A COVNTERBLAST TO M. HORNES VAYNE BLASTE AGAINST M. Fekenham. Wherein is set forthe: A ful Reply to M. Hornes Answer, and to euery part ther­of made, against the Declaration of my L. Abbat of Westminster, M. Fekenham, touching, The Othe of the Supremacy. By perusing vvhereof shall appeare, besides the holy Scriptures, as it vvere a Chronicle of the Continual Practise of Christes Churche in al ages and Countries, frō the time of Constantin the Great, vntil our daies: Prouing the Popes and Bisshops Supremacy in Ecclesiasti­cal causes: and Disprouing the Princes Supremacy in the same Causes.

By Thomas Stapleton Student in Diuinitie.

Athanas. in Epist. ad solita. vitā agentes. pag. 459.

When was it heard from the creation of the worlde, that the Iudgement of the Churche should take his authoritie from the Emperour? Or when was that taken for any iudgement?

Ambr. lib. 5. epist. 32.

In good sooth, if we call to minde either the whole course of Holy Scripture, or the practise of the auncient times passed, who is it that can deny, but that in matter of faith, in matter, I saie, of faith, Bisshops are wont to iudge ouer Christian Emperours, not Emperours ouer Bisshops?

LOVANII, Apud Joannem Foulerum. An. 1567. Cum Priuil.

REgiae Maiestatis Gratia Speciali Con­cessum est Thomae Stapletono Anglo, li­brum inscriptum, A Counterblaste to M. Hornes Vaine Blaste &c. per aliquem Typo­graphorum admissorum tutò & liberè imprimendum curare, & publicè distrahere, nullo prohibente.

Subsig. Pratz.

TO M. ROBERT HORNE, THOMAS STAPLETON VVISHETH Grace from God, and true repentance of al Heresies.

IF the natural wisedome and foresight, M. Horne, described of our Sauiour in the Gospel by a parable, had bene in you, at what tyme you first set penne to pa­per, to treate of the Othe of Supremacy: you would not, I suppose, so rashly haue attempted an en­terprise of such importance. The Parable saith.Luc. 14. VVho is it amonge you, that minding to build a Castle, sitteth not doune first and reckoneth vvith him self the charges requisit thereunto, to see if he be able to bring it to passe, lest that hauing layed the foundation, and then not able to make an ende, al that see him, begin to laugh him to scorne, say­ing, beholde: this man beganne to builde, but he hath not bene able to make an ende? The matter you haue taken in hande to proue, is of such and so greate importaunce, as no matter more nowe in Controuersie.

It is the Castle of your profession. The keye of your doctrine. The principal forte of all your Religion. It is the piller of your Authority. The fountaine of your Iu­risdiction. The Ankerholde of all your proceedinges. [Page] Without the right of this Supreme Gouernement by you here defended, your cause is betrayed, your doctrine dis­solueth, your whole Religion goeth to wracke. The wante of this Right shaketh your Authoritye, stoppeth your Iurisdiction, and is the vtter shipwracke of all your Procedings.

Againe, it toucheth (you say) the prerogatiue of the Prince. It is the only matter which Catholikes stand in, by parliamēt enacted, by booke Othe required, vpō greate penalty refused. Other matters in cōtrouersy whatsoeuer, are not so pressed.

Thirdly, you haue takē vpon you to persuade so great a matter, first to a right lerned and reuerēt Father, in pri­uat cōferēce: and next to al the realme of Englād, by pub­lishing this your Answer, as you cal it. The weightier the matter is, and the more confidently you haue taken it vpō you, the more is it looked for, and reason would, that you did it substantially, lernedly, ād truly: and before you had entred to so great a worke, to haue made your reckoning, how you might bring it to perfection.

But now what haue you don? Haue you not so wrought, that all your faire building being cleane ouerthrowen, mē beginne (as the Ghospell saieth) to laughe you to scorne, saying: Beholde, this man beganne a great matter, but beinge not able to finishe it, he is fayne to breake of?

You will say: These be but woordes of course, and a [Page] certain triumphe before the Victory. Haue I not groūded this work of myne vpō the foundatiō of holy Scriptures? Haue I not posted it vp with the mighty stronge pillers, of the most learned Fathers? Haue I not furnished it with a ioyly variety of Stories deducted from al the most Christian Emperours, Kinges and Princes of more then these .xij. hundred yeares? Haue I not fensed it with in­uicible rampars of most holy Councels both general and national? And last of al, haue I not remoued all such scru­ples and stayes of conscience, as though it were, brambles and briers out of the waye, to make the passage to so fayre a Forte, pleasant, easy, and commodious?

You haue in dede M. Horne, in owtwarde shewe, and countenance sette a gay gloriouse and glistering face vppon the matter: A face I say, of holy Scriptures, of Fathers, of the Canon, the Ciuill, and the lawe of the Realme, of manye Emperours, Kinges and Princes (for proufe of a continuall practise of the like Supremacye nowe by Othe to the Q. Highnes attributed) in the aun­cient Churches of England, Fraunce, Germany, Spayne, Italy, Grece, Armenia, Moscouia, Aethyopia:Aug. de ciuit. Dei li. 21. cap. 5. Iul. Soli­nus ca. 48. Cornel. Tacit. li. 8. Aegesippꝰ lib. 4. But all is but a Face in dede, and a naked shewe, without Substāce of Truth and matter.

It is like, to the Aples and grapes and other fruits of the countrey of Sodome and Gomorre, which growing to a full rypenes and quantitye in sight, seeme to the eye very faire and pleasant: but when a man cometh to plucke [Page] of them and to tast, he shal finde them vnnaturall and pe­stilente, and to smoder and smoke away, and to resolue into ashes. Such is the effect of your whole booke: It bea­reth a countenance of truth, of reason, of learning. But coming to the trial and examination of it, I finde a pesti­lent ranke of most shamefull Vntruths, an vnsauery and vaine kinde of reasoning, and last of al, the whole to re­solue into grosse Ignorance. For proufe hereof, I wil short­ly lay forth, an abridgement of your whole demeanour.

M. Horns Grāmer.And wherewith shal I better begin, thē with the begī ­ning and foundatiō of al sciēces, and that is, with grāmer it self? Whereof I neuer heard or read in any man, bea­ring the vocation that you pretēde, either more grosse ig­norance, or which is more likely and much worse, more shameful and malicious corruptiō. You English Conue­nit: Aunsvver Fol. 42. col. 1. Replie Fol. 180. col. 1. Aunsvver Fol. 53. col. 2: Replie Fol. 217. Aunsvver Fol. 79. col. 1. Replie Fol. 322. col. 2. Aunsvver Fol 83 col 1. Reply Fol. 350. col. 2. which is, it is mete and conuenient, into, it ought: which is the English of oportet, not of, conuenit. You English Recensendam, to be examined and confirmed, where it signi­fieth ōly, to be read or rehersed. Item where your Author hath Priuilegia irrogare, that is, To geue priuileges, you translate it quyte contrarye: To take avvaye Priuileges. Againe in the same Author, pro quauis causa: which is, for euery cause: you trāslate it, for any cause, as if it were, pro qualibet or quacū (que) causa. Al which foule shiftes of howe much im­portaunce [Page] they were, I referre you to the leaues of this booke, here noted vnto you in the margin, together with the leaues of your own booke. Many like gay grāmaticall practises might yet be shewed.An. 1566. Comp. Anglic. Mar. 18. See more of this in this Re­plye, fol. 480. b. Yea in your late Visitation at Oxforde, exercised by your Chauncelour and sonne in Lawe (as beside al lawe you cal him, hauing maried your bastard, not your lawful daughter) in al the copies of ar­ticles that your said Chauncelour proposed to be subscri­bed, are these woordes: Regina supremus Guberna­tor Ecclesiae Anglicanae: for Suprema guberna­trix: And so remaineth that clause to this houre vnrefor­med. So that, if it were nothing, but for false Latin, a scholer might honestly refuse to subscribe to such an Ar­ticle.

Nowe what shal I say of your logike and exact kind of reasoning? As there is nothing in a writer more requisit,M. Horn [...] Logike. that meaneth truly, so the more you haue broken the ru­les therof, the more is your shame, and the lesse ought the credit of your whole Booke to be. I neede not descend to the particulars, your perpetuall maner of writing being suche, as your whole discourse seemeth nothing els but a mishapen lumpe of lewde and loose argumentes. For this being the matter which you haue taken in hande to proue by the examples of other Princes, and by the practise of Councells, that the Laye Magistrates are Supreme Go­uernours in all Ecclesiastical causes, this vniuersall pro­position being that which should be concluded, your pre­misses [Page] are allwaies mere particulars: your proufes pro­cede euer of some one fact or matter Ecclesiastical, but neuer of all: And yet those matters that you bring, being partly no Ecclesiastical matters at all, partly vntruly fathered vppon the laye Magistrate. So that, as euer you faile in truth of matter, so you neuer make good forme of argument. And you can tell your selfe: (they be your owne wordes) that younge Logicians knovve, Ansvver. fol. 108. a. this is an euil consequent, that concludeth vpon one or diuerse particulars affirmatiuely an vniuersal. This euil consequent M. Horn, is the only consequēt that you make in all your booke, where you play the Opponents parte.Ansvver. fol. 4. fol. 100. fol. 105. For the which I referre you and the Reader to the three first bookes of this Reply. VVith the like good lo­gique you lay forthe false definitions and false diuisions of your owne Inuention.

M. Horns RhetorikAs for your Rhetorike, you worke your matters so handsomly and so persuasiuely, that there is not almost a­ny one Scripture, any story, any Councel, any Father, any Author yt you alleage, which maketh not directly against your purpose, and beareth withal an expresse and euidēt testimony for the Popes Supremacy, not only otherwher, but euen in the very same place and allegation that you alleage and grounde your selfe vpon. And this chaunceth not once or twise, but in a maner customably, as by per­using this Reply, you shal soone perceyue. And therefore I wil not specially note it here vnto you, as a rare or sel­dome [Page] thinge. Neither will I thanke you for bringing to our handes so good stuffe to proue our principall purpose by, but say herein vnto you, as S. Augustin sayd in the like case of the Donatistes, alleaging the workes of Optatus, by the which they were euer confounded, and the Catho­likes cause maruailously furdered. Nec tamē ipsis, Aug. cont. Dona. post Collation. cap. 34. sed Deo potius hinc agimus gratias: vt enim illa om­nia vel loquendo, vel legendo pro causa nostra promerent, atque propalarent, veritas eos tor­sit, non charitas inuitauit. Neither doe we yet thanke them for their so doing, but rather God. For that they should bring forth and vtter either by talke, or by allea­ging, al those thinges for our matter, the Truth forced them, not any Charity inuited thē. And truly so M. Horn, that by your own Authors you are euer confounded, the Truthe of our cause forceth you, as not being able to al­leage any Author that maketh not for vs, not any good wil to our cause or to vs moued you.

Againe what a newe Cicero, or Demosthenes are you, that laye forth to M. Fekenham, as a good and a persua­sible motiue, to enduce him to take the Othe of the Prīces Primacy, the former erroneous doinges of certayne Re­uerend Fathers, whereof they haue so farre repented, that for refusal of this Othe thei haue suffred depriuation, and haue and doe suffer imprisonment, and are ready besides, by Gods assistance, patiently to suffer, whatsoeuer Gods prouidence hath gratiously prouided for them? Where­vnto [Page] both they and other haue good cause much the more to be encouraged, cōsidering that after al this struggling and wrastling against the Truth by you ād your felowes M. Iewel and the rest, the Truth is daily more and more opened, illustred, and confirmed. And your contrary do­ctrine is or ought to be disgraced and brought in vtter discredit, with such as doe but indifferently weigh the most wretched and miserable handling of the holy Fa­thers and Councelles before by M. Iewel, as al Englande knoweth, and nowe by you Maister Horne, which are not much inferior to him in that pointe of legerdemayne. For as in his most lying Reply against D. Harding, so in this your Answer to M. Fekenhams treatise, there is neither Scripture, nor Coūcel, nor doctour, nor any thing els that cometh through your hands, which you doe not miserably mangle, corrupte, and peruerte: and that by a number of dishonest and shameful shifts: which particularly to spe­cifie would be to long and tediouse.

M. Horns miserable peruertīg of his au­thours.But to say somwhat for an example, the principall parte of all your shifting standeth in a certaine merue­louse kind of a newe and a false Arithmetike, somtime by Addition, sometime by diminution and Detraction.

By addi­tion.Thus to make your matter of the Princes Supreme go­uernement in al ecclesiastical causes more probable,1. Ansvver fo. 20. b. Reply fo. 88. b. you interlace twise these woordes (as one that had the cure and authoritie ouer all) and againe, in the same leaf (as one that had authoritie ouer them) which [Page] you finde not in your Authours.2. Ansvver fo. 22. [...]. Reply. fo. 98. b.

Thus you shuffle in this pretye sillable (All) to Socrates, and againe to Theodoretus.3. Ansvver fol. 24. b. Reply. fol. 107. b.

So you springle in these woordes (by his su­preame authoritie) to your narration out of the saied Theodoretus.4. Ansvver fol. 26. a. Replie fol. 115 b. And by and by to your nar­ration out of Sozomenus, these woordes (and the Bishops could not remoue him.)5. Ansvver Fol. 26 b Replie Fol. 116. b

So you adde to Liberatus this woorde (de­pose: 6. Ansvver fo 30. a. Replie Fol. 128. b) And to the Actes of the Chalcedon Coū ­cell, these woordes,7. Ansvver Fol. 32. b Reply. Fol. 144 a (vvhich othervvise must be deposed.) And to the Actes of the sixt Ge­nerall Councell these woordes (to examine and confirme. 8. Ansvver fol. 53. b. Replie. fo. 216. b.

You thrust into the narration of Antoninus and Marius, 9. Ansvver fol. 81. a Replie fol. 334. a) that which they say not: and to the narration of Quintinus Heduus fyue ful lines, that are not in your author touching Pope Iohn the .22. and many other like things otherwhere.10. Ansvver fol. 89. b Replie fol. 378, b

And yet I can not tel, whether your peruersity be more in your false multiplication,By Diminution. or in your false diminution.1. Ansvver fol 19. b Replie fol. 33. a In framing the state of the que­stion by the statutes of the realme, you leaue out the beginninge and the ende of the Statute. You leaue out of Marcians oration .ij. or .iij. woordes, that make moste againste you.2. Ansvver fol. 33. a Reply fo. 147. a You pare awaye from the sentence that your selfe [Page] reherseth out of the fourthe Romaine councel,3. Ansvver Fol. 36. Replie Fol. 162. the tayle of it immediatly following your own words: that is, To­tam causam Dei iudicio reseruantes, quite ouer­throwing your newe supremacy.

4. Ansvver fo. 37. b. Replie Fol. 167. a.In like maner from the narration of the ambassadry of Pope Iohn, you conceale the necessary circumstances of the same: as you doe frō many otber narrations, the which being truely set in, doe vtterly destroye al your vntrue as­sertions.5. Ansvver Fo. 4 [...]. a. Reply. fo. Fol. 179. b After this sorte to these woordes of Iustinian the Emperour (these things vve haue determined) you choppe in of your owne (by sentence) and withal choppe awaye that which immediatly followeth, sanctorū Pa­trum Canones sequuti.

In this maner whereas throughout your booke, one of your great matters to proue Emperours and Kinges su­preme heades of the Churche,6. Ansvver fol 74. & fo 78. a Replie. fo. Fol. 282. a. &. 306. a. is the inuesturing of bishops (which yet neuerthelesse is but an impertinent matter) you tell vs stil of this inuesturing, and make a great busie nedelesse sturre about it, but yt the said Emperor or Kīg, as for example Charlemaine, Otho the first, and other re­ceyued that priuilege from the See of Rome, and againe that other Emperours and Kinges, as for example, them­perour Henry the .5. in Germany, and in England King Henry the first, yelded afterwarde, and gaue ouer the said inuesturing, which things appere aswel by other Au­thors, as by your owne that your selfe alleageth, you passe them ouer with great silence. For yf you had tolde these [Page] and such like stories of the inuesturing of Bisshops true­ly and fully, then had your newe supremacy bene quite di­stroyed.7. Ansvver fo. 80 b. Reply fo. 330. a.

For the saied cause, whereas you telle, vs that Philip the Frenche kinge swore the Pope to certaine conditions, you altogether dissemble, what those conditions were.8. Ansvver fo. 106. a. Reply. fo. 448. a.

For the same cause, you leaue out of your Author Io. Anth. Delphinus in the midle of the sentēce, a line or two: Least that yf you had sincerely sette in those woordes, they would haue ouerthrowen your fonde, folishe and he­retical paradoxe, that the Authoritye to excommunicate appertayneth neither to Bishop, nor Priest.

Wel, to sette a side (least we be to tediouse) all other places of like corruption (which plentifuly abunde euery where in your aunswere) we will only touche, of a greate number, two or thre, apperteining to our own domesticall stories.

You will proue to vs, that King Henry the first was supreme head of the Churche of Englanda: nd why trowe you? Forsoth because the spiritual condescended, in a Councel at London, that the Kings officiers should pu­nish Priestes for whoredome. Is not this I praye you an importante and a mighty argumente, to proue the Kings supremacye by, which rather directly proueth the clear­gies supremacye, of whome the Kinge had this authori­tye? And yet such are your accustomable arguments, as may sone appere to the reader. But this is not the thinge [Page] we nowe seeke for:9. Ansvver fol. 77. a Replie fo. 199, a but to knowe, what kinde of whore­dome it was, that the Priests should be punisshed for. Lo this, though you alleage. 7. marginal authors, durste you not ones touche. For yf you had, you had withall proued your own whoredome, ād such as is much worse then was theirs.

10. Ansvver fol. 89. b Replie fo. 380, aAgaine you labour to proue by Browghton a temporal Lawier, that by the Lawe of the realme, the King was then taken for supreme head of the Church, for that all are vnder the King, and the Kinge is vnder God only, but you most shamefully dissemble, that the said Browghton speaketh but of the Kings authority in tem­poral things: and that in the place by your self alleaged, he saith, that as Emperours and Kings are the chiefe rulers for temporal things: so for spiritual things the Pope, is the chief ruler, and vnder him, Arch­bisshops, Bisshops and other.

But of al other Lyes, this that we shal nowe shewe is one most Capitayne, and notable. Of al stories by you most miserably and wretchedly pinched, pared, and dismem­bred, the storie of our first and noble Christiā King Lu­cius, is most shamefully contaminated, depraued, and de­formed. The consent of al stories as wel Domesticall as externall, yea as wel of Catholikes as of heretikes (as farre as I can yet by diligente searche, possibly finde) is, that the saied Kinge Lucius was ch [...]istened by the helpe, aduice, and instruction of Pope Eleutherius. But you [Page] M. Horne beare such a spitefull and malitiouse hart to the Pope, and to the See of Rome, that contrarye to the narration of all other, yea of your owne dere bro­ther Bale (the cheife antiquarye of Englishe Prote­stantes) you auouche, that he and his subiectes were baptized, and that he reformed the Heathnishe reli­gion, and did other thinges,11. Ansvver fol. 93. b Replie fol. 397, that you reherse out of Po­lidore, vvithout any Authoritie, knovvledge or consent of the Pope. And yet beside all other, your owne authour Polidorus, sayeth, that he was chri­stened, and the prophane worshippinge of the false Gods was banyshed, and other thinges done by the ad­monition, helpe, and aduice of the said Pope Eleu­therius Ambassadours. And therefore you rehersing Polidorus woordes of the saide Kinge Lucius moste falsly and lewdely, doe cutte awaye from Polidorus his sentence (by your selfe recyted) all that euer Polido­rus writeth of Pope Eleutherius and his Legats.

I truste Maister Horne, that, when any indiffe­rente Reader hath well considered, these and suche other like partes, that euery where you playe in this your Aunswere, and withall, the cancred and maliciouse harte that you beare to the Apostolicall See of Rome, which most euidently bursteth out in the handling of the foresayde story of Lucius, he shall fynde good cause to take yowe as you are, false and maliciouse, and not to [Page] trust the reporte of such a partial writer, yea of such an euident falsary.Ansvver fol. 47. a. & fol. 55. But it is no newes for a man of your coate, to be partial in Popes matters, or to cal the Pope himself the childe of perdition, or to terme his lawful doings, Horrible practises, as you doe.

Ansvver fol. 101. b. Reply. fol. 435. a. & 436. b.But to auouche him to be a more periculous ene­my to Christ, then the Turke, and that Popery is much more idolatrous, then Turkery, I thinke you are the first English protestant, that euer wrote so Turkishly. Such Turkish trechery might better haue bene borne in the lauishing language of your hotte spur­red Ministers in pulpit, then in the aduised writing of a prelate of the Garter in printe. With the like discretiō you cal blessed S. Augustin, of whome we Englishmen first receyued our Christendome, in contempt and deri­sion,Ansvver fol. 58. & 59. the Popes Apostle, maligning in him the name of the Apostle of Englande, and calling him beside, together with the blessed Apostle of Germany and Martyr, Bo­nifacius, blinde guides and blinde bussardes. But who so bolde as blinde bayarde? or who can see lesse in o­ther men, then such as can see nothing in themselues? And what doe you els herein, but like a furious Aiax, thinking to deface the Pope, fall a whipping and rayling at his shepe, (such shepe, I say as Christ committed to Pe­ter, whose successour the Pope is) as Aiax in his fury whipped the shepe of Vlisses, thinking he had whipped Vlisses himselfe? But as the fury of Aiax reached not to [Page] Vlysses person, but onely encreased his owne misery and madnes: so your Turkish talke M. Horne, blemisheth not the See Apostolike, or hurteth it the valewe of one rushe, but only expresseth the Turkish sprit that lurketh with­in you. Therefore bluster and blowe, fume and frete, raue ād raile, as lowdely as lewdely, as bestly as boldly, do what you can, you must heare, as the Donatists hearde of S. Au­gustine: Ipsa est Sedes, August. in Psal. cont. partē Do­na. Tom. 7. quam superbae non vincūt inferorum portae. That See of Peter, is the See, which the proude gates of hel doe not ouercome. The more you kick against that Rock, the more your break your shinne.

You bluster not so boysterously against the Pope, as you lie most lewdely vpon the right Reuerent, and lerned Fa­ther M. Fekenham, whose person you impugne, for lacke of iuste matter, with most slaunderous Reproches.Ansvver fol. 2. a. As where you say of him, that the Catholikes had euer a feare of his reuolting, that,Fol. 7. & fol. 104. fol. 3. b. he semed in a maner resolued and satisfied in this matter, that, his do­inges should be a preparation of rebellion to the Quenes Maiesties person, and that,Fol. 6. a. he vvissheth the Pope should reigne in her place, that he ma­keth his belly his God, that he promised to recāte in Kinge Edvvardes daies, and last of all,Fol. 7. b. Fol. 128. a. that he chaunged in Religion .ix. times, yea .xix. times. These be such slaunderous Reproches M. Horne, and the person whome you burden them withall, so farre from all suspicion of any such foule matter, among all such as these [Page] many yeres haue knowen him and his behauiour, that yf you were sued hereof vpon an Action of the case, as you well deserue no lesse, cōsidering of what vocatiō and true deserued reputation he is, whome thus vilainouslye you slaunder, you woulde I feare be driuen at the lest, to doe that at Paules Crosse, which about Waltham matters (you knowe thē est your selfe) the Regestre of Hamp­shiere was driuē at that place to doe. So should the gospell be fulfilled,Mr th. 7. Looke vvith vvhat measure you haue measured to other, vvith the same it shal be mea­sured again to you. And so should Lex talionis in you wel and worthely take place. As it doth by Gods ꝓui­dence fal out vpō you, in that you tel your Reader in great sadnes,Reply fo. 5 [...]. that M. Fek. is a great Donatist. For by that occa­siō you shal find your self and your felowes M. Horn most rightly and truly proued Donatists: and M.F. to be as far frō that lewde sect, as you are frō a true Catholike.

But of al your other slaunderous lyes heaped moste wrongefully vpon M.F. this one which to omit the rest, I wil onelye now note, is most ridiculous. You bluster excee­dingly, and are in a vehemēt rage with Maister Feken­ham.Ansvver fol. 128. col. 2. & 129 col. 1. Replie. Fol. 5.7. You say that if his friends vvould but a litle ex­amine his false dealing vvith the Fathers, thei vvould no longer beleue him, but suspect him as a deepe dissembler, or rather abhorre him as an open slaūderer and belier of the Aunciēt Fathers. And to exemplifie this greuous accusation, you tel him in [Page] that place, that he manifestlie māgleth, altereth, per­uerteth, and corrupteth a saying of S. Augustin. A man would here suppose M. Horn, that you had some great and iuste occasion, thus greuously to charge such a man as M. Fekenham is, and that in printe, where all the worlde may reade it and consider it. What is the place then? Thus it is. M. Fekenham alleageth S. Augustine saying thus. Istis cede, & mihi cedes: yelde to these, ād you shall yelde to me. You say S. Augustine hath no suche wordes, but thus. Istis cede, & me non caedes. Yelde to these, and thou shalt not strike or whippe me. Nowe put the case, it were as you say. Doth this Alteration or chaunge deserue such a greuous Accusation? You confesse your selfe in the same place, and doe say to M. Fekenham: And yet this corrupting of the sentence maketh it serue no vvhit the more for your purpose. And is then M. Fekenham to be abhorred of his frendes for an opē slaunderer and belier of the Auncient Fathers, whē he so altereth them, that yet they make no­thing for him? Who seeth not, that in case. M. Fekenham had altered the wordes of S. Augustin, yet seing he got no­thing by the exchaunge, nor vsed them to any guile or de­ceyuing of his Reader, he litle deserued such a greuous Accusation.Fol. 527. & sequēt.

But nowe so it is, as I haue in this Replie more am­plye declared, that the woordes by Maister Fekenham alleaged, are the true wordes of S. Augustin according to [Page] foure seueral prints that I haue sene: two of Paris, one of Basil, an other of Lyōs. And the words as you would haue them read Maister Horne, are in none of those printes at all in the text of S. Augustine. Onely in the later print of Paris. An. 1555. those wordes by you auouched stand in the margin as a diuers reading, and the woordes by M. Fekenham avouched stande in the text, as they doe in all other printes beside, for the true text of S. Augustin. And who seeth not nowe, that all this was but a quarel picked, without desert? And you M. Horne to haue shewed your selfe a most ridiculous wrangler?

But Gods name be blissed. The dealing of Catholike writers is so vpright, that such smal occasiōs must be pic­ked, and vpō such trifles your Rhetorike must be bestow­ed: els against their dealing you haue nothing to say.

With the like felicity your brother Iewel in his late Sermon the .15. of Iune last at Paules Crosse, layed ful stoutely and confidently to D. Hardings charge, for al­leaging the Decades of Sabellicus: saying with great bra­uery, but with exceding foly, that Sabellicus neuer vvrote Decades, but only Aeneades: Wheras yet al that euer haue sene Sabellicus, do know; that he wrote of his Rapsodia, Aeneades: and of Venice matters, De­cades: which booke with the very page of the booke D. Harding truly alleaged. Whereby it is euident, that M. Iewel either is extreme rechelesse and vtterly carelesse what he preacheth or printeth, or at the leaste is at a full [Page] point to lie on, as he hath begunne, whatsoeuer come of it. Of the which minde also it semeth your self are M. Horn. For (to omitte other specialities, as of Fol. 127 120. & 123. Reply 451. a. framing argu­ments vpon M. Fekenhams discourse, which he neuer fra­med, nor the discourse beareth, of Ansvver fo. 96.97.105. et 207 Reply. 411. b. 416 a. 447. a. 451. b. your contradictions, whereby you shewe the vnstablemesse of your own iudge­ment, with such like) your Aunswer is so fraighted and stuffed with falshoods, your Vntruthes doe so swarme and muster all a long your book, that for the quantity of your Treatise, you are comparable to M. Iewel.

Your Vntruthes amounte to the number of six hun­dred fourescore and odde. They be so notorious and so ma­ny, that it pitieth me in your behalfe, to remembre them. But the places be euident and crie Corruption, and maye by no shift be denied.

If my curiosyty in noting them displease you, let the vttering of thē first displease your self, and then you will the lesse be displeased with me. You knowe, M. Iewel hath ledde vs this daunce. Be not angry M. Horne, if we follow the round. Moderat your penne better. Report your Au­thours more sincerelye. Translate your allegations more truly. Laye downe the whole sentences without concea­ling of such matter as ouerthroweth your purpose: Say no more then you finde in the Stories. Slaunder not your betters. Deale more aduisedly and vprightly. So shal your Vntruthes be the fewer an other time. But so wil your cause, I assure you M. Horne, come forthe starke naked, [Page] feble, and miserable. The beauty and force of your Cause consisteth and depēdeth altogether of lyes and vntruthes.

If you ioyne obstinacy to folie, as Maister Iewell doth, so shamefully in opē Sermon iustifying him selfe, but not clering him selfe of any one of so many hundred Vntruths iustlye and rightly layed to his charge: then as I saied be­fore, I may iustly say, that you are at a point to lie, what­soeuer come of it. Like as a protestant of late dayes be­ing pressed of a Catholike for extreme lying, and not be­ing hable to clere him selfe, saied plainely and bluntlye: Quamdiu potero, Vide Re­mundum Rufum. in Duplica­tione cōt. Patronū Molinaei. Fol. 76. clades adferā, Latebunt quam­diu poterunt. Valebunt apud vulgus ista men­dacia. Well. I wil deface them (meaning the Catholi­kes) and doe some mischiefe to them as longe as I am able. My lies shall lie hidde, as longe as maye be. And at the leste the common people shall fall in a lyking with them.

If you be at this pointe, then knowing where to haue you, we knowe also what to make of you, and for suche to esteme you. A false Prophet, and a lying Ma­ster, such as S. Peter spake of, bringing in vvicked and damnable sectes. 2 Pet. 2. God geue them grace, which are deceiued by you, so well to knowe you, as we that doe examine your writinges, haue good Cause to knowe you.

This your Aunswer M. Horne (as I vnderstand) you haue presented to diuers of the Quenes Maiest. most Honorable Councell, intending thereby not onely to dis­credit [Page] Maister Fekenham, and to increase his trouble, but also to bring into displeasure, all other the Queenes Highnes Catholike subiectes: of which full many, one­lye for conscience sake, haue refused, and doe yet refuse the Othe that you here moste ignorantlye defende. For this purpose also at the verye ende of your booke, you re­ferre as it were the whole matter to the most Honorables saying.

To Conclude, by the premisses it maie ap­peare to the Honorable as by a taste, vvhat sin­ceritie there is in you. Thus much you say for discre­diting of M. Fekenham.

You adde a greuous Accusatiō against al the Catholik subiects of England, saying. And lastlie your quarre­ling by spreading this booke, vvas and is to im­pugne and barke against the Q. Maiest. Lavvful and due Authoritie, vvhich you and your com­plices dailie labour to subuert: vvhich matter I refer to be further cōsidered by the graue vvise­dom of the most Honorable. And wt this poisoned ād cācred Reproch you end your whole book: geuīg your Reader to vnderstād yt the very end ād scope of your book was to ingraffe in ye Noble hartes of the most Honorables a great misliking ād heauie displeasure, not only of and a­gainst M. Fek. already in trouble, but also of and against the whole number of Catholikes: who haue alwaies conti­newed and shewed themselues the Quenes Maiest. moste [Page] loyal and obediēt subiects, and haue deserued no such Re­proche at your handes M. Horne.

You haue therefore M. Horn, in this Reply, a iust and a ful defence, partlySee the 3. Chapter of the .1. booke. against your most slanderous accu­sation, but chiefly and especially of the whole Cause and Question in Controuersy. As you did to M. Fekenhams Treatise, so I to your Aunswer haue replied through out. I haue not omitted any one parte or parcel of your whole book. As I haue here printed againe the whole, to encrease of charges, so haue I answered the whole, to edifying of the Reader.

If by this Reply you find your self satisfied, and are cō ­tent to yelde to the Truth, so euidently and abundantly o­pened vnto you, than both I and al other Catholikes will both better trust you, and geue God thankes for you.

But if after the perusing of this Reply, you shal think you are not fully and in euery point confuted: I wishe that the most Honorable, to whom so cōfidently you commend your own doings, woulde commaunde you, to proue it so to the worlde by a ful Reioyndre. A ful Reioyndre I say, and perfect, to al and euery part of this Reply, as I haue here replied to al and euery part of your Answer: not omitting any one example, of Councel, Prince, or Countrie by you alleged. And that you put in my whole Answer, not omit­ting any one line or sentence, either of the text, or of the margent.

If the Truth be on your side, you haue no cause to stick [Page] hereat. You wil seme to wante no learning. Abylytieto be­are the charges we are sure you want not.

Goe thorough therefore as you haue begun, with this faire building of yours, if you thinke your foundatiō good, or the cause which you ground vpon sure. Goe through I say, that it may appere you haue geuē M. F. good cause to remoue his scruples, and to be persuaded at your handes.

Els if you now draw backe, and think by silēce to drown the matter, first for your faire peece of worke, so shame­fully brokē of, men wil laugh you to skorne, as the ghospel by the parable told you: Then al mē may knowe, that your great vauntes of your Walthā talke and reasoning, are but wordes of course to saue your poore honour, I shoulde say, honestly. Thirdly, that M. Fekenhās scruples are most lerned ād inuincible reasons. And last of al, that the Othe which you so earnestly persuade him to take, can of nomā be taken without manifest Periury. Whereof enseweth, yt you most horribly offend Gods Diuine Maiesty, which doe burden mens consciences with such euident periury. The worste that I wishe you M. Horne, is, that you re­tracte your haynous heresies, and proue a true Christiā. And thus for this tyme I take my leaue of you.

Vale & Resipisce. Thomas Stapleton. [...].

THE PREFACE TO THE READER.

IT had bene much to be wisshed (gentle Rea­der) that the right reuerent and learned Fa­ther my L. Abbat of Westminster, M. Fecken­ham, whom M. Hornes Booke moste toucheth, might him selfe (as he is most able, and as I sup­pose, as wel willing) haue answered it also. But seing his state is suche, that he presently can not doe it, I being by some of my frendes requested to trauaile in the matter, was at the first not very willing thereto: as for diuerse other causes, namely for that in very dede I was ful purposed, hauing so largely prouo­ked suche sharpe aduersaries, especially M. Iewel, for a season to reste, and to stande at my own defence, if any would charge me: so chiefly for these two causes.

First, for that many things in this booke pertaine to certaine priuat doinges betwixt M. Feckenham and M. Horne, of the which I had no skil. Secōdely, for that a number of such priuate matters touching the state of the Realme occurred, as to them without farder aduise, I could not throughly shape any answer. Howbeit afterward it so happened, that by suche as I haue good cause to credit, there came to my knowledge such Instructions, as well for the one as for the other, that I was the better wil­ling to employ some study and paines in this behalfe. Not for that I thinke my self better able thē other, but for that I would not it should seme, that there lacked any good wil in me, either to satisfie the honest desire of my frēdes, or to helpe and relieue suche, as by such kinde of bookes are already pitefully inueigled and deceiued: or to stay other yet standing, that this booke be [Page] not at any time, for lacke of good aduertisement, a stombling stocke vnto them.

I haue therefore by such helpes, as is aboue saied, added my poore labour thereto, and with some diligence in the reste, shaped to the whole booke, a whole and a full Reply. Wherein I rather feare, I haue saied to much, then to litle. But I thought good in a matter of suche Importance, to be rather tedious to make al perfitte, then shorte and compendious, to leaue ought vnperfecte. Before then that thou shalt enter (good Reader) into the Replie it selfe, it shal be well, to take some aduertise­ment, with a certaine vewe by a shorte and summary compre­hension, of the whole matter. Whereby bothe to the Cōtrouersy in hande thou shalt come better instructed: and, what in the whole worke is to be looked for, thou shalt be aduertised.

M. Hornes Answer, as he calleth it, resteth in two partes: In the first and chiefest he plaieth the Opponent, laying forthe out of the holy Scriptures bothe olde and newe, out of Councelles bothe Generall and Nationall, out of Histories and Chronicles of all Countres, running his race from Constantine the greate, downe to Maximilian greate grādfather to the Emperour that nowe liueth, taking by the way the kinges of Fraūce, of Spaine, and of our owne Countre of England since the Conqueste, all that euer he could find by his own study and helpe of his frends, partly for proufe of the like gouuernement of Princes in Ec­clesiastical causes, as the Othe attributeth nowe to the Crowne of Englande partly also for disproufe of the Popes Supremacy, which the Othe also principally intendeth to exclude. In the second and later parte he plaieth the defendant, taking vpon him to answer and to satisfie, certaine of M. Feckenhams Ar­gumentes and scruples of conscience, whereby he is moued not to take the Othe. Howe wel he hath plaied bothe his partes, the [Page] perusal of this Reply wil declare. The doings of eche part, vpon what occasion they rose, thou shalt vnderstād in our Answer to M. Hornes Preface.

For the more lightsome and clere Intelligence of the whole that is and shall be saied to and fro, I haue diuided the whole Processe into foure bookes: keping the same order and course, that Maister Hornes Aunswere did leade me vnto. To the first parte of the Aunswere, wherein he layeth forthe his proufes for defence of the Othe, I Replie in three Bookes. Com­prising in the firste booke, his Obiections out of Holy Scripture: In the Second, his Obiections out of the first six hundred yeres. In the third, his Obiections out of the later 900. yeares, vntil our owne dayes. Eche booke I haue diuided into seuerall Chapters, as occasion serued. In the seconde and third bookes, where we enter the course of tymes, I haue noted at the toppe of eache page, in one side the yeare of the Lorde, on the other side, the name of the Pope, Prince, or Councell, or other Principal mat­ter in that place debated: to thentent (Gentle Reader) that at the first sight euen by turning of a leafe thou mightest knowe, both where thou arte, and what is a doing: both the Age and tyme (which exceedingly lighteneth the matter) and also the Pope, Prince or Councel of that tyme. In these three bookes, what I haue particularly done, yf thou lyst shortly to see, at the ende of the thirde booke thou shalt find a briefe Recapitulation of the whole.

To the second part of M. Hornes Answer, I haue replied in the fourth Booke. By perusing wherof it shal wel appeare, both what strong and inuincible Argumentes. M. Fekenham right lernedly proposed, as most iuste causes of his sayed Refusall: and also what seely shifts and miserable escapes M. Horne hath deui­sed, to maintayn that obstinatly, which he ons conceyued erro­niously. [Page] Especially this thou shalt find in such places of the fourth book, where thou seest ouer the Head of the leaues in this letter, The Othe: The Othe:

Now good Reader, as thou tendrest thy own Saluatiō, and ho­pest to be a saued soule, in the ioyful and euerlasting blisse of Hea­uē, so cōsider and weigh wel with thy selfe, the importance of this matter in hand. First Religiō without Authority, is no Re­ligion:Aug. de v­til. credēdi cap. 9. For no true Religion (saith S. Augustine) can by any meanes be receiued without some weighty force of autho­rity. Then if this Religiō, whereby thou hopest to be saued, haue no Authority to ground it self vpon, what hope of Saluation re­mayning in this Religiō canst thou cōceyue? If it haue any Au­thority, it hath the Authority of the Prince, by whose Supreme Gouernement it is enacted, erected and forced vpō thee. Other Authoritye it hath none. If then that Supreme Gouernement be not dewe to the Laye Prince, but to the Spiritual Magi­strate, and to one chiefe Magistrate among the whole Spiritua­lty, thou seest thy Religiō is but a bare name of Religion and no Religion in dede.

Again, if this Supreme Gouernmēt be not rightly attributed to the Laye Magistrate, in what state are they, which by booke othe do sweare that it ought so to be, yea and that in their Con­sciēce they are so persuaded? Is not Periury, and especially a wil­ful Continuance in the same, a most horrible and dānable crime in the sight of God? And doth not Gods vengeaunce watche o­uer them, which slepe in Periury?Malac. 3. Ero testis velox. I wil be a Quicke witnesse to Periured persons, saith God by the Prophet Malachie.

Nowe if that Supreme Gouernement may dewly and rightly appertayne to our Liege Soueraigne, or be any Principall parte of a Princes Royall power, as Maister Horne stoutelye, but fondely auoucheth, or of his dutifull seruice to God, which neuer [Page] Prince in the Realme of England before the dayes of king Hē ­ry the .8. vsed or claimed, which neuer Emperour, Kinge, or Prince whatsoeuer without the Realme of Englande, yet to this present howre had,Replie Fol. 22. & Fol. 508. or attempted to haue, which the chiefe Masters of the Religion nowe Authorised in Englande doe mi­slike, reproue, and condemne, namely Martin Luther, Iohn Cal­uin, Philip Melanchthon, and the Magdeburgenses, as in place conuenient I haue shewed: which also in no time or Age, sence Princes were first christened, in no land or Coūtrie, in no Coun­cel General or National, was euer witnessed practised, or allo­wed: last of al, which directly fighteth with Christes Commis­sion, geuen to the Apostles, and their Successours in the Gospell, and standeth direct cōtrary to an Article of our Crede, if such Supreme Gouuernement, I say, may be laweful and good, then is the Othe lawefull, and may with good Conscience be taken.

But if these be suche Absurdities, as euery mā of any meane consideration seeth and abhorreth: then may not the Othe of any man that hath a Conscience be taken, neither can this Su­preme Gouernement be possibly defended for good and laweful. That al these Absurdites and many yet more, which to auoide prolixitie I here omitte, do hereof depende, this Reply, gentle Reader, abundantly proueth.

The Primacy of the Bishop of Rome, againste the which the Othe directly tendeth, (as M. Horne auoucheth) is euidently here proued, not only in our dere Countrie of Englande, as well before the Conquest as sythens, but also in all other Christened Countres, not only of all the West Churche, as of Italy, Spaine, Fraunce, Germany and the reste, but of the East Churche also, yea amonge the Aethyopians and Armenians. And that by the witnesses of such Authours, as M. Horne him selfe hath builded his proufes vpon for the contrary.

[Page]The practise of the .8. first General Councelles, and of many National Councelles beside, in Spaine, Fraunce, and Germanye, hath pronounced euidently for the Popes and Bishoppes Supre­macy, and nothing for the Princes in matters Ecclesiasticall. It is now thy parte, Christē Reader, not to shutte thy eyes, against the Truthe, so clerely shining before thy face.

Againste the which Truthe, bicause M. Hornes whole An­swer, is but as it were a Vayne Blaste, the Confutation of that Answer, to auoide confusion of Replies, whereof so many and di­uers haue of late come forthe, I haue termed for distinctiō sake, a Counterblaste.

And nowe, gentle Reader, most earnestly I beseche thee, of all other Articles, that be this day ouer all Christendō con­trouersious, through the great temerite of selfe willed heretiks raised vp, most diligently to labour and trauaile in this of the Supremacy: As being suche, that to say the Truthe, in effecte al other depende vpon.

Of Protestantes some be Lutherans, some Zwinglians, some Anabaptistes, some Trinitaries, and some be of other sectes. But as they all being otherwise at mutuall and mortall enemitie emonge themselues, conspire againste the Primacy of the See Apostolike: so a good Resolution ones had in this pointe, staieth and setleth the Conscience, as with a sure and stronge Anker, from the insurgies and tempestes of the foresaide rablemēt, and of all other sectes, and schismes.

Contrary wise, they that be ones circumuented and decea­ued in this Article, are caried and tossed, with the raging whaues and flouddes of euery errour and heresy, without staie or settling, euen in their owne errours.

I reporte me to the Grecians, who forsaking the vnitie of the Romaine Churche, and being first Arrians, defying the [Page] Pope,Sozo. lib. 3. cap. 8. Socrat. li. 2. cap. 15. as it may appeare by the letters of Eusebius the greate Ar­rian and his felowes to Iulius then Pope, fell after to be Mace­donians, Nestorians, Eutychians, Monothelites, Iconomaches, with diuers other greate Heresies, eche Heresy breeding great numbers of sectes, and all conspiring against the See Apostolike, vntil at the last proceding from heresy to heresie (diuers Recō ­ciliations with the Romaine See comming betwene, which staied a longe time Gods highe vengeaunce that ensewed) they fel to Turkish Captiuitie, in which (ô lamentable case) they remayne to this day.

I reporte me to the Africans, who falling from the vnitie of the Romaine See,Opta. li. 2. first in the Donatistes despising the Iudgemente of Pope Melchiades in the very first springe of their heresy (where then it might haue bene stopped, if they had geuen eare to their chiefe Pastour) then falling to be Pe­lagians,Victor de persequut. Vandal. and soone after Arrians, by the conqueste of the Wandalles, became in time Infidelles, as to this daie they con­tinue.

I reporte me laste of all, to these Heresies of the Northe, the Bohemians fyrste,In parua Confessio. de coena Domini. and nowe Luther, and his scholers. Whiche wythin fewe yeares, their Maister yet liuing and flourisshing, wente so farre from hym, that he pronounced them in open writyng, Heretiques, and Archeheretiques. And yet they nowe (I meane the Sacramentaries) whome Luther so defyed, beare the greatest swaye of all other sectes. What the ende of these Heresies wyll be (except we aban­donne them in tyme) Hungarie and Lifelande maye be a lesson vnto vs:Staphylus in Apolo. part. 3. whiche by Luthers heresye, are bothe fal­len awaye, as from the Romaine Churche, so from the Ro­maine Empire, the one into the Turkes handes, the other into the Moscouites.

[Page]But to leaue forayne Countres for triall, what it is to sepa­rat our selues from the See Apostolike, our owne domesticall af­fayres maye serue vs for a sufficient example.

At what time kinge Henry the 8. first banisshed the Po­pes Authoritie out of Englande, as the kinge and the Parlia­ment thought, (though erroneously) that this doing imported no schisme nor heresy, so they thought likewise, in suche sorte to prouide, that the people shoulde not fall into the other er­rours of the newe Lutheran or Sacramentary religion, which then the kinge and the Parliament no lesse abhorred, then they did Turkery. But what was the issewe, all the worlde knoweth, and England, the more pitie, greuously feeleth.

For immediatly bookes came so thicke abrode, as well of the Lutheran, as of the Zwinglian secte, and the people fell so fast to a contentation and liking with them, that the king was fayne to make diuers streight lawes, and Actes of Par­liament for the repressing of heresy,Actes ād Monu­mentes. fol. 553. yea and to forbidde the common people the reading of the Bible. And he sate in his owne person in iudgement, vpon Lamberte the Sacramen­tary. Neither the Lutherans and Zwinglians onely swar­med in the realme, but the Anabaptistes also, twelue of the sayed Anabaptistes being burned aboute one tyme.

Nowe thoughe king Henrye altered no matter of fayth, sa­uing this Primacie onely, but kepte constantlye the Catholike fayth otherwise, and though suppressing the Abbeys, he would not suffer religiouse men, that had vowed chastitye, to marie: yet after hys death, and in the minoritye of hys sonne kinge Edwarde, all the lawes that he had made towching matters of religion (sauing against the supremacie) were repelled and abolisshed. And a new religion was through out the realme set forthe.

[Page]To the which though the Religion nowe vsed be much con­formable, yet is there in many thinges muche diuersit [...]e. As among other, for the mariage of Priestes: for the which they had some colour in king Edwardes daies by Acte of Parlia­ment. Nowe they haue both the Church lawe, and the lawe of the Realme against them, and which more is, the verie lawe of God,Psalm. 75 that saieth, Vouete & reddite. Make your vowe, and perfourme it. And S. Paule saieth, Habentes damnationem, quia primam fidem irritam fecerunt. 1. Tim. 5. Incurring damnation, because they haue broken their first promise.

Againe, in the first yeare of our gratious Queene, the Acte of Parliament, for making and consecrating of Bisshoppes, made the .28. of kinge Henrye was reuiued. And yet the Bisshoppes were ordered not accordinge to the acte, but according to an acte made in kinge Edwarde his dayes, and repelled by Quene Marye and not reuiued the sayde first yeare. And yf they will say, that that defecte is nowe supplied, let them yet remember that they are but parliament and no Churche Bisshoppes, and so no Catholike Bisshoppes, as being ordered in such manner and fasshion, as no Catholike Church euer vsed.

But thys is most to be considered and to be lamented of all thinges, that wheras no Acte of Parliament can geue anye suf­ficient warrant, to discharge a man from the Catholike faythe, and wheras yt was aswel in king Hēries dayes by Acte of Par­liament, as euer before, through out all Churches of Christen­dome, sithens, we were christened, taken for playne and open heresie, to denie the reall presence of Christes bodye in the Sa­cramente of the aulter (for maynteining of the which heresie there is no acte of Parliamēt God be thancked, neither of king Edwardes tyme, nor in the tyme of our graciouse soueraygne Ladie and Quene that nowe is) yet doe these men teache and [Page] preache and by writing defend and maynteine the saied greate and abhominable heresie, with many other, for the which they can shewe no warrante of anye temporall or spirituall lawe, that euer hath bene made in Englande.No coun­trey in Christen­dome ac­knovv­ledgeth the prince for su­preame head be­side En­glande. Lutherus, Contra Art. Loua­uienses. Tom. 2. Magdeb. in praefat. Cent. 7. Caluinus. in Osee. 1. et Amos. 7 Iacob. Acontius Stratagē. Satanae. lib. 3. See the leafe. 15. Andreas Modre. de Ecclesia lib. 2. c. 10.

All this haue I spoken to shewe it is most true, that I haue saied, that there will neuer be redresse of errour and heresie, or any staie, where men are once gone from the vnitie of the See Apostolike, which is the welspring and fountaine of all vnitie in the Catholike faith.

And touching this question of the Supremacie, that we haue in hand, if we wel consider it, we shall find, that we doe not agree, either with the other Protestantes, or with our selues. For in this pointe, that we make the Prince the supreme head of the Churche, we neither agree with Luther him selfe, or his scholers, which denie this primacie: nor with Caluin and his scholers the Sacramentaries. Caluin saieth: They were blas­phemers, that called King Henrie head of the Church: One of his scholers, Iacobus Acontius, in a booke dedicated to the Queenes Mai. blameth openly the ciuil magistrate, that ma­keth him selfe the Iudge of controuersies, or by the aduise of other commaundeth this doctrine to be published, that to be suppressed.

Nowe some of Caluins scholers, and our owne countriemen haue taken forth such a lesson, that they haue auouched in their bookes printed and publisshed to the world, that a woman can neither be head of the Church, nor of any Realme at all.

Againe, manie of the Protestants though they will not, the Pope should haue the chiefe gouernement (because they like not his true doctrine) yet they thinke it meete and conue­nient, that there be some one person ecclesiasticall, that maie haue this supreme gouernement for matters of the Church.

[Page]It is also to be considered, that the wordes of the Othe nowe tendered, for the mainteining of the Princes Supremacie, are other, then they were in King Henries, or King Edwardes daies: with a certaine addition of greatest importance, and such as to a ciuil Prince, specially to the person of a woman can in no wise be with any conuenient sense applied: I meane of these wordes, Supreme Gouernour aswell in all spirituall or ecclesiasticall thinges or causes, as temporall. Such large and ample wordes were in neither of the foresaied Kings times put into the Othe. And yet had they bene more tolerable in their persons (for that men be capable of spiritual gouernmēt, frō the which a woman is expresly by nature, and by scripture ex­cluded) then they are nowe. These wordes are such, I saie, as can not with any colourable pretext be excused.

Neither is it inough to saie (as the Iniunctions doe) that the Quenes Maiestie entendeth not to take more vpon her, then King Henrie her father, or King Edward her brother did, what so euer that were, more or lesse: but it must be also considered, what she or her Successours may take vpon her or them by the largenes of these wordes (for an Iniunction can not limit an Acte of Parliament:) and whether there be any either Scripture or other good doctrine ecclesiastical, sufficient to satisfie their consciences, that refuse especially this Othe. Which doth not only, as it did before, exclude the Apostolical See, and all Generall Councelles also, as (though not in plaine wordes, yet in effect) in excluding the ecclesiastical Authoritie of al foren persons and Prelates: but doth further adioyne the foresaied newe addition lesse probable, and lesse tolerable, then was any other parte of the former Othe.

And therefore certaine Protestants of some name and re­putation being tendred this Othe by commission, haue refused [Page] it. Yea and how well trow you, is this supreme Gouuernement liked of those Ministers, which withstand the Quenes iniun­ctions touching the order of semely Apparell, &c?

Thus ye perceyue, that as we are gone from the constante and setled doctrine of the Church, touching this primacy, so we agree not, no not among our selues, either in other pointes, or in thys very Article of the Supremacy. Neither shal we euer fynd anie cause of good and sufficiente contentation, or constancye in doctrine, vntill we returne thither, from whence we first departed, that is, to the See Apostolike. Which of al other peo­ple our Nation hath euer most reuerenced and honoured, and ought of al other most so to doe: As from whence both the Bri­taines and Saxons receiued first the Christian faith. This re­turne God of his mercie graunt vs, when it shall be his blessed pleasure: Amen.

Thomas Stapleton.

¶ An Aduertisement to the Lerned Reader.

TOuching certain Authors alleaged in this Reply, about mat­ters of our own Countre, it is to be vnderstanded, that of cer­tayne writen Copies not yet printed which we haue vsed, as of Henricus Huntingtonensis, and Gulielmus Neubrigensis, or Noueoburgensis, or Neoburgensis many thinges are in the said Copies, which seme not to be writen of thē, but of Some others. As in the Copie of Henricus Huntingtonensis, certayne thinges are founde, which seme not to be writen of him, but to haue bene ga­thered out of his workes, and to haue bene writen by some other: whom we coniecture to be Simeon Dunelmensis. Also in the Copie of our Neubrigensis many thinges are added both at the beginning and at the ende, which seme not to haue ben writen by Neubrigen­sis him self, but by some other. And that which is added at the be­ginning, was writen as we vnderstand nowe of one Alphredus Be­uerlacensis, who liued vnder king Steuen: The additions which do followe, who wrote we yet knowe not, except it were Roger Ho­ueden. This I warne thee of, gentle Reader, to thentent that if he­reafter the foresaid Copies come forth in printe (as this very yere Neubrigensis did) and that the printed Copies haue more or lesse then we reporte out of the writen Copies, thou may not suspect any falshood or forgery in vs, but vnderstanding the case as we haue saied, maiest take our dealing to be, as it is, true and sincere. I here­fore hauing conferred the printed Neubrigensis, with the writen Copie, and finding some difference: as ofte as that which I alleage out of Neubrigensis, is in the printed Copie, so ofte I haue noted in the Margent, the booke and Chapter of that Copie. And when that I alleage, is in the writen, not printed Copie, I note in the Mar­gent: Neubrig. M.S. for: Manuscriptus.

Againe in quoting the leaues of the Tomes of Councells, I haue alwaies in maner folowed the former Copies printed at Collen in three Tomes: Anno. 1551. Only towarde the ende of this booke I haue folowed the last edition of this present yere, quoting the lea­ues according to that Edition, and then for perspicuites sake I hau [...] added in the Margent. Edit. Postr. Vale.

[...].

AN ANSVVERE TO THE PREFACE.

THE PREFACE OF M. HORNE.

It is novve an vvhole yeare past, since I heard of a book secretly scattered abroad by M. Fekenham emong his friends: And in Aprill last, I came by a Copie therof. Vvhen I had read the booke, and perceiued both the matter and the maner of the mans doings therin: I savv his proofes so slender: and his ma­ner of dealing so shameles: that I stood in doubt vvhat to do, vvhether to dis­couer the man by vvriting, or to shake him of vvith silence. If I had not seene a further meaning in his setting forth and publishing the book (.1.)1. The first vntruthe slāderou [...] cōcernīg M. Fekē ­hams meaning. thē he durst plainely vtter, or then his cunning could by any meanes ansvveare vnto: or then, that I vvith a good conscience mought haue neglected: I vvoulde haue past it ouer vvith silence, as a peece of vvoorke not vvorthy of ansvvere. But seing the (.2.)2. His chief▪ end vvas farr other­vvise, as shall ap­peare. chiefe end and principal purpose intēded, as may be iustly gathe­red in publishing the booke, vvas, to ingrafte in the mindes of the subiectes, a misliking of the Queenes Maiestie, as though shee vsurped a povver and au­thoritie in Ecclesiasticall matters, vvhereto shee hath no right: to slaunder the vvhole Realme, as though it vvere stranged and directly against the Ca­tholike Churche, renouncing and refusing to haue Communion therevvith: And vnder my name to deface the mynisters of Christes Churche: I could not choose, oneles I vvould vvilfully neglect my duety to her Maiestie, shevv my selfe ouermuche vnkinde vnto my natiue Countrie, and altogeather become careles of the Churche Mynisterie, but take penne in hand, and shape him a ful and plaine ansvvere, vvithout any curiositie.

