dixerunt, quòd Paradisus etiam est in inferno, id est, subterraneo loco: ad quam suam opinionem illud accommodant Euangelium. Dives Lazarum vidit, ipse tamen in inferiore demersus, cùm Lazarus eminentiore esset in loco, ubi esset Abraham. Verùm quomodocumque se habeant; illud proculdubio constat, tum ex praesenti Ecclesiastae nostri loco, tum ex omni [...]acrâ [...]cripturâ, futuros pios in prosperitate ac pace, in [...]ustos veró in supplicijs ac tormentis. Alijs autem placuit Paradisum esse in coelis: bonus autem ac ingenuus Ecclesiastes historiae sensum potiùs consectabitur. Olympiodor. in Ecclesiast. cap. 3. It is a thing worthy of enquirie, in [Page 351] what place under the Sunne the righteous are placed which have left this life. Certaine it is, that in Paradise: forasmuch as Christ said unto the Thiefe; This day shalt thou be with me in Paradise. And it is to be knowne, that the literall Tradition teacheth Paradise to be in earth. But some have said that Paradise also is in Hell, that is, in a place under the earth: unto which opinion of theirs they apply that of the Gospell; where the rich man saw Lazarus, being yet himselfe sunke downe in a lower place, when Lazarus was in a place more eminent, where Abraham was. But howsoever the matter goeth; this without doubt is manifest, aswell out of Ecclesiastes as out of all the sacred Scripture, that the godly shall be in prosperity and peace, and the ungodly in punishments and torments. And others are of the minde, that Paradise is in the Heavens, &c. Hitherto Olympiodorus.
That Christs soule went into Paradise, Bishop answer to Perkin [...] advertisement, pag. 9. Doctor Bishop saith, being well understood, is true. For his soule in hell, had the joyes of Paradise: but to make that an exposition of Christs descending into hell, is to expound a thing by the flat contrary of it. Yet this ridiculous exposition, he affirmeth to be received of most Protestants. Which is even as true, as that which he avoucheth in the same place; that this article of the descent into Hell is to be found Ibid. pag. 8. in the old Roman Creed expounded by Ruffinus: where Ruffinus (as we have heard) expounding that article, delivereth the flat contrarie, that it is not found added in the Creed of the Church of Rome. It is true indeed, that more than most Protestants do interprete the words of Christ uttered unto the Thiefe upon the Crosse, Luk. 23.43. of the going of his soule into Paradise: where our Saviour meaning simply and plainly, that hee would be that day in Suarez. tom. 2 in 3. part. Thom. quaest. 46. art. 11. & quaest. 52. art. 8. disp. 43. sect. 4. Bellarmin de Sanctor. Beatitud. lib. 1. cap. 3. testim. 4. See before, pag. 254. Heaven; M. Bishop [Page 352] would have him so to be understood, as if he had meant that that day he would be in Hell. And must it be now held more ridiculous in Protestants, to take Hell for Paradise; then in M. Bishop, to take Paradise for Hell? [...], be the wordes of the Apostles Creed in the Greeke: and, [...], in the Symbol of Tom. 2. Oper. Athanas pag. 39. edit. Graecolat. Athanasius. Some learned Protestants do observe, that in these words there is no determinate mention made, eyther of ascending or descending, either of Heaven or Hell (taking Hell according to the vulgar acception) but of the generall only, under which these contraries are indifferently comprehended: and that the words literally interpreted, import no more but this; HEE WENT UNTO THE OTHER WORLD. Which is not to expound a thing by the flat contrary of it, as M. Bishop fancieth: who may quickly make himselfe ridiculous, in taking upon him thus to censure the interpretations of our learned linguistes; unlesse his owne skill in the languages were greater, then as yet he hath given proofe of.
Master Broughton (with whose authoritie hee elsewhere presseth us, as of a man Bishop. Preface to the second part of his Reformat. of Perkins Catholick pag. 19. esteemed to be singularly seene in the Hebrew and Greeke tongue) hath beene but too forward in maintayning that exposition, which by D. Bishop is accounted so ridiculous. In one place, touching the terme Hell, as it doth answer the Hebrew Sheol and the Greeke Hádes, he writeth thus. Brought. in his epistle to the Nobilitie of Engl. edit. an. 1597. pag. 38. He that thinketh it ever used for Tartaro or Gehenna, otherwise then the terme Death may by Synecdoche import so: hath not skill in Ebrew or that Greeke, vvhich breathing and live Graecia spake, if God hath lent me any judgement that way. In Id. in alio Opusculo, edit. an. 1604. another place he alledgeth out of Portus his Dictionary, that the Macedonians call [...] Heaven. [Page 353] And one of his acquaintance beyond the Sea, reporteth that he should deliver, that in Inveniri insupe [...] asserit in multis vetussissimis exemplaribus MS [...]. orationem Dominicam in hunc modum; [...] Pater noster qui es in inferno etc. Veteres quoque Macedones aliter orationem Dominicam nunquam precatos fuisse. Io. Rodolph. Lavator. de descensu ad inferos, lib. 1. part 1. cap 8. many most ancient Manuscript copies the Lords prayer is found with this beginning: [...], Our Fat [...]er which art in Hádes. which I for my part will then beleeve to be true, when I shall see one of those old copies with mine owne eyes. But in the meane time for Hádes, it hath beene sufficiently declared before out of▪ good authors, that it signifieth the place of soules departed in generall; and so is of extent large enough to comprehend under it, as well [...] (as Damascius speaketh) that part of Hádes (or the unseene vvorld) which is in heaven, as that which by Ioseph. de Bello Iudaic. lib. 3. cap. 25. pag. 785. Iosephus is called [...] the darker Hades, and in the Matth 8.12. & 22.13. & 25.30. Gospell [...] outer darknesse. And as for [...] the other word; in the Acts of the Apostles it is used ten times: and in none of all those places signifieth anie descending from a higher place unto a lower, but a removing simply from one place unto another. Whereupon the Vulgar Latin edition (which none of the Romanists Nemo illam rejicere quovis praetextu audeat, vel praesumat. Conci [...]. Tridentin. sess. 4. upon any pretense may presume to reject) doth render it there by the generall termes of Act. 13.4. abeo, 18.5. et 27.5. venio, 9.32. devenio, 11.27. & 21.10. supervenio. and where it retayneth the word 8.5. & 12.19. & 15.1. & 18.22. descendo, it intendeth nothing lesse, then to signifie thereby the lower situation of the place unto which the removeall is noted to be made. If descending therfore in the Acts of the Apostles imply no such kind of thing: what necessitie is there; that thus of force it must be interpreted in the Creed of the Apostles? Menelaus declared unto us, [...]: saith King Antiochus, in his epistle unto the Iewes, 2. Maccab. 11.29. Velle vos descendere ad vestros, it is in the Latin edition: whereby [Page 354] what else is meant, but that they had a desire to goe unto their owne?
I omitt the phrases of descending in praelium, in forum, in campum, in amicitiam, in caussam, &c. which are so usuall in good Latin authors: yea and of descending into heaven it selfe; if that be not a jeast which the Poet breaketh upon Claudius.
Others adde unto this, that the phrase of descending ad inferos, is a popular kinde of speech, which sprung from the opinion that was vulgarly conceived of the situation of the recept [...]cle of the soules under the earth: and that according to the rule of Aristo [...]le in his Top [...]cks, we must speake as the vulgar, but thinke as wise men doe. Even as wee use to say commonly, that the Sunne is under a cloude, because it is a vulgar forme of speech: and yet it is farre enough from our meaning for all that, to imagine the cloude to bee indeede higher then the Sunne. So Cicero, they say, where ever hee hath occasion to mention any thing that concerneth the dead, speaketh still of Inferi according to the vulgar phrase: although hee misliked the vulgar opinion, which bred that maner of speaking; and professed it to bee his judgement, that Animos cùm é corpore excesserint, in sublime ferri. Cic lib 1. Tusculan. quaest. the soules when they depart out of the body are carried up on high, & not downward unto any habitations under the earth. So Chrysostom and Theophylact thinke that the Apostle tearmed the Death and Hell unto which our Saviour did descend, the lower parts of the earth, Ephes. 4.9. Chrysost. in Ephes. homil. 11. [...], Theop [...]lact. in Ephes. cap. 4. from the common opinion of men. So in the translation of the holy Scripture, [Page 355] S. Hierome sheweth that wee use the names of Arcturus and Orion, not approving thereby the ridiculous and monstrous figments of the Poets in this matter, but expressing the Hebrew names of these constellations by the vvords of heathenish fables; because Qui non possumus intelligere quod dicitur, nisi per ea vocabula, quae usu didicimus, & errore combibimus. Hieronym. lib. 2. in Amos cap. 5. we cannot understand that which is sayd, but by those words, which we have learned by use, and drunke in by error.
And just so standeth the case with this word Hades: which with the G [...]eeke Poets is the name of Pluto, whom they fayned to be the God of the dead under the earth, & gave a denomination unto [...], from riches; Phurnutus de naturâ D [...]or. in Plutone. because that all things comming to their dissolution, there is nothing which is not at last brought unto him, and made his possession. Thus Homer and Hesiod, with Plato, in Gorgia. Plato and others after them, say that Rhea brought forth three sonnes, to Saturne; Iupiter, Neptune,
and mightie Hades, who inhabiteth the houses under the earth, having a mercilesse heart: for that attribute doth Hesiod give unto him, because Death spareth no man. So Homer: ‘— Homer. Iliad. 15. [...]:’ which is also the description that Hesiod maketh of him in that verse: ‘Hesiod. Theog [...]n. [...],’ Hades was afraid, who raigneth over them that lye dead in the earth. Now that [...] in the Creed [Page 356] is a phrase taken from the heathen, and applied to expresse a Christian truth; the very Grammatica [...]l construction may seeme to intimate: where the nowne is not put in the accusative case (as otherwise it should) but after the maner of the Greekes in the genitive case, implying the defect of another word necessarily to be understood; as if it had beene said, He went unto the place or house of Hades. as the Poets use to expresse it, sometimes defectively [...], and sometimes more fully [...]. Pindar. Phyth. od. 3. [...] or [...] [...]. Homer. Iliad. [...]. [...], into the house or chambers of Hádes. Thus then, they that take Hádes for the common receptacle of soules, doe interpret the context of the Creed, as Cardinall Cajetan before did the narration of Moses touching Abrahams giving up the ghost, being gathered to his people, and being buried, Genes. 25.8, 9. that the article of the death is to be r [...]ferred to the whole manhood, and the dissolution of the parts thereof; that of the buriall, to the body s [...]parated from the soule, and this of the descending into Hádes, to the soule separated f [...]om the body as if he had said. He suffered death truely, by a reall separation of his soule from his bodie: and after this dissolution, the same did befall him that useth to betide all other dead men; his livelesse bodie was sent unto the place which is appointed to receive dead bodies, and his immortall soule went unto the other world, as the soules of other men use to doe.
Having now declared, how the Greek Hádes (and so the Latine Inferi, and our English Hell) is taken for the place of the bodies and of the soules of dead men, severally: it followeth that we shew, how the common state of the dead is signified thereby, and the place in generall which is answerable unto the parts of the [Page 357] whole man thus indefinitely considered in the state of separation. Concerning which, that place of Dionysius, wherein he setteth forth the signification of our being dead and buried with Christ by Baptisme, is to be considered. [...] Dionys. Ecclesiastic. Hierarch. cap. 2. Forasmuch as death is in us, not an utter extinguishment of our being, as others have thought, but a separation of the united parts, bringing them unto that which is to us invisible; the soule as being by the deprivation of the body made unseene, and the body as eyther being covered in the earth, or by some other of the alterations that are incident unto bodies, being taken away from the sight of man: the whole covering of the man in water is fitly assumed for an image of the death and buriall which is not seene. Thus Dionysius, concerning the separation of the united parts by Death, and the bringing of them unto that which is invisible: [...]. Georg pachymer thid. according whereunto, as his paraphrast Pachymeres noteth, it is called Hádes, that is to say, an invisible separation of the soule from the body. And so indeed wee finde as well in forraine authors, as in the Scriptures & the writings of the Greek and Latin Fathers, that Hádes and Inferi are not only taken in as large a sense as Death (and so extended unto all men indifferently, whether good or bad) but are likewise oftentimes indifferently used for it. For proofe whereof, out of heathen authors these testimonies following may suffice.
saith Pindarus. The man that doeth things befitting him, forgetteth Hádes: meaning, that the remembrance of death doth no whit trouble him. and againe:
[Page 358] The sonne of Cleonicus wisheth that with such manners he may meet and receive Hades (that is, death) and hoare old age. So another Poet, cyted by Plutarch. de consolat ad Apollon. Plutarch:
O Death, the soveraigne physician, come: for Hádes is in very truth the haven of the earth. So the saying, that the best thing were, never to have been born, and the next to that, to dye quickly; is thus expressed by Theognis, in his elegies:
Sophocles in the beginning of his Trachiniae, bringeth in D [...]ianira affirming that, howsoever it were an old saying among men, that none could know whether a man, life were happy or unhappy before he were dead; yet she knew her own to be heavie and unfortunate before she went to Hádes.
where [...], is the same with [...] before death: as both the ancient Scholiast and the matter it selfe doth shew. So in his Ajax: ‘ [...].’ He is better that is hidden in Hádes (that is to say, he that is dead, [...], as the Scholiast rightly expoundeth it) then he that is sick past recoverie. and in his Antigone:
My father and mother being layd in Hádes, it is not possible that any brother should spring forth afterward. Wherwith Clem. Strom. lib. 6. Clemens Alexandrinus doth fitly compare that speech of the wife of Intaphernes in Herodot. histor. lib 3. Herodotus: [...] [Page 359] [...]. My father and mother being now no longer living, another brother by no maner of meanes can be had. So that [...] or [...], being in Hádes, with the one, is the same with [...], not now living, in the other; or as it is alledged by Clemens, [...], not now being: which is the Scripture phrase of them that have left this world, Genes. 5.24. and 42.36. Psal. 39.13. Ierem. 31.15. and 49.10. used also by Homer, Iliad. β.
Touching the use of the word Hell in the Scriptures, thus writeth Iansenius, expounding those words, Proverb. 15.11. Hell and destruction are before the Lord: how much more then, the hearts of the children of men? Sciendum quòd per Infernum (pro quo dictio Hebraica proprié significat sepulchrum) & perditionem, quae duo in scripturis saepè conjunguntur, significatur status mortuorum; & non solùm damnatorum, ut nos feré ex his vocibus auditis concipimus, sed in genere status defunctorum. Cornellansen. in Proverb 15. It is to be knowen, that by Hell and destruction (which two in the Scriptures are often joyned together) the state of the dead is signified; and not of the damned only, as wee commonly doe conceave when we heare these words, but the state of the deceased in generall. So Gasp. [...]anct. in Act. 2. sect. 56. Sanctius the Iesuite, with Sà his fellow, acknowledgeth, that Hell in the Scripture is frequently taken for Death. Therefore are these two joyned together, Revel. 1.18. I have the keyes of Hell and of Death, or (as other Greeke copies read; agreeably to the old Latin and Aethiopian translation) of Death and of Hell. and Esai. 28.15. We have made a covenant with Death, and with Hell we are at agreement. where the Septuagint, to shew that the same thing is meant by both the words, do place the one in the room of the other, after this maner: We have made a covenant with Hell, and with Death an agreement. The same things likewise are indifferently attributed unto them [Page 360] both: as that they are unsatiable, and never full; spoken of Hell, Proverb. 27.20. and of Death, Haback. 2.5. So the gates of Hell, Esai. 38:10. are the gates of Death, Psalm. 9.13. and 107.18. and therefore where we reade in the book of Wisedome; [...]. Sapient. 16.13. Thou leadest to the gates of Hell, and bringest backe againe: the Vulgar Latin translateth it; Deducis ad portas mortis, & reducis. Lat. ibid. Thou leadest to the gates of Death, and bringest back againe. So the sorrowes of Death, Psal. 18.4. are in the verse following tearmed, the sorrowes of Hell: and therefore the LXX. (as hath beene shewed) translating the selfe same words of David, doe in the Psalme render them the sorrowes of Hell, and in the historie 2. Sam. 22.6. (where the same Psalme is repeated) the sorrowes of Death. Whence also that difference of reading came, Act. 2.24. aswell in the copies of the text as in the citations of the ancient Fathers: which was the lesse regarded, because that varietie in the words bredd little or no difference at all in the sense. Therefore Epiphanius in one place, having respect to the beginning of the verse, saith that Christ loosed Epiphan in Anacephalaeosi, pag. 531. edit. Graec. [...] the sorrowes of Death: and yet in another, citing the later end of the verse, because it was not possible he should be holden by it, addeth this explication thereunto, Id. in Anchora [...]o, pag. 484. Vid. etiam eund. contra Ariomani [...]. haeres. 69. pag. 337. [...], that is to say, by Hell. And the author of the Sermon upon Christs passion, among the workes of Athanasius, one where saith that he loosed the sorrowes of Athana [...]. Oper. Gra [...]olat. tom. 1. pag. 801. Hell, and otherwhere that he loosed the sorrowes of Ibid. pag. 805. Death. unto whom wee may adjoyne Bede, Solutos per Dominū dicit dolores inferni, sive mortis. Bed. Retract. in Act. cap. 2. who is in like maner indifferent for eyther reading.
In the Proverbs, where it is said; There is a way which seemeth right unto a man, but the end therof are the waies of Death: Proverb. 14.12. and 16.25. the LXX. in both [Page 361] places for Death put [...] the bottome of Hell. and on the other side, where it is said; Thou shalt beate him with the rod, and shalt deliver his soule from Hell: Proverb. 23.14. they reade, [...], Thou shalt deliver his soule from Death. So in Hose. 13.14. where the Hebrew and Greeke both reade: I will deliver them from the hand of Hell: the Vulgar Latin hath; De manu mortis liberabo eos, I will deliver them from the hand of Death. which S. Cyrill of Alexandria sheweth to be the same in effect. for [...] Cyrill. in Hoseam. pag. 371. he hath redeemed us (saith he) from the hand of Hell, that is to say, from the power of Death. So out of the text, Matth. 16.18. Eusebius noteth, that the Church doth [...]. Euseb. lib. 1. Praeparat. Euangelic. pag. 7. not give place to the gates of DEATH, for that one saying which Christ did utter: Vpon the rocke I will build my Church, and the gates of HELL shall not prevaile against it. S. Ambrose also from the same text collecteth thus, that Fides ergo est Ecclesiae fundamentū. Non enim de carne Petri, sed de fide dictum est, quia portae mortis ei non praevalebunt; sed confessio vicit infernum. Ambros. de Incarnat. sacrament. cap. 5. faith is the foundation of the Church. For it was not said of the flesh of Peter, but of the faith, that the gates of DEATH should not prevaile against it: but the confession (of the faith) overcame HELL. So Theodoret noteth, that the Infernum autem ex opinione, quae invaluit, usurpavit; hoc etiam morti nomen imponens. Theodoret. in Cantic. 8. name of Hell is given unto Death, in that place, Cantic. 8.6. Love is strong as death, jealousie is hard or cruell as Hell. which in the writings of the Fathers is a thing very usuall. Take the Poems of Theodorus Prodromus for an instance: where delivering an historie out of the life of S. Chrysostom, of a woman that had lost foure of her sonnes; he saith that they foure were gone unto Hádes,
[Page 362] and relating how S. Basil had freed the countrey of Cappadocia from famine, thus he expresseth it:
and shewing how Gregory Nazianzen, when he was a childe, was recovered from death by being brought to the communion Table; he saith he was brought unto the Sunne from Hádes: ‘ [...].’
Gregory himselfe likewise in his Poems, setting out the dangers of a sea-faring life, saith that [...]. Nazianz. Carm. 15. de Vitae itinerib. tom. 2. edit. Graecolat. pag. 91. the greater part of them that saile the seas is in Hades. Baesil of Seleucia, speaking of the translation of Enoch and Elias, saith in one place, that [...]. Basil. Se [...]enc. in Ionam orat. 2. pag. 114. Enoch remayned out of Deaths nett, Elias obeyed not the lawes of nature; and in another, that [...]. Id in illud: Ecce as [...]endimus Hierosolym. pag. 268. Elias remayned superior to death, Enoch by translation declined Hades: making Death and Hades to be one and the same thing. So he maketh Elias to pray thus, at the raysing of the widowes sonne. [...]. Id. in Eliam. pag. 97. Shew, ô Lord, that Death is made gentle towards men, let it learne the evidences of thy humanity; let the documents of thy goodnesse come even to Hades. And as he there noteth that [...]. Ibid. Death received an overthrow from Elias: so in another place he noteth that [...]. Id. in illud: Ecc [...] ascendimus Hierosolym. pag. 265. Hades received a like overthrow, by Christs raysing of the dead. whereupon he bringeth in S. Peter, using this speech unto our Saviour: [Page 363] [...]; [...]b. pag. 268. Shall Death make any youthfull attempt against thee, whose voyce Hades could not endure? The other day thou didst call the widowes sonne that was dead; and Death fled, not being able to accompany him unto the grave whom he had overcome: how shall Death therefore lay hold on him, whom it feareth? and our Saviour himselfe speaking thus unto his Disciples. [...]. Ibid. pag. 267. I will arise out of the grave, renewing the Resurrection: I will teach Hades that it must expect the Resurrection to succeed it. For in me both Death ceaseth, and immortalitie is planted. So saith S. Cyrill of Alexandria: [...]. Cyrill. Alexand [...]. Glaphyr. in Genes. lib. 5. pag 121. Christ was raysed up for us. for he could not be detayned by the gates of Hades, nor taken at all by the bonds of Death. And therefore Cyrill of Hierusalem having sayd that our Saviour did Cyrill Hierosolym. Cateches. 14. descend into Hades, doth presently adde as an explication thereof. [...]. for he did descend into Death. [...]. Athanas. de Incarnat. Verbi, contra Gentes, pag. 77. He descended into Death as a man: saith Athanasius. Divina natura in mortem per carnem descendit; non ut lege mortalium detineretur á morte, sed ut per se resurrecturus januas mortis aperiret. Ruffin. in exposit. Symbol. The diuine nature (saith Ruffinus, meaning the divine person) by his flesh descended into Death; not that according to the law of mortall men he should be detayned of death, but that rising againe by himselfe he might open the gates of death. [...]. Octoēch. Anastas. Graec. & Li [...]urg. Chr [...]sost. Latin. á [...]eone Thus [...]o edit. When thou didst descend into Death, ô immortall Life, (say the Grecians in their Liturgie) thou didst then mortifie Hades or Hell with the brightnesse of thy divinitie.
And thus, if my memory do not faile me, (for at this present I have not the booke lying by me) is the article expressed in the Hebrew Creed, which is printed with Potkens Syllabar. Aethiopic. ad calcem Psalterij, edit. Hebraic. Graec. Latin. & Aethiopic. in fol. Aethiopian Syllabarie. [...] He descended [Page 364] into the shadow of death. where the Hebrew Interpreter doth render Hades by the shadow of death: as the Greeke Interpreters, in that text (which by the Athanas. [...]rat. 4. contra Arian. tom. 1. edit Graecolat. pag. 291. serm. in passion. & Cruc. Dom. ibid. pag. 801. quaest. ad Antio [...]h. tom. 2 pag. 321. Euseb. lib. 5. Demonstrat. Euangeli [...]. pag. 155. & lib. 10. pag. 313. edit. Graec. Caesarius. Dialog. 3. pag. 1132. edit. Basil. See before, pag. 282. Fathers is applied to our Saviours descent into Hell) Iob. 38.17. doe render the shadow of death by Hades. for where the Hebrew hath [...] the gates of the shadow of death, they [...]eade; [...], the keepers of the gates of Hades seeing thee, shranke for feare. [...]. Euseb. Demonstrat. Euangelic. lib. 10. pag. 307. The resurrection from the dead therefore being the end of our Saviours s [...]ffering (as Eusebius notes) and so the beginning of his glorifying: the first degree of his exaltation would thus very aptly answer [...] unto the last degree of his humiliation that as his Resurrection is an arising from the dead, so his descending unto Hades or ad inferos should be no other thing but a going to the dead. For further confirmation whereof, let it be considered, that S. Hierome in the vulgar Latin translation of the Bible, hath ad inferos deducentur, Ecclesia [...]is 9.3. where the Hebrew and Greeke reade, to the dead: and in like manner, Proverb 2.18. he hath ad inferos againe, where [...] is in the Hebrew; which being a word that somtimes signifieth the dead, and somtimes Gyants, the LXX. doe joyne both together and reade, [...], in Hades [...]ith the Giants. So in the Sibylline verses cyted by Lactant. Institut. lib. 4. cap. 18. Lactantius, ‘— [...],’ that he may speake unto the dead; is in Prosper de promiss & praedict part. 3. cap. 20. Prosper translated, Vt inferis l [...]quatur: and those other ve [...]ses touching our Saviours Resurrection
Then comming forth from the Dead, &c. are thus turned [Page 365] into Latin in Prosper. Prosp. ut sup. cap. 29. Tunc ab inferis regressus, ad lucem veniet primus resurrectionis principio revocatis ostenso. Then returning from Hell, he shall come unto the light first shewing the beginning of the Resurrection unto those whō he shall call back from thence. for [...]. Basil. Seleuc. in Ionam, orat. 2. Christ returning backe a conqueror from Hádes unto life (as Basil of Seleucia writeth) the dead were taught the reviving againe unto life. His [...] (leg [...]. Gregor. Nazianz. in Definitionib. Jambic. 15. tom. [...]. edit. Graecolat. pag. 201. rising from the Dead, vvas the loosing of us from Hádes: saith Gregory Nazianzen. Excitatus est ab infe [...]is, me (que) mortuum simul excitavit. Nectar. [...]rat. in Theodor. martyr. á Perionio convers. He was raysed from Hádes or from the dead; and raysed me being dead with him: saith Nectarius, his successor in the See of Constantinople. Therefore is he called [...]. Tract. de Definitionib tom. 2. Oper. Athanas. Graecolat. pag. 59. the first begotten of the dead, because he was the first that rose from Hádes; as we also shall rise at his second comming: saith the author of the Treatise of Definitions, among the workes of Athanasius.
To lay downe all the places of the Fathers, wherein our Lords rising againe from the Dead, is termed his rising againe from Hádes, Inferi or Hell, would be a needlesse labour: for this we need go no further then to the Canon of the Masse it selfe; where in the prayer that followeth next after the Consecration, there being a Commemoration made of Christs passion, resurrection, and ascension, the second is set out by the title ab inferis resurrectionis, of the resurrection from Hell. For as the Liturg. Ia [...]obi, Marci, Clementis, Basilij, & Gregorij Theologi. Liturgies of the Easterne Churches doe here make mention [...] of the resurrection from the dead: so those of the Ambros. de Sacrament. lib. 4. cap. 6. Offic. Ambrosian. tom. 1. Liturgic. Pamelij. pag. 302. Sacramentar. Gregorian. tom. 2. pag. 181. West retayne that other title of the resurrection ab inferis, that is [...] (as it is in the Liturgie that goeth under the name [Page 348] of S. Peter) or [...], as it is in the Gregorian Office translated into Greek by Codinus. If then the resurrection frō the dead be the same with the resurrection from Hades, Inferi or Hell: why may not the going unto Hades, Inferi or Hell, be interpreted, by the same reason, to be the going unto the dead? whereby no more is understood, than what is intimated in that phrase wch the Latins use of one that hath left this world; Abijt ad plures: or in that of the Hebrewes, so frequent in the word of God; He Genes. 25.8. compared with 15.15. Numb. 20.24. and 27.13. &c. went or was gathered unto his people, he went or was gathered unto his fathers. which being applied unto a whole generation, Iudg. 2.10. as well as in other places unto particular persons; must of necessitie denote the common condition of men departed out of this life.
Now, although Death and Hades, dying and going to the dead, be of neere affinitie one with the other: yet be they not the same thing properly, but the one a consequent of the other; as it appeareth plainely by the vision, Revelat. 6.8. where Hades is directly brought in as a follower of Death. Mortem nihil aliud esse definiunt sapientes, nisi separationem animae á corpore. Origen. tractat. 35. in Matth. cap. 27. Vid. Tertullian. de Animâ, cap. 27. & 51. & August. de Civit. Dei. lib. 13. cap. 6. Death it selfe, as wise men doe define it, is nothing else but the separation of the soule from the body; which is done in an instant: but Hades is the continuation of the body and soule in this state of separation, which lasteth all that space of time which is betwixt the day of death and the day of the resurrection. For as the state of [...]. Gregor. Nyssen. orat. Catechetic. cap. 27. life is comprehended betwixt two extreames, to wit, the beginning thereof and the ending; and there be [...]. Ibid. cap. 16. two motions in nature answerable thereunto, the one whereby the soule concurreth to the body, (which we [...]. Ibid. call Generation) the other whereby [Page 349] the body is severed from the soule (which we call Death:) so the state of death in like maner is contained betwixt two bounds, the beginning, which is the very same with the ending of the other; and the last end, the motion whereunto is called the Resurrection, whereby the body and soule formerly separated are joyned together againe. Thus there be three tearmes here, as it were in a kinde of a continued proportion, the middlemost whereof hath relation to eyther of the extremes: and by the motion to the first a man may be said to be natus, to the second denatus, to the third renatus. The first & the third have a like oppositiō unto the middle; and therefore are like betwixt themselves: the one being a generation, the other a regeneration. For that our Lord doth call the last Resurrection the Regeneration, Matth. 19.28. Regenerationem quippe hoc loco, ambigente nullo, novissimam resurrectionem vocat. August. contra duas epist. Pelagian. lib. 3. cap. 3. S. Augustine supposeth that no man doubteth. Neyther would our Lord himselfe have beene styled Revel. 1.5. [...] the first borne from the dead; unlesse the Resurrection were accounted to be a kinde of a new nativitie: whereof he himselfe was in the first place to be made partaker, [...]. Coloss. 1.18. that among all or in all things he might have the preeminence; the rest of Luc. 20.36. the sonnes of God being to be children of the Resurrection also, but in their due time, and in the order of Post-nati.
The middle distance betwixt the first and second terme, that is to say, the space of life which we lead in this world betwixt the time of our birth and the time of our death; is opposite to the distance that is betwixt the second and third terme, that is to say, the state of death under which man lyeth from the time of his departure out of this life unto the time of his resurrection: and see what difference there is betwixt our [Page 368] birth, and the life which we spend here after wee are borne; the same difference is there betwixt Death and Hades, in that other state of our dissolution. That which properly we call Death (which is the parting a sunder of the soule and the body) standeth as a middle terme betwixt the state of life and the state of death, being nothing else but the ending of the one, and the beginning of the other: and as it were a common meare between lands, or a communis terminus in a Geometricall magnitude, dividing part from part, but being it selfe a part of neyther, and yet belonging equally unto eyther. Which gave occasion to the question moved by Taurus the philosopher: Quando moriens moreretur; cùm jam in morte esset, an tum etiam cùm in vitâ foret. Taur. When a dying man might be said to die; when he was now dead, or while hee was yet living? whereunto Gellius returneth an answere out of Plato: Plato ne (que) vitae id tempus, ne (que) morti dedit (vidit quippe utrumque esse pugnans) sed tempori in confinio. A. Gell. N [...]ct. Attic. lib. 6. cap. 13. that his dying was to be attributed neyther to the time of his life nor of his death (because repugnances would arise eyther of those wayes) but to the time which was in the confine betwixt both; which Plato calleth [...]. (al. [...].) Plat [...]. in Parmenide, pag. 67, [...], a moment or an instant, and denieth to be properly any part of time at all. Therefore Death doth his part in an instant (as hath beene said) but Hádes continueth that worke of his, and holdeth the dead as it were under conquest, untill the time of the resurrection; 1. Corinth. 15.54, 55. wherein shall be brought to passe the saying that is written. O Death, where is thy sting? O Hades, where is thy victorie? For Haec justé dicentur tunc, quando mortalis haec & corruptibilis caro (circa quam & mors est, quae & quodam dominio mortis pressa est) in vitam conscendens, induerit incorruptelam & immortalitatē. Tunc enim veré erit victa mors, quando ea quae continetur ab eâ caro, exierit de dominio ejus. Irenae. lib. 5. cap. 13. these things shall rightly be spoken then (saith Irenaeus) when this mortall and corruptible flesh (about which Death is, and which is holden downe by a certaine dominion of [Page 369] Death) rising up unto life shall put on incorruption and immortalitie. for then shall death be truly overcome, when the flesh that is holden by it, shall come forth out of the Dominion thereof. Death then, as it importeth the separation of the soule from the body (which is the proper acception of it) is a thing distinguishable from Hades, as an antecedent from his consequent: but as it is taken for the whole state of death, and the domination which it hath over the dead ( [...] Basilius Seleuciensis calleth it, in his oration upon Elias) it is the selfe same thing that Hades is; and in that respect (as we have seene) the words are sometimes indifferently put, the one for the other.
As therefore our Sauiour (that we may apply this now unto him) after he was fastned and lifted up on the Crosse, if he had come downe from thence (as Matth. 27.40, 41, 42. the standers by in mocking wise did wish him to doe) might be truly said to have beene crucified, but not to have dyed: so when he gave up the ghost, and layde downe his life, if he had presently taken it up againe, he might truly be said to have dyed, but not to have gone to the dead, or to have beene in Hádes. His remayning under the power of Death untill the third day, made this good. Whom God did rayse up, loosing the sorrowes of death, [...]. Act. 2.24. forasmuch as it was not possible that he should be holden of it: saith S. Peter. and Christ being raysed from the dead, dyeth now no more, [...]. Rom. 6.9. Death hath no more dominion over him: saith S. Paul. implying thereby, that during the space of time that passed betwixt his death and his resurrection, he was holden by death, and death had some kinde of domination over him. And therefore Athanasius (or who ever else was author of that writing to Liberius the Roman Bishop) having reference [Page 352] unto the former text; affirmeth that [...]. Athanas. Rescript. ad Liberium, tomo 1. pag. 397. he raysed up that buried body of his, and presented it to his Father, having freed it from Death, of which it was holden. and Maximus (or he that collected the Dialogues against the Marcionites, under the name of Origen, out of him) expounding the other text; [...]. Origen. Dialog. 3. Over whom then had Death dominion? saith he. For the saying that it hath no more dominion, sheweth that before it had dominion over him. Not that Death could have any dominion over Act. 3.15. the Lord of Life, further than he himselfe was pleased to give way unto it: but as, when Death did at the first sease upon him, Act. 8.33. his life indeed vvas taken from the earth, yet Ioh. 10.18. none could take it from him, but he layd it downe of himselfe; so his continuing to be Deaths prisoner for a time, was a voluntarie commitment only, unto which he freely yeelded himselfe for our sakes, not anie yoake of miserable necessitie that Death was able to impose upon him. For Ibid. he had power to lay downe his life, and he had power to take it again: yet would he not take it againe, before he had first not layd himselfe downe only upon Deaths bed, but slept also upon it; that arising afterward from thence, he might become 1. Cor. 15.20. the first fruits of them that slept. In which respect, the Cyprian testimon. advers. Iudaeos, lib. 2. sect. 24. Lactant. Institut. lib. 4. cap. 19. Ruffin. in exposit. Symbol. Fathers apply unto him that text of the Psalme; I layd me down and slept, I awaked, for the Lord sustained mee. (Psalm. 3.5.) and Lactantius that verse of Sibyll,
His dying, or his burying at the farthest, is that which here is answerable unto his lying downe: but his [...] or [...] (as Dionys Ecclesiast. Hierarch. cap. 2. Dionysius calleth it) his [Page 353] his three-dayes buriall, and his continuing for that time in the state of death, is that which answereth unto his sleeping or being in Hádes. And therefore the Fathers of the fourth Councell of Toledo, declaring how in Baptisme Et ne fortè cuiquam sit dubium hujus simpli mysteriū sacramenti; videat in eo mortem & resurrectionem Christi significari. Nam in aquis mersio, quasi in infernum descensio est; & rursu [...] ab aquis emersio, resurrectio est. Concil. Toletan. IIII. cap. 5. (al. 6.) the death and resurrection of Christ is signified, do both affirme, that the dipping in the water is as it were a descension into Hell, and the rising out of the water againe, a resurrection; and adde likewise out of Gregory (with whom many other Dionys ut sup. Cyrill. vel Iohan. Hierosolymitan. Cateches. 2. Mystagogic. Petrus Chrysologus, serm. 113. Leo I. epist 4. cap. 3. Paschasius de Spiritu S. lib. 2. cap. 5. Io. Damascen. Orthodox. fid. lib. 4. cap. 10. Germanus in rer. Ecclesiast. Theoria. Walafrid, Strab. de reb. Ecclesiastic. cap. 26. Theophylact. in Iohan. cap. 3. Doctors doe herein agree) that Nos autem quòd tertiò mergimus, triduanae sepulturae sacramenta signamus: ut dum tertiò infans ab aquis educitur, resurrectio triduani temporis exprimatur, Concil. Toletan. ex Gregorio, lib. 1. Registri, epist. 41. the three-fold dipping is used to signifie the three-dayes buriall. which differeth as much from the simple buriall or putting into the earth, as [...] doth from [...], the transportation or leading into captivitie from the detayning in bondage, the committing of one to prison from the holding of him there, and the sowing of the seed from the remayning of it in ground.
And thus have I unfolded at large the generall acceptions of the word Hádes and Inferi, and so the Ecclesiasticall use of the word Hell answering thereunto: which being severally applyed to the point of our Saviours descent, make up these three propositions that by the universall consent of Christians are acknowledged to be of undoubted verity. His dead body, though free from corruption, yet did descend into the place of corruption, as other bodies doe. His soule, being separated from his body, departed hence into the other world, as all other mens soules in that case use to doe. He went unto the dead, and remayned for a time in the state of death, as other dead men doe. There remayneth now [Page 372] the vulgar acception of the word Hell, whereby it is taken for the place of torment prepared for the Divell and his Angells: and touching this also, all Christians do agree thus farre, that Christ did descend thither at leastwise in a virtuall maner; as God Descendere dicitur, cùm aliquid facit in terrâ, quod praeter usitatū naturae cursum mirabiliter sactum praesentiam quodam modo ejus ostendat. August. de Civit. Dei, lib. 16. cap. 5. is said to descend, when he doth any thing upon earth, which being wonderfully done beyond the usuall course of nature may in some sort shew his presence, or when he otherwise Descendere dicitur Deus; quando curam humanae fragi litatis habere dignatur. Aug. serm. 70. de Tempore. vouchsafeth to have care of humaine frailtie. Thus when Christs Erat caro ejus in monumento; sed virtus ejus operabaturé coelo. Ambros. de Incarnat. cap. 5. flesh was in the tombe, his power did worke from Heaven: saith S. Ambrose. which agreeth with that which was before cyted out of the Armenians Confession: Supr. pag. 3 22 According to his body which was dead, he descended into the grave; but according to his DIVINITIE, which did live, he overcame Hell in the meane time. and with that which was cyted out of Philo Carpathius, upon Cantic. 5.2. I sleepe, but my heart waketh: Supr. pag. 317 in the grave spoyling Hell. for which, in the Latin Collections that goe under his name, we reade thus. Ego dormio, in Cruce scilicèt, & cor meū vigilat: cùm divinitas Tartara spoliavit, & opima spolia retulit de triumpho superatae mortis aeternae, atque dejectae diabolicae potestatis. Philo Carpath. in Cantic. 5. I sleepe, to wit on the Crosse, and my heart waketh: vvhen my DIVINITIE spoyled Hell, and brought rich spoyles from the triumph of everlasting death overcome, and the Divells power overthrowne. The author of the imperfect worke upon Matthew, attributeth this to the Divinitie, not cloathed with any part of the Humanitie, but naked, as he speaketh. Seeing the Divels Quem in corpore constitutum timuerunt, dicentes; Quid nobis & tibi, Iesu fili Dei excelsi? venisti ante tempus torquere nos? quomodo nudam ipsam divinitatem contra se descendentem pote [...]unt sustinere? Ecce post tres dies mortis suae revertetur ab inferis, quasi victor de bello. Op. imperfect. in Matth. homil. 35. tom. 2. Chr [...]sost [...]m. feared him, (saith he) while he was in the body, saying; What have we to doe with thee, Iesus the sonne of the high God? art thou come to torment us before our [Page 373] time? how shall they be able to endure his NAKED DIVINITIE descending against them? Behold after three dayes of his death he shall returne from Hell, as a conqueror from the warre.
This conquest others do attribute to his Crosse, others to his Death, others to his Buriall, others to the reall descent of his soule into the place of the damned, others to his Resurrection: and extend the effect therof not only to the deliverie of the Fathers of the old Testament, but also to the freeing of our soules from Hell. from whence how men may be said to have been delivered, who never were there, S. Augustin declareth by these similitudes. Recté dicis medico, Liberâsti me ab aegritudine; non in quâ jam eras, sed in quâ futurus eras. Nescio quis habens caussā molestam, mittendus erat in carcerem: venit alius, defendit eum. gratias agens, quid dicit? Eruisti animam meam de carcere Suspendendus erat debitor: solutum est pro eo; liberatus dicitur de suspendio In his omnibus non erant: sed quia talibus meritis agebantur, ut, nisi subventum esset, ibi essent; inde se recté dicunt liberari, quò per liberatores suos non sunt permissi perduci. Augustin. in Psalm. 85. Thou sayest rightly to the physician, Thou hast freed me from this sicknesse; not in vvhich thou wast, but in which thou wast like to be. Some bodie else having a troublesome businesse, was to be cast into prison: there commeth another, and defendeth him. vvhat saith he, when he giveth thankes? Thou hast delivered me from prison. A debtor was in danger to be hanged: the debt is payd for him; he is said to be freed from hanging. In all these things they were not: but because such were their deserts, that unlesse they had beene holpen, there they would have beene; they say rightly that they were freed thence, vvhither by those that freed them they vvere not suffered to be brought. That Christ destroyed the power of Hell, Ephes. 2.15. spoyled principalities and powers, and made a shew of them openly, triumphing over them: is acknowledged by all Christians. Neyther is there anie who will refuse to subscribe unto that which Proclus delivered in his Sermon before Nestorius then Bishop of Constantinople (inserted into the Acts of the Councell [Page 374] of Ephesus.) [...]. Procli C [...]ziceni episc. homil. de Nativitate Domini, in Act. Concil. [...]phes. part. 1. cap. 1. edit. Rom. He was shut up in the grave, who stretched out the heavens like a skinne: he was reckoned among the dead, and spoyled Hell. and that which S. Cyrill and the Synod of Alexandria, wrote unto the same Nestorius, concerning the Confession of their faith: (approved not only by the Act. Concil. Ephesin. pa [...]t. 1. cap 26. edit. Rom. third generall Councell held at Ephesus, but also by the Concil. Chalced. Act. 5. fourth at Chalcedon, and the Quint. Synod. Constantinop. Collat. 6. fifth at Constantinople.) [...]. Synod. Alexandrin epist. ad Nostorium. To the end that by his unspeakable power treading down death in his own as the first and principall flesh, he might become the first borne from the dead and the first fruits of those that slept; and that he might make a way to mans nature for the turning back againe unto incorruption: by the grace of God he tasted death for all men; and revived the third day, spoyling Hell. All, I say, do agree, that Christ spoyled or (as they were wont to speake) harrowed Hell: whether you take Hell for that which keepeth the soule separated from the body, or that which separateth soule and body bothe from the blessed presence of him who is our true life; the one whereof our Saviour hath conquered by bringing in the Resurrection of the body, the other he hath abolished by procuring for us Life everlasting.
Touching the maner and the meanes, whereby Hell was thus spoyled, is all the disagreement. The maner: whether our Lord did deliver his people from Hell by way of prevention, in saving them from comming thither; or by way of subvention, in helping those out whom at the time of his death he found there. The meanes: whether this were done by his Divinity or his Humanitie or both, whether by the vertue of his sufferings, death, buriall and resurrection, or by the reall descending of his soule into the place wherein mens soules were kept imprisoned. That hee descended not [Page 375] into the Hell of the damned by the essence of his soule or locally, but virtually onely by extending the effect of his power thither: is the common doctrine of Thom. in Sum. part. 3. quaest 62. art. 2. Thomas Aquinas and the rest of the Schoole. Cardinall Bellarmine at first held it to be Bellarm lib. 4. [...]e Ch [...]isto, cap. 16. probable, that Christs soule did descend thither, not only by his effects, but by his reall presence also: but afterwards Re meliùs conside [...]atá, sequendam esse existimo sententiā S. Thoma [...], quae estaliorum Scholastico [...]um in 3. Sent dist. 22. Id. in Recognitione Op [...]rum. having considered better of the matter, he resolved that the opinion of Thomas and the other Schoolemen was to be followed. The same is the judgement of Suarez. tom. 2. in [...]. part. Thom. disput. 43. sect. 4. Suarez: who concerning this whole article of Christs descent into Hell, doth thus deliver his minde. Si nomine articuli intelligamus veritatem, quam omnes fideles explicité scire ac c [...]edere teneantur: sic non existimo necessarium hunc computare inter articulos fidei. Quia non est res ad modùm necessaria singulis hominibus: & quia ob hanc fortassè caussamin symbolo Niceno omittitur cujus symboli cognitio videtur esse sufficiens ad praeceptum fidei implendum. Denique proptero [...] fortè Aug. & alij Patres in principio citati exponentes symbolum, non explicant populo hoc mysterium. Id. ibid. sect. 2. If by an Article of faith we understand a truth, which all the faithfull are bound explicitly to know and beleeve: so I doe not thinke it necessarie to reckon this among the Articles of faith. Because it is not a matter altogether so necessary for all men: and because that for this reason peradventure it is omitted in the Nicene Creed; the knowledge of which Creed seemeth to be sufficient for fulfilling the precept of faith. Lastly for this cause peradventure Augustin and other of the Fathers expounding the Creed, doe not unfold this mysterie unto the people. And to speake the truth, it is a matter above the reach of the common people to enter into the discussion of the full meaning of this point of the descension into Hell: the determination whereof dependeth upon the knowledge of the learned tongues and other sciences that come not within the compasse of their understanding. some experiment whereof they may finde in this; that whereas in the other questions here handled, they might finde themselves able in some [Page 376] reasonable forre to follow me; here they leave me, I doubt, and let me walke without their company.
