CHAP. I. In What respect this Vsurpation agreeth to Rome.

THE challenge which I made in my Sermon of the Popes Vsurpation over Princes, craveth aPag. 98. more full and presse deduction, than a Sermon could suffer; which now in this subsidiarie dis­course (by Gods grace) I intend to performe.

And first, wee shall consider on VVhat Age or respect Onus Ecclesia Episcop. Che­mensit 1. Ecclesia pu▪ ra. of the Romane Church, wee fasten this Vsurpation; and then the Vsurpation it selfe. For the first the Church of Rome commeth in fiue severall periods though some haue casten it in seven.

[Page 2]In the first three hundreth yeeres she was Ecclesia pu [...] 1. Ecclesia pu [...] ra. Ante Concili­um Nicenum exiguu [...] aut [...]ullus respec­tus habebatur ad Eccl Rom. 2 Ecclesia am bitiosa. ra, a pure Church; professing the Trueth purelie, and the most part of her Bishops sealed it with their blood in Martyrdome: At what time little or no regard was had of her, as their owne Aeneas Sylvius confesseth.

In the next three hundreth yeeres finding rest from persecution, shee became Ecclesia ambitiosa, an am­bitious Church, tickled with pryde, and desire of Vsurpa­tion.

Then Leo the first roared, and stretched out his skirts; and Innocent and his followers incroached on the Af­fricane Fathers; but when shee found her selfe respectedConcil. Chal. Act. 16. for the priviledge of the Citie, the Mother and Seate of the Empyre, the number of her learned Clergie, and multitude of Martyrs; she began to usurpe vpon other Churches: Then shee thrust her hand in everie businesse, and turned all medling to her gaine: The brotherly correspondence of o­ther Bishops by Letters, was turned in arguments of Su­premacie and iurisdiction: The imploring of helpe against He­retickes, in formall Appellations; Her advise given to them was counted absolute commands; and her arbitrarie deci­sions of questions submitted freely to her, were called Decreets of an ordinar Iudge. Baronius Anachronismes gaue a lustre to these forgeries in the eyes of the ignorant; for everie where in the first Ages, hee recordeth thinges as then done, which the Church knew not for seven or eight Ages. Cyprian cleareth this for his time, writing to Cornelius, That thy brother-hood may bee informed. ThisVt fraternitas tu [...] instrua­tur. Cypr. E­pist 42. Cor nelio. 3. Eclesia in­sidiosa. Concil. Afri­can. 4. dasheth their tyrannie, for fraternitie excludeth Supre­macie, and Instruction destroyes their pretended Iuris­diction.

In the third period shee was Ecclesia insidiosa, lying in waite to effect that supremacie, which before shee affected; for though shee got a great effront of the Affrican Fa­thers, yet (in a Romane pertinacious humour) shee [Page 3] vrged the purpose, till shee got the name of vniversall Bishop: And rather then they want it, Boniface the third will take it of Phocas a Parricide: They saw the Impyre weakened by the incursion of Barbarians and Factions within, and stirred their time for their purpose.4. Eclesia se­ditiosa.

In the fourt hundreth yeares, shee was Ecclesia sedi­tiosa, a seditious Church; for hauing trodde downe the Church, there remained nothing for her Conquest but the Impyre. And Sathan involving all in the darknesse of ignorance and Superstition, fitted the mindes of [...]rin­ces and people to bee abused: Then Hildebrand brake the Maiestie of the Impyre in Henrie the fourth, and suc­ceeding Emperours, which to this day it could never recover.5. Ecclesia perniciosa.

In the fift three hundreth yeares shee is Ecclesia perni­ciosa, a pernicious Church: Shee will neither reforme her selfe, nor suffer Reformation of her Heresies and wicked­nesse: In which respect shee is become the habitation of Revel. 18. 2. 4 devils, and the hold of every vncleane spirit, and God calleth vs to forsake her, Come out of her my people.

In respect then of her sedition and pernitiousnesse, shee vsed this Vsurpation, and beareth the name to bee called2. Thess. [...] Popish: Poperie (in it's proper Nation) is a pest in the Ca­tholicke Church, and a plague of God sent on them who would not receiue the truth to bee saved thereby: And therefore God gaue them over to this strōg delusion: It is not theCypriano glo­riossimo Papae Clerus Roma­nus Cypr. E­pist. 26. Gregor. 7. Ro­mae Synodum habuit &c. Baron. Mar­tyrol. lanuar. 16. Catholicke Church but a Faction in the Church: Neither is it a Religion, but a Schisme and an Heresie. taking the name from the Popes, the head and the heart, of that hereti­call and schismaticall Faction. They grant themselues, that the Name Papa was first common to any reverend Cler­gie Man, thereafter it became peculiar to Bishops as may [...]e [...] seene in the writtes of Cyprian, Ierome, Augustine, &c. But in the end Gregorie the seventh helde a Synode at Rome, and statute ut nomen Papae, that the name of the Pope [Page 4] should bee the onely name of the Christian world: And that Gregor. 7. di ctat. 11. Vestan. d [...] osc. Ped. Pont. c. 17 Azor. part. 2 col. 94 [...]. Bellar. Tom. 1. prafat. Lorin. in Act. Apost. Baron. Mar tyrol. Octob. 16 Christianos (que) appellari, & censeri loco summa digni­tatis esse puta bamu [...]. Nazi­an. M [...]nod. Chr. Homil. 33 in. Acta. Francisc. B [...] ­zius de Mo­narch. p. 1. Continuat. Th [...]an. no man should take it to himselfe, or giue it to other, but hold it proper to the Bishope of Rome. And though Bellarmine bee offended that wee call them by the name Papists: yet others are not ashamed of that name, but glorie in it as Lorinus: Wee are neither afrayed nor ashamed to bee called Papists: And Baronius more fullie: The Heretickes can not honour vs with a greater Title of glorie than when they call vs Romans and Papists—Let these bee our praises while wee liue, and after death our Titles vpon our g [...]aues that wee are called Romans and Papists: But Nazianzen saith of him­selfe & Basile, that they counted it their greatest honour to be called Christians: And Chrysostome sayeth that Hereticks tak their name from the Haeresiarch. This Name also distingui­sh [...]th them among themselues: For a Papist properlie is hee who beside the superstition of Rome, burneth in a blind zeale to maintaine the Popes authoritie: And moderate men who are not zealous, are called by them prophane and impious Politickes: And in the time of the League: France was cast in three factions: The one was Hugonotes, or Protestants, the other Catholicks, & the third were Politicks, who were neither Protestants nor Catholickes, but moderate Papists, and good Patriots: But as P [...]cianus said to the Novatians: I accuse not the name in you, but the Sect; so we accuse not soPacian. Epist. 1. much the name of Papists, as their factious disposition and proceeding. This vsurpation then being the worke and character of Rome, as they are papalized, let vs consider the Vsurpation it selfe.

CHAP. II. Of the matter of this Vsurpation, And first at the entire of Princes.

IN the Usurpation it selfe, foure things are to bee con­sidered: First, the mater wherein it standeth: Next, the [Page 5] Noveltie of it: Thirdlie, their Defences: And lastlie, their folie and madnesse in their whole course and Fruites.

For the Matter of this Vsurpation, it goes in two; at the Entrie of Princes, and in their Administration: At their Entrie, they clame an absolutehand over them, as though Kingdomes were their gift, and that because of their Election, Unction, Coronation, and Oath.

Their Election they clame absolutely: Though it goe now by Electors, yet they will haue all depending on them, so Iohn. 8. in the Election of Carolus Calvus; wee haue ele­cted Baron. An. 876. n. 6 Ibid. n. 9 Ar­bitrio papae imperium est collatum. Cregor. 7. lib. 2. Epist. 13. Facultas eli­gends Impera­torem, &c. Aphoris. Car. 19. iustlie and approven, &c. And their Analist letteth in great Letters, elegimus merito & approbavimus, and he putteth his glosse to it, that the Impyre is given at the arbitriment of the Pope, and Gregorie the seventh more clearelie: Thou must acknowledge that thou hast the Scepter of the Kingdome by the benefite of the Apostolicke and not of the Kingly Maiestie: And lest it bee ascryved to the Electors, the Cardinals of the Consistorie haue late­lie published, that the Electors power to choose the Emperour, flowes from the authoritie of the Apostolicke Sea. And more clearely: It is of vndoubted right, that it appertaines to the Pope alone, and not to the Colledge of Electors, to cognosce and decerne of the affaires of the Impyre. When the Authority of Gregorie presseth them to the contrair who sayth, That power over all men was given to Maurice the Emperour, and that the Priests were committed to him: They gaue vs strange glosses: That Imperatori potestas caelitus data est, H. E. à Deo sed per Ecclesiam & Romanum Pontificem, that is from God by the Church and the Pope of Rome who con­firmeth, Azor. part. 2 lib. 10. cap. 6 in fine. Ideo Impera­tor à Pontis [...]ce Diademate decoratur. A­phorism. 16. [...] anoynteth, consecrateth, and crowneth him. By this glosse the Emperour holdeth his Crowne of the Priestes committed to him.

Their next clame is from the Vnction and Coronation of Princes. But that Ceremonie (a)conferreth not Authori­tie vpon the person, crowned and anoynted, but declareth him [Page 6] to bee set a part for the office, and is rather a Ministerie, than an absolute Superioritie. Vnction is not essentiall to Kings, neither was it from the beginning, for Iustine 2. is called the first anoynted Greeke Emperour, and Pipine in France, and Edgarus in Scotland; and yet many good Prin­ces were in these Thrones before them; without that Ce­remonie. And the Impyre rightly inacted it to be laes-Ma­jestie: If any Man thought that a chosen Emperour was not an Emperour before his Coronation, Albericus apud Martam de lurisdict. 1. 17. Num. 30. They see that the Patriarchs of Constantinople haue crowned Emperours as well as theRomani P [...]n­tifices in cor [...] ­nandis Impe­rator. &c. Constantinop. Baron. An. 87 9. n. 9. Pope, and therefore lest the Pope lose his priviledge, they make the Patriarks Coronation to be only a naked Cere­monie, but the Popes to bee Operatiue and conferre authority, wee haue no ground of this distinction, but their na­ked assertion. But Bellarmine speaketh more truely, when hee is correcting the fervour of his Dispute. Though Samuel anoynted Saul at the Commandement of Bellar. recog. pag. 59. GOD, yet that anoynting was rather a praediction, than a tradition of the royall power. And againe, Samuels a­noynting of David, was a designation and praediction, but not Cerem. lib. 1 sect 5. Pontificial. Rom fol, 55 Francisc. Leo Thesaur. for, Eccles. cap 1 n. 22. It. cap. 25. n. 13. a conferring of royall Authoritie. Sure I am, they can not ascriue more to the Popes anoynting of an Emperour, than to Samuels anoynting of Saul and David, at Gods expresse Command. But if their Coronation & Vnction give authoritie to Princes, it is treason on their part to trode vnder foote these sacred Heads, which they haue crowned and annoynted.

Thirdly they claime it, by the Oath of Princes, taken at their Coronation; which is not of obedience to God, but of Fealtie and Obedience to the Pope So saith Marta Iurisc. part. 1 c. 18. n. 12▪ & n. 18. Marta that it is manifest the Emperour is Feudatarie to the Church, by the oath of fealtie, which is a sort of servitude to the Pope Imperato­ris juramento fidelitat. &c Vastan. de os­ [...]u. ped. p. 93.. And Vestanus testifieth, that Princes are astricted by their oath of fidelitie and obedience, whereby they may bee compelled to obey [Page 7] the Apostolicke Sea: And more fullie hee sheweth both the ground, and the end of this Oath. When Religion de­cayed, and Men inclyned to impietie, it became the Pope Decuit Ro manum Pen tif [...]em jura­mento fidel & obed. sibi Re ges obstringe re—vt il lorum arrogā ­tiam & teme ritatem inhi beret Ibid. pag 97. Proverb. 8 Ceremonial. by the Oath of Fidelitie, and obedience to bind Kings vnto him, both that hee might see for himselfe, and that he might brydle their pryde and rashnesse. For this end they blasphemously apply to the Pope these words that are proper to Christ, per quem Reges regnant. So in effect Princes are but the Popes Vassalls, to reigne precario, and no longer than he pleaseth, or rather as they please him. This Barclaius objecteth, and Bellarmine would mitigate it, but their practice sayeth the contrare: And Suarez Suarez de fens. lib 3 c. 22. num. 9 Vicarius Chri­sti habet domi nium in Vassa­lum suum. Baron An▪ 701 num. 16. 17 Et An 1097 n. 18 1 [...]. &c telleth, that the Vicar of Christ hath Dominion over his Vassall; And Baronius affirmeth, that the King of Spaine is the Popes feu­datarie for the Kingdome of Spaine, and his Vassall for the Kingdome of Naples, wherevpon hee maketh his long digression of the Monarchie of Sicile, to proue this Superioritie. But Innocent 4. speaketh like a Pope, Doest thou not know, that the King of England is our Vassall, yea our Servant? This ex­acting of the Emperours Oath was farre from Sergius the second, who sware obedience to the Emperour Lotharius: But of the Nature of this Oath, wee shall speake heereafter in the Conclusion God willing. In the meane tyme it is remarkable, that the Maintainers of Equivocation, and loosers of the Obligen ent of an Oath, doe heere vrge the force of an Oath, when it maketh for their vantage.

They boast also of the Translation of the Emp [...]re, Bellar de transl. Imperij as an vnanswerable argument, to proue their Superioritie: But the Pope had no other part therein, but a consent as a speciall member of the Republicke of Rome: For if hee had a full power, hee needed not Charles, nor Pipine, to helpe him against the Longobards: None can better cleere thisDresser. de translat. Imp. than Frederick in the same Contest with Pope Hadrian, Thou sayest, that I came at thy calling: I grant I was called; but giue the reason wherefore thou callest mee, thou was oppres­sed [Page 8] by the Enemies, and couldst not helpe thy selfe by thine owne (b) Implorati­onem potius quam vocati­onem hanc di [...] xerim. Otto▪ Frisin degest. Frederic. lib. 2 power, or the Greekes cowardize: Therefore the power of the Francks was sought. This was rather an imploring of my helpe than an calling.

But Leo crosseth their late claimes, and granteth that Martian Martianū Imper. à Deo electum esse. Bellar. Rom Pont. Lib. 5. cap. 3. Potestas—Dominorum meorum pie­tati coelitus data est. Ibid. Casaub. de li bert. Ecclesi­ast. Cusan de concord. Ca­tholic. lib 3. c. 1. 23. &c. Bell. Recog. pap. 52. Nomen Im­peratoris po­test & forte debet deleri. the Emperour was elected of God; and Grego­rie to Maurice, That power over all men was given from a­boue to the pietie of his Lord. Princes also not-with-stan­ding of his Vsurpation in the beginning of their edicts call themselues. N. By the Grace of God, King of such a Kingdome. and not by the gift of the Pope, as Casaubone observeth: And Cusan hath so fully refuted that Claime in this errand, as no man needeth to adde any thing. Bel­larmine obiecteth to him, that hee erred for want of Bookes to informe him: But Cusan might more iustly reply, that if Bellarmine had either eyes to reade, or conscience to iudge, ac­cording as Bookes informed him, hee had not perverted the Trueth as hee did. The point of Election vexeth Bellar­mine; therefore hee telleth vs, that in their Canons, Ha­drianus, and in Synodo, The Name Emperour [...]may, and perchance should bee delete. Thus they may elide the Truth of all Histories: Such doubting and staggering shifts be­came not an old Cardinal, and Contraversar in the head Article of his Faith.

It is cleare then, that their Election is but pretended, their Coronation and Vnction are but ceremonies officious­ly obtruded on Princes, to snare them in a base Sub­iection. The pretended Oath doeth more oblige Kings to correct the Popes enormities, than to maintaine his Ty­rannie. And their alledged translating of the Im­pyre, is a craftie ingyring themselues on the prevai­ling side. And so none of these Claimes giue them authoritie over Princes.

CHAP. III. Of their Vsurpation over Prin­ces in their Administration: And first of their disdainfull Speeches.

THis much for their Vsurpation over Princes at their entrie: Followeth their Vsurping in their admi­nistration, which may bee seene in foure, In disdainfull speaches: Abuse of their persons in base offices: Vsurping o­ver their Lawes in a directiue Power; And censuring them by a coactiue power. Disdainfull Speeches are the first fruits of their prid, & contempt of Princes: So they call them Dogges or Curres to the Pope the great Sheepeheard: If these Dogs (sayeth Becane) be Becan. controvers. Anglic quaest. 3. [...]. 14 15. watchfull and tru­stie, they must bee readie at the Sheepeheards hand. This is no other then what the Pope did to Franciscus Dandalus the Venetian, when hee made him like a Dogge eate crummes vnder his table at Lions. And Scioppius Schiop Ec­clesiast. cap. 147. Ecclesia est mandra, &c.—Carolus Magnus haud paule mai [...]r aut sapientior Asinus fuit. Barron. ann. 1073 n. 7 Idem. 1076. n. 8. Barron 1112 n. 17. Platina, Vit. Gregor. 7. compa [...]eth them to Asses, carying burdens at the Popes will, and calleth Charles the Great a great Asse: But their Analist aboun­deth in reproaching the Emperours: Hee calleth Henry the fourth Rex Apostata, Exemplum Regibus Henricianae haeresis labe conspersis, an Apostate King, and an exemplar to them who are guiltie of the Henrician heresic. Like­wise a contemner of God. And againe obstinate and periured and that like Herod hee persecuted the anoynted of God. And when they had stirred vp against him his Sonne Henrie the fifth, who betyme plyed not their courses as they would, they payed him also with reproaches, and their Analist calleth him in Patrem Carnifex, his Fathers Burrio, and sacrilegious, a Traitour, a Monster, a Tyrant. Gregorie the seventh calleth Henrie the fourth Membrum Diaboli, [Page 10] a member of the Divell: And Vestanus vttereth his spleneVestan. p. 75. [...]n. 551. n. 2. also. Fredericus Oenobarbus bellua horrenda fuit. And Iusti­nian for curbing Vigilius, both for his prevaricating in the Truth, and defending of Nestorius, is called by Baro­nius madde, possessed with an evill Spirit, and caryed by Sathan. So Richeomus the Iesuite [...]aileth against the Greeke [...]m▪ perours, for their zeale against Imagerie: Leo Isauricus (sayeth hee) perduellis haereticus—Constantinus re & cognomento Copronymus Leonis Isaurici Patris nequam, Richeom, Ex­post. Apol. cap 22. nequior filius—Leo Quartus Copronymi foedus foetus, mali vti (que) Corvi, malum ovum,

Heerein they tell of what Spirit they are, when they despise Dominioun, and speake evill of Dignities, and no better behaviour can follow so disdainfull speeches: Words are a mids betweene Estimation of the Mynd and acti­ons: If they be good, they argue a good Estimation pre­ceeding and promise sutable actions to follow: If they bee ill, they argue an heart full of contempt, and pro­mise nothing but outrage: Experience hath proven this to bee true.

CHAP. IIII. Of their abuse of Princes in base offices.

THeir second abuse of Princes in their Administration is by imploying their Persons in base service, Stàpham equi Papalis [...]enere debet. Marta [...]uris. 1. cap. 18. n. 18. as to hold the stirrop when the Pope goes on horse backe, or commeth downe. To leade his bridle Deinde ac­cepto equi fre­ [...] peraliquo [...] &c. Ceremo. Rom. fol. 26. pag. 2. for some space: And the Pope (forsooth) must refuse that service in shew, and yet yeeld to it in end. This is hypocrisie with pride, for they doe so earnestly exact it, that if the Emperour goe not to the right stirrop, they will chyde him, as Hadrian the [Page 11] fourt did to Federicke the Emperour: To hold the water and towell to his hands: To carie dishes from his Kitchen to his Table: But the Emperour shall haue a priviledge, for where Kings must goe into the Kitchen, hee shall re­ceiue Ibid. the dishes hee caries, at the doore. To sit on his knees when hee giveth the cnp to the Pope, As Otto did to Urbane, Marta Iuris. 1 18 who of purpose neglected the Emperour, and suffered him to sit long on his knees, till a Cardinall admonished him of that Iuel. Defens. P. 235 oversight. These things are so odious, that Harding is a ashamed, and denyeth them. But they are registrate in their ceremoniall and pontificall. I would gladly vn­derstand to which office of the Apostolick Church, the1 Cor. 12. 12 Master of ceremonies, is to bee referred, or in what pri­mitiue rytes from the Apostles time shall they finde such abuse of the Lords Anoynted? This question will be an­swered by silence.

But it is a greater abuse to make Princes kisse the Popes —Cuius vestigia ado­rat—Ma­tuan. foote; it might passe with Cardinals, who are his crea­tures, and (since they left off preaching) seeme to haue no other vse for their mouth, but to kisse his feete at all occasions: And there is nothing more frequent in the ceremoniall, than Reverentiapro more facta, that is toCeremonial. passim. say, The Cardinals kissing his feete before the people: I know not whither Adulation bee baser in them, or affectation of vaine glorie bee vyler in him.

But it is odious that hee holds out his feete to bee kissed of Emperours, and yet Rome that doeth all things vnder shew of Reason (as Vives sayes scoffingly) by Vestanus, Imprimis Pontificium humilitas, commenda [...]i debet, &c. Vestan▪ de osc, ped. Pont. cap. 18. pag. 14 [...]. giues vs two reasons heereof. The one is the Popes humilitie & devotion, who knowing that the people will kisse his feete, hath put a crosse on his Pantoun, that their adoration may bee given to the crosse of Christ, and not to him. That is but a scoffing, for the foote is not a place to put the crosse on, and the Emperours Theodosius and Valentini­an were more religious, who discharged to paint the crosse [Page 12] on the ground, least it should bee trod vpon: Hee admitteth men to three kisses, pedis, pectoris, & oris of the feete, the breast and his face. If therefore hee would honour the Crosse, why putteth hee it on his foote, and not on his breast to tell his loue to it? or on his face to tell his account of it: And the Greeks are more religious than he,Zo [...]aras▪ for though they take not that Adoration, yet they set it on their face or Breast.

His second reason is a mocking of men, as his first is of Christ: That since the Popes office is to teach the world, and the feete of Preachers are beautifull, Romani Pontifices ex▪ pressam Apo­stolici muneris imaginem▪ &c. Vestan. ibid. they cannot beauti­fie them better, than by put putting the crosse on them—for the spirit and grace descends to the feete—and to make their steppes stay in the way. This is a fiction, for neither hath the Pope that office of vniversal preaching, neither dischargeth hee it in any one Church: and the beautie of the feete of Preachers is not by the signe of the Crosse, but by their heavenly commission, their fruitefull discharge of it, and a godly life. But the se­cret of all this businesse is this, hee is an enemie to the crosse of Christ, and by that seeming honouring of it v­pon his foote is tredding it vnder foote indeede.

But hee commeth nearer the poynt at length, that whereas the Popes received white shooes from Constantine, I am linte [...] calceamenta in usu Eccle­sia Rom. non sint. &c. Ibid. pag 148 they haue taken purpour or skarlet shooes in their place: And what is this? but to tell the world that Rome is the scar­let coloured Beast drunke with the blood of the Saintes; and this is the more because they acknowledge such kissing of his feete to come of Diocletian, who thought himselfe a god, & craved divine honours: And thogh that his wicked­nes (b) Diocletia­n [...] quidem improbitas, &c. Ibid. cap. 2 p. 14. was, (a) damnable (sayeth hee) in craving of it, yet the custome is not to bee damned that gaue it: This is all one as to condemne Herod who took divine honours, but not the people that gaue them. Diocletian then is the father of this pride, and it is worse in them, than in him; for hee [Page 13] beeing an Emperour, tooke it of his Subjectes, but they being Church-men exact it of Emperours. They should remember their owne glosse. The Pope is successour to Pe­ter (a) Papa est successor Petri piscato ris & non Augusti Im▪ peratoris. Psal. 68. 23. the Fisher, but not to Augustus the Emperour. If not to Augustus, farre lesse should they succeed Diocletian.

Beside reason: Scripture must also bee abused to co­lour this wickednesse, that thy foote may bee dipped in blood, and the tongues of thy Dogges in the same. Tum pe­des sanguine [...]ingunt [...]r, &c. Vestan Ibid p. 154. Then the feete are dipped in blood (say they) when they are deco­red with a crosse of Christ, then the tongues of Dogges are dipped therein, when Heretickes like dogges licke the Popes feete. But Augustine exponeth that blood, of Martyrs, and these Dogges of painefull Pastours; which pertaine no­thing(b)—Sic convenientius ut arbitor in­telligitur pes tinctus in san­guine. Aug. Psal. 67. Esay 49. 23. to the Pope, for hee massacres Martyres, and doeth not preach at all: To this same ende they abuse that Prophecie; Kings shall bee thy nourcing fathers, and Queenes thy nourcing mothers, they shall bow downe to thee with their faces towards the Earth, and licke the dust of thy feete: Prophetiā illam imple [...]ā esse Imperato­ri [...]. & Regi bus &c. Suar Des [...]ns. Lib 3 cap. 3. cap. 24 [...], 17 This Prophecie according to the Letter is fulfilled in the Emperours and Kings kissing the Popes feete with their faces toward the ground: The like hath Eudaemon Ioannes Eudaem. Iohan. Paral. Tort [...] cap. 8. Acts 16 Acts 10 the Iesuite. But this is a great change, and farre from that which Leo the third did, after he had crowned Charles, and made him Emperour, hee would worship him before the people, that they might know the greatnesse of the imperiall Maiestie. Haymon. apud. Bozium de signis. This is proper to Heretickes who steale the glorie of God to pervert Scripture for colouring that sacriledge.