T. Stapleton.

IT is to be knowen (gentle Reader as I as­suredly vnderstand) that the Reuerent Fa­ther, my L. Abbat of Westmynster, M. Fekenham being prisoner in the Tower, and supposing that the othe of the supre­macie then passed in the Parliament hol­den at Westmynster in the fifte yere of the Queenes Ma­iesties [Page] raigne, should foorth with (as it was probable) be ten­dred him and others, gathered as it were in a shedule, cer­tain reasons and causes, why he thought he could not with safe conscience, receiue the said othe. Minding to offer the said shedule, to the Commissioners if any came. The saied shedule M. Fekenham deliuered to M. Horne at Walthā, a manour place of the Bishop of Winchester in Hamshier, he being at that time there the said M. Horns prisoner, by the committie of the Queene her highnes honourable Coun­cel: and that vpon this occasion.

In M. Fekenhams abode at Waltham, there was daylie conference in matters of Religion, namely of the principall pointes of this Treatise, betwene him and M. Horne, as him selfe confesseth. In the which space, he required M. Feken­ham, sundry and diuers times, that he woulde by writing, open vnto him the staies of his conscience, touchinge the othe of the Queenes highnes Supremacie, being the whole matter and cause of his trouble, with no smal promises, that he should susteine no kinde of harme or iniurie therby: And in fine, if there came no furder fruit or benefitte therof vn­to him, the whole matter should be safly folded vppe, and left in the same estate where they beganne.The cause vvhy M. Fekenhā deliue­red his li­tle Trea­tise to M. Horne. Wherevpon M. Fekenham, thinking verely all things by him promised, to be as truely meant as spoken, made deliueraunce to M. Horne of a small Treatise, deuised by him before his com­ming foorth of the Tower, entituled: The Answere made by M. Iohn Fekenham, Priest and Prisoner in the Tower, to the Queenes highnes Commissioners, touching the othe of the Su­premacie. With this declaration also, made vnto the said Master Horne, that vpon the passing of the said statute, he thought to haue deliuered the said Treatise, to the Commis­sioners [Page 2] (if any came) as the staie of his conscience, concer­ning the refusall of the foresaid othe: And forasmuche as they came not, he being as before is said, vrged and pres­sed by the said M. Horne to open vnto him by writing, the causes forcing him to breathe, and staie vpon the taking of the foresaid othe made deliuerance of the very same Trea­tise deuised in the Tower, with the foresaid Title and de­claration. Which Treatise being afterwarde encreased as wel by M. Hornes Answers, as by M. Fekenhams Replies thervnto made: after his return back againe to the Tower, he sent one copie to the right honorable the L. Erle of Le­cester and one other to Syr William Cicil Knight and Se­cretarie vnto the Queenes highnes, (with the same title that the printed book conteineth) both of them being deliuered by M. Lieutenant of the Tower. This shedule or litle Trea­tise M. Horne calleth a booke▪ Fol. 1. pag. 2. yea and that made with the helpe of the rest: that he might seme after two yeares and more to haue done a worthy and a notable acte in answe­ring six poore leaues (for thereabout in M. Hornes booke amounteth the quantitie of M. Fekenhams Treatise) and to haue made a great conqueste vpon M. Fekenham and his fellowes: woorthie for this great martiall prowes to be, if al other thinges faile, a Prelate of the Garter. This his Treatise was he forced to deliuer to the right Honorables,Vvhy M. F. caused the same to be de­liuered to some of the Coū ­cell. as before for his necessary purgation concerninge suche false accusations and slaunders, as Maister Horne had made and raised vppon him, as shall heereafter in more conueniente place be specified. VVherefore this beeing done as ye haue heard so plainly, so simply, and vpon such cause sheweth that M. Fekenham had no such meaning, as M. Horne here falsly surmiseth. As one, who hadde his [Page] principall and chiefe regard, how to satisfie his owne, and not other mennes consciences, howe to saue him selfe from slaunders and vntrue accusations, and not to woorke with other men by perswasion. VVherefore this is an vn­true and a false surmise of M. Horne: as are the other two here also, in saying that M. Fekenhā meant otherwise, then he durst plainly vtter, or by his cūning could aunswer vnto.

M. Horne. The 2. Diuision.

Vvherein I follovv the order of M. Fekenhams booke: I make the proofes according to his request: and besides my proofes foorth of the Scriptures, the auncient Doctours, the Generall Councels and Nationall: I make proofe by the continual practise of the Church (.3)The third vntruth. you ne­uer proue the like gouerne­mente Namely in al Ec­clesiasti­cal things and cau­ses. in like gouernment as the Queenes Maiestie taketh vpon her, and that by such Authors, for a great sort of them, as are the more to be credited in this matter, for that they vvere most earnest fautors of the Romish sea, infected as the times vvere, vvith much superstitiō, and did attribute vnto the see of Rome, and so to the vvhole Clergie so much authoritie in Churche matters, as they mighte, and muche more then they ought to haue done.

Stapleton.

I wil not charge M Horne, that his meaning is to ingraffe in the mindes of the subiectes, a misliking of the Queenes Maiestie, as though shee vsurped a power and autoritie in Ecclesiasticall maters, whereto shee hath no right, as he chargeth M. Fekenham withal: vnlesse perchance he were of Councell with the holy brotherhode of Geneua for the Booke, whereof we shall hereafter speake that spoyleth the Queenes Maiesty of al her authority as wel tēporal as spiri­tual and vnlesse he hath in opē sermō at VVinchester main­teined, cōtrary to the Quenes ecclesiastical iniunctions, such as would not reform their disordered apparel and that, after he had put his hand (as one of the Queenes cōmissioners) to the redresse of the saied disorder. And vnlesse he hath and [Page 3] doth maītein many things beside, yea and cōtrary to the la­wes and orders of the realm late set forth cōcerning maters ecclesiasticall, as it is wel knowē and to be proued he hath don as wel in the defending of the Minister of Durley, near the Manour of Bisshops Walthā refusing the saied order, as otherwise. But this may I boldy say, and I doubt nothinge to proue it, that in al his boke, there is not as much as one worde of scripture, one Doctour, one councell generall or prouincial not the practise of any one countrey throwgh owte the worlde counted Catholike, that maketh for such kinde of regiment, as M. Horne avoucheth, nor any one manner of proufe that hath any weight or pythe in the worlde to perswade, I wil not say, M. Fekenham but any o­ther of much lesse witte, learning and experience. I say M. Horne commeth not ones nighe the principall matter and question wherein M. Fekenhā would and of right ought to be resolued. I say further in case we remoue and sequester al other proufes on oure syde, that M. Horn shal by the very same fathers, councels, and other authorities by him felfe producted so be ouerthrowen in the chief and capital que­stion (vnto the which he cometh not nighe as a man might say, by one thowsande myles) that his owne company may haue iuste cause to feare least this noble blaste so valiantly and skilfully blowen owte of M. Hornes trompet shall en­gender in the harts of all indifferent and discrete Readers, much cause to mistruste, more thē they did before the whol matter, that M. Horne hath taken in hande to iustifie.

Wherefore as it is mete in al matters so is it here also cō ­ueniēt and necessary to haue before thyne eyes, good Rea­der, the state and principal question controuersed betwene the parties standing in variance: And then diligently to see, [Page] how the proufes are of eche party applied, for the confir­ming of their assertions.

The prin­cipal questions cō ­cerning Ecclesia­stical regiment, vvhich M. Horn doth not on [...] tou­che.There are therfore in this cause many things to be con­sidered. Firste that Christe lefte one to rule his whole Churche in his steade from tyme to tyme vnto the ende of the worlde. Secondly that this one was Saint Peter the Apostle, and now are the Bisshoppes of Rome his succes­sours. Thirdly that albeit the Bisshop of Rome had no such vniuersal gouernment ouer the whole, yet that he is and euer was, the patriarche of Englande and of the whole weste Church, and so hath as muche to doe here as any o­ther patriarche in his patriarkshippe. Then that all were it, that he had nothing to intermedle with vs nor as Pope, nor as patriarche, yet can not this supremacy of a ciuil prince be iustified: whereof he is not capable especiallye a woman, but it must remayne in some spiritual man. Beside this the Catholikes say,No such regiment as M. Horne defēdeth among al the sectes sauing in England. that as there was neuer any suche presidēte heretofore in the Catholike Churche: so at this present there is no such (except in England) neither emonge the Lutherans, the Zwinglians, the Swenckfeldians or Anabap­tistes, nor any other secte that at this daye raygneth or ra­geth in the worlde. None of these I saye agnise their cy­uil prince, as supreame gouernour in al causes spiritual and temporal: Last of al I say and M. Fekenham wil also saye that euen M. Horne him selfe in this his answere retreyteth so farre backe from this assertion of supreame gouernment in all causes spirituall and temporall,M. Horne himselfe denieth this supremacie in al causes [...]cclesia­stical. whiche is the state and keye of the whole question, that he plucketh from the prince the chief and principal matters and causes ecclesia­sticall, as we shall here after plainely shewe by his owne woordes.

[Page 4]The premisses then being true, and of owre syde abun­dantly proued, and better to be proued, as occasion shall serue, as nothing can effectually be brought against them, so M Horne, as ye shal euidently perceiue in the processe, stragleth quyte from al these points, besetting himselfe, all his study and endeuor, to proue that which neither great­ly hyndereth oure cause, nor much bettereth his: and for the which neither maister Fekenham nor any other Catho­like will greatly contende with him: whiche is when all is done, that Princes may medle and deale with causes eccle­siasticall. Which as it is in some meaning true, so dothe yt nothing reache home to the pointe most to haue bene de­bated vpon. And so is much labour vaynely and idlelye employed, with tediouse and infynite talke and bablinge, all from the purpose, and owte of the matter, whiche ought speciallye to haue bene iustifyed. And therefore this is but an impudente facing and bragging to say, that he hath proued the like regiment that we deny, by the Fa­thers, by the Councels, and by the continual practise of the Churche.

Now it is worthy to see the iolye pollicy of this man, and howe euen and correspondent it is to his fellowe pro­testants.The vne­uen dea­ling of the protestants. M. Iewel restrayneth the Catholikes to .600. yeres as it were by an extraordinary and newe founde prescrip­tion of his owne, embarringe al Later proufes. Yet he him selfe in the meane tyme runneth at large, almoste one thowsande yeares Later, shrynkinge hither and thyther, taking tagge and ragge, heretike and Catholik, for the forti­fying of his false assertions. This wise trade this man kepeth also, and to resolue M. Fekenham, and setle his conscience, he specially stayeth him self vpon Platina, Nauclerus, Ab­bas [Page] Vrspergensis, Sabellicus, Aeneas pius, Volaterranus, Fabian, Polichronicon, Petrus Bertrandus, Benno the Cardinal, Durā ­dus, P. Aemilius, Martinus poenitentiarius, Polidorus Virgilius. And such lyke as he him self declareth otherwhere and in this place also confesseth. Nowe all be it the Catho­liques refuse no Catholique writer, nor in this matter haue cause so to doe, yet in a matter of such importance, which beside the losse of al tēporal relief and besyde bodily death importeth also euerlasting damnation to the Catholikes, (if the case stande, as M. Horne and his fellowes beare vs in hande) reason would he should haue fetched the substance of his proufes much higher, yea within the .600. yeres wher­vnto they strayne and binde vs: The which the Catholikes haue already performed against M. Iewel, not in the sub­stance of the matter onely, but euen in the iustifying of the precise wordes, wherein M. Iewel hathe framed to himself by a foolish wylynes, or wylye foolyshnes, the state of the question I meane for the wordes of head of the Church, and vniuersall Busshop.

And what if M Fekenham nowe Syr would reuel with yow with lyke rhetorike, and require of yow to proue by the fathers writing within the sayde .600. yeares these ex­presse words:A chal­lenge to M. Horn. Supreame heade, or gouernour in all causes spiri­tual and temporal, to haue bene geuen and attributed to any ciuil Magistrate? Againe that the temporal men without, yea and against the consent of the whole clergy, altered the state of religiō called and vsed for Catholik throughout the whole corps of Christendome one thousande yeares before with such other articles, as concerne the regiment Ecclesi­asticall that ye, in this your booke defende? Ye haue not, no nor ye can not, proue any such matter either by expres [Page 5] wordes or by any good induction or consequēt in the first and former Fathers. And yet somwhat were it, if the Later Fathers might helpe yow.

But what an impudent face, as harde as any horne or stone haue ye beside your mere foly, to make the worlde belieue, that the authours aforesayde allowed such kinde of regiment of ciuill Princes, as the Catholikes now denye? Whiche assertion is so certainely and notoriously false, that M. Horne him self can not, nor doth not deny, but that his owne authours,M Horns tale incredible, were moste earnest fautours of the See of Rome. And howe then maye it ones be thoughte by a­ny wise man that they shoulde allowe the doings of suche that forsake and abandon al maner of authority of that See, further then is the cōmen authority of al other Bisshops, yea and make the Bisshop of that Se [...] to whome the sayde au­thors attribute so large and ample authoritye and preroga­tiue as may be, and whome they agnise as supreame iudge in matters of faith, a very Antichriste? These things be in­credible, these things (as the prouerbe is) hange together like germans lipps: and so shal ye, good Readers,M. Horn's late bragge. see the mat­ter most euidently fal owte. And therefore, M. Horne, where you haue of late openlye sittinge at a table in Lon­don (as I am credibly informed) bragged, that ye haue quyte cōfuted the Papists with their own papistical Doctors, how true this is, I trust it shall by this answere plainely appeare.

M. Horne. The 3. Diuision.

Their iudgements and sentences shal appeare in reading by the forme of letter: for leuing foorth the Latine to auoide tediousnes, 4. The 4 vntruthe For he vvrong­fully al­leageth both the vvordes and mea­ning of his Au­thours. I haue putte into English the Authours mindes and sentences, and caused them, for the moste parte, to be Printed in Latine letters, that the English reader may knovv and decerne the Authours sayings from mine.

If this that I haue done, vvorke that effect in the Englishe Reader, vvhich [Page] he ought to seeke, and I d [...] vvishe, I haue vvonne that I wrought for: but otherwise, let men say and iudge what they liste, I haue discharged my consci­ence and shewed the trueth. Anno Domini. 1565. Feb. 25.

Rob. Wynchester.

Stapleton.

A great vntruth. For M. Horne doth not faithfully, but most corruptly and falsly alleage the authours wordes, and vseth his owne in steade of theirs: and to suche as he truely reherseth, he geueth an vnmete and an improbable sense of his own making, as we shal particularly notifye, when the case re­quireth.

THE FIRST BOOKE, CONTEI­NING MANY PRIVAT DOINGES OF M. Fekenham, the State of the Que [...]tiō, answer to M. Hornes oppositions out of holy scriptures both olde and newe, with a declara­tion, who are the right Do­natists, Protestants or Papistes.

M. Fekenham.

The declaration of such scruples and staies o [...] [...]sci­ence, touching the Othe of Supremacy, as [...] [...]ken­ham by writing did deliuer vnto the L. Bis [...]op of Win­chester, with his resolutions made thereun [...].

M. Horne.

The property of him that meaneth to declare rightly any matter done, is to set forth the trueth vvithout malice, to obserue the due circumstances of the matter, persones, and times: and to vse simple plainesse vvithout guileful am­biguities (5.) The 5. vn­truthe in vvrong­fully charging M. Fekēham for the Title of his trea­tise. This Title is so replenished vvith vntrue report, and ambiguous sleightes, vvithout the note of any necessary circumstance, that there is not al­most one true vvorde therein: vvhereby you geue at the first a taste to the in­different reader, vvhat he must looke for in the sequele.

You pretende, and vvould haue your frendes to thincke, that the first fovver chiefe pointes set foorth in your booke, vvere deuised by you, put in vvriting, and so deliured vnto me, as the matter and grounde vvherupon, the conferēce to be had betvvixt me and you should stande: And that I made thereunto none other but such resolutions, as it hath pleased you (.6.) The 6. vntruthe, the reso­lutiōs are truly re­ported, as shal ap­peare. vntruly to report. In the first parte, you conueigh an vntrueth vnder a coulorable and ambi­guous meaning, in these vvoordes, as M. Iohn Feke [...]hā by vvriting did deliuer vnto the L.B. of VVinchester. In thother part (.7.) The 7 vn­truthe Slaunde­rous. you make an vntrue report vvithout any colour at all. I doe graunt and vvill not deny, that you deliured to me a booke: vvhich, I thāke God, I haue to shevv, vvhere­by [Page] to disproue you. The same vvil declare the time vvhen, the place vvhere, the occasion vvherefore, the personnes to vvhome the booke vvas vvritē, and vvhat is the matter in generall therein conteyned: VVhereunto must be added, at vvhat time the same vvas deliuered vnto me, vpon vvhat occasiō, and to vvhat [...]nde. Al vvhich circumstances you omitte in your booke published, least you shoulde haue bevvrayed your selfe, and haue appeared in your ovvne likenesse.

Stapleton. The First Chapter concerning the Title of M. Fekenhams declaration.

THIS was an happy happe for M. Horne, that it happed M. Fekenhā with the omit­ting of suche slender circumstances to mi­nister to him matter of such triflynge talke, wherein otherwise M. Horne should haue had nothing to haue sayde. For here is he very exacte and precise in circumstances to be kepte, with al dewe obseruation, in a by matter, which whether it be true or false, doth nothing either preiudicate or touche the principal questiō, that is, whether the resolutiōs were made before Maister Fekenham deliuered vp his matter in wri­ting, or after. For this being true, that these resolutiōs were made to take away the scruples and stayes of M. Fekenhams conscience, whiche scruples rose and prycked his consciēce by and throughe such reasons and causes first vttered by talke and after by writing alleaged: wherein, I pray yow, hath M. Fekenham offended you M. Horne, so greuouslye, that therfore he should be noted of so vntrue reporte, that there is not almost one true worde in the title of his treatise: that he should be noted of ambiguouse sleights, yea and of malice to in prefixinge the sayed tytle to his Treatise?

And that he should conueigh vntrueth vnder coulorable and [Page 7] ambiguouse meaning, as not obseruing the circumstance of time, place, and person. What inconuenience is it, I praie you, though M. Fekenham wrote in the Tower, that whi­che he deliuered to M. Horne at Waltham? What incon­uenience followeth, I praye you, if he minded first to de­liuer the same to his examiners in the Tower, or els where, as occasion should serue? Is this sufficient to disproue him, to condemne him, to slaunder him of surmised vntruth? It is rather to be thought of such as are not malitiouse, to be plaine dealing: not to dissemble with you, but euen as he had penned the writing before, so without any alteration to deliuer it. Who neuerthelesse, afterward, hauing occasiō to exhibit and present the same writing to others, did sim­plie without guile or deceipt, signifie it to be deliuered vn­to you at Waltham. And was it not so? Denie it, if you can. Euerie Childe, by this may see, how fonde and foolish this your cauil is. But what is all this to the matter and thing now in hand? It is, as your selfe confesse, but a circumstance.Hovv vvel M. [...]orne k [...]peth his ovvn rule of circum­stances. But M. Horne now himselfe keepeth so lit­tle his owne rules and precepts of circumstance, that beside the miserable and wretched peruerting and deprauing of his owne authors he doth so often and so malitiously omit and concele the due circumstances of things by him reported (necessary for the full illustration and opening of the whole and entiere matter) that concerning this fault which he vn­iustly and triflingly obiecteth to M. Fekenham,In vvhat point the title of M. Fek. Treatise may be counted faulty. he may most iustly haue the prick and price, as they say.

But now that I remember, and aduise my selfe a litle bet­ter, I suppose I can not altogether excuse M. Fekenham for this title, but must race out therof foure words, and in steed of Lord Busshop of Winchester, set in M. Robert Horne: M. [Page] Fekenham dissembling and winking at the common error, whereby in the estimation of many, ye are both called and taken for the Bishoppe of Winchester: whereas in deede ye are but an vsurper, and an intruder, as called thereto by no lawfull and ordinary vocation, nor canonicall consecra­tion, of his great modestie and ciuilitie, willing the lesse to exasperate yowe and others, thowghe he well knewe ye were no right bysshop, yet after the vsuall sort calleth and termeth yow Lorde Bysshop of Winchester. But I must be so bolde by your leaue, as plainelye and bluntelye to goe to worke with yowe (as I haue done before with M. Grindall and M. Iewel yowr pewefellowes) and to remoue from you this glorious glittering Pecoks taile, and to call a figge a figge, and a horne a horne: and to saye (and that moste truely) that ye are no Lorde Byshoppe of Winche­ster, nor els where, but onely M. Robert Horne. For al­beit the Prince may make a Lorde at her gratious pleasure whome shee liketh, yet can shee not make you Lorde Bis­shoppe of Winchester, considering yee are not Lorde but in respecte of some Baronage and temporalties belonging and annexed to the See of Winchester. But you vsurping the See, as you are no Bishoppe, so for the consideration a­foresaid, yee are no Lorde, nor Prelate of the Garter. For yee can be no Prelate of the Garter,M. Horne no Bis [...]h nor P [...]e­late of the Gar­ter. being no Prelate at al: that being a prerogatiue appropriate to the Prelate and Bishoppe of Winchester. Now that you are no true Bis­shoppe, it is euident by that your vocation is direct contra­rie to the Canons and Constitutions of the Catholik Chur­che, and to the vniuersall custome and manner heretofore vsed and practised not onely in Englande, but in all other Catholique Countries and Churches deliuered to vs from [Page 8] hande to hande, from age to age, euen from the firste graf­fing and planting of the faith, especially in England. For the whiche I referre mee, to all autentique and aunciente recordes, as well of Englande as of other Nations, concer­ning the ordinarie succession of Byshoppes, namelye in the foresayed See of Winchester. For there was not, no not one in that See, that did not acknoweledge the Supremacye of the See of Rome, and that was not con­firmed by the same, vntil the late time of Maister Poynet: who otherwise also was but an vsurper, the true Byshop then liuing, and by no lawfull and Ecclesiasticall order remoued or depriued. Yee are therefore the firste Bis­shoppe of this sewte and race, and so consequentlye,M. Horn the firste B. of his race in the See of Vvinche­ster. In the Fortresse of our first faith annexed to Ven. Bede. par. 2 cap. 1.3. & 8. The Pro­testantes vvōder­fully tro­bled a­bout the questiō of the con­tinual succession of Bisshops. no Byshoppe at all: as not able to shewe, to whome yee did ordinarilie succede, or anye good and accustomable ey­ther vocation, or consecration. Whiche point being ne­cessarilie required in a Bishoppe, and in your Apostles Lu­ther and Caluin, and other lacking, (as I haue otherwhere sufficientlye proued, though you by deepe silence thinke it more wisedome vtterlie to dissemble, then ones to an­swere) they being therewith pressed, were so meshed and bewrapped therein, that they coulde not in this worlde wytte what to saye thereto, answering this and that, they wist nere what, nor at what point to holde them. Yea Beza was faine in the last assemblie at Poisy, with silence to cō ­fesse the inuincible truth.

But let it so be that your vocation was good and sound, yet haue you disabled your self to occupie that roome, and either ought not to be admitted, or forthwith ought ye to be remoued, for that ye are yoked (or as ye pretende) maried: and as wel for the maintenāce therof as of many other abhominable [Page] errors (in case you stand obstinately in them) no doubt an Heretike. That ye liue in pretensed Matrimonie with your Madge al the worlde knoweth, colouring your fleshly pleasures vnder the name of an honorable Sacramēt, by this your incest wretchedly prophaned and vilained Ye keep now your said Madge, in the face of al the worlde without shame, whiche in King Henries daies ye kepte in hucker mucker and lusky lanes as many other did of your sort: especially M. Cranmer that occupied the See of Cāter­burie: who caried about with him his prety conie in a chest full of holes, that his nobs might take the ayer.

Lecherie turned into the name of vvedlockYou wil perchance stande in defence of your pretensed mariage, and also of your other heresies, and say they are no heresies at all, and turne lecherie into wedlock, as some of your sorte haue of late daies turned, vppon good fridaie, a Pigge into a Pike, putting the said pigge in the water and saying: goe in pigge, and come out pike. But then I referre you to the olde Canons of the Fathers, to the writinges es­pecially of S. Augustine, of Epiphanius, of Philaster and other, that among other heresies, recite some of those that you openly and your fellowes maintaine. Yf ye will reiect the poore Catholiques,M. Horn and his fellovves accōpted heretikes by the Apologie of Eng­land. Apologia Lati. in. 8. pag 33. S. Augustine and Epiphanius also, yet I trust you will not be against your owne famouse A­pologie, whiche saith that Epiphanius nombreth fourscore Heresies (of the which it is one, for a man after the order of Priesthode to marie) and S. Augustine a greater nomber and so concludeth you and the residue to be heretikes. If ye wil denie ye mainteine any of those heresies, your preachings, your teachings and writings beare full and open testimony against you. What then haue you to iustifie your cause? You wil happely forsake and abandon S. Augustines autho­ritie [Page 9] withal the olde Canons and Councels, and flye vnder the defence of your brickle bulwarke of Actes of Parlia­ment.

O poore and sely helpe: o miserable shift that our faith should hang vppon an acte of Parliamente, contrary as wel to all actes of Parliament euer holden in Englande before, as to the Canons and Fathers of the Catholike Churche. A strange and a wonderfull matter to heare in a Christian common welth, that matters of faith are Parliament cases. That ciuill and prophane matters, be conuerted into holie and Ecclesiasticall matters. Yea and that woorse is, that Laie men that are of the folde onely, not shepheards at all,Religion [...]ered in [...]ngland [...]gaīst the [...] of the vvhole Cl [...]rgie. and therefore bounde to learne of their Catholique Bis­shoppes and Pastours, may alter the whole Catholique Religion, maugre the heades of all the Bishoppes and the whole Conuocation. This is to trouble all things: this is, as it were, to confounde togeather heauen and earth.

But yet let vs see the prouidence of God: These men,M. Horn can not defend and mainteine his heresies nor him­self to be a Bisshop by anie lavve of the Real­me. See the Apologie of Staphilus Fol 81. that relinquishing the Church, would hang only vpō a Par­liament, are quite forsaken, yea euen there where they lo­ked for their best helpe. For I praye you, what warrant is there by acte of Parliament to denie the Real presence of Christes bodie in the holie Eucharistia? Is it not for anye Parliament as well heresie nowe, as it was in Quene Maries, King Henries, or anye other Kinges dayes? What can be shewed to the contrarie? Doth not Luther your first Apostle and his schollers, defie you therefore, as detestable Heretiques? Nowe concerning Transubstan­tiation and adoration, is it not well knowen, thinke you, that in King Edwardes dayes, there was a preaty leger­demaine played, and a leafe putt in at the printing, which [Page] was neuer proposed in the Parliamente? What Parlia­mente haue your Preachers to denye free will, and the necessitie of baptizing children? Againe I pray you, is there any Acte to confirme your vnlawful mariage? Doth not in this point the Canonicall Lawe stande in force, as well nowe, as in King Henries daies? And so doth it not followe, that yee are no true Bishoppe? Beside, is it not notoriouse, that yee and your Colleages, were not ordei­ned no not according to the prescripte, I wil not say of the Churche, but euen of the verye statutes? Howe then can yee challenge to your selfe the name of the Lord Bis­shoppe of Winchester? Whereof bothe the Municipall and Ecclesiasticall Lawe dothe woorthelye spoyle you? Wherefore as I sayed, let vs dashe out these wordes, and then no reasonable man shall haue any great cause to qua­rell against the Title of M. Fekenhams Treatise.

The .2. Diuision. M. Horne.

The booke by you deliuered vnto mee, touching the Othe, was writen in the Tovver of London (as you your selfe confessed, and the true title therof, doth plainly testifie) in the time of the Parliamēt holden Anno quinto of the Q. Maiestie Ianua. 12. at which time you litle thought to haue soiourned with me the winter follovving, and much lesse meant, to deliuer me the scruples and staies of your cōscience in writing, to be resolued at my hands. And although you would haue it seeme, by that you haue published abroade, that the cause why you wrot, was to be resolued my hande: yet the trueth is (as you your selfe reported) that you and your Tovver fellovves, hearing that the Statute moued for the assuraunce of the Queenes royall povver, would passe and be establissed, did conceiue that immediately after the same Session, Commis­sioners shoulde be sente vnto you, to exact the Othe. VVhereuppon you to be in some readines, to withstande and refuse the duetie of a good sub­iecte, (.8.) The .8. vntruth, slā ­derouse. not without helpe of the reste (as may be gathered) deuised the matter conteyned in the booke, committed the same to writing, and pur­posed to haue deliuered it for your ansvvere touching the Othe of the Supre­macy [Page 10] to the Cōmissioners, if they had come This may appere by the Title of that booke that you first deliuered to me, which is worde for worde as follovveth.

The answere made by M. Iohn Fekenham Priest, and pri­soner in the Tower, to the Quenes highnes Commissioners, touching the Oth of the Supremacie.

In this Title there is no mencion of scruples and stayes deliuered to the Bisshoppe of VVinchester, but of aunsvveare to the Queenes Commissio­ners. I am not once named in the [...]itle, ne yet in the looke deliu [...] to mee: neither is there one worde as spoken to me: although in the [...] abroad, you turne all as spoken to me. [...]n your booke published a [...]e [...] kinds of speaches: [...] in d [...]de the vv [...]orste kindes of speaches In all that book [...] of M Feck. To the L. Bishop of VVinchest [...]. VVhen you [...] L. shalbe able &c. I shall ioyne this issue vvith your L. &c. But it is farre othervvise in your booke deliuered to me, namely. To the Queenes highnes cōmissioners. VVhen ye the Queenes high­nes cōmissioners shalbe hable &c. I shal ioine this issue vvith you, that vvhen any one of you, the Queenes hignes cōmissio­ners, &c. From October, at what time you were sent to me, vnto the end of Ianuarie, there was daily conference betvvixt vs in matters of Religion, but chiefly touching the foure pointes, which you terme scruples and stayes of conscience, and that by worde of mouth, and not by any writing. In all which points, ye vvere (.9.) The 9. vntruth. M. Fekenhā vvas ne­uer so an­svvered. so ansvvered, that ye had nothing to obiect, but seemed resolued, and in a maner fully satisfied. VVhervpon, I made aftervvard relation (of (.10.) the 10. vntruth. In­credible. good meaning tovvards you) to certain honorable persons of the good hope I had cōceiued of your conformity. At whiche time, a certaine friend of yours standing by, and hearing what I had declared then to the ho­norable in your cōmedacion, did shortly after (.11.) The .11. vntruth. There vvas no suche re­porte made. reporte the same vnto you, which as it seemed, you did so much mislike (doubting that your confederates should vnderstand of your reuolt (.12.) The .12. vntruth. slāderous which they euer feared, hauing expe­rience of your shrinking frō them at (.13.) The .13. vntruth. notori­ously slā ­derous. VVestminster in the cōference there, the first yere of the Q. Maiestie) that after that time I founde you alvvaies much more repugnāt, and cōtrary to that wherin ye before times seemed in maner throughly resolued: And also to goe from that you before agreed vnto. By reason vvhereof, vvhen in debating betvvixt vs, you vsinge manye shiftes, amongst other, did continuallie quarell in Sophistication of vvor­des, I did vvill you, to the ende vve might certainlye goe forvvarde in [Page] the pointes materiall, that you vvoulde vvryte your Positions or As­sertions, in fourme of Propositions: vvhiche I coulde not cause you to doe in anye vvise, but yee vvoulde still stande vncertainelye in graunting and deniyng at your pleasure: yea, althoughe I for the better agreemente to be had, did dravve suche in fourme of Assertion, and gaue them in vvrittng vnto you, as I gathered of your ovvne mouthe to be your opi­nion: yet vvoulde yee in no vvise stande too, and reste in any one cer­tainelye, but vsed still your accustomed vvrangling and wādring at large. Vvhiche your behauiour so muche misliked mee, that I coulde not but earnestly charge you vvith inconstancie, in that yee woulde sometimes denie, that yee before had graunted: and also graunte, that yee before denyed. Then being so muche pressed herevvith, and perceiuing that your frovvarde qua­relling vvith the plaine vvoordes of the Statute, coulde no lenger couer your euill meaning, at the length you did require, that I vvoulde put in vvri [...]ing the vvoordes of the Othe, vvith the sence or interpretation ad­ded thereunto, as you considering thereuppon, might deuise the fourme of your Propositions, vvhereuppon we might afterwarde debate. By this it may appeare, bothe how vntrue it is, that you hitherto had deliuered vn­to m [...]e any suche scruples of yours in writing, as you pretende in the Title (for then I needed not to haue sought any Propositions of your Assertions) and also how vntrue that is, that the interpretation of the Othe whiche I wrote at your requeste, before I euer sawe anye writing of yours, was to answere your scruples and staies deliuered to mee in writing.

The Seconde Chapiter: declaring by the way, the order of the late disputations at Westmynster.

HERE is no matter effectual, but that may seme already by our former answere sufficiently dis­charged: sauing that it serueth to accumulate and increase the heap of M. Horns vntruths, as that this shedule should be made not without the helpe of the rest. How proue you that M Horn? As it may be gathered, ye [Page 11] say. yea, but why haue you so sone forgottē your late lessō? Where be your circumstances that enforced yow so to ga­ther? why were they not according to your owne rule spe­cified? Againe ye say, M. Fekenham was so answered at your hands, that he had nothing to obiecte but semed to be resolued, and in a maner satisfied Syr, we cal vpon yow yet ons againe to remember your former rule, with the which ye so strait­ly and vaynly charged M. Fekenham. But yet here ye seame to be somwhat better aduised, mollifying the matter with these wordes in a maner satisfied: other wise yt had passed al good maner and honesty to, so vntruly to make that re­porte the cōtrary being so wel knowen, that he neuer yel­ded vnto you in any one pointe of religiō, neither in courte nor yet in manour, nor else where.

Then haue we an heape of other vntruthes packed vp together: As that M. Horne should haue a good meaning tow­ards M. Fekenham, making of him within six lines after an vntrue and a slanderouse report as to reuolte from the relli­gion by him receiued and professed at baptisme, to reuolte from the fayth of Christes Catholike Churche▪ to reuolte from al the most blessed Sacraments, and from the vnity of the saide Churche, and thereby to become as starke a schis­matike and an heretike as M. Horne him selfe ys: Was this M Horne, your good and frendly meaninge towards M. Fekenham? He thāketh yow for nawght he will none of it: he hath espyed yow: ye proferre him to muche wronge Of like sorte is your other saying of M. Fekenhams frende that should stande by, when yow made relation of the hope ye had of M. Fekenhams conformity, and that M. Fekenhā vpō your reporte to him by his, frend should be more repugnant then he was before. This seemeth to be made of your owne [Page] head, to furnishe your own forged tale withal: Which if it had bene true, why did yow not according to your owne rule set forthe the truthe thereof, obseruing the dewe cir­cumstances of the matter, person, tyme, and place? But this incomparably passeth and farre excedeth al your other for­sayde vntruthes, that ye say M. Fekenham should so shrinke from his cōfederats (as yow terme them more maliciously thē truely) in the conferēce made at Westminster, that they should euer since conceiue a feare of his constancy in religion.

I beseach yow good Syr, in what one point of religion, did he shrinke from his company in that cōference at West­minster? Was the matter wherin he dissented from them any other than this? That, whereas both they and he also hadde agreed vppon a booke towching the questions then in con­trouersie betwene yow and thē, the right honorable Lord keaper of the great seale, commaunded them in the Quene her highnes name to beginne and to reade their booke first, which they refused to doe, and yet he for his parte thought it not good to disobey the Quenes highnes commaunde­mente therein and thervppon offered himselfe to beginne the disputation, and the Lord keper would not permit him so to doe, what an offence I beseache yow hath M. Feken­ham cōmitted herein, so great as worthy a dashe with your penne? What shrynkinge in religiō cal yow this, when in the defence thereof he did so openly proferre him self to put forthe the first argumente?

The booke that was set forth of the sayd conference for the disgracing and depressing of the Catholiks, dothe yet geue some commendation to M. Fekenham for the cause aboue sayde and nothing towcheth him with any suspicion of inconstancy, or mambring in religion, as ye most vniust­ly [Page 12] doe: This is your own fyne and singular inuention.

And now here ons againe we must plucke yow by the hornes, and cal yow home to your owne rule, and demaūde of yow: Sir how know yow that his Towre fellowes haue conceiued such a feare of him? What proufe are ye now able to make thereof? Ye haue spoken the words: ye haue writen them: ye haue set them forth in printe to the vewe and sight of the worlde. And that I trowe of a very good meaninge towardes M. Fekenhā. Yea forsothe. Who seeth it not, and withal what an honorable prelate yow are thus to stuff and farse your booke, with an heape of such ouer­sights and open vntruthes?

I might now passe forth to the residewe of M. Hornes book sauing that the mētiō of the conferēce at Westmynster and the book thereof made, occasioneth me a litle to speake thereof, for that I perceiue many are slaundered therby, sur­mifyng the Catholiks gaue ouer, for that they were not able to defende and mainteyne their side: But these mē shal vn­derstāde that the very cause was, that they might not be suffred to reply to their aduersaries, but were commaunded straite to a new question the first vndetermined, and nothīg by them answered by reason their replication was cut of.

I speake nothing of the vneuen dealing and handling of the matter,Concer­ning the conferēce at VVestmynster in the first yere of the Quenes Maiesties Reigne. as that the Catholiks being in possession of the truth frō time to time in the Churche continued and obser­ued were yet notwithstanding disuantaged and put to the prouf with much more iniury, then if a man that had an hū ­dred years and more quietly enioyed his Lāds, should sodēly be disturbed ād dispossessed thereof, vnlesse he could proue his possessiō, to hī that had no right or interest to claime the same. Which I say not, for that the catholiks had not, or did [Page] not shewe sufficient euidence, but for the maner of the or­dering and dealing therein, the Catholiks being very much straited for shortnes of tyme: beside that it was a fruytlesse and a superfluose enterprise: For in so many great and weigh­ty matters, as now stande in controuersie and debate, to what ende and purpose was yt to debate vppon these 3. matters only, whether the seruice may be in the mother tong: whether any one realme may alter and chaunge the rites and ceremonies in the Churche and make newe:The que­stiōs dis­orderly put out. whe­ther the masse be a sacrifice propitiatory seing that the first, and the secōd question, be no questions of faith, and the .3. de­pendeth vpon the questions of transsubstantiation, and the real presence, which ought first to haue bene discussed and then this, as accessory thereunto?

Againe, what presidente or example can be shewed of such kinde of disputation to be made before the Laye men as Iudges?At Mō ­ster by reason of Disputa­tions, in one yere the Lu­therans thrust out the Catholiks, the Anabap­tists the Lutherās Sleiden lib. 10. The cler­gies sute to the parliamēt Suerly howe daungerouse this matter is, beside many folde recordes of Antiquity, the miserable examples of our tyme doe sufficiently testifie: especially at Monster in Germany. Where by these meanes the Lutherans thrust oute the Catholiks, and where euen by the very same trade, ere the yeare wente abowte, the Lutherans them selues were thrust owte by the Anabaptistes. And then within a while after followed the pytiful tragedy plaied there by the sayd Anabaptists the worthy fruit of such disputatiōs. Now albeit these disputatiōs were nothing neadful at al, and much lesse for that in the parliamēt time, when this cōference was had, the whol clergy (whose iudgemēt should haue bene in this case of chieffest importāce) vniformly agreed, aswel vpō the real presēce as trāsubstantiatiō ād the sacrifice also, with the supremacy of the Pope, and made their hūble petitiōn (as [Page 13] became their vocatiō) that the aūciēt relligion might not be altered in the parliamēt, although they could neuer obtaine that their petition might there be read, yet if they woulde nedes haue gonne forward with their disputations,The Ca­tholikes not suf­fred to replie. reason had ben, that they should haue begonne with the chief and principal points, and not with the dependant and accesso­ry mēbers, or matters nothing touching faith: and withal to haue suffred the Catholiks, to haue replied to their aduer­saries, whiche they could not be suffered to doe, least their aduersaries weaknes shuld (as it would haue done in dede, and now daily doth, God be praised) euidently and openly haue b [...]ne disciphered and disclosed. Wherin whether the Catholiks were indifferently dealt withall,The Ca­tholikes required in Aphri­ca the Popes le­gate to be present in disputati­ons with the Ariās. Vict. lib. 2. de perseq-Vandal. I reporte me to all indifferent men. Surely among all other things con­cerning the supremacy of the prince in causes Ecclesiasti­cal, the denial wherof is more extreamely punished by the law, then any other matter of religion now in controuersy, ther would haue ben much more mature deliberatiō, espe­cially considering that aboue .x. hundred yeares past, in dis­putations of matters of faith, whereto the Catholikes were prouoked in Aphrica, the said Catholikes required, that at the said disputations should be presente the Legates of the See of Rome, as the chief and principal See of Christēdom. But let vs now returne to M. Horne.

M. Horne. The .3. Diuision. pag. 3. a.

After this in February follovving, certaine persons of vvorship resorted to my hou [...]e▪ partly to see me, and partly to heare somevvhat betvvixt me and you. And after that vve had reasoned in certaine pointes touching Religion, vvherein ye seemed openly to haue little matter to stande in, but rather did yelde to the moste in substance that I had saied: neuer the lesse being after vvithdravven in some of their companies, although yee did seeme openlye to consent and agree vvith me in that I had said: Yet (said you) the matter [Page] it selfe is grounded here (pointing to your breast) that shall neuer goe out. VVhiche being tolde me, I did vehemently then challenge you for your double dealing, and colourable behauiour: saying, that I thought you did not that you did, of any conscience at al: and therefore compted it but lost la­bour further to trauaile vvith such a one as had neither conscience nor con­stancy. But you, to shevv that ye did al of conscience, shevved me both vvhat yee had suffred for the same in diuers manners, and also hovv the same vvas grounded in you long before. For proufe vvhereof, ye offred to shevve me a booke of yours, that ye had deuised in the Tovver, and the same shortly after did deliuer vnto me, not as your scruples and doubtes to be resolued at my hande, vvherein ye seemed in our conference before had (.14.) The .14. Vntruth. That M. Fekenhā shoulde geue vp his Trea­tise in vvriting after he vvas re­solued by M. Horn. resolued: but only to declare, that the matter had bene long before setled in you, and this vvas the only and mere occasion of the deliuery of the said booke vnto me, entituled as is before declared, and not othervvise.

But as you haue cast a mist before the eyes of the readers, vnder the speach of a deliuery in vvriting, vvithout noting of any circumstance that might make the matter cleere, vvherein you shevve your self to haue no good mea­ning: euen so haue you set foorth resolutions of your ovvne deuise vnder my name, because you are ashamed to vtter mine, vvherevnto you yelded, and vvere not able to ansvvere.

Stapleton.

How vnlike a tale this is, that M. Fekenhā should either be resolued by M. Horn, or being resolued, should thē geue vp his matter in writing for none other cause thē M. Horn reporteth, I durst make any indifferent man iudge, yea a nū ­ber of M. Hornes own sect: there is no apparance, there is no colour in this matter. And therefore I wil be so bold, as to adde this to his other vntruthes: where vnto I might set an other more notable straight waies ensuing,In the an­svvere to the reso­lutiōs, the 440, leaf. that M. Fe­kenham should set forth resolutions of his owne deuise vn­der M. Hornes name, sauing that I leaue it to a place more appropriate, where the matter shal be more conueniently and more fully discussed.

The 4. Diuision. Pag. 3. b. M. Fekenham.

For asmuch as one chief purpose and intent of this Othe is, for a more saulfgard to be had of the Quenes royal per­son, and of her highnes most quiet and prosperous reigne: I doe here presently therfore offer my selfe to receiue cor­poral Othe vpon the Euangelistes, that I doe verely think and am so persuaded in my conscience, that the Queenes highnes is thonly suprem gouernour of this realme, and of al other her highnes Dominiōs and Countries according as thexpresse words are in the beginning of the said Othe. And further I shall presently sweare, that her highnes hath vnder God, the soueraignty and rule ouer al manner of persons borne within these her highnes realmes of what estate (either Ecclesiastical or Temporal) so euer thei be.

M. Horne.

Hovv so euer by vvords you vvoulde seme to tendre her Maiesties saulfty, quietnes, and prosperous reigne, your (.15.) The 15. vntruethe vilainou [...] and slau [...] derous. M Feken­hā by all his dedes hath all­vvaies shevved himselfe a most o­bedient subiect. dedes declare your meaning to be cleane contrary. VVhat saulfty meane you to her person, vvhen you bereue the same of a principal parte of the royal povver? vvhat quietnesse seeke you to her personne, vvhen one chiefe purpose and entent of your book published, is to stay and bring her subiects to an heretical misliking of her royal povver, vvhich is a preparation to rebellion against her person? Hovv much prosperity you vvish to her Maiesties reigne appeareth, vvhen that vvith (.16.) The 16. vntruthe Diuelish and spri­tish. diepe sighes and grones you looke daily for a chaunge thereof, and (.17.) The 17.18. and 19 vntruth [...] blasphe­mous horrible and vilainous For nei­ther is the pope any heretike, neither do Catholiks make him their God: Nei­ther wish t [...]ei hī to reigne in the Que­nes place, that is, to haue tēporal iurisdiction as the Quenes Ma [...]. hath. tharche Heretique of Rome, your (.18.) God in earthe, to (.19.) reigne in her place.

The third Chapter declaring the rebellion of Protestāts against their princes in diuerse Countres abrode, and the seditious writīgs of English Protestāts at Geneua and otherwhere.

[Page] THere haue bene many Kings in this realme be­fore our time, that haue reigned vertuouslye, quietly, prosperouslye, most honorably, and most victoriouslye, which neuer dreamed of this kinde of supremacy: and yet men of suche knowledge that they coulde sone espye, wherein their au­thority was impaired, and of such cowrage and stowtenes that they woulde not suffer at the Popes hands, or at any o­ther, any thing done derogatory to their Royal powre. And albeit the Catholiks wishe to the Quenes maiesty, as quiet, as prosperouse, as longe, and as honorable an empire to the honour of God, as euer had prince in the worlde, and are as wel affected to her highnes, as euer were good subiects to their noble princes aforesayde: yet cā they not finde in their harts to take the Othe: not for any such synister affection as M. Horne moste maliciously ascribeth vnto them, but one­ly for conscience sake, grounded vppon the Canons and lawes of the holy Churche, and the continual practise of al Christen and Catholike realmes, finally vppon holy Scrip­ture,Act. 5. namely that saying of S. Peter. Oportet obedire Deo, ma­gis quàm hominibus. God must be obeyed more then mē: So farre from al rebellion against her highnes person, and from suche sighthes and grones, as Master Horne most wickedly surmiseth (wherein he sheweth by the way his owne and other his complices affection towarde the princes not af­fected in religion as they be) that they dayly most hartely praye for her highnes preseruation: So farre of I saye, that as they haue already for God and his Catholike faith, suffe­red them selfe to be spoiled of all worldly estate, contente also yf God shall so appointe, to be spoyled also of theire lyfe, so is there none of them, whereof diuerse haue [Page 15] faithfully and fruitfullie serued their Prince and Countrie, that is not willinge for the preseruation of the Prince and his countrie, to imploye, if the case so require, witte, body, and life also. And for my part, I pray God hartily the tryall woulde ones come.

But this is an olde practise, first of the Painimes, and Ie­wes, then of the heretikes,Act. 24. Vict de per seq. Vand. An olde practise of Infi­dels, Ie­vves, and heret [...]ks. Sedition the pecu­iiar fruit [...] of heresy. falsly to obiect to the Christians and Catholiques, priuie conspiracies and sedition, the more to exasperate the Princes against them. And when truthe faileth, then with the Princes authoritie and lawes to feare them. Surely, this man bloweth his horne a wrong, with charging the Catholiques with sedition, which is the verie badge and peculiar fruit of all their Euangelicall broode.

I let passe the Donatists, and their horrible tragedies: I let passe the Boheames with their blinde Captaine both in Bo­die and soule, Zischa (a meete Captaine for suche a caitife companie) with their detestable vprores, seditiō, and migh­tie armie against their Prince and Countrie: I let passe how cruellie they handeled the Catholiques,Vide vvald doct. fidei. tom 2. Doctrina­li, & Do­cumento. 1 casting .12. of their chiefe Doctours and Preachers, into a kill of hotte burning lyme: and how pitifully they murdered a noble Catholike Knight: first burning his feete, then his legges, then his knees, then his thyes, to force him to cōsent to their wic­ked doctrine, which when he couragiously and valiauntlye refused, they consumed with fier the residue of his bodie.Aene. Pius in Praefaet. De orig. Bohemiae. Naucle­rus gene­rat. 49. pag. 48 [...]. I let passe the traiterous poysoninge of that noble yonge Prince Ladislaus the King of Boheme and Hungarie, at the time of his mariage in Praga, by the meanes of Georgius Pogebratius a great Hussyte, for that the saied Ladislaus at his firste entrie into his Towne of Praga, gaue but heauie lookes to the Hussian Ministers, but lighting of his Horse [Page] embraced moste louinglie the Catholique Priestes, saiyng: Hos Dei Ministros agnosco. These I acknowledge for the Mi­ninisters of God. And to come nearer to our owne home,Polidore. lib. 22. Hist. Ang. I let passe the great conspiracies of Syr Roger Acton and Syr Iohn Oldecastle with their complices against King Henrie the fift.

I referre me onely (to be shorte) to the tragicall enor­mities yet freshe in remembraunce, of Luthers Schollers in Germanie, in Dennemarke, in Swethelande, and in our Countrie in the time of Queene Marie: of the Caluinistes in Fraunce, in Scotland, and presentlie in these low Coun­tries, of Brabant, Hollande, Flanders, and Lukelande: Last of all, of the Anabaptistes in the Citie of Mounster in Westphalia. For these three noble Sectes issued of that poysoned roote of Luther and his strompette Cate, haue eche of them according to their hability, geuen forth suche euidente argumentes of their obedience (forsothe) to their Soueraines, that all the forenamed Countries, do well not onely remember the same, but feele yet presently the smarte thereof.

In Germanie the Lutherans bothe the commons vn­der Thomas Muntzer their Captaine againste their No­bles, and the Nobles them selues againste their Emperour, notoriouslie rebelled, and that vnder pretence of Religi­on.Sleidan. lib 4. in sine. Idē. li. 17. &. 19. The murder in one sommer of fiftie thousande men of the communaltie at the leaste (as Sleidan reporteth) and the famous captiuitie of the Duke of Saxonie and the Lantgraue of Hesse vnder Charles the fift (the late most renouned Emperour) who bothe stode in fielde againste him, will neuer suffer those bloudie practises to be for­gotten. The insurrection of the people in Dennemarke [Page 16] againste their Nobles, and of the Nobles in Swethelande againste their Prince (as witnesseth that learned Coun­cellour of the late moste Catholique Emperour Ferdinan­dus,In Apolog. hart. 3. Fridericus Staphylus) are knowen to all the worlde with the successe thereof. The open rebellion of Syr Tho­mas Wiat in the raigne of Quene Marie (couering his he­resie with a Spanish cloke) Charing Crosse and Tower hill will neuer forgette.

In Fraunce the Zwinglians not only by traiterous force bereauing the Prince of Piemont of his: Towne of Gene­ua, and fixing there euer since the wicked Tabernacle of their loytering heresies, but also euen vnder the King that nowe liueth (as with my eyes I haue my selfe there be­holded) first by vnlawfull assemblies against open Procla­mations, and after by open rebellion withoute measure of bloudshedde, by taking vppe of the Kings rentes in Gas­conie and the Prouince, by possessing by violence his prin­cipal townes, Rhone, Orleans, Lions, and suche other, by murdering most traiterouslie his General Captaine the no­ble Duke of Guise, haue shewed their godly obedience to their Soueraigne Princes.

For the better and more large deciphering of all these tragicall feates wrought by the Caluinistes in the Realme of Fraunce, I referre you, Maister Horne, to an Oration made of this matter expresselye, and pronounced here in Louaine, and translated eloquently and printed in our En­glishe tongue. What loyall subiectes the Caluinistes in Scotland, haue shewed them selues towarde their Queene and Soueraigne, Knokes and his band, the flight of the No­bles, ād the murdering also of her most dere Secretary, euē within her graces hearing, with other bloudy practises, yet [Page] hot and fresh, beareth open witnesse before al the worlde. It is euident, that beside and against the Princes authority, your Religion (M. Horne) hath taken place there.

Of the late rebellion in Flanders.To come to the outragious enormities of the low Coun­tries here, what tongue can expresse, what penne can de­ciphre sufficiently the extremity thereof? These men li­uing vnder a most Catholique, moste clement, and moste mighty Prince, (the loyaltie of their profession is suche) they neither reuerence his Religion, nor consider his cle­mencie, nor feare his power: but contrary to his open edi­ctes and proclamations, abusing his rare clemencie in re­mitting vnto them the rigour of the Inquisition, proceede daylie to ouerturne the Relligion by him defended, to prouoke his iuste indignation, and to contemne his Prin­cely power. For, a graunte beinge made of the mollifi­cation thereof for a season, vntill the Kings pleasure were farder knowen: at the humble suite of certaine Gentlemē, put vp to the Ladie Regent the .5. of April, in the yere .1566. which graunt also was expressely made,In Resp. Ducissae. 6. Aprilis. vpō conditiō that nothing should be innouated in matters of Religion in the meane while, these men yet, hauing an inche graūted them, tooke an elle, and the rodde being cast aside, fel streight to more vnthriftinesse then before. For sone after flocked downe into these lowe Countries, a number of rennegate preachers, some out of Geneua and Fraunce, some out of Germanie, some Sacramentaries, some Lutherās, and some Anabaptists. Who lacking not their vpholders and staies fel to open preaching, first in Flaunders and then next in Ant­werp, the .24. of Iune of the said yeare .1566. After at Tour­nay, and Valencenes, in Holland and Brabant, in al Townes wel nere, except onely this noble Vniuersitie of Louaine: [Page 17] which (God only be praised therefore) hath continued in al these garboiles, troubles, and disorders, not only free from all spoiles of their Churches and Chappelles, yea and of all Monasteries round about, as few townes beside haue done, namely Bruxels, Bruges, Lyle, Mounts in Henaut, Arras, Douay, and no towne els of importance (as farre as I can remember) but also hath remained free from all schismatical sermons in or about the towne. Whiche of no great towne in all Brabant and Flanders beside can be said. God onely be praised therefore, for whose only glory I write it. For as this towne and vniuersitie, was aboue al other townes in al this. Land moste spyted and threatened of these rebellious Protestantes (by reason of the Doctours and Inquisitours here, whose rigour they pretended as a cause of their ma­lice) so was it by Gods singular mercy, from their speciall malice, most singularly preserued. To him onely be the glorie and honour thereof. Els mans policie was no lesse, and the power of resistance was greater in other townes then in this. But God, I trust, hath shewed his singular mer­cie vppon this place, to stoppe the gaping Rauens mouthes,Pulchrum est coruos deludere hiantes. the hereticall broode as well of this lande as otherwhere, which thirsted after the bloud of the learned Doctours, and Catholique Students of this place.

To returne to our matter, the sermons beginning at Ant­werpe, (without the towne walles) at the first fewe, at the second, and thirde preachings and so foorth, greate num­bers assembled. The more halfe alwayes as gasers on, and harkeners for newes, then zealous Gospellers as they call them selues. The number then bothe of the audience and preachers increasing, a proclamation came from the court, and was published in Antwerp the .vj. of Iulie, that none of [Page] towne should repaire to suche forraine preachings vppon a paine. This was so well obeyed, that to the Kinges owne Proclamation, printed and fastened vpon the South doore of S. Maries Church in Antwerpe, it was in the ve­ry paper of the Proclamation vnderwriten by a brother of your Gospell M. Horne, Syrs: To morow ye shall haue a Ser­mon at suche a place and time. As who woulde saye: a figge for this Edicte, and as the traiterouse brethern in Ant­werp haue not sticked openlie to saye: An vn­manerlie talke meet for so clenly a Gospel. Schij [...]e op die Con­ning, We will haue the woorde, what so euer oure Kinge saie or commaunde to the contrarye. How thinke you M. Horne? Doe these men acknowledge their Prince Supreame Gouernour in all Spirituall causes? But lette vs goe on. To let passe the continuance of their prea­chings without the walles, whiche dured aboute six or se­uen wekes, the Prince of Orenge gouernor of the towne, labouring in the meane season a greate while but in vaine, to cause them to surcease from their assemblies, vntill the Kinges pleasure with the accorde of the Generall States were knowen,Recueil de [...]hoses ad­uenues en Anuers. An. 1566. they not admitting any suche delaie or ex­pectation (as them selues in a frenche Pamphlet by them published in printe, without the name of the Author or place of the printing, doe confesse, foreseeing (as thei said) that no good would come thereof, and therefore obeying the Magistrat as much as them listed) found the meanes to bring their assemblies into the town it self, so farre without the Kings or the Regents authoritye, as if they had had no King at al out of the land, nor Regent in the land. But the meanes which they found to bring this feate to passe, was singular and notable.

