THE STRANGEST ADVENTVRE THAT EVER HAPPENED: EITHER in the ages passed or present. Containing a discourse concerning the successe of the King of Portugall Dom Sebastian, from the time of his voyage into [...] battell against the [...]. vnto the sixt of [...] 1601. In which Discourse, is diuerse curious histories, some auncient Prophesies, and other matters, whereby most euidently appea­reth: that he whom the Seigneurie of Venice hath held as priso­ner for the space of two yeres and twentie two dayes, is the right and true king of Portugall Dom Sebastian. More, a Letter that declareth, in what maner he was set at libertie the IV. of December last. And beside, how he parted from Venice and came to Florence. All first done in Spanish, then in French, and novv lastly translated into English.

PSAL. CXVII.

By the Lord is this thing done: and it is miraculous in our eyes.

LONDON, Printed for Frances Henson dwelling in the Black-Friers. 1601.

TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE, VVILLIAM RI­der, Lord Maior of this famous Citie of Lon­don, and to all the rest of the worshipfull Senatours and Al­dermen his brethren: particularly by name, as bound by some fauours, Sir Stephen Soame knight, M. Iohn Garrard Alderman, with the two worshipfull Sheriffes, M. Cambell and M. Crauen.

THe translation of this straunge and admirable discourse (right Hono­rable and right Worshipfull) being committed to my trust, and I fin­ding it in the French to bee com­mended from Venice, to the most Christian King of France, as a mat­ter of truth and absolute assurance: lest in his English attire he should wander vnregarded through the wor [...] I was the bolder (in loue and humble dutie to [...]o [...] [...] generall) to make your names and titles the [...] [...] nance to his free passage, the same hauing bene [...] [...] before, and sufficiently authorised: To tell yo [...] [...] poore opinion of it were needlesse, because the m [...] sufficiently commends it selfe, and in reading it [...] satisfie anie curious questioner: Onely my humble [...] [Page] [...]uest is, that my boldnesse to you may be held blame­ [...]esse, and my poore goodwill accepted but in indiffe­ [...]t worth. So shal I rest yours in anie greater employ­ment, and remaine readie at all times with my verie vttermost seruice.

Your Honours and Worships in all dutie, A. M.

To the Reader.

IN the end of the moneth of August last past (gen­tle Reader) I receiued a packet of Letters [...]n the Italian tongue, wherein one was written in fa [...] of the king of Portugal Dom Sebastian, who was as then said to be prisoner in Venice. This letter was directed to the most Christian king, and I ca­ried it with all possible diligence I could vse, and caused it to be deli­uered to his Maiestie. In the same packet there was also a further traduction of the same letter; which hauing thus happened to my hands, I acquainted diuerse of my friends therewith, who made such reckening and esteeme thereof, as it were a matter beyond all other most rare and maruellous. This letter was of such power, as it pro­uoked and kindled in the hearts of my said friends, an extreme loue and affection towards the Prince, and begot in them likewise a ve­hement desire, to see him in libertie and peaceable possession of his kingdome, as if themselues had bene subiects thereto belonging. So (referring that to such as were more obliged by dutie, and had more particular interest in such businesse,) after the receipt of this leeter, I laboured all I might to vnderstand some tydings of his estate and successe. Hauing then learned, that a Religious man, of the order of the preaching Friers (named brother Ioseph Texere a Portuguese, one knowne to the greatest and meanest in Europe, as also here very well) had writtē to this Citie to a Bishop a friend of his, a discourse of matters happening since the said king began to enterprise his Af­fricke voyage: I so much importuned a nephew to the sayd Bishop, who kept this discourse in his hands to send to his vncle, as no excuses might serue from transferring it to mine. The reading thereof was to me so pleasing and agreeable, as both it encouraged and cut off all supposition of labour, in the speedie writing and copying it out. Ha­uing by this meanes this version in mine owne power, I thought I should commit an inexcusable fault, if I should reserue to my proper vse such a strange accident and worthy regard. Hereupon attending [Page 6] could get conuenient oportunity, to the end that euery one might [...] the excellent occasions contained in this discourse: I concluded [...]mit it to the presse, accompanied with a letter of the sayd [...]s, written by him since the sending of the Discourse to the same [...], and wherewith it pleased his Lordship to acquaint me. Thou [...] find (courteous Reader) at the beginning of this discourse, a [...]lation of the letter written to his most Christian Maiestie, [...] is annexed hereunto, because it containes some points that are [...] subiect of this worke, and which deserue both to be seene and [...]. And ere thou enter into it, be not abashed at the title we haue [...] it: for so soone as thou hast but stept a litle into it, thou wilt [...]e it to be most apt and conuenable. Now, because I would con­ [...], I intreat thee not onely gently to make acceptance hereof: but [...]end in all parts and places the right of a king, whom God and [...]e hath endued with infinite graces, wise, valiant, good & iust, [...] though lost in a cause no lesse honorable then Christian.

Farewell.

The copie of a Letter, written by a Ʋene­tian Gentleman to his most Christian Maiesty, translated out of Italian into French, and out of French into English.

To the most Christian King, Henry the fourth, King of Fraunce and Nauarre.

THat great God, whose iudgements are alwayes diuerse and contrary to ours, disposeth and or­dereth al things on earth by different meanes, not being comprehensible to our capacities: and no body but himselfe, can attaine to any certaine knowledge of their issues and effects. But as he is full of soueraigne goodnesse, of infinite wisedome, and admirable prouidence, he knowes how to draw good out of euill, exalting and raising vp those things, which the ignorant world taxes in his imaginations with titles base and abiect. That this is most infalli­ble, none knowes, or hath better approoued, then your most Christian Maiestie: whose enemies, bred and borne in your owne proper kingdome, being your liege people, vassals and subiects, accompanied with strange and forreine aduersaries, most vniustly trauersing and persecuting you, till you obtained that whereto God and nature had ordained you. Neuerthelesse, by the assi­stance of the same God (albeit to further & effect the better their damnable intentions, they tooke the couerture and pretext of Re­ligion) your Maiestie did manage those affaires with such wise­dome and speed, as entring into the whole and lawfull possession of the kingdome, their owne eyes could witnesse the vanitie of their pretences, and how ill shaped the cloke was that [...]id their loose purposes. So that the same difficultie, which serued them as their principall obiect to abuse the world withall, being broken and disappointed, stopt the mouth of their reasons alleaged, and wasting their forces and strength, held their noses to the ground, till they came to knowledge of their owne errors▪ although some­what too late. And much more late had they bene in finding re­medie, if your most Christian Maiestie (moued by your owne [Page 8] [...]ind nature and accustomed benignitie) had not receiued them [...]to grace and fauour. So that hence them selues may discerne, [...]oth what I haue before & nowe againe say, that the iudgements [...]f God are diuerse & contrarie to mens▪ who seldome attaine to [...]ny perfect accomplishment of their plots and imaginations. Nor [...]ake I so long a preamble (most Christian king) to any other [...]nd, but to serue my selfe with that which I finde fit in my verie [...]ule, as standing some way bound to speake to your Maiestie, in [...]uour of the poore and vnfortunate (neuerthelesse most happie [...]ne day, when God shall so please) Dom Sebastian, the true and [...]wfull king of Portugal. And to this attempt I bind my selfe the [...]ther, through the malice of some, who for the interest of their e­ [...]ate onely, giue it out in the world (and it may be likewise before [...]our Maiestie) that he is but a sillie foolish Calabrois. Wherefore [...]ntend by this my letter to make knowne to your Highnesse the [...]uth of the matter, that when he shall come to the acquaintance [...] a king, a king so Christian and magnanimous as your Maiestie [...] one not to learne what it is to suffer outragious persecutions, [...]osses and iniustices: it may be a meanes to vrge assistaunce to a [...]ore prisoned king, who desiring this illustrious Seigneurie, to [...]t him but be seene to such Portegueses as were in this Citie, for [...]knowledgement of some secret markes, which he had naturally [...]aractered on his body, it might by no meanes be so permitted, [...]ither he shewed to the world in any sort. At length there came [...]her a Gentleman of qualitie, a Portugueze, that brought the [...]me markes proued as authenticall, vnder the hands of the pub­ [...]e Notaries and Peeres of Portugal: but the honorable Lords of [...]s Estate were resolute not to let him see him, albeit the prisoner [...]de this protestation ensuing to them: You say, my Lords, that [...]m not Sebastian king of Portugal, let me be seene to my Portu­ [...]eses, yea to all the world: and if you find that I am not such as I [...]intaine my selfe to be, let my head be smitten of.

Vpon which words, I thought good to signifie to your most [...]ristian Maiestie, some particularities touching the prisoner. He [...]h the same shape, the same hands and feete (to wit, the right [...]re long then the left) he beares the same age, the same markes [...]d gate, with the knees bowing inward, as Dom Sebastians king [...] Portugal did. Whereby of diuerse in this citie and other places [Page 9] he hath bene knowne: for they accompanied in his voyage to Af­fricke, and had seene him in his kingdome: with whom discour­sing, he put them in mind of sundrie particulars which they had had as then together, and were impossible that any other but the King himselfe should know. Of all which particular notes, I most humbly intreat your Maiestie to heare onely but two. There is a merchant here, who some fiue and twentie yeres since was wont to trade into Portugall: this man being at Lisbon before king Se­bastian passed into Affrick: mark what befell him. As he was vpon the sea shoare, stopping his shippe that had receiued a leake, he saw a farre off the King comming, making a goodly horse wher­on he rid, to mount and coruet very sprightly vnder him: and he not knowing him to be the King: this beast (quoth he) what will he breake his owne necke? The King and others of the traine hea­ring these words, gallopped the horse so mainely toward the merchant, and made him in such a fearefull taking, as the poore man verily thought he should loose his life. But when he knew him to be the King, he fell to the ground, and weeping (on his knees) desired pardon, for he feared lest his lauish tongue might haue made him to be trussed vp. The King as he was euer full of clemencie, commaunded him to stand vp, intreating him verie honorably, and bestowing sundrie fauours vpon him.

Sebastian seeing the same merchant here in our citie, before he was arrested as a prisoner, demaunded of him (vnasked) if he re­membred such a matter, and so acknowledging the one the o­ther, diuerse things passed betweene them which happened at that present occasion.

Moreouer, this King (I would say this prisoner) when he was at Messina, knowing that there dwelt a gentleman of a verie fa­mous familie, who had accompanied him in his voyage to Af­fricke: he went and found out his house, and vpon some priuate passages betweene them, they kindly renewed their former ac­quaintance. Besides, since his arriuall here in our citie, and before his imprisonment, he writ diuerse letters to the said gentleman, and receiued likewise letters backe againe from him. And by his expresse meanes, was a man and letters sent into Portugall, to sundrie faithfull Lords of that kingdome: but we heare that this man so sent to Portugall, died in those parts, but vnknowne how, [Page 10] [...]ter he had deliuered all or the most part of his letters. Notwith­ [...]anding, as afflictions and miseries alters mens minds, making [...]em forget or lay aside all kindnesse and friendship: euen so this [...]entleman (toucht in this case, and to become a subiect to the [...]ng of Castile) hearing Sebastian was held as a prisoner, gaue o­ [...]er and left off all former acquaintance. But I most humbly in­ [...]eat your Maiestie, that in this case you would not stand aloofe, [...]t beholding the occurrences of this vnhappie King, & (though prisoner) yet passing in such sound forme of truth, that you [...]ould interpose your authoritie, and manage this waighty cause [...]ith such diligence and dexteritie, as your Highnesse hath here­ [...]fore giuen accomplishment to affaires much more hote and [...]fficult, wherein you shall do a worke worthie the name of a [...]odly and most Christian King, and for which, I pray the omni­ [...]otent Creator, to crowne your Maiestie with perpetuall glorie [...]d felicitie. From Venice, this 28. of Iuly. M.D.C.

The most humble and affectionate seruant in duty to your Maiestie most Christian. GIOVANNE CAPVGNANO.

The Copie of a Discourse concerning the successe of Dom Sebastian King of Portugall, since he began his enterprised voyage into Affricke, vn­till the sixt of Ianuarie this present yeare, 1601.
Sent by the reuerend Father, brother Ioseph Texere Portugueze, to a Bishop his friend.
More, a letter of the said Fathers to the same Bishop, wherein he declares, how the Venetians deliuered out of prison the sayd King of Portugall, Dom Sebastian.

MOST worthie Lord, (post habitam benedictio­nem) I receiued foure letters from your most worthie Lordship, since the end of September hitherto, with this last which was deliuered me the two and twentieth of the passed moneth, da­ted the fourth, and came by the way of Paris. For which, and for all the honours and graces you haue done me in them, I often kisse the hands of your sacred selfe. They will me that I should answere (as one accused) to certaine demaunds set downe therein: which, in obedience to your worthie commaun­dement, I purpose to do, and for my better vnderstanding, as also all others whatsoeuer, the demaunds shall be set downe in order following.

The first demaund.

For what cause the King of Portugall Dom Sebastian, without leauing any heire vnto his kingdome, would put his life in hazard of losing, passing at the age of 24. yeares and a halfe into Affrick, a countrie of Infidels, and a land extreamely hot and vnfaithfull?

The second demaund.

What iudgement I make of his life, whether he died in the battell, or saued himselfe? And what I thinke of the bodie that was buried (as his) in the church of Bethlehem, a couent of Monkes of the order of Saint Ierome, a league from Lisbon, in the beginning of the yeare, 1583.

The third demaund.

Wherefore (being aliue) he would not discouer himselfe? that he might be vsed like a King, and freed from so great miserie, as is well knowne the slaues in Barbarie do endure?

The fourth demaund.

Where he hath bene all this long continuance of time? and how chance he came to Venice, & not to France or some other place: where (without doubt) he might haue receiued better entertain­ment, according as appertained to his condition? And whether, by my sight of him, I know him assuredly?

The fift demaund.

What they were that procured his libertie? What further ti­dings I haue of him, and whether he determine to passe any fur­ther then this citie?

The sixt demaund.

Admit that this prisoner be the same king of Portugall Dom Sebastian, and that by the helpe of God, fauour of his most chri­stian Maiestie, as also other Princes and estates of Christendome, the Seigneurie of Venice do so acknowledge him: what meanes and remedies hath he to recouer his kingdomes, and to reestablish himselfe in the possession of them?

An answere to the first demand.

For answer to the first demand, I say, that the principall cause which prouoked king Sebastian to passe into Affricke, was (as being a very christian Prince, honorable and iust) his enflamed desire to increase christianitie, and to make the name of God knowne through the wide vniuerse. And (as after he came to the yeares of discretion) he alwayes maintained and chearished this [...]ope: so such an apt occasion instantly offering it selfe, he did [...]mbrace it with all affection. But worthy Lord, the better to giue notice of what I intend, I must deriue my course from higher [...]nstances, discoursing of the race and successe of the later Barba­ [...]ian kings: to wit, Muley Mahamet Xarifa, and Muley Ma­ [...]uco sirnamed Abdelmelech (who would terme himselfe the ser­ [...]ant of the most high) this the vncle, the other the nephew, yet both royall pretenders. Muley Mahamet (father to Muley Ha­met the bastard, now raigning in Barbary) had three legitimate sonnes, Muley Abdela Xarifa, Muley Abdelmumen, and [Page 13] Muley Abdelmelech, otherwise called Maluco, of whom we now are come to make mention. This was a very wise Prince, and of mighty valour, he ioyned to his owne inheritance all the kingdomes of Barbary, and them he discretly gouerned while he liued. At point of death, he named for principall heire his eldest sonne Muley Abdela Xarifa: conditionally, that he should giue to his two brothers part of his kingdomes. Muley Abdela succee­ding thus his father, not onely denied to fulfill his commande­ment, but concluded vpon the death of his brethren. Who hea­ring thereof in the city of Miquines, where as then they kept, tooke counsell to withdraw themselues into Turky: and so tra­uelling thence, after they had dispatched some hindring difficul­ties, within a few dayes they arriued with their mother and sister at Tremessen, a city of the Turkes. At the same time reigned in the kingdome of Fez, the onely sonne to Muley Abdela Xarifa, named Muley Mahamet Xarifa, who by expresse charge sent a man to Tremessen, and there he murthered Muley Abdelmu­men, as he was at his prayers in the Temple: Muley Maluco then being at Constantinople, where then bare sway the Sultan Se­lim. Muley Abdela aduertised of this murther (although himselfe had before procured it) made shew as if it displeased him greatly, and (with chiding his sonne) caused iustice afterward to be done on the murtherer. After some few yeares his houre of death ap­proching, he left as his only heire the sayd Muley Mahamet his sonne, without making any mention of his brother Muley Ma­luco: who still kept himselfe at Constantinople, intending to re­quest succour of the great Emperour.

Muley Maluco being certified of his brothers death, made such meanes vnto the Sultan Amurath, who reigned then after the death of his father Sultan Selim, that he gaue him ten gallies for his passage to the realme of Argell or Argiere, and comman­dement to the king of that countrey, to leuie so many men as he could, and then to accompany him in his owne person, till he had seated him in the kingdomes and lands of Barbary. Muley Ma­luco hauing bene at Argiere, departed thence in company of the sayd king, and with him three thousand Turkish harquebuziers, all arriuing together at Tremessen, where with ten peeces of ar­tillery and other munition, the inhabitants vnited their forces with [Page 14] them. From thence he iourneyed with his power into Barbary, and there after diuerse fightes with the king his nephew, he tooke possession of Teza, which was yeelded to him without a­ny resistance. And proceeding onward, he came to Fez, where then was Muley Mahamet with thirty thousand horse, and ten thousand harquebuziers: there was likewise an Andalusian Co­lonnell, that came and ioyned eighteene hundreth Andalusians with him. The ordinance on either side played very roughly, Muley Mahamets part did small dammage, but Muley Malucos very much, discomfiting almost all his nephewes horsemen, and forcing them to a speedy flight. On the other side, the foote (after diuerse hote skirmishes) came to handy blowes, continuing the fight so long, and with such fury, as darke night was faine to ter­minate the battell. Muley Mahamet beholding his troupes thus vanquished, and considering it was beyond his strength to make any further counter-quarrie against his vnckles forces, with­drew himselfe into Morocco, and such in his company as bare him best affection. His vnckle tooke the way to Fez, where he was honorably receiued, and few dayes after gaue free liberty to Bacha king of Argiere, to depart home againe with his men, wher­of seuen hundreth remained there still with him. Muley Maluco vnderstanding that his nephew prepared to charge him with a fresh encounter, went thence to Miquines, where continuing his resolution, within a while after the two armies began to shew themselues neare to the towne of Halé, where the vnckle ouer­threw againe his nephew and his forces, which amounted to forty thousand horse, and ten thousand harquebuziers Muley Maha­met seeing himselfe flatly foyled in the field, and out of all hope of making head any more, fled to Morocco, whence he passed to the mountaines (called Montes Claros) and by this retraite, Mu­ley Maluco made himselfe sole Lord of Barbary.

By this historie is apparantly to be seene, with what small helpe a man may game those kingdomes whereto he hath any right. In like manner, and with much more ease, may king Sebastian recouer his: because it appertaines to no other but him, for he is true Lord and King thereof.

[Page 15]From the mountaines Muley Mahamet sent his Embassadors to the king Dom Sebastian, and desired succour at his hands: ma­king him such large offers, as were very profitable, and greatly for the aduantage of Christendome. He gaue him (as I haue lear­ned from diuerse credible persons) all the shoares which he held on the Ocean sea, and sixe leagues into firme land, with the townes and cities thereto belonging: among which were the ci­ties of Arzile, Saphin, & Larache, all very strong places & of great importance. Some say that he gaue him the abounding Alcacar­quibir, Tituan, and other places: more, he caused in the field a plaine deliuerie of Arzile to be made, by Cid Albequerin brother to his wife, who was the gouernour of the sayd city. And granted him moreouer, that the faith of Iesus Christ should be preached in Barbarie, and full power to crowne himselfe Emperour of Morocco.

This was the reason that made the King Dom Sebastian lo [...]ke vp his crowne, which the Kings his predecessours, and himselfe euen vntill that time, had openly worne. I saw that Crowne lockt vp into peeces of Artillerie, which were newly and purposely made for that voyage: in like maner I saw the Banners, Standards, and the ships vnder saile for that armie. And I know that the king Dom Sebastian tooke with him an vnkle of mine, my mothers brother, who was iudge of the Armories in the kingdomes of Portugall, to serue him as maister of those ceremonies, which were to be vsed in the act of his coronation as Emperour.

The king Dom Sebastian seeing so great offers (and being a Prince of the loftiest enterprises, desirous to winne honour, and such reputation as should wait on due merit) knowing what ver­tues consisted in himselfe, accompanied with such forces, coura­gious, fearelesse, hardie, actiue, [...]nd presuming in himselfe that he onely was borne to breake downe and squander the infidelles impieties: accepted the conditions that were made vnto him. And thus iustly deserued the sinnes of Portugall, that he should put his person in daunger of losse, his kingdomes and Monarchie in the ballance as a pray to strange nations. Hence may your wor­thinesse gather, what you desire to know out of the first demand.