It having here likewise beene further manifested, what different opinions have beene entertayned by the ancient Doctors of the Church concerning the determinate place wherein our Saviours soule did remaine during the time of the separation of it from his body: I leave it to be considered by the learned, whether any such controverted matter may fitly be brought in to expound the Regulam fidei pusillis magnisque communem in Ecclesiâ perseveranter tenent. August. epist. 57. ad Dardaenum. Rule of faith by, which being common both to the great and the small ones in the Church, must contayn such verities only as are generally agreed upon by the common consent of all true Christians. and if the words of the article of Christs going to Hades or Hell, may well beare such a generall meaning as this; that he went to the dead, and continued in the state of death untill the time of his Resurrection: it would be thought upon, whether such a truth as this, which findeth universall acceptance among all Christians may not safely passe for an article of our Creed; and the particular limitation of the place unto which our Saviours soule went (whither to the place of blisse, or to the place of torment, or to both) be left, as a number of other Theologicall points are, unto further disputation. In the articles of our faith common agreement must bee required: which wee are sure is more likely to be found in the generall, than in the particular. And this is the onely reason which moved me to enlarge my selfe so much in the declaration of the generall acceptions of the word Hades, and the application of them to our Saviours descent spoken of in the Creed. wherein if the zeale which I beare to the peace of the Church, and the settlement of unitie [Page 377] among brethren hath carried me too farre, (as it hath made me indeede quite to forget my intended brevity) I intreate the Reader to pardon me; and ceasing to be further troublesome unto him in the prosecution of this intricate argument, I passe to the next question
OF PRAYER TO SAINTS.
THat one question of S. Paul, Rom. 10.14. How shall they call upon him, in whom they have not beleeved? among such as lust not to be contentious, will quickly put an end unto this question. For if none can be invocated but such as must be beleeved in; and none must be beleeved in but God alone: everie one may easily discerne, what conclusion will follow thereupon. Againe, all Christians have beene taught, that no part of divine worship is to be communicated unto any creature. for Matth. 4.10. it is written: Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, and him onely shalt thou serve. But prayer is such a principall part of this service, that it is Ierem. 10.25 [...] Ioel. 2.32. Act 9.14. 1. Corinth. 1.2. Sic apud Optatum, lib 3. contr. Donatist. Vt negaretur Christus & Idola rogarentur. Item: Testamentum divinum legimus pariter; unum Deum rogamus. usually put for the whole: and the publick place of Gods worship, hath from hence given it the denomination of Esai. 56.7. Matth. 21.13. the house of prayer. Furthermore, hee that heareth our prayers, must be able to search the secrets of our hearts; and discerne the inward disposition of our soules. For the pouring out of good words, and the offering up of externall sighes and teares, are but the carkase only of a true prayer: the life thereof consisteth in the Psalm. 62.8. 1. Sam. 1.13, 15. pouring out of the very soule it selfe, and the sending up of those secret Rom 8.26. groanes of the spirit which cannot be uttered. But Rom. 8.27. he that searcheth the [Page 378] hearts, and onely he, knoweth vvhat is the minde of the spirit: he 1. Kings. 8.39. 2. Chron. 6.30. heareth in heaven his dwelling place, and giveth to every man according to his wayes, whose heart he knoweth. for he even he ONELY knoweth the hearts of all the children of men: as Salomon teacheth us in the praier which he made at the dedication of the Temple. wherunto we may add that golden sentence of his father David for a conclusion: Psalm. 65.2. O thou that hearest prayer, unto thee shall all flesh come.
If it be further here ob [...]ected by us; that we finde neyther precept nor example of any of the Fathers of the old Testament, whereby this kinde of p [...]aying to the soules of the Saints departed may be warranted: Cardinall Bellarmine will give us a reason for it. Nam id circò ante Christi adventum non ita colebantur, ne (que) invocabantur spiritus Patriarcharū et Prophetarū, quemadmodū nunc Apostolos & Martyres colimus & invocamus: quòd illi adhuc inferni carceribus clausi detinebantur. Bellarmin. fin. Praefat. in Controvers. de Ecclesiá triumphante, in Ord. disputat. for therefore (saith he) the spirits of the Patriarches and the Prophets before the comming of Christ were neyther so worshipped nor invocated, as we doe now worship and invocate the Apostles and Martyrs: because that they were detayned as yet shut up in the prisons of Hell. But if this reason of his be grounded upon a false foundation (as we have alreadie shewed it to be) and the contrary supposition be most true; that the spirits of the Patriarchs and Prophets were not thus shut up in the prisons of Hell: then have we foure thousand yeares prescription left unto us, to oppose against this innovation. We go further yet, and urge against them, that in the New Testament it selfe we can descry no footsteps of this new kinde of Invocation, more then we did in the Scriptures of the old Testament. For this, Salmeron doth tell us, that Quia Scripturas conditas & publicatas in primitivâ Ecclesiâ oportebat Christū fundare, & explicare, qui per tacitam suggestionem Spiritus Sanctos secum adducebat: & durum esset id Iudaeis praecipere; & occasio daretur Gentibus put [...]ndi sibi exhibitos multos Deos pro multitudine Deorum quos relinquebant. Alphons. Salmer. in 1. Timoth. 2. disput. 8. the Scriptures vvhich were made and [Page 379] published in the primitive Church ought to found and explaine Christ, who by the tacite suggestion of the Spirit did bring the Saints with him: and that it would have beene a hard matter to enjoyne this to the Iewes; and to the Gentiles an occasion would be given thereby to thinke, that many Gods were put upon them in steed of the multitude of the Gods whom they had forsaken. So this new worship, you see, fetcheth his originall neyther from the Scriptures of the Old nor of the New Testament: but from I know not what tacite suggestion, which smelt so strongly of Idolatry, that at first it was not safe to acquaint eyther the Iewes or the Gentiles therewith. But if any such sweet tradition as this were at first delivered unto the Church by Christ and his Apostles: we demand further, how it should come to passe, that for the space of 360. yeares together after the birth of our Saviour, we can finde mention no where of any such thing? For howsoever our Challenger giveth it out, that prayer to Saints was of great account, amongst the Fathers of the primitive Church, for the first 400. years after Christ: yet for nine parts of that time, I dare be bold to say, that he is not able to produce as much as one true testimonie out of any Father, whereby it may appeare, that any account at all was made of it; and for the tithe too, he shall finde perhaps before we have done, that he is not like to carry it away so cleerly as he weeneth.
Whether those blessed spirits pray for us, is not the question here: but whether we are to pray unto them. That God onely is to be prayed unto, is the doctrine that was once delivered unto the Saints, for which we so earnestly contend: the Saints praying for us doth no way crosse this (for to whom should the Saints pray, [Page 380] but to the Revel. 15.3. King of Saints?) their being prayed unto, is the onely stumbling block that lyeth in this way. And therefore in those first times, the former of these was admitted by some, as a matter of probabilitie: but the latter no way yeelded unto, as being derogatorie to the priviledge of the Deitie. Origen may be a witnesse of both: who touching the former writeth in this sort. Ego sic arbitror, quòd omnes illi qui dormierunt ante nos patres, pugnent nobiscum & adjuvent nos orationibus suis Ita namque etiā quendam de senioribus magistris audivi dicentē. Origen. in Iosue. homil. 16. I doe thinke thus, that all those fathers who are departed this life before us, doe fight with us and assist us with their prayers: for so have I heard one of the elder Masters saying. and in another place. Iam veró si etiam extra corpus positi sancti, qui cum Christo sunt, agunt aliquid, & laborant pro nobis ad similitudinem angelorum qui salutis nostrae ministeria procurant. etc. habeatur hoc quoque inter occulta Dei, nec chartis committenda mysteria. Id. lib. 2. in epist. ad Roman. cap. 2. Moreover if the Saints, that have left the body and be with Christ, doe any thing and labour for us, in like maner as the Angels do vvho are imployed in the ministery of our salvation: let this also remaine among the hidden things of God, and the mysteries that are not to be committed unto writing. But because he thought that the Angels and Saints prayed for us: did he therefore hold it needfull, that we should direct our prayers unto them? Heare, I pray you, his owne answer; in his eighth booke against Celsus the philosopher. [...]. Origen. lib. 8. contra Cels pag. 432.433. We must endevour to please God alone, who is above all things, and labour to have him propitious unto us, procuring his good will with godlinesse and all kinde of vertue. And if Celsus will yet have us to procure the good will of any others, after him that is God over all: let him consider, that as when the body is moved, the motion of [Page 381] the shadow thereof doth follow it; so in like maner, having God favourable unto us who is over all, it followeth that we shall have all his friends, both Angels and soules and spirits, loving unto us. For they have a fellow-feeling with them that are thought worthy to finde favour from God. Neyther are they only favourable unto such as be thus worthy, but they worke with them also that are willing to doe service unto him who is God over all, & are friendly to them, and pray with them, and intreate with them. So as wee may be bold to say, that when men which with resolution propose unto them selves the best things doe pray unto God, many thousands of the sacred powers pray together vvith them UNSPOKEN to.
Celsus had said of the Angels: [...] Celsus, ibid. pag. 406. that they belong to God, and in that respect we are to put our trust in them, and make oblations to them according to the lawes, and pray unto them, that they may be favourable to us. To this Origen answereth in this maner. [...]. Origen ibid. Away with Celsus his counsell, saying that we must pray to Angels: and let us not so much as afford any little audience to it. For we must pray to him alone who is God over all: and vve must pray to the Word of God his onely begotten and the first bornè of all creatures; and we must intreat him, that he as high Priest would present our prayer (when it is come to him) unto his God, and our God, & unto his Father and the father of them that frame their life according to the word of God. And whereas Celsus had further sayd that we [...], Celsus, ibid. pag. 411. must offer first fruits unto Angels, and prayers, as long as we live; that we may finde them propitious unto us: answere is returned by Origen in the name of the [Page 382] Christians; that they held it rather fit to offer first fruits unto him which sayd; Let the earth bring forth grasse, the herbe yeelding seed, and the fruite tree yeelding fruite after his kinde. [...]. Origen. ibid. pag. 411.412. And to whom wee give the first fruites, (saith he) to him also doe wee send our prayers; having a great high Priest that is entred into the Heavens, Iesus the Sonne of God: and we hold fast this confession whiles we live, having God favourable unto us, and his onely begotten Sonne Iesus being manifested amongst us. But if we have a desire unto a multitude, whom we would willingly have to be favourable unto us: we learne that thousand thousands stand by him, and millions of millions minister unto him. who beholding them that imitate their pietie towards God, as if they were their kinsfolkes and friends; helpe forward their salvation who call upon God, and pray sincerely: appearing also, and thinking that they ought to doe service to them; and as it were upon one watchword to set forth for the [...]enefit and salvation of them that pray to God, unto whom they themselves also pray. For they are all ministring spirits, sent forth to minister for them, who shall be heires of salvation. Thus farre Origen, in his eight booke against Celsus: to which for a conclusion we wil adde that place of the fift booke. [...]. etc. [...] (fort. [...]. Jd. lib. 5. pag. 239. All prayers and supplications and intercessions and thankesgivings, are to be sent up unto God the Lord of all, by the high Priest who is above all Angels, being the living Word and God. For [Page 383] to call upon Angels, we not comprehending the knowledge of them which is above the reach of man, is not agreeable to reason. And if by supposition it were granted, that the knowledge of them (which is wonderfull, and secret) might be comprehended: this very knowledge, declaring their nature unto us and the charge over which every one of them is set, would not permit us to presume to pray unto any other but unto God the Lord over all, who is aboundantly sufficient for all, by our Saviour the Sonne of God.
Tertullian and Cyprian in the bookes which they purposely wrote concerning Prayer, deliver no other doctrine: but teach us to regulate all our prayers according unto that perfect patterne prescribed by our great Master; wherein we are required to direct our petitions unto Our Father which is in heaven. (Matth. 6.9. Luk. 11.2) Haec ab alio orare non possum, quàm á quo me scio consecuturum: quoniam & ipse est qui solus praestat, & ego sum cui impetrare debetur; famulus ejus qui eum solum observo, qui propter disciplinam ejus occidor, qui ei offero opimam & majorem hostiam, quam ipse mandavit, orationem de carne pudicâ, de animâ innocenti, de spiritu sancto profectam. Tertullian. Apologetic. cap. 30. These things (saith Tertullian in his Apologie for the Christians of his time) I may not pray for from any other, but from him of whom I know I shall obtayne them: because both it is he who is alone able to give, and I am he unto whom it appertayneth to obtayne that which is requested, being [...] servant who observe him alone, who for his religion am killed, who offer unto him a rich and great sacrifice, which he himselfe hath commanded, Prayer proceeding from a chaste body, from an innocent soule, from a holy spirit. where he accounteth Prayer to be the chiefe sacrifice, wherewith God is worshipped: agreeably to that which Clemens Alexandrinus wrote at the same time. [...]. Clem. Alexandr. lib. 7. Stromat. We doe not without cause honour God by prayer; and with righteousnesse send up this [Page 384] best and holyest sacrifice. The direction given by Ignatius unto Virgins in this case, is short and sweete: [...]. Ignat. epist. 6. ad Philadelph. Yee Virgins, have Christ alone before your eyes and his Father in your prayers, being inlightened by the Spirit. for explication whereof that may be taken, which we reade in the exposition of the Faith, attributed unto S. Gregory of Neocaesarea. Qui recté invocat Deum, per Filium invocat: & qui proprié accedit, per Christū accedit. Accedere autem ad Filium non potest sine Spiritu Sancto. Gregor. Neocaesar. [...]. á Fr. Turriano convers. Whosoever rightly prayeth unto God, prayeth by the Sonne; and whosoever commeth as he ought to doe, commeth by Christ: and to the Sonne he can not come, without the holy Ghost.
Neyther is it to be passed over, that one of the speciall arguments whereby the writers of this time do prove our Saviour Christ to bee truely God, is taken from our praying unto him and his accepting of our petitions. Si homo tantummodo Christus; quomodo adest ubique invocatus, cùm haec hominis naturae non sit, sed Dei, ut adesse omni loco possit? Si homo tantummodò Christus; cur homo in orationibu [...] mediator invocatur, cùm invocatio hominis ad praestandam salutem inefficax judicetur? Si homo tantummodò Christus; cur spes in illum ponitur, cùm spes in homine maledicta referatur? Novatian. de Trinitat. cap. 14. If Christ be onely man, (saith Novatianus) how is he present being called upon every where; seeing this is not the nature of man, but of God, that he can be present at every place? If Christ be onely man: why is a man called upon in our prayers as a mediatour; seeing the invocation of a man is judged of no force to yeeld salvation? If Christ be onely man: why is there hope reposed in him; seeing hope in man [...] sayd to be cursed? So is it noted by Origen, that S. Paul Sed & in principio epistolae quam ad Corinthios scribit, ubi dicit; Cum omnibus qui invocan [...] nomen Domini Iesu Christi in omni loco, ipsorum & nostro: eum, cujus nomen invocatur, Deum, Iesum Christum esse pronuntiat. Si ergo & Enos & Moses & Aaron & Samuel invocabant Dominum, & ipse exandiebat eos, sine dubio Christum Iesum Dominum invocabant: & si invocare Domini nomen, & adorare Deū, unum atque idem est, sicut invocatur Christus & adorandus est Christus: & sicut offerimus Deo Patri primò omniū orationes, ita & Domino Iesu Christo: & sicut offerimus postulationes Patri, ita offerimus postulationes & Filio: & sicut offerimus gratiarum actiones Deo, ita gratias offerimus Salvatori. Origen. lib. 8. in epist. ad Roman. cap. 10. in the beginning of the former epistle to the Corinthians, where he saith, With [Page 385] all that in every place call upon the Name of Iesus Christ our Lord, both theirs and ours; (1. Corinth. 1.2.) doth thereby pronounce Iesus Christ, whose Name is called upon, to be God. And if to call upon the Name of the Lord, (saith he) and to adore God, bee one and the selfe same thing: as Christ is called upon, so is he to be adored; and as we do offer to God the Father first of all prayers, (1. Tim. 2.1.) so must we also to the Lord Iesus Christ; and [...]s wee doe offer supplications to the Father, so doe we offer supplications also to the Sonne; and as wee doe offer thankesgivings to God, so doe we offer thankesgivings to our Saviour. In like maner Athanasius, disputing against the Arrians, by that prayer which the Apostle maketh, 1. Thessal. 3.11. God himselfe and our Father, and our Lord Iesus Christ, direct our way unto you; doth prove the unitie of the Father and the Sonne. [...]. Athanas. orat. 4. contra Arian. pag. 259. For no man (saith he) would pray to receive any thing from the Father and the Angels, or from any of the other creatures: neyther would any man say; God and the Angell give thee this. And whereas it might be objected, that Iacob in the blessing that he gave unto Ephraim and Manasseh (Genes. 48.15, 16.) did use this forme of prayer: The God which fed me from my youth unto this day; The Angel which delivered me from all evills, blesse those children. (which Cardinall Bellarm. de Eccles. triumph. lib. 1. cap. 19. Bellarmine placeth in the forefront of the forces he bringeth forth to establish the Invocation of Saints.) Athanasius answereth, that [...]. Athanas. ut supr. pag. 260. he did not couple one of the created and naturall Angels with God that did create them; nor omitting God that fed him, did desire a blessing for his nephews from an Angel: but saying, Which delivered me from all evills, hee did shew that it was not any of the created Angels, but the WORD of God (that is to say, the Sonne) whom he coupled with [Page 386] the Father and prayed unto. and for further confirmation hereof he alledgeth (among other things) that neyther [...] etc. [...]. Id. ibid. Iacob, nor David did pray unto any other but God himselfe, for their deliverance.
The place wherein we first finde the spirits of the deceased to be called unto, rather then called upon; is that in the beginning of the former of the Invectives which Gregory Nazianzen wrote against the Emperour Iulian, about the CCCLXIV. year of our Lord. [...]. Heare ô thou soule of great Constantius (if thou hast any understanding of these things) and as many soules of the Kings before him as loved Christ. where the Schol. Graec. in priorem Nazianzeni Jnvectivam, pag. 2. edit. Rtonens. Greek Scholiast upon that parenthesis putteth this note. [...]. He speaketh according to the maner of Isocrates; meaning, If thou hast any power to heare the things that are here, and therein he sayeth rightly: for Isocrates useth the same forme of speech, bo [...]h in his Euagoras and in his Aegineticus. [...] (or [...]. If they which be dead have any sense of the things that are done here. The like limitation is used by the same Nazianzen toward the end of the funerall oration which he made upon his sister Gorgonia: where he speaketh thus unto her. [...]. Greg. Nazianz. orat. 11. in Gorg [...]n. If thou hast any care of the things done by us, and holy soules receive this honour from God, that they have any feeling of such things as these; receive this Oration of ours, in stead of many and before many funerall obsequies. So doubtfull the beginnings were of that, which our Challenger is pleased to reckon among the chiefe articles not of his owne religion onely but also of the Saints and Fathers of the primitive Church, who (if [Page 387] his word may be taken for the matter) did generally hold the same touching this point that the Church of Rome doth now. But if he had eyther himselfe read the writings of those Saints and Fathers with whose mindes he beareth us in hand he is so well acquainted; or but taken so much information in this case, as the bookes of his owne new Masters were able to afford him: he would not so peremptorily have avouched, that prayer to Saints was generally embraced by the Doctors of the primitive Church as one of the chiefe articles of their Religion.
His owne Bellarmine (he might remember) in handling this very question of the Invocation of Saints, had wished him to Notandum est quia ante Christi adventum Sancti, qui moriebantur, non intrabant in coelum, nec Deum videbāt, nec cognoscere poterant ordinarié preces supplicantiū: ideò non fuisse consuerum in Testamento veteri, ut diceretur; Sancte Abraham, ora pro me, &c Bellarmin de Sanct. Beatit. lib. 1. cap. 19. note, that because the Saints which died before the comming of Christ did not enter into heaven, neyther did see God, nor could ordinarily take knowledge of the prayers of such as should petition unto them; therefore it was not the use in the old Testament to say, Saint Abraham pray for me, &c. For at that time, saith Suarez, Quòd autē aliquis directé oraverit Sanctos defunctos, ut se adjuvarent, vel prose orarent, nusquam legimus. Hic enim modus orandi est proprius legis gratiae, in quo Sancti videntes Deum, possunt etiam in eo videre orationes, quae ad ipsos funduntur. Fr Suarez. in 3. part. Thom. tom. 2. disput 42. sect. 1. we reade no where, that any man did directly pray unto the Saints departed, that they should helpe him, or pray for him; for this maner of praying is proper to the law of Grace, wherein the Saints beholding God, are able also to see in him the prayers that are powred out unto them. So doth Salmeron also teach, Dicendum est, ideò non fuisse morem in Veteri Testamento adeundi Sanctos intercessores, quia nondum erant beati & glorificati, ut modò sunt: ideò non debebatur eis tantus honos, quantus est iste. Alphons. Salmer. in 1. Timoth. 2. disput. 8. that therefore it was not the maner in the old Testament to resort unto the Saints as intercessors; because they were not as yet blessed and glorified, as now they be: and therefore so great an honour [Page 388] as this is, was not due unto them. And Ant [...]à frustrà fuissent implorata ipso [...]um suffragia, utpote nondum conjunctorum cum Deo in gloriâ, sed ad reconciliationem us (que) & regni apertionem per sanguinem redemptoris Christi, loco quodam ordinato á Deo adhuc expectantium: & proptereà non percipientium orationes & vota viventium, ut quae, non propriâ rationis ad nos us (que) pertingentis efficaciâ, sed in verbi divini speculo (quod intue [...]i ipsis nondum datū erat) beati intuentur & audiunt. At post persolutum redemptionis nostrae pretium, sancti jam regnantes cum Christo in coelesti gloriâ, etiā nostras preces votaque exaudiunt: ut quae universa, in verbo, clarissimé intuentur, velut quodam speculo. Albert. Pigh. Controvers. 13. in vaine, saith Pighius, should their suffrages have beene implored, as being not yet joyned with God in glory, but untill the reconciliation and the opening of the kingdome by the blood of Christ the redeemer, wayting as yet in a certaine place appointed by God; and therefore not understanding the prayers and desires of the living. which the blessed doe behold and heare, not by the efficacie of any proper reason reaching from them unto us, but in the glasse of the divine Word; which it was not as yet granted unto them to behold. But after the price of our redemption was payd, the Saints now raigning with Christ in heavenly glory, do heare our prayers and desires: forasmuch as they behold them all most clearely in the Word, as in a certaine glasse.
Now, that diverse of the chiefe Doctors of the Church were of opinion, that the Saints in the New Testament are in the same place & state that the Saints of the Old Testament were in, and that before the day of the last judgement they are not admitted into Heaven and the cleare s [...]ght of God (wherein this metaphysicall speculation of the Saints seeing of our praiers is founded:) hath beene See above, from pag. 215. to 225. item pag. 259.260.265.266.270.343.344. &c. before declared out of their owne writings. where that speech of S. Augustin; Augustin. in Psalm. 36. conc. 1. Nondum ibi eris: quis nescit? (Thou shalt not as yet be there: who knoweth it not?) sheweth that the opinion was somewhat generall, and apprehended generally too as more then an opinion. By the Romanists own grounds then, the more generally this point was held by the ancient Fathers, and the more resolvedly: the [Page 389] lesse generally of force, and the more doubtfully must the Popish doctrine of praying to Saints have beene intertayned by them. And if our Challenger desire to be informed of this doubt that was among the ancient Divines (touching the estate of the Saints now in the time of the New Testament) by the report of the Doctors of his owne religion, rather than by our allegations: let him heare from Franciscus Pegna, what they have found herein. Olim controversum fuit, num animae S [...]nctoru [...] usque ad diem judicij De [...]m viderent, & divinâ visione frueren [...]ur: cùm multi insignes viri & doctrinâ & sanctitate clari tenere viderentur, eas nec videre nec frui us (que) ad diem judicij, donec receptis corporibus unâ cum illis divinâ beatitudine perfruantur. nam Irenaeus, Iustinus martyr, Tertullianus, Clemens Romanus, Origenes, Ambrosius, Chrysostomus, Augustinus, Lactantius, Victorinus, Prud [...]ntius, Theodoretus, Aretas, Oecumenius, Theophylactus, & Euthymius hujus referuntur fuisse sententiae: ut commemorant, Castrus, & Medina, & Sotus. [...]r. Pegna, in [...]art. 2 D [...]re [...]io [...] Inquisitor comment 21. It was a matter in controversie (saith he) of old, whether the soules of the Saints before the day of judgement did see God, and enjoy the divine vision: seeing many worthy men and famous both for lea [...] ning and holinesse did seeme to hold, that they doe not see nor enjoy it before the day of judgement, untill receiving their bodies together with them they should enjoy divine blessednesse. For Irenaeus, Iustin Martyr, Tertullian, Clemens Romanus, Origen, Ambrose, Chrysostom, Augustin, Lactantius, Victorinus, Prudentius, Theodoret, Aretas, Oecumenius, Theophylact, and Euthymius are said to have beene of this opinion: as Castrus and Medina and Sotus dorelate. To whom we may adjoyne one more of no lesse credit among our Romanists then any of the others: even Thomas Stapleton himselfe, who taketh it for granted, that Tot illi & tam celebres antiqui patres, Tertu [...]lianus, Irenaeus, Origenes, Chrysostomus, Theodoretus, Oecumenius, Theophylactus, Ambrosius, Clemens Romanus, D Bernardus, huic sententiae (quae nunc in Concilio Florentino magnâ demùm conquisitione factâ ut dogma fidei definita est) quòd justorum animae ante diem judicij Dei visione fruuntur, non sunt assensi; sed sententiam contrariam tradiderunt. S [...]ap [...]eton. Desens. Ecclesiastic. authorit. cont [...]a Whitake [...]. lib. 1. cap. 2. these so many famous ancient Fathers, Tertullian, Irenaeus, Origen, Chrysostom, Theodoret, Oecumenius, Theophylact, Ambrose, Cl [...]mens Romanus, sss[Page 390] and Bernard, did not assent unto this sentence (which now, saith he, in the Councell of Florence was at length after much disputing defined as a doctrine of faith) that the soules of the righteous enjoy the sight of God before the day of judgement; but did deliver the contrary sentence thereunto.
We would intreat our Challenger then, to spell these things and put them together: and afterward to tell us, whether such a conclusion as this may not be deduced from thence.
Such as held that the Saints were not yet admitmitted to the sight of God; could not well hold that men should pray unto them, in such maner as the Romanists use now to do. because the Saints not enjoying the sight of God, are not able ordinarily to take notice of the prayers that are put up unto them.
But manie and verie famous Doctors too among the ancient, did hold, that the Saints are not yet admitted to the sight of God.
Therefore manie and verie famous Doctors among the ancient, could not well hold, that men should pray unto the Saints in such maner as the Romanists use now to doe.
The first proposition is given unto us by Bellarmine and his fellow Iesuites; the second by Stapleton and other Doctors of the Romish Church: yet all of them with equall boldnesse agree in denying the Conclusion. Certa est & manifesta Conciliorum definitio, perpetuo ab Apostolorum temporibus usu, & omnium Graecorum & Latinorum patrū authoritate firmata; Sanctos esse orandos et invocandos. Jo. Azor. Insti [...]ut. Moral. tom. 1. lib. 9. cap. 10. It is the certaine and manifest definition of the Councells (saith a Iesuite) confirmed by perpetuall use from the times of the Apostles, and by the authoritie of ALL the Greeke and Latin Fathers; that Saints are to be prayed unto and invocated. Omnes Patres Graeci & Latini docent, Sanctos esse invocandos. Bellarmin. de Eccles. triumph. lib. 1. cap. 6. ALL the Fathers Greek and Latin teach [Page 391] this: saith Bellarmine. Patres universi, tam Graeci quàm Latini, perpetuò Sanctos interpellârunt Alphons Salmer. tit 1. Timoth. 2. d [...]sput. 7. ALL the Fathers, aswell Greeke as Latin, perpetually have called upon the Saints: saith Salmeron. and Stapleton, Forness. part. 1. chap. 9. this is cleere by ALL the writers of the first sixe hundred yeares: quoth Stapleton. for these kinde of men have so enured their tongues to talke of all fathers and all writers; that they can hardly use any other forme of speech: having told such tales as these so often over, that at last they perswade themselves that they be very true indeed.
The memorie of the Martyrs indeed was from the very beginning had in great reverence: and at their Memorialls and Martyria, that is to say, at the places wherein their bodies were layd (which were the Churches whereunto the Christians did in those times usually resort) prayers were ordinarily offered up unto that God for whose cause they layd down their lives. Where, the Lord being pleased to give a gracious answere to such prayers, and to doe many wonderfull things for the honouring of that Christian profession which those worthy champions maintayned unto the death men began afterwards to conceive, that it was at their suite and mediation that these things were granted and effected. Which was the rather beleeved, by reason that the Martyrs themselves were thought to have appeared unto diverse that were thus releeved, both at the places of their memorialls and other where. Notwithstanding, in what sort these things were brought about, S. Augustin professeth that it did passe the strength of his understanding to define. Vtrùm ipsi per seipsos assint uno tempore tam diversis locis, & tantâ inter se longinquitate discretis, etc. Augustin. de Curâ pro mortuis, cap. 16. whether the Martyrs themselves were in their owne persons present at one time in such diverse places, so farre distant one from another: or whether they remaining in a certaine place removed from all commerce with the affayres of men [Page 392] here, Et tamen generaliter orantibus pro indigentiâ supplicantium. ibid. but praying in generall for the necessities of suppliants; God by the ministery of Angels did effect these things when, where, & in what maner he pleased, but maximeque per eorum memorias; quoniam hoc novit expedire nobis ad aedificandam f [...]dem Christi, pro cujus illi confessione sunt passi. I [...]si [...]. especially at the Memorialls of the martyrs, because he knew that to be expedient to us for the building of the faith of Christ, for vvhose confession they did suffer. Res haec altior est, quàm ut á me possit a [...]ting [...], & abstrusior quàm ut á me valeat perscrutari: & ideò quid ho [...]ū duoru [...] sit, an veró fortassis utrum (que) sit, ut aliquando ista fiant per ipsam praesentiā martyrum, aliquando per Angelos suscipientes personam martyrū, definere non audeo. Ibid. This matter is higher (faith he) than that it may be touched by me, and more abstruse than that it can be searched into by me: and therefore whether of these two it be, or whether peradventure both of them be; that these things may sometimes be done by the very presence of the Martyrs, sometimes by Angels taking upon them the person of the Martyrs, I dare not define.
The first of these opinions pleaseth S. Hierome best: who alledgeth for proofe thereof that place in the Revelation; Revel. 14.4. These follow the Lambe, whethersoever he goeth. whereupon he inferreth a conclusion, which hath neede of a very favourable interpretation. Si agnus ubique: ergo & hi, qui cum agno sunt, ubique esse credendi sunt. Hieronym. advers. Vigilant. If the Lambe be every where: therefore they also that are with the Lambe, must be beleeved to be every where. From whom Maximus Taurinensis seemeth not much to differ, where he sayth: Licèt universi Sancti ubique sint, & omnibus prosi [...]t: specialiter illi tamen pro nobis interveniunt, qui & supplicia pertulêre pro nobis. Maxim. homil. in Natali Taurinorum martyrum. Although all the Saints be every where, and profit all men: yet they specially doe labour for us, who have also suffered punishments for us. So one Eustratius a priest of Constantinople made a collection of divers testimonies both out of the Scriptures and the writings of the Fathers; to prove, [...]. Eustrat. in Photij Bibliothecâ, cod. 171. that the soules which oftentimes and in different maners appeare [Page 393] unto many, doe themselves appeare according to their proper existence; and it is not the divine power, assuming the shape of the holy soules, that sheweth forth these operations. And so strongly did this opinion prevayle, when superstition had once gotten head; that at length this Canon was discharged against those that should hold otherwise. [...]. Canon. Synodi á Michaële Syncello citat. in Ignatij Patriarch. C.P. Encomio. If any man say, that the Saints themselves doe not appeare, but their Angels onely; let him be anathema. The author of the Questions to Antiochus, commonly attributed unto Athanasius, thus determineth the matter on the contrary side. [...]. Athanas. quaest 26. ad Antioch. Those adumbrations and visions which appeare at the chappels and tombes of the Saints, are not made by the soules of the Saints; but by holy Angels transformed into the shape of the Saints. For how otherwise (tell me) can the soule of S. Peter or S. Paul, being but one, appeare at the same instant being commemorated in a thousand Churches of his throughout the whole world? For this can neyther one Angell doe at any time: it being proper unto God alone, to be found at the same instant in two places and in the whole vvorld. And Anastasius Sinaita or Nicanus, in the selfe same maner. [...]. Anastas. Sinait. Quaest. 89. It is fit we should know, that all the visions which appeare at the chappels or tombes of the Saints, are performed by holy Angels, by the permission of God. For how else should it be possible, that the resurrection of the bodies being not yet made, but the bodies and the flesh of the Saints being as yet dispersed; that these should be seene [Page 394] in shape compleat men, and oftentimes appeare upon horses armed? And if thou thinkest that thou mayest contradict these things: tell me, how can Paul or Peter, or any other Apostle or Martyr, being but one, appeare oftentimes at the same houre in many places? For neyther is an Angel able to be at the same instant in diverse places; but God onely who is uncircumscriptible. Whereunto we may further adde those judicious observations of S. Augustine touching this matter.
Si ergo me potest aliquis in somnis videre, sibi aliquid quod factum est indica [...]tem, vel etiam quod futurum est praenu [...]ciantem; cùm id ego prorsus ignorē, & omninò non curem, non solùm quid ille somniet, sed utrùm dormiēte me vigilet, an vigilante me dormiat, an uno eodemque tempore vigilemus ambo sive dormiamus, quando ille som [...]ium videt & in quo me videt: quid mirum si nescientes mortui, nec ista sentientes, tamen á viventibus videntur in somnijs, & aliquid dicunt, quod evigilantes verum esse cognoscant? August de curâ pro mortuis, cap. 10. If one in his sleepe may see me, telling unto him something that is done, or foretelling also something that is to come; when I am altogether ignorant thereof, and have no care at all, not onely of what he dreameth, but whether he awaketh I being a sleepe, or he sleepeth I being awake, or whether both of us at one and the some time doe eyther wake or sleepe, when he seeth the dreame in which he seeth me: what marvell is it if the dead, not knowing nor perceiving these things, are yet seene in dreames by the living, and say somewhat which they being awake may know to be true? Sic autem infirmitas humana sese habet, ut cùm mortuum in somnis quisque viderit, ipsius animam se videre arbitretur; cùm autē vivum similiter somnia verit, non ejus animam, neque corpus, sed hominis similitudinem sibi apparuisse non dubitet: quasi non possint & mortuorum hominum, eodem modo nescientium, non animae sed similitudines apparere dormientibus. Ibid. cap. 11. But such is mans weak [...]esse, that when any one seeth a dead man in his sleepe, he thinketh that he doth see his soule; but when he dreameth in like maner of one that is alive, he maketh no doubt, that it is neyther his soule nor his body, but a similitude of the man that did appeare unto him: as if not the soul [...]s but the similitudes of dead men, not knowing it, might not also after the same sort appeare. So he telleth of one Eulogius a rhetorician [Page 395] in Carthage, who lighting upon a certaine obscure place in Ciceroes Rhetorickes which he was the next day to reade unto his schollers, was so troubled therwith that at night he could scarce sleepe. Quâ nocte somnianti, ego illi quod non intelligebat exposui: immò non ego, sed imago mea nesciente me, & tam longé trans mare aliquid aliud, sive agente, sive somniante, & nihil de illius curis omnino curante. Ibid. In which night (saith S. Augustin) I expounded unto him while he was in a dreame, that which he did not understand: nay not I, but my image, I not knowing, and so farre beyond the sea eyther doing or dreaming some other thing, and nothing at all caring for his cares. The like he doth also note to happen unto those that are in raptures and extasies. Et his enim apparent imagines vivorum at (que) mortuorū: sed cùm fuerint sensibus redditi, quoscunque mortuos vidisse se dixerint, veré cum eis fuisse creduntur: nec attendunt qui haec audiunt, similiter ab eis absentium atque nescientiū quorundam etiam imagines visas esse vivorum. Ibid. cap. 12. For unto these also doe appeare images as well of the living as of the dead: but after they have been restored unto their senses, as many of the dead as they say that they have seen, with them they are truely beleeved to have beene: neyther doe they marke who heare these things, that the images of some living men, that were absent and ignorant of these things, were in like maner seene by them. And for the confession of the Divels in parties possessed, he bringeth in a memorable instance, of that which fell out in Nam Mediolani apud sanctos Protasium & Gervasium martyres, expresso nomine, sicut defunctorum quos eodem modo commemorabant, adhuc vivum daemones Episcopum confitebantur Ambrosium, atque ut sibi parceret obsecrabant; illo aliud agente, atque hoc cùm ageretur omnino nesciente. Ibid cap. 17. Millaine, at the place of the memoriall of the martyrs Protasius and Gervasius. where the Divels did not only make mention of the Martyrs that were dead, but also of Ambrose the Bishop then living; and besought him that he would spare them: he being otherwise employed, and being utterly ignorant of the thing when it was a doing
But as S. Augustin doth put us in minde in that discourse, that Aliquando autem fallacibus som [...]ijs (al. visis) hi homines in magnos mittuntur errores: quos talia perpeti justum est. Ibid. cap. 10. men are sometimes ledd into great errors [Page 396] by deceitfull dreames or visions; and that it is just, that they should suffer such things. so S. Chrysostom giveth a good admonition, that little heed should be taken of the Divels sayings. [...]. [...]hrysost. de Lazaro, conc. 2. tom. 5. edit. Savil. pag. 235.236. What is it then (saith he) that the Divels doe say; I am the soule of such a Monke? Surely for this I beleeve it not, because the Divels say it: for they deceive their hearers. And therefore Paul (Act. 16.18.) silenced them, although they spake truth; least taking occasion from thence, they might mingle false things againe with those truthes, and get credi [...] to themselves. and touching dreames and apparitions of the dead, he addeth further. [...]. Id. de Lazar. conc. 4. ibid pag 256. If at this time, the dreames that appeare oftentimes in the shapes of them that have departed this life, have deceived and corrupted many: much more if this were once setled in mens mindes, that many of those that are departed did returne againe unto us; that wicked Divel would plot a thousand guiles, and bring in much deceit into our life. And for this cause God hath shut up the doores, and doth not suffer any of the deceased to returne back and tell the things that are there: least he, taking occasion from thence, should bring in all his own devices. It was the complaint of Synesius in his time, that there were [...]. Synes. epist. 54. many both private men and Priests too, who fayned certaine dreames, which they called Revelations· and in ancient writings we meet with sundry visions, which if they be truely related, may more justly be suspected to have been illusions of deceitfull spirits, than true apparitions of blessed eyther Soules or Angels.
He that will advisedly reade over Basilius Seleuciensis [Page 397] his narration of the miracles of S. Thecla (for example) must eyther reject the worke as strangely corrupted, or easily be drawne to yeeld unto that which I have said. For who can digest such relations and observations as these? that Basil. Sele [...]e. de miraculus S. Theclae, lib. 2. cap. 10. they who watch the night that goeth before her festivitie, doe at that time yearely see her driving a fiery chariot in the ayre, and removing from Seleucia unto Dalisandus, as a place which she did principally affect, in regard of the commoditie and pleasantnesse of the situation. that both shee and other of the Saints deceased do [...]. Ibid. cap. 21. rejoyce much in solitary places, and doe ordinarily dwell in them. that after her death she should [...]. Ib. cap 24. affect Oratory and P [...]ëtry, and be continually delighted with such as did more accurately set forth her prayses: (even as Homer bringeth in Apollo, [...]. Hom. Iliad. [...]. tickled at the heart with hearing the songs that were made unto him in the campe of the Grecia [...]s:) of which he produceth two speciall instances: the one of Alypius the Grammarian, unto whom being forsaken of the physicians Thecla (he saith) did appeare in the night, and demanded of him, what he ayled, and what he would. He, to shew his art, and to win the Virgins favour with the aptnesse of the verse; returneth for an answer unto her that verse, wherewith Homer maketh Achilles to answer his mother Thetis, in the first of the Iliads:
Whereat [...]. Basil Seleuc. ut supr. cap. 24. the Martyr smiling, and being delighted partly with the man partly with the verse, and wondring that he had answered so aptly; conveyed a certaine round stone unto him, with the touch whereof he was presently [Page 398] set on foot from his long and perillous sicknesse. For [...]he other instance the writer reporteth that which happened unto himselfe. For [...] Ibid. cap. 27. the Marty [...] (saith he) is such a lover of learning, and taketh such a delight in these oratorious p [...]ayses; that I will tell somewhat of those things that were done to my selfe and for my selfe: vvhich the Martyr, who did it, doth know to have beene done, and that I lye not. Then he telleth, how having prepar [...]d an oration for her anniversarie festivitie, the day before it should be pronounced, he was taken with such an extreame paine in his eare, that the auditorie was like to be quite disappointed: but that the Martyr the same night appeared unto him, and shaking him by the eare tooke all the paine away. He addeth further, that the same Martyr used often to appeare unto him in his studie at other times: but once more specially, while he was in hand with writing this selfe same book. For having begunne to be [...], Ibid. cap. 16. weary of the labour, the Martyr (saith he) seemed to sit by close in my sight, where I used to be at my booke; and to take the quaternion out of my hand, in which I transcribed these things out of my table-booke. Yea and she seemed unto me to read it, and to rejoyce, and to smile, and to shew unto me by her looke that she was pleased with the things that were written, and that it behoved me to finish this worke and not to leave it unperfect.
These things doe I here repeat, not with any intention to disgrace antiquitie (whereof I professe my selfe to be as great an admirer as any) but to discover the first grounds from whence that Invocation of Saints did proceed, whereby the honour of God and Christs office of mediation was afterwards so much obscured. That saying of S. Augustin is very memorable, and [Page 399] worthy to be pondered. Quem invenirem, qui me reconciliaret tibi? An e [...]ndum mihi fuit ad Angelos? Quâ prece? quibus sacramentis? Multi conantes ad te redire, ne (que) per seipsos valentes, sicut audio, tentave [...]unt haec; & incid [...]unt in deside [...]ium curiosaru [...] visionū, & digni habiti sunt illusionibus Augustin. Confes [...] lib. 10. cap. 42. Whom should I finde, that might reconcile me unto thee? Should I have gone unto the Angels? With what prayer? with what sacraments? Many endevouring to returne unto thee, and not being able to doe it by themselves, as I heare, have tryed these things; and have fallen into the desire of curious visions, and were accounted worthy of illusions. Whether they that had recourse unto the mediation of Martyrs, in such sort as these had unto the mediation of Angels, deserved to be punished with the like delusions; I leave to the judgement of others: the thing which I observed was this; that such dreames and visions as these, joined with the miraculous cures that were wrought at the monuments of the Martyrs, bredd first an opinion in mens mindes of the Martyrs abilitie to helpe them; and so afterward ledd them to the recommending of themselves unto their prayers and protection. where at first they expected onely by their intercession to obtaine temporall b [...]essings (such as those cures were that were wrought at their t [...]mbes, and other like externall benefites) but proceeded af [...]erward to crave their mediation for the procuring of the remission of their sinns and the furthering of their everlasting salvation. Quotiescumque, Fratres charissimi, sanctorum Martyrum solennia celebramus; ita ipsis intercedentibus expectemus á Domino consequi temporalia beneficia, ut ipsos Martyres imitando accipere mereamur aeterna. Serm. de Martyrib. ad calcem fe [...]monum Leonis 1 & tom. 1. Oper. Augustin. serm. 47. de Sanctis. As often, dear brethren, as we do celebrate the solemnities of the holy Martyrs; let us so expect by their intercession to obtaine from the Lord TEMPORALL benefits, that by imitating the Martyrs themselves we may deserve to receive eternall: saith the author of the sermon of the Martyrs, which is found among the homilies of S. Augustin and Leo, and in the Breviar. Roman. in Communi plurimorum Martyrum extra tempus Paschale, lect. 4. Romane Breviary is appointed [Page 400] to be read at the common festivall dayes of many Martyrs. [...]. Basil homil. 26 de S. Mamante. Be mindfull of the Martyr (saith S. Basil in his Panegyricall oration upon Mamas) as many of you as have en [...]oyed him by DREAMES; as many of you as comming to this place, have had him a helper to your praying; as many as to whom, being called by name, hee shewed himselfe present by his workes; as many travailers as he hath brought back againe; as many as he hath raysed from sicknesse; as many as he hath restored their children unto being now dead; as many as have received by his meanes a longer terme of life
Here a man may easily discerne the breedings of this disease, and as it were the grudgings of that ague that afterwards brake out into a pestilentiall feaver. The Martyr is here vocatus onely, not invocatus yet: not called upon by being prayed unto, but called to joyne with others in putting up the same petition unto his and their God. For as here in the Church militant we have our fellow-souldiers Rom. 15.30. [...] striving together with us, and 2. Cor. 1.11. [...] helping together with their prayers to God for us; and yet because we pray one for another, we doe not pray one to another: so the Fathers which taught that the Saints in the Church triumphant doe pray for us, might with S. Basil acknowledge that they had the Martyrs [...] fellow-helpers to their prayer; and yet pray with them onely, and not unto them. For howsoever this evill weed grew apace, (among the superstitious multitude especially) yet was it so cropt at first by the skilfull husbandmen of the Church, that it gott nothing neere that height which under the Papac [...] we see it is now growen unto. Which that we may the better understand, and more distinctly apprehend, how [Page 401] farre the recommending of mens selves unto the prayers of the Saints, which began to be used in the latter end of the fourth age after Christ, came short of that Invocation of Saints, which is at this day practised in the Church of Rome: these speciall differences may be observed betwixt the one and the other. First in those elder times, he that prayed silently was thought to honour God in a singular maner; as one that Qui in silentio orat, sidem defert, & confitetur quòd Deu [...] scrutator cordis & renis sit, & orationem tuā antè ille audiat, quàm tuo ore fundatur. Ambros. de Sacrament. lib. 6. cap. 4. brought faith with him, and confessed that God was the searcher of the heart and reynes, and heard his prayer before it was powred out of his mouth: the understanding of the present secrets of the heart, by the generall judgement of the Fathers, [...]. Quaest. 99. ad Antioch. tom. 2. Oper Athanasij, pag. 303. edit. Graecolat. being no more communicated by him unto the creatures, then the knowledge of things to come. for before the day wherin the secrets of the heart shall be manifested, Et priùs quidem solus omnipotens Deus cernit occulta, dicente sermone Euange [...]ico; Et pater qui videt in abscondito. Et in alio loco: Scrutans corda & renes Deus. Et in Regum volumine. Tu solus nosti corda cunctorum filiorū hominū. Hi [...]ronym. lib 5· in Ezech. ca. 16. Vid. eund. lib. 4. in Ezech. ca. 14. li. 4▪ in Ierem. cap. 20. & lib. 1. in Matth cap. 9 (suprá. pa. 112.) lo. Chrysost. in Matth homil. 29▪ edit Graec. vel 30. Latin. Gennadium de Ecclesiasticis dogmatib. cap. 81. Jo Cassian. Collat. 7. cap. 13. Sedulium in Rom. 2. Paeschasium de Spiritu Sancto, lib 2. cap. 1. & alios possim. almightie God alone doth behold the hidden things: saith S. Hierome, alledging for proofe of this the text, Matth. 6.4. Thy Father that seeth in secret. Psalm. 7.9. God searcheth the hearts and reynes. and 1. King. 8.39. Thou onely knowest the hearts of all the children of men. But now in the Church of Rome mentall prayers are pre [...]ented to the Saints, as well as vocall: and they are beleeved to receive both the one and the other.
