THis text in generall is the declaration of an offence, wherein we have two parts. The firſt is a Denomination of the parties offending: The ſecond is an expreſſion of the particularities of their offence.

The denomination is in the word generation for (ſaith the Text) There is a generation.

The offence is twofold. Firſt, that they curſe: Secondly, that they doe not bleſſe. For as there is a generation, ſo there is even ſuch a generation as curſeth their father and doth not bleſſe their Mother.

Concerning the firſt of which, there lurkes (perhaps) ſome ambiguity in the word generation. I ſhall by degrees therefore unfold or explicate what a generation is, together with the kinds thereof, that thereby it may appeare what the text meaneth by ſaying, There is a generation.

A Generation is either in reſpect of ſucceſſion, or in reſpect of qualities.

That of ſucceſſion is either generall or in more particular.

The Generall hath reſpect to the ſucceeding times of all ages and all perſons in every nation under heaven. Thus were the chronologicall periods of time, and ages of the world, Generations: as from the Creation to the Floud; from the Floud to the Promiſe; from the Promiſe to the Law; from the Law to the Temple; from the Temple to the captivity; from the captivity to Chriſt; from Chriſt to us; and from us to the end of the world. Or (if they be accounted according to that diſtinction of 6. Ages, wherein men ſuffer the labours and travells of this preſent world) they are from the Creation to the Floud, from the Floud to Abraham; from Abraham to David; from David to the captivity: from the captivity to Chriſt; and from Chriſt to the end of the world. Theſe are the generall.

The more particular were pertinent either to ſome one nation, or to a private deſcent of particular families. Of the firſt of theſe in the Goſpell it is ſaid that This generation ſhall not paſſe till all bee fulfilled, And of the ſecond,L • k. 21.32. in the Pſalmiſt thus we read,Pſal. 109.12 that In the next generation his name ſhall be cleane put out, which (if we reſpect the time) is ſeldome or never more then an hundred yeares;Gen. 15.13.16. as is witneſſed by that of Moſes [in Gen. 15.] where we read of foure generations in the compaſſe or ſpace of foure hundred yeares.

Now becauſe a generation in theſe large extents produce a diverſity of factions, and ſeverall multitudes of diſpoſitions, ſome following the ſtreame of one thing, ſome another, it is that I have ſecondly obſerved another kind of generation: viz. in reſpect of qualities. And unto this the text adhereth as moſt pertinent, for that's a generation in reſpect of quality, wherin a race, Sect, or company of people follow either the doing of that which is good, or the doing of that which is bad.

The firſt of which is a generation not ſo much pure in their owne eyes as in Gods. The ſecond is a froward perverſe and crooked generation; from which (as the Apoſtle ſpeaketh) every good Chriſtian muſt ſave himſelfe. The kinds of theſe perverſe or crooked ones are many and among the reſt, this in the text is one, and as one, ſo none of the beſt, For There is a generation that curſeth their father, and doth not bleſſe their mother. And thus much of the denomination of the offenders,

2 Their offence followeth, and it is two fold. Firſt, that they curſe. Secondly, that they doe not bleſſe.

The firſt is a ſinne of commiſſion: The ſecond of omiſſion: the one commits the evill he ſhould not do; the other omits the good that he ſhould doe: And ſo (like erring ſheepe) both have wandred and gone aſtray.

In the commiſſive part the ſinne of the generation is ſet downe poſitively. In the omiſſive privatively. Or in the commiſſive part there is the act and the object. The Act is curſing: The object is the father.

The Act, in it ſelfe ſingle and alone, is bad enough: but is made ſo much the worſe by reaſon of the circumſtances, or by reaſon of that ſpeciall object at which it aymeth. For ſuch relation as is between the Father and the Sonne; ſuch (yea the ſame) is between this Act or and his Object.

The omiſſive part affords an object alſo, but 'tis detained in the privation of ſuch an act, as of right ſhould looke towards, and not from it; for although the power of a Father be in many reſpects greater then the power of a Mother; yet (as ſaith Chemnitius) there muſt be an exequation of dutie and honour,Chemnit. in Loc. as well to the one as to the other; as well to the inferiour as the no bler ſexe; as well to the weaker as the ſtronger veſſell. Neither are ſinnes of omiſſion (in knowne duties) but every way as bad (nay rather worſe) then ſinnes of commiſſion. So that if it be a ſin to curſe the Father, it muſt needs bee no leſſe not to bleſſe the mother.

But who are they to whom this right belongs? Are they onely ſuch, as in reſpect of being,The ſummo & extention of the Text. begat and brought us forth? My anſwer muſt be negative, for the text wil beare it, as well as that of the 5. Commandement. Give mee leave therefore, in as plaine a method as I can to ſet before your eyes, not onely theſe, but even the ſeverall ſorts of other parents, which in a peeviſh, perverſe and crooked Generation, are rather curſed then bleſſed, diſhonoured then honoured, deſpiſed then cheriſhed, contemned then obeyed, with a thouſand other ſuch deſperate dealings, which a wicked generation caſts upon them.

And indeed to take up the matter aright, it muſt needs be a true concluſion that it can be but a lame and a diſobedient dutie, to acknowledge none to be our parents but thoſe who begat and brought us forth. For, although I ſpeake nothing of maſters, who are Patres familias, 2 Kin. 5.13. Fathers of a family, or although I ſpeake nothing of the Aged who are Elders, and muſt bee honoured as fathers.1 Tim. 5.1.2. Although (I ſay) nothing be ſpoken of theſe, or of ſome others which by 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 way of eminency have a prerogative that pleads for their honour, we have beſides them, yea and beſides our Natural parents alſo, even fathers of the Church, and of the common wealth. And therefore they are not onely our parents who give us a beeing; but ſuch alſo as give vs a ſafe and well-being. Our naturall parents give us the firſt: Our politicall parents give us the ſecond: And from our ſpirituall parents we receive the third or laſt which is the perfection of all the reſt.

Now, if to give the firſt bee ſomething; then ſomething ſure it needs muſt be to give or uphold the ſecond; and if the ſecond then the next. That is, If hee who gives the firſt being muſt have honour and the like: then hee who gives the ſecond: And if this be due to the firſt and ſecond, then alſo to the third.

Neither ſecondly can I thinke, that a mans firſt being is as any thing to him if he wants the next: that is, if he bee oppreſſed by the mighty and finds no comforter. For what a poore thing it is to bee without a deliverer from the hard uſage of wicked men, Solomon declareth in the fourth chapter of Eccleſiaſtes, at the firſt, ſecond, and third verſes.

Or thirdly, having both theſe and wanting that which is the inſtrumentall cauſe of the beſt or laſt, is to bee without the happineſſe of that which is ſure to crowne even the ſecond and firſt. For ſaith our Saviour concerning Iudas, Woe be to that man by whom the Sonne of man is betrayed, Math. 26.24. it had beene good for that man if hee had never beene borne. Intimating, that the not being of a creature is farre better then the ill being eſpecially when the end, which ſhould crowne the act, muſt abide for ever in the never ending ſadneſſe of a ſad cataſtrophe.

And therefore as wee may not curſe, revile harme, contemne, or deſpiſe thoſe from whom wee have our firſt being; So neither may wee revile, harme, curſe, contemne, or deſpiſe thoſe from whom we have either our ſafe, or our well-being. For, as thou art a man, it is that thou honoureſt thy naturall father, and as a member of a politicall bodie or ſocietie, thou canſt not but honour thy civill father: yea, and as a Chriſtian (which is more then a man) thou muſt likewiſe ſee that thou honour thy Spirituall, Eccleſiaſticall, or Ghoſtly father.

Thy naturall parent is Gods inſtrument for thy naturall being: Thy prince Gods inſtrument for thy ſafe, quiet & civill being; and thy paſtor Gods inſtrument for thy ſpiritual, well and holy being. Without the firſt thou couldeſt not be any thing. Without the ſecond thou couldeſt not be ſafely what thou art: And without the next, thou couldſt not be what thou wouldeſt. For as the ſword of the civill Governour keepes thee from the forreigne and domeſticke power of ſuch wicked builders and bloody hunters, as were Cain and Nimrod: So the ſword of Gods Miniſter keepeth thee from the ſnatching pawes of Sathan, that ſworn enemy of all mankind,1 Pet. 5.8. who (like a roaring Lyon) ramps up and downe, ſeeking whom he may devoure.

Theſe then are the chiefe Fatherhoods of greateſt note: the one wherof may be no more curſed then the other, nor the other leſſe bleſſed then the firſt. Concerning whom, I will both reſolve the doubtfull, and convince the diveliſh, that thus they are; yea, and thus muſt they be honoured: Aequè, but not aequalitèr; Iuſtly and fitly as of right is meet and due, but not all of a juſt and equall portion.