Wheras the .19. of August the Prince of Orenge departed [Page 18] frō Antwerp to Bruxels to the court, that being then in the Octaues of the Assūptiō of our Lady, a special solemnitie in the chief Church of Antwerp town,By vvhat meanes the nevv prechīg [...] entered first the tovvne of Ant­vverp. the brethren both for the Gouernors absence emboldened, and in despite of that solēnity more enkendeled, the .xx. of August beīg Tuesday toward euenīg, at the Antemne time betwene v. and .vj. of the clock, began first by certain boyes to play their Pageāt, mocking and striking by way of derision, the Image of our Lady thē especially visited and honored for the honorable memorial of her glorious Assūptiō. At this light behauiour of the boies som stirre being made, as wel by the Catholiks then in the Church, as by the factiō of the Caluinists there also thē assēbled, the Catholikes fearing a greater incōueni­ence, began to depart the Churche, and the brethren at the rumour therof increased very much. Herevpō incontinēt­ly the Margraue of the towne, the chief Officer in the Go­uernours absence, being sone aduertised by the Catholikes of some tumult like to arise, drew in al hast to the Church. But the brethren by this time were become Lordes of the Church, and had shut the dores against the Margraue. Notwithstāding at length the Margraue going from doore to dore gat in, and approching to the assemblie of the Cal­uinists, willed and cōmaūded thē in the Kings name whose Officer he was, to depart the Church, and not to interrupt Gods seruice as they had begun. Thei answered, thei came also to do God seruice, and to sing a few Psalmes in his ho­nor, that being a place most cōueniēt therfore. Many wor­des passing betwen the Margraue and them, their number being great and increasing stil, the Margraue departed the Church, nothing preuailing neither by faire wordes nor by foule. The Magistrate being thus reiected (as vnhable in [Page] deede to withstande the faction of the Rebelles, as it ap­peared well euen that night) the holy brotherhode went to their druggery. First they song Psalmes, pretending that only to be the cause of their meeting there at that time. At their Psalmodie rushed in great numbers of people, some to see and be gone againe, some to remaine and accompanie them. I was my self present at the beginning of this Tragedy (coming by chaunce to the towne that afternone) and I saw after the Margraue was gone out of the Churche, and their Psalmodie begonne, not past (I verely suppose) threescore persons assembled. Mary there rushed in continually greate numbers of such as taried still with them. All this was be­fore six of the clock. From that time foreward, their me­lodie sone ended, they proceeded to sacrilege, to breaking of Images, to throwing downe of Aulters, of Organes, and of all kind of Tabernacles, as well in that Churche, as in all other Churches, Monasteries and Chappelles of Ant­werpe, to stealing of Chalices, to spoiling of Copes, to breaking vppe of seates, to robbing of the Churche War­dens boxes as well for the Churche as for the poore. And heerein, I will reporte that whiche I sawe with myne eyes. In Sainte Iames Churche, the spoyle there being not so outragiouse, as in other Churches, al the settles, ben­ches and seates, made aboute the Churche pillers and Aulters for folke to sitte and kneele in, were in maner left whole, one onelye excepted, placed at the west ende of the Churche, in the which were diuers little scobbes and boxes of gatherings for the poore. These scobbes lo, on­lye, were broken vp, and the contents visited: for to them was their chiefe deuotion: All the reste remained whole, and vnspoyled.

[Page 19]To be shorte, al that night (which to him that had bene pre­sent thereat, as I then was, might well seme Nox Siciliana) the Zelous brotherhood so folowed the chase, that they lefte not one Churche in Antwerpe greate or smal, where they hunted not vp good game, and caryed away fleshe good store. Chalices, patens and cruets of golde and of sil­uer, copes and vestiments of silke and of veluet, fyne linnen and course, none came amisse: They tooke al in good parte, and tooke no more then they founde. What shal I speake of the very libraries spoiled and burned, namely of the grey fryers, and of the Abbye of S. Michael? To describe particu­larly the horrible and outragious sacrileges of that night, an eternal documēt of the ghospellike zele, of this sacred bro­therhood, woulde require a ful treatise of it selfe. Only this much I haue shorthly touched, that you may see ād palpably feele M. Horne, if any common sense remaine in you, what obedient subiects your brethern are, which with in .24. my­les of their Princes Courte, which contrary to the expresse admonition of the Magistrat then present, contrary to all law, reason, right, or conscience, vnder pretence forsothe of your ghospels zele (the zele truly of Christes ghospell, was neuer such) feared not in great numbers to committe such open robbery, thefte, felony, sacrilege, and treason. But let vs procede.

This Noble Strategeme was a way to bringe their prea­chinges within the towne walles: for now they had I trow, well deserued of the towne, and were right worthy of all fauour and libertye. Therefore the Thursdaye after, they preached openly in our lady Churche, and the Saterday in in the Burge Churche, and required to haue places in al the Churches to preache. But at the first two, and then fowre, [Page] and at last all the Catholiks Churches being forebidden thē, they obtayned yet certain places in the new towne to build them new Churches: which they did with great spede. The Caluinists builded foure, and the Lutherans two. This much grounde they gotte, by one nightes worke.

But was it possible, that such a beastly beginning, should haue eyther long cōtinuance, or any good ending? We shal see by the issue. In this moneth of August not in Antwerp only, but in Gant, Ypres, Valencene and diuers other towns in Flādres, Hartoghēbuske, Lyre, and other in Brabant, in diuerse towns also of Hollād, in some in Zelād, and through­out wel nere al these low coūtres, Churches wer robbed ād spoiled, though in few so outragiously or so vniuersally as in the town of Antwerp. The storme of this sodayne spoiles being somwhat asswaged ād stopped by policy ād spedy resi­stāce, yet the new preachīgs took place about al towns: ōly Louain as I haue said excepted. this beīg the ōly maidē toun of any importance in al Brabāt and Flandres, for being free both within and many a myle aboute, no lesse from al schis­matical preachings, then frō all sacrilegious spoiles. God on­ly, as I haue said, be praised therefore. But to procede, soone after these sacrileges, thei fel to opē rebelliō. For whē al wēt not foreward as it liked the Ministres, by their persuasions, townes began to rebelle, and to shut their gates against the Kings souldiars, which to haue iustice don vpō Church rob­bers, and to stay farder enormities the Prince cōmaūded to be admitted. Such were Tournay, Valencens, Hartoghen­baske, ād Hassels in Lukelād. But Tournay being soone re­couered, and the protestātical rebelles subdewed Valēcens held out euē to the battery of the wals: before which time all Catholiks being driuē out of the toune that opēly would shew thē selues for such, al monasteries being ouerthrowen, [Page 20] the churches being turned into barns or storehouses for their corne, the brethern of Antwerp enuying at the ioly liberty and audacity of the Valēceners, attēpted diuers times to ob­tayn the like in their town also. Witnesses hereof, the tumult made about the grey fryers Church the 19. of Septēber, the Prince of Orēge being present skāt able to stay it. The spoyl renewed in S. Maries Church in the moneth of Nouēbre, whereof six the next day were hāged by the Conte Hoch­strat thē the Prince of Orenge his deputy. The burning of a great part of the grey fryers Church and cloister in the first Sōday of Lēt. And last of al the opē, manifest, and notorious rebelliō made by the caluinists in Antwerp, the 13. of March last whē thei possessed the artillery of the town, plāted their ordināce in the great Maire, a strete so called, stoode there in armes against their Prīce, required opēly the kayes of the gates, ād of the town house, the banishmēt of al religious per­sons ād priests, ād brefly as the cry thē wēt about the stretes, des Coopmās goet, en Papē bloet: the goods of the Marchāts ād the blood of the Priests. These I say are manifest, clere ād euident witnesses that the Caluinistes of Antwerp attēpted no lesse rebelliō, thē the town of Valēcens practised in dede. But of this Notorious attēpt and of the whole maner, ende and beginning thereof toward the end of this book I shall more largely speak, to the which place I remitte the Reader.

Now what a great and sodayn ouerthrowe God hath ge­uē to al these trayterous attēpts of ghospellīg protestāts, and how they haue wrought therein their own destructiō (for had they not attēpted the dominiō it self, their heresies (we feare) would longer haue ben winked at, and perhaps not repressed at al) how first the caluinists in Antwerp were by mayne force of the Catholiks, (the Lutherās ioyning in that [Page] feate with thē, cōstrayned to lay downe their weapons, and to crye, Viue [...]e Roy, God saue the king, how sone after vpon palmesonday the towne of Valencenes was taken by the kings Captaynes, how straight after Easter the preachers were driuen to departe Antwerpe, and al other townes and Cyties of these lowe Countries, how their newe Churches are made a pray to the kings souldyars, briefely how al is re­stored to the olde face and coūtenāce as nighe as in so short a time may be, how wonderfully, mercifullye, and miracu­lously God hath wrought herein, neither my rude penne is able worthely to expresse it, nether my smal experience can sufficiently report it. I leaue it therefore to a better time and occasion, of some other more exactly and worthely to be chronicled.

This is lo M. Horne, the obedience of the Caluinistes in these low coūtres here, as we hear daily with our eares and see with our eyes. And truly experiēce hath to wel shewed, that Protestāts obey, vntil they haue power to resiste. Whē their faction is the stronger syde, as they resiste bothe Pre­lats and Popes, so they laye at bothe Kinges and Keysars. And to this the law of their Gospel enforceth them, as their own Ministers persuade them. So by the persuasiō of Theo­dore Beza (Caluins holy successour now at Geneua) the vil­layne Poltrot slewe the Duke of Guise, his Princes Capitain General. By the Authority of Hermannus a knowen renna­gate now in Englande, and a famous preacher here, as be­fore in Italy for open baudery no lesse infamous, the towne of Hassels in Lukelande rebelled. By the encouragement and setting on of the Ministres (who for the time were the chiefe Magistrats there) the towne of Tournay for a season also rebelled, and sent out ayde to the rebelles of Valēcens, [Page 21] who sped according to their desertes, being to the number of ij. M. or there aboute intercepted by the kings souldyars and slayne within the twelue dayes at Christmas laste. And it is wel knowen, namely by the first execution made after the taking of Valencenes, aboute witsontyde laste that the Ministers themselues were the chiefe Authours of the lōge and obstynat rebellion of that towne. Such supreme gou­uerment of the Prince ouer causes Ecclesiastical your dere brethern here (M. Horne) the Caluinistes doe acknowledge and practise. Which that it renewe not to a farder rebelliō, we for the peace of Gods Churche, and for our owne safty doe pray, and you for sauing your poore honesty, had nede to praye. Except your harte also be with them (M. Horne) though your penne condemne them.

Nowe for the purgation of the Catholiks,The Ca­tholikes no sedi­tious sub­iects. against whom this man so falsly and maliciously bloweth his horne, yt may seame a good and a conueniente proufe, of their quietnes and obedience, that al this .8. years and more there hath not ben in the realme, no not one that I can heare of, that hath bene conuicted, of any disloyalty, for worde or dead, con­cerning the Princes ciuil regiment: which they all wishe were as large and ample, and as honorable as euer was our noble countreymans the greate Constantines. And albeit I knowe quòd non sit tutum scribere contra eos, qui possunt praescribere, VVhye the catholiks shuld be borne vvithal. Yet for matters of conscience and relligion (wherein onely we stande) we poore Catholikes moste humblye vppon our knees desire her highnes, that we may with moste lowlye submission craue and require, to be borne withall, yf we can not vppon the sodayn, and with­oute sure and substantial groundes abandon that faith, that we were baptized in, and (as we are assured) al our aunce­tours, [Page] and al her Maiesties own most noble progenitors, yea her owne most noble father King Henry the eight, yea that faith, which he in a clerkly booke hath most pythely defen­ded, and therby atchieued to him and his, and transported as by hereditary succession,The Queenes title De­fender of the faith. the worthy title and style yet re­mayning in her highnes, of the defendour of the faith. Other disobedience then in these matters, (yf there be any thing in vs worthy that name) wherein as I haue said our first and principal obedience must wayt vpon God, and his Catho­lik Church, I trust her highnes hath not, nor shal not find in any true Catholick.

Let vs nowe turne on the other syde, and consider the fruits of M. Horn his euangelical bretherne and their obe­dience,The obe­dience of the Euā ­gelicall brethren in causes Ecclesia­stical. that by woordes woulde seame to recognise the Quenes Maiesty as supreame gouernour in al causes eccle­stical. Who are those then, I praye yow M. Horne, that re­pine at the Quenes maiesties iniunctiōs and ordinances, for the decente and comly apparrel mete for such as occupie the roome of the clergy? Whence came those .16. Ministres to Paris, and what Ministres were they, but roundecappe Ministres of England, fleying the realme for disobedience? Who wrote and printed a booke at Rhone against the Queenes Maiesties expresse cōmaundment of priestly ap­parel? Was it not Minister Barthelet, that published before the infamous libel against the vniuersall Churche of God, bothe that nowe is and euer hath bene? As fonde nowe and peuish against his owne congregation, as he was wic­ked before and blasphemous against the whole Churche of God? Who are they that haue preached withe a chayne of golde abowte their neckes in steade of a typpet? Who are those that preache euen in her highnes presence, that [Page 22] the Crucifixe her grace hathe in her chappelle is the Idoll withe the red face? Who are those I pray yow, that write: Sint sanè & ipsi magistratus membra & partes, Magdeb. pref. cēt. 7 & ciues Eccle­siae Dei [...]imo vt ex toto corde sint, omnes precari decet. Flagrent quoque ipsi zelo pietatis: sed non sint Capita Ecclesiae, quia ipsis non competit iste primatus. Let the magistrates also be mem­bers and partes, and cytizens of the Churche of God,The Lu­theraā in Germany deny this suprema­cie. yea and that they may be so, it behoueth vs al with al our harte to pray, let them be feruente in the godly zeale of religion, but they may not be heads of the Churche in no case: for this Supremacy doth not appertayne to them.

These are no Papistes, I trowe Maister Horne, but youre owne deare brethern of Magdeburge, in their newe storie ecclesiastical: by the which they would haue al the worlde directed, yea in that story, whereof one parcel Illiricus and his fellowes haue dedicated to the Quenes Maiesty:Cent. [...]. that beare the worlde hand, they are the true and zelouse schol­lers of Luther.

In case ye thinke their testimony not to haue weight enowgh, then herkē to your and their Apostle Luther, who writeth, that it is not the office of Kings and princes to cōfirme, Cōtra ar­tic. Lou. Tom. 2. no not the true doctrine, but to be subiecte and serue the same. Perhaps ye wil refuse and reiecte bothe the Magdeburgen­ses and Luther to, as your mortal enemies, (yow being a sa­cramentarye) and such as take yow and your fellowes for stark heretiks. A hard and a straunge case, that now Luther cā take no place amōge a nōber of the euāgelical brethern.Andreas Modreui­us de Ec­clesia lib. 2. c. 10. What say yow then to Andreas Modreuiu [...]? Surely one of the best lerned of al your sect. How lyke yow then him that saieth, there ought to be some one to be taken for the chiefe and Supreame head in the whole Churche in al causes ecclesiastical. [Page] Wel, I suppose you wil challenge him to as a Lutherane. Yf it muste neades be so, I trust M. Caluin your greatest Apo­stle shal beare some sway with yow. I know ye are not ig­norante that he calleth those blasphemers, The Zvvin­glians de­ny this suprema­cy. Caluin c. 7. Amos. that did call kinge Henry the eight Supreme heade of the Churche of Englande: and handleth the kinge hī selfe with such vilany, and with so spitefull woords, as he neuer handled the Pope more spi­tefully, and al for this title of Supremacy, which is the key of this your noble booke. Can ye now blame the Catho­likes M. Horne, yf they deny this supremacy, which the heads of your owne religion, aswel Lutherans, as Zwingliās doe deny and refuse?

A nevve secte in Engl [...]nd contrary to al the vvorlde beside, as vvel pa­pistes as protestants. They may be called [...]: Laicocephali: as ye vvold say. Lay­heads, or Laiehead makers.O what a straunge kinde of religion is this in En­glande, that not onely the Catholikes, but the very pa­triarches of the new euangelical brotherhod doe reiecte and condemne? Perchaunce ye wil saye. Wel, for al this there is no Englishe man of this opinion. Mary that were wonderfull, that if as we be sequestred and as it were shut vp from other countres by the great Ocean sea that doth enuyrō vs, so we should be shut vp from the doctrine as wel of the Catholiks, as also the Protestants of other cō ­treis: and that with vs the Lutherans and Zwingliās should finde no frendes to accompany them, in this as wel, as in other points. But contente your self M. Horne, and thinke you if ye do not alredy, that either your self, or many other of your brethern like the quenes supremacy neuer a deale in hart, what so euer ye pretēd and dissemble in words. Think ye that Caluin is so slenderly frended in Englād, his bookes being in such high price and estimatiō there? No, no, it is not so to be thought. The cōtrary is to wel knowē: especially the thing being not only opēly preached, by one of your most [Page 23] feruēt brethren there in England, euen since the Queenes maiesties reigne: but also before openly and sharply wri­ten against, by your brethren of Geneua. Especially one Anthonie Gilbie. Whose wordes I wil as wel for my dis­charge in this matter, somewhat at large recite, as also to shew his iudgement, of the whole Religion as well vnder King Henrie, as King Edward, and so consequently of the said Religion vnder our gracious Quene Elizabeth, nowe vsed and reuiued: that all the worlde may see that to be true, that I said of the Supremacie, as also that the feruent brethren, be not yet come to any fixe or stable Religion, and that they take this to be but simple as yet, ād vnperfit.

In the time (saith he) of King Henrie the eight, Antonie Gilbie in his admonition to England and Scot­lād to call them to repētāce. Imprīted at Geneua by Iohn Cri [...]pine. 1558. p, 69 when by Tindall, Frith, Bilney, and other his faithfull seruauntes, God called England to dresse his vineyarde, many promised ful faire, whome I coulde name, but what fruite followed? Nothing but bitter grapes, yea bryers and brambles, the wormewood of a­uarice, the gall of crueltie, the poyson of filthie fornication flo­wing from head to fote, the contempt of God, and open defence of the cake Idole, by open proclamation to be read in the Chur­ches in steede of Gods Scriptures. Thus was there no reforma­tion, but a deformation, in the time of the See how religiosly the Pro­testantes speake of their Princes, Tyrant and leche­rouse monster. The bore I graunt was busie, wrooting and digging in the earth, and all his pigges that followed him, but they sought onely for the pleasant fruites, that they winded with their long snoutes: and for their owne bellies sake, they wrooted vp many weeds: but they turned the ground so, min­gling good and badde togeather, sweet and sower, medecine and poyson, they made, I saye, suche confusion of Religion and La­wes, that no good thing could growe, but by great miracle, vn­der suche Gardeners. And no maruaile, if it be rightlye consi­dered. [Page] For this Bore raged against God, against the Diuell, against Christe, and against Antichriste, as the some that he caste out againste Luther, the racing out of the name of the Pope. And yet allowing his lawes, and his murder of many Chri­stian souldiars, and of many Papists, doe declare and euident­lie testifie vnto vs, especially the burning of Barnes, Ierome, and Garrette their faithfull preachers of the truthe, and han­ging the same daye for maintenaunce of the Pope, Poel, Abel, and Fetherstone, dothe clearelie painte his beastlines, that he cared for no Religion. This monsterous bore for all this, must needes be called the Heade of the Churche in paine of treason, displacing Christe our onely head, who ought alone to haue this title. Wherefore in this pointe, O Englande, ye were no bet­ter then the Romishe Antichriste, who by the same title maketh him selfe a God, and sitteth in mens consciences, bani­sheth the woorde of God, as did your King Henrie, whome ye so magnifie. For in his beste time nothing was hearde but the Kings Booke, the Kings Procedings, the Kings Homilies, in the Churches, where Gods woorde onelie should haue ben preached. So made you your King a God, beleuing nothing but that he allowed. I will not for shame name how he turned to his wonte: I will not write your other wickednesse of those times, your murders without measure, adulteries and incestes of your King, and his Lordes, and Commones. &c.

Loe Maister Horne, howe well your Protestante fellowe of the beste race, euen from Geneua, lyketh this Supremacie by plaine woordes, saiynge: that this title whiche you so stoutlye in all this your booke auouche, displaceth Christe, who owghte and that onely to enioye it. And whereas ye moste vntruely saye heere, that we make the Pope our God in earth: Maister Gilbie saieth, that [Page 24] you make your Prince a God, in attributing to her this wrong title, wherin Christ wil haue no cōpartener: Surely, we make no God of the Pope, and sometimes perhappes, no good man neyther. And yet we reuerence him for his office and authoritie, that Christe so amplie and hono­rablie gaue him for preseruation of vnitie and quietnes in his Church. Your wisedome with like truth also appeareth in that you call the Pope the Archeretike of Rome, naming no man. And so your woordes so liberallie and wantonly cast out, doe as wel comprehend S. Peter, S. Clement, and other holy Martyrs, and Bishops there, as anye other. I promise you a wel blowen blast and hansomly handeled. With like finenesse you call him Archeretike, that is the supreme Iudge ouer all Heretikes and heresies too, and that hath already iudged you and your Patriarches for Ar­cheritikes. I wisse as well might the fellon at the barre in Westmynster hall to saue his life, if it mighte be, call the Iudge the strongest theef of all: and doubtles (had he a Prince on his side) his plea were as good as youres is: Now where ye say, we would haue the Pope to raigne here in the Quenes place, procedeth frō your lik truth ād wisedom. For albeit the Popes autority was euer chief for matters eccle­astical, yet was there neuer any so much a noddie, to say ād beleue the Pope raigned here: The Pope and the King beīg euer two distinct persons, farre different the one from the other, in seueral functions and administrations: and yet wel concurrant and coincident togeather without any [...] immi­nution of the one or the others authoritie.

Wel, ye wil perhap say, that albeit M. Gilbie misliketh this title in the Prince, yet he liketh wel the religiō, especi­ally such as now is, and such as was in King Edwards daies [Page] which is all one. Herken then I pray you, what his cen­sure and iudgement is therof. I will name (saith he) no par­ticular thinges because I reuerence those dayes (meaninge of King Edwarde) sauing only the killing of both the Kings vn­cles and the prisonment of Hoper for Popes garmentes. Ibidem. Fol. 70. Gilbies iudge­mēt con­cerninge the reli­gion that novv is. God graunt you al repentant hartes. For no order or state did anye parte of his duetie in those daies: but to speak of the best, wher­of you vse to boast, your Religion was but an English Mattins patched foorth of the Popes Portesse: many things were in your great booke superstitious and foolish. All were driuen to a prescript seruice like the Papists, that they should think their dueties discharged, if the number were sayed, of Psalmes and Chapters. Finallye, their coulde no discipline be brought into the Churche, nor correction of manners.

I trust nowe, M. Horne, that you will somewhat the more beare with the Catholikes, if they can not wel beare the seruice and title which your companions so yll liketh. Yet because ye are so harde maister to M. Fekenham and his fellowes, to haue their doing a preparation to rebellion a­gainst the Quenes person, for defēding Ecclesiastical autho­rity, which nothīg toucheth her person or croun (as with­out the which it hath most honorably continued and flori­shed many hūdred yeres, and shal by Gods grace continew full well and full long againe, when it shall please God) let this title and iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall goe, which al good Princes haue euer forgon as nothing to them apertaining. Let vs come to the very temporall authoritie, and lette vs consider who make any preparation of rebellion, the Catho­likes or the Protestants.

Who are they, I pray you, that haue set foorth deuises of their owne for the succession of the crowne withoute [Page 25] the Princes knowledge? Surely no Catholikes, but the very Protestants them selues. Who blewe the first blast of the trompet I pray you? Who are those that haue set foorth in open printed bookes in the English tongue, that neither Queene Marie, nor this our gracious Quene were lawfull inheritours of the Croune? And finally that it is againste the Lawe of God and nature, that anye woman shoulde inherite anye principalitie or Kingdome? No Ca­tholique I warrante you, but your holye brethren, so fer­uente in the woorde of the Lorde. Yea amonge other M. Iohn Knoxe the new Apostle of Scotlande:Iohn Knokes in his ap­pellation and his exortatiō to the nobilitie of Scotland Fol. 77. Imprīted at Geneua An 1558. In his ap­pellation to the Nobility the .36. leafe. It is not birth onely (saith he) or propinquitie of bloud that maketh a King lawfully to reigne aboue the people professing Iesus Christ, and his eternal veritie, but in his election muste the ordināce which God hathe established in the election of inferiour Iud­ges, be obserued. Loe this Apostle excludeth al succession as well of men, as women: and will haue the Kingdome to goe by election, that in case there be founde any Prince that fansieth not this newe Apostle, that then he may be lawfullye deposed, and a newe brother in his roome pla­ced. And therefore I feare not (saith he) to affirme, that it had been the dutie of the Nobilitie, Iudges, Rulers, and peo­ple of Englande, not onelie to haue resisted, and against stan­ded Marie that Iesabell, whome they call their Queene, but also to haue punnished her to deathe, with all the sorte of her Idolatrous Priestes, togeather with all suche as shoulde haue assisted her.

Ye shall nowe heare the verdit of an other good man:Christo­pher Goodmā how Su­periours ought to be obeied and im­printed at Gene­ua by Iohn Crispin. 15 [...]8. c. 5. fol. 54. a zealous brother of Caluins schole. I knowe (saieth he) ye will saie, the Croune is not entailed to the heires Males onelie, but appertaineth as well to the daughters. And [Page] therefore by the lawes of the Realme yee coulde not otherwise doe. But if it be true, yet miserable is the answeare of suche, as hadde so longe time professed the Gospell, and the liuely word of God: If it had bene made of Paganes and Heathens whiche knewe not God by his woorde, it mighte better haue bene borne withall: but amonge them that bare the name of Gods people, with whome his lawes shoulde haue chiefe au­thoritie, this answeare is not tolerable. And afterwarde. If shee had bene no bastarde, but the Kinges daughter as lau­fullie begotten as was her Sister that godlie Ladie and meeke lambe, voide of all Spanisshe pride and straunge bloude, yet in the sicknes and at the deathe of our lawfull Prince of God­lye memorie Kinge Edwarde the sixte, that shoulde not haue bene your firste counsell or question: who shoulde be your Queene, but firste and principallye, who had bene moste me­test amonge your brethren, to haue hadde the gouernemente ouer you, and the whole gouernemente of the Realme to rule them carefullye in the feare of God.

After this he sheweth his minde more expresselye. A woman (saieth he) to reigne, Cap 8. fol. 96. Gods lawe forbiddeth, and nature abhorreth, whose reigne was neuer counted lawefull, by the woorde of God, but an expresse signe of Gods wrathe: and a notable plague for the sinnes of the people: As was the raigne of Iesabell, and vngodlie Athalia: especiall instru­mentes of Sathan, and whippes to his people of Israell. I dooe here omitte a Sermon made by one of your Prelates,M. Sands that bothe Queene Marie and our graciouse Queene Eli­zabeth were bastardes. And they saye that your selfe (Maister Horne) did the same at Durham. Howe lyke yee this, Maister Horne? Is this a preparation of rebelli­on againste the Queenes person, or no? Yee will per­chaunce [Page 26] to extenuate the matter, saye it is the priuate doinge of one or two, disanulled by the reste. Nay Syr, yee shall not so scape: I saye this was the commen con­sente and iudgemente of all your holie brethren of Ge­neua, as well Englishe as other, yea of Maister Caluin him selfe, as it may be gathered by Maister Whitingham his Preface, to the sayed booke of Maister Goodman.M. Vvhi­tingam in the Preface. Maister Christopher Goodman (sayeth he) conferred his Articles and chiefe Propositions with the beste learned in these parties, who approued them, he consented to enlarge the sayd Sermō, and so to print it as a token of his duetie and good affection toward the Church of God. And thē if it were thought good to the iudgement of the godlie, to translate the same into other lāguages, that the profit therof might be more vniuersal.

Lo good M. Horne, a sermon made at Geneua to al the English brethren, not only to depriue the Quene of her ti­tle of the Supremacy in causes Ecclesiasticall, but euen in temporal too, and from al gouernmēt: the matter being cō ­municated beside to the best learned there. And then M. Caluin and M. Beza too, I trowe, gaue their verdict to this noble and clerkly worke. And so it seemeth to importe the consent of al the gehennical (I should haue said) the Gene­uical Church. And who are those now that rule al the rost in England but this good brotherhod? Men no doubt well worthy, for whose sakes the Catholiks shold be thus hardly hādeled and to whome the Q. Maiesty is (who doubteth) depelye bounde, and they worthie to be so well cherished at her hands, as they are. These good brethren by their new broched Diuinitie haue found a prety deuise, at their plea­sure not onelye to depose the Queenes Maiestye and the Quene of Scotland: but also the greatest parte of all other [Page] Princes, such I meane as be women, or haue holden their gouernment by their discent from women. As did in our Countrie since the conquest Henrie the second, the sonne of Maude th'Empresse, daughter to King Henrie the firste. As did Phillipp, Charles the late Emperours Father, holde Burgundie, and Charles him selfe the Kingdom of Spaine. I here omit now Petronilla the Prince of the Arragones, Maude of Mantua, bothe Iones of Naples, Margaret of Norwey, and other women Princes els where, as in Na­uarre, and in Loraine. But what speake I of women on­ly, when Knoxe, as I haue shewed, will haue all Realmes to goe by election, and not by succession? So that now whereas the Catholiques, yea the starkest Papist of all (as these men terme them) can be well contente, yea with all their hartes to affirme, that the Quenes Maiestie may en­ioye not onely this Realme, but euen the whole Empire, and wishe no lesse (if it pleased God) to her highnes, and finde no fault, but onely with that title, that is not compe­tent for her highnes, and without the which shee may rei­gne as nobly, as amply, as honorably, as euer did Prince in England, or els where, which neuer affected any such ti­tle: these men, who pretēd to the world, to professe a wō ­derful sincere obseruatiō toward God and their Prince, do not only spoile her of that title, but of al her right and in­terest to England, Fraunce, Ireland, or els where: making her incapable of al manner ciuile regiment. Which I trust the Quenes Maiestie ones wel considering, wil graciously beare with the Catholiks that do not enuy her the one or the other title: but only desire that their consciences may not be streyned for the one of them. Whiche they vppon great groūds, and as they verely think, without any impai­ringe [Page 27] of her worldlye estate can not by othe assuredlye a­vouche: which thing thei truste they may doe, without any iuste suspition of seditiō or rebelliō. Wherewith M. Horne moste vniustly chargeth them: the sayd note and blame most iustly (for the causes by me rehersed) redounding vpon his owne good brethern.

Which thing as he can not truely lay to any Catholike: so of al men least to maister Fekēham. Whereof I trust,A moste true de­fence for M Fekē ­ham. cer­tayn right honorables, as the Lorde Erle of Lecester, the Lord Erle of Bedforde, yea the Quenes Maiestye her selfe wil defende and purge him against M. Horns most false ac­cusation. Of whose doings in Quene Maries daies, the said right honorables with the right honorable my Lord Erle of Warwyke can, and wil (I truste) also reporte being then prisoners, and he by the Quenes appointmente sente vnto them. M. Secretary Cycil also cā testifie of his doings tow­ching Sir Iohn Cheke knight, whose life, lāds, and goods by his trauail and humble suyte were saued. His hope is, that the Quenes highnes his soueraygne good Lady wil thus much reporte of him, how in the beginning of her highnes troble, her highnes then being imprisoned in the courte at Westmynster, and before her committy to the towre, his good happe was to preache a sermon before Quene Mary, and her honorable counsayle in the Courte, where he mo­ued her Highnes and them also to mercy, and to haue cōsi­deration of the Quenes highnes that now is, then in trou­ble and newly entred in prison. What displeasure he su­steyned therefore, I doe here omitte to expresse. But this I certaynlye knowe, that he hath reported, and hath most humb [...]y thanked almighty God and her highnes: that her highnes hadde the same in remembraunce, at the firste and [Page] first and laste talke, that euer he had with her, in her palace at Westmyster not longe before her highnes Coronation: I trust these are sufficient personnages for M. Fekenhams purgation and discharge against your false accusation. Wel I beseache almighty God, that Maister Fekenham may now at the lengthe after seuen yeares imprisonmente, be made partaker of such deedes and doings, as he then shewed vnto other men: And now let vs procede on, to the residewe of your booke.

The .5. Diuision. M. Horne.

If I knevv you not right vvel, I should maruail, that you shame not to af­firme, saying: I doe here presently therefore offer my selfe to re­ceyue a corporal Othe: and further I shal presently sweare &c. Seing that you neuer made to me any motion of such an offer, neither did I at anytime require you to take any Othe.

You thinke and are so persuaded in conscience (if a man may trust you) that the Quenes highnes is the only supreme gouernour of this Realm, and of al her dominiōs and countries, and hath vnder God, the soueraignty and rule ouer al manner of persones, borne vvithin her dominions of vvhat estate either Ecclesiastical or Temporal so euer they be. VVhereunto I adde this consequent vvhich doth necessarily follovv, Ergo: Your holy father the Pope is not (as you think in your conscience) the supreme gouernour ouer her highnes domi­nions, nor hath the soueraignty or rule vnder God ouer any personnes borne vvithin the same.

The Quenes maiesty must needs herein take you but for a dissembling flat­terer, in that you vvil seeme somtime in general speach, to attribute vnto her the onely Supremacy vnder God, ouer her dominions and subiectes vvhich you meane not, for vvithin a vvhile after in plaine vvordes you deny the same. And your holy Father vvil geue you his curse, for that being his svvorne Aduo­cate, at the first entry into the plea, you geue from him the vvhole title of his vniust claime, to vvit, the supreme gouernaunce ouer the Quenes highnes dominions and people. You must novv therefore make some shifte, and cal to remembraunce one sleight or other by some distinctiō, vvhereby to auoide your [Page 28] holy Fathers curse, that you may continue vnder his blessing. You vvill ex­pounde your meaning by restreyning the supreme gouernment of the Queenes maiesty onely in causes Temporal, and not in causes or things Ecclesiasticall. But th [...]s distinction commeth to late, and vvil doe you no ease, for that in both these kindes of causes you haue already graunted vnto her the only supreme gouernmēt: and that as you verily think, persuaded in conscience: vvheruppon you offer to receiue a corporal Othe vpon the Euangelistes. And this your graunt passed frō you by these vvords: Ouer al maner persones borne vvithin her dominions of vvhat estate either Ecclesiastical or Temporal so euer they be: In this that you graunt vnto her highnes thouly supreme rule ouer the Lay and Ecclesiastical personnes: you haue also concluded therevvith in all causes both Ecclesiastical and Temporal, vvhich is plainly and firmely proued by this argument follovving.

A supreme gouernour or ruler is one, vvho hath to ouersee, guyde, care, prouide, order and directe the things vnder his gouernment and rule, to that ende, and in (.20.)The 20. vntruthe For not in actiōs belongīg properly to the things gouerned, but belō ­ging pro­perly to the gouernour and to his end those actions vvhich are appointed and doe properly be­longe to the subiect or thing gouerned. So that in euery gouernment and rule there are thre things necessarely cōcurrāt: the Gouernor, the Subiect, or mat­tier gouerned, and the obiect or mattier vvherabout and vvherein the gouer­nement is occupied and doth consiste. But the Quenes highnes, by your ovvne confession, is the only supreme gouernour ouer al manner persones Ecclesiasti­cal borne vvithin her dominions: Ergo: Her highnes thonely supreme go­uernour ouer such persones hath to ouersee, guyde, care, prouide, order, and di­recte them to that ende and in those actiōs vvhich are appointed and doe (21.)The 21. vntruthe proued to be so by M. Horn him selfe▪ as it shall straight appere. properly belonge to Ecclesiastical persones. And so by good consequent you haue renounced al foreine gouernment. For this exclusiue, Onely, doth shut out all other from supreme gouernment ouer Ecclesiastical personnes: and also yee doe (.22)The 22. vntruthe M. Fekē ­ham affirmed no such thīg affirme the Quenes maiesty to be supreme gouernour in those ac­tions vvhich are appointed, and that doe properly belong to Ecclesiastical per­sones, vvhich are no other but things or causes Ecclesiastical.

The 4. Chapter: how princes be supreme gouernours ouer al ecclesiastical persons (their subiects) and yet not in al Ecclesiastical matters.

[Page] HEre is first a worshipfull reason, and cause to marueyle at M. Fekenham, that he shoulde by writing presently offer him selfe to receiue an othe, because, he neuer made mention of anie suche Othe before, neither any suche was at anye tyme of him required. Surelye, this is as greate a cause to wonder at, as to see a gose goe barefote. But nowe will hee playe the worthye Logician and M. Fekenham, wil he nil he, shalbe driuen by fyne force of a Logical defi­nition to graunte the Quene to be supreme head in al cau­ses ecclesiasticall, for that he graunteth her to be supreame heade of al persons bothe ecclesiastical and temporal. Be­cause (saieth he) the supreame gouernour or ruler is he, that ordereth and directeth al actions belonging and appointed to the subiects: ād therby inferreth, that the Quenes Maie­sty is supreame and onely gouernour euen in those actions that belonge to ecclesiastical persons, which are causes ec­clesiasticall. But as good skil as this man hath in Logike, (which is correspondent to his diuinity) he hath browght vs foorth a faulty and a viciouse definition.The defi­nitiō of a Supreme Gouer­nour. For a Supreame gouernour is he, that hath the chief gouermente of the thīg gouerned, not in those Actions that may any way properly belong to the Subiect or thing gouerned (as M. Horn saith) but in those Actions that belonge to the ende, whereunto the gouernour tendeth. Which may wel be, althowgh he haue not the chief gouerment in al the actions of the thing gouerned: but in suche actions as properly appertayne to him as a subiecte to that gouernour. For in one man many rulers may and doe dayly concurre, whiche in some sense may euery one be called his Supreame gouernours. As yf he be a seruant, the maister: and if he be a son in that respect [Page 29] the Father: and yf his father and maister dwel in a city, the Maior also, is his Fathers and maisters, and so his cheif go­uernour to, for things concerning the ciuil gouernment of the city. And of al these the prince chief and supreame go­uernour, as they be subiects. Otherwise the prince doth not intermedle with the fathers office, in duetifulnes dewe vn­to him by his son, nor with the maister, for that gouerment, he hath vppon his seruante:How the prince is the Su­preame head and gouer­nour of al persōs. no more then with the schole-mayster for the gouerment of his schollers, and their actiōs, or the maister of the ship for the actions and doings of the mariners, otherwise then any of these offende the positiue Lawes of the realme: and so hath the prince to do with him as his subiecte, or when he shal haue nede to vse them for the commen welth, wherein as subiects and members of the said cōmen welth they must to hī obey. Much like it is with the Spiritual mē, which be also mēbers of the sayde cōmen welth, ād therfore in that respect subiect to the prīce ād his lawes: and so is it true, that the prīce is supream gouernour, of al persons aswel spiritual as tēporal: but that therfore he should also be Supreame gouernour in al their actions, wil no more follow thē of the actions of them before rehersed:

Yea much lesse. For the better vnderstanding whereof it is to be knowē, that before the comming of Christ, Kinges wer there many, but Christian Kinges none. Many cōmen welthes wer there, but no Christē cōmē welth,Thende of the tē ­poral go­uernmēt. nor yet god­ly cōmō welth properly to speke, sauīg amōg the Iewes, but ciuil and politik. The end and final respect of the which ciuil commēwelth was and is, vnder the regimēt of some one, or moe persons to whom the multitude cōmitteh thēself to be ordered and ruled by, to preserue thēselues from al inward and outwarde iniuries, oppressions and enimies: and further [Page] to prouide not only for their saftie ād quietnes, but for their welth and abundance, and prosperouse maintenance also. To this ende tendeth and reacheth, and no further the ci­uile gouernment: and to the preseruation, tuition and fur­therance of this end, chiefly serueth the Prince, as the prin­cipal and most honorable person of the whole state, which thing is common as wel to the heathenish, as to the Chri­stian gouernment. But ouer and beside, yea and aboue this, is there an other gouernement instituted and ordeined by Christ, in a spiritual and a mystical bodie, of such as he gra­ciously calleth to be of his kingdom, which is the kingdom of the faithful,The ende of the spi­ritual go­uernmēt. and so consequently of heauen, whereunto Christian faith doth conduct vs. In the which spiritual bo­die, commonly called Christes Catholike Churche, there are other heades and rulers then ciuill Princes: as Vicars, Persons, Bishops, Archebishops, Patriarches, and ouer them al the Pope. Whose gouernement chieflye serueth for the furtherance and encrease of this spiritual Kingdome, as the ciuil Princes do for the temporal. Now as the soule of man incomparably passeth the bodie: so doth this kingdom the other, and the rulers of these, the rulers of the other: And as the bodie is subiect to the soule, so is the ciuill kingdome to the spiritual. To the which kingdom as wel Princes as o­ther are engraffed by baptisme, and become subiects to the same by spiritual generation, as we become subiects to our Princes, by course and order of natiuitie whiche is a terre­strial generation. Further now, as euery man is naturallye bound, to defend, maintain, encrease, adorne, and amplifie, his natural countrie: so is euery man bounde, and muche more to employ himselfe to his possibilitie, toward the tui­tion, and defence, furtherance and amplificatiō of this spiri­tual [Page 30] kingdome, and most of al Princes them selues,VVhy Princes are most bound to aide the [...]pirituall povver. as suche which haue receiued of God more large helpe and faculty toward the same, by reason of their great authority and tē ­poral sworde, to ioyne the same, as the case requireth with the spiritual sword. And so al good Princes do ād haue don, aiding and assisting the Church decrees, made for the re­pression of vice and errors, and for the maintenance of ver­tue and true religion, not as supreame Gouernours them selues in all causes spirituall and temporall: but as faithfull Aduocates in aiding and assisting the spiritual power: that it may the soner and more effectually take place. For this supreame gouernement can he not haue, onlesse he were him selfe a spirituall man, no more then can a man be a ma­ster of a shippe that neuer was mariner: a Maior that ne­uer was Citizen. His principall gouernemente reasteth in ciuill matters, and in that respecte, as I haue sayed, he is supreame Gouernour of all persons in his Realme, but not of al their actions, but in suche sense as I haue speci­fied, and least of all of the actions of Spirituall men, es­pecially of those that are most appropriate to them, which can not be, onlesse he were him selfe a Spiritual mā. Wher­fore we haue here two Vntruths: the one in an vntrue de­finitiō, the other in saiyng that the Prince is the supreme gouernour in al causes spiritual, yea euē in those that be most peculiarly belonging to spiritual men, beside a plaine cōtra­diction of M. Horne directly ouerthrowing his own asser­tion here.Fol. 96.97 The Bisshoply rule and gouernement of Gods Churche (saith M. Horne) consisteth in these three points: to feed the Church with Gods woord▪ to minister Christes Sacramēts, ād to bind and lose. To gouern the Church ▪ saith he, after this sort, be­lōgeth to the ōly office of Bishops ād Church ministers, ād not to [Page] Kings, Quenes, and Princes. The lyke he hath after warde. Now then these being by his owne confession the actions that properly belōg to ecclesiastical persons, and the prīces by his said cōfessiō hauing nothing to do therwith: how is it thē true that the prince is the only supreme head ād gouer­nor in causes ecclesiastical, ye in those that do properly be­lōg to persons ecclesiastical? Or by what colour may it be defended, that this saying is not plain contradictory and re­pugnante,M. Horn contrary to him­self. to this Later saying which we haue alleaged, and whereof we shall speake more largelye when we come to the said place? Thus ye see, M. Horne walketh like a barefo­ted man vpon thornes, not knowing where to tread.

The .6. Diuision. Pag. 5. a. M. Fekenham.

And of my part I shal sweare to obserue and perfourme my obediēce and subiectiō with no lesse loyalty and faith­fulnes vnto her highnes, thē I did before vnto Quene Ma­ry, her highnes Syster of famous memory, vnto whome I was a sworne Chaplaine and most bounden.

M. Horne.

Like an (.23.)The 23 vntruthe slāderous For M. Fekenhā so did, not as an vn­faithful subiect: but as a repentāt Catholik. vnfaithful subiect contrary to your Othe made to King Hē ­ry, and continued al the reigne of King Edvvarde, you helpt to spoile Quene Mary of famous memory of a (24.)The 24. vntruth. This is no parte at al of the Prin­ces royal povver principal parte of her royall povver, righte and dignity vvhich she at the beginning of her reigne had, enioyed, and put in vre The same obedience and subiection, vvith the like loyalty and faith­fulnes, yee vvil svveare to obserue and perfourme to Quene Elizabeth: but she thāketh you for naught, she vvil none of it, she hath espied you, and thinketh, yee profer her to much vvronge.

Stapleton.

M. Horn would haue a mā ons bemired, to wallow there stil. Neither is it sin to break an vnlawful othe, but rather to cōtinew in the same, as wicked King Herod did: Now if M. [Page 31] Horne can ones by any meanes proue this gouernemente to be a principall parte, or any parte at all of the Queenes royal power, I dare vndertake that not only M. Fekenham, but many mo, that now refuse, shal most gladly take the said Othe. He wer surely no good subiect, that would wissh her highnes any wrong: neither can the maintenāce of the Ca­tholik faith wherof shee beareth the title of a Defendor, be coūted any iniury to her highnes. Nether is it to be thought but if there had ben any wrong or iniury herein done to the Croune, some Christiā Prince or other in the world would haue ere this, ones in this thousand yeares and more, espi­ed it, and reformed it too.

M. Fekenham. The .7. Diuision. Pag. 5 a.

And touching the reste of the Othe, whereunto I am required presently to sweare, viz. That I doe vtterlie testifie and declare in my conscience, that the Queenes highnes is the only supreame Gouernour of this Realme, as well in al Spirituall or Ecclesiastical things or causes, as Temporal: I shal then of my parte be in like readines, to receiue the same, when your L. shalbe able to make de­claration vnto me, how and by what meanes, I may swere thereunto, without commiting of a very plaine and ma­nifest periurie: which of my part to be committed, it is damnable sinne, and against the expresse woord of God writen, Leuit. Cap. 9. Non periurabis in nomine meo, nec pollues nomen Dei tui. And of your parte to pro­uoke mee or require the same, it is no lesse damnable of­fence. S. Augustine in witnes thereof saith: Ille qui ho­minem [Page] prouocat ad iurationē, &c. He who doth prouoke an other man to swere, and knoweth that he shal forswere him selfe, he is worse then a murderer: because the mur­derer sleeth but the body, and he sleeth the soule, and that not one soule, but two, as the soule of him whom he prouo­keth to periurie, and his owne soule also by ministring the occasion therof. And the points of this Othe whereunto I can not presently swere without most plaine and manifest periurie, are these foure following.

M. Horne.

Mutato nomine, de te fa­bula nar­ratur.As in that whiche goeth before, you couertlie vttered manie vntruthes, althoughe sometime yee stoumble on the trueth againste youre will: so in the rest you fal to plaine and manifest vntruths: least men shuld not perceiue what you are. You were neuer required by me to svvere, and therfore this is an impudent kind of dealing, to saie: vvherunto I am presently requi­red to swere, &c. I had none authoritie nor cōmission to require the Othe of you, neither might I tender it vnto you without peril to mie selfe: you being cōmitted vnto me by the most honorable Coūcel, without whose order I could attempt no suche mattier. You haue alreadie shevved in plaine matter, al­though not in plainnesse of speache, and that as you thinke, and are persvva­ded in cōscience, that her highnes is the supreme gouernour, so well in causes Ecclesiastical as temporal. For hauing supremacie ouer the Ecclesiastical per­son, the same being not othervvise person Ecclesiastical, but in respect of Eccle­siastical functions, things and causes annexed and proprelie belōging to Eccle­siastical persons: shee hath the Supremacie ouer the person in Ecclesiastical functions, things and causes, these being the only matter or obiect wherabout or wherein the rule ouer an Ecclesiasticall persone is occupied and dothe con­siste.

This seemeth to be your glorie amongst your friendes, that you make mee an offer, to receiue this parte of the Othe, when I shall be able to declare by what meanes you maie svvere without committing plain and manifeste [Page 32] periurie: If your abilitie be no better then here apeareth, it is none al all. Mine abilitie herein shal appeare in mine ansvvere to your foure points: God make you as readie to perform for duties sake, as ye wil seme readie to offer, wherbie to purchase to your selfe a glorious estimation. But wherfore did you not make this offer vnto me, either by woord or writing al the time of your aboad with mee? You pla [...]e novve after your returne into (.25.)The .25. vntruth. The To­vver is not M. Fekenhās hold: For it holdeth him, not he it. your holde, as you did after the Parliament before you came oute of the Tovver to me. VVhen you savve the end of the Parliament, and vnder­stood right well that the Othe was not like to be tendred vnto you, than sent you copies of the booke deuised for the aunsvvere touching the Othe, abroad to your friendes, to declare your constancie and readines, to refuse the Othe, wherebie thei might be the rather enduced, to continue their good opinion conceiued of you, and also paie your charges weekelie in the Tovver sent vn­to you (.26.)The .26. vntruth. The Quenes highnes vvordes in the Tovver, can testi­fie the contrary. euerie Saturdaie by your seruaunt, who wrote and deliuered the copies abroade, as you tolde me your selfe. Nowe you are returned a­gaine into the Tower, and perceiuing that your friends (as you gaue thē iust cause) haue some (.27.)27. A heape of slaunde­rous and railing vntrute. mistrust of your reuolte and wauering inconstan­cie, whereby your estimation and fame, with their seruice to your God the bellie is decaied, you haue deuised to set abroade the selfe same booke a­gaine that you did before, and to the selfe same ende, altering or chaun­ging nothing at all, sauing that you haue geuen it a nevve name and Title, and seeme as in this place, as though yee spake to mee by these woordes: when your L. &c. VVhen as in very deed, there was neuer any suche woorde spoken or writen to mee: and in the booke you deliuered to mee, your speache is directed to the Commissioners, and not to me in these words, VVhen ye the Quenes highnes cōmissioners shalbe able, &c.

The fifth Chapter of other priuate doings betwene M. Fekenham and M. Horne.

YEt ones againe M. Horne taketh in hande M. Fekenhās graūt which may wel be graūted, ād by his great cūning and skilfulnes, wil thereof inferre as before, that, that may not be graun­ted. But nowe he spitteth in his hande and taketh faster [Page] holde, as he thinketh, and seing the lightnes of his former reason, would now geue greater weight to it with a newe fetch, but yet as light and as weake as the other, and em­ploying manifest contradiction as before, and to be answe­red as before. For albeit a man is not called an Ecclesia­sticall person, but in respecte of some Churche cause and function, which we freely graunt to M. Horne, yet is he neuer a whit the nearer of his purpose,Hovve a spirituall man is vnder­neath the Prince ād hovv he is not, vnlesse he cā proue that there were also no other respecte, why he shoulde be vnder the Prince, but for causes Ecclesiastical. For as we haue said, he is a subiect also as other laie men are, and a member beside of the ciuil common welth, in considerati­on whereof the Prince hath to doe with him, and not pro­perlie as he is a Spirituall man, though bothe respectes be cōcurrant in one person and he be named of the worthyer. As if M. Robert Horne were a laie man and a Painter the Queene properlye hathe not to dooe with him as a Pain­ter (vnlesse it were for some lawe or order concerninge Painters) but as Robert Horne her highnes subiecte, and borne vnder her obeisance. So should the Queene haue also to doe with you, yea in case yee were the true Bishop of Winchester, but not proprely as Bishop, or for your Bi­shoply function, for the whiche ye are immediatlye vnder your Archebishop and the Pope, but considering you as a subiect otherwise, or as Bishop either touching your tem­poralties and no farder. For the which the true Bishops also doe to their Prince their Homage. But what should I further reason with this man, which (as I haue saied) hathe remoued the Prince from all superioritie concerninge the mere Bishoply or Priestly function, and so with a notable contradiction hath full worshipfully cōcluded against him selfe, [Page 33] eased M. Fekenham also for taking any othe, that the Quene is supreame head in al causes temporal and spiritual?

Here remayneth now for the residew nothing greatlye to be answered, but only to shew how M. Horn doth accu­mulate a huge heap of vntruths, as in notīg in M. Fekēhā an impudent kind of dealing: for writing: whereunto I am pre­sently required to sweare: which may be truely verefied, seing as M. Horne him self confesseth yt was so writē in that co­py that should haue bene deliuered to the commissioners at such tyme as they should haue presently tendred M. Feken­ham the othe: and in the same forme and fasshion delyue­red to M. Horne:An heap [...] of vn­truthes vvhere­vvith M. Feken­ham is falslie charged. and nothing altred in the later copy but that this worde commissioners is turned into the Lorde bis­shop of Winchester: neither doth M. Fekenham saye where­unto I am required presently to sweare of your L. as he saieth afterward: when your L. shalbe able &c. And therefore there is no maner of impudency or vntruthe in the matter at all: how so euer yt be, this matter is nothing apperteyning to the state of the principal questiō, and of smal importaunce, nothing deseruing to be noted as an impudēt dealīg, but ra­ther this kind of speach agreeth with M. Horns dealing here folowīg, who speaketh of M. Fekenhā, without any regarde so loosely and lewdely as to saye, he maketh his belly his God, that his frēds mistrusted his reuolting and wauering incōstācy, that he sent foorth copies of the book (as M. Horn termeth the shedule) when he sawe the othe should not be tendred him, and such lyke. Where are nowe in this your false tale, the dewe circūstāces that ye nedelessely required of M. Fekenhā most necessarie here to haue bene obserued of yow? Suerly the rest is as true, as that ye write of his seruante, and of his char­ges wekely defrayde by his frēds, and brought in by his ser­uāte [Page] which is (as farre as I can vnderstande) stark false. Why doe ye not I pray you, in these and your other blinde, fonde, folishe, and false ghesses and surmises make your tale more apparāte and cowlorable, clothing it with some cōuenient and dew circumstances, that ye do so much harpe vppon a­gainst M. Fekenham?

Ye be now again blindly and lewdly harping vpō his re­volte, to slaunder and deface him. Ye say he sent out his co­pies when he vnderstode right wel, that the othe was not like to be tendered him. How proue ye it good Sir? He and other Catholiks made their certain accompte that after the end of the parliament, the othe should haue ben offred thē: what was the cause it was not exacted, I certainly know not: were it for the great plague that immediatly reigned and raged at London (I pray God it were no plague to pu­nish the straunge procedings in that parliament against his holy Church, and to put vs in remembraunce of a greater plague imminēte and hanging ouer vs, in this or in an other world onlesse we repent) or were it, by special order, good­nes, and mercy of the Quenes Maiesty, I can not tel. But this well I wote,After Gods plague M. Horne beganne his plage. no gramercy to you sir, who so sore thir­sted and lōged for the catholiks bloud. And therfore as sone as Gods plague ceased, thought to haue your self plaged the Catholiks, exactīg the Othe of M. Doctour Bonner, Bisshop of Lōdon. But lo here now began your, and your fellowes the protestant bisshops wonderful plague and scourge, that throwgh your own seking and calling this man to the othe, the matter so meruelously fel out, that ye and your felowes, as ye were no church bisshops whose authority ye had for­saken and defied: so you were also no parliament bisshops. Vpō the which (a pitiful case) your state, your honour, your [Page 34] worship, and bisshoply authority, yea faith and al now res­tethe and dependeth. A meruelouse prouidence of God, that while ye could not be contente to spoile the true bis­shops of their wordly estate and honor, but must nedes haue their poore lyfe and al, you your self were founde to be no bisshops, no not by the very statutes of the realme. But lette these thinges now passe, and herken we to Maister Hornes blaste.

The 8. Diuision. Pag. 6. b. M. Fekenham.