But Marta Marta de iuris part. [...] ▪ c. cap. 46. helpeth him, and would proue the lawfulnesse of it from the Iaylors falling downe at Paul and Silas feete, and Cornelius falling downe before Peter, Pipin. An. Do [...] 752, Marta ibid: but there is nothing for kissing of his feete in these Texts: and it is a weak proofe to alledge Abdias Babylonius, a fa­bler, whom he grantes, is ab Ecclesia reprobatus, reiected of the Church. And the antiquitie of the practice, hee [Page 14] findeth no sooner then Pipine, Alexandri. 3. factum commendari potest, &c. Vestan. p. 75 and Charle-maine: Fables, and the colour of antiquitie serue these men who are Rex Regina▪ rum. Tholos. Syntag. 18. 1. 11. destitute of auncient truth: But we shall help them in fathe­ring of this adoration aright, on Darius who called him­selfe King of kings, and cousing of the gods: and Cleopatra, who would bee called the Queene of queenes: These are the parents of their pride, and would bee adored.

Thirdlie, they vse greatest degree of their prid in trod­ding on the neckes of Emperours, as Alexander the third did to Fridricke Barbarosa, at Venice, That is a more com­mendable fact (sayeth one) and more iust, than the trod­ding of Ecebolius, because it was against a most cruell ene­mie of the Church, and Alexander (b) did well that hee in­sulted with his heeles against that horrible Beast: While hea­ven and earth are astonished at that pride, they glorie in it. And of this sort was that pride of Celestine the third who did cast the Crowne off the heade of Henrie the sixe, with his foote, as though the Crownes of Emperours served for none other vse, but to bee foote-bals to Popes. It is good for Kings who kisse his foote, that they are able againe to rise or walke: For the trees of the wood of Loret­to, inclined so low to welcome the Virgins Chamber comming Horat. Turs de Aede Loret. Lib. 1. cap. 6. over the Hadriaticke Sea, that they neither raise againe nor inclined to the House when it was settled behind them. Ty­rannie in Barbarians cannot exerce greater indignities against Princes, then this humilitie of the Servant of servants.

CHAP. V. Of their third vsurpation over Princes: In their Lawes.

THeir third vsurpatiō over Princes is in their Lawes: God hath invested Kings with a Nomo-theticke, po­wer, [Page 15] to make lawes within their Kingdomes, but the Pope taketh on him to Expone, Mend, Alter, and Re­peale them at his pleasure, and that is the common doctrine of the Schoole-men: As for their Potest Pontifex illas emendare, Suarez. &c. Defens 3 22. Ibid. n. 15. 16 Execution, hee may stay their vse, or set it to some profitable end for the good of the Church, and he power of both resideth in the Pope: And for this end absolutely he taketh on him, to direct and com­mand Kings in the vse of their power against Protestants: If they obey him, hee casteth them in danger, and hatred of their people: If they disobey, hee hath a cause of Censure against them, to suspend or depose them, for if the secular power bee denyed or neglected, the Seculars may bee excommunicate Denegato brachio secu­lari, &c. Mat Iuris. part. 1. cap. 5 1. n. 1.. This is also injoyned to their In­quisitours, to compell Kings and Princes to recall their lawes, that are against the Inquisition. And because Eymericus is too generall in his decision, therefore Pegna is more par­ticular in his Commentar, that commoun and fundamentall Lawes and Customes what-so-ever of that kinde are null, and of no effect Eymer. Director. In­quis part 3. q. 34. Fegna Com­ment 83.. So Bellarmine, Although the Pope bee not a politicke Prince, yet hee may confirme or infirme the lawes of Kings Quam [...]is Pontifex, &c. Bellar. Rom. lib. 5. cap. 6. Baron ann. 878 n 22. 2 Thess. 2.. So then Princes can haue no Lawes in force, if the Pope mislike them; neither dar they refuse to make such lawes, as hee thinketh good for the Church, that is to say, for the vpholding of his tyranny, though it were with the ruine of their Kingdome.

Their Analist giveth this in a word, Potest Papa in Re­gesius dicere, hee is set vp with full power to iudge them, and their lawes: And though hee bee that lawlesse Man▪ yet hee taketh the Lawes of Countries, the raines of go­vernement in his hand, as though hee were the Law of Lawes, and Reason of Reasons; for so Hildebrand Quod illi soli [...]icet pro temporis. &c. Hildebrand Dictat. 7 pro­fesseth, that it is leasume to the Pope onely to make new lawes according to the necessitie of Tyme.

But no wonder hee vse such power over the Lawes of Princes, since hee hath no constancie in his owne lawes: [Page 16] for neither Canons of Councels, nor of his Predecessours or his owne can bind him, but vpon any occasion he will alter: As it is said of the stile of the Court of Rome (that it varyeth every yeare) so wee may say of the Popes lawes,Regula Canc. Stylu [...] curiae Romanae va­riat. quotan­nis. Ab eadem se­de Apostolica, &c▪ Baron. 878. Baron: A [...]n. 547: n. 50. Idem Anno. 553. [...]. 231 that they are changed, and priviledges destroyed, diminished, and augmented at their pleasure. The Apostolicke sea may make all these alterations, according to their custome. This is the libertie they take over the opinions of others: The like Uigilius tooke of his owne opinion, and that in fundamentall points concerning Nestorianisme. For as hee saw either danger or peace, he changed his sentence, and Baronius (whose taske amongst other things is to defend the Popes greatest faults, and proue them to bee perfections) sayeth, that Uigilius after great consideration stroue divers­ly: Et cur ei non licuit, mutato rerum statis, mutare senten­tiam? This is their constancie, even when they define out of Peters Chaire.

This vsurping over Kings concerning lawes, is crossed by Pope Nicolaus, wryting to Michael the Emperour▪ that Christus distinxit, &c ne [...]ut Imp. iura Pontife­cis, &c. Bella Rom Lib: 5 cap. 5 Christ distinguished the acts, offices, and dignities of the Pope and Emperour, that the Emperour should not pre­sume to vsurpe vpon the Iurisdiction of the Pope, or the Pope vpon the Emperours iurisdiction. When that Pope did so ridde these merches, it is manifest, there was no such v­surpation, as hee condemneth in tearmes, and that the latter Popes in their vsurping, are gone as farre from the modestie of their Ancestours, as from reason and consci­ence. Princes may be cōtent with that tyrannie over their lawes, seing he doeth so to the lawes of God: He dispen­seth Gomes▪ Regul. Cancel fol 83 2. Thessa: 2. 8 Tholos. Syn­tag. Lib. 47. cap. 20. n. 8. aboue, and contrare the Apostle, and selleth pardons of the notour breaches of the morall law, because no canon can binde the Pope, sayeth their Canonists. This proveth him to be that lawlesse Man: And another Phalaris boasting that he can not be subiect to lawes. This is the loosing of the si­newes of Governement, that as a Beast hee may rage a [...] randome.

CHAP. VI. Of their fourth Vsurpation, In censuring Kings.

THeir fourth Vsurpation over Princes is in Censures: They are not content with a directiue power, but will haue a coactiue also, to compell Princes to doe what they will, because the one power without the other is of no effect: Vis directi va sine coacti­va inefficax est. Suarez. Defens. lib. 3 c. 23▪ n. 3 And because that the Christian Church were not conveni­ently furnished, neither were it sufficiently provyded, if it had not a power to compell Rebels, that will not obey censures. This Ibid. n. 18 is in effect Bertrandus blasphemie, who said, that the Lord would not seeme discreete enough, except hee had left a Vicar behind him, who might doe all Nam non videretur dis cretus Domi­nus fuisse &c Bertrand. de Origin. Iuris. quaest▪ 4. Bi­bliothec. Pat. Tom. 4 Col. 105. things. And Rodericus hath the like, that Christ had not provyded well enough, for the World, nor for the Church, if hee had not left so eminent a Vicar on the Earth. This is no discretion to speake so blasphemously of the wisdome of Christ: they choose rather to blaspheme, than recall their errours.(d) Roderic. Zamor. spec. lib. 2. cap. 1

This coactiue power hath two branches: The one to depriue Kings of the vse of their Authoritie by suspen­sion: The other to depriue them of the propertie of it, by De­position. Duobus modis potest Rex cōtumax, &c. Suarez. defen. 6. 6. 13 But Deposition is no Ecclesiasticke punish­ment, but an Imperiall; as when Traian tooke the Crowne from the King of Armenia. And they know that excommunication a censure merelie Ecclesiasticke, can not extend it selfe to the deposing of Kings: Yet the Pope (say they) by his transcendent power hath annexed De­position to Excommunication, as a convenient punishment; for though it exceede the Nature of Excommunication, yet it exceedeth not the bounds of the Popes power. Esto exce­dat. &c. Sua­rez. defens. 6 6. n. 16. 17 His exor­bitant power then findeth a right where no right is. And [Page 18] prian affirmeth and Erasmus marketh it out of him: That by Church censures, none is so noted as to bee destroyed. Cypr. epist. 51 The Church should censure Ecclesiasticklie and leaue civill censures (such as is deprivation of Kings) vnto the Magistrate.

Vpon these grounds come the absolving of people from their Natiue alledgeance to Princes, and their rebellion a­gainst them: The giving of their Kingdome vp to bee inva­ded by neighbour Princes, or such as haue any Title to it or power to conquer it. So Suarez, Suarez. Defens Cath. lib. 6. sect. 18 If the Pope depose a King, hee may bee expelled or killed by them who haue com­mission of the Pope: And if hee command the execution of it to none, then it pertaines to the lawfull Successour &c. And againe. After the sentence pronounced hee is deprived of his Ibid. sect. 24 Kingdome, so that hee cannot possesse it by a iust Title: There­fore▪ thereafter hee may bee handled like a Tyrant, and con­sequently killed by any privat man. These positions are more bloodie than Dracoes Lawes. And wee shall haue the Pope himselfe saying by Bellarmine I shall make him Facio vt ille qui tibi Rex erat, non sit tibi Rex con­tra Barclai­um. pag 259 who was thy King to bee no King to thee. And though abso­lution from excommunication should relieue them of all things that follow therevpon, yet they haue forged that distinction, to absolue & reconceale the person to the Church▪ yet hee shall not bee restored to his Kingdome. So Franciscus Veronensis, Hunc etiā ingratiam re­cep [...]—non [...]at men▪ &c. Pla▪ tin. dè vita Gregor. 7 Albeit the King were absolved by the Pope, (a) Iesuit. Si­car. part. 2, c. 8. p. 73. Ne (que) etiam à Papa absolutus Rex potest esse yet hee cannot bee a King. This they haue learned of Hil­debrand, who after hee had absolved the Emperour from his excommunication, hee held him still as deposed from the Impyre; and caused choose Rudolph in his place (c) I haue received (said hee) that man in favour, and given him onely the Communion, but haue not restoreed him to the Kingdome, out of the which I threw him in the Synod of Rome. This is a taste of Popish wrath, to keepe hatred after re­conciliation, and deposition after Communion, he is as voyde of the meeknesse of Christ in the first, as he is full [Page 19] of the Serpents crueltie in the second. But may not hu­manitie, and Mediation of other Princes plead favour for him that is censured? No surelie; For neither the Penes Impera torem—non amplius stat Palatinū Hae­resiarcham, vel haeredes [...] ▪ ponere— [...] ­lustris Car­dinales v [...]a­ni [...]ter jura­runt, quod Pon tif. Max. [...]evo­care non pos­sit. Aphoris. Card. 27. 28 Emperour nor King of Spaine may meddle (say their Car­dinals) with the restitution of Prince Palatine to the Electo­rate and his Lands, because to seeke these things is no other than to cast downe the Apostolicke seate from the rights of her Maiestie, (d) And least the Pope proue tractable these holy Cardinals will bind his omnipotencie, with their owne oath, that hee should change nothing that is done. Heere is barbarous tyrannie bound with roapes of sand: They vent their malice and folie, but God hath begunne to beholde and judge that tyrannie, and pos­siiblie will restore him without their consent.

Lastlie, if Kings by their power or loue of their peo­ple bee secured from forraine violence, they haue their last refuge to cause kill him by stobbing, In vitam ejus grassari, quacunque ar te licet. Mar­ian, de Reg. lib. 1: cap. 7 poyson, or powder­plots: And that not onelie Protestant Princes, but euen of such as are Papists, as the world saw in Henrie the third of France, for after excommunication, any man may take his life by any means whatsoever.

But this crueltie must haue a warrand, and Scripture shall bee throwne to favour it, for these words, Peter, kill and eate, giue power to the Popes to excommunicate, depose and kill Kings, if wee trust Baronius, for Peters Ministerie, (a) Duplex be­atiss. Pater ministerium Petri. &c. Baron in vot. ad Paul. 5 is two fold (sayeth hee) to feede and to kill—And he is commanded to kill them, that is to resist, to fight against them and to defeate them that they be not at all: And because the Notion of killing soundeth harshlie, hee will giue vs a charitable Commentarie of it, that killing ought to bee in great charitie: That the thing killed bee eaten, to wit, by Christian charitie to hyde it in his bowels, and so that killing is not crueltie but Pietie: I doubt if the Pope will count it either Pietie or Charitie, if hee felt such a killing: And [Page 20] Bellarmine is as grosse though in fewer words. For it is the duetie of the head ( [...]aith hee) to eate, and by eating to send downe meate into the Stomach. Pulch-dici▪ tur ei [...] macta & manduca, &c. Bel. Rov [...] 1 cap. 22 This is a strange libertie in glossing Scripture, and to turne Peter a fisher of men in a Butcher of Kings, and the Pope in a Polyphe­mus to devour men. It is like the Iesuite Alcasers con­ceate on the Revelation. He saw how that Booke tortured(c) Alcasar in Apoc. c. 18 Ibid. Notat. 7 the Church of Rome, therefore he cast it in a new mould, and exponeth her destruction. Cap. 18. of her conversion to Christ, and the fire of Gods anger that destroyeth her, to bee the flame of Gods loue, turning her to Christianity. A fansie con­trar to sense & reasō, for this destruction is threatned as a plague to Rome, & not promised as a blessing. So these men wil never want a colour for their cause so lōg as they play the Qu [...]dlibitars, to draw every thing out of any thing: But this glosse is cōtrare to the Text, which spea­keth only of the conversiō of the Gentiles, & the Fathers ex­ponded this eating of the Churches turning the Gentiles to her selfe by Baptisme, so Augustine Et ait Pe­tro, occide, & manduca▪ oc­cide quod sunt & fac quod tu es, Aug. He said to Peter kill and eate, that is, kill them as they are corrupt, and make them the thing that thou art: And this is contrare to Baronius, for the end of his eating, is to destroy them alluterlie, but the end of this eating, is to saue them by grace. And Ba­ronius himselfe in cold blood and free of preiudice before the question arose betwixt the Pope, & Venice. What that heavenlie vision meant the event declared so that we neede no humane interpretatiō, for it meant that the Gentiles Nimirum eo mysterio Ec lesiam, &c Ann. 4 1. n. 6 shuld be turned to the Church by Baptisme: And their owne Onus Ecclesiae telleth vs from what Spirit such glosses, and pra­ctises come, it is not pastorall loue, but a divellish malice, [f] Diaboli­c [...] maliciae est, &c. On [...]. Ec­cles. 17. Cusan. Epist. 2 to scatter, kill, and destroy: This libertie of glossing is that which Basile and Nazianzen call duleuein Hypo­th [...]sei, to serue their turne, and to make the sense of Scrip­ture currrent with the occasion or time, as Cusane affirmeth.

But such dealing Christian Princes are in the worst cas [...] [Page 21] of any men: Pagan Princes are without the Popes iuris­diction and free of his censure Pontificia potestas, &c. Suarez de fen. 3. 26. n. 8 Kings vnder the Law had authoritie over the high Priest, but now the Pope clames more power, than the high Priest had: And though Subjectes of any qualitie bee excommunicate, they are neither cast out of their possessions nor killed by vertue thereof. Bellar. Rom. Pont. lib. 5. c. 10 They say by word, that when a King becommeth Christian, hee loseth not his earthly kingdome wherevnto he had right, but acquireth a new right to an eter­nall Kingdome. If it bee so, as it is indeede, how is it that vnder the Pope Kingdomes are looseable, onelie because of Christianitie? They fall heere in that same inconve­nient they would eschew, that Christianity is hurtfull to Kings, and Grace destroyes Nature. Alioqui obesset regi­bus Christi be neficium &c Bellar. Ibid. The cause of this difference is, that they are Kings, and by their place come in Competition with him who will be absolute Monarch over all. For the Pope (sayeth Suarez) -Suarez. defen▪ 3. 27 Th. Aquin. Ibid. hath the height of both powers, and is both high Priest and a temporall King. This is a stumbling blocke to hold infidell Princes from Christ: The Turks stumble at popish images: and at the Siege of Vien when their Canon brake in pieces, the images that were set on the wals, to ke [...]pe the Towne, they cryed with disdaine, Take vp the Christians gods: Erasm. Enchirid. Their Transubstantiation is another stumbling block, whē in one houre, they will create, adore, and eate their god: And that made Averroes to cry, The Religion of the Iewes is —Religio Christian [...]rū impossibilium est anima me [...] a cum Philo­sophis. for Swine: The Religiō of Mahumetanes is for Chidren: The Re­ligiō of Christans is of impossibilies: Therefore Anima mea cum Philosophis, my soule with the Philosophs. So this excom­municating, & killing of Kings, maketh infidell Princes abhorre Christianitie, whose first reward vnder the Pope would bee this base abusing. Therefore the Turk holdeth him with Mahumet, and though hee honour his Muffti, and vse his counsell in great matters, yet hee keepeth him alwayes subject to him in Civill things.

CHAP. VII. That Vsurpation now is the prime Article of their faith.

THis was some-tymes no Tenet of Doctrine, no not a Probleme in the Schools; yea when it began Hac sol [...] novitas, non dicam haeresis, &c. Sigibert. Ann. 1088. Si­gibert called it an Haeresie▪ It was not so much as res fi­dei, a matter of faith, but now it is made de fide, an article of faith and that not a commoun one, but caput fidei, an head article of faith. It is both their negatiue, and affir­matiue(c) Paganita­tis crimen in­currit. Pelag. 1. Artic. 7▪ Qui Papaepri­matum negat peccat in Spi. sanctum. confession. Negatiue: If this proposition bee deny­ed, that the Pope may depose S [...] haec pro positio nega­tur, fides Ca­tholica abi [...] ­ratur, Suarez Defens. 6▪ 8▪ hereticall Kings, the Catho­licke faith is abiured, said Suarez. And who deny this, fal­leth in Paganisme, and in the sinne against the holy Ghost, said Alvarez. Pelagius: It is their affirmatiue confession, be­cause this is the maine and principall point of faith, sayeth the Cardinall Bell. resp. ad Apol. p. 7 In hoc cardo totius contro­versie verti­tur Suarez. defen. 321. 3. Eudaem. Apol. Garnet. c. 5 and the chiefe hinger wherevpon all the contraversie turneth: And vnder the counterfitte name of Skulkenius, hee sayeth, that this Papall power is the hinger, the fundation; and in a word, the summe of Christian Faith. And Cardinall Peron in his diswasiue oration to the com­munalitie of France; calleth it the greatest matter, wherev­pon the safetie of all Christendome dependeth In qua sa­lus totius or­bis Christiani vertitur. Con tinuat. Thuā. lib. 8 [...]. By this they measure their trustie Professours, what ever men hold or deny in other points, so that they maintaine this, all is well. But if they oppugne this, though they bee sound in other points, they are persecuted as Here­ticks Onus Ec▪les. c. 15. [...]. 13▪. They charge vs falsely, that we make our do­ctrine of Antichrist an expresse article of our Creede; but they hing all their Creede, and Faith vpon it. And vpon their grounds it may passe, since they make the Pope their Church. They obiect (sayeth Gretzer) that wee (g) Gregor. Defen. Bellar [Page 23] call Papam Ecclesiam quid tum? non abnuo. What of that? I deny it not. And Ualentia In secun­da secunda. more posedly Nomine Ec­clesiae intelligimus caput Ecclesiae, by the Name of the Church wee vnderstand the head of the Church. Since therefore they make their pretended head the Church, no wonder that the greatnesse of that Head bee the greatest articl [...]: yea, the summe of their whole Faith. And Baronius Baron, 849. n. 17 a fir­meth, that without obedience to this Head, neither Faith, nor good workes availe: And againe Ann. 504. n▪ 1. & 506. n. 11 that even Arrian Princes prospered, when they obeyed the Pope. This Head is All to them: their Faith their Creede, the rule and cause of prosperitie, to blesse Hereticks, if they obey him, to damne the Faithfull, if they disobey him.

But seeing they will haue it an head article, wee aske in what Creede they finde it? It is neither in the Nicene, nor Athanasian Creede; neither in these larger formes, asBulla [...]ij 4 de form, Iuramēt Ierome wrote to Damasus, or Augustine to Laurentius, or Petrus Diaconus; neither in the Creede of the Apostles, which (crediblie) was written before Peters supposed comming to Rome, and containeth nothing of his Su­premacie: Therefore they must come home to their Trent Creede, canonized by Pius the fourth.

This is their idole of Ecclesiasticke libertie, wherein though they speake diverselie, yet all runneth to a lawlesse licence: Sometimes they restraine it to Canonicke election of Prelats: Some times to the investures of benefices and immunities of the Cleargie: but Aventine Tempus hoc opportunū ratus &c Avent. lib. 5 pag. 56 9. descriueth it more partiticularlie that Hildebrand was desirous to shake off the Emperours yoake, breake his authoritie, and turne all power to himselfe, and so to confirme the principalitie of the Pope. That there was nothing better, than to take away all feare▪ and bee affrayed of no man; and that hee might enioy the Ecclesiasticall libertie, and haue such an Emperour, whose forces hee feared no, as one that did reigne at the pleasure of the Pope. This is the first branch of it in his Securitie: [Page 24] The second is, in being terrible to others, that as hee feared not the Emperour, so although hee iniured him, yet the Empe­rour must bee affrayed of him Etiamsi injuria vel ip­sum Casarem affecerit &c. Ibid p. 564. And Gerochus Romani rationem actorum reddere nolunt &c. A vent. l. 5. 563 an ea­ger defender of Hildebrand descryveth it more shortly. The Romaines (said hee) vsurpe divine honour, they will giue no reason for their doing, neither suffer they any man to say to them, why doe yee so? But vse that verse of the Poet, so I will, so I command, and let my will passe for a reason. But Hildebrand expoundeth it himselfe most cleerely, to bee a power to take away, and giue Impyres, Kingdomes, Princi­palities, and what ever mortall men may haue. Imperiae,—& quic­quid habere mortales possunt, auferre nos posse Plat. vit. Gregor. 7 And what these proud words meaneth, hee exponeth it in his twen­tie seven Dictats, the hammers of all lawfull authoritie. And Vendramenus the Venitian defines it libertatem quodvis a­gendi & rapiendi impune, a libertie to doe and pull what they please. But seeing they must haue this Title of Head in their owne sense, let them haue it, as Aquinas calleth the Antichrist perfect, or an Head, quo modo dicimus perfectum latronum, as wee say, a Brigand is perfect: But there needeth no comparison where there is an Identitie.Tho. 3. sum. 3. 48. 8. Caejet. ibid.

Their Church cannot bee perfect in faith, that is ever parturiens, bring out new Articles of faith. Their Regu­lars haue latelie affirmed. Quod Regulares sint de hera­chia absolute—articulum fidei esse puto. But the Pari­sian Censur. Paris in prop. ex H [...] bern. Anno 1631. Divines haue censured it thus. Author novum eum (que) falsum fidei articulum fingit. And that same Sorbone, gaue the like censure against Becan, Bellarmine, Suarez, &c. in the point of the Popes headship. There is as much truth amongst themselues as to refute their new bredAzor. Instit part. 2. l▪ 5. c Alvar. Pelag de planct. Ec­clesiae fol. 7 col. 4. Ibid. fol. 2— In omnibus. Per omnia. Ante omnia. Supra omnia. Articles of faith. Asorius is sufficient: Facta pontificum rem fidei non faciunt▪ faciunt tamen probabiliorem sententiam. If the Popes doing make not rem fidei a Matter of faith how can it make a thing de fide an Article of faith, and that a prime one.

I will close this point with Alvarez strange positions [Page 25] of this head. Maioritas Papae that the Popes greatnes is in all by all, before all, and aboue all Christians, This might suf­fice, but we shall haue more. Papa est Deus imperatoris, the Pope is the Emperours god. And yet more blasphemouslie, sicut Deus, as God cannot set a god aboue himselfe, so the Pope cannot set an equall to himselfe. These and other like blasphemies they suffer to stand in print, albeit they purge out better things by their Indices Expurgato­rii: And when Paul the fift was latelie called, Vice-Deus a Vice-God by▪ Thomas Carafa and Benedictus, and offence was taken at these Titles by Plessie, and other Prote­stants;A [...] 160 [...] the Consistorie tooke it in their considerations to moderate them: But the Pope stayed all moderation, and said, That no more was in these Titles, than agreed to Peters successour. Thus their Head is farre from found judge­ment, when hee will suffer no mitigation of the blasphe­mous titles of his Headship.