I. The firſt, which be our naturall parents, are called Fathers of our fleſh, Heb. 12.9. For we have had fathers of the fleſh that corrected us, and wee gave them reverence, ſaith the Apoſtle. And not without juſt cauſe,Prov. 20.20. for Who ſo curſeth his father or his Mother, ſhall have his lampe put out in obſcure darkneſſe. Looke therefore what it meaneth, and perhaps you ſhall finde that they die the death of the damned, Prov. 20.20. Or, as it is at the 17th. verſe of this very Chapter, The ravens of the vallies ſhall picke out their eyes, and the young eagles ſhall eate them. Shall pick out the eye ſaith Iunius? Iun. in annot. in Prov. 30.17. that is, Filium immorigerum, aut parentibus iniquum, in malam rem condemnabit Deus. God (ſaith hee) ſhall condemne he diſobedient and wicked child into ſome great miſcheife, ſignified by that phraſe of picking out and eating up their eyes To which I cannot but adde a ſecond gloſſe, namely that if the ſpeech be figurative, then may theſe birds of prey (by an allegorie) bee taken for the damned Divels, with whom theſe deſperate ſinners ſhall (without repentance) have their deſerved puniſhment; For he that honoureth not his earthly parents whom he hath ſeene, will ſcarce honour God as his heavenly father whom he hath not ſeene: and ſo being obſtinately rebellious; and wilfully guilty of the breach of both Tables, muſt needs (continuing ſo) be damned, die and periſh everlaſtingly.

Theſe are the firſt.

II. The ſecond are Patres Patriae, Fathers of their countrey, as Kings, cheife Magiſtrates, and Rulers bearing office in the common-weale. Thus was Ioſeph ſtiled, even by the Law of nature, among the Egyptians. For being advanced unto honour by Pharaoh King of Egypt (as we read in Geneſis, chap. 41.43.) the people went before him with a joyful acclamation, crying out and ſaying, Abrech: which (as St. Hierome expounds it) ſignifies a young and tender Father, Hier. trad. 〈◊〉 Geneſ from Abb, Father, and rech, young or tender.

Thus alſo did the ancient Romans call their Senatours; They were Patres conſcripti, Fathers upon record: and to attaine to this, to be entituled a father of their country, they eſteemed it the beſt and the greateſt honor. For thus (I ſay) did even the Law of nature, teach them to reverence the perſons of their governours, and to give them that honourable title and ſtile of Fathers.

So alſo Ioſhua (the cheife Magiſtrate after Moſes was dead,) called Achan by the name of ſon Ioſh. 7.19. Now ſonne, by way of relation, implyes a Father, as even in the termes of Logick is apparent where both the relative and correlative anſwer to one another. David alſo (in the firſt booke of Samuel) ſpake thus unto the King and ſaid;1 Sam. 24.11. My father ſee, yea ſee the ſkirt of thy robe in my hand.

So alſo (in the ſecond booke of the Chronicles) the cheife rulers are called the chiefe fathers of Iſrael. 2 Chron. 23.2.

Neither doe the ſcriptures but affirme, that king Hezekiah was a father over the fathers of his people, even over the Prieſts, and therfore much more over the reſt of his ſubjects as it is in 2 Chron. 29.11.

And againe, Kings and Queenes are ſtiled by the prophet Eſay, Eſay. 49.23. nurſing fathers, and nurſing mothers of the Church, and are therefore the nurſing fathers and mothers of the Commonweale: theſe two ſocieties having ſuch a mutuall dependance that the welfare of the one is the proſperity of the other. For (as mine authour ſpeaketh) tam arcto inter ſe nenu colligatae funt, D •• s et Re • pag 〈◊〉 ut altera ab alterius ſalute et incolumitate pendere quodammodo videatur. Whereto agreeth that exquiſite ſaying of Gulielmus Occam, to the Emperour Lewis the fift: Domine Imperator, defende me gladio, et ego te defendam calamo. Protect thou mee with thy ſword, Lord Emperour, and I will defend thee with my Pen.

So alſo, when the government was in the hands of awoman; The inhabitants of the villages ceaſed, they ceaſed (ſaith ſhee) in Iſrael, untill that I deborah aroſe, that I aroſe a Mother in Iſrael, Iudg. 5.7.

And of Ioſeph it is againe recorded, that God made him a father with Pharaoh; as Iunius readeth it, Gen. 45.8. A father with him, although not above him: for in this, both he, and all the other governours, muſt be inferiour. A King is the primum mobile, and from him it is that the other moove. A King is like the ſun in the firmament; from whom the other ſtarres receiue their light. He may have many fathers with him but none at all above him, for this is that one, of which Sr. Peter ſpeaketh,1 Pet. 2.13. who is ſupereminent and high aboue the reſt: to which even all the reſt (either as they are powers ſubordinate;Rom. 13.1.5. or as they are men, and ſo members of ſome ſociety) muſt out of dutie and for conſcience ſake, be ſubject and obedient.

Here then the fierce frenzie of Anabaptiſticall Doctrine, knowes not how to aboliſh Magiſtiacie as abhominable. Nor may the Conſiſtorian tenets of dangerous puritans be granted as authenticall. Kings hold their crownes of God, and are not to bee limited at the peoples pleaſure, they erre who thinke they may correct or puniſh them. Nor may the bloody practiſe of Pope and Puritane-papiſts be allowed. The Miter may not trample on the neckes of Princes, and diſpoſe of kingdomes when and where it pleaſeth: no not in ordine ad ſpiritualia, Not in defence of Chriſts ſpouſe the Church; becauſe there is no firme warrant for ſuch a practiſe, as by degrees ſhall bee further ſhewed, both out of the Scriptures and the Fathers. But before I make myful encounter with theſe adverſaries ſeverally and apart, I have to tell them in the generall that they are miſchievous miſcreants, and doe but give their right hands of fellowſhip to that wicked generation here mentioned, who curſe their father and doe not bleſſe their Mother. If it were otherwiſe the ſcriptures would not teach, that we may not curſe the King, no not in our thoughts, Eccleſ. 10.20. Nor, that it were unlawfull to revile or curſe the ruler of the people, Mat. 15.4. Prov. 20.20. & 30.11. Exod. 22.28. Nor that we ſhould honour our fathers, and bleſſe our mothers, Deut. 27.16 Nor that every ſoule ſhould bee ſubject to the higher powers, Rom. 13.1. Nor, that the birds of prey ſhould be our puniſhers. For (as hath been ſaid) The eye that mocketh at his Father, Prov. 30.17. and diſpiſeth to obey his Mother, the Ravens of the vallie ſhall picke it out, and the young Eagles ſhall eate it.

Where againe obſerve, that the bleſſing or duty which is pertinent to the Mother (who is the weaker veſſell) may in this place ſtand to ſignifie that not the meaneſt officer, which the King (our ſupreame governour here on earth) ſhall conſtitute, may bee curſed or deſpiſed. For know that ſuch honour and dutie as is proportionable to the places wherein they are, muſt be conferred; nay rather muſt be rendred as a thing which of right belongeth to them. For this, in ſome ſort, is that exequation formerly mentioned, wherein the mother is bleſſed as well as the Father, and wherein the children are taught the full extent of their duties; not finding all to bee fully done, untill the Mother and the Father bee proportionably honoured,

The Mother then (as herein doth well appeare) ſtands not for a meere cypher, and therefore ſecondly ſhee alſo muſt ſee, that ſhee bee more then a cypher to fill up roome in the place wherein ſhee is. Scar-crowes and no more are to little purpoſe. They be but as David ſpeaketh of the heathen Images, who have eyes and ſee not, mouths and ſpeake not, eares and heare not, and therefore ſuch as are unfit to beare an office, For the life of the law is the execution thereof, whilſt on the contrary (through ignorance, floth, briberie, feare, or favour) it is either dead or lives a languiſhing life to all offenders.

I hold it therefore requiſite that an officer be endued chiefly with two things: Knowledge and Practice.

The Knowledge requires Cor ſapiens, a wiſe heart:Kin. 3.9. ſuch a one as Solomon prayed for, ſhadowes will not ſerve the turne where ſubſtance is required; Nor ſcarre-crowes frey but where the birds are fooliſh, perhaps at the firſt they may affright; but afterwards, being knowne to be what they are, vices grow impudent and (like unto the feareleſſe birds) boldly take their ſwindg without any regard at all to thoſe who are ſet to looke at what is done.

And next, for the execution of this knowledg there muſt be Cor magnanimum; a magnanimous heart. Not an heart of waxe which will meltinto feare, nor an heart of lead, which will bend into favour: but a coutagious, ſtout, and valiant heart.Kin. 10 20. To which purpoſe let Solomons throne be looked on: view well the manner or faſhion thereof, and it will ſo one appeare that it was not for nothing that every of thoſe ſtept unto his throue of judgement were ſupported by Lyons; becauſe it fitly ſerved to teach Kings and all Magiſtrates, that a Lyon-like, courage and reſolution was to be of no meane importance or regard among them.