Secondly, in the former times Respondeo magnā quidē esse quaestionē, nec in praesentia disserendam, quòd sit ope [...]is prolixioris; utrum, vel quatenus, vel quomodo ea quae circa nos aguntur noverint spiritus mortuorum. Augustin. in Psal. 108. [...]narrat. 1. it was a great question, whether at all, or how farre, or after what maner the spirits [Page 402] of the dead did know the things that concerned us here: and consequently, whether they pray for us onely Vid. eund. de Curâ pro mortuis, cap. 16 suprá citatum, initio pag. 392. Sanctos in genere sollicitos esse pro Ecclesiâ, & orare posse, at (que) etiam reipsâ orare; fatentur Philippus in Apologiâ Confessionis Augustanae, articulo de invocatione Sanctorum, Brentius in Confessione Wirtembergensi, capite de invocatione Sanctorum, Kemnitius in tertiâ parte Examinis Concilij Tridētini: Calvinus quoque lib [...]o t [...]rtio Institut. cap. 20. sect. 21. & 24. non repugnat huic sententiae. Bellarmin. de Missa, lib 2. cap. 8. in generall, and for the particulars God answereth us according to our severall necessities, where, when, and after what maner he pleaseth. Anselmus Laudunensis in his interlineall Glosse upon that text; Abraham is ignorant of us, and Israel knoweth us not: (Esai. 63.16) noteth, that Augustinus dicit: Quia mortui nesciunt, etiā sancti, quid agant vivi, etiā eorū filij Gloss. inte [...]lineal in Esai 63. Augustine sayeth, that the dead, even the Saints doe not know what the living doe, no not their owne sonnes. And indeed S. Augustine in his booke of the Care for the dead, maketh this inference upon that place of Scripture. Si tanti Patriarchae quid erga populum ex his procreatū ageretur, ignoraverunt, quibus Deo credentibus populus ipse de illorū stirpe promissus est: quo modo mortui vivorum rebus at (que) actibus cognoscendis adjuvandis (que) miscentur? Augustin. de Curâ pro mo [...]tuis, cap. 13. If such great Patriarches as these were ignorant, what was done toward the people that descended from them, unto whom (beleeving God) the people it selfe was promised to come from their stocke: how doe the dead interpose themselves in knowing and furthering the things and actes of the living? a [...]d af [...]erward draweth these conclusions from thence, which Lib. de Spiritu & Animâ, tom. 3. operum August qui idē est cū libro 2. de Animâ, inter opera Hugonis Victorint. Hugo de Sancto Victore borrowing from him, hath inserted into his booke De Spiritu & animâ, cap. 29. Ibi sunt spiritus defunctorum, ubi non vident quaecunque aguntur, aut eveniunt in istâ vitâ hominibus. [...]ugustin. de Curâ [...]ro mortuis, cap. 13. The spirits of the dead be there, where they doe neyther see nor heare the things that are done or fall out unto men in this life. Ita illi (Diviti) fuit cura de vivis, quanvis quid agerent, omnino nesciret: quemadmodum est nobis cura de mortuis, quanvis quid agant, omnino uti (que) nesciamus. Ibid. cap. 14. Yet have they such a care of the living, although they know not at all what they doe, as we have care of the dead, although [Page 403] we know not what they doe. Proínde fatendum est, nescire quidem mortuos quid hîc agatur, sed dum hîc agitur; posteà veró audire ab eis, qui hinc ad eos moriendo p [...]rgunt. Non quidē omnia, sed quae sinuntur indicare, qui sinuntur etiam ista meminisse; & quae illos, quibus haec indicant, oportet audire. Possunt & ab Angelis, qui rebus quae aguntur hic praesto sunt, audire aliquid mortui, quod unumquenque illo [...]um audire debere judicat cui cuncta subjecta sunt. etc. Possunt etiam spiritus mortuorum aliqua quae hîc aguntur, quae necessarium est eos nosse, & quae necessarium non est eos non nosse, non solùm praeterita vel praesentia, verumetiam futura spiritu Dei revelante cognoscere. Ibid. cap. 15. The dead indeed doe not know what is done here, while it is here in doing: but afterward they may heare it by such as die and goe unto them from hence; yet not altogether, but as much as is permitted to the one to tell and is fit for the other to heare. They may know it also by the Angels which be here present with us, and carry our soules unto them. They may know also by the revelation of Gods spirit such of the things done here as is necessary for them to know. Hitherto Hugo out of S. Augustin: who is herein also followed by Gratian, in the second part of the Decrees, caus. 13. quaest. 2. cap. 29. where the Glosse layeth downe his resolution thus. Facit Grat. quamdam incidentem quaestionem; utrùm defuncti sciunt quae in mundo geruntur á viris? & respondet, quòd non: & hoc probat auctoritate Isaiae. Gloss. in 13. q. 2. De mortuis. Gratian moveth a certaine incident question; whether the dead know the things that are done in this world by the living? and he answereth, that they doe not: and this he proveth by the authority of Esai. (vz. Esai. 63.16.)
The like question is moved by the Master of the Sentences; Sed fortè quaeris; Nunquid preces supplicantium Sancti audiunt, & vota postulantium in eorum notitiam perveniunt? Non est ineredibile, animas Sanctorum, quae in abscondito faciei Dei veri luminis illustratione laetantur, in ipsius contemplatione ea quae foris aguntur intelligere, quantum vel illis ad gaudium, vel nobis ad auxiliū pertinet. Sicut enim Angelis, ita & Sanctis qui Deo assistunt, petitiones nostrae innotescunt in Verbo Dei quod contemplantur. Petr. Lombard. Sentent. lib. 4. distinct, 45. Whether the Saints doe heare the prayers of suppliants, and the desire of petitioners doe come unto their notice? and this answere is returned thereunto: It is NOT INCREDIBLE, that the soules of the Saints, which in the secret of Gods presence are joyed with the illustration of the true light, doe in the contemplation thereof understand the things that are done abroad, [Page 404] as much as appertayneth eyther to them for joy, or to us for helpe. For as to the Angels, so to the Saints likewise which stand before God, our petitions are made knowne in the Word of God which they contemplate. Upon which place of the Master, Scotus disputing, groweth to this conclusion. Dico, quòd non est necesse ex ratione beatitudinis, quòd beatus videat orationes nostras: neque regulariter sive universaliter in Verbo, quia non est aliquid quasi necessaria sequela beatudinis; neque quòd revelentur, quia ne (que) talis revelatio nec [...]ssariò sequitur beatitudinem. etc. Tamē probabile est, quòd Deus beatis revelat de orationibus sibi, vel [...]eo in nomine ejus oblatis. Io. Scotus, in 4. dist 45. quaest. 4. I say, that it is not necessary in respect of the beatitude, that one in blisse should see our prayers: neyther regularly or universally in the Word, because it is not such a thing as is a necessarie sequele of beatitude; nor yet that they be revealed, because that neyther such a revelation doth necessarily follow upon beatitude. Notwithstanding (for a reason which we shall heare of afterward) hee saith, it is PROBABLE, that God doth specially [...]eveale unto him that is in blisse such of our prayers as are offered unto him, or unto God in his name. The same conclusion doth Gabriel Biel make in his lectures upon the Canon of the Masse. for having shewed, first, that Dicendum, quòd Sancti in patriâ qui de facto in coelis sunt, naturali cognitione putà vespertinâ, quae est cognitio rerum in proprio genere, nullas orationes nostrum in terrâ consistentium, neque mentales n [...]que vocales cognoscunt propter immoderatam distantiam inter nos & ipsos Gabr. Biel, in Canon Miss. [...]ect 31. the Saints in heaven, by their naturall knowledge, which is the knowledge of things in their proper kinde, know no prayers of ours that are here upon earth, neyther mentall nor vocall, by reason of the immoderate distance that is betwixt us and them. secondly, that Non est de ratione beatitudinis essentialis; ut nostras orationes, aut alia facta nostra, matutinâ cognitione videant in verbo. Ibid. it is no part of their essentiall beatitude, that they should see our prayers or our other actions in the Word; and thirdly, that Vtrùm autem videre nostias orationes pertineat ad eorum b [...]atitudinem accidentalem; non per omnia certum est. I [...]id. it is not altogether certayne, whether it doe appertaine to their accidentall beatitude, to see our prayers: he thus at length [Page 405] concludeth. Vnde probabili [...]e [...] dicitur, quòd licèt non necessariò sequitur ad s [...]nctorum beatitudinem, ut orationes nostras audiāt de co [...]gruo: tamē Deu [...] eis revelat omnia quae ipsis ab h [...]minib [...]s off [...]runtur, si [...]e ipsos magnificando & la [...]dando, sive eos orando & auxili [...] implorando Ibid. It is therefore sayd PROBABLY, that although it do not follow necessarily upon the Saints beatitude, that they should heare our prayers of congruitie: yet that God doth reveale all things which are offered unto them by men; whether in magnifying and praysing them, or in praying unto them and imploring their helpe. Cardinall Bellarmine supposeth, that S [...] indigerent Sancti novâ revelatione, Ecclesia non diceret ita audacter omnibus Sanctis; Orate [...]ro nobu: sed peteret aliquando á Deo, ut & rev [...]laret preces nostras. Bellarm. de Eccles. triumph. lib. 1. cap 20. if the Saints should have neede thus of a new revelation, the Church would not so boldly say unto all the Saints; Pray for us: but would sometimes intreat of God, that he would reveale our prayers unto them. Yet because Superfluum videtur ab eis (qui sunt in Purgatorio) ordinarié petere, ut pro nobis orent: quia non possunt ordinarié cognoscere quid agamus in particulari, sed solùm in genere sciunt nos in multis periculis versari Id de Purgator. lib. 2. cap. 15. it seemeth unto him superfluous, to desire ordinarily of them that they shoul [...] pray for us, which cannot ordinarily unde [...]stand what wee doe in particular, but know onely in generall that we are exposed to many dangers: he resolveth, that Etsi dubitatio esse possit, quemadmodum cognoscant absentia, & quae solo cordis affectu interdum proferuntur; tamen certum est eos cognoscere Id de Eccles. triumph. lib. ca [...]. [...]0. although there may be some doubt, in what maner the Saints may know things that be absent, and which are somtime delivered by the affection of the heart alone; yet it is certain that they doe know them. And you must Notandum est, quod est de fide, beatos cognoscere orationes quas ad eos fundimus. Pesa [...]t. in 1. part. Thom. quaest. 1 [...]. note, saith another Iesuite, that this is to be held for a point of faith, that the Saints doe know the prayers which we poure unto them. So that to make good the Popish maner of praying unto Saints, that which at the first was but probab [...]e and problematicall, must now be held to be de fide, and an undoubted axiome of Divinitie.
Thirdly, in the Popish Invocation, formall and absolute prayers are tendred to the Saints: but the compellations of them used at first, were commonly eyther [Page 406] wishes onely, or requests of the same nature with those which are in this kinde usually made unto the living; where the requester is oftentimes superior to him whose prayers he desireth (which standeth not well with the condition of Est enim oratio actus quidam rationis, quo unus alteri supplicat, inferior videlicèt superiori. Bella [...]min. de bonis operib. in particulari, lib. 1. cap. 7. Prayer properly so called) and they that are requested, be evermore accounted in the number of those that pray for us, but not of those that are prayed unto by us. Of this you may heare, if you please, what one of the more moderate Romanists writeth. Si Prophetae licuit appellare Angelos, & universum coelestem exercitum, eosque hortari ut Deū laudent, quod tamen nullo etiam monente assidué faciunt; quo sané nihil aliud quàm abundantia quaedam studij divinae gloriae amplificandae declaratur: cur etiam non liceat beatos illos spiritus ejusdem corporis societate nobiscum conjunctos, ex quâdam pij desiderij redundantiâ compellare, atque exhortari, uti id faciant, quod eos ultro facere credimus? ut perinde valeat; Omnes Sancti orate Deum pro me: ac si dicatur. Vtinam omnes Sancti Deum orent pro me quàm velim ut omnes Sancti Deum orent pro me Georg. Cassand. Schol. in Hymn. Ecclesiastic. Op [...]rum pag. 242. If it were lawfull for the Prophet to call to the Angels and the whole hoaste of heaven, and to exhort them that they would prayse God, which notwithstanding they doe continually without any one admonishing them, whereby nothing else but a certaine abundance of desire of the amplifying of Gods glory is declared: why may it not be lawfull also, out of a certaine abundance of godly desire to call upon those blessed spirits which by the societie of the same body are conjoyned with us; and to exhort them, that they should doe that, which we beleeve they otherwife doe of themselves? That to say; All ye Saints, pray unto God for me: should import as much, as if it were said; Would to God, that all the Saints did pray unto God for me! I wish earnestly, that all the Saints should pray to God for me! Thus writeth Cassander, in his notes upon the ancient Ecclesiasticall Hymnes, published by him in the yeare 1556. who being challenged for this by some others of that side, added this further to give them [Page 407] better satisfaction. Cùm viderē non necessarium, ut statuamus Sanctos intelligere nostras preces; credebam ad calumnias nonnullorum repellendas satis esse si dicamus per modū desiderij eas inter pellationes explicari posse: quod minus habet absurditatis, & divinarum literarum exemplis congruit. Si quis autem hujusmodi compellationes pro intimatione quoque desiderij, & directâ (ut ita loquamur) alloquutione haberi velit; non repugno. Crediderim tamen hujusmodi intimationi tacitam conditionem subesse debere; qualem Gregorius Nazianzenus in oratione funebri sororis Gorgoniae exprimit, cùm ait. Proinde si nostri sermones vel parumper tibi curae sint, honorque talis sanctis á D [...]o debetur animabus, ut talia resciscant; suscipe & tu sermonem nostrum. Id. epist. 19. ad Io. Molinaeum. pag. 1109. When I did see that it was not necessary, that we should hold that the Saints doe understand our prayers; I thought it was sufficient to put backe the calumnies of some, if we should say that these interpellations might be expounded by way of wishing or desiring: which hath lesse absurditie in it, and is agreeable to the examples of the holy Scriptures. But if any man would have such compellations as these to be taken also for an intimation of the desire, and a direct speaking unto them; I doe not gainesay it. Notwithstanding I would thinke that a tacite condition ought to be understood in such an intimation: such as Gregory Nazianzen doth expresse in the funerall oration of his sister Gorgonia, when he saith. If thou hast any care at all of our speeches, and holy soules receive this honour from God that they have notice of such things as these; doe thou accept this Oration of ours.
Yea in the very darkest times of the Papacie there wanted not some, who for certaine reasons (recited by Guilielmus Altissi dorensis and Gabriel Biel) resolved that neyther the Saints doe pray for us, neyther are we to pray unto them. His & similibus rationibus decepti sunt dicti hae [...]etici. Decipiuntur & nunc nonnulli nostro tēpore Christiani. Gabr. Biel, in Canon. Miss. lect. 30. With these and such like reasons, saith Biel, were the heretickes deceaved: and some Christians in our time are now deceaved. Propter istas rationes & consimiles dicunt multi, quòd nec nos oramus Sanctos, nec ipsi orant pro nobis, nisi improprié: ideò sc. quia oramus Deum ut Sanctorum merita nos juvēt unde: Adjuvent nos eorum merita. etc. Guillerm. Altissiodor. in Summ. part. 4 lib. 3. tract. 7. cap. de Orat. quaest. 6. For these and the like reasons, saith Altissiodorensis, MANY doe say, that neyther we pray unto the Saints, nor they pray for us, but improperly: in respect we pray unto God, that the [Page 408] merits of the Saints may helpe us. according to that: Adjuvent nos eorum merita, &c. where if any poyson doe remayne hidden under the name of merits, (of which we are to consider in his proper place:) the Breviarie of the Praemonstratersian Order ministreth unto us this antidote against it.
Can their merits helpe us, whom their owne sinnes hinder? Can their intercession excuse us, whose owne action doth accuse themselves? But thou, who hast bestowed upon them the palme of the heavenly triumph, deny not unto us the pardon of our sinne. And this many serve to make a.
Fourth difference betwixt the Popish prayers and the Interpellations used in the ancient time. for by the doctrine and practise of the Church of Rome, the Saints in heaven are not only made joint petitioners with us (as the Saints are upon earth) but also our Atturneyes and Advocates: who carry the suit for us, not by the pleading of Christs merits alone, but by bringing in their owne merits likewise; upon the consideration of the dignitie or condignitie whereof it is beleeved, that God yeeldeth to the motions they make unto him in our behalfe. Oramus Sanctos, ut intercedant pro nobis, id est, ut merita eo [...]um nobis suffragentur, & ut ipsi velint bonum nostrum: quia eis volentibus Deus vult, & ita fiet. Petr. Lombard. Sentent. lib. 4. distinct. 45. & Iacobus de Vitriaco, in Litaniâ maiori. Wee pray unto the Saints (saith the Master of the Sentences) that they may intercede [Page 409] for us, that is to say, that their merits may helpe us, and that they may will our good: for they willing it God doth will it, and so it will be effected. Rogare debemus Apostolos & omnes Sanctos in omni necessitate nostrâ: quia ipsi sunt advocati nostri, & medij inter nos & Deum, per quos Deus ordinavit nobis omnia largiri. Hug. Prate [...]s. sermon. 35. We ought to intreat the Apostles and all the Saints (saith Hugo Pratensis) in all our necessities: because they are our advocates, and the meanes betwixt us and God, by whom God hath ordayned to bestow all things upon us. Qui congruum est beatum esse coadjutorem Dei in procurando salutem electi, eo modo quo hoc sibi potest cō petere; & ad iflud requiritur sibi revela [...]i orationes nostras specialiter, quae sibi offeruntur, quia illae specialiter innituntur meritis ejus tanquam mediatoris perducentis ad salutem, quae petitur: ideò probabile est, quòd Deus beatis revelat de orationibus sibi, vel Deo in nomine ejus oblatis. Io. Scot. in 4. Sent. d [...]st. 45. quaest. 4. Because it is a thing fitting (saith Scotus) that he that is in blisse should be a coadjutor of God in procuring the salvation of the elect, according to such maner as this may agree unto him; and to this it is requisite, that our prayers which are offered unto him should specially be revealed unto him, because they leane specially upon the merits of him as of a mediator bringing us to the salvation which is sought for: therefore it is probable that God doth specially reveale unto him that is in blisse such of our prayers as are offered unto him, or unto God in his name. But this is an open derogation to the high prerogative of our Saviours meritorious Intercession, and a manifest incroachment upon the great office of Mediation, which the most religious and learned among those Fathers, who desired to be recommended unto the prayers of the Saints, were so carefull to preserve entire unto him. Quid enim tam proprium Christi, quàm advocatum apud Deum patrem adstare populorum? Ambros. in Psalm. 39. For what is so proper to Christ, saith S. Ambrose, as to stand by God the Father for an advocate of the people? Ipse Sacerdos est, qui nunc ingressus in interiora veli, solus ibi ex his qui carnem gestaverunt interpellat pro nobis. In cujus rei figurâ in illo primo populo, & in illo primo templo unus sacerdos intiabat in sancta sanctorum, populus omnis foras stabat. August. in Psam. 64. He is the Priest, saith S. Augustin, who being now entred within the vayle, ALONE there of them that have beene partakers of flesh, doth make intercession for us. In figure of which thing, in that first [Page 410] people and in that first Temple the Priest onely did enter into the Holy of holyes, and all the people stood without. And therefore where S. Iohn saieth; These things write I unto you, that yee sinne not: and if any man sinne, vvee have an Advocate with the Father Iesus Christ the righteous. (1. Iohn. 2.1.) S. Augustin in his exposition upon that place maketh this observation thereupon: that S. Iohn being so great a man as he was, Non dixit, habetis, nec me habetis dixit, nec ip [...]um Christū habetis, dixit: sed & Christum posuit, non se, & habemus dixit, non habetis. Maluit se ponere in numero peccatorum, ut haberet advocatum Christum: quàm ponere se pro Christo advocatum, & inveniri inter damnandos superbos. Augustin. tractat. 1. in 1. epist. Iohan. cap. 2. did not say, YEE have, nor Yee have MEE, nor YEE have Christ himselfe: but did both put in Christ, not himselfe; and also sayd, WEE have, not YEE have. because he had rather put himselfe in the number of sinners, that he might have Christ to be his advocate: than put himselfe for an advocate in steed of Christ, and be found among the proud that should be damned. and from thence draweth this conclusion against Parmenian the Donatist. Si ita diceret; Hoc scripsi vobis ut non peccetis, & si quis peccaverit, mediatorē me habetis apud Patrem, ego exoro pro peccatis vestris: (sicut Parmenianus quodam loco mediatorem posuit Episcopum inter populum & Deum:) quis eum ferret bonorum at (que) fidelium Christianorum? Quis sicut Apostolum Christi, & non sicut Antichristum intueretur? Id. lib. 2. contr. epist. Parmenian. cap. 8. If he had sayd thus; I have written this unto you, that you sinne not, and if any man sinne, you have me a mediator with the Father, I make intercession for your sinnes: (as Parmenian in one place doth make the Bishop a mediator betwixt the people and God:) what good and faithfull Christian would endure him? who would looke upon him as the Apostle of Christ, and not as Antichrist rather? The doctrine therefore and practise of the Church of Rome in this point, by this learned Fathers judgement, must needes be held to bee ungodly and Antichristian.
Fiftly, the recommendation of mens selves unto the prayers of the Saints deceased, which was at first admitted in the ancient Church, did no way impeach [Page 411] [...]he confidence and boldnesse which we have gotten in Christ, to make our immediate approach unto the throne of grace: which by the Invocation of Saints now taught in the Church of Rome, is very much impayred. For to induce men to the practise of this, the great Majestie of God and the severity of his Iustice is propounded unto poore sinners on the one hand, and the consideration of their owne basenesse and unworthinesse on the other. whereupon it is inferred, that aswell for the manifesting of their reverence to Gods Majestie, as the testifying of their submissenesse and Humilitie, they should seeke to God by the mediation of his Saints; like as men doe seeke to the King by the mediation of his servants. which motives can have no more force to encourage men to the Invocation of Saints, then they have to discourage them from the immediate Invocation of God and his Christ. So among the causes alledged by Alexander of Hales, why we ought to pray unto the Saints: one is, Vlteriùs propter nostram inopiam in contemplādo: ut qui non possumus summā lucem in se aspicere, eam in suis Sanctis contemplemur. Tertió, propter inopiam in amando: quia nos miserabiles homines, vel plerique nostrûm magis afficimur circa Sanctum aliquem aliquando, quàm etiā circa Dominū; & ideò Dominus eompastus nostrae miseriae, vult quòd oremus Sanctos suos. Alexand. de Hales, Summ. part. 4. quaest. 26. memb. 3. artic. 5. in respect of our want in contemplating; that we who are not able to behold the highest light in it selfe, may contemplate it in his Saints. another, in respect of our want in loving: because we miserable men (miserable men indeed that doe so) or some of us at least are more affected sometimes unto some Saint, than unto our Lord himselfe: and therefore God having compassion on our misery, is pleased that we should pray unto his Saints. and a third, Propter Dei reverentiam: ut peccator, qui Deum offendit, quia non audet in propriâ personâ adire, recurrat ad Sanctos, eorum patrocinia implorando. Id. ibid. in respect of the reverence of God: that a sinner who hath offended God, because he dareth not to come unto him in his owne person, may have recourse unto the [Page 412] Saints, by imploring their patronage. The like we read in Gabriel Biel, handling the same argument. Peccatoribus singularis est consolatio, qui ad Sanctorum interpellationem quando (que) magis animantur quàm Iudicis: quorum etiam sanctitatis defectum supplere potest probitas aliena. Gabr. Biel in Can [...]n. M [...]ss lect. 30. This is a singular consolation (saith he) to sinners, who have oftentimes more minde to the interpellation of the Saints then of the Iudge: whose defect of holinesse also other mens goodnesse is able to supply. and it maketh Propter Dei reverentiam: ut sc. peccator qui Deum offendit, quasi non audens in personâ propriâ, propter peccati scoriā, coram majestate altissimâ pariter & tremendâ apparere, recurreret ad Sanctos purissimos & Deo gratos; qui peccatoris pr [...]ces altissimo praesen [...]ent, easqu suis adjunctis meritis & precibus magis redderent ex [...]udib les, placidas. atque gratas. Ibid. lect. 31. for the reverence of God: that a sinner who hath offended God, as it were not daring for the drosse of his sinne to appeare in his proper person, before the most high and dreadfull majesty. should have recourse unto the Saints who are most pure and gratefull to God: who may present the sinners prayers unto the most High, and by adjoyning their merits and prayers thereunto, might make the same more fit for audience, more pleasing and more gratefull. Therefore Salmeron the Iesuite sticketh not to deliver his opinion plainely; that the praying unto God by the Saints seemeth to be better then the praying unto him immediately, as for other reasons, Tertió, quia Ecclesia quae Christi Spiritum ha [...]er, f [...]equent [...]ssimé pe [...] Sanctos recurrit ad Deum, rariùs per se ad Deum accedit Quartò, precatio Dei per invocationem Sanctorum arguit majorem humilitatem; sicut videre est in Centurione. Alph. Salmer. in 1. Timoth. 2. d [...]spu [...]. 7. sect. ult. so because the Church, which hath the Spirit of Christ, (though S. Augustin surely would have judged such a Church to be led by the spirit of Antichrist rather then of Christ) most frequently hath recourse unto God by the Saints, but commeth more rarely unto God by it selfe: and also, because the praying of God by the invocations of Saints doth argue greater humilitie; as may be seene in the Centurion, Luc. 7.6, 7. whereunto he applieth also the saying of David, Psalm. 102.17. He hath had respect to the prayer of the humble, and did not despise their prayers. and of Iudith: Judith [...].16. The prayer of the humble and meeke hath alway pleased thee.
[Page 413]Thus in the dayes of the Apostles themselves, under the pretence of Coloss. 2.18. Humilitie some laboured to bring into the Church the worshipping of Angels: which carried with it Ibid. vers. 23. a shew of wisedome, (as S. Paul speaketh of it) and such a shew as was not farre unlike unto that wherewith our Romish Doctors do cozen simple people now a dayes. For [...]. [...]heodoret. in Coloss. cap. 2. this (saith Theodoret) did they counsell should be done, (namely, that men should pray unto Angels) pretending humility, and saying, that the God of all things was invisible, and inaccessible, and incomprehensible▪ and that it was fit wee sho [...]ld procure G [...]ds favour by the meanes of Angels. whereas S Chrysostom treating of Christian hum [...]litie [...]heweth that the faithfull who are furnished with that grace do notwithstanding [...]. Ch [...]ysostom. in Matth. homil. 65 edit. Graec. 66 Latin. ascend beyond the highest toppes of heaven, and passing by the Angels, p [...]esent themselves before the Regall throne it selfe. yea [...]. Id in Psalm [...]. by earning thus to speake with God in prayer, he sheweth that the man himselfe is made a kinde of an Angel the soule is so set loos [...] from the bonds of the body; the reasoning is raysed up so high; he is so translated into heaven, he doth so overl [...]oke these worldly things, he is so placed by the Regall thr [...]ne it selfe: although he be a poore man, although a servant, although a simple man, although an unlearned Neither is it to be forgotten, that the heathen Idolaters also, to cover Solent tamen pudorem passi neglecti Dei, miserâ uti excusatione, dicentes per istos posse ire ad Deum, sicut per comites pervenitur ad Regem, Ambros. in Rom. cap. 1. the shame of their neglecting of God, were wont to use this miserable excuse; that by these they might goe to God, as by officers we goe to the King: which is the very selfe same ragg our Romanists have [Page 414] borrowed from them to cover their superstition with, that the nakednesse thereof might not appeare. But S. Ambrose (or who ever else was author of those commentaries upon S. Pauls epistles that are found among his workes) hath mett well with them, and sufficiently discovered the vanitie of these grosse and carnall imaginations. Agè, nunquid tam demens est aliquis, aut salutis suae immemor, ut honorificentiam Regis vindicet comiti; cùm de hâc re si qui etiam tractare fuerint inventi, jure ut rei damnentur majestatis? Et isti se non putant reos, qui honorem nominis D [...]i deferunt creaturae, & relicto Domino conservos adorant; quasi sit aliquid plus quod servetur Deo. Nam & ideò ad Regem per tribunos aut comites itur, quia homo utique est Rex, & nescit quibus debeat Rēpublicam credere. Ad Deum anté (quem uti (que) nihil latet, omnium enim merita novit) promerendum suffragatore non opus est, sed mente devotâ. Vbieun (que) enim talis locutus fuerit ei, respondebit illi. Ibid. Go too, (saith he) is there any man so mad, or so unmindfull of his salvation, as to give the Kings honour to an officer: whereas if any shall be found but to treat of such a matter, they are justly condemned as guiltie of high treason? And yet these men thinke themselves not guiltie, who give the honour of Gods name to a creature, and leaving the Lord adore their fellow servants; as though there were any thing more, that could be reserved to God. For therefore doe men goe to the King by Tribunes or officers, because the King is but a man, and knoweth not to whom he may commit the state of the commonwealth. But to procure the favour of God, from whom nothing is hid (for he knoweth the merits or workes of all men) we need no spokes-man, but a devoute minde. For wheresoever such a one shall speake unto him, he will answer him.
But of all others, S. Chrysostom is most plentifull in setting out the difference of the accesse which we may have to God & to the great ones in this world. [...]. Chrysost. in Matth. citat. á Theodoro Daphnopat. in Eclogis (tom. 7. edit. Savil. pag. 768.) Maximo, in loc. commun. serm. 14. & Io Damasceno in Parallel. lib 2. cap. 15. ubi ab editore Pontificio ad marginem appositum est hoc pharmacum: Haec [...] dicuntur non [...]. When [Page 415] we have suit unto men (saith he in one place) vve have need of cost and money, and servile adulation, and much going up and downe and great adoe. For it falleth out oftentimes that we cannot go straight unto the Lords themselves and present our gift unto them and speake vvith them; but it is necessary for us first to procure the favour of their ministers and stewards and officers, both with paying and praying and using all other meanes unto them, and then by their mediation to obtaine our request. But with God it is not thus. For there is no need of intercessors for the petitioners: neyther is he so ready to give a gracious answer being intreated by others, as by our own selves praying unto him. [...]. Chrysost. serm. 7. de Poenitent. tom. 6. edit. Savil. pag. 802. qui in alijs editionib. est serm. 4. de Poenitent. When thou hast need to sue unto men, (saith he in another place) thou art forced first to deale with d [...]ore-keepers, and to intreat parasites and flatterers, and to goe a long way. But with God there is no such matter: without an intercessor he is intreated, without money without cost he yeeldeth unto thy prayer. It sufficeth only that thou cry in thine heart, and bring teares with thee; and entring in straightway thou mayest draw him unto thee. [...]. Id. in Psalm. 4. Amongst men (saith he in a third place) it behoveth him that commeth unto one, to be a man of speech, and it is required that he should flatter all those that are about the Prince, and to thinke upon many other things, that he may finde acceptance. But here there is need of nothing, save of a watchfull minde onely: and there is nothing that hindereth us from being neare to God. So in his sermon upon the woman of Canaan, which hee made in his latter dayes, after his returne from his first [Page 416] banishment: [...]. Id. in d [...]mission. Chananaeae. tom 5. edit. Savil. pag. 195. God is alwayes neare, saith he. If thou wilt intreat man; thou askest what he is a doing, and he is asleep, he is not at leisure, or the servant giveth thee no answer. But with God there is none of these things. Whithersoever thou goest and callest, hee heareth: there is no want of leisure, nor a mediatour, nor a servant that keepeth thee off. Say, Have mercy upon me; and presently God is with thee. For while thou art yet a speaking, saith he, I will say; Behold here I am. (Esai. 58.9.) And therefore he biddeth us to [...]. Ibid pag. 190. marke the philosophy (as he tearmeth it) or the wisedome of the woman of Canaan. She intreateth not Iames (saith he) she beseecheth not Iohn, neyther doth she come to Peter, but brake through the whole company of them; saying. I have no need of a mediatour, but taking repentance with me for a spoakes-man, I come to the fountaine it selfe. For this cause did he descend, for this cause did he take flesh; that I might have the boldnesse to speake unto him. I have no need of a mediatour: have thou mercy upon me. Hitherto S. Chrysostom.
Sixthly, the Romanists repose such confidence in the intercession of the Saints; that they look to receive farre greater benefite by them, then by their own prayers. Which conceit how distastefull it was unto the ancient Doctors, S. Chrysostom may be a sufficient witnesse: who laboured exceedingly to root out this erroneous opinion, when it first beganne to shew it selfe in his time. And therefore hee is bold to affirme, not onely that [...]. Chrysost. in Act. 16. homil. 36. vvee have no such need of others, that vve may intreate by them; but also that [Page 417] God [...]. Id. ibid. then doeth most, when we doe not use the intreatie of others. For as a kinde friend, (saith he) then blameth he us most, as not daring to trust his love, when we intreate others to pray unto him for us. Thus use we to doe vvith those that seeke to us: then we gratifie them most, vvhen they come unto us by themselves, and not by others. But, thou wilt say, vvhat if I have offended him? Cease offending, and shedd teares, and so come; and thou shalt quickly make him appeased for the things that are past. Say onely; I have offended: say it from thy soule and a sincere mind; and all is loosed. Thou dost not so much desire to thy sinnes to be forgiven thee, as he doth desire to forgive thy sinnes unto thee. Thus doth S. Chrysostom write upon the 16. of the Acts: and upon the fourth Psalme, to the same effect. [...]. Id, in Psalm. 4. Thou mayest alwayes and continually sollicite him, and thou shalt meet with no difficultie. For thou shalt have no need of any doore-keepers to bring thee in, nor stewards, nor procurators, nor keepers, nor friends: but when thou thy selfe commest by thy selfe, then will he most of all heare thee, even then, when thou intreatest no man. We do not therefore so pacifie him when we intreat him by others, as when we doe it by our own selves. For by reason he loveth our friendship, and doth all things that vve may put our confidence in him: when he beh [...]ldeth us to do this by our selves, then doth he most yeeld unto our suites. Thus did he deale with the woman of Canaan: when Peter and Iames came for her, he did not yeeld; but when she her selfe [Page 418] did remaine, he presently gave that which was desired.
The same lesson doth he repeat in his 44. homily upon Genesis: that [...]. Id. in Genes cap. 19. homil. 44. our Lord being mercifull, doth not so yeeld when he is intreated for us by others, as he doth when he is by our own selves. and for proofe thereof telleth us againe of the woman of Canaan; that [...]. Id ibid. having the disciples petitioning for her, she could obtaine nothing, untill she by her selfe being instant drew forth the clemency of the Lord: to the end we might thereby learne, that we doe not so prevayle when we intreat by others, as when by our selves; if we come with fervour and with a vigilant minde. The like observation is made by him and by Theophylact in their expositions upon that part of the Gospell wherein this historie is related. [...]. [...]d. in Matth 15. homil. 52. edit. Graec. vel 53. Latin. Marke me, (saith the one) how the Apostles being put downe and not prevayling, she her selfe prevayled: of so great force is the assiduity of prayer. For God would be petitioned unto by us that are guiltie, in our owne cause, rather then by others for us. And [...]. Theophylact. in Matth. cap. 15. observe (saith the other) that although the Saints doe pray for us, as the Apostles did for her; yet we praying for our selves, do prevayle much more. One place more I will yet lay down out of Chrysostoms sermon of the profiting of the Gospell: and so make an end of this observation. [...]. Chrysostom. serm. in Philip. 18. de p [...]ofectu Euangel. tom. 5. edit. Savil. pag. 416. With God (saith he) thou hast need of no intercessours, nor of much running about, nor to flatter others: but although thou be alone, and hast no patrone, thou by thy selfe praying unto God shalt certainely [Page 419] obtaine thy request. He useth not to yeeld so soone, being prayed unto by others for us, as when we our selves do pray unto him, although we be replenished vvith a thousand evils. And to prove that [...]. Ibid. pag. 416. & paulo pòst. [...]; pag. 417. praying by our own selves vve prevayle more with God, then praying unto him by others: he bringeth in againe the historie of the woman of Canaan, and wisheth us to observe, [...]; Ibid. pag. 417. how, when others intreated, he put her back: but when she her selfe cryed out praying for the gift, he yeelded. and at last concludeth with this exhortation. [...]. Ibid. Seeing then we have learned all these things, although we be in sinne and unworthy to receive, let us not despaire; knowing that by perseverance and constancie of minde we may obtaine our request. although we be solitarie and without any patrones, let us not be d [...]scouraged; knowing that this is a great patronage, that thou by thine own selfe mayst come to God with much alacritie.
Seventhly, and principally it is to be considered, that Invocation is attributed to Saints in the Church of Rome as a part of the worship due unto them: yea as eximium adorationis genus (for so doth Cardinall Bellarmin. Praefat. in controvers de Eccles triumphant. in Ord [...]ne disputat. Bellarmin pronounce it to be) an eminent kind of adoration. For Sanctos non solùm honoramus eo cultu, quo viros virtute, sapientiâ, potentiâ, aut qualibet aliâ dignitate praestantes; sed etiam Divino cultu, & honore, qui est religionis actus nam ille cultus, qui viris primarij [...] defertur, non est religionis; sed alterius longé inferioris virtutis, quae observantia vocatur, actus & officium. Sed divinos cultus & honores Sanctis non damus propter ipsos; sed propter Deum, qui eos Sanctos effecit. Io. Azor. Institut. Moral. tom. 1. lib. 9. cap. 10. we do not honour the Saints (saith Azorius the Iesuite) with that worship onely, wherewith we do men that excell in vertue, wisedome, power, or any other dignitie; but also with DIVINE worship and honour, which is an act of Religion. for that worship which is given to men [Page 420] of excellencie, is an act and office, not of Religion, but of another inferiour vertue, which is called Observance. And whereas it is as cleare as the noone day, that the giving of divine honour and worship unto any creature is flat Idolatry: the poore man weeneth that he and his fellowes may be excused from being Idolaters; because they doe not give divine vvorship and honour unto the Saints for themselves, but for God who hath made them Saints: as if God, who cannot endure that his Esai. 428. & 48.11. glory should be given unto another, wou [...]d be mocked with such toyes as these. Indeed they were wont heretofore to delude men commonly with an idle distinction of Dulîa and Latrîa ▪ but now Quid si & una religionis virtus sit, quae latriam, duliamque contineat? Certé plurimis at (que) sapientissimis ea est opinio. Nicol. Serarius, in Litaneutico 2. Quaest. 27. in fine it is the opinion of the most and the wisest of them, that it is one and the selfe same vertue of Religion, which contayneth both Latrîa and Dulîa. Whereas it hath beene the constant doctrine of the ancient Church, that all religious worship (whereof Prayer by the judgement of all men, as well Virgil. Aeneid. 3. Iunonis magnae primùm prece numen adora. Ovid. T [...]ist. lib. 1. eleg. 3. Hâc prece adoravi superos ego, pluribus uxor. D [...] natus in [...]eren [...]ij Phormion. act. 2. scen. 1. ad il [...]ud: At ego Deos penate [...] hinc salutatum domum D [...]vortar Salutatum.] Adoratum primâ post reditum prece. Heathen as Christian, hath beene alwayes esteemed to be an especiall part) is so properly due unto God alone, that without committing of Idolatry it cannot be communicated unto any creature. For Ideoque divine ac singulariter in Ecclesiâ catholicâ traditur, nullam creaturam colendam esse animae (libentius enim loquor his verbis quibus mihi haec insinuata sunt) sed ipsum tantummodò rerum quae sunt omnium creatorem Augustin. lib. de Quantitate animae, cap. 34. Vid. eund. de morib. Eccles. Catholicae & Manich. lib. 1. cap. 30. in the Catholick Church it is divinely and singularly delivered, that no creature is to be worshipped by the soule, but he onely who is the creator of all things: saith S. Augustin. And therefore the ancient Doctors who thought it not amisse, that men should recommend themselves unto the praiers of the Saints departed; held it a thing intolerable notwithstanding, to impart unto any man or Angell [Page 421] the worship of Invocation. for to request the help of the prayers of our fellow-servants, is one thing, and to worship them with the service of Invocation is another▪ as may be seen in the case of our brethren upon earth, who may not refuse the former without the violation of charitie, nor accept the latter at our hands without an open breach of pietie.
Now that the Fathers judged no otherwise of Prayer, then as hath beene said, this may be one good argument; that when they define it, they doe it with expresse reference to God, and no other: as may be seen in those five severall definitions thereof which Bellarm. de bonis operib. in particular. lib. 1. cap. 1. Bellarmine himselfe repeateth out of them. the first whereof is that of Basil: [...]. Basil. orat. in Iu [...]itiam martyr. Prayer is a request of some good thing, which is made by pious men unto GOD. The second, of Gregory Nyssen: [...] Gregor. Nyssen. orat. 1. de Oratione. Prayer is a conversing or a conference with GOD. The third, of the same Father: [...]. Id. orat. 2. de Orat. Dòminic. vel, [...] Id. tractat 2. de inscriptionib. Psalmor. cap. 3. Prayer is a request of good things, which is offered with supplication unto GOD. The fourth, of Iohn Chrysostom: [...]. Chrysost. in Genes. homil. 30. Vid. eiusd. lib. 1· de Orando Deū, tom. 6 edit. Savil. pag. 754. Prayer is a colloquy or discourse with GOD. The fifth, of Iohn Damascen: [...]. Damascen. de fide Orthodox. lib. 3. cap. 24. Prayer is an ascension of the minde unto GOD, or a request of things that are fit from GOD. Therefore where Ad quod sacrificium, sicut homines Dei, qui mundum in ejus confessione vicerunt, suo loco & ordine nominantur: non tamen á sacerdote, qui sacrificat, invocantur. Aug. de Civit. Dei, lib. 22. cap. 10. the names of the Martyrs were solemnly rehearsed in the publick Liturgie of the Church, S. Augustin interpreteth it to be done for an honourable remembrance of them: but utterly denieth, that the Church therein had anie intention to invocate them. So for other particular prayers: Sed tamē tu solus, Domine, invocādus es; tu rogādus, ut eū in filijs repraesentes. Ambr. de obit. Theodos. Thou [Page 422] alone art to be invocated O Lord, saith S. Ambrose in his funerall oration upon Theodosius the Emperour; thou art to be requested, to supply the misse of him in his sonnes. and; Cui alteri praeter te cla mabo? August. Confess. lib. 1. cap. 5. To whom else should I cry, besides thee? saith S. Augustin, and it is Gods pleasure, ‘Esse nihil prorsus se praeter ubique rogandum,’ that nothing beside himselfe should every where be prayed unto: saith Dracontius in his book of the Creation, revised by Eugenius Bishop of Toledo at the command of Chindasuindus King of Spaine. Hereupon S. Chrysostom, upon those words of the Apostle, 1. Corinth. 1.2. With all that call upon the Name of our Lord Iesus Christ; giveth this exposition. [...]. Ch [...]ysost. in 1 Corinth. homil. 1. Not of this man and that man, but upon the name of the Lord. and he elsewhere telleth us, that it was the DIVELS doing to draw men unto the calling upon Angels; as envying them the honour of their immediate accesse and admittance unto Gods owne presence. [...]; Jd. in Coloss. 3. homil. 9. For this cause (saith he) did the Divel bring in this of the Angels; envying us this honour. These be the enchantments of Divels. Though he be an Angel, though an Archangel, though they be Cherubims; endure it not. For neyther will these Powers themselves admit it, but reject it; when they see their Lord dishonoured. I have honoured thee, saith he, and have sayd; Call upon me, and doest thou dishonour him? And therefore did the Fathers in the Councell of Laodicea directly conclude that this Invocation of Angels was a secret kinde of Idolatry, by the practise whereof the communion both of Christ and of his Church was forsaken. [...]. Concil. Laödicen. can. 35. For Christians (say they) [Page 423] ought not to forsake the Church of God, and depart aside, and invocate Angels, & make meetings: which are things forbidden. If any man therefore be found to give himselfe to this privy Idolatry; let him be accursed. Because hee hath forsaken our Lord Iesus Christ, the Sonne of God, and betaken himselfe to Idolatry.
Pope Adrian, in the Epitome of the Canons which he delivered to Charles the great at Rome in the year of our Lord DCCLXXIII. doth thus abbridge this decree: ut anathema sit, quicunque relictâ Ecclesiâ, Angelos colere, vel congregationes facere praesumpserit. that whosoever, leaving the Church, did presume to worship Angels, or to make meetings, should be accursed. Where Henricus Canisius, who was the first publisher of this Abbridgement in the 6. tome of his Ancient reading, fearing belike that the curse not only of the Fathers of Laodicea, but (which was more dreadfull) of Pope Adrian also might light upon him and his companions, who acknowledge themselves to be of the number of those that wo [...]ship Angels: giveth us warning in his margent, that in steed of angelos here Angulos fortè legendū. pag. 424. tom. 6. Antiquae lectionis Henr. Canisij. SS. Canonum in A [...]adem Ingolstad. professoris primarij. peradventure should be read, angulos; that is to say, corners in steed of angels ▪ which although it be a no [...]e that evill beseemeth a man who would be thought to be conversant in ancient reading, and such a one especially as professeth himselfe to be a chiefe professor of the Canons: yet in that he leaveth the text untouched, and contenteth himselfe with a peradventure too in his marginall annotation, he is more to be excused then his fellowes before him, Carranza, Sagittarius, and Ioverius, who setting forth the Canons of the Councells, without all peradventure corrupted the text it selfe, removing the angels out of their place, and hiding them in corners. Notwithstanding [Page 424] this also may be alledged in some part of their excuse too, that they were not the first authors of this corruption of the Canon: that blame must light eyther upon Isidorous Mercator (the craftie merchant, with whose dealings I acquainted you Supr. pag. 12. before) or upon Iames Merlin the Popish Doctor, who first caused his Tom. 1. Concil. edit. Colon. an. 1530. & Paris. an. 1535. Collection of Decrees to be printed. But Friar Crabb deserveth no excuse at all: who having store of good copies to direct him, did not onely content himselfe with the retayning of angulos in the text of Isidorus, as he found it printed before him; but pluckt out angelos, and chopt in Tom. 1. Concil. edit. Colon. an. 1538. angulos into the old translation of Dionysius Exiguus also, which affoorded no roome for any such corners as these. For howsoever in that version, or perversion rather of the Canon which is extant in the text of Isidorus it might stand with some reason to reade: Non oportet Christianos derelictâ ecclesia abire, & ad angulos idolatriae abominandae congregationes facere. It is not lawfull for Christians, forsaking the Church, to go and make assemblies of abominable idolatry in corners. yet in the old translation of Dionysius, where the Canon was rightly rendred; Quòd non oporteat ecclesiam Dei relinquere, & abire, atque angelos nominare, & congregationes facere: it was contrary to all sense to thrust this reading upon us. It is now lawfull for Christians to forsake the Church of God, and goe and nominate or invocate CORNERS (a wise speech no doubt) and make meetings.