CHAP. VIII. That the end of the Popes Vsur­pation is his Monarchie.

HIs end in all this Vsurpation is; hee will, hee must be a Monarch: At the beginning hee was subiect to Emperours as well as other men. Pontifex ijs subjectu [...] e­ [...]at non minus quam cateri▪ homines. Bell. Rom. Pontif. 2. 29. As the Popes submis­siue and humble Letters to Princes beares, as shall bee seene heereafter. Next they aspired to an equalitie, as Symmachus with the Emperour Anastasius▪ Ita (que) non dicam superior, cer [...]è aqualis honor est, I will not say, it is a superiour, but certainelie it is an equall honour. But they knew that Equalitie of power cannot well stand▪ therefore they as­cended[b] Symma­chus Biblioth. Pa [...]r. Tom. 3. col. 195. in end to a Superioritie. So Gregorie the seventh to Henrie the fourt. And Hadrian to Friderick, who was [Page 26] angrie that hee preferred his name to his: This was farre from Gregorie the first, who reproved a noble woman for cal­ling her selfe his hand-maide. Gregor. l. 9. Epist. 28 For this cause they are not content with the Myter as Church-men, but weare the Crowne, which they call Regnum. Innocent. 3. Serm. 1. Si­gibert [...]an 550 And Hildebrand hath decreede, Quod solus Papa potest vti imperialibus insignibus: That the Pope alone may vse imperiall Ensignes: And hee hath a triple Crowne, to tell that hee is greater than all the Kings of the Earth in glorie and authoritie. Merito tri plicem▪ coronā capiti aptavit &c Vestan▪ pag 186 This they make plainer by a strange collation, making themselues to bee all, and Kings but as cyphers: For tempo­ralis potestas est in Rege, ut administrante: But they put it in the Pope in fiue respects: Bellar, Rom. Pont. l. 5. c. 5. & 7 The first, as in confe­rente, by Election. Next as in confirmante, by Corona­tion. The next three, as in iudicante, dirigente, & corri­gente, or in respect of his administration; And what is that one small entres, in respect of these fiue, in the hand of an vsurping and emulous power? And Marta Marta ju­r [...]sd part▪ 1. c. 21. n. 29. Ipse est quasi Rex Schacharum. cal­leth them, but Ciphers indeed affirming that the Greeke Emperour is but as the Kings of the Chesse, having nothing but names and titles without the Pope. That is, except they hold and keepe their Crownes of him, they are but as Chesse-men to bee placed or displaced at his pleasure.

But how can hee clame a Kingdome as Christs Succes­sour, seeing Christ said to Pilate, My Kingdome is not of this world? And when the people would haue made him a Io. 6. August. ibid. Tract. 25. Am l. 5. Epist. 33 King, hee fled, and hid himselfe. And when Sathan offe­red him all the Kingdomes of the earth he refused. The Pope must seeke another Precedent then Christ, to proue the lawfulnes of his Kingdome. And another author than God, to wit, the Prince of the World whom Christ re­fused, But the Pope hath taken him at his Word, and ful­filled the condition of worshipping him; in respect1 Cor. 8 that idolatrie whereof hee is the Father and Foster in Europe, is a worshipping of devils.

[Page 27]Their owne confession is sufficient for vs: Christ as a mortall man had not a temporall Kingdome, neither hath the pope as Christs Vicar any such a kingdome. Christ [...] non habuit vl [...] lum tempora­le [...]egnum, &c Bellar. Rom. Pont. l. 5. c. 4 In respect then of all this proud Vsurpation against Gods word, right, & Conscience, it was no wonder that their famous Pain­ter Raphael Urbinas painted S. Peter, and S. Paul too ru­die, and beeing asked, why hee did so? Hee answered, That hee keeped the decorum of his craft, for hee was assured that now they were blushing in Heaven at the wickednesse of their Successours on Earth. And a Frier, preaching be­fore the Pope and his Cardinals, when hee saw their pompe and glorie, said nothing in the Pulpet, but repea­ted these words Phy Peter▪ phy Paul: And beeing deman­ded what hee meaned thereby? answeared, That hee thought Peter and Paul were sillie men, who ranne through the world preaching in great distresse, whereas their Successours equalled and excee [...]ed Kings in ease, wealth, and honour. But if that Pope had knowne the late Divinitie, hee might haue answered, that scoffing Frier with Bellarmine Bellar▪ Recog. pag. 21 Pascere est re [...] gi [...] more im­perare. That to to feede Christs Flocke is not to preach like Apostles, but to rule as Kings: Therefore Spalato calleth it miri [...]icum pasce a wonderfull pasce that admittteth so many diverse and contrar senses. It is to them as the Philosophers stone tur­ning all mettals in gold: There is neither Heresie nor tyrannie, but it is turned in truth and equitie, so soone as it is touched with this wonderfull Pasce.

They mynde nothing but a Kingdome, therefore the Miter is called Regnum and Peters priviledges, Petri reg­alia. This is the extract of old Rome, who Romanis proprium est libido domi­nandi. Aug. [...]ivit. 1. 33 Ibid. lib. 1. c. 1 were caryed with desire of Governement, and yet that same desire ruled over them, and made them slaues: So the later Rome are slaues to their owne pride, and verifie Chams curse in the Pope, Servant of Servants, while his ambitiō com­mandeth him. Heerein hee loseth more than hee gai­n [...]th, while hee turneth from Spirituall things to temporall [Page 28] and falleth in that shamefull change, whereof Bernard speaketh, Turpis est mutatio a coe­lestibus ad ter rena Bernard Cant ser. 35 that to change from heavenly to earthly things, is vyle. Hee knew the Romane pride by their pulse, when hee feared that the desire of reigning would pervert him Bernard. Consid. lib. 3 Matth 6. In their speculations, they make the spirituall state a sub­stantiue and the temporall state, an adiectiue vpon Christs words, ista adijcientur vobis, these things shall bee casten to you. And Carerius thinketh it a good argument, for ex­alting the Pope aboue Princes: But heere they turne the Adiectiue in a Substantiue, when they lay a [...]side Spiritua­litie for Temporalitie: And Alvarez Pelagius Alvar. Pe lag. 1. 62. fol. 58. Planum est in terdicitur do minatus. said, that as Christ had Divinitie and Humanitie so the Pope had Spiritualitie and Temporalitie. Why then forsaketh hee that Divinitie, and turneth all humane? Bernard told, that Domination was forbidden them: And Ambrose Purpura Imperatorem decet. &c. Ambros. lib 5 Epist. 33 Anima hu­mana &c. August. Epist. 1. 19. cap. 5 Th [...]los. Syn­tag. 1827 that the Purpure set the Emperour, but not the Priest: And in a­nother place, that Impyres were rather given by Priests, than vsurped. Saint Austins Allegorie of the Moone a­greeth to them: The foolish is changed as the Moone, for when mans soule falleth from the Sunne of Righteousnesse, it turneth all its force on earthly things: Let them ly still on the earth, to the which they cl [...]ue.

But if hee must bee an Emperour, and so called, let him haue it in the true Notion. Plinie sayeth, that hee is an Emperour who hath slaine many with his owne hands. And Cicero conformely, that hee is an Emperour, who hath killed one thousand, or two thousand with his owne hand: And Uarro defineth an Emperour, who oppresseth his Enimyes. According to these notions wee grant him to bee an Emperour, for after Uarro, hee oppresseth all his Gainsay­ers, and over-reacheth Plinie and Ciceroes definition, be­cause hee boasteth of it, as a priviledge, that hee may cary Dist [...] 40 c. 5 S [...] Papa. millions of Soules to hell without controlment. Heerein he is worse than the Frank [...] arbitrians; for they pleade libertie to runne to hell alone, but hee caryeth millions with [Page 29] him. Such a roving commeth of his pride, but Gods providence made them choose such an instance of the ca­rying of so many Soules, that they might reveale the Trueth in the fume of a volant discourse, for hee doeth so indeede as hee boasteth. But hee shall finde an answere from A­ponius, Ante Tribunal aeterni Iudicis, tantarum animarum sacrilegio condemnabitur: Hee shall bee damned for the losse Apo [...]. in C [...]t lib. 1 Aug. Civit. 4. 23. of so many Soules, before the Tribunal of God.

Saint Austine noteth, that old Rome did not count felicitie for a Goddesse before Lucullus tyme: when their ci­vile happinesse gote a deadly wound, by Sylla and Marius strife, they smoothed that reall miserie, with that imagi­narie Goddesse. So when Hildebrands pride had over­throwne the peace of Church and State, hee soothed all with the name of a Kingdome, and Ecclesiastick libertie.

CHAP. IX. And first the Negatiue proofe thereof.

THis much of the Matter of Vsurpation: Followeth—Ante p [...]a [...]eam hester num— [...]quā ipsanovellitas Praxea h [...]ster ni—Id esse verum, quod­cunq [...]e pri­mum & adul­terinum quod cunque poste­rius. Tertul. advers. Prax. cap. 2 the noveltie of it. Our Lord Iesus Christ prescryved against the Errours of Scribes and Pharisees, by this that ab initio non fuit sic, it was not so from the beginning: And the Apostle Iude following that rule, calleth the Christi­an faith; fidem semel traditam, faith once delyvered; that needeth no addition of new articles. And the Ancients vsed this praescription against Hereticks, who could not pleade antiquitie, and praescription of tyme. So Tertul­lian (a) after that hee had set downe the summe of faith. That this rule (sayeth hee) hath runne from the beginning [Page 30] of the Gospell, even before former Hereticks, much more before thee Praxeas, who was yesterday: Both the latenes of Hereticks, and the Noveltie of Praxeas a yesterday-man will proue. Whereby it is equally prejudged against all hae­resies, that that is true which is first: And that is false that is last. And Hilarius Quicquid a [...]ud te est pra ter vnam fidē persidia, non fides est. Hilar contr. Constā. against Constantius, what ever is with thee beside that one faith, it is perfidie, and not faith. They know the force of this prescription, and for esche­wing of it, maintaine both a current, or ambulatorie faith, and an vnbounded power in their Church, to expone Spal. lib. 7 cap. 12 Scripture according to time, Scriptura secundum cur re [...]tē vniver­salem ritum exponendia, Cusan. Epist. 2 ad Bohemos and their Mitigators helpe them in this straite with their new Maxime, that haeresis non est in excessu, sed defectu, that haeresie is not in ex­cesse, but defect, as though it were not an heresie to haue mo Gods, but to deny the true God: Or as though it were no deformitie to a mans body to haue three or foure hands, but only to want one.

By this rule of prescription, wee finde their Vsurpati­on to be a Novaltie, and that both negatiuely and positiue­ly. Negatiuely, because it was not so from the begin­ning, for a thousand yeares, as shall bee seene in this in­duction. First, not before Christ, for then the high Priest (though a Type of Christ) and bearing the Vrim and Thummum was subiect to their Kings. Secondly, not in Christs tyme; for hee vsed no such temporall power, as they themselues confesse. In his Mothers wombe he sub­ [...]ected himselfe to the Emperours edict, and went to Beth­leem, Luke. 2 and in that one Act fulfilled both his Fathers pro­phesie, to bee borne in Bethleem, and obeyed the Empe­rours Edict, in going to his Familie to bee taxed. Af­ter his birth, he yeelded to Herods cruelty, who sought to kill him and fled to Egypt, whereas hee might haue de­stroyed Herod, if hee pleased: Hee was subiect to his supo­sed Father, and commanded to giue to Caesar the things of Caesars, and payed tribute to himselfe.

[Page 31]Thirdlie, not by his Disciples, for they followed his ex­ample and command: Paul▪ commandeth everie soule to Rom. 13. 1. Tit. 3. 1. 1 Pet. 2. 13. 14 bee subiect to superiour powers: Put them in minde to bee sub­iect to principalities and powers: And appealed to Nero, though hee was a tyrant: And Peter from whom they fetch all this power, commands vs to bee subiect to authoritie for the Lords sake, whither it bee to Kings as supreme: And all of them submitted themselues to Princes, they neither in­veyed against them, neither stirred vp people to rebell, but patientlie suffered Martyrdome.

Fourthlie, not the Primitiue Church, though we take it for the first Ages: They followed Christ and his Apo­stles in doctrine and practice; They suffered persecution, and did neither practise against their persons nor their estates: So Tertulian: Christians were never found Albin­ans, nor Nigrians, or Cassians, &c.—A Christian is enemie to no man, farrelesse to the Emperour, whom know­ing to bee appointed of God; it is necessar that hee loue, reve­rence, and honour him, &c. Christia­nus null [...]us est hostis, &c. Tertul. ad Scapul. c. 2 And againe, wee incall the eternall the true and living God, for the saftie of Emperours. And thus these Fathers did both to approue themselues to God, & to cleare the Christian Religion from the ca­lumnies of Pagans, who charged it with sedition and rebellion: Nos pro sa lute Impera [...]o­rum, Deum in vocamus aeter­num. A­pol. c. 30 But these godly Fathers let them see that Christ commanded his people subjection and obedience to authoritie. And so a zealous Papist Gregor Tho los. de Repub. l. 26. c. 7 n. 10 Christianos se ab eo dicerent appellari, cu­jus sit Hoc pi­ [...]ssimum dog ma▪ vt Magi­stratui pare­a [...]t. Ibid. remarketh that from the death of Christ to Diocletian, for the space of three hundreth years, albeit the Christians suffred innumerable and cruel torments, so that twentie thousand were killed at once, and some times whole cities destroyed, yet it is no where red that Christians (albeit equall in number and power) did attempt any thing against the Lawes, or the Magistrate, or his Security, or any wayes rebelled, & by this argument shew that their Religion should bee embraced—And that they were called Christians from him whose holy precept was this to obey [Page 32] the Magistrate. And Tertullian long before him. Wee are forbidden to wish ill, doe ill, speake ill, to thinke ill of any Malèvelle—eo forsi [...] an ma jus nec in ip sum qui per Deum tantus est. Tertul. [...] ­pol. 36.—that which wee may not doe against any, farre lesse may wee doe against him (to wit, the Emperour) who is so great by Gods ordinance.

Fiftlie: Not the Fathers of the following Ages, who though they vsed popular comparisons of the Pastorall and princelie calling, that the Pastorall excelled the o­ther as far as the Soule did the Bodie; Gold did Lead; and the Nazianzen. Chrysostom. Ambros. Heaven did Earth. Yet they never dreamed of the Popes abuse of their comparisons: But in their practice (how ever the Trueth held in the callings) Nazianzene, Chry­sostome, See heereaf­ter, chap. 21 and Ambrose, were most obedient to Princes, Ambrose alone will serue in the two great instances of censuring the Emperour, and answering his vnjust com­mand: For the first, hee abstained Theodosius rather than excommunicate him: For the second, hee refused to ren­der the Churches of God to the Arians: In the first, heeRogam [...]s Au­guste non pug­namus. did not depose Theodosius, or absolue people from his obedience as Popes doe. In the second, hee did not fight, but pray and request.

Lastlie: Not the Popes of the first Ages, for they all gaue odedience as Bellarmine confesseth. When the Empe­rours were Heathen, the Pope was not their Iudge but contra­riewise subiect to them in al civill causes, no les than other men. Quo tem­pore Principes erant Ethni [...]i &c Bell. Rom Pont. l 2. c. 29 And after that Emperours were Christians, the Popes gaue them that same respect. As Leo the [...], zealous enough for greatnesse, writing to the Empr [...]s Pulcheria, I intreate thee that thou wouldst daigne to present our Supplication to the most clement Emperour. Supplicatio onem nostram &c Leo epist. 26. And againe, to Eudoxia, I haue most humbl [...]e supplicate. Suppliciter postulav [...]. [...]dē ad Eudoxia [...] And to Martianus (d)(e) Omnibus modis paren­ [...] est piet [...] te vestra. Leo. Epist. 44 By all meanes wee ought to obey your Pietie. And he praiseth his zeale for the Christian Faith, and that hee found a prince­lie affection in a most Christian Prince. Hee craveth also the gathering of the Chalcedon Councell, Epist. 7 and that hee [Page 33] would compell a Bishop to returne to the profession of his faith▪ (f) Epist. 58 (e) And that hee would vse his power in matters of Re­ligion Epist 75 In like manner to Leo the Emperour. I recei­ved the Letters of your Clemencie which I am willing to obey. Epist [...]5 And acknowledge in a word, that per vos in totius Ecclesiae salutem operatur Spiritus Sanctus. Epist. 78 Serenis [...]me Domine quod ad me att [...]net jussionibus o be [...]entiam pr [...]beo. Lib. 4 Epist. 32 Lib 7 Epist. 1 Si c [...]de homi­num v [...]ndica re me voluis sem. Aut haec non legunt, &c Erasm in scho [...]d Ctefiphon O [...]m aurei sa­cerdotes ligne­is ministra bant vasis. &c Gratian de Consecrat▪ Can Vasa in quibus. Gratian ca [...]s. 23 quest. 5. c. 24. Hieron tit. c. 2 Qui non est subiectus - in nullo fidem bo­nam extendit. That by you the holy Spirit worketh for the saftie of the whole Church. And Gregorie the first, to Mauritus: Most glorious Lord, so far as concerneth mee, I giue obedience to your commandements. And speaking of the Longobards, who were but vsur­pers: If I would haue revenged my selfe by the slaughter of men, the Longobards this day had not beene extant. I must say to usurping Popes, as Erasmus did to the Sophists of his ti ne concerning Ieromes graue censure of such, who spiced and powdred divinitie with Philosophie. Either they read not these things, or else preferre their owne opinion vnto Ieromes. So say I, that the later Popes, either read not these speeches of the olde Popes, or else prefer their judgement to theirs.

Why then haue the later Popes departed from the ex­ample of the former and better times, and of their own predecessours? They can giue none other reason, but to acknowledge their Donatisme or Anabaptisme. There­fore as their Canon Law spake of the Eucharist, old golden priests did minister in treene vessell, but treene priestes Mini­ster in golden vessell: So wee may say, that of old golden Popes were subiect to Emperous: But now idole and treene Popes usurpe on Emperours. If Gratian affirme rightly out of Ierome that to obey Princes is a demon­stration of faith, it will follow that the Popes Usurpation over them, is a demonstration of persidie. The olde Popes spake, and did like Protestants and Christians in this point: But the later Popes haue taken vp an Antichri­stian style and practice.

CHAP. X. Of their exceptions against the Practise of the primitiue obedience.

THis practice of the former times torments them; and therefore they preasse to elide it by fiue shifts. The first is, That the Apostles and Fathers of the first times had the same right, but lacked power to vse it, and were affrayed to make sturres in the Estate. Quod Chri stiani olim nō deposuerant Neronem,—id fuit quia deerant vires temporales, &c. Bel. Rom Pont. l. 5. c. & contra Barcl. cap. 6 I might answere Bellar­mine with his owne words: That it is rediculous to giue a right, and not a power to vse it: Bellar. I­bid. Ridiculū est tale ius de­disse, & non facultatem v­tendi. And the forenamed blasphemies of Suarez, Bertrandus, Rodericus, serue to stoppe their mouths. But I answere directlie: That this exception is false in it selfe; for these first times had suffici­ent power to represse enemies, but had no will. So Tertullian Externi s [...]mus, &c. Tertull. Apo­loget. 37. Wee are strangers, and haue filled all your places, your Townes, Yles, Castles, Villages, meetings, your Camps, Courts, Palaces, Senat and Market. Wee haue left to you the Temples onelie—If wee had taken from you such a mul­titude, the losse of many Citizens had confounded your Impyre, and had punished you with destitution. Doubtlesse you had beene ashamed at your solitude. In like manner, Eusebius Euseb. hist Eccles lib. 8 telleth that innumerable multitudes of Christians assem­bled euery where, even in the time of Diocletian. And in another place: That Diocletian and Maximinian saw that almost all mortall men forsooke the worshippe of the gods, and ioyned themselues to Christians. And most clearelie Augu­stine. Et haberet agmina po­pulorum, &c. Civit. lib. 22 c. 6. LudViv. ibid fuisse. Although Christs citie had infinite multitudes of peo­ple, yet shee fought not against her wicked persecuters, &c.

And Iulians instance is peremptorie, both for the obe­dience of Christians, & their power: For the first, he was an Apostate; hee persecuted the Christians, and specia­lie [Page 35] Athanasius, whom hee called, the enemie of the gods, Iulian pag 259 & 258. he charged the Religion with madnesse, that it destroyed all, Ibid. 159 Hee discharged Schoole-masters to expone Greek Au­thours to Children, vnlesse they would worshippe these gods whom the Poets and Philosophers did worshippe. Ibid p 304 As Au­gustine observeth. Confess. lib. 8. cap. 5. Hee tooke a­way violentlie the Christians riches, and said sco [...]finglie, he would helpe them to obey their wonderfull Law, in making them readie to goe to Heaven. Pag. 300 Hee mocked the people of Alexandria, that they vvere so farre degenerate as to serue the Hebrewes, whose fathers in Egypt were slaues to theirs. Pag. 300 Heere was a matter to provocke the Christi­ans. And next, for their Forces, they were most power­full, for Constantius before him, had cassered all the hea­then(f) Pagani di cti quasi eodē fonte potan­tes, Baron▪ Martyrol. Ia­nuar. 21 from the wars, and setled thein Villages, or Pages neere vnto wells, wherefra they are called Pagani or Pa­gans vnto this day. So they had force enough, when the remnant bodie of the Armie were all Christians. And for Captaines, they had Iovian who succeeded him, and Valentinian whom hee banished, for refusing to offer incense to idoles, and other religious Captaines to set vp against him, and yet there was not in all his ReigneIulian. any such atempt; They bare their crosse patiently, and left the flying cloud to Gods punishment.

Next, this exception chargeth the Primitiue Church with many faults: As Ignorance, that they knew not their right: And Feeblenesse, that they drust not vse it: Of Prevarication, that they neglected to plead that greatest Article of Faith, And of Infirmitie, that they neither knew the right, nor had power to maintaine it. And so putteth it many degrees behind the Church in latter times. And if they commend their wisedome in ceasing from the vse of their power, for feare of sturres, that con­vinceth them, for there was as great sturres in Hildebrands time, as would haue beene before, if Christians had vsed [Page 36] their power. And what sturres see wee presentlie in Eu­rope for the vrging of their Monarchie? It were wise­dome in them to follow Augustines counsell, which they haue put in their Canon Law. Non potest esse sa lubris correp­tio, &c. Au gust contra e pist. Parmen lib. 3 c 2. Ca­non. Non po test. 23 quaest 4 Eudaem Apol. Garnet p. 170 that Correction cannot bee profitable, but when hee who is corrected hath not a mul­titude ioyned vnto him This shift discovereth them that they want not will, but power and occasion to worke mis­chiefe, and that the peace they gaue to Princes and Pro­testants is but rebus stantibus ut nunc. Some times they turne their f [...]ct in a right, some times their power, and so proclame to the world, that crueltie not equitie ruleth them.

Their second shift is, that these first times called them more to Martyrdome, than to represse Princes, Ea tunc erant tempora vt potius ad Martyriū sub e [...]ndem, &c. Romul. vel po­tius Bel cōtra Barclatū. c. 6 But that convicteth them also, for if these auncients did well in suffering, rather than to raise vproares: Why doe not they the like? It is onelie their earthly minde that teacheth them this Martyrifugium by Regicidium, to flee Martyrdome by massacring Kings: And by their owne confession they choose to bee milites potius quam Mar­tyrs, Souldirs rather than sufferers, and so haue neither that same Religion that these Auncients had, nor that same disposition.

Their third shift is from Merite: That these Auncients were not oblidged to obey infidell Princes, so that their obe­dience was meritorious, and that they who did the worke manfullie in resist [...]g Princes, doe no lesse merite: Et si max­imè fuit opus meritorium, ad id tamen non teneban­tur. Iesuit. Si carius. c. 12. It is a strange n [...]erite that hath such a latitude in one thing both to obey and disobey: And more that the command to obey these Princes, was not ordinar to bind at all times, but extraordinar as the command given to the Israelites, to borrow silver and gold of the Egyptians. But the Apostles giue commandements for obedience, binding all per­sons, and at all times: Mandatū per [...]eremiam vt subij [...]iant se Regi. &c. Ibid. cap. 13 And it is as strange how they who boast of Merites, and haue devised Counsels to in­large [Page 37] the matter of Merite and Supererogation, doe shift so great a command of patient suffering, where according to their Doctrine, they may haue great Merite.

Their fourth shift is, that there was no matter, or subiect of the vse of their power, because then there was no Christian Emperours. Suarez. de [...]en 43. c 23 n. 4 Non fu­it materia v­sus. But Bellarmine refuteth this, because there was then Philippus a Christian Emperour: Lucius a Britaine King, and Donald the first Christian King of this Nation Bell cōtra Barcl▪ c. 17 There was no such processing of these Christian Princes as now. Shall wee thinke that infidell Princes were a guard to these Christian Princes? Or rather that Rome is now become insolent to abuse Christian Princes more, because their number is now greater in Europe.