First is, that I must by a booke Othe vtterlye testifie, that the Queenes highnes is the onely supreme gouernour of this realme, and that aswell in all Spirituall or Eccle­siasticall thinges or causes, as Temporall. But to testi­fie any thinge vppon a booke Othe, no man may possiblye therein auoide periury, except he doe first know the thing which he doth testifie, and whereof he beareth witnesse and geueth testimonye. And touching this knowledge, that the Queenes maiesty, is the onely supreme gouernour aswell in Spirituall or Ecclesiastical causes as in Tēporal, besides that I haue no such knowledge, I know no way nor meane whereby I shoulde haue any knowledge thereof. And therefore of my part to testifie the same vppon a booke Othe, beinge without (as I am in deede) al know­ledge, I cannot without committinge of plaine and mani­fest periury. And herein I shal ioyne this issue with your L. that whē your L. shalbe able, either by such order of go­uernment, as our Sauiour Christe left behinde him in his [Page] Gospel and new testament, either by the writing of such learned Doctours both Olde and new, which haue from age to age witnessed the order of Ecclesiastical gouern­mente in Christes Churche, either by the general Coun­cels, wherein the righte order of Ecclesiastical gouerne­ment in Christes Church, hath beene most faithfully de­clared and shewed from time to time: or elles by the conti­nual practise of the like Ecclesiasticall gouernment, in some one Church or part of all Christendom. VVhan your Lordshippe shal be able by any of these fower meanes, to make proufe vnto me, that any Emperour, or Empresse, King, or Quene, may claym or take vpon thē any such go­uernmēt, in spiritual or ecclesiastical causes, I shal herein yelde, and with most humble thankes reken my selfe well satisfied, and shal take vppon me the knowledge thereof, and be ready to testifie the same vppon a booke Othe.

M. Horne.

The reason or argument that moueth you, not to testifie vpon a book Othe the Q. Supremacy in causes ecclesiastical, is this: No man may testifie by Othe that thing vvhereof he is ignorant and knovveth nothīg, vvithout committīg periury. But you neither knovv that the Q. highnes is the onely supreme go­uernour asvvel in causes Ecclesiasticall▪ as Temporall: neither yet knovv you any vvay or meane vvhereby to haue any knovvledge thereof. Therefore to testifie the same vppon a booke Othe, you can not vvithout committing of plaine and manifest periury.

For ansvveare to the Minor or seconde Proposition of this argument: Although I might plainly deny, that you are vvithout all knovvledge, and vtterly ignoraunt both of the matter and the vvay or meane, hovv to come by knovvledge therof, and so put you to your prouf, vvherein I knovv, you must [Page 35] needes faile: yet vvil I not so ansvveare by plain negatiue,Thom. Aquin. quaest. 1. de malo. but by distinctiō or diuisiō of ignorāce. And so for your better excuse, declare in vvhat sort you are ignoraūt and vvithout al knovvledge. There are three kinds of ignorātes, the one of simplicity, the other of vvilfulnes, and the thirde of malice. Of the first sort you cānot be, for you haue had longe time, good oportunity, much occasiō, and many vvaies vvhereby to come to the knovvledge hereof. Yea, you haue knovvē and profest openly by deede and vvorde the knovvledge hereof many yeers together. For you did (28.)The 28. vntruthe For no man can knovv that vvhich is not true. knovv, acknovvledge, and confesse, this su­preme authority in causes Ecclesiastical to be in King Hēry the eight and his heyres, vvhā your Abbay of Eueshā, by cōmō cōsent of you and the other Mōks there vnder your couent seale vvas of your ovvn good vvilles vvithout com­pulsion surrendred into his handes, and you, by his authority, refourmed, for­sooke your A rablement of vntruth [...] folishe vovve, and many (.29.)The 29. vntruth [...] Slaunde­rous and reproch­ful. horrible errours, and superstitions of Monkery, and became a secular Priest, and Chaplaine to D. Bell, and af­tervvarde to D. Bonner, and so duringe the life of King Henry the eight, did agnise, professe and teach opēly in your sermōs the kings Supremacy in causes Ecclesiastical. This knovvledge remained stedfastly in you al the time of kinge Edvvard also. For although you vvere in the Tovver in his time, that vvas not for any doubt you made of his Supremacy, for that you stil agnised: but for o­ther points of religiō (.30.)The .30. vntruth, This was not the cause of his enpri­sonment, as shall appeare. touchīg the ministratiō of the Sacramēts, vvher­vnto you also agreed at the last, & promised to professe & preach the same in opē auditory whersoeuer you should be apointed (.31.)The .31. vntruthe slāderous he vvas not deli­uered vp­on any promise of recan­tatiō, but to be dis­puted vvithal, VVherupō a right vvor­shipful gentleman procured your deliuerāce forth of the Tovver, and so vvere you at liberty, neuer mēcioning any dout in this matter: but agnising the Prī ­ces supremacy in causes ecclesiastical. VVherfore I may safly say, that the ignorāce and vvāt of knovvledge vvhich you pretend in your Minor Propositiō, is not of Sīplicity, and therfore must nedes be of vvilfulnes, or malice, or mixt of both. The vvay and meane vvherby to haue this ignoraūce remoued, you assigne vvith this issue, that vvhē I proue vnto you, by any of the fovver meanes, that any Emperour, or empresse, King or Quene may take vpō thē any such gouer­nmēt in spiritual or ecclesiastical causes, thē you vvil yeelde, take vpō you the knovvledge thereof, and be ready to testifie the same by booke Othe. Truely, I haue often and many times proued this same that you require, and by the self same meanes in such sort vnto you, that you had (.32.) nothing to saye to the contrarie. And yet neuerthelesse you continue still in your vvilfull and [Page] malicious ignorance,The 32. vntruthe mere slaū derous, as may vvel appere by this your booke. Sapien. 1. vvhich causeth me to feare that this sentence of the holy ghost vvilbe verified in you: In maleuolam animam non introibit sa­pientia. Yet I vvil ones again proue after your desire, euen as it vvere by put­ting you in remembraunce of those things vvhich by occasions in conference, I often and many times reported vnto you, vvhereof I knovv you are not sim­ply ignoraunt.

The 6. Chapter, defending M. Fekenham and others of wilful and malitious ignorance for not taking the Othe.

NOw are M. Fekenham and M. Horne come to cople and ioyne together in the principal mat­ter. M. Fekenham first saieth, he neither know­eth this kīd of supremacy that M. Horn auow­cheth, nor yet any way how to achiue or ob­tain to any such knowledge. M. Horne saith he might well put M. Fekenham to his prouf that he is not ignorāt. But by the way, I trow of some meritoriouse supererogation, or as one fearing no ieberdy, he aduentureth the prouf himself that M. Fekenham is not ignorant of this supremacy, and further to binde M. Fekenham the deaper to him for his ex­ceding kindnes,The gētle and louīg ha [...]te of M. Horn. wil shew for M. Fekenhams better excuse (o gentle and louing hart) that M. Fekenham is not ignorāt of simplicity, but of wilfulnes and plain malice.

As touching this threfolde ignorance, by M. Horne al­leaged out of the bookes of S. Thomas,Tho. aqui. de malo quast. 3. as I wil not stycke with him for that distinction, so onlesse he can proue by S. Thomas or otherwise that the ignorāce of this surmised su­premacy, includeth wilfulnes or malice in M. Fekenham or any such like parson, the distinction may be true, but the cause neuer a deale furthered. Suerly yf ther were any ig­norance in this point, it were such as S. Thomas and other [Page 36] cal inuincicle ignorance, by no study or diligence able to be put away, and therfore pardonable. But now the very au­thour brought forth by M. Horn so fully and effectually dis­chargeth M. Fekenham of al thre, and chargeth M. Horne with the worste of them three, that is wilfulnes and malice, as he shal winne smal worship, by alleaging of S. Thomas.In Opusc. contra er­rores Graecorum. Ostēditur etiā, quòd subesse Romano Pō ­tifici sit de necessita­te salutis. For S. Thomas saieth plainly, that we are obliged and bound vpon paine of euerlasting damnation, to belieue that the Pope is the only supreme head of the whole Church. And leaste M. Horne may reiecte his authority (which he can not wel doe vsing yt himself) as a late Latin writer, and to much affectioned to the Pope, S. Thomas proueth his as­sertion by Cyrill and Maximus two notable and auncient writers amonge the Grecians. Wherfore it foloweth, that neither M. Fekenham nor M. Horn, nor any other Christiā man can know the contrary: being such an euident and a daungerouse falshod, as importeth eternal damnation.

Nay, saith M. Horn, how can M. Fekenhā pretende igno­rance herein, when aswel in King Henry, as King Edward his dayes, he set forth in his open sermons this supremacy? And so doe yow now, good M. Horne, and yet none more ignorant, and farder from knowledge than yow. For not­withstāding al your great brags and this your clerkly booke, ye knowe not nor euer shall knowe, but that the Pope is the supreame head of the Churche. Wel ye may (as ye doe) most falsly, and to your poore wretched sowle, as well in this as in other pointes, most daungerouslye,No man cā know an vn­truthe. be­lieue the cōtrary, but knowe it you can not onlesse it were true. For knowledge is only of true things, and as the philoso­pher saith: scire est per causas cognoscere: And ye doe no more knowe it, then the other matter that ye here also affirme [Page] of M. Fekenhā, that he promised to professe and preache in open auditory in King Edwards dayes, certaine points, tou­ching the ministration of the Sacraments, contrary to his former opinion: And vpon such promise was discharged out of the towre: which yet ye know not to be true, for it is starke false. And I pray yow how fortuned it, that his pro­misse so made to recante was neuer required of him, being the onely thing that was sowght for at his handes?

The cause of his imprisonment then, as I vnderstande by such as wel knoweth the whole matter, was not abowte the ministration of the Sacraments, but towching the mat­ter of Iustification, by onely faith and the fast of Lent: lyke as it doth appere in the Archbishoppe of Caunterburies re­cordes,The cause of M. Fekenhams imprisonment in K. Ed­vvardes dayes. he being therfore in a solempne sessiō holdē at Lā ­beth hal conuented before M. Cranmer, then Archebis­shop of Caunterbury, and other commissioners appointed for that matter. By the examination of the which recordes, yow shal be conuinced of your vntruthe and errour there­in as in al the rest, I dowbt not by Gods helpe.

And touching the right worshipful gentleman ye meane of, that is Sir Philip Hobbey, which did as ye saye, vpon M. Fekenhams promise and submission procure his deliueraūce out of the towre: As it is very true he did so: So it is false and vntrue, that he did the same vppon any promise of re­cantation or of preaching in open auditory, before made of his parte. But the verye intente of the borowing of M. Fe­kenhā for a tyme out of the towre, lyke as he saide him self, was, that he should dispute, reason, and haue cōferēce, with certaine learned men touching matters of religion then in controuersie: And according therunto, the first day of dis­putation, was betwixte thē and him, at the right honorable [Page 37] my Lord erle of Bedfords house then lodged ouer the gate at the Sauoy.Disputa­tio [...] had vvith M. Fekenhā. The seconde daie was at the house of Syr William Cicill Knight, Secretarie to the Quenes highnes, at Westminster in the canon rewe. The third daie was at the white Friers, in the house of Syr Iohn Cheke Knight. In al the which conferences and disputations with manie learned men, he was, the truth to confesse, muche made of, and most gently vsed. And this disputation so begunne at London, did finishe in Worcester shiere, where, he was borne and had also a Benefice, by the meane whereof, and by the special appointmēt of Syr Phillipp Hobbie, he came before M. Hooper, then taken as Bishoppe of Worcester: where he charginge M. Fekenham in the Kinges highnes name to answere him, he kept foure seueral and solempne disputations with him, beginning in his visitatiō at Parshor, and so finished the same in the Cathedral Church at Wor­cester. Where amongs many other, he founde M. Iewell, who was one of his apponents. The said M. Hoper was so answered by M. Fekenham, that there was good cause why he should be satisfied, and M. Fekēham dismissed from his trouble. As he had cause also to be satisfied by the an­sweres of M. Henrie Iolife Deane of Bristow,Vide dis­puta: ve­nerabiliū sacerdotū, & Ant­uerp. im­press. 1564. and M. Ro­bert Iohnson: as may appeare by their answeres now ex­tant in print. But the finall end of all the foresaid disputa­tions with M. Fekenhā, was that by the foresaid Syr Phil­lipp Hobbey he was sent backe againe to the Tower, and there remained prisoner vntill the firste yeare of Queene Marie. And here nowe may you perceiue and see, M. Horne, how ye are ouertaken, and with how many good witnesses in your vntruthe, concerning M. Fekenhams di­missing out of the Tower.

[Page]A rablement of your vntruthes here I wil not, nor time will serue to discusse: as that Monasteries were surrende­red with the Monks goodwil, whiche for the moste parte might sing volens nolo: that their vowes were foolishe, and that they had many horrible errors. Marie one thing you say, that M. Fekenham, I thinke, will not denie, that he set foorth this Supremacy, in his open sermons, in King Hen­ries daies: which was not vpon knowledge (as you with­out all good knowledge doe gather) for knoweledge can not matche with vntruth: but vpon very ignorance, and lacke of true knowledge and due consideratiō of the mat­ter, being not so wel knowē to the best learned of the Re­alme then, as it is now, to euery mā being but of mean lear­ning. For this good, lo at the least, heresy worketh in the church, that it maketh the truth to be more certainly kno­wen, ād more firmly and stedfastly afterward kept. So (as S. Austine saith) the matter of the B. Trinitie was neuer wel dis­cussed, August. in Psal. 54. super ver­sum: Di­uisi sunt praeira. &c. vntil Arriās barked against it: The Sacramēt of penāce was neuer throughly hādled, vntil the Nouatiās began to with­stand it. Neither the cause of Baptism was wel discussed vntill the rebaptising Donatists arose and troubled the Church. And euē so this matter of the Popes Supremacy, ād of the Prin­ces, was at the first euē to very learned mē a strāge matter, but is now to meanly learned, a well knowen and beaten matter. Syr Thomas More, whose incōparable vertue ād learning, al the Christian world hath in high estimatiō, and whose witte Erasmus iudged to haue ben such as England nor had, neither shal haue, the like: ād who for this quarrel which we now haue in hād suffred death, for the preseruatiō of the vnitie of Christes Church, which was neuer, nor shalbe preserued, but vnder this one head: as good a man, [Page 38] ād as great a clerk, and as blessed a Martyr as he was,See Syr Thomas More in a letter vvriten to Syr Thomas Cromwel fol. 1426. & 1427. Syr Tho. Mores first opi­niō of the Popes primacy: albeit he euer wel thought of this Primacy, and that it was at the least wise instituted by the corps of Christēdome for great vrgēt causes for auoiding of schismes: yet that this primacy was immediatly institute of God (which thing al Catholiks now, specially such as haue trauailed in these late cōtrouer­ses do beleue) he did not mani yeres beleue, vntil (as he writeth himself) he read in the mater those things that the Kīgs highnes had writē in his most famous booke against the he­resies of Martin Luther: amōg other things he writeth thus. Surely after that I had read his graces boke therin, and so many other things as I haue sene in that point by the continuance of this seuē yeres sins ād more, I haue foūd in effect the substāce of al the holy Doctors, The Po­pes pri­macy in­stituted by God. froe S. Ignatius Disciple of S. Iohn vnto our own daies both Latins ād Grekes, so cōsonāt and agreīg in that point, and the thing by such general Gouncels so confirmed also, that in good faith I neuer neither read nor heard anye thinge of suche effecte on the other side, that euer coulde lead mee to thinke that my conscience were well discharged, but rather in right great peril, if I should follow the other side, and denie the primacie to be prouided by God.

It is the lesse meruail therfore, if at the first, for lacke of mature and depe consideration, many good & wel learned men otherwise, being not resolued whether this Primacie were immediatly instituted by God, and so thīking the lesse dāger to relēt to the Kings title, especially so terrible a law enacted against the deniers of the same, wer ād amōg them also Maister Fekenham, caried away with the violence of this cōmon storm and tempest. And at the first many of the cōuocation grāted to agnise the Kings supremacy, but qua­tenus de iure diuino, that is, as far as thei might by Gods law. [Page] Which is now knowen clearly to stand against it.Though the Pri­macie vver no [...] ordeined of God, yet could it not be reiected by anie one Re­alme. And al­though the Popes Primacie were not groūded directly vp­on Gods worde, but ordeined of the Churche, yet coulde it not be abrogated, by the priuate consente of any one or fewe Realmes: no more then the Citie of Londō can iust­lye abrogate an act of Parliament. But whereas ye insult vpon M. Fekenham, for that he was ones entangled and wrapped in this common error, and would thereof enforce vpon him a knowledge of the said error, and woulde haue him perseuere in the same: and ones againe to fall quite o­uer the eares into the dirtie dong of filthie schisme and he­resie, ye worke with him both vnskilfully and vngodlye. And if good counsaile might finde any place in your harde stony hart, I would pray to God to mollifie it, and that ye would with M. Fekenham hartilie repēt, and for this your great offence, schisme, and heresie, as I doubt not he doth and hath done, followe S. Peter, who after he had denyed Christ:Luc. 22. Exiuit & fleuit amarè, Went out and wepte ful bit­terlie. For surely whereas ye imagine that ye haue in your cōference proued the matter to M. Fekenhā, so that he had nothing to saye to the contrarye, it is nothing but a lowde lewde lye vppon him: and that easelye appeareth, seeinge that after all this your long trauaile, wherein yee haue to the moste vttered all your skill, ye are so farre from full answering his scruples and staies,M. Fekē ­hā more cōfirmed then he vvas be­fore, euen by M. Hornes booke. that they seeme plainlye to be vnaunswerable, and you your selfe quite ouerborne and ouerthrowen, and that by your owne arguments and inductions, as we shal hereafter euidently declare. So that nowe M. Fekenham may seeme to haue good cause much more then before, to rest in the sayed stayes and scruples. I may not here let passe M. Horne that you cal this saiyng: [Page 39] In maleuolam animam non introibit sapientia, Sap. 1. a sentence of the holy Ghost. That it is no lesse, we gladly confesse it. But how dare you so pronounce of that saiyng, being writ­ten in the booke of wisedome? That booke, you wot wel, your brethern of Geneua accompt for no Canonical Scri­pture at al, suche as onelye are the sentences of the holye Ghoste (to speake absolutely and proprely) but in the notes before that booke, and certaine other which they cal A­pocrypha, doe call them onely,In the Geneuiā Bible [...] printed at Geneua An. 1562, bookes proceedinge of godlye men, not otherwise of force, but as they agree with the Cano­nicall Scriptures, or rather are grounded thereon. In whiche sence not onely those bookes, but the writings also of the Fathers, yea and of al other men, may be by your sentence, the sentence of the holy Ghoste. And Brentius likewise in his Prolegomenis, Vide Ho­sium cōtr. Brent. li. 3 agreeth with the Geneuian notes against M. Horne. Thus these fellowes iarre alwayes amonge them selues, and in all their doctrines, fal into such points of discorde, that in place of vniforme tuninge, they ruffle vs vppe a blacke Sanctus, as the Prouerbe is: Quo teneam vultus mutantem Prothea nodo?

The .9. Diuision. Pag 8. a. M. Horne.

You require a proufe hereof, that an Emperoure or Empresse, King or Queene, maie claime or take vppon them anie suche gouernment (meaning as the Queenes Maiestie our Soueraigne doth novv chalenge and take vpon her) in Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall causes. (.33.) The .33. vntruth. imploy­ing a cō ­tradictiō to your former ansvvere made to M. Fek. as shall appere. For ansvveare I say, thei ought to take vppon them suche gouernment, therefore thei maie laufullie doe it. The former part is found true by the whole discourse of the holie Scri­ptures both of the olde and nevv Testament: by the testimonie of the Doctours in Christes Church: by the Generall Councels: and by the practise of Christes Catholique Churche throughout al Christendome.

The .7. Chapter opening a plaine Contradiction of M. Hornes.

MAister Fekenham, as well at his abode with you, as sins his returne to the Tower, at such time as he enioyed the free liberty thereof, hath as I certaīly vnderstād, declared to som of his friends, that in your conference with him for a resolute answere to al the said scruples expressed in al the foure points, ye did much lament, that the right mea­ning of the Othe, The first ansvvere of M. Horne to M. Fe­kenham. had not bene in ceason opened and declared vnto him. When the only lack of the right vnderstanding ther­of, hath ben the cause of such staies. Wheras the Quenes Ma. meaning in that Oth is farre otherwise, then the expresse words are, as they lye verbatim: like as it dothe well appeare by her highnes interpretation made therof in her iniunctions. Of the whiche matter we shall be occasioned to entreate more at large herafter. But now after two yeres breathing ye frame an other answere quite iarring from the first, affirming that the Queene must take vpon her such kind of regiment, M. Horns secōd ansvvere cōtrarye to the first. with­out any mollifiyng or restraint. And this ye will, as ye say, auouch by Scriptures, Fathers, Coūcels, ād the cōtinual pra­ctise of the Church. Both your saied answeres being so cō ­trary one to the other, what certaine and sure knowledge may M. Fekenham, by right reason take and gather thereof to his cōtentation and satisfaction of his mind in these mat­ters, when by such diuersitie of answeres, what other thing els may he iustly thinke, then thus with him selfe? That if you after so manye and so faire promises, failed to open the very trueth vnto him, in your firste aunsweare: what better assurance should he conceiue, of your truth in this your second answere? For if by dissimulation the truthe of [Page 40] the matter was couertly hidde frō him in the first answere, what better truth may he boldly look for in this your secōd answere: thei being not both one, but variable and diuerse? S. Gregory Nazianzene saith: Verū quod est, vnū est: Truth is simple ād vniform. mendatiū autē est multiplex..The thīg, saith he, which is true, is alwaies one, ād like vnto it self, wheras the lye, the cloked and coū ­terfait thing is in it selfe variable and diuers. By the which rule here geuē, by so learned & graue a Father: I am here in the begīning put to knowledge by the varietie of your an­sweres, that thei cānot be both true. But if the one be true, the other must be false: and therof such a distrust iustly ga­thered, that I may conclude none of them both to be true, but both of them to be deceiuable and false. For the proufe and trial of this my cōclusion, I refer me to your scriptures, Fathers, Councels, practise of the Churche, that ye woulde seme to rest vpon: whereby neuertheles you your self shall take a shameful foile and fall. Wherefore goe on a Gods name and bring foorth your euidences.

The .10. Diuision. Pag. [...]. a.

The holy Scriptures describing the condicions, and propreties in a King, amongest other doth commaund, that he haue by him the booke of the lavv, (.34.)The .34. and (.35.).35. vntruth [...] in false trāslatīg, and lea­uing out a part of the sen­tēce ma­teriall. and doe diligentlie occupie him selfe in reading therof, to the end he maie therby learne to feare the Lord his God (that is, to haue the feare of God planted within him selfe in his ovvne harte) to keepe al the wordes, and to accomplish in deed al the ordinaunces, or (as the olde translation hath it) al the ceremonies by Cod cōmaunded (that is) to gouerne in such sorte (.36.) The .36. vntruth. T [...]e gloss. ordinar. hathe no suche thing. That he cause by his princely authority, his subiects also to be­come Israelites. To witte, men that see, knovv, and vnderstand the vvill of God. Redressing the peruersues of such as swerue from Gods ordinances or ceremonies. Wherupon it is, that God doth commaund the Magistrate, that he make (37) The .37. Vntruth. The place of the Deute­ronomy flatly be­lyed. diligēt examinatiō of the doctrine taught by any, and that he do sharply punish both the teachers of false and supersti­tious religion, with the folovvers, and also remoue quite out of the waye all maner of euill.

The .9. Chapter, concerning the Kings duetie ex­pressed in the Deuteronomie.

GOE on I saie in Gods name, M. Horne, and prosequute your plea stoutlie: God send you good speed. And so he dothe, euen suche as ye, and the honestie of your cause deserue. And at the very first entrie of your plea cau­seth you, and your clerkly and honest dealing, forth with to your high commendation so to appeare, that euen the first authoritie that ye handle of all the holy Scripture plainlye discouereth you, and causeth you to be espied: and ope­neth as well your fidelity, as the weakenes of your whole cause: the which euen with your owne first blast is quite ouerblowen. Your infidelity appeareth in the curtalling of your text, and leauing out the wordes, that immediatly goe before, those that ye alleage: beside your vnskilfulnes (if it be not done rather of peruersitie and malice) concur­rant with your infidelitie.M. Hor­nes vn­skilfulnes Your vnskilfulnes whiche is the least matter, standeth in that ye saye the King is com­maunded to haue by him the booke of the Lawe. Your texte saith not so Syr, but Describet sibi Deuteronomium le­gis huius in volumine. Deut. 17. He shal write out this second Lawe in a booke:In the greate Bible de­dicated to King Edward the 6 prin­ted 1549. As Edmund Beck, a man of your secte, truely hath translated. Wel, let the King read in Gods name, not onelye that booke, but all the whole Bible beside: It is a worthy and a commendable study for him. But let him be­ware, that this sweete honie be not turned into poyson to him, and least vnder this pleasant baite of Gods worde, he be sodainly choked with the topicall and pestiferouse tran­slation: wherewith ye haue rather peruerted, then transla­ted the Bible printed at Geneua, and in other places: and [Page 41] with your false daungerouse damnable gloses, where with you haue corrupted and watered the same, and made it as it were of pleasante wine most sowre vineger. The onely remedy and help to eschewe and auoyde this daunger is, to take this booke and other holy writings faithfully transla­ted at the priests hands, as they from tyme to tyme haue re­ceiued them, and after such order as your own texte ap­pointeth, saying: When he is sette vpon the seate of his king­dome, he shal write him out this seconde Law in a booke, taking a copy of the Priests, of the Leuiticall tribe. Which later woordes ye haue, because they make directly against you, quite leafte out. And then immediatly foloweth howe he shal busely read the sayde booke and so forth. If this order had of Late yeares ben kept, and that Princes and other had taken the Bible as it is, and euer hath ben, of the priestes of the Catholike Church (orderly and lawfully succeding one the other, as the Leuits did) reade, tawght, and expounded, as wel in Greke and Hebrewe, as in Latin, these errours and heresies should neuer haue taken so deape a roote , as they haue now cawght.

Neither is this place onely meant, that the King should take the bare lettre, but rather the exposition withal of the said Priests. For what were the King the better or any man else, for the bare lettre, if he had not also as ordinary a waye for his direction, in the vnderstanding, as he had prouided him, for to receiue a true and an incorrupted copy?Both, the boks of scripture and thex­position must be taken at the priests hands. Where of we may see the practise in al ages in the Catholik Chur­che: whereof this place is the very shadowe and figure. For as the Protestantes them selues are forced by plaine wordes to confesse, that they know not the true worde or booke of God, but by the Churche: which from tyme to [Page] tyme delyuered these bokes: euen so by al reason and lear­ning, they should also cōfesse, that the Church can no more be deceiued in deliuering the sense of the saide word, then in deliuering the worde it self. Which seing they will not confesse (for then were we forthwith at a point and ende with al their errours and heresies) they must nedes conti­new in the same. And so while euery man in the expositiō of scriptures foloweth his own head be it neuer so world­ly wise or circumspect, yet his own propre and peculiar, se­parated from the common aduise and iudgement of the whole Church: errours and heresies haue and doe daylie grow, and wil neuer cease more and more to encrease and multiply, onlesse we take forth the lessō I haue shewed you, into this huge and infinite nōber, where with the world is now most miserably ouerwhelmed. Whereof the best re­medy were, the exact obseruation of this place, that ye haue so wilily and sleightly slipte ouer.

But most of al an other sentence in the very said chapter, and euen the next to this ye alleage, that the King as sone as he is chosen,An other sentence in the said chapter by M. Horn al­leaged that ouer throvv­eth all his boast shal bestow his study vpon the reading of the Deuteronomy. Where Moyses saieth, that in doubtful causes the people shoulde haue their recourse to the said priestes, and to the iudge for the tyme beinge, meaning the highe prieste, of whome they shoulde learne the truthe: and are commaunded to doe accordinglye, euen vnder payne of death. Which place wel weighed and cōsidered, serueth to declare that I haue said, that the King and others should receiue not only the letter which (as S. Paule saieth) doth kil, but the true and sincere meaning withal: wherein stan­deth the life of the letter, as the life of mā with in his body, yea the eternal lyfe (wherof by folowing lewde lying expo­sitions [Page 42] of holy write, we are spoiled) at the priests handes. All which thinges serue directly for the primacy of them and not of Princes. Nowe therefore goe on M. Horne, and beinge at your first encountringe ouerblowen and dis­comfyted euen with your owne blaste, thinke well whe­ther it is lykely that ye shall hereafter bringe againste your aduersary any thīg, wherby he should, as ye haue falsly slaū ­dered him, in a maner yelde, and be resolued on your syde.

For as for the next place, it enforceth no supremacy. We frely graunte you,Deut. 13. that princes may sharply punishe tea­chers of false and superstitiouse religion and idolatry (being thereof by the Priestes instructed) which is the matter of your texte. But then take head to your selfe, Maister Horne. For I saye to you, that ye, and your fellowes teache false and superstitiouse religion,Heresie is Idolatry. Vinc. Lyr. aduersus prophan. nouit. Hieron. Zach. c. 13 Esai c. 2. & 8. Augu. de vera reli­gion. c. 38. many and detestable here­sies, and so withal plaine Idolatry. For heresie is called a very Idol, aswel by scripture, as in the exposition of the ho­ly and learned fathers. And thē are ye no simple Idolatour, but one that mainteyneth a nomber of heresies: with no lesse offence towardes God, than was the offence of the Iewes that your place speaketh of, when they sette vppe afterwarde, their idolls. And so haue ye geuen sentence against your selfe and haue tolde the Magistrate his of­fice. Neither thinck you that ye may illude your punish­ment, by the cowlour of the late statutes of the realme, which though in manye thinges, serue for your worde­lye indemnitye: yet that ye may kepe your Madge and bisshoprike withall, and maye not be punished for the ob­stinate defence of suche fylthye mariage, and especiallye for the denyinge of the reall presence in the blessed Sa­cramente of the aulter, and for many other things that your [Page] sorte daily write and preach, I trowe it wil be hard for you to bring forth any acte of parliamente, or any other conue­nient and sufficient plea. And as I graunt this authority to punishe, to the ciuil prince: so (that this inferreth a superio­rity in al causes aswel ecclesiastical as temporal) I flatly de­ny: and most of al that ye haue proued your assertion, that princes ought to take vpon them such pretensed regiment, whereof the very place by you induced, sheweth as I haue said, the plain contrary. Now that you bring out of Glosa or­dinaria, that the Prince is commaūded by his Princely autho­rity, to cause his subiects to become Israëlites, it may perhaps be in some ordinary Glose of Geneua his Notes, Bales, or some such like, but as for the olde ordinary Latin Glose, I am right sure (M. Horn) it hath no suche thinge. This therefore may wel stande for an other vntruthe. As also that which immediatly you alleage out of Deuteron. 13. For in al that chapter or any other of that booke, there is no such worde to be founde as you talke of. And thus with a ful messe of Notorious vntruthes, you haue furnished the first seruice brought yet to the table, cōcernīg the prīcipal matter. How be it perhaps though this be very course, yet you haue fyne dishes and dayntycates coming after. Let vs then procede.

The .11. Diuision. Pag. 8. b. M. Horne.

The beste and most Godly Princes that euer gouerned Gods people, did per­ceiue and rightly vnderstande this to be Gods vvil, that they ought to haue an especiall Regarde and chief rule: Care and Su­prem go­uernmēt are ij. di­uerse thī ­ges. regarde and care for the ordering and setting foorth of Gods true Religion, and therefore vsed great diligence vvith feruent zeale to perfourme and accomplishe the same. Moyses vvas the supreme gouernour o­uer Gods people (and vvas (.38.)The 38. vntruth. For Moyses vvas the chiefe prieste, as shal be proued. not chiefe Priest or Bisshop, for that vvas Aa­ron) vvhose authority, zeale, and care in appointing and ordering Religion amongest Gods people, prescribing to al the people, yea to Aaron and the Le­uits, vvhat, and after vvhat sorte, they should execute their functions, correc­ting [Page 43] and chastening the transgressours, is manifestly set foorthe in his booke called the Pentateuche.

The 9. Chapter: concerning the example of Moyses.

MAister Horne willing to seame orderly to pro­cede, first bringeth in,Moy­ses what scripture commaū ­deth Princes to doe, and then what they did. But as his scripture towching the commaun­demēt by him alleaged nothing reacheth home to his pretensed purpose, but rather infringeth and plainely marreth the same as I haue saide, and fully standeth on our syde: So I dowbte nothing yt wil fare with his examples, as of Moyses, Iosue, Dauid, Salomon, Iosaphat, Ezechias, Io­sias, and that they al come to short, and are to weake to iu­stifie his assertion. But here am I shrewdly encombred, and in a great doubte what to doe. For I coulde make a shorte but a true answere, that these examples are fully answered alredy, by M. Doctour Harding, and M. Dorman:All M. Hornes examples out of the old testa­ment an­svvered alredy by M. Doct. Harding and M. Dorman. and re­ferre thee thither to thyne and myne ease (gentle reader) and to the sparing, not onely of penne, ynk, and paper, but of the tyme also, whiche of al things is most preciouse. But then I feare me, woulde steppe forth, yf not M. Horne (a good simple plain man in his dealings) yet some other iolye, fyne, freshe, pregnant, wytty fellowe, yea and bringe me to the straits which way so euer I did tread. Yf I shuld as I said, sende the reader to them, then should I heare, a foole, a dolte, an asse that can say nothing of his own. Then shoulde the cause be slaundered also, as so poore and weake, that it could beare no large and ample treatise, yea with all, that their answeres were such, as I was asshamed of them, and [Page] therefore wilylye and wiselye forbeared them, with ma­nye suche other triumphant trieflinge toyes. Againe yf I shoulde repete or inculcate their answeres, then woulde Maister Nowell or some other rushe in vppon me with his ruflynge rhetorike that he vseth againste Maister Dor­man and Maister Doctour Hardinge withe a precise ac­compte and calculation what either Maister Dorman or Maister Doctour Hardinge borowed of Hosius: or either of them two of the other. And what I haue nowe borowed of them bothe, or of either of them. And I shoulde be likewise insulted vppon, and our cause, as feble and very weake,Psalm. 98 Hieron in Iouinianū lib. 1. Greg Na­zian. in oration. de Moyse & Aaron. & in orat. habita in praesentia fratris Basilij, &c. Philo Iu­deus de vita Moysi lib. 3. Exod 24 Ibidem. Exod. 29. & 35. slaundered also. But on the one syde leaste any of the good bretherne shoulde surmise vppon my silence anye suche distruste, I will compendiously as the matter shall require abridge their answeres: and that Maister Horne shall thinke that our stuff is not al spente, I shall on the other syde for a surplussage, adioyne some o­ther thinges to owre opponent accommodate. So that I truste either answere shalbe sufficient to atchieue our pur­pose againste Maister Horne. Then for Moyses I saye with Maister Doctour Hardinge, and Saint Augustyne, that he was a prieste aswell as a Prince, I say the same with Maister Dorman, with Philo Iudeus, with Saint Hierom, and with Saint Hieroms Maister Gregorie Nazianzene. And so consequently Maister Horne, that Moyses exam­ple serueth not your turne (onlesse ye will kinge Henry the eight, and his sonne king Edward, yea and our gracious Quene to be a priest to) but rather quite ouerturneth your assertion. And thinke you Maister Horne, that the Quenes authority doth iumpe agree, with the authority of Moy­ses in causes ecclesiastical? Then maye she preach to the [Page 44] people as Moyses did. Thē may she offer sacrifices as Moy­ses did. Then may she cōsecrate Priests, as Moyses did cōse­crate Aaron and others.Deut. 34. Then may it be said of the imposi­tion of her hands as was said of Moyses. Iosua the son of Nun was ful of the sprite of wisedom: for Moyses hadde put his hand vpon him. It must nedes therfore follow, that Moyses was a priest, and that a high priest, which ye here ful peuishly de­ny. I say now further with M. Dorman, that put the case, Moyses were no priest, yet this example frameth not so smothely and closely to your purpose as ye wene. For Moyses was a prophet, and that such a prophet, as the like was not agayne.

Geue me nowe Maister Horn Princes Prophetes, geue me Princes, and Lawe makers by speciall order and ap­pointmente ordeyned of God, to whose woordes God cer­tainly woulde haue geuen as greate authority, as he wolde and commaunded to be geuen to Moyses: and then per­chaunce I will say, that ye saye somewhat well to the pur­pose.

Agayne Moyses was suche a speciall Prophet, and so singularlye chosen of God to be heard and obeyed in all thinges, that he is in the holy scripture euidentlye compa­red to Christ him selfe: compared, I say, euen in the of­fice of teaching and instructing. Moyses in the Deute­ronom foretelling the Iewes of a Messias to come, saieth:Deut. 18. The Lorde thy God wil rayse thee vp a Prophet from among thy own nation and of thy brethern such a one as my self, him thou shalt heare.

And this so spoken of Moyses in the olde Lawe, is in the new testamēt auouched ād repeted, first by S. Peter the chief Apostle, and next by S. Stephen the first Martir,Act. 3. et 7. and applied [Page] to Christ. If thē Christ must so be heard and obeied of vs, as was Moyses of the Iewes, no doubt as Christ is a Kinge, a Prophet, a Priest and a Bisshop to vs, so was Moyses to thē a Prince, a Prophet, a Priest and a Bisshop. As Christ is of vs to be heard and obeyed as wel in al matters Ecclesiasticall as Temporal (for no temporal Lawe can haue force against the Law of Christ amonge Christen men) so was Moyses to be heard and obeyed of the Iewes in matters and causes as well temporall as spirituall. For why? The Scripture is plaine.Act. 7. Tanquam me ipsum audietis. You shall heare that Pro­phet euen as my selfe. Shew vs M. Horne any Prince in the new testament so conditioned and endewed, and then make your argument on Gods name. Verely any Prince that now is (namely in Ecclesiasticall gouernment) compared with Moyses is as the poet saieth, Impar congressus Achilli, Troilus. And the lawier saieth,Mē must iudge by Lavv and not by examples Legibus, non exemplis iudicatur. We must iudge according to the precise rule of the Law, and not by examples: Extraordinary doings enforce no ordina­ry prescriptiō or rule. The ordinary rule of Priests iudgmēts without whies and whates, and such other triflinge impor­tune instances, as ye are wont to make against it, by the law of Moyses and by your owne chapter before alleaged in dowbtful cases, must absolutelye vppon paine of deathe be obeyed. By this rule of the Law you must measure al the examples following, of Kings and Princes vnder this Law. You must square your examples, to the rule and not the rule to the examples, onlesse ye will make of the Lawe of God Lesbiam regulam, and both vnskilfully and vnorder­ly worke therewith. And this one answere might wel serue for al the Kings doings now followīg: Sauing I wil particu­larly discēde to euery one, and for euery one saye somwhat.

[Page 45]Here I wish to encounter with M. Nowel for his shifts that he maketh to maintain the matter by Moyses and the residue, but because it is M. Dormans special and peculiar matter, I will leaue it vnto him, and be also in the residue, as briefe as I maye.

M. Horne. The .12. Diuision. Pag. 8. b.

After the death of Moses, the people as yet not entred and settled in the promised land, the charge of chief gouernment ouer Gods people both in cau­ses temporall and (.39.)The .39. vntruth. Iosue had not the Supreme gouerne­ment in causes Ecclesia­stical, but Eleaza­rus had it Ecclesiasticall, was committed to Iosue, and not to Eleasar, for to him belonged (.40.)The .40. vntruth. For be­side: In all things to be don of Iosue, Eleazar shoulde instruct him. Iosue. 3.4 5 6.8.23.24. onelie the ministration of the things be­longing to the Priestlie office. And to Iosue the Prince belonged the ouersight both ouer the priests and people, to gouerne, guide, order, appoint and direct eche estate, in all things that appertained to eche of their callings. Of the one ye seme to haue no doubt at all: the other is as plaine. For at the appointmēt of Iosue, the Priests remoued the Arke of couenant and placed the same. He did interprete vnto the people the spirituall meaninge of the tvvelue stones, which thei had taken by Gods cōmaundement forth of Iordan, to be as Sacraments or signes. He circumcised the children of Israel at the seconde time of the great and solempne Circumcision. He calleth the Priestes, commaundeth some of them to take vppe the Lords Arke: other seuen of them to blovv seuē trompets before the Arke, and appointeth to them the order of proceding. He builded an Aulter vnto the Lord God of Israel, according to the Lavv of God: be sacrificeth theron, burnt sacrifices and burnte offerings: He wrote there vpon the stones, the Deuteronomie of Moses: He read all the blessings and cursings as thei are set forth in the booke of the Lavve: And he read al what so euer Moses had cōmaunded before al the congregation of [...]srael, &c. Last of al Iosue, to shevv that causes of Religion did speciallie belong to his charge and care, maketh a long and a vehement Oration vnto the Israelits, wher­in he exhorteth them to cleaue vnto the Lorde with a sure faith, a constant hope and a perfect loue, obeiyng and seruing him with such seruice as he hath appointed in his Lavve. And doth zelouslie and with great threates diswade them from al kind of Idolatrie and false Religion.

The .10. Chapter concerning the example of Iosue.

Stapleton.

Iosue no Su­preme Gouer­nour in al Ecclesia­sticall causes. Num 27 THE Apologie allegeth as wel the example of Moses, as of Iosue his doings with the residue by M. Horne here alleaged. M. D. Harding sheweth that allegatiō to import no chief rule in spiritual matters, as in deed it doth not. Which chiefe rule, did rest in the Prieste Eleazarus, at whose voice and worde Iosue was commaunded,M. Nowel put to his shifts by M. Dor­man. to goe foorth, and come in, a place deaply dissembled by the Author of the Apologie. For the auoiding whereof M. Nowell is put to many shifts: first to glose, that this place concerning Eleazarus, may be restrained for going and comming to and froe the warres, whiche as it is true, so immediatlye before, it is generallye writen,Num. 27. Pro hoc si quid agendum erit, Eleazar sacerdos consulet Dominum For him (meaning Iosue) Eleazar shal ask coun­sel of God when any thing is to be done. In which words we see euidently, that Iosue what so euer he did, touching the gouerning of the people in Ecclesiasticall matters, he did nothing of him self, but was in al such maters instructed of Eleazarus the high Priest: whose part therfore it was al­waies to ask counsel of God, when Iosue had any thing to doe. And though this place shuld be restrained to warfare only, yet the authoritie geuen before by expresse wordes of the law, to the high Prieste, whose iudgement is cōmaunded in great doubts to be sought ād also followed, doth neuer the lesse take place.Iosue. 3 4.5.6.8.23.24 And thervpō foloweth that al the testimo­nies of holy Scripture, brought forth by M. Nowel, and be­fore him by M. Horne, can not, as they do not in deed, in­duce supremacie in causes Ecclesiastical. But th'execution of the high Priests or lawes cōmādemēt, which in deed we [Page 46] graūt to appertain to the Prince. And here I wil not quarel with M. Nowel, either for quoting .33.34. for .23.24. and not reformed, as he doth with M. Dorman for as smal a matter, as for the misquoting of S. Cyprian: or for treading M. Hor­nes steppes, and borowing his allegations, which not with­standing is a great obseruation with him as a worthy mat­ter (ye may be assured) against M. Dorman and M. D. Har­ding. This is but a childish and boyish rhetorike, not so con­uenient, I wisse, for M. Nowel the scholemaister, as for the boyes his schollers, whose propretye is to accuse their fel­lowes of borowing, and to borow them selues like truants. But for the doing of Iosue, I wil further note, that then the Priests toke vp the Arke of couenāt, ād went before the people. Iosue. 13. But I pray you M. Horne, howe was this obserued of late yeres, whē the lay men durst aduēture to take the guiding of the Arke, and goe before the Priestes, and not suffer the Priests to goe before thē? And durst alter the state of Chri­stiā religiō, against the wil ād minde of the Bishops and the whole Clergy then at their cōuocation assēbled? Well, let this passe for this present. I say no further for Iosue his do­ings, sauing that otherwise also they are not to be drawen into an ordinarie rule,Num. 17. for that the Spirite of God was cer­tainelye in him: and for that he had parte of Moses glory, and the people commaunded to heare him. And those things that he did (wherof M. Nowell and Maister Horne woulde inferre a Soueraigntie in causes Spirituall) he did them by the expresse commaundemente of God. And from suche Princes to all Princes indifferentlie to gather the like praeeminence in al points, were no sure and sound gathering and collection.

Els if you wil haue your examples to proue and cōfirme, [Page] then as Iosue circumcided, so let the Prince baptise, and as Iosue sacrificed vpon an Aulter, so let the Prince in Cope and Surplesse celebrate your holy Communion. Whiche two things as peculiar offices of Bisshops and Priestes, M. Nowel excludeth flatly al Princes from,Fol 23. & 24. yea and saith, they oughte to be vntouched of Prince or other person. Thus a­gaine either ye iumble and iarre one from an other, or els your Argument falleth downe right. Choose whiche of both ye will.2 Sam 5.

M. Horne. The .13. Diuision. Pag 9. a.

Dauid vvhom God appointed to be the pastour (that is, the King ouer Israel) to feed his people, did vnderstand that to this pastoral office of a King, did belong of duetie, not onelie a charge to prouide that the people might be gouerned vvith iustice, and liue in ciuil honestie, peace, and tranquillitie, publique and priuate: but also to haue a speciall regarde and care to see them fedde vvith true doctrine, and to be fostered vp in the Religion appoin­ted by God him selfe in his lavve. And therefore immediatlie after he vvas vvith some quietnes setled in his royall seat, the first thing that he began to refourme and restore to the right order, as a thing that appertained especi­ally to his princelie charge and care, vvas Gods religion and seruice, vvhich had ben decayed and neglected long before in the time of King Saul. For the better perfourmance vvhereof, as the Supreme gouernour ouer al the estates both of the laitie and of the Clergie (.41.) The .41. vntruth. Dauid vvas not Supreme gouernor in al manner cau­ses, but suffred the Le­uites in Churche matters to liue vnder the rule of their high Priest. 1. Par. 13.15.16. Dauid in all these matters, determi­mined no doctrine, nor alte­red any religion agaīst the Priestes vvilles of his ovvn Supreme authori­tye. in all maner of causes: after consultation had vvith his chiefe Counsailers, he calleth the Priestes and Le­uites, and commaundeth, appointeth, and directeth them in all manner of things and causes, appertaining to their ecclesiasticall functions and offices. He prepareth a semelie place for the Arke in his ovvne Citie. He goeth vvith great solemnitie to fetch the Arke of the Lord. He cōmaūdeth Sad [...]c ād Abia­thar the Priests, and the chief amōg the Leuites, to sanctifie them selues vvith their brethren, and than to carie the Arke vppon their shoulders vnto the place apointed He comptrolleth thē that the Arke was not caried before on their shoulders according to the lavv: and therfore laieth to their charge the breach that vvas made by the death of Vsa. He cōmādeth also the chief of the [Page 47] Leuits, to apoint amōg their brethrē, Musiciās to play on diuers kinds of inst [...]umēts, and to make melody vvith ioyfulnes. He sacrificeth burnt ād peace offe­rings. He blessed the people in the name of the Lord. He appointeth certain of the Leuites, to minister continually before the Arke of the Lord, to reherse his great benefits, to the honour and praise of the Lord god of Israell. And for that present time he made a psalme of gods praise, and appointed Asaph ād his brethren to praise god thervvith. He ordained the priests, Leuites, sin­gers, and porters, and in some he apointed and ordered al the officers and offi­ces, required to be in the house of the Lord, for the setting foorth of his seruice and religion.

The .11. Chapter concerning the example of Dauid.

BOTH M. Dorman and M. Doctor Harding affirme that the proceedings of King Dauid are nothing preiudiciall to the Ecclesiasticall authoritie:Da­uid. in redressing of disorders before committed, or doing suche things as are here rehersed. No more, then the reformatiō of Religion made by Quene Marie, as M. D. Harding noteth, which ye wot wel, imployeth in her no such supremacie. Beside that, it is to be considered, as M. D. Harding toucheth, that he passed other Princes herein, because he had the gift of pro­phecie. So that neither those thinges that the Apologie sheweth of Dauid, or those that yee and M. Nowell adde thereunto, for the fortification of the said superioritie, can by any meanes induce it. The scripture in the sayed place by you and M. Nowel alleaged, saith that Dauid did worke iuxta omnia quae scripta sunt in lege Domini: 1 Par. 16. according to all things writen in the lawe of God. Wherevnto I adde a notable saying of the scripture, in the said booke by you al­leaged, concerning Dauids doings by you brought foorth touching the Priestes and Leuites: vt ingrediantur domum [Page] Dei iuxtaritum suum sub manu Aaron Patris eorum, sicut prae­ceperat Dominus deus Israel. Kinge Dauids appointmente was,1. Par. 24. that the Leuites and Priestes shoulde enter in to the house of God, there to serue vnder the gouernment. Of whom, I pray you? Not of King Dauid, but vnder the Spi­ritual gouernmēt of their spiritual father Aaron ād his suc­cessours. The gouernour of them then, was Eleazarus. Where we haue to note: first, that Dauid appointed here to the Leuites nothing of him self: but sicut praeceperat Dominus Deus Israël: as the Lord God of Israel had before apointed. Secondlye, that King Dauid did make appointment vnto them, of no strange or new order to be taken in Religion, but that they should serue God in the Tēple, iuxta ritū suū: after their owne vsage, custome and maner, before time v­sed. Thirdly and last, King Dauids appointment was, that they should serue in the house of God sub manu Aaron patris eorum, as vnder the spirituall gouernmente of their Father Aaron, and his successours the high Priests. The whiche wordes of the scripture doe so wel and clearly expres, that King Dauid did not take vpon him any spirituall gouerne­ment in the house of God (namely such as you attribute to the Quenes Ma. to alter Religion▪ &c.) that I can not but very much muse and maruel, why ye shoulde alleage King Dauid, for any example or proufe in this matter. But most of al, that ye dare alleage the death of Oza. Whiche is so directly against our lay men, that haue not onely put their hands, to susteine and staye the fal of the Arke (as Oza did, for which attempt notwithstanding he was punished with present deathe) but haue also of their owne priuate autho­ritie altered and chaunged the great and weightie pointes of Christes Catholike Religion: and in a māner haue quite [Page 48] transformed and ouerthrowen the same, and so haue as a man may say, broken the very Arke it self al to fitters. Let them not dout, but that (except thei hartely repēt) they shal be plagued woorse then Oza was, if not in this worlde, yet more horribly in the world to come. As for that you al­leage of Dauid, that he made Psalmes, ordeined Priests, Le­uites, fingers, and porters &c. thinke you, he did al this and the rest of his owne authority, because he was King of the people? So you would your Reader to beleue. But the holy Ghost telleth vs plainly that Dauid did all this,2. Par. 29. because God had so commaunded by the hands of his Prophets. And thus you see, that by the declaration of the Prophetes, Gods Ministers then, as Priestes are now, the King did all those Ecclesiasticall matters, and not by his Princely authoritie. Againe the like you might haue alleaged of Carolus Mag­nus:Naueler. Generat. 29. pag 51 &. 52. Krantz. lib. 2. c 9. that he corrected most diligently the order of reading and singing in the Church, that he brought first into Fraunce Cantū Gregorianū, the order of singing left by S. Gregorie at Rome, ād appoynted singers therefore, and when they did not wel placed other in their romes, and many other such like maters of the Church, wherin that godly Emperor much busied himself,Iuo Car­not. lib. 5. Nec vlte­rius liceat retractari per appel­lationis negotium, quod epi­scoporum iudicio re­ciditur. and yet exercised no supreme gouernmēt ouer the clergy, but was of al other Princes, moste farre from it: as it maye easely appeare to him that wil read in the Decrees, Dist. 19. In memoriam▪ where he protesteth obediēce to the See of Rome, yea though an importable charge should be laied vppon him by that holy See. Also in the Decrees. xj. q. j. which Iuo also alleageth, where he renueth out of the Code of The­odosius a law binding al his subiects, of al nations, Prouinces, and Countries of what so euer qualitie or condition they were, and in all maner causes, if the defendante require an Eccle­siasticall [Page] iudgement, it be not lawfull from the Bisshops sentence to appeale any higher. And surely no Prince more recog­nised their duetifull obedience to the Spirituall Magistrate, in spirituall causes, then such as were most ready and care­full to aide, furder, and to their power directe all Spirituall matters. Al this therefore proueth wel, that Godly Prin­ces doe furder and sette foorth Gods Religion, by meanes semely to their vocation. But here is no manner inckling, that Princes doe or did euer beare the supreme gouernmēt in all Ecclesiastical matters, to decide and determine, to al­ter and change, to sette vppe and plucke doune what Re­ligion liked them, by their Princelye authoritie, and mere Soueraigntie.

M. Horne. The .14. Diuision. Pag. 9. a.

Salomon (.42.) The .42. vntruth. For Salo­mon of his ovvn authori­tie (as your ar­gument runneth) deposed not Abia­thar: but executed only the sentence, pronoū ­ced be­fore by Samuell Gods mi­nister. deposed Abiathar the high Prieste, and placed Sadoc in his roome And he builded the Temple, placed the Arke in the place appointed for the same. Hallovved or dedicated the Temple, offred sacrifices, blessed the people, directed the Priestes, Leuites, and other Churche officers in their functions, according to the order before taken by his Father Dauid. And neither the Priestes nor Leuites, swerued in anie thing (.43.) The .43. vntruth. Those vvordes are not in the scrip­ture alle­ged. pertaining to their office) from that, that the King commaun­ded them.

The .12. Chapter concerning the example of King Salomon.

THE weight of this obiectiō resteth in the de­position of Abiathar the high Priest. Which thing M. Dorman and M. D. Harding say im­ployeth no more superioritie, then if a man shoulde saye Q. Marie deposed M. Cranmer, and yet was not shee the chiefe, but an accessorie instrumente for the [Page 49] furtherance of thexecution. But Lord how M. Nowel here besturreth him self? He fumeth and freateth with M. Dor­man, who shal coole him wel inowghe I dowbt not. In the meane while, I wil aske M. Horne and M. Nowel to, one question. M. Horne saieth a litle before, that Iosue sacrificed burnte sacrifices and burnte offeringes, that King Dauid sacrifi­ced burnte and peace offerings, that Salomon offered sacrifices. Were trow ye Iosue, Dauid, and Salomon priests? If so, thē how bring you their examples to proue any thing for kings and Quenes that are no priestes? If not, then this phrase is verefied, in that they caused the priests (to whome the mat­ter perteyned) to offer sacrifices. And so whereas M. Horn saieth of Iosue, that he sacrificed burnte sacrifices whiche is agreable to the Latin: Obtuli [...] holocausta, Novvel fol. 166. col. 1. M. Nowel saieth he commaunded sacrifice to be offered. And why then I praye you M. Nowel, may not this phrase also be taken after the said sorte, that Salomon deposed Abiathar, in procuring him by some ordinary way to be deposed for his treason? As M. Crāmer might haue ben, though he were both deposed and burnt for his heresy. But now M. Horn,M. Horne ouerthrovven cō ­cerning the deposition of Abiathar by the very next line of his ovvne text guilefully by hī omit­ted 3. Reg. c. 2 that Salomō was but a minister and an executour herein, the very words imme­diatly folowing (the which because they serue plain against your purpose, you craftely dissembled) doe testifie. Which are these. And so Salomon put away Abiathar, from beinge priest vnto the Lorde, to fulfill the words of the Lorde whiche he spoke ouer the howse of Hely in Silo. And thus was Salomō but the minister and executour of Gods sentence published before by Samuel the Leuite. Beside that the deposing of Abiathar doth not imploye that Salomō was the chief ruler in all causes Ecclesiastical, which is the butte that ye muste shote at, and thē must ye prouide an other bow, for this wil [Page] not shote home. Where you say farder that neither the Priests nor Leuites swerued in any thing (perteyning to their office) from that the King commaunded them, you haue swer­ued very lewdly frō the text of holy Scripture, and haue ad­ded to it those words (perteyning to their office) more then is expressed in the Scriptures, and haue printed them in a di­stinct letter, as the expresse wordes of the Scripture. With such homly shiftes an euil cause must be furdered.

M. Horne. The 15. Diuision. Pag. 10. a.

Iosaphat hath no smal commendation in the Scriptures, for that he so stu­diously vsed his (.44.) The 44. vntruth. The Scri­ptur [...] termet [...] not any such Princely Autho [...]ity. 2 Par. 17. Gloss. o [...]d. princely authority in the reformation of Religion, and matters apperteyning, therunto. He remoued at the first beginnīg of his reigne al maner of false Religiō, and what so euer might because of offēce to the faithful. He sent forth through his kingdom visitours, both of his Princes, and also of the Priests and Leuits, vvith the book of the Lavv of the Lord, to the end they should instruct, and teache the people, and refourme all maner abuses in ecclesiastical causes accordīg to that book. After a vvhyle he made a progresse in his ovvn person throughout al his countrey, and Not by his ovvn lavves e­nacting a religion, vvhich preachers shoulde svveare vnto. 2. Par. 19. by his preachers reduced ād brought again his people from superstitiō, ād false religiō vnto the Lord the God of their fathers. He appointed in euery tovvn through­out his kingdom, as it vvere Iustices of the peace, such as feared the Lord, and abhorred false religiō, to decide cōtrouersies in ciuil causes: and in like sort he appointed and ordeined the high Priests vvith other Priests, Leuits, and of the chief rulers amōg the Israelits, to be at Hierusalem to decide, and Yea the Priestes iudged, not the King. iudge cō ­trouersies of great vveight, that should a [...]ise about matters of religiō and the Lavv. He did cōmaunde and prescribe (45.)The 45. vntruth. Thereappereth not in Scripture any such prescrip­tiō made vno the chiefe Priests 2. Par. 20. vnto the chief Priests and Leuits, vvhat fourme and order they should obserue in the ecclesiasticall causes and controuersies of religion, that vvere not so difficult and vveighty. And vvhen any tokē of Gods displeasure appeared, either by vvarres or other calamity, he gaue order to his subiects for commō praier, and enioyned to thē publike faste, vvith earnest preaching of repentaunce, and seeking after the vvil of the Lord to obey and folovve the same.