But, veritas non quaerit angulos: the truth will admit none of these corners. For the Greek veritie (aswell in all the editions of the Canons that have come forth by themselves, as in the Collections of Harmenopulus, Zonaras and Balsamon likewise) expressely readeth [...], [Page 425] which in that tongue hath no affinitie at all with corners: and the ancient Collectors of the Canons among the Latins, De his qui Angelos co [...]ūt. Cres [...]on. Breviar. Canon. sect. 90. Dionys. Exig. in Codice Canonū, num 138. Cresconius and Dionysius and Vt nullus ad Angelos congregationem faciat. Fulgent. Ferrād. Breviat. Canon. sect. 184. Fulgentius Ferrandus, have Angelos: and Theodoret in his exposition of the epistle to the Colossians, doth twice make mention and declare the meaning of this Canon. once, upon those words of the Apostle in the third chapter: Whatsoever yee do in word or deed, doe all in the name of the Lord Iesus, giving thankes to God and the Father by him. [...]. Theodoret. in Coloss. 3. for because they commanded men to worship Angels, (saith Theodoret) he injoyneth the contrary; that they should adorne their words and their deeds with the commemoration of our Lord Christ▪ and send up thankesgiving to God and the Father by him, saith he, and not by the Angels. The Synod of Laodicea also following this rule, and desiring to heale that old disease, made a law that they should not pray unto Angels, nor forsake our Lord Iesus Christ. and againe, upon the second chapter of the same epistle. [...]. Id. in Coloss. 2. This vice continued in Phrygia and Pisidia for a long time. for which cause also the Synod assembled in Laodicea the chiefe city of Phrygia, forbad them by a Law to pray unto Angels. And even to this day among them and their borderers, there are Oratories of S. Michael to be seene. The like hath Oecumenius after him, upon the same place. [...]. Oecumen. MS. in Coloss. 2. ab Hoeschelio citatus in notis ad Origenis libros contra Celsum, pag. 483. This custome continued in Phrygia: insomuch that the Councell of Laodicea did by a Law forbid to come unto Angels and to pray unto them. [Page 426] from whence it is also, that there be many Churches of Michael, the chiefe captaine of Gods hoste, among them. This Canon of the Laodicean Fathers, Photius doth note to have beene made against the [...]. Phot. Nomocanon tit. 12. cap. 9. Angelites: or the Angelickes rather. for so do [...]h S. Augustin name those heretickes that were Angelici, in angelorum cultu inclinati. Augustin. de haeresi ca. 39. inclined to the worship of Angels: being from thence Angelici vocati, quia an gelos colunt. Isido [...]. Or [...]gin. lib. 8 cap. 5. called Angelici, as Isidorus noteth, because they did worship Angels.
To transcribe here at large the severall testimonies of the Fathers, which condemne this worshipping of Angels or any other creature whatsoever, would be an endlesse worke. Gregory Nyssen in the beginning of his fourth (or fifth book rather) against Eunomius, layeth this downe for an undoubted principle. [...]. Gregor. Nyssen. con [...]r. Eunom. oras. 4. tom 2 edit. Graecolaetin. pag. 144. That none of those things which have their being by creation is to be worshipped by men, the word of God hath by law ordayned: as almost out of all the holy Scripture vve may learne. Moses, the Tables, the Law, the Prophets afterward, the Gospels, the determinations of all the Apostles, doe equally forbid the looking unto the creature. Then having shewed that the neglect of this was the cause of the bringing in of a multitude of Gods among the Heathen: [...]. Id. ibid. pag. 146. least the same things should happen unto us, saith he, who are instructed by the Scripture to looke unto the true Deitie; we are taught to understand that whatsoever is created is a different thing from the divine nature, and that we are to worship and adore that nature only which is uncreated; whose character and marke is, that it neyther at any time beganne to be nor ever shall cease to be. But our [Page 427] Romanists have long since overthrown this principle: and so altered Moses, and the Tables, and the Law; that of the Hieronym. Zanctinus, de foro conscientiae & cont [...]ntioso, sect. 1 [...]8. 24. mortall sinnes, whereby they say the first Commandement is broken, they reckon the first to be committed by him, ‘Qui colit extra Deum vel Sanctos quod (que) creatum,’ who worshippeth any created thing beside God and the Saints. And whereas A [...]ton. Meliss. lib. 1. serm 1. Antonius in his Melissa had set downe the foresaid sentence of Nyssen; that vve have learned to worship and adore that nature ONELY which is uncreated: the Spanish Inquisitors have taken order, that a peece of his tongue should be cut off; and given commandement, that Deleatur dictio, SOLUMMODO. Index Expurgator. Gasp Quiroga Ca [...]dinalis iussis editus; de consilio supremi Senatus Generalis Iniquisit. Madrit. an. 1584. the word ONELY should be blotted out of his writing. not considering that this was the principall word, upon which the whole sentence of Nyssen mainely did depend: and that Nyssen was not the onely man that had taught us this lesson.
Athanasius before him had used the very same argument against the Arrians, to prove that the Sonne of God was of an uncreated nature. [...]. Athanas. orat. 3. contra Arrian. For Peter the Apostle (saith he) did forbid Cornelius, when he vvould have worshipped him, saying; Because I my selfe also am a man. (Act. 10.26.) The Angell also did forbid Iohn, when he would have worshipped him in the Revelation, saying: See thou doe it not; for I am thy fellow servant, and of thy brethren the Prophets, and of them which keepe the sayings of this book: worship God. (Revel. 22.9.) Wherefore it appertayneth to God only to be worshipped. and this doe the Angels themselves know well: that although they doe [Page 428] surpasse others in glory, yet they are all but creatures; and are in the number, not of those that are to be adored, but of them that adore the Lord. So we have heard S. Ambrose Ambros. in Rom. cap. 1. supr. pag. 414. before reprehending those that doe adore their fellow servants. And Epiphanius refuting the heresie of the Collyridians, concludeth, that [...], etc. [...]; Epiphan. haeres. 79. pag 448. neyther Elias, nor Iohn, nor Thecla, nor any of the Saints is to be worshipped. For that ancient error (saith he) shall not prevayle over us, to forsake the living God, and to worship the things that are made by him. for they served and worshipped the creature above the Creator, and became fooles. For if hee will not have the Angels to be worshipped; how much more would he not have her that was borne of Anna? [...]. Id. ibid pag. 450. Let Mary then be had in honour: but let the Lord be worshipped. Lastly S. Augustin (to omit all others) in the book which he wrote of true religion, delivereth this for one of the maine grounds thereof; that Non sit nobis religio cultus hominum mortuorum: quia si pié vixerunt, non sic habentur ut tales quaerant honores; sed illum á nobis coli volunt, quo illuminante laetantur meriti sui nos esse consortes. Honorandi ergo sunt propter imitationem, non adorandi propter religionem. Augustin. de verâ relig. cap. 55. the worshipping of men that are dead should be no part of our religion. because (saith he) if they did live piously, they are not held to be such as would seeke that kinde of honour; but would have him to be worshipped of us, by whose enlightening they doe rejoyce that we are made partners of their merit. They are to be honoured therefore for imitation, not to be adored for religion. The same doth he also there say of Angels: that Quare honoramus eos charitate, non servitute. Nec eis templa construimus. Nolunt enim [...] sic honorari á nobis; quia nosipsos cùm boni sumus, templa summi Dei este noverunt. Recté ita (que) scribitur, hominem ab angelo prohibitum ne se adorar [...]t, sed unum Deum sub quo ei esset & ille conservus. Id. ibid. we doe honour them with love, not with service; neyther do we build temples unto them. For it is not their desire, that they should be so honoured [Page 429] by us: because they know that we our selves, if wee be good, are the temples of the high God. and therefore it is rightly written, that a man was forbidden by an Angell, that he should nor worship him, but God alone under whom he was his fellow servant. (Revel. 22.9.)
But, what saith Cardinall Bellarmine now, thinke you, unto these testimonies of the Fathers? Dico eos loqui contra errores Gentiliū, qui ex hominibus sceleratis veros Deos faciebant; eis (que) sacrificia offerebant. B [...]llarm. de Eccles. triumphant. lib. 1. fine. cap. 14. collat. cum fine cap. 11. I say (saith he, not knowing indeed what he saith, nor wherof he affirmeth) that they doe speake against the errours of the Gentiles, who of wicked men did make true Gods; and did offer sacrifices unto them. wherein you may discerne the just hand of God, confounding the mans witts, that would thus abuse his learning to the upholding of Idolatry. For had he been here his owne man, and not been strangely overtaken with the spirit of slumber, he could no possibly have fayled so fowly, as to reckon the Angels & the Saints, & the verie mother of God her self (of whom these Fathers do expressely speake) in the number of those wicked persons whom the Gentiles did take for their Gods. And here also out of Epiphanius we may further observe, who were the masters, or the mistresses rather (for this was [...]. Epiphan. haeres. 79. pag. 445. [...]; Ibid. pag. 446. the womens heresie) from whom our Romanists did first learne their Hyperdulîa, or that transcendent kind of service wherewith they worship the Virgin Mary. namely, the Collyridians: Id. in Anacephalaeosi, pag. 529. [...], (hoc vocabulum enim ibi addendum) [...]. so called from the Collyrides or cakes, which at a certaine time of the yeare they used to offer unto the blessed Virgin. against whom Epiphanius doth thus oppose himselfe. [...]. Id. haeres. 1 [...]. pag. 448. What Scripture hath delivered any thing, concerning this? Which of the [Page 430] Prophets have permitted a man to be worshipped, that I may not say a woman? For a choyse vessell she is indeed; but yet a woman. [...]. Id. ibid. pag. 449. Let Mary be in honour; but let the Father and the Sonne and the holy Ghost be worshipped: let no man worship Mary. This mysterie is appointed, I doe not say for a woman, nor yet for a man neyther, but for God: the Angels themselves are not capable of such kinde of glorifying. [...]. Id. ibid. Let none eate of this errour touching holy Mary. for although the tree be beautifull, yet is it not for meate: and although Mary be most excellent, and holy, and to be honoured, yet is she not to be worshipped. [...]. Id. ibid. pag. 447. The bodie of Mary was holy indeed, but not God: the Virgin indeed was a virgin and honourable; but not given unto us for adoration, but one that did her selfe worship him who was borne of her in the flesh and came from heaven out of the bosome of his Father.
Thus did this learned Father labour to [...]. Id. ibid. pag. 446. cut the roots of this Idolatrous heresie, when it first began to take hold of the feminine sexe: animating all that were of masculine spirits to the extirpatiō therof, in this maner. [...]. Id. ibid. Go to then, ye servants of God, let us put on a manlike mind, and beat down the madnes of these women. But when this disease afterwards had gotten a farther spredd, and had once throughly seized upō men as wel as women: it is a most wonderfull thing to consider, into what extremitie this frenzie brake out; after the time of Sathans loosing especially. For then De cujus Imperij ad similes effectus aequalitate cum filio, non desunt, qui construant illud ab Angelo ipsi praenunciatū; Ave gratiâ plena, Dominus tecum. id est, Sicut & ipse, ita & tu eâdem dominandi excellentissimâ dignitate perfiueris. Emanuel de Valle de Moura, Doct. Theol. ac Inquisitionis Deputa [...]us Lusitan. Opusc. 1. de Incantationib. seu Ensalmis, sect. 1. cap. 1. num. 46. there wanted not such as [Page 431] would interprete that speech of the Angel unto the holy Virgin, Haile full of grace, the Lord is with thee; of the equality of her Empire with her Sonnes. as if it had beene said. Even as he, so thou also dost enjoy the same most excellent dignitie of ruling. Ad quem sensum facilè accommodari possunt praecitata Angeli verba; Dominus tecum, gratiâ plena. Id est, in gratiae plenitudine redundantiae, & effusione in creaturas, ita Domini potentia ac voluntas ad tuam accō modatur, ut tu prior in eo, & diademate, & tribunali esse videaris. Dominus tecum: non tam tu cum Domino, quàm tecum Dominus in eo munere. Ibid. In the redundance and effusion of grace upon the creatures, the Lords power and vvill is so accommodated unto thine, that thou mayest seeme to be the first in that, both diadem, and tribunall. The Lord is with thee: not so much thou with the Lord, as the Lord with thee, in that function. Then it was taught for good Divinitie, that A tempore enim quo Virgo mater concepit in utero Verbum Dei, quandam (ut sic dicam) jurisdictionem seu auctoritatem obtinuit in omni Spiritus sancti processione temporali; ita quòd nulla creatura aliquam á Deo obtinuit gratiam vel virtutem, nisi secundùm ipsius piae matris dispensationem. Bernardin. Senens serm. 61. artic. 1. cap. 8. from the time wherein the Virgin mother did conceive in her wombe the Word of God, she hath obtained such a kind of jurisdiction (so to speake) or authoritie in all the temporall procession of the holy Ghost; that no creature hath obtained any grace or vertue from God, but according to the dispensation of his holy mother. that, Et quia talis est mater filij Dei qui producit Spiritum sanctum; ideò omnia dona, virtutes & gratiae ipsius Spiritus sancti quibus vult, quando vult, quomodo vult, & quantum vult, per manus ipsius administrantur. Id. ibid. because she is the mother of the sonne of God who doth produce the holy Ghost; therefore all the gifts, vertues, and graces of the holy Ghost are by her hands administred, to whom she pleaseth, when she pleaseth, how she pleaseth, and as much as she pleaseth. That Nulla gratia de coelo nisi eâ dispensante ad nos descendit. Hoc enim singulariter officium divinitùs ab aeterno adepta est▪ sicut Proverb. 8. ipsa testatur, dicens. Ab aeterno ordinata sum; sc. dispensatrix coelestiū gratiarum. Id. ibid. artic. 3. cap. 3. she hath singularly obtained of God this office from eternitie; as her selfe doth testifie Proverb. 8.23. I was ordained from everlasting, [Page 432] namely, a dispenser of celestiall graces; and that In Christo fuit plenitudo gratiae, sicut in capite in fluēte; in Mariâ veró sicut in collo transfundente. Vnde Cantic 7. de Virgine ad Christum Salomon ait: Collum tuum sicut turris eburnea. Nam sicut per collū vitales spiritus á capite descendunt in corpus; sic per [...]irginē á capite Christo vitales gratiae in ejus corpus mysticum transfunduntur. Id. ibid. artic. 1. cap. 8. & artic. 2. cap. 10. ex Pse [...]d. Hieronymi sermone de assump [...]. Ma [...]iae. Sicut enim á capite, mediante collo, descendunt omnia nutrimenta corporis: sic á Christo per beatā Virginem in nos veniunt omnia bona, & beneficia, quae Deus nobis confert. Nam ipsa est dispensatrix gratiatū & beneficiorum Dei. Ioan Herolt. in Sermon. Discipuli de Tempore, serm. 16 [...]. Per Collum, Virginis apud Deum gratia, & intercessio intelligitur: ita ut ejus intercessio sit veluti collū, per quod á Deo omnes gratiae, praesidia (que) in homines transfunduntur Blas. Viegas in Apo [...]al [...]ps cap. 12 cōment. 2. s [...]ct. 10. num. 1. Collū enim dicitur; quia per Virginē universa in nos á Deo tanquā á capite beneficia derivantur Id. ibid. num. 2. in this respect, Cantic. 7.4. it is said of her: Thy neck is as a tower of Yvorie. because that as by the neck the vitall spirits do descend from the head into the bodie; so by the Virgin the vitall graces are transmitted from Christ the head into his mysticall body: the fulnesse of grace being in him as in the head from whence the influence cōmeth, & in her as in the necke through which it is transfused unto us. so that Quasi sublato Virginis patrocinio, perinde a [...] (que) halitu intercluso, peccator vivere diutiùs non possit. Viegas ibid. sect. 2. num. 6. take away the patronage of the Virgin, you stop as i [...] were the sinners breath, that he is not able to live any lōger.
Then men stuck not to teach, that unto her Data est tibi omnis potestas in coelo & in terrâ. Petr. Dami [...]n serm. 1. de nativit. B. Mariae. tom. 5. Surij, Septemb. 8. all power was given in heaven and in earth. So that for heaven, when our Saviour ascended thither, this might be assigned for one reason (among others) why he left his mother behinde him: Fortassis Domine, ne tuae coelesti Curiae veniret in dubiū, cuj potiù [...] occurreret; tibi videlicèt Domino suo, regnū tùū in assumptâ carne petenti, an ipsi Dominae suae, ipsum regnū jam suū materno jure effectū ascendenti. Anse [...]. Cantuar. de excellentiâ B. Virginis, cap. 7. & eum secuti, Bernard. de Busti in Mariali, part 11. serm. 1. part. 3. & Sebast. Barrad. Iesuit. Concord. Euangel lib. 6. cap. 11. least perhaps the court of Heaven might have beene in a doubt, whom they should rather go to meet, their Lord or their Lady. & for earth, O igitur Regina nostra serenissima, profectò tu dicere potes illud, 1. Esdrae 1. Omnia regna terrae dedit mihi Dominus. Et nos tibi dicere possumus illud Tobi 13 In omnia secula regnū tuū. & Psal 144. Regnū tuū regnū omniū seculorum &c. &. Dan. 2. Regnū quod in aeternū non dissipabitur. Veni ergo, & super nos regnum accipe, Iudic. 9. De regno enim tuo dici potest illud, Psalm. 103. Et regnum ipsius omnibus domi [...]abitur. & Luc. 1. Et regni eju [...] non erit finis. Bernardin. de Bust. Marial. part. 12. serm. 1. part. 1. she [Page 433] may rightly apply unto her selfe that in the first of Ezra; All the kingdomes of the earth hath the Lord given unto me. and we may say unto her againe, that in Tobi 14. Thy kingdome endureth for all ages: and in the 144. or 145 Psalme; Thy kingdome is a kingdome of all ages. That howsoever she was Quamvis autem benedicta Virgo fuerit nobilior persòna quae fuerit vel futura sit in orbe terrarum, tantaeque perfectionis, quòd etiamsi non fuisset mater Dei, nihilominùs debuisset esse Domina mundi: tamen secundùm leges quibus regitur mundus, jure haereditario omnem mundi hujus meruit principatum & regnum. Bernardin. Senens. se [...]m 61. artic. 1. cap. 7. the noblest person that was or ever should be in the world, and of so great perfection, that although she had not beene the mother of God, she ought neverthelesse to have beene the Lady of the world: yet according to the lawes whereby the world is governed, by the right of inheritance she did deserve the principality and kingdome of this world. That De monarchiâ autem universi nunquam Christus testatus est: eo quòd sine matris pra judicio nequaquam fieri poterat. Insuper noverat, quòd potest mater filij irritare testamentum, si in sui praejudicium sit confectum. Ex his omnibus apertissimé claret, quòd mater Iesu Maria haereditario jure omnium qui sunt infra Deum habet regale dominium & inclytum obtinet principatum Id ibid. Christ never made any legacie of this Monarchy: because that could not be done without the prejudice of his mother; and he knew besides, that the mother could make voyde the Testament of the sonne, if it were made unto her prejudice. And therefore that by all this it appeareth most evidently, that Mary the mother of Iesus, by right of inheritance hath the regall dominion over all that be under God. That Tot creaturae serviunt gloriosae Virgini Mariae, quot serviunt Trinitati. Omnes nempè creaturae, quemcunque gradum teneant in creatis, sive spirituales ut Angeli, sive rationales ut homines, sive corporales ut corpora coelestia vel elementa, & omnia quae sunt in coelo & in terrâ, sive damnati sive beati, quae omnia sunt divino imperio subjugata, gloriosae Virgini sunt subjecta. Ille enim qui Dei filius est & Virginis benedictae, volens (ut sic dicam) paterno principatui quodammodo principatum aequiparare maternum; ipse qui Deus erat matri famulabatur in terrâ. Vnde Lucae 2. scriptum est de Virgine & glorioso Ioseph: Erat subditus illis. Praetereà haec est vera: Divino imperio omnia famulantur & Virgo. & iterùm haec est vera: Imperio Virginis omnia famulantur & Deus. Id. ibid. cap. 6. as many creatures doe serve the glorious Virgin Mary, as serve the Trinitie. namely all creatures, whatsoever degree they hold among the things created (whether they be spirituall as [Page 434] Angels, or rationall as men, or corporall as the Heavenly bodies or the Elements) and all things that are in Heaven and in Earth, whether they be the damned or the blessed: all which being brought under the governement of God, are subject likewise unto the glorious Virgin. for asmuch as he who is the sonne of God and of the blessed Virgin, being willing as it were to equall in some sort his Mothers soveraigntie unto the soveraignty of his Father; even he who was God, did serve his mother upon earth. Whence Luke 2.51. it is written of the Virgin and glorious Ioseph: He was subject unto them. that as this proposition is true; All things are subject to Gods command, even the Virgin her selfe: so this againe is true also; All things are subject to the command of the Virgin, even God himselfe. that, Cùm beata Virgo sit mater Dei, & Deus filius ejus; & omnis filius sit naturaliter inferior matre & subditus ejus, & mater praelata & superior filio: sequitur quòd ipsa benedicta Virgo sit superior Deo, & ipse Deus sit subditus ejus ratione humanitatis ab eâ assumptae. Bernardin. de Bust. Marial. part. 9. serm. 2. considering the blessed Virgin is the mother of God and God is her sonne, and every sonne is naturally inferior to his mother and subject unto her, and the mother hath preeminence and is superior to her sonne; it therefore followeth that the blessed Virgin is superior to God, and God himselfe is subject unto her, in respect of the manhood which he assumed from her. that Ipsa benedicta Virgo, licèt sit subjecta Deo inquantū creatura; superior tamen illi dicitur & praelata, inquantū est ejus mater. Vnde Luc. 2. de Christo Daeo & homine scriptū est, quòd erat subditus illi. O ineffabilis dignitas Mariae, quae imperatori omnium meruit imperare. Id. part. 12. serm. 2. howsoever she be subject unto God inasmuch as she is a creature; yet is she said to be superior and preferred before him, inasmuch as she is his mother.
Then men were put in minde, that Peccando post Baptismum videntur contemnere & despicere passionem Christi: & sic nullus peccator meretur quòd Christus ampliùs intercedat pro ipso apud Patrem; sine cujus intercessione nemo potest liberari á poenâ aeternâ, nec temporali, nec culpâ quam ipse voluntarié perpetravit. Et ideo fuit necesse ut Christus constitueret matrem suam praedilectam mediatricem inter nos & ipsum. Iacob. de Valentiâ episc. Christopolitan. in exposit. [...]antic. virg. Mariae. Magnificat. by sinning after Baptisme they seemed to contemne and despise the passion of Christ: and so that no sinner doth deserve that Christ should any more make intercession for him to the Father; [Page 435] without whose intercession none can be delivered eyther from the eternall punishment or the temporall, nor from the fault which he hath voluntarily committed. And therefore that it was necessary, that Christ should constitute his welbeloved Mother a Mediatrix betwixt us and him. Et sic in hâc peregrinatione non relinquitur nobis aliud refugium in nostris tribulationibus & adversitatibus; nisi recurrere ad virginem Mariam mediatricem, ut velit placare ira [...] Filij. Id. ibid. and so in this our pilgrimage, there is no other refuge left unto us in our tribulations and adversities, but to have recourse unto the Virgin Mary our mediatrix; that she would appease the wrath of her Sonne. That Sicut ille ibi ascendit ut continué appareat vultui Dei pro hominibus; Hebr. 9 it [...] ego debeo ibi ascendere, ut appaream vultui ipsius filij pro peccatoribus: & sic humanum genus habeat semper ante faciem Dei adjutorium simile Christo ad procurandam suam salutem. Bernardin. de Bust. Marial. pa [...]t. 11. serm. 2. membr. 1. as He is ascended into heaven, to appeare in the sight of God for men; (Hebr. 9.24.) so Shee ought to ascend thither, to appeare in the sight of her Sonne for sinners: that so mankinde might have alwayes before the face of God a Helpe like unto Christ for the procuring of his salvation. That Tantae autē auctoritatis in coelesti palatio est ista Imperatrix, quòd omnibus alijs Sanctis intermedijs omissis, ad ipsam licet ab omni gravamine appellare. Licèt enim secundùm jura civilia debitum medium servetur in appellationibus: (l. Imperatores ff. de appel. reci.) tamē in ipsâ servatur stylus juris Canonici, quo omisso quolibet medio appellatur ad summū Pontificem. (C. si duobus. extra. de appel) Id. part. 3. serm. 3. in excellent. 4. this Empresse is of so great authoritie in the palace of Heaven, that it is lawfull to appeale unto her from any grievance, all other intermediall Saints omitted. for howsoever according to the Civill law the due meane must be observed in Appeales: yet in her the style of the Canon law is observed, wherein the Pope is appealed unto, any intermediall whatsoever omitted. That Nos autem dicere possumus, quòd beatissima Virgo est Cancellaria in coelesti curiâ. Nam videmus quòd in Cancellariâ Domini Papae conceduntur tria genera literarū. etc. Istas autē literas misericordiae dat (B. Virgo) solùm in praesenti vitâ. Nam animabus decedētibus quibusdā dat literas purae gratiae: alijs veró simplicis justitiae, & quibusdā mixtas, sc. justitiae & gratiae. Quidā enim fuerunt sibi valdè devoti: & istis dat literas purae gratiae, per quas mandat ut detur eis gloria sine aliquâ Purgatorij poenâ. Alij autem fuerunt miseri peccatores & ejus indevoti: & istis dat literas simplicis justitiae, per quas mandat ut eis fiat condigna vindicta. Alij veró fuerunt in devotione tepidi & remissi: & istis dat literas justitiae & gratiae simul; per quas mandat ut & gratia eis fiat, & tamen illis infera [...]ur aliqua Purgatorij poena propter negligentiā & torporē. Et ista significantur in Hester reginâ, quae (ut habetur Hest. 8.) scripsit li [...]eras ut Iudaei salvarētur, & hostes interficerentur, & pauperibus munuscula darentur. Id. part. 12. serm. 2. membr. 1. in excellent. 12. she is a Chancellour in the Court [Page 436] of heaven: and giveth letters of mercy onely in this present life; but for the soules that depart from hence, unto some letters of pure gra [...]e, unto others of simple justice, and unto some mixt of justice and grace. For some (say they) were much devoted unto her: and unto them shee giveth letters of pure grace, whereby shee commandeth glory to be given them without any paine of Purgatorie. Others were miserable sinners and not devoted to her: and unto them she giveth letters of simple justice, whereby shee commandeth that condigne punishment be taken of them. Others were lukewarme and remisse in devotion: and unto them she giveth letters of justice and grace together; whereby shee commandeth that both favour be done unto them, and yet some paine of Purgatorie bee inflicted upon them for their negligence and sluggishnesse. And these things they say are signified in Queene Esther; who wrote letters that the Iewes should be saved, and the enemies should be killed, and to the poore small giftes should be given. Yea further also, Confugimus autem primò ad beatissimā Virginem coelorum Reginā: cui Rex regū, pater coelestis, dimidiū regni sui dedit. Quod significatū est in Hester reginâ: quae cùm ad placandum Assuerum regē accessisset, dixit ei Rex; Etiam si dimidiam partem regni mei petieris, dabitur tibi. Sic pater coelestis, cùm habeat justitiam & misericordiam tanquā potiora regni sui bona; justitiâ sibi retentâ, misericordiam matri Virgini concessit Gabr. Biel in Canon Missae, lect. 80. Vide Iohan. Gerson. tract. 4. super Magnificat. where King Assuerus did profer unto the said Esther even the halfe of his Kingdome: (Esth▪ 5.3.) thereby they say was signified that God bestowed halfe of his kingdome upon the blessed Virgin. that having Iustice and Mercie as the chiefest goods of his Kingdome, he retayned Iustice unto himselfe, and granted mercie unto her. & Ista imperatrix figuravit imperatricem coelorum, cum quâ Deus [...]egnum suum divisit. Cùm enim Deus habeat justitiam & misericordiam: justitiam sibi in [...]oc mundo exercendam retinuit, & misericordiam matri concessit. Et ideò si quis sentit se gra [...]a [...]i á foro justitiae Dei, appellet ad forum misericordiae matris ejus. Bernar [...]in. de Bust. Marial part. 3. serm. 3. in excellent. 4. therefore that if a man do finde himselfe aggrieved in the court of Gods justice, he may appeale to the court of mercie of his mother: (shee being that Id. ibid. excellent. 5. & part. 5. serm. 7 in fine. throne of grace, whereof the Apostle speaketh, Hebr. 4.16. Let us goe [Page 437] boldly unto the throne of grace, that we may receive mercie, and finde grace to helpe in time of neede.
They tell us, that Ad ornamē tum regni terren [...] est, quòd habeat Regem & Reginā. Et propter hoc quando aliquis rex non habet uxorem, ejus subditi plerum (que) ei supplicant ut eam accipiat. Supernum ergo coelorum regnum volens Rex aeternus & Imperator omnipotens decorare; fabricavit hanc beatissimam Virginē, ut illam regni & imperij sui faceret Dominam & Imperatricem: ut verificaretur prophetia David, Psal 44. ei dicentis; Astitit regina á dextris tuis in vestitu deaurato, circundatavarietate Jd. part. 9. serm. 2. it is for the ornament of an earthly kingdome, that it should have both a King & a Queene: and therefore when any King hath not a wife his subjects often doe request him to take one. Hereupon they say, that the eternall King and omnipotent Emperor minding to adorne the kingdome of heaven above, did frame this blessed Virgin, to the end he might make her the Ladie and Empresse of his kingdome and empyre: that the prophecie of David might be verified, saying unto her in the Psalme; Vpon thy right hand did stand the Queene in clothing of gold. That Est etiam Imperatrix, quia aeterni Imperatoris est sponsa; de quo dicitur Iohan. 3. cap. Qui habet sponsam, sponsus est. Quando veró Deus illi tradidit imperium orbis & omnium contētorū in eo: dixit ei illud quod habetur 1. Aeneid. Id. part. 3. serm. 3. in excellent 4. she is an Empresse, because she is the spouse of the eternall Emperor; of whō it is said, Ioh. 3.29. He that hath the bride is the bridegrome. and that when God did deliver unto her the empyre of the world and all the things contayned therein; he sayd unto her that which wee reade in the first of the Aeneids:
That shee is Beata Virgo est imperatrix coeli & terrae: quia ipsa genuit coelestem Imperatorem. et ideò potest ab eo petere quicquid vult et obtinere. quod figuratum fuit 3. Reg. 2. ubi mater Salomonis dixit ei: Petitionem unam pero á te; ne confundas faciem meam. tunc enim faciem suam confunderet, quando illud quod peteret denegaret. Si ergo imperat filio ratione maternalis jurisdictionis, qui fuit subditus illi (ut habetur Luc. 2.) multo magis imperat omnibus creaturis filio suo subjectis. Id. ibid. the Empresse also of heaven and earth, because she did beare the heavenly Emperour: and therefore that shee can aske of him what she will and obtaine it. that this was figured in the historie of the Kings, where the mother of Salomon said unto him: I desire one petition of thee, doe not confounde my face: for then should hee [Page 438] confound her face, if he did denie that which she requested. and that if in respect of her maternall jurisdicton she hath command of her Sonne, vvho was subject unto her: (as vve reade, Luke 2.51.) then much more hath she command over all the creatures that are subject to her Sonne. That this Matrem quippe suam praepotens ille Deus divinae majestatis potestatisque sociam, quatenus licuit, adscivit. Huic olim coelestium, mortalium (que) principatum detulit: ad hujus arbitrium (quoad hominum tutela postulat) terras, maria, [...]oelum, naturamque moderatur: hâc annuente, et per hanc divinos thesauros mortalibus, et coelestia dona largitur. Vt omnes intelligant, quicquid ab eaterno illo augusto (que) bonorum fonte in terras profluat, fluere per MARIAM. Horat. Tursellin. Iesuit. in epist. dedicator. Historiae Lauretanae ad Cardinalem Aldobrandinum. mightie God did (as farre as he might) make his Mother partner of his divine majestie and power: giving unto her of old the soveraignetie both of celestiall things and mortall: ordering at her pleasure (as the patronage of men did require) the earth, the seas, heaven, and nature: at her liking, and by her, bestowing upon mortall men his divine treasures and heavenly gifts. So as all might understand, that whatsoever doth flowe into the earth from that eternall and glorious fountayne of good things, doth flowe by MARIE. That Constituta quippe est super omnem creaturam; & quicumque Iesu curvat genu, matri quo (que) pronus supplicat: & filij gloriam cum matre non tam communem judico, quàm eandem. Arnold. Carnotens tract. de laudib. Virginis. she is constituted over every creature, and whosoever boweth his knee unto Iesus, doth fall downe also and supplicate unto his mother: so that the glory of the Sonne may be judged not so much to be common with the Mother, as to be the verie same. That Tanta est gloria Virginis matris Dei; quòd tantum excedit in gloriâ naturam angelicam & humanam simul junctam, quantum circumferentia firmamenti excedit in magnitudine suum centrum: cùm intelligat in filio suo se quasi alterum ipsum Deitate vestitam. Bernardin. de Bust. Marial. part. 12. serm. 2. in excellent. 21. so great is her glorie, that she exceedeth the nature of Angels and Men, joyned together, as farre in glorie, as the circumference of the firmament exceedeth his center in magnitude: when shee understandeth her selfe in her Sonne to be, as his other selfe, clothed with the Deitie. That she being Qui enim alicui rei innititur, virtutem ejus sibi assumit, & eâ sicut vult utitur. Et similiter ipsa Dei mater de omnipotentiâ filij sui cui [...]st innixa, quantum vult sibi assumit. Id. part. 12. serm. 2. in excellent. 28. the mother of God, doth assume unto her selfe [Page 439] o [...] the omnipotencie of her Sonne (upon which she leaneth) as much as shee pleaseth. and that shee Accedis ante illud aurei [...] humanae reconciliationi [...] altare, non solùm rogans, sed imperans; Domina, non ancilla. Petr. Damian se [...]m. 1. de nativit. B. Mariae. doth come before the golden altar of humane reconciliation, not intreating onely, but commanding; a Mistresse, not a mayde.
They tell us, that the blessed Virgin her selfe appeared once unto Thomas Becket, & used this speech unto him. Gaude & laetare, ac exulta mecum; quia gloria mea excellit dignitatem & laetitiam omnium sanctorum & cunctorum spirituum beatorum, & majorem gloriam habeo ipsa sola quàm omnes simul Angeli & Sancti. Gaude. quia sicut Sol illuminat diem ac mundum, sic claritas mea illuminat totū orbem coelestē. Gaude, quia tota militia coeli mihi obedit, me veneratur & honorat. Gaude, quia filius meus mihi semper est obediens, & meam voluntatem, & cunctas preces meas semper exaudit. Gaude, quia Deus semper ad beneplacitum meū remunerat servitores meos in hoc seculo & in futuro. Gaude, quia proxima sedeo sanctae Trinitati, & vestita sum corpore meo glorificato. Gaude, quia certa sum & secura, quòd haec mea gaudia semper stabunt & nunquam finientur vel deficient. Et quicumque cum his gaudijs spiritualibus laetando in hoc seculo me venerabitur, in exitu animae suae de corpore praesentiam meam obtinebit; & ipsam animam ab hostibus malignis liberabo, & in conspectu filij mei ut meeum gaudia possideat praesentabo. Bernardin. de Bust. Marial. part. 10 serm. 2. sect. ult. Rejoyce and be glad, and bee joyfull with mee: because my glorie doth excell the dignitie and joy of all the Saints & all the blessed spirits; & I alone have greater glorie than all the Angels and Saints together. Rejoyce, because that as the Sunne doth inlighten the day and the world, so my brightnesse doth inlighten the whole celestiall world. Rejoyce, because the whole hoaste of heaven obeyeth me, reverenceth and honoureth me. Rejoyce, because my Sonne is alwayes obedient unto me, and my will, and all my prayers he alwaies heareth. (or as others doe relate it: Quòd summae Trinitatis & mea est una voluntas; & quodcun (que) mihi placuerit, tota Trinitas ineffabili favore consentit. Promptuar. Discipuli, de miraculi B. Mari [...], exempl. 14. (pag. 8. edit. Mogunt. ann. 1612.) The will of the blessed Trinitie and mine is one and the same; and whatsoever doth please me, the whole Trinitie with unspeakeable favour doth give consent unto.) Rejoyce, because God doth alwayes at my pleasure reward my servitors in this world and in the world to come. Rejoyce, because I fit next to the holy Trinitie, and am cloathed with my bodie glorified. Rejoyce, because I am certaine and sure, that these my joyes shall alwayes stand and never be finished [Page 440] or [...]ayle. And whosoever by rejoycing with these spirituall joyes shall wo [...]ship me in this world, at the time of the dep [...]rture of his soule out of the bodie he shall obtaine my presence: and I will deliver his soule from the malignant enemies, and present it in the sight of my Sonne, that it may possesse joyes with me. They tell us, that manie (M [...]ltae meretri [...]es in die Sabbati [...]on pecca [...]ent propter reverentiā Virginis Et multi videntur beatam Virginem in majori veneratione habere, quàm Ch [...]istum filiū ejus; magis ex simplicitate moti quàm scientiâ. Sed quia honor matris redundat in filium, Prov. 17. patientiam habet filius Dei, de hâc quorundam virorū & mulie [...]um simplicitate. Bernardin. de Bust. pa [...]t. 6. serm. 2. memb. 3. many whoores for example, that would not sinne on Saturday, for the reverence of the Virgin; whatsoever they did on the Lords day) seeme to have the blessed Virgin in greater veneration than Christ her sonne; moved thereunto out of simplicitie more than out of knowledge. Yet that the Sonne of God doth beare with the simplicitie of these men and women: because he is not ignorant, that the honour of the mother doth redound to the childe (Prov. 17.6.) They argue further, that Si hoc privilegium habet Cardinalis, quòd si ponat pileum sive cape [...]lum suum super [...]caput illius qui ducitur ad justitiam, liberatur: (secundùm Baldū & Paulū de Castro, in [...]addictos. C. de appel.) á fortiori, pallium beatae. Virginis potest nos ab omnibus malis liberare. Tam lata enim est ejus misericordia, quòd si aliquem devoté facientem Coronam suam viderit in medio millium daemonū trahi ad supplicium; eum protinùs liberabit: nec permittet aliquem malé finiri, qui ejus Coronā reverenter studuerit facere. Id. part. 12. serm. 1. mem [...]r. 3. if a Cardinall have this priviledge, that if he put his cap upon the head of one that is ledd unto justice, he is freed therby: then by an argument drawn from the stronger, the cloake of the blessed Virgin is able to deliver us frō all evil. her mercy being so large, that if she should see any man who did devoutly make her Crowne (that is to say, repeate the Rosarie or Chaplet of prayers made for her worship) to be drawn unto punishmēt in the midst of a thousand Divels; she would presently rescue him, & not permit that any one should have an evil end, who did study reverētly to make her Crown. They add moreover, that Sic in summâ erunt ducenta septuaginta tria millia septingenti quinquaginta octo dies indulgentiae pro qualibet coronâ. Felicis autē recordationis Sixtus Papa quartus, omnibus dicētibus in statu gratiae infrascriptā orationē sive salutationē ipsius Virginis, quae á multis dicitur in Coronâ, concessit indulgentiā duodecim millium annorū pro qualibet vice quâ dicitur. Ave sanctissima Maria, mater Dei, regina coeli, porta para disi, domina mundi. Singularis & pura tu es virgo. Tu concepisti Christū sine peccato. Tu peperisti creatorē & salvatorem mundi, in quo non dubito, Libera me ab omni malo; & orapro peccatis mei [...] Amen. Jbid. for [Page 441] every of these Crownes a man shal obtaine 273758. dayes of Indulgence: and that Pope Sixtus the fourth granted an indulgence of twelve thousand years for every time that a man in the state of grace should repeat this short orizon or salutation of the Virgin, which by manie is inserted into her Crowne. Hayle most holy Mary, the mother of God, the Queene of heaven, the gate of Paradise, the Ladie of the world. Thou art a singular and pure virgin: thou didst conceive Christ without sinne: thou didst beare the creator and saviour of the world, in whom I doe not doubt. Deliver me from all evill, and pray for my sinnes. Amen.
In the Crowne composed by Bonaventure, this is one of the orizons that is prescribed to be sayd. Imperatrix & Domina nostra benignissima, iure matris impera tuo dilectissimo Filio Domino nostro Iesu Christo, ut mentes nostras ab amore terrestrium ad coelestia desideria erigere dignetur. Bonaventur. Corona B Mariae Virginis, Operum tomo 6. edit. Rom. an. 1588. O. Empresse and our most kinde Ladie, by the authoritie of a mother command thy most beloved Sonne our Lord Iesus Christ, that he would vouchsafe to lift up our mindes from the love of earthly things unto heavenly desires. which is sutable unto that versicle which wee reade in the 35. Psalme, of his Ladies Psalter. Inclina vultum Dei super nos: coge illū peccatoribus misereri. Id. in Psalterio B. Mariae Virg. ibid. Incline the countenance of God upon us: compell him to have mercie upon sinners. the harshenesse whereof our Romanists have a little qualified in some of their editions, reading thus, Inclina vultum filij tui super nos: coge illum precibus nobis peccatoribus misereri Psalt [...]r. Bonaventur seorsim. edit. Parisijs, an. 1596. in Capeleto Dominicae 2. Incline the countenance of thy Sonne upon us: compell him by thy praiers to have mercie upon us sinners. The psalmes of this Psalter doe all of them begin as Davids doe: but with this maine difference, that where the Prophet in the one aymeth at the advancement of the honour of our Lord, the Fryar in the other applieth all to the magnifying of the power and goodnesse of our Lady. So in the first Psalme: Beatus vir qui diligit nomen tuū Maria virgo: gratia tua animam ejus confortabit. Psalm. 1. Blessed is the man (quoth Bonaventure) [Page 442] that loveth thy name, O Virgin Marie: thy grace shall comfort his soule. & in the others following. Domina, quid multiplicati sunt qui tribulant me? in tempestate tuâ persequêri [...] & dissipabis eos. Psalm. 3. Lady, how are they multiplied that trouble me? with thy tempest shalt thou persecute and scatter them. Domina, ne in furore Dei sinas corripi me: neque in ira ejus judicari. Psalm. 6. Ladie, suffer me not to be rebuked in the furie of God; nor to bee judged in his wrath. Domina mea, in te speravi: de inimicis meis libera me Domina. Psalm 7. My Ladie, in thee have I put my trust: deliver me from mine enemies, O Ladie. In Dominâ confido; propter dulcedinē misericordiae nominis sui. Psalm. 10. In our Ladie put I my trust; for the sweetenesse of the mercie of her name. Vsquequo Domina oblivisceris me; & non liberas me in die tribulationis? Psal. 12. How long wilt thou forget me, O Ladie, and not deliver me in the day of tribulation? Conserva me Domina, quoniam speravi in te: mihique tuae stillicidia gratiae impartire. Psalm. 15. Preserve me, O Ladie, for in thee have I put my trust: and imparte unto me the droppes of thy grace. Diligam te, Domina coeli & terrae: & in gentibus nomen tuū invocabo. Psalm. 17. I will love thee, O Ladie of heaven and earth: and I will call upon thy name among the nations. Coeli enarrant gloriam tuam: & unguentorum tuorum fragrantia in gentibus est dispersa. Psalm. 18. The heavens declare thy glorie: and the fragrance of thine oyntments is spread among the nations. Exaudias nos Domina in die tribulationis: & precibus nostris converte clementem faciem tuā. Psalm. [...]9. Heare us, Ladie, in the day of trouble: and turne thy mercifull face unto our prayers. Ad te Domina levavi animā meā: in judicio Dei, tuis precibus non erubescam. Psalm. 24. Vnto thee, O Lady, have I lifted up my soule: in the judgement of God, by thy prayers, I shall not be ashamed. Iudica me Domina, quoniā ab innocentiâ meâ digressus sum: sed quia sperabo in te, non infirmabor. Psalm. 25. Iudge me, Lady, for I have departed from mine innocencie: but because I will trust in thee, I shall not be weakned. In tè Domina speravi, non cōfundar in aeternum: in gratiâ tuâ suscipe me. Psal. 30. In thee, O Ladie, have I put my trust, let me never be confounded: in thy favour receive me Beati quorum corda te diligunt, virgo Maria: peccata ipsorum á te misericorditer diluentur. Psalm. 31. Blessed are they whose hearts doe love thee, ô virgin Marie: their sinnes by thee shall mercifully be washed away. Iudica Domina nocentes me: & contra eos exurge, & vindica causam meam, Psalm. 34. Lady, judge those that hurt me: and rise [Page 443] up against them, and plead my cause. Expectans expectavi gratiam tuam: & fecisti mihi secundùm multitudinem misericodiae nominis tui. Psal. 39. Waiting have I waited for thy grace: and thou hast done unto me according to the multitude of the mercie of thy name. Domina refugium nostrū tu es in omni necessitate nostrâ; & virtus potentior conterens inimicū. Psalm. 45. Lady, thou art our refuge in all our necessities; and the powerfull strength treading downe the enemie. Miserere mei Domina, quae mater misericordia [...] nuncuparis: & secundùm viscera misericordiarum tuarum, munda me ab omnibus iniquitatibus meis. Psal. 50. Have mercie upon me, O Ladie, who art called the mother of mercie; and according to the bowels of thy mercies, cleanse me from all mine iniquities. Domina in nomine tuo [...] salvum me fac: & ab in [...]ustitijs meis libera me. Psalm. 53. Save me, Ladie, by thy name; and deliver me from mine unrighteousnesse. Miserere mei Domina, miserere mei: quia paratū est cor meū exquirere voluntatē tuā: & in umbrâ alarū tuarum requiescā. Ps. 56. Have mercie upon me, O Ladie, have mercie upon me: because my heart is prepared to search out thy will; and in the shadow of thy wings will I rest. Exurgat Maria, & dissipentur inimici ejus: conterantur omnes sub pedibus ejus. Psal. 67. Let Marie arise, and let her enemies be scattered: let them all be troaden downe under her feete. In te Domina speravi, non cnfundar in aeternum: in tuâ misericordiâ libera me, & eripe me. Psalm. 70. In thee, O Lady, have I put my trust, let me never be put to confusion: deliver me in thy mercie, and cause mee to escape. Deus judicium tuum Regida; & misericordiam tuam Reginae matri ejus. Psal. 71. Give the King thy judgement, O God, and thy mercie to the Queene his mother. Domina, venerunt gentes in haereditatem Dei: quas tu meritis tuis Christo confoederâsti. Psalm. 78. Lady, the gentiles are come into the inheritance of God: whom thou by thy merits hast confederated unto Christ. Misericordias tuas, Domina, in sempiternum decantabo. Psalm. 88. Thy mercies, O Lady, will I sing for ever. Deus ultionum Dominus: sed tu Mater misericordiae ad miserandum inflectis. Psalm [...]93. God is the Lord of revenges: but thou the mother of mercie dost bowe him to take pitie. Venite, exultemus Dominae nostrae: jubilemus salutiferae Mariae Reginae nostrae. Psal. 94. O come, let us sing unto our Ladie: let us make a joyfull noise to Mary our Queene that brings salvation. Cantate Dominae nostrae canticū novū: quia mirabilia fecit. Psal. 97. O sing unto our Lady a new song: for shee hath done marveilous things. Confitemini Domino, quoniā bonus: cōfitemini matri ejus, quoniā in saeculū misericordia ejus. Ps. 106. & 117. O give thankes unto the Lord, for he is good: [Page 444] give thankes unto his mother, for her mercie endureth for ever. Domina, laudem meā ne despexeris: & hoc dedicatum tibi Psalterium digneris acceptare. Psal. 108. Lady, despise not my prayse: and vouchsafe to accept this Psalter vvhich is dedicated unto thee. Dixit Dominus Dominae nostrae: sede mater mea á dextris meis. Psalm. 109. The Lord sayd unto our Lady: sit thou, my mother, at my right hand. Qui confidunt in te, mater Dei, non timebunt á facie inimici. Psal. 124. They that trust in thee, O mother of God, shall not feare from the face of the enemie. Nisi Domina aedificaverit domum cordis nostri: non permanebit aedificium ejus. Psalm. 126. Except our Lady build the house of our heart: the building thereof will not continue. Beati omnes qui timent Dominam nost [...]ā: & beati omnes qui sciunt facere voluntatem tuam, & beneplacitum tuū. Psalm. 127. Blessed are all they who feare our Ladie: and blessed are all they who know to doe thy will, and thy good pleasure. De profundis clamavi ad te Domina: Domina exaudi vocem meam. Psalm. 129 Out of the deepe have I cried unto thee, O Ladie: Ladie, heare my voice. Memento Domina David; & omnium invocantium nomen tuum. Psalm. 131. Ladie, remember David, and all that call upon thy name. Confitemini Domino quo [...]iam bonus est: quoniam per suam dulcissimam matrem Virginem Mariam datur misericordia ejus. Psalm. 135. O give thankes unto the Lord, because he is good: because by his most sweete mother the virgin Mary is his mercie given. Benedicta si [...] Domina, quae instruis servos tuos ad praelium: & eos roboras contra inimicum. Ps. 143. Blessed be thou, O Ladie, which teachest thy servants to warre; and strengthenest them against the enemie. and so the last Psalme is begun with, Laudate Dominā in sanctis ejus: laudate eam in virtutibus & miraculis ejus. Psal. 150. Prayse our Ladie in her Saints; prayse her in her vertues and miracles: and ended accordingly, with, Omnis spiritus laudet Dominam nostram. Let everie spirit (or, everie thing that hath breath) prayse our Ladie.