Their last shift is made by Alcaser the Iesuite. That these Fathers did dissemble in a private habite. Dissimula tioni se accom modantes & tempori ser vientes. Alca ser. Apoc l. 19 This is like Bellarmines censu [...]e of Gregorie the first, that his sub­iection to Maurice the Emperour was partly compelled of hu­militie. partlie of necessitie, and that it was not of due, but compelled. Obedien­tia quam S. Gregor. Mau ritio exhibebat non fuit debi­ta, sed coacta Bellar. recog. p. 25. 16 VValdensis also hath the like censure of him, that hee honoured the Emperour, but by way of complement, and for the fashion. This is worse than anie of the former shifts, to damne the Pietie and humble obedience of the Auncients, vnder the name of dissimu­lation.

They rubbe on these Ancients their owne doublenesse, who like Solomons whoore can suffer the Babe to bee divy­ded, and that not in obedience only, but in religious worshippe: For Pope Pius 5. sent Medalls to the English recusants, with this Circumscription, Da mihi fili mi cor tuum, & suf­ficit, My sonne giue me thy heart, and it sufficeth. He gaue them libertie to bee present at the exercise of our Reli­gion,Regem sibiver bo [...]euus prae­posuit Wal­dens. lib 2. art. 3. cap 75 if they keeped their heart to him and his Masse. Heerein also they trode vnder foote the Godlinesse of Gre­gorie, the first to hold vp the pride of Gregorie the seventh, [Page 38] and to preoccupie the Reader, least the grace of these an­cients should condemne the ambition of their Successors. If Gregories obedience was but dissimulation, how dee­per hypocrisie is theres, who borrow his stile of Servant of Servants, and yet trode vpon Princes? If for his lear­ning and pietie hee bee called Gregorie the Great; what degree shall they haue, who in Ignorance, Pride, and pro­fainesse, are contrare to him? Heerein also they show, how little they count of Fathers: They crie everie where in their wrytes, Patres, Patres, the Fathers, the Fathers, & yet they accuse them of dissimulation, praevarication, &c. Cham covered his Fathers nakednesse; but they call that nakednesse in Fathers, which is their glorie; and declare what Duraeus spake of their doctrine, Neque enim Patr [...]s censentur, cum suum aliquod quod ab Ecclesia Duraeus lib. 5 pag. 140 non acceperunt, vel scribunt, vel docent: That they are not to bee counted Fathers, when they write, or teach any thing of their owne, which they haue not receaved from the Church of Rome. In like manner Gretzer speaking of Bertrame, Hee who feedeth not the Church with wholesome foode, is not a Father, but a Non pater sed Vitricus est, Gretzer▪ de lur prohi­bent. lib. 2. c. 10. Step-father. This is it that Gregorie Mutis a mici, [...]oque [...]ti­b [...] adversarij Quo modo po test malus li­tigator lauda [...] re judices qui bus [...]udicanti [...] b [...]s [...]ic [...]us [...]st. sayeth of Hereticks, that are they friendly to them that are dumbe; but enemyes to them when they speake. Wee neede no more proofe of their contempt of the Fathers, than Sixtus Senensis Bibliotheck. But I close this point with S. Augustine against the Donatists, How can an evill plea­der praise the Iudges, by whose iust iudgement hee is over come?

But they might borrow a better shift than these from Gratian: Gratian. distinct. 63. C. Qu [...]a. speaking of the Election of former Popes, done by Emperours, but now by the Popes creatures in the Conclaue: That the Church hath authoritie to abrogate such customes as in former times were without fault, but after­ward turned to errour or superstition. So be like the sub­iection of old Popes (as the brasen Serpent) was turned [Page 39] in abuse, and therefore must bee turned in rebellion. And Azorius telleth as much, that Gregorie called Mau­ritius his Lord, and was subiect to him not of right but of force, sicuti Paganis olim subiecti erant Sacerdotes Christi­ani. Azor▪ part. 2. lib. 10 c. 6. in [...]ine. In the meane time wee haue gained this point of them, that in the first Ages their Usurpation was nei­ther in doctrine nor practice: And that wee who obey Princes proue the successours of these pious and obedient Fathers, VVhile they proue successours of the Heathen Priests, who on everie miscontentment cutted off their Princes.

CHAP. IX. Of the proofe of their positiue NOveltie: Or of Hildebrands contention.

FOlloweth that wee proue positiuely the Noveltie of this Usurpation, which wee affirme to haue begunne with Hildebrand: They call it old indeede: This Theologie of the Iesuites is not new, but most auncient: Theologia haec Iesuita­rum, non est nov [...], sed an­tiquissima. Bell. Apol. c. 6. pag. 90. And the Iesuits in their Apologie againe the Behemians, rest not on that indefinitenesse, but affirme their Doctrine to haue stood 1610. yeares. Lau. Aust. pag. 44 But when hee commeth to muster his forces to proue that Antiquitie, hee beginneth at Gregorie the seventh Primus i­g [...]tur prodeat S. Gregorius 7. Bellar cō ­tra Barcla [...] um pag. 6 who entred to the Popedome about the 1073. and so at the first encounter hee passeth a thou­sand yeeres and more: Hee stumbleth in the threshold of his dispute, and seeth not a contradiction in that his first reason; primus prodeat septimus, first let the seventh come foorth: The seventh in order argues not a prioritie, but a posterioritie and a noveltie. Though hee had be­gunne at Gregorie the first, it had not proven true Anti­quitie, yet seeing hee passeth sex Gregories in silence, he telleth that they were named by that watchfull name in [Page 40] vaine, in betraying the Ecclesiasticke libertie, and that[c] Lego▪ & relego Roma norum▪ &c. Lib. 6. c. 10 this seventh Gregorie, did first a wake to defend it.

The next proofe is Otho Frisingensis, I read and read over againe (saith hee) the doings of the Emperours, but I finde none of them excommunicate or deprived of their King­dome by the Pope, before Henrie the fourth. This Bellar­mine Bell. cōtra Barcla [...]um presseth to refute, but in vaine: For Onuphrius Primus omnium Rom Pont Gregor. 7 &c. O [...]uph l. 4. de Car. creat. Res ante ea secula inaudi­ta. as zealous for the Pope as hee, and a better antiqua­ [...]ie confirmeth it, Gregorie the seventh, the first of all the Popes, trusting to the forces of the Normanes, &c. Beside the custome of the Auncients contemning the authoritie of the Emperour, was so bold as to excommunicate Caesar himselfe, and depriue him of his Kingdome. A thing not heard of before that time. And where their best reason to proue the pra­ctise of it before Hildebrands time, is taken from some practise against Arcadius, Anastasius, and Leo Empe­rours. Onuphrius sheweth the vanitie of that alled­geance in calling them fables not to be respected. In like manner Eberhardus, as he is alledged by Aventine. Hildebran. priv [...] specie religionis An tichristi impe­rij fundamen ta jecit. A vēt lib. 7 p. 684. Hildebrand before an 170 yeares, was the first who layed the foundation of Antichrists Impyre vnder colour of Religion.

Baronius also confesseth as much, when hee prefaceth that contentioun: Gregorie (sayeth hee) began Gregorius [...] constantia­nimo &c. Baron. Spalat. lib. 6 c 7. [...]. 59 a con­troversie with a constant mynde, (although hee knew all Christian Princes would bee his a iversaries) yet with a mightie Spirit that could not yeelde, hee enterprised a matter verie hard, and which could not bee compassed by humane power. If it was so hard a worke, (as he truely calleth it) then it was not ancient, for long practise would haue made it easie. Lessius Apud Wi thring▪ dis­cuss. p [...]90. would make vs belieue, that Kings and Emperours followed that doctrine without any doub­ting. But Azorius Magnam semper fuisse [...]er [...]mpera­tores, &c. A­zor▪ part. 2 apud Witbrig pag. 65. contradicteth him, affirming▪ that there was ever a great controversie amongst Princes, and the Popes concerning their power in depryving King [...]. So Azori­us expoundeth the cause of Baronius difficultie, to bee [Page 41] the opposition of Princes. And Baronius confessed diffi­cultie proveth the noveltie of the matter: Hee insinua­teth also the same in his Votum, to Paul the fifth, a­gainst the Venetians, when Exulto spiritu, videns &c. Baron. vot. ad Paul 5 hee testifyeth his ioy, be­cause Exulto Spiri­tu videns—vindices col­lapsa liberta­tis. hee saw in Peters chaire another Gregorie the seventh, or Alexander the third, who were the chiefe defenders of Ec­clesiasticke libertie.

But the contentioun it selfe will cleare the matter: forContention of Hildebr. with the Emperour. there is not in al the storie a more remarkable poynt, than this fearefull collision of these two powers, in Henrie the fourth, and Hildebrand. When they respected others in loue, they were comfortable to other, as in Constantine and Sylvester, Maurice and Gregorie, &c. But when they rubbed one other, both Churches and Policie smarted. They had sundrie other rubbes in former times, but never one like that. The Emperour thought that the question was no lesse, than the standing or ruine of the Im­pire, Imperij e­nim velonium no tollendi▪ &c. Onuph. vit. Gregor. 7. And Gregorie thought lykewise of the standing, or ruine of the Church. The Emperour pleaded Prescripti­on, because from the dayes of Charles the great, vnder threescore Popes and moe, it was in vse: And Necessitie because by loosing the Investures, hee would lose a great of the Impyre; for when Charles the great gote that pri­viledge, the Pope and Prelats were poore: But thereaf­ter both Kings and Emperours enriched the Church, be­cause they had the investiture in their owne hands. Besides when Princes had investitures, scarcely could Prelates be keeped in Subjection; but if they were put in the Popes hands, they would make many Enemyes in the Impire: so Onuphrius stateth the question.

But in the multitude of so many Historians affected to one of the parties, this much may bee gathered; That the Emperour beside his personall faults gaue occasion to Hilde­brand, to make some sturre Episcopa­tus totius Ger­maniae in au­la sua partim venales▪ par­tim predae ex­positos habuit. Calvin. Inst. l 4 c 10 n 33.. Hee abused the power of in­vestiture, in passing by the voice of the Church, and giving [Page 42] Prelacies and Dignities to the vnworthie, whom flatterie or bryberie; or such by respects commended vnto him Hee gaue them as rewards for bygone service, or ingagements for ser­vice to come. And at his Court, Church benefites were either saleable, or exposed to prey. Heereof Hildebrand tooke occasion to worke, that hee had long desired, hee made a strong faction both of Church men, and Poli­ticks against the Emperour, and draue him in that straitPlat. vita Gregorr. 7. to make such a foule agreement at Canusium, as no man can patiently reade of, and thereafter put all Europe in dissention and blood.

They divyded the trueth, and each of them had both The quaesti­on betwixt them. right and wrong on his side: The Emperour had right to the Investitures, but erred foully in their abuse; and brought in ignorant and fleshlie men, in the chiefe places of the Church, who overthrew both Religion and State: The Pope had iust cause to quarrell that abuse, but no right to clame the investitures, and farre lesse to oppose seditious­ly, and trode downe the Emperour. This was a conse­quent of too large dotations: The Dotars were Patrons of the Church rent, and some, abusing the Patronage, did marre the spiritualitie of the entrie of the Pastours: So the Benefice drew the office after it, and the Investiture the Daughter of Donations bred this strife, and corrupt entrie in some. But wise Princes haue made some pro­vision against such corruption, in giving the Church her place in election, and it is best when Church and Patrons goe together. The mysterie of iniquitie was then com­ming to rypenesse, and Sathan had provyded one to hatch that egge of Antichrist, whose seedes were layed in the Apostles times, and that omnious accident in Rome of a Bird that layed an egge with a Serpent, was so ex­pounded [...] l. 5 by many, that the Apostolicke Sea had hat­ched the Cokatrice egge, and brought out a Serpent to destroy the Impyre.

[Page 43]Wee may passe the things imputed to him by his ene­mies: Benn [...] Cardinalis. Sigibert Gem­la [...]. Matth. Paris. Waltran. As his fornication with Mathildis, the great vrger of Chastitie, to bee familiar with that Countesse, (lik Cremensis the Popes Legate, vrging Chastity in a Synode at London, was found at night in a Borthell) Or his impietie, in casting the Hostie in the fire: Or his Nacromancie, where­of hee gaue a proofe in that Response: That an vnjust King would bee killed that yeare; hee tooke this to be Henrie the Emperour, but it fell on Rudolph the Vsurper. But even his friends Lambert Ge [...]ochus. Binius. Baronius. Platina. charge him with great sinnes: As his dissimulation, stirring vp Rudolph in Germanie, while Henrie the Emperour was at Rome, fulfilling his injoy­ned pennance. Naucler. Generat. 37 Abbas. Stad. Anno 1076 His idolatrie in incalling the Apostles and blessed Virgine, and commanding them speedilie to execute his decreete against the Emperour. Platin. Gregor. 7 Aventi [...]. Platin.

VVhen hee saw that this made him odious to men; he devysed some courses to mitigate their hatred: Hee sent Apologeticke Letters to excuse him to all men, and preten­ded the zeale of God, in defending the liberties of his Church, which was nothing, but a fleshlie pride of his owne broyling Nature. Hee tooke the lesson from Ste­phanus, (e) Inductum est, vt Rom. [...]ontif &c. Azor part. 2 lib. 5▪ c. 43 who sat a little before him in the Chaire, beeing a Brother of the house of Lorraine, and offended with the Emperour, for hurting of his House, hee tooke that Gentilitious enimitie into Peters Chaire, and made it Peters quarrell: And his Successours finding it there, followed it out as the cause of the Church: Even as they tooke in the Armes and [...]nsignes of their Families.

Next, he pretended great puritie and holinesse and vrged the Chastitie of the Cleargie: This was a faire colour both to cover his too [...]reat homlinesse with the Countesse Machildis, & to make the world think that all was good that came from such an one; but it was a libertie procla­med to Church men, for sundrie of them yeelded to want one wife, that they might meddle with many. Here­by [Page 44] Europe was filled with troubles, and the SacramentsV [...] liceret sex­cent as [...]n [...]re. [...]vent 7 Naucler. Ge norat. 36. 37 ministred by married Priestes were trod vnder [...]ote. This was to vrge and promone the doctrine of divels.

But his third and most politick devyce was the holie warre, which iustlie may bee called, a profaine warre. Hee made faire pretexts to recover these places where Christ was borne: Vbi Chri­sti [...]s operatus est salute [...] in medio terrae. Bin tom. 3. part 2. col. 418 Baron. Anno 1 [...]5 n 34 And lived and wrought our salvation. And to make the matter more plausable, they fained that Petrus Eremita got a Letter from Heaven, B [...]n. vbi supra. Buron. ibid. n: 34. 51 Tyr▪ de bello sacro. lib. 1. [...] 11. & 12 written by Iesus Christ, to stirre vp Christians to that warre, though others are shamed of that fiction, and said, Hee got it by Revelation.

The motiues were as powerfull [...]o a superstitious Age. They offered to all that would goe to that warre. First, Securitie from all troubles vnder the Apostolicke protection Secondly, Exemption from all pennence. B [...]n. vbi supra. Buron. ibid. n: 34. 51 Tyr▪ de bello sacro. lib. 1. [...] 11. & 12 Likwise the going to that warre shal be reputed for all Pennance. Third­lie▪ Rem [...]ssion of all their sinnes. Sub Eccle­sia defensione▪ &c. Bar. 1095 n. 41. 50 For their wages who are in that warre, they shall receiue pardon of all their sinnes. Item illud pro omni pae­ [...]tentia repu [...] tetur, Concil. Claramont. Can. 2. [...]yrius lib. 1. cap. 15 B [...]n [...]us vbi su­pra. 416. 419. 683. 687. Lastlie, Life eternall what ever their former life hath beene. Pro stipen [...] d [...], &c Bar. 1095. n. 41. This hee learned of Mahumet, who bade his fel­lowers defend his Religion by force, promising Paradise to good warriours, whether they were killed or not. Fructum [...]terne merce­dis senon dub [...] [...]āt habi [...]uros.

In all this businesse of the profaine holy warre, they ob­tained their ends both over Church and Policie: Over the Church; they sought to establish their Monarchie over the Patriarkes of the East, as they had done in the West. Over the Policie; because they diverted peoples mindes from prying in their tyrrannie over Princes, and gaue them another matter of talking. They found an errand to send away the most wise and valorous Spirits, of whom they feared greatest opposition at home, as Got­tofred the chiefe Counceller and commander of the Em­p [...]rours Ar [...]ies: That emptying the land of such spirits, they might securelie encroach on emptie King­domes. And all ranne to their maine purpose, to proue [Page 45] their supperiority over Princes, in that they vrged them to Co [...]cil▪ Late [...]an. sub Inn [...] cent 3 apud B [...]n. 696 vow a iourney in Syria, and forced them to obey vnder the feare of excommunication: And so in this new de­vised fansi [...] of an holie warre vsurped an absolute domi­nion over their consciences and crownes.

At his death he repented the wickednesse of his course, as Si­gebert Sigibert Anno 1076. Matth. Pa­ris. pag. 16 and others testifieth▪ when hee was at the last gaspe, hee called to him a Cardinall whom hee loved much, and confessed to God—that hee had sinned greatly in his pastor all charge—and by Sathans instigation had stirred vp hatred and wrath against mankind—And therefore sent the foresaid Confessour to the Emperour and Church to get pardon. Not withstanding of this declaration, yet they denie that Repentance Baron. An. 1085. n. 24 saying, That Sigeberts lie of Gregories repentance, for persecuting of the Emperour, is eli­ded, Comentum Sigeberti de paenitentia Gregorij, de eo quod Henricum fuerit persecutus, eliditur: And they affirme that hee dyed ratifying his former violence. This is the im­p [...]nitent & pertinatious humour of the Roman Church they will neither repent themselues, nor let it be knowne that their predecessiours repent their wickednesse; least they should grant the Pope may erre and their Succes­sours bee forced to forsake the wickednesse of their An­cestours.

As they cannot shew vs a Practice before Hildebrand soMatth. Tor­tus. not any sanction of counsell before the Laterane, in Innocent the thirds time, Bellarmine calleth it maximum & celeber­rimum concilium, because it was all for the Popes Monar­chie:Bellar. Apo. But that statute proues the noveltie of vsurpation for if it was a constant practice before, what needed it then a sanction: But the truth is, the practice was new, and craved a confirmation by a posteriour sanction. A lawlesse practice craved a lawlesse order, first to doe, and then by law to confirme it as right; a direction which Machiavell giveth to his tyrant. That Councell ought [Page 46] to be called as well as the other [...] or a councell of Bri­gands wherein they were both judge and partie, to confirme their owne tyranie.

This was a fitte time to worke such wickednesse, be­cause great darknesse had over whelmed the Church in those Ages, And their Cardinall Ecce s [...]cu­lum inselex. Bellar. Chro­nol. ann 970 cryeth out on these times, Behold, an vnhappie Age, wherein are no famous Writters, no Councells. And Sigebert expresselie, Haec novi­tas nondum in mundo emer­serat, Sigibert ann 108 [...]. Baron. ann. 859. Idem. 845: This noveltie was not as yet risen in the World. And when Bar­das had erected Schooles in Constantinople, they could not finde so many learned men as to teach in them: And in a conference betweene the Greeke and the Romane Church many things were done ignorantlie and confusedlie, be­cause there was but one Interpreter, for all the Colloquutors. The Histories then writtē were full of visions, aparations of spirits, translations of Relicts, to tell that the Religion was dead in the living, when the living were seeking pietie and devotion from the dead.

Therefore this doctrine is justie called by the iudi­cious, K Iames Eliensis. Casaub. Spalato. Doctrina Hildebrandina, an Hildebrandine doctrine, because Hildebrand was the perfecter of it: And though they would fetch it from former times, yet they say as much as wee, when they Baron. Martyrol. Maij 25. call him the most keene defender of Ecclesiasticke libertie. And Onuphrius Totius li­bertatis defe­sorem vnicum Annot. Plat. ad Gregor 7. Vestan. de ose ped. cap. 17 calleth him the onelie defender of all the Ecclesiasticke liber­tie. And when as a Dictator hee set downe his Dictatus, as a platforme of that tyrannie, hee declared that it was his owne device.

Wee neede no more against them than Baronius Baron. ann. 1097. [...] 21, 28 29. 30 arguments in his long digression against the Monarc [...]ie of Sicile: From the weakenesse of the Charter, From the noveltie that it was vnheard in the Church: That the Au­thoritie of the Apostolick Sea was pretended against itselfe: That there could not bee two Monarchs in the Church, because of a deformitie of that bodie: All those argu­ments [Page 47] doe militate more for vs against the Popes Mo­narchie. But Tertulian his challenge is pertinent for vs. Where is Religion? Where is Reverence aue to the Aunci­eunts▪ You haue everie way renounced them. You praise ever Tertul Apo­log. cap. 6. Antiquitie, and yet yee liue newlie. Whereby it is manifest while yee depart from your forefathers institutions, that yee doe keepe the things which ye ought not, since yee keepe not the things which yee ought.

I close this point of the Noveltie of their Vsurpa­tion, with Vos dicitis licet, &c. Optat M [...]le­advers. Par menian. lib 5 Optatus Milevitanus, as hee spake of the Donatists question: Yee say, it is leasome, wee say, it is not leasome, betweene your leasome and our no leasome, the mindes of people stagger, so say wee to the Papists. Yee say, the Popes may depose Kings, wee say, hee may not. Let Scripture bee Iudge betweene vs as the onelie Testament of our Father, as that same Optatus speaketh: And ex abun­danti, wee offer the challenge not for six hundreth yeares onelie as reverend Iewell did in Dogmaticke points, but for a thousands yeares. Ye haue neither Dogmatical positions, nor assasinate practices before Hildebrands time. Nei­ther haue yee sanction of Councels before that Laterane Councell vnder Innocent the third. This is farre from true Illud veri [...] us quod prius, &c. Tertul. advers. Mar­cion. lib. 4. Antiquitie, for that is true that is first and that is first that is from the Apostles: And that Martyre Mih [...] anti­quitas Iesus Christus Ig­nat ad Philad said right, Christ is my Antiquitie, But least they bee thrust from all notion of Antiquitie, wee shall grant them such as the [...]esuite Turselline clames to the transporting of the Virgines Chamber from Nazareth to Dalmatia, and from thence to Loretto: Hee calleth that fablous mira­cle, an auncient faith. And yet when hee commeth to[d] Tam ve­tustam fidem. Tursell. hist, Lauret. praefa [...] the proofe, hee findeth nothing of that transport in the first a [...]d thirtteenth hundreth yeares: Such Antiquitie is but Noveltie, We haue proved our proscription against[e] [...]bid lib. 1. c. 2. & 6. this Noveltie, that ab initio non fuit sic, It was not so from the beginning. If Panciroll had medled with divine re­markes, [Page 48] hee might haue put among his Vetera deperdita the humble obedience to Princes lately left off by Popes; and their proude Usurpation over Princes among his nova reperta.

CHAP. XII. Of the causes of this Vsurpation.

IT is a matter of astonishment to judicious men, to con­sider either the insolencie of Popes in affecting; or the weakenesse of Princes in suffering such Vsurpation; and some [...]esuites also haue professed no lesse, Fatues fuisse veteres [...]eratores, & [...]perij no­stri ordinis [...]ui sibi tanto eum dedecore or [...] sublini a Papis sustini [...] r [...]nt. Iesuit a [...]ud G [...]dast. Replic. that olde Emperours and states of the Impyre were foolish, Who suffered their mouths to bee wyped by Popes: By this wondering they make a greater wonder to the world, because they main­taine and pursue that same quarrell, at whose iniquitie they wonder: But the reasons of it are these especiallie.

First: an universall corruption in all Estates, and eve­rie one winking at the sinnes of other: Princes preferred ignorant and wicked men to bee Popes and Prelates: And winked at the corruptions they brought in the1. Corrupti­on in all e­states. Church, in Doctrine worshippe and manners: And Popes on the other hand winked at the grievous sinnes of Princes: The Popes to make them strong against Prin­ces gained their Cleargie, not onelie by pleading their Immunitie from Princes, but likewise giving them Impu­nitie for their scandalous liues: And the Cleargie fin­ding that fleshlie libertie vnder the Popes, assisted them against Authoritie: So that when good Princes intended to reforme abuses in the Church, they found the faction of Pope and Cleargy so strong that they could neither vendicate them selues, nor the Church from the tyrannie of the Pope. As Princes then were not tymouslie zealous of Gods glorie, [Page 49] so hee suffered Popes to treade their honour in the dust.

Next, Sathans malice, who seeing what good the spi­rituall2. Sathans malice. and temporall powers wrought into man, and how their concord made a barre against him: Therefore he divyded them, and turned the pride of his suppost a­gainst the ordinance of God in Princes.

Thirdly, the decaying estate of the Impire offered occa­sion3. Decay of the [...]mpire. to the Pope, which hee greedily imbraced: It was then come to a great weaknesse, when Rodolph of Suevia was able to make a faction against the lawfull Emperour: And that small remainder was obnoxious to the Pope, by his pretended power over their entrie. Princes also were ta­ken vp with great and heavie warres, and had no tyme to thinke on the Church, or redresse it: And the Pope with his Cleargie on the other side turned these distractions in opportunities, to doe what they pleased. Besides the long, and farre absence of the Emperour from Rome, gaue 4. The Ro­mane [...]eper. [...] the Pope libertie to misguide all at his pleasure. For when the lik Ambition breakout in Michael the Patriark of Constanti­nople, a little before Hildebrands time, the Greeke Empe­rour dwelling in Constantinople, did soone crush the egges of that vsurpation: But the Emperours abyding in Ger­manie, made the Pope a free working at Rome.