Beſide which (that the execution may be juſt as well as feareleſſe) there muſt be alſo Cor honeſtum; An honeſt, upright, and religious heart. Such an heart as will not ſuffer envie, or malicious hatred, to ſatisfie ſpleen under the colour of executing good and honeſt lawes: For without this, juſtice may beturned into wormewood and Phyſick be made as bad as poyſon: no good at all being found in that which otherwiſe, in it ſelfe is (as hath beene ſaid) the very life of the Law; yea in a word, ſuch an heart is here requiſite as will abandon all favour and by reſpect; even as the firſt will be free from ignorance, and the ſecond from feare. It was well done therefore of that honeſt Roman who being knowne ſufficient to exerciſe the place of a Iudge, was choſen by the Senate as one fit for that office and at the firſt was much unwilling to meddle with it: but at the laſt (though with much adoe) undertaking it, he made a great feaſt, to which he caled all his kinsfolkes, friends, and beſt acquaintance, and in ſolemne manner tooke his leave of them all; pretending that he was to travell farre way from them into a ſtrange countrey, at which they waxed ſorrowfull, whereupon he related to them the whole matter, namely; that now being called to execute the office of a Iudge, he muſt be a ſtranger to them all, and bee as if indeed hee were travelled farre away from them, for looke what hee did muſt bee without reſpect of perſons, leaning to one no more then to another, but doing juſtice and judgment with an even hand; puniſhing even friends, as well as others, if they fall within the compaſſe of careles offenders. And indeed there was good reaſon for all this, for when men bee put in place of authoritie, and bee either ignorant envious, partiall, or regardleſſe, they muſt needs do harme in the ſtead of good, not onely in giving cauſe of ſcandall to their callings, but in hindring alſo the increaſe of Religion, which by the meanes of them, who both know and uprightly do their offices, is the better both upholden and increaſed.

But leaving theſe, and returning againe to amplifie this point concerning the chiefe head: It is not as the Anabaptiſt would have it, for then there ſhould bee none at all, neither head nor Bodie: all ſhould be equall, nothing proper all common. But what ground for this? It is a tenet which hath neither good nor ground, witneſſe the very frame of the world, the Hierarchy of Angels, the degrees of that glory which is Celeſtiall, and the parts of mans naturall body.

For in the frame and order of nature all creatures are ſubordinate unto their ſuperiours, even untill they come to the higheſt ſupreame power, beyond which there is no tranſcending.

And among the Elements, the Earth is under the water, the water under the ayre, the ayre under the fire, and among the ſtarres one ſtarre is higher, bigger and brighter then another; For one ſtarre differeth from another ſtarre in glory. In which order the ſuperiour bodies, by their influences, the elements by their alterations, not onely bring perfection to the whole, but is even the preſervation of the whole, without which it would fall, and that inſtantly run into ruine, and meet with that firſt Chaos from out of which within the ſpace of one bare week of daies, it was orderly produced, & beautifully builded.

Nay go a little higher, and in the heavens are Archangels, Angels, Principalities, Powers, Dominions, Thrones, Cherubins, and Seraphins. There are alſo diverſities of degrees in glorie. For in my fathers houſe (ſaith Chriſt) are many manſion places, Iohn 14.2. if it were not ſo, I would have told you. Ioh. 14.2. And how are they many? They are many; Firſt in reſpect of the object, becauſe they be not ordained for Chriſt onely, or for the Angels, or for the bleſſed and holy Apoſtles but for all the Saints, Martyrs and Confeſſours; Even for as many (in every ranke) as ſhall continue faithfull untill the death, for they are ſure of the crowne of life, Revel. 2.10. Many alſo (ſecondly) in reſpect of the ſubject, or largeneſſe of the place, which is able to containe thoſe many ſoules which from time to time have wrought out their ſalvation with feare and trembling, and walked in the holy wayes of Gods Commandements. And many laſt of all in reſpect of the diverſitie of the adjoyned glory; even as in hell (Luke 12.47.) be degrees of torment. For if there bee a difference in torment then alſo a difference in glory, according to that of Saint Paul, who by a compariſon taken from the ſtarres, proveth a difference in ſuch as are rayſed to eternall happineſſe. And of this opinion is Saint Auſtin and many other of the holy fathers, together with the greateſt ſtreame of our moderne Divines (and they prove it cheifly out of Math. 10.41. Luk. 12.47. Luke 16.23. 1 Cor. 15.41. and 2 Cor. 9.6.) namely that the Saints in heaven have divers degrees of glory, ſome more, ſome leſſe, according to their meaſure of faith and charity, zeale and godlines in this preſent life.

And in the body naturall there bee likewiſe many parts, ſeverall members and ligaments, of which ſome are more honourable than other: the head above the foote, the eye above the legge, and ſo of the reſt. The one part cannot ſay to the other, I have no need of thee, nor thou of mee; For in their functions each one ſerves to helpe anothers need, and are all neceſſary to the mutuall ſuccour and defence of one another. So in the body politicke there muſt be an head, eyes and hands, as well as feete. The wiſe the noble, the noble, the mighty, muſt governe the fooliſh ignorant, and weake, ſuppreſſe the ſtubborne, and bridle the obſtinate. For thus doth order maintaine the brittle fabricke of the world from ruine, inlarge heavens happineſſe, and take away from man the ſhape of monſter, in ſtead whereof he ſtandeth as the beſt moſt exquiſite, harmonious, and perfect peice of Gods building, for in the viſible world there is nought excells him. And ſhall then the body politicke be all feet and no head, it cannot, it may not, it muſt not be. For beſide all this we have heard the Scripture mentioning ſubjection to the higher powers; And wee have heard of a power ſuperiour to the reſt. In which regard the adverſe tenets are nothing worth.

Nor is it ſecondly, as the conſiſtorian or dangerous Puritane would have it, for By me Kings reigne, ſaith the Lord, Prov. 8.15. which the King of Babylon was taught, not onely in a dreame, but by a voice ſent downe from heaven; namely, that the moſt high ruleth in the kingdomes of men, and to whomſoever hee will hee giveth it, Dan 4.25.32. And ſo alſo elſe-where Kings are plainly ſaid to hold their crownes of God. For I (and not the people, ſaith the Lord,) have ſaid, yee are Gods, Pſal. 82.6. Yee are Gods; See ſome other proofes in 2 Sam. 11.7 1 Kin. 2.24. 1 Kin. 11.31. Iob 36.7. and tis I that have advanced you to that high honour. Ye are Gods in title though not equall in power. I have given yee my name although not my nature. I have ſaid yee are Gods and children of the higheſt, that thereby the dignity of him who ſwayes the Scepter, and royall prerogative of a lawfull King may be made apparent, to the purblind oppoſites of a crooked generation. And verily all this the Queene of Sheba uttered to the very full, for when ſhe came from the South to heare the wiſedome of Solomon, Bleſſed (ſaith ſhee) bee the Lord thy God which delighted in thee to ſet thee on his throne, that thou mighreſt bee King for the Lord thy God, 2 Chron. 9.8. Howbeit as if climats altered truths, theſe men wil granthim no prerogative but what they pleaſe Will he do they thinke, who hath ſaid, ye are Gods and children of the higheſt, be wel pleaſed to ſee the people limit the power of a King to their owne tedder? or hath he ſet up Kings ſo high in place & dignity as that their throns are ſaid to be his, and all this with an intent or purpoſe that the people ſhould curb them? ſurely no: For as a King may do whatſoever hee pleaſeth, ſo none (ſaith the ſcripture) may ſay unto him what doſt thou? Eccleſ. 8.3.4. Si quis é nobis, O rex juſtitiae tramites tranſcendere voluerit, ate corripi poteſt, ſi vero tu acceſſeris, quis te corripiet? was that which Gregory of Tours ſaid once to a King of France. And ſo a Lawyer likewiſe of our owne kingdome, a long while ſince, Omnem eſſe ſub Rege et ipſum ſub nullo, ſed tantum ſub Deo, meaning that all are under their King, and he under none but God alone. Nor did the heathen but acknowledge it, and therefore Horace hath expreſly ſaid, Reges in ipſos imperium eſt Iovis: that is, Againſt Kings themſelves there is no power, but that of Iupiter. Why then I ſay ſeeing the caſe ſtands thus, doe theſe men grant him no prerogative but what they pleaſe? Why do they limit his power to their ownetedder? make him but the Bailiffe of the Common weale, or why doe they not tremble to maintaine, that it reſteth in the peoples hands to ſet the crowne upon whoſe head they pleaſe? yea that which is worſe, why doe they in ſome caſes expoſe him to the violence of the multitude to kill, correct or otherwiſe to puniſh as they liſt? ò infandum facinus! This laſt is more diveliſh then all the reſt, becauſe Kings are Gods annointed ones, and may not [vel eo nomine] even in that reſpect, be touched with any virulent tongue, nor invectives of a bitter penne, much leſſe with any violent or leſſive hand, for ſo the deſtroying Spider uſeth to give a touch to the painfull and laborious Bee. But Nolite tangere Chriſtos meos Touch not mine annointed and doe my Prophets no harme, is that which cries againſt ſuch deſperate wickedneſſe.Biſh. Andr. Serm. upon thoſe words of touch not mine annointed ones. Nay (ſaith one whoſe words are admirable) There is a further matter yet, (for if we marke it well) it is not Ne tangite, but Nolite tangere: Nolite, that is, have not ſo much as the will once to goe about it. So that not onely tactus the touch is forbidden; but voluntas tangendi, the very will to doe it. And therefore I am ſure that in no caſe, that which theſe factious braines dare be bold to vent, may be done without treaſon to a lawfull ſoveraigne no, though hee be a tyrant that reignes over them, or an heathen for Religion. This therefore is a true rule, and worthy of obſervation, that if it bee the hard hap of any people to be oppreſſed with the too heavie hands of their ſupreame Governours, they muſt not doe as Alſted teacheth,Alſted. Syſt. Polit. 2. cap. 3. Buch. de jure regni. Iobannes Sarisberienſes de nugis curial. lib. 8. cap. 20 that is take away the government from them which uſe it not well, and ſet up others in their ſtead, nor as Buchanan directeth, kill them like wolues or beares, nor pray for them in ſuch fort as for theeues, that is pray for them both, and puniſh them both, but let them alone; They muſt bee untouched. So that the people have no more to doe but this; They muſt fly to the patronage of Gods mercy, and with devoute prayer ſtrive to turn away the whip wherewith they are ſcourged, Peccata enim delinquentium, ſunt vires tyrannorum; The ſinnes of offenders, are the ſtrength of tyrants; whereupon it is that the Lord doth not onely ſometimes ſet up a wicked man to reigne over a nation, but ſometimes alſo uſeth the forraigne power of wicked Princes to ſcourge a ſinfull people. And if ſo then by no meanes may the people ſeeke a remedy by rebellion, againſt thoſe (though wicked) who are over them, for civill obedience is due even to ſuch as theſe; And ſo long as they command nothing which is certainly knowne to be contrary to the word of God, it is the duty of their loyall ſubjects to performe obedience to their precepts: not out of conſtraint; but willingly, freely, and ex animo; for though it be indeed moſt certaine that in things which are directly contrarie to the Law of God, and ſuch as carry in them a plain and manifeſt impietie, there is no queſtion to be made but it is better to obey God than man,Act. 4.19. yet nevertheleſſe when the matter is either not ſo at all, or onely ſeemeth ſo in miſapplying or miſ-vnderſtanding the word of God, then the ſubject is bound to obey, not for feare of wrath alone, but for conſcience ſake, Rom. 13.5.