An answere to the second demaund.

I answere to the second demaund negatiuely: that king Seba­stian [Page 16] did not die in the battell, and that the body which was bu­ried in Bethlehem was none of his. But before by manifest rea­sons I approue my sayings, let me intreate your sacred fatherhood to vnderstand, that when he began to make his preparation for this voyage, I was then a man of yeares, and in some authority (which admit as spoken betweene our selues, because that which oftentimes contenteth friends, displeaseth and raiseth a repining nature in such as are not so.) When he parted from Lisbone to passe into affricke, being the yeare 1578. and in the moneth of Iune, I was in the 35. yeare of mine age, and had the vse of very honorable charges, gouerning some couents of mine order, and had preached in diuerse places of Portugall, with applause and satisfaction of mine auditors. The same yeare I was in Lent called from my couent at Santeren, where I then aboade, to Lisbone, by Dom Alphonso de Chasteaublan [...] chiefe Almoner to the king, and Commissary generall of the Bull for the Croisade, to preach in the townes of Esbernos, Borba, Villaricosa, Landroal, Terena, Moncaras, Moran, Mora and Portel: and I was enrolled in the register of them, who were appointed to accompany the king in his present voyage, which could not by my selfe be performed, because my Prelates that had commaund ouer me, had consigned me to the gouernement of the Couent of Santeren, which is the fourth of our order, and the chiefest in Portugall: because the Priour there ruling, began to find himselfe not well, and had accō ­plished his three yeares iurisdiction, in which respect my Prelates prayed the king to pardon me, from bearing him company in his purposed voyage, and at their requests it was obtained. Thus I stayed at home (although against my will) in Portugal, without passing into Affricke. I hold the rather this kind of discoursing with your Lordship, because you may the better perceiue, that I had yeares and authority (as before I declared) sufficient to know great men, and what belonged to state affaires. The king parted from Lisbone, taking with him about thirty religious persons of my order (to whom he bare very kind affection, and reposed trust inough in them, for he vsed to call them his brethren.) One of their number was our Prouinciall of Portugal, who commanded the orders through all the gouernement of the kingdome, and as well in Europe as in Affricke, Asia, and America, named brother [Page 17] Iohn de Silue, graund-child or sonne to the Gouernour of Portu­gal, brother to the Bishop of the city called the Port of Portugall, and to Fernand de Silue, who at that very time was Embassador into Castile: brother Manuell de Bosa, brother Vincent Afonseca, and other religious men of very good discent. There was also mine vnckle Manuell Texere, of whom I made mention in my first answere, a brother of mine likewise, called brother Diego Cardose de Mirande, that maried with a sister of mine, and diuers others of my kindred. King Sebastian hauing ioyned with his ar­my in Affricke, at the city of Arzile, and leauing Larache, was gone toward the city of Alcacarquibir: there in the field thereto belonging, he put his men in order the fourth of the moneth of August.

When the heauy newes was brought to Portugal, and that I had intelligence therof: because of the intrest I had in the iourney, I was constrained to go to Lisbone, being fourteene leagues di­stant from Santeren, to vnderstand whether they were true or no. Where arriuing the 25. of the sayd moneth, I met with mine vnckle, who was the selfe same day returned from Affricke. He by commandement of the Generall of the army, that remained behind as Lieutenant generall for the king, had brought thither with him vnto Lisbone Cid Albequerin, and his nephew the young Xarifa, sonne to his sister and Muley Mahamet Xarifa, which young Xarifa is now a Christian, and liues in Spaine, bea­ring the title of the Prince of Morocco, and is commander of the order of Saint Iames, a Prince of many excellent partes and sin­gular hope. Being thus with mine vncle, he told me that king Sebastian withdrew himselfe from the battell, embarqued in his Galliot, but for certaintie that he was aliue. If I would know any other newes, I should go visite Cid Albequerin: and he earnest­ly intreated me that I would do him so much pleasure, because the sayd Cid Albequerin would receiue great contentment by my sight and knowledge, for on the way he had much talke with him of me. So I went to see Cid Albequerin, and after I had long conferred with him, I desired him to do me so much kindnesse, as to tell me what was become of Dom Sebastian. The first word that he gaue me, was deliuered with vehement expression of griefe, being thus: He is not dead, and if he be, the God of the [Page 18] Christians is vniust. This he spake to me very sprightly, and in per­fect good Spanish, which he had the vse of better then my selfe. Hereupon I intreated his Excellency to fauour me in such sort, as to tell me what he vnderstood of the whole affairese, and prayed to be resolued the rin from his owne mouth. He lifting his eyes vp to heauen, hauing the teares ready to drop downe his cheekes: O Ala (quoth he) which is as much as when we say, ô Lord: then hauing bene silent an indifferent while, he vsed these speeches to me: Reuerend father, your fatherhood shall know, that although I am none of the oldest in the world, yet I haue bene seene in some battels, where I haue noted men of singular valour, and in­comparable power: but I neuer saw so braue and generous a knight (whereat he fetcht a great sigh) as the king Dom Sebastian. For he exce [...]ed all the rest, fighting in this sad and disastrous bat­tell, and euer I was by his side: all the world would haue made him way, and by the behauiour of his sword, he left the earth co­uered with his enemies bodies. God hauing then giuen (deare fa­ther) to the Christians, a Prince so valiant, hardie, coragious, wise, good and iust, and to take him from them againe in so short a time (for he was aged but 24. yeares, 7. monethes, and 15. dayes) he should shew himselfe cruell and very vniust to them; and as for my selfe, I should so hold and esteeme him. (A discrete answere out of an infidels mouth, considering he was better grounded in good speech, then gouerned by the rule of truth: because among the attributes which we giue to God, one of the most proper is, that he is an vpright Iudge, and the iudgements of all truth are iustified by himselfe, as the kingly Prophet Dauid euidently shewes vs in the 18. Psalme and 10. verse.) And because (quoth he, proceeding) that I hold it for most certaine, that he is aliue, know that I came from the battell with him, and with the king Muley Mahamet my deare brother, and riding along the riuer of Larache, to passe on the other side, certaine Moores gaue vs the chase some sixe leagues from the field of battell. So that we were forced to separate our selues one from another, I passed the riuer, leauing the king and my brother on the other side. He was very sore hurt vpon one arme, and the bloud ran forth thereat abun­dantly: so that if he be dead, it was vpon that wound, otherwise [Page 19] without all doubt he is liuing. I sweare to your fatherhood, that my words are of truth.

My selfe hauing discoursed this story to diuerse persons, as well in Portugall as some other parts of Spaine, whence I departed in the yeare 1581. constrained to leaue my countrey, as well for fur­ther freedome, as to saue my selfe from the menaced danger of mine enemie, to passe into Fraunce, so to England, Holland, Ze­land, and other quarters of Germany and Europe. Most worthy Lord, this may serue as a true testimony for me before mē, to stop the mouthes of some aduersaries, who according to their depra­uing custome, say that I haue not spoken this vpon mine oath, but onely inuented it. He further named many to me that were forced to flight, whose names I do not now very well remember. I thinke I haue remembrance of them at Paris among my papers written by the hand of a Gentleman, a Portugueze, who was na­med Sebastian Figuéra, which he gaue me three yeares after, as I demanded diuers questions of him concerning that day, to insert them in a booke which I was then making. The same Gentleman parted with the king, who about foure leagues from the field of battell, commanded him to turne backe againe, to vnderstand whether the enemie pursued still o [...] no: which he did, but com­ming backe the same way to seeke the king, he could not see any of them that he had parted withall. And he had not gone far, but being grieuously wounded, he was taken by the Moores: who questioning with him about king Sebastian, to the ende they should desist from his further pursuite, he told them that he saw his bodie lying among the dead. Many yeares since I heard the same storie, out of the same Gentlemans mouth.

In all the speech I had with Cid Albequerin about king Seba­stian, and in all my conference with mine vncle, and this last mentioned gentleman with diuerse others, I neuer heard any re­port of his garments, nor of his armes, which were much diffe­ring from those of other Princes and gentlemen; which made me euermore hold it for most certaine that he was still aliue, because he could not be found dead in the battell. And this beleefe was secretly kept among the Portugals, although publikely they a­greed with others and spake the contrarie: therefore let no bodie blame vs in firmely maintaining, that this should appeare to be [Page 20] the true king D [...] Sebastian I know well that your worthinesse may reply vnto me, a [...] I was not aboue three moneths since an­swered by my Lo [...] [...]he P [...]nce, (which Prince is Henry of Bour­bon Prince of Conde, c [...]efe Prince of the bloud, and chief Peete of Fraunce) at S. [...] des Fossez, according to his quicke and iugenuous spirit, ( [...]s one of the most rare and apprehensiue spirits in the world) who said: If you hold this opinion, how chaunce you haue written in your booke, De ortu Portugalliae & regni initijs, &c. which was printed at Paris in the yeare 1582. that the king Dom Sebastian was dead? I say now to your reue­rend Lordship, as then I answered the selfe same Prince: My Lord, your argument is very forcible, neuerthelesse you must know, that when I made that booke which was in the yere 1581. it was no long while after king Sebastian had thus lost himselfe, and as then it was a matter extreamely perillous to manifest this truth: because that as Latine bookes might passe into Barbarie, the king of that countrie gathering knowledge thereby, that the king Dom Sebastian was in those parts, and causing him by search to be found out, I might be iustly taxed with the cause of his losse, which had bene very great to all Christendome. But would you vouchsafe to see the booke I made, De iure quod competie viris Portugallensibus in augurandis suis Regibus a [...] Principibus, which I writ in the yeare 1588. you shall there find, that when I speake of the king Dom Sebastian, I iustifie him not to be dead: and that the bodie which was buried in Bethlehem as his, was the bodie of a Swizzer. In the said yeare▪ because it was so long since the matter had past, I held it as no inconuenience to speake the contrarie to what I had said before: wherefore I intreat, that this may serue as an answere and satisfaction to the alleaged argu­ment. As for the bodie (worthie sir) whether it were his or no; I say once again that it was not, & that the body buried in Bethle­hem, in the moneth of Ianuarie 1583. I then being prisoner in Lisbon, with 40. pound waight of yron on my feete, by the com­maundement of D. Philip II. king of Castile, was the bodie of a Swizzer, for so the Portuguezes commonly called him. They that visited me in prison (the number was but small, but they were people of great authoritie) mockt such as said it was the bo­die of Dom Sebastian, and often spake thus to me: Oh happie [Page 21] Swizzer, to haue thy bodie buried with so much honou [...] fa [...]g, and solemne pompe!

King Philip dealt herein very industriously, as well by thru­sting a dead man into the mouthes of the Portuguezes▪ who [...]u­stified their king to be liuing: as also thereby to deceiue others, who knowing litle or nothing herein, might the better be em [...]ol­dened in following his course. Our king (worthie Lord) is liuing, according to the newes that we haue of him, which are corre­spondent to sundrie prophecies, whereto in times past (albeit that I hold it as most assured, that my Lord and King could not be dead, and that the bodie which king Philip caused to be brought from Affricke, and enterred at Bethlehem, was the body of a Swizzer) though they came neither from a Dauid▪ nor an Esay, nor a Daniell, or any like Prophet, yet no man at all but would giue both faith and credit to them. If herein I deceiue my selfe, I desire that my infirmitie may be pardoned, confessing that much more grea [...] is the desire I haue to see so straunge a maruell in my time, then any hope I haue at all of accomplishmēt of those Prophecies, which your holy fatherhood may behold in the dis­course annexed to the end of this answere, and that discourse, the reuerend Father Doctor Sampayo, intituled Diuinum Oracu­lum, &c.

To prooue that that bodie was not the bodie of our king Dom Sebastian, [...] sufficeth to know, that many saw him liuing, who at this very day are dwelling, foure, fiue and sixe leagues distant from the field of battell. Moreouer I remember, that being by Gods grace escaped from the rigorous imprisonment wherein I was conferring of this matter with some religious persons of my Order, who had endured bondage and slauerie: they all told me, that the king Dom Sebastian was in Barbarie with the Arabes, and liued in the mountaines. And I call to mind, that as the reue­rend Father brother Thomas Sequera, Superiour of Ebora and my auncient friend came to visite me, I saying to him, that I was much bound to Father Vincent of Aphonseca (who was then Archbishop of Goa) for the kind fauours he had done me during my captiuitie: he answered me; If brother Vincent shewed him­selfe courteous to your fatherhoode, I beleeue he did it because he was your kinsman (as indeed he was, but very farre off) not in respect he was any good Portugueze. Vnderstand (my wor­thie [Page 22] Lord) that this man was a very cunning craftie Spaniard, and was one of them we sent for Barbarie. He was so bad a man, and of so vile a conscience, that he durst maintaine for certaintie, that the bodie of a Swizzer was the very true bodie of our king Dom Sebastian, when all other else affirmed the contrarie. He lies bu­ried in Bethlehem, by commaundement of the King of Castile: but I trust in God, that one day a king shall come into Portugal, who shall disinterre him out of Bethlehem, and send him to be buried in the Escuriall.

This brother Ʋincent of Afonseca, when the king of Castile began to recompence the seruices of some of his partakers, but scarce faithfull friends to their owne countrie, was made Archbi­shop of Goa, which is Primate of all the East Indies, and D. Ed­ward de Meneses Viceroy of the said Indies. Moreouer, the Por­tuguezes did so certainly assure themselues of their king Dom Se­bastians life, that a Portugall Mason was so bold, as to publish himselfe to be the said king Dom Sebastian, and found in the acti­on very many followers: who went with him straight to Lisbon, and if he had entred the euen of S. Iohn Baptist, he had bene re­ceiued in seate of the same king Dom Sebastian. But being badly councelled, he lodged that night a league off the citie, whither sallied foorth diuerse Castilian souldies and good store of Portu­guezes, that knew him to be a meere seducer. Whereupon, being forsaken of his associates that followed him like vnarmed fooles, he was taken and hanged, and caused diuers others to be hanged likewise, of royall authoritie; among whom (to his owne great ill hap) was a President hanged.

Likewise in a certaine Prouince of Portugall, called Beyra a poore Portugueze of meane condition, gaue out himselfe to be the King Dom Sebastian, and this was deliuered for a matter so true and confident, as the Cardinall of Austria, who at this day is Archduke, and earle of Flaunders, being Viceroy in Portugall, determined to withdraw himselfe thence into Castile. Neuerthe­lesse, following the counsell of the fiue Gouernours of Portugall, who gouerned the kingdome conioyntly with him, he sent to Captaine Gil de Mesa, who now is one of the gentlemen of the chamber to the most christian King, that he should go with his companie of two hundred men, and to take the man there, and [Page 21] bring him thither with all honour and reuerence: because if he chaunced to be that man he named himselfe to be, he would re­deliuer into his hands the scepter, and the Crowne belonging to the Portugall Kings and their kingdomes. Gil de Mesa went on his iourney, and arriuing in the Prouince of Beyra, came to the towne of Penamacor, and finding the man, tooke him very easi­ly, and brought him along with him to Lisbon: where being knowne for an impostor, he was publickely whipped with rods, and after sent to the gallies: he was liuing still not many yeares since, and euerie one called him sober Sebastian. He was not hanged, because in his triall he could not be charged with any other crime, then this which was but of his owne inuention. Last­ly, we know that in Spaine, a Cooke or Pye-baker of Madrigall, made himselfe to be held for the king Sebastian, and in secret cau­sed it so to be giuen foorth: but afterward, as each of this false o­pinion had found before, he was knowne to be an abuser, and for he had committed other very hainous offences, was execu­ted according to iustice.

These examples do witnesse perfectly to our eyes, that since the losse of their king Sebastian in Aff [...]icke, all the Portuguezes haue euermore taken him to be liuing: and hereby appeareth suf­ficiently that he is not dead, neither was that his body which was buried in Bethlehem. Moreouer, by the same examples your worthy Lordship may easily iudge, that this man held as a priso­ner at Venice, is the King Dom Sebastian himselfe, considering that in two yeares and fiue monethes already passed, since he first began to manifest himselfe, the Seigneurie continually found from day to day, more euident appearance still of truth, without encountring any thing whatsoeuer to the contrary, or could be beleeued for certaine, in all the allegations of the Embassadour from Castile against the prisoner. The Lords of this honorabble estate, warned by the successe of such false impostors, may the better excuse themselues, that they haue with such extremity and long delay, proceeded against the very person of king Dom Sebastian. Which being so, and the diuine Oracle ensuing added hereto: I hope I haue answered (reuerend Lord) your second demaund.

A diuine Oracle, worthy to be published and knowne through all the world: imprinted at Lisbone in Latine, with permission of the holy office, in the yeare MDC.

Brother Stephen de Sampayo Portugueze, of the or­der of the Friers Preachers, reader of diuinity in the Vniuersitie of Tolossa, To the Reader.

AS the al-good and most mighty God, disposeth things with no lesse oportunity then clemency, it is come to passe that since the time of some foure yeares past, there hath bene found in Portu­gall two memories or monuments, of most venerable antiquity, in a very celebrate Monastery of the order of the Cisteaux, which we commonly call the Abbay of Alcobaça, as the fathers of that couent searched among their papers and registers, for certaine pri­ueledges for their warrant for a kind of vexation, whereof it shall be needlesse to speake at this time. And in short while after they were presented to Philip II. king of Castile, by the Priour Prouin­ciall of the sayd order, and read apart each from other before his Catholike Maiesty, and then againe redeliuered backe to the Mo­nastery: both which (for certaine causes) haue bene brought to light, and the translation of them conferred with the originall.

The oath of Dom Alphonso first king of Portugall, for approbation and assurance of the vision, which he saw the yeare MCXL. in the Prouince of Campo d'Ourique.

I Alphonso first King of Portugall, sonne to the famous Earle Henry, graund child or sonne to the great King Alphonso, be­fore you worthy personages, the Archbishop of Braga; and the Bishop of Coimbre, and Theotonio, and you other Lords, offi­cers, and subiects of my kingdome: do sweare vpon this Crosse, [Page 25] and on this booke of the most holy Euangelists, which I touch with my hands; that I a miserall sinner, haue seene with mine vn­worthy eyes, my Lord Iesus Christ spread abroad vpon the crosse, in manner following.

I being with mine armie in the land which is neare to the riuer Tagus, in the Prouince of Campo d'Ourique, to giue battell to Ismael, and to foure other kings of the Moores, who had with them infinite thousands of men at armes: and my people being somewhat sad and fearefull, to behold such a numberlesse multi­tude of warriours, came vnto me and sayd, that it would be ouer-much boldnesse in vs to bid them battell. Whereupon, being very much afflicted with what I heard and saw, I began to ponder a­part by my selfe what I were best to do. In my pauillion I had a booke, containing both the old Testament and the new of Iesus Christ; I opened it, and hapning to reade the victorie of Gedeon, I began thus to say to my selfe: Thou knowest ô Lord Iesus Christ, that for the loue of thee, I haue vndertaken this warre against thine enemies: Lord, it is in thy hand to giue me and mine strength to vanquish these blasphemers of thy name. And spea­king so I fell asleepe vpon the sayd booke, and sleeping, I saw an olde man come to me, saying: Alphonse, take good courage, for thou shalt vanquish and put to repulse all these Kings here, and shalt breake their forces, and God shall shew himselfe to thee. As I was in this vision, suddenly came to me Ferdinand de Sousa gentleman of my chamber, who awaking me, sayd: Sir, raise your selfe, for here is an olde man come to speake with you. Let him enter, sayd I: if he be any of our friends. When the man was come in, I knew him to be the same good olde man which I had seene in my vision; he sayd vnto me: Sir, be of good cheare, you shall vanquish, you shall vanquish, and you shall not be vanquished. God loues you, for he hath cast the eyes of his mercy vpon you, and on your race, euen to the six­teenth generation, wherein your ligne shall be weakened and di­minished. Neuerthelesse, in this diminution and feebling, there shall be no want of his diuine fauour and succour. He hath commaunded me to tell you, that when you do heare in the night ensuing, the bell of mine hermitage, wherein I haue liued sixtie sixe yeares among the infidels, and in the protection of [Page 26] the most high: you shall come foorth of your campe, all alone without company and he will make his great mercy appeare vn­to you. I obeyed, and prostrating my selfe in reuerence to the ground, worshipped the messenger, and him that sent him.

And as I attended in prayer the second watch of the night, I heard the bell, then (armed with my sword and shield) I went foorth of the campe. Then I saw on my right hand toward the East, a bright beame in the element, the splendour whereof in­creased more and more. And as I held mine eyes respectiuely fixed on that quarter, I saw in that beame (shining brighter then the Sunne) the blessed Crosse, and Iesus Christ crucified there­upon: likewise both on the one side and other, a multitude of young men seeming verie white, whom I accounted to be holy Angels. When I had beheld this vision, I layd by my sword, shield and garment, put off my shoes, and being prostrated a­long vpon the earth, I wept abundantly: then going to intreate strength and preseruation for my subiects, without any trouble I spake in this manner: Lord, to what ende dost thou shew thy selfe to me? wouldst thou increase the faith of him that only be­leeues in thee? It were better (Lord) that these infidels should see thee, to the end that they might beleeue: as for my selfe, from the day of my baptisme, I haue knowne and acknowledged thee the true God, Sonne of the Virgin, and the Father eternall.