To this we may adioyne the Psal [...]erium meditationum B. Mariae, vocatur á Io Pithio, de illustr. An [...]l. Scriptorib. pag. 380. Psalter of the salutations of the Virgin, framed by Iohn Peckham archbishop of Canterburie, which is not yet printed. His preface he beginneth thus:
and endeth with a prayer to the blessed Virgin, that shee would release the sinnes of all those for whom hee prayed, and cause both his owne name and theirs to be written in the booke of life.
Then followeth his first Psalme; wherein he prayeth, that she would make us to meditate often Gods Law, and afterwards to be made blessed in the glorie of Gods kingdome.
His other 149. Psalmes (which are fraught with the same kinde of stuffe) I passe over. But Bernardinus de Senis his boldnesse may not be forgotten: who thinketh that Sola benedicta virgo Maria plus fecit Deo vel tantùm (ut sic dicam) quàm fecit Deus toti generi humano. C [...]edo etenim certé quòd mihi indulgebit Deus, si nunc pro Virgine loquar. Congregemus in unum quae Deus homini fecit: & consideremus quae Maria virgo Domino satisfecit &c. Reddendo ergo singula singulis, sc. quae fecit Deus homini, & quae fecit Deo beata Virgo; videbis quòd plus fecit Maria Deo, quàm homini Deus: ut sic pro solatio dicere liceat, quòd propter beatam Virginem, quam tamen ipse fecit, Deus quodammodo plus obligetur nobis, quàm nos sibi. Bernardin. Senens. serm. 61. artic. 1. cap. 11. God will give him leave to maintaine, that the Virgin Marie did more unto him, or at least as much, as he himselfe did unto all mankinde; and that wee may say for our comfort (forsooth) that in respect of the blessed Virgin (whom God himselfe did make notwithstanding) God after a sort is more bound unto us, than wee are unto him. With which absurd and wretched speculation Bernardinus de Busti after him was so well [Page 446] pleased: that hee dareth to revive againe this most odious comparison, and propose it a fresh in this saucy maner. Sed ô virgo gratissima, nunquid tu aliquid [...]ecisti Deo? Nunquid vicem ei reddidis [...]i? Profectò (si fas est dicere) tu secundùm quid majora fecisti Deo, quàm ipse Deus tibi & universo generi humano. Volo ergo ego dicere, quod tu exhumilitate reticuisti. Tu enim solùm cecinisti; Quia fecit mihi magna qui potens est: ego vero cano & dico; Quia tu fecisti majora ei qui potens est. Bernardin. de Bust. Marial. part. 6. serm. 2. membr. 3. But O most gratefull Virgin, didst not thou something to God? Didst not thou make him any recompence? Truely (if it be Lawfull to speake it) thou in some respect didst greater things to God, than God himselfe did to thee and to all mankinde. I will therefore speake that, which thou out of thy humilitie hast past in silence. For thou onely didst sing: He that is mightie hath done to me great things. but I doe sing and say: that thou hast done greater things to him that is mightie. Neyther is that vision much better, which the Id. part. 9. serm. 2. assimilat. 2. same author reciteth as shewed to S. Francis, or (as Speculum vitae Francisci & fociorum eius: part. 2. c. 45. edit. Guilielmi Spoelberch. Item, Speculum Exemplorum, dist. 7. exempl. 41. others would have it) to his companion Fryar Lion; touching the two ladders that reached from earth unto heaven. the one redd, upon which Christ leaned: from whence many fell backward, & could not ascend. the other white, upon which the holy Virgin leaned: the helpe whereof such as used, were by her received with a cheerefull countenance, and so with facilitie ascended into heaven. Neyther yet that sentence, which came first from Anselme, and was after him used by Ludolphus Saxo the Carthusian, and Chrysostomus à Visitatione the Cistercian Monke: that Velocior est nonnunquam salus memorato nomine Mariae, quàm invocato nomine Domini Iesu unici Filij sui. Anselm de excellentiâ B. Virginis, cap. 6. Ludolph. Carthusian de Vitâ Christi, part. 2. cap. 68. & Chrysostom. á Visitatione, de Verbis Dominae, tom. 2. lib. 2. cap. 2. more present reliefe is sometimes found by commemorating the name of Mary, then by calling upon the name of our Lord Iesus her onely Sonne. which one of Henr. Fitz-Simon, of the Masse. lib. 2. part. 2. chap. 3. our Iesuites is so farre from being ashamed to defend, that he dareth to extend it further to the mediation of other Saints also: telling us very peremptorily, that as our [Page 447] Lord Iesus worketh greater miracles by his Saints then by himself· (Iohn. 14.12) so often he sheweth the force of their intercession more then of his owne.
All which I doe lay downe thus largely, not because I take any delight in rehearsing those things, which deserve rather to be buried in everlasting oblivion: but first, that the world may take notice, what kinde of monster is nourished in the Papacie under that strange name of Hyperdulia: the bare discoverie whereof, I am perswaded, will prevaile as much with a minde that is touched with anie zeale of Gods honour, as all other arguments and authorities whatsoever. secondly, that such unstable soules as looke backe unto Sodome, and have a lust to returne unto Egypt againe, may be advised to looke a little into this sinke, and consider with themselves whether the steame that ariseth from thence be not so noysome, that it is not to be indured by one that hath any sense left in him of pierie. and thirdly, that such as be established in the present truth, may be thankefull to God for this great mercie vouchsafed unto them, and mak [...] this still one part of their prayers. From all Romish Dulîa and Hyperdulîa, good Lord deliver us.
OF IMAGES.
WIth prayer to Saints our Challenger joyneth the use of holy Images: which what it hath beene and still is in the Church of Rome, seeing hee hath not beene pleased to declare unto us in particular, I hope he will give us leave to learne from others. Doctrina ost Romanae Ecclesiae, Christi & Sanctorum Imagines piâ Religione á Christianis colendas esse. Zac. Bo [...]erius, in Orthodoxâ Consultat, de ratione verae Fidei & Religionis ample [...]tenda. part. 2. Regul. 1. pag. 189. edit. Matrit. an. 1623. It [Page 448] is the doctrine then of the Romane Church, that the Images of Christ and the Saints should with pious Religion be worshipped by Christians: saith Zacharias Boverius the Spanish fryar, in his late Consultation directed to our most noble Prince Charles, Serenissime Carole, spes Anglicanae Ecclesiae. Id. part. 1. Regul. 4. pag. 58. the Hope of the Church of England, and Princeps futura orbis foelicitas Id part. 2. Regul. 2. pag. 196. the future felicitie of the World; as even this Balaam himself doth style him. The representations of God, and of Christ, and of Angels, and of Saints, Non solùm pinguntur, ut ostendantur, sicut Cherubim olim in templo, sed ut adorentur: ut frequens usus Ecclesiae testatur. Caietan in 3. part. Thomae, quaest. 25. artic. 3. are not onely painted that they may be shewed, as the Cherubims were of old in the Temple, but that they may be adored; as the frequent use of the Church doth testifie: saith Cardinall Cajetan. So Thomas Arundell archbishop of Canterbury, in his Provinciall Councell helde at Oxford in the yeare 1408. established this Constitution following. * From henceforth let it be taught commonly and preached by all, that the Crosse and the Image of the Crucifixe and the rest of the Images of the Saints, in memorie and honour of them whom they figure, as also their places and Relickes, ought to be worshipped with processions, bendings of the knee, bowings of the bodie, incensings, kissings, offerings, lighting of candles, and pilgrimages; together with all other maners and formes whatsoever, as hath beene accustomed to be done in our or our predecessors times. And in the Romane Catechisme set out by the appointment of the Councell of Trent, non solùm autem licere in Ecclesiâ imagines habere, & illis honorem & cultum adhibere, ostendet Parochus (cùm honos qui illis exhibetur, referatur ad prototypa) verum etiam maximo fidelium bono ad hanc usque diem factum declarabit. Catechism. Roman. part. 3. cap. 2. sect. 14. the Parish priest is required to declare unto his parishioners, not onely that it is lawfull to have images in the Church, and to give honour and worship unto them, (for asmuch as the honour which is done unto them, is referred unto the things which they represent) but also that [Page 449] this hath still beene done to the great good of the faithfull. and that Sanctorum quoq, imagines in templis positas demonstrabit; ut & colantur, & exemplo moniti, ad eorum vitam ac mores nos ipsos conformemus Ibid. the Images of the Saints are put in Churches, aswell that they may be worshipped, as that we being admonished by their example, might conforme our selves unto their life and maners.
Now for the maner of this worship, we are told by one of their Bishops; that Ergo non solùm fatendū est, fideles in Ecclesiâ adorare coràm imagine, ut nonnulli ad cautelam forté loquuntur, sed et adorare imaginem, sine quo volueris scrupulo quin & eo illam venerantur cultu, quo & prototypon ejus: propter quod, si illud habet adorari latría, & illa latrîa; si dulia vel hyperdulia, & illa pariter, ejusmodi cultu adoranda est. Iacob. Nactantius, in epist. ad Roman. cap. 1 f [...]l 42. edit. Venet. an. 1557. it must not onely be confessed, that the faithfull in the Church doe adore before the Images (as some peradventure would cautelously speake) but also adore the Image it selfe, without what scruple you will: yea they doe reverence it with the same worship, wherewith they doe the thing that is represented thereby. Wherefore (saith he) if that ought to be adored with Latrîa (or, divine worship) this also is to bee adored with Latrîa; if with Dulîa or Hyperdulîa, this likewise is to be adored with the same kinde of worship. And so we see that Thomas Aquinas doth directly conclude; that Sic sequitur, quòd eadem reverentia exhibeatur imagini Christi & ipsi Christo Cùm ergo Christus adoretur adoratione latriae; consequens est, quòd ejus imago sit adoratione latriae adoranda. Thom Summ. part. 3. quaest. 25. artic. 3. the same reverence is to be given unto the Image of Christ and to Christ himselfe: and by consequence, seeing Christ is adored with the adoration of Latría (or, divine worship) that his image it to be adored with the adoration of Latrîa. Vpon which place of Thomas, Fryar Pedro de Cabrera, a great Master of Divinitie in Spaine, doth lay downe these conclusions. I. Simpliciter & absoluté dicendum est, sacras imagines esse venerandas in templis, & extra templa: & contrarium est dogma haereticum. Hoc est, imaginibus exhibenda esse signa servitutis & submissionis, amplexu, luminaribus, oblatione suffituum, capitis nudatione, &c. Ilaec conclusio est dogma fidei collectum ex Sanctâ Scripturâ, ex quâ constat, res creatas etiā inanimes, dummodò Deo sint sacratae, esse adorandas. Petr. de Cabrera, in 3. part. Thom. quaest. 25, [...]rt. 3. disput. 2. num. 15. It is simply and absolutely to be said, that holy Images are to be worshipped, in [Page 450] Churches & [...]ut of Churches: and the contrary is an hereticall doctrine. for explication wherof he declareth, that by this worshipping he meaneth; that signes of service and submission are to be exhibited unto Images, by embracing, lightes, oblation of incense, uncovering of the head, &c. and that this conclusion is a doctrine of faith collected out of the holy Scripture; by which it appeareth, that things created yea although they be senselesse, so that they be consecrated unto God, are to be adored. II. Imagines sunt veré & proprié adorandae, & ex intentione ipsas adorandi, & non tantùm exemplaria in ipsis repraesentata. Haec conclusio est contra Durandum & sectatores illius; quorum sententia á recentioribus censetur periculosa, temeraria, & sapiens haeresim: & M. Medina hîc refert, Magistrū Victoriam reputâsse il [...]am haereticam. Sed nostra conclusio est communis Theologorum. Ibid. num. 32. Images are truely and properly to be adored; and out of an intention to adore themselves, and not onely the samplers that are represented in them. This conclusion (which he maketh to be the common resolution of the Divines of that side) he opposeth against Durand & his followers: who helde that Images are adored onely improperly, because they put men in minde of the persons represented by them; who are then adored before the images, as if they had beene there really present. But this opinion he saith is censured by the latter Divines to be dangerous, rash, and savouring of heresie: yea and by Fr. Victoria to be plainely hereticall. For Si imagines improprié tan tùm adorantur; simpliciter & absoluté non ado [...]antur, neque sunt adorandae: quod est haeresis manifesta Ibid. num. 34. if Images be adored only improperly, they are not to be adored simply & absolutely: which is a manifest heresie; saith Cabrera. And Si imagines solùm adorantur rememorativé, & recordativé, quia recordari nos faciunt exempla [...]ium; quae ita adoramus, ac si essent praesentia [...]equeretur eâdem adoratione, quâ colimus Deum, esse adorandas omnes c [...]eaturas; cùm omnes in Dei cognitionem & recordationem nos dacant, & Deus sit in omnibus rebus. Sed consequens est absurdum. Ergo. Ibid. num. 35. if Images were onely to be worshipped by way of rememoration and recordation, because they make us remember the samplers, which we doe so worship, as if they had beene then present: it would follow that all creatures should be adored with the same adoration, wherewith we worship [Page 451] God; seeing all of them doe lead us unto the knowledge and remembrance of God, and God is present in all things. III. Sententia Divi Thomae, quatenùs docet eodem actu adorationis coli Imaginem, & exemplar per illam representatum; est verissima, pijssima, & fidei decretis admodùm consona. Ibid. disput. 3. num. 56. The doctrine delivered by Thomas, that the Image and the sampler represented by it is to be worshipped with the same act of adoration; is most true, most pious, and very consonant to the decrees of Faith. This he Id ibid. num. 30. saith is the doctrine not onely of Thomas, and of all his disciples, but also of all the old Schoole-men almost. and particularly he quoteth for it, Cajetan, Capreolus, Paludanus, Ferrariensis, Antonius, Soto, Alexander of Hales, Albertus Magnus, Bonaventura, Richardus de Mediavilla, Dionysius Carthusianus, Major, Masilius, Thomas Waldensis, Turrecremata, Angestus, Clichtoveus, Turrian and Vazquez. In a word; Constans est Theologorum sententia; Imaginem eodem honore & cultu honorari & coli, quo coli tur id cujus est Imago Io. Azor. Institut. moral. tom. 1 lib. 9. cap. 6. it is the constant judgement of Divines, (saith Azorius the Iesuite) that the Image is to be honoured and worshipped with the same honour and worship, wherewith that is worshipped whereof it is an image.
Against this use, or rather horrible abuse of Images, to what purpose should we heape up anie testimonyes of holy Scripture; if the words of the second commandement, uttered with Gods owne mouth with thundring and lightning upon mount Sinai, may not be heard? Thou shalt not make to thy selfe any graven Image, nor the likenesse of any thing that is in heaven above, or in the earth beneath, or in the water under the earth: Thou shalt not bowe downe to them, nor worship them. Which thunderclap from heaven the guides of the Romish Church discerning to threaten sore that fearefull Idolatrie which daily they commit; thought fit in wisedome, first to conceale the knowledge of this from the people, by excluding those words out of the Decalogue that went abroad for common use, under [Page 452] pretence (forsooth) of including it in the first Commandement: and then afterwards to put this conceite into mens heads, that this first commandement was so farre from condemning the veneration of Images, that it commanded the same, and condemned the contrarie neglect thereof. And therefore Laurence Vaux in his Catechisme, unto this Question; Who breaketh the first Commandement of God by unreverence of God? frameth this Answere. Vaux Catechism. chap. 3. They that doe not give due reverence to God, and his Saints, or to their Relickes and IMAGES. and Iacobus de Graffijs in his explication of the same Commandement specifieth the due reverence here required, more particularly. namely,Vt unamquamque imaginem eodem cultu, quo ille, cujus imago est, venetemur. id est, ut imagini Dei, vel Christi, vel etiā Crucis signo, prout Dominicam passionem ad mentem revocat, atriam impartiamur: ad sacrae Virginis imaginem hyperduliae, aliorum veró Sanctorum duliae adoratione adoremus. Iacob. de Graff [...]s, Decision, aure. casuū cons [...]ient. part. 1 lib. 2. cap. 2. s [...]ct. penult. that we should reverence everie Image with the same worship that we doe him whose image it is. that is to say, that wee impart Latrîa (or, divine worship) to the Image of God; or of Christ, or to the signe of the Crosse also, in asmuch as it bringeth the Passion of our Lord unto our minde: and that we use the adoration of Hyperdulîa at the Image of the holy Virgin, but of Dulìa at the Images of other Saints. And can there be found (thinke you) among men, a more desperate impudencie then this? that not onely the practise of this wretched Idolatrie should be maintayned against the expresse commandement of almightie God; but also that hee himselfe should be made the author and commander of it, even in that verie place where he doth so severely forbid it, and Rom. 1.18. reveale his wrath from heaven against the ungodlinesse and unrighteousnesse of men, which withhold the truth in unrighteousnesse. The miserable shiftes and silly evasions, whereby they labour to obscure the light of this truth, have beene detected by others to the full, and touched also in some part by my selfe in an Serm. at Westminst. before the house of Comons. other [Page 453] place: where I have shewed out of Deuteronom. 4.15, 16. and Rom. 1.23. that the adoring of the verie true God himselfe in or by an Image, commeth within the compasse of that Idolatrie which the word of God condemneth. And to this truth doe the Fathers of the ancient Church give plentifull testimonie: in what great account soever our Challenger would have us thinke that the use of Images was with them.
Indeed in so great account was the use of Images among them; that in the ancientest and best times, Christians would by no meanes permit them to be brought into their Churches; nay some of them would not so much as admit the art it selfe of making them: so jealous were they of the danger, and carefull of the prevention of the deceite, whereby the simple might anie way be drawne on to the adoring of them. [...]. Clem. Alexand [...]· Prophetie. ad Gentes. We are plainely forbidden, saith Clemens Alexandrinus, to exercise that deceitfull art. For the Prophet saith; Thou shalt not make the likenesse of anie thing, eyther in the heaven or in the earth beneath. [...]. Id Paedagog. lib. 3. cap. 2. Moses commandeth men, to make no Image, that should represent God by art. [...]. Id. in Prophetic. For in truth an Image is a dead matter, formed by the hand of an artificer. But we have no sensible Image made of any sensible matter, but such an Image as is to be conceived with the understanding. So his scholler Origen, writing against Celsus the philosopher: [...]. Origen. contra Cels. lib. 7. pag. 373. Who having his right wits (saith he) will not laugh at him, who after such great philosophicall discourses of God or Gods, doth looke on Images; and eyther presenteth his prayer to them, or by the sight thereof offereth it to him who is conceived [Page 454] thereby, unto whom he imagineth that he ought to ascend from that which is seene and is but a signe or symbol of him? And whereas Celsus had brought in that speech of Heraclîtus; [...] Hera [...]li [...]. Ephes. ibid. pag. 384. et apud Clem. Alexandr. in Prophetic. ad Gent. pag. 25. edit. Graecolat. ubi statim subiungitur: [...]; An non enim sunt prodigiosi qui lapides adorant? They pray unto these Images, as if a man should enter into conference with his house: and demanded; [...]. Celsus, apud Origen. ut supr. pag 384. Whether any man unlesse he were a verie childe, did thinke these things to be Gods, and not monuments and images of the Gods? Origen replyeth, that [...]. Origen. ibid. pag. 386. it is not a thing possible, that one should know God, and pray to Images: and that Christians [...] (lege, [...]: ut in verbis Celsi, pag. 384. lin. 24.) [...]. Id. ibid. pag 387. did not esteeme these to be divine Images, who used not to describe any figure of God who was invisible and without all bodily shape; [...]. hoc est, (ut ex verbis subseque [...]tib. intelliigitur) [...]. Id. ibid. pag. 385. nor could endure to worship God with anie such kinde of service as this was. In like maner, when the Gentiles demanded of the ancient Christians, Cur nullas aras habent, templa nulla, nulla nota simulacra? Minut. Feli [...] in Octavio. why they had no knowne Images? Minutius Felix returneth them for answere againe. Quod enim simulacrum Deo fingam; cùm si recté existimes, sit Dei homo ipse simulacrum? Ibid. What Image shall I make to God; when man himselfe, if thou rightly judge, is Gods Image? Ipsae imagines sacrae, quibus inanissimi homines, serviunt, omni sensu carent, quia terra sunt. Quis autem non intelligat, nefas esse rectum animal curvari, ut adoret terram? quae id circo pedibus nostris subjecta est, ut calcanda nobis, non adoranda sit. Lactant. divin. I [...]stitut. lib. 2. cap. 17. These holy Images (saith Lactantius) which vaine men serve, want all sense; because they are earth. Now who is there that understandeth not, that it is unfit for an upright creature to be bowed downe, that he may worship the earth? which for this cause is put under our feete, that it may be troden upon, not worshiped by us. Quare non est dubiū, quin religio nulla sit, ubicun (que) simulacrum est. Nam si religio ex divinis rebus est; divini autē nihil est nisi in coelestibus rebus: carent ergo religione simulacra; quia nihil potest esse coeleste in eâ re, quae fit ex terrâ. Ib. cap. 18. Wherefore [Page 455] there is no doubt, that there is no religion, wheresoever there is an Image. For seeing Religion consisteth of divine things; and nothing divine is to be found but in heavenly things: Images therefore are voyde of religion; because nothing that is heavenly can be in that thing, which is made of earth.
When Alexander Imp. Christo templum facere voluit, eumque inter Deos recipere. Quod & Adrianus cogitâsse fertur, qui templa in omnibus civitatibus sine simulacris jusserat fieri; quae hodie id circo quai non habent numina, dicuntur Adriani: quae ille ad hoc paráffe dicebatur. sed prohibitus est ab ijs qui consulentes sacra, repererant omnes Christianos futuro [...] si id optatò evenisset, & templa reliqua deserēda. Lamprid. in Alexandro. Adrian the Emperour had commanded that temples should be made in all cities without Images; it was presently conceived, that he did prepare those temples for Christ: as Aelius Lampridius noteth in the life of Alexander Severus. which is an evident argument, that it was not the use of Christians in those dayes to have anie Images in their Churches. And for keeping of Pictures out of the Church, the Canon of the Eliberine or Illiberitane Councell (helde in Spaine, about the time of Constantine the great) is most plaine. Placuit, picturas in Ecclesiâ esse non debere; ne quod colitur aut adoratur, in parietibus depingatur. [...]oncil El b [...]r. cap. [...]6. It is our minde, that pictures ought not to be in the Church; lest that which is worshipped or adored, should be painted on walles. which hath so troubled the mindes of our latter Romanistes; that Melchior Canus sticketh not to charge the Councell Illa (lex) non imprudenter modò, verumetiam impié, á Concilio Elibertino lata est de tollendis imaginibus. Canus. loc. Theologic. lib. 5. cap. 4. conclus 4. not onely with imprudencie, but also with impiety, for making such a law as this, Gentiles lignum adorant, quia Dei imaginem putant: sed invisibilis Dei imago non in eo est quod videtur, sed in eo utique quod non videtur. Ambros. in Psal. 118. octo [...]ar. 10. The Gentiles (saith S. Ambrose) worship woode, because they thinke it to be the image of God: but the image of the invisible God is not in that which is seene, but in that which is not seene. Non vult se Deus in lapidibus coli. Id. epist. 31. ad Valen [...]inianum Imp. God would not have himselfe worshipped in stones: saith the same Father [Page 456] in another place. and, Ecclesia inanes ideas & varias nescit simulacrorum figuras; sed veram novit Trinitatis substantiam. Id. de fugâ saecui [...], ca, 5 The Church knoweth no vain ideaes and diverse figures of Images; but knoweth the true substance of the Trinitie. So S. Hierome: Nos unum habemus virū, & unam veneramur imaginem, quae est imago invisibilis & omnipotentis Dei. Hieronym. lib. 4. in Ezech. cap. 16. We worship one Image, which is the image of the invisible and omnipotent God. and S. Augustine: In primo praecepto prohibetur coli aliqua in figmē tis hominum Dei similitudo: non quia non habet imaginē Deus, sed quia nulla imago ejus coli debet, nisi illa quae hoc est quod ipse; nec ipsa pro illo, sed cum illo. Augustin. epist. 119. ad Ianuar. cap. 11. In the first commandement, any similitude of God in the figments of men is forbidden to be worshipped. not because God hath not an image; but because no image of him ought to be worshipped, but that which is the same thing that he is, (Coloss. 1.15. Hebr. 1.3.) nor yet that for him, but with him. As for the representing of God in the similitude of a man: he resolveth, that Tale simulacrum Deo nefas est Christiano in templo collocare. Id. de Fide & Symbol. cap. 7. it is utterly unlawfull to erect any such image to God in a Christian Church. and touching the danger of Images in generall, and the practise of the Church in this matter, thus he writteth. Hoc enim venerantur, quod ipsi ex auro argento (que) fecerunt. Sed enim & no [...] pleraque instrumenta & vasa ex hujusmodi materiâ vel metallo habemus in usum celebrandorū sacramentorū; quae ipso ministerio consecrata sancta dicuntur, in ejus honorē cui pro salute nostrâ inde servitur. Et sunt profectò etiā ista instrumenta vel vasa, quid aliud quàm opera manū hominū? Veruntamen nunquid os habent, & non loquentur? Nunquid oculos habent, & non videbunt? Nunquid eis supplicamus, quia per ea supplicamus Deo? Illa caussa est maxima impietatis insanae, quòd plus valet in affectibus miserorū similis viventi forma quae sibi efficit supplicari, quàm quòd eam manifestū est non esse viventē, ut debeat á vivente contemni. Plus enim valent simulacra ad curvandā infelicē animā, quòd os habent, oculos habent, aures habēt, nares habēt, manus habent, pedes habēt; quàm ad corrigendā, quòd non loquentur, non videbunt, non audient, non odorabunt, non contrectabunt, non [...]bulabunt. Id, in Psal. 113. cons. 2. The Gentiles worship that, which they themselves have made of Gold and silver. But even vve also have diverse instruments and vessels of the same matter or metall, for the use of celebrating the sacraments: which being consecrated by this very ministerie are called holy, in honour of him who for our salvation is served thereby. And these instruments and vessels also, what are they else but the worke of [Page 457] mens hands. Yet have these any mouth, and will not speake? have they eyes, and will not see? Doe we supplicate unto these, because by these wee supplicate unto God? That is the greatest cause of this madd impietie, that the forme like unto one living which maketh it to be supplicated unto, doth more prevaile in the affections of miserable men; than that it is manifest it doth not live at all, that it ought to be contemned by him who is indeed living. For Images prevayle more to bowe downe the unhappy soule, in that they have a mouth, they have eyes, they have eares, they have nosthrillés, they have hands, they have feete; than to correct it, that they will not speake, they will not see, they will not heare, they will not smell, they will not handle, they will not walke. Thus farre S. Augustine.
The speech of Amphilochius Bishop of Iconium to this purpose is memorable: [...]. Amphiloch. citatus á Patrib Concilij Constantinop. an. 754. We have no care to figure by colours the bodily visages of the Saints in tables, because we have no need of such things; but by virtue to imitate their conversation. but the fact of Epiphanius, rending the vayle that hung in the Church of Anablatha, is much more memorable: which he himselfe in his epistle to Iohn Bishop of Ierusalem (translated by S. Hierome out of Greeke into Latin) doth thus recount. Inveni ibi velum pendens in foribus ejusdem Ecclesiae tinctum atque depictum, & habens imaginem quasi Christi, vel Sancti cujusdā: non enim satis memini, cujus imago fuerit. Cùm ergo hoc vidissem, in Ecclesiâ Christi contra auctoritatem Scripturarum hominis pendere imaginem, scidi illud; & magis dedi consilium custodibus ejusdem loci, ut pauperem mortuum eo obvolverent & efferrent. Epiph [...]n. epist ad Ioann▪ Hierosolym. tomo 1. oper. Hieronym. epist. 60. I found there a vayle hanging at the doore of the Church dyed and painted, and having the image as it were of Christ or some Saint: for I doe not well remember, whose image it was. When therefore I saw this; that contrarie to the authoritie of the Scriptures the image of a man was hanged up in the Church of Christ: I cut it, and gave counsell to the keepers of the place, that they should rather [Page 459] wrappe and burie some poore dead man in it. and afterwards he intreateth the Bishop of Ierusalem (under whose government this Church was) Deinceps praecipere, in Ecclesiâ Christi istiusmodi vela, quae contra religionē nostrā veniunt, non appēdi. Id. ibid. to give charge hereafter, that such vayles as these which are repugnant to our religion, should not be hanged up in the Church of Christ. Which agreeth verie well with the sentence attributed to the same Father in the Councell of Constantinople: [...]. Epiphan. citat á Concil. Constantinop. in Act. 6. tom. 5. Concil N [...]caen. II. Have this in minde beloved sonnes, not to bring Images into the Church, nor into the Coemiteries of the Saints, no not into an ordinarie house: but alwayes carie about the remembrance of God in your hearts. For it is not lawfull for a Christian man to be caried in suspense by his eyes and the wandrings of his minde. and with his discourse against the heresie of the Collyridians, which made an Idol of the Virgin Mary (as in the former question hath more largely beene declared.) to which he opposeth himselfe in this maner. [...]. Epiphan. in Panar. haeres 79. pag. 447. How is not this course Idolatrous, and a Divelish practise? For the Divell stealing alwayes into the minde of men under pretence of righteousnesse, deifying the mortall nature in the eyes of men, by varietie of artes framed Images like unto men. And they truely who are worshipped are dead, but their Images that never yet were alive (for they cannot be sayd to be dead that never were alive) they bring in to be worshipped, by a minde going awhoring from the one and onely God: as a common harlot, stirred with a wicked desire of promiscuous mixture, and rejecting the sobrietie of the lawfull marriage of one man.
If it be inquired who they were that first brought [Page 458] in this use of Images into the Church: it may well be answered, that they were partly lewd Heretickes, partly simple Christians newly converted from Paganisme, the customes whereof they had not as yet so fully unlearned. Of the former kinde the Gnostique heretickes were the principall: who Imagines quasdam quidē depictas, quasdam autē & de reliquâ materiâ fabricatas habent: dicentes formam Christi factam á Pilato, illo in tempore quo fuit Iesus cum hominibus. Irenaeus, lib. 1. adve [...]s. haeres. cap. 24. [...] (vel [...] potiù [...]) [...]. Epiphan. in Panar. haeres. 27 pag 52. had Images, some painted in colours, others framed of gold and silver and other matter; which they sayd were the representations of Christ, made under Pontius Pilate, when he was conversant here among men. Whence Carpocrates, and Marcellina his disciple (who brought this Idolatrous heresie first to Rome in the dayes of Pope Anicetus) Id. Epiphan in Anacephalaeosi, pag 525. de Carpocrate. [...]. Sectae ipsius fuisse traditur socia quaedam Marcellina; quae colebat imagines Iesu, & Pauli, & Homeri, & Pythagorae, adorando incensumque ponendo Augustin. de haeres. cap. 7. having privily made Images of Iesus, and Paul, and Homer, and Pythagoras, did cense them, and worship them: as Epiphanius and Augustine doe report. To the latter that observation of Eusebius may be referred concerning the Image of Christ, thought to be erected by the woman that was cured of the bloudy issue. [...]. Euseb. lib. 7. histor. Ecclesiastic. cap. 18. It is no marvell (saith he) that those of the Heathen who of old were cured by our Saviour should doe such things: seeing we have seene the Images of his Apostles Paul and Peter, yea and of Christ himselfe, kept painted with colours, in tables: for that of old they have beene wont by a Heathenish custome thus to honour them whom they counted to be their Benefactors or Saviours.
But by whomsoever they were first brought in, certaine it is that they proved a dangerous snare unto the [Page 460] simple people, who quickely went a whooring after them: contrarie to the doctrine which the Fathers & Doctors of the Church did deliver unto them. And therefore S. Augustine writing of the maners of the Catholicke Church against the Manichees, directly severeth the case of such men from the common cause, and approved practise of the Catholicke Church. Nolite mihi colligere professores nominis Christiani, nec professionis suae vim aut scientes aut exhibentes. Nolite consectari turbas imperitorum, qui vel in ipsâ verâ religione superstitiosi sunt, vel ita libidinibus dediti, ut obliti sint quic quid promiserint Deo Novi multos esse sepulchrorum & picturarum adoratores. &c. Nunc vos illud admoneo, ut aliquando Ecclesiae catholicae maledicere desinatis, vituperando mores homnum, quos & ipsa condemnat, & quos quotidie tanquam malos filios corrigere studet. Augustin. de moribus Ecclesiae Catholicae, cap. 34. Doe not collect unto me (saith he) such professors of the name of Christ, as eyther know not or keepe not the force of their profession. Doe not bring in the companies of rude men, which eyther in the true religiō it selfe are superstitious, or so given unto their lusts that they have forgottē what they did promise unto God. Then for an instance of the first, he alledgeth that he himselfe did know many which were worshippers of graves and Pictures: and at last concludeth. Now this I advise you, that you cease to speake evill of the Catholicke Church, by upbrayding it with the maners of those men, whom shee her selfe condemneth, and seeketh everie day to correct as naughtie children. This also gave occasion to Serenus Bishop of Marsiles 200. yeares after, to breake downe the Images in his Church, when hee found them to be thus abused: which fact of his though Pope Gregory disliked, because he thought that Images might profitably be retayned as lay-mens bookes; yet in this he commended his zeale, that he would by no meanes suffer them to be worshipped. Praetereà indico dudū ad nos pervenisse, quòd fraternitas vestra quosdā imaginū adoratores aspiciens, easdē Ecclesiae imagines confregit, at (que) projecit. Et quidē zelū vos, ne quid manufactū adorari possit, habuisse laudavimus: sed srangere easdē imagines non debuisse, judicamus Id circo enim pictura in Ecclesi [...]s adhibetur, ut hi qui literas nes [...]iunt, saltem in parietibus videndo legant quae legere in codicibus non valent. Tua ergo fraternitas & illas servare, & ab earū adoratu populū prohibere debuit: quantenus & literarū nescij haberent unde scientiā historiae colligerent; & po [...]ulus in picturae adoratione minimé pecc [...]ret. Gregor. Registr. lib. 7. epist. 109. ad Serenum. Vide [...]am lib. 9. epist. 9. ad eundem. I certifie you (saith he) that it came [Page 461] of late to our hearing, that your brotherhood, seeing certaine worshippers of Images, did breake the said Church-images and threw them away. And surely we commended you that you had that zeale, that nothing made with hands should be worshipped: but yet we judge that you should not have broken those images. For painting is therefore used in Churches, that they which are unlearned, may yet by sight read those things upon the walles, which they cannot reade in bookes. Therefore your brotherhood ought, both to preserve the images, and to restraine the people from worshipping of them: that both the ignorant might have had, whence to gather the knowledge of the historie; and the people might not sinne in worshipping the picture.
There would be no end, if we should lay downe at large the fierce contentions that afterwards arose in the Church touching this matter of Images: the Greeke Emperours, Leo Isaurus, Constantinus Caballinus, Nicephorus, Stauratius, Leo Armenus, Michael Balbus, Theophilus, and others, opposing them in the East; and on the other side, Gregory the second & third, Paul the first, Stephen the fourth, Adrian the first and second, Leo the third, Nicholas the first, & other Popes of Rome as stiffely upholding them in the West. In a Councell of CCCXXXVIII. Bishops helde at Constantinople in the yeare of our Lord 754. they were solemnely condemned: in another Councell of CCCL. Bishops helde at Nice in the yeare 787. they were advanced againe, and the veneration of them as much commended. This base decree of the second Nicene Councell, touching the adoration of Images, although it were not by the hundreth part so grosse, as that which was afterwards invented by the Popish Schoolmen: [Page 462] yet was it reiected as repugnant to the doctrine of the Church of God; by the Princes and Bishops of England first, about the yeare 792. and by Charles the great afterward, and the Bishops of Italy, France & Germany, which by his appointment were gathered together in the Councell of Frankford, the yeare of our Lord. 794.
The foure bookes, which by his authoritie were published against that Nicene Synod, and the adoration of Images defended therein, are yet to be seene: as the Resolution also of the Doctors of France assembled at Paris by the command of his sonne Ludovicus Pius, in the yeare 824. and the booke of Agobardus Bishop of Lions concerning Pictures and Images, written about the same time; the argument whereof is thus delivered by Papirius Massonus the setter out of it. Graecorum errores de imaginibus & picturis manifestissimé detegens, negat eas adorari debere: quam sententiam omnes Catholici probamus, Gregorijque Magni testimoniū de illis sequimur. Papir. Masson. Praefat. in Agobardi Opera, edit. Paris. an. 1605. Detecting most manifestly the errors of the Grecians touching images and pictures, he denieth that they ought to be worshipped: which opinion all wee Catholickes doe allowe; and follow the testimonie of Gregory the great concerning them. This passage, together with the larger view of Expungantur omnia, quae sub hoe titulo (De Imaginibu [...]) continentur. Jndex librorum expurgatorum. Bernardi de Sandoval & Roxas Card. de consilio senatus generalis Inquisit. Hispan. excus. Madriti, an. 1612. the contents of this Treatise following afterwards, the Spanish Inquisitors in their Index Expurgatorius commande to be blotted out: which wee finde to be accordingly performed by the Divines of Cullen, in their late corrupt edition of the Magn. Bibliothec. Veter. Patrum, tom. 9. part. 1. edit. Colon. ann. 1618. pag. 548. & 551. great Bibliothecke of the ancient Fathers. Gretser professeth, that he Vehementer profectò hoc judicium de libro. Agobardi ab homine Catholico profectū. miratus sum. nam Agobardus toto libello, nihil aliud facit, quàm quòd demonstrare nititur (quamvis casso conatu) imagines non esse adorandas. Jac. Gretser. lib. 1. de Cruc [...]. [...]ap. 58. extreamely vvondereth, that this judgement of the booke of Agobardus should proceed from a Catholicke [Page 463] man. For Agobardus (saith he) in that w [...]ole booke doth nothing else, but endevour to demonstrate (although with a vaine labour) that images are not to be worshipped. Et quinam sunt Graeci, quorū de imaginibus er [...]ore Agobardus refellit, ut Editor ait? Nimirum Graeci isti sunt Petres Nicaeni Concilij; qui sanxerunt, imagines adorandas & colenda [...] esse. Contra quos qui disputat, is ab orthodoxis toto coelo discordat. Ibid. And who be these Grecians, whose errors touching images Agobardus doth refell, as this Publisher saith? Surely these Grecians are the Fathers of the Nicene Councell, who decreed that Images should be adored and worshipped. Against whom whosoever disputeth, doth mainely dissent from right beleevers. To which blinde censure of the Iesuite we may oppose, not onely the generall judgement of the ancient [...]. Nicet. Choniat. Annal. lib. 2. Almaines his owne countriemen, who within these foure or five hundred yeares did flatly disclayme this Image-worship (as by Nicetas Choniates is witnessed:) but also the testimonie of the Divines and Historians of England, France, and Germanie touching the Nicene Councell in particular; rejecting it as a Hincmar. Rhemens. lib. contr. Hincmar. Laudunens. cap. 20. Egolismens. monach. in vitâ Caroli Magni. Annal. Fuldens. Ado, Regino, & Hermann, Contract. in Chronic. an. 794. Pseudo-synode, because it concluded Imagines adorari debere: quod omninò Ecclesia Dei execratur, Simeon Dunelmens. Roger. Hoveden. & Matth. Westmonaster. histor. ann 792. vel 793. that Images should be worshipped: which thing (say our Chroniclers) the Church of God doth utterly detest. And yet for all that, we have newes lately brought us from Rome: that Ecclesiam porrò Christianam, etiam Antiquissimam, Totam, ac Vniversalem, summo consensu, absque ullâ oppositione, aut contradictione, Statuas ac imagines veneratam esse, est certissimum ac probatissimum. M. Anton. de Dominis, De consilio sui reditus, sect. 23. it is most certaine, and most assured, that the Christian Church, even the most Ancient, the Whole, and the Vniversall Church, did with wonderfull consent, without any opposition or contradiction, worship statues and images. Which if the cauterized conscience of a wretched Apostata would give him leave to utter: yet the extreame shamelessenesse of the assertion might have withhelde their wisedomes whom he sought to please thereby, from giving him leave to publish it.
[Page 464]But it may be I seeke for shamefastnesse, in a place where it is not be founde: and therefore leaving them to their Images, like to like, (for Psal. 115.8. & 135.18. they that make them are like unto them; and so is every one that trusteth in them) I proceede from this point unto that which followeth.
OF FREE-VVILL.
THat man hath Free-will, is not by us gainesayd: though wee dare not give him so large a freedome as the Iesuites presume to doe. Freedome of will wee knowe doth as essentially belong unto a man, as reason it selfe: and he that spoyleth him of that power, doth in effect make him a verie beast. For this is the difference betwixt reasonable and unreasonable creatures: as Damascen rightly noteth. [...]. Io. Damascen. Orthodox. fid. lib. 2. cap. 27. edit. Graec. vel. 44. Latin. The unreasonable are rather ledd by nature, then themselves leaders of it: and therefore doe they never contradict their naturall appetite, but as soone as they affect any thing, they rush to the prosecution of it. But man, being indued with reason, doth rather lead nature, then is ledd by it: and therefore being moved with appetite, if he will, he hath power to restraine his appetite, or to follow it. Hereby he is inabled to doe the things which he doth, neither by a brute instinct of nature not ye [...] by any compulsion, but by advise and deliberation: the Minde first taking into consideration the grounds and circumstances of each action, & freely debating on eyther side what in this case were best to be done or not done; and then the Will inclining it selfe to put in execution the last and conclusive judgement of the practicall Vnderstanding. This libertie we acknowledge a man may exercise in all actions [Page 465] that are within his power to doe: whether they be lawfull, unlawfull, or indifferent; whether done by the strength of nature or of grace. for even in doing the workes of grace, our free-will suspendeth not her action, but being moved and guided by grace, doeth that which is fit for her to doe: grace not taking away the libertie, which commeth by Gods creation, but the pravitie of the Will, which ariseth from Mans corruption. In a word, as we condemne [...]. Pho [...]. Bibliothec. num. 179. Agapius and the rest of that mad sect of the Manichees, for bringing in such a kinde of necessitie of sinning, whereby men were made to offend against their wils: so likewise with Polychronius and other men of understanding we defend, that [...]. Polychron. in Cantic. pag. 93. edit. Meursij. vertue is a voluntarie thing, and free from all necessitie; and with the author of the bookes De vocatione Gentium (attributed unto Prosper) Hanc quippe abundantiorem gratiam ita credimu [...] atque experimur potentem, ut nullo modo arbitremur esse violentam. Prosp. de vocat. Gent. li. 2. cap 26 we both beleeve and feele by experience that Grace is so powerfull, that yet we conceive it no way to be violent.
But it is one thing to inquire of the nature, another to dispute of the strength and abilitie of Free-will. We say with Adamantius (in the Dialogues collected out of Maximus against the Marcionites) that [...] Orig. Dial. 3. contr. Marcion. God made Angels and Men [...], but not [...]: hee indued them with freedome of Will, but not with abilitie to doe all things. And now since the fall of Adam wee say further, that freedome of Will remayneth still among men; but the abilitie which once it had, to performe spirituall duties and things pertayning to salvation, is quite lost and extinguished. For Quis autem nostrûm dicat, quòd primi hominis peccato perierit liberū arbitrium de humano genere? Libertas quidē perijt per peccatū; sed illa quae in Paradiso fuit, habēdi plenā cū immortalitate justitiam: propter quod natura humana divinâ indiget gratiâ, dicente Domino; Si vos Filius liberaverit, tunc veré liberi critis; uti (que) liberi ad bene juste (que) vivendū Nam liberū a [...]b [...]triū usque adeò in peccatore non perijt; ut per illud peccēt, maximé omnes qui cum delectatione peccāt, & amore peccati, hoc eis placet quod eis libet. Aug. contr, duas e [...]ist. Pelagian. li. 1. cap. [...]. vvho is [Page 466] there of us (saith S. Augustine) which would say, that by the sinne of the first Man Free-will is utterly perished from mankinde? Freedome indeed is perished by sinne: but that freedome which was in Paradise, of having full righteousnesse with immortalitie. for vvhich cause Mans nature standeth in neede of Gods grace, according to the saying of our Lord; If the Sonne shall free you, then yee shall be free indeed: namely free to live well and righteously. For free-will is so farre from having perished in the sinner; that by it they sinne, all they especially who sinne with delight, and for the love of sinne, that pleaseth them which liketh them. When we denie therefore that a naturall man hath any free-will unto good: by a naturall man, wee understand one that is without Christ, and destitute of his renewing grace; by free-will, that which the Philosophers call [...], a thing that is in our owne power to doe; and by good, a Theologicall not a Philosophicall good, bonū veré spirituale & salutare, a spirituall good and tending to salvation. This then is the difference which Gods word teacheth us to put, betwixt a regenerate & an unregenerate man. The one is Rom. 6. vers. 11. alive unto God, through Iesus Christ our Lord; and so inabled to ibid. vers. 13. yeelde himselfe unto God, as one that is alive from the dead, and his members as instruments of righteousnesse unto God: ibid. vers. 22. having his fruite unto holinesse, and the end everlasting life. The other is a meere Eph [...]s. 4.18. stranger from the life of God, Ephes. 2.1, 5. dead in trespasses and sinnes; and so no more able to lead a holy life acceptable unto God, then a dead man is to performe the actions of him which is alive.