The 13. Chapter concerning the example of King Iosaphat.

YOV alleage for the supreame gouernement of King Iosaphat in spiritual matters (as the Apo­logy doth) the 2. of Paralip. the 17. Chapter. And as M.D. Harding and M. Dorman haue writen, so say I, that ye are they, which fre­quent priuate hylles, aulters, and darke groues, that the Scri­pture speaketh of. Wherein you haue sette vp your Idolls, that is, your abhominable heresies. We also confesse, that there is nothing writen in holy Scripture of Iosaphat tou­ching his Care and diligence aboute the directing of eccle­siastical matters, but that godly Christiā Princes may at this day doe the same, doing it in such sorte as Iosaphat did. That is: to refourm religiō by the Priests, not to enacte a new religiō which the priests of force shal sweare vnto. Itē to suffer the Priests to iudge in cōtrouersies of religion, not to make the decisiō of such things, a parliamēt matter. Itē not to pre­scribe a new forme and order in ecclesiastical causes, but to see that accordīg to the lawes of the Church before made, the religiō be set forth, as Iosaphat procured the obseruatiō of the olde religiō appointed in the law of Moyses. Briefly that he doe al this as an Aduocat, defendour, and Son of the Churche, with the Authority and aduise of the Clergy (so Iosaphat furdered religiō not otherwise:) not as a Supreme absolute Gouernour, cōtrary to the vniforme cōsent of the whole Clergy in full cōuocation, yea and of al the Bisshops at once. Thus the example of Iosaphat fitteth wel Christiā Princes. But it is a world to see, how wretchedly and sham­fully Maister Horne hath handled in this place the Holye Scriptures. First, promysing very sadly in his preface, [Page] to cause his Authours sentences for the parte to be printed in Latin letters, here coursing ouer three seuerall chapters of the 2. of Paralip. he setteth not downe any one parte or worde of the whole text in any Latin or distinct lettre, but handleth the Scriptures, as pleaseth him, false translating, mā ­gling them, and belying them beyonde al shame. He telleth vs of the Kings visitours, of a progresse made in his own person, throughout all his contrey and of Iustices of the peace: whereas the texts alleaged haue no such wordes at al. Verely such a tale he telleth vs, that his ridiculous dealing herein (were it not in Gods cause, where the indignity of his demeanour is to be detested) were worthely to be laughed at. But from fonde coūterfeytīg, he procedeth to flatte lying. For where he saieth that Iosaphat commaunded and prescribed vnto the chief Priestes, what fourme and order they shoulde obserue in the Ecclesiastical causes and controuersies of religion &c. This is a lewde ād a horrible lye, flatly belying Gods holy word, thē which, in one that goeth for a bisshop, what can be don more abhominable? No No, M. Horne, it was for greate causes, that thus wickedly you concealed the text of holy Scriptures, which you knew, being faithfully sette down in your booke, had vtterly confounded you, and your whole matter now in hande.

For thus lo, saieth and reporteth the holy Scripture of King Iosaphat, touching his dealing with persons rather then with matters ecclesiastical. In Ierusalem also Iosaphat appointed Leuites and Priests, 2. Par. 19 8. and the chief of the families of Israël, that they should iudge the iudgement and cause of God to the inhabitants thereof. How Iosaphat appointed the Le­uites and priestes to these Ecclesiastical functiōs, it shal ap­peare in the next Chapter by the example of Ezechias. Let [Page 51] vs now forth with the Scripture. And Iosaphat commaunded them saying: Thus you shall doe in the feare of the Lorde faith­fully and with a perfect harte. But howe? Did Iosaphat here 9 prescribe to the Priestes any fourme or order which they should obserue in controuersies of Religion, as M. Horne saieth he did, to make folcke wene that Religion proceded then by waye of Commission from the Prince onely? Nothinge lesse. For thus it foloweth immediatly in the text. Euery 10 cause that shall come vnto you, of your brethern dwelling in their Cyties, betwene kinred and kinred, wheresoeuer there is any question of the law, of the cōmaundement, of ceremonies, of Iustificatiōs, shewe vnto thē, that they syn not against God &c. Here is no fourme or order prescribed, to obserue in con­trouersies of Religion: but here is a generall commaunde­ment of the King to the Priests and Leuits, that they should doe now their duty and vocatiō faithfully and perfectly, as they had don before in the dayes of Asa and Abias his Fa­ther and grandfather: like as many good and godly Princes among the Christians also haue charged their bisshops, and clergy to see diligently vnto their flockes and charges. And therefore Iosaphat charging here in this wise the Priestes and Leuites, doth it not with threates of his high displea­sure, or by force of any his own Iniunctions, but only saith: So then doing, you shal not sinne or offende. The which very maner of speache, Christian Emperours and Kinges haue eftesones vsed in the lyke case, as we shall hereafter in the thirde booke by examples declare. But to make a short end of this matter euen out of this very Chapter, if you hadde M. Horne, layed forth, but the very next sentence and say­ing of King Iosaphat, immediatly folowinge, you shoulde haue sene there, so plain a separation and distinction of the [Page] spiritual and secular power (which in this place you labour to confounde) as a man can not wishe any plainer or more effectual.In his quae ad Deum per [...]inent, praesidebit. For thus saith king Iosaphat. Amarias the priest ād your bishop shal haue the gouernment of such things, as apper­tayne to God. And Zabadias shal be ouer such works as apper­tayne to the Kings office. Lo the Kings office, and diuine mat­ters are of distinct functiōs.Exod. 4. & 18. Ouer Gods matters is the priest, not as the Kings commissioner, but as the priestes alwaies were after the exāple of Moyses: But ouer the Kings works is the Kings Officier. And marke wel M. Horne this point. Zabadias is set ouer such works as belong to the Kings office. But such works, are no maner things pertayning to the Seruice of God. For ouer them Amarias the priest is president. Ergo the Kings office consisteth not aboute things pertayning to God, but is a distinct functiō concerning the cōmon weale. Ergo if the King intermedle in Gods matters,M Horn confoun­ded by his ovvne book and Chapter. especially if he take vpon him the supreme gouernmēt thereof, euen ouer the priests themselues to whom that charge is committed, he passeth the bondes of his office, he breaketh the order appointed by God, and is become an open enemy to Gods holy ordinance. This place therefore, you depely dissem­bled ād omitted M. Horne, lest you should haue discouered your own nakednesse, and haue brought to light the vtter cōfusion of you and your wretched doctrine. Except for a shift, you wil presse vs with the most wretched and trayte­rous translatiō of this place in your common english bibles, printed in the yere 1562. Which for praesidebit, shal gouerne, doe turne, is amonge you. For your newe Geneuian bibles, which you take (I doubte not) for the more corrected, doe translate with vs: shalbe chief ouer you.

M. Horne. The 16. Diuision. Pag. 10. b.

Ezechias the king of Iuda, hath this testimony of the holy Ghost,4. Reg. 18. that the like gouernour had not been, neither should bee after him amōgest the kings of [...]uda. For he cleaued vnto the Lord, and svverued not from the preceptes vvhich the Lord gaue by Moyses. And to expresse, that the office, [...]ule, and go­uernment of a godly king consisteth, and is occupied according to Gods ordi­naunce and precept, first of al in matters of Religion, and causes Ecclesiasti­cal, the holy Ghost doth commende this king for his diligent care in refourmīg religion. He toke quite avvay (saith the holy ghost) al maner of Idolatry, su­perstition, and false religion, yea, euen in the first yere of his reigne, and the first moneth he opened the doores of Gods house:2. Par. 29. He calleth as it vvere to a Sy­node the Priestes, and Leuits, he maketh vnto them a long and pithy oration, declaring the horrible disorders and abuses that hath been in religion, the causes, and vvhat euils folovved to the vvhole realme thereupō: He declareth his ful determination to restore and refourme religiō according to Gods vvil. He commaundeth them therfore, that they laying aside al errours, ignoraūce, and negligence, do the partes of faithful ministers.

The Priestes and Leuits assembled together, did sanctifie themselues, and did purge the house of the Lorde from al vncleanes of false religion, at the commaundement of the King (.46.) The 46. vntruth. Those vvordes (concer­ning thīgs of the Lord) are no vvor­des of the text, but fa [...]sly ad­ded to holy Scrip­ture. concerning things of the Lord. That don, they came vnto the King, and made to him an accompt and report vvhat they had don, The King assembleth the chief rulers of the City, goeth to the Temple, be commaundeth the Priests and Leuits, to make obla­tion and sacrifice for vvhole Israel. He appoin [...]eth the Leuits after their order in the house of the Lorde, [...]o their musicall instruments, and of the Priestes to play on Shalmes, according as Dauid had disposed the order (47.) The 47, vn [...]ruth. Holy Scripture falsified, ād may [...]ed. as it shal ap­pere. 2. Par. 30. by the coū ­sell of the Prophetes. He and the Prince commaundeth the Leuites to praise the Lorde vvith that Psalme that Dauid made for the like purpose. He ap­pointed a very solempne keaping and ministring of the Passeouer, vvhere­unto be exhorteth al the Israelites, and to tourne from their Idolatrye and false religion vnto the Lorde God of Israel. He made solempne prayer for the people. The king vvith comfortable vvoordes encouraged the Leuites that vvere zelous, and hadde right iudgement of the Lorde, to off [...]e sacrifices of thankes geuing, and to prayse the Lorde the God of their Fathers, and assig­ned the Priestes and Leuites to minister, and geue thankes, accordinge to [Page] their offices in their courses and tournes. And for the better continuance of Gods true Religion, he caused a sufficient and liberall prouision to bee made from the people, for the Priests and Leuits, that they might vvholy, cheerfully, and constantly, serue the Lorde in their vocation. These doinges of the Kinge Ezechias touching matters of Religion, and the reformation thereof, saieth the holy ghost, vvas his acceptable seruice of the Lord, dutiful both to God and his people.

The 14. Chapter concerning the doinges of Ezechias.

HEre is nothing brought in by you, or before by the Apology (as M. Dorman, and M. Do­ctour Harding doe wel answere) that forceth the surmised souerainty in King Ezechias, but that his powre and authority, was ready and seruiceable (as it ought to be in al Princes) for the executiō of things spiritual before determined, and not by him as su­preame head newly establisshed: So in the place by you ci­ted it is writen that he did,4. Reg. 18. that which was good before the Lorde according to all things that Dauid his Father had done. So that as Dauid did al such matters, because the Prophets of God had so declared they should be done, so is Ezechias folowing his Father Dauid vnderstanded to haue done, not enactīg any religiō of his own, but settīg forthe that, which Gods Ministers had published. Likewise in your other place,2. Par. 29 according to the Kings and Gods cōmaundemēt. So other where,2. Par. 31. he did that which was good ād right before his Lord God, and he sowght God, with al his harte, after the Lawe and commaundemente, in al the works of the howse of God. And as your selfe shewe,2. Par. 29. he appointed the Leuits according as Da­uid had disposed the order: And you adde by the councel of the [Page 53] Prophetes, as though Dauid had firste done it by the aduise or counsell only of the Prophetes, and by his owne autho­ritie. But the Scripture saith: Ezechias did thus according as Dauid had disposed, because it was the commaundement of God by the hande of his Prophetes. So that in al that Eze­chias or before Iosaphat did, they did but as Dauid had don before: That is, they executed Gods commaundement de­clared by the Prophetes. This is farre from enactinge a newe Religion by force of Supreme Authoritie, contrarie to the commaundement of God declared by the Bisshops and Priestes, the onely Ministers of God now in spirituall matters, as Prophetes were then in the like.

M. Horne. The .17. Diuision pag. 11 a.

Iosias had the like care for religion, and vsed in the same sort his princely authority, in reforming al abuses (48)The .48. vntruth. Boldly a­uouched, but no vvay proued. in al maner causes Ecclesiastical These Godly Kings claimed and toke vpon them the supreme gouernment ouer the Ecclesiasticall persons of all degrees, and did rule, gouerne, and direct them in all their functions, and (.49.)The 49. vntruth. as before, but som­vvhat more im­pudent. in all manner causes belonging to Religion, and receiued thu witnes of their doings, to witte, that they did acceptable seruice, and nothing but that which was right in Gods sight. Therefore it follovveth well by good consequent, that Kings or Queenes may claime and take vpon them such gouernment in things or causes Ecclesiasticall. For that is right, saith the holy Ghost; they should than doe vvrong if they did it not.

The .15. Chapter of the doings of Iosias, with a con­clusion of all the former examples.

Stapleton.

KING Iosias trauailed ful godly in suppressing Idolatrie by his Kingly authority.Iosias What then? So doe good Catholike Princes also, to plucke doune the Idols that ye and your brethrē haue of late sette vppe: and yet none of them, take them selues [Page] for supreme heads in all causes Spirituall. And ye haue hi­therto brought nothing effectuall to proue that the Kings of Israell did so: wherefore your conclusion, that they did rule, gouerne, and direct the Ecclesiasticall persons in all their functions, and in all maner causes of religion, is an open and a notorious lye: and the contrarye is by vs auouched and sufficiently proued by the authority of the old Testament, wherevppon ye haue hitherto rested and setled your selfe.

It is here declared, that M. Horne cōmeth nothing nigh the principal question.But now that ye in all your exāples drawe nothing nigh the marke, but runne at rādon, and shoot al at rouers, is most euident to him that hath before his eye, the verye state of the question: whiche must be especially euer regarded of such as minde not to loosly and altogether vnfruitfully im­ploye their laboure, and loose both their owne and their Readers labour. I pray you then good M. Horne bring 1 foorth that King that did not agnise one supreme head and chiefe iudge in all causes Ecclesiasticall among the Iewes, I meane the high Priest, wherein lieth all our chiefe que­stion. Ye haue not yet done it, nor neuer shal doe it. And if ye could shew any, it were not worth the shewing. For ye should not shewe it in any good King, as being an open breache of Gods lawe geauen to him by Moyses: as these your doings are an open breach of Christ and his churches lawe, geuen to vs in the new Testament.

2 Againe what president haue ye shewed of anye good King among the Iewes, that with his laitie, altered and a­bandoned, the vsuall religion a thousande yeares and vp­ward customablie from age to age receiued and embraced: and that, the High Priest and the whole Clergie resisting and gainsaiyng all such alterations? If ye haue not shewed this, ye haue straied farre from the marke.

[Page 54]What euidence haue ye brought forth to shewe that in 3 the olde Law, any King exacted of the Clergie in verbo sa­cerdotij, that they shuld make none Ecclesiastical law with­out his consent, as King Henrie did of the Clergie of Eng­land? And so to make the Ciuil Magistrate the Supreame iudge for the finall determination of causes Ecclesiasti­call?

What can ye bring forth out of the olde Testamente to 4 aide and relieue your doinges, who haue abandoned not onely the Pope, but Generall Councels also: and that by plaine acte of Parliament?Generall Coūcels abando­ned out of Eng­land by acte of Parlia­ment. I saye this partlye for a certaine clause of the Acte of Parliament, that for the determina­tion of anye thinge to be adiudged to be heresie, reasteth only in the authoritie of the Canonicall Scriptures, and in the first foure General Councels, and other Councels general, wher­in any thing is declared heresie by expresse wordes of scripture. By whiche rule it will be hard to conuince many froward obstinate heretikes to be heretikes: yea of such as euen by the saied fower first, and many other Councels general are condemned for heretikes. Partly, and most of al, I saye it, for an other clause in the acte of Parliament, enacting that no forraigne Prince Spirituall or temporal shall haue any au­thoritie or Superioritie in this realme, in any Spirituall cause. And then I pray you, if any Generall Councell be made to reforme our misbelief, if we wil not receiue it, who shall force vs? And so ye see we be at libertie, to receiue or not receiue any general Councel. And yet might the Pope re­forme vs wel inough for any thing before rehersed (for the Popes authority ecclesiastical is no more forraigne to this realme, then the Catholike faith is forraigne) sauing that he is by expresse wordes of the statute otherwise excluded.

[Page] 5 Now what can ye shewe that mere laie men should en­ioye ecclesiastical liuings, as vsually they doe among you? 6 What good inductiō can ye bring from the doinges of the Kinges of the olde Lawe to iustifie, that Princes nowe may make Bishoppes by letters patents, and that for suche and so long time as should please them, as either for terme of yeares, moneths, weekes, or daies? What good motiue cā 7 ye gather by their regiment, that they did visit Bishops and Priestes, and by their lawes restrained them to exercise a­ny iurisdiction ouer their flockes, to visite their flocks, to refourme them, to order or correcte them without their especiall authoritie and commission therevnto? Yea to restraine them by an inhibition from preaching,Note. whiche ye confesse to be the peculiar function of the Clergie, exem­pted 8 from all superioritie of the Prince? What? Thinke ye that yee can perswade vs also, that Bishops and Priestes paied their first fruits and tenthes to their Princes, yea and that both in one yeare, as they did for a while in Kinge Henrie his dayes?Gen. 47. Verelye Ioseph would not suffer the very heathen Priestes (which onely had the bare names of Priests) to paye either tithes or fines to Pharao their Prince. Yea rather he found them in time of famine vpon the com­mon store.

9 Are ye able (suppose ye) to name vs any one King, that wrote him selfe Supreame head of the Iewish Church, and that in all causes as well Spirituall as Temporall: and that caused an Othe to the Priestes and people (the Nobilitie onelye exempted) to be tendred, that they in conscience did so beleue? and that in a woman Prince too, yea and that vnder paine of premunire and plaine treason too?

O M. Horne, your manifolde vntruthes are disciphired [Page 55] and vnbuckled, ye are espied, ye are espied, I say, well e­nough, that ye come not by a thousande yardes and more nigh the marke. Your bowe is to weake, your armes to feable, to shoot with any your cōmendation at this marke: yea if ye were as good an archer, as were that famous Ro­bin Hood, or Litle Iohn. Wel shift your bowe, or at the least wise your string. Let the olde Testament goe, and pro­cede to your other proufes, wherein we will nowe see if ye can shoote any streighter. For hitherto ye haue shotten al awrye, and as a man may saye, like a blinde man. See now to your selfe from henseforth that ye open your eies, and that ye haue a good eye and a good aime to the marke we haue set before you. If not, be ye assured we wil make no curtesie eftsones to put you in remembrance. For hi­therto ye haue nothing proued that Princes ought, which ye promised to proue, or that they may take vppon them such gouernment, as I haue laid before you, and such as ye must in euery parte iustifie, if either ye will M. Fekenham shal take the Othe, or that ye entende to proue your selfe a true man of your worde.

M. Horne. The .18. Diuision. pag. 11. b.

You suppose, that ye haue escaped the force of all these and such like god­ly Kings (which doe marueilously shake your holde) and that they may not be alleaged against you, neither any testimonie out of the olde testament, for that ye haue restrained the proufe for your contentation, to such order of gouernment as Christ hath assigned in the Ghospel, to be in the time of the nevv testament, wherein you haue sought a subtil shifte. For whiles ye seeke to cloke your errour vnder the shadovve of Christes Ghospel▪ you bevvray your secrete heresies, turning your self naked to be sene of al men, and your cause notvvithstanding, lest in the state it vvas before, nothing holpen by this your poore shift of restraint. So that vvhere your friendes tooke you be­fore but onely for a Papist: novv haue you shevved your selfe to them plainly [Page] herein to be a (.50.)The .50. vntruth. Moste slaunde­rous. M. Horne him selfe and his fellovves are in many poīts Donati­stes, as shal ap­peare. Donatist also. VVhen the Donatists troubled the peace of Christes Catholique Church, and diuided them selues from the vnity ther­of, as nor [...] you doe: The godlie Fathers trauailed to confute their heresies by the Scriptures, both of the olde and nevve testament: and also craued aide and assistaunce of the Magistrates and Rulers to refourme them, to reduce them to the vnitie of the Churche, and to represse their heresies, vvith their authoritie and godlie lavves made for that purpose, to vvhome it belonged of duetie, and vvhose especial seruice to Christ is, to see, care, and prouide, that their subiectes be gouerned, defended, and mainteined in the true and sincere religion of Christ, vvithout al errours, superstitions and heresies, as S. Augu­stine proueth at large in his Epistle against Vincentius a Rogatist, in his Epi­stle to Bonifacius, and in his booke against Petilian, and Gaudentius letters. Against this Catholique Doctrine, your auncestours the Donatistes, arise vp and defend them selues vvith this colour or pretence, that they be of the Ca­tholique faith, and that their church is the Catholique church: (VVhich shift for their defence against Gods truth, the Popish sectaries doe vse in this our time, being (.51.)The 51. vntruth. Answere the For­tresse M. Horne, annexed to S. Bede, if you dare to defend this most sensible and most grosse lye. August. Epist. 43. & 50. Lib. 2. cont. lit. Pet. ca. 92 Lib 2. con. Ep. 2. Gaud. ca. 2 [...]. no more of the one, or of the other, then vvere the Dona­tists and such like, of vvhom they learned to couer their horrible heresies vnder the same faire cloke) that the secular Princes haue not to meddle in matters of religion or causes Ecclesiastiall. That God committed not the tea­ching of his people to Kings, but to Prophetes Christ sent not souldiours but fishers, to bring in and further his religion, that there is no example of such order, found in the Gospell or nevv Testament, vvherby it may appeare, that to secular Princes it belongeth to haue care in matters of religion. And that (as it semeth by that S Augustine by preuention obiecteth against them) they subtilly refused all proufes or examples auouched out of the Olde testamente (as ye craftely doe also, in binding me onelie to the Nevv testament) vvhich S. Augustine calleth: an odious and vvicked guile of the Donatists. Let your friends novv, vvhome ye vvill seeme to please so much, vvhen you beguile them most of all, vveigh vvith aduisement, vvhat vvas the erro­nious opinion touching the authoritie of Princes in causes Ecclesiastical of the Donatists (as it is here rightly gathered foorth of S. Augustine) and let them consider vvisely these foule shiftes they make for their defence: And then compare your opinion and guilefull defences thereof to theirs and they must needs clappe you on the backe, and saye to you Patrisas, (if there be any vp­right [Page 59] right iudgement in them) deming you so like your graundsier Donatus, as though he had spitte you out of his ovvne mouth.

The .16. Chapter declaring in howe many pointes Protestants are Donatists: and by the way of M. Foxes Martyrs.

Stapleton.

HITHERTO, good Reader, M. Horne al­though vntruely, yet hath he somwhat order­like proceeded. But in that which followeth vntill we come to the .20. leafe, beside moste impudent and shamelesse lyes,M. Horns disorder­ly Trea­tise. wherwith he would deface M. Fekenham, he prosequuteth his matter so confusely and vnorderly, leaping in and out, I can not tel howe, nor whi­ther: that I verely thinke that his wits were not his owne, being perchance encombred with some his domestical af­faires at home, that he could not gather them together, or that he the lesse passed, what an hodge potche he made of his doings, thinking which is like, that his fellowes Prote­stantes woulde take all things in good gree, knowing that poore M. Fekenham was shut vp close inough, from al an­swering. And thinking that no Catholique els woulde take vppon him to answere to his lewde booke. I had thought M. Horne, that from the olde Testament, ye woulde haue gone to the newe Testament: and woulde haue laboured to haue established your matters therby. Belike the world goeth very hard with you in that behalfe, that ye doe not so: sauing that here and there ye iumble in a testimonie or two, I can not tell how, but howe vnhandsomly and from the purpose, yea against your owne selfe, that I wot well, and ye shall anon heare of it also.

[Page]In the meane while it is worth the labour well to con­sider the excellent pregnant witte and greate skill of this man, who hath in the former Treatise of M. Fekenham es­pied out (which surely the wisest, and best learned of all the worlde I trowe, beside M. Horne, would neuer haue espied, such a special grace the man hath geuen him of his maister the Deuill of mere malice, ioyned with like follie) that M. Fekenham is an Heretike, and a Donatist. But yet M. Fekenham is somewhat beholding to him, that he saith M. Fekenham hath bewrayed his secrete heresies. Wherein he saith for the one part most truely. For if there be any heresie at all in this matter surmised vppon him, as certain­ly there is none, it is so secrete and priuie, that Argus him­selfe, with al his eyes shall neuer espye it: no nor M. Horne him selfe, let him prie neuer so narrowly: whereas on the other side, M. Horn and his fellowes, and his Maisters Lu­thers and Caluins heresies, are no secrete nor simple here­sies, but so manifolde and so open, that they haue no waye or shift to saue their good name and honestie, blotted and blemished for euer (without repentance) for the obstinate maintenance of the same. Where of many were, many hū ­dred yeares since, condemned, partly by the holy Fathers, partly by General Councels. You say M. Fekenham hath secrete heresies, and that Donatus is his great grandsi [...], and the Donatists the Catholikes auncetours: but how truly, you shal vnderstād anon. In the meane while good Syr, may it please you fauourably to heare you and your maisters honorable pedegre; and of their worthy feares and prowes. You haue heard of them before perhaps,M. Horns and his fellovves aūcetors. and that by mee. But suche things as may edifie the Catholike, ād can neuer be answe­red by the Heretike, Decies repetita placebunt.

[Page 57]Howe say you then to the great heretik Aerius the Ar­rian,August. et Epiphae. de haeres. that said there was no difference betwene priest and Bisshop, betwene him that fasted and that did not faste, and that the sacrifice for the deade was fruitlesse? How say you to Iouinian, that denied virginity to haue any excellencye aboue matrimony, or any special rewarde at Gods handes?Hier. con. Iouinian. Ambro. li. 10. epi. 18 Ambros. serm. 91. Euth. in Panopl. tit. 33. To the Arrians that denied the miracles done at the saintes tōbes to be true miracles, and that the martyrs cā not caste out the diuels and relieue thē that be possessed? To the Bo­gomyles that said the deuils sate at the saints tōbes and did wonders there, to illude and deceiue the people, to cause the people to worship them? To Berengarius condemned in diuers councels, first for denying of the real presence in the sacrament of the aulter, and then for denying the tran­substantiatiō? To the Paulicians,Euth. Zi­gab. in Panop. tit. 21 Hiero. cōt. Vig. Ionas episcopus Aurelian. cōt. Clau­dium. Euth. in Panop. tit. 22. August li. 1. cont. 2. epis. Pela. ad Bonif. cap. 13. Cyril li 6. cōt. Iulia. that saied these wordes of Christe, Take, eate, this is my body, are not to be vnderstan­ded of his bodye, or the breade and wine vsed at the cele­bration of our Lordes maundy, but of the holy scriptures, which the Priests should take at Christes hand, and deliuer and distribute to the people? To Claudius and Vigilantius, that denied the inuocation of Saintes, and inueyed against the blessed reliques, and the vse of Lights and other cere­monies in the Church? To the Massalians and other here­tiks, saying that concupiscence as a sinne remayneth in vs after holy baptisme? And because ye shal not say I suppresse, conceile, or obscure, the chief and most notable persons of your auncetry: how say you to the Emperours Philippicus, Leo, Constantinus, condēned with their adherētes by the .7. general coūcel at Nice, that vilayned by defacing, breaking and burnīg, the Images of al the holy hallowes of Christ, ād Christes to? To whome for your more honour and glorye [Page] I adioyne the Emperour Iulianus the Apostata. Who as ye doe in your books and pulpits,Cyril lib. 6 contra Iulianū. Aug. lib. 2 cōtr. 2. epi. Pelag. c. 4. Caluin in his Insti­tutions, cap. 18. in fine: Ar­gētorati Impress. An. 1545 cried out vpon the Christiās. O ye wretched men, that worship the wood of the crosse, set­ting vp the figure of it vppon your forehed and dores: you there­fore that are of the wiseste sorte are worthy to be hated, and the residewe to be pityed, that treading after your steppes come to such a kinde of Wretchednes. To the Pelagians, affirming that children not baptized shalbe saued? And yet are your mai­sters in this point worse then the Pelagians, as wel for that some of them haue said, that some Infants thowgh vnbapti­zed shalbe damned, and some other though vnbaptized shal be saued: And some of them especially Caluin and other Sacramentaries say, that they shal come without Baptisme to the Kingdom of heauen: which the Pelagians durste not say, but that they should haue the life euerlasting, put­ting a difference, but peuishly, betwixte those two. And if ye thinke the race of your worthye generation is not fet­ched highe inoughe,Epiph. & Philast. de haeres. we will mounte higher, and as high as maye be, euen to Simon Magus him selfe. Of whome Mar­cion and Manicheus,Clemens li. 3. recog. Iraeneus. li 1. ca. 20. and after long and honorable succes­sion your Patriarches Luter and Caluin haue learned their goodly doctrine against free will. Yea to touche the verye foundatiō and wel spring of this your new gospel, which al­together is grounded vpō iustificatiō without good works, in that also ye drawe very nigh to the said Simon Magus.In the discourse annexed to Sta­philus. fol. 161. & sequent.

I forbeare at this time to speake of the residewe of your noble progenitours, hauing in other places (as I noted be­fore) spoken largely of the same. This shall suffice, at thys present, to make open to all the world, that they are no pe­tit or secrete heresies that ye and your fellowes mainteine. Come foorthe once, and cleare your selfe of this onelye [Page 58] obiection, if yow can, being so often pressed therewith. If you maintaine olde condēned heresies, what are yow lesse then heretiks your selues? If yow maintaine them not, or if they be not olde heresies which you maintaine, clere your self if you be able. I assure you M. Horn, you and al your fe­lowes wil neuer be able to auoide this one onely obiectiō. And therfore you and al your fellowes must nedes remaine stark hereticks, and for such to be abhorred and abādonned (except you repēt) of al good Christiās.Protestants be Donatists Now as I haue pro­ued yow and your companions open and notable heretiks, so shal I straite way purge M. Fekenham to be no Donatist, or any heretik otherwise, for any thing yet by you layde to his charge. But now Maister Horne beware your self, leaste this vniuste accusation against Maister Fekenham and the Catholikes whome ye cōpare to the Donatistes causelesse,1. The dis­sentiō of the Do­natists. August. de haeres. & in Psal. 36 & lib. 4. contra Cresc. c. 6. moste iustly and truely redounde vpon your and your fel­lowes heades. Beware I say. For I suppose I will laye more pregnante matter in this behalfe to your and their charge, then ye haue or possible can doe to Maister Fekenham or any other Catholike, whereof I dare make any indifferent Reader iudge. If I should dilate and amplifie this matter at large, yt would rise to a prety volume: but I will purposely abridge yt, and giue the Reader as it were but a taste.2. Aug. lib. 2 contra Iu­lian. & lib 3. contra Cresco. c. 66. & lib. 2. contra aduers. Leg. c 12.

They were al called first Donatistes: but as the first fell from the Churche Catholike: so fell they also afterwarde from their owne Churche and maister, into an horrible di­uision, of the Maximianistes, Circumcellions, Rogatistes, Circenses and others. A lyuelye paterne of the sectes sprōg from your Apostle Luther, as in their pedegree in the Apo­logy of Staphylus euery man may see.

The Donatistes would somtyme crake and bragge of [Page] their multitude, and bring it as an argument that the truth was on their side, as doth your Apologie. Which being re­strayned by the Emperours Lawes, and dayly diminishing, then they cried, the truthe resteth with the fewe elected and chosen parsons: then cried they: O lytle flocke feare not, as ye did, when ye were as yet but in corners, rotten barnes, and Luskye lanes.

3. Aug. epis. 204. & cōt. Cresc.The Donatistes when they could not iustifie their own doctrine, nor disproue the Catholiks doctrine, leauing the doctrine, fel to rayling, against the vitiouse lyfe of the Ca­tholiks. In this point, who be Donatists, I referre me to Lu­thers and Caluins books, especially to M. Iewel, and to your owne Apologie.

4. Aug. lib. 1. euang. quaest. 4. cap. 38. The Do­natists re­fuse the knovven Church.The Donatistes refused the open knowen Catholicke Churche, and sayde the Church remayned onely in those that were of their side in certayne corners of Afrike. And sing not ye the like songe, preferring your Geneua and Wit­tenberge, before the whole Catholike Church beside?

The Donatistes corrupted the Fathers books wonder­fully, and were so impudent in alleaging them, that in their publike conference at Carthage, they pressed much vppon Optatus wordes, and layde him forth as an author making for them,5. Vide Aug. in breuiculo Collat. diei 3. & in lib. post Coll. ca. 31. See M. Davves in his 13. booke. who yet wrote expressely against them, and in all his writings condemned them. Is not this I pray yow the vsuall practise of your Apostles Luther and Caluin, of M. Iewel, and your own to, in this booke? as I truste we haue and shal make it most euidēt. And here let M. Dawes beare you company to, in the crafty and false handling of his own deare brothers Sleydans story, where he leaueth out Alex­ander Farnesius oration to the Emperour, wherein he she­weth the Protestants dissensions.

[Page 59]The Donatists to get some credite to their doctrine pre­tended many false visions and miracles, and they thowght that God spake to Donatus from heauen: And doth not M. Foxe in his donghil of stinckinge martyrs pretely followe them therein trowe you?6. August. in Ioannem Tractat. 13 An. 1558. Hathe not the lyke practise bene attempted of late in Hūgary, to authorise the new ghospell by pretēding to restore lyfe to an holy brother feyning him self to be dead, and by the great prouidence of God, found to be dead in dede?in l. theut. ad Senatū Germa. In lib. de miss. An­gul. Did not your Apostle Luther boast himself of his visions and reuelations? Which how coelesti­all they were doth sone appere, for that hī self writeth, that the deuil appered vnto him in the night, and disputed with him against priuate masse: by whose mightye and weightye reasons Luther being ouerthrowen yelded, and inconti­nently wrote against priuate masse as ye cal it.7. Thei pre­ferre a nationall councel before the general. Aug. lib. 2 de baptis. cap. 9. 8. August. de agone Christi c. 29. The Au­thour of the har­borovve. 9.

Did not the Donatists preferre, and more exsteme one national erroniouse councel in Aphrica, then the great and general coūcel at Nice? kepe not ye also this trade prefer­ring your forged Conuocation libell before the Generall Councel of Trident?

The Donatists said that al the world was in an apostasie at the cōming of their apostle Donatus: And is not Luther the same man to yow, that Donatus was to them? doth not one of your greatest clerks there with you now write, that Wyclyff begatte Husse, Husse begotte Luther: and thē addeth a shameful blasphemous note, this is the seconde Natiuitye of Christe?

The Donatists being charged and pressed by the Catho­liks to shewe the beginning and continuance of their do­ctrine, and the ordinary successiō of their Bisshops, were so encombred, that they could neuer make any conueniente [Page] answer. And are not ye I pray you, with your felowes pro­testāt bishops, fast, in the same myre? If not, answer then to my thirde demaunde in the Fortresse annexed to S. Bede.

Opt. lib. 2. Parte. 2 cap. 1. fol. 94. Aug. lib. 2 cont. Pe­til. ca. 92. Optatus lib. 2. In his Replie a­gainst M. D. Har­ding.The Donatists fynding faulte with Constantine, Theo­dosius, and other Catholik princes, ranne for succour to Iu­lianus the renegate and highly commended him. And doth not M. Iewel, I pray you, take for his president against the Popes primacy Constantius the Arrian, against Images Philippicus, Leo, Cōstantinus and such like detestable here­tiks by general councels condemned? Do not your self play the like parte in the Emperour Emanuel, as ye cal him, and in other as we shal hereafter declare?

Now who are, I pray you, Donatists, for the defacing and ouerthrowing of Aulters, for vilaining the holy Chrisme, and the holy Sacrament of the aulter? Which they cast vnto dogs: which straitwaies by the ordinance of God, Optatus. lib. 2.6. & 7. The Do­natistes crueltie to the Catholiks Optatus. Lib. 6. Aug. con­tra Dona. post Col­lat. c. 31. fell vpon them, and being therin Gods ministers, made them fele the smart of their impietie. It were a tragical narration, to open the great and incredible crueltie that the Donatists vsed toward the Ca­tholiks, and especially their horrible rauishment of religious Nonnes. And yet were they nothing so outragious, as your Hugonots haue bene of late in France, and the beggarly Guets here in Flandres, namely about Tournaye.

The Donatists said of the Catholiks: Illi portant multorū Imperatorum sacra. Nos sola portamus euangelia. They bring vs many of the Emperours letters, we bring the only ghos­pels. And is not this the voyce of all Protestantes whatsoe­uer? Only Scripture, only the gospel, only the word of God? And for the first parte, what is more common in the mou­thes of the Germayn Lutherans, of the French Caluinistes, and now of the flemmish Guets, then this complaint, that we presse them with the Emperours Diets, with the Kings [Page 60] proclamations, and with the Princes placarts? To the which they obey as much as the Donatists, when they haue pow­er to resiste.

Wel, we wil nowe leaue of al other conference and cō ­parisons, and tarry a litle in one more.The Do­natistes counted Martyrs. August. epist. 68. The Donatists though they were most wicked Murtherers of others and of them selues also, killing them selues moste wretchedly without any other outward violence don to them: yet were they takē of their confederats for Martyrs. Of whome thus wri­teth S. Augustin. Viuebant vt Latrones, moriebantur vt Cir­cumcelliones, honorabantur vt Martyres. M. Foxes stinking Martyrs: Euseb. li. 5 cap. 18. Niceph. li. 6. c. 32 Aug. con. epist. Ma­ni. ca. 8. Syr Iohn Oldcastel Syr Ro­ger Act­on. Anno. 2. Henrici. 5 cap. 5. Polidor. Harding. Fabian. Haul. Cooper. Eleanour Cobham. They liued like rob­bers by the high way, they died like Circumcellions (mea­ning thei slew them selues) they were honored as Martyrs. And now where lerned M. Foxe the trade to make his holy canonisation, in his deuelish dirty donghil of his fowle here­tical ād trayterous Martyrs, but of those ād such like schole­maisters? As of the Montanists, that worshipped one Alex­ander for a worshipful martyr, thowgh he suffred for no mat­ter of religiō, but for myscheuous murther. And of the Ma­niches, that kepte the day wherein their maister Manes was put to death, more solemply, then Easter day.

Haue ye not thē in M. Foxe, Sir Iohn Oldcastle, and Syr Roger Acton canonised for holy martyrs, though they died for high treason? yea their names al to be painted, dasshed, ād florished in the kalender with read letters, I thinke because we shoulde kepe their daye a double feaste? Whose and their confederates condemnation for conspiringe againste the Kinge, the nobilitye, and their countreye, appereth aswell by acte of parliament then made, as by the full testimony of all our English Cronicles. Is not dame Ellea­nour Cobhā a stowte confessour in this madde martyrloge? [Page] whose banishment was not for religion,Sir Ro­ger One­ly. Maga­ret lorde­man. The vvitch of Aey. but for conspiringe King Henry the sixts death by wytchrafte and sorcery, by the help and assistance of M. Roger Bolinbroke, and Mar­garet Iordeman, commonly called the Witche of Aey? The which two were openly executed for the same. But nowe is it worth the hearing to know, how handsomly M. Foxe hath conceyued his matters: wherein he plaieth in dede the wily Foxe and springleth with his false wily tayle, his fylthy stale not into the doggs, but into his readers eies. And as the Foxe, as some hūters say, when he is sore driuen, wil crafte­ly mount from the earth and kepe himself a while vpon the eather of a hedge, only to cause the howndes that drawe af­ter him to leese the sente of the tracte: euen so for all the worlde hath our Foxe plaied with his reader. But I trust I shal trace him, and smel him out wel inoughe.

First then, though M. Foxes authority be very large and ample in this his canonisation, and such as neuer any Pope durste take vpon him, yea and though he hath authority to make martyrs,See Har­ding, Fa­biā, Hall Cooper, grafton, the addition of Polichronicon. yet I dowbte whether he hath authority to make Knights to: for this Sir Roger Onley is neither a Sir, but of M. Foxes making, nor Onley neither: But M. Roger Bolinbroke only: put to death for the treason before speci­fied, as not onely his owne authours Fabian and Harding, whome he doth alleage for the story of Dame Elleanour, but al other also doe testifie. Truthe it is that Harding wri­ting in English meeter and speaking of this M. Bolinbroke endeth one of his staues with this worde Only, which is there to signifie no name, but to better and sweate the mee­ter, and is as much to say, as chiefly and principally, meaning that Maister Roger was the principal worker in this nigro­mancy. The meeters of Harding are these.

[Page 61]
He waxed then strange eche day vnto the King,
For cause she was foreiudged for sorcery,
Harding. in Hen. 6 c. 232.
For enchantments that she was in working
Against the Church and the King cursedly,
By helpe of one M. Roger, only.

Whiche last woorde, some ignorant or Protestant Printer hath made Oonly. And then hath M. Fox added a Syr, and a Martyr too, and adorned him with no common inke, to set foorth and beutify his Martyr withal. And so of M. Ro­ger Bolinbroke, sorcerer and traitour, by a cunning Meta­morphosis he hath made, Syr Roger Onlye Knight and Martyr.

Wel, wil ye yet see further the craftie dubling of a Fox, walking on the eather of the hedge? Consider then that, for Margaret Iordaman that notable witch (least if he had named her and M. Bolinbroke by their own names, he had marred al the rost) he placeth an other woman, that by his owne rule died fortie yeares after.See M. Foxes Martyr, the 371. leafe. Alanus Copus. dialog. 6. cap. 16. Hune Debnam. King. Marsh. And yet can he not hit vpon her name neither, but is faine to call her, in steed of Ione Bowghton, the mother of the Ladie Yong, who in deed is one of his stinking hereticall and foolish Martyrs. For she craked ful stoutly that there was no fier, that could consume or hurt her. I could here name a rablemente of like holy Martyrs, as Richard Hune, that hong him selfe: King, Debnam, and Marsh, hanged for sacrilege. Beside a number of such notoriouse and detestable heretiques, that M. Foxe him selfe wil not I trowe, as great an heretike as he is, denie them to be heretiks. As Peter a Germain being an Anabaptist: as Anthonie Person an Heretike of the secte of the Paulicians, of whom we haue spoken.D. VVe­salian. As D. Wesalian, that denied the holy Ghost to procede from the [Page] Father and the sonne. And to conclude this matter, of the notable heretike Cowbridge, burnte at Oxford. Who ex­pounded these wordes of Christ, Take eate this is my bodie that shalbe betrayed for you. Covv­bridge. thus: Take, eate, this is my body, in the which the peple shalbe deceiued. Who also affirmed that the name of Christ was a foule name, and therfore ra­ced it out of his bookes, whersoeuer he foūd it. And would reade for Iesu Christ: Iesu, Iesu, saiyng that Christ was the deceiuer of the world, and that al were damned in hel, that beleued in the name of Christ. We wil now with this bles­sed Martyr of M. Foxes canonisation ende this talke with the whole conference, leauing it to the indifferent Reader to consider whether the Catholiques, or the Protestantes, drawe nearer to the Donatists.

Let vs then procede foorth, and consider vppon what good motiues, ye charge M. Fekenham to be a Donatiste, which are, to say the truth, none other but falshod and fol­lie. But, as ye surmise, the one is, because he craftelye and by a subtill shift refuseth the proufes of the olde Testamente, as the Donatists did. The other, because he with the said Donatists shoulde auouche, that secular Princes haue not to meddle in matters of Religion, or causes Ecclesiasticall: nor to punishe anye man for suche causes. Surely for your firste motiue so fine and subtile a blaste of an horne, a man shal not light­lye find againe among al the horners in England I suppose. But yet by your leaue Syr, your horne hath a foule flawe. When M Fekenham offereth to yeld, if ye can proue this re­giment either by the order that Christ left behinde him in the new Testament, either by the Doctours, either by Councels, or els by the cōtinual practise of any one Church, think you M. Horne that this is not a large and an ample offer? I wil not say, that [Page 62] this is subtyle shift, but rather a very blind, bytle blonte shifte of yours, to charge him with any refusall of the olde Testament, either openly or couertly. There is not so much as anye coniecture apparente, to gather this vppon, yea the olde Testamente is not by this offerre, as ye blindlye and blontly gheasse, excluded, but verely included. For if the new Testament, which reherseth many things out of the olde, haue any thing out of the olde Testamente, that make for this regimente: yf any Doctour, olde or newe, yf any Councell haue any thinge oute of the olde Testa­ment that serue for this regimente, then is Maister Feken­ham concluded, yea by his owne graunte. For so the Do­ctour or Councel hath yt, he is satisfied accordinge to his demaunde. Whereby it foloweth, that he doth not refuse, but rather alowe and affirme the proufes of the olde Testa­mente. And surely wise men vse not greatly to shew that, that maketh against them, but most for them. Wherefore it is incredible, that Maister Fekenham shoulde ons imagyn any suche syftynge or shyftynge as ye dreame of, hauinge wonne his purpose againste you euen by the verye olde Testamente as we haue declared. And therfore it is spo­ken but in your dreame, when ye say, ye haue thereby with meruelouse force shaken M. Fekenhams holde: which suerlye is so forcible, as wil not beate down a very paper wal. And meruayle were it, yf ye shoulde so batter his holde, when that these your great cannons come not nigh his holde by one thowsande myles.

Againe this accusation is incredible. For M. Fekenham him selfe is so farre of from this suspition, that he himselfe, bringeth in against you many and good testimonies of the old Law. (as fol. 109. and 123.) by the force whereof only he [Page] may be thought to haue shaken and ouerthrowen to, your rotten weake holde vnderpropped with your great Samp­sons postes as mighty as bulrushes. But I perceiue by your good Logike, your Law, and like Diuinity, silēce maketh a denial, and because M. Fekenham maketh no mention in this place of the matter to be proued by the old Testamēt, therfore he subtillie refuseth the proufes thereof. But yee should rather me thinketh induce the contrary, and that he consenteth to you for the olde Testament: Quia qui tacet, consentire videtur: (as the olde saiyng is) For he that hol­deth his peace, seemeth to consent: and so ye might haue better forced vppon him that all was yours, presupposing that ye had proued the matter by the olde Testament.

But you will needes driue your reason an other waye. Let vs see then, what we Catholiques can saye to you for your Apologie by the like drifte. You and your Collea­ges, seing your selues charged with many heresies, to wipe away that blotte if it be possible, and for your better pur­gation, take vpon you, to shew your whole, ful, and entier belief. And therevpon you recite the Articles of the com­mon Crede. But now good Syr, I aske you a questiō: What if by chaunce you had omitted any one of them, would ye gladly be measured by this rule, yee measure M. Fekenham by? Would ye be content, that the Catholiques should lay to your charge, that ye subtilly refuse that article, that you haue forslowen to reherse? If ye would not, thē must I say to you with Christe: Quod tibi non vis fieri, alteri non facias. Do you not to an other, that ye would not haue don to your selfe. If you say, that ye are content to stande to the very same lawe, as if ye be a reasonable and a constant man you must needes say: Loe then good Syr, you haue [Page 63] concluded your selfe and all your companions plaine here­tiques, for the refusal of the Article,The A­pologie of Eng­land in reciting the com­mō Crede leaueth out these vvoords Conceiued of the holy Ghost. Tom 1. Concil. pa. 752. M. Horne and his fellovve [...] by M. Horn his rule are Apolli­narians, and Eu­tichians. Conceiued of the holye Ghost, whiche ye omitte in the rehearsall of your Creede, which Article I am assured, ye find not there. Then fur­ther, seing that the Archeheretique Eutiches, and before him Appollinarius in the recitinge of the common Creede ranne in a maner the same race, you following them at the heeles, as fast as may be, pretermitting also these wordes: Incarnatus est de Spiritu sancto: here might we euen by your owne rule and exaumple, crye oute vppon you all as A­pollinarians and Eutichians, and that with more colou­rable matter, then you haue, eyther to make Maister Fe­kenham a Donatiste, or that your Apologie hath to make the worthie and learned Cardinall Hosius a Zuenckfeldi­an. Wherein your Rethorique is all togeather as good, as is this yours here against Maister Fekenham. Neither doe we greatly passe, howe the Donatistes in this pointe demeaned them selues, and whether they openly or priui­lie shonned proufes brought and deduced out of the olde Testament. In deed the Manichees denied the authori­tie of the bookes of the old Law and Testament: whiche I reade not of the Donatists.Lib. 2. contr. Pe­til ca. 92. Yea in the very same boke and chapter by you alleaged, Petilian him self, taketh his proufe against the Catholikes out of the olde Testament, whiche you know could serue him in litle stede, if he him selfe did reiect such kind of euidences. This now shall suffice for this branche, to purge M. Fekenham that he is no Donatist, or Heretique otherwise.

Concerning the other, beside your falshood, your great follie doth also shew it sesfe too, as well as in the other, to imagin him to be a Donatist, and to think or say as you say [Page] they did, that ciuile magistrates haue not to do with religiō, nor may not punish the trāsgressours of the same. M. Fekenhā saith no such thing, ād I suppose he thinketh no such thing: and furder I dare be as bold to say, that there is not so much as a light cōiecture to be groūded therof by any of M. Feken­hās words, onlesse M. Horne become sodenly so subtil, that he thinketh no differēce to say: the Prince shuld not punish an honest true mā, in stede of a theef, ād to say he shuld not punish a theef. Or to say, there is no difference betwixt al­things ād nothing. For though M. Fekenhā ād al other Ca­tholiks do deny the ciuile Princes supreme gouernmēt in al causes ecclesiasticall, yet doth not M. Fekenhā or any Ca­tholike deny but that ciuil Princes may deale in some mat­ters ecclesiastical as aduocates and defendours of the chur­che, namely in punishing of heretikes by sharp lawes, vnto the which lawes, heretikes are by the Church first geuē vp and deliuered by open excōmunication and condemnatiō.

As for S. Augustines testimonies they nothing touch M. Fekenham, and therefore we will say nothing to them, but kepe our accustomable tale with you, and beside all other score vp as an vntruth that ye say here also, that the Papists are no parte of the Catholique Churche, no more then the Donatistes.

M. Horne. The .19. Diuision. pag. 12. b.

But for that S. Augustines iudgemēt and mine in this controuersie is all one, as your opinion herein differeth nothing at al from the Donatists: I vvil vse no other confirmation of my proufes alleaged out of the olde testament, for the reproufe of your guilful restraint, then Christes Catholique Church, vttered by that Catholique Doctour S. Augustine, against all the sectes of Donatistes, vvhether they be Gaudentians, Petilians, Rogatists, you shoulde haue said Prote­stantes. vvho in so many pointes (as hathe ben she­vved) re­semble the Do­natists. Papists, or any other petit sectes sprōg out of his loines vvhat name so euer they haue.

S. Austine against Gaudētius, his second Epistle affirmeth, saiyng: I haue [Page 64] (saith he) already hertofore made it manifest,Lib. 2. cap. 26. that it apertained to the kings charge, that the Niniuites shoulde pacifye Gods wrath, which the Prophet had denoūced vnto thē. The kings which are of Christes Church, do iudge most rightly, that it ap­pertaineth vnto their cure that you (Donatists) rebel not with­out punishmēt agaīst the same, &c. God doth inspire into kīgs that they should procure the cōmaundement of the Lorde, to be performed or kept in their kingdom. For they to whom it is said: and now ye kings vnderstand, be ye learned ye Iudges of the earth, serue the Lord in feare: do perceiue that their auto­riti ought so to serue the lord, that such as wil not obei his wil should be punished of that autority, &c. Yea saith the same S. Aug. Let the kings of the erth serue Christ, euē in making lawes for Christ. meaning for the furtherance of Christes religiō. Epist. 48. How then doth kings (saith S. Aug. to Bonifacius, Epist. 50. against the Donatists) serue the Lord with reuerēce, but in forbidding and punishing with a reli­gious seuerity, such things as are don against the Lords com­maūdements? For a king serueth one way in that he is a man, an other way, in respect that he is a king. Because in respecte that he is but a mā, he serueth the Lord in liuing faithfully: but in that he is also a king, he serueth in making lawes of cōue­nient force to cōmaūd iust things, ād to forbid the cōtrary, &c. In this therfore kings serue the Lord, whē they do those things to serue him, which thei could not do were thei not kings. &c. But after that this begā to be fulfilled which is writē: and al the kings of the earth shal worship him, al the nations shal serue him, what mā being in his right wittes, may say to Kings: Care not you in your Kingdomes, who defēdeth or oppugneth the Church of your Lord? Let it not appertaine, or be any part of your care, who is religious in your kingdome, or a wicked de­prauer of Religion.

This vvas the iudgemēt of S. Aug. or rather of Christes Catholike Church, vttered by him against the Donatists, touching the seruice, authority, povver, ād care, that Kings haue or ought to haue in causes spiritual or ecclesiastical, the vvhich is also the iudgemēt of Christes catholik church, novv in these dais [Page] and defended, by the true ministers of the same Catholique Churche, against al Popish Donatists: vvith the force of Gods holy vvoorde, bothe of the old and nevv Testament, euen as S. Augustine did before. VVho to proue and confirme this his assertiō to be true against the Donatists, did auouch ma­ny moe examples, then I haue cited out of the old Testament: as of the King of Niniue, Epist. 48. of Darius, Nabuchodonozor, and others: affirming that the histo­ries and other testimonies, cited out of the old Testament, are partely figures, and partly prophecies, of the povver, duety, and seruice that Kings shoulde ovve and perfourme in like sort, to the furtherance of Christes Religion in the time of the nevv Testament. The Donatists in the defence of their heresie, re­strained S. Augustine, to the exāple and testimony, of such like order of Prin­ces Seruice in matters of Religion, to be found in the Scriptures of the nevve Testament: meaning that it could not be found in any order that Christ lefte behind him, as you also fantasied vvhē you vvrote the same in your boke folo­vving, yea, going euen cheke by cheke vvith thē. But S. Austine maketh an­svvere to you al for him and me both: VVho, rehearsing the actes of the god­ly Kings of the old Testament,Epist. 41taketh this for a thing not to be denied, to vvit, That the auncient actes of the godly kings mentioned in the Prophetical bokes, were figures of the like facts to be don by the godly Princes in the time of the new Testament.

And although there vvas not in the time of the Apostles, nor long time af­ter,Epist. 50.any Kings or Princes, that put the same ordinance of Christ in practise, al being infidels for the most part: Yet the seruice of kings was figured (as S. Augustine saith) in Nabuchodonozor and others, to be put in practise,Epist. 41. whē this of .71. Psalm should be fulfilled: and al the kings of the earth shal worship Christ, and all nations shall serue him, &c. As yet in the Apostles time, this prophecy (saith he) was not fulfilled: and now ye Kings vnderstand, be learned ye that iudge the earth, and serue the Lorde in feare with re­uerence.Lib. 2. cont. lit. Petil. c. 92 Dan. 3. VVhen the Christian Emperours and Princes (saith this Catholique Father) shal heare that Nabuchodonozor, after he had seene the marueilouse power of almighty God, in sauing the three yong men, from the violence of the fire, walking therin without hurte, was so astonied at the miracle, that he him selfe beinge before this but a cruell Idolatour, beganne [Page 65] forthwith vpon this wonderous sight, to vnderstand and serue the Lorde with reuerent feare: Doo not they vnderstande, that th [...]e thinges, are therefore writen and recited in the Chri­stian assemblies, that these should be exāples to themselues of faith in God, to the furtherance of Religion? These Christian rulers, therefore minding according to the admonition of the Psalme, to vnderstand, to be learned, and to serue the Lord with reuerent feare, do very attentiuely giue eare, and marke what Nabuchodonozor after said: for he, saieth the Prophet, made a decree or statute, for al the people that were vnder his obeis­sāce: that who so euer should after the publicatiō therof, speak any blasphemy against the almighty, they should suffer death, ād their goods be cōfiscate. Now if the Christian Emperours, ād Kings, do know, that Nabuchodonozor made this decree agaīst the blasphemers of God, surely they cast in their mīdes, what they are boūde to decree in their kīgdoms, to wit, that the self same God, and his Sacramēts, be not lightly set by and cōtem­ned. Thus farre S. Augustin: By vvhose iudgement, Note, that now S. Augu­stins Iud­gemēt is also the iudgemēt of the Catholike Churche. being also the iudge­ment of the catholik Church, it is manifest, that the order, rule, and gouern­ment, in Ecclesiastical causes, practised by the Kinges of the olde Testament, being figures and prophecies, of the lyke gouernment, and seruice, to be in the Kinges vnder the nevv Testament, is the order of gouernment, that Christ left behinde him in the Ghospel and nevv Testament: and so directly confuteth your (.52.)The 52. vntruthe M. Fekē ­hā hol­deth no such opi­nion. erroneous opinion.