This crosse was of admirable greatnesse, and eleuated from the earth about ten Cubites: and the Lord with a sweete sound of his voyce (which I heard with mine vnworthy eares) sayd to me: I do not appeare vnto thee in this sort, for increase of thy faith, but to comfort thy heart against this battell, and to fixe the chiefest Princes of this kingdome vpon a firme rocke. Courage Alphonso, for thou shalt not onely vanquish and be conquerour in this battell, but likewise in all other which thou shalt fight a­gainst the enemies of the crosse. Thou shalt find thy men cheer­fully disposed to the battell, and in the name of a king they will require thee to enter the fight; make thou no doubt at all, but liberally graunt whatsoeuer they demaund. For I build and de­stroy both Empires and Kingdomes, and I will establish an Em­pire in thee and thy posterity: to the end that my name may be spread and augmented, euen vnto the very vttermost nations. [Page 27] And that thy successours may know that I haue giuen thee thy kingdome, the Scutchion of your armies shall be fully beautified with the price whereby I bought mankind, and of those where­with the Iewes bought & sold me: this shall be to me a sanctified kingdome, for pres [...]auation of the faith, and louing of pietie.

Hauing heard these wordes, I worshipped and sayd: For what merites (O Lord) doth it please thee to shew me so great grace? I will do whatsoeuer thou hast commanded me: and Lord, looke fauourably on my posterity as thou hast promised me, and keepe my people of Portugall safe and sound. But if any misaduenture be to be endured, conuert it (Lord) rather against me and my successours, and pardon my people whom I loue as my onely sonne. Which the Lord shewing me he would consent vnto: Neuer (quoth he) shall my mercie part from thee nor thine, for by them I am to prepare a great haruest, and them haue I cho­sen for my haruest labourers in lands farre remote. This sayd, he vanished, and I (full of confidence and contentment) returned to my campe. And that these matters hapned thus, I king Alphonso sweare by the holy Gospels of Christ Iesus, which I touch with these my hands. Wherefore I commaund my successours that shall come for euer, that they beare in their armes fiue Scutchions parted in forme of a crosse, because of the crosse and the fiue wounds of Iesus Christ: and in each of them thirtie pence, and on the top or Crest the Serpent of Moses, being the figure of Ie­sus Christ. And that this may be a memoriall to our generation; whosoeuer shall go against it, let him be cursed of God, and with the traytor Iudas eternally tormented in hell.

  • S. Archbishop of Braga.
  • P. Bishop of Coimbre.
  • T. Pr [...]our.
  • Gonsalo de Sousa, Atturney of Guimaranyes.
  • Pelayo Mendes, Atturney of Braga.
  • So [...]o Martius, Atturney of Coimbre.
  • Fernand Pires, cup-bearer to the King.
  • Pero Payes, ensigne-bearer to the King.
  • Vasco San [...]hes.
  • Alphonso Mendes, geuernour of Lisbone.
  • Mendo Pirez, for Albert, great Chauncellor to the King.
  • I Alphonso king of Portugall.

I Thomas de la Croix, notary publicke Apostolicke, and Se­cretary [Page 28] to the Legate in these realmes of Portugall, haue corre­cted this copie of the oath of D. Alphonso of glorious memory, according to the perfect originall, which is sealed with fiue seales at labels hanging, the two for most whereof seeme to be those of the Archbishop of Braga, and the Bishop of Coimbre, and the o­ther two lowest, to wit, the fourth and fift, belong to two of those Lords that are named in the role. Lastly, that in the midst is the seale of the king, hauing fiue Scutchions arraunged in the forme of a crosse, an [...] in each of them thirty pence: according a [...] aunciently the sayd king and his successours were accustomed to beare in their armes. All the rest of the seales are in red waxe, ex­cept the kings seale which is of natural virgin waxe, or rather as it is cōmonly called, white waxe. The rest are hanged at labels of the same color red, but that of the kings is fastened to a label cut out of the same parchment, being altogether whole and sound without harme. Thus do I certifie & maintaine all this to be true, as I am a Notarie, & according to the oath wherto I stand obliged by reasō of mind office. In affirmatiō wherof I haue subscribed to this wri­ting, & sealed it with my seale publicke & accustomed, at L [...]bo [...]e the 4. of Nouēber 1599. being thereunto prayed and requested.

Thomas de la Croix.

A testimoniall of Alphonso the first king of Portugall, for a vassellage or free mo­ney by him granted.

IN the name of God, because it is necessarie, that euerie faith­full man should do his part to the Ministers of God▪ of those goods which he hath receiued from the Soueraigne giuer of all things, to the end that by their meanes he may be made parta­ker of the heauenly treasures: I Alphonso, not long since created by the grace of God King of Portugall, and for that cause feeling my selfe to stand more obliged then any other, desirous to offer vnto the most High my bodie and all my best meanes, that both I and any successours might raigne for euer: acknowledge first to hold our kingdome at the hand of God, who made a gifter ther­of to me, to the end that with firme heart and perfect charitie, I should defend the Christian faith against the outragious Infidels, [Page 29] and that I should enrich the holy Church with the reuenues of my Realme▪ for performance whereof, it should be a holy king­dome, loued of God, and established for euer. And because I haue alreadie rendred my selfe tributarie, and all such as shall ap­pertaine to me, to the blessed S. Peter and his successours, desi­ring likewise to haue him my aduocate to God and his blessed mother: by the consent of my subiects (who by their vertue, without any straunge helpe, haue established me on this my royal throne,) I appoint and constitute, as well for me as for my suc­cessours, that my selfe, my kingdome, my race and them that shall come after me, shall be in the safegard, protection, defence, and patronage of the most glorious virgin Marie de Clairuaux. Ordaining and commaunding to euery one of my successours that shall come lawfully to the inheritance of this kingdome, eue­ry yeare to pay and giue in manner of a fee-monie or tribute, and of vassellage to the said church of our Lady of Clairuaux, (which is of the Order of the Cisteaux situate in the Realme of France [...] the diocesse of Langres,) fiftie Marauedis of gold, pure, fine▪ [...] [...]ll and good. But if it happen, that any one of the said Mo­ [...]rie, enter or passe by our demeane, where there is builded a­ny Monasterie, the persons and goods of such a one, shall be vn­der the rule and patronage of the King, so that he shall not be molested, disquieted, troubled, nor deceiued of his goods by a­ny one. And if it happen, that they be restored to their former li­bertie, in what houre, time or moment it shall so come to passe, at their best aduantage, let them do as they see cause. And because the goods of such Monasteries and persons may be as goods roy­all: the King shall haue so much care of them as he ought to haue if they were properly his owne▪ And if any King, or Tyrant (which we hope that none such shall be borne of our race) come to molest the said persons, or make rape of their goods, and then countenance it, that he vsurps on none of our heritage, nor of theirs, but those belonging to the virgin Marie: he shall be held as disloyall to his Lord, be exempted from the defence and cu­stodie which we appointed for my kingdome, and his seed shall not be seene vpon the earth. As for the religious persons, which are to serue the Lord in this Monasterie of Clairuaux, and the rest of their Order, they shall haue care to recommend deuoutly to [Page 30] God, the estate of our kingdome, and my soule, and theirs like­wise of my kindred. And the Abbot Dom Bernard, and his suc­cessours perpetually shall celebrate the feast of the dedication of their church euery yeare, on the day of the Annunciation of the blessed virgin Marie.

For which, oh Virgin mother of my Lord Iesus Christ, in ho­nour and praise of whom this Order is established to shine vpon the earth: I Alphonso king of Portugall thy humble seruant doe intreate, that thou wouldst defend my kingdome against the Moores, enemies to the crosse of thy Son: and keepe this crowne free from all straunge domination, and permit no one to pay this fee monie and homage, but thy loyall seruants, and those descen­ded from my selfe. That if any one attempt any matter whatsoe­uer, contrarie to this vassellage and testimoniall of this tribute: if he be a subiect, let him be expelled out of our kingdome. If he be a King (which God forefend) let him be held as accursed by vs, & neuer to be mentioned in our lignage▪ but that God (who gaue vs this kingdome) despoile him of all dignitie, I suffer his enemies to vanquish him, and himselfe be buried in hell with that traytor Iu­das.

  • I Alphonso the King.
  • Ega [...] Munis, Grandmaister of the houshold.
  • Pero Payes, Ensigne-bearer to the King.
  • Fuas Raupi [...]o, Gouernour of Coimbre.
  • Polayo de Sousa. Certifiers.
  • Gonsalo de Sousa.
  • Ʋascho Sanches.
  • Mendo Pirez.
  • Rodrigo Aluares, witnesses.
  • Alphonso Egas.

I Thomas de la Croix, Notarie publique Apostolique appro­ued, and Secretarie to the Legat in these kingdomes of Portugal, haue collationed and corrected this present copie vpon his pro­per originall, which is enabled with the seale Royall: and so I certifie by the oath that is enioyned me in regard of mine office. In signe whereof, I haue vnderwritten and signed this with my seale publique and vsuall.

THE SVCCESSION AND number of the Kings of Portugall.

The first generation.Alphonso Henriques.1.
II.Sanche.1.
III.Alphonso.2.
IIII.Sanche.2.
V.Alphonso.3.
VI.Denys.1.
VII.Alphonso.4.
VIII.Peter.1.
IX.Fernand.1.
X.Iohn.1.
XI.Edward.1.
XII.Alphonso.5.
XIII.Iohn.2.
XIIII.Emmanuel.1.
XV.Iohn.3.
XVI.Sebastian.1.

Hereby is vnderstood, that Sebastian is the sixteenth in gene­ration, whereof king Alphonso Henriques spake in the oath of his reuelation. This Sebastian was borne after his fathers decease, when were very instant and frequent prayers, processions and fa­stings among the people of Portugall, in the yeare, 1554. the day of the two holy Martyrs, Fabian and Sebastian, a matter almost beyond all hope: for his father died in nonnage or very young, and his mother was but sixteene yeares old. This Prince was of an exceeding good nature, high in courage, accompanied with great bodily strength, godly and religious, and that in such sort, as euen from the cradle his subiects had him in much admiration, and they accounted him as another Caesar Augustus, according as caries the signification of the name of Sebastian.

Auncient Prophecies which we cannot more conuenably appropriate to any other, then to this selfe same Sebastian.

S. Cyrille the Hermit, in the treatise of the reuelation which was made to him, whereof the Abbot Ioachim glozed.

TEmpore annorum 54. orietur Sol, &c. Et erit Sol delitescens. Pungetur aculeo despectissimo; in specu paruo tricamerato, & vectibus pergrandibus communito ab Scorpionitis mancipabitur. Postea ad brauium orbis pertinget, &c. Reade all this Chapter.

In English thus:

In the time of 54. yeares, a Sunne shall arise, &c. And this Sun shall be hidden. He shall be pricked with a most despitefull sting; he shall be in a little caue of three vaults, made strong with verie great barres, he shall be thra [...]led by Scorpionites: afterward he shall come to triumph ouer the world, &c.
Saint Isidore.

Occultus Rex bis piè datus, in Hispaniam veniet in equo ligneo: quem multi videntes, illum esse non credent. Domabit superbos: spurcitias Hispaniarum purgabit. In Syriam transfretabit: super Sanctum sepulchrum signum Crucifixi ponet: & erit Monarcha.

In English thus:

A hidden King shall twise be holily giuen, he shall come into Spaine vpon a horse of wood (that is a shippe) whom many be­holding, they will not beleeue that it is he. He shall subdue the proud: he shall purge the Spaniards of their filthinesses. He shall passe into Syria: he shall place the Ensigne of the Crucifixe vpon the holy Sepulcher: and shall be a Monarch.
Theophilus the Bishop.

Dum secundum imperium occupabitur, Ciprúsque à Christi hostibus fuerit aggressa, Pastor ouium, coronis Graecorum nudus erit. Rhodia tunc Magistro carebit. Hispania potentia virtu [...]éque munita illi tradet Magistrum: Romae autem pastor glorio sui, igno­tus apud homines, apud Deum probus & iustus erit: qui cum vno Rege dictae Prouinciae, qui oblitus, mortuus, & non regnaturus pu­tabatur, regna deperdita recuperabit: Soldanum suae ditioni subiu­gabit, & in Christianis domum Dei restituet.

[Page 33] In English thus.

While the second Empire shall be troubled, and Cyprus in­uaded by the enemies of Christ: the Pastor of the sheepe of the Grecian troopes shall be left naked. Rhodes shall then want a Maister. Spaine stored with vertue and power, shall giue it a Maister. And there shall be at Rome a glorious shepheard, vn­knowne to men, good and iust toward God: And this man, with a king of the same prouince, that shall be forgotten, dead, and thought neuer more to raigne, shal recouer againe his lost king­domes: shall subiugate the Souldan vnder his dominion, and shall restore the house of God into Christendome.
S. Methodus Bishop and Martyr. lib. 6. cap. 28.

Expergiscetur Rex in furore tanquam homo à somno vini, quem existimabant homines tanquam mortuum esse. Hic exiet super filios Ismael à mari Aethiopum, &c. Vide Biblioth. Patrum, fol. 526. primae Lutet. Paris. editionis.

In English thus.

There shall a king awake in great furie, like a man out of a slumber of wine, whom men shall repute to haue bene dead. He shall goe out against the sonnes of Ismael towards the AEthio­pian sea, &c.
Sybilla Erithraea.

Compressa aquila, cuius nomen quinque apicibus inaestimabiliter scriptum, ministrum iniquitatis destruet, vrsum conteret, sceptrū e [...]us possidebit, &c. In tractatu qui incipit Requiritis à me, ô ill [...] ­strissima turba Danaûm. lib. 2.

In English thus.

The compressing Eagle, the name whereof is inestimably written in fiue markes, shall destroy the minister of iniquitie, bruise the Beare, and shall possesse his scepter, &c. In the Trea­tise that beginneth: You require of me, O illustrious company of Grecians. The second booke.

An explication of some pointes contai­ned in this Discourse.

In the Epistle to the Reader.

THe cause why the religious persons of Alcobaça sought a­mong their papers some priuiledges and Donations of the Kings of Portugall, was because his Maiestie Catholique Dom Philip II. King of Castille, pretended to sell the iurisdiction of seuen townes, whereof the said Monasterie is Lord. And be­cause this diuine Oracle was imprinted at Lisbone, it was made dangerous to declare the said cause. Wherefore the father Do­ctor Sampayo said, by way of parenthesis, that it was not good to speake of it at that time.

In the Oath of the King Dom Alphonso.

The said King commaunded to his successours, to come to the field with their shield of armes, containing fiue scutchions fashioned like a crosse, in each of which should be figured the thirtie pence, for which our Lord and Sauiour Iesus Christ was sold, &c. as more plainly is declared by the Notarie Apostolike Thomas de la Croix in his certificate, assuring that they were so figured on the seales. It may be that this commandement was obserued at the first beginning of the Realmes of Portugall: but whether since then to this present, we do not find that it hath bin kept, chiefly since the raigne of Alphonso third of that name, and fift king of Portugall, who was Earle of Bullen in Fraunce. He adioyned to the crowne of Portugal the Realmes of Algar­bes, which were giuen him by Dom Alphonso le sage, King of Castille, and Emperour of the East, in dower of mariage with Domne Beatrix his daughter, not to meddle at al with the crosse the first armes of Portugall (for first of all Portugall bare for armes a shield argent, without any other thing) he placed round about the shield which cōtained the fiue that fashioned the said Crosse, seuen scutchions of gold, in a field Geules, which are the armes of the realmes of Algarbes, and since then to this present, the kings of Portugall haue euermore held the same armes, as they do at this day.

Stephen Garibay, in his abridgement of the history of Spaine, [Page 35] speaking of the Armes and Colours, cals those Castelles of the Realmes of the Algarbes, which engirt the Scutchion of the armes of Portugal, Orla, in French Geule or a border, affirming that no other kingdome of Europe beares them but Portugall. By which reason we may say, that the Geule or border which we see about the armes of Fraunce, to wit, that of the order of S. Michael, and that of the holy Ghost, of the Golden Fleece in Burgundie, and that of the Garter in England &c. are but bor­rowed thence.

Now to returne to our armes: the King Dom Emanuel seeing himselfe in Europe, Lord of the kingdome of Portugall, and of the Realme of the Algarbe, which is in the prouince of Spaine; in Affricke of the other Realme of Algarbe, which is in the pro­uince of Barbarie; of all the coast of Guinee, euen to the Cape de bonne Esperance, and from thence vnto the red sea: and of a great number of the Isles situate in the sea of the said Affrica; in Asia of the Realme of Goa, and of a verie spacious Monarchie, considering he held nine Kings his subiects and tributaries, and foure Queenes: in America, of Bresil, a prouince of very large extension: he bare a Sphere for his deuice, which signified the rule that Portugall had in the foure quarters of the world. Ad­ioying likewise, the Crosse of the Order of the warfare of Iesus Christ, because the King of Portugall, being graund maister of the said Order, is Lord of diuerse lands and townes in Portugal, and of all the authoritie which the Portugueses possesse abroad from thence. And because sundrie persons haue demaunded of me how they should vnderstand these Scutchions and pence: I here tell them, that the fiue Scutchions in the Azure field set in one shield, the field whereof is Argent, each of them figured with fiue white pence, do signifie fiue kings Moores, vanqui­shed by one Christian king. The kings of the Moores subdued, are Ismael and his foure confederates: the vanquisher is the king Dom Alphonso the first, king of Portugall, from whom grew this commaundement. As for the pence, because many haue allea­ged to me, that in the fiue Scutchions, there are but xxv. pence and not thirtie, as other Authors and my selfe haue written: I should be infinitely eased, if in remouing their doubt they wold but heare me. Would you find thirtie pence? Count first of all [Page 36] the three Scutchions aboue and below, which containe fifteene pence, next, them that are trauersed on the right side, so that that in the midst be counted twise, considering it spreads vnto either hand: and there you shall find other fifteene pence, which ioyned to the first, complete the number of thirtie, and thus they may rest satisfied in their demaund.

To the Testimoniall of vassellage and feoffement. And because I haue already rendred my selfe tributary, and all such as shall appertaine to me, to the blessed S. Peter and his successours, &c.

WE finde in the histories of Portugall, that in the yeare 1169. when Pope Alexander the sixt approued the election of the King D. Alphonso, and confirmed his kingdome to him: the king, by the consent of his Portugueses, made the said kingdome feudatarie to the holy Church of Rome, promi­sing to pay as in tribute euery yeare two pounds of gold. In the time since, there is no memoriall found at all, that this tribute hath bene payd: as likewise none of our Historians do shew vn­to vs, that these fiftie Maruedies of gold haue bene payed to the Monasterie of our Ladie of Clairueaux. And me thinks (worthy Lord) that it were not much from the purpose, to make here a digression, thereby to acquaint your reuerend worthinesse, vpon what reason the king Dom Alphonso had such deuotion to this Monasterie of Nostre dame de Clairuaux.

The king Dom Alphonso and S. Bernard did both liue at that time, and the king being informed of the wisedome, learning, and reformed life of this holy man, and what miracles God wrought by his meanes, in fauour and for the benefite of the faithful: he began verie quickly to receiue him into good grace and opinion. At this verie time, the king had sent his sonne Sanche to besiege the Citie of Santeren, called by the auncient Tordules S [...]alabis of Scabelisque the first founder; and by the Romanes, Presidium Iulium; by the Christians, Santirenae, by reason of the holy Irena, a virgin & a Martyr, who suffred death there for the Christian faith, in the yeare of our Lord 696. Then afterward by the Moores Capelicastrum. This was a Parliament [Page 73] and colonie of the Empire, and one of the greatest and most im­portant townes of Lusitania, whereof the Moores were Lordes. The King thinking one while in this siege, and of the Fortresse of this cittie, because it was built on a high mountaine, that it was a matter verie doubtfull and difficult to take and subdue: to pur­chase ayde and help of God by the intercession of our blessed La­die the virgine, concluded in his soule, if he might happen to win the said citie, to make her great offers, and to erect in his king­dome a great and notable monasterie of Monkes of the order of the Cisteaux (whereof ensued the said monasterie of Clairuaux) which should and did flourish greatly through the world, and so doth to this day. The King Dom Alphonso soiourned then in the towne of Coimbre, which then was the capitall place of all the kingdome: within some few dayes after, the King departed from the saide towne, to be present at the siege with his sonne and traine; and as he was vpon the way, there came before him two or three religious men of the said order, who demaunded of him (on the behalfe of Frier Bernard) place for beginning the building of the monasterie which he had promised. The King considering apart by himselfe, and remembring that he had made this promise is his heart, and yet had not imparted it to any person whatsoeuer, and seeing that Frier Bernard, who was distant off from him more then three hundred miles, knew therof, he took it as a good augu­rie or presage, and began to hold it for certaintie, that the heauen­ly Architect would not slack his grace toward him, but that with­out all doubt he should conquer the said citie. Hauing then giuen good and charitable welcome to the religious men, he said: My brethren, you come in a verie apt season, let vs iourney on toge­ther, and I will recount it vnto you, as also make accomplishment of my promise, so soone as I haue recouered the citie of Santa­ren frō the Moores, which I haue besieged by my son & soldiers.