Fourthly, wee may finde some cause in the Romaine Libido do­minandi [...]ne rat vnivers [...] populo Roma­no. Aug. Ci­vit. 1. 30. temper, which was ever set for pride and domination as Augustine marketh; that the lust of governing was in the whole people of Rome: And Bernard Quid tam notum saculis quam proter­via & fastus Romanorum?—Gent insue ta paci tumul tui assueta—vs (que) adeo sub­di nese [...]a nisi cum non valet resistere. Ber­nard de con­sid lib. 4 more fully, what is more knowne to the World, than the pride and partnesse of the Romaines? A Nation not acquaint with peace but with warre: A Nation fierce and intractable; that can not bee subiect, but where they can not resist. And the Greeke Church objected ever to them, supercilium Italicum, the Italian, or Romane pride: And the African councell in Augustines tyme, Typhum saeculi, fleshly and worldly ambi­tion. They haue this temper from Romulus, and not [Page 50] from Christ, for a thousand yeares it ever vexed it selfe in affecting a Monarchie: But when a period was fixed to the Monarchie, that pride ren ained, and changed only the object and ranne out first vpon a Kingdome or Hie­rarchie vntill Hildebrands tyme; and thereafter iovned both in one, in affecting an Hierarcho-Monarchie: You shall as soone twinne a Romaine and his life, as twinne him from his ambitious aspyring, and vsurping humour.

Fifthly, too great respect superstitiously given to the Pope: For hee had now seased himselfe as God, in the house of5. Superstiti­ous respect of the Pope. God, and possessed the consciences of people by ignorance and superstition, so that all his words were as Oracles to them, and therefore as in Religion they thought he could not erre, so in policie they thought all was right that he did; and to assist his most ambitious incroaching on Kings, was nothing lesse than to honour Christ himselfe. More­over of these grounds, hee made himselfe a partie in the Impyre, by fostering factions amongst Princes, and while they weakened other, everie one of them de­pended on him; either for feare of hurt, or hope of gaine. Hee had also his Cloisters, Convents▪ and Chapters; as al­so many Garisons in the heart of Kingdomes, and his volant forces of preaching and begging Friers, who are now both succeeded, and exceeded by the Iesuits.

Lastlie the great difference betweene the policies of Prin­ces and Popes. In the Impire the government was ever6 Vnequall policie in Church and [...]mpyre. raw and greene, and as mortall as the person of the Em­perour. Hee was not ever of one house, and when hee dyed, his counsell seemed to die also; his designes and proiects, with all the meanes, for prosecuting were bu­ryed with him: A new Emperour had a new Councell, and a new councell had new grounds to lay, new ends to intende, and new meanes to choose: Their witts were taken vp with the noveltie of the preferment of their Master, and the first occurrent difficulties, and gote not libertie to pry in [Page 51] the deepe of the Estate: So they were ever Novices, and Strangers in arcanis imperij and if any of them saw any thing therein, touching the Popes tyrannie, they durst not enter into that quarrell, wherein so many excellent Princes were overthrowne; but choosed by obsequie to provyde peace for themselues, and favour to their heires. But Poperie was sweyed with a constant and standing coun­cell, Poperie a cōstant plot. though an Hildebrand, and Alexander dyed, their intentions and designes dyed not, but that same end re­mained, and the platforme of their courses was followed out by their successor, in whom also their decessors lived All things mortall in the Impire but in a sort immortall in the government of Poperie made the one to outreach the other, as farre as it did out-liue it. A Pope might die, but his consistorie dyed not, nor the mysterie of iniquitie, nor the odd [...] Thess 2 knacks of knaverie to performe it. Therefore hee is cal­led a Man, the Man of sinne &c. not for vnitie of num­ber, but of mynde: A succession of Men of one intenti­on, one course: Having one worke or mysterie in hand, whereof the seedes were in the Apostles tyme. It grew secretlie in following Ages: It was perfected in Hilde­brand thereafter discovered by the Gospell, and decayeth till it bee destroyed.

Besides these reasons, two other things advanced thisPretended holinesse a cause of the Popes great­nesse. tyrannie: Pretended holinesse, as a specious colour, and Excommunication as a terrour. For Holinesse: the Popes gaue themselues out to the world, as most holy, and men counted so of them: whē they were holy indeed, they nei­ther exacted adoration of Princes, neither vsurped; but o beyed them: But being mōstrously profaine they boastof holines & oppressed princes. There is nothing now but his Title Sanctissimus, most holy; & as thogh that Superla­tiue were a Diminitiue of his worth, he must haue it in ab­stracto, sanctitas, holinesse it selfe. Men would thinke that hee claimed this name, in the proper notion of infused [Page 52] and habituall holiness▪ in his person▪ as a speciall Grace of the holy Spirit: But their wickednesse doeth witnesse so against them, that they take it in another Nation▪ and expone it of a comparatiue, a respectiue, a t [...]ular and putatiue holinesse.

First, A Comparatiue holinesse: Because he is holie in respect of people: But this is both a base clame, for him hat will bee called a Vice god, a god on [...]a [...]th▪ the head of the Church by whom shee hath influence: And it is falseBellar. Chro [...]ol 126. also, because many Princes and people both, were holyer than vsurping Popes as Bellarmine confesseth.

Secondlie, A respectiue holinesse: In respect of their Office, For there bee two sorts of gifts of the Spirit saith Becane? Beea [...] O pus Tom. 5. p. 500. Dupli­cia sunt dona Sp. sancti—ad secundum genus pertinet illud quod ag­nos [...]imus in Pontifice. One for salvation in true righteousnesse, and holynes: The other is given to helpe others to salvation and ho­linesse and this is common both to good and evill; and of this kind is that holinesse wee acknowledge in the Pope: And when Gardius objected to him, that some Popes were ignorant and flagitious, hee answereth that, Non [...]m­pedit assisten­tiam & dire­ctionem Spir▪ sancti. Ibid. Matth 7. 23 that did not stay the assistance of the holie Spirit in those things that was necessar to the Popes holines, because Balaam was a flagitious mā & these workers of iniquitie, to whom Christ will say, I know you not, depart from me. This is true indeed, we hold him at his word, for it is a poore pleading, to sure no more holines for their Pope, than to Balaam or false prophets.

Thirdlie, A titular holinesse, given for a title, andAntiqu [...] est consuetudo▪ vt R. P. dicatur sancti [...]simus, & beat [...]ss [...] mus Azor. Moral part▪ 2. lib. 5. c. vlt. col. 941. made passant through long custome: (a) As the Em­perours were called Augusti, from Augustus▪ and Op­timi from Traian, though they were infortunat and diss [...]lute as Nero, Heliogabalus, and Galien, &c. So because some Popes were holie▪ that [...]a [...]e passed as a Title to their Successoures, without any respect of their personal▪ qualification. This Azo [...]ius confesseth that it is an [...]l [...]e custo [...]e that the Pope be [...]alled most holie, and most blessed, &c. So hee contenteth him with a custome.

[Page 53]Fourthlie, A putatiue or presumed holinesse▪ when men thinke him to be holie, though he [...]e a monster indeede: So Hildebrand in his owne cause. Meritis be at [...] ▪ Petri in­d [...]bitanter sanctus effici tur▪ Gregor. 7 dictat 23 Sufficiunt quae a loci decesso▪ re praestantur. Gratian. di­stinct. 40. Non nos If the Pope bee Canonicallie ordained vndoub [...]dlie he is made holy by the me­rites of S. Peter. And who can doubt s [...]id Symmachus. [...]ut hee is holy whom the toppe of so great dignitie extolleth. In whom if they lacke merites of their owne, the merites fur­nished by their Predecessours will suffice. For this place either exalteth them who are excellent, or maketh them excellent who are exalted. Let the World judge whither they or wee put pillowes of se [...]uritie vnder men [...] head since they come so easilie to merite. But their Councel of Basile is [...]u [...]icit re­putare San ctum vnde nō refertur san ctitas ad eum, sed ad ast [...]ma­tionem subai­torum Apud Bin par▪ 4 colum. 367 more cleare, & giveth vs three sorts of this putati [...]e ho­linesse. The first is of his State that hee be reputted holie, so that holinesse is not referred to him, but to the esti­mation of people, as honour is in honoran [...]e non in honorato. The second holinesse is religious. The third is the holinesse of publicke Iustice. But the Pope as Pope is the highest degree of all these sorts, therefore hee may be called most holy▪ albe­it he be of a wicked life, so long as he is not iudged to be so, but tolerate by the holy Church. This like their State-san­ctitie or holinesse of their religious orders, which is contrair distinguished to true holines▪ Bellar. de Monach. lib. 1. cap. 2. For a man may be true­lie perfect and not in a religious state, and in a religious state, but not perfect. I admitte their distinction, but why tye they Evangelicke perfection to that state, ex­cept they meane such a perfection as is their holinesse, and that is but a fansie? They mo [...]ke the Imputation of Christs righteousnesse, when the godlie applie it by [...]ith, Christ alloweth it▪ and the Father imputeth it: And [...]et they content themselues with a putatiue holinesse borrowed of man, and i [...]puted by [...]an: So in their Priests absolution of the penit [...]1nts and in this their ho­linesse of Popes. Em. Sa▪ A­phoris [...]it. ab­solu [...]to

It argueth an evill cause, in so great a clame, to bee [Page 54] content with so base a portion: in the strife for a Monar­chie, they outrack all the notions of the words that signifie power, Supremacie, &c. But in the clame of holinesse theyOctava nota sanctitas do­ctrin [...]. Bellar. de no­ta Eccl. c. 11 Idem recog. pag. 51. decline the proper Notion and retrinches all to a Titular and putatiue sense. This maketh their Patrone when hee disputs his eight note of the Church, to wit holinesse, to shift it from persons, and applie it to doctrine. And in a­nother place to craue no more respect to their Pope, than Caiaphas had, though hee was a false Priest and wicked, and such respect as Iudas had among the Disciples. This is a great change, that hee who t [...]rusteth himselfe aboue Kings, yet among the Cleargie is content to bee ranked among Caiaphas and Iudas.

This their not our wickednesse seemeth to bee the secretChange of their name. cause of the change of their Name, whē they enter the Pope­dome. The most part beginneth at Sergius the second, who beeing ashamed of his name (Swynes-mouth) called himselfe Sergius. But Baronius ascriveth it to Ser­gius Bar an. 844. num. 1 the third, Who beeing first called Peter, would not re­taine that name, for the reverence hee bare to S. Peter: But here is the mysterie, they haue no part of the holinesse of S. Peter. & therefore tak not his name: And moreover, among all who tooke other names, as of Paul, Iohn &c. yet never one tooke the name of Peter, albeit some had that name before their Papalizing, as Innocent the fourth, formerlie called Petrus of Tarentasia, and Paul the fist, formerlie called Petrus Carafa. This is not of humilitie, but of conviction of conscience, not taking his name to whom they are opposite.

So long as Sancta Catholica stood in the Creede, thereRomes holi­nesse is pro­fainesse. was some holinesse amongst them, but since they thrust Romana on it, they haue lost holinesse: Romane holinesse is but by Equivocation, and in end resolues in monstruous pro­fainnesse for at Rome it is all one to bee called a Christi­an, as in other places to bee called an Asse. The head of [Page 55] their Church may be a Monster & to be a member of that Church, faith & inward vertue is not required, but onelie a Subiection to the Pope: Non re­qu [...] vllam in ternam v [...]rt [...] te [...] sed tan tum externa professionem &c Bellar de Eccles. milit. lib 3. cap. 2 So their Church in the head & members are by Equivocation, their holines by Equi­vocation, & all of them in the Church, but secundum ap­parentiam exteriorem & putative: Campian needed n [...]t boast vs, ad Ecclesiae nom [...]n rostis expalluit. Campiaem Rat. 3. As though it were to vs as G [...]rgons head, to make vs astonished, but if they haue any remnant ingenuitie, they should bee ashamed of their excrementitious Church, for they craue none other place for it, but as haires, and nailes, and evill humours in the bodie. Nostra de­fi [...] compre hendit capillos vngues, malos humores, Bel vbi supra. Civit. 1. 33 and their excommnnication is not a curse, but a blessing, to bee separate from such a Synagogue. All heere agree, such an head, such mem­bers: And this was the fruite of their Monarchie; when the Romanes wanted Carthage, and other emulous Re­publickes they ranne head-long to all [...]vices, & stan­tibus maenibus mores ruebāt, while their wals stood strong, their liues we [...]e diss [...]lute. So when the Popes had trod downe all competitours, they loosed themselues to all profainesse.

Heerein they seeme to walke in an evill Conscience, both in plunging ignorant men, and flattering the Pope. They plunge the ignorant, while they affirme, that the salvation of all Christians dependeth on the holinesse, vertue, and example of the Popes. In eorum sanctitate sa lus omnium Christianorū posita est. Ve stan de oscul. ped Po [...]t. p. 153. And Salianus an Ie­suite writting to Paul the fi [...]t, saith, Ut per unum te & in communione tantum tua, vis omnis, ac vigor gratiarum & sanct [...]atis in omnia membra diffundatur. That Christ hath thee for his Vicar, and as the necke, vnder such an Head, that by thee alone▪ and in thy communion onelie, all power and vigour of grace and holinesse may be diffused throgh all the members of his most sacred bodie. Neminem [...]oss [...] etiamsi ve [...]t [...]ubesse Christo—qui non su [...]est ontifici, &c Bel. ubi su­pra▪ cap. 5. And to this s [...]m [...] sens. Bellarmine affirmeth, that no man (although [...]ee would) can bee subiect to Christ, and communicate with [Page 56] the heavenlie Church, except hee bee subiect to the Pope. Vnam [...]s [...]nctam De Eccles 3. 9 this is more than Boniface his extravagant, for [...] that did onely tye men to bee subiect to the Pope, but this bin­deth Christ also that hee cannot communicate his Grace, but by the Popes Mediation. And in a word, an exal­ting of the Pope aboue God and man. But since hee sayeth, that Christ the Head of the Chruch, is sanctus sanctorum, I demand what necessitie hath hee of the Me­diationBee. Man [...], 1 4 of an vsurping Pope, who is profanus profanorum. But Becane is more circumspect, than Salianus and Bel­lermine, while hee draweth the influence of that Head no further, than the externall governement.

Their flatterie of the Pope is cleare, for they know his wickednesse should bee abhorred, and yet they will defend it: And Canus Oculos nos erudi [...]os habe mus. l. c ult▪ (otherwise modest) will tell vs that they haue learned eyes, and cover the Popes faults as Shem and Cham did Noahs nakednesse: But that is impu­dencie and not modestie: For Noahs nakednesse came of infirmitie, and was private within the Tent, but the Popes wickednesse is affected, and scandalouslie open to the World: It were good for the Pope and them both to vse Bernards libertie, in not sparing the Pope but tel­ling him his faults freely, that God might spare him; but heerein they are more like Varro Haec Var r [...] non credi­dit, &c Au­gust. Civit. 18. 10 who dissembled the vallenies of the gods, lest he should beleeue thinges vnseemelie to them.

But if they must bee called holy, let them haue it, in that sense, as Paul the fourth called sanctissimum officium inquisitionis, most holy office of the inquisition Oruphrius in vita Pauli 4.. Or as Tertullian Archi gal lus ille sanctis simus. Tertul. Apol. 25. Mater magna sacris suis non magnitudine numinis, sed crimini [...]. Au­gust. Civit. lib. 5 cap. 26. scornefully calleth Archi Gallus Cybel [...] Priest sanctissimus, whose service was so abhominable, that reason was ashamed to expresse it. because that goddesse was great not in the greatnesse of goodnesse, but of wickednesse. Or shall wee say, that they make that title sanctissimus, to signifie contrare things, both most holy, and most profaine, [Page 57] as the Hebrew Kadosh is holy, and Kadesh is scortum mus culum: All holds in the Pope, safe only that contrate significations in the Hebrew are of diverse things, bu [...] heere both agree in him, the good notion putatiuely, but the ill both really and properly.

They might haue lurked long vnder this ambiguitie, had not their Analist Vidisti du [...] extrema Ep [...] scopum sanctis simum▪ & pon tificem perdi­tissimum Ba▪ ron. an. 960. num. 7. discovered all; for where as o­thers haue made reall profainesse, and titular holinesse compatible in the Pope; he hath set them as two extremes and cont [...]ares, and ascryved true holinesse to Dunstane, and profainesse to the Pope; to tell that holinesse is more to bee found in others than in Popes, yea that Popes compared to them are but Monsters.

To close this point, their holinesse is the Court holines of Rome, which (as Bernard Totum ho [...] nor [...], nihil san ctitati datur. Bernard. con­sid. lib. 4. speaketh) giveth all to ho­nour, but nothing to holinesse; and so they fall vnder his just censure in another place: That it is Monstrosa res gradus sū ­mus, & ani mus infimus &c. Ibid l. 2 a monstruous thing, to see in one the highest degree of the Church, and lewdest life. And I would advise them to follow Ambrose Nomen congruat acti­ons▪ &c Am­bros de dign. sacerd. c. 3. Apon in Can­tic. lib 1 O miserandā Ecclesiam ta­li creditampa ranympho. Bernard. Con­sid 3. Al [...]ac. de reso▪ directi­on, to shew what they are rather by action than profession, that their Name agree with their life, and their life answere to their Name, least it bee a vaine name, and an odious cryme: Least it bee an high honour, and a deformed life; least it bee a divine profession, and an vnlawfull action,—because as there is nothing more excellent than a good Bishop, so there is nothing more miserable than a scandalous Bishop; for great sublimitie should haue great circumspectnesse. Let him reade his dittay and doome from Aponius: If hee neither liue holily, nor teach right, hee shall drinke the bitter fruits of his wickednesse: And I must say of his Church with Bernard, O miserable Church committed to such a Paranymph; and with Cardinal Aliaco, It is lamentable when the Church of God is come to this estate, that it is not worthie to bee ruled, but by reprobates.

The second furtherance of their tyrannie was excommunicatiō [Page 58] of Princes: It had a shew to cut them off from the Church:Excommu­nication the terrible mo­tiue of their greatnesse. but was more terrible by the consequence in loosing peo­ple from their obedience. The olde Romaines were not so cruell, for when their Lawes of twelue tables appointed punishment to everie cryme, yet to impretie they appointed none, but referred the guiltie to the revenge of the Gods: TheAzorius. greatest force it had, was from Princes themselues: For as everie one was ambitious, or greedie of his neigh­bours Kingdome, hee sought no more but to bee an exe­cutioner of the Popes curse, for so hee found a title to the Kingdome, that was exposed to prey, and to con­quere it by the Subiects, who were readie either to for­sake their natiue Lord, or take armes against him: As the Subiects of Navarre beyond the Pyrenes, at the excommuni­cation Oratio inge­nua ad Regem Christaniss. of Iulius the second, deserted their natiue King, and tooke them to the King of Castile. So Princes for their pri­vate ends gaue strength to that blow of excommunicati­on, and made it a matter of ruine to them all. This was his policie to beare downe Kings, by yoaking them by the eares, and making them breake one another. Hee o­verthrew them whom hee hated; and ingaged the other who was his instrument, to himselfe for the benefite of an ill conquered Kingdome. Heere were both craft and crueltie: they not only stirred vp other Kings against the excommunicate King, but also his owne Subiects, who should haue beene his guard: They possessed their super­stitious credulitie, to make them thinke him execrable, and that it was good service to GOD to cutte him off▪ Heerein the Pope proved a Monster, in blowing at once both hote and cold: cursing good Kings; and with an A­postolicke benediction, conferring their Kingdome on some other King: This is to haue the hornes of the Revel. 13. 11 Platin. Aventin. Lambe, but to speake like the Dragon. Thus Hildebrand ve­rifieth what was said of him: That hee was terrore pot [...] quàm Religione magnus. Great by terrour rather than Pietie

CHAP. XIII. And first of their Professions institute to defend it.

FOr vpholding their Vsurpation they vse foure speciall things: First Professions for defending it. Secondlie, Recrimination, charging vs with their owne crimes, Thirdlie, Tergiversation, in con­testing. Fourthlie. Ludification of Kings. For the first, Sathan knew this Monster could not subsist alone, and that truth could never countenance errour; there­fore as hee begot it on mans fleshlie wisedome, hee sette that same wisedome to foster it when it was brought foorth; and so according to the severall times, made that Antichristian Church to erect such professions as could best maintaine it. These are Schoole-men, Canonists: Casuists: The Hypocrisie of Orders: And lastlie the Iesuits.

The first are Schoole-men, a sort of Theologues slavishlie addicted to the Pope: For after that darknesse had cove­red1. Schoole­men. the Church, and a new light of learning seemed to breake vp, it was worse than the former darknesse, as Errour and Heresie are worse than simple ignorance or a a man after long sicknesse changed from a light fever to a frensie. It is true, they haue some good thinges, as distinct Notions; exact distinctions and words though rude, yet verie significant; but it is as sure they spilt Divinitie, and turned it in Philosophie; and like Nadab and Abihu brought vnkouth fire in the Sanctuarie In divine thinges they disdained either to thinke or speake with Scripture Os conse­cratum est E­vangelio, & nihil crepat ni si Averroem, vel Aristotele Erasm Annot [...]. Tim. 1 and made their mouth consecrate to the Gospel, to sound no­thing but Averroes, and Aristotle, as Erasmus wiselie [Page 60] marketh. And Canus Plerique ab Aristotele non aliter pen dent atque ab oraculo. Ca nus l. 10. c. 5. followeth his steppes. Ma­rie now depend on Aristotle no lesse, than on a divine Oracle—And we haue heard of some Italians, who spend as much time on Aristotle and Averroes, as others doe on Scriptures, and trust them as much as the Apostles and Evangelists. They inquired all things curious [...]ie, and determined boldlie, affecting more to close with the Philosophers words than with Christ, and that with endlesse [...]angling: For quo plus est eiusmodi questiuncularum, hoc plus etiam subscatet Erasm. vbi supra.—Etiamsi millies mille milla produxeris. The more petit questi­ons they made, the more questions ever grew, whereof though a thousād times a thousand thousand were determined yet moe were behind. They made Divinitie like cornered Spectacles, through which one thing seemeth to be fourtie or thir­tie according to the number of the corners, so that a man putting his hand to take vp that one thing, knew not how to finde it among so many speces. So the(c) Verum est vnum falsum vero multifi­dum Nazian truth that is in everie thing, but one indivisible point was lost amongst so manie Questions. Non sine manifesta su­spicione adu lationis. Eras. vbi supra. Their maine end was to hold vp the Pope in his tyrannie, and that by base flatterie I am verò de Rom. Pont, potestate &c. Eras vbi supra Bellar. contra Barcla [...]ū p. 27 They disputed more of his power, than of the power of God; and questioned, if hee had a two-fold power, and if hee might abrogate that which was decreede by the Apostles: If hee might coyne a new Article of faith. If hee had a greater power than Peter, or equall. If he might command the Angels. Hominem acerrimum op pressum fuisse suae civitatis consuetudine, ac legibus. Civit. l. 6. c. 2 &c. The Pope was their god, the current oppinions of the time was their rule: And naturall reason and Philosophie was their grounds. Hee had them at hand, to turne his fact into a right, and to determine all que­stions in his favour: And these seventie Divines re [...]koned out by Bellarmine, were all of that sort, and defenders of this Vsurpation. Wee may say of them all, as Augu­stine did of Verro, that these quicke and skilled men were op­pressed by the custome and Lawes of their owne Citie, in so far as beeing preoccupyed by an evill time, they went the way of [Page 61] the common errour, and though they would father their fashion on Augustines disputs, speciallie against the Pris­cillianists, yet it is nothing like: For every where hee presseth Scripture: But they disdaine it as triviall, and delight rather to say, At contra Philosophus, than contra Christus.

They were not all alike, but time brought out three distinct Classes of Schoole-men▪ The first like Lombard had s [...]me Scripture: The second had lesse Scripture, and more Philosophie: The third was worst, that neglected Scripture, and had nothing but a masse of Philosophie and hu­mane Possevin Ap p [...]rat. C. Mar Victor. Possev. Ibid. Bonaventura. subtilities; They could not haue sound Divinitie who (as Possevine witnesseth of Marius Victorinus) were whollie taken vp in profaine lear [...]ing, and ignorant of Scriptures: And if any of them ioyned knowledge with affection, and turned Theorie to Pietie, as Bonaventura did he was contemned of the rest, albeit Gersome, Trithemius, and others call him a most compleete Divine. But notwithstanding these differences, they went all one way to Bin. Tom. 1. pag. 239. maintaine the Popes tyrannie. The most of their businesse was as Constantine speaketh of Arius inanis dissoluti otij certatio. The vaine iangling of dissolute idlenesse. But all their worke is the building of Babel; they hurt Rome more in their doctrine, than they helpe their govern­ment, for scarcelie is there any point controverted, wherein they plead not for vs.