And now for further inlargement of this truth who hath not heard of Saul, how like a1 Sam. 22.18.23. and chap. 24.12. tyrant he hunted David as a Partridge, and how hee gave command to Doeg to runne with violence upon the Prieſts and ſlay them? Howbeit, neither did the Prieſts, either by themſelves or others, raiſe head againſt him: Nor yet would David lay violent hands upon him, no not in the cave, when there was as fit an opportunity as could be offered, for without any conflict hee might have changed a publike warre into a private ſlaughter, and have ended thoſe troubles which by the meanes of this Kings cruelty were fallen upon him, ſhall we ſay that he was a Coward, and therefore did it not? He was no coward ſure, witneſſe the Lyon and the Beare, and that great Goliah ſubdued by him. There was nothing then that hindred him, but the unlawfulneſſe of the act. 'Twas this and only this which kept his hand from the ſword, and that from the blood of Saul. For oh victorie (ſaith one, in the behalfe of David) thou doſt in vain provoke and invite me with thy triumphs, I would willingly conquer mine enmie, but I muſt rather keepe the Commandements of my God, I will not (ſaith he) lay my hands upon the Lords annointed. And ſo (ſaith Optatus) he repreſſed his hand together with his ſword, and whilſt he feared the oyle he ſaved his enemy; of which read more at large in 1 Sam. 24. and 26. chapters.

And againe was not Tiberius an heathen, and yet Chriſt living in his time refuſed not to pay him tribute?

Alſo did not the Apoſtles afterwards teach and maintaine the ſame doctrine, and yet they never ſaw any other Emperours then ſuch as were ſtill unchriſtned, oftentimes bloody, and alwaies wicked? St Peter, in his firſt Epiſtle and ſecond chapter,Compare the firſt verſe of the 1. chapt. with chapt. 2. verſe 13. writeth to thoſe of Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Aſia, and Bythinia (which were Provinces belonging to the Empire) that they ſhould not onely feare God, but alſo honour the King. And in whoſe time was it that Saint Peter wrote this Epiſtle? was it not in theBaron in his Annal. Tom 1. Anno dom. 45. dayes of Claudius? And what was Claudius, but a King or Emperour, who for his religion was as fouly bedaubed with the Ethnicke ſuperſtition, and blockiſh Idols of his Anceſtours, as was any before him? was he not likewiſe by nature blood-thirſtie, cruell, and extreamely libidin uſe? Let Suctonius ſpeake and we ſhall heare him tell no leſſe. For (ſaith he) Claudius upon ſight of the leaſt prodigie, worſhipped the heathen Gods after the cuſtome of the ancient Romans. Suet. cap. 22.29. & cap. 33.34. He was naturally ſo mercileſſe, and given to bloodſhed, that hee would have tortures uſed in examinations. He had cruell ſearchers for all thoſe who came but to ſalute him, Hee was greatly delighted to ſee the faces of Fencers, as they lay gaſping and yeelding up their lateſt breath, (for if it were but their chance to ſtumble in their prizes, or ſword-fights, he cauſed their throats to be cut for ſtumbling.) Neither was he but exceſſively given to the wanton love of fooliſh women,Rom. 13.5. that as they affected honourable dignities were granted, conducts of Armies appointed, and freedomes from puniſhment decreed. And yet to ſuch a one as this Saint Peter exhorts to yeeld obedience. So alſo doth Saint Paul for when he wrote his Epiſtle to the Romanes, he made it no leſſe then a matter of conſcience to have every ſoule bee ſubject to the higher powers. And if at this time Claudius wereIt makes no matter whether theſe Apoſtles wrote either under Claudius or Nero ſeeing neither of them both were Chriſtians but cruell wicked Emperours. 1 Tim. 2.1.2 dead, as ſome men thinke, yet Nero was aliue, and of his bloodie practiſes, who is there that hath not heard? And againe, in his firſt Epiſtle to Timothie (which was wrote much about the ſame time) as he deſired prayers and interceſſions to be made for all men, ſo for Kings chiefly, and ſuch as be in authority, no where at all in any of his writings ſhewing, that either diverſity of religion, or any hard kind of governing, ſhould incourage ſubjects to take up armes, or otherwiſe to hurt and moleſt a lawfull Soveraigne.

Neither did the holy Fathes and good Chriſtians, who lighted their candles from theſe bright burning torches, but oftentimes iterate the ſame divinity. For was not Iuſtine Martyr in the dayes of Marcus Antonius? (who was an unbeleeving and a perſecuting Emperour) and yet ſaith he,Helvic. in Chronol. & Calviſ. Nos ſolum Deum adoramus, Iuſt. Mart. Apol. 2. ad Antonin. et vobis in rebus alijs laeti inſervimus We onely adore God and in all other things cheerefully performe our ſervice unto you: meaning to the Emperours. God in the firſt place, they in the next.

And againe did not Tertullian ſpeake to like purpoſe, when (in theEuſeb. in Chronol. dayes of Severus, another bloody Infidell) he inferred that if it were unlawfull to offer injuries to ordinary men,Tertul. in Apol. 6.36. then much more unlawfull to a King or Emperour. Quod in neminem licet eo for ſitan magis nec in ipſum qui per Deum tantus eſt.

Nor did the Orthodoxe Chriſtians decline in their obedience from the Arrian Emperours. Nor did the Chriſtian ſouldiers refuſe to ſerue that Apoſtata Iulian; but in civill affaires were willinglyRuffin. biſt. Eccleſ. lib. 2. cap. 1. et Aug. in 124. Pſal. ſubject to his royall commands. Not that they wanted power to proue rebellious (as I ſhall afterwards ſhew you;) but rather as holy Auſtin obſerveth, upon the 124. Pſalme; They were ſubject to him their temporall Lord, for his ſake that was their eternal Lord. For if the ground of their obedience had not proceeded from that which is the rule of every ones conſcience, I doe not doubt but that he might have ſpoken as to men without eares, and ſo have wanted ſufficient forces to have fought his battels.

And now from hence I inferre, that if ſuch wicked and bloodie ones as theſe,An inference from the premiſes. ſhall out of dutie be honoured and obeyed, then much more thoſe who are godly and pious Princes, in whoſe Realmes the Goſpell is cheriſhed, learning advanced, wholeſome Lawes inacted, factions ſupreſſed, the Bond of vnitie maintained, and in a word where things are carefully ſtudied and put in practiſe for the good and defence both of the Church and ſtate: perhaps the ſucceſſe doth not alwaies anſwer; becauſe the unruly are peſtilent lets to good proceedings, yet the care and intent remaine ſtill the ſame.