He may live indeed the life of a naturall and a morall man, and so exercise the freedome of his Will, not onely in naturall and civill, but also in morall actions, [Page 467] so farre as concerneth externall conformitie unto those notions of good and evill that remaine in his minde: (in respect whereof the verie Rom. 2.1 [...]. Gentiles themselves which have not the Law, are said to doe by nature the things contayned in the Law:) he may have such fruite, as not onely common honestie and civilitie, but common giftes of Gods spirit likewise will yeelde, and in regard thereof hee may obtaine of God temporall rewards appertayning to this transitorie life, and a lesser measure of punishment in the world to come: yet untill he be quickened with the life of grace, & Rom. 7.4. married to him who is raysed from the dead, he cannot bring forth fruite unto God, nor be accepted for one of his servants. This is the doctrine of our Saviour himselfe, Iohn. 15.4, 5. As the branch cannot beare fruite of it selfe, except it abide in the vine; no more can yee, except yee abide in me: I am the Vine, yee are the branches: He that abideth in me, and I in him, the same bringeth forth much fruite: for without me yee can doe NOTHING, that is, nothing truely good and acceptable unto God. This is the lesson that S. Paul doth everie where inculcate. Rom. 7.18. I know, that in me, that is in my flesh, dwelleth no good thing. 1. Cor. 2.14. The naturall man perceiveth not the things of the spirit of God, for they are foolishnesse unto him: neyther can he understand them, because they are spiritually discerned. Hebr. 11.6. Without faith it is impossible to please God. Tit. 1.15. Vnto them that are defiled and unbeleeving is nothing pure: but even their minde & conscience is defiled. Now seeing 1. Tim. 1.5. the end of the commandement is charitie, out of a pure heart, and of a good conscience, and of faith unfained; seeing the first beginning, from whence every good action should proceed, is a sanctified heart, the last end the seeking of Gods glorie, and faith working by love [Page 468] must intercurre betwixt both: the morall workes of the unregenerate fayling so fowly both in the beginning, middle and end, are to be accounted breaches rather of the Commandement then observances, depravations of good workes rather then performances. For howsoever these actions be in their owne kinde good and commanded of God, yet are they marred in the carriage, that which is bonum being not done bene: and so though in regard of their matter they may be accounted good, yet for the maner they must be esteemed vitious.
The Pelagian heretickes were wont here to object unto our forefathers (as the Romanistes doe now a daies unto us) both the examples of the Heathen, Sed acerbissimi gratiae hujus inimici, exempla nobis opponitis impiorum, quos dicitis alienos á fide abundare virtutibus. Aug. contr. Iulian. lib. 4. cap. 3. vvho being strangers from the faith, did notwithstanding (as they said) abound with vertues: and S. Pauls testimonie also concerning them, Rom. 2.14, 15. by which they laboured to prove, Per hos enim probare conatus es, etiam alienos á fide Christi, veram posse habere justitiam; eo quòd isti, teste Apostolo, naturaliter quae legis sunt faciunt. Ibid. that even such as were strangers from the faith of Christ, might yet have true righteousnesse; because that these, as the Apostle witnessed, naturally did the things of the Law. But will you heare how S. Augustine tooke up Iulian the Pelagian, for making this ob [...]ection? Vbi quidem dogma vestrū quo estis inimici gratiae Dei, quae datur per Iesum Christum Dominum nostrū, qui tollit peccatum mundi, evidentiùs expressisti; intro ducens hominum genus, quod Deo placere possit sine Christi fide, lege naturae. Hoc est unde vos maximé Christiana detestatur Ecclesia. Ibid. Herein hast thou expressed more evidently that doctrine of yours, wherein you are enemies unto the grace of God which is given by Iesus Christ our Lord, who taketh away the sinne of the world: bringing in a kinde of men, which may please God without the faith of Christ, by the law of nature. This is it, for which the Christiā Church doth most of all detest you: & again. Sed absit, ut sit in aliquo vera virtus, nisi fuerit justus. Absit autē ut sit justus veré, nisi vivat ex fide: Iustus enim ex fide vivit. Quis porrò eorū, qui se Christianos habe [...]i volunt, nisi soli Pelagiani, aut in ipsis etiā fortè tu solus, justū dixerit infidelē justū dixerit impiū, justū dixerit Diabolo mancipatū? sit licèt ille Fabricius, sit licèt Fabius, sit licèt Scipio, sit licèt Regulus. I [...]id. Be [Page 469] it farre from us to thinke, that true vertue should be in any one, unlesse he were righteous. And as farre, that one should be truly righteous, unlesse he did live by faith: for the just doth live by faith. Now which of them, that would have themselves accounted Christians, but the Pelagians alone, or even among them, perhaps thou thy selfe alone, would say that an infidell were righteous, would say that an ungodly man were righteous, would say that a man mancipated to the Devill were righteous? although he were Fabricius, although hee were Fabius, although hee were Scipio, although he were Regulus. And whereas Iulian had further demanded: Si gentili [...] (inquis) nudum operuerit, nunquid quia non est ex fide, peccatum est? Prorsus in quantum non est ex fide peccatum est: non quia per seipsum factum, quod est nudum operire, peccatum est; sed de tali opere non in [...]omino gloriari, solus impius negat esse peccatum. Ibid. If a Heathen man doe cloath the naked, because it is not of faith, is it therefore sinne? Saint Augustine answereth absolutely, in as much as it is not of faith, it is sinne: not because the fact considered in it selfe, which is to cloath the naked, is a sinne; but of such a worke not to glory in the Lord, none but an impious man will deny to be a sinne. For howsoever, Quod si & ipsa (misericordia) per seipsam naturali compassione opus est bonum; etiam isto bono malé utitur qui infideliter utitur, & hoc bonum malé facit qui infideliter facit: qui autem malé facit aliquid, profectò peccat. Ex quo colligitur, etiam ipsa bona opera quae faciunt infideles, non ipsorum esse, sed illius qui bene utitur malis. Ipso [...]um autem esse peccata, quibus & bona malé faciunt; quia ea non fideli, sed infideli, hoc est, stultâ & noxiâ faciunt voluntate. qualis voluntas, nullo Christiano dubitante, arbor est mala, quae facere non potest nisi fructus malos, id est, sola peccata. Omne enim, velis nolis, quod non est ex fide, peccatum est. Ibid. in it selfe, this naturall compassion be a good worke; yet hee useth this good worke amisse, that useth it unbeleevingly, and doth this good work amisse, that doth it unbeleevingly: but who so doth any thing amisse, sinneth surely. From whence it is to be gathered, that even those good workes which unbeleevers doe, are not theirs, but his who maketh good use of evill men: but that the sinnes are theirs, whereby they doe good things amisse; because they doe them not with a faithfull, but with an unfaithfull, that is, with a foolish and naughtie will. Which kinde of will no Christian doubteth to be an evill [Page 470] tree, which cannot bring forth but evill fruits, that is to say, sinnes only. For all that is not of faith, whether thou wilt or no, is sinne. This and much more to the same purpose, doth Saint Augustine urge against the Heretike Iulian: prosecuting at large that conclusion which hee layeth downe in his booke of the Acts of the Palestine Councell against Pelagius. Quantumlibet opera infidelium praedicentur: Apostoli sententiam veram novimus & invictam; Omne quod non est ex fide, peccatum est. Id. de gestis c [...]ntra Pelag [...]um, cap. 14. How much soever the works of unbeleevers be magnified, we know the sentence of the Apostle to be true and invincible; Whatsoever is not of faith is sinne. Which maketh him also in his Retractations to correct himselfe, for saying in one place, Quòd Philosophos non verâ pietate praeditos, dixi virtutis lu [...]e fulsisse. Id. R [...]tract. l [...]b. 1. cap. 3. That the Philosophers shined with the light of vertue, who were not endued with true pietie.
The like sentence doth Saint Hierome pronounce against those, Sententiam proferamus adversus eos, qui in Christū non credentes, fortes & sapientes, temperantes se putant esse & justos: ut sciant nullum absque Christo vivere, sine quo omnis virtus in vitio est. Hieronym. in Galat. cap. 3. who not beleeving in Christ, did yet thinke themselves to be valiant and wise, temperate or just: that they might know that no man doth live without Christ, without whom all vertue is accounted vice. And Prosper against Cassianus, a Patron of the free-will of the Semipelagians: Manifestissimè patet, in impiorum animis nullam habitare virtutem: sed omnia opera eorum immunda esse atque polluta; habentium sapientiam non spiritualem sed animalem, non coelestem sed terrenam, non Christianam sed Diabolicam, non à Patre luminum, sed à Principe tenebrarum; dum per ea ipsa quae non haberent nisi dante Deo, subduntur ei qu [...] primus recessit à Deo. Prosper. contra Collator. cap. 13. It appeareth (saith he) most manifestly, that there dwelleth no vertue in the minds of the ungodly, but that all their workes be uncleane and polluted; who have wisdome not spirituall, but animall, not heavenly but earthly, not Christian, but Diabolicall, not from the Father of light, but from the Prince of darknesse; while by those very things which they should not have had but by Gods giving, they are made subject to him, who did first fall from [Page 471] God. Nec ideo existima [...]e debemus, in naturalibus thesauris principia esse virtutum, quia multa laudanda reperiuntur etiam in ingenijs impiorum: quae ex naturâ quidem prodeunt; sed quoniam ab eo qui naturam condidit recesserunt, virtutes esse non possunt. Quod enim vero illuminatum est lumine, lumē est; & quod eodem lumine caret, nox est: Quia sapientia hujus mundi stultitia est apud Deum. Ac sic vitium est quod putatur esse virtus: quandoquidem stultitia est, quod putatur esse sapientia. Ibid. Neither ought we therefore to imagine, that the beginnings of vertues be in the treasures of nature, because many commendable things are found in the mindes of ungodly men, which doe proceed indeed from nature; but because they haue departed from him that made nature, can not be accounted vertues. For that which is illuminated with the true light, is light; and that which wanteth that light, is night: because the wisdome of this world is foolishnesse with God. And so that is vice, which is thought to be vertue: as that is foolishnesse, which is thought to be wisdome. Hitherto also pertaineth that sentence, produced by him out of S. Augustines workes: Omnis infideliū vita peccatum est: & nihil est bonum sine summo bono. Vbi enim deest agnitio aeternae & incommutabilis veritatis, falsa virtus est, etiam in optimis moribus. Id. ex Augustino Sentent. 106. & Epigram. 81. The whole life of unbeleevers is sinne; and there is nothing good without the chiefest good. For where there is wanting the acknowledgement of the eternall and unchangeable truth, there is false vertue even in the best manners. Which he elegantly expresseth in verse, as well in his 81. Epigramme, as in his Poëme against the Pelagians, wherein of naturall wisdome he writeth thus:
The Author of the booke De Vocatione Gentium (by some wrongly attributed to S. Ambrose, to Prosper by others) delivereth the same doctrine in these words:
[Page 472] Etsi fuit qui naturali intellectu conatus sit vitijs reluctari; hujus tantùm temporis vitam steriliter ornavit, ad veras autem virtutes aeternā (que) beatitudinem non profecit. Sine cultu enim veri Dei, etiā quod virtus videtur esse, peccatū est: nec placere ullus Deo sine Deo potest. Qui verò Deo non placet, cui nisi sibi & Diabolo placet? A quo cùm homo spoliaretur; nō voluntate, sed voluntatis sanitate privatus est. Prosp. de Vocatione Gent. lib. 1. cap. 7. Although there have beene some who by their naturall understanding have endevoured to resist vices; yet have they only barrenly adorned this temporall life, but not profited at all unto true vertues and everlasting blisse. For without the worship of the true God, even that which seemeth to be vertue is sinne: neither can any man please God, without God. And he that doth not please God, whom doth hee please but himselfe and the Devill? By whom when man was spoiled, he was deprived not of his will, but of the sanitie of his will. Qui si non operatur in nobis, nullius possumus esse participes virtutis. Si [...] noe quippe bono, nihil est bonum: sine hâc luce, nihil est lucidum: sine hâc sapientiâ, nihil sanum; fine hac justitiâ, nihil rectum. Ibid. cap. 8. Therefore if God doe not worke in us, we can be partakers of no vertue. For without this good, there is nothing good; without this light, there is nothing lightsome; without this wisdome, there is nothing sound; without this righteousnesse, there is nothing right. So Fulgentius, in his booke of the Incarnation and Grace of Christ. Quòd si quibusdam cognoscentibus Deum, nec tamen sicut Deum glorificantibus, cognitio illa nihil profuit ad salutem: quomodo hi potuerunt justi esse apud Deum, qui sic in suis moribus atque operibus bonitatis aliquid servant, ut hoc ad finem Christianae fidei charitatis (que) non referant? Quibus aliqua quidem bona, quae ad societatis humanae pertinent aequitatem, inesse possunt: sed quia non charitate Dei fiunt, prodesse non possunt. Fulg. de Incarn. & Grat. Christi, c. 26. If unto some who did know God, and yet did not glorifie him as God, that knowledge did profit nothing unto salvation: how could they be just with God, which doe so keepe some goodnesse in their manners and workes, that yet they referre it not unto the end of Christian faith and charitie? In whom there may be indeed some good things that appertaine to the equitie of humane societie: but because they are not done by the love of God, profit they cannot. And Maxentius in the Confessio [...] of his Faith: Liberum naturale arbitrium ad nihil aliud valere credimus, nisi ad discernenda tantùm & desideranda carnalia sive secularia; quae non apud Deum, sed apud homines possunt fortassis videri gloriosa. Ad ea verò quae ad vitam aeternam pertinent, nec cogitare, nec velle, nec defiderare, nec perficere posse, nisi per infusionem & inoperationem intrinsecus Spiritus Sancti. Io. Maxent. in Confessione suae fidei. We beleeve [Page 473] that naturall Free-will hath abilitie to nothing else, but to discerne and desire carnall or secular things only; which not with God, but with m [...]n peradventure may seeme glorious: but for the things that pertaine to everlasting life, that it can neither thinke, nor will, nor desire, nor effect, but by the infusion and inward operation of the Holy Ghost. and Cassiodorus, in his exposition of the Psalmes. Est quidem in malâ part [...] execrabilis libertas arbitrij, ut praevaricator creatorem deserat, & ad vitia se nefanda convertat: in bonâ verò parte arbitrium liberū, Adā peccante, perdidimus; ad quod nisi per Christi gratiam redire non possumus: dicente Apòstolo; Deus est enim qui operatur in vobis, & velle, & perficere, pro bonâ voluntate. Cassiodor. in Psalm. 117. On the evill part indeed there is an execrable freedome of the will, that the sinner may forsake his Creator, and convert himselfe to wicked vices: but on the good part, by Adams sinning, we have lost free-will, unto which otherwise than by the grace of Christ we cannot returne: according to the saying of the Apostle; It is God which worketh in you, both to will and to doe, of his good pleasure. (Philip. 2.13.)
The first presumptuous advancer of free-will, contrary to the doctrine anciently received in the Church, is by Vicentius Lirinensis noted to be Pelagius the hereticke. For Quis unquā ante profanum illum Pelagium tantam virtutē liberi praesumpsit arbitrij; ut ad hoc in bonis rebus per actus singulos adjuvandum, necessariam Dei gratiam non putaret? Vincent. Lirinens. Commonitor. 1. advers. haeres. cap. 34. who ever (saith he) before that profane Pelagius, presumed the vertue of free-will to be so great; that he did not thinke the grace of God to be necessarie for the helping of it in good things at every act? For maintaining of which ungodly opinion, both he and his disciple Celestius were condemned by the censure of the CCXLIII. Bishops assembled in the great Councell of Carthage (anno Dom. 418.) Donec apertissimâ confessione fateantur, Gratiâ Dei per Iesum Christum Dominum nostrum, non solùm ad cognoscendam verumetiam ad faciendam justitiam, nos per actus singulos adjuvari; ita ut sine eâ nihil verae sanctaeque pietatis habere, cogitare, dicere, agere valeamus. Synod. African. Epist. ad Zosimum Pap. apud Prosperum contra Collator. cap. 5. & Respons. ad object. 8. Gallorum: ubi addit hanc constitutionem contra inimicos gratiae Dei totum mundum amplexum esse. untill they should acknowledge by a most open confession, that by the grace of God through Iesus Christ our Lord, we are holpen not onely to [Page 474] know but also to doe righteousnesse at every act: so that without it we can have, thinke, say, doe, nothing that belongeth to true and holy piety. Wherewith Pelagius being pressed, stucke not to make this profession: Anathema qui vel sentit vel dicit, gratiam Dei, quâ Christus venit in hunc mundum peccatores s [...]lvos facere, non solùm per singulas horas aut per singula momenta, sed etiam per singulos actus nostros non esse necessariam: & qui hanc conantur auferre, poenas so [...]tiuntur aeternas. Pelag. apud Augustin. lib. 1. de gratiâ Christi, con [...]r. Pelag. & Celest. cap. 2. Anathema to him, who either thinketh or saith, that the grace of God, whereby Christ came into this world to save sinners, is not necessarie, not onely at every houre or every moment, but also at every act of ours: and they who goe about to take away this, are worthy to suffer everlasting punishment. Foure bookes also did he publish in defence of Freewill; to which he thus referreth his adversaries, for further satisfaction in this matter: Legant etiam recens meum opusculū, quod pro libero nuper arbitrio edere compulsi sumus; & agnoscent quàminiquè nos negatione gratiae infamare gestierint; qui per tutom penè ipsius textum operis perfectè atque integrè & liberum arbitrium confitemur & gratiam. Id. ibid. cap. 41. Let them reade the late worke, which we were forced to set out the other day for Free-will; and they shall perceive how uniustly they goe about to defame us with the deniall of Grace, who thorowout the whole context almost of that worke doe perfectly and entirely confesse both Free-will and Grace. Yet for all this he did but equivocate in the name of Grace: Sub ambiguâ generalitate quid sentiret abscondens; gratiae tamen vocabulo frangens invidiam, offensionemque declinans. Augustin. ibid. cap. 37. under an ambiguous generalitie hiding what he thought, but by the tearme of Grace breaking the envie, and declining the offence which might be taken at his doctrine, as S. Augustine well observeth. For, by Grace, he did not understand, as the Church did in this question, the infusion of a new qualitie of holinesse into the soule, whereby it was regenerated, and the will of evill made good: but first, Pelag. apud Augustin. de gostis contra Pelag. cap. 10. & in epist. 95. Vid. eund. Augustin. de grat. & lib. arbitr. cap. 13. & serm. 11. de verbis Apostoli. the possibilitie of nature, that is to say, the naturall freedome of will which every one hath received from God by vertue of the first creation. Against which S. Augustine thus opposeth himselfe: [Page 475] Quid tantum de naturae possibilitate praesumitur? Vulnerata, sauciata, vexata, perdita est. Verâ confessione, non falsâ defensione opus habet. Augustin. de natur. & grat. cap. 53. Why is there so much presumed of the possibilitie of nature? It is wounded, it is maimed, it is vexed, it is lost. It hath need of a true confession, not of a false defence. And Prosper, speaking of the state of mans free-will after Adams fall;
Secondly, by grace he understood the grace of doctrine and instruction, whereby the minde was informed in the truth out of the word of God. Which by Prosper is thus objected to his followers:
Unto whom S. Augustine therefore saith well: Legant ergo & intelligant, intueantur atque fateantur, non lege atque doctrinâ insonante forinsecùs, sed internâ atque occultâ, mirabili ac ineffabili potestate operari Deum in cordibus hominum, non solùm veras revelationes, sed etiam bonas voluntates. Augustin. ibid. cap. 24. Let them reade and understand, let them behold and confesse, that not by the law and doctrine sounding outwardly, but by an inward and hidden, by a wonderfull and unspeakable power, God doth worke in the hearts of men, not only true revelations, but good wills also. And thereupon the African Fathers in the Councell of Carthage, enacted this Canon. Quisquis dixerit gratiam Dei per Iesum Christum Dominum nostrum, propter hoc tantum nos adjuvare ad non peccandum, quia per ipsam nobis revelatur & aperitur intelligentia mandatorum, ut sciamus quid appetere, quid vitare debeamus; non autem per illam nobis praestari, ut quod faciendum cognoverimus, etiam facere diligamus atque valeamus: anathema sit. African. Patr. in Synod. Carthagin. can. 4. Whosoever shall say, that the grace of God by Iesus Christ our Lord, doth for this cause only helpe us not to sinne, because by it the understanding of the commandements [Page 476] is revealed and opened unto us, that we may know what we ought to affect, what to shunne; & that by it there is not wrought in us, that we may also love and be inabled to doe that, which we know should be done; let him be anathema. Thirdly, under this grace he comprehended not only the externall revelation by the word, but also the Augustin. lib. 1. de grat. Christ. contr. Pelag. cap. 7. & 41. internall by the illumination of Gods Spirit. Whereupon he thus riseth up against his adversarie. Quam (gratiam) nos non, ut tu putas, in lege tantummodo, sed & in Dei esse adjutorio confitemur. Adjuvat enim nos Deus per doctrinam & revelationē suam, dum cordis nostri oculos aperit; dum nobis, ne praesentibus occupemur, futura demonstrat; dum Diaboli pandit insidias; dum nos multiformi & ineffabili dono gratiae coelestis· illuminat. Qui haec dicit, gratiam tibi videtur neg [...]re? An & liberum hominis arbitrium, & Dei gratiam confitetur? Pelag. ibid. cap. 7. We confesse that this grace is, not (as thou thinkest) in the Law only, but in the helpe of God also. For God doth helpe us by his doctrine and revelation, whilest he openeth the eyes of our hearts; whilest he sheweth us things to come, that we be not holden with things present; whilest he discovereth the snares of the Devill; whilest he enlightneth us with the manifold and unspeakable gift of his heavenly grace. He that saith these things, doth he seeme unto thee to denie grace? or doth he confesse, both the free-will of man, and the grace of God too? And yet in all this (as S. Augustine rightly noteth) Hinc itaque apparet, hanc eum gratiam confiteri, quâ demonstrat & revelat Deus quid agere debeamus; non quâ donat atque adjuvat ut agamus; cùm ad hoc potiùs valeat legis agnitio, si gratiae desit opitulatio, ut fiat mandati praevaricatio. Augustin. ibid. cap. 8. he doth but confesse that grace, whereby God doth shew and reveale what we ought to doe; not that, whereby he doth grant and helpe that we may doe. And therefore, Ipsas quoque orationes (ut in scriptis suis apertissimè affirmat) ad nihil aliud adhibendas opinatur, nisi ut nobis doctrina etiam divinâ revelatione aperiatur; non ut adjuvetur mens hominis, ut id, quod faciendum esse didicerit, etiam dilectione & actione perficiat. Id. ibid. cap. 41. in other places of his writings he plainly affirmeth, that our very prayers are to be used for nothing but this, that the doctrine may be opened unto us by divine revelation; not that the minde of man may be holpen, that he may also accomplish by love and action that which he hath learned should be done. Fourthly, [Page 477] to these he further added the grace of remission of sins. For the Pelagians said, Ut non pec [...]emus, impleamusque justitiam, posse sufficere naturam humanam quae condita est cum libero arbitrio: eam (que) esse Dei gratiam, quia sic conditi sumus, ut hoc voluntate possimus; & quòd adjutorium Legis mandatorumque suorum dedit; & quòd ad se conversis peccata praeterita ignoscit: in his solis esse Dei gratiam deputandam, non in adjutorio nostrorū actuum singulorum. Id. de gestis contra Pelagium, cap. 35. that mans nature which was made with free-will, might be sufficient to enable us, that we might not sinne, and that we might fulfill righteousnesse: and that this is the grace of God, that we were so made that we might doe this by our will, and that he hath given us the helpe of his law and commandements, and that he doth pardon the sinnes past to those that are converted unto him: that in these things only the grace of God was to be acknowledged, and not in the helpe given unto all our singular actions. And so they Dicunt gratiam Dei quae data est per fidem Iesu Christi, quae neque lex est neque natura, ad hoc tantùm valere, ut peccata praeterita dimittantur, non ut futura vitentur, vel repugnantia superentur. Id. de gratiâ & libero arbitrio, cap. 13. Vid. eiusd. lib. 1. de grat. Christi contr. Pelag. cap. 2. said, that that grace of God which is given by the faith of Iesus Christ, which is neither law nor nature, is effectuall only to his, that sinnes past may be remitted, not that sinnes to come may be avoided, or when they make resistance may be vanquished. Whereupon S. Augustine thus encountreth Iulian the Pelagian hereticke. Tu vest [...]o more, qui de vestro descendit errore, non agnoscis gratiam, nisi in dimissione peccatorum; ut jam de caetero per liberum arbitrium ipse homo se ipsum fabricet justum. Sed non hoc dicit Ecclesia, quae clamat [...]ota, quod didicit à Magistro bono: Ne nos inferas in tentationem. Id. lib. 2. postremi operis contra Iulianum; à Claud. Menardo edit. non procul à fine. Thou (according to your custome, which descendeth from your error) dost not acknowledge grace, but in the remission of sinnes; that now from henceforth a man himselfe by his free-will may make himselfe righteous. But so saith not the Church, which all cryeth that which it hath learned from a good master: Lead us not into temptation.
Lastly, this was the common doctrine of the Id. De dono Perseverant. cap. 2. & 20 De gratiâ & lib. arbitr. cap. 5. De haeresib. cap. 88. &c. Pelagians, and accounted to be one of the principall Ex his una est blasphemia, nequissimum & subtilissimum germen aliarum, quâ dicunt, Gratiam Dei secundùm merita hominum dari. Prosper. in epist. de grat. & lib. arbitr. ad Ruffinum. blasphemies of that sect: that they held the grace of [Page 478] God to be given according to mens merits. Which was Quod sic alienū est á Catholicâ doctrinâ, & inimicum gratiae Christi; ut nisi hoc objectū sibi anathematizâsset, ipse inde anathematizatus exîsset. Sed fallaciter eum anathematizâsse posteriores ejus indicant libri; in quibus omnino nihil aliud defendit, quàm gratiam Dei secundùm merita nostra dari. Augustin. de grat. & lib. arbitr. cap. 5. so abhorring from the Catholicke doctrine, and opposite to the grace of Christ, that when it was objected to Pelagius in the Diospolitan Synod, held in Palaestina by the Bishops of the East, he durst not avow it; but was forced to accurse it, lest otherwise he should have beene accursed himselfe. But that he deceitfully cursed it, the books wri [...]ten by him afterwards doe shew; wherein he defendeth nothing else, but that the grace of God is given according to our merits. which Prosper treading in S. Augustines steps, doth thus expresse:
And in this also did the Pelagians betake themselves unto their old coverts of the grace of nature, the grace of mercy in forgiving of sinnes, the grace of instruction and revelation, and such other shifts. For Cùm ab istis quaeritur, quā gratiam Pelagius cogitaret sine ullis praecedentibus meritis dari, quando anathematizabat eos, qui dicunt gratiam Dei secundùm merita nostra dari: respondent, sine ullis praecedentibus meritis gratiam, ipsam humanam esse naturam, in quâ conditi sumus. Neque enim antequàm essemus, mereri aliquid poteramus, ut essemus. Augustin. epist. 105. ad Sixtum. when it is demanded of them (saith S. Augustine) what grace Pelagius did thinke was given without any precedent merits: when he anathematized those, who say that the grace of God is given according to our merits: they answer, that the grace which is without any precedent merits, is the humane nature it selfe wherein we are created. [Page 479] forasmuch as before we were, we could not deserve any thing, that we might be. Then afterward perceiving what an idle thing it was to confound grace and nature thus together; Dicunt Pelagiani, hanc esse solam non secundùm merita nostra gratiam, quâ homini peccata dimittuntur. Id. de grat. & lib. arbitr. cap. 6. they said, that the only grace which was not according to our merits, was that whereby a man had his sinnes forgiven him. for they did not thinke, that a sinner could rightly be said to merit any thing save Gods displeasure.
But that at which they all aymed in generall was this, Intellectum est enim, saluberrimé (que) perspectum, hoc tantùm eos de gratiâ cōfiteri, quòd quaedam libero arbitrio sit magistra; seque per cohor [...]ationes, per legem, per doctrinam, per creaturam, per contemplationem, per miracula, perque terrores extrinsecùs judicio ejus ostendat: quo unusquisque secundum voluntatis suae motum, si quaesierit, inveniat; si petierit, recipiat; si pulsaverit, introcat. Prosper. in epist. ad Ruffin. de grat. & lib. arbitr. that Grace was only a kinde of Mistresse to Free-will; and that by exhortations, by the law, by doctrine, by the creatures, by contemplation, by miracles, and by terrors outwardly, it shewed it selfe to the judgement thereof: whereby every man according to the motion of his will, if he did seeke, might finde; if he did aske, might receive; if he did knocke, might enter in. And thus (saith Pelagius) doth God Operatur in nobis velle quod bonum est, velle quod sanctum est; dum nos terrenis cupiditatibus deditos, & mutorum more animalium tantummudò praesentia diligentes, futurae gloriae magnitudine & praemiorum pollicitatione succendit; dum revelatione sapientiae in desiderium Dei stupentem suscitat voluntatem; dum nobis suadet omne, quod bonum est. Pelag. apud Augustin. lib. 1. de grat. Christi contra Pelag. cap. 10. worke in us to will that which is good, to will that which is holy; whilest finding us given to earthly lusts, and like bruit beasts affecting only present things, he inflameth us with the greatnesse of the glory to come, and with promise of rewards; whilest by the revelation of his wisdome he raiseth up our stupified will to the desire of God; whilest he perswadeth us to all that good is. To this instructing and perswading grace doth Pelagius attribute the exciting of the Will: but the converting of it unto God (which followeth afterward) hee ascribeth wholly to the freedome of the will it selfe. [Page 480] Qui currit ad Deum, & á Deo se regi cupit, id est, voluntatem suam ex ejus voluntate suspendit; qui ei adhaerendo jugiter, unus, secundùm Apostolum, cum eo fit spiritus; non hoc nisi de arbitrij efficit libertate. Q [...]â qui bene utitur, ita se totum tradit Deo, omnemque suam mortificat voluntatem, ut cum Apostolo possit dicere; Vivo autem jam non ego, vivit autem in me Christus: ponit (que) cor suum in manu Dei, ut illud quò voluerit Deus ipse declinet. Pelagius, apud Augustin. de gratia Christi, lib. 1. cap. 22, 23. He that runneth unto God, (saith he) and desireth to be ruled by God, hanging his will upon Gods wil; he who by adhering unto him continually, is made, according to the Apostle, one spirit with him: doth not this but out of the freedome of his will. Which freedome who so useth aright, doth so commit himselfe wholly to God, and mortifieth all his owne will, that he may say with the Apostle; I live now, yet not I, but Christ liveth in me: and doth put his heart into Gods hand, that God may incline it whither it shall please him. Here have you the full platforme laid downe of Pelagius his doctrine touching the conversion of a sinner. First, he supposeth a possibilitie in nature; whereby a man may will and doe good. secondly, a corruption in act; whereby a man doth will and doe the contrary. thirdly, an exciting grace from God; whereby the minde is inlightned, and the will perswaded (upon consideration of the promises and threats propounded) to forsake that lewd course of life, and to will and doe the things that are good and holy. fourthly, an act of the free-will, thus prepared by Gods exciting grace: whereby a man (without any further helpe from God) doth voluntarily yeeld unto these good motions; and so runneth unto God, desireth to be ruled by him, hangeth his will upon Gods will, and by adhering unto him is made one spirit with him. fifthly, an assisting grace; whereby God guideth the will thus converted, and inclineth the heart whither it pleaseth him.
We see three kindes of Grace here commended unto us by Pelagius. the first, a naturall grace (as he fondly tearmed it) bringing with it a bare possibilitie only to will and doe good: which he said was not given according to merits, because he held it to be given at the very [Page 481] beginning of mans being, before which he could not possibly merit any thing. the second, an ex [...]iting or perswading grace, imparted unto such as were given to earthly lusts, and like bruit beasts affected only present things; who being in that case, were far from meriting any good thing at Gods hands: and in that regard he affirmed, that this grace likewise was given without any respect to precedent merits. the third, an assisting grace, by which God doth guide and incline the heart of the converted sinner, to the doing of all good: and this he maintained to be given as a reward to that act of the free-will, whereby it yeelded to the perswasions of the former exciting grace, and so did actually convert it selfe to God. Now this is N [...]hil sic evertit hominum praesumptionem dicentium; Nos facimus, ut mereamur cum quibus faciat Deus. Augustin. c [...]ntra duas epist. Pel [...]gian. lib. 4. cap. 6. the presumption which S. Augustine condemneth so much in these men; that they durst say: We worke to merit that God may worke with us. that they Priores volunt dare Deo, ut retribuatur eis: priores utique dare quodlibet ex libero arbitrio, ut sit gratia retrib [...]enda pro praemio. Ibid. would first give to God, that it might be recompensed to them againe: namely, they first give somewhat out of their free-will, that grace might be rendred to them againe for a reward. that they were of opinion; Meritum nostrum in eo esse, quòd sumus cum Deo: ejus autem gratiam secundùm hoc meritum da [...]i, ut sit & ipse nobiscum. Item meritum nostrum in eo esse, quòd quaerimus: & secundùm hoc meritum dari ejus gratiam, ut inveniamus eum. Id. de grat. & libero arbitr. cap. 5. that our merit consisted in this, that we were with God, and that his grace was given according to this merit, that he should also be with us: that our merit should be in this, that we doe seeke him; and according to this merit his grace was given that we should finde him. For they that followed Pelagius, (refining herein a little the doctrine of their Master, and delivering it in somewhat a more plausible manner) declared that Ibi enim vos ut video, ponere jam coepistis merita gratiam praecedentia, quod est petere, quaerere, pulsare; ut his meritis debita illa reddatur, ac sic gratia inaniter nuncupetur. Id. contra Iulian. Pelagian. lib. 4. cap. 8. the merits which they held to goe before grace and to procure [Page 482] grace, were, asking, seeking, and knocking: and that Dicunt enim, etsi non datur gratia secundùm me [...]ita bonorum ope [...]um, quia per ipsam bene operamur, tamen secundùm meritum bonae voluntatis datur. quia bona voluntas (inquiunt) praecedit orantis, quam praecessit voluntas credentis; ut secundùm haec merita gratia sequatur exaudientis Dei. Id. de grat. & lib. arbitr. cap. 14. grace was given, not according to the merit of our good workes, (which they did acknowledge to be an effect, and not a cause of this grace) but of our good will only. because (said they) the good will of man praying went before, and the will of man beleeving went before that: that according to these merits the grace of God hearing might follow after. And all this they did under colour of maintaining free-will against the Manichees: for which they urged much that testimony of the Prophet, Esa. 1.19, 20. If yee be willing and hearken unto me, yee shall eat the good things of the land: but if yee refuse and will not hearken unto me, the sword shall consume them. But Quid eis hoc prodest? quando quidem non tam contra Manichaeos defendunt, quàm contra Catholicos extollunt liberum arbitrium. Sic enim volunt intelligi quod dictum est; Si volueritis & audiveritis me: tanquam in ipsâ praecedente voluntate sit consequentis meritum gratiae; ac si gratia jam non sit gratia, quae non est gratuita, cùm redditur debita. Si autem sic intelligerent quod dictum est, Si volueritis; ut etiam ipsam bonam voluntatem illum praeparare confiterentur, de quo scriptum est, Praeparatur voluntas á Domino: tanquam Catholici ute [...]entur hoc testimonio; & non solùm haeresim veterem Manichaeorum vincerent, sed novam Pelagianorum contererent. Id. contr. duas epist. Pelagian. lib. 4. cap. 6. what doth this profit them? (saith S. Augustine) seeing they doe not so much defend free-will against the Manichees, as extoll it against the Catholickes. For so would they have that understood which is said; If yee be willing and hearken unto me: as if in that very precedent will there should be the meriting of the subsequent grace; and so grace should be now no grace, which is no gratuitie, when it is rendred as due. But if they would so understand that which is said, If yee be willing; that they would also confesse that he doth prepare that good will, of whom it is written, The will is prepared by the Lord: they should use this testimonie like Catholickes; and not only vanquish the old heresie of the Manichees, but also crush the new of the Pelagians.
Beside the professed Pelagians, who directly did denie Originall sinne; there arose others in the Church in S. Augustines daies, that were tainted not a little [Page 483] with their errors in this point of Grace and Free-will; as namely one Vitalis in Carthage, and the Semi-pelagians (as they are commonly called) in France. For the first held, that Per legem suam, per Scripturas suas Deum operari ut velimus quas vel legimus vel audimus: sed eis consentire vel non consentire ita nostrum est, ut si velimus fiat; si [...]utem noli [...]us, nihil in nobis operationem Dei valere facia [...]u [...]. Operatur quippe ille, dicis, quantum in ipso est ut velimus, cùm nobis nota siunt ejus eloquia: sed si eis acquiescere nolumus, nos ut operatio ejus nihil in nobis prosit efficimus. Id. epist. 107. ad Vital [...]m. God did worke in us to will by his Scriptures either read or heard by us: but that to consent unto them or not consent is so in our power, that if we will it may be done, if we will not, we may make the operation of God to be of no force in us. For God doth worke (said he) as much as in him is that we may will, when his word is made knowne unto us: but if we will not yeeld unto it, we make that his operation shall have no profit in us. Against him S. Augustine disputeth largely in his 107. Epistle; where he maketh [...]his to be the state of the question betwixt them; Utrum praecedat haec gratia an subsequatur hominis voluntatem, hoc est, (ut planiùs id eloquar) utrum ideò nobis detur, quia volumus, an per ipsam Deus etiam hoc efficiat ut velimus. Ibid. Whether Grace doth goe before or follow after the Will of man, that is to say, (as he further explaineth it) Whether it be therefore given us, because we will; or by it God doth worke even this also, that we doe will. The worthy Doctor maintaineth that Grace goeth before, and worketh the will unto good: which he strongly proveth, both by the word of God and by the continuall practise of the Church, in her prayers and thanksgivings for the conversion of unbeleevers. Si fateris pro eis orandum, id utique orandum fateris, ut doctrinae divinae arbitrio liberato á tenebrarum potestate consentiant. Ita fit ut neque fideles fiant nisi libero arbitrio; & tamen illius gratiâ fideles fiant, qui eorum á potestate tenebrarum liberavit arbitrium. Sic & Dei gratia non negatur, sed sine ullis humanis praecedentibus meritis vera monstratur: & liberum ita defenditur, ut humilitate solidetur, non elatione praecipitetur arbitrium; & qui gloriatur, non in homine, vel quolibet alio vel seipso, sed in Domino glorietur. Ibid. For if thou dost confesse (saith he) that we are to pray for them, surely thou dost pray that they may consent to the doctrine of God, with their will freed from the power of darknesse. And thus it will come to passe, that [Page 484] neither men shall be made to be beleevers but by their free-will; and yet shall be made beleevers by his grace, who hath freed their will from the power of darknesse. Thus both Gods grace is not denied, but is shewed to be true without any humane merits going before it: and free-will is so defended, that it is made solide with humilitie, and not throwne downe headlong by being lifted up; that he that rejoyceth, may not rejoyce in man, either any other or yet himselfe, but in the Lord. and againe: Quomodo Deus expectat voluntates hominum, ut praeveniant eum, quibusdet gratiam: cùm gratias ei non immeritò agamus de ijs quibus non ei credentibus, & ejus doctrinam voluntate impiâ persequentibus misericordiam praerogavit; eosque ad seipsum omnipotentissimâ facilitate convertit, ac volentes ex nolentibus fecit? ut quid ei inde gratias agimus, si hoc ipse non fecit? Ibid. How doth God expect the wills of men that they should prevent him, to whom he might give grace: when we doe give him thanks not undeservedly in the behalfe of them, whom not beleeving, and persecuting his doctrine with an ungodly will, he hath prevented with his mercy, and with a most omnipotent facilitie converted them unto himselfe, and made them willing of unwilling? Why doe we give him thanks for this, if he himselfe did not this? Prorsus non oramus Deum, sed orare nos fingimus; si nos ipsos non illum credimus facere quod oramus. Prorsus non gratias Deo agimus, sed nos agere fingimus; si unde illi gratia [...] agimus, ipsum facere non putamus. Labia dolosa si in hominum quibus [...]unque sermonibus sunt, saltem in orationibus non sint. Absit, ut quod facere Deum rogamus oribus & vocibus nostris, eum facere negemus cordibus nostris: &, quod est gravius ad alios decipiendos, hoc non taceamu [...] disputationibus nostris: & dum volumus apud homines defendere liberum arbitrium, apud Deum perdamus orationis auxilium, & gratiarum actionem non habeamus veram, dum veram non agnoscimus gratiam. Si veré volumus defendere liberum arbitri [...]m; non oppugnemus unde fit liberum. Nam qui oppugnat gratiam, quâ nostrum ad declinandum á malo, & faciendum bonum liberatur arbitrium, ipse arbit [...]ium suum adhuc vult esse captivum. Ibid. Questionlesse we doe not pray to God, but faine that we doe pray, if we beleeve that not he, but our selves be the doers of that which we pray for. Questionlesse we doe not give thanks to God, but faine that we give thanks; if we doe not thinke that he doth the thing, for which we give him thanks. If deceitfull lips be found in any other speeches of men, at leastwise let them not be found in prayers. Farre be it from us, that what we doe beseech God to doe with our mouthes and voices, [Page 485] we should denie that he doth it in our hearts: and, which is more grievous, to the deceiving of others also, not conceale the same in our disputations; and whilest we will needs defend free-will before men, we should leese the helpe of prayer with God, and not have true giving of thanks, whilest we doe not acknowledge true grace. If we will truly defende free-will, let us not oppugne that by which it is made free. For who so oppugneth grace, whereby our will is made free to decline from evill and to doe good; he will have his will to be still captive. Thus doth S. Augustine deale with Vitalis: to whom he saith, Ego haereticum quidem Pelagianum te esse non credo: sed ita esse volo, ut nihil illius ad te transeat, vel in te relinquatur erroris. Ibid. I doe not beleeve indeed that thou art a Pelagian hereticke; but so I would have thee to be, that no part of that error may passe unto thee, or be left in thee.
The doctrine of the Semi-pelagians in France is related by Prosper Aquitanicus and Hilarius Arelatensis, in their severall epistles written to S. Augustine of this argument. Consentiunt omnem hominem in Adam periisse, nec inde quenquam posse proprio arbitrio liberari: sed id conveniens asserunt veritati, vel congruum praedicationi, ut cùm prostratis & nunquam suis viribus surrecturis annunciatur obtinendae salutis occasio; eo merito, quo voluerint & crediderint á suo morbo se posse sanari, & ipsius fidei augmentum, & totius sanitatis suae consequantur effectum. Hilar. epist. ad Augustin. They doe agree (saith Hilarius) that all men were lost in Adam, and that from thence no man by his proper will can be freed: but this they say is agreeable to the truth, or answerable to the preaching of the word; that when the meanes of obtaining salvation is declared to such as are cast downe and would never rise againe by their owne strength, they by that merit, whereby they doe will and beleeve that they can be healed from their disease, may obtaine both the increase of that faith, and the effecting of their whole health. And Nec negari gratiam, si praecedere dicatur talis voluntas, quae tantùm medicum quaerat; non autem quicquam ipsa jam valeat. Nam illa testimonia, ut est illud, Sicut unicuique partitus est mensuram fidei, & similia, ad id volunt valere, ut adjuvetur qui coeperit velle; non ut etiam donetur, ut velit. Ibid. that grace is not denied, when such a will as this is said to goe before it, which seeketh [Page 486] only a Physitian, but is not of it selfe otherwise able to doe any thing. For as touching that place, As he hath distributed to every one the measure of faith; and other like testimonies: they would have them make for this, that he should be holpen that hath begun to will; but not that this also should be given unto him, that he might will. Prosper in his Pöems doth thus deliver it.
Against these opinions, S. Augustine wrote his two bookes, of the Predestination of the Saints, and of the gift of Perseverance: in the former whereof he hath this memorable passage among divers others. [Page 487] Multi audiunt verbum veritatis; sed alij credunt, alij contradicunt. Volunt ergo isti credere, nolunt autem illi. Quis hoc ignoret? quis hoc neget? Sed cùm alijs praeparetur, alijs non praeparetur voluntas á Domino: discernendum est utique quid veniat de mise [...]icordiâ ejus, quid de judicio. Quod quaerebat Israel, ait Apostostolus, hoc non est consecutu [...]: electio autem consecuta est, caeteri veró excoecati sunt, &c. Ecce misericordia & judicium; misericordia in electione quae consecuta est justitiam Dei, judicium veró in caeteros qui excoecati sunt: & tamen illi quia voluerunt, crediderunt; illi quia noluerunt, non crediderunt. Misericordia igitur & judicium in ipsis voluntatibus facta sunt. Augustin. d [...] Praedestinat. Sanctor. cap. 6. Many heare the word of truth; but some doe beleeve, others doe contradict. Therefore these have a will to beleeve, the others have not. Who is ignorant of this? who would denie it? But seeing the will is to some prepared by the Lord, to others not, we are to discerne what doth proceed from his mercy, and what from his iudgement. That which Israël did seeke (saith the Apostle) he obtained not: but the election hath obtained it, and the rest were blinded, (Rom. 11.7.) Behold mercy and judgement; mercy in the election which hath obtained the righteousnesse of God, but judgement upon the rest that were blinded: and yet the one because they would, did beleeve; the others because they would not, did not beleeve. Mercy therefore and judgement were executed even upon the wills themselves. Against the same opinions divers treatises were published by Prosper also; who chargeth these men with In istis Pelagianae pravitatis reliquijs non mediocris virulentiae fibra nutritur, si principium salutis malé in homine collocatur; si divinae voluntati impié voluntas humana praefe [...]tur, ut ideò quis adjuvetur quia voluit, non ideò quia adjuvatur velit; si originaliter malus receptionem boni non á summo bono, sed á semetipso inchoare male-creditur; si aliunde Deo placetur, nisi ex eo quod ipse donaverit. Prosp. in epist. ad Augustin. nourishing the poyson of the Pelagian pravitie, by their positions: inasmuch as 1. the beginning of salvation is naughtily placed in man by them. 2. the will of man is impiously preferred before the will of God: as if therefore one should be holpen because he did will, and did not therefore will because he was holpen. 3. a man originally evill is naughtily beleeved to begin his receiving of good, not from the highest good, but from himselfe. 4. it is thought that God may otherwise be pleased, than out of that which he himselfe hath bestowed. But he maintaineth constantly, that both the beginning and ending of a [Page 488] mans conversion is wholly to be ascribed unto grace: and that God effecteth this grace in us, not by way of counsell and perswasion only, but by an inward change and reformation of the minde; making up a new vessell of a broken one, by a creating vertue.