Three dayes after the arriuall of the King there, the citiie was wonne and taken, more by the help of heauen, then by the valour and strength of the Christians: albeit no way to disparage their deseruing, they fought like hardie and very valiant men. The King doing the dutie of a most braue Prince and Captaine, seeing him selfe in extreame great danger at the entrance of a gate which he had wonne, wheron is an imag of our Lady, and is called the gate [Page 38] of our Lady Alamarma, which is as much to say as, fasten o [...] mine Armes, the very portugall words which the King vsed then to his Squire, because one had vntied the buckles of his armour. The King being made Lord of a place of such weighty impor­tance, marked out forthwith to the saide religious men a great quantitie of ground, whereon they should begin to build their monasterie; which afterward increased in such sort, as in short time the number amounted to 999. They liued in particuler little celles, dispersed among the vallies and mountaines: and on feast dayes they would meete together to praise the Lord. The religi­ous men of this monasterie doe hold by tradition, that their num­ber shall neuer amount to a thousand, because if they giue the ha­bite to one within the church, they shall find another to be dead without. This hath bene assured to me by persons of good yeares, religious men of the said monasterie, who call themselues d' Alco­baça, among whom are diuers of my kinred.

A thing which (right worthie Lord) may verie wel be so For if if we shall giue credite to Camden an English historian, who yet liueth at this day, and is an author worthie of beleefe: he certifies to to vs in his Brittania, that in the land which at this day is called England (which such as are seene in Cosmography, know to be no greater thē the kingdom of Portugal, with that of Algarbe in Lu­sitania) a tyrant King put to death twelue thousand religious per­sons, because they followed the part of another, who was the true and rightfull King. The same Camden doth tell vs, that these reli­gious people were of a monasterie, which was diuided into three seuerall bands, and that the least companie of them contained seuen hundred compleate. But to come to our purpose, these re­ligious folke of Alcobaça, builded by succession of time, in the great breadth of ground granted them by the King Dom Alphon­so, seuen citties, so do the Spaniards call them, and the Latines, op­pida siue vrbes, because that almost all of them are engirt with walles, and haue castels, as in France, Poissy, Meulan, Mante, Ver­non, &c.

Philip II. King of Castille, would haue sold the iurisdiction of them, as he hath sold others in Spain belonging to the Church. This moued the fathers of the said monasterie, to turne ouer their papers, and was the cause, that we saw with our eies a donation so [Page 39] deuout and holy, made to the blessed mother of God our Ladie of Clairuaux, whereof Saint Bernard hath bin Abbot. Now reue­rend Lord, may it please you licence me, to come to the declarati­on of some words in the prophesies which perhaps may seem dif­ficult to some wheresoeuer.

Concerning that of S. Cyril the Hermite. Tempore annorum. 54. &c.

This proposition hath lately beene declared elsewhere, spea­king of the King Dom Sebastian, who was borne in the yeere 1554. the 20. of Ianuarie, betweene eleuen and twelue of the clocke at night, as I well remember. I lacking bookes here, and haue not my memorie so good (worthie Lord) now, as in times past, my trauails, banishments, sicknesses (especially the last) hath depriued me of the better part, so that I cannot now cite some common knowne Psalmes without booke, which I had in my yonger yeeres by heart, and could say readily.

Concerning that of S. Isidore. Occultus Rex bis piè datus. &c.

This may be verie wel applied to Dom Sebastian my Lord and king: because that after the twelfth of Ianuarie, the day where­on his father died, aged but sixteene yeeres and seuen moneths, till the twentie of the said moneth, An. 1554. when he was borne: at Lisbone throughout all Portugall, day and night they made con­tinuall processions, fastings and prayers, with very much deuoti­on and great store of tears, as the reuerend father doctor Sampaye makes known in his Epistle to the reader. The reason was, because the Portuguezes feared, that the kingdom should fal into the Spa­niards hands. For that when the King D. Iohn 3. grandfather to to King D. Sebastian, gaue his daughter Mary as wife to Philip then prince of Castille, it was said by the contract of this mariage, that if it happened that the King D. Iohn should deceasse without [Page 40] children, he that should be borne of Philip and Mary should be heyre to the kingdome of Portugall, whereto the people then consented (say some) but repented afterward, that they laboured not to contend rather by law or warre, which questionlesse had not wanted, because the Lord Dom Edward sonne to the infant Dom Edward brother to the said King. D. Iohn. 3. then liued, who was a Lord endued with many singular vertues, and as a legiti­mate Prince borne of Kings by the ligue masculine, did euermore claime the succession of his ancestors in the said kingdome, which neuer yet fell vnto the distaffe. Hereupon the Portuguezes prayed to God so instantly, with so many processions, fasts, pray­ers and teares, that it might please him to giue them a Lord and Prince. Thus by diuine grace was Dom Sebastian giuen to the Portuguezes the first time, and thus now againe he giues him the second time.

An answere to the third demand.

For manie causes (right reuerend Lord) it was not necessarie for the King Dom Sebastian to discouer himselfe in Barbary: of al which we wil alleage but two. The first, if he had manifested himselfe, he had run into great danger of his lifes losse, for his ene­mie could not more easily haue put him to death, then in Barba­rie. There are a great number of officers kept in pay, who giue them such morsels, which is called the Boccon, or poisoned bit, as the poore patient cannot by anie meanes escape: they limit them to the yeare, moneth, daies: what shall I say? to verie houres and moments. The second, if Muley Hamet had got him into his power, the least that he would haue demaunded for his ransome, had been the cities and townes which the Portuguezes possesse in Barbarie. This had beene a small gift for him, Tanger, Arzile, Mazagan, and the other places which the Kings of Portugall do hold in Barbarie. Neuerthelesse, Septa had bin great losse to Chri­stendom, for it is the key of Affricke and Europe. And the Moores hauing that in their own power, at all times, and whensoeuer they were thereto disposed, they might passe into Spaine an hundred thousand horse and more, and from Spaine post to other parts of Europe, as somtimes they did, when they were not so well inu­red to warre, nor expert in Armes. Our histories of Portugall doe tell vs, that the infant Dom Fernand being taken by the [Page 41] Moores in the field of the citie of Tanger, as he there held his siege: some few daies after, they came to demaund for his raun­some onely the citie of Septa, which his father the King Dom Iohn of worthie memorie, the Bastard, had won from the Mores. The king (that then was) Dom Edward, for the singular loue he bare to his brother, resolued with his people (who loued the Prince entirely) to giue what they had demaunded. The infant Dom Fernand being aduertised of his brothers kind respect, and the peoples goodwill to him likewise, found the meanes to write secretly vnto them, that they should be very carefull what they did, saying: God forbid, that by my occasion Christendome should endure such a damage: I had rather be partaker among an hundred thousand martyrs, or die in captiuitie in the Infidels cu­stodie, then cause such a manifest daunger to all Christendome.

The Mores following still their motion (yet vsing the infant and his companie with extreame crueltie) came to the know­ledge, that it was hindred much more by the said infant, then the king his brother: whereupon they began to intreate him in farre better manner, that he might the gladlier consent to his owne re­demption. But they could no way worke him, to preferre his owne particular benefite, before the weale publique of Christen­dome. So that the Moores growing much displeased hereat, put him into an iron prison, without any bed or seate, and so placed him before the gates of the citie of Marocco, giuing him daily to eate certaine ounces of bread, and a little water to drinke. After some few moneths, this holy Lord rendred his spirit to his Crea­tor, in that rigorous prison, suffering a glorious martirdome, for the common good of all Christians, after the example of his Lord Iesus Christ, redeemer of the whole world. His bodie is buried in the Couent of our Ladie of victorie, which is of mine Order, commonly called de la Battaille, in the Chappell of king D. Iohn his father, where God (in regard of him) did continually many miracles, for aduancement of the Christian faith.

The religious Fathers of the said Couent, on the day of his death do not vse to sing any Masse of Requiem, but that of all Saints, (because he was not canonized, nor yet beatified) wher­in he is contained amongst them. Frier Ierome de Ramos, a religi­ous man of mine Order, writ a booke concerning the life of this [Page 42] glorious Saint, in the Portugall language. Which booke I be­leeue that the king Dom Sebastian hath both seene and read, and that in imitation of the said Saint, who was brother to his fourth grandfather, I am certainely perswaded, that he hauing so apt meanes to conceale himselfe, would not be discouered: for should he haue there bene reuealed to the Mores, they might haue come and demaunded for his ransome, the townes and cities elsewhere set downe, nay the citie of Septa it selfe. And doubtlesse, the Por­tuguezes would haue giuen them all, nay rather much more, for the libertie of a King so good, so vertuous, and so holy, whome they loued with such and so great affection, as if he had bene a God and their redeemer.

The king Dom Sebastian (most worthie Lord) was naturally so Catholike and christianly addicted, that for the adding but of a very pulse breadth of ground to Christendome, he would most gladly haue yeelded himselfe captiue. And therefore we may well coniecture and credit his good nature, that when he could not get away without danger of his life, and likewise in respect of Chri­stendomes generall benefite, he held it much more glorious for him to die in prison and slauerie in Barbarie, then to liue at libertie being Lord and Monarch of the world. Thus, right reuerend Lord, giue we end to the answer of your third demaund.

An answer to the fourth demaund.

Some do coniecture, that he hath bene amongst the Moores in Barbarie many yeares. Which very well be so (although such as haue not bene accustomed to frequent that countrey, do ima­gine it impossible) and oftentimes it hath so happened to the Por­tuguezes, that they haue liued captiues in Barbarie for the space of 10.12.15.20.25. and 30. yeares, without any tidings heard of them all. The reason is, that al slaues Noble do appertain to the King, and such as hold them in their custodie, are bound to make like deliuerie to him of them. Whereby very often the Lords of the Moores, knowing their slaues to be of noble race, dissemble with them, that they may not lose them: and that they may find meanes to be rid of them, graunting them for their libertie some reasonable ransome.

So got out of captiuitie the Prince my Lord Dom Antonio, [Page 43] who died at Paris with the title of King of Portugall, because he had bene elected, receiued, sworne and confirmed by the people, King of the said Realme: who being slaue to a particular man, his good fortune fauoured him so much as not to be knowne: and he mette with another slaue of his companie, an Affricane Gentleman, who spake verie well the language of the Coimbre, and called himselfe Gaspar de Gran. This man made his maister beleeue, that this slaue Dom Antonio, was a Priest which would neuer be redeemed thence, because his kin­dred were very glad of his life in imprisonment, for thereby they had in meane while the benefite of his goodes and rents: where­fore he gaue him counsell, that it were much better for him to make some reasonable composition, then to be a looser altoge­ther. In the end, the matter was so concluded, that for the raun­some of the Prince and the said Gentleman, the summe of sixe hundred Cruzadoes must be paid him, which are Crowns valuing fiftie solz or souse Tournois. And the Mores parted thence with them, neuer trauelling but by night, but hiding them selues all the day time: and on the fift or sixt day after they arriued in the night at the gates of Arzile, where entring masqued, they left their slaues, receiued their money, and then returned backe to their houses. If the Lord Dom Antonio had bene knowne for such as he was, and had fallen into the power of the king of Barbarie, his matter had sorted a quite contrarie way: for the slaues to the king are kept in very strong guard, and if they hold tenne thousand crownes rent, there will be demaunded fiftie thousand for their raunsome, which if they will not make promise of, they must en­dure the sharpe bastonnadoes. The slaues that are to other par­ticular men, are much more nearer their libertie: either by get­ting such a summe of money, sauing themselues otherwise, or en­larged at length by the meanes of their Mistresses. It is a thing ve­rie ordinarie in Barbarie, worthie Lord, for the women Moores do extremely loue Christians: & many times they receiue libertie by the meanes of them, and likewise get very good gifts frō them.

In like sort diuerse are freed and scape vnknowne, by meanes of the religious Fathers of the most holy Trinitie, which are called the Order De Redemptione captiuorum, in Fraunce we call them Mathurines. There is commonly Monkes of this [Page 44] Order in Barbarie, who deale with the Moores for the raunsome of Christians: which Monkes do passe through all the Realmes of Barbarie, clothed in their habits, with verie much libertie, and haue great credit with the Moores. Among whom, if they find some man of qualitie, that is not knowne at all, they compound imme­diatly for his raunsome, and counting downe the money, or pro­mising to pay it in a limited time, they set him at libertie.

I thinke reuerend Sir (because I can yet vnderstand no further of matters passed) that my Lord the king Dom Se­bastian, hath neuer bene held as prisoner: or if he haue, it was his good happe to meete with an honest maister, with whome he li­ued so long, as till he could obtaine his libertie, or compasse the meanes to make an escape. And as we do imagine, he hath bene wandring among the Aethiopians, as your worthie selfe may gather by the translation of two letters written vnto me, the one from the Father doctor Sampayo, the other from Dom Iohn de Ca­stro: the originals whereof remaine in my custodie, with seuen or eight other letters of theirs, which they did send to me frō Venice.

In this demaund likewise, your reuerend Lordship praies me to tell you▪ for what reason my Lord the king Dom Sebastian, did not come into Fraunce, or to any place else, where doubtlesse he might haue bene receiued according to his qualitie: namely, with better entertainment then he had at Venice? I answere, that being by Gods grace restored to libertie, himselfe will deliuer the cau­ses that mooued him, to go and present himselfe before the Lords there, and those likewise which withheld him from com­ming into Fraunce or elsewhere, according as your selfe haue al­leaged. As for my knowledge of him, it sufficeth me to heare the speech of him, I being in one place, and he in another. But comming to the sight of him, I can demaund and know diuerse notable things of him, which is impossible for him to haue alto­gether forgotten: for assuredly he can and will resolue me in one or other. For since the time I became religious (which was at two and twentie yeares, and 26. daies of mine age) he being then aged 12. yeares, one moneth, and 28. daies, I haue seene him in diuerse quarters of Portugall, and conferred with him of very im­portant affaires. Before I was religious, he being aged seuen or eight yeares, I serued as a Page to his Grandmother, his fathers [Page 45] mother, who was sister to the Emperours Charles the fift, and Ferdinand, and graund-mother to the most Christian Queene Maria de Medicis: and for this reason he is very neare kinsman to the sayd Maiesty, cosin germaine remoued by the fathers side, Iohn the sonne of Catherine, and likewise cosin germaine re­moued by his mothers side, Iane, who was eldest daughter to the sayd Charles the fift brother to Catherine. This which hath bene sayd (ioyned with the translation of the two missiues ensuing,) may serue as answer to your fourth demaund.

The translation of a letter from the father Doctour Sampayo.
To the Rright reuerend father and Doctor, the father Frier Ioseph Texere Portugueze, Counceller and Almoner to the most Christian King, in our couent of the friers preachers at Paris.

Most reuerend father and maister:

I Haue heretofore written to your fatherhood concerning this present matter, and because I know not whether my letters haue bene deliuered you or no, I determined to send one more after the rest. Perswade your selfe (holy father) and euen as God shall deale with my soule in the article of death: that no other motiue stirres me hereunto, but onely brotherly affection, truth and zealous loue to the liberty of my countrey.

The King Dom Sebastian our Lord, is prisoner here in this city, and so hath bene for two and twenty monethes: whom God (in his iudgements concealed to himselfe) hath permitted to come hither, transported to this place very poorely, and robbed by fiue of his owne seruants which he entertained in Cicilie. But so soone as he arriued here in this city (where he hoped to find good fauor and support) immediatly the Embassadour of Castile persecuted him most cruelly: perswading the Seigneurie, that he was a Ca­labrois, a theefe, &c. For this cause the Lords imprisoned him, and rigorously proceeded against him: here they keepe him close [Page 46] shut vp, not suffering him to be seene, nor enlarged, nor execute any act of iustice vpon him: Quia nullam inuenient in eo causam. Because they can find no iust cause against him.

Our sinnes are great, great is the strength of Spaine, and the malice of the Iewish Portuguezes in this countrey, whereof some weare red bonnets, and others blacke: but the last are most dan­gerous. They thinke that they can impeach what God hath or­dained ab aeterno, as the diuell would haue done the death of Iesus Christ, by the meanes of the wife of Pilate. That this is very true, I sweare to your fatherhood, by the passion of Iesus Christ: that this man is as truly the King Dom Sebastian, as I am knowne to be Frier Stephen de Sampayo. And if it be not found to proue ac­cordingly, let me not only (be condemned as a lyer, but for a re­negate, a blasphemer and an hereticke. For this, haue I endeuored my very vttermost diligence in my Portugall voyage. I haue bene on one side and another, and vnderstand secretly, that he hath all the markes on his body, without failing in any one of them, as he had in his infancy, onely the wounds excepted which he receiued in the bloudy day at Affricke. He giues the reason of his life, and yeelds account of all his passages in such sort, as there is no vnderstanding so obstinate and blind, but must thereby be vtterly vanquished; and God be my helper, as this is the truth.

These Lords do expect, that Kings and Princes should vnder­take this businesse, at whose instance they would admit vs to haue sight and knowledge of him: because they would not be faulty to­ward the Spaniard: for they say, they would not incurre the ill will of any one. This is an occasion whereby your reuerend father­hood may purchase more honour, and performe farre greater ser­uice to God, thē euer any Portugueze did: in comming hither, & bringing such letters of fauor with you, as may obtaine for vs the sight of him, and by examination to apprehend the very certainty, for here you shall find with vs more thē twelue persons, of all the estates of his time to know him by. He hath bene so vnfortunate, that leauing all his companions scattered through the world, he is here arriued without any one of them. Dom George de Lan­castre, Duke of A [...]eyro, whom he left in Aethiopia, were suffici­cient for his deliuerance, if he were here present.

I humbly pray your fatherhood, that vpon sight of this present [Page 47] letter, you would speedily iourney hither, for your personall being here is very necessary: considering withall, that a religious man your brother, of the order of S. Dominicke, vses these perswasions to you, one that desires your good, honor and quiet, with as ear­nest affection as his owne.

It is seuenteene monethes since I put hand to this seruice, I haue bene in Portugall, and returned thence as I haue told you, & it is impossible for me to be abused as some are: who thinke this man not to be the King Dom Sebastian, but that the Seigneurie detaines another hidden in stead of him. This man here, knowne and reknowne for such, by the Concierges, by the Iudges, by the greater part of the Senate, and by his owne Confessor, yet such is the inuention of this worlds children, as they imagine themselues more powerfull then God, and would presume to abolish so mar­uellous a worke of the Lord.

I haue written to the Gouernour, and to many other; I know not what the sinnes are of our Portugezes in Fraunce, who were wont to oppose their liues to extreame daungers, and hazard losse of their goods (with very good zeale) for a figure: and will they not now with so much honor, in an action of truth and glory, make their owne aduantage and benefit, not for a shadow, but for a rightfull King, whose life (both in the prison and abroad) ra­uisheth all the countrey with admiration, by the meanes of his fa­stings, prayers, and disciplines? notwithstanding all which, his strength is not a iot impaired, for he is of very maruellous fortitude.

Whosoeuer will say, that this man is a Calabrois, and that he speakes not a word of Portugall: he lies, he is the true King of Portugall Dom Sebastian, and speaketh Portugall (though some­what corrupted, because it is 22. yeares since he spake the lan­guage vsually. Whosoeuer sayth that they haue shewne him to vs, he lies: for to delay and winne time withall, these Lords sent me to Portugall, to be enformed of the markes of his body, telling me, that otherwise they would not let me see him, and that the Portu­gals had such forward desire to be free from the Spaniards, as they would maintaine (if need were) that their king Dom Sebastian was but a Negro. Now albeit that I haue brought so many authentical markes, approued by publicke instruments from a Notary Aposto­licke, [Page 48] I haue intreated that we may haue sight of him, to examine him, and make knowne the truth or falshood of the case, by the certifications which I brought hither with me, as also a Chanon of Lisbone that came along with me. It was answered vs from the Senate, after diuerse and sundry contestations; that it was not a matter belonging to them, to know whether he were a king or no, without some Kings and Princes moued the same to them on his behalfe.

I speake so amply to your fatherhood, because you may per­ceiue with what zeale I write at this instant. I iustifie againe vnto you, and sweare by the eternall God, by his only begotten sonne, and by all our faith: that this prisoner is our true Lord the King Dom Sebastian. If your reuerend selfe would come with letters from his most Christian Maiestie, I beleeue that without any hinderance, they would shew him to vs, and vpon acknow­ledging, let vs haue him enlarged. We are now going to moue our request to his Holinesse, that it might please him to set a helping hand to this businesse, considering it is a case so iust and meritable of pitty, wherein we doubt not but to haue his furtherance.