The second sort of defenders are Canonists, and these2 Canonists. more shamelesse flatterers of the Pope than Schoolemen: They made Lawes of their owne, and wrested all to the wrong end: As a Tyrant when he hath oppressed a Kingdome, abrogateth the auncient lawes, and makes lawes for his[b] Machia­vel. Princeps. cap. 6. owne behoue to approue his tyrannie, and secure his possession, (a) So did the Pope by his Canon Law: they gaue it a proud name, as though it were a ruling Law: Their Catholicke faith is Romane heresie, and their Ca­non [Page 62] Law a Romane rule. So long as they lived Ecclesi­asticklie, Gods word sufficed them for a rule of Faith and manners, and the Canons of Councels for government: But when they turned Monarchs, they would haue Traditions and Schoole-divinitie for a rule of Faith, and a Canon Law for Governement, So Lancelotus Libris [...] ­ris Pont dili­genter intuen­tibus, facile apparebit eos ad quandam imitationem, &c. Lancel. Inst. [...]ur. Can. proem. confesseth, That it is made to the imitation of the civill Law; for as the one de­pendeth on the authoritie of the Emperour, so the other on the authoritie of the Pope. Few things they haue from Scrip­ture, moe from Fathers, and more yet from Councels, but most of all from the Popes owne Letters.

After many compylers, as Cresconius, Isidore, Hincma­rus, Ivo, Burchardus, and others whereof their Analist Baron a [...]. [...] 6 5. n. 4. 5. 6 writteth at length. Gratian put foorth his Decretum; thereafter came the Decretals farre worse for these wings put to his Decretum, caried them downeward to an earthlie Monarchie. But the Clementines, are cruell, and the Extravagants are extravagant indeede, and lay the grounds and processe of a bloodie inquisition. Francis. Peg. disp. de aut. extr [...]. And lastlie, the seventh of the Decretals Constit. Pontif. edit. a Petro Math. is worst of all. Gra­tians Decreit, pointed at his Monarchie as a thing that must bee: The Decritalls vrge it as a thing must bee: But this last setteth it out with an absolute power. But what ever their Lawes beare in their sense; they can turne and expone all to the Popes behoue. Even as Martinus the Iurist, who for to please Fridericke the Em­perour,Radiu. de gest. Fred. declared that by Law, all the goods of the Insubrians pertained to him in propertie, and therefore got his palfrey. So the Canonists expone all Lawes for the Popes end, and put all vnder his foote, and so they get Benefices. They follow the Schoole-men in their confusion, and their resolutions agree as well as Clockes in a Citie.

The third sort of defenders are Casuists: Conscience is 3 Casuists. the most authoritatiue power and act in man, and therefore must bee taken in for their defence. The Pope saw that [Page 63] mens minds might bee possessed with Schoole-divinitie, and with the Canonists in the outward iudicatory, there la [...]ked onelie the captivating of their Consciences in fo­ro interiori; therefore the Casuits were erected. They run the same way with their Brethrē to maintaine the popes vsurpation, but with a more presse straine, giving him power to bind & loose in Heaven, Earth, & Purgatorie what hee will: They make people so plyable by superstitious credulitie, that what hee bindeth or looseth, biddeth or forbiddeth, &c. All floweth from a plenitude of power, and is ratified of God in Heaven. They abuse the name of Conscience in their profession, yet they racke Conscience more than direct it, and a man after reading shall come more perplexed from them, than when hee began.Summa An­gelica. Summa sum­marum. Tolet. Instruct Sacer. Vivald. Can­del. Sayri casus Consc

In all their large Volumes (wherein as Sheepe they follow the beaten rodde of the current opinion) there is little that smelleth of Conscience▪ or that serveth to keepe it, but rather to destroy it: And for instance; if wee looke to their cases and resolutions on the fift and sixt Commands, they are like Dracoes Lawes, and on the se­venth Command they are more vile than Arrius Thalia, or Sotades filthie poesie, Malven. de Antichristo lib. 1. cap. 12. & seeme rather to bee written by Sannio or Messalina in the Borthell, than by Christian Di­vines vnder the vow of Chastitie. Caie [...]. de Delect. mo [...]o­sa. Gerson. de mollitie. Casuist. Tit. de debito con­jugali. It is a wonder how either they had heartes to thinke, or mouthes to speake such villanies. But their maine drift is to holde vp the Popes tyrrannie in absolute power of iudging, dispensing, absolving, reserved cases, &c. and to set his Throne vpon the consciences of men.

Fourthlie, because people are not aye capable of the subtilties of these three squadrons of defendents, but craue some visible thing, therefore the iugling of the last 4 Religious orders. orders, was brought in, speciallie of Franciscus Hypocrisie, & Dominicus crueltie, who lik Pandarus and Bittas at the Port of Aeneas Towne, held vp the tottering Laterane [Page 64] Church. Hee inri [...]hed them by spoyling the secular Cleargie of Tithes, to make them a counterpose to the Clear­gie, and as Garisons intertained by Princes against them­selues: Their Hypocrisie served much to luster his wic­kednesse, for what could the world but thinke all was good stuffe vnder so glistring colours. They gaue out their Monasteries as as many Armies to fight gainst Sathan, and by their merits and supererogation to helpe men to heaven: But in effect they were the Popes spyes and Garisons. First to eate vp Kingdomes, and then to hold them in his obedience. This their politicksNostro hoc s [...] culo tam mul­tae sunt religi­ones à Pontisi [...] cibus confirma tae, &c. Can. lib. 5. c. 5. fine. doe, But the wiser sort thought, this folie and hurtfull to their state: So Canus saith in their name: In this our Age, there are so many Religions confirmed by Popes, that who ever would defend them as profitable, or necessar to the Church: Hee may iustlie bee convicted of imprudence, if not of foolishnesse.

Lastlie, the latter times hath drawen them on their deepest devyces: Valdensis, Wickliffe, Hus &c. gaue them5. Iesuits. great blowes, and their former provision, sufficed to mak some defence; but Luther and Calvine came with the great ordinance; and haue battered their Walls, there­fore they tooke them to a new sort of Souldiers: These are their Triarii or Souldiers of trust. The Iesuits Thuan. hist. lib. 1 [...]0 Hasenmull. hist. [...]es [...]itic. Arnold [...] orat. lesuit. Lubin. praefat. ad Philippen. Ignatius Schoolers; who like another Atlas putteth their shoulders vnder staggering Rome. They are the last order, but the worst, and haue extracted from the rest all that may compleate them for this great service. They haue borrowed subtiltie from the Schoole-men, Im­pudencie from the Canonists, a cauterized Conscience from the Casuists, Hypocrisie from the Franciscans, crueltie from the Dominicans, And because these are not sufficient to perfect them, they haue taken from the Mahumetanes Assasinisme, to kill and destroy Princes,. The Romans affrayed of Porsenna, sent out Scevola either to kill him [Page 65] or boast him to p [...]ace: So the Popes fearing the power of Princes, houndeth out Iesuits, either to cut them off, or make them plyable to his tyrannie.

This order perfecteth his tyrannie, for after Hilde­brand, they held the [...] with excommunication, deposition, &c. But since the Iesuits arose, there are moe Princes stobbed, than in sex ages before; and all these Warres in Europe, since their rysing, and this fearefull combustion these last twelue yeares, are of their plotting. Their hand is most about Princes, and States, and make their Crownes, liberties, and lyues problematicke: They lay them at the staike at their pleasure; and being impatient of their life, doe consult Sathan about their death, as Cot­ton did of Henrie the fourth. Such consulting Tertullian called divelish in the Pagans, Magos consultat de capite Cae­saris. Tertul. Apol. 35. Their fourth vow Ignat. E­pist. ad Lusi­ [...]anos. proper to them alone, pro­veth them to bee the Popes Devotists, as Mutius, Curti­us, & the two Decij offered themselues for their country; so haue they bound themselues to doe, and suffer all for the Popes Grandure. This Gregorie the thirteenth ob­served, when reading the Iesuits Annals, and seeing what paines they tooke▪ cryed out, I haue so many thousand Tot sunt mihi milli [...] Cleri­corum, sed so­li Iesuitae om­nes superant, &c. Lucij. hist. Iesuit p. 144. Laur. Aus­triac. p. 49 Antonius Gal­lon. de [...]ita-Philip. Nerij pag. 200. Clerkes; and yet the Iesuits overcome them all, in stablishing our Kingdome; therefore they are worthie to bee entertained aboue the rest: Heerevpon hee augmented their priviled­ges, and exalted them to hold vp the Popes dignitie: And the Iesuites in their Apologie against the Bohemians declare, se velle totum orbem Rom Pont. subijcere, that they would subdue all the world to the Pope.

And least Ignatius Souldiours bee not sufficient to keepe such a breach, Philippus Nerius (whether of emu­lation like Themistocles burning for Miltiades victorie, or of a blind zeale) did institute his congregatio Oratorij, that hath brought out vnto vs most rigid zelots: Of this sort was Baronius, the two Bozij, &c. They are more [Page 66] myld in cariage than the Iesuits, but more peremptorie (if more can be) in maintaining the Popes power. They condemne the moderation of their owne Complices, and count them Hereticks, and profaine Politicks, who mitigate any thing; sometymes these distinctions of Iuris divini, & humani, directly and indirectly, &c. had some vse, but now they haue casten them over the barre, and pro­poneGul. Barclai­ [...]s contra Bel. cap. 13. their tenets in broad termes of a power divine in ori­ginall, direct in vse, and absolute in kind. It is like that Ig­natius & Nereus Schollers, are stryving who shall most in­deere the Pope to themselues by their service; and sure it is, that Sixtus the fift was more pleased with the Nereans, than with the Iesuits, as shall bee seene heereafter. All these are but fleshlie subsidies to maintaine an earthlie Monar­chie, and doe rather procure, and hasten its ruine, than hold it vp.

CHAP. XIIII. Of their second Coverture: RECRIMINATION.

THeir second Coverture of this Tyrannie, is Recri­mination: They charge vs with their doctrine, and trea­sonable practises; and lyke the old Pagans, crimina sua no­bis obijciunt, as said Tertul. Apol. Salmeron Non au­diunt Princi­pes seculares, nec Imperato­res, Salmer. tom. 6. Tra­ctat. 23. hath it summarlie, that wee obey not secular Princes and Empe­rours: And Scribanius Societati h [...]retici sua appingunt sce­lera. Scriban. Amphitheat. lib. 1. c. 10 The Calvinists (sayeth hee) layeth over their owne wickednesse vpon the Iesuits, for al [...] the troubles of France are to bee ascryved to them. But Ri­cheomus Omnes Gal li [...] calamita­tes, &c. Ri­cheo [...] Expost. Apol. cap. 26 the Iesuite most fullie, that all the calamities of France are brought in by the pestiferous doctrine of the Pro­testants: And that the doctrine of Luther and Calvine ar­meth [Page 67] men, and powseth them to wickednesse and treason: And Iesuite Lutheri, atque Calvi­ni disciplina suapte natura ad scelus ar [...] mat at (que) im­pellit. Fisher is so bold, as to attest King Iames of happie memorie, That their doctrine was not so preiudiciall to Princes, as the opinion of most of the Calvinists. This is their calumnious disposition, whereof they gaue a proofe at the Massacre of Paris: when vnder colour to make a perfect peace, they drew in the chiefe Protestants to Pa­ris, Thuan. Hist. and murthered them treacherouslie: They dispat­ched letters to forraine Princes, bearing. that the Prote­stants had conspyred against the King; and what hee did, was done vpon his owne defence. But they were soone asha­med of that colour, and dispatched a Post to the Pope,Oratio Sixti 5 Antisixtus. to feede him with the newes of that crueltie; and his gra­tulation in the Consistorie telleth who were the Authors. Thuan relateth, and abhorreth both this calumniousRex alia ha­buit crimina praemeditata, &c. Cardinal Lothar. apud Goldast. polir. pag. 1139. Genes. 31. 32 dealing, and the Massacre it selfe: And the Cardinal of Lorraine confesseth, that the King had other crymes preme­ditate, to make the Hugonets cause abhominable. But wee say to them, as Iacob did to Laban, search our stuffe, even all the doctrine of the reformed Church; and shew what positi­ons or practise they finde like their bloodie doctrine. Some Humanists and Poets, or others, haue spoken some things, that may bee so throwne; but it was in the Hy­pothese of some particular abuse, and not the doctrine of our Church. But the killing of Kings amongst them is disputed, determined, and put in execution: And when a treasonable plotte was ready, their Iesuits and [...]riers vented in the Pulpi [...]s bloodie Sermons, both to incou­rageThuan. Con­tinuat. the miscreants who attempted treason, and to mol­ [...]fie the myndes of people about parricide: And Ravil­liacke beeing posed what moved him to his parricide, answered, The preachings of the Iesuits and Friers against the King.

Beside their expresse Tenets of that doctrine, they haue also some other points to maintaine it (for no great [Page 68] heresie can bee alone) but hath a brotherhood with moe hereticall points, which haue a concatenation to main­taine each other: So this point of killing Kings hath auricular confession: The seale of confession: and Equivoca­tion 1. Auricular confession. to defendit. Auricular confession is a secret and sure way for consulting with a Priest or Iesuit, vpon the matter of [...]reason, and to presse his Conscience with a necessi­tie to doe it.

The pretended seale of confession maketh the Traitour2. Aequivo­cation. 3. Seale of confession. bold to reveale himselfe to his Confessar, because of se­crecie: It secureth also the Confessar, that though he be privie to Treason, yet hee shall not be punished because hee must not breake the seale of confession. This is a maine point of that mysterie wherein though they differMalder. de si­gillo. c. 2 among themselues (as Panormitane calling it, but Iuris Ecclesiastici, & Malderus, Iuris divini) yet all of them agree in this: That neither the Pope, nor Church may cause the Priest to reveale it: Maldonat. summul. pag. 310. 317. Casaub. Epist. ad Front. Duc. No not though the world should perish, as Binetus the Iesuite affirmed to Casaubone. And another Iesuite beeing privie to Ravilliacks treason testi­fied, that God had given him such a gift, that so soone as hee heard of any treasonable matter in confession, hee forgot both the persons and purpose. Tertulians speach of the Heathen Altars fi [...]teth them, inter aras lenocinia tractari: But wee may adde that they treat not onelie of filthynesse, but al­soTert. Apol. C [...]vit. 2. 22 Treason, so that S. Augustines speach is likewise true, that men discedunt peiores ab eorum sacris, they depart worse from their Sacraments, than they came to them. So their Sacrament of pennence is a Machiavilian de­vyce, to plotte practise, and keepe treason secret, in ali­bertie of consultation by auricular confession, in pressing their conscience with the equitie of the fact, and incouraging them to doe it vnder opinion of satisfaction and merite. France had a proofe of this vnder Henrie the third: The Iesuits in their confessions, vrged men to ioyne them to the League [Page 69] against their King, and refused absolution to such as they found Oratio vera & ingenua. stedfast in loyaltie to him: And as their owne Authour sayes, Two hundreth Iesuites did more hurt in few moneths, than an hundreth thousand men could doe: And they cau­sed such as they absolved to sweare. that they would neither acknowledge Henrie the third, nor his Suc­cessour forlawfull Kings. And then all must bee confir­med by taking their Eucharist. Lud. Lucij hist Iesuit p 368. So they abuse their Sacraments: Pennance serveth to plotte treason and pra­ctise it securelie, and the Eucharist to harden them in that wickednesse. Casa [...]b. ad Front. [...]17 130 & 136

Equivocation is a shelter for the traiterous complices that hee shall not reveale them, but illude the Iudge by Am­biguities and mentall reservation: So Licet ei vts aequivocations dicendo non fe ci & ipse non habuisse com­plices, &c. Tolet. de In struct Sacerd. l. 5 c. 58 n. 7 Tolet affirmeth that4 Aequivo­cation. the guiltie Person may use Equivocation, and say, that hee had not complices, albeit hee had them—And hee must be wylie to speake according to his owne intention, as to say, I did it not (vnderstanding with himselfe, in the prison) and I had not complices in other crimes or such like. This is a point most defended by the Iesuites, and that to serue their turne for particide, as their Barnesius Barnes. toto lib. de ae­quivocatione. proues in his large Booke which hee hath written, fathering Equivocation vpon the Iesuits as their proper Arte. And some others confesse, that it is the Arte of our Ie­suits to deceiue Magistrats in their Oathes. Sacerd Vis bic [...]n. Epist. ad Catholic. Ars est no­strorum Iesuitarum ut in iuramentis suis Magistratibus illu­dant: Seeing therefore the reformed Churches hath no such Doctrine as Equivocation, auricular confession with the seale of it (which are the maskes of King-kil­ling) their Recrimination is calumnious.

Their practise also proveth this, in that fanaticke de­mentation of some whom they either finde or make for such a mischiefe. If they finde one ladened with grievous sinnes, that craveth great penall Iniunctions, or Melancho­licke in complexion, or hardened in a blind resolvednesse [Page 70] to bee a Scholler in that Schoole, where caeca obedientia blind obedience reigneth, thē they work on him by their speach and illusions in their Chamber of meditations, to mak him thinke it his happinesse to doe such things as they injoyne, though it were to kill a Prince, and with­all to bee secret and dye silent. This they haue learned of the Assasines Goldast. Replic. c. 1. ex Tyrio & Paul. Venet. Princeps c. 10 and for their choyse of the instrument, Machiavell hath taught them that Caedes quae ab obstinati & obfirmati animi proposito accidunt, evitari non possunt Machiavell. the slaughter comming from the purpose of an obstinate and obfirmed minde cannot bee eschewed, and of Seneca: Qui mor­tem suam con [...] tempserit tuae dominus est. Senec. That hee who contemnes his owne death, is Ma­ster of thine: As for their silence in death, it is natiue to them through Ignatius their Master, For when Piso was treacherouslie killed by a Spainiard, no torture could moue the Traitour to reveale his complices. Tacit [...].

Lastlie, the rewards they haue promised them for that fact, remission of sinnes in this life, canonizing and eternall life: Becket was sancted for his treason, and counted a Martyre: So is Garnet for the powder plotte: and be­cause they thought it grosse to call him a Martyre in t [...] armes, they devysed the conceate of spica Garneti: Cydon A­pol Garnet. cap. 14 That fained picture of a strae-Sainct was a sufficient motiue to canonize him: But since they call it a Palea, Tantum vulnus palea inflictum Cal­viniane super stiti [...]ni▪ Ibid. pag. 552. it is but a ehaffie argument, and may passe with the Paleas in their Canon Law: And Garnet was more ingenuous himselfe, than the Cretian; for beeing asked, What if the Church of Rome after his death would declare him a Martyre? Hee answered, Mee a Martyre? Martyrē me? &c. Gar, net. apud Ca­saub. Front. pag. 163. Oh! what a Mar­tyre? I pray God, that the Church of Rome never thinke such a thing.—Now I acknowledge my fault, and confesse that the sentence pronunced against mee is most iust. Heere their Martyre dissavowes his martyrdome. But they haue found out a new way to heaven by Rebellion, Periurie, and slaughter. Ibid. p. 170

[Page 71]But I dare hazard the decision of this point vpon Richeomus owne ground, That pestilent and abominable seate (said hee) which King David calleth the Chaire of Pestilence—that is the Monster-bearing seate Illa est por tentifica sedes &c. Richeom. Expost. Apol. cap 27 whence floweth the Doctrine, which all Kings, Princes and People should abhorre as the Pest. Wee subscriue this proposition: As for the assumption, hee meaneth it of Geneve, and wee of Rome: But let Baronius In Cathe dram Petri in [...]rusi sunt ho­mines mon­struosi. &c. Baro. Anno 897. num. 4. make the assumption for vs both. In Peters Chaire (saith hee) were intruded, Men monstrous, most filthie in life, most dissolute in manners, and every way most vyle. And Genebrard more fullie: For the space of an hundreth and fiftie yeares, Apotastici Apostaticive, potius quam Apostolici Ge­nebard. Chron. 1. 4 saec 10 some fiftie Popes fell close away from the vertue of their Predecessours, and were rather inordinat and Apostaticke than Apostolicke. What can bee the conclusion but this, That therefore the Church of Rome is this pestilent seate? Or let them show any seate in the reformed Churches so broodie of monsters as the seate of Rome?

Lastlie, they purge vs: As yet (sayeth Bellarmine)Nondum parasiti prin­cipum exorti fuerunt, &c. Bellar, contra Barcl. p. 31 The flatterers of Princes were not risen, who pull the King­dome of Heaven from them, to establish their temporall king­domes. To passe both their vncharitable censure in ad­judging Kings to hell, and the falshood of their challen­ging vs of flatterie, wee easilie evince this from their owne mouth, that wee neither preach nor practise King-kil­ling, since they accusevs of flatterie: And I am confident that so horrible a fact as the killing of Kings, had beene still abhorred in the world, as the greatest parricide, if first the Assasines, and then the Iesuits had not made it common in Doctrine and practice. I close this point of Recrimination withViderint qui vel furo­re suo &c. Cyprian. E­pist. 42 Cyprian: Let them consider who serving either their furie or lust doe forget divine Law and holinesse, and yet vaunt of the things they cannot they proue, and when they cannot destroy the innocencie of others, thinke it enough to rubbe blottes on them by lying and false rumour. [Page 72] And with Augustine Isti atten­dant specu ū saum, & si milia conque­ri, si vllus pu­dor est, eru bescant. Ci vit. 4. 7. I desire them to looke in their own Glasse, and (if they haue any shame) to blush to obiect such things to vs.

CHAP. XV. The third colour of their tyrannie, To wit: Tergiversation.

THe thrid colour of their Tyrannie, is Tergiversation, Richeom. les. Expost. Apol. wherin they carie themselues variouslie: denying Ex­cusing: Transferring it on others: Or making apologies. For their denying Richeomus denyeth plainlie these positions which Iesuites affirme: As that it followeth not on their Do­ctrine that Kings excommunicat are tyrants & may be killed: Capite 21 pag. 174. That Subiects are absolved from their obedience: That the facts of Clemens, or Castellus were approved by them, Ibid. 174 That the violence that falleth out, commeth not of their Do­ctrine, but of the nature of the Catholicke [...] Ibid p. 222 Defens Apho­ris. Iesuit.. The like hath Becanus, and Hussius, an Iesuite, following his Master Gretzer: And Scribanius spends some Chapters of the first booke of his Amphitheater to that end: Thus they spake in a strast, when they are taken red hand with some mis­chiefe.

If they can not get it denyed, then they excuse it. So Cydonius speaketh of Marianaes bloodie doctrine: Ma­riana Cydon. con­fut. Anticot Scripsit Maria­na nescio quid wrote I can not tell what, &c. But the Parliament of Paris told that his little diminutiue was a superlatiue, e­ven a damnable treasone, when they damned the booke to bee burnt publickly.

Thirdly, they transferre it, and shift it from hand to hand. The Cleargie cast it on the Laicks, the Laicks on the Cleargie, the secular Priests on the religious orders: The other Orders on Iesuits, and the Iesuits cast it on o­ther Orders againe.

[Page 73]Fourthlie, when they see some Tragicall event of their Cydon. Apol. Henric, Gar­net. doctrine, as a King killed, a treasonable plotte disappoin­ted or discovered, when the World crie out against them, as in the powder treason, then they take them to A pologies So Cydonius wrote his Apologie for the Iesuite Garnet, to lay that cryme off him, and his societie. AndRicheom. Ex­post. Apol. Richeomus when he saw France abhorring the fact of Ca­stellus, the Parliament condemning them, the Pyramide erected, and the Iesuits banished, hee laboureth to purge their order of that treason. This was but a floorish of words, for in the meane tyme, the Iesuits of Doway set out a refutation of the Parliaments sentence against Castell.

But in a free contest and dispute, they maintaine these matters flatly. The Pope sayeth Bellarmine Potest sū mus Pontisex [...]igare Prin­cipes saeculares &c, Bell. con­tra Barclaiū. cap. 3 pag. 46 may bind secular Princes, by excommunication by his spirituall power: Hee may by that same loose his people from the oath of fideli­tie and obedience; may binde these same people vnder the paine of excommunication, that they obey not the excommunicate King, but choose another King to themselues: and more perem­ptorly: Kings Possunt, & debent Reges privari suo dominio. Re­cog pag. 45 both may and ought to bee depryved of their dominioun. And D. Marta giveth him that same power o­ver Kings, by vertue of his temporall iurisdiction. And Fran­ciscus Veronensis Iesuita Sicarius. p 49 affirmeth that the anoynting that made [c] Marta de Iuris. part. 1 cap. 23 to [...]o- them Kings, was w [...]ed off by excommunication, and they made private men, and by private men may bee killed: That they are furious men, and Ibid. 61 ought to bee killed or bound: And when they are so, the people ought to haue recourse to the Pope, as a commoun father for remeede Ibid. 63.. As for Castel­lus attempt to kill Henrie the fourth, he calleth it a iust fact; that it was holy and lawfull; that it was most holy and hu­mane, in so farre that it is blasphemie to condemne it; that it was divine, as the arrow or stroke that came from Heaven vpon Iulian, and as the fact of Ehud Ibid. 44. 133. 142. &c. And as though that were little, it is plus quam Ehudi, more than that of Ehuds; and in a word, it was good service to God, [Page 74] and meritorious: That it was an Heroicke worke, both in attempting, and constant induring torments for it; and that in his honorarie punishment hee was so farre from con­fessing of sinne in that stroke▪ that hee craved God pardon for his misse, in not killing him, but stryking out a tooth. As for Iaques Clements killing of Henrie the third, hee calleth it an heroick worke than which there was nothing more generous Ibid. 272 &c. And Mariana Henricus eo nomine 3. jaceat manu Monachi pe­remptus de Princip lib. 1, cap. 6 insulteth vpon that killed King: Let Henrie the thirdly killed by the hand of a Monke with a poysoned knyfe thurst in his bowels.