The Writers of principal esteeme on the other side, were Opuscula Cassiani, Presbyteri Galliarum, apocrypha. Opuscula Fausti Rhegiensis Galliarum, apocrypha. Concil. Roman. 1. sub Gelasio. Iohannes Cassianus, and Faustus Regiensis or Reiensis: the former of which was encountred by Prosper (in his booke Contra Collatorem) the latter by Fulgentius, Ioh. Maxentius, Facundus, Caesarius, Iohannes Antiochenus: as also by Gelasius and his Romane Synod of LXX. Bishops, the writings of them both were rejected amongst the bookes Apocryphall. And lastly by the joint authoritie both of the See of Rome, and of the French Bishops assembled in the second Councell of Orange, in the yeare of our Lord DXXIX. sentence was giuen against the Pelagians and Semi-Pelagians in generall, that their opinions touching Grace and Free-will, were not agreeable to the rule of the Catholike faith: and these conclusions following, among sundrie others, determined in particular.
Si quis invocatione humanâ gratiam Dei dicit posse conferri; non autem ipsam gratiam facere, ut invocetur á nobis: contradicit Esaiae Prophetae, vel Apostolo idem dicenti; Inventus sum a non quaerentibus me, palám apparui ijs qui me non interrogabant. Concil. A [...]ausican. 11. Can. 3. If any doth say, that by mans prayer the grace of God may be conferred; and that it is not grace it selfe which maketh, that God is prayed unto by us: he contradicteth the Prophet Esay, or the Apostle saying the same thing; I was found of them that sought me not, and have beene made manifest to them that asked not after me, (Esai. 65.1. Rom. 10.20.)
[Page 489] Si quis, ut á peccato purgemur, voluntatem nostram Deum expectare contendit; non autem ut etiam purgari velimus per sancti Spiritus infusionem & operationem in nobis fieri confitetur: resistit ipsi Spiritui sancto, per Salomonem dicenti; Praeparatur voluntas á Domino. et Apostolo salubriter praedicanti; Deus est qui operatur in nobis & velle & perficere pro bonâ voluntate. Ibid. can. 4. If any man defend, that God doth expect our will, that we may be purged from sinne; and doth not confesse, that this will of ours to be purged, is wrought in us by the infusion and operation of the holy Ghost: he resisteth the holy Ghost, saying by Salomon; The will is prepared by the Lord, (Prov. 8.35. according to the LXX.) and the Apostle preaching wholesomely; It is God which worketh in you, both to will and to doe, of his good pleasure: (Phil. 2.13.)
Si quis sine gratiâ Dei, credentibus, volē tibus, desiderā tibus, conantibus, laborantibus, vigilantibus, studētibus, petētibus, quaerentibus, pulsantibus nobis misericordiam dicit cōferri divinitùs; non autē ut credamus, velimus, vel haec omnia sicut oportet agere valeamus, per infusionē & inspirationem sancti Spiritus in nobis fieri confitetur; & aut humilitati aut obedientiae humanae subjungit gratiae adjutorium, nec ut obedientes & humiles simus ipsius gratiae donum esse consentit: resistit Apostolo dicenti; Quid habes, quod non accepisti? et, Gratiâ Dei sum id quod sum. Can. 6. If any man say, that to us, without grace, beleeving, willing, desiring, endevouring, labouring, watching, studying, asking, seeking, knocking, mercie is conferred by God; and doth not confesse, that it is wrought in us by the infusion and inspiration of the holy Ghost, that we may beleeve, will, or doe all these things as we ought; and doth make the helpe of grace to follow after mans either humilitie or obedience, neither doth yeeld that it is the gift of grace it selfe, that we are obedient and humble: he resisteth the Apostle, saying; What hast thou, that thou hast not received? (1 Cor. 4.7.) and, By the grace of God I am that I am, (1 Cor. 15.10.)
Divini est muneris, cùm & recté cogitamus, & pedes nostros á falsitate & injustitiâ tenemus, Quoties enim bona agimus, Deus in nobis at (que) nobiscum, ut operemur, operatur, Can. 9. It is of Gods gift, both when we doe thinke aright, and when we hold our feet from falshood and unrighteousnesse. For as oft as we doe good things, God worketh in us, and with us, that we may worke.
Multa in homine bona fiunt, quae non facit homo. Nulla veró facit homo bona, quae non Deus praestet, ut faciat homo. Can. 20. There are many good things done in man, which man doth not. But man doth no good things, which God doth not make man to doe.
[Page 490] Hoc etiam salubriter profitemur & credimus, quòd in omni opere bono non nos incipimus, & postea per Dei misericordiam adjuvamur; sed ipse nobis, nullis praecedentibus bonis meritis, & fidem & amorem sui priùs inspirat, ut & baptismi sacramenta fideliter [...]equiramus, & post baptismum [...]um ipsius adjutorio ea quae sibi sunt placita implere possimus. Can. ult. This also doe we wholesomely professe and beleeve, that in every good worke we doe not beginne, and are holpen afterwards by the mercie of God; but hee first of all, no good merits of ours going before, inspireth into us both faith and the love of him: that we may both faithfully seeke the Sacrament of Baptisme, and after Baptisme with his helpe, we way fulfill the things that are pleasing unto him.
Touching which last Canon we may note: First for the reading, that in the Tomes of the Councels set out by Binius, it is most notoriously corrupted. For where the Councell hath, Nullis praecedentibus bonis meritis, No good merits going before; there wee reade, Concil. tom. 2. part. 1. pag. 639. edit. Colon. an. 1618. Multis praecedentibus bonis meritis, Many good merits going before. Secondly, for the meaning, that Gratiam secundùm merita nostra dari intelligunt Patres, cùm aliquid fit proprijs viribus, ratione cujus datur gratia, etiamsi non sit illud meritum de condigno. Bellarm. de Grat. & l [...]b. Arbitr. lib. 6. cap. 5. the Fathers understand grace to be given according to merits; when any thing is done by our owne strength, in respect whereof grace is given, although it be no merit of condignitie: as both Bellarmine him selfe doth acknowledge in the explication of the determination of the Palaestine Synod against Pelagius; and in the case of the Semi-Pelagians, as it is delivered by Cassianus, is most evident. For Ita semper gratia Dei nostro in bonam partem cooperatur arbitrio, at (que) in omnibus illud adjuvat, protegit ac defendit, ut nonnunquam etiam ab eo quosdam conatus bonae voluntatis vel exigat, vel expectet; ne penitùs dormienti aut inerti otio dissoluto, sua dona cōferre videatur: occasiones quodammodo quaerens, quibus humanae segnitiei torpore discusso, non irrationabilis munificentiae suae largitas videatur, dum eam sub colore cujusdam desiderij ac laboris impartit. & nihilominus gratia Dei semper gratuita perseveret; dum exiguis quibusdam parvis (que) conatibus tantam immortalitatis gloriam, tanta perennis beatitudinis dona, inaestimabili tribuit largitate. Io. Cassian. Collat. 13. cap. 13. the grace of God (saith he) doth alwaies so cooperate to the good part with our Free-will, and in all things helpe, protect and defend it, that sometime it either requireth, or expecteth from it some endevours of a good will; that it may not seeme to [Page 491] conferre its gifts upon one that is altogether sleeping, and given to sluggish idlenesse: seeking occasions after a sort, whereby the dulnesse of humane slothfulnesse being shaken off, the bargenesse of its bountie may not seeme to be unreasonable, while it imparteth the same under the colour of a kinde of desire and labour. Yet so notwithstanding that grace may alwaies continue to be gratious and free; while to such kinde of small and little endevours, with an inestimable largesse it giveth so great glory of immortalitie, so great gifts of everlasting blisse. Quantumlibet ergo enisa fuerit humana fragilitas, futurae retributioni par esse non poterit; nec ita laboribus suis divinam imminuit gratiam, ut non semper gratuita perseveret. Ibid. Let humane frailtie therefore endevour as much as it will, it cannot be equall to the retribution that is to come; neither by the labours thereof doth it so diminish Gods grace, that it doth not alwaies continue to be given freely.
Where you may observe, from what fountaine the Schoole-men did derive their doctrine of workes preparatorie, meriting grace by way of congruitie, though not of condignitie. For Cassianus (whom Prosp. cont [...]. Collator. cap. 3. & 17. Tom. 7. Op [...]r. Augustini. Prosper chargeth, notwithst [...]nding all this qualifying of the matter, to be a maintainer in very deed of that damned point of Pelagianisme; that the grace of God was given according to our merits) Cassianus, I say, was a man that bare great sway in our Monasteries, where his writings were accounted as the Monkes generall Rules: and untill the other day, Faustus him selfe (who of all others most cunningly opposed the doctrine of S. Augustine touching grace and free-will) was accepted in the Popish Schooles for a reverend Doctor and a Catholike Bishop. Yea the workes of Pelagius himselfe were had in such account, that some of them (as his Epistle ad Demetriadem for example, and his Exposition upon S. Pauls Epistles, which are fraught with his hereticall opinion [...]) haue passed from hand to hand, as if they had [Page 492] beene written by S. Hierome; and as such, have beene alledged against us by some of our Adversaries in this very question of Free-will. The lesse is it to be wondered, that three hundred yeares agoe in the mid-night of Popery, the profound Doctor Thomas Bradwardin (then Chancellor of London, and afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury) should beginne his Disputations, Of the cause of God against Pelagius with this lamentable complaint. Ecce enim (quod non nisi tactus dolore cordis intrinsecus refero) sicut olim contra unicum Dei Prophetam octingenti & quinquaginta Prophetae Baal, & similes sunt reperti, quibus & innumerabilis populus adhaerebat: ita & hodiè in hâc caussâ; quot, Domine, hodie cum Pelagio pro libero Arbitrio contra gratuitam Gratiam tuam pugnant, & contra Paulum pugilem gratiae spiritualem? Tho. Bradwardin Praefat. in libros de Caussâ Dei contra Pelag. Behold, (I speake it, with griefe of heart touched inwardly) as in old time against one Prophet of God, there were found eight hundred and fiftie Prophets of Baal; unto whom an innumerable company of people did adhere: s [...] at this day, in this cause, how many (O Lord) doe now fight with Pelagius for Free-will against thy free grace, and against Paul, the spirituall Champion of grace? Totus etenim penè mundus post Pelagium abijt in errorem. Exurge igitur Domine, judica caussam tuam; & sustinentem te sustine, protege, robora, consolare. Ibid. For the whole world almost is gone after Pelagius into error. Arise therefore, O Lord, judge thine owne cause; and him that defendeth thee, defend, protect, strengthen, comfort. To whose judgement I also now leave these Liberi arbitrij defensores, imó deceptores quia inflatores, & inflatores quia praesumptores. August [...]n. Epist. 105. ad Sixtum. Vani, non defensores, sed inflatores liberi arbitrij. Id. in opere postremo c [...]ntra Iulian. Pelagian. lib. 2. Non defensores, sed inflatores & praecipitatores liberi arbitrij. Id. de Grat. & lib. arbitr. cap. 14. Vaine defenders, or (as S. Augustine rightly censureth them) deceivers, and puffers up, and presumptuous extollers of Free-will.
OF MERITS.
IN the last place we are told, that the Fathers of the unspotted Church of Rome did [...]each, Tha [...] man for [Page 493] his meritorious workes receiveth, through the assistance of Gods grace, the blisse of everlasting happinesse. But our Challenger, I suppose, will hardly finde one Father either of the spotted or unspotted Church of Rome, that ever spake so babishly herein, as he maketh them all to doe. That man, by the assistance of Gods grace, may doe meritorious workes, we have read in divers Authors, and in divers meanings. But after these workes done, that a man should receive through the assistance of Gods grace the blisse of everlasting happinesse, is such a peece of gibbrish, as I doe not remember that before now I have ever met withall even in Babel it selfe. For with them that understand what they speake, assistance hath reference to the doing of the worke, not to the receiving of the reward: and simply to say, that a man for his meritorious workes (taking merit here as the Romanists in this question would have it taken) receiveth through Gods grace the blisse of everlasting happinesse; is to speake flat contrarieties, and to conjoine those things, that cannot possibly be coupled together. For that conclusion of Bernard is most certaine: Non est in quo gratia intret, ubi jam meritum occupavit. Bernard. in Cantic. Ser. 67. There is no place for grace to enter, where merit hath taken possession. because it is grounded upon the Apostles determination, Rom. 11.6. If it be of grace, it is no more of workes: or else were grace no more grace.
Neither doe we therefore take away the reward, because we deny the merit of good workes. Wee know, that in the keeping of Gods Commandements there is great reward; Psal. 19.11. and that unto him who soweth righteousnesse, there shall be a sure reward; Prov. 11.18. But the question is, whence he that soweth in this manner, must expect to reape so great and so sure a harvest? Whether from Gods justice; which he must doe [Page 494] if hee stand as the Iesuites would have him doe upon merit: or from his mercie; as a recompence freely bestowed out of Gods gracious bountie, and not in justice due for the worth of the worke performed. Which question, we thinke, the Prophet Hosea hath sufficiently resolved; when he biddeth us sow to our selves in righteousnesse, and reape in MERCIE, Hose. 10.12. Neither doe we hereby any whit detract from the truth of that axiome, That God will give every man acccording to his works: for still the question remaineth the very same; whether God may not judge a man according to his workes, when he sitteth upon the throne of grace, as well as when he sitteth upon the throne of justice? and wee thinke here, that the Prophet David hath fully cleared the case, in that one sentence, Psal. 62.12. With thee, O Lord, is MERCY: for thou rewardest every one according to his worke.
Originally therefore, and in it selfe, we hold that this reward proceedeth meerely from Gods free bountie and mercie: but accidentally, in regard that God hath tied himselfe by his word and promise to conferre such a reward, we grant that it now proveth in a sort to be an act of justice. even as in forgiving of our sins (which in it selfe all men know to be an act of mercie) he is said to be faithfull and just, 1 Ioh. 1.9. namely, in regard of the faithfull performance of his promise. For promise, we see, amongst honest men is counted a due debt. but the thing promised being free, and on our part altogether undeserved, if the promiser did not performe, and proved not to be so good as his word; he could not properly be said to doe me wrong, but rather to wrong himself, by impairing his own credit. And therfore Aquinas himselfe confesseth, Non sequitur, quòd Deus efficiatur simplicitèr debitor nobis, sed sibi ipsi; in quantum debitum est, ut sua ordinatio impleatur. Thom. 1.2. Quaest. 14. art. 1. ad 3. that God is not hereby simply [Page 495] made a debter to us, but to himselfe; in as much as it is requisite that his owne ordinance should be fulfilled. Thus was Moses carefull to put the children of Israel in minde touching the Land of Canaan (which was a type of our eternall habitation in Heaven) that it was a Land of promise, and not of merit: which God did give them to possesse, not for their righteousnesse, or for their upright beart, but that he might performe the word which he sware unto their Fathers, Abraham, Izhak, and Iacob, (Deut. 9.5.) Whereupon the Levites say, in their praier unto God, Nehem. 9.8. Thou madest a covenant with Abraham, to give unto his seed the Land of the Canaanites; and hast performed thy word, because thou art IUST. Now because the Lord had made a like promise of the Crowne of life to them that love him: (Iam. 1.12.) therefore S. Paul doth not sticke in like manner to attribute this also to Gods justice. Henceforth (saith he, 2 Tim. 4.8.) is laid up for me the crowne of righteousnesse, which the Lord, the righteous Iudge, shall give me at that day: and not to me only, but unto all them also that love his appearing. Upon which place, Bernard, in his booke of Grace and Free-will, saith most sweetly. Est ergo quā Paulus expectat, corona justitiae, sed justitiae Dei, non suae. Iustum quippe est ut reddat quod debet; debet autem quod pollicitus est. Et haec est justitia Dei, de quâ praesumit Apostolus, promissio Dei. Bern. li. de Gratia, & libero arbitrio. That therefore which Paul expecteth, is a crowne of righteousnesse, but of Gods righteousnesse, not his owne. For it is just that he should give what he oweth, and he oweth what he hath promised: and this is the right [...]usnesse of God, of which the Apostle presumeth, the promise of God.
But this will not content our Iesuites, unlesse wee yeeld unto them; Nos tam proprié ac veré cum gratiâ Dei bene agentes praemia mereri, quàm sine illâ malé agentes supplicia meremur. Io. Maldonat. in Ezech. 18.20. that wee doe as properly and truly merit rewards, when with the grace of God we doe well, as we doe merit punishments, when without grace we do evill. So saith Maldonat. that is to say, unlesse we maintaine, Opera bona justorum meritoria esse vitae aeternae ex condigno, non solùm ratione pacti & acceptationis, sed etiam ratione operis; ita ut in opere bono ex gratiâ procedente, sit quaedam proportio & aequalitas ad praemium vitae aeternae. Bellar. de Iustis. l. 5. c. 17. that the good workes of just persons doe merit eternall [Page 496] life condignely, not only by reason of Gods covenant and acceptation, but also by reason of the worke it selfe: so that in a good worke proceeding from grace, there may be a certaine proportion and equalitie unto the reward of eternall life. So saith Cardinall Bellarmine. For the further opening whereof, Vasquez taketh upon him to prove in order these three distinct Propositions. First, Opera bona justo [...]um ex seipsis, abs (que) ullo pacto & acceptatione, digna esse remuneratione vitae aeternae; & aequalem valorem condignitatis habere ad consequendam aeternam gloriam. Gabr. Vasquez. Commentar. in 1am. 2 ae. qu. 114 disp. 214 ca. 5. [...]nit. that the good workes of just persons are of themselves, without any covenant and acceptation, worthy of the reward of eternall life; and have an equall value of condignitie to the obtaining of eternall glorie. Secondly, Operibus justorum nullum dignitatis accrementum provenire ex meritis aut personâ Christi, quod aliâs eadem non haberent, si fierent ex eâdem gratiâ á solo Deo liberaliter sine Christo collatâ. Ibid. init. cap. 7. That no accession of dignitie doth come to the workes of the just by the merits or person of Christ; which the same should not have otherwise, if they had beene done by the same grace bestowed liberally by God alone without Christ. Thirdly, Operibus justorum accessisse quidem divinam promissionem: eam tamen nullo modo pertinere ad rationem meriti; sed potiùs advenire operibus, non tantùm jam dignis, sed etiam jam meritorijs. Ibid. init. cap. 8. That Gods promise is annexed indeed to the workes of just men, yet it belongeth no way to the reason of the merit; but commeth rather to the workes, which are alreadie not worthy only, but also meritorious. Unto all which hee addeth afterwards this Corollary. Cùm opera justi condigné mereantur vitam aeternam, tanquam aequalem mercedem, & praemium: non opus est interventu alterius meriti condigni, quale est meritum Christi, ut eis reddatur vita aeterna. quinimo aliquid habet peculiare meritum cujuscun (que) justi respectu ipsius hominis justi, quod non habet meritum Christi: nempe reddere ipsum hominem justum, & dignum aeternâ vitâ, ut eam digné consequatur. meritum autem Christi licè [...] dignissimum sit, quod obtine at á Deo gloriam pro nobis; tamen non habet hanc efficaciam & virtutem, ut reddat nos formaliter justos, & dignos aeternâ vitâ: sed per virtutem ab ipso derivatam hunc consequuntur effectum homines in seipsis. Et ita nunquam petimus á Deo per merita Christi, ut nostris dignis operibus & meritorijs reddatur merces aeternae vitae: sed ut per Christum detur nobis gratia, quâ possimus digné hanc mercedem promereri. Id. ibid. disput. 222. cap. 3. num. 30.31. Seeing the works of a just man doe condignely merit eternall life, as an equall recompence and reward: [Page 497] there is no need that any other condigne merit, such as is the merit of Christ, should come betweene, that eternall life might be rendred unto them. Yea the merit of every just man hath somewhat peculiar in respect of the just man himselfe, which the merit of Christ hath not: namely, to make the man himselfe just, and worthie of eternall life, that hee may worthily obtaine the same. But the merit of Christ, although it be most worthie to obtaine glory of God for us, yet it hath not this efficacy and vertue, to make us formally just, and worthy of eternall life: but men by vertue derived from him, attaine this effect in themselves. And so we never request of God by the merits of Christ, that the reward of eternall life may be given to our worthy and meritorious workes: but that by Christ grace may be given unto us, whereby we may be enabled worthily to merit this reward. In a word: Merita nostra in nobis hanc vim habent, ut reddant nos formaliter digno [...] v [...]â aeternâ: merita autem Christi non reddunt no [...] dignos formaliter; sed Christus dignus est, qui propter illa nobis impetret quicquid ipse pro nobis petierit. Ibid. num. 32. Our merits (saith hee) have this force in us, that they make us formally worthy of eternall life: the merits of Christ doe not make us worthy formally; but Christ is worthy, in regard of them, to impetrate unto us whatsoever he requesteth for us.
Thus doth Vasquez the Iesuite discover unto us to the full the mysterie of this iniquitie: with whom (for the better information of the English Reader) wee joine our Rhemists, who deliver this as their Catholike doctrine. Rhem. annotat. in 2 Tim. 4.8. that all good workes done by Gods grace after the first justification, be truly and properly meritorious, and fully worthy of everlasting life: and that thereupon heaven is the due and just stipend, crowne, or recompence, which God by his justice oweth to the person so working by his grace. (For he rendreth or repayeth heaven, say they, as a just Iudge, and not only as a mercifull giver: and the crowne which he payeth, is not only of mercy, or favour, or grace, but also of justice.) And againe. Iidem in Luc. 20.35. that mans workes [Page 498] done by Christs grace, doe condignely or worthily deserve eternall joy: so as Iid. in 1. Corinth. 3.8. works can be none other but the value, desert, price, worth, and merit of the same. Whereupon they put us in minde, Ibid. that the word, Reward, which in our English tongue may signifie a voluntarie or bountifull gift, doth not here so well expresse the nature of the Latine word, Merces, or the Greeke [...]: which are rather the very stipend that the hired work-man or journey-man covenanteth to have of him whose worke he-doth; and is a thing equally and justly answering to the time and weight of his travels and workes, rather than a free gift.
This is that doctrine of merits, which from our very hearts we detest and abhorre; as utterly repugnant to the truth of God, and the common sense of all true-hearted Christians. The lesson which our Saviour taught his disciples, is farre different from this, Luk. 17.10. When ye have done all those things which are commanded you, say: We are unprofitable servants; we have done that which was our dutie to doe. And Si inutilis est, qui fecit omnia: quid de illo dicendum est, qui explere non potuit? Hieronym. ad Ctesiphōt. contr. Pelag. if he be unprofitable (saith S. Hierome) who hath done all: what is to be said of him, who could not fulfill them? So likewise the Romanes themselves might remember, that they were taught by S. Paul at the beginning: that there is no proportion of condignitie to be found betwixt not the actions only but the passions also of the Saints, and the reward that is reserved for us in the world to come. For I reckon, that the sufferings of this present time, are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed in us: saith he, Rom. 8.18. and Bernard thereupon: De aete [...]nâ vitâ scimus, quia non sunt condignae passiones hujus temporis ad futuram gloriam; nec, si unus omnes sustineat. Neque enim talia sunt [...]ominum merita, ut propter ea vita aeterna deberetur ex jure; aut Deus injuriam aliquam faceret, nisi eam donaret. Nam, ut taceam quòd merita omnia dona Deis sunt, & ita homo magis propter ipsa Deo debitor est, quàm Deus homini: quid sunt merita omnia ad tantam gloriam? Bernard. serm. 1. in Annuntiat. B. Mariae. Concerning the life eternall we know, that the sufferings of this time are not worthy to be compared with the future glory; no, not if one man did sustaine them all. For the merits of men are not such, that for [Page 499] them eternall life should be due of right; or God should doe any iniurie, if he did not give it. For, to let passe that all merits are Gods gifts, and in that respect a man is for them made a debter to God, more than God to man: what are all merits in comparison of so great a glory? and S. Ambrose long before him: Omnia quae patimur minora sunt & indigna quorum pro laboribus tanta rependaturfuturorum merces bonorum, quae revelabitur in nobis, cùm ad Dei imaginem reformati gloriam ejus facie ad faciem aspicere meruerimus. Ambros. [...]pist. 22. All those things which we suffer, are too little and unworthy, fot the paines whereof there should be rendred unto us so great reward of good things to come, as shall be revealed in us, when being reformed according to the image of God we shall merit (or obtaine) to see his glory face to face.
Where for the better understanding of the meaning of the Fathers in this point, we may further observe, that merits in their writings doe ordinarily signifie nothing but workes (as in the alleaged place of Bernard:) and Verum quidem est, neque id me fugit, usurpari nonnunquam nomen meriti, ubi nulla est ratio meriti, neque ex congruo, neque de condigno. Andr. Vega defens. Concil. Tridentin. de Iustificat. lib. 8. cap. 8. Si aliquis vocabulo promerendi usus est; aliter non intellexit, quàm consecutionem de facto. Stapleton. Promptuar. Catholic. fer. 5. post Dominic. Passion. Vocabulum merendi apud veteres Ecclesiasticos scriptores feré idem valet quod consequi, seu aptum idoneumque fieri ad consequendum. G [...]org. Cassand. Schol. in Hymnos Ecclesiastic. pag. 179. Oper. Vid. Cochlaeum in Discuss. [...]onfess. & Apolog. artic. 20. to merit, simply to procure or to attaine, without any relation at all to the dignitie either of the person or the worke; as in the last words of Ambrose is plainly to be seene. And therefore as Tacitus writes of Agricola, that Iis virtutibus iram Caij Caesaris meritus. Tacit. in vit. Iul. Agricolae. by his vertues he merited (that is to say, incurred) the anger of Caius Caesar: so S. Augustine saith, that he and his fellowes for their good doings at the hands of the Donatists, Pro actione gratiarum flammas meruimus odiorum. Augustin. contr. liter. Petilian. lib. 3. cap. 6. in stead of thanks merited (that is, incurred) the flames of hatred. On the other side the same Father affirmeth, that S. Paul Pro persecutionibus & blasphemijs vas electionis meruit nominari. Id. de Praedestinat. & gratiâ. for his persecutions and blasphemies merited (that is, found the grace) to be named a vessell of election; having reference to that in [Page 500] 1 Timoth. 1.13. Who was before a blasphemer, and a persecuter, and injurious; but I obtained mercy. where in stead of [...], which the vulgar Latine translateth Misericordiam consecutus sum; Cypri. epist. 73. sect. 11. Augustin. de Bapt [...]sm. contr. Donatist. lib. 4. cap. 5. S. Cyprian readeth, Misericordiam merui, I merited mercy. Whereunto we may adde that saying which is found also among the workes of S. Augustine: that Ut omnis [...]eccator propterea de se non desperet, quia Paulus meruit indulgentiam. Augustin. se [...]m. 49. de Tempore. no sinner should despaire of himselfe, seeing Paul hath merited pardon. and that of Gregory: Quid quòd Paulus, cùm Redemptoris nomen in ter [...]â conaretur extinguere, ejus v [...]rba de coelo meruit audire? Greg. Moral. in Iob. lib. 9. cap. 17. Paul when he went about to extinguish the name of our Redeemer upon earth, merited to heare his words from heaven. as also that other straine of his concerning the sin of Adam; which is sung in the Church of Rome at the blessing of the Taper: O felix cu [...] pa, quae talem ac tantum meruit habere Redemptorem. Vid. Iodoc. Cl [...]cthovei lib. de duab. propositionib. Cer [...]i Pas [...]halis. O happy sinne, that merited (that is, found the favour) to have such and so great a Redeemer. Howsoever therefore the ancient Doctors may seeme unto those that are not well acquainted with their language, to speake of merits as the Romanists doe: yet have they nothing common with them but the bare word; in the thing it selfe they differ as much from them every way, as our Church doth.
Vix mihi suadeo quòd possit ullum opus esse, quod ex debito remunerationem Dei deposcat: cùm etiam hoc ipsum, quòd agere aliquid possumus, vel cogitare, vel proloqui, ipsius dono & largitione faciamus. Origen. lib. 4. in [...]pist. ad Rom. cap. 4. I can hardly be perswaded, saith Origen, that there can be any worke, which may require the reward of God by way of debt: seeing this very thing it selfe, that we can doe or thinke or speake any thing, we doe it by his gift and largesse. Merces quidem ex dono nulla est, quia debetur ex opere: sed gratuitam Deus omnibus ex fidei justificatione donavit. Hilar. in Matth. Can. 20. Wages indeed, saith Saint Hilary, there is none of gift, because it is due by worke: but God hath given the same free to all men, by the justification of faith. Unde mihi tantum meriti, cui indulgentia pro coronâ est? Ambros. in Exhortat ad Virgines. Whence should I have so great merit, seeing mercy is my Crowne? saith S. [Page 501] Ambrose. and againe, Quis nostrûm fine divinâ potest miseratione subsistere? Quid possumus dignum praemijs facere coelestibus? Quis nostrûm ita assurgit in hoc corpore, ut animum suum clevet, quo jugiter adhaereat Christo? Quo tandem hominum merito defertur, ut haec corruptibilis caro induat incorruptionem, & mortale hoc indua [...] immortalitatē? Quibus laboribus, quibus injuriis possumus nostra levare peccata? Indignae sunt passiones hujus temporis ad superventuram gloriam. Non ergo secundùm merita nostra, sed secundùm misericordiam Dei, coelestium decretorum in homines forma procedit. Id. in Psal. 118. oct [...]nar. 20. Vid. eund. de bono mortis, cap. 11. Which of us can subsist, without the mercy of God? What can we doe worthy of the heavenly rewards? Which of us doth so rise up in this bodie, that he doth elevate his minde, in such sort as he may continually adhere unto Christ? By what merit of man is it granted, that this corruptible flesh should put on incorruption, and this mortall should put on immortality? By what labours, or by what enduring of injuries, can we abate our sinnes? The sufferings of this time are unworthy for the glory that is to come. Therefore the forme of heavenly decrees doth proceed with men, not according to our merits, but according to Gods mercy. S. Basil expounding those words of the Psalmist, Behold the eye of the Lord is upon them that feare him; upon them that hope in his mercy, (Psalm. 33.18.) saith, that he doth hope in his mercy, [...]. Basil. in Psalm. [...]2. who not trusting in his owne good deeds, nor looking to be iustified by workes, hath the hope of his salvation only in the mercies of God. and in his explication of those other words, Psalm. 116.7. Returne unto thy rest, O my soule; for the Lord hath dealt bountifully with thee. [...]. Id. in Psalm. 114. & apud Anton. Meliss. part. 2. serm. 93. Everlasting rest (saith he) is laid up for them that strive lawfully in this life; not to be rendred according to the debt of workes, but exhibited by the grace of the bountifull God to them that trust in him. Si nostra consideremus merita, desperandum est. Hieronym. lib. 17. in Esai. cap. 64. If we consider our owne merits, we must despaire, saith S. Hierome. and, Cùm dies judicij vel dormitionis advenerit, omnes manus dissolventur, &c. quia nullum opus dignum Dei justitiâ reperietur. Id. lib. 6. in Esai. cap. 13. When the day of judgement or death shall come, all hands will faile; because no worke shall be [Page 502] found worthy of the justice of God. Macarius the Aegyptian Eremite in his 15. homily writeth thus. [...]. Macar. homil. 15. Touching the gift which Christians shall inherit, this a man may rightly say; that if any one from the time wherein Adam was created unto the very end of the world, did fight against Satan, and undergoe afflictions, he should doe no great matter in respect of the glory that he shall inherit. for he shall reigne together with Christ world without end. His 37. homily is in the Paris edition of the workes of Marc. erenit. edit. Paris. an. 1563. Nam in Micropr [...]sbytico Prooemium illud non habetur: quippe quod Maca [...]i [...] constel. esse, non Marci. Marcus the Eremite set out as the Prooeme of his booke of Paradise and the spirituall law. There Macarius exhorteth us, that [...]. Macar. homil. 37. beleeving in almighty God, we should with a simple heart and void of scrupulositie come unto him who bestoweth the communion of the spirit according to faith, and not according to the proportion of the workes of faith. Where Ioannes Picus the Popish interpreter of Marcus, giveth us warning in his margent, that this clause is to be understood of a lively faith: but concealeth his owne faithlesnesse in corrupting of the text, by turning the workes of faith into the workes of nature. for [...], is by his Latine translation (which is to be seene in B [...]blioth [...]c. Patr. tom 4. pag. 935. B. [...]dit. Colon. Bibliothecâ Patrum) as much to say as, Non ex proportione operum naturae.
There is a treatise extant of the said Marcus; [...], touching those who thinke to be justified by their workes: where he maketh two sorts of men, [...]. Marc. Eromit. de his qui putant ex operib. justificari, cap. 17. & ex eo Anastasius Sinaita, vel Nicaenus, quaest. 1. pag. 16. edit. Ingolstad. that misse both of them the kingdome of heaven. the one, such as doe not keepe the commandements, and yet imagine that they beleeve aright: the other, such as keeping the commandements, doe expect the kingdome as a wages [Page 503] due [...]nto them. For [...]. Id. ibid. cap. 2. the Lord (saith he) willing to shew, that all the comm [...]ndements are of dutie to be performed, and that the adoption of children is freely given to men by his bloud, saith; When you have done a [...]l things that are commanded you, then say; We are unprofitable servants, and we have done that which was our dutie to doe. Therefore the kingdome of heaven is not the hire of works, but the grace of the Lord prepared for his faithfull servants. This sentence is repeated in the very selfe same words, by Hesyc. Presb. in [...], Centur. 1. s [...]ct. 79. Hesychius in his booke of Sentences written to Thalassius. The like sayings also hath S. Chrysostome. [...]. Ch [...]ysost. in epist. ad Colos [...]. homil. 2. No man sheweth such a conversation of life, that he may be worthy of the kingdome; but this is wholly of the gift of God. Therefore he saith; When yee have done all, say, We are unprofitable servants; for what we ought to doe, we have done. [...]. Id. de compunctione, ad Stelech [...]um, tom. 6. edit. Savil. pag. 157. Although we did die a thousand deaths, although we did performe all vertuous actions; yet should we come short by farre of rendring any thing worthy of those honours which are conferred upon us by God. [...]. Id. in Psalm. 4. Although we should doe innumerable good deeds, it is of Gods pitie and benignitie that we are heard. although we should come unto the very top of vertue, it is of mercy that we are saved. [...]. Id. in Matth. Homil. 79. edit. Graec. vel 80. Latin. for although we did innumerable workes of mercy, yet would it be of the benignitie of grace, that for such small and meane matters should be given so great a heaven and a kingdome, and such an honour: [...]. Id. in Psal 5. whereunto nothing we doe can have equall [Page 504] correspondence. Sit licèt excellens hominum meritum, sit naturae jura conservans, sit legum jussisobtemperans; impleat fidem, justitiam teneat, virtutes exerceat, damnet vitia, peccata repellat, semet exemplum imitantibus praebeat: si quid gesserit, parū est; quicquid fecerit, minus: omne enim meritum breve est. Numera beneficia, si potes; & tunc considera quid mereris. Cum beneficijs caelestibus tua facta perpēde, cū divinis muneribus actus proprios meditare: nec dignū te judicabis eo quod fueris, si intelligas quid mereris. Serm. de primo homine praelato omni creaturae; tom. 1. oper. Chrysost. Let the merit of men be excellent, let him observe the rights of nature, let him be obedient to the commandements of the Lawes; let him fulfill his faith, keepe justice, exercise vertues, condemne vice, repell sinnes, shew himselfe an example for others to imitate: if he have performed any thing, it is little; whatsoever he hath done is small: for all merit is short. Number Gods benefits, if thou canst: and then consider what thou dost merit. Weigh thine owne deeds with the heavenly benefits, ponder thine owne acts with the divine gifts: and thou wilt not judge thy selfe worthy of that which thou art, if thou understandest what thou dost merit. Whereunto we may adde the exhortation made by S. Antony to his Monkes in Aegypt. [...]. &c. [...]. Athanas. Vit. Antonij, pag. 25. The life of man is most short, being measured with the world to come: so that all our time is even nothing, in comparison of everlasting life. And every thing in this world is sold for that which it is worth, and one giveth equall in exchange of equall: but the promise of everlasting life is bought for a very little matter. Wherefore, my sonnes, let us not wax weary; nor thinke that we stay long, or performe some great thing: for the sufferings of this present time are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed on us. Neither when we looke upon the world, let us thinke that we have forsaken any great matters. For all this earth is but a very little thing, in comparison of the whole heaven. Therefore although we had beene lords of the whole earth, and did forsake [Page 505] the whole earth; that would be nothing worthy to be compared with the kingdome of heaven. For as if one would neglect one peece of brasse, that he might gaine a hundred peeces of gold: so he who is lord of the whole earth and forsaketh it, should but forgoe a little, and receive a hundred fold.
Such an other exhortation doth S. Augustine also make unto his hearers. Cùm attenderis quid sic accepturus; omnia tibi erunt vilia quae pateris, nec digna aestimabis pro quibus illud accipias. Miraberis tantum dari pro tanto labore. Nam uti (que) fratres, pro aeternâ requie labor aeternus subeundus erat. Aeternam felicitatem accepturus, aeternas passiones sustinere deberes. Sed si aeternum sustineres laborem; quando venires ad aeternam felicitatem? Ita fit, ut necessariò temporalis sit tribulatio tua, quâ sinitâ venias ad felicitatem infinitam. Sed plané, fratres, posset esse longa tribulatio pro aeternâ felicitate. Verbi gratiâ, ut quoniam felicitas nostra finem non habebit; miseria nostra, & labor noster, & tribulationes nostrae diuturnae essent. Nam etsi mille annorum essent, appende mille annos contra aeternitatem. Quid appendis cum infinito quantumcun (que) finitum? decem millia annorum, decies centena millia, si dicendum est, & millia millium, quae finem habent, cum aeternitate comparari non possunt. Huc accedit, quia non solùm temporalem voluit laborem tuum Deus, sed etiam brevem. August. in Psal. 36. Conc. 2. When thou dost consider (saith he) what thou art to receive; all the things that thou sufferest will be vile unto thee, neither wilt thou esteeme them worthy for which thou shouldst receive it. Thou wilt wonder, that so much is given, for so small a labour. For indeed, brethren, for everlasting rest everlasting labour should be undergone: being to receive everlasting felicitie, thou oughtest to sustaine everlasting sufferings. But if thou shouldst sustaine everlasting labour; when shouldst thou come to everlasting felicitie? So it commeth to passe, that thy tribulation must of necessitie be temporall; that it being finished, thou maist come to infinite felicitie. But yet, brethren, there might have beene long tribulation for eternall felicitie. that, for example, because our felicitie shall have no end; our misery, and our labour, and our tribulations should be of long continuance. For admit they should continue a thousand yeere: weigh a thousand yeeres with eternitie. Why dost thou weigh that which is finite, be it never so great, with that which is infinite? Ten thousand yeeres, ten hundred thousand, if we should say, and a thousand [Page 506] thousand, which have an end, cannot be compared with eternitie. This then thou hast, that God would have thy labour to be not only temporall, but short also. And therefore doth the same Father every where put us in minde, that God is become our debtor, not by our deservings, but by his owne gratious promise. Fidelis homo est credens promittenti Deo; fidelis Deus est exhibens quod promisit homini. Teneamus fidelissimum debitorem, quia tenemus misericordissimum promissorem. Ne (que) enim aliquid ei commodavimus, [...]ut mutuum commendavimus, ut teneamus eum debitorem: cùm ab illo habeamus quicquid illi offerimus, & ex illo sit quicquid boni sumus. Id. in Psal. 32. Conc. 1. Man (saith he) is faithfull, when he beleeveth God promising: God is faithfull, when he performeth that which he hath promised unto man. Let us hold him a most faithfull debtor, because we have him a most mercifull promiser. For we have not done him any pleasure, or leant any thing to him that we should hold him a debtor; seeing we have from himselfe whatsoever we doe offer unto him, and it is from him whatsoever good we are. Ergo non ei al quid dedimus: & tenemus debitorem. Unde debitorem? Quia promissor est Non dicimus Deo; Domine redde quod accepisti, sed redde quod promisisti. Id. ibid. & in Psal. 83. We have not given any thing therefore unto him; and yet we hold him a debtor. Whence a debtor? because he is a promiser. We say not unto God; Lord, pay that which thou hast received, but, pay that which thou hast promised. Secu [...]us ergo esto. Tene debitorem, quia credidisti in promissorem. Id. in Psal. 83. circa finem. Be thou secure therefore. Hold him as a debtor, because thou hast beleeved in him as a promiser. Fidelis Deus qui se nostrum debitorē fecit: non aliquid á nobis accipiendo, sed tanta nobis promittendo, &c. Promisit enim hominibus divinitatem, mortalibus immortalitatem, peccatoribus justificationem, abjectis glorificationē. Quicquid promisit, indignis promisit; ut non quasi operibus merces promitteretur, sed gratia á nomine suo gratis daretur: quia & hoc ipsum quòd justé vivit, inquantū homo potest justé vivere, non merit [...] h [...]mani, sed beneficij est divini. Id. in Psal. 109. circa init: God is faithfull, who hath made himselfe our debtor; not by receiving any thing from us, but by promising so great things to us. For to men hath he promised divinitie, to those that are mortall immortalitie, to sinners justification, to abjects glorification. Whatsoever he promised, he promised to them that were unworthy; that it might not be promised as wa [...]es for workes, but being grace, might according to the name be graciously and freely given: because that even this [Page 507] very thing, that one doth live justly (so farre as a man can live justly) is not a matter of mans merit, but of the gift of God. Therefore, In his quae jam habemus, laudemus Deum la [...]gitorem: in his quae nondum habemus, teneamus debitorem. Debitor enim factus est, non aliquid à nobis accipiendo, sed quod ei placuit promittendo. Aliter enim dicimus homini, Debes mihi quia dedi tibi: & aliter dicimus, Debes mihi quia promisisti mihi. Quā do dicis, Debes mihi quia dedi tibi; á te processit beneficium, sed mutuatum non donatum. Quando autem dicis, Debes mihi quia promisisti mihi; tu nihil dedisti, & tamen exigis. Bonitas enim ejus qui promisit dabit, &c. Id. de Verbis Apostoli, Serm. 16. in those things which we have alreadie, let us praise God as the giver: in those things which as yet we have not, let us hold him our debtor. For hee is become our debtor, not by receiving any thing from us, but by promising what it pleased him. For it is one thing to say to a man, Thou art debtor to me, because I have given to thee: and another thing to say, Thou art debtor to mee, because thou hast promised me. When thou sayest. Thou art debtor to me, because I have given to thee: a benefit hath proceeded from thee, though lent, not given. But when thou sayest, Thou art debtor to me, because thou hast promised me: thou gavest nothing to him, and yet requirest of him. For the goodnesse of him that hath promised, will give it, &c.
Hominum salus ex solâ Dei misericordiâ pendet. ne (que) enim hanc adipiscimur praemium & mercedem justitiae: sed Dei bonitatis donum est. Theodoret. in Sophoni. cap. 3. The salvation of men depends upon the sole mercy of God: saith Theodoret. for we do not obtaine it as the reward and wages of our righteousnes: but it is the gift of Gods goodnesse. Superant certamina coronae, non comparantur cum laboribus remunerationes: labor enim parvus est, sed magnum lucrum speratur. Et p [...]opte [...]ea non mercedem sed gloriam vocavit ea quae expectantur. Id. in Roman. 8.18. The crownes doe excell the fights, the rewards are not to be compared with the labours: for the labour is small, but great is the gaine that is hoped for. And therefore the Apostle, Rom. 8.18. called those things that are looked for, not wages, but glory. and Rom. 6.23. Hîc non dicit mercedeni, sed gratiam. Etsi quis enim summam & absolutam justitiam praestiterit: temporali [...]us laboribus aeterna in aequilibrio non respondent. Id. in Roman. 6. ult. not wages, but grace. For although a man should performe the greatest and most absolute righteousnesse: things eternall doe not answer temporall labours in equall poise. The same for this point is taught by S. Cyrill of Alexandria: that [...]. Cyril. Alexandrin. homil. Paschal. 4. the crowne which we are to receive, doth much surpasse the [Page 508] paines which we take for it. And the Author of the booke of the calling of the Gentiles (attributed unto Prosper) observeth out of the Parable, Matth. 20.9. that God bestoweth eternall life on those that are called at the end of their daies, as well as upon them that had laboured longer: Non labori pretiū solvens, sed divitias bonitatis suae in eos, quos sine operibus elegit, effundens: ut etiam hi [...] qui in multo labore sudârunt, nec amplius quàm novissimi acceperunt; intelligant donum se gratiae, non operum accepisse mercedem. Prosp. de Vocat. Gent. lib. 1. cap. 17. not as paying a price to their labour, but powring out the riches of his goodnesse upon them whom he had chosen without works; that even they also who have sweat with much labour, and have received no more than the last, might understand, that they did receive a gift of grace, and not a due wages for their workes.