With this present I haue sent you the oath of the holy King, to the end that you may make it publicke by impression: and by the first conuenient meanes, I will send you a letter which his Maie­sty wrote to his holinesse, with an Elegie wherein he makes the discourse of his life. Once more I earnestly intreate your father­hood, as much as possibly remaines in me, that by no meanes you will let slip so notable an occasion, well worthy to carry his deser­uing talent, and that in person you would manage a matter of such importance: which, beside imploring the strong arme of the King, and the fauor of all Princes, hath necessarily need of the assi­stance of all loyal Portuguezes. For what account of himselfe, can the reuerend father Frier Ioseph Texere render to the world, so firme and constant a louer of his countrey? What excuse can he alleadge, though there may be many, for not giuing furthe­rance to this affaire? Will he incur the infamie of N. who for his of­fences should be seene that this king doth liue? What hath your fatherhood done against the kingdome, that you should not present your selfe before all the world with plaine and open [Page 49] lookes? Oh, for the loue of God, I beseech you consider in your soule, with what sincere affection I vse this language to you: I trust God him selfe will illuminate your reuerend vnder­standing, to behold how deare an interest you haue in this cause. From Venice the xii. of October 1600.

The seruant and brother to your fatherhood Frier Stephen de Sampayo.

Another Letter from Dom Iohn de Castro.
To the worthie Sir, Docto [...] Texere, Counsellour and Almoner to the most Christ [...]n King: chiefe Almoner to my Lord the Prince, and Confessour to Ma­dame the Princesse his mother.

SIR,

I am extremely astonished, being the man that you are, and so well knowne for a Portuguese, that you should at anie time couet anie thing more, then the freedome of Portugall; that you make so small account of this incredible maruell, con­cerning the king Dom Sebastian, the only prize of all that king­domes best aduentures, considering it is now so manie yeares since, that you employed yourselfe in this businesse, with no small seruice vnto the said Lord. You haue seene the whole di­scourse along of this matter, by letters as well from my selfe as others, and because the former which I writ vnto you, were but briefly handled, as committing what remained ouerplus to bet­ter leisure, I am now determined (for diuerse good respectes) to touch more largely, yet as briefly as I can, the verie founda­tion and ground of the whole worke.

The King Dom Sebastian, who in the yeare 1578. lost him­selfe in the battell of Affricke (he whom the enemie cals a Ca­ [...]a [...]o [...]s) [Page 50] is the verie same prisoner which is now detained here: euen as certainly as you are Frier Ioseph, and my selfe Dom Iohn. He departed safe and aliue from the battell, but verie sore woū ­ded; God hauing so deliuered him, with some other of his com­panie, among whom was the Duke of Aueyro. And hauing gone the better part of the world, about the end of his peregrination, he resolued to liue priuate in an Hermitage; where after some time passed, he was inspired by God, that he should returne a­gain [...] to Portugall to gouerne his kingdome. The selfe same in­spiration was likewise giuen to an Hermite, in the companie of whom he [...]ad liued: which Hermite reuealed many things very secret to him touching this matter: for which cause he departed from the place where he abode, to accomplish what the Spirit of God had inspired and enioyned him to.

So he arriued in Sicilie, in the yeare 1598. where he entertai­ned foure or fiue seruants (for he went before without compa­nie) with whom he embarked himselfe at Messina, in a Galley belonging to his Holinesse, to [...] for Rome, purposing to di­scouer himselfe to his said Holi [...] When he was come neare Rome, those fellowes [...] entertained for his seruants, robbed and despoiled him of [...] had, leauing him both poore and naked, so that he was [...] to seeke to needie and verie wretched people, who besto [...] [...] [...]omewhat on him for the ho­nor of God. This mishap made him alter his former purpose; and th [...] poore miserable man was glad to trace all Italie, in hope to find the theeues that had thus despoiled him. In the end, hearing no tidings at all of them, he retired to this Citie, the aboue na­med yeare, in the moneth of Iune, hauing about him but one poore Gazete, a peece of mony valuing three Liards of France. In this maner he lodged at a needie wretched house, where he remained some dayes not being knowne. Afterward, diuerse particularly began to listen after him: for they heard that he cal­led himselfe first a Knight of the Crosse, and then afterward, the King Dom Sebastian. As this brute ran abrode, Antonio de Brito Pimentel, Pantaleon Pessoa, and many others came oftentimes to see him at his lodging: and by occasion of this rumour, which spread it selfe more and more through the Citie, chaunging his lodging, he fell by misfortune into the hands of vile men, which [Page 51] being but verie bare themselues, yet gaue him clothes and food at their charges. He got verie euill reputation by the companie of such people, which was the principal cause or his strange mis­aduenture. He was with those companions at Padoa, whereof this Seigneurie being aduertised by the Ambassador of Castille, and of some tumults made among them: to forestall such incon­ueniences as might ensue, they sent to the Podestat of Padoa, that he should by cōmandement cause him to auoid the Towne within certaine houres, and by like certaine dayes to depart the places belonging to their Estate.

Hereupon for some speciall reasons best knowne to himself, he returned againe vnto this Citie, where the Seigneurs thereof at the instance of the said Ambassadour (who assured them that he was but a thiefe and a seductour, prouing it by the testimony of Iewish merchants Portugueses, and other persons of selfsame honest qualitie, who tooke their oathes he was not the King Sebastian, because the true King died in the battell of Affricke, neither did he resemble him in any degree, imputing to him ma­ny and verie enormous crimes) they sent to apprehend him, and as a malefactour committed him to verie close imprisonment: notwithstanding, there were many persons both before and since his commitment, that had knowne him verie well in Por­tugall, and affirmed him to be the true king Dom Sebastian.

At his first questioning withall, he declared to the Lords his mishap in Affrica, and in what maner God had deliuered him. After, to diuerse others he did the like, and perceiuing they would search into all his secrets, yet vsing him verie hardly, be­ing a King, and one that had no way preiudiced their estate: v­pon his naturall and wonted inclination to choler, moued in a subiect of such iustice and equitie, he refused to make them anie more direct answers, but one while said one thing, then againe another; neuerthelesse, he euermore maintained him selfe to be the true king Dom Sebastian, desiring the Lords therein to be­leeue him, and if they approued him not to be the same▪ then to chastise him iustly as a false deceiuer, which as yet to this instant they would neuer do, nor yet permit him to be seene by any.

He is in a certaine prison, where no man may enter or speake to the prisoners: neither may one write vnto him, on perill of [Page 52] the saylours life, if he should but consent thereto. He hath en­dured verie great pouerties, and passed through many hard tra­uerses: being no lesse reproched and misprised, then the basest prisoners with him. His life is very religious, addicted altogether to prayer and fasting, feeding but on bread & water most dayes in the weeke. And yet notwithstanding this austere abstinence, he is verie strong, as I haue heard by one of the prisoners relea­sed out of that prison: who departed thence greatly affectionate to him, seeming to loue him highly, and reported matters mar­uellous of his strength and other good parts.

As for the exteriour markes of his bodie, he wants not one of them which he had when as he raigned: the selfe same lip, looke, head, bodie, armes, thighes, legges and feete, not fayling of a­nie one marke which he had naturally (imprinted as it were) on his person. He is wounded on the brow of the right eye, and on the head, as many witnessed, when they saw him in the Affricke battell: he hath abundance of great wounds on his armes and legges: he speakes Portugall as mingled or corrupted, wherein he is not much to be blamed, considering he hath not spoken it in the space of two and twentie yeares, according to the resolu­tion he tooke with his friends and companions, because they might passe the better vnknowne. His hand writing is the selfe same, obseruing still the same maner and method; all which are verie well remembred by diuerse, that haue both scene and knowne them in times past. In the secret notes of his bodie, there is none likewise wanting, albeit he haue many & very no­table, as is iustified by good testimonie, approued by the pub­like Notaries of Portugall. It is impossible to find another man in the world, that should haue all the selfe same markes, and it seemes that God had thus signed him from the wombe of his mother, with so manie rare and signall markes, to make him knowne (by meanes of them) in so vnhappie and miserable a time, euen as he hath likewise preserued him for the fulfilling of so great and auncient Prophesies, which haue so copiously spo­ken of him. May it please God but to permit, that the prospe­rities in the accomplishment yet remaining to him, may aun­swer in like certaintie to the foretold aduersities, which he hath passed alreadie.

[Page 53]Things standing in this estate, we haue demaunded audience of the Seigneurie, which twice hath bene graunted vs by the Senate with verie good will. And there we deliuering the rumor that ran abroad, of the imprisonment of our King Dom Sebastian, by meanes wherereof all Portugall was moued, and all Christendom held it for meruellous and strange: we requested that he might be seene and knowne, and if he were found to be the true King Dom Sebastian, that he might be so held and esteemed of euerie one. If vpon their suffering him, to be thus questioned and seen by vs, we returned and auouched him to be the same, we would submit our selues to such imprisonment as they thought meet, and suffer what punishment they would please to appoint, if herein we dis­sembled or dealt false with them. Before these audiences could be obtained, we offered them a Charter in parchment, whereby we gaue them to vnderstand, that we desired no other grace or fa­uour, but what hath beene graunted in the like case by Philip. 2. King of Castille (he hauing more interest in this matter then they) about two Portuguezes, who in Portugall did feigne themselues seuerally to be the true King D. Sebastian, he caused them to be kept in a publique prison, where all the world might haue seene and spoken with them, to the end that they might not be abused by them, and they were soone found to be villaines and deceiuers, whereby the Portuguezes were quickly resolued.

We required moreouer, that good order might be taken for his diet, and that his person should be safely regarded, while this affaire were further proceeded in, least his enemies might compasse his death by poison: for if anie such thing should so come to passe, the Portuguezes would report continually, that the Seigneurie of Venice had murdered their proper, naturall, lawful and true King, when it should plainly appeare that he was no Calabrois, -whence would arise such ill will betweene the Portuguezes and the Venetians, as the Seigneuries name should for euer be scandalized through the world. See here the substance of all that we could doe, yet we continued still in our right, with all the diligence we could possibly vse, calling neuer for anie other thing then iustice. And as we grew great in the poore opinion of our hopes, Diego Manuel chanced to arriue there, by whose comming we were somewhat more [Page 54] comforted, perswading our selues now to obtaine thorowly what we desired: because he had brought letters of great importance, which mainly might set forward our earnest sute. And to streng­then vs yet more, Sebastian Figuera came hither likewise the 4. of this moneth, with letters from the States in general of Holland, & from the Prince Maurice vnto the Seigneurie, in fauour of the King Dom Sebastian, which were deliuered on the morrow, for the Lords had appointed vs to be heard againe as that daie.

Now aduise your selfe very well, whether I haue reason or no to thinke strangely of you, and to expect your presence here for obtaining of this glorie, wherein you haue so seriously trauailed vntil this day. If you haue any remēbrance of heauen, or anie high and generous spirit, here haue you a subiect meet to employ it in. I beleeue you reserue to your self the sur-name of a Portugueze, for nothing but to ioyne it only with that of Texere. This should be the hidden treasure, whereof in the end of the yeare 1598. you called to the finding your good friend the knight Buodo, when you made your passage into Holland. If you be desirous of glorie and happinesse, we shall soone haue you here: deuide your selfe in peeces for the Prince, and you shall find the effects thereof in the mercies of God. In sooth I know not how you haue abstained from comming barefoote hither, considering how zealous you haue beene for the good and profite of our countrie; and such a professed enemie beside to the Spaniard; and (in times past) of high courage for vndertaking of anie worthie attempt; seeing (vn­der heauen) is not the like case as here offers vnto you; besides, being free for whosoeuer to embrace. Awake your spirites either now or neuer, and seeing you haue so much credite in those parts, pray, importune your friends in any place wheresoeuer, and if you may, obtaine letters from his most Christian Maiestie, the famous Queene of England, the generall States of Holland, and from all the Princes and Lords of France: that this Seigneurie may suffer the prisoner to be known what he is, true or false, or at least to en­large him, because to this houre they will neither let him be knowne nor seene: but faile not to come, with what fauours you can compasse. And say that deniall herein maybe made vnto you, yet you must not slack your comming in a busines so expedient: for you shall do no mean seruice to your Prince, as you haue done [Page 55] heretofore and that verie notably, and had we but your presence here, we should hold it sufficient.

Doe not let fall to ground so great an aduenture, seeing you haue done so much alreadie for a shadow, and giue the like coun­sell vnto your friends; for neuer can hap like occasion to this. On one side the enterprise is put into your hand, on the other the re­compence: doe like a defender of your countrie, and your merite shall be more then following times can acknowledge. Notwith­standing, let me thus condition with you, that you shall not be so couetous a louer of your selfe, as to make a sole benefite of the ho­nour in this action, but to diuide some participation thereof to your friends.

I had forgot to tell you that the prisoner hath had of the Sieg­neurie, fiue crownes of this mony monethly to dispend, which is a little more then foure crownes of the Sunne; of which he giues a­way the most part to the poore for the honour of God. I once more intreate you to haste your affaires with what breuitie you may, and as you come, giue copies of this letter to so manie as shal require it, for I will send the same to as manie others as I write vn­to. You shall doe me a singular pleasure, in making my commen­dations to M. de Tiron, and tell him, that this is the meruaile whereof I had talke with him so manie yeeres since, and let him make account to be as certain of my seruice, as his merites do iust­ly challenge. And to Monsieur le Commaundeur de Chastes, say that the time is now come wherein I shall make knowne to him how much I rest engaged and am readie at his seruice. And so please him to credite me: if he desire to purchase supreme glorie and great estate, let his employment be intire on this Princes be­halfe, for thereby he shall gaine more honor and repute, then his highest thoughts is able to imagin I kisse the hāds of al our friends according to my dutie, and let each one receiue me as effectually his. Our Lord giue you vnderstanding of all I haue writ vnto you, with happie and prosperous sucesse in your trauaile. From Venice the 6. of Nouember 1600. humblie kissing your hands.

The most affectionate to your seruice, Dom Iohn de Castro.

[Page 56]This Dom Iohn de Castro, whom I thinke your reuerend Lordship knowes verie wel, hath euer held this opinion; that the king Dom Sebastian was still aliue, and that Portugall should one day be restored by him. He tooke it for a matter so firme and cer­taine, that in the yeere 1596. when I was at Folambray, about some affaires belonging to mine order and my selfe, the King be­sieging la Fere, he iustified it in the Chapter house of our couent of Iacobines at Paris, to diuers Portuguezes (perswading them neuer to accord with D. Philip. 2. King of Castille, neither euer to goe togither) for he knew assuredly that the King Dom Sebastian liued, & that Portugal would be restored within few yeeres; say­ing moreouer, that he esteemed it for a matter so certaine, as he durst maintaine it vpon his oath. Hereupon, so soone as he heard that the King Dom Sebastian was kept prisoner at Venice, he could not anie waie remaine in quiet. Immediatly he made his voiage for England, to intreate the royall Queene to fauour and further this case: from England he went to Holland, for the selfe same purpose, and being returned to Faris, he neuer ceased till he came to Ʋenice, where he arriued the 28. of Iune last past, and his voyage was of such importance, as we hope it will serue suffici­ciently to get his King at libertie.

An answere to the fift demand.

The persons that procured the libertie of my Lord Dom Se­bastian king of Portugall, are these following. The father doctor de Sampayo, regent in the facultie of Theologie at Tolossa, whom your worthie Lordship doth know verie wel. He in the seruice of the said King, aduentured his life in verie great hazard, passing se­cretly into Portugall, and managed the matter wish such dexte­ritie, as it was possible for anie man whatsoeuer to do. A doctor of the order of Saint Bernard, named Frier Chrysostome, a verie reli­gious man, & (as I haue heard) of good credit and authoritie. Dom Iohn de Castro before named, the sonne to Dom Aluaro de Ca­stro, who was one of the 4. gouernours that ruled the kingdome, coniointly with the King Dom Sebastian, those whom we call in Portugal, Ʋeadores de la hazienda, & grand child to Dom Iohn de Castro, hertofore viceroy in the East Indies: of whose high prow­esses, worthie deeds of arms & victories, our histories giue no mean [Page 57] commendation. A Chanon of Lisbon, a man of noble lignage and rich, who abandonning his countrie, and forsaking his goods, de­parted expressely from Portugall on this respect: and brought the markes which the said king hath on his bodie, approoued by au­thenticall instruments of a Notarie Apostolique. Rodrigo Mar­ques, Diego Manoel, and Sebastian Figuera, which three were seruants to the king Dom Antonio, namely companions in the same fortune. The last is he of whom we haue made mention in the second answer, and the same whom Dom Iohn de Castro saith in his letter, to arriue at Venice, with letters from the generall States of the vnited Prouinces, and the Prince Maurice.

It hath bene told me, that they expect at Venice the Lord Dom Christophero, youngest sonne to the king Dom Antonio, who is at Rome, and with him these Lords Manuel de Brito Pi­mentel, Pantaleon Pessoa de Neyua, Frances Antoine, and other Gentlemen of Portugall, of whom I can say nothing what they are, because their names were not written to me. The newes that I haue at this present, are no other then those contained in the said letters from the Doctor de Sampayo, and from Dom Iohn de Castro, from each of whom I haue receiued diuerse other, which neuerthelesse sort all to one selfe same end. There be sundrie other letters here from other Portuguezes, that affirme this man to be the true king of Portugall Dom Sebastian, and approoue it for truth by many reasons, giuing such plaine apparance of veritie, that (according to humane iudgement) cannot be encountred or ratified on any other then himselfe. So that I see nothing which may call me into doubt of his not being the same man, for other­wise he must questionlesse be a spirit or diuell: which cannot be, considering his life is so holy and perfect, his proceeding most simple▪ and (to vse the very same words which one hath written to me) it is all meere simplicitie. If he were a seductour, or an e­uill spirit, he would expresse store of artificiall crafts and frauds in his doings: beside, a wicked spirit would neuer endure so long and rigorous an imprisonment. The aforenamed aduertisements, instances and intreates from the specified persons, beside reason it selfe, bind me (most worthie Sir) to part thus briefly, but I hope to visite you againe to morrow after breakefast: and so I close vp mine answer to your fift demaund.

An answer to the sixt and last demaund.

For answer to the sixt and last demaund, I say (right reuerend Lord) that it is to me very much displeasing, to serue as a Con­fessour in this businesse, and by that meanes stand bound to keepe all vnder seale: for this reason I dare not answer categorically, be­cause I feare to offend my most inward wel-willers in their trust. Notwithstanding, that I may induce the king of Portugall Dom Sebastian my Lord into Fraunce, I promise to make the mightie truth so apparant, that it shall violently breake the very strongest bars opposed against it, and ouerflow the whole earth, that with much glorie and prosperitie it may floate through al the Septen­trion, and grace him home into his owne kingdome.

When the Portugals shall haue their best loued & desired king at libertie: who shall offer resistance? If Sir, you reply to me, de­maunding how I dare assume such confidence in this case of Se­bastian, seeing (in late proofe) we could not do any act of great importance, when we had Dom Antonio present with vs: I answer, that to iustifie my words▪ I haue a thousand reasons that make for me. There was great difference betweene Sebastian and Antonio. Antonio came to the Crowne by a very great hazard and difficul­tie: Sebastian from the wombe of his mother was borne Prince & heire. Antonio employed his time to gouerne and visite the chur­ches of his Priour de Crato (he was grand Prior of Malta in Por­tugall, and for this respect, Lord spirituall and temporall of thir­teene cities, and more then foure hundred villages:) Sebastian v­sed to manage his horses, and follow the exercise of armes. An­tonio, as a man Ecclesiasticall and regular, kept his sword ru­sting in the scabberd: Sebastian like one secular and a King, caried his daily naked, shining brighter then christall. To confirme what I say, me seemes (worthie Sir) that it is not necessarie to alleage all the reasons which offer themselues: it sufficeth vs to know for certaine, that the king Dom Sebastian hath at this day, and euer­more had the will and hart of a Portugueze, which is as firme in seeking his subiects benefite and loue, as it was euer readie with his weapon to encounter his enemie.

The Portuguezes know very well, that they haue alreadie felt for the space of 21. yeares, one moneth, and 25. daies, the hony & sweet relish of his gouernment, & that if they haue in all the pas­sed [Page 59] time, tasted any thing vnsauorie in his actions (because he was a little stiffe and sharpe:) they haue since then bene so ouer-glut­ted with gall, as they will find his very bitterest behauiour, more sugred and sweete then the others best tast. Moreouer, if there be great difference betweene man and man: euen so on the other side is there betweene time and time. The Portuguezes liue at this day, with an vnquenchable thirst of their libertie, so that they would gladly cast themselues from the tops of high mountaines, to find a redresse for their slauish bondage. In the passed time, as they had neuer tasted but their owne naturall gouernment, so they knew not how to prooue the bitter, nor how well to esteem the benefite of the sweete. Hence grew so many parts taking, both before and after the election of Dom Antonio. He had with him the people, the Lords of the familie of Vimieuse and others, with the most part of the ecclesiasticall and regular persons. The duke of Bragancia, he brought in his quarter many Lords of Portugall (for they were almost all descended of his house) and their fol­lowers, which made neare the number of two hundred thousand in Portugall. The Nobles of Portugall, which are there called Es­cuyers or Cheualliers d'vne Launce, & are the principall strength and sinewes of the Realme, they betooke themselues all to see the sport of this play. The fourth part, which held for his Catho­like Maiestie D. Philip king of Castile, because of the discord and deuision of the rest, was the strongest, & proceeded at more plea­sure in those affaires. There was but one sole part with the King Sebastian, and to him they continued still vnited firme: for it is a thing very publique, and knowne through the world, that the Portuguezes not only loued Dom Sebastian as their king, but ho­noured him as if he had bene a God. Wherefore (worthie Lord) I hold it for most certain, that so soone as they should vnderstand their King to be in France, they would immediatly shake off the yoake of Castile, they would send him mony to supply his neces­sities, and would leauy an armie by sea, with whom they would gladly come to seeke him, and no bodie could tell which way to hinder them, for they are in possession, and hold all Portugall and his Monarchie properly in their hands.