Or put the caſe, that in ſome ſuch kingdome as I now mention the loving ſubjects of his majeſtie doe ſometimes meet with juſt grievances, yet I dare ſay, it is more then the chiefe head of ſuch a place, either knoweth, or intendeth. I ſuppoſe it to be without queſtion, that ſome ill diſpoſed members may ſometimes worke their owne ends by grants obtained from their Prince, craftily (under pretence of common good) for things which redound to their owne private profit. For though righteous lips (as Solo non ſpeaketh, in the ſixteenth chapter of the Prov rbs at the thirteenth verſe) be the delight of Kings, and they love him that ſpeaketh right things. yet the innocencie and goodneſſe of Princes, doe what they can, may ſometimes be beguiled: And in that when things are thus, they ſuffer ſurely farre enough although they come not likewiſe within the gun-ſhot of their wicked mouths Who curſe their Father, and doe not bleſſe their Mother.

Nor ſecondly, is every thing to be taken as a juſt grievance, at which ſome one or other will be ever and anon ready to grudge and murmure. For who hath not heard, that in ſtate affaires there be many miſteries? And miſteries of ſtate appertaine not to private perſons: What have they to doe to meddle with them; or to whet and repine at that, the intent or end whereof they know not, Quae ſupra nos, nihil ad nos. And therefore they that will (either in publike as much as they dare; or in private as much as they can) kicke and ſpurne at ſuch proceedings and inveigle others to the ſame faction, do without out queſtion deſerve the heavie wrath of a King, and ſtrict hand of juſtice to bridle their peeviſh frenzie. For if all things were according to the filth of their fancies who are the heads of this faction, or the chiefe ſticklers in it, there ſhould be neither Eccleſiaſticall nor temporal ſuperioritie. And looke how the old cocks crow, the yong will ſoone learne, the little ſpawne and nibling frie will ſcarce degenerate: For although (before they be well grounded in this rebellious way) they may be ſomewhat better minded than their Captaines; yet by degrees they are like enough to grow up into bigger fiſhes; and ſo the more buſie to ſtop the cleere current of a Kings Prerogative, and to trouble the faire waters of Church governement. But for matters of the Church I forbeare to ſhew their malice till anone: In the meane time wondring that nothing but a Parity (which breeds an Anarchy) can pleaſe their diſtaſtfull palates. I would to God that they were of another minde, for I am ſorrie to ſee that they ſhould digeſt nothing but what agrees to their factious humors. This argues either a foule or weake ſtomacke, when wholeſome food is diſreſpected. Or if you will beleeue them in their outward ſhewes or owne pretences, they are a queaſie kind of people. But what need is there of words, when deedes are manifeſt? Let them but abate their high minded wills, and they may ſoone informe their weakeneſſe; otherwiſe they muſt be curbed as with bit and bridle, leaſt (in their head-ſtrong courſes) they fall at laſt upon their Soveraigne. For before that any of their grounds ſhall bee impugned (as our late King Iames of bleſſed memory hath well obſerved) let King,See the preface to his Baſilicon Doron. and his Premonit. to all Chriſtian Monarchs, Pag. 45. people, Law, and all be trodden under foote. Meaning, that they care for neither; but thinke it their greateſt honour to contend with Kings, and perturbe whole Kingdomes, calling thoſe miſchiefes by the name of holy warres: and therefore preferre them farre before true loyalty and obedience; which (as they wickedly tearme it) is in it ſelfe an vngodly peace.

Theſe then are thoſe ſerpents which have a deſire to ſting, but a power greater then their owne prevailes againſt them, their wiſhes would be actions, were it not that (like curſt Cowes) they finde themſelues hindred in nothing more then in their ſhort hornes. But ſhall a King be our father and ſhall we ceaſe to honour him? Shal God put the ſword into his hand, and ſhall wee bee ſo ſeditious or diſobedient, as to wreſt it into our owne? Or ſhall a King take care over us that what wee have we may poſſeſſe it in peace, fit every man under his owne Vine and Fig-tree and ſhall we have no care at all to be loving and liberall unto him, but be as blockiſh and churliſh as was that fooliſh Nabal, notwithſtanding David ſecured his goods and cattell?1 Sam. 25.7.10.

The beauty of a crowne to him that weares it not, ſeemes (perhaps) as if it were all of gold and precious ſtones, but to him that weares it I doe beleeve it ſits not ſeldome like a crowne of thornes; by reaſon of thoſe many cares which pricke and vexe the head. To which purpoſe I may recite a ſtorie of a certaine King, mentioned by Valerius Maximus who when the Diadem or Crowne was brought unto unto him, before he would ſet it upon his head, held it long in his hand, conſidering and looking ſeriouſly upon it; and at the laſt burſt forth into theſe or the like words and ſaid, O nobilem magis quam foelicem ornatum! quem ſi quis penitus cognaſcat quam multis ſ • licitudinibus, et periculis, et miſerijs ſit refertus ne humi quidem iacentem tollere vellet. That is, Oh more noble then happie crowne! which if any one did but throughly know with how many troubles, and dangers, and miſeries it is attended, he would not doe ſo much as ſtoope to take it from the ground, although he ſaw it lie before him. And the reaſon ſeemes to bee plaine for he that hath many thouſands of people under his governement, muſt provide that his care be the cauſe of their ſafetie, his labour their reſt, and his troubled thoughts the quiet of their minds: it being with him and his, as with the ſtarres and planets, by whoſe light and motion the world thrives in all the parts both of times and ſeaſons, ſoiles and climates. For as the courſe of nature would ſuffer detriment, if the Heavens ſhould leave their motions; So a Prince cannot be void of care, without the great dammage of his people; whoſe ſtudie is no leſſe to maintaine them in peace, then to defend them both in and from the warres.

Theſe be then in part thoſe pricking thornes which they have for a counterpoyſe of their brightnes and royal dignities, yea theſe, and ſuch like, are the common calamities that accompany Scepters, Crownes, and Diademes; whereof a meane eſtate never findeth any taſte.

To which adde the coſt as well as care, and can yee not then conclude, that he who keeps our tillage muſt have tribute out of our Lands: he that keepes the Sea muſt have cuſtome from thoſe who traffique in and out from thence: And if the walls of ſuch a kingdome want repairing or the channells want ſcouring, the ſubiects muſt ſet to their willing hands to build them up, and make them cleane from the perturbation of infeſters, theeues and robbers. Which as it concerneth us, is no more but this: We have under God no other walls but Ships: nor Scavengers for the ſeas, but ſuch Royall forces.

And next looke that as by how much the beauty of ſucceſſion ſhall more and more appeare in the welcome Stemmes, and royall branches of a Kings increaſe, by ſo much there is the more need of taxe or ſubſidie. For Kings and Princes muſt not live like Peaſants; Neither may Peaſants live like Princes: And yet (contrarie to all order and decorum) each peaſent among us begins to be a kind of Prince. For do we not ſee how the toes of the inferiour ſort tread upon the heels of the Court? there cannot bee a Midianitiſh Camel, but he muſt ſhine with Gold; for Labourers ſtrive to be as good as their Maſters: Farmers deſpiſe yeomen: yeomen would bee gentlemen: Artizans (in our very countrie townes and villages) would bee Citizens: Gentlemen and Citizens though of ordinarie ranke doe not alwayes delight to keepe within the compaſſe of their tedder. But ſaith our Saviour,Luke 7. •• . They that weare ſofe rayment bee in Kings courts. In Kings courts, and not in rude hovils and country farms: No not in Citizens, or Tradeſmens ſhops or other houſes of the inferiour ſort; unleſſe an orderly proportion bee well obſerved. For theſe thus diſordered, promiſe ſcarceneſſe in the greateſt plenty, and deareneſſe in a land of Promiſe. And therefore they do ill to complaine of deare times, when they themſelves are without doubt in this vaine way, maine helpes (although notſole cauſes) to make them ſuch. And herein there is one thing more which I grieve to utter; that hoſpitalitie, charity and means of doing good, ſhould in a manner be quite dead and gone. And why is that, but by reaſon that all is too little to maintaine this their apiſh pride, theſe their fooliſh faſhions, with other as vaine and idle ſpendings, for by how much we are the more in waſt unto our ſelves; by ſo much we are the leſſe to God, the King, the poore and honeſt neighbourly ſocietie. Whereas on the contrary, if every one would be orderly contained within their owne bounds, and unthrifts waſt leſſe by unwarrantable courſes, I dare be bold to ſay that many ſorts of men might have where with all, the better to ſhew their zeale to the Church and ſtate wherein they live; might be hoſpitable, charitable, yea and might entertaine many friends and acquaintance with that, which to the entertaining of a Prince or Prince his Ambaſſadour, is ſcarce ſo much as the Widdowes two mites caſt into the treaſury.

Beſide all which, (with much more that are the charges of a watchfull Prince) there be times alſo of more then ordinary neceſſity: and then a King may not ſpare, out of his royall prerogative to raiſe an Army, or preſſe of men, from among his ſubjects, and have a ſtricter hand over mens perſons, children, and goods, then at other times. The teſtimony of which truth is in the firſt booke of Samuel the 8. chapter, at the 11. • Sam. 8.11. verſe, and ſo on to the end of the 17. verſe: where the words be theſe, This ſhall be the manner (or right) of the King that ſhal reigne over you: Hee ſhall take your ſonnes and appoint them for himſelfe, for his charets, and to be his horſemen, and ſome to runne before his charet. Hee ſhall appoint ſome to be captaines over thouſands, and captaines over fifties; and ſome to make him weapons for the warre. He ſhall take your daughters, your fields, the tenth of your ſeed, your Men-ſervants and Maidſervants, together with the beſt of your yong-men and Aſſes. And at the 17. verſe. The tenth of your ſheepe and ye alſo ſhall be his ſervants.