This was the doctrine taught in the Church for the first five hundred yeeres after Christ: which wee finde maintained also in the next five hundred. Meritum meum regnator coelestis si attenderet, aut exigua bona adipisce [...]er, aut magna supplicia; & mei idoneus aestimator, quo meritis pervenire non poteram, voto non tenderē. Sed gratias illi, qui delicta nostra sic ne extollamur resecat, utspem ad laetiora (al. latiora) perducat. Enned. Ticinens. l. 2. ep. 10. ad Faust. If the King of heaven should regard my merit (saith Ennodius, Bishop of Pavîa) either I should get little good, or great punishments; and judging of my selfe rightly, whither I could not come by merits, I would not tend in desire. But thankes be to him, who, that we may not be extolled, doth so cut off our offences, that he bringeth our hope unto better things. Our glorification, saith Fulgentius, Gratia autem etiā ipsa ideo nō injustê dicitur, quia nō solùm donis suis Deus dona sua reddit: sed quia tantū etiā ibi gratia divinae retributionis exuberat, ut incōparabiliter at (que) ineffabiliter omne meritū, quamvis bonae & ex Deo datae, humanae voluntatis at (que) operationis excedat. Fulg. ad Monimum, l. 1. c. 10. is not unjustly called Grace: not only because God doth bestow his owne gifts upon his owne gifts; but also because the grace of Gods reward doth so much there abound, as that it exceedeth incomparably and unspeakably all the merit of the will and worke of man, though good, and given from God. For Totis licèt & animae & corporis laboribus desudemus, totis licèt obedientiae viribus exerceamur: nihil tamen condignum merito pro coelestibus bonis compensare & offerre valebimus. Non valent vitae praesentis obsequia aeternae vitae gaudijs comparari. Lassescant licèt membra vigilijs; pallescant licèt ora jejunijs: non erunt tamen condignae passiones hujus temporis ad futuram gloriam, quae revelabitur in nobis. Pulsemus ergò, charissimi, in quantum possumus; quia non possumus quantū debemus: futura beatitudo acquiri potest, aestimari non potest. Euseb. Emiss. vel. Gallican. ad Monachos, ser. 3 although we did sweat (saith he who beareth the name of Eusebius [Page 509] Emissenus, or Gallicanus) with all the labours of our soule and bodie, although we were exercised with all the strength of obedience: yet shall not we be able to recompence and offer any thing worthie in merit for the heavenly good things. The offices of this present life cannot be compared with the joyes of the life eternall. Although our members be wearied with watchings; although our faces wax pale with fastings: yet the sufferings of this time will not be worthy to be compared with the future glory which shall bee revealed in us. Let us knocke therefore, dearely beloved, as much as we can, because we cannot as much as we ought: the future blisse may be acquired, but estimated it cannot be.
[...]. Agap [...]t. Diacon. Paraenes. ad Iustinian. sect. 43. Albeit thou hadst good deeds equall in number to the starres, (saith Agapetus the Deacon, to the Emperour Iustinian) yet shalt thou never goe beyond the goodnesse of God. For whatsoever any man shall bring unto God, he doth but offer unto him his owne things, out of his owne store. and as one cannot outstrip his own shadow in the Sunne, (which preventeth him alwaies, although he make never so much speed:) so neither can men by their good doings, outstrip the unmatchable bountie of God. Ut enim saepe diximus: Omnis humana justitia, injustitia esse cō vincitur, si districté judicetur. Prece ergo post justitiam indiget; ut quae succumbere discussa poterat, ex solâ judicis pietate cōvalescat. &c. Dicat ergo: Qui etiamsi habuero quippiam justum, non respondebo, sed meum judicem deprecabor. Velut, si apertiùs fateatur, dicens: Etsi ad opus virtutis excrevero, ad vitam non ex meritis, sed ex veniâ convalesco. Gregor. Moral. in Iob. lib. 9. cap. 14. All the righteousnesse of man, saith Gregory, is convicted to bee unrighteousnesse, if it be strictly judged. It needeth therefore prayer after righteousnesse; that that which being sifted might faile, by the meere pitie of the Iudge might stand for good. Let him therefore say: Although I had any righteous thing, I would not answer, but I would make supplication to my Iudge. (Iob 9.15) as if he should more plainly confesse, and say: Albeit I did grow up unto the worke of vertue, I should be enabled unto life, not by merits, but by pardon. [Page 510] But you will say, Quòd s [...]illa sanctorum felicitas misericordia est, & non meritis acquiritur: ubi erit quod scriptum est; Et tu reddes unicuique secundùm opera sua? Si secundùm opera redditur; quomodo misericordia a [...]stimabitur? Sed aliud est secundùm opera reddere, & aliud propter ipsa opera reddere. In eo enim quòd secundùm opera dicitur, ipsa operum qualitas intelligitur; ut cujus appa [...]uerint bona opera, ejus sit & retributio glo [...]iosa. Illi nam (que) beatae vitae in quâ cum Deo, & de Deo vivitur, nullus potest aequari labor, nulla opera comparati: praesertim cùm. Apostolus dicat; Non sunt condignae passiones hujus temporis ad futuram gloriam quae revelabitur in nobis. Id. in Psal. Poenitent. 7. vers. 9. If this blisse of the Saints be mercie, and is not obtained by merits; how shall that stand which is written: And thou shalt render unto every one according to his workes? If it be rendred according to workes; how shall it be accounted mercie? But it is one thing to render according to workes; and another thing to render for the works themselves. For when it is said, According to works; the qualitie it selfe of the worke is understood: that whose workes appeare good, his reward way be glorious. For unto that blessed life, wherein wee are to live with God, and by God, no labour can be equalled, no workes compared: seeing the Apostle saith, The sufferings of this present time are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed in us. Per justitiam factorum nullus salvabitur, sed per solam justitiam fidei. Bed. in Psalm. 77. By the righteousnesse of works no man shall be saved, but only by the righteousnesse of faith: saith Bede. and therefore Instruit videlicèt, ut nemo vel libertatem arbitrij, vel merita sua sufficere sibi ad beatitudinem credat; sed solâ gratiâ Dei se salvari posse intelligat. Id. in Psalm. 31. no man should beleeve, that either his freedome of will, or his merits, are sufficient to bring him unto blisse; but understand, that he can be saved by the grace of God only. The same Author, writing upon those words of David, Psalm. 24.5 He shall receive a blessing from the Lord, and righteousnesse from the God of his salvation: expoundeth the blessing to be this; Accipiet benedictionem, id est, multiplicationem á Domino; hanc scilicèt; ut in praesenti bene promereatur, & in futuro bene remuneretur. Et hoc non ex meritis, sed ex solâ gratiâ. Id. in Psalm. 23. that for the present time he shall merit (or worke) well, and for the future shall be rewarded well. and that, not by merits, but by grace only.
To the same purpose Elias Cretensis, the interpreter [Page 511] of Gregory Nazianzen, writeth thus. Debemus per misericordiam intelligere mercedem illam, quam nobis Deus rependit. Nos enim tanquam servi, virtutèm debemus, ut optima quae (que) Deo & grata tanquam debitum quoddam exsolvamus ac offeramus: quippe quum nihil habeamus, quod non ab ipso acceperimu [...]. Deus autem velut Dominus & herus noster miseretur, nobis (que) potiùs dona [...], quàm rependit. Elias in Nazianzeni Orat. habit. in elect. Eulalij. By mercy we ought to understand that reward, which God doth repay unto us. For wee as servants doe owe vertue, that the best things, and such as are gratefull, wee should pay and offer unto God as a certaine debt: considering that wee haue nothing, which we have not received from him: and God on the other side, as our Lord and Master, hath pitie on us, and doth bestow rather, than repay unto us. [...]. Anastas quaest. 135. This therefore is true humilitie, (saith Anastasius Sinaita or Nicaenus) to doe good workes, but to account ones selfe uncleane and unworthy of Gods favour, thinking to be saved by his goodnesse alone. For whatsoever good things we doe; wee answer not God for the very aire alone which we doe breathe. And when we have offered unto him all the things that we have, he doth not owe us any reward for all things are his: and none receiving the things that are his owne, is bound to give a reward unto them that bring the same unto him. In the booke set out by the authoritie of Charles the Great against Images; Arca foederis secundùm quosdam Dominum & Salvatorem nostrum, in quo solo foedus pacis apud Patrem habemus, designat, &c. Cui propitiatorium superponitur, quia scilicèt legalibus sive euangelicis praeceptis, quae in eo fundata sunt, supereminet misericordia ejusdem mediatoris; per quam non ex operibus legis quae fe [...]imus nos, ne (que) volentes, ne (que) currentes, sed ejus miseratione salvamur. Opus Carolin. de Imaginib. lib. 1. cap. 15. [...] the Arke of the Covenant is said to signifie our Lord and Saviour, in whom alone we have the Covenant of peace with the Father. Over which the Propitiatory is said to be placed: because aboue the Commandements either of the Law, or of the Gospell, which are founded in him, the mercy of the said Mediator taketh place; by which, not by the workes of the Law which we have done, neither willing, nor running, but by his having mercy upon us, we [Page 512] are saved. So Ambrosius Ansbertus, expounding that place, Rev. 19.7. Let us be glad and rejoyce, and give glory to him; for the mariage of the Lambe is come, and his wife hath made her selfe readie. In eo autem damus illi gloriam, quo nullis praecedentibus bonorum actuum meritis, sed solâ nos ejus misericordiâ, ad tantam dignitatē pervenisse fateamur. A [...]bros. Ansbert. lib. 8. in Apocaly [...]s. c. 19. In this, saith he, doe we give glory to him; when we doe confesse, that by no precedent merits of our good deeds, but by his mercie only, we have attained unto so great a dignitie. And Rabanus in his Commentaries upon the Lament. of Ieremie: Ne dicerent, Patres nostri suo merito placuerunt, ideò tanta sunt à Domino consecuti: intulit non meritis d [...] tum, sed quia ita sit Deo pl [...] citum; cujus est gratuitum omne quod praesta [...]. R [...]b [...]n. in Ierem. lib. 18. cap. 2. Lest they should say, Our Fathers were accepted for their merit, and therefore they obtained such great things at the hand of the Lord; he adjoyneth, that this was not given to their merits, but because it so pleased God, whose free gift is whatsoever he bestoweth. Haymo writing upon those words, Psalm. 132.10. For thy servant Davids sake refuse not the face of thine Anointed, saith that, Propter David servum tuum, id est, propter meritū ipsius Christi. & hî [...] datur planè intelligi, nullum de meritis suis debere praesumere; sed omnem salvationem ex Christi meritis expectare. Haymo in Psal. 131. For thy servant Davids sake, is as much to say as, For the merit of Christ himselfe: and fro [...] thence collecteth this doctrine; that none ought to presume of his owne merits, but expect all his salvation from the merits of Christ. So in another place: Sed & nos agentes poenitentiam, sciamus nihil nos dignum dare posse ad placandum Deum; sed solummodo in sanguine imm [...]culati & singularis Ag [...]i nos posse salvari. Id. in Micheae cap. 6. When we performe our repentance, (saith he) let us know that we can give nothing that is worthy for the a [...]peasing of God; but that only in the bloud of that immaculate and singular Lambe we can be saved. And againe, Vita aeterna nulli per debitum redditur; sed per gratuitam misericordiam datur. Id. Homil. in Dominic. Septuagesimae. Eternall life is rendred to none by debt; but given by free mercie. Necesse est solâ fide Christi salvari credentes. Smaragd. in Galat. cap. 3. It is of necessitie that beleevers should be saved only by the faith of Christ: saith Smaragdus the Abbot. Gratiâ, non meritis, salvati sumus à Deo. Comment [...]r. in Marc. cap. 14. inter [...] Hieronym. By grace, not by merits, are we saved of God: saith the Author of the [Page 513] Commentaries upon S. Marke, falsely attributed to S. Hierome.
That this doctrine was by Gods great mercie preserved in the Church the next 500. yeares also, as well as in those middle times: appeareth most evidently by those Instructions and Consolations, which were prescribed to be used unto such as were readie to depart out of this life. Formula illa infirmos jam animam agentes interrogandi, in Bibliothecis passim obvia; qu [...]e & separatim Anselmo Cantuariensi inscribitur, & operi Epistolarum inserta reperitur. Georg. Cassand. in Appendic. ad Opusc. Io. Roffens. de fiduciâ & miseric [...]rd. â Dei. This forme of preparing men for their death, was commonly to be had in all Libraries, and particularly was found inserted among the Epistles of Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury; who was commonly accounted to bee the Author of it. The substance thereof may be seene (for the copies varie, some being shorter, and some larger than others) in a Tractate written by a Cistercian Monke, of the Art of dying well (which I have in written hand, and have seene also printed in the yeere 1483. and 1504.) in the booke called, Hortulus animae; in Cassanders Appendix to the booke of Iohn Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, de fiduciâ & misericordiâ Dei; (edit. Colon. An. 1556.) Caspar Vlenbergius his Motives; (caus. 14. pag. 462.463. edit. Colon. An. 1589.) in the Romane Sacerdotall (part. 1. tract. 5. cap. 13. fol. 116. edit. Venet. An. 1585.) in the booke intituled, Sacra institutio Baptizandi juxta ritum Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae, ex decreto Concilij Tridentini restituta, &c. printed at Paris, in the yeere 1575. and in a like booke intituled Ordo Baptizandi, cum Modo visitandi, printed at Venice the same yeere. out of which the Spanish Inquisitors, as well in their New, as in their Old Expurgatory Index (the one set out by Cardinall Quiroga in the yeere 1584. the other by the Cardinall of Sandoval and Roxas, in the yeere 1612.) command [Page 514] these interrogatories to be blotted out. SACERDOS. Credis non proprijs meritis, sed passionis Domini nostri Iesu Christi virtute & me [...]ito, ad gloriam pervenire? R [...]spond [...]at infirmus: Credo. SACERDOS. Credis, quòd Dominus noster Iesus Christus pro nostrâ Salute mortuus sit: & quòd ex proprijs meritis, vel alio modo nullus possit salvari, nisi in merito passionis ejus? Respondeat infirmus: Credo. Ordo baptizandi, & visitandi, edit. Venet. an. 1575. fol. 34. & Institut. Baptiz [...]ndi, edit. Paris. an. 1575. fol. 35. a. & Sacerdotal. Rom. edit. Venet. an. 1585. fol. 116. b. Dost thou beleeve to come to glory, not by thine owne merits, but by the vertue and merit of the passion of our Lord Iesus Christ? and, Dost thou beleeve, that our Lord Iesus Christ did die for our salvation: and that none can be saved by his owne merits, or by any other meanes, but by the merit of his passion? Whereby we may observe how late it is, since our Romanists in this maine and most substantiall point (which is the very foundation of all our comfort) have most shamefully departed from the faith of their fore-fathers. In other copies of this same Instruction (which are followed by Cassander, Vlenbergius, and Cardinall Hosius himselfe) Sed & Anselmus Archiepiscopus Cantuari [...]nsis inte [...]rogationes quasdam praescripsisse d [...]citur infi [...]mis in extremis constitutis: inter quas extrema est. Credis te non posse nisi per mortem Christi salvari? Respondet infirmus: Etiam. Tum illi dicitur. Age ergò, dum superest in [...]e anima, in hâc solâ morte fiduciam tuam constitue; in nullâ aliâ re fiduciam h [...]be: huic morti te totum committe, hâc solâ te totum contege, totum immisce te in hâc morte, totum confige; in hâc morte te totum involve. Et si Dominus Deus voluerit te judicare, dic: Domine, mortem Domini nostri Iesu Christi objicio inter me & tuum judicium: aliter tecum non contendo. Et si tibi dixerit, quia peccator es, dic: Domine, mortem Domini Iesu Christi pono inter te & peccata mea. Si dixe [...]it tibi, quòd meruisti damnationem, dic: Domine, mo [...]tem Domini nostri Iesu Christi obtendo inter me, & mala merita mea; ipsius (que) meritum offero pro me [...]ito, quod ego debuissem habere nec habeo. Si dixerit, quòd tibi [...]st iratus, dic: Domine, mortem Domini nostri Iesu Christi oppono inter me & iram tuam. Hosius in Confessione P [...]tricoviens. cap. 73. the last question propounded to the sicke man is this. Dost thou beleeve that thou canst not be saved, but by the death of Christ? Whereunto when he hath made answer affirmatively: he is presently directed to make use thereof, in this manner. Goe too therefore, as long as thy soule remaineth in thee, place thy whole confidence in this death only; have confidence in no other thing: commit thy selfe wholly to this death, with this alone cover thy selfe wholly, intermingle thy selfe wholly in this death, [Page 515] fasten thy selfe wholly; wrap thy whole selfe in this death. And if the Lord God will judge thee, say: Lord, I oppose the death of our Lord Iesus Christ betwixt mee and thy judgement: no otherwise doe I contend with thee. And if he say unto thee, that thou art a sinner, say: Lord, I put the death of the Lord Iesus Christ betwixt thee and my sinnes. If he say unto thee, that thou hast deserved damnation, say: Lord, I set the death of our Lord Iesus Christ betwixt me and my bad merits; and I offer his merit in stead of the merit which I ought to have, but yet have not. If he say, that he is angrie with thee, say: Lord, I interpose the death of our Lord Iesus Christ betwixt me and thine anger.
Adde hereunto the following sentences of the Doctors of these latter ages. [...]. O [...]cum [...]n in Roman. 8. pag. 312. We cannot suffer or bring in any thing worthy of the reward that shall be: saith Oecumenius. So Petrus Blesensis Archdeacon of Bathe. Nihil molesté potest sustineri in hâc morte vitali, quod coelestibus gaud [...]js ex aequo respondere sufficiat. Petr. Blesens. in Iob, cap. ult. No trouble can be endured in this vitall death, which is able equally to answer the joyes of heaven. and Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury more fully, before him. Si homo mille annis serviret Deo, etiam ferventissimé; non mereretur ex condigno, dimidiam diem esse in regno coelorum. Ans [...]lm. in lib. de Mensuratione Crucis. If a man should serve God a thousand yeeres, and that most fervently; he should not deserve of condignitie to be halfe a day in the Kingdome of heaven. Radulphus Ardens, expounding those words of the Parable, Matth. 20.13. Didst not thou agree with me for a peny? Nemo, fratres, ex his verbis putet Deum quasi ex conventione astrictum esse ad reddendum promissum. Sicut enim Deus est liber ad promittendum, ita est liber ad reddendum: praesertim cùm tam merita quàm praemia sint gratia sua. Nihil enim aliud quàm gratiam suam coronat in nobis Deus: qui si vellet in nobis agere districté, non justificaretur in conspectu ejus omnis vivens. Unde Apostolus qui plus omnibus laboravit, dicit: Existimo quòd non sunt condignae passiones hujus temporis ad futuram gloriam quae revelabitur in nobis. Ergo haec conventio nihil aliud est, quam voluntaria Dei promissio. Rad. Ardens. Dominic. in Septuagesima, Homil. 2. Let no man out of these words, saith he, thinke that God is, as it were, tied by agreement to pay that which he hath promised. For as God is free to promise, so is he free to pay: especially seeing [Page 516] as well merits as rewards are his grace. For God doth crowne nothing else in us but his owne grace: who if hee would deale strictly with us, no man living should be justified in his sight. Whereupon the Apostle, who laboured more than all, saith: I reckon that the sufferings of this time are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed in us. Therefore this agreement is nothing else, but Gods voluntary promise. And Ne miremini, f [...]atres, si merita justorum gratias voco: teste enim Apostolo, nihil habemus quod non à Deo & gratis accepimus. Sed quoniam per unam gratiam pervenimus ad aliam, merita dicuntur & improprié. Teste enim Augustino, solam gratiam suam coronat in nobis Deus. Id. Dominic. 18 post Trinitat. Homil. 1. doe not wonder (saith he, in another Sermon) if I call the merits of the just graces. for as the Apostle witnesseth, we have nothing which we have not received from God, and that freely. But because by one grace we come unto another; they are called merits, but improperly. For as Augustine witnesseth: God crowneth only his owne grace in us. So Rupertus Tuitiensis: Res est non meriti, sed gratiae, magnitudo vel aetern [...]tas coelestis glo [...]iae R [...]pert Tuit. in Iohan. lib. 1. cap. 1. The greatnesse or the eternitie of the heavenly glorie, is not a matter of merit, but of grace. The same doth Bernard. Cl [...] niacens. de Contemptu mundi, lib. 1. Bernardus Morlanensis expresse in these rhythmicall verses of his:
But Bernard of Claraevalle aboue others delivereth this doctrine most sweetly. Necesse est primò omnium credere, quòd remissionem peccatorum habere non possis, nisi per indulgentiam Dei: deinde quòd nihil p [...]orsus habere queas operis boni, nisi & hoc dederit ipse: postremò quòd aeternam vitam nullis potes operibus promereri, nisi gratis detur & illa. Bernard. S [...]rm. 1. in Annuntiat. B. Mariae. It is necessary (saith hee) that first of all thou shouldest beleeve, that thou canst not [Page 517] have remission of sinnes, but by the mercie of God: then, that thou canst not at all have any whit of a good worke, unlesse he likewise give it thee: lastly, that by no workes thou canst merit eternall life, unlesse that also be freely given unto thee. Alioquin si proprié appellentur ea quae dicimus nostra merita: spei quaedam sunt seminaria, charitatis incentiva, occultae praedestinationis indicia, futurae felicitaris praesagia, via regni, nō caussa regnandi. Id. in fine libri de Gra [...]. & lib. Arb. Otherwise, if wee will properly name those which wee call our merits: they be certaine seminaries of hope, incitements of love, signes of secret predestination, foretokens of future happinesse, the way to the kingdome, not the cause of reigning. Periculosa habitatio eorum qui in meritis suis sperant: periculosa, quia ruinosa. Id. in Psal. Qui habitat. Serm. 1. Dangerous is the dwelling of them that trust in their merits: dangerous, because ruinous. Hoc enim totum hominis meritum, si totam spem suam ponat in eo qui totū hominem salvum facit. Ibid. Serm. 15. For this is the whole merit of man, if hee put all his trust in him who saveth the whole man. Meum proinde meritum, miseratio Domini. Non planê sum meriti inops, quandiu ille miserationum non fuerit. Quòd si misericordiae Domini multae, multis nihilo minus ego in meritis sum. Id. in Cant. serm. 61. Therefore my merit is the mercy of the Lord. I am not poore in merit, so long as he is not poore in mercie: and if the mercies of the Lord be many, my merits also are many. With which that passage of the Manuall, falsly fathered upon S. Augustine, doth accord so justly; that the one appeareth to be plainly borrowed from the other. Tota spes mea est in morte Domini mei. Mors ejus meritum meum, refugium meum, salus, vita & resurrectio mea. Meritum meum miseratio Domini. Non sum meriti inops, quamdiu ille miserationum Dominus non defuerit: & misericordiae Domini multae, multus ego sum in meritis. Manual. cap. 22. tom. 9. Operum Augustini. All my hope is in the death of my Lord. His death is my merit, my refuge, my salvation, life and resurrection. My merit is the mercy of the Lord. I am not poore in merit, so long as that Lord of mercies shall not faile: and as long as his mercies are much, much am I in merits.
Neither are the testimonies of the Schoolemen wanting in this cause. For where Nota quòd cùm dicitur, Deus pro bonis meritis dabit vitam aeternam; Pro, primo notat signum, vel viam; vel occasionem aliquam: sed si dicatur, Propter bona merita dabit vitam aeternam; Propter, notat caussam efficientem. Ideò non recipitur á quibusdam: sed hanc recipiunt, Pro bonis meritis, & consimiles earum; assignantes differentiam inter Pro, & Propter. Georg. Cassander, epist. 19. ad Io. Molinaeum (Oper. pag. 1109.) ex libro MS. vetusti cujusdam Scholastici. God is affirmed to give [Page 518] the kingdome of heaven for good merits or good works: some made here a difference betwixt pro bonis meritis and propter bona merita. The former, they said, did note, a signe, or a way, or some occasion: and in that sense they admitted the proposition. But according to the latter expression, they would not receive it; because propter did note an efficient cause. And yet for the salving of that also, the Cardinal of Cambraye, Petrus de Alliaco delivereth us this distinction: Haec dictio Prop [...]er quando (que) capitur consecutivé; & tunc denotat ordinem consecutionis unius [...]ei ad alia [...]: ut cúm dicitur, Praemium datur propter meritum. Nihil enim aliud signifa [...]atur, nisi quòd post meritum datur praemium, & non nisi post meritum: sicut aliâ, patebit in materiâ de merito. Quando (que) verá capitur caussaliter. Pet. Cameracens. in 1. Sentent. dist. 1. quaest. 2. DD. This word Propter is sometimes taken by way of consequence; and then it noteth the order of the following of one thing upon another: as when it is said, The reward is given for the merit. For nothing else is signified thereby, but that the reward is given after the merit, and not but after the merit. Sometimes againe it is taken causally. And Qu [...]a enim caussa est illud ad cujus esse sequitur aliud; dupliciter potest al [...]quid dici Caussa. Uno modo proprié; quando ad praesentiam esse unius, virtute ejus & ex naturâ rei sequitur esse alterius: & sic ignis est caussa caloris. Alio modo improprié; quando ad praesentiam esse unius sequitur esse alterius, non tamen virtute ejus nec ex naturâ rei, sed ex solâ voluntate alterius: & sic actus meritorius dicitur caussa respectu praemij. Sic etiam caussa sine quâ non dicitur caussa. Ex quo sequitur, quód caussa sine quâ non, non debet absoluté & simpli [...]iter dici caussa: quia proprié non est caussa. Id. in 4 Sent [...]quaest. 1. [...]ctic. 1. D. forasmuch as a cause also is accounted that, upon the being whereof another thing doth follow: a thing may be said to be a cause two manner of waies. One way properly; when upon the presence of the being of the one, by the vertue thereof and out of the nature of the thing there followeth the being of the other: and thus is fire the cause of heat. Another way improperly; when upon the presence of the being of the one there fo [...]loweth the being of the other, yet not by the vertue thereof nor out of the nature of the thing, but only out of the will of another: and so a meritorious [...]ot is said to be a cause in respect of the reward; as caussa sine quâ non also is said to be a cause, though it be none properly.
Among those famous Clearkes that lived in the familie [Page 519] of Richard Angervill Bishop of Durham in the daies of Edward the third; Thomas Bradwardin who was afterward Archbishop of Canterbury, Richard Fitzraufe afterward Archbishop of Armagh, and Robert Holeot the Dominican, were of speciall note. The first of these, in his Defense of the cause of God against the Pelagians of his time, disputeth this point at large: shewing, Is in laudatissimâ illâ Summâ contra Pelagianos copiosé & erudité disputat, Meritum non esse caussam aeterni praemij: cum (que) Scriptura & Doctores confirment, Deum praemiaturum bonos propter merita sua bona; propter, non significare caussam proprié, sed improprié, vel caussam congnoscendi, vel ordinem, vel deni (que) dispositionem subjecti. Georg. Cassand. epist. 19. ut suprá. Vid. ipsum Bradwardini opus, edit. Lond. an. 1618. á pag. 350. ad 353. that Merit is not the cause of everlasting reward; and that when the Scriptures and Doctors doe affirme, that God will reward the good for their good merits (or workes,) Propter did not signifie the cause properly; but improperly, either the cause of knowing it, or the order, or the disposition of the subject thereunto. Richard of Armagh (whom my countrymen commonly doe call S. Richard of Dundalke, because he was there borne and buried) intimateth this to be his minde; that the reward is here rendred, Non propter condignitatem operis, sed propter promissionem & sic propter justitiam praemiantis. Armachan. in Quaest. Armenorum, lib. 12. cap. 21. not for the condignitie of the worke, but for the promise and so for the justice of the rewarder: as heretofore we have heard out of Bernard. Holcot, though in words he maintaine the merit of condignitie; yet he confesseth with the Master of the Sentences, that God is hereby made our debtor, ex. naturâ sui promissi, non ex naturâ nostri commissi, out of the nature of his owne promise, not out of the nature of our doing: and that our workes have this value in them, not naturally, as if there were so great goodnesse in the nature or substance of the merit that everlasting life should be due unto it, but legally, in regard of Gods ordinance and appointment. even Sicut parva pecunia cupri, ex naturâ suâ sive naturali vigore; non valet tantum, sicut unus panis; sed ex institutione principis tantum valet. Rob. Holcot. in lib. Sapient. cap. 3. lect. 36. as a [Page 520] little peece of copper, of it owne nature or naturall value, is not worth so much as a loafe of bread; but by the institution of the Prince is worth so much. And in this manner Possumus dicere, quòd opera nostra sunt condigna vitae aete [...]nae ex gratiâ, non ex substantiâ actus. Statuit enim Deus quòd bene operans in gratiâ habebit vitam aeternam. Et ergo per legem & gratiam principis nostri Christi meremur de condigno vitam aeternam. Ibid. we may say (saith he) that our workes are worthy of life everlasting by grace, and not by the substance of the act. For God hath ordained, that he that worketh well in grace should have life everlasting: and therefore by the law and grace of Christ our Prince we merit condignely everlasting life. Whereby we may see, how rightly it hath beene observed by Vasquez; Contingere enim potest, ut si veram caussam & rationem meriti non assignemus; verbis solùm ab haereticis dissidentes reipsâ cum eis conveniamus, at (que) in eorum sententiam velimus nolimus, consentire cogamur: quod sané aliquibus Catholicis in hâc controversiâ accidisse, non obscuré inferiùs patebit. Gabr. Vasquez, in 1am. 2. ae. quaest. 114 disput. 214. cap. 1. that divers of those whom he accounteth Catholickes, doe differ from us only in words, but agree in deed. Of which number he nameth Guilielm. Parisiens. tract. de Meritis. Willielmus Parisiensis, Scotus in 1. Sont. dist. 17. quaest. 3. sect. Hîc potest dici. Id. in 4. distinct. 49. quaest. 6. Loquendo de strictâ justitiâ, Deus nulli nostrum propter quaecun (que) merita est debitor perfectionis reddendae, tam intensê; propter immoderatum excessum illius perfectionis ultra illa merita. Scotus, Guilielm. Ockam, in 1. Sent. distinct. 17. quaest. 2. sect. Ideò dico aliter. Ockam, Gregor, in 1. Sent. distinct. 17. quaest. 1. artic. 2. in confirmationibus secundae conclusion [...]s & solutione quarto argumenti contra eand. Gregorius Ariminensis, Gabriel. in 1. Sent. dist. 17. quaest. 3. artic. 3. dub. 2. & in 2. dist. 27. quaest. 3. arti. 3. dub. 2. Gabriel Biel with his Supplement. Gabriel. in 4. distinct. 49. quaest. 4. artic. 2. conclus. 3. Supplement, the Chanons of Culleyn in their Antididagm. Coloniens. cap. 12. de praemio & retribut. bonorum operum. Antididagma and Enchirid. addit. Concilio Coloniensi, tit. de Iustific. sect. Et ut semel hunc articulum. Enchiridion, Io. Bunder. Compend. Concertationis, tit. 6. artic. 5. Ioh. Bunderius, Alphons. contr. haeres. lib. 10. tit. Meritum, & lib. 7. tit. Gratia. Alphonsus de Castro, and Vega in Opusc. de Iustif. quaest. 5. ad. 1. & 3. Andreas Vega who was present at the handling of these matters in the last Tridentine Councell.
All these, and sundry others beside them, hold that the dignitie of the good workes done by Gods children doth not proceed from the value of the workes themselves, but only from the gratious promise and [Page 521] acceptation of God. Yea Gregorius Ariminensis, Valens ille Gregorius Ariminensis, maximus & studiosissimus Divi Augustini propugnator. Id. ibid. quaest. 6. that most able and carefull defender of S. Augustine (as Vega stileth him) concludeth peremptorily, Ex hoc ulteriùs infero; quòd nedum vitae aeternae, sed nec alicujus alterius praemij aeterni vel temporalis, aliquis actus hominis ex quacun (que) charitate elicitus, est de condigno meritorius apud Deum. Gregor. in 1. dist. 17. quaest. 1. art. 2. that no act of man, though issuing from never so great charitie, meriteth of condignitie from God, either eternall life, or yet any other reward whether eternall or temporall. The same conclusion is by Durand the most resolate Doctor (as Durandus uti (que) resolutissimus. Jo. Gerson. epist. ad studentes Collegij Navarrae. Gerson tearmeth him) thus confirmed: Quod redditur potiùs ex liberalitate dantis quàm ex debito operis; non cadit sub merito de condigno stricté & proprie accepto, ut expositum est. Sed quicquid á Deo accipimus, sive sit gratia, sive sit gloria, sive bonum temporale vel spirituale, praecedente in nobis propter hoc quocun (que) bono opere; potiùs & principaliùs accipimus ex liberalitate Dei, quàm reddatur ex debito operis. Ergo nihil penitùs cadit sub merito de condigno sic accepto. Durand. in 2. distinct. 27. quaest. 2. sect. 12. That which is conferred rather out of the liberalitie of the giver than out of the due of the worke, doth not fall within the compasse of the merit of condignitie, strictly and properly taken. But whatsoever we receive of God, whether it be grace or whether it be glory, whether temporall or spirituall good, whatsoever good worke we have before done for it, yet we receive the same rather and more principally out of Gods liberalitie, than out of the due of the worke. Therefore nothing at all falleth within the compasse of the merit of condignitie, so taken. And Caussa autem hujus est, quia & illud quod sumus, & quod habemus, sive sunt boni actus, sive boni habitus seu usus; totum est in nobis ex liberalitate divinâ gratis dante & conservante. Et quia ex dono gratuito nullus obligatur ad dandum amplius, sed potiùs recipiens magis obligatur danti: ideò ex bonis habitibus, & ex bonis actibus sive usibus nobis á Deo datis, Deus non obligatur nobis ex aliquo debito justitiae ad aliquid amplius dandum, ita quòd si non dederit sit injustus; sed potiùs nos sumus Deo obligati. Et sentire, seu dicere oppositum, est temerarium seu blasphemum. Ibid. sect. 13.14. the cause hereof is, (saith he) because both that which we are and that which we have, whether they be good acts or good habits, or the use of them, is wholly in us by Gods liberalitie freely giving and preserving the same. Now because none is bound by his owne free gift to give more, but the receiver rather is more bound to him that giveth: therefore by the good habits, and [Page 522] by the good acts or uses which God hath given us, God is not bound to us by any debt of justice to give any thing more, so as if he did not give it he should be unjust; but we are rather bound to God. And to thinke or say the contrary, is rashnesse or blasphemie.
Of the same judgement with Durand, was Iacobus de Everbaco, as Marsilius witnesseth, who delivereth his owne opinion touching this matter in these three conclusions. I. Considerando opera nostra secundùm se, vel etiam prout sunt ex gratiâ cooperante; non sunt opera meritoria vitae aeternae de condigno. Ma [...]sil. de I [...]ghen, in 2. Sent. quaest. 18. art. 4. If we consider our workes in themselves, or as they proceed also from cooperating grace, they are not such workes as deserve eternall life of condignitie. for proofe whereof hee bringeth in many reasons; and that of Durands for one. Si de condigno ex operibus gratiâ & libero arbitrio e [...]iam quantumlibet magnis operatis deberetur vita aeterna: tunc Deus illi injuriam faceret, si sibi vitam aeternam non tribueret. & sic Deus ex magnis datis bonis cogeretur sub justit [...]â addere ampliora: quod ratio non capit. Ibid. If for the workes wrought by grace and free-will although never so great, eternall life should be due unto any by condignitie: then God should doe him injurie, if he did not give eternall life unto him. and so God by those great good things which he had given, should be constrained in way of justice to adde more great thereunto; which reason doth not comprehend. II. Hujusmodi opera poss [...]nt dici vitae aeternae meritoria de condigno; [...]x acceptatione divinâ originaliter procedente ex merito passionis Christi. Ibid. Such workes as these may be said to merit eternall life of condignitie, by divine acceptation, originally proceeding from the merit of the passion of Christ. III. Opera facta ex gratiâ merentur vitam a [...]ternam de congruo ex liberali Dei dispositione, quâ disposuit ea sic praemiare. Ibid. Workes done by grace doe merit eternall life by way of congruitie; in respect of Gods liberall disposition, who hath so purposed to reward them. Afterwards he proveth out of the Apostle, Rom. 6.23. that Non ex nostrâ justitiâ sed ex Dei gratiâ datur vita aeterna: juxta illud ad Rom. 6. Gratia Dei vita aeterna. Ibid. eternall life is given out of Gods grace, not out of our righteousnesse, and that God in thus rewarding us, doth neither exercise commutative justice, Cùm in operibus nostris bonis nihil Deo demus, pro quo per commutationem debeatur nobis praemium. Ibid. because in our good workes we give nothing unto God, for [Page 523] which by way of commutation the reward should be due unto us; nor yet distributive, Cùm nullus bene operando se [...]undùm se & secundùm statum aliquid de condigno me [...]eatu [...], s [...]d pot [...]ùs Deo majori obligatione astringitu [...], q [...]ia majora bona recep [...] Ib [...]d. because no man by working well, in regard of himselfe and in regard of the state wherein he is, doth merit any thing of condignitie, but is bound to God rather by a greater obligation, because he hath received greater good things from him. And Ex quibus concluditur, quòd justus sic in remunerando: quia justâ dispositione suâ disposuit ex gratiâ a [...]ceptationis minus meritum majori praemio coronare; non justitiâ debiti, sed g [...]atiâ & dispositione beneplaciti d [...] vini. Ibid. thereupon at last concludeth, that God is just in rewarding, because by his just disposition he hath ordained by the grace of acceptation to crowne the lesser merit with the greater reward; not by the justice of debt, but by the grace and disposition of the divine good pleasure.
But the sentence of the Chancellour and the Theologicall facultie of Paris in the yeere 1354. against one Guido an Austin Fryar, that then defended the merit of condignitie, is not to be overpassed. For by their order, this forme of recantation was prescribed unto him. Dixi contra Bacchalarium Praedicatorum conferendo cum ipso; quòd homo meretur vitam aeternam de condigno; id est, quòd, si non daretur, o [...] si [...] ret injuria. Et scripsr quòd Deus faceret sibi injuriam: & hanc probavi. Istam revoco tanquam falsam, haereticam & blasphemam. Guid. Revocat. errorum fact. Paris. an. 1354. tom. 14. Bibliothec. Pa [...]. edit. Colon. pag. 347. I said against a Bachelour of the order of the Fryars Preachers in conference with him, that a man doth merit everlasting life of condignitie, that is to say, that in case it were not given, there should injurie be done unto him. I wrote likewise, that God should doe him iniurie: and approved it. This I revoke as FALSE, HERETICALL, and BLASPHEMOVS. Yet now the times are so changed, and men in them that our new Divines of Rhemes stick not to tell us, that it Rhem. annotat. in Hebr. 6.10. is most cleare to all not blinded in pride and contention, that good workes be meritorious, and the very cause of salvation, so far that God should be unjust, if he rendred not heaven for the same. where to the judgement of the indifferent Reader I referre it, whether side in this case is more likely to have beene [Page 524] blinded in pride: (we who abase our selves before Gods footstoole, and utterly disclaime all our owne merits; or they who have so high a conceit of them, that they dare in this presumptuous manner to challenge God of injustice, if he should judge them to deserve a lesse reward than Heaven it selfe:) and whether that sentence of our Saviour Christ be not fulfilled in them, as well as in the proud and blinde Pharisees their predecessors. Ioh. 9.39. For judgement I am come into this world, that they which see not might see, and that they which see might be made blinde. And so leaving these blinde leaders of the blinde, who say they Ioh. 9.41. see (by that meanes making their sinne to remaine) and say they Revel. 3.17. are rich and increased with goods (not knowing that they are wretched, and miserable, and poore, and blinde, and naked:) I proceed, and out of the fifteenth Century or Hundred of yeeres after Christ produce other two witnesses of this truth. The one is Paulus Burgensis; who expounding those words of David, Psalm. 36.5. Thy mercy, O Lord, is in heaven, (or, reacheth unto the heavens) writeth thus: Gloriam coelestem nullus de condigno secundùm legem communem meretur. unde Apostolus ad Rom. 8. Non sunt condignae passiones hujus seculi ad futuram gloriam, quae revelabitur in nobis. & sic manifestum est, quòd in coelo maximé relucet misericordia Dei in beatis. Paul. Burg [...]ns. addit. ad Lyran. in Psa. 35. No man according to the common law can merit by condignitie the glory of heaven. whence the Apostle saith in the 8. to the Romans, that the sufferings of this time are not worthy to be compared with the future glory which shall be revealed in us. and so it is manifest that in heaven most of all the mercy of God shineth forth in the blessed. The other is Thomas Walden, who living in England the same time that the other did in Spaine, professeth plainly his dislike of that saying; Quòd homo ex meritis est dignus regno coelorum, aut hâc gratiâ vel illâ gloriâ. quamvis quidam Scholastici invenerunt ad hoc dicendum terminos de condigno & congruo. Waldens. tom. 3. de Sacramentalib. tit. 1. cap. 7. that a man by his merits is worthy of the kingdome of heaven, or this grace or that glory: howsoever certaine Schoolemen, that [Page 525] they might so speake, had invented the tearmes of Condignitie and Congruitie. But Reputo igitur saniorem Theologum, fideliorem Catholicum, & Scripturis sanctis mag [...]s concordem; qui tale meritum simpliciter abnegat, & cum modificatione Apostoli & Scripturarum concedit quia simpliciter quis non meretur regnum coelorum, sed ex gratiâ Dei aut voluntate largitoris. Ibid. I repute him (saith he) the sounder Divine, the more faithfull Catholicke, and more consonant with the holy Scriptures, who doth simply denie such merit, and with the qualification of the Apostle and of the Scriptures confesseth, that simply no man meriteth the kingdome of heaven, but by the grace of God or will of the giver. Sicut omnes sancti priores us (que) ad recentes Scholasticos & communis scripsit Ecclesia. Ibid. as all the former Saints, untill the late Schoolemen, and the universall Church hath written.
Out of which words of his you may further observe both the time when, and the persons by whom this innovation was made in these latter daies of the Church: namely, that the late Schoolemen were they, that corrupted the ancient doctrine of the Church, and to that end devised their new termes of the merit of congruitie and condignitie. I say, in these latter daies: because if we looke unto higher times, Walden himselfe in that same place doth affirme that it was a branch of the Pelagiana est haeresis quòd Deus secundùm mensuram operum meritorioru [...] praemiabit hominem sic merentem. Ibid. Pelagian heresie to hold, that according to the measure of meritorious workes God will reward a man so meriting. Neither indeed can this proud generation of Merit-mongers be derived from a more proper stocke, than from the old either Pelagians or Catharists. For as these doe now adaies maintaine, that they doe R [...]em [...]s [...]s an not. in Rom. 9.1. worke by their owne free-will, and thereby deserve their salvation: so was this wont to be a part of Pelagius his song; Mihi nullus auferre poteri [...] liberi arbitrij potestatem: ne si in operibus meis Deus adjutor extiterit, non mihi debeatur merces, sed ei qui in me operatus. Pelag. apud Hieronym. in Dialog. advers. Pelag. lib. 1 No man shall take away from me the power of free-will: lest if God be my helper in my workes, the reward be not due to me, but to him that did worke in me. And to Gloriantes de suis m [...]ritis. Isidor. lib. 8. Origin. cap. 5. de Catharis. glory of their merits, was a speciall property noted in the [Page 526] Catharists or ancient Puritans: who standing thus upon their owne puritie, Et memoriâ reconde, quòd Ecclesia dic [...]t pro parte membrorum, copiosa sua esse peccat: ut qui se praedicant esse mundos (si [...]ut Ca [...]h [...]ristae) intelligant se portionem cum sanctâ Ecclesiâ nō h [...]bere. Cass. in Ps. [...]4 doe thereby declare (as Cassiodorus noteth) that they have no portion with the holy Church, which professeth that her sinnes are many. Nay, [...]. Epiph. haeres 59. pa [...]. 216, 2 [...]7. while these men call themselves Puritans, (saith Epiphanius) by this very ground they prove themselves to be impure. for whosoever pronounceth himselfe to be pure, doth therein absolutely condemne himselfe to be impure. For, as S. Hierome in this case disputeth against the Pelagians (and so against the Puritan and Pelagian Romanists) Tunc ergo justi sumus, quand [...] nos peccatores fatemu [...]: & justiti [...] nostra non ex proprio merito, se ex Dei consistit miseri [...]ord [...]â. Hieron. Dialog. adve [...]s. Pelag. lib. 1. then are we righteous, when we confesse our selves to be sinners; and our righteousnesse consisteth not in our owne merits, but in Gods mercy. with whose resolution against them, we will now conclude this point against their new offspring; that P [...]o n [...]lo (inquit) salvos faciet eos: h [...]ud dubium quin j [...]st [...]s, qui non prop [...]io meri [...]o, sed Dei salvantur cle [...]en [...]â Id. ib [...]d. l [...]b. 2. the righteous are saved, not by their owne merit, but by Gods clemencie.
And thus have I gone over all the particular articles propounded by our Challenger: and performed therein more a great deale, than he required at my hands. That which he desired in the name of his fello [...]es, was; that we would alleage but any one Text of Scripture, which condemneth any of the above written points. He hath now presented unto him not texts of Scripture only, but testimonies of the Fathers also, justifying our diss [...]nt from them not in one but in all those points, wherein he was so confident, that they of our side that had read the Fathers could well testifie, that all antiquitie did in judgement concurre with the now Church of Rome. And if he looke into every one of them more neerely; he may perhaps finde, that we are not such strangers to the originall and first breedings of these Romish errors, as he did imagine. It now remaineth on his part, that he make good what he hath undertaken: [Page 527] namely, that for the confirmation of all the above mentioned points of his Religion, he produce both good and certaine grounds out of the sacred Scriptures, and the generall consent likewise of the Saints and Fathers of the Primitive Church. Wherein, as I advise him to spare his paines in labouring to prove those things, which he seeth me before hand readily to have yeelded unto: so I wish him also not to forget his owne motion, made in the percloase of his Challenge; that all may be done with Christian charity and sincerity, to the glory of God, and instruction of them that are astray.
Faults escaped.
PAge 10. line 15. for once reade one. p. 18. l. 8. (as also p. 19. l. 1. and 113. l. 2.) Radbertus. p. 30. l. 9. Canonicall. p. 63. l. 28. bread and wine. p. 67. l. 9. or. p. 71. l. 12. for wine. reade bloud. ibid l. 21. for second reade third. p. 77. in t [...]e marg [...]nt, at the very beginning, adde x. Lanfranc. lib. de Sacram. Eucharist. contra Berengar. pag. 85. lin. 15. for he read God. p. 103. l. 20. sett. p. 163. lin. 12, 13. crosse out those words: then in any of the rest. pag. 271. in the margent, lin. 16. for Id. put Hieronym. pag. 326. in the margent, lin. 17. Marcellam. pag. 341. lin. 5. Christian. pag. 352. l. 5. crosse out [...]. pag. 405. l. 20. put out the word Iesuite: and in the last line of the margent, aft [...]r quaest. 12. adde, artic. 10. disput. 7. conclus. 6. p [...]g. 444. lin. ul [...]. Pitsio. pag. 449. in marg. l. 35. Naclantus. pag. 448. at the ast [...]risc *. lin. 14. adde in the margent. Ab omnibus deinceps doceatur communiter atque praedicetur, Crucem & Imaginem Crucifixi ceterasque Imagines Sanctorum, in ipsorum memoriam & honorem quo [...] figurant, ac ipsorum loca & reliquias processionibus, gen [...] flexionibus, inclinationibus, thurificationibus, deosculationibus, oblationibus, luminarium accensionibus, & peregrinationibus, nec non alijs quibuscunque modis & formis quibus nostris & predecessorum nostrorum temporibus fieri consuevit, venerari debere. Gu [...]lh [...]lm. Lyndewode Provincial. lib. 5. de Haeretic. cap. Nullus quoque. pag. 451. l. 12. M [...]rsilius. pag. 453. in the margent. lin. 12. and 26. and pag. 454. l. 9. for Pr [...]phetic. reade Protreptic. pag. 456. marg. lin. 38. manuum. pag. 463. marg. lin. 9. Patres.