Hildebrand also alloweth this doctrine, as a father doeth his childe. Wee holding the Statutes of our Predeces­sours, doe absolue by Apostolicke authoritie all these who are bound by oath or Sacrament, to excommunicate persons Gratian, Caus. 15. quast 6. Can. nos., &c. And Vrbanus Gratian, Caus. 23. quest 5. Can. Excommuni­catorum. the second following his steppes, forbade these who were sworne to their Prince, to serue him so long as hee was excommunicate: But more cleerely in his bloodie Canon: Wee iudge them not Man-slayers, who bur­ning in the zeale of the Catholicke mother, against them that are excommunicate, doe kill some of them. And Becane Becan. Controvers. Anglican. in his latter writes is more Iesuited, affirming that the Pope having excommunicate, and deposed Kings, may take their life from them, and their Kingdome also, that hee may depose them two wayes, one by absolving his Subiects from the bond of Obedience:—The other by way of compensation, that seeing they will not protect people, but trouble them for their Religion, they are no more bound to them. In like manner, Sixtus the fifth delyvered a gratulatory ora­tion in the Consistorie, for killing of Henry the third, preferring it to the fact of Iudith. Cydonius denyeth it not Confut. Ant. p. 49 And while the world was astonished, and France sunk in sorrow for the death of their last King, a Preacher at Culen publickelie commanded Raviliacke. Thuan. Contin l. 3 Oratio. Sixt. 5 Ballar. resp. ad Apol. oratio Six­ti, &c. But wee nee le not inquire the opinions of their I heologues: Let vs heare Sixtus the fifth, commending the fact of Iaques [Page 75] Clement in the Consistorie: And how Bellarmine defends that Oration. What can bee found (saith hee) of Six­tus Oration, but praises and admiration of the wisedome and providence of God?—The Pope extolleth to the heavens, that a simple Monke with one stroke killed a great King in the midst of his Guards. And then giving vs the vses of that Oration. Thereby the Pope would admonish Kinges—for that King commanded to kill a sacred man (the Cardinall of Lorrane) and God caused a sacred man (a Monke) to kill that same King, not without a manifest miracle of the provi­dence of God. Here the Popes Oration, defending Clemens Regicide is defended, and the fact it selfe fathered on God. With what face then doe they deny that they allow Regicide? Cyprian said of another wickednesse, that it was not onelie committed but taught, and wee may addeScelus non tā ­tum agitur sed & docetu. Cypr, epist. 3 more, that by them greatest treason is both taught, pra­ctised, and (which is the toppe of iniquitie) ascrived vnto God.

Some times disapointment maketh them speak moderatlie. I excuse not the fact (sayeth Bellarmine) Non excu­so factum, od­parricidia ex­ecror conspira­tiones. Bellar. resp. ad Apol. de Iurament. pag. 22 of the pow­der-plot, I hate murther, I abhorre conspiracies: But If God for our sinnes had given way to that blow, wee should finde them Apologists, defending the lawfulnesse of it, who now abhorre it; and his damning of it, is not for Atrocitie of the matter, but for the disappointing of the successe, as in Castellus attempt: And how can it stand with the posed resolvednesse of the Iesuits, to maintaine the Doctrine, and condemne the practice? And what meaneth Garnets Apolog. Garnet. pag. 263. exhortation to his Catholickes to pray profelici successu gravissimae cuiusdam re [...] in causa Catho­licorum at the beginning of the Parliament: It could not bee for the disappointing, for that hee might haue done by revealing it, which hee knew without confession. That happie successe therefore was the blow it selfe. These facts are such quae non nisi peracta laudantur, they [Page 76] praise them when they are done, and consequentlie fru­strata damnantur, they are damned, when they are fru­trated.

How ever then they deny, excuse, or transferre the matter▪ it standeth on their doctrine and practise, that Kings may bee excommunicate and killed, and Riche­mous speaches, were neither from his heart, nor accor­ding to the trueth, but to serue the time in glosing a wise and offended King. The Iesuits then were in great dis­grace, and the sacrifice of publicke hatred, as a Fox in the snaire, they gaue faire words; but beeing at libertie, returned to their nature: So soone as they were restored, the Pyramide cast downe, and the King himselfe pleading for them, whereof they boast, Henricus 4 patroc [...]nium Iesuitarum suscepit, & publicè pro ijs perora vit. Be­can Opuscul Tom. 1. p. 500 they proved irreconcili­able: For though hee of a Princelie clemencie pardoned their treason, yet they neither layed downe their natiue or first hatred, nor the second, that they conceived of their supposed disgrace in banishment, but cut him off; and so declared to the world, that their Apologies Apolog Ie­suit Bohemo­rum. Laurea Austriaca. l. 1 were nothing, but fained complements. That good Patriot Oratio in­genua p. 102. (whom Iesuits call a profaine politicke) proved a Pro­phet in the end of his diswasiue Oration to the King, and foretolde with teares, That if hee restored them, they would destroy him, and so it came to passe.

This is the summe of their Tergiversation, wherein the Iesuits labour to purge their order: Apolog. Garnet. 57. Confut. Ant. Cott. 32. So when that order is iustlie pressed, then some one must suffer: But when France is in a broyle, Mariana must bee sacrificed to quench the fire. Cotton Continuat Thuan. 99. condemneth him; Gretzer cal­leth it his provat opinion: Cydonius extenuats it, but Aqua­viva Confut. Anticot p. 39 Vno Mariana aegre excepto. Casaub. ad Front. p. 8. censures it severelie in shew: The Authour of the Iesuits Apologie defendeth all, praiseth all, except Mariana alone. But that nicenes is needlesse, for hee is guiltie of a crime that commandeth to doe it as Cyprian Non est immunis a scelere▪ qui [...]t sieret, impera­ [...]it. Cyprian Epist. 31. sayeth. In the meane time of all this shifting, they giue [Page 77] no securitie to Princes, but they are cutted downe, and cannot tell who doeth it, they ioyne scoffing with vio­lence,Matth. 26. as the Souldiers did to Christ, when they buffeted him, and said, Prophecie who smote thee?

But some may thinke, that these Effronts which they haue suffered in the late tossing of their cause, hath brought them to some moderation. No, but they are as hard sette against Princes as ever. Let vs heare the Cardinals of the Consistorie In man [...] Pont. Mux. est—Majesta tem [...]mperato­riam redinte­grare, &c. Apboris. Car­din. 12. It is in the Popes hand to set vp the Maiestie of the Impyre, to transferre the Impyre from Nation to Nation, and alluterlie take away the right of Election. They thinke matters succeede to their desire, and therefore tell plainelie, that their intention is no lesse than to overthrow Impyres, for the establishing of their Hie­rarcho-Monarchie. And Marta Caveant igitur Princi­pes▪ expellere, vel parum ho­norare Episco­pos▪—si vo­lunt eorum regna, & sta­tus longo tem­pore possidere. Iu [...]is part. 2. c. 34. n [...]ult. giveth a strange advertisement to Kings, Let Princes (sayeth hee) be­ware to cast out or misregard Bishops, or other Prelats and Ec­clesiasticks if they will possesse their Kingdoms and States, for a long time. This is plaine talke; and the just extract of that which the King of the Assasines caused one (carying a long speare full of sharpe knifes) proclame before him: Fugite ab eo qui portat exitiū regum flee from him who caries the ruine of Kings. But I answere: Let Princes looke to this piece of Divinitie so deepelie contrived for their ruine, & ex ungue Leonem: Iudge what a Religion it is that maintaines such bloodie Doctrine and canonizes the executioners of it: And that so much the more that they are not ashamed of it as a sinne, but glorie in it as their perfection, in set­ting large Catologues Azor 2 5. 43. Becan con­trovers. Ang▪ l c. 122. Bellar, contra Barclaium. of Kings excommunicate, de­posed and cut off by them: And that speciallie to ter­rifie Kings, in showing them their doome, if they doe not adore the Pope.

CHAP. XVI. Of their fourth coverture, to wit: LVDIFICATION. And first of their pretended loue to Kings.

THe fourth Coverture of their tyrannie, is Ludification. They are not content with indignities done to Prin­ces; but scoffe them also; and that fiue speciall wayes: Pretext of loue: Fained limitations of the vse of their power: Futile and idle Distinctions: The baite of glorious titles while they are living, and canonizing after death.

First, they professe great loue to Kings, and that all Vsurpations and censures are for their good, as Baronius Pro Rege agimus, imo cum Rege ve­ritatis am an­tissimo Baron an. 1097. no▪ 8 intending to throw the Monarchie of Sicile from the King of Spaine, will make him thinke that hee is pleading for his good, and in a flattering style calleth him a Tu­tour and keeper of the Faith, &c. But how that King Edict. Phi lip. 2. contra Baron. Thuan Cont. Spalat. l. 6 fine expondeth his flatterie, may bee seene by his Edict, con­demning that Tome of Baronius to the fire in all his Domi­nions, and that for presuming to dispute the right of that Kingdome. This is like Ioab and Iudas kisse, vn­der friendship to destroy them: And like Iulian Iulian. e­pist, ad Ecebol pag. 308 Semper insidi [...] osa est, callida, blanda adula­tio. Hieron. adver, Pelag. lib. 1. scoffing of Christians, saying, Hee would helpe them to heaven by causing them keepe their Masters command: If any man take thy Cloake from thee, giue him thy Coate also. Wise Princes know their flatterie to bee but insidious, according to Ieromes censure▪ that flatterie in Hereticks is insidious, craf­tie, and full of insinuations.

Of the same sort of mocking is their offer of good coun­sell to Kings: So Bellarmine Bellar. de offic. Princip lib. 1. cap 4 sayeth: Bee wise yee Kings, bee learned yee that iudge the Earth, &c. Men would think [Page 79] by this Text, that their wisdome were to kisse the Sonne of God: But their sense is to kisse the Popes feete And a Com­menter of this wee haue in Baronius, Baron. an. 701. n. 22 ascryving the prosperitie of Sancius, and others then Kings of Spaine, to the obseque of the Pope. So they abuse Scripture con­trair to its end and meaning, for therein Kings rebelling against Christ, are exhorted to repent, and turne to him: But heere they mocke both God and Princes, in bidding them goe on in their rebellion against Christ, and adore Antichrist. Even as the Pope writting to that Apostate Clemens 8. Ian. 1601. Iustus Calvinus (who called himselfe thereafter Iustus Baronius) abused that Scripture, Come out of Babylon, Vides vt delivarit Rex, dum ista fu­rens scripsit. Baron. The head of Babylon called Syon by the name of Babylon, and Babylon by the name of Syon: They count Kings wise, when they serue them, as though they had taken on the Ie­suits fourth vow: But if they vse their Authoritie, then they call them madde and furious, as Charles of France, because hee wrote as a King, behold (say they) how the King roveth when hee wrote these things in a furie, In sensum reprobum dati non fnissent. Bellar. vbi supra. And when God in mercie openeth the eyes of Kings to see the tyrannie of Popes, and forsake them they call that work of Gods grace in reformation, a giving vp to a reprobate minde. Aperuisti Regum oculos &c. Cor. Cornel. praesa. in Proph. min. August. Psal 2. as though that were not rather a reprobate minde to giue their power to the Beast in fighting a­gainst the Lambe: In like manner, (e) another Iesuite calleth Kinges serving of the Pope in destroying of the Saincts, an opening of their eyes, and thanketh God that hee opened the eyes of Lewes of France, to destroy the Hugunotes. But Augustine expoundeth that Text better, that to kisse the Sonne, is not to bee sorrowfull, as though any be­nefite were taken from them, but to bee wise in not reigning rashlie, but serving the Lord in feare.

CHAP. XVII. Of their second Ludification, To wit, their sained Limitations.

IN their second Ludification of Princes, they tell them, that they neede not feare the Popes transcending power, because though it bee plenarie in it selfe, yet it is limited, and that in respect of the Iudge. The cause, and the proceeding: For the Iudge, they say, hee is limited, and doeth it not alone, but with advyce of Councell and Consistorie of Cardi­nals. Pontifices ordinariè in Synodis Episc [...] porum, &c. Bellar. contra Barcl. c. 12 And Becane sayeth, that whither a King hath de­served deposition, it is to bee tryed by the iudgement of lear­ned and godlie men. But that is a scoffing of the world, though in word they joyne to the Pope, the advyce of(b) Ex prudē ­ti piorum ac doctorum ho­minum judicio aesti [...]andum est. Becan. controver. A [...] glic. pag. 252 Synods and Consistorie, yet they put all in his hand alone, for without the definition of a Synode, the definitions of the Pope are sufficient sayeth Suarez. Sine conci­lij definitione, &c. Suarez. defens 6 6. 27 And Castaldus is more cleare to the point, Lib de Imperatore quaest. 81 That the Pope alone without a Councell may depose the Emperour. And Dominicus Bannez Bannez. 22. quaest. 10 is more peremptorie than both, affirming that it is left to the Dominion and iudgement of the Pope when to vse this power: And though it were a generall Councell, yet all its firmnesse and infallibiltie is from the Pope alone, sayeth Bellarmine Bellar. Rom. 4. 3 And Pius the second, Bulla 2. pag. 120. cutteth short this Limitation, when hee dischargeth all appellati­tion from the Consistorie: So they must stand to his excom­munication vnlesse they will incur an other excommu­nication by a penaltie of Councell. Yea, and Augusti­nus Triumphus affirmeth more blasphemoussie, that the Popes power is such a qua non potest appellari ad Deum ipsum De potest. Eccles q. 6 as from which we cannot appeale to God himselfe: Let Councels then stand content, seeing God himselfe is excluded. What ever their Theologues dispute in [Page 81] Schooles, matters are caried absolutelie according to the Popes will.

As for the respect hee hath to the Colledge of Cardi­nalls in the consistorie, Palaeottus a Cardinall can tell vs best, who for his practicke wit, and great performances at the Councell of Trent, gote Hist. Tri­dent. p. vlt. a Cardinals hatte for his reward. Hee maketh them the Popes creatures absolutlie, and that it is their best to giue their voice in the consistorie, ac­cording to the Popes pleasure. Quemadmodum illi (sayeth he) qui Divinam voluntatem, tanquam primam, ac potissi­mā rerum omnium regulā sequuntur: As they (saith he) who follow the will of God, as the first and chiefe rule of all things, are counted wise. So i [...]n may bee said, that the Cardinall, who in giving counsell, adhereth to the iudgement of the Pope, (which is the reerest rule of humane action) hee followeth the best course in doing his office, and exeemeth himselfe from all danger of errour; and with all, giveth wholesome advyce to the matter it selfe. This ground beeing layed, hee telleth vs, that the Colledge of Cardinals assisteth not the Pope by way of limitation of his power, but by way of Ministerie Paleot Consult. con­sist part. 5. pag 251. and that the consent of Cardinals, or other in matters consi­storiall, is no wayes necessarie Collegium Cardinalium non assistit Pa pae per modum limitationis sed instar mi nisterij Ibid. part. 1. quaest. 3 artic 2.: For what ever they advise, it is in his power to follow, or not follow at his pleasure Ibid art 3 Where is then the limitation they speake of, seing it is heere denyed in termes: And what is this else but as Paul the second said to Platina, Doest thou not know, that all reason and law is in the shrine of our breast Ibid. art. 4.? And what moderation hee vseth in the Consi [...]orie, Paulus Servita in his considerations for the republick of Venice, decla­rethPope Paul his quar­rells. lib. 1 how contrare to lawes divine and humane hee carryed that matter in the beginning, in the furie of his passion Plat [...]na in vita Paul 2 An nescis not omnia jura in scrino pecto­ris habere.,

The limitation of the causes is like the former, which they summe vp in some generalls. Animarum Causis ex­igentibus Be [...] contra Barcla tum. p. 21. salus; Aeternum & spirituale bonum, and bonum Ecclesiae: The salvation of Soules, Eternall and spirituall good, and [Page 82] good of the Church: These are faire pretexts, as though hee sought nothing but mans spirituall good; but they are onely colours for his ambition: For if hee can come be his Monarchie he careth neither for the good of the Church nor of Soules; for hee hath varifyed Basiles saying, That Basil. Epist. 8 how much a Church decayeth, the more are they desirous of government: And it seemeth that hee had a Propheticall Spirit in that place, when hee said, that the domination of Bishops was devolved ad infelices homines, servos servorum, to vnhappie men, the servants of servants, This is the Popes propper stile: But the discerning of the weight or lightnes of these causes, is restrained to the Pope alone, because hee as a spirituall Father can best discerne when Kings doe wrong to their Subiects in things spirituall Beca [...]. controvers. Angl p. 252. And they haue a more compendious course; for beside Dogmaticall heresies in points of faith, they haue also a practicall here­sie or schisme, which they call the Henrician heresie Ort [...] ▪ est haeresis Henrit ciuna, &c. Bin. Tom. 3 part. 2. 406: For as they call Antichristian vsurpation, Ecclesiasticke libertie, so they call the lawfull defence of imperiall authori­tie, by the name of Henrician heresie. Binius defyneth what it is, to wit, the same that the Politicks of our tyme affirme. Behold wee haue witnesses for the libertie of Princes, vnder the name of Politicks; as well as we haue witnesses of dogmatick trueth, vnder the Name of He­retiks: And it were wisdome in these Politicks to ioyne them­selues to reformed doctrine, as they doe in the vindicating of Princes. They gaue the Name of Henriciana haeresis, from Henrie the fourth, who was opposite to Hildebrand the father of the Hildebrandine tyrannie. And a Concil. Quintil cont. haeres Henri­cian [...]. Bin. ibid. pag 405. coun­cell at that tyme, was indicted by Hildebrand against that pretended heresie.

And though they doe none of these, but bee slack in rooting Sed etiam propter negli­gē [...]ian [...] potest excommuni­cari. Ra [...]mond apud Bellar. contra Barcl. pag. 17 out of Protestants, that slacknes is a cause of de­position: for a secular Iudge may be deposed, not only for his heresie, but also for his negligence in rooting out of heresies. So [Page 83] whē the Pope is angry, he shal never want a cause: heresie, (as they call it) or Schisme negligence, &c. that is to say, the loue of the trueth, the defence of their liberties, and clemencie to their Subiects, are sufficient causes with him to cast them down. And smaller things than heresie o [...] schisme are found causes relevant: If they but violate the least priviledge of a monasterie, they shall bee cast out of their King­dome: So Valdensis concludeth it for the power of Grego­rie over the French Kings, and Bellarmine approveth his Conclusion Bellar. Ibid. 26.. But Bozius holdeth vs not long in su­spense,Bozius de sig [...] ­nis. 17 4 vel sine causa. affirming that the Pope may transferre greatest impires vpon iust causes, or without a fault. Persidious men (said Tacitus) [...]ersidis nunqam cau­sa defic [...]et &c Constit. Pont. pag. 120. Azor. 1▪ 5. 15 will never want a cause to break their pro­mise, for they will ever set some collour of law vpon their de­ceate. Lastly Alphonsus à Castro putteth vs out of doubt saying, that they hold firmely many things pertaining to faith, by the Popes definition alone, wherein the Pope hath given no reason of his definition▪ The Popes will then is a sufficient cause; h [...]e careth for no cause, though it were to breake his owne oath: For when Gregorie the twelfth was periu­red in keeping still the Popedome, which hee sware to lay downe; yet it was not perjurie (sayeth Azorius out of Panormitane, because hee had a iust cause so to doe. This c [...]use was his owne will, and the loue of the Popedome.

Their third Limitation is from the manner of procee­ding. It is not rash Bell. Barc. 7 (say they) but all is in loue and wises dome, for this is the Popes custome, first to rebuke fatherlie, next to depriue them of the Sacraments by Ecclesiasticke cen­sure: Lastlie to loose their Subiects from their oath, &c. A­zorius Azor [...]ar. 2 lib. 10 c. 7 putteh three conditions: First, to bee admo­nished. Next, that the cause bee notour. Thirdlie, that hee be disobedient. The like moderation is set downe by their [...]ateran [...] Concil. lateran. sub. [...]oc. 3. Councell. And as for their sentence of ex­communication, it is to bee vnderstood clave non erran­ [...]e, if the key doe not erre. Gratian caus 11. qu [...]t 3. cap. Senten­tia. But their Law proues this [Page 84] a scoffing, for the sentence of the Pastour whither iust or vn­iust, is ever to bee feared, where the glosse and their Do­ [...]tours everie where affirme, that the vnjust sentence of excommunication is valide and differeth from that that is null. And Navarrus Navar. Enchir. c. 27 n. 3. affirmeth, that even the vn­iust sentence regularlie is valide. And Bellarmine taketh away all doubts, saying, Peccabit princeps spiritualis; sed non poterit tamen princeps temporalis iudicium sibi sumere Bellar. contra Barcl. c. [...]7 For if a spirituall Prince abuse his power in excommunicating v [...]iustlie a temporall Prince, or loose his Subiects from obe­dience without a iust cause, and so trouble the state of the Common-wealth, the spirituall Prince sinneth in so doing: But yet the temporall Prince may not iudge of these thinges, &c. And Hildebrand speaketh more Tamen eum supplicē venire oporte [...] Aventin. lib. 5. pag. 575. peremptorlie: Al­though that hee, to wit, the Emperour had beene v [...]iustlie ex­communicate by vs, yet hee should haue made supplication to vs, and sought the benefite to bee absolved. And what they speake of the not erring of the Keye, is in vaine for they maintaine that the Key cannot erre in the Popes hand, and haue layed that fearefull yo [...]ke vpon the Church, to tak that for good, which he commandeth, Tenetur in rebus dubijs Ecclesia acqui escere judicio summi Ponti­ficis &c. Bel de Rom. Pont. lib. 4 cap 5 although it were vice. For the Church (say they) is bound in doubtfull things to acqu [...]esce to the Popes iudgement, and to doe what hee commandeth, &c.—And least she should doe against her conscience, shee is bound to belieue that to bee good which hee biddeth, and that to bee evill which hee forbiddeth.

But they neede not a long Procedor, for how soone Quampri­m [...]m Reges fi­unt haeretici, &c. Simanch a King becommeth Hereticks, his people are loosed from their obedience. And though hee bee not excommunicate by man, all is one, [...]not [...] matter needeth no pronouncing of a sen­tence. And there is yet more, for the Pope needeth neither to call a Cou [...]cell nor a Consistorie▪ for his inter­preta [...] [...] [...] In hac ca [...] ­sa [...] ad est [...] in­terpret▪ [...] [...]nnes [...] is sufficient. There is then no more for Kings, but after the condemnatorie sentence of depriva­t [...]o▪—Hee may bee [...]pry [...]ed of his Kingdome, [...]e [...] [...]uare. lib 6 c▪ 4 n. 1 [...]. And [Page 85] Thomas closeth all; affirming that Subiects of an excom­municat King are indeede loosed from his Dominion and oath of fidelitie,

This is contrare to the wisedome and lenitie of the primitiue Church, for Cyprian Cyprian epist. [...]8 ex pe [...]sa enim moderatione libranda est. telleth, that in con­suring Philumelus and Fortunatus the meanest of the Clear­gie, hee would not proceede without the consent of his Brethren and the people.

But they agree not amongst themselues in their limi­tation. Simanca will haue the cause declared; and Thomas sayeth, It is enough that the sentence bee pronounced; And Cydonius darre determine nothing therein. Yet Princes must bee content with that they know not what, declared or vndeclared: The Key erring, or not erring: In Councell, or out of Councell: Iustlie, or vniustlie: But all agree to castAzor part. 2. l. 10 c. 8 downe Kings, and that with so many frivolous causes, as the justest King cannot eschew some of them.

All their moderation in proceeding, which they call aliqua ratione: Omni ratione necessaria: Commodas ratio­ones: Congruum remedium: Convenientem medelam: AndBellar. Rom. Pont. 5 6 Idem contra Barcl p. 19 Simancha. such like floorish of words resolue in a summar & violent destroying of Kings: Their Church is like some late Physitians, who wearie of Galens Methodicke curing, tak them to Paracelsus minerals and extracts, so they leaue the methode of [...]enitie and Loue, that Christ gaue to his Apostles, and are come to a summar dealing, ure, se­ca: burne & cut: And of all cures of the sicknesse of their Monarchie which they thinke commeth of Kings, they like best to cutte the Basilicke veine. The k [...]ngl [...]e head of Nations is that they shoote at, and that not at the [...]are as Peter did to Malchus but at the heart and throat, [...] Clement, Castellus, and Raviliacke did to the Kinges of France. So all this Limitation, is but a mist cast in the eyes of the world, and the sword put in the Popes hand to vse it absolutely and summarlie at his pleasure.

CHAP. XVIII. Of their idle and futile Distinctions.