But to this (perhaps) it may be objected, Object. that the drift or intent of the foreſaid ſpeech was to deterre the people from having a King; and not to ſhew the rights or the Royalties of a King.

Whereto I anſwer, that the main drift was indeed to deterre them. Anſw. But as there cannot be an effect without a cauſe: ſo that the thing intended might be effected, he ſheweth how farre the power and right of a King, once ſet over them, might extend it ſelfe.

I ſay might: For it no where appeareth, that Saul put in practiſe all theſe things here mentioned. And therefore ſhould it [in the ſecond place] be objected, that Samuel deterres them (not by ſhewing the lawfull power of a King but) by declaring the cuſtomes of a Tyrant: it muſt be granted that Saul was to be ſuch a one as is there deſcribed; or elſe, in my judgement, they are wide from the matter. Saul I grant was tyrannous enough in his cruelties againſt David, and bloodie practiſes againſt the Prieſts, formerly mentioned. But, if in caſe of neceſſity, he had beene forced to doe what this ſcripture declareth, I doubt not but he might have done it without the imputation of injuſtice, or of any tyrannous uſurpation. For be it granted, that if the extreamity of this were ordinarily urged by a King, or put in practiſe upon every triviall ſlight occaſion, or without juſt cauſe, it were not better then tyrannie, as wee are taught, in Deut. 17.20. yet on the contrarie, for a King to exerciſe ſuch or the like authoritie over his Subjects, when any imminent danger or knowne neceſſity ſhall compell him to it, is no tyrannie, but the toppe and high branch of his regall power, and royall prerogative. For if not in ſuch caſes, then in what is it that A King may doe whatſoever he pleaſeth, where his word is there is power, Eceloſ. 8.3.4. and who may ſay unto him what doſt thou?

And be it granted, that this be not done out of tyrannie but neceſſity, it ſerues not onely for ſafetie, but for tryall alſo of a ſubjects inclination, or affection towards his Prince. Yea and thus alſo may be ſaid, even when we ſpeake more generally not onely of this, but of all the foreſaid occaſions, comparing one time and buſineſſe with another.

Neither do I finde, that there is, or can be any time, wherein the head ought not to bee ſtrengthened. For by ſuffering the head to bee weake how can the body proſper? Or if the Kings treaſury be not like a ſpring, how can the waters of ſafetie be conveyed into the Ciſternes of his ſubjects? And therefore to bee, as ſome are, ſo much be witched to what wee have, that we had rather looſe all, then part with ſome, argues as well folly as malignity. For, as the Moone and ſtarres would fall infinitely ſhort of that bright luſtre which now they have, if the Sunne were ſtripped of his abundant ſhining; So, take from a King his Royall prerogative, with the Conſiſtorians and their peeviſh adherents; ſtint him to the modicums of the churliſh Nabaliſts, and let him be as if hee were a King and no King; and then his very people will in a ſhort ſpace find, that as from his flouriſhing comes their happineſſe, So from his want comes their miſerie.

But here (perhaps) will ſome man object, Object. out of Deut. 17.17. That a King may not gather unto himſelfe much ſilver and gold, and therefore it is in vaine to urge, that he ſhould have a full treaſury.

To which I anſwer, Anſw. that this text toucheth none but thoſe who are tyrannous, cruell, griping, oppreſſing Princes, who ayme at nothing more then at their owne private profit, no whit regarding the ſafety and welfare of their ſubjects whom God hath committed to their care & truſt. But as for others, whoſe care and employments are ſuch as I have alredy mētioned, it meddles not with them, for they may not onely have tribute paid them, Subjectionis teſtificandae gratia in token of ſubjection; but alſo that they may be inabled to undergoe with cheerefulneſſe, the coſts and charges appertaining to the manifold and unknowne affaires of the common-weale, together with the education of their off-ſpring, which in hereditarie Kingdomes cannot but be acknowledged (among loyall ſubjects) as the welcome Stemmes, and hopefull branches for the future times. For theſe are indeed thoſe royall ſpirits of life, which can put full meaſures of wiſhed joy into a peoples heart; for where the caſe ſtands thus, though the Sunne may ſet no night appeares, but the day is ſtill kept in brightneſſe by the happie ariſing of another Sunne.

In a word therfore to looke (yet once againe) unto our ſelues, our land hath beene and ſtill is, a treaſury and a ſtorehouſe for Gods bleſſings; but God grant that (among our other ſinnes) our diſobedience, ryot, pride, and covetouſnes, be not a meanes (as the Prophet ſpeaketh) to remove theſe good things from us;Ier. 5.25. For wee are yet happie if wee could but ſee it, whereas our neighbour countries have beene, yea and ſtill are the onely cock-pits for all Chriſtendome to fight their battels in, wee have beene raiſed to our labours by the noiſe of the cocke, who (in his cheerefull crowing) can merrily greete the morning and bid good day unto the riſing Sunne, whereas others have beene rouſed up with the ſound of Drumme and Trumpet: And for what? Not to plow, but to fight their fields; Not to banquets, but to battels; Not to the mery paſtimes of hawks and hounds, or ſome other harmeleſſe ſports, but to the noiſe of gunnes; Not to the ſound of axes and hammers but rather to the claſhing of Armes; We have not ſeldome had the light of bone fires, in token of triumph; They the light of Beacons in token of trouble. Wee have had peace the child of heaven, and plentie the child of peace; whilſt they have beene meaſured with theSee the 2 Kin. 21.1 • . line of Samaria, and felt the force, not onely of him who rides upon the Red or bloodie horſe, but ſometimes alſo even of him who rides upon the blacke, in whoſe hands are ballances to weigh, and thereby to ſtint the people in their needfull viands. For if the Blacke horſe ſhall once appeare, and with his rider ſhew himſelfe to any people, then preſently (as ſaith Saint Iohn) may a voice bee heard from among the foure living creatures,Revel. 6.5.6. crying out and ſaying, A meaſure of wheate for a peny, and three meaſures of Barlie for as much, upon which place no few expoſitours obſerue, that the Buſhell of wheate was ſold for five accuſtomed prizes, and the Buſhell of Barlie for three. Or put the caſe, that our Harveſts have beene ſometimes leſſe plentifull then other: yet what is that to the penurie and want of ſundry other nations, where warre makes a ſpoile of what they have? O fortunatos nimium, bona ſi ſua norint, Agricolas! is true of our huſbandmen, but ſeldom or never can it be fitly applyed to theirs. And therefore let it bee our care, that by no kind of meanes wee goe about to darken that Sunne, which next under the God of heaven, gives us all this light, all this comfort, tranquilitie, peace, and ſafety which we have: leaſt otherwiſe, we be of that generation here mentioned, Who curſe their father and doe not bleſſe their mother.

Nor is it thirdly as the Pope and Puritan-papiſts would have it: for Deus transfert regna; God (and not the Pope) diſpoſeth of Kingdomes Dan. 2.21. and Dan. 4.32. For as by him Kings reign; even ſo it is, that by him kingdoms are diſpoſed, and therefore to intrench upon anothers right, is bold preſumption; nay rather (in ſuch a caſe as this) 'tis diveliſh deſperate dealing.

But I partly know what they have to object: and therefore I anſwer: Firſt, that it was not Samuel that ſet up Saul no otherwiſe then by the immediate direction of the holy Spirit. Neither was it Samuel that depoſed Saul. Samuel depoſed him not by any authoritie in himſelfe exiſting; What was done was by the ſpeciall direction of God Almightie, as cannot but appeare to him who reades the Scripture, in the 1 Sam. 15.16. Suffer mee (ſaid Samuel to the King) and I will declare unto thee what the Lord hath ſpoken to mee in the night. And then forthwith hee delivered his meſſage which God had revealed to him; namely that although he were in his own perſon to enioy the Kingdome as long as hee lived (as by the event of things appeared) yet the Lord had ſo rejected him and his progenie from being King, that none of his race ſhould have any right of claime, or place of ſucceſſion ever after, to or in the Crowne.

And ſecondly,2. Kin. 11. as for the fact of the high-Prieſt Ioiada; it proveth indeed that it is and ever was lawfull for a ſtate or common-weale to depoſe an Uſurper, and reſtore the true heire to his right: but to depoſe any lawfull Prince (be he otherwiſe never ſo exorbitant in life, manners and beleife, or cruell in his governement) cannot from thence be proved. For if the Synagogue, or chiefe Prieſts, had ever ſuch ordinary power granted to them, why did they not practiſe it on the perſons of ſundry wicked Kings which ſometimes reigned both in Iudah and Iſrael? it ſeemes they might not, and therefore we find they did not.