Stapleton.

Lo, nowe haue we moe testimonies of S. Augustine to proue that, for the which he hath alleaged many things out of S. Augustin alredy and the which no man denieth. For what els proueth al this out of S. Augustine, both now and before alleaged, but that Christen Princes ought to make lawes and cōstitutions (euen as M. Horne him self expoun­deth it fol. 12. b.) for the furtherance of Christes Religion? This thing no Catholike denieth. And for my parte M. Horne, that you may not thinke I haue now ben first so aduised vp­pon [Page] sight of your booke, I haue forced that argument with many Exāples of Godly Emperours and Princes in my de­dicatory Epistle to the Quenes Maiesty, before the transla­ted history of venerable Bede. Briefly al S. Augustins words force nothing els but that Christē Princes may make lawes to punish heretikes (for that in dede was the very occasion why S. Augustin wrote al this) and ought to fortifie the de­crees of the Priests with the executiō of the secular power, when obstinat heretickes wil not otherwise obey. Thus it serueth our turne very wel. But nowe that Maister Horne may not vtterly leese all his labour herein, lette vs see, howe these matters doe truely and trimly serue against his deare brethern, and M. Foxes holy Martyrs to. We saye with S. Augustin, that Princes may punishe wicked depra­uers of religion.Li. 2. cōt. Petilianū cap. 92. & Epist. 48.50. And we further say, that ye are those. We say with saint Augustine, that Christian Princes may make a decree yea of death: as did Nabuchodonosor against the blasphe­mers of God, and carefully prouide, that God and his sacramēts be not lightly cōtēned. We say ye are as great blasphemers, as e­uer Christes Church had: we say ye be they, that haue con­tēned Christes Sacramentes, making of seuē two, and vsing those two after such sorte,Princes ād church lavves made a­gainst the protestās that the olde prouerbe may (the more pitye) in a maner take place, as good neuer a whit, as neuer the better. We say further that not onely the gene­rall Councell of Trente, but that the whole Churche hath condemned your opinions, by general and national Coun­celles manye hundred yeares synce. And that Christian Emperours, Christian Princes, as well in other countries, as in Englande, especiallye the noble and worthye Kinge Henrye the fyfte, haue made many sharpe lawes, yea of death against heresies. We do not, nor neuer did disalowe [Page 68] these their doinges, as repugnante either to the olde or new Testamente. Why then cal you for this respecte the Catholykes, Popishe Donatistes? But will ye know Mai­ster Horne, who be in this point in very dede the Dol­tishe Deuelishe Donatists? Hearken on well, and ye shall heare.VVho be the true Donatists for sayīg princes may not punishe transgres­sours in causes of religion. Episto. 50. Bonifacio Comiti. Fontanus li. 1. in hi­stor. no. temp. Vide epist. Aug. 48. in edit. Basil. & an­notationē margina­lē ibidem. Sir Tho­mas Hit­ton priest M. Foxes martyr. A great Lye of M. Foxe.

The Donatistes as S. Augustyne reporteth, sayde: It was free, to belieue, or not to belieue, and that faith shoulde not be forced. Was not this I pray you the cōmō song of the Lute­rans in Germany, and Englande at their beginning? Was not this your Apostles Luthers opinion, that no man should be compelled to the faith? And as there are many dissen­sions, diuisions, schismes betwixte you the Sacramentaries, and the Lutherans: so are you diuided also in this pointe. For your M. Caluin writeth, that a mā may laufully and by Gods law be put to death for heresie, as he practised himself also, burning Seruetus the Arrian at Geneua. But al Luthers schollers in Germany are not so forward. Yea some of your holy martyrs auouche, that the King cā make no law to pu­nish any maner of crime by death, ād that al such lawes are contrary to the Gospel. This was the opiniō of Sir Thomas Hytton priest, and yet is he a blessed martyr in M. Foxe his holy Kalēder, ād we must kepe his feast the x. of March by M. Foxe. Yet in a book of praiers set foorth by the brother­hod anon vpon his death, he is appointed to the .23. of Fe­bruary, and so either M. Foxe or they misse the marke. Ex­cept the one day be of his Martyrdom, and the other of his Translatiō. And whereas M. Fox saith, that there remaineth nothing of the saide Sir Thomas in writinge but onely his name, (which is a lye, and more to by a syllable) and that I heare saye he is busye to sette forthe a freshe in printe [Page] yet ons againe, his huge monstruous martyrloge, I wil doe so much for him, as minister him plenty of good stuffe I warrante you, to set forthe and adorne at his next edition, this worthy chāpiō withal. I do therfore remit M. Foxe, to Sir Thomas Mores books.S. Tho­mas More in his preface to Tyndal the 344. leafe. &c. There lo is matter inough for M. Fox, ād to much to: for euē by your own cōfessiō he is no se­cret but an opē dānable heretik, ād a Donatist: ād so I trowe no martyr, but yet good inowgh, ād as good as the residew of this worthy Kalēder. But now hath M. Foxe a far grea­ter busines in hande, for he must scrape out S. Iohn Old­castel knight,S. Iohn Oldcastle knight of the same opinion vvith S. Thomas Hytton priest. being not onely a traytour, but a detestable Donatiste also. Nowe al the weight resteth to proue this substancially to you and to M. Foxe, and to stoppe al your frowarde quarrelings and accustomable elusions agaīst our proufes. Wel, I wil bringe you (as I thinke) a substancial and and an ineuitable proufe, that is M. Foxe him selfe, and no worse man. For lo thus he writethe of this worthy cham­pion, and that euen in his owne huge martyrologe, who doubteth but to the great exalting and amplification of his noble work, and of his noble holy Martyr? The tenth article, saieth M. Foxe,Foxe in his En­glish martyrol. the 139. leafe. Col. 2. M. Fekē ­hā pur­ged by M. Horn himselfe of that he layeth to him. that manslawghter either by warre, or by any pretended law of Iustice, for any tēporal cause, or spiritual reue­lation, is expressely contrary to the new Testament, which is the law of graceful of mercy. This worthy article, with a .11. other of lyke sewte and sorte, in a booke of reformatiō (beilke ve­ry lyke to Captayn Keets tree of reformatiō in Norfolke) was exhibited in open parliament, yf we belieue M. Foxe.

Nowe you see M. Horn, where and vpō whome ye may truely vtter ād bestowe al this nedelesse treatise of yours a­gainst M. Fekenhā. And therefore we may now procede to the remnāte of your book, sauīg that this in no wise must be [Page 67] ouerhipped, that euē by your own words here ye purge M. Fekenhā, from this cryme, ye layde vnto him euen now, for refusing proufes taken out of the olde testamente. For yf,Rom. 1. as ye say, the order and gouernment that Christ lefte behinde in the Gospel and new testament, is the order, rule, and gouernmēt in Ecclesiastical causes practised by the Kings of the olde Testa­ment, then wil it follow, that M. Fekenham yelding to the gouernment of the new, doth not exclude, but rather com­prehende the gouernment of the olde Testament also, both being especially, as ye say, alone.

M. Horne. The 20. Diuision. Pag. 14. a.

Novv I vvil conclude on this sorte, that vvhich I affirmed: namely that Kings, and Princes, ought to take vpō thē gouernmēt in Ecclesiastical causes.

VVhat gouernement, orde, and dutifulnes, so euer belonging to any, God hath figured and promised before hande by his Prophetes, in the holy Scriptu­res of the old Testamēt, to be performed by Christ, ād those of his kingdome: that is the gouernmēt, order, ād dutifulnes, set forth, ād required in the Gos­pel, or nevv testamēt. But that faithful Emperours, Kings, and Rulers, ought of duty, as belonging to their office, to claime and take vppon them Not such Su­preme gouernmēt as the Othe prescribeth. the gouernement, authority, povver, care, and seruice, of God their Lorde, in matters of Religion, or Not in al causes ecclesia­stical. causes Ecclesiastical, vvas an order and dutifulnes for them: prefigured and fore promised of God by his Prophets, in the Scriptures of the olde Testament, as (.53.)The 53. vntruth. S. Augu­stin hath vvitnes­sed no such lar­ge and Supreme gouernmēt, as you at­tribute novve to princes. S. Augustine hath sufficiently vvitnes­sed: Ergo. Christian Emperours, Kings, and Rulers, ovve of duty, as belon­ging to their office, to clayme, and take vpon them, the gouernment, autho­rity, povver, care, and seruice of their Lord,You cō ­clude not in al thīgs ād causes, and ther­fore you conclude nothing agaīst vs. in matters of Religion: or Spiri­tual, or Ecclesiastical causes, is the gouernment, order, and dutifulnes, sette foorth, and required, in the Gospel or nevv Testament.

This that hath been already said, might satisfie any man that erreth of simple ignoraunce. But for that your vvilfulnes is suche, that you (.54.) The 54. vntruth. Slaunde­rours. de­light only in vvrangling against the truthe, appeare it to you neuer so plaine, and that no vveight of good proufes, can presse you, you are so slippery, I vvil loade you vvith heapes, euē of such proufes, as ye vvil seeme desirous to haue. [Page] The holy Ghost describīg by the Prophet Esay, vvhat shalbe the state of Christs Church in the time of the nevv testamēt,2. Cor. 6. yea novv in these our daie, (for this our time is the time that the Prophet speaketh of, as S. Paul vvitnesseth to the Corinthiās) addeth many comfortable promises, and amongest other maketh this to Christes Catholike Churche, to vvitte, Kings shalbe Nourishing Fa­thers,Esa. 49. and Quenes shalbe thy nources. Nourishing Fathers saith the glose en­terlined,Lyra in Esa. c. 49. In lacte verbi. In the mylke of the word, meaning Gods vvorde. Lyra addeth: This prophecy is manifestly fulfilled in ma­ny Kinges and Quenes, who receiuing the Catholike Faith, did feede the poore faithful ones, &c. And this reuerence to be done by Kings (saith Lyra) was fulfilled in the time of Con­stātine and other Christian Kings. Certainly, Constātin the Emperour, shevved himself to vnderstand his ovvn duety of nourishing Christes Church appointed by God in his Prophecy:Al this of Constan­tine is graunted and ma­keth no­thing for you. Euse. li. .3. de vita Constāt. Lib. 2. for he like a good, tender, and faithfull Nource father, did keep, defend, maintein, vphold, and feed the poore faithful ones of Christ: he bare thē being as it vvere almost vveried and forhayed vvith the great persecutions of Goddes enemies, and maruelously shaken vvith the controuersies and contentions amongest themselues, euen as a nource Father in his ovvn bosome: he procured that they should be fedde vvith the svveete milke of Gods vvorde. Yea, he him selfe with his publike procla­mations, did exhorte and allure his subiectes to the Christian Faith. As Eusebius doth reporte in many places, vvriting the life of Constā ­tine, He caused the Idolatrous religion to be suppressed, and vtterly banished, and the true knowledge and Religion of Christ, to be brought in and planted amōg his people. He made many holsome lawes, and Godly cōstitutions, wherewith he restrayned the people with threates, forbiddinge them the Sacrificing to Idols: to seeke after the Deuelish ād superstitious soth saiyngs: to set vp (55.) The 55. vntruth. They vvere Idols, not Images, that Constan­tin for­badde his subiects to set vp. Lib 4. de vit. Cōst. Lib. 1. Images: that they shoulde not make any priuie Sacrifices: and to be brief, he refourmed al maner of abuses, about Gods seruice, ād prouided that the Church should be fedde with Gods worde. Yea, his diligent care in furthering and setting foorth the true knovvledge of Christe, vvherevvith he fedde the peo­ple, vvas so vvatcheful, that Eusebius doth affirme him to be appointed of God, as it vvere the common or Vniuersal Bishop: And so Con­stantine [Page 68] tooke himself to be:Lib. 4. and therefore said to the Bisshoppes assembled to­gether vvith him at a feast, that God had appointed him to be a Bishoppe. But of this moste honorable Bishop and nourshing father, more shalbe saide hereafter, as of other also such like.

The .17. Chapter opening the weakenesse of M. Hornes Con­clusion, and of other his proufes out of holy Scripture.

Stapleton.

NOw ye may conclude, that there is some regi­ment that Princes may take vpon thē in causes ecclesiastical: but if ye meane of such regimēt as ye pretend, you make your recknyng with­out your hoste as a man may say: and conclude before ye haue brought forth any prouf, that they ought or may take vpon them such gouernment. For though I graūt you al your examples ye haue alleaged, and that the doings of the olde Testament were figures of the new, and the saying of Esaye, that Kings shoulde be Nowrishinge Fathers to the Church: and al things else that ye here alleage, yet al wil not reache home, no not Constantines the great his example. Who being an Ethnike became a Christian, and to the vttermost of his power, set forth Christes religion in al the Empire. what then? your conclusion of supreame re­giment, wil not necessarily folow thereof. And when Eu­sebius calleth him, as it were, a common or vniuersal bishop, I suppose ye meane not, that he was a bisshop in dede. For your self cōfesse, that princes and Bisshops offices are far di­stincted and disseuered,M. Horne doth cur­tal Euse­bius sen­tence. and that the one ought not to break in to the office of the other. And if ye did so meane, Euse­bius himself would sone confounde yow, if ye reherse Con­stantines whole sentence, that he spake to the Bisshopes. [Page] For thus he saith to the bisshops. Vos quidem eorum quae intus sunt in Ecclesia agenda, ego verò eorum quae extra sunt Episco­pus à Deo sum constitutus. Euse. lib. 4 de vitae Constant. You are bisshops saith he, of those things that are to be don within the Churche: I am bisshop of outwarde thinges. Which answere of his may satisfie any reasonable man, for all that ye bring in here of Con­stantine, or al that ye shall afterward bring in: which decla­reth him no supreme iudge or chief determinour of causes Ecclesiastical, but rather the contrary: and that he was the ouerseer in ciuile matters. And the most that may be enfer­red therof, is that he had the procuration and execution of Church maters: which I am assured al Catholiks wil graūt.

But now whereas ye charge M. Fekenham partly with subtil, partly with fowle shiftes: this is in you surely, no sub­tyle but a blonte and a fowle shamelesse shifte, to shifte the Idols into the Image of Christe and his saints: and whereas Constantine put doune the paynims Idols, to make the sim­ple belieue, that the reformation which he made, was such as your reformation or rather deformation is. For to leaue other things, to say that Constantine forbadde to set vp Ima­ges, Euseb lib. 3. de vita Constant. is an open and a shamelesse lye: for he set vp the Crosse of Christe, that is so owtragiously and blasphemously vy­layned by you euery where, in the steade of the idolles, he decked and adorned the Churches euery where with holy Images,Nice. con. act. 2. Pa. 429. Col. 2. the remembraunce of Christes incarnation, and for the worship of his saints, therby to sette forth the truth, and the worship of God, and to conuert al nations from Idola­trie and deuelishe deceite.

M. Horne. The Diuision 21. Pag. 15.

Our sauiour Christ meante not to forbidde or destroy, touchinge the rule, seruice, and chardge of Princes in Church causes, that vvhich vvas figured in [Page 69] the lavve, or prophecied by the Prophetes.Mat. [...]. For he came to fulfil or ac­complish the lavve and the Prophetes, by remouing the shadovve and figure, and establishing the body and substance to be seene, and to appere clearly vvithout any mist or darke couer: yea, as the povver and authoritie of Princes vvas appointed in the Lavv and Prophets, as it is proued, to stretch it selfe, not only to ciuile causes, but also to the ouersight, maintenance, set­ting foorth, and furtherance of Religion and matters Ecclesiastical:Mat. 21. Euen so Christ our Sauiour (.56)The .56. vntruth. This pla­ce of S. Matth. maketh nothing for the Princes supreme gouerne­ment in Ecclesia­sticall things. Matth. 22 confirmed this their authoritie, commaunding all men to attribute and geue vnto Caesar that vvhich belongeth vnto him ad­monishing notvvithstanding al Princes and people, that Caesars authority is not infinit, or vvithout limits (for such authority belōgeth only to the King of al Kings▪) but bounded and circumscribed vvithin the boundes assigned in Gods vvorde, and so vvill I my vvorde; to be vnderstanded, vvhen so euer I speake of the povver of Princes.

Stapleton.

M. Horne goeth yet nedelessely foreward to proue that Christ did not destroy the rule of Princes in Churche cau­ses, figured in the olde Lawe, and now at length catcheth he one testimonie out of the new Testament to proue his saiyng: which is, Geue vnto Caesar, that belongeth vnto him. Which place nothing at al serueth his turne, but rather de­stroyeth, I will not say any figure of the old Testament, but M. Hornes foolish figuratiue Diuinitie. For it is so farre of (that of this place M. Horne may make any ground, for the Ecclesiasticall authoritye of Princes) that it doth not as much as inferre, that we ought to pay so much as tribute to our Princes, but only that we may paie it. For the questi­on was framed of the captious Iewes, not whether they ought, but whether they might lawfully paie any tribute to Caesar. Whiche was then an externall and an infidell Prince. For if M. Horne will say those woordes importe a precise necessitie, he shall haue muche a doe to excuse [Page] the Italians, Frenchmen, Spaniardes, and our Nation, which many hundred yeares haue paid no tribute to Caesar. But I pray you M. Horne, why haue you defalked and curtai­led Christes aunswere? Why haue you not set forth his whole and entier sentence:The pla­ce of Mat. 22. maketh ra­ther quite against M. Horn. Fol. 20. Geue to Caesar that belongeth to Caesar, and to God that belongeth to God? which later clause I am assured, doth much more take away a supreme regi­ment in al causes Ecclesiastical, then necessarily by force of any wordes binde vs to paie, yea any tribute to our Prince. And wil ye see how it happeneth, that Hosius a great lear­ned and a godly Bishoppe of Spaine, as M. Horne him selfe calleth him, euen by this verye place proueth against the Emperour Constantius, and telleth it him to his face, that he had nothing to doe with matters Ecclesiasticall? Whose woordes we shall haue an occasion hereafter to rehearse. Yea S. Ambrose also vseth the same authoritie to represse the like vsurped authoritie of Valentinian the yonger.Amb li. 5. Ep. 32. This ill happe hath M. Horne euen with his first authori­tie of the new Testament, extraordinarie, and impertinent­lie I can not tell howe chopped in, to cause the leaues of his boke, and his lies, to make the more mouster and shew. But nowe, whereas this place serueth nothing for any au­thoritie Ecclesiasticall in the Prince, and least of all for his preeminent and peerlesse authoritie in all causes Ecclesiasti­call, as M. Horne fansieth, Yet least any man (being borne doune with the great weight of so mightie a proufe) should thinke the Princes power infinite, M. Horne to amende this inconuenience, of his greate gentlenes, thought good to preuent this mischief, and to admonish the Reader ther­of: and that his meaning is not by this place to geaue him an infinite authoritie, or without limites, but such onely as is [Page 70] bounded and circumscribed within the boundes of Gods worde: and least ye should mistake him, he would himself so to be vnderstanded. Which is for al this solemnitie, but a foolish and a friuolous admonitiō, without any cause or groūd: ād groūded only vpō M. Horns fantistical imaginatiō, and not vpon Christ, as he surmiseth. Who willeth that to be geauen to Caesar that is Caesars, and to God that is Gods: but determi­neth and expresseth nothing, that is to be geuen to Caesar, but only paiement of money. And yet if we consider, as I haue saied, what was the question demaunded, it doth not determine that neither: though the thing it selfe be moste true. Howe be it this admonition serueth Maister Horne and his brethren for manye and necessarye purpo­ses, to rule and maister their Princes by, at their pleasure: that as often as their doings like them not, they may freely disobey, and say it is not▪ Gods word, wherof the interpre­tation they referre to them selues. And so farre it serueth some of them, and the moste zealouse of them, that nowe their Prince, though Supreme gouernour and iudge in al cau­ses Ecclesiastical, may not by Gods worde, appointe them as much as a Surplesse or Cope to be worne in the Churche, or Priestlike and decent apparell to be worne of thē other­wise. Yea some of them, of whom we haue already spo­ken, haue found a way, and that by Gods woorde, to depose the Quenes Maiesty from al manner of iurisdiction as well temporal as spiritual: and that by Gods holy worde. Whereof these men make a very Welshemans hose, to say the truth, and amonge other, M. Horne him selfe, for all his solemne admonition. For we plainly say, that this kind of suprema­cie, is directly against Gods holy worde.

M. Horne. The .22. Diuision. pag. 15. b.

[Page]And this to be Christes order and meaning, that the Kings of the Nations should be the supreme gouernours ouer their people, not only us temporal, but also in Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall causes (.57.) The .57. vntruth. The apo­stles ne­uer de­clared a­ny suche matter. 1. Pet. 2. Rom. 13. the blessed Apostles Peter and Paule, doe plainly declare. The supremacie of Princes they set foorth, vvhen they commaund euery soule (that is, euery man, vvhether he be, as Chrysostome saith, an Apostle, Euangelist, Prophete, Prieste, Monke, or of vvhat so euer calling he be) to be subiect and obey the higher povvers, as Kings, and their Lieutenants, or gouernours vnder them. And they declare that this supreme gouernement is occupied and exercised in, or aboute the praysing, furthering, and aduauncing of vertue or vertuous actions, and cō ­trary vvise in correcting, staiyng, ād repressing al maner of vice or vicious a­ctiōs,Epist. 125. vvhich are the propre obiect or matter herof. Thus doth Basilius take the meaning of the Apostles, saiyng: This semeth to me to be the office of a Prince, to aide vertue, and to impugne vice. Neither S. Paule, neither the best learned among the aunciente Fathers, did restreine this povver of Princes, onely to vertues and vices, bidden or forbidden, in the second table of Gods commaundementes, vvherein are conteined the du­ties one man ovveth to an other: But also did plainely declare them selues to meane, that the authority of Princes ought to stretche it selfe to the mainte­naunce, praise and furtheraunce of the vertues of the firste table, and the suppression of the contrary, vvherein onely consisteth the true Religion, and spirituall Seruice, that is due from man to God. S Paule in his Epistle to Timothe,1. Tim. 2. teacheth the Ephesians, that Kings and Rulers are constituted of God, for these two purposes: that their people may liue a peaceable life, thou­rough their gouernmente and ministerie both in godlines, vvhich is (as S. (.58.)The .58. vntruth. S. Aug. misse vn­derstan­ded. Lib 14. De Trin. cap 1 Lib. 5. de Ciuit dei cap. 14. Augustine interpreth it) the true and chiefe or propre vvorshippe of God: and also in honestie or semelinesse: in vvhich tvvo vvoordes (Godli­nes and Honestie) he conteined vvhat so euer is cōmaunded either in the first or second Table. S. Augustine also shevveth this to be his minde, vvhen de­scribing the true vertues, vvhich shall cause princes to be blessed, novve in Hope, and aftervvard in deed, addeth this as one especiall condicion, required by reason of their chardge and callinge. If that (saith he) they make their power which they haue a seruaunt vnto Gods Maiestie, to enlarge most wide his worshippe, Seruice, or Religion. To this purpose also, serue all those testimonies, vvhiche I haue cited before [Page 71] out of S. Aug. against the Donatists: vvho in his booke.Grad. 6. Rom. 13. Lib 2. cap. 83. De. 12. abusi [...]e num gradibus, teacheth that a Prince or Ruler must labour to be had in avve of his subiectes, for the seueritie against the traunsgressours of Goddes Lavve. Not meaning only the transgressours of the seconde table in tempo­rall matters: But also against the offendours of the first table in (.59.) The .59. vntruth. S. Aug. meaneth not to teach such gouerne­ment of Princes in Eccle­siasticall matters, as you teach, but onely to punish heretikes by lawes, & by the same to maintein the Ca­tholique faith de­creed of the Cler­gie, not by the Ciuile Magistrat Lib. 2. cōt 2 Epist. Gaud c. 11 Spi­rituall or Ecclesiasticall causes or matters. VVhich his meaning he decla­reth plainely in another place, vvhere he auoucheth the saiyng of S. Paule: The Prince beareth not the sworde in vaine, to proue therevvith against Petilian the Donatist, that the povver or authority of Princes, vvhich the Apostle speaketh of in that sentence, is geuen vnto them to make sharpe Lavves, to further true Religion, and to suppresse Heresies and Schismes: and therefore in the same place, he calleth the Catholique Churche, that hathe such Princes to gouerne to this effect: A Church made strong, whole, or fastened together with Catholique princes: meaning that the Church is vveake, rent, and parted in sonder, vvhere Catholique Gouer­nours are not, to maintaine the vnitie thereof in Churche matters, by their authoritie and povver.

Gaudentius the Donatist, found him selfe agreeued that Emperors shuld entremeddle, and vse their povver in matters of religion: affirming, that this vvas to restreine men of that freedome that God had set men on. That this vvas a great iniurie to God, if he meaning his religion) should be defended by men. And that this vvas nothing els, but to esteeme God to be one, that is not able to reuenge the iniuries done against him selfe. S. Augustine doth ansvvere and refute his obiections, vvith the authoritie of S. Pauls saiyng to the Romaines: Let euery soule be subiect to the higher powers, &c. For he is Gods minister, to take vengeance on him that doth euill: interpreting the minde of the Apostle to be, that the authori­tie and povver of Princes, hath to deale in Ecclesiastical causes, so (60)The 60. vntruth. S. Augu­stine ne­uer wrot so. vvel as in Temporal. And therfore saith to Gaudentius, and to you al: Blotte out these saiyngs (of S. Paule. 13. Rom.) if you can, or if you can not, then set naught by them, as ye doe. Reteine a most wic­ked meaning of al these saiyngs (of the Apostle) leaste you loose your freedome in iudging: or els truely for that as men, ye are ashamed to doe before men, crie out if you dare: Let murtherers be punished, let adulterers be punished, lette all [Page] other faults, VVhere is there in al this M. Horne, that the Princes hath to deale in Ecclesia­stical causes, so vvel as in tēporall? be they neuer so heinous or ful of mischief be pu­nished (by the Magistrate) we wil that only wicked faultes a­gainst religiō be exēpt from punishmēt by the lawes of kings or rulers. &c. Herken to the Apostles, and thou shalt haue a great aduantage that the kingly power cannot hurt thee, doe wel, and so shalt thou haue praise of the same power, &c. That thing that ye doe, is not only not good, but it is a great euill, to witte, to cut in sunder the vnity and peace of Christ, to rebelle against the promises of the Gospel, and to beare the Christian armes or badges, as in a ciuil warre, against the true and highe King of the Christians.

The .18. chapter declaring how Princes haue to gouerne in ca­ses of the first Tables answering to certain places out of the Canonicall Epistles of the Apostles.

Stapleton.

HERE is nothinge M. Horne, that importeth youre surmised Supremacye. The effecte of your processe is, Princes haue authoritie to mainteine, praise and further the vertues of the first table, and to suppresse the contrary, wherein onely cōsisteth the true Religiō and spiritual Seruice that is due frō mā to God. And that he hath authority herein, not only in the vertues or vices bidden, or forbiddē in the second table of Gods cōmaunde­ments, wherin are conteined the dueties one man oweth to an other. This is graūted M. Horn, both of the Hosius. lib. 2. & Soto cont. Brentiū. Melanch. in lo. com. Cap. de magistr. Ciuilib.Catholiks, and of the soberer sort of Protestants (for Carolostadius, Pelar­gus, Struthius, with the whole rable of th' Anabaptists deny it) that Princes haue authority both to further the obserua­tion, and to punish the breach of Gods cōmaundements as wel in the first table as in the second, that is, as well in such [Page 72] actions as concerne our dutie to God him self, as in the du­tie of one man to an other. But al this is (as not onely the Catholike writers, but Melāchthon him self and Caluin, do expoūd) quod ad externam disciplinam attinet, Melanch. vt suprà. as much as apperteineth to external discipline: and the Magistrate is the keper and defender of both tables (saith Melanchthon) but againe he addeth: quod ad externos mores attinet, as muche as belongeth to external maners, behauiour, and demea­nour. For in the first table are cōteined many offences and breaches, of the which the Prince can not iudge, and much lesse are by him punishable. As are all suche crimes, whiche proprely belong to the Court of Conscience. To wit, mis­belief in God, mistrust in his mercy, contempt of his com­maundements, presumption of our selues, incredulitie, and such like: which al are offences against the first table, that is, against the loue we owe to God. Cōtrarywise, true be­lief, confidence in God, the feare of God, and such like, are the vertues of the first table. And of these Melanchthon truely saith: Haec sunt vera opera primae tabulae, In Apolo­logia Cō ­fess. Art. 18. These are the true workes of the first table. The punishing, correcting, or iudging of these appertaine nothing to the authority of the Prince, or to any his lawes: but only are iudged, cor­rected and punished by the spiritual sworde of excommu­nication, of binding of sinnes, and embarring the vse of the holy Sacraments, by the order and authoritie of the Priest only and spiritual Magistrate. Which thing is euident not only by the confession, doctrine, and continuall practise of the Catholique Churche, but also by the very writinges of such as haue departed out of the Churche, and will seeme most to extolle the authoritie of Princes, yea of your selfe M. Horne, as we shall see hereafter.

[Page]Againe whereas, the chiefe vertue of the first table is to beleue in God, to knowe him, and to haue the true faithe of him and in him, in externall regimente (as to punishe open blasphemy, to make lawes against heretiques, to ho­nour and mainteine the true seruice of God) Princes espe­cially Christians, ought to further, aide, and mainteine the same: But to iudge of it, and to determine, whiche is the true faith in God, how and after what maner he ought to be serued, what doctrine ought to be published in that be­halfe, the Prince hath no authoritie or power at all. There­fore Melanchthō,In locis com. vbi supra. who in his Cōmon places, wil haue Prin­ces to looke vnto the true doctrine, to correct the Chur­ches (when Bishops faile of their duetie) yea and to consi­der the doctrine it selfe: yet afterward he so writeth of this matter, that either he recanteth as better aduised, or els writeth plaine contrary to him selfe. For thus he saieth of the Ciuile Magistrates:In examine ordinā ­dorum. Non condant dogmata in Ecclesia, nec instituant cultus: vt fecit Nabuchodonozor. Et recens in scripto, cui titulus est Interim, potestas politica extra metas e­gressa est. Suidas in [...]eontio. Sicut Imperatori Constātio dixit Episcopus Leōtius. [...]. Nō sunt cōfundēdae fun­ctiones &c. Let thē make no doctrines in the Church: nei­ther appoint any worshipping of God, as did Nabuchodo­nosor. And euen of late in that writing which is entituled, the Interim, the Ciuile power hath passed her bounds and limites. As ones Bishop Leontius said to Constantius the Emperour: Thou being set to gouerne in one matter, ta­kest vpon thee an other matter. The functions (of both ma­gistrates) are not to be confounded.

In these woordes you see M. Horne, Melanchthon ta­keth away all authoritie from Princes in iudging or deter­mining [Page 73] of doctrine: and wil not haue the functions of both Magistrates Spiritual and temporal to be confounded.Novvel fol. 33. Yea M. Nowel himselfe with a great stomach biddeth vs shew, where they deny, that godly and learned Priestes might accor­ding to Gods woorde iudge of the sincerity of doctrine. As though when the Prince and his successours are made su­preme gouernours without any limitation, it fal not often out, that the bisshop, be he neuer so lerned or godly, shall not ones be admitted to iudge of true doctrine, except the doctrine please the Prince: As though there had not ben a statute made, declaring and enacting the Quenes Ma. yea and her highnes successours (without exception or limi­tation of godly and vngodly, and yet I trowe no bisshops) to be the Supreme Gouernour in all thinges and causes as well spiritual as temporal. As though you M. Horne, had not writen, that in bothe the tables, the Prince hath autho­rity, to erect and correct, to farther, and restrayne, to allow and punishe the vertues and vices thereto appertayning. As though the gouernour in al causes, is not also a iudge in all causes. Or as though it were not commonly so taken and vnderstanded of a thousand in Englande which haue ta­ken that Othe to their g [...]eat damnation, but if they repēt. You therefore M. Horne, which talke so confusely and ge­nerally of the Princes Authority in both tables, doe yet say nothing nor proue nothing this general and absolute Authority in al thinges and causes, as lustely without ex­ception the Othe expresseth. And therefore you bring in dede nothīg to proue your principal purpose, to the which al your proufes should be directed.

Againe where you alleage S. Augustin, that the worde Godlynes mētioned in S. Paule to Timothe shoulde meane, [Page] the true, chief, or proper worship of God (as though Princes hauing charg therof, should also haue authority to appoint such worship, when yet S. Paule speaketh there of no such or of any authority at al in Princes, but onely that by their peasible gouernmēt we might with the more quiet attēd to Gods seruice) you doe herein vntruly report S. Augustine, or at the leste missetake him.August. lib. 14. cap. 1. De Trinit. 1. Tim. 2. For the woorde (godlines) which S. Augustine will haue so to meane, is that which the Greeks call [...], Gods seruice or religiō, as himself there expresseth: but the word of the Apostle to Timothee, is [...], godlynes. So aptly and truly you alleage your doctors. But wil you know M. Horn, why th'Apostles both S. Peter ād S. Paul so earnestly taught at that time obediēce to Prīces? This was the cause. In the beginnīg of the church som Christiās were of this opiniō: that, for that they were Christē mē,1. Pet. 2. Rom. 13. they were exēpted from the lawes of the In­fidel Princes: and were not bound to pay thē any tribut, or otherwise to obey thē. To represse and reforme this wrōg iudgmēt of theirs, the Apostles Peter and Paule by you na­med, diligētly employed thē selues. Whose sayings can not imply your pretensed gouernmēt: onlesse yow wil say, that Nero the wycked and heathennish Emperour was in his tyme the supreme head of al the church of Christ, through­out the empire, aswel in causes spiritual as tēporal. And yet in tēporal and ciuil matters I graunt you, we ought to be subiect, not only to Christiās, but euē to infidels also, being our princes: without any exceptiō, of Apostle, euangeliste, prophet,Prieste­hod is a­boue a kingdom priest or monk, as ye alleage out of S. Chrysostō. As contrary wise the Christian prince him self, is for eccle­siastical and spiritual causes, subiect to his spiritual ruler. Which Chrysostom hīself, of al mē doth best declare. Alij [Page 74] sunt termini &c. The bounds of a kingdome, and of priesthood (saith Chrysostō) are not al one: This kingdom passeth the o­ther: This king is not knowē, by visible things, neither hath his estimatiō, either for precious stones he glistereth withal, or for his gay goldē, glistering apparel. The other king hath the orde­ring of those worldly things: the authority of priesthod cometh frō heauē: what so euer thou shalt bind vpō earth, Chrysost. homil. 4. de eo quod scripsit Esa. shalbe bound in heauē. To the king those things that are here in the worlde are cōmitted, but to me celestial things are cōmitted: whē I say to me, I vnderstāde to a priest. And anon after he saith: Regi corpora &c. The bodies are cōmitted to the King, the sowles to the Priest: the King pardoneth the faults of the body, the priest pardoneth the faultes of the sowle. The Kinge forcethe, the priest exhorteth: the one by necessity, the other by giuing coun­sel: the one hath visible armour, the other spiritual. He war­reth against the barbarous, I war against the Deuil. This prin­cipality is the greater. And therfore the King doth put his head vnder the priestes hands, and euery where in the old scripture priestes did anoynt the Kings. Among al other bokes of the said Chrysostom, his book de Sacerdotio is freighted, with a nōber of lyke and more notable sentēces for the priests su­periority aboue the Prince. Now thē M. Horn, I frame you such an argumēt. The Priest is the Prīces superiour in some causes ecclesiastical,Euidētly proued by S. Chrysost the Prīce not to be the Supe­riour in causes ec­clesiasti­call. Ergo the Prīce is not the Priests supe­riour in al causes ecclesiastical. The Antecedēt is clerly ꝓ­ued out of the words of Chrysost. before alleged. Thus. The Priest is superiour to the prīce in remissiō of syns by Chry­sostō: but remissiō of sins is a cause ecclesiastical or spiritual. Ergo the Priest is the Prīces superiour in some cause eccle­siastical or spiritual. Which beīg most true, what thīg cā you cōclud of al ye haue or shal say to win your purpose, or that [Page] ye here presently say? that the Prince hath the care aswell of the first, as of the seconde table of the commaundements: and that S. Paule willethe vs to pray for the Princes, 1. Tim. 2. that we may lyue a peaceable life in godlines ād honesty. In the which place he speaketh of the heathennishe princes, as appereth by that which foloweth, to pray for them that they may be cōuerted to the faith: Or of al ye bring in out of S. Augu­stin either against the Donatists (whereof we haue alredy said inough) or that Princes must make their power a seruāte to Gods Maiesty to enlarge his worship, seruice and religion. Nowe as all this frameth full yllfauoredly to conclude your principle: [...]. Augu­stin ret [...]rned vpō M. Horn and his felovves. Lib. 2. cōt. 2. epistol. Gaudentij cap. 11. so I say that if S. Augustine were aliue, he might truely and would say vnto you, as he sayd vnto Gau­dentius: and as your self alleage against your selfe and your bretherne. That thing that ye doe, is not only not good, but it is a great euil: to witte, to cutte in sonder the vnity and peace of Christ, to rebell against the promises of the ghospell: or to beare the Christiā armes or badges as in a ciuil warre, against the true, and the high King of the Christians: he would say, yf he were aliue vnto you, that as the Donatistes, did not deny Christ the head, but Christ the body, that is his Catholike Churche, so doe you. He would say, that as the Donatistes secte was condemned by Constantin, Honorius, and other Em­perours, the high Kings of the Christians: so are your here­sies condemned not only by the Catholik Church, but also by the worthy and moste renowned King Henry the fifte: and other Kings, as wel in England as else where: also by the high Kings of the Christiās, that is themperours as well of our tyme, as many hundred yeares since. And therefore ye are they, that cutte in sonder the vnity ād peace of Christes Church, and rebell against the promises of the Gospel.

M. Horne. The 22. Diuision. Pag. 17. a.

Chrysostom shevveth this reason, vvhy S. Paule doth attribute this title of a minister vvorthely vnto the Kings, or ciuil Magistrates: because that through fraying of the wicked men, and commending the good, he prepareth the mindes of many to be made more ap­pliable to the doctrine of the word.

Eusebius alluding to the sentence of S. Paule, vvhere he calleth the ciuill Magistrate, Goddes minister, and vnderstanding that Ministery of the ciui [...] Magistrate to be about Religion, and Ecclesiastical causes, so (.61.)The 61. vntruth. Eusebius neuer vn­derstood any such Ministery of the Ci­uil Magi­strat. Lib. 1. De vit. Const. Lib. 2. De vit. Const. vvell as Temporal, doth cal Constantine the Emperour: The great light, and most shril preacher, or setter foorth of true godlines: The one and only God (saieth he) hath appointed Constantine to be his minister, and the teacher of Godlines to al countreis. And this same Cōstantin, like a faithful and good minister: did through­ly set foorth this: and he did confesse him self manifestly to be the seruaunt and minister of the high King. He preached with his imperial decrees or proclamations his God, euen to the boundes of the whole worlde. Yea Constantine himselfe affir­meth, as Eusebius reporteth: That by his ministery he did put away and ouerthrowe al the euilles that pressed the worlde, meanīg al superstition, Idolatry, and false Religion. In so much (saith this Godly Emperour) that there withal I both called again mankīde, taught by my ministery, to the Religion of the most holy Law (mea­ning the vvorde of God) and also caused, that the most blessed faith should encrease and growe vnder a better gouernour (meaning than had beene before) for (saith he) I would not be vnthankeful to neglect namely the best ministery, which is the thankes I owe (vnto God) of duety.

This most Christian Emperour did rightly consider, as he had bene truelye taught of the most Christian Bisshops of that tyme, that as the Princes haue in charge the ministery and gouernment in (.62.) The 62. vntruth. Impudēt ād shame lesse. Cō ­cluded, but no vvhyt proued. all manner causes either Temporal or Spiritual: euen so, the chiefest or beste parte of their Seruice or Ministery to consist in the vvel ordering of Church matters, and their diligēt rule and care therein, to be the moste thankefull, acceptable, and duetifull Seruice that they can doe or ovve vnto God.

The .19. Chapter. Answering to the sayinges of Eusebius and Nicephorus touching Constantin and Emanuel Emperours.

Stapleton.

I See you not M. Horne come as yet nere the matter. I see not yet, that Constantin changed Religion, plucked down aultars, deposed bis­shops, &c. But that he was diligent in defen­ding the old and former faith of the Christiās. If S. Paul cal the ciuil magistrat a minister, because through feare he cōstraineth the wicked to embrace the godly do­ctrin, as by your saying S. Chrysostom cōstrueth it, we are wel cōtent therewith. And withal, that the best ministery and seruice of the great Constantin rested in the settinge forth of Christes true religion: and that he preached the same with his Imperiall decrees and proclamations, as ye oute of Eusebius recyte. Neither this that ye here al­leage out of place, nor al the residewe which ye reherse of this Constantin (with whose doings ye furnishe hereafter six ful leaues) can importe this superiority, as we shal there more at large specifie. In the meane season, I say it is a stark and most impudēt lye, that ye say without any prouf, Cōstantin was taught of the bisshops, that Princes haue the gouernment in al maner causes, either tēporal or spirituall. You conclude after your maner, facingly and desperatlye without any proufe or halfe proufe in the worlde.

M. Horne. The Diuision .24. Pag. 17. b,

For this (.63.)The 63. vntruth, a [...] shal appeare cause also Nicephorus in his Preface before his Eccle­siastical history, doth compare (.64.)The 64. vntruth: in puttīg Emanuel for An­dronicus. Emanuel Paleologus the Empe­rour, to Constantin, for that he did so neerly imitate his duetifulnes in ru­ling, procuring, and reforming religiō to the purenesse thereof: VVhich a­mong al vertues, belōging to an Emperor, is most seemely for [Page 76] the imperial dignity, and doth expresse it most truely, as Nice­phorus saieth: vvho maketh protestatiō, that he saith nothing in the commen­datiō of this Emperour, for fauour or to flatter, but as it vvas true in deede in him. And so reherseth his (.65)The 65. vntruth. For this Emperor vvas a stark he­retike. noble vertues exercised in discharge of his imperial duety tovvards God in Church matters, saying to the Emperour, who hath glorified God more, and shewed more feruēt zele towards hī in pure religiō, without feyning, thā thou hast don? who hath with such feruēt zeale fought after the most sincere faith much endaungered, or clēsed again the holy Table? whē thou sawest our true religion brought into perill with newe deuises brought in by cōterfaict and naughty doctrines, thou diddest defende it most painfully and wisely.The (66.) Princes suprema­cy in re­payringe Religion decayed. The 66. vntruthe fond and foolish as shal ap­peare. Thou diddest shew thy selfe, to be the mighty supreme, and very holy an­chour and stay in so horrible wauering and errour, in matters beginning to fainte, and to perish as it were with shipwrak. Thou art the guid of the profession of our faith. Thou hast re­stored the Catholik and Vniuersal Churche, being troubled with new matters or opinions, to the old state. Thou hast ba­nished frō the Church al vnlawful and impure doctrin. Thou hast clēsed again with the vvord of trueth, the tēple frō chop­pers and chaungers of the diuin doctrin, and frō heretical de­prauers thereof. Thou hast been set on fier vvith a godly zeale for the diuine Table. Thou hast established the doctrin: thou hast made Cōstitutions for the same. Thou hast entrēched the true religion vvith mighty defenses. That vvhich vvas pulled dovvne, thou hast made vp againe, and haste made the same whole and sound again, vvith a conueniēt knitting togeather of al the partes and mēbers (to be shorte, thou haste, saith Nicephorus to the Emperour) established true Religion and godlines vvith spiritual buttresses, namely the doctrine and rules of the aū ­cient Father [...].

Stapleton.

Where ye say, for this cause also &c. This is no cause at all: but it is vntrue, as of the other Emperour Cōstantinus: and much more vntrue, as ye shall good reader straight way [Page] vnderstande. But firste we will dissipate and discusse the myste that M. Horne hath caste before thyne eies: and wherein him self walketh either ignorantly, or maliciously, or both. Ye shal then vnderstande, that among many o­ther errours and heresies wherwith the Grecians were in­fected and poysoned, they helde, cōtrary to the Catholike faith, that the holy ghost did not procede, from the father and the sonne,The Gre­cians at the Coū ­cel of Li­ons, ac­knovv­ledged the Popes Primacy Blōd. dec. 2. lib. 8. Ioan. Bap. Egn. Rom. Prin. li 2. Nice. Gregor. li. 4. & 5. Pachime­rus lib. 5. Fyue no­table lies concer­ning Images in the booke of homilies. but from the father onely. In which heresie they dwelt many an hundred yeare. At the length abowte 300. yeares paste the Emperour of Grece called Michael Paleologus came to the generall Councell kepte at Lions. Where the Grecians with the Latin Church accorded, as­wel in that point, as for the Popes supremacy, both in other matters, and cōcerning the deuoluing of matters frō Grece to Rome by way of appeale. This Michael being dead the Grecians reuolted to their olde heresie against the ho­ly ghost: and for the maliciouse spyte they had, against the Catholike faith, their Bisshops would not suffer him to be buried.

The author of the homely agaist Idolatry, as it is entitu­led, calleth this Emperour wrongfully Theodorum Lasca­rim, and saieth most ignorantly and falsly, that he was de­priued of his Empire, because in the Councel of Lions he relented, and set vp images in Grece. Whereas he was not put frō his Empire, but from his royal burial, as I haue said, neither any word was moued in the said councell of Ima­ges, nor any Images of newe by him were set vppe, which had customably continued in the Greeke Churche manye hundred yeares before: and so reuerently afterwarde con­tinued 1 euen till Constantinople was taken by the great 2 Turke. And yet this good antiquarye and chronographer [Page 77] will nedes haue the Grecians, about a .700. yeares together with a most notorious lie, to haue bene Iconomaches, that is, Image breakers. Much other foolish blasphemouse bab­ling is conteined in that Homilie. Yea many other shame­lesse lies are there, to disgrace, deface, and destroy, the I­mage of Christ and his Saints: especially one. Whereas he saith, that the Emperour Valens and Theodosius made a Proclamation, that no man shoulde painte or kerue the Crosse of Christ. And therevpon gaily and iolilye trium­pheth vpon the Catholiques.Li. 1. Cod. Iustiniani tit 8. alias 11. M Iewell also hath tvvo of the same fiue. In his Replie to the Ar­ticle of Images. Nicephor. Greg. li. 6. Three notable vntruthe of M. Horne, in this one storie. Volater­ran. li. 23 Sabell. & Blondus. Lib. 8. dec. 2. Whereas the Proclamation neither is, nor was, to restreine all vse of the Crosse, but that it should not be painted or kerued vppon the ground. Which these good Emperours, not Valens (for he was the valiaunt Capitaine and defendour of the Arrians) but Va­lentinianus and Theodosius, did of a great godly reuerence they had to the Crosse enact. And yet, as grosse, as foule, and as lowd liyng a fetche as this is, M. Iewel walketh euē in the very same steppes, putting Valens, for Valentinian: and alleaging this Edict, as generall against al Images of the Crosse. And yet these Homilies (the holy learned Homi­lies of the olde Fathers, namely of Venerable Bede, our learned Countrie man, whose Homilies were read in our Countrie, in the Church Seruice, aboue .800. yeares past, as also in Fraunce and other where, reiected) are reade in M. Hornes and other his brethrens Diocesse: and are with M. Horne very good stuffe: as good perdie, as M. Hornes owne booke: and as clerkly, and faithfully handeled, as ye shall see plainly by the very selfe matter we haue in hande. Andronicus the elder, sonne to this Michaell, whome M. Horne calleth ignorantly Emanuel. (for this Emanuel was not the sonne of this Andronicus but of Caloioānes, sonne [Page] to Andronicus the yōger, to whō our Andronicus was grā ­father) after his fathers death sūmoned a coūcel of the Greciās, wherin he and they annulled ād reuoked that his Father had don at the Coūcel at Liōs, namely cōcerning the pro­ceding of the holy Ghoste. And for the which Nicephorus M. Hornes Author, beīg also caried away with the cōmon errour, as with an huge raging tēpest, doth so highly auāce this Andronicus. And so withal ye see vpō how good a mā, and vpō how good a cause M. Horne buildeth his new su­premacy to pluck doune the Popes old supremacy. For the infringing wherof the wicked working of wretched here­tiks is with him, here and els where, as we shal in place cō ­uenient shew, a goodlye and godlye presidente, as it is also with M. Iewel for to mainteine the very same quarrel, as I haue at large in my Returne against his fourth Article de­clared.

But nowe M. Horne, what if these hereticall doinges do nothing relieue your cause, nor necessarilye induce the chief Superiority in al causes, and perchāce in no cause Ec­clesiastical, cōcerning the final discussing ād determination of the same? Verely without any perchāce, it is most plainly and certainly true it doth not. For euen in this schismatical Coūcel, and heretical Synagog, the Bishops plaid the chief part,O vvhat a craftie Coper ād smothe ioyner is M. Horn? and they gaue the final though a wrong and a wicked iudgemēt. Who also shewed their superiority, though vn­godly vpon this mans Father, in that they would not suffer him to be interred Prīcelike: thē selues much more worthy to haue ben cast after their decease, to the dogs and rauēs, vpō a dirty donghil. What honor haue ye gotte, for al your crafty cooping or cūning ād smoth ioyning, for al your cō ­bining, ād as I may say incorporating a nūber of Nicephorus [Page 78] sentences together, of the whiche yet some are one,Vide Prae­fationem. Nicephor in histo. suam ec­clesiasticā. some are two leaues a sunder, and the first placed after the second and the second before the firste, and yet not whole senten­ces neither, but pieces and patches of sentences, here and there culled oute, and by you verye smoothlye ioyned in one continuall narration, in such sort that a man would thinke that the whole lay orderly in Nicephorus, and were not so artificially by you or your delegates patched vppe, what honor, haue you, I say, wōne by this, or by the whole thing it self? Litle or nothing, furthering your cause, ād yet otherwise plaine schismatical and heretical. For the which your hansome holy dealing, the author of the foresaid Ho­milie, and you, yea and M. Iewel too, are worthy exceding thanks. But M. Horne wil not so leese his lōg allegatiō out of Nicephorus. He hath placed a Note in his Margin, suffi­ciēt (I trow) to cōclude his principall purpose. And that is this. The Princes Supremacy in repairing religion decayed. This is in deed a ioly marginal note. But where findeth M. Horn the same in his text? Forsoth of this, that Nicephorꝰ calleth th'Emperor, the mighty supreme, ād very holy Anchor, ād stay in so horrible wauering, &c. Of the word Supreme ancher, he cōcludeth a Supremacy. But ô more thē childish folly! could that crafty Cooper of this allegatiō, informe you no better M. Horn? Was he no better sene in Grāmer, or in the pro­fessiō of a scholemaister, then thus fowly ād fondly to misse the true interpretatiō of the latine word? For what other is suprema anchora in good english, thē the last ancher, the last refuge, the extreme holde and staye to reste vppon? As suprema verba, doe signifye the last woordes of a man in his last will: as Summa dies, the last daye, Supremum in­dicium, the last iudgemēt, with a nūber of the like phrases, [Page] so Suprema Anchora, is the last Anchour, signifiyng the last holde and staie, as in the perill of tempest, the last refuge is to cast Ancher. In such a sense, Nicephorus called his Em­perour the last, the mightie, and the holy Anchour or staie in so horrible wauering and errour: signifiyng that now by him they were staied frō the storme of schisme, as from a storm in the sea, by casting the Ancher, the shippe is stayed. But by the Metaphore of an Anchour, to conclude a Suprema­cie: is as wise, as by the Metaphore of a Cowe to cōclude a sadle. For as well doth a saddle fitte a Cowe, as the qua­litie of an Anchor resemble a Supremacie. But by suche beggarly shiftes a barren cause must be vpholded. First al is said by the way of Amplification to extolle the Emperour (as in the same sentence he calleth him the sixth Element,Firma­mentum sextum & sempiter­uum. reaching aboue Aristotles fift body, ouer the foure elemēts with such like). Then all is but a Metaphore, which were it true, proueth not nor concludeth, but expresseth and lighteneth a truth. Thirdly the Metaphore is ill transla­ted, and last of all, worse applied.

Now whereas in the beginning of your matter, the sub­stance of your proufes hereafter standing in stories, ye haue demeaned your selfe, so clerkly and skilfully here, the Rea­der may hereof haue a tast: and by the way of preuention and anticipation, haue also a certaine preiudicial vnderstā ­ding, what he shal looke for at your handes in the residue. Wherefore God be thanked, that at the beginning hath so deciphired you, whereby we may so much the more, yea the bolder without any feare of all your antiquitie hereaf­ter to be shewed, cherefully procede on.

M. Horne. The .25. Diuision. pag. 18. a.

These and such like Christian Emperours, are not thus much commended [Page 79] of the Ecclesiasticall vvriters,1. Tim. 2. for their notable doings in the maintenaunce and furtheraunce of Religion, as for doings not necessarilie appertaining to their office or calling: but for that they vvere exaumples, spectacles, and glasses for others, vvherein to beholde vvhat they are bound vnto by the vvorde of God, and vvhat their subiectes may looke for at their handes, as matter of charge and duety, both to God and his people. VVhich S. Paule doth plainly expresse, vvhere he exhorteth the Christians to make earnest and continual praier for Kings, and for such as are in authori­tie, to this ende and purpose, that by their rule, ministerie, and seruice, not only peace and tranquilitie, but also godlines and religion, should be (.67.) The .67. vntruth. No suche vvordes in S. Paul furthered and continued among men: attributing the furtherance and con­tinuance of religion, and godlines, to the Magistrates, as an especial fruite and effect of their duety and seruice to God and his people. Chrysostome ex­pounding this place of the Apostle, doth interprete his meaning to be vnder­standed, of the outvvard peace and tranquilitie furthered, mainteined, and defended by the Magistrates, but chieflye of the invvarde peace of the minde and conscience, vvhich can not be atteined vvithout pure religion, as con­trary vvise, godlines can not be had vvithout peace and tranquility of mind and conscience. This vvouldd be noted, hovv ye racke S. Paule. He nameth not Reli­giō at all. He doth not attri­bute reli­gion to the rule and go­uernmēt of the ci­uile Ma­gistrate, but peace and tran­quilitie onely in godlines. This vvould be noted vvith good aduisement, that S. Paul him selfe shevveth plainly prosperitie, amongst Gods people, and true religi­on, to be the benefites and fruits in general, that by Gods ordinance springeth from the rule and gouernment of Kings and Magistrates, vnto the vveale of the people. The vvhich tvvo, although diuers in them selues, yet are so combined and knitte together, and as it vvere incorporated in this one office of the Magistrate, that the nourishing of the one, is the feeding of the other, the decay of the one, destroyeth or (at the least) deadlye vveakeneth them both. So that one can not be in perfect and good estate vvithout the other. The vvhich knot and fastening together of religion, and prosperitie in com­mon vveales, the most Christian and godly Emperours Theodosius and Va­lentinianus, did vvisely (.68.)The .68. vntruth. Thei saw no suche confoun­ding of the tvvo functiōs spirituall and tem­poral as you ima­gine. Ciril. Ep. 17. to .4. see, as it appeareth by this that they vvrote vnto Cyrill, saiying: The suertie of our common weale, depen­deth vpon Gods Religion, and there is great kinred and socie­tie betwixte these tweine, for they cleaue together, and the one groweth with the increase of the other, in such sorte, that true Religion holpen with the indeuour of Iustice, and the [Page] common weale holpen of them both, florisheth. Seing there­fore, that we are constituted of God to be the kings, and are the knitting together or iointure of Godlines and prosperitie in the subiects, we kepe the societie of these tweine, neuer to be sundred: and so farre forth as by our foresight, we procure peace vnto our subiects, we minister vnto the augmenting of the common weale: but as we might say, being seruaunts to our subiects in al things, that they may liue godly, and be of a religious conuersation as it becommeth godly ones , we gar­nish the common weale with honour, hauing care as it is cō ­uenient for them both (for it can not be, that diligently proui­ding for the one, we should not care, in like sorte also for the other) But we trauaile earnestly in this thing aboue the reast, that the Ecclesiasticall state may remaine sure, bothe in suche sort, as is seemely for Gods honour, and fitte for our times, that it may continue in tranquilitie by common consent without variaunce, that it may be quiete through agreemente in Ec­clesiasticall matters, that the godlye Religion may be preser­ued vnreprouable, and that the lyfe of such as are chosen into the Clergy, and the greate Priesthood maye be clere from all faulte.