THeir third Ludification of Princes, is by idle and futile distinctions: And first of the Iudge, pronoun­cing such bloodie sentences: That it is not the Pope Non potest Papa vt Papa Bellar. Rom. Pont. 5. 6 Idem contra Barcl. c. 12 Idem recog. pag. 23. Suarez. 6. 6 Platin. vitae Gregor. 7. as Pope, but as hee is the chiefe spirituall Prince. Next they distingiush the Nature of the power, that it is not a temporall power, but a power in temporall things. Third­lie, they distinguish the manner of the power, that it is not direct, but indirect, and in ordine ad spiritualia. That they allow not the killing of a King, but of a private man: That an excommunicate King is but a private man, and so may bee lawfullie killed. Of this sort are these, that albeit deposition of Kings exceede the bounds of excom­munication, yet it exccedeth not the Popes power. Item, though absolution from excommunication restore a King to the peace of the Church, yet it restoreth him not to his King­dome.

I doubt if the Iesuits speak of these distinctions without Discrimen vo­cum directè & indirectè▪ non refertur ad modum ac [...] quirendi, sed ad explicandū obiectum secū darium, Bellar contra Barcl. cap. 12 smyling, for they know they are but Cousenings, as thogh we would say, that David caused kill Uriah, not as a King, but as an Adulterer to cover his adulterie with Bersheba: Was his sinne the lesse before God? Or if a thiefe shall deny that hee stole his Neighbours goods, because hee did it not directlie by comming in at the doore, but indirect­lie by creeping in at the Window, shall hee escape punishment? And when Saul pretended a spirituall good end to Samuel in sparing the Cattell of the Amalekites for sa­crifice, was hee allowed of the Lord? Such are these foolries, they are fained to obscure the trueth, and har­den [Page 87] their owne hearts in a wicked course.

Besides, they doe not agree amongst themselues concer­ning the Nature of this power, and the qualitie of it: Some af­rme it absolutelie, as the most part of the Iesuits and Philp­pus Ner [...]us Schoolers Congregationis oratorij, others deny it absolutelie such as they themselues call profaine politicks. And a third sort like Meteors, hing betweene these two, pressing to agree them with distinctions and mitigations. The Canonists goe from the Schoole-men, and the Schoole­men, are divided amongst themselues. So Bellarmine▪ Non de­sunt altercats ones quid sit, & qualis est, &c. Bellarm. vbi supra c. 3 Dubiae quasti­onis est inter Catholicos [...] Azor. pag. 2. lib. 4. cap. 19 confesseth that there lacketh no chydings among them of what sort & qualitie that power is, that is, whither it be by it selfe & properlie temporall: Or necessar, if it be spirituall it selfe, but by certaine consequence and in order to spirituall things dispone of temporall things. If it bee so, that they agree not amongst themselues of the Nature, the qualitie, and vse of this power, why trouble they the world in tyrannicall exer­cing of it? This is (as Augustine noteth of Heretickes) that they are like Sampsons Opinio di­versa vanitas vna. August. Psal. 80. foxes, though their opinion be diverse, yet their vanitie and wickednesse is one: Two of them speake not one way of the matter, and yet they all agree to fire the world.

They vse Papa ut papa like Iuglers, playing fast and loose: When they speake of his knowledge they grant he may erre ut Doctor, but not ut Papa. There Papa caryeth away the priviledge: But heerein the vse of his power, hee may not vse it in temporall things ut Papa, but as sum­mus Princips spiritualis: Heere Papa hath lost his privi­ledge. I require them to agree these two, that since his knowledge and power are transcendent things, why the one resteth on him as Papa, and not the other? This is a tricke, they care not what they say, so that they say some thing, and serue the time and their turne. For this cause Bellermine Bellarmi­nus in [...]elicissi­mus distincti­num archite­ctus. is iustlie called by some of them, an vnhap­pie devyser of distinctions: And wee may say of them all, as [Page 88] hee doeth of them, Qui defendunt Imagines adorarilatria, coguntur uti subtilissimus distinctionibis, quas vix ipsimet Bellar. de i­mag. c. 22. intelligunt nedum populus imperitus. Who defended that Images ought to bee worshipped cultulatriae, that their distinctions per se & per accidens, propriè, & impropriè: Relativè terminative, & conterminativè, &c. are so subtle, that scarcelie they who vse them doe vnderstand them, farre lesse the ignorant people.

Cardinall Peronius hath a new devyce, which hee cal­leth a double wall about Kings: That the Execution of their downe casting partaineth not to the Pope alone, [...]ut to the body Thuan Con rinuat. lib. 8 pag. 495. Du­plex vallum adhi [...]e [...], &c. of the Kingdome: And therefore, if the Pope erre, the States of the Kingdome shall adhere to the King. This he did to gull the Estats of France, and to hold off the Oath of a lead­geance (a better Guard to Kings than his fansie.) Where was his double wall when both their Kings were kil­led? The Parricids waited neither on the Churches de­finition, nor the Subiects consent, but went on at the Iesuites instigation: With his Eloquence hee blew that As­semblie blind, and turned them to a blinde passiue obe­dience, that the Iesuits actiue blinde Obedience, might ruine all.

All this argues that they presumed on the simplicitie of Princes, as though they could bee content with such distinctions: Neither are miscreants stayed from attemp­ting treason, but rather inboldened, while as Conies they may play vnder the Clapper, of such sandie distinctions: neither are Princes secured from violence neither comfor­ted heereby if it shall overtake them. What comfort would it haue beene to Henrie the third, to tell him: This is not done to you by the Pope, as Pope in an ordinar course by a direct power, but as a supreme Iudge and indirectlie for the good of the Church. Who can suffer himselfe vnder such injurie to be so mocked? I turne Gretzers word vp­on them, reproving Plessie, for chopping at the cutting [Page 89] off the [...]e [...] p [...]ars, But thou art come, O Plessie too lat [...] [...]t n [...]mis se [...]us & tardigra­ [...] Advoca­tus es—ejus­dem vt litat [...]. sunt serum & null [...]m patro cinium. Mysta sal and slow an Advocate for them. The matter is long si [...] iudged and done And a late, and no Patrocinie are of alik [...] worth. So their Cardinals late fancied Guard proved no Guard.

But how shall Princes stand content with these di­stinctions, seeing the Pope is not content, for the hard temper of the Ca [...]onists and Nerius Schollers please him better. Doctor Marta Marta Iu­ris c 19 & 20 Azor part▪ 2 lib. 4 cap 19 mocketh Bellarmines nicenes of potestas in temporalibus, & non potestas temporalis. Ca­rerius calleth him and other mitigators by the name of profaine politicks, so doe the two Bozii, and Azorius pro­fesseth a simple mislike of their mitigations. Mihi non placet modus loquendi quo utuntur Victoria Sotus, Bellarmi­nus—In iure enim Can absolutè & simpliciter dicitur, &c. I like not the manner of speach which Victoria SoTus, Bellarmine &c. Doe vse to insinuat that the Pope hath one­lie spirituall power, and not a temporall▪ And Sixtus the fifth was so angrie at Bellarmine for his distinction of direct and indirect power, that hee was minded to cause burne all his Bookes, as Barcklay Bellar sa­tisfacere non potuit ambi­tioni imperio sissimi [...]xti 5 &c Barcl▪ de potest. Pap. cap 13. obiecteth to him. And when hee commeth to Bel. con­tra Barcl. cap 13. answere that part of Barck­layes Booke, hee passeth it in silence; Wherevpon Barcklayes [...]onne [...]o Barcl. pietas. c. 13 in his replye to Bellarmine taketh that silence or preterition of so weightie a challenge for a confession. Like to the Remonstrants in our time, [...]hen they are challenged of Socinianisme Censura confes. c 19. about the state (f) Examen censur. 19. of the dead, and desired to declare themselues heerein, they passe that weightie challenge with silence, and neete it with an impertinent Recrimination which is in effect a taking with that imputation: silence in such a case is to plead guiltie.

CHAP. XIX. Of their fourth Ludification of Kings. In glorious Titles.

FOurthlie they mocke Princes with glorious Titles: So Charles the Great gote the name Christianissimus: And King William of Scotland was called Defensor Ecclesiae, De­fender of the Church, which stile the Councell of Mentz had long before given to Ludovicus Baron. an. 847. [...] ▪ 25. Connaeus de stat. relig. p. 63. And Iames 4. of Scotland was called Protector Camerar. de Sanctis Sco­tia. lib. 3. Christianae religionis, pro­tector of the Christian religion, by Iulius the second. Henry eight of England was called defensor Leo. 10. Bulla. 12. fidei, defender of the faith, by Leo [...]0. Ferdinand was called Rex Catholicus, the Catholicke King, which Alfonsus many ages before him had vsed. And the Helvetians were called Defensores Goldast. replic. p. 432 libertatis Ecclesiasticae, Defenders of the Church libertie, by Iulius the second.

The ground of such denomination was some benefite receaved. Charles inlarged their patrimonie. King Wil­liam Kings Titles are y^e Popes triumphs. inriched their Church, with the Abbacie of Aberbro­thoke. Henrie the eight wrote against Luther. The Hel­vetians at Iulius the seconds desire scattered the Councell of Pisa, when it was gathered to reforme the Church. And Ferdinand was fi [...]te for their purpose, by his Catho­licke Monarchie, to build their Hierarchie. The end of this denomination was, to proue their Superioritie over Princes, and please them with that Title while they were pulling their honours from them, and to ingage them more to a base subjection. But there is also some presage heerein, for these Titles were some-what Propheticall that the Kings of these Kingdomes should [...]e [...] in Gods tyme reformers of the Church, to purge her from that [Page 91] superstition which raigned in her, when these titles were given them: For even Caiaphas serving his owne humour and preiudice, will some-tymes Prophetically light vpon a trueth. It hath also proven true in some part. The Kings of England proue now defenders of the Ancient and Apo­stolicke faith: So the Kings of Scotland proue also de­fenders of the Church; and France and Spaine will follow in that same worke, in Gods tyme.

This is like another conceate, when the Pope sendeth to Princes Roses, or Swords consecrate in the day of Christs Nativitie: So Pius the second sent a sword to King Iames (a) Bull 15. the second of Scotland: And Sixtus the fifth sent another to the Prince of Parme, for to overthrow the Hollan­ders, &c. Tiberius gaue great honours to Seianus, while he feared his greatnesse, and plotted his ruine: So the Pope sendeth childish toyes to please Princes, while hee pul­leth their honour and power from them.

CHAP. XX. Of their last Ludification. In Canonizing Kings.

LAstlie they mocke Princes by Canonizing, and a long list of the Names of canonized Kings is set out as a Glasse to them to looke in, but in effect to let them see their reward, if they will serue the Pope. They haue learned it from the olde Senate, with whom divinitie was weighed with humane pleasures as sayeth Tertullian Nisi homi­ni Deus placu erit, Deus non erit, homo iam Deo propitius esse debebit. Tertul. Apol. cap. 5. For except God pleased man, hee was not made a God, and man was propitius to God: And as it now practised amongst them, it is but a noveltie, and their Patrone Bellar de Sanctorum be­atitudine. Baron. 998 num. 3. bringeth not a practise of it before the eight age: The Church till then was destitute of canonized patrons, and had none [Page 92] in Heaven but Iesus Christ for their Advocate: First (say­eth h [...]e) they were worshipped by custome, and thereaf­ter Bellar. recog. pag. 68. came formall canonizing. But when Idolatrie grew, they ioyned patrons to him, as though hee alone suffi­ced not: And this conceate they turned also to Kings, and sancted them at their pleasure, as they found them superstitious in religion, or obsequious to Rome. Augu­stine observed that Aesculapius was made a God, but not the Philosophers, because men felt the benefite of bodily health by medicine, but not the health of their soule by Philosophie: and hee avouched, that Plato was more worthie to bee deifyed than any of their gods: So Popes being sicke of ambition and avarice, canonized such Kings as cured their disea­ses: No good and auncient Pope did so, but when they turned monsters, and were fardest from God, they tooke on them to make Gods by canonizing, they resigned ho­linesse to Kings, or rather declared that they were more holy than themselues His tempo ribus quibus P. R. apieta te veterum de generaverant Principes sae culi sanctitate florebant. Chr nol an 1026 They distribute their charitie with discretion, and gaue to Kingdomes their kyndlie titular Kings, the pride of Spaine, and policie of Italie, either affoor­ded not, or admitted not many such Saints, but the simplici­tie of the Transalpine people was more plyable to the Popes they filled them with Saints, while at Rome they were drowned in Atheis [...]e.

I demaund if these canonized Kings [...]e holyer than Melchisedecke, Moses, David, Ezekiah, Iosiah before Better Kings not canoni­zed than ca­nonized. Christ? Or then Constantine, Theodosius after him? I thinke they will not call them so. If they were not; why are they canonized, and no the other? Why suffer they these who are honoured by Scripture, and true histories, to stand amongst the people without respect, while as the other are in the Roll of Heavenlie Advocats, and honoured with Temples Dayes, Alt [...]s, Services, &c? And if these other b [...]e holyer as they a [...] indeede▪ why is the Church defrauded of their int [...]c [...]ssio [...]? They are lyke [Page 93] their forefathers the Romans, who apotheosed manie wicked men; but did not so to Cato, of whom Velleius sayeth, that he was in all things nearer to gods than men, and that hee was free of all humane vices. Neither did they referre in the number of their gods, S [...]ip [...]o Nas [...]ca their high Priest, whom Augustine calles better than all the gods. Augu C [...] ­vit. lib. 1 cap 23. & 32. So of some of the Popes gods, the common speach is verified, that manie mens bones are worshipped on earth, whose soules are tormented in hell. Multorū in terris cineres veneramur, & ossa, Quorum a nimas Orcit [...]r [...] m [...]na dira ne­cant.

But heerein the Popes would proue their superioritie over Princes, for hee that deifies, setteth himselfe aboue that that is deified. They would reallie be Kings, and therefore pleased Kinges in making them titular and imaginarie Saincts. But it is no Divinitie that is subiect to men, and that mutuall protection is ridiculous, when gods keepe living men, and men keepe the statues of dead gods. Tertul. So they know nothing about Kings, but the two extermities of Excommuication or Canonization: If Kings serue them baselie, they shall bee deified by ca­nonizing: If not, they shall bee damned to hell: But there is no truth in any of these▪ and both of them argue an An­tichristian presumption in Popes: They vsurpe over Kings, in casting them downe, and setting them vp at their pleasure, and over God himselfe, in making gods and thru­sting them on him as intercessours.

I close this point with Cicero Magis est in Romul [...] ad­mirandum, &c. August. Civit. l. 22. cap. 6. wondering at Romu­lus Apot heosing: For though times of ignorance made men gods, yet it was wonderfull in the midst of learning, men were so exalted, but hee satisfieth himselfe; in that none, but Rome counted Romulus a god, and that when shee was little and b [...] ­ginuing. So it was no wonder in the middle Ages of darknesse, to see Rome canonize men, but now in so great a light of the Gospel, and in the Contest with Rome for her Idolatrie, to see her multiplie her [...]ut [...]ar gods, it is wonderfull. But wee may content our selfe with [Page 94] Cicero. Who taketh these to be gods but Rome (a) & that no [...] in her minorite & beginning, but in her maioritie and declining to [ [...]] Quis au­tem Romulum Deum nisi Ro­ma credidit. vbi suprae Ecce attendi­te &c. b [...]d▪ lib. cap. 32 destruction? I intreat you therefore with Augustine, to consider of this your Pagan impietie if your minde, so long drunk: with errours, suffereth you to thinke of anie wholesome thing. And this much of their cloakes of shame, or their Spider-web-covertures of their open tyrannie.

CHAP. XXI. Of their affected ignorance in the consideration of the two great powers Civill and Ecclesiasticke.

THeir foolish madnesse is plaine if wee consider their course and their fruites that follow. Their folie con­sideredTwo great powers. not aright these two powers civill and spirituall; and their ignorance was rather affected than simple; to make greater way to their violent pride.

God ruleth the world by two distinct powers, Civill and Ecclesiasticke: For Religion must bee in the Republicke. and the Republicke must bee in Religion (sayeth Optatus) Reli [...]io­nem in repub▪ & Re [...]publ. in religione es­se oportet. Op­tat. Mile vitā Spalat. Ostens. Error. Suarez c [...]ip. 3. n 61 I [...]em, lib 6. [...]p 3. toto. The Church and Common-wealth are as the two Estates, and everie one of them hath its owne full power and authoritie in thinges that concerne it. They are both of God, and none of them is that way more worthie than the other, as to subiect the other to it. Neutra potestas est al­tera eo sensu dignior ut alteram sibi subijciat utra (que) enim est in suo genere prima, & ab altera independens. Each of them in its owne kind is prime & independent from other. But yet they are distinguished from other in their endes, Taske [Page 95] and meanes for that end. They haue both God for their Authour, and generallie the good of mankind for their end, but their proper ends are different: For the spiri­tuall power leadeth onely to a spirituall and eternall good, whereas the civill absolutlie looketh first to an humane & temporall good: All mankind lyeth flatte on the Earth, notwithstanding of all other Callings: But the Pasto­rall calling pulleth him from the earth and lifteth him to Heaven.

The Taske of the Spirituall, is the preaching of the Word, ministration of Sacraments, and the vse of the Keyes Their task. of the Kingdome of Heaven, directing mens consciences in the will of God, and correcting them Ecclesiastickly. For which cause the Pulpit is called the Tribunall of the Super pulpitū ▪ id est tribunal Ecclesiae. Cypr. epist. 24 Church, because therein Pastors doe publish more glori­ous I awes than the Praetor. The taske of the civile po­wer is notoure in thinges Civile; and for Religion, it is appointed of God to defend the Church, and trueth in it: Indite and gather Councels, and ratifie their Canons, to abro­gate superstition and idolatrie, to provide Pastors with hou [...]st maintenance, and maintaine their provisions against the Sa­crilegious. In a word, the power of the Church is not tem­porall but spirituall; not a coactiue, but a directiue power: And the power civile is not spirituall but humane; not directiue but coactiue; to see all these spirituall dueties performed in their Kingdomes. God hath not set them vp as contraire and opposite; but as diverse, and that for agreement and mutuall helpe, to make vp an Harmonie of governement in mankinde.Incompati­ble in one person.

These two powers cannot compete to any one person Causab. de libert Ec­clesiast. Hin [...]mar. de potest. eccl c. 1 It is neither lawful nor seemlie for Princes to preach, bap­tize, communicate people, excōmunicate, delinqu [...]ts, &c Neither is it tolerable in Pastours to denounce warre, lead Armies, shedde blood, and swey a coactiue power. Am­brose (b) riddeth the marches clearelie, Wee pay (sayeth [Page 96] hee) to Caesar the things that are Caesars, and to GOD the [...]olvimus quae sunt Caesari Caesaris &c Ambros. de basil tradend. things that are Gods. The tribute is Caesars, and not denyed. The Church is Gods, and ought not to bee adiugded to Caesar, because Gods Church cannot bee Caesars right. Which none can denie is spoken with the honour of the Emperour. For what is more honourable▪ than that the Emperour be called the Sonne of the Church—For a good Emperour is within the Church, and not about the Church. And in another place, Quae divi­na sunt impe­ratoriae pote­stati non sunt subiect [...] ▪ Idem l. 1. epist. 33 Divine things are not subiect to the power of the Empe­rour—And thereafter places pertaine to the Emperours, but Churches to the Priests. The right of the publick walls is committed to thee, not of the sacred, so sayeth he to the Empe­rour, who craved the Church to bee delivered to the Arrians. Athanasius, and Ambrose speake distinct lie: That Princes are in the Church by profession and possession of grace, and so the Sonnes of God, and of the Church: They are not over the Church, for her direction but for her protection: her Parents, but her Nurce-Fathers.

Wise Kings ever granted the different power and in­teresseConstāt. Imp. Basit. Imp. apud Baron. 886 n 1. K Iames in Deus & Rex Casaub de li­bertat Eccles. in things civill and Ecclesiasticke. That in the first they were Lawmakers, but in the second were directed and admonished themselues: In the first, they had a power both to make and allow Lawes for the publicke good: in the second, they are preservers of Lawes, not to decerne therein with authoritie: But to order matters Canonically ac­cording to the Lawes of the Church. The Church first dis­cerned Trueth from Heresie, and then decerned: And Princes ratified their decrets. Pastours decrets accor­ding to the trueth obliged mens Consciences to followA sort of mu tuall subor­dination. the truth, and Princes outwardlie inioyned the People to follow a knowne truth.

Though these two powers or callings simplie considered b [...] not subiect to other, yet there is a sort of mutuall sub­ordination Spalat lib. 6 cap. 3 [...]d. Ostens [...]er [...]or. Suarez c 3 [...]. 61. in the persons that are cloathed with them: Princes are aboue Pastours in respect of civill E­minence [Page 97] of outward governement, and compulsion, to do their duetie as Pastours; though not in the intrinsecall Interna vero Ecclesiastica, integrae relin quit judicio d [...] recti [...] Eccles cur suam quo que animam & conscienti­am submitt [...]t Deus & Rex pag. 56. Rom 13. 1 Heb. 13. 17 direction. And Princes are subiect to Pastours, in re­spect of the informing and directing of their consciences in Religion The one is subiect to the other civillie, the o­ther spiritually. Pastours are subiect to Princes. Let e­verie soule bee subiect to superiour powers. And Princes are subiect to Pastours spirituallie. Obey them who haue the over-sight of you and submit your selues. And yet not with­standing of the comparision of the callings, GOD hath wiselie subiected Pastours to Princes. First, be­cause the Kingdome of the Church is not in this World Christ bee­ing the only spirituall Mo narch. But principallitie, hath the beginning, vse and end in this life, and therefore heere must they haue the preheminence or else never. Next, because of vniversalitie: For the Church of God is not in everie place: And yet these hu­mane Societies without a Church haue both neede of, and are governed by principalitie. Thirdlie, because of Ancietie; for albeit God had a Church ever since hee called on Adam in Paradise, yet ere the Church came to any greatnesse in number or conspicuousnesse in the vse and worke of spirituall power, Principalitie had the own Governement and eminencie among men. For this cause some Hermas Let. de pace Eccles. l 7 c. 5 haue pressed the name of secular power from the Ancietie, as though it beganne cum saeculo: Though more properlie it bee called a temporall power from the obiect and meanes.Their merches Ne principes quasi bruta at nimalia tra­ctantur▪ Lu­ther.

This great blessing reformation bringeth vnto Kingdomes, to ridde merches betweene these powers: Amongst other things this inrage [...] Luther, (b) that hee saw Princes moc­ked and abused as beasts: Therefore hee vendicate their honour from the Popes tyrannie. Wee teach according to Gods word, that Princes and Preachers are mutually sheepe to other: Princes to Preachers in respect of their spirituall office, informing, and counselling them out of [Page 98] the word of God: And Preachers to Princes, in respect of a temporall coactiue power, to protect them, or cor­rect them, if they offend. If wee consider in Mankind a spirituall Sphere, Preachers are aboue all: In which sense Nazianzen sayeth, that Lex Chri­sti subjecit im­perium sacer dot [...]. Nazi [...]nz ad C [...]v. No [...]eminenti oribus potesta [...]ibus subiecti sumus. Ibid. Bellar. the Law of Christ hath subie­cted the Impire to the Priest. But if wee consider it in the Sphere of Temporalitie, then Princes are aboue all: And so that same Nazianzen, Wee are subiect to super eminent powers; but they will haue Princes as Sheepe to Preachers simplie, and their Priests to bee sheepe to none but to the Pope, of whom they will bee ruled, not onely in spirituall things, but also in temporall.

When these two Powers keeped them within their boundes, they were helpfull to others: Pastors by religion Their con­currence. wrought the consciences of people to the obedience of Princes, and Princes by their coactiue power held people in the obedience of the Gospell. And Leo Reshuma­nae aliter tutae esse non pos­sunt, &c Leo epist. ad Pul­c [...]er.. 6. commendeth this concurrance: For humane things (saith hee) can not bee safe, vnlesse both the Kingly and Priestly authoritie defend these things that pertaine to religion. And our more royall Leo said, that Deus & Rex. pag. 3 these two powers are so straitly conioyned, that either of them dependeth vpon the safetie and incolumitie of the other: And Isiodore Gratian. caus 23. quaest 5. Can. Prin­cipes Civile powers were not necessa­rie in the Church except to fulfill that by terrour, which the Priest can not doe by his doctrine: Oft-tymes the Kingdome of Heaven is furthered by the earthly Kingdome that such as doe contrare to the faith, and discipline of the Church, may bee broken by the rigour of Princes, &c. And Bernard Bernard. Epist. 243. sheweth both the possibilitie and expediencie of their agreement, in his peaceable resolution. Non veniat ani­ma (sayeth hee) in concilium eorum; non enim viris us (que) institutor Deus, in destructionem ea connexuit, sed in aedi­ficationem: Let not my Soule come in their counsell, who say that the peace and libertie of the Churches will hurt the im­pyre, or that the prosperitie and glorie of the impire will hurt [Page 99] the Churches: for God the Author of both hath not conioyned them for destruction, but for edification. It had beene good for them, if they had followed his advice, that these two powers would ioyne their myndes together, who were ioyned by Gods institution▪ let them mutually cherish other, and mutu­ally defend other [...]ungant se animis qui iuncti sunt. In stituto. Ibid.. But where Princes and Pastors passe their boundes, and incroached vpon other, the exercise of their power was the Apple of strife The matter it selfe was two great powers in their kinde, and the re­spects of mutuall subordination, and subiection, was a faire colour for ambition to vsurpe, and for the rebellious to resist.