His Maiestie Catholique holds nothing in Portugall which he can warrant or defend: for what can three or foure hundred soul­diers [Page 60] do within the castle of Lisbon, when for defence of the same there shall need 10000. There is in this Castle a Parish that holds more then 500. houses or make-fires, this castle was the pallace of our Kings, builded on a mountain all of earth, subiect to vnder­mining & blowing vp. His said Maiestie keeps his Garrison therin to no other end, but only for ostentation: I my selfe was prisoner in it 3. moneths and a halfe, in the yeare 1582. after the death of the Lord of Strozzi, & I haue heard Captains say, that if 10. thou­sand souldiers were in it, they would make them dance out ther­of in a moment, & mockt such as esteemed it for a safe securitie, if any rumor or tumult should be blown through the citie. His Ca­tholike Maiestie holds as impregnable the Tower of Bethlehem on the sea, for guard of the port a league from Lisbon; at three leagues that of S. Iohn; at 4. that of S. Anthonie; at 5. that of Cascayes. In the first, third, & fourth, there is not aboue 100. men of war: in the second, of S. Iohn, admit there were more then 400. whosoeuer is or shall be Lord of the land, shall be so likewise very easily of al those towers. But say that S. Iohns is mighty & strong: I know for certaintie, that the 16. part of Prince Maurice his A. B. C. were enough to race & batter it in 4. houres. (This A. B. C. are 24. Canons, which the Prince Maurice caused to be made for the batterie of Stenwick, & tooke it perforce in the yere, 1592.)

Moreouer, his Maiestie Catholike hath an other Tower, which his father caused to be made in the middest of the sea on a rocke, which is called Teste seche: this tower serues to no end, but that the other of S. Iohns doth countenance it. At Setuball sixe leagues frō Lisbon, there is also at entrance of the port a tower called S. Philip, of very slender importance, by being built at the foote of a high mountaine that commands it. I thinke besides these, at the port of Viana, sixtie leagues from Lisbon, he keeps a Garrison of Spaniards in another tower: behold here the strength of his Maie­stie Catholike in Portugall. But of what import will they prooue, though he had much more aduantage, if the Portugals were co­united & cōbined together? so much the sooner ensued his losse.

Dom Iohn king of Castile the first of that name, called himselfe king of Portugal in the right of his wife, who was daughter to D. Fernand king of Portugall; the Queene mother, her kindred and allies, did likewise take part with the Castillians: but the Portu­guezes knitting them selues in an vnity together, rent forth of his [Page 61] hands whatsoeuer he had insulted on, and chased him out of the kingdome, after they had ouerthrowne him in the battell of Alji­barota: albeit he had in his army foure and thirty thousand men, and they were but 7. thousand onely: afterward, they gaue him defiance againe at Valverde, at Trancoso, and elsewhere, as is to be seene in our histories (if your reuerend selfe but please to reade, you shall there find it agreeing with my words) and in pursuite they gaue him law at their owne pleasure, as anon we shall tell you more in this answere.

Thus we may easily perceiue, that it consists not in the strengh of the king Catholicke Dom Philip, both to guard Portugall, and keepe all the kingdome thereof vnder bridle, though he assembled all Spaine, and all his other commaund. Wherefore I am of the mind (most worthy Lord) that so soone as his Maiesty Catho­licke is giuen to vnderstand, how that the King Dom Sebastian is come into Fraunce, he will immediatly send his Embassadours to him, and offer him the reintegration of his realme in quiet (swept cleane already of corne and chaffe) as much as to say, as without pretending any thing to him but loue and kindnesse. And I thinke his Councel wil therto aduise him, if they haue any feare of God, if they be wise, discreet, or friends to the seruice & welfare of their king. For if king Sebastian come with strong hand to the restau­ration of Portugall, no way can hinder him the entrance of Por­tugall, then into Castile, and from thence through all Sapine, whereby he will bring Dom Philip into such distresse, as doubt­lesse he will go neare to make ruine of all. And when he shall come to vrge his agreement, Dom Sebastian not onely will bind him to pay all his dispence, domages and wrongs endured by oc­casion of the warre: but likewise to restore him those reuenues and profits, which the king his father and himselfe haue hald out of Portugall, for the space of more then twenty yeares, which will amount to more then forty millions. Nay, that which is more, to destroy him, and be gratefull to his friends, and them that aided him in the recouerie of his kingdome: he will con­straine him to render the realme of Nauarre to the king most Christian: that of Aragon to the Duke of Lorraine, those of Na­ples and Sicilie to his holinesse, and likewise to the other Princes of Europe, all that he hath held from them perforce; for the [Page 62] flower they are in comming to peace and concord, the swifter en­sues the great losse and mishap of Spaine.

This which I say reuerend Sir, is not in bare and simple words onely, nor shall this be the first time, that Portugall hath taught law to Castile: such as are pleased in reading histories, shall find this very true, and of many that we might report and set downe in account, we will alleadge but onely one. Dom Peter King of Castile, sirnamed the cruell (who was slaine by his bastard bro­ther, that came to raigne afterward, and named himselfe Henry the II.) left two daughters, the first called Constance, the second Isabel, wife to Edmond of Langley brother to Iohn of Gaunt, the husband to the elder daughter Constance, of whom was borne a daughter named Catharine. The sayd Iohn of Gaunt, in the re­gard of his wife Constance, qualified the king of Castile and Leon, and made his direct passage from Gascoigne (which then was in the rule of the English) into Spaine, with eighteene thousand foote, and two thousand horse, and tooke the Groigne, with the ayde of Iohn the bastard, elected King of Portugall, receiued, sworne, confirmed, and obeyed by the Portuguezes, who were to him very good friends. Thence he went on to Portugall, whence he entred into Castile, and so on to the City of Burgos, distant from the place where he parted more then twentie sixe leagues: tooke it at his arriuall, and made himselfe maister of all the cities, townes and castles he came to: moreouer, they that were further off, came and for feare submitted themselues. And easily had he attained to a larger aduantage, but that his men died, who through their neglect in ordering thēselues, and small prouidence in good husbandry, were ouertaken by famine, whereon a pesti­lence ensued among thē, and they were brought to such scarsity of victuals, as they were forced to run to the enemies campe, which was vnder the guide of Lewes Duke of Bourbon, who in fauor of king Iohn of Castile, came thither well accōpanied with the Frēch, to request wherewithal to saue their liues. Which the sayd Iohn of Portugall beholding, complained to the Duke, saying, that it was not good for his souldiers to treate with the enemy, affirming that they would cause more preiudice then all the other: therefore he should repeale them presently, & forbid all community of speech with the contrary part. Otherwise when they should enter fight, [Page 63] all would by the edge of the sword be destroyed, the one in re­gard of loue to the other. Thomas Walsingham an English histo­rian, deliuers it in the selfe same termes, and sayth, that the king of Portugall had with him foure thousand Portuguezes, and all of them very well armed.

Within few dayes after, certaine Embassadors sent by the king of Castile, came to the Duke, desiring peace of him in all humility, to whom the Duke wold giue no audience, Notwithstanding, the hunger & pestilēce did enforce him, to withdraw thēce into Por­tugall to the towne of Trancoso, whither they came againe see­king to him, being sent the second time from the said Iohn king of Castile, & to vrge once more the same request: shewing the Duke by many reasons, the great profit might be drawne out of a kind peace betweene them. The Duke then gaue them the hearing, & condiscended to their demand, although it was greatly against his will; chiefly, because he heard that the king hf Portugall was wil­ling thereto, and then (being touched therein by a more effectuall cause) namely, the intelligēce of the troubles beginning in France among the French and English, and some seditions at home in En­gland: all which shewed him, that he could draw no fresh supplies thence, because that there seemed to be greater need, and the mortality in his army did most of all require it.

The accord betweene the King and the Duke was made in this manner. That Henrie eldest sonne to King Iohn, named Prince of Castile, should espouse Catherine the onely daughter of the sayd Duke Iohn of Gaunt, and Constance his wife, and should succeed in the kingdomes of Castile, Leon, and other Seig­neuries: that the king should endowe the mother and daughter, and so he did: giuing to the mother the citie of Guadalajata, Medina del Campo and Olmiedo: afterward, being with her in the sayd Medina, he gaue her likewise Hueta. To the daughter he gaue the Esturies, creating and naming her Princesse, and his sonne Prince thereof. So from thence forward, the eldest sonne euer bare the sirname of this principalitie: as of Daulphi­nies in Fraunce, of Wales in England, of Girona in Aragon, of Vienna in Nauarre, &c. Moreouer, he should giue the Duke sixe hundreth thousand Franckes of gold, for his returne into England, and fortie thousand Franckes in name of rent, beside the sayd [Page 64] cities and townes during the liues of him an her.

Iohn of Castile accepted of all these conditions with right good will, yet he had Fraunce and the French on his side, and the King of Aragon (with whose sister he was maried, of whom was borne the sayd Prince Dom Henrie, and Fernand that after was king of Aragon, against the right of the true heires indeed) and Charles the III. king of Nauarre his brother: but he knew notwithstan­ding all these, that hauing ciuill wars in Castile, and Portugall for an enemy, fortune wold forsake him in all his realmes & Seigneu­ries. Thus could and can the kingdome of Portugall beare head a­gainst the rest of Spaine. It is most certaine, that at all times, and as often as Portugall hath the fauour of Fraunce, of England, or some other straunge Prince whosoeuer it be, it compels the king of Castile (to whom that is a bridle) to make him yeeld to reason, and come at commaund, nay, to accept of conditions very igno­minious and preiudiciall. And those of the Duke might haue bene much more aduantageable to this agreement, if the king of Por­tugall had bene willing: because hauing the sword in his hand, he might haue cut out his partage at his owne pleasure. He was the Iudge, and it was done with his will: Qui habet gladium, potest diuidere campos. And hence it came, that the Duke departed not very well contented with him: although he gaue him in mariage his eldest daughter Philippe.

By this already rehearsed (worthy Lord) may be vnderstood, that they who haue not the pearles of spotted affection in their eyes, may discerne, and others, whose harts are not fatted with hate to this good king, may know, that my wordes are neither bourdings nor songs. For if this King Dom Iohn the bastard, ha­uing all Spaine, all Fraunce, and some of Castile his allies ban­ding against him, for himselfe only foure thousand Portuguezes, and some English in weake estate, and yet then suspected to, being withdrawne from Castile into Portugall, could make lawes to his enemies: what shall Sebastian do, accompanied with a great number of Princes of Europe, with his Portuguezes and his owne person, which degenerates not a iot from that of his graundfather Dom Iohn the bastard, who for his faire deedes was sirnamed, Of worthy memory: against a young king, slenderly ex­perimented, and but badly armed? It is not to be doubted but he [Page 65] shall restore Portugall, seeing God and the prophesies haue so made him promise; and that he shall cleanse and purge the Spa­niards of their vices and abuses, according as S. Isidore hath pro­phesied, who since he florished, it is more then a thousand yeres. What contentment, what ioy shall the world receiue by sight hereof, and namely they that are the children of God? What fe­licitie for the Romane Church? What good for the weale pub­like of Christendome? Let the enemie iudge this cause, and (as one said in Portugall) let them cracke this nut, and know, that yet at this daye Portugall is farre stronger then Spaine, yea all Spaine in the time of the said Bastard. Then all that were souldiers, were skilful in handling the sword, the launce, the hal­bard and the crosse or long bow: now at this day they can not be drawne from the harquebuse or musket; for this reason the Portugals haue yet more souldiers then Spaine. Because the Ca­stilians, yea or the Spaniards that come from the garrisons of the king of Castile, do neuer part thence but lame and maimed, ex­cept it be some of the principal Gentlemen. Of the Portugueses sent from Portugall to the East Indies, there comes backe com­monly the third part of them, and of them that are scattered in diuerse places of Affricke the second part. This is most certaine, for in the beginning of the raigne of our Lord D. Antonio, I found a rolle of the souldiers that were to be had in Portugall, wherein it was assured me, that within the prouince d'Entre, Douro and Migno, which is called in Latine Interamnis, which containes no more then eighteene leagues in length, & twelue in breadth at the most, three thousand old souldiers were to be found.

To this aunswere, it remaines for me yet to satisfie another obiection, which your reuered sanctitie may make vnto me, to wit, Some that haue a mightie opinion of the King of Castilles strength, would make the world beleeue, that he is infinitely powerfull, and can inuade Portugall with huge numbers of souldiers. To the first point I aunswere briefely and succinct­ly: That the King of Castille is in no place more weake then in Spaine. To the second: Whence shall hee gather such supplies of souldiours? Shall hee furnish him selfe out of those garrisons and forces which hee hath from Spaine? Not so. [Page 66] If in case he will cull out of the said garrisons some souldiers to forrage Portugall, hee must at the least haue foure mo­neths time to do it. In lesse then foure dayes may men passe frō Brittanie to Lisbone. Could he bring fiftie thousand men into Portugall, wherewithall wil he feed them? I would onely twen­tie thousand. Moreouer, what would auaile fiftie thousand sol­diers in Portugal? All those being there, could not impeach the King Don Sebastian from landing: for Portugall hath an hun­dred and fortie leagues on the coast, and throughout is landing easily to be had. In some parts, they that are on land in one place cannot in a day giue succour to the other, albeit they are distant but two leagues. If king Sebastian did but set foote on land, all Portugall would presently run to him: by which reason, strange souldiers would be forced to yeeld themselues, or throw them­selues headlong into the sea, or die with famine, or else by the hands of their enemies.

Now giue I conclusion to this present discourse, humbly be­seeching your worthie Lordship, to hold excused such slips as are therein, because in the writing thereof, I haue bene driuen to some nightly houres (which could not be verie manie since I receiued your last letter) for so long a certification by pen, and but that I was enioyned thereto by your expresse commaund, I could gladly haue excused my selfe from so tedious a trauel. But the honors and graces receiued from so worthie a person, haue bene so great, and continued in such sort, as they bound me to obey without all excuse. If my pen haue erred in anie point (whereof I doubt not) this hope is left me, that one day I may giue your Lordship more ample, certaine & assured satisfaction, in all whatsoeuer shall please you to require. I write in the Ca­stilian language, because your worthie selfe did so commaund me, and in regard you take some delight therein, as it hath bene often told me. But should I confesse the truth, my loue would much more haue forwarded me, & rather haue had me to write in my natiue Portuguese. Our Lord gard and giue prosperity to a personage of such honor. From Lions the 6. of Ianuary. 1601.

The most humble orator and seruant to your worthy Lordship, Frier Ioseph Texere Portuguese.

The copie of another Letter from the said father Frier Ioseph, to the same Bishop.

MOst worthie Lord (habita benedictione) being since the 23 of this instant moneth, dispatched with pasport from his Maiestie most Christian, and the worthie Lega [...]e Aldobrandino for my passage into Italie about affaires of mine Order, & some of mine owne in particular, with sundrie letters of fauor for Ve­nice, for Rome and other places: furnished with all things need­full for my voyage, I departed not till the 24, because it was the euen of Christmas, (I had receiued the 22. your Lordships let­ter, whereto I made no answer till the 6. and then gaue it to my Lord your nephew, who is not hence departed as yet.) And as I thought to depart on the Sonday after the feasts, I could not do it, by reason we had intelligence, that on the way of Lions were disbanded souldiers of the Swizzers, who robbed and ill intrea­ted all passengers. Hereupon, I made account to depart in the companie of my Lord Monsieur de Sancy, who trauelled to the Fort of S. Catherine. The said Lord being hindred by his busi­nesses, made me to attend from day to day, till the Sonday fol­lowing, the 7. of this instant: and yet our parting was put off frō Sonday to Monday. It seemes that God had so appointed it, to the end I should not throw my selfe into danger, nor the incom­modities of the season, neither vndertake a iourney to no ende. For on the same Sonday, when we had resolued without faile to depart thence, about the seuenth houre of night, I receiued let­ters from Venice, wherby I was aduertised, that the king of Por­tugal Don Sebastian my Lord, was set at liberty. And at the ninth houre of the same night, came a Gentleman to my lodging, one of my friends and acquaintance, with him a Page belonging to a Lord my friend likewise, carying a lighted torch; which Gen­tleman told me on the behalfe of the said Lord, that he had also receiued letters from Venice, wherein were some newes that he desired to acquaint me withall. I tooke my cloake, and went to see him in his lodging, where he confirmed to me the same ty­dings. And parting thence after ten a clock, I went to visit ano­ther Lord, who, at the first sight of me, said: I verie well know [Page 68] [...]at you come to tell me. Suddenly he againe ratified the for­ [...] newes, discoursing thē to me by diuerse particularities; that said king was so parted thence; that he went to embarke him [...] at Liuorne for passage to Marseilles, and from Marseilles to [...] Court: that there came in his companie the Lord Christo­ [...]o, youngest sonne to the deceassed King D. Antonio, and D. [...]n de Castro, of whom one had written to him, that at the sight [...]e king D Sebastian he stood much amazed: but comming to [...]er consideration, threw himselfe suddenly at his feete, and [...]ed him his Lord and King.

On the next day, came in publike very many letters, all groun­ [...] vpon this subiect onely. The ioy and gladnesse was so great [...]ng the Princes, & euery where in the Court, with the Prin­ [...]es, Ladies and Gentlewomen, great and small, noble and vn­ [...]le, Ecclesiasticall and regulars, as I cannot expresse to your [...]thinesse. My Lord, your nephew both heard and saw all, he [...] report it as an eye witnes, what ke thinks of the forward wils [...]esires, which he beheld in the Princes, Lords & Gentlemen. [...] coniointly offred their persons, their means & abilities in the [...]ice of this king, whō the most part of such as had written of [...] from Venice, Padoa, & other parts, gaue the name of holy.

[...]urely I dare affirme thus much vnto you, as a matter certaine [...] not to be doubted, that if this king my Lord come into this [...]gdome, as we alreadie are aduertised: his Maiestie most Chri­ [...], with all his power and authoritie, can hardly hinder the [...]ces, Lords, Gentlemen, Souldiers; what should I say? the [...]sts, Monkes, Merchants, Mecanicks; the Pilots and Mari­ [...], from assisting with their seruice this Prince.

My Lord, I haue euery day hardly passed to and fro from my [...]ging, for in the streets some call me, others meet me, & some [...]y to teare the very cloake off my backe. Such as heretofore [...]e incredulous, & made a mockery hereof, are those that now [...]heir hands highest to heauen, and come to make the largest [...]s: Res miranda. Euery day we haue here nothing but false [...]mes, for so soone as some foure or fiue men are seene to [...]e on horsebacke, immediatly it is the King Sebastian, men, [...]en and children run out of the Citie to meete him. In brief, [...]oy, the contentment, and the desire of this Princes arriuall [Page 69] is so great, yea, in all persons without anie difference, as if he were giuen as an onely remedie, to the trauailes and miseries of this pre­sent age. And that it may proue so, if auncient prophesies deceiue vs not, all Christendome hath reason to hope much, of prosperitie and welfare by the meanes of this holy King.

The newes that I haue, how he was set at libertie, are these. After that the Portuguezes had obtained audience of the Senate, which the Lords granted them with benigne and readie will: Di­ego Manuell arriued there from France, and Sebastian Figuera from the States of Holland, with letters in fauour of this affaire, as elsewhere you haue heard before, and from Rome the Lord Dom Christophero, with Manuel de Brito Pimentel, Pantaleon Pessoa de Neyua, and Frances Antoine, with whom there ioyned manie Portugueses more, that came from diuers parts. The eleuenth of this moneth past, the Lords entred into Councell (which they there terme Pregay) where commonly you shall haue two hun­dred Lords of the chiefest of that Seigneurie. The Pregay held for the space of foure daies. On the last, which was the instant about ten of the clock in the night, the Lords concluded on their last resolution in this case. They caused the prisoner to be brought, and commanded a Secretarie to set down this determination fol­lowing.

Because he names himselfe to be the King of Portugall Dom Sebastian, he is commanded out of this Citie within one day, and from the parts belonging to this Seigneurie within three daies more; on paine of commitment to the gallies for the space of ten yeeres, with yron gyues at his feete. But if his indisposition of bo­die cannot suffer this paine: then he stands condemned to perpe­tual imprisonment. Moreouer, for punishment of his disobedience committed, in not departing the lands belonging to the State at the time when by commaundement of the podestate of Padoa he was so enioyned, they had alreadie giuen him these two yeeres and 22. daies imprisonment, since the contempt.