Stapleton.

And shal we now M. Horne, your antecedent matter being so naught, greatly feare, the consequent and conclu­sion ye will hereof inferre? Nay pardie. For lo straite waye, euen in the firste line, ye bewray either your great ignoraunce, or your like malice. Not for calling this Em­perour as ye did before Emanuell (let that goe as a veniall sinne) but for calling him Christian Emperour, and willing him to be an example, a spectacle, a glasse for others, as one that (as yee sayed before) refourmed Relligion to the purenesse thereof: which saying in suche a personage as ye [Page 80] counterfaite, can not be but a deadly and a mortall sinne. Surely M. Fox of al men is depely beholding vnto you: for if this be pure religion, thē may he be the bolder, after your solemne sentence once geauen, bearing the state of one of the chief Prelates in the realme: and of a Prelate of the gar­ter withal: to kepe still his holy daye, that he hath dedica­ted to the memorie of his blessed Martyr, M. D. Wesalian, of whom we spake before. And yet I wene it wil proue no great festiual daie, for that he was an heretike otherwise al­so. Well I leaue this at your leasure, better to be debated vpon betwene you and M. Fox. In the meane while to re­turne to the matter of your dealing, wherof I spake: yf ye knew not the state and truth of your Emperours doings, ye are a very poore sely Clerke, farre from the knowledge of the late reuerend fathers, Bishop White, and Bishop Gardi­ner: and how mete to occupie such a roome,The great ignorāce or malice of M. Horne. I leaue it to others their discrete and vpright iudgemēts. And now Sir, if this be pure religion, as ye say, then haue ye one heresie more, then any of your fellowes, as farre as I knowe, hath: onlesse perhappes M. Foxe wil not suffer you to walke all post alone.M Hor­nes rhe­torik vp­on him­selfe re­turned. And then that I may a litle rolle in your railing rhetorike, wherein ye vniustly rore out against M. Feken­ham, may I not for much better cause and grounde, saye to you, then ye did to him, to make him a Donatist: M. Horne let your friends now weigh with aduisemēt, what was the erronious opinion of the Grecians against the holy Ghoste: and let them cōpare your opiniō and guilful defences ther­of to theirs. And they must nedes clap you on the back, and say to you Patrisas (if there be any vpright iudgmēt in thē) Deming you so like your great graunsiers the Grecians, as though they had spitte you out of their mouth.

[Page]Now for your conclusion, that you bring in vppon this Emperours and Constantines example, it is nedelesse and farre from the matter. Whereby by the place of S. Paule, before rehearsed,1 Tim. 2. Chrysost. ibidem. Cyrill. li. 1. Epist. 17.Tom. 4. and nowe eftsone by you resumed, by Chrysostome in his expositions of the saied place, and by Cyrillus you would haue vs seriously admonished, that prosperitie of the common welth and true religion, springeth from the good regiment of Magistrates, whiche we denie not, and that the decaye of religion destroyeth or deadlye weakeneth the other: which is also true, as the vtter ruine of the Empire of Grece proceding from the manifolde he­resies, especially that, whereof we haue discoursed, doth to wel and to plainly testifie. And therefore I would wish you and M. Foxe,A good aduertis­ment for M. Horne to consi­der the cause of the de­struction of Con­stanti­nople. Iosephus de bello Iud. & Hegesip­pus. In the yeare of our Lord 1453. with others, but you two aboue all o­thers, with good aduisemente to note, that as the wicked Iewes that crucified Christ about the holy time of Easter, were at the very same time, or thereabout, besieged of the Romans, and shortly after brought to such desolation, and to suche miserable wretched state, as in a manner is incre­dible, sauing that beside the foreseing and foresaiyng ther­of by Christ, there is extant at this daie a true and faithfull reporte: Euen so, your dearlings the Grecians, whose er­rour, but not alone, but accompanied with some other, that you at this daie stoutly defend, yet especially rested in this heresie against the holy Ghost, that ye terme with an vn­cleane ād an impure mouth, pure religiō, were in their chief city of Cōstātinople, in the time of Cōstantinus son to Iohn, nephew to Andronicus your Emanuels father, euen about Whitsontide (at whiche time the Catholique Churche in true and sincere faith concerning the holy Ghost, kepeth a solemne festiuall daie of the holy Ghoste) sodenly by the [Page 81] wicked Turks besieged, and shortly after the city and the whole Greke empire came into the Turks hands and pos­session. Wherein God seameth as before to the Iewes, so afterwarde to the Grecians, as yt were with pointing and notyfying yt with his finger to shewe and to notifie to all the worlde, the cause of the finall destruction, as well of the one, as of the other people. But what speke I of Grece?Heresies the destructions of common vveales. we nede not ronne to so fare yeares or contries. The case toucheth vs much nearer: The realme of Boheame, and of late yeares of France and Scotlande, the noble contrey of Germany, with some other that I neade not name, be to to lyuely and pregnant examples, of this your true, but nead­lesse and impertinente admonition. For the whiche not­withstandinge seeinge ye deale so freelye and liberallye, I thowght good also to returne you an other: I suppose not neadlesse or impertinente for you, and such other as doe prayse and commende so highly this Andronicus doinges.

And nowe might I here breake of from this and goe further forth, sauing that I can not suffer you, to bleare the readers eies, as thowgh the Emperours Theodosius,The popes su­premacy proued by the Emperor Valenti­nian alle­ged by M. Horn. Tom. 1 cō ­cil fo. 731 col. 1. and Valentinianus sayings or doings shoulde serue any thinge for your pretensed primacy: We (saith Valentinian to the Emperour Theodosius) owght to defende the faithe which we receiued of our auncetours withe all competente deuo­tion: and in this our tyme preserue vnblemished the worthy reuerence dewe to the blessed Apostle Peter. So, that the most blessed bisshop of the cyty of Rome, to whome an­tiquity, hath geuen the principality of priesthod aboue all other, may (O most blessed father and honorable Emperour) haue place and liberty, to geue iudgement in such matters as concer­neth faith and priests. And for this cause the bisshop of Constā ­tinople, [Page] hath according to the solemne order of councells, by his lybel appealed vnto hī. And this is writē M. Horne to Theo­dosius him self, by a commō letter of Valentinian, and the Empresses Placidia and Eudoxia.Dict. fol. 731. co. 2. Which Placidia writeth also a particular letter to her said sonne Theodosius, and altogether in the same sense. Harken good M. Horne, and geue good aduertisement: I walke not, and wander as ye doe, here alleaging this Emperour, in an obscure genera­lity, whereof can not be enforced any certayne particula­rity of the principal Question: I goe to worke with you plainly, trewlye and particularlye: I shewe you by your own Emperour and by playn words, the Popes supremacy and the practise withal of appeales frō Constantinople to Rome: that it is the lesse to be marueled at, yf Michael in the forsayde coūcel at Lions cōdescēded to the same. And your Andronicus with his Grecians the lesse to be borne withal for breaking and reuoking the said Emperours good and lawful doings. Neither is it to be thought, that Theo­dosius thowght otherwise of this primacy. But because ye hereafter wring and wrest him to serue your turne, I will set him ouer to that as a more commodiouse place to de­bate his doings therein.

M. Horne. The .26. Diuision. Pag. 19. a.

Hitherto I haue proued plainly by the holy Scriptures, and by some suche Doctours, as frō age to age, haue vvitnessed, th'order of ecclesiasticall gouern­mēt in the Church of Christ: yea by the confession, testimony, and example of some of the most godly Emperours thēselues, that such (.69.) The 69. vntruth. Such like gouern­mēt you haue not, nor euer shal be able to proue. like gouern­ment in Church causes, as the Queenes maiesty taketh vpō her, doth of duty belōg vnto the ciuil Magistrates and Rulers, and therfore they may yea, they ought to claim and take vpon them the same. Novv remayneth that I proue this same by the continual practise of the like gouernment in some one parte of Christendom, and by the general counsayles, vvherein (as ye affirme) the [Page 82] right order of Ecclesiastical gouernment in Christ his Church, hath been most faithfully declared and shevved from tyme to tyme.

Stapleton.

Hitherto you haue not brought any one thing to the substantial prouf of your purpose worth a good strawe: nei­ther scripture, nor Doctour, nor Emperour. Among your fowre emperours by you named ye haue iugled in one that was a stark heretik, but as subtily, as ye thought ye had hād­led the matter, ye haue not so craftely cōueyed your galles, but that ye are espied. Yet for one thing are ye here to be cōmended, that now ye would seame to frame as a certain fixed state of the matter to be debated vpō, ād to the which ye would seme to direct your proufs, that ye wil bring. And therin you deale with vs better, thē hitherto ye haue done seaming to seke by dark generalities, as it were corners, to luske and lurke in. Neither yet here walke ye so plainly ād truely as ye woulde seme: but in great darknes with a scōse of dymme light, that the readers should not haue the clere vew and sight of the right way ye should walke in, whom with this your dark sconse ye leade farre awrie. For thus you frame vs the state of the Question.

M. Horne. The 27. Diuision. Pag. 19. b.

The gouernment that the Queenes maiesty taketh most iustly vppon her in Ecclesiastical causes, is the guiding, caring, prouiding, ordering, direc­ting, and ayding, the Ecclesiastical state vvithin her dominions, to the furthe­raunce, maintenaunce, and setting foorth of true religion, vnity, and quietnes of Christes Church, ouerseyng, visitīg, refourming, restrayning, amending, ād correcting, al maner persons, vvith al maner errours, superstitiōs, Heresies, Schismes, abuses, offences, contempts, and enormities, in or about Christes Re­ligiō vvhatsoeuer. This same authority, rule, and gouernmēt, vvas practised in the Catholik Church, by the most Christiā Kings and Emperours, approued, cōfirmed, and cōmended by the best counsailes, both general and national.

The .20. Chapter: Declaring the state of the Question be­twene M. Horne and Fekenhā, touching the Othe.

Stapleton.

HEre is a state framed of you (M. Horne) but farre square from the Question in hande. For the Question is not nowe betwene M. Fekē ­ham and you, whether the Prince may visit, refourme, and correcte all maner of persons, for al maner of heresies and schismes, and offences in Chri­stian Religion, which perchaunce in some sense might somewhat be borne withal, if ye meane by this visitation and reformation the outward execution of the Churche lawes and decrees, confirmed by the ciuill magistrate, ro­borated with his edictes, and executed with his sworde. For in such sorte many Emperours and Princes, haue for­tified, and strenghthened the decrees of bisshops made in Councels both general and national, as we shal in the pro­cesse see. [...]he state of the Question And this in Christian Princes is not denied, but commended. But the Question is here now, whether the Prince or lay Magistrat, may of him selfe, and of his owne princely Authority, without any higher Ecclesiasticall power in the Churche, within or without the Realme vi­sit, refourme and correct, and haue al maner of gouernmēt and Authority in al things and causes ecclesiastical, or no. As whether the Prince may by his own supreme Authori­ty, depose and set vp bisshops and Priests, make Iniunctions of doctrine, prescribe order of Gods seruice, enact matters of religion, approue and disproue Articles of the faith, take order for administration of Sacraments, commaunde or put to silence preachers, determine doctrine, excommunicat [Page 83] and absolue with such like, which all are causes ecclesia­stical, and al apperteyning not to the inferiour ministerye, (which you graunt to Priestes and bisshops onely) but to the supreme iurisdiction and gouernment, which you doe annexe to the Prince onely. This I say, is the state of the Question, now present. For the present Question betwene you and M. Fekenham is grounded vppon the Othe com­prised in the Statute: which Statute emplieth and conclu­deth al these particulars.

For concealing whereof, you haue M. Horne in the framing of your ground according to the Statute,M Horn [...] dissem­bling fals­hod. omitted cleane the ij. clauses of the Statute, folowing. The one at the beginning, where the Statute saith. That no forayn per­son shall haue any maner of Authority in any spirituall cause within the Realme. By which wordes is flatly excluded all the Authority of the whole body of the Catholike Church without the Realme: As in a place more conuenient, to­ward the end of the last book, it shal by Gods grace be eui­dently proued. The other clause you omitte at the ende of the said Satute, which is this. That all maner Superio­rities, that haue or maye lawfully be exercised, for the visitatiō of persons Ecclesiasticall, and correcting al maner of errours, heresies, and offences, shall be for euer vnited to the Crowne of the Realme of Englande. Wherein is employed, that yf (which God forbidde) a Turke, or any heretike whatso­euer shoulde come to the Crowne of Englande, by ver­tu of this Statute and of the Othe, al maner superioritye in visiting and correcting Ecclesiastical persones in al ma­ner matters, should be vnited to him. Yea and euery sub­iecte should sweare, that in his conscience he beleueth so. This kinde of regiment therefore so large and ample I am [Page] right wel assured, ye haue not proued, nor euer shal be able to proue in the auncient Church, while ye liue. When I say, this kinde of regiment, I walke not in confuse, and ge­neral words as ye doe, but I restrayne my self to the fore­said particulars now rehersed, and to that platte forme, that I haue already drawen to your hand, and vnto the which Maister Fekenham must pray you to referre and apply your euidences. Otherwise, as he hath, so may he or any man els, the chiefe pointes of all being as yet on your side vnproued, still refuse the Othe. For the which do­inges neither you, nor any man else, can iustly be greued with him.

A reaso­nable de­fence of the Catholikes for refusing the OtheAs neither with vs M. Horne ought you or any mā els be greued for declaring the Truth in this point, as yf we were discōtēted subiects, or repyning against the obediēce we owe to our Gracious Prince and our Countre. For be­side that we ought absolutely more obey God then man, and preferre the Truth (which our Sauiour himself prote­sted to be, encouraging al the faithful to professe the Truth, and geuing them to wit, that in defending that, they defen­ded Christ himself) before al other worldly respects what­soeuer, beside al this I say, whosoeuer wil but indifferent­ly consider the matter, shal see, that M. Horne himselfe, in specifying here at large the Quenes Mai. gouernement, by the Statute intended, doth no lesse in effect abridge the same, by dissembling silence, then the Catholikes doe by open and plain contradiction. For whereas the Statute and the Othe (to the which all must swere) expresseth A su­preme gouernment in al thinges and causes, without excep­tion, Maister Horne taking vpon him to specifie the par­ticulars of this general decree, and amplyfying that litle [Page 84] which he geueth to the Quenes Maiesty, with copy of wordes, ful statutelyke, he leaueth yet out, and by that leauing out, taketh from the meaning of the Statute the principal cause ecclesiasticall, and most necessary, mete, and conuenient for a Supreme Gouernour Ecclesiasticall. What is that, you aske. Forsoth: Iudgement, determi­ning and approuing of doctrine, which is true and good, and which is otherwise. For what is more necessary in the Churche, then that the Supreme gouernour thereof, should haue power in al doubtes and controuersies to de­cide the Truthe, and to make ende of questioning? This in the Statute by Maister Hornes silence is not compri­sed. And yet who doubteth, that of al thinges and cau­ses Ecclesiastical, this is absolutelye the chiefest? Yea and who seeth not, that by the vertue of this Statute, the Quenes Maiesty hath iudged, determined, and enacted a new Religiō contrary to the iudgement of all the Bisshops and clergy (in the Conuocation represented) of her highnes dominions? Yea and that by vertue of the same Authority, in the last paliament the booke of Articles pre­sented and put vp there by the consent of the whole con­uocation of the newe pretended clergy of the Realme, and (one or ij. only excepted) of al the pretended Bisshops also, was yet reiected and not suffred to passe?

Agayne, preachinge the woorde, administration of the Sacramentes, binding and loosing, are they not thinges and causes mere Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall? And howe then are they here by you omitted, Maister Horne? Or howe make you the Supreme gouernment in al causes to rest in the Quenes Maiesty, yf these causes haue no place there?

[Page]Which is nowe better (I appeale to al good consciences) plainly to maintayne the Truthe, then dissemblinglye to vpholde a falshood? Plainly to refuse the Othe so generallye conceyued, then generally to sweare to it, beinge not generallye meaned? But now let vs see how M. Horne wil di­rect his proufes to the scope appoin­ted.

THE SECOND BOOKE, DIS­PROVING THE PRETENSED PRA­ctise of Ecclesiastical gouernement in Em­perours and Princes of the first .600. yeares after Christ.Con­stātine the great.

M. Horne. The .28. Diuision. pag. 19. b.

Constantinus (of vvhose careful gouernmēt in Church causes, I haue spo­ken somevvhat before) tooke vpon him, and did exercise the (70.)The .70. vntruth. Constan­tine in repressing Idolatry. &c. exer­cised no Supreme gouerne­ment in Ecclesia­stical matters. Euse. li. 2 &. 3. De vita Con­stant. supreme rule and gouernement in repressing al maner Idolatrie and false Relligion, in refourming and promoting the true religion, and in restreining and cor­recting al maner errours, schismes, heresies, and other enormities, in or about religion, and vvas moued herevnto of duety, euen by Gods vvorde, as he him self reporteth in a vehemēt prayer, that he maketh vnto God, saiyng: I haue takē vpō me and haue brought to passe helthful things (meaning reformation of Religion.) being perswaded (therevnto) by thy word. And publishing to all Churches, after the Councel at Nice, vvhat vvas there done: he professeth that in his iudgement, the chiefest end and purpose of his Imperial gouernement, ought to be the preseruation of true religiō, and god­ly quietnes in al Churches. I haue iudged (saith this godlye Emperoure) this ought before all other thinges to be the ende or purpose, (wherevnto I should addresse my power and authority in go­uernement) that the vnitie of faith, pure loue, and agreemēt of religiō towardes the almighty God, might be kept, and main­teined amōgest al Congregations of the Catholique Churche.

The first Chapter. Of Constantine the Greate, and of his diuers dealing in matters Ecclesiasticall.

Stapleton.

NOW M. Horne beginneth to walke, though not more truly, yet more orderly then before. Now wil he bring inuincible proufs, taken frō the Councels General and National, from the Emperoures, from Kings, and finallye from the continuall [Page] practise of Christendome. In deede he beginneth here with Constantinus the Emperoure, and runneth on from Emperour to Emperour,A briefe rehearsall of M. Hornes discourse in his prouf [...]s against. M. Feck. with a continuall race, euen to the late Maximilian, Graundfather and next predecessour to Charles the fift. Then haue we about a ten Kings of Spaine, and about twelue of Fraūce, and as many of Eng­land also: and that sins the Conqueste: with diuers other Kings and Princes: yea he hath in his side, as he saith, Mos­couia, Graecia, Armenia, and Aethiopia. As for Coun­cels, what Generall, what Prouinciall, he hathe made a great mouster of them, and hath them all redy to serue him as he braggeth, at the least one halfe hundred. Beside all these, he is armed and fenced euen with the Popes Canon lawes, and with a number of Popes them selues. For the residue of his Authors, they are in great plentie. But I can not tell for what pollicy, whereas they driue the Catholiks to six hundred yeares, and pinne vppe their proufes within those boundes, this man by some speciall prerogatiue, by like; and for some deepe consideration vnknowen to mee, and perchaunce to him self too, buildeth moste vpon those that were after the six hundred yeares, yea a greate num­ber of them by one six hundred yeares later. And with these proufes he cōmeth now continually forth on, whole 70. leaues. But now alas how shall poore M. Fekenham abide the brunt of such a strong and a mighty force? It se­meth he must nedes be borne quite ouer. And surely so he should be,M. Horn cōmeth nothing nigh the marke. if they could ones hitte him. But thanked be God ther is one hūdred miles betwen him ād their strokes: And as farre doth M. Horne straggle from the very matter he taketh in hand to proue. Wherfore, good Reader, I pray the haue good eye and regard to the thing that ought to be [Page 86] proued by M. Horne and then shalt thou plainely see that M. Fekenhā is out of al danger of this terrible armye, as that commeth nothing nigh to him by many a faire mile.The dis­cussing of Con­stantines doings. Let vs now in Gods name beginne with Constantine who cō ­meth first to hād, whose doings, good Reader, by M. Horne here alleaged, for thy more ease, and for the better vnder­standing of M. Hornes whole drift, I wil orderly digest, and shortly dispose by certaine Articles.

The first then is (for āswere to this present point) that Cō ­stātine 1 repressed idolatry, ād false superstitiō of the Painims: but this proueth no principality such as our plat fourme re­quireth. And of this we haue also said somwhat before.

M. Horne. The .29. Diuision. fol. 20. a.

He did not only abolish al superstitions and false religions, vvhich had ben amongst the Gentils, but also he repressed (.71.)The .71. vntruth. Constan­tine re­pressed not here­sies by his Su­preme authoritye, but by a Superior authoriti of Bis­shops, cō ­demning before such he­resies. Eus. li. 3. De vita Cōstant. Li. 1. c. 19. Lib. 4. De vit Cōst. by his authority, lavves, and decrees, al such heresies as sprong vp amōgst the Christiās, sharply reprouing and correcting, the authors or mainteinours of heretical doctrines, as the No­ [...]atiās, Valentinians, Paulianes, and Cataphrigians, as Eusebius saith of him. And Theodoretus doth recite a part of an Epistle, that Cōstantine vvrote vnto the Nicomedians, vvherin the Emperor hath this saying: If we haue chast bishops of right opiniō, of curteous behauiour, we reioice. But if any be enflamed rashly and vnaduisedly, to cōtinue the me­mory and cōmendation of those pestilēt Heresies, his fool har­dy presumptiō, shal forthwith be corrected and kept vnder by my correctiō, which am Gods minister. Constantinus also gaue In­iunctiōs to the chief minister of the churches, that thei shuld make special supplicatiō to God for him. He enioyneth al his subiects, that they should kepe holy certaine daies dedicated to Christ, and the Saturday. He gaue a lawe vnto the rulers of the Nations, that they should celebrate the Sōday in like sort after the appointment of the Emperour. And so the daies de­dicated to the memory of Martyrs ād other festiual times, &c. And al such things (saith Eusebius) were done according to the ordinaunce of the Emperour.

[Page] He commaunded Eusebius the Bishop, to dravv certaine Instructions and lessons, as it vvere Homilies, forth of the holy Scriptures, that they might be reade in the Churches. VVhich vvas done incontinente, according to the Emperours commaundement.

Stapleton.

Constantine, saith M. Horne, by his lawes repressed the Nouatians, Valentinians, and other heretikes. And so woulde he represse you and your heresies too, if he were now liuing (as no Bishops) continuing the memory and com­mendation of pestilent heresies, that I maye truely vse your owne phrase: neither for al that should he be any supreme head of the Church. If Constantine, of his owne authori­tie had first of all men, the matter of those heretiques stan­ding in controuersie, determined the same, and pronoūced them as a Iudge, to be heretikes, then had ye said somwhat to the purpose. But now he found them by the Bishops ād the Church declared (before he was borne) for heretikes: So therefore he toke them, and so therfore he made sharpe lawes against them.M. Horns proufs returned against him. So that this place proueth onely Con­stantine to haue put in executiō the decree of the Bishops: and so it serueth very well against you for the Supremacie of the Bishops in such matters.

As doth the next also for the holy daies ye alleage dedi­cated to Christ, as Sonday and other: For these holy daies the Emperour did not first ordeine, but they were ordey­ned to his hand of the Church, before he was Christened. Namely the Sōday, as it may appere by the Coūcel of Nice it self.Can. vlt. And he like a good Prince was careful by his Empe­rial authority, to cōfirme the same, that the people drawen frō worldly busines, to the desire of heauenly things, might fruitfully obserue thē. So that not ōly the Sōday, for the ho­nour [Page 87] of Christes Resurrection, but also many other dayes were dedicated to the memory of the Martyrs of whom ye speake, before Constantines time, as appeareth well by S. Cyprian, Tertullian, and Origen. And thinke ye,Euseb. li. 4 ca. 15. Cyp. li. 3. ep. 6. & li. 4. ep. 5. Tert. de coron mi­lit. Orig. in illud Mat. vox in Ramae. Praying for the dead and to Saints vvas in Constan­tines time. Euse. li. 4. De vitae Constant. cap. 71. Euseb. lib. eodem. cap. 60. if Constan­stantine were now aliue, that he woulde well beare to see the aūciēt Martyrs festiual daies abolished? or that his eares would not glow for shame to heare, that it were a supersti­tious thing, to pray for al Christen soules, his own soule be­ing praied for as sone as he was deade, by the good and de­uout people? which (as Eusebius writeth) did therein to him an acceptable seruice: Also to heare, that it were plaine Ido­latrie, to pray to any Sainte in heauen, him selfe building a noble and a sumptuous Church in the honour of the Apo­stles, thinking therby to doe a thing that should be profita­ble and holsome for his soule: Vt precibus, quae eo loci ad ho­norē Apostolorū futurae essent, dignus haberetur. That he might be made (saith Eusebius) a worthy partaker of such prayers as shuld be there made for the honor of the said Apostles?

But Sir, I pray you, let me demaund of you a question. If Constantine were so godly a Prince as ye make him to be, how chanced it, he cōmaūded to kepe holy the satterday? Whē and where I pray ye, throughout all Christēdom can you shew by al that euer you haue read, that it was kept an ordinary holiday? I am sure it was neuer so kept. And great maruel it is to mee, that the satturday, being euen in the ve­ry Apostles time, and by them translated into the Sōday, in the honour of Christes glorious resurrection, and least we should seme to be Iewish, and Cōstantine him self, being so earnest against them that kept the Easter day after the olde fasshion of the Iewes, should so sodenly become him self so Iewish. This might haue ben a fitte cōstitution to be made [Page] of some of the Iewes, that to precisely and superstitiouslie also kept that day: as the Iew did in Englād, at Tewkisbury. Who falling vpon the Satturday (as Fabian writeth) into a pri­uy, Of the Ievve of Tevvkes­burie See Fabiā the .43. yeare of Henrie the third. would not for reuerēce of his saboth day, be plucked out. Wher­of hearing the Earle of Gloucester, and thinking to do as much reuerence to the Sōday, kept him there till the mōday at which ceason he was found dead. It had ben, I say, a fitte ordināce to haue ben made of some Iew, very vnfit for so good ād ver­tuous a Prince as was Cōstantine. Yet notwithstāding I am the better cōtent to passe this ouer, and find no great faulte with you, but with Musculus, whose translation beside his notable false corruptiō, is but very secōdary. But forasmuch as the cōmon copies of the Greke, seme not very sincere in this place,Euseb. De vita Cōst. lib. 4. c. 18 [...]. &c I wil not very much charge you neither. And yet I can not altogether discharge him, or you, if ye thinke so ignorātly and grosly as ye haue writen, that Cōtantine cō ­maunded the Satturday to be holdē as an holiday. And be­cause I am entered into this matter, I shal shewe thee mine aduise, good Reader, and that I suppose, for [...] shoulde be readen [...], adding one Iota, and so may there be made a good sense thus: Wherfore he admonished all that were vn­der the Romain Empire, that they shuld vpō such daies as were dedicated to our Sauiour, rest and kepe them holy, as the Satur­day was wont to be kept holy. In remembrāce as it semeth me, of those thīgs that our sauiour did vpō those dais. Wel let vs go now to the next, ād that is, that Cōstantine cōmaūded Ho­melies to be drawē out. So did Charles the maine too, and yet no man toke him, for supreme head therin. And would God that your homly homelies, had none other nor worse doctrine, than those that the saied Charles procured to be made: Or the Homelies of our country man the venerable [Page 88] Bede made a litle before Charles his time, ād yet extāt, ād in the Catholik church authorised. I pray God your Homelies may be made ones conformable to the doctrine of their Homelies.

The .30. Diuision. Fol. 21. b.

VVhen the Emperour heard of the great schisme moued betvvixt Arius ād Alexāder the Bishop of Alexandria, vvhervvith the Churche vvas pitiouslie tormēted, ād as it vvere rēt in sonder, he (.72.) The .72. vntruth, Ioyned vith fol­lye Su­prem go­uernmēt in al cau­ses folo­vveth verye courselye of sendīg letters to appease conten­tion. Socrat. li. 1 cap. 7. Sozom. li. 1. c. 16. Eus. li. 3. de vita Cōstant. toke vpō him, as one that had the care ād authority ouer al, to send Hosius a great learned and godly Bis­shop of Spaine, to take order, and to appeace the cōtētion, vvriting to Alexā ­der and to Arius a graue and also a sharp letter, charging Alexander vvith vanity, Arius vvith vvāt of circūspection, shevving them both, that it vvas vnsemely for the one to moue suche a question, and for the other to ansvvere therin, and vndiscreetly done of them both. And therfore cōmaunded them to cease of frō such contentious disputatiōs, to agree betvvixt them selues, and to lay aside frō thenceforth such vain and trifling questiōs. He pacified also the schism at Antioch begun about the chosing of their Bishop, to vvhom for that purpose he sent honorable Embassadors vvith his letters to a great nūber of Bishops that thā vvere at Antioch about that busines, and to the people, exhor­ting thē to quietnes, and teaching thē (saith Eusebius) to study after godlines, in a decēt maner, declaring vnto the bishops, as (73) The 73. vntruth. This fact shevveth no au­thoritie ouer the Bisshops in maters Ecclesia­sticall. one that had autority ouer them, euen in such maters, vvhat things apperteined and vvere semely for thē to do in such cases, and noteth vnto them a directiō, vvhich they should folovv. And after he had (saith Eusebius) geuē such things in cōmaunde­ment vnto the Bishops or chief ministers of the Churches, he exhorted them that they would do al things to the praise and furtherance of Gods word.

Stapleton

Here are two things: The one that Cōstantine sendeth his letters to Arius and the B. of Alexādria, to pacify ād ap­pease the cōtention begun with Arius. The other that he la­bored to pacify an other schism at Antioch, about the cho­sing of the B. of Antioch. Neither of these draw any thing nigh to the new primacy ye would establish. And such let­ters might any other good zealous mā haue sent to thē, beīg no Emperour. And as for elections in those dayes, not only [Page] the Emperour, but the people also had some interest ther­in. Wherefore here is no colour of your supremacie. And therefore to helpe foreward the matter, and to vndershore and vnderproppe your ruinouse building withall, ye inter­lace of your owne authoritie these wordes (as one that had the care and authoritie ouer all) which your author Socrates hath not, and likewise (as one that had authoritie ouer them) which Eusebius hath not.

And here by the way, I woulde aske of you, for eache matter a question. If these of Alexander and Arius, were vaine and triefling questions, as ye alleage, why doe ye call Arius his errour, an horrible heresie? And why say yee their dissention was about a necessary article of the Faith?Pag. 22. col. 2. I moue it for this, that hereby we may vnderstād, as wel the great necessitie of Generall Councels, as the Supreme gouern­ment of causes Ecclesiasticall, to haue remained in the Bi­shops there assembled.VVhy Constan­tine cal­leth those matters triefling questions which af­tervvard he toke for here­sie. For Constantine that tooke not at the beginning, these questions to be of so great importāce, after the determination of the Councel, tooke Arius to be a very obstinate heretique: and his heresie to be an horrible heresie, as ye cal it. Concerning the second, as we graunt the Prince had to doe with election, and yet not proprely with election, but with the allowinge and approbation of Spirituall mens election: so I demaund of you, what inter­est the people hath in either election or approbation nowe in England?A Nevv straunge manner of electiō novv in England. Againe I demaund, whether in the auncient Church the Prince might (as he may in England) not onely nominate a person to be elected of the Deane ād Chapter, but if they doe not elect within certaine daies, miserablye to wrappe them in a premunire? I make most sure accōpt ye shal neuer be able, to shew this. See then that euen in [Page 89] your election, which is beside and out of our chiefe mat­ter, ye are quyte out from the like regiment ye pretende to proue.

M. Horne. The .31. Diuision. Pag. 21. b.

This supreme (.74.) The 74. vntruth. No such supreme authority is either by S. Au­gustin or Eusebius expressed as shal appeare. Aug. epist. 50. et 48 Euseb. lib. 10 cap. 5. authority of the Emperour in Church causes is moste liuely expressed by S. Augustine and Eusebius, vvhere they make mention of the horrible Scisme, stirred by the Donatists, against Cecilianus Bisshoppe of Carthage: vvhose election and ordering to be Bisshop of Carthage, Donatus and others of his companions misliked, and therfore made a Schisme in that Church. The question in controuersie vvas, vvhether Cecilianus being ordered Bisshop, hauing the imposition of hands by Felix, vvere lavvfully consecrated and ordered or not this controuersie made a lamentable trouble amongest the Churches in Aphrike. At the length, the Donatists accused Cecilian vn­to the Emperour: desired the Emperour to appointe some Delegates to iudge of this cōtrouersy. And for that al the Churchs in Aphrike vvere bāded, either to the one partly, or the other, and for that France vvas free frō this cōten­tion, they require iudges to be appointed by his authority from amongest the Frenche Bisshoppes. The Emperour much grieued, that the Churche vvas thus torne in sundre vvith this schism, doth appoint Melciades Bisshop of Rome, and Marcus to be his (.75.) The 75. vntruth. Eusebius hath no such vvoords of delegates or cō ­missaries, but allea­geth for his so doinge: [...], the most holy law that is, the lavve of the Church, vvhich had ordayned bishops to be iudges in Churche matters. delegates and commissaries in this con­trouersy vvith certaine other Bisshoppes of Fraunce, Melciades colleages or felovv Bisshops, vvhom the Emperour had cōmaunded to be there vvith thē for that purpose. These commissioners vvith certaine other Bisshoppes accor­ding to the Emperours commaundement mette at Rome, and after due exa­mination had, doe condemne the Donatists, and pronounce Cecilianus cause to be good. From this sentence of the bisshop of Rome, and other bisshoppes his colleages being the Emperours delegates, the Donatists appeale vnto the Emperour, not onely accusing Cecilianus, but also Melciades the bisshop of Rome, and other Cōmissaries. Wherefore the Emperour causeth a Synode to be had at Arelatum, committing the cause to the bisshop thereof and o­ther bisshoppes assembled there by his commaundement, to be herde and dis­cussed. VVhereūto he calleth Crestus the bisshop of Syracuse a City in Sicilie by his letters. VVherein he declareth in (.76.) The 76. Vntruth. Constantin in those letters hath no such thing either in plaine termes or obscure. Only he expresseth a desire to haue the contention ended. plain termes, that it belongeth [Page] to his imperial cure, to see these controuersies in Church causes to be deter­mined and ended.Augu. epi­stol. 166. Donatus and his companions, being condemned also by these bishops, in the Synode at Arelatum, and Cecilianus cleered, doe a­gain appeale vnto the Emperour from their sentence, beseching him to take the hearing and discussing of the cōtrouersie. VVho calleth both the parties to­gether before himself at Millayn, and after he had herde the vvhole matter, and vvhat vvas to be said on both sides, This he did. But this he re­pented af­ter. Augu epi­stol. 162. Epist. 166. he gaue final sentēce vvith Cecilia­nus, condemning the Donatists. VVho after al these things thus done, as S. Augustin saith, made a very sharpe Lavv against the Donatistes, the vvhich also his Sonnes after him commaunded to be obserued.

The .2. Chapter of Constantines dealing in the appeales and suytes of the Donatistes.

Stapleton.

OF al that M. Horn bringeth of Constantines doings, or of any others this place semeth most cōformable, (not to that wherein we ioyn issue with him: which are a nomber of pointes, as I haue declared: in the proufe whereof in case M. Horn be defectyue in any one, M. Fe­kenham is at liberty from receiuinge the pretensed othe:Of Con­stantines iudgemēt in the cause of Cecilian.) but to that one point onely, that not the Bisshop or Pope himself, but the ciuil magistrate is, supreme iudge in causes ecclesiastical. And yet yf M. Horn could effectually proue this, he should quyte him self lyke a clerke. In dede your maister M Caluin, M. Iewel, and others runneth to this ex­ample as to a strong hold, which I trow neuerthelesse wil proue anon as stronge as a rotten rede.Artic. 4. fol. 105. & sequent. As also to any in­different Reader it may sufficiently appeare, that hath or wil reade our Return vpon M. Iewels lying Reply, where this whole matter is answered at ful. Yet let vs ones againe lay forth the matter.

[Page 90]Constantine, say you, in a matter ecclesiastical deuolued to him by an appele appointed as his Delegate the Pope him selfe, yea after the Popes sentence he appointed, vppon a new appeale certain other Bisshhops. The appellants being also agreued with this sentence, craued ayde at Constanti­tins own hands, who gaue the final sentence against them. Suerly these were froward quarreling men, what so euer they were. But what maner of men were they M. Horne? Forsothe as ye truely say, the Donatists, the most peruerse and obstinate heretiks that euer the Churche suffred. Is this then, thinke you, a sure grounde to build your supremacy vpon? Suerly as sure, and as sownd, as was your Emperour Emanuel, as ye call him. Beside this,M. Horne buildeth his supre­macy v­pon the doings of Donatists where is the longe te­diouse song, ye songe of late against M. Fekēham to proue him a Donastiste? Ye see here the Donatists them selues a­gainst the authority of temporal princes in Churche mat­ters, which before ye denied: and so may M. Fekenhā clere himself, that he is no Donatiste. Ye had done wel,M. F. pur­ged by M. Horne him selfe to be no Donatist. yf ye had eased your reader and your self most of all, with an hādsome worde or two interlaced, for the auoiding of this contradiction. Wel belyke it was by some voluntarie ob­liuiō forslone. I wil therfore take the paynes to supplie this defect of yours. I say therfore that both is true. For when it serued their purpose, and as lōg as they had any hope of any relefe for their wicked heresies, they ranne to the Empe­rors, yea to Iulian the Apostata, setting him forth with no smal cōmendations, for ayde and helpe. And so did they now.The mar­uelous in constācy of the Donatists But afterward when both this Constantin and other Emperors made sharp lawes against thē, thē the world was chaunged, then sang they a new songe: that it was not sitte or seamely for the princes to busie thēselues in Church matters. [Page] Yea so impudent and inconstant they were, that thowg [...]e themselues first browght the matter against Cecilian to the Emperours audience, yet did they blame innocent Ce­cilian for their own fact, as a breaker of the Ecclesiasticall order. And are not your maisters and cōpanions I beseache you the true schollers of the Donatists in this behalfe, as I haue before shewed? And who are they, tell me by your truth, that after sentence geuen against them by the Pope, by prouincial and general councels, yea by the Emperours them selues, doe persiste and endure in their wicked here­sies, and that more wilfully then euer did the obstinat Do­natists? Are they not of your own whole and holy genera­tion? Wel seing we haue now deliuered you from contra­diction, we may procede to the matter it selfe.

Ye say Constantine gaue sentence euen after the Pope. Yea but we say again (supposing this example true) that one swallowe brīgeth not the spring tyme with him. The pre­sident of one Emperor (for ye proue not the like in al your book of any other) cā not enforce a general rule, nor make a continual practise of the Church: which is your speciall scope euer by you to be regarded. And ye should haue re­garded here (yf ye haue any regarde at al) the circumstan­ces of the matter.The cir­cūstances of Con­stantines iudgemēt in [...]eciliās cause vveighed The Donatists were waxen very thycke and great in Aphrik, yea to the nomber almost of .300. bis­shops. Their bands, their faction were so great, their cruelty vpō the Catholiks was so enormouse, their obstinat despe­ratiō was such, fearing no mā, nor no punishmēt, yea most wickedly murtherīg their own selues in great multitudes, that the godly and wise prince Constantin, to mollifie their fury, and by gentlenes and yelding to them to winne them, fared with thē, as many good princes fare and beare with [Page 91] the people being in their rage, graunting them many thīgs, otherwise not to be graunted, for the shonning of a greater myscheif: And euen so did this good prince condescende to the Donatists, partly cōmittīg this cause after the Popes Sentence to other bisshops, partly taking it into his owne hands: (both which was more then he ought to haue don, as we shal anon see.) For al this he did not as one that toke him self (as ye dreame, and as (the more pity) appeales goe in our cōtrey at the Arches and other where) for the law­ful and ordinary iudge in causes Ecclesiastical. Which thīg wisely and godly considering Melchiades the Pope with other bisshops, to recouer the Donatists, and to take away al maner of quarelings from thē, and to restore the Church to her former vnity, so miserably and pitifully by them ren­ted and torne a sonder, did patiently beare with Constan­tyne: As a wise man would doe with the Mariners,VVhy somtime both ciuil lavves ād Ecclesia­stical are vvinked and des­sembled at. yf in a great huge tempeste, they goe somwhat out of their com­mon course, to saue their ship, themselues, and al the other. And as in the polytyke body: so in the spirituall body: the magistrats relent and winke at many things in such hurlye burlye: and the lawes and canons, which otherwise should take their force, be for such a tyme, nothing or sleightlye exacted.

Nice Cōc. Can. [...].For example, the canons of Nice forbidde, that at one tyme two bisshoppes shoulde be with lyke authority in one see. Now to go no further then our own Melchiades, and your Donatists: After the said Melchiades had condemned the Donatists, he offered thē, yf they would repent and incor­porate thē selues again to the vnity of the Catholik Chuch from the which, by a shameful schisme they had dismem­bred them selues, not onely his letters that they call com­municatorye, [Page] by the which they shoulde be counted through out the worlde Catholikes: but also, whereas by reason of this horrible diuision,Aug. epist. 50. et 162 in many places, were in one see two bisshops, the one a Catholike, the other a Donatiste, that he should be confirmed, that was first or­deyned: and that the other should be prouided of an other bisshoprike. And here by the way you see Melchiades and not Constantines supremacy.

A notable story concerning the Aphrican bis­shops. August. de gestis cū Emerito.Yea, which is more notable the case standing in Aphrik, that as I said in many places two bisshops sate in one see to­gether, of thre hundred Catholik Bisshoppes assembled in a Councel in the sayde Aphrike, they were all, sauing two, (and yet those two relented afterwarde too) contente to geue ouer their bisshopricks, to the saide Donatists, yf they would return to the Church. And yet the Nicene ca­nons were to the contrarye. Nowe I pray you M. Horne, yf ye had bene then as Melchiades was, what would your wisedome haue done? would you haue stepped forth and haue said to Constantine, that he vsurped an other mans office? that he had nothing to doe in those matters? and that the matter being ons heard by him, it could not be deuol­ued into any other cowrte? and so not onely haue exaspe­rated the indurate and obstinat Donatists, but also the good and godly prince, lately conuerted to the faith, and by this admonition thowgh trewe, yet out of ceason hasard all?

Nay, Nay, ye wil say, for al this Melchiades was but a mere delegate to Constantin, who lawfully and orderlye proceded in this case as owre prince doth now in like: and that this is but my prety shifte, and ye will put me to my proufes. But I hadde thowght you your selfe would haue proued hī a mere delegate, (seing you speak it so perēpto­rely) [Page 92] and that nothing was don here extraordinarily. But I see wel you wil allwaies obiect as your brethern doe not caring what hath bene answered to the obiection already, like as simple logicioners in scholes, when their argument is preuented, haue no shifte to inuente an other, or to reply vpon the former solution, but doe sadly repete the same. To you therefore M. Horne, as before to M. Iewel, I answer. The places by your self alleaged and quoted doe confounde you, and that in two places, brought out of S. Augustine. For first in one of the epistles that ye alleage,It is pro­ued by tvvo pla­ces allea­ged by M. Horn that Cō ­stantine vvas no lavvful Iudge in Cecilians cause. Augu. epi­stol. 48. Augu. epi­stol. 162. S. Augustyne doth reproue and rebuke the Donatists, for that they brought the matter to the Emperours consisto­ry: and saith they should haue first of all brought the matter to the bisshops beyonde the seas (he meaneth specially the Pope) and saith further that Constantin himself, did more orderlye, when he refused to heare the matter. Then in an other epistle also by you cited, he sayeth, that the principalitye of the Apostolike Chaire hath euermore bene inforce in the Roman Church. And now further concerning this appella­tion, he saith that there was no neade why that the matter should haue bene heard again, after iudgemente geuen by Mel­chiades. But yet Constantine procured the matter to be heard again at Arles, relenting (saieth S. Augustin) to the Do­natists obstinacy, ād laborīg by al meanes to restrain their great outragious im [...]udency. Now concerning Constantin, that he euē for the cōsideratiōs aforesaid, heard their cause himself: S. Augustin saith, of him, that he minded to aske pardō there­of of the holy bishops. Wherby most euidently appereth, that al this his doing was extraordinary, and not to be drawen into an vsuall example: or to be preiudiciall to the Ec­clesiasticall power, and muche lyke to the sufferance of [Page] Quene Mary, who for a tyme suffred her self to be writen and called the supreme head, thowgh she misliked the title, and at the day of her Coronation openly reproued the preacher for calling her so. And our graciouse Quene now vseth not that tytle by those precise words. And I woulde fayne know of you M. Horne, yf ye be so cunning, why the name onely is shifted, the thing remayning one and the verye self same as before. Thanks now be geuen vnto God, that hath so mercifullye wrowght with vs, that he hath caused you, in the cheifest matter that seemeth of your side in al your booke, by your owne author, your owne places voluntarily by you, and for you layde forthe, to destroye your own doctrine, and vtterly to ouerthrowe your selfe. Perchaunce you are now angrie with your selfe, for this mishappe and ouersight, and wil not styck shortly (as some of you beginne alredy pretely) to reiecte euen S. Augustin himself, as a suspect man, and partial in Church and bissho­ply matters, him self being a bisshop also. This rhetoryke I feare me wil one day burste out against him, and other as good and as auncient as he: as it buddeth hansomly alredy. And yf it chaunce so to doe, we wil prouide for our selues: and in this point, furnishe our selues, with such a witnesse as I thinke for shame you dare not deny, and yet for very shame his testimony against you, ye may not abyde. That is Constantine him selfe: who sayd to the Donatistes, and so withal to you their schollers in this point for this their ap­pellation.Opta. li. 1. M Horns primacy condem­ned by Cōstātine him self. O rabida furoris audatia: sicut in causis gentilium solet, appellationem interposuerunt. O furiouse and madde boldnes they appeale vnto me, as they were panyms and and heathens. Howe lyke yow this M. Horne? Where is now your like regiment, when Constantine himselfe, for [Page 93] this your desperat raging appeales, maketh you not muche better than a Pagan and an Heathen? Who shal clappe you on the backe now, and say Patrisas? Who is he now that is so like the Donatists, as though he had spit him out of his mouth? Hovv like M. Horne is to the Dona­tists. M. Horne in the .12. folio. What would he haue said, and howe would he haue cried out if he liued now, or rather how woulde he haue pitied Britanie his owne natiue Countrie (as our Chronicles re­porte) for this kinde of regiment, beside all other to many causes of pitie and sorowe, to beholde?

Now for a surplussage M. Horne, to end this your grea­test matter withal, so oft, so facingly, and so fondly alleaged of all your brethren, I must tell you, ye put not the case al­together right: Ye abuse your Readers. The principal mat­ter was not, whether Cecilian was laufully cōsecrated, this was but a coincident, and a matter dependant. The princi­pal matter was, whether Felix (of whome Cecilian was in dede ordeined) were a traitour, Traditor. as they then called such as in the time of persequution, deliuered to the handes of the Infidels, the holy Bible to be burnt. This was Questio facti, non iuris: as the Lawyers say. And such as a laye man may heare wel inough. The other was coincident and accesso­rie. And in such cases the Lawyers say,Alciat. l. nō plures Cod. de sa­cros. eccle­siis. that a lay man may at least wise incidently heare and determine a cause Eccle­siasticall. These and many other things mo, that might here be said, doe mollifie and extenuate Constantines faulte, if there were anye: and howe so euer it be, this is ones sure, that your owne authorities doe quite ouerbeare you, and proue the Popes Primacie.

M. Horne. The .32. Diuision. pag. 21. b.

Athanasius also that moste godly Bishoppe, being ouer muche vvronged in the Councell at Tyre, did flie and appeale from the iudgemente of that [Page] (77.)The 77. Vntruth. This was no ap­peale of Atha­nasius, as shall ap­peare. Socr. li.1. cap 34. Theod li. 2 cap. 28 Synod vnto Constantine the Emperour, delaring vnto him his griefes, beseeching him to take the hearing of the matter before him selfe: vvhiche the Emperour assented vnto, vvritinge vnto the Synode assembled at [...]yre, commaunding them vvithout delaie to come vnto his Courte, and the [...]e to declare before mee (saith this most Christian Emperour) whome ye shall not denie to be Gods sincere minister, how sincerely and rightly ye haue iudged in your Synod. VVhen this Synod vvas assembled at Tyre, the Catholique Bishops of Egypt, vvrote vnto the hono­rable Flauius Dionysius vvhom the Emperour had made his Lieutenaunte, to see all things vvell ordered in that Councell, and did desire him, that he vvould reserue the examination and (78)The .78. vntruth. That vvas no Synod at all, but Nego [...]iū Impera­torium, An Imperiall or Courtlye triall, [...]s Athana­sius cal­leth it▪ iudgemēt to the [...]mperour him self: yea they doe adiure him, that he doe not meddle vvith their matter, but re­ferre the iudgement thereof to the Emperour, who they knewe well, would iudge rightly according (.79.) The .79 vntruth. No suche vvordes in Athanasius. Athanas. Apol. 2. [...]o [...]. 91. & [...]3. to the right order of the Churche.

The third Chapter: Of Constantines Dealing in the cause of Athanasius.

Stapleton.

THIS obiection of Athanasius his appeale (as you call it) to Constantine, is a common obiection to all your brethren, and hath ben vsed namely of M. Iewell in his lying Replie in the fourth Article more then ones. For the which (if I listed to follow the fond vain of M. Nowel) I might call you M. Horne, a seely borower of your fel­lowes Argumēts, &c. But to leaue that peuish toy to boies, of whom M. Nowel in the time of his Scholemaistershippe may wel seme to haue learned it, ād to answere briefly the whole mater, first I refer you to my former āswer made to M. Iew. in my Returne, &c. in the fourth Article. And now for a surplussage, I say with Athanasius himself (who knew this whole mater better I trow, then you or M. Iewel) that this which you call a Councell and a Synod at Tyre, from the [Page 94] iudgement of which Synod you say Athanasius appealed vn­to Constantine, referring the whole matter to his hearinge, this, I say, was no Synod or Councell at all. For of this ve­ry assemblie of the Arrian Bishops at Tyre, where they ac­cused Athanasius before the honourable Flauius Dionysi­us, the Emperours Lieutenaunt there, of grieuouse crimes, as of killing Arsenius, who then yet liued, and of a facte of his Pri [...]st Macharius, for ouerthrowinge of an Aulter, and breakīg of a Chalice, of this assembly, I say, thus doth a holy Synod of Catholique Bishops and Priestes gathered toge­ther at Alexandria, out of Egypt, Thebais, Lybia, and Pen­tapolis, pronounce and affirme, as Athanasius in his secōd Apologie (the booke by your selfe here alleged) recordeth. Praecla [...]i Euseb [...]ani, quo veritatem scriptáque sua obliterent, Athanas. in Apo [...]. [...] nomen Synodi suis actis praetexunt, quumres ipsa negotium Im­peratorium non Synodale haberi debeat. Quippe vbi Comes praesideat, & milites Episcopos suo satellitio cingant, & Impera­toria edicta quos ipsi volunt coire compellant. These ioly Eu­sebians (these were Arrians) to the intent they may blotte out the truth, and their owne writings, doe pretēd to their owne doings the name of a Synode, whereas the matter it selfe ought to be counted an Imperiall mater, not the mat­ter of any Councell or Synod. Loe Maister Horne, you with the Arrians, wil haue this to be a Synod: but we with the Catholique Bisshoppes of Egypt, Thebais, Lybia, and Pentapolis, and with Athanasius him selfe, denye flattelye it was any Synod at all, but onely Negocium imperatorium, a matter Imperiall, a ciuile matter, a laie or temporal con­trouersie. I truste we with the Catholique Bishoppes, and namely with Athanasius, shal haue more credit herein, then you M. Horne, and Maister Iewell, with the Arrians. [Page] But why doe those Catholike Bishops deny this matter to be any Synodall or Councell matter? Quippe vbi. &c. As in which matter (say they) the Countie, the Emperours Lieutenaunt, was president, and souldiours closed the Bisshops round about, and the Emperours proclamations compelled such to mete as them listed. Behold M. Horne, for this very cause that the Emperour and his Lieutenaunt bore the chief rule, therefore I say, did those Catholike Bishops accompte this matter to be no Synod at al. See I pray you M. Horne: Homo homini quantum interest, stulto intelligens. See howe farre square and extreme different your opinion is from the iudgement of the Catholike Fathers and Bisshops so many Aboue 12. hūdret yeares. hundred yeares past. You M. Horne and your fellowes, will haue al Synods and Councels to be called, ordered, di­rected,M. Horne clean cō trary to the Catholike Bis­shops of the Pri­mitiue Churche gouerned, confirmed, approued and wholy gouer­ned of the Prīce and his officers. And without the Princes authority, cōmission, order, directiō, cōfirmation, and royal assent, you wil haue no Synodes or Councelles of Bishops to auaile, or to haue force. Contrarywise, these Catholike Bishops in the East Church, do for this very cause reproue and reiect the Assembly of certaine Bishops, for no Synode at al, because al was there done by the authoritie, order, di­rection, and power of the Princes Lieutenaunt. And they doe make a plaine distinction betwene Negotium Imperiale, and Synodale, betwene an Imperiall matter, and a Synodall matter: as who shoulde saye, If the Emperour beare all the stroke, it is no Synod, nor so to be called.

Therefore these Catholique Fathers say againe, in the same place within few lines after: Si velut Episcopi sese Iu­dices volebāt esse, Athana­sius ibidē. quid opus erat vel Comite, vel militibus, aut edictis ad coeundum imperialibus? If these fellowes would [Page 95] be them selues Iudges as Bishops, what neded them to haue either the Countie, or the souldiars, or any Imperial Edicts to make them assemble? As who would say: In the Bishop­ly iudgement, in the Synode of bishops, it is not meete ey­ther to be summoned by the Prince, or to haue his Lieute­naunt present, or to haue his gard of Souldiars. These mat­ters become the temporal Court, and the Ciuile Consisto­rie, where by force of subiection, lawes do procede. They become not the Synods of Bishoppes, where with quiet of minde, with godly deliberation, freely and franckly, with­out feare or partialitie, Gods matters ought to be treated, discussed, and concluded.

Therefore againe these Catholik Fathers doe say of this Arrian Conuenticle at Tyrus: Qua fronte talem conuentum, Athana­sius ibid. Synodum appellare audent, cui Comes praesedit? With what face dare they call such an assemblye, by the name of a Sy­node, ouer the which the County was president? And yet will yow M. Horne, that the ciuill Magistrate shall be the president and Supreme gouernour, in and ouer al Synodes? Maye not a man nowe clappe yow on the backe, and saye, Patrisas, Arrianisas? And that yow are as like to the cursed Arrians, as if Arrius him self had spet you out of his mouth? Those Fathers cry yet againe vnto you and say:Ibidem. Quae species ibi Synodi, vbi vel caedes, vel exiliū, si Caesari placuisset, cōstitue­batur? What face of any Synod was there, where at the Emperours pleasure, either death or banishmēt was decre­ed? This cōuenticle therefore at Tyrus was no Synod. Nei­ther could therfore Athanasius appeale from any Synod to the Emperoure. But that which Athanasius then did, and which yow vntruely call an Appeale from the Synod, was only a cōplaint to the godly Emperour Constātine, againste [Page] the vniuste violences of the honourable (as you call him) Flauius Dionysius: wherein also those Catholique Fathers aboue mentioned, shall witnesse with mee against you. For thus they write: Quum nihil culpae in comministro no­stro Athanasio reperirent, Comésque summa vi imminens plu­ra contra Athanasium moliretur, Episcopus comitis violenti­am fugiens, ad religiosissimum. Imperatorem ascendit, depre [...]ās & iniquitatem hominis & aduersariorum calumnias, p [...]stulās­que vt legitima Episcoporum Synodus indiceretur▪ aut ipse au­diret suam defensionem. Wheras they could find no fault in our fellowe Prieste Athanasius, and the Countye by force and violence wrought many things against Athana­sius, the Bishoppe declining the violence of the Countie, went vp to the most religious Emperor, complaining both of the iniurious dealing of the Lieutenant, and of the slan­ders of his Aduersaries, and requiring that a laufull Synode of Bisshops might be called, or els that th'Emperour would heare him to speake for him selfe.VVhat maner of Appeale Athana­sius made to Con­stantine the Em­perour. By these woordes we see, that Athanasius appealed not from any Synodicall sen­tence of bishops to the Emperour, as a Superiour Iudge in Synodicall matters, but from the violence and iniuries of the Lieutenaunt, to his Lord and Maister, the Emperoure him self for to haue iustice and audiēce, not in any mate [...] of Religion or controuersie of the faith, but in a matter of fe­lony laid to his charge, as the murder of a man, and an out­rage committed by one of his Priestes in a Churche. For the which his aduersaries sought his death. And yet when they came before the Emperour, they chaunged their acti­on, and pleaded no more vpon the murder, which was foūd to be so euident a lye (Arsenius being brought forth aliue, before the benche, when they accused Athanasius of his [Page 96] death) neither vpō the Chalice brokē, that being also a very ridiculous ād a plain forged mater, but they pleaded a newe actiō of stoppīg the passage of corne frō Alexādria to Con­stātinople, ād accused hī as an enemie to the Imperial court and City. For prouf wherof, the Arriās brought in false wit­nesses, and periures.Athanas. Apol. 2. pag. 384. Socrates lib. 1. c. 27 Theodor. li. 1. ca. 32 But yet the Emperour (as they write) moued with pitie, satis habebat pro morte exilium irrogare: thought it enough in stede of death, to banish him. Whiche he did at the importune suite and clamoures of the Arrian bishoppes, sor quietnes and vnities sake in the church. But afterward in his death bed the Emperour repentinge him, commaunded Athanasius to be restored to his Bisshopricke a­gaine, though Eusebius the Arrian then present, laboured much to the contrary. In al this, there was no Ecclesiastical or spi­ritual matter, but mere Ciuile matters in hand.