Samuels example then proves nothing; for it was by immediate direction. And Ioiada's proves as little unleſt it be in the like caſe. For Athalia was no lawfull Queen, but an uſurping Tyrant; from whoſe bloodie hands Ioaſh the right heire was ſtrangely preſerved by the meanes of his aunt Ioſaba the wife of Ioiada the Prieſt, who tooke him privily from among the number of the Kings children appointed to be ſlaine, and hid him in the Lords houſe ſixe yeares: Then Ioiada brings him forth not as he was Prieſt, but rather as a Guardian and Protectour, having married the ſiſter of the former King, and preſents him to the people like a good and loyall ſubject, that thereby the crowne might bee ſet upon the right head, and the Scepter taken from an uſurping Tyrant.

If therefore the Pope can ſhew more for himſelfe, then in plaine truth can be ſhewed againſt him, let him take all that he claimeth, and we on our ſide will freely acknowledge that we have done him wrong. But till the ſcriptures of God deny themſelves (which I am ſure is never) his tyrannie and pride herein too well muſt needs appeare. Let him therefore forbeare to ſend out his thunders againſt Chriſtian Princes; and let not the ſimple bee deceived with his diſpenſations: for hee neither can nor may authoriſe Subjects to curſe theſe their Parents, nor to to take up Armes againſt their lawfull Soveraigne.

Nay more; it is alſo certaine, that even the very Prieſts (although Rome denie it) doe owe a ſubjection and obedience to the civill powers: for, that they be not exempted by any divine right,Act. 25.10. appeares even in this one inſtance; I ſtand at Ceſars judgement ſeate, where I ought to be judged. Not where I will ſuffer mp ſelfe to be judged, or where I may be judged if I will; but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ſayth that bleſſed Apoſtle, that is, where I ought to bee judged. Is it to bee thought that he would have ſaid, he ought there to be judged, if de jure he had not beene ſubject to that tribunall? Or that he did it for feare of death, who was readie before, not onely to be bound and impriſoned, but alſo to die at Ieruſalem for the name of Ieſus? It cannot be that theſe by-reſpects tooke place in him: for even his Maſter Chriſt (whoſe ſteps hee followed) would have Peter carefull to avoid offence, in not refuſing to pay the tribute money; Goepay (ſaith he) formee and thee. Mat. 17.27. Where though Chriſt might have pleaded a freedome which was more then they knew who gathered the tribute; yet Peter could not: becauſe it croſſeth that of Saint Paul whoſe doctrine is, as well as his practiſe Let every ſoule bee ſubject to the higher powers: tribute to whom tribute, cuſtome to whom cuſtome is due, And if every ſoule, then Peter and Paul and Iames and Iohn; and Thomas and Mathew with all the reſt.

Nor againe can it be ſhewed, that any of the ancient fathers underſtood theſe things otherwiſe For firſt I ſhall make mention of Saint Cyprian who ſaith that in his time the number of Chriſtians was growne to be very great.Cypr. in Demetrianum. Tertul. in Apotogetico cap. 37 Tertullian alſo writeth thus: Were we diſpoſed to practiſe not ſecret revenge, but even to profeſſe open hoſtilitie, ſhould we want number of men, or or force of armes? Are the Moores or the Parthians or any one nation whatſoever, more in number then wee who are ſpread over all the world? Wee are not of you (ſaith he, ſpeaking to the heathens) and yet we have filled all the places and roomes which yee have, your Cities, Ilands, Caſtles, Towns, Aſſemblies; your Tents, Tribes and Wards. How then is it true which Bellarmine alledgeth, that the Church in her nonage wanted ſufficient forces to rebell againſt the Emperours? Tis ſure ſhee might not; and therefore we find ſhee did not. And againe ſecondly Tertullian elſewhere ſpeaking both in reſpect of himſelfe and of other Chriſtians alſo,Terrul. ad Scapulam. Colimus ergo et Imperatorem ſie, quomodo et nobis licet et ipſi expedit, ut hominem a Deo ſe • undum et quicquid eſt a Deo conſecutum, et ſolo deo minerens. affirmed, plainely that they honoured the Emperour in ſuch ſort as was lawfull for them, and expedient for him a man next unto God, and obtaining from God whatſoever he hath; Solo Deo minorem being only inferiour unto God. Pelagius alſo the firſt Roman biſhop of that name, writeth to Childebert King of France, that the ſcripture commandeth even Biſhops to performe obedience unto Kings. And Gregorie the great in an Epiſtle to Mauritius and Auguſta, calleth himſelfe their unworthy ſervant; Indignus pietatis veſtrae Famulus: ſaith alſo (without complement) that he is ſubject to their command; and have paied (ſaith he) what I ought becauſe I have yeelded obedience to the Emperour, and not holden my peace in what I thought for God.

And againe, to ſpeake more neerely of that text of Saint Paul formerly mentioned, even Pererius the Ieſuite witneſſeth that Auguſtine, Chryſoſtome, at que omnes fere Chryſoſt. in 13. Rom. hom. 23. Aug. in lib. expoſit. quorundam propoſ. ex epiſt. ad Rom. cui Theod. Tbeophyl. Oecum aſſentiuntur. veteres, and almoſt all the Ancients,Perer diſput, 10 in 1 • . cap. ad Rom. by thoſe higher powers underſtand the ſecular powers: and by every ſoule, they underſtand likewiſe all ſorts of people, as well Prieſts as Laickes, Etiamſi Apoſtolus ſis, ſi Evang liſta, ſi Propheta, ſive quiisquis tandem fueris: Neque enim pietatem ſubvertit iſta ſubjectio. That is, whether thou be an Apoſtle, an Evangeliſt, a Prophet, or whoſoever elſe: for this ſubjection ſubverteth no piety or religion, ſaith Chryſoſtome. No, nor yet doth piety or religion ſubvert this civill ſubjection: For Chriſtus leges ſuas non ad hoc induxit; Chriſt hath not made lawes to overthrow policies and ſtates, but for the better ordering and eſtabliſhing them as Saint Chryſoſtome, among the reſt, againe obſerveth.

Till therefore ambition ſecretly got the ſtart of piety, the Great commanders of the world had their every ſoule to be ſubject unto them. For it is eaſie to finde, not onely that it is a new claime or challengofor men of the Church to reſiſt the civill Magiſtrates, and not to be obedient to them, but alſo the times of ſtirring up Subjects to rebell againſt their Soveraignes, are well enough knowne to all ſuch as have an eye to hiſtorie, truths herald,Anno 726. and times regiſter. And thus we find that it firſt was about the yeare 726 when Gregory the ſecond cauſed all Itaby to withdraw their obedience from the Emperour Leo, and to denie their tributes, becauſe he had commanded Images to be broken and burned And for the ſame cauſe alſo the ſaid Pope excommunicated him, and tooke from him the Cottian Alpes, under a colour of a gift, by which they were granted to him from the Lumbards. Then alſo about the yeare 752.Anno 752. Pope Zacharie encourageth and aſſiſteth Pipin to depoſe his Maſter Childericke King of France, and to take upon him the governement of the ſaid Kingdome; which cauſed Pipin to give to the Popes the exarchy of Ravenna, which of right belonged to the Grecian Emperour.Anno 772. In the yeare 772. Adrian the firſt began, in his time there was held a Counſell at Rome, wherein the Pope with conſent of the Counſell, clearely to caſheire the the Greeke Emperours, and to thruſt them out of all, made Charlemaine Prince of the Senate, giving vnto him the power of inveſting the Pope; and (as Du Pleſſie collecteth out of Sigonius and others) the Pope acknowledged to hold of him Ravenna, and other pieces by fealty and allegiance, adoring him after the manner that was uſed to the ancient princes, yet no ſooner was Charlemaine dead, but Rome wrought upon the good nature of his ſonne Lewis. And ſo againe, about the yeare 817.Anno 817. Pope Paſchall the firſt procured himſelfe to bee choſen and conſecrated without the conſent of the Emperour; but pleads an excuſe for it afterwards. In the yeare 868. was Adrian the ſecond:Anno 868. He alſo was choſen without the Emperour, and excuſing the matter, the Emperour was appeaſed.Anno 884. But Adrian the third who was in the yeare 884 decreeed that the election ſhould be free to the Clergy only; and that no Prince or Potentate ſhould meddle with chuſing any men of the Church. Then in the yeare 964,Anno 964. was Leo the eight, in whoſe time he, with all the Clergy and people of Rome, to avoid the French as they had before avoided the Grecians, granted and confirmed to Otho the firſt, and his ſucceſſours after him, authority to elect and ordaine the Biſhop of Rome; pronouncing Anathema and baniſhment or death to them that ſhould doe the contrary, and confirmed by oath to him and his ſucceſſours, all that which they held by Donatian or otherwiſe from luſtinian, Pipin, Charlemaine, or Arithpertus, declaring moreover, that whoſoever ſhould hinder the effect there of ſhould incurre the puniſhment of high treaſon. Yet nevertheleſſe, no ſooner was Otho dead but in the yeare 974 Boniface the ſeventh was made Pope by ſedition and murder,Anno 974. having ſtrangled his predeceſſour Benet the eight, and put out the eyes of Iohn that was choſen againſt him. Some ſay that Damaſus the ſecond was ſet up by the Emperour,Anno 1048. in the yeare 1048. but Pantaleon out of Platina affirmeth that he entred by force. After all which to adde life to the foreſaid practiſes, came Hildebrand (otherwiſe called Gregory the VII.) in the yeere of our Lord 1073.Anno 1073. and he moſt of all exalted himſelfe above the Emperours, arrogating as a thing proper to the Popes, the power of conſtituting Kings and Emperours; cauſing the Emperour Henery the IV. to attend three daies barefoot at his palace gate,Anno 1095. Anno 1102. Vrban the ſecond, and Paſchall the ſecond gave nouriſhment to Gregories proceedings. Adrian the IV. chides with the Emperour for holding his wrong ſtirrop. Alexander the third treads vpon the Emperours necke. Celeſtine the third crownes him with his foote: then kickes the crowne off againe to ſhew his power. And to make it appeare that all was now in theſe Prelates hands: Boniface the eight proclaimed it in an open Iubilee,Anno 1300. in the yeere of our Lord 1300 cloathing himſelfe the one day in the pontificials of a Biſhop, and the other day in the robe royall of an Emperonr, cauſing two ſwords to be carried before him, and theſe words to be uttered: Ecce duo gladij: Behold the two ſwords: meaning that both the ſpirituall and temporall power were now in the hands of the Church, and that therefore none of the Clergie ought to be obedient to the civill Magiſtrate.