The sentence pronounced, he was immediatly set at libertie; betweene eleuen and twelue of the clocke in the night. Some let­ters from certaine of Italie, speaking in this manner, say: This was but a boxe of coriander comfites, to please the Spaniard withall, because he is their neigbour: the gazetes affirme the same.

[Page 70]A French Archbishop resident in those quarters, a man of [...]es, great authoritie and vertue, writing in his own language, [...]ne of his friends dwelling in this citie: The Portuguezes (saith [...]hat were here to demand their King, in the end had him, knew [...], saluted him, and caried him hence. The first signe of acknow­ [...]ement giuen by them, was, that he had one hand longer then the [...]r. The Lords of this Seigneury thinke they dealt wisely, in wash­ [...] their hands of him.

[...]he king went from the Senate (without anie suffered to keep [...] companie) and came all alone to the house of one maister [...]unces his ancent host, a Greeke by birth, with whom he found [...]ged two gentlemen Portuguezes, Rodrigo Marques and Se­ [...]an Figuera. These men hauing well beheld and noted him, [...]t they found him mightily changed, and differing from him [...]m they saw in Affrick on the battaile day; yet they knew him. [...]ques ran speedily to the lodgings of the Lord Dom Cristo­ [...]o, and of Dom Iohn de Castro, to aduertise them of what had [...]ed: the king remained in conferēce of Portugal affaires with [...]era. It was thoght good to remoue the king out of that house [...]o lodge him where D. Iohn lay, as being more capable and [...] publique. Then came the Lord Dom Christophero, and the [...]e Portuguezes that came with him from Rome, to see him, all the three knew the king: Manuel de Brito hauing seen him [...]ortugall, Pantaleon Pessoa and Frances Antoine, hauing like­ [...] seene him in Portugal, and since then in the day of Affricke. [...]e Portugueses being thus come to the lodging of D. Iohn, with [...]m Diego Manuel abode, the king in presence of some stran­ [...] tooke occasion of speech with them in this manner:

Portuguezes, you haue done a verie great good to your coun­ [...] [...]nd a seruice verie signall to me that am your Lord and king: [...]re my vastalles and subiects, and seeing you haue performed [...] you ought, both in your respect to God and your owne ob­ [...] dutie, you shal not find me ingrateful for it; I am your father, [...] you shal be my children. Now that I am in your hands, I pray [...] order your proceedings with discretion; because you stand [...]d to satisfie such as shalll question you, how you know me [...] our Lord and king. And if you find that I am not he, but an [...]er, chastice me accordingly, throw me into the sea, There are [Page 71] some amōg you possessed with writings of the marks which I haue on my bodie, as well those secret, as the other apparant: them the father doctor de Sampayo, and the Channon brought from Portu­gall proued authenticall by publique instruments of credite from the Notaries Apostolique. I know those instruments to be made iudicially, and witnessed by persons of qualitie that nursed me, and manie times saw me naked when I was a child. Behold I pray you for your owne satisfying, whether it be so, that I haue al those markes or no.

And as he would haue vnclothed himself, to be more perfectly knowne to them, the Portug [...]zes would not suffer him, but de­sired that he would discourse to them some matter of his aduen­tures. Whereto he replied, that he would therein resolue them an other time, in meane while, he requested them to pleasure him so much, as to tell him some newes of his friends and countrie. Here­vpon he began to enquire of Dom Iohn de Castro, concerning his brethren, his vncles and other kinred: of Dom Christophero, for his brother Dom Emanuel. And after he had conferred a long while with him, well considering and noting his face and counte­nance: You resemble very much Dom Antonio your father (quoth he to him) but I pray God giue you grace to resemble in deedes your Grandfather the infant Dom Lewes Duke of Beja.

Here we haue manie things (worthie Sir) to speake of, and let me tell you, that this king neuer loued some actions of the Lord Dom Antonio (who was cousin germaine to his father the Prince D. Iohn) because he was a man addicted to women, loftie, some­what vnquiet, and he had demaunded of the Queene D. Catha­rine, and of the Cardinal D. Henriques brother to his grandfather the king D. Iohn, and to the infant D. Lewes, father to Antonio, somewhat that they would not giue him, as finding they were not so much beholding to him. Some few daies before he depar­ted on his Affrick voyage, in verie much choler he had some sharp and rough speech with Dom Antonio: and thereupon the said Lord was not shipped in the same Gallion with the king, but in that of Dom Alphonso, de Portugall, Earle of Vimieuse (father to D. Frances de Portugall, who came into France with the title of Constable) to whom he was a verie great friend. So much for the Lord Dom Antonio: and so much likewise for the infant, whom [Page 72] D. Sebastian neuer knew (for when he died in the end of the [...] 1555. Sebastian was but two yeeres olde) he was a Prince great in vertue and wisedome, of whom Duarte Nunes de [...], albeit in the booke he writ against me, he speakes euill of al: [...]of him he saies well enough. This infant was a Prince verie [...]tie, valiant, practised in the art militarie, addicted to armes, [...]xcellent horseman, loued hunting, and the Mathematiques; [...]y, religious. And being endued with so manie rare and heroi­ [...] [...]ertues, the Princes and councell of the Realme of England, [...]ested and made choise of him to ioyne in mariage with [...]ry their Queene, to reigne with her ouer them. In summe, infant was so wise, discreete and skilfull, as anie prince [...]d not bee accomplished with better partes. For this [...] Sebastian, although he knew him not, but by fame only: yet [...]spected his name greatly, loued and made reckening of his [...]ns.

[...]ow your Lordship may consider how proper these wordes [...]o the King Dom Sebastian. After two and twentie yeeres and [...]e, he discouered in publique, what he had kept hidden in his [...]e breast, and which could not be manifested by anie other, [...] by himselfe onely, because God alone knowes the inward [...]ghts of men. He hath made knowne to diuers, the markes of [...]nds receiued on his head in the battaile of Affricke, causing [...] to put their fingers therein, and to them shewed beside the [...] signes naturally caractered on his bodie. Thus spēt he about [...]e houres space wirh the said Portuguezes, demanding diuers [...]ers of them, shewing himselfe so familiar and friendly, as he [...]cted each of them verie choicely and louingly. But yet he [...]ot off the cariage of royall maiestie, which seemed in him [...]esse, then if he were sitting in his seate of iustice with the [...]ne on his head, and scepter in his hand, in the citie of Lis­ [...] ▪ Afterward, when euerie one was withdrawne to his rest, [...]ent and fell on his knees before a Crucifix, which he ware in [...]osome, where he so continued, till one came to call him on [...]ourney.

[...]ome haue written to me, that since he hath beene seene [...]ng his Portuguezes, he hath made good appearance, that he is [...]ctually of their nation, profferring in all perfection the [Page 73] words he pronounced: and if any one of them that parleyed with him, intermedled any French words among the rest (because the most part of them had liued in Fraunce, and spake the French language) he would tell them of it: so that yet he seemes better to vnderstand that tongue, then speake it. One writes likewise, that he saith, the armour he ware is hid in a certaine place. That the duke de Aueyro, the Earles of Redondo, and of Sortella, D. Fer­nand de Meneses, and D. Iohn de Castro, cosin germaine to him whom we haue so often named, are all yet aliue, that he very wel knowes where they are, & so soone as he shal haue commodious means, he will send to thē. Christophero de Tauora was slaine be­fore his eies by certain robbers, that set vpō thē as they iourneyed.

Dom Iohn de Castro writ in a letter to me, that his face is now much altered from the forme it had at his parting in Affricke. As for the small wrinkles in his face, those he knew very perfectly, so likewise did Sebastian Figuera; the Father de Sampayo, Panta­leon Pessoa, Frances Antoine and other Portuguezes, beside sun­drie straungers, that had seene him and knew him when he was in Portugall. And as for his gate or cariage of his bodie, it is the ve­rie same without any altering. Moreouer, that he departed from Venice in the time assigned him, and is comming for Fraunce, himselfe with others being on the way with him. He praies me to order my businesse in sort, that I would be present in the Court of his most Christian Maiestie, attending this aduenture so strange and maruellous: so farre the letter.

For this cause (worthie Lord) and in respect, whether he come by sea or land, or whether he will passe for Holland from hence: I am determined not to be absent, till I haue seene him here, or vn­derstand he hath taken some other course. If I should do other­wise, I thinke the world would repute me a bad seruant to my King, and an enemie to my true and soueraigne Lord. But I find there are some, moued (by what diuels I know not) that labour still to perswade me, and would perforce make me to beleeue, al­though these newes are so true, publique and certaine, yet that this King of Portugall Dom Sebastian, is no other then a Ca­labrois. But as that language is engendred and borne from the wombe of a Castillian, so I answere such kind of men, that it is behoouefull for them to knowe, I am more bound to credite [Page 74] [...]e noble, a [...]d religious persons, who by letters written and [...] by their owne hands, as also by their oathes, haue assured [...]hat the prisoner set at libertie by the Lords of Venice, is our [...]ng of Portugall Dom Sebastian; then to be led by any Ca­ [...] opinions.

[...]s a terrible thing to see and heare the goodly reasons allea­ [...]y these wise maisters, to vnderprop their false and depraued [...]ions. It contenteth vs, that he is swart, and that the King [...] Sebastian was faire; that he speakes not Portugueze, &c. To [...]s haue no interest at all in this matter, but (with a purposed [...]e) yeeld themselues enemies to this truth: what imports it whether a man blacke or white should be King of Portugal? [...]hether he speakes Portugueze or Italian? It sufficeth, that a [...] as white as snowe, passeth the Equinoctiall line on the [...] of Guinea; that he performes the voyage of Saint Thomas, [...] any other part wheresoeuer he pleaseth of Aethiopia, or [...] iournes sundrie yeares in Barbarie, may become as blacke [...]h, for the more white a man is, the sooner he becomes the [...]er. We vnderstand that the king Dom Sebastian hath bene [...]thiopia and in Persia: where if he haue lost his whitenesse [...]oper colour, it is not a thing to be wondred at.

[...]osoeuer hath knowne the Lord Dom Christophero (reue­ [...] Lord) youngest sonne to the deceased king Dom Antonio, [...] his infancie, till he came to the age of 18. yeares, for so old [...]s when he vndertooke his voyage to Barbarie, will confesse [...]e that he was then as white as milke, faire and neately fa­ [...]d: but little more then three yeares when he liued in Barba­ [...] [...]re sufficient to make him become so black, swartie and de­ [...]d, that at his returne to England whence he had parted be­ [...] [...]uen those that had bene most frequent with him, could not [...] him. He arriued in Barbarie in the beginning of the yeare, [...] and came againe into England in 1592. at which time I was [...]nce. Then afterward he came to Paris, in the end of the [...] 1594. on Christmas euen after dinner, at what time I was [...]g at Chesse with the king his father, in the street of S. Hono­ [...] [...]ere he lodged at the Swan. So soone as the newes came to [...]er, that he was beneath in the court, I craued leaue to goe [...]; and descending the staires, I passed by him not knowing [Page 75] him, and went to talke with Dom Iohn de Castro, and Scipio de Figueredo, who had come with him from England, demaunding newes of them of the said Lord Dom Christophero; they told me that that was he whome I had met and passed by. I sweare to your Lordship, that hearing those words, I stoode as rapt out of my selfe, to see him so deformed and chaunged, and the others by no meanes could perswade me that it was he. I swear [...] agai [...] to your worthinesse, as a Christian, an honest man, and [...] [...] ous as I am, that I was so angrie to behold him thus chaunged, hauing lost the goodly complexion he had before, as I w [...] [...] an houre in a roome beneath by my selfe, and would neither [...] nor speake with him: hereof I haue store of good witnesses yet to this day.

If little more then three yeares had so much power, so strange­ly to alter the Lord Dom Christophero, how much more may a­boue twentie yeares, chaunge the king Dom Sebastian? Let this suffice to answer the ignorant and malicious. As for his speaking Portugueze: who hath examined him? not I certainely, nor any other Portugueze semblable to me. He speakes a mixed kind of Portugueze (my good Lord) according as Dom Iohn de Castro writes to me in his last letter. As for his writing, it is the same, and the selfe same hand: I haue seene many memories and papers written by him, which being conferred with the other that he writte before his passage to Affricke, the one and other doe truely agree. For the rest, when the King Dom Se­bastian shall be in good estate, though he speake not Portugueze, I will hold him excused; considering it is more then twenty years that he hath bene foorth of his country, and still trauelled among straungers.

In this citie of Lyons, among the Spanish Comedians, there is a Portugueze aged about some thirtie yeares, a man well born, learned, and speakes the Latin tongue very well, the place of his birth not farre from mine: from him I could neuer get one Portu­gueze word, yet speakes he as perfect Castilian, as if he had bene borne and brought vp in the Court of Madrill: and it is but fiue yeares since he hath bene absent from his owne countrey, where be forsooke his kindred, some of them being well knowne to me. We haue an hundred thousand like examples through all [Page 76] [...]s, and it is a thing so common, as there can neuer want due [...]e thereof. But I will not spare to speake this as truth, if the Dom Sebastian, or any other Portugueze whatsoeuer, ha­ [...] [...]ost the vse of his Portugall language: by being conuersant [...]g his countreymen, come not againe to the recouerie there­ [...] shall pardon me then to be suspitious of him. By meanes [...]gh a man may easily grow into heate, (my Lord) reprouing [...]pinions, and restrayning the audacious courses of people [...]orted with passions: therefore whosoeuer will speake truth, [...] say, that my Lord Dom Sebastian king of Portugall, is no [...]rois. But the very selfe same king, who in the yeare, 1578. [...] his voyage into Affrick, in fauour of Muley Mahamet Xa­ [...] mooued by the offers which were made vnto him, for the [...]tage and weale publique of all Christendome. This doth [...]re plaine to the eye, by those things whereon he hath trea­ [...]th the Portuguezes and other strangers, before he was im­ [...]ed, in the prison, and afterward abroad: and verifies it selfe [...]l by the markes secret as apparant, which he beares on his [...], and which I will translate to you at the end of this let­ [...]

[...] the rest, to close vp this last answer, I cannot chuse but [...] my complaint to your reuerend worthinesse, of these med­ [...] [...]ssieurs, that tearme my Lord and king to be a Calabrois. [...]w two yeares and more since they haue liued in this error, [...]e as strong headed in this opinion now, as they were the [...]ay. Turely Sir, when I but thinke hereon, I can hardly [...] my coole bloud from warming, for I neuer saw any one of [...] Gallants that would say to me: He is of such a territorie, such [...] sonne, or kin to such a one: he hath liued among such, &c. [...]ering Calabria is in subiection to his Maiestie Catho­ [...] who for this reason onely might send through all that [...]ey, and enquire of his qualitie and originall, as being his [...]: that they will not do so much at one time or other, this [...] afflicteth me.

[...]w Sir remaines an answer to an obiection of the enemie, [...]o slubber, baffull, and annihilate a matter so certaine, [...] of the true King Dom Sebastian, say, that this fellowe [...]he first deceiuer; but in Flaunders there was a Baldwin, [Page 77] in Fraunce a Martin Guerre, &c. I can very well (as one that hath read some histories) helpe such kind of people to proue their intentions, remembring them of the names and deedes of some impostors: setting apart the Neroes and others, as Smerdis the Mago king of the Persians, the false Alexander of Syria, sonne to Protarcus a man of base condition: Lambert Symnell, who na­med himselfe Edward the fift king of England, and sonne to Ed­ward the fourth, Peter Warbecke, whom the English call Peri­quin, or Perkin, who needs would be Richard younger brother to the sayd Edward, and others. But the fact and proceeding of these, differed greatly from the examen and true square of King Dom Sebastian: also the meanes and respects whereby they pre­sumed for kings titles, caried another habite then this of king Se­bastians. Concerning Baldwin and Martin Guerre, their iug­lings were discouered in very few daies: so fel it out with Smerdis, for Phaedimia the daughter of Otanes, disproued him quickly by his short eares: and so was he knowne to be Mago, brother to Cantizites, & not for Smerdes the son of Cyrus. The false Alexan­der, an Aegyptian by nation, was brought in by Ptolomie Euerge­tes, against Demetrius the younger. Lambert Symnell was prouo­ked on by great men of England, to terme himselfe a king, against Henry the seuenth, of whom they could not endure the gouerne­ment. Peter Warbecke, a natiue of Tournay, by the meanes and fauour of Margaret Duchesse of Burgundie, second wife to Charles the warriour: named himselfe Richard, youngest sonne to King Edward the fourth, and by her bare himselfe against the sayd king Henrie.

But King Sebastian is risen in another kind of degree, without ayde, without fauour, not assisted by any Prince, poore and mi­serable, armed onely with his truth, and the conduct of God: and yet we hope he shall not want helpe for the recouerie of his kingdome. This is then sufficient to answere those questionarie contriuers. As for their demaund to me, where he hath had abi­ding for so many yeares, and why he spared to make himselfe ma­nifest: himselfe one day (when it pleaseth God) will therein resolue vs. It is no new thing to heare of a man, that haue not bene heard of for many yeares. I thinke there is at this day a do­zen of men in Fraunce, that haue come home againe amongst [Page 78] [...] ends, after their being abroad for the space of twentie [...] nay 30. yeares, without any newes once heard of them all their absence. If I would number them (Sir) who haue [...]mpeld to verifie themselues, for such as they maintained [...]lues to be, I should make a discourse more ample, then [...]ich I gaue to my Lord your nephew.

[...]e the decrees of the Parliaments in Fraunce looked ouer, [...] would be found therein, of whom I find it no way in­ [...]ient to nominate some. As the Lord of Boisgarnier, a Gentleman of Maisse: and next him his sonne the Lord of [...]erre neare [...]o Gyan: the Lord of Morinuille, called Courte­ [...] [...]ed of the royall house of Dreux, and other who haue had [...]nd labour enough in making themselues to be knowne.

[...]ng thus answered these obiections, I will conclude, assu­ [...]ur worthinesse, that being obliged by so many testimonies [...]rkes of truth, I thinke that not onely my selfe, but euen a [...]n, should commit a mighty trespasse against the holy [...] in not beleeuing this for a verity. Our Lord giue accom­ [...]ent to my desires, and so soone as he shall be arriued, I will speedy imparting to your worthy selfe, of all the pleasures [...]ntentments I receiue. This shall be the end of my trauerses [...]serable fortunes: this shall be the beginning of my glory city, where our Lord giue you ample perfection in aeter­ [...] [...]om Lions the 12. of Ianuary MDCI.

Kissing the hands of your reuerend Lordship: your deuoted seruant: Frier Ioseph Texere Portugueze.

[...] markes and signes which the King of [...]ortugall Dom Sebastian beares natu­rally on his body.

  • HE hath the right hand greater then the left.
  • The right arme longer then the left.
  • [Page 79]3. The body from the shoulders to the girdle-sted is so short, as his doublet can serue none other but himselfe onely.
  • 4. From the girdle-sted downe to the knees he is very long.
  • 5. The right legge is longer then the left.
  • 6. The right foote greater then the other.
  • 7. The toes almost equall.
  • 8. On the little toe of the right foote he hath a wart so increa­sing, as it appeares to be like a sixt toe.
  • 9. The instep or necke of the foote, very high raised vp.
  • 10. On the one shoulder is a seale or marke, of the greatnesse of a Vinten of Portugall: such a peece of money as a French peece of three blankes, the very least and auncientest.
  • 11. On the right shoulder toward the chine of the necke, he hath a blacke scarre, of the largenesse of ones little naile.
  • 12. He hath little pimples on his face and hands, and very ap­parant: but such as knowes it not cannot discerne them.
  • 13. He hath the left side of his body shorter then the right, so that he halts a little without any perceiuing.
  • 14. He lackes one tooth on the right side, in the neather [...]aw.
  • 15. He hath the fluxe of seed, or Gonorrhaea.
  • 16. He doth abound in a signall very secret, that is to be spoken of when need shall require.
  • 17. Besides these secrets and signes, he hath many other which my easily be seene: as the fingers of the hands long, and the nailes likewise.
  • 18. The lip of Austriche, like his graundfather Charles the fift Emperour, father to his mother, and of his graundmother Catherine Queene of Portugall, mother to his father, sister to the sayd Charles the fift.
  • 19. His feete little, and his legs crooked, &c. All these markes were borne with him.
  • 20. He hath many markes of the harquebuze on his left arme, which he receiued in the battell of Affricke.
  • 21. Another marke or wound vpon the head.
  • 22. Another vpon the right eye-brow.

[...]e copie of a letter written by a Gentle­ [...] a Portuguese, to the most excellent Prince, [...]he Lord Dom Emanuell, sonne to the Lord Dom Antonio, elect king of Portugall, abiding at Dort in Holland.

[...]e out of Portuguese into Castillian, out of Castillian into French, and lastly out of French into English.