Neither was it any Ecclesiastical matter, that the Catho­like Bisshops of Egypt as you alleage M. Horne) desired and ad [...]ured Flauius Dionysius the foresaied Countie to reserue the examination and iudgement of, to the Emperour himself. But the matter was suche as we haue before rehearsed, matters and actions mere Ciuile. Namely they adiured that iniuri­ous and partiall Magistrate, the foresayed Countie, not to proceede farder against their Patriarche, then so grieuo­slie attainted, but to referre the whole matter to the most Religious Emperoure, where they doubted not to finde more fauoure. Apud quem (say they) licebit & iura Ec­clesiae, & nostra proponere. Vide Apol. 2. Athan. sol. 427. Im [...]ress. Bas [...]l. An. 1564. Before whome we maye put foorth bothe the rightes of the Churche, and our owne. Meaninge that by his clemencye, they mighte be suffe­red to procede in that matter among them selues orderly as the righte of the Churche and of the Canons required: [Page] not (as M. Horne falsely translateth it) that the Emperour would iudge according to the right order of the Church. There are no such wordes in the letters of the Catholike Bishops of Aegipt alleaged by M. Horne. Otherwise, to seke any iudgement of Churche matters, at the Emperours handes, be you bolde M. Horne,Sozom. lib. 3. c. 8. Tripart. li. 4. c. 15. Athanas. Apol. 2. Athanas. in epist. ad solitar. vi­agentes. pag. 459. no man knewe better then Atha­nasius him selfe, that he could not doe it. For it is Athana­sius, M. Horne, that being restored, as I haue said, by Con­stantines last wil and Testament, and after againe the secōd time banished vnder the Arrian Emperour Constantius, by the meanes also of those Arrian Bishops, appealed to Pope Iulius, as his competent and ordinarye Iudge, and was by him restored to his Bishoprike, together with many other Bishops of the East, Paulus of Constantinople, Asclepas of Gaza, Marcellus of Ancyra, Lucius of Adrianople, with many other,Athana­sius and M. Horne of a clean contrary iudge­ment. appealing then likewise to Pope Iulius. It is Athanasius that saith: When was it heard from the creation of the worlde, that the iudgement of the Church shoulde take his authoritie from the Emperour? And what coulde that learned Father saye more directlye againste you and your whole booke M. Horne? Verely either that most lear­ned and auncient Father, whom the most famous Fathers of al Christendome haue alwaies from time to time reue­renced and honoured as a most glorious light and a singu­lar piller of Gods Church, either that moste excellent Bis­shop, I say, in whose praise euen out of the testimonies on­ly of the best writers a iust Treatise might be gathered, did fouly erre and misse of the truth: either you M. Horne, and your fellowes are in a great errour, and do defend an exce­ding absurditie, damnable both to you and all that followe you, forswearing your selues by booke Othe, when yee [Page 97] swere, that in conscience you beleue, which you ought not ones so much as to thinke. For see yet what this Nota­ble Bisshop pronounceth against you. It is Athanasius that saieth it. If this be the iudgement of bishops, Athana­sius vbi supra: pa­gina eadē Fol. 3 b. what hath the Emperour to doe with it? Els if Caesars threates conclude these matters, to what purpose haue men the Names of Bisshoppes? Contrary wise say you, M. Horne. It is a principal part of the Princes royall power, to haue the supreme gouernement in al maner causes Ecclesiastical or Spiritual.

O Barbarous heresye from the creation of the worlde neuer heard of before. O Antichristian presumption. I say, Antichristian presumption: I lerne of that most constant bisshop Athanasius so to say. For it is he that saieth these woordes. What hath Constantius omitted, that is not the parte of an Antichrist? Or what can he, when he cometh,Athanasi­us in epist. vt supra pag. 470.doe more? Or howe shall not Antichrist at his coming finde a ready way prepared for him of this Emperour to deceiue men? For nowe againe in stede of the Ecclesiastical iudgement, he ap­pointeth his palace to be the benche for Ecclesiasticall causes to be hearde at. Se (que) earum litium summum principem et Au­thorem facit. And he maketh himself the Supreme gouer­nour and chief doer of those controuersies: he speaketh of ecclesiastical. Now M. Horne, not our Gracious Soue­raigne, of her owne desire taketh vppon her such gouern­ment: but you most miserable clawebackes,In decer­nendo prī ­cipē se fa­cere episcoporum: & praesidere iudicijs ecclesiasticis and wretched flatterers do force her Grace to take that Title, the taking and practising whereof by the assured verdyt of this most lerned Father, is a plaine Antichristian presumption. For loe what he saieth yet agayne in the same page. Who is it, that seing the Emperour to make him selfe the Prince of bisshops in decreeing of matters, and to be president ouer Eccle­clesiasticall [Page] iudgements may not worth [...]ly say, that this Empe­rour is the very abhomination of the d [...]solation, which was foretolde by Daniel? See and beholde M. Horn, what a most horrible absurdity you labour in your booke to persuade: See to what an extreme inconuenience you force mens consciences, when you tendre them the Othe, comprising the same and more, which here Athanasius accompteth the practise of Antichrist. Se last of all what traytours you are to God and your Prince, which haue persuaded her most Gracious highnes to take vpon her such kinde of go­uernment which is a preparation to Antichrist, and resem­bleth the abhomination of desolation foretolde by Daniel. And thus much your own Author Athanasius. You see how wel he speaketh for you.

Socrat. li. [...] Cap. 28.Now that you alleage out of Socrates that Constantin threatened Athanasius he should be brought, whether he would or no, it anaunceth nothing the Authority of Con­stantine in Ecclesiasticall matters. For so much manye a Prince doth to him, that lawfully called to a Councel will not come, at the Churches commaundement. Wherein he is rather a Ministerial then a principall doer. Neither doth the place by you alleaged out of Socrates, proue that Constantine examined and iudged the doings of the whole Councell, but onely whether they had proceded against Athanasius of enmity or malice: And as Socrates there writeth,Socrat. li. 1. cap. 34. Constantin sayde, the suyte of Athanasius was, that in his presence he might (being driuen thereto by necessyty) com­plaine of such iniuries as he had suffred. And it appereth by Theodoretus by you alleaged in the said first booke, that the determination and definition of these matters rested in the Bisshops, the execution in the Prince. For the labour [Page 98] of Constantine with Athanasius then was, onelye that he woulde appeare before a Synode of Bisshoppes, which had accused him diuerslye before the Emperour, and of those Bisshoppes be tryed. Which the Emperour did, as Theodoret writeth, [...].Theod. lib. 1. cap. 28. Beleuing the accu­sers of Athanasius as Priestes, and thinkinge their accusa­tions to be true. [...]. For he was vtterly ignorant of their deceytes and craftly dea­linges, saieth Theodoret. Thus he iudged not him selfe o­uer Athanasius, but only procured, that to kepe peace in the Churche, the bisshops might assemble together, and trye their own matter among them selues.

M. Horne. The .33. Diuision. Pag. 22. a.

There vvere no Churche mattiers, or Ecclesiastical causes, vvherein the continual practise of the Churche of Christe, in this Emperours tyme, yea and many hundreth yeeres after, did not attribute the (.80.)The 80. vntruth: boldly a­uouched, but no vvaye proued. supreme rule, order, and authority vnto Emperours and Kinges, vpon vvhome (.81.)The 81. vntruth. Socrates belied, as shal ap­peare. In proaem. lib. 5. Lib. 1. De vit. Const. al Churche mattiers did depende, as vvitnesseth Socrates, vvho shevveth this reason of that he doth thoroughout his Ecclesiasticall History mention so much the Emperours. Because that of the Emperors (saith he) after they be­ganne to be Christians, the Churche matters doe depende, yea the greatest Councels haue bene, and are called together, ac­cording to their appointment. Eusebius commendeth the great boun­tifulnes of Constantine tovvardes all estates, But, (saith he) this Em­perour had a singular care ouer Goddes Churche, for as one appointed of God to be a common or vniuersall Bisshop, he called Synodes or conuocations of Goddes ministers toge­ther into one place, that thereby he might appeace the contē ­tious striuinges that were amonge them in sundry places. He disdayned not to be present with thē in their Synodes, and to sit in the middest of thē, as it had been a meaner personage, cō ­mending [Page] and approuing those that bente them selues of good meaning to godly vnity, and shewed him self to mislike on the other side, and to set naught by such, as were of contrary disposition.

Stapleton.

The general assertion that M. Horne here auoucheth, that in Constantynes tyme, the continuall practise of the Churche attributed in al Ecclesiastical causes the supreme rule to Emperours, is but a great vntruthe boldly auou­ched, but no maner of way yet proued, as hath bene de­clared, nor hereafter to be proued, as it shall by Gods grace appeare. Againe that he saieth: All Churche mat­ters did depende of the Emperours, and for witnesse thereof alleageth Socrates, is an other no lesse vntruthe also. For this prety syllable, All, is altogether M. Hornes, and not Socrates,Socrates [...] prooemio lib. [...]. pretely by him shifted in, to helpe forwarde a naughty matter. The very text alleaged by M. Horne, hath not that worde, nor speaketh not so generally. But it is no rare matter with men of M. Hornes brotherhood, to ouerreache their Authours, and therefore the lesse to be wondered at,Art. 4. Fol. 139. though not the lesse to be borne with. And to this place of Socrates I haue before answered in my Returne against M. Iewel. That which foloweth out of Eusebius, proueth M. Hornes purpose neuer a deale. Except M. Horne thinke some waight to lye in those words, where the Emperour is called a Common or Vniuer­sall Bis [...]hop: as though. we shoulde gather thereby, that the Emperour was then, as the Pope is nowe, and hath all­waies bene. Except these woordes helpe M. Hornes pri­macy, nothing is there that wil helpe it, reade and consi­der [Page 99] the place who listeth. But as for these woordes what sense they beare, no man better then Constantine him selfe by the report of the same Eusebius also, can tell vs. Constantin in dede was called of Eusebius as a commō bis­shop, that is, as a common ouerseer, [...]. Lib. 1. ca. 37. de vita Constant. by reason of his passing zele and singular diligence in furdering Gods true Reli­gion. But that he exercised therein no such supreme go­uernement as M. Horne fancyeth, neither made him selfe bisshop of bisshoppes, but stayed him selfe within the li­mites and boundes of his owne Iurisdiction, it appeareth manifestly by these his woordes spoken to a great number of bisshoppes, as Eusebius recordeth it in his own hearing to haue bene said. I am also, saith the Emperour, a bishop. [...],Lib. 4. ca. 24. de vit. Constant. [...]. But you are bisshoppes (or ouerseers) of those thinges that are within the Churche. But I being by God sette ouer those thinges that are without the Church, am also as it were a bisshop, or ouerseer. Marke wel these words M. Horne. Your allegation auoucheth not the Emperor absolutely to be a bisshop: but [...]. Appointed of God as a certain cōmō bisshop. that is, resembling for his great zeale to Gods Church, the very office and person of a bisshop. But here the Emperour distinctly expresseth the tru [...] bisshops office and vocation to be different from his own office and cal­ling. He confesseth, I say, expressely, that the bisshoppes are appointed of God to be the Rulers ouerseers and directers of those things that are within the Church, that is, that doe concerne the gouernment of spiritual causes, and matters mere ecclesiastical. But him selfe he acknowledgeth to be ordayned of God ouer those things that are without the [Page] Churche, as of wordly and ciuil matters ouer the which he being the Emperour was the supreme gouernour, and in that respect he thought he might after a sorte call him self also a bisshop, which soundeth, an Ouerseer, Ruler, and Guyder of such things as are to his charge committed. And verily after the paterne and example of this Noble first Christian Emperour, first I say that opēly professed and de­fended the same, it may wel be thought, the words spoken to Christian Princes at their Coronatiō time, haue ben cō ­ceiued and vsed. The which also, that the Reader may see how distinct ād differēt in dede the vocatiōs are of Prīces and Bisshops, and yet how in some sorte thei both are bis­shops, that is Ouerseers of Gods people, as Cōstantine pro­fessed hī self to be, I wil here insert the very words vsually rehersed to Princes at their coronatiō time by the bishops annointing them.Vide Pon­tificale impressum Venetiis An. 1520. These are the words. Accipe Coronā regni tui, quae licet ab indignis, episcoporum tamē manibus, capiti tuo imponitur, In nomine Patris, & Filij, & Spiritus Sancti: Quam sanctitatis gloriā, & honorē, & opus fortitudinis intelligas sig­nificare, & per hanc te participē ministerij nostri non ignores. Ita vt sicut nos in interioribus Pastores, restores (que) animarum intelligimur, ita & tu contra omnes aduersitates, ecclesiae Chri­sti defensor assistas, regni (que) tibi à Deo dati: &c. Take the Crowne of your kingdom, which is put vpon your heade by the handes of bisshops, though vnworthy, in the name of the Father, the Sonne, and the Holy Ghost. The which Crown you must vnderstand, doth signify the glory ād ho­nour of Godlynes, and the worke of Fortitude: By this al­so vnderstād, that you are partakener of our Ministery. So that, as we are knowē to be the pastours and gouerners of mens soules in matters internal, so you also shoulde assiste [Page 100] as a defendour of the Church of Christ, and of the kingdom geuē to you by God, against al aduersites. You see here M. Horne, that as in the words of king Iosaphat in the old law, and of Cōstantin the first Christiā Emperour, so to this day in the Coronatiō of al Christē Princes there is made a plain distinctiō betwene the Emperours or Princes Office, and the Office, charge and cōmission of a bisshop, cōmissiō I say cōmitted to him not of the Prince, but of God. And dare you then to cōfound thē? Or dare you for shame M. Horne make the world beleue, that Cōstantin bore himselfe for a Supreme Gouernour in al causes ecclesiastical or spiritual, when he him self in plain woordes confesseth, that of spiri­tual or Ecclesiastical matters the bisshops are of God (not of him) appointed the Rulers and ouerseers, but he hath of God cōmitted vnto him the Charge and rule of those mat­ters that are out of the Church, that are in dede no Church matters, but matters of policy, matters of ciuil gouerment, matters of this world, and cōcerning this present life only?

M. Horne. The 34. Diuision. Pag. 22. a.

The Ecclesiastical histories make mention of many Synodes or councelles, called or assembled at the appointment and order of this Emperour. But the most famous and notable, vvas the Nicene Councel: about the vvhich, con­sider and marke, vvhat vvas the occasion, by vvhose authority it vvas sum­moned and called together, and vvhat vvas the doings of the Emperour from the beginning vnto the dissolution thereof: and yee shal see plainely as in a Glasse, that by the order and practise of the Catholik Church, notified in the order of this general Councel, the (.82) The 82. vntruth. That vvil neuer ap­peare in the order of this Councel. supreme gouernment in Eccle­siastical causes, is in the Emperor and and ciuil Magistrates, and your (83.) The 83. vntruth. Not M. Fekenhā [...] but M. Hornes opiniō is cleerelye condem­ned by the agreement of these 318. Father [...]. opinion condemned by the vniforme agreement of .318. of the most Catholik Bisshops in the vvorlde, commending, and allovving for most godly, vvhat so euer the Emperour did in, or about this councel. The occasion of this famous and most godly councell, vvas the great dissention kindled, partly about a necessarie Article of our beliefe, partly about a ceremony of the Churche. [Page] Arrius incensed vvith ambitious enuie, against Alexander his bisshop at a­lexandria, vvho disputed in one of his lessons or treatises, more subtily of the diuinity than aduisedly, as the Emperour layeth to his chardge, quarreled Sophistically against him, and mainteined an horrible Heresis. Besides this, the Churches vvere also diuided amongest themselues, about the order or ce­remony of keeping the Easterday The Emperour sent Hosius vvith his letters, as I sayd before, into the Easte parties to appeace the furious dissentiō about both these matters, and to reconcile the parties dissenting. But vvhen this duetiful seruice of the Emperour, tooke not that effect vvhich he vvished and hoped for, then as Sozomenus vvriteth, he summoned a councel to be holden at Nice in Bythinia,Lib. 1. c. 17 and vvrote to al the chief Ministers of the Churches euery vvhere, (.84.) The 84. vntruth There appeareth in Sozo­mene no such Im­perial cō ­maunde­ment, but only that he called them to mete at a day. Lib. 1 c. 7. Lib. 3. De vit. Const. Lib. 8. c. 14 Theod. lib. 1. cap. 9. commaunding thē that they should not fayle to bee there at the day appointed. The selfe same also doth Theodoretus affirme, both touching the occasion, and also the summons made by the Emperour. Eusebius also vvriting the life of Constantine, shevveth vvith vvhat carefulnes, the godly Emperour endeuoured to quenche these fiers. And vvhen the Emperour (saieth Eusebius) savve that be preuailed nothing by sending of Hosius vvith his letters, Considering this matter with him self, said, that this warre against the obscure enemy troubling the Church, must be vanquished by an other (meaning himselfe.) Therefore, as the capitaines of Goddes army, towards his voayge, he gathered together a Synode oecumenical, and he called the Bisshops to­gether by his honorable letters, and that they should hasten them selues from euery place. These things, touching the occasion and cal [...]ing of this general counsaile by the Emperour, are affirmed to be true also, by Nicephorus the Ecclesiastical historian. Yea, the vvhole counsaile in their letters, to the [...]hurches in Aegipt, and the East partes, doe testifie the same Synode, to be called by the Emperour, saying: The great and ho­ly Synode, was gathered together at Nice, by the grace of God, and the most religious Emperour Constantine, &c.

The .4. Chapter. Of Constantin the Emperour his dealing in the Nicene Councel, and with Arius after the Councell.

Stapleton.

MAister Horne here entreth to a greate matter, and maketh large promises both to proue his principall purpose effectually, and to confounde M. Fekēham manifestly. But he wil I trowe, when he hath al sayed, be as farre from them both, as if he had helde his peace. First to proue a Supreme gouernment in Constantin, he telleth vs that Constantine summoned the great Councel at Nice in Bithynia: but if he had set in out of Ruffinus,Ruf. lib. 1. cap. 1. hist. ecclesiast. Ex Sacerdotū Sententia: by the wil, minde, and consent of the Priests, that is, of the bisshops: then had he marred all his matter: and therefore wilily he lefte it out. If he had added also out of Theodoret (whome he alleageth to proue that the Empe­rour summoned this Coūcel) why and wherefore the Em­perour would be present at the Councel him self this ima­gined Primacy that Maister Horne so depely dreameth of, would haue appeared a very dreame in dede.Theodore­tus lib. 1. ca. 7. hist. ecclesiast. The Emperor was present (saith Theodoret) bothe desirous to beholde the Number of the Bisshops, and also coueting to procure vnyty a­mong them. These and such like causes doe the Ecclesia­stical histories alleage. But for any supreme gouernment that the Emperour should practise there, as namelye that his Royall assent was necessary to confirme the Coūcell, or that without it Arius had not bene cōdemned, and that he iudged the heresie or any such matter, as you now M. Horne doe attribute to the Prince, hauing your whole re­ligion only by the Princes Authority enacted and confir­med, for any such matter I say, neither in this Councel nor in any other doe the Auncient histories recorde so muche as one word. Your new Religion M. Horne, hath set vp a new kinde of gouernment such as al the Christian worlde [Page] neuer knewe nor hearde of before.

Nowe that you say, the occasion of this famous and most godly Councel, was the dissension partly about a necessary Ar­ticle of our beliefe, partly about a ceremony of the Churche, which ceremony you say after, was, of keeping the Easter­daye, yf it be so as you say (as it is most truely) what saye you to your owne Apologie that saieth, that the vsuall keeping of Easter daye is, a matter of small weight, and to your greate Antiquary Bale, that saieth it is but a ceremony of Hypocrites? In Centu. De script. ecclesiast. Suerly Constantin made a greater accompte of this vniforme obseruation then so, seeing that it was the seconde chiefe cause that caused him to summon this fa­mous, and most godly Councell ▪ as your selfe calleth it. Se­ing also that he maketh them not much better then Iewes that priuately in his time kept Easter daye otherwise, then Rome,Euseb. li. 3 cap. 18. de vit. Const. Afrik, Italy, Aegypte, Spaigne, Fraunce, Grece, Bri­tanny, and many other greate countries that he him selfe reakoneth vppe. And here by the way falleth out in M. Iewel a lye or two, saying that our Countre .700. yeres to­gether kept their Paschal daye with the Grecians other­wise then we doe nowe. Ye see I haue abridged .300. yeares and a halfe at the lest. For Constantin wrote these wordes straight after the Nicene Councell ended, which was kept in the yere of our Lorde .328.

M. Horne. The .35 Diuision. Pag. 23. a.

The Bishoppes (as I said before) vvhen they thought them selues, or their Churche iniuried by others, vvere vvont to appeale and flie vnto the Empe­rour, as the (.85.) The 85. vntruth, euer auouched, but neuer proued. supreme gouernour in al matters, and causes Temporall, or Spirituall, the vvhiche appeareth moste playne, to be the practise of the Churche by these Bishops called vnto the Nicene counsaill. For vvhen they came to Nice, supposing them selues to haue novve good oportunity, beyng [Page 102] nighe vnto the Emperour, to reuenge their Being priuat quarels, thei could be [...]o ec­clesiasti­cal mat­ters tou­ching re­ligion, vvhich is euer commō. Sozom. li. 1. cap. 17. Li. 1. ca. 8. priuate quarelles, and to haue redresse at the Emperours handes, of suche iniuries as they thought thē selues to susteyne at others byshops handes, eche of them gaue vnto the Emperour, a Libell of accusations, signifying vvhat vvronges he had susteyned of his fel­lovve Bishopes, and prayed ayde and redresse by his iudgement. The Empe­rour forseyng that these pryuate quarelings, if they vvere not by some policy, and vvyse deuise sequestred, and layde aside, vvould muche hynder the com­mon cause, tooke deliberatiō, appointing a day, against the vvhich they shuld be in a readines, and commaunded them to prepare and bring vnto him all their libelles and quarelling accusations, one against an other: (Mark by the vvay, the craft and practise of Sathan, to stay and ouerthrovv good purposes, that euen the godly fathers and Bishoppes, vvanted not their great infirmi­ties, preferring their ovvn priuate trifles, before the vveighty causes of Gods Churche. And the vvisdome, zeale, and humblenes, of his moste Christian Emperour, vvho so litle estemed his ovvn honour, and authority, that he vvold rather seeme to be inferiour, or for the time no more than equal vvith his subiectes, to the ende, he might by his humbling of him selfe, aduance and exalt Gods glory, to the edifiyng and quietnes of his Churche.) The day came (vvhiche vvas the day before the first Session should be in the councel, as So­crates saith) the Bishoppes did not sleape their ovvne matters, but had their billes in a readines, and deliuered them vnto the Emperour. This vi­gilant noursefather vnto Gods Churche, had cared and deuised so diligently for the common cause, as the Bishoppes had done for their priuate qua­relles: and therefore, vvhen he had receiued their Libelles, verye (.86.) The 86. vntruth. He did it religious­ly, not politiqu [...]ly. politiquelye, saieth:The 87. 88 and 89. vntruths. Sozome­nes text in three places fal­sified. Sozom. li. 1. cap. 17. Theod. lib. 1 cap. 7. (bicause he vvoulde irritate none of them for that tyme,) That the day of general iudgement shoulde be a fitte time for these accusations. and Christ the Iudge, then would iudge al men: As for me (.87.) it is not leafull to take vpon me (.8 [...].) the iugement of (.89.) suche Priestes, accused, and ac­cusing one an other. VVhereunto, neuertheles, he added this priuy nippe, to pynche them vvithal. For of al other thinges (saith he) this is least seemely, that Bishoppes shoulde shewe them selues suche, as ought to be iudged of others. And so caused the Libelles to be cast into the fire, giuing them an earnest exhortation to peace and quiet­nesse.

Stapleton.

It is a worlde to see the singular logicke, and depe rea­soning of M. Horne, that can of such slender premisses in­ferre such mighty conclusions. For the Emperour to be the Supreme Gouernour in all matters or causes temporall or spiri­tuall, it appereth most plain (saieth he) to be the practise of the Church by these Bisshops c [...]lled vnto the Nicene Councel. An­swere first M. Horne. How could this possiblye be a pra­ctise of the Churche, that neuer before was vsed in the Churche? Except you wil say, that euen heathen princes may be your Supreme gouernours in al causes Ecclesiasti­cal. You knowe before this Constantine there was neuer Christian Emperour, to whome bisshoppes might put vp their complaintes as to their Supreme gouernour, onelye Philip excepted. Who is neuer read, euer to haue medled with the lest matter or cause Ecclesiasticall, but liued ra­ther like a close Christian, being afearde to displease the Romain Legions, who then were in maner al heathens, and who (as the worlde then wente) bore al the stroke in ele­cting of the Emperour, and in the continuance also of him. Contrarywise,Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 27. that he was subiect to the Bisshops, it appe­reth wel by the doing of Pope Fabian, shutting him out at an Easter tyme, from the number of cōmunicants, because he sticked to confesse his sinnes, as other Christians did. Answere therefore first to this, howe you auouche that for a practise which was or coulde neuer be vsed? Wel lette this goe for an other vntruthe.

Now let vs heare howe ioylely you wil proue, that the 318. Fathers of the Nicene Councel, doe condemne M. Fe­kenhams opinion, which before you promised to doe. The cause is to your seeming, that certain Bisshops accused one [Page 103] the other before the Emperour Constantine. But how can this be a good motiue for you M. Horn, to pronounce him therefore a Supreme Gouernour in all causes temporal and spi­ritual, seing it dothe not appere what those causes were, which the bis [...]hops did put vp vnto him? They might be, and so it is most likely they were, causes temporal. Verily your selfe confesseth, they were priuat quarrels: and so no matter of faith and religiō, (of which can growe no priuat quarrels, but cōmō cōtrouersies) but as it may seme, it was some priuat cōtētiō betwene neighbour ād neighbour (for at that time euery town had bis bisshops, yea many meane Villages also) concerning the limites and boundes of their possessions, or [...]uch like matter, which is a matter plaine temporall. Beside this they were not al at dissention but certaine, and perchaunce very fewe: how is then M. Fe­kenham condemned by 318. Bisshops of Nice? I see you wil play smal game, rather then ye wil sit out. I wil now bring you for M. Fekēham and for the Popes supremacy, no such trieflinge toyes and folishe gheasses: but a substantial au­thour Athanasius him self, that reciteth out of Pope Iulius epistle, that this famous and moste godly synode decreed:Athanas. Apol. 2. that no bisshop should be deposed, onlesse the Pope were first thereof aduertised: and that nothing owght to be determined in Councel, but that he should be thereof made priuye before. But why doe I craue ayde against you of this Councell, seing your own example plainlye destroyeth your imagi­ned Primacy, in that Constantine answereth to these quar­reling bisshops, that it was not lawful for hī to be their Iudge?M. Horne cōuicted by his ovvne example of Cōstā ­tines do­inges. Which sentence of his being so plaine, you more grosslye then truely or politykely would elude, as thowgh Constā ­tin meant no such matter, but politykely spake this because [Page] he would not irritate them, or leaste by priuate quarrels the weighty cause of the faith in hand should be hindred. Such gay gloses that destroy the text, may you by your ex­trauagant Authority make at your pleasure. But the sen­tēce of Sozomene only laied forth, shal both discouer your bastard glose, and open also your vntrue handling of his text. For Constantine refusing to iudge of the bisshoppes complaintes, calling them first (as Ruffinus at large reher­seth) Goddes, Ruffin. lib. 1. c. 2. hist. suae eccle­siast. Sozom. li. 1. cap. 17 and such as ought to iudge ouer him, not to be iud­ged of him, or of any men at al, but of God only, he addeth and saieth as Sozomenus your alleaged Author reporteth. As for me, [...], being a man (which woordes you guilfully left out) it is not lawfull to take vpon me [...], such iudgement not the iudgemēt: as you absolutely but vntruly turn it: For straight he expoūdeth what maner of iudgement it is not lawful for hī to take vpō him: adding immediatly [...] whē priests are parties plaintifs and defendants, not of such Priestes &c. as you,Three vntruthes of M Horn. in translating of one greke sentence. Ruffin. lib. 1. cap. 2. now the third tyme in one sentence, most lewdely and liyengly doe translate it. These woordes therefore of Constantine, thus spoken to the Bisshoppes, were not poli­tikely (as you glose Maister Horne) but religiously and re­uerentlye deuised, as to whome in plaine woordes he said: Deus vos constituit Sacerdotes, & potestatem vobis dedit de nobis quoque iudicandi, & ideo à vobis rectè iudica­mur. Vos autem non potestis ab hominibus iudicari. God hath appointed you Priestes: And hath geuen you power, to iudge ouer vs also: And therefore we are orderly iud­ged of you. But you can not be iudged of men. Here by the waye, Maister Horne: The best, the noblest, and the wysest Emperour that euer Christendome had, confesseth [Page 104] the Bisshoppes his superioures and iudges: Shewe you where euer any wise or good Bisshop so flatly agnised the Emperour his superiour or Iudge in matters of Reli­gion.

Nowe that this facte of Constantine proceded not of policie, but of reuerence: beholde, howe this example was interpreted afterward aboue a thousand yeares past, both of Emperours and of Bisshops.Concil. Chalcedo. Act. 1. Martianus that ver­tuouse Emperour protested openly in the Councell of Chalcedon, that he was present there, after the example of Constantine, not to shew his power, but to confirme his faith. And Saint Gregorie putting Mauritius the Emperoure (who in a chafe had called him foole) in mynde of the due­ty he owed to Gods ministers, rippeth vp to him particu­larlye this verye fact of Constantine, refusing to iudge vpon the bishopes complayntes &c. and addeth in the end as an [...], these woordes.Gregor. li. 4. epist. 31 In qua tamen sententia pie Domine, sibi magis ex humilitate, quàm illis aliquid praestitit ex reuerentia impensa. In which sentence yet (my good Lorde) Constantyne more profited him self by humilitie, then he did the Bishopes, by the reuerence he shewed them.

It was saieth Saint Gregorye, Reuerentia impensa, a re­uerence shewed to the bishopes, that Constantine would not iudge ouer their complaintes: It was politikelye done, saieth. M. Horne. Such a politike prelate hath Winchester diocese of him. Verely of that notable See with such pre­lates lately beautified, and now of this man so contamina­ted, we may say as Cicero saied of Pompey the greate his palace possessed of Anthonie that Infamous Rybalde. O domus antiqua, q̄ dispari Domino dominaris?In Phil. 2. For with the [Page] like sincerity doe you through the whole booke procede, sometyme flatly belying, somtyme nypping their senten­ces,Euseb. lib. 3. De vita Constant. but wel nere continually concealing the circumstan­ces and whole effect of your alleaged Authours, as we shal in the processe see.

M. Horne. The .36. Diuision. Pag. 23. b

The next day after, they assembled at the Emperours palayce, he com­maunded them to goe into the Councel house, to consult of the matter, (the coūcel house vvas vvithin Themperors pallayce, trimly furnished vvith seates, aptly ordred for such purpose, as it vvere in rovves.) They entred in, and vvay­ted vvithout any doings, til the comming of the Emperour, vvhose seat vvas of gold, placed at the first beginning of the rovves: (.90.) The 90. vntruthe in concealing the truth of the story as shal appeare. vvho being entred and placed in his seate, maketh an oration vnto them, declaring the conten­tiōs sprōg vp amōgest them selues, to be the occasion vvherefore he called thē together: and the ende is (saith he) that this disease might be hea­led through my ministery. After this he maketh an earnest exhorta­tion, mouing them to quietnes, forgiuing one an other; for Christ comma­undeth (saith he) that vvho vvil receiue pardon at his hande, shal also for­giue his brethern. After this most graue exhortation to vnity, and concorde, in truth, he geueth them (.91.) The 91. vntruth. Theodo­ret hath no such thing. leaue to consult of the matters in hande, pre­scribeth vnto them a (.92.) The 92. vntruth. The Em­perour prescri­bed no rule to the bis­shops. rule, vvhereby they must measure, trie, and dis­cusse these, and (.93.) The 93. vntruth. The syl­lable, All, foysted in, more then his Author hath. Socr. lib. 1. cap. 8. Theod. lib. 1 cap. 7. al other such disputations, and controuersies, in mat­ters of religion, to vvitte, Sanctissimi spiritus doctrinam praescrip­tam, The doctrine of the most holy spirit before writen. For (saieth he) the bookes of the Euangelistes, and of the Apostles and also the Prophecies of the olde Prophetes, doe euidently teache vs of Gods meaning. VVherefore laying a syde al dis­corde of enemity, let vs take the explications of our questiōs, out of the sayings of the holy Ghost. VVhen the parties vvaxed vvarme in the disputations, and the contention, somvvhat sharpe, then the Emperour, as a vvise moderatour, and ruler, vvoulde discourage none, but myldely caulmed such as he savv ouer hasty vvith milde vvoordes, coolinge their heate: and commended such as reasoned deeply vvith grauity.

Stapleton.

In all this talke is naught els but a heape of vntruthes, ād vaine gheasses, nothing to the principall purpose mate­riall: which will well appeare in a more open declaration of that, which you haue patchedly and obscurely shewed, as it were, a farre of to your Reader, concealing (as your maner is) all that any thing concerneth the Bishops autho­ritie in those matters. First then you tell vs out of Eusebi­us, that Constantine in the Councell of Nice, sate in a seat of golde, placed at the first beginning of the rowes. Euseb. li. 3 cap. 10. de vita Constant. Theodor. li. 1. c. 7. But you leaue out Modica, a small seate, or as Theodoret also calleth it, [...]: sitting in the middest in a low seate: You conceale also that whiche Eusebius your alleaged author in that very place addeth: Non prius in ea sedit, quàm annu [...]ssent Episcopi: He sate not downe before the Bishops had geauen him leaue. For so importeth the word [...]: vsed by Eusebius and Theodoret also. Which declareth very well the Bishops superioritie in the Coun­cell, where matters of faithe were to be treated. Nowe where you adde out of Theodoret, that the Emperoure should geue the Bisshops leaue to consult. &c. Theodoret in the place alleaged hath no such wordes. You imagine, by like, the Bishops had of the Emperoure suche a licence as your English Statutes require. That the Conuocation shall make no Ecclesiasticall lawe without the Kings consent. No, No. Constantine demeaned not him selfe so stately. You haue heard what his behauiour was, and shal heare yet far­der, by your next vntruth, which is this. You say, th'Em­perour prescribed them a rule whereby they shoulde measure, trye, and discusse, these and all other such disputations, &c. But you say it vntruely. For immediately after the wordes by [Page] you alleaged, to shew therby the Emperours rule and pre­scription, Theodoret addeth: These things and such like he vttered, as a naturall louing child, to the Priestes, as to his Fa­thers. If Children prescribe rules to their Fathers when they geue them good counsail, then did also Constantine here prescribe a rule to the Bishops. But if so to say, is more then childish, consider M. Horne how like a babe ye haue reasoned against the authority of such blessed Fathers, the Fathers of that most holy and learned Councell.

Verely S. Ambrose, who knew, I trow, better what was done in the Nicene Councel then M. Horne doth, and is of somewhat more credite too, reporteth farre otherwise of Cōstantines doings, then M. Horne coūterfeiteth. Thus he saith:Ambros. Lib 5. Epist. 32. And I pray you M. Horne, marke his saiyng wel. Si cō ­ferendū de fide, saderdotum debet esse ista collatio: sicut factū est sub Cōstantino Augustae memoriae principe, qui nullas leges antè praemisit, sed liberum ded [...]t iudiciū sacerdotibus. If conferēce must be had of the faith, this cōference ought to be kept of Priests: as it was done in the time of Cōstantine a Prince of noble memory: who (whē cōtrouersy of the faith sprōg vp) did not before prescribe any lawes, but left to the Priestes the free iudgemēt and determination Yet saith M. Horne, that Cōstantine prescribed to the Bisshops, a rule wherby they should measure, trye and discusse the controuersie in hande. Wherin obserue diligently (gentle Reader) that S. Ambrose is direct contrary to M. Horne, not only touching this par­ticular fact of Constantine (the one saiyng tha [...] he prescri­bed before hand no lawes at all, but left to the Bishops the triall of the controuersie free, the other auouching that he prescribed a rule to trie and discusse the matter by) but also touching the whole estate of the question betwene M. [Page 106] Horne and M. Fekenham here. For S. Ambrose wil haue the conference and trial of the faith to appertain to Priests chiefly and onely. For these wordes he spake against the yong Valentinian, who being seduced in his minoritie, as our late Soueraine King Edwarde was, would haue the matter of faith to be tried in Palaice before him and his benche, as matters of faithe are nowe in the Parliamente concluded. Contrarywise M. Horne will haue the su­preme iudgement of matters of faith to rest in the Prince, and all thinges measured by that rule and square that the Prince prescribeth. You see howe the iudgement of the Auncient Fathers, accordeth with the opinion of vpstarte Protestants.

But will you knowe, M. Horne, what Constantine in­tendeth in that his exhortation made to the Bisshoppes? He findeth fault, and worthelye, with suche as were faul­tye for their diuision and dissention in Relligion, and doth referre them to holye Scripture, that dothe euidentlye in­structe vs of Gods minde. But (wherein your liegerde­maine bursteth out) you shufle in of your owne this syl­lable All. a pretye knacke, I promise you, to swete your answeare withall. It is true, that we must measure and discusse our controuersies by Scripture,Traditiōs are to be regarded, vvhere Scripture faileth. and neuer resolue against Scripture: So where there is no plaine Scripture, there the Apostolicall traditions, the decrees or Gene­rall Councelles, the authoritye of the vniuersall Churche make a good plea. And these Nicene Fathers added vnto the common Creede this woorde [...]: expressinge liuely the vnitie of Christes Diuinitie in one substaunce with the Father, though the word appere not in scripture, and though the Arrians would neuer receiue or allowe it. [Page] Eutiches the Archeheretique deniyng that Christ had two natures, was wonte to aske of the Catholiques: In what scripture lye the two natures? To whom Mamas the Ca­tholike Bishop answered, where find you Homousion in the Scripture?Vide Act. 1 Chalced. Concil. pa. 776. col. 1. Well saith Eutiches, in case it be not in the holy scripture, it is foūd in the expositiō of the holy Fathers. Thē replied Mamas: Euē as Homousiō is not foūd in the scripture, but in the Fathers expositiō and interpretatiō: So is it with these wordes two natures of Christ, which wordes are not in Scripture, but in the Fathers. Ye may hereby perceiue, M. Horne, that ye must not sequester and sonder the Scri­pture, from the cōmon allowed exposition of the Fathers: nor geue iudgement in all causes by bare scripture only, as ye woulde make vs beleue, but take the faith and faithfull exposition of the Fathers withal. In like sorte obiected the Eunomians against Gregory Nazianzen for the God­head of the holy Ghost.Gregor. Nazian. lib. 5. De Theolog. [...]? From whence bring you vs foorth this straunge and vnwriten God? But Gregory Nazianzen answereth them, and you withal, M. Horne. [...]. The loue of the letter, is a cloke to them of their wickednesse. Thus you see, M. Horne, how wel Patrisas, and howe like you are to your progenitours and auncetours, auncient heretiques, Arrians, Eutychians, and Eunomians. Is this the grounde, M. Horne, that moued you among other Articles proposed to the fellowes of the new Colledge in Oxforde, to make this one also, vnto the which they shoulde sweare,Art. 1. An. 1566. Angl. 18. Mart. or rather forsweare: that out of holy Scripture all controuersies might sufficientlye be conuin­ced? I wish here, if I speake not to late, to that godly foū ­dation, to the which being (though vnworthy) a member [Page 107] sometime thereof, I ought of duety to wish the best, rather to forsake (as many, God be praised, haue done) the com­fortable benefit of that societie, then by absolute subscri­bing to such a daungerouse Article, a snare in dede against many Articles of our Faith, to fall to the approuing of your heresies, and so to forsake the Catholique societie of all Christendome, and of that Churche wherein our Godlye founder (Bishope Wicame of famous memorie) liued and died. Thus muche by the waye. To returne to you M. Horne, a vehement persequutour of that yong company, I tel you again, to make your maters more apparāt,The Apology hath shifted this syl­lable, Al, into a sentēce of S. Hierōs. ye haue slilye shifted in this prety sillable, All. The like part hath the Author of your Apologie plaied with S. Hierome, turning him to their purpose and yours here against Traditions, say­ing: Omnia ea quae absque testimonio scripturarum, quasi tra­dita ab Apostolis asseruntur, percutiuntur gladio Dei. All things (say they) which without the testimonies of Scrip­tures are holden, as deliuered frō the Apostles, be through­lye smitten doune by the sworde of Gods worde. Where to frame the sentence to his and your minde, ye haue by like authoritie, set in this syllable All, also.

M. Horne. The .37. Diuision. pag. 24. b.Euseb. li. [...] De vita Constāt. Socr. li. 1. cap. 8. Socr. li. 1. cap. 9. Theod. li. 1 ca. 13.

VVhen they had agreed of the chiefe pointes, vvherefore they vvere as­sembled, the Emperour him selfe calleth foorth Acesius a Bisshoppe at Con­stantinople, of the Nouatians religion, and (.94.)The .94. vntruth. For he had but priuate talke vvith him, no open examination. examineth him openlye, touching these Articles, vvherevnto the vvhole Councell had agreed and subscribed. He vvriteth his letters to the Churche at Alexandria, vvhere the controuersie touching the Diuinitie of Christ began, declaringe, that he him self together vvith the Bysshops in the Coūcel, had taken vpon him (.95.)The .95. Vntruthe. For Constantine did not this as the Iudge ouer Doctrine, or as Supreme gouernour, but as desiring aboue measure to serue the church vvith the Bishops▪ as he protesteth in the same sētēce saiīg: [...] vvhich vvordes you nippe of from the middle of the sentence. [Page] the searching foorth of the truthe, and therefore assureth them, that al things vvere diligently examined, to auoid all ambiguitie and doubtfulnes: vvher­fore he exhorteth and vvilleth them all, that no man make any doubte or delaies, but that cherefully they returne againe into the most true vvaye. He vvriteth an other to all Bisshoppes, and people vvhere so euer, vvher­in he commaundeth▪ that no vv [...]itinge of Arius, or monument conteyninge Arius doctrine, be kept openly or secretly, but be burnt vnder paine of death. After that all the matters vvere conclūded, and signed vvith their handes subscription, the Emperour dissolueth the Councell, and licenseth euery one of them to returne home to his ovvne bisshopricke, vvith this exhortation, that they continue in vnitie of faith: that they preserue peace and concorde amongst them selues, that from thence forth they abide no more in contenti­ons:Sozomen. li. 5. c. 25. and last of all, after he had made a long oration vnto them, touching these matters, he commaundeth them, that they make prayer continuallye for him, his children, and the vvhole Empire.

Stapleton.

Socra. li. 1 cap. 10.There is no matter heere greatly to be stayed vppon. The matter of Acesius proueth litle your purpose. Onlesse perchaunce, ye thinke that Constantine examined Acesius of his faith,King Hē ­ries sit­ting vpō Lambert. and heard his cause, as King Henrie did Lam­bert the sacramentaries cause, sitting vpon him as Supreme head, and pronouncing by his Vicegerent Cromwell, final sentence against him. For the whiche sentence M. Foxe wonderfully reueleth with the King, and reuileth him too: which discourse if any man be desirous to see, I remit him to M. Foxes madde Martyrologe.The .553. leafe Socr. lib. 1. cap. 10. Niceph. li. 8. ca. 20 The talke of Constan­tine with Acesius the Nouatian was onely priuate, as both Socrates and Nicephorus doe reporte it. Open exami­nation no Writer mentioneth. It is Maister Hornes vn­truthe.

His Proclamation that no man should kepe Arius books [Page 108] vnder paine of deathe, dothe not iustifie this supremacie by you imagined. This was but an outewarde execution of ciuile punishmente in the assisting of the Nicene De­crees. Nowe, touching that you tell vs, howe Constan­tine licenced the Fathers to departe, if he saied: Gramercy moste reuerend Fathers, for your great paines and trauail, nowe may you in Gods name, resorte to your cures and flocke, God speede you, God prosper your iourney:Theod. li 1. ca 14. And if he bare their charges too, that were poore Bisshoppes, as he did, in case he woulde not suffer them to depart till all matters were throughlye and finallye discussed, What then? What supremacy maketh al this? Or how is this a­ny thing like to the Supremacy now sworen vnto?

M. Horne. The .38. Diuision pag. 24. b.

Arius count [...]feiting a false and a feined confession of beliefe, like an hy­pocrite▪ pretending to the Emperour, that it vvas agreable to the faithe of the Nicene Councel humbly beseching the Emperour, that he would vnit and restore him to the (.96.) The .96. Vntruth. The very vvoordes of Arius falsified. mother Churche, and therefore hauing friends in the Emperours Court (as suche shall neuer vvante fau­tours about the best Princes) vvas brought into his presence, vvhom the Em­peroure him selfe examined diligentlye, and perceiuinge no disagree­ment (as he thought) from the agrement made in Nicene Councell (.97.) The .97. Vntruth. No suche vvordes in Theo­doret, or in any o­ther of the eccle­siasticall Historiās Socr lib. 1 cap. [...]8. absolued and restored him againe, vvhervnto Athanasius, vvho knevv Arius throughly, vvould not agree, and being accused therfore vnto th'Emperour, vvas charged by letters from him, that he should receiue Arius, vvith these threates, that if he vvould not, he vvould (.98.)The 98. Vntruth. No suche thing neither in Socrates nor in Theo­doret, for any mat­ter of A­rius. Theod. li. 1. ca. 27. depose them from his Bis­shoprike, and commit him to an other place. The Arrians heaped vp many and horrible accusations and slaunders vpon Athanasius, vvhervpon the Em­perour doth summon a Councell at Tyre, and sendeth commaundement by his letters [...]o Athanasius, that vvithout all excuse, he should appeare there, for othervvise he should be brought vvhether he vvould or no. He vvriteth to the Coūcel his letters, vvherin he declareth the causes vvhy he called that Coūcel. He shevved vvhat he vvould haue and vvhat they ought to do, ād prescribeth vnto thē the form ād rule wherby thei shuld iudge ād determin in that Synod. [Page] Athanasius appeared, appealed, fled to the Emperour, and declared the in­iuries offered against him in that Councel. The Emperour tooke vpon him the hearing of the cause,Soc. lib. 1. cap. 34. sent his letters to the vvhole Synod, commaunding them vvithout al excuse or delay, to appeare before him in his palaice, and there to shevv hovv vprightly and hovve sincerely they had iudged in their Synod, as I haue shevved (.99.)(.99.) A heape of vntruths as before in the .32. Diuision and third chapter. before. VVherein obserue diligently, that the Emperor taketh vpō hī, and no fault found thervvith, to examine and iudge of the doings of the vvhol Coūcel. Thus far of Cōstantine and his doings, in the executiō of his ministerie, and especially in perfourming that part, vvhich he called his best part, that is his gouernement, and rule, in Ecclesiastical mat­ters, vvherein it is manifest, that by the practise of the Catholique Churche for his time approued and commended by all the Catholique Priests and Bi­shops, in the Nicene Councell, the supreme gouernment, authority, and rule, in (,100.) The .100. vntruth. Facing ād impudēt, generally auouched but not in one par­ticular proued. all maner causes both Ecclesiasticall and Temporall, vvere clai­med and exercised by the Emperour, as to vvhom of right, suche like povver and authority, belonged and appertained.

Stapleton.

Beholde nowe an other Argument of M. Hornes ima­gined Supremacie. Arius hypocriticallye dissemblinge his heresie, and pretending his faithe to be agreeable to the Nicene faith, humbly besecheth Constantine, to vnite and restore him to the Mother Churche. And so he was absolued and restored. Theodor. li. 1. c. 14. Truely here had ye hitte M. Feckenhā home in dede, had there bene any such thing in your Authour, as in dede, there is not, nor can be, onlesse Constantine had bene also a Priest. In dede he released him from exile, be­ing before circumuented by a crafty Epistle of his and Eu­zoius together,Ruff. lib. 1. cap. 11. Tripart. li. 3. ca. 6. which in wordes semed to agree with the Nicene Councell, but in meaning farre disagreed. Yf ye call this, vniting to the Mother Church, your Mother hath a faire Childe, and a cunning Clercke of you: And yet were ye much more cunning, if ye could finde any such disordi­nate [Page 109] and folish false phrases in any mans penne sauing your owne. Neither can I tell in the worlde, where to find, or where ye found this peuish hereticall fond phrase, onlesse it were of Arius him selfe, of whome ye seme to take it. And yet durst not he, as starke an heretik as he was,Hist. trip. lib. 3. ca. 6 Sozomen. li 2. c. 27. to hasard so farre as ye haue done. In deede in his craftie and subtile letter, so ambitiously and coulourably penned, that Constantine supposed, it agreed very well with the very definition of the Nicene Councell, in the ende thereof,M. Horn hath no Author but Arius to helpe him. M. Horn vresteth euē Arius vvords. he made sute vnto Constantine to be receiued againe into the Catholique Cōmunion, in these wordes, speaking for him selfe and Euzoius his mate: Quapropter rogamus vntri nos per pacificam & Dei cultricem pietatem tuam matri nostrae Ec­clesiae iubeatis. Wherefore we beseche your honour being a peaceable Prince, and a true worshipper of God to com­maund that we may be vnited to our Mother the Church. Ye see, good Reader, if M. Horne hath any Author, who,Sozom. lib. 2. c 27 and of how good credite he is: euen no better then Arius him selfe. And yet in this pointe is M. Horne worse then he,It is pro­ued by Constan­tine him­selfe that it vvas the bis­shops part and not his to restore Arius ād other he­retiques to the Churche. and corrupteth and wresteth not onely the Catholique writers, but Arius wordes too. For Arius doth not desire Constantine to restore him, as M. Horne faineth, but to geue out his commaundemente; that he might be restored: and by whome was that, M. Horne, but by the Bishoppes? And this thing Constantine him selfe well vnderstode, and ther­fore though glad to see them (as he thought) to haue chan­ged their minde, yet (not presuming (as Sozomen writeth) to receiue them into the Communion of the Churche, before the iudgement and allowance of mete men according to the Lawe of the Church [...]) he sent them to the Bishops assembled then (for an other matter) in Councell at Hierusalem, that they [Page] shuld examine his and his cōpanions faith: Et clementem su­per eis sententiam proferrent: Trip. lib. 3. cap. 6. Sozo. vbi supra. Ruff. li. 1. eccles. suae hist. ca. 11. Trip & Sozo. vbi supra. Trip li. 3. cap. 10 Ruff. li. 1. cap. 11. Theodore. li. 1. ca. 14. Trip. li. 3. ca. 10. Socrates li. 1. ca. 38. and that they shoulde geue a merciful iudgement vpon them, yf they did truely repent. Ruffine also writeth agreable vnto this adding, so that A­lexander the Bisshop did therto assente. Eusebius and other dissembling Catholik bisshops, which were in hart Arians stil (as it did afterward appere) forthwith (in the Councel) receiued Arius into their communion. But when he came to Alexandria, he could not ther be receiued. The Catho­like bisshop Alexander of Alexandria yet liuing, would not admit him. Then remayning there a long tyme as excom­municated he desired (saieth Theodoret) to be by some mea­nes restored again, and beganne to counterfeite the Catholike. But when Alexander his bisshop and Athanasius his suc­cessor could not be so circumuented, he attempted ones again the Emperours fauour. And so by the means of Euse­bius of Nicomedia an Arriā bisshop in hart, he was brought to the Courte at Constantinople, and to the Emperours speach, the secōd time after his banishmēt. Where the Em­perour desirous to trie him, asked Arrius, if he agreed with the Nicene Councel, vpon which request he offred to the Emperoure a supplication and a foorme of the Catholike confessiō, pretending to sweare to that, but deceauing the prince with a contrary faith in his bosome, and swearing to the faith in his bosome. By these means th'Emperour di­missed him And therevpō the factiō of Eusebius wēt forth­with [...], with their accustomed violēce (saith Theodoret) to Alexāder the B. of Cōstantinople, Theodor. lib. 1. cap. 24. Socrat. li. 2. cap. 29. and required him to receiue him into Cōmunion. The Bishop vtterly refu­sed to do it notwithstāding the Courtiours request or Prin­ces pleasure: because (saith Alexāder) being by a whole Coūcell [Page 110] cōdemned, he cā not be restored. The factiō of Eusebiꝰ thret­ned Alexāder,Theodor. vt supra. Ruff. li 1. eccles. hist. ca. 13. [...]ripart. li. 3. cap. 10. Socrat. li. 1. cap. 38. that if he would not by faire meanes restore him, they would force him therto by foule meanes, saiyng: As against your wil we haue made him come to the Emperours speach, so to morow against your wil, we wil make you to receiue him into your Church. To this point therfore, the mater was now brought, that Eusebius with his faction conducted by force Arius to the Cathedrall Churche at Constantinople there by violēce to Church him: But lo, as they were going with al their heretical band to the church to play this part, God shewed his mighty hād, euen as he did vpō the Egyp­tians in the read sea, specified in the old Testamēt, or vpon Iudas in the new. For in the way Arius was driuē to seke a place to ease nature:The notable death of Arius. where sodainly he auoided with his excrementes his very bowels and entrails: ād in that filthy place gaue ouer his foule filthy stinking soule. A mete car­pet for such a squier. And this is, loe, the mother Churche whervnto Arius was restored and vnited. For other resti­tution by the true Catholike Bishops, whose office it was as ye haue heard, to restore him, had he none. And nowe with this miserable and wretched ende of this Archehere­tike Arius, wil I also end the doīgs of Cōstantine the great, wherin I haue so farre forth proceeded, as M. Horne hath ministred occasion. As for the Councel of Tyrus, whereof here againe mētion is reiterated, I haue spoken both in this boke, ād also against M. Iewel, as is before noted. And now may I boldly vnfold your cōclusion, M. Horne, where you say that the Nicen bisshops agnised this kind of regimēt in the great Cōstantine ▪ and say quite cōtrary, they agnised no suche regimēt which also I haue proued against you euē by your own examples of Cōstantine, and the Nicen Fathers, espe­cially of Athanasius, present at the said Councell.

M. Horne. The .39. Diuision. pag. 25. b.

Constantines sonnes, claimed and toke vpō them, the same authority, that their Fathers had done before them: and as Zozomen (.101.) The .101. Vntruth. Sozomē belyed. They made la­vves a­gainst the Idolaters but not lavves ec­clesiasti­call. Theod. li. 2. cap. 1. reporteth of them, did not only vpholde and mainteine, the ordinaunces made by their father Constantine, in Church matters, but did also make nevv of their ovvne as occasion serued, and the necessitie of the time required.

Constantinus, after the death of his father, restored Athanasius (vvhom his father had (.102.) deposed) to his bishoprike againe, vvriting honourable and louing letters to the Churche of Alexandria, for his restitution.

Constantius deposed Liberius, the Bisshoppe of Rome, for that he vvoulde not consent to the condemnation of Athanasius, in vvhose place Foelix vvas chosen, vvhom also the Emperour deposed for the like cause, and restored a­gain Liberius vnto his bisshoprik, vvho being moued vvith th' Emperors kind­nes (as som vvrite) or rather being ouercome vvith ambition (.103.) The .103. Vntruth. Liberius neuer be­came an Arrian. Socr. li. 2. ca. 36.37. becam an Arrian.The .202. Vntruth. For Con­stantine the great did not depose Athana­sius. Sabell. Platin. This Emperour deposed diuers bisshops, appointing other in their places. He called a Synod at Millayn, as Socrates vvitnesseth, saiyng: The Emperour commaunded by his Edict, that there shoulde be a Synod holden