In which tenets and practiſes, both he and his fellowes did not onely tranſgreſſe the truth purely taught, maintained, and practiſed in the firſt times of the Goſpell; but alſo went contrary to the ancient times of thoſe many godly Prophets and Prieſts under the Law: witneſſe in the Court of the Iewes, one for all; even Nathan, who when he came before the King made his obeyſance, called him his Lord, and acknowledged himſelfe a ſubject, or ſervant to him,1 Kin. 1.24. as it is in the 1 Kin. 1.24. And in a ſtrange common weale, Daniel (in the court of Darius) ſhal ſuffice,Dan. 6.21. who prayed for the life and proſperity of the King, Dan. 6.21.

The reaſon of which obedience and ſubjection, is not as they are Prophets, Prelates or other Prieſts but as they are Citizens and members of a body politicke: Igitur ut tales, ſubjecti eſſe debent eivili poteſtati; Therfore as ſuch they ought out of duty to be ſubject to the civil power. But otherwiſe in cauſes meerly Eccleſiaſtical, they are exempted by a divine right, from ſecular judgements. For in all ſuch cauſes as pertaine to men bearing office in the Church (whether it have reſpect to the function of their miniſtery, or to the key of their governement in foro exteriori) Prieſts alſo muſt be honoured, reverenced, and obeyed; than whoſe office I know (as Saint Ambroſe witneſſeth) none more excellent,A •… br. de dig. • it. ſacerdot. cap. 3. Ioſepb. antiq. lib. 11. cap. 8. none more honourable, which was alſo declared by Alexander the Great, when he met with Iaduah the high Prieſt of the Iewes; as Ioſephus tels the ſtory. Or to come more neerely to our ſelves which was alſo declared by Theodſius the firſt, who was willingly content to ſubmit and yeeld himſelfe to the reproofe and admonition of the aforeſaid Ambroſe, by whom hee was (though not excommunicated,) yet prohibited to come as at other times into the holy Temple by reaſon of that great and raſh Maſſacre of the Theſſalonians, untill upon his heartie ſorrow he obtained at length the aſſent of that holy Father. For thus he (though an Emperour) was ſubject Domino ſpirituali (as wee Domino temporali) propter dominum aeternum. Of which act even as it was done on either ſide, Theodoret ſpeakes after this manner,Theod. lib. 5. cap. 17. ſaying that when all was done, both by the Biſhop and Emperour, Tali tantaque virtute, et Pontifex, et Imperator erant illuſtres; as it is in the latine verſion. Meaning, that what they both did the Biſhop in uſing his power and the Emperour in ſubmitting unto it) made them both famous.Sozom. lib. 7. cap. 24. And in Sozomen the ſame ſtory is againe recorded: To which is added that by the appointment of this holy Father, the Emperour was placed, or ſeated in the Church, ſo as was thought to be moſt covenient. And yet this man was no papall, but a painefull Biſhop, one that feared not to ſpeake or rebuke the greateſt, if need or occaſion required him ſo to do. For Neque imperiale eſt libertatem dicendi negare; Neque ſacerdotale, Ambr. Epiſt. 29. quod ſentit non dicere. It is (ſaith he) neither Princelike to denie libertie of ſpeech, nor Prieſt like not to ſpeake what he thinketh: The one argues an affront offered to God, whoſe meſſenger he is that ſpeaketh; The other is a ſigne of cowardiſe in Gods Miniſter, who may not hold his peace, if there be iuſt cauſe to reprehend. And of him Saint Hierome witneſſeth that his writings and books are incorrupt, and that his ſentences are moſt firme pillars of the faith, and of all vertues beſide. The like to which doth Saint Auſtin alſo teſtifie. Yea, and the very Emperour himſelfe confeſſeth freely that the ſentence of the ſaid Ambroſe was juſt and right Nota enim eſt mihi (ſaith he,) juſticiae ſententia Ambroſij; Theod lib. 5. cap. 17. neque ille reverentia Imperatoriae po • eſtatis divinam tranſgreſſurus eſt l • gem. Long before the which times was one Fabianus (about the yeare of our Lord 239.Euſeb. lib. 6. cap. 33. ) who would not ſuffer the Emperour Philip to joyne tanquam conſors in precationibus multitudini eccleſiaſticae: would not ſuffer him (I ſay) to joyne with the faithfull in their prayers when they were met in the Church untill hee had firſt ſtood in loco poenitentium, becauſe although he wiſhed well to Chriſtianitie, yet in multis culpabilis effet: that is, becauſe in many things he was ſtill faultie.

And therefore to ſpurne againſt the power and authoritie of Gods Miniſters, and to draw backe from a mutuall or reciprocall ſubordination betweene the officers of the Church and common weale, is but to kicke againſt the pricks and to joyne with Corah and his company, who cry againſt the Prieſts, Downe with them, downe with them, even to the ground: for ye take to much upon ye, oh ye ſons of Levi! cry ſuch as theſe. And ſo doing they be alſo in the number of thoſe who curſe their Father and do not bleſſe their mother.

And thus I am come to the next ſort of Parents; the Fathers of the Church. Now, though in this diſcourſe, I come not to theſe untill the laſt, yet are they not therfore to be diſreſpected. For prejudicate opinions may not rob another of what is right: Nor is it any breach of piety to ſee the Church in dignity I ſhall ſhew it, that there bee Lords ſpirituall as well as Lords temporall: and that the beſt times and ages of the world, have thought it religion to countenance the Clergie.

When therfore that famous K. Iames in his Baſilicon Doron, lib. 2. pag. 38. King of bleſſed memory, was about to ſpeake ſeverally of thoſe 3. eſtates into which the ſubjects of England are divided, he begins after this manner. Firſt (ſaith he) that I prejudge not the Church of her ancient priviledges, reaſon would ſhe ſhould have the firſt place, for orders ſake in this catalogue the groūd of which priviledge I do beleeve came firſt, from among Gods people of old; with whom the higheſt Prieſt was ſecond in the Kingdome.

And albeit every one who is a Prieſt: or man of God among us, be not a Prelate, nor may looke to be of as high dignities as Aaron, Nathan or Zadoc; nor to have the like honours and employments that Archbiſhops, and Biſhops have: yet know that we are all the men of God being lawfully called; et pro Chriſto legatione fungimur, and Ambaſſadours of Chriſt.2 Cor 5.20. And therefore (beſides what hath beene elſe) this I may ſay; Let a man ſo account of us (even in geuerall) as of the Miniſters of Chriſt, 1 Cor. 4.1. and ſtewards of the myſteries of God; For to eſteeme otherwiſe of us, is to have an evill eye at that calling which the Lord hath honoured, and to vilifie thoſe perſons whom he hath magnified & would that they ſhould be in high account becauſe they are placed in an holy function, which muſt at all times put a difference between them and other men: Nor is it but obſerved, till we meete with thoſe who curſe their Father and doe not bleſſe their Mother.

But enough of this till by and by; Wee ſhall have it again at another turning; till when I leave it; and come now to the proofe of ſuch things pertinent to all, and every of the Fathers in this body, as muſt be firſt handled.

Wherfore to proceed orderly, let the ſcriptures, and conſtant practiſe of the Church built thereupon Firſt teſtifie that Churchmen have the name of Fathers, Secondly that they bee not all of one equall ranke, but of differing degrees. And laſt of all that there is reverence and honour due to them; as in the following Chapters, Sections, and Diviſions ſhall be further ſhewed.