[...]Ost excellent Lord, in the separation which was made at Florence of the Portuguezes, who had at Venice procu­ [...]e deliuerance and freedome of the King of Portugall Dom [...]ian our Lord: the choise for Fraunce was committed to my [...] Dom Christophero your brother, Dom Iohn de Castro, [...] Manuell and Frances Antoine, they went by the way of [...]ne, and from thence intended to go to Marseilles. Manuell [...]ito, and Sebastian Figuera, they went for Rome, frier Chry­ [...]e for Parma, frier Stephen de Sampayo, and Rodrigo Mar­ [...] [...]ooke another course, as all the others did. My direction was [...]e States of Holland, whither it was not possible for me to [...]y Germany, in regard of the reasons you shall reade in this [...]urse. Sebastian Figuera told vs, that he had written to you [...]e the whole passage, touching the King our Lord and vs, & [...]s letters by the ordinary way of Lions. Now because it may [...] out, that those letters are not as yet arriued at you, or might [...]ps be lost by the way: I determined with my selfe, in regard may be with you in fewer dayes, then I can come to see your [...]lency, to giue you aduertisement by these letters, of all the [...]e passages since we arriued at Venice.

[...]he Lord Dom Christophero being at Rome, had intelligence [...]ters from Doctor Sampayo and other Lords, how needfull [...]s for him to succor the affaires of our Lord the king Dom Se­ [...]a [...]. For which cause he left Rome, bringing in his company [...]uell de Brito & my selfe: Frances Antoine came vnto vs the [Page 81] 18. of Nouēber, the 28. we arriued at Venice, where being with other Portuguezes, we were enformed of the businesse, and what was expedient to be done for him. Certaine daies after, the Lord Dom Christophero required audience, which was gi­uen him on Monday the 11. of December. Before he entred to the Senate, he was caused to sit downe without, in a chamber richly hung with tapistrie, where he attended till he should be called in. They gaue him the seate on the right hand of the Prince, & speaking to him, termed him Illustrissime: when these courtesies had bin done him, he gaue in writing what he desired.

The same day, the Prince, with aboue two hundred of the principall Seigneurs of that State, entred to Councell, tou­ching the matter of the king D. Sebastian our Lord: this assem­bly is called the Pregay, there they determine of matters graue and important. The Tuesday following, the Pregay held a­gaine for the same cause. The wednesday being S. Lucies day, the Pregay held not at all, because they then made election of an Attourney. They sate againe the Thurseday, and the Friday following the case was concluded. At night after ten a clocke, the King our Lord was called to the Senate, where to him was intimated, the selfe intimation which had bene made to him by the Podestate of Padoa, the yeare 1598. It is said, that when the king entred the Senate, and while the decree of his sentence was reading, all the Seigneurs were vp on their feete, and no­ted him with very much respect. The king being gone from the Senate, went presently, without admitting the companie of any one, (though many made offer of themselues) to the lodging of his first host, maister Frances, where I had diuerse times seene him before his imprisonment.

Thither came Rodrigo Marques, and Sebastian Figuera, who at first sight of him was much astonished, because he found him verie different from him whome he had seene in Portu­gall, and in Barbarie the verie same day of our ouerthrowe, flying foure leagues distance from the field of battaile. But when he had well considered the forme of his face, the dim­ples, the browe, the eyes, nose, and Austrich lippe, (which is not now so plumpe, as when he was in Portugall, because then he was in good plight, and now verie meagre) his [Page 82] speech, and the other parts of his bodie: he suddenly sent [...]o Marques, to aduertise the Lord Dom Christophero [...]f, and the other Portugueses. They thought it meete, that [...]ing should bee brought to the lodging of Don Iohn de [...]o and Diego Manuel, as being a house more retired from [...]oples haunt of the Citie, then that belonging to Maister [...]es; and so it was done. Thither resorted all the Portugue­ [...] [...]ccept the father Doctor Sampayo, and Frier Chrysostome, [...]eing ouerlated, went to the Monasterie of S. Dominicke, [...] is of the aduocation (as I thinke) of S. Iohn and S. Paule [...]rs, and brethren: neither was there the Chanon, nor the [...]deacon, who was gone to Rome.

[...] the King sawe vs all there together, he prayed vs that we [...] examine him, and know if he were the true king of Por­ [...] Don Sebastian or no, and he would haue vnclothed him­ [...] to shew vs the secret marks of his bodie: which we would [...]ffer, because Dom Iohn de Castro had alreadie known him [...]ently, and principally by his speech (for as he beganne to [...]e, his voice was somewhat low yet verie strong, & in con­ [...]g rose higher and higher, as it euer did in Portugall) so did [...]es Antoine likewise. Hee perceiuing that wee would not [...]t him to discouer his nakednesse, shewed vs the right hand [...]r then the left: the arme so to; afterward his shoulders to [...]rdlested; and from his girdlested to the knees, his legs and [...] And to make it more apparant, that he was shorter of all [...]rts left then on the right, he kneeled downe, commaun­ [...] [...]s to marke him verie diligently; and we saw, that without [...]ubting, the sayd left part of his bodie was shorter more by [...]ers breadth then the right. Then he prayed Diego Ma­ [...] [...]o giue him a booke, or else a pantofle (which was nearest [...]) and putting it vnder his left knee, then it made his bodie [...]ht. We saw the pimples in his face and hands, the hurt that [...]d on the right eye-brow, and let euerie one in the compa­ [...] [...]uch the wound in his head with their fingers. Afterward [...]ewed vs the place where he wanted the tooth in the right [...]eneath, and we know very well, that Sebastian Neto his [...]r, had thence drawne it foorth; of whom himselfe enqui­ [...] [...]erie particularly.

[Page 83]After he had long time held discourse with vs, in common and seuerally of diuerse matters, we intreated him to eate some­thing: but he answered, that because it was Friday, hee would not so much as make a collation, but only would fast with bread and water, and meant not to breake that fast, for he was thereto obliged by a vowe. Hereupon we intreated him to take his rest, but we could not obtaine so much of him: all that he would then permit vs to do about him, was to pull off his shooes, to warme him. I pulled off the right, and presently passed my hand along the toes, where I felt the wart on the litle toe, which is so great, as it makes a resemblance of a sixt toe. Furthermore we desired him to do vs so much grace, as to tell vs somewhat of his for­tunes, whereto he answered; That he had liued euermore in tra­uell, in miserie and pouertie; but the talke thereof we should re­ferre till another time, and tell him some tidings of his friends, & of such things which as thē might giue him pleasure to heare. Then he began to view vs verie earnestly one after another, and seeing vs habited of diuerse fashions and colours, because some were attired after the French, others like Hollanders, some Ita­lian like, and Frances Antoine as a Pilgrime, with his walking staffe in his hand: he began to say smiling, Tanto trage? So ma­nie sorts? which he spake with such a grace, as comforted and greatly gladded vs to heare; and those of vs that had perfectly knowne him before, saw in this verie act, that he was our true Lord and King Dom Sebastian.

He then enquired of the Lord Dom Christophero, concerning your Excellencie; of D. Iohn de Castro touching his brethren, & particularly of Frier Fernand, a Religious of Saint Dominique, beside, concerning his vncles and kindred. Then of all in gene­rall, for the Ladie Domne Catherine his aunt Duchesse of Bra­gancia, and the Duke her sonne, telling vs, that when he made the Affrick voyage with him, he was verie litle, but faire (the said duke hauing not then accomplished [...] yeares.) Then he enqui­red likewise of his Pallace de la Ribera; of Euchobregas, of Ca­stillo; and principally of those de Santos le vieil (which I thinke did belong to the father of Dom Iohn, or else to his grandfather Dom Iohn de Castro) whether they were sound, enlarged, or destroyed? He verie much loued the situation thereof, as being [Page 84] [...]ll, on the sea, without and within the towne, and in a [...]ire prospect. Moreouer, he would be enformed of the [...]f S. Iohn, and whether the Castilians had built anie Fort [...] Teste-seche or no. He demaunded of vs if they kept still [...] one the generall procession, on S. Sebastians day, which [...]eginning from the day of his birth. They come forth of [...]sh of Saint Iohn, and then go to the church of S. Vincent [...]a, which church is a parish, and likewise a Monasterie [...]nons regulars of Saint Augustine, and therein is an arme [...]t Sebastian.

[...]nquired also of D. Theotonio de Bragancia, who at this [...]rchbishop of Euora, brother to the grandfather of him [...] Duke now: of Dom Alphonso de Castello-blanco his Al­ [...] who now is Bishop of Coimbre: of Dom Fernand de [...]s, sirnamed Bouche-ouuerte, otherwise Gobe-mouches, or [...] mouth: of Dom Lewes Perera de Euora, godfather to [...]hn de Castro, and a cousin germane of ours: and for ma­ [...]ers: naming their names, the places of their abiding, [...]arges that they had: giuing such notable ensignes of [...]nd so extraordinarily, as it rapt vs all into exceeding ad­ [...]n.

[...] like he did of Ladies, among whom he named Domne [...] de Alcacona, daughter to Peter d' Alcacona, Earle de las [...], and chiefe Secretarie of Portugall: who was wife to Aluaro de Mello, sonne to the eldest sonne of Dom Al­ [...] Marquesse of Ferrara, which Dom Aluaro de Mello [...]ed in the Affricke iourney. This Ladie his wife Domne [...] (according as I haue heard) was one of the fairest, gal­ [...] best disposed, honest and most vertuous Ladies of Por­ [...] He asked much newes of the Sisters of Christophero de [...], and other Ladies, the names of whom I do not re­ [...]r. For when I went in the Affricke voyage with the said [...] was but a young ladde, no other then a Page, wherby I [...]ot haue the knowledge of many persons. All which [...]e demaunded of vs, with the grace of as royall authori­ [...] it had bene in the yeare 1578. (when he set forward on [...]age to Affricke) and in his pallace of Ribera at Lisbon; [...]h as much simplicitie did he proceed in all, and through [Page 85] all, plainely, without fraude, cauillation or heate, as it had bene an infant of ten yeeres old.

When he had awhile well noted the Lord Dom Christophero your brother, he said vnto him: You resemble verie much Dom Antonio your father, but I pray God (in deeds) you may resemble your grandfather the infant Dom Lewes Duke of Bega; in steed of saying Beja. He pronounceth what he speakes in Portu­guese, but makes a mixture of other strange words there amongst, or by the breaking of diuers sillables. As, when he spake to vs of France, he would vsually say Franca. And we would say: Sir, in Portuguese, we say Franca. How? quoth he, doe not we say in Portuguese, Ʋilla-franca, Paramanca, &c? In like maner as when we intermeddle some French word among our Portuguese, we shall and do rellish it, because we haue bene in France, and know how to speake French, and so by custome fal into the same blame he doth.

We spent three houres and more with his Maiestie in these dis­coursings, after which, the Lord Dom Christophero and others withdrew themselues, and he remained with D. Iohn and Diego Manuel: who likewise stept aside into another chamber, leauing him alone where he had beene, to the end he might repose him­selfe, because he had not slept in all the night before; but in steede of sleeping, he fell to prayer. Before we left him, he offered to pull on his shooes; D. Iohn made offer, but could not, albeit he tooke paines enough: nor likewise Diego Manuel after D. Iohn, because the insteppe of his foote was so high, as it required much better strength to pull them on. He seeing that they could not at­taine it, set his foote vpon a stoole, and pluckt it on himselfe verie easily: a verie certaine testimonie of his naturall strength, and a verifying of that which is saide among the markes of his bodie.

The father de Sampayo and Frier Chrysostome staid not long before they came, who with the King and D. Iohn, thought good to haue him out of that house (because the people began now to make a murmuring and grumbling, euerie one being verie desi­rous to see him) & to conuey him to the couent of S. Dominick. So did himselfe likewise desire, not only to part thence, but quite out of Venice: and that they would resolue themselues, which way were best to take for auoyding the countrie. D. Iohn and Dic­ [...] [Page 86] [...]anuell went on with him, the said fathers hasting before to [...]minickes, and leauing him there, all foure went to the lodg­ [...] the Lord D. Christophero: where considering, that the passa­ [...] either side, for the Grisons and Germanie were stopt vp, [...]anes of the Ambassadours of Castille and Sauoy, whereof [...]ad good intelligence by Venetian gentlemen, who went [...] quest thereof, and assisted them with their best coun­ [...] [...]ey concluded, that they would depart the night following [...] the citie, in the habites of religious conuerts from S. Domi­ [...], with an Italian father of the said monasterie, and embar­ [...] [...]hemselues in a Gundelot, passe thence to Chioazza, & from [...]azza straight to Ferrara: where they would stay for more [...]anie to goe for Florence, and from thence to Liuorne, and so [...]rseilles. As it was said, so it was done.

[...]e night being come, the King embarked himselfe in a gun­ [...], with the said Italian father: whose courage failed him, and [...]uing the hardinesse to venture this iourney, left his maiestie [...] gundelot, & returned to his monasterie. The father de Sam­ [...] [...]nd Frier Chrysostome seeing this, concluded that of them [...] (because delaye caused danger) the Frier Chrysostome [...]d accompanie him. So passed they on, euen vntil it was night [...]e saterday, which was the 16. of December, the King hauing [...]larged the night before, being the 15. of the same moneth▪ [...]ay following being sunday, and the 17. the father doctour [...]mpayo, came to the lodging of the Lord Dom Christophero, [...]er Dom Iohn and the other Portuguezes (being aduertised [...]of) came verie soone after. They hearing by the father do­ [...], in what manner the King was departed, became extreamly [...]ed in mind and verie pensiue, suspecting immediatly some [...]e to ensue: for Frier Chrysostom was a verie bad man, of euil [...]t, and too well knowne in Italie, and euerie where bruted, [...]e was at Venice soliciting the Kings deliuerie. All agreed, [...] should away the verie same houre, to accompanie his Ma­ [...]: so I embarqued my selfe forthwith, and on the monday fol­ [...]g, arriued at Chioazza, 25. miles from Venice, where I [...]d newes, that the King tooke another way (because he had [...]gence, being refreshing himselfe on land, that there was a of warre ariued, who made enquirie after two religious per­sons, [Page 87] and had souldiers abord sent from the Ambassadour of Ca­stille) and so that they were gone by Padoa.

Hereupon I shipt my selfe againe in hope to recouer them, which was impssible for me, by reason of the waters extremi­tie, but was constrained to returne to Venice. Here let me tell your Excellencie, that the night whereon the king was enlar­ged, there arose in Venice a verie great wind, which endured vntil midnight after the next day: wherein ensued such a mightie o­uerflow of the waters in the citie, as it drowned vp great store of houses, and did harme to the amounting of aboue three milli­ons. For all the cesternes were lost, also the wines, the spices, su­gers and merchandises, that were in their lower warehouses. This inundation began (as I said) on tuesday at night the 19. of Decem­ber, the day limitted for the Kings departing from the confines of the Siegneurie, as likewise notwithstanding he did. A thing which bred a verie straunge amazement among the men in those parts, who held diuers opinions of this accident, and almost all assured themselues, that the presence of this holy King, was a wonderfull preseruation to the citie.

All matters concerning this Prince, are accommpanied with extraordinarie signes from heauen. One told me on the way, that the 28. of the moneth past, fell two such thunder claps at Florence, as haue shiuerd la Copa of the great Church, and almost an vnre­couerable losle. For it is said, the work can neuer be brought to the perfection wherein it was, in the iudgement of the best, if they would dispend theron foure hundred thousand crownes: the first amounted to sixe hundred thousand; they that imagine the least, speake of two hundred thousand.

So soone as I was at Venice, came the letters of Frier Chryso­stome, written from Padoa; wherein he signified, that the King would go thence by Ferrara, and from Ferrara to Florence, where­on, they all put themselues in readinesse to follow. And because manie report that the king trauelled continually like a Jacobine: I assure your Excellencie they deceiue themselues, for he left it off at his parting from Padoa, betaking himselfe to his Cape and r [...]ier. Those letters made me take sea the same day, and ma­king to Ferrara with all speede I could, at my arriual I heard the king was past. Thence I followed, and came to Florence the [Page 88] [...]rst of Ianuarie, and going to seeke Frier Chrysostome at the mo­ [...]asterie of the Cisteaux, he told me, that the great Duke had made [...]ay of our Lord the King, and as for himselfe, he had attended [...]wo daies about his deliuerie. I gaue notice hereof to the Lord Dom Christophero, and the other Portuguezes, who were as yet [...]n their way thither, and arriued there the 4. of the said moneth; [...]here hauing first done some diligent indeuors towards the great Duke, they concluded vpon our separation. So the quarter of Hol­ [...]nd being committed to me, as I signified to your Excellencie in [...]e beginning hereof, I returned to Venice, where I would not [...]ew my selfe, but from Venice past to Ausbourg, from Aus­ [...]ourg to Noremberg to gaine Hamborough, which possibly I [...]ould not do by reason of the snowes. The theeues vpō the waies, [...]nd sundrie other discommodities much hindred me: which made [...]e come to this citie of Heildelberg, where I haue visited the [...]ountie Palatine, and the Countesse your faire sister. From hence [...] will goe into Lorraine, and thence passe into France: praying God to guide me with safetie to Paris, to the end I may speedily [...]ome to your Excellencie; whom the Lord prosper and keepe in [...]s protection. From Heidelberg this twelfth of Februarie 1601. [...] leaue manie things vnwritten, which at large I will deliuer to [...]our Excellencie, when I shall be so happie as to see you.

The most humble and obedient seruant to your Excellencie. Pantaleon Pessoa de Neyua.

[...] Forgot to tel your Excellēcie, that the king, not only during his [...] imprisonment, was 27. times questioned by my Lords the Se­ [...]tors in common: but likewise by the iaylour, and also by his con­ [...]ssour in particular: by the warders and prisoners that were with [...]m. To all whose interrogations, he euermore maintained & pro­ [...]sted, that he was the true king of Portugal D. Sebastiā: & instāt­ [...] requested, that he might be confronted, by the marks & signes [...]hich were knowne he had naturally imprinted on his bodie. Iu­ [...]fying withall, that he had a bodie of flesh and bones, and not of [...]asse, to graue anie supposed markes vpon it: praying he might [Page 89] be seene of the Portuguezes, yea, and to straungers that had knowne him in Portugall or elsewhere, before he lost himselfe in the battaile of Aff [...]icke, all which they would not permit. At the beginning, he answered them still to verie good purpose, but in the end, seeing they would do him no such fauours as he desired, but only proceed with him in nothing but demands: being some­what by nature impatient and cholericke, he much disdained to answere their interrogatories. Notwithstanding, being returned to the prison, and discoursing to the prisoners what demaunds they had made to him, he said: I answered here and there to such a demand, but I must answere such and such things. This is the re­port of such as haue bene deliuered out of the same prison where­in he was enclosed▪ and himselfe likewise told vs as much since then, from his owne mouth.

An addition of some importance.

I Thought good to adde to the end of this worke, what hath bene deliuered to me by a personage of good credite, who heard it spoken by the mouth of the King Dom Sebastian him­selfe, among other questions that were made to him: he being desired to reueale, whether he had bene kept as a captiue in Af­frica or no: made answer, that he was not taken nor stayed as a captiue or slaue; but hauing escaped from the battell by flight, though very sore wounded, and with him those that are men­tioned in the last letter of Frier Ioseph Texere, to the Bishop; to wit, the Duke d' A [...] [...] of Redondo and de la Sor­tella, D. Fernand de Meneses, and [...] Iohn de Castro, &c. who by the Kings aduice, did all secretly and strangely disguise them­selues, that they could not be knowne to anie one: which being done, the King and they in the confused returne of the armie to Portugal, came back with them, where hauing bound the rest to him by a deare engaged oath, would none of them be seene or knowne, but prouiding themselues of such iewels and money as they could conueniently get, departed al againe from Portugal. Being vrged to expresse his reason for so doing, the King said: that his griefe and shame was so great, that by his folly and rash- [Page 90] losse to the hurt of all Christendome, [...] more be seene, but penitently wander through the world, with­out anie intent euer to reuisite his kingdome more, and the verie same mind he found likewise to be in his friends so sworne to him. Being asked, by what meanes he now returned without them (whom he auoucheth to be all liuing) and why no sooner he discouered himselfe: he answered, beside some reason alreadie expressed in the letter of Dom Iohn de Castro of his liuing in a hermitage, &c. that he will more at large satisfie this demand, when he shall haue his person secured in anie countrie.

Likewise, by another of worth to be beleeued, it is said that the worthie gentleman sir Anthony Sherley (for his great valor & ser­uices) in high account with the Sophie of Persia, hath written to an especiall friend of his▪ that a gallant gentleman, who named him­selfe Le Cheualier de la Cro [...]x, The Knight of the Crosse, with o­ther Gentlemen his companions, were in great reputation with the said Sophie of Persia, by reason of diuers exceeding and singular proofes made of their valour and knightly seruices, which they performed against the Turk in the Sophies behalf. Agreeing with the report of himself in Venice before his apprehension (in the let­ter of the said Dom [...] de Castro) where he first named himself the Knight of the Cro [...]: which falling out [...] be so, there is no question to be made, but though he had himse [...] there, as in all o­ther places, this Knight of the Crosse wil [...] plainly approue himself▪ as alreadie it is for certaintie receiued, [...] king of Portugall Dom Sebastian, and the [...] [...]uered, when he discou [...] [...] that the [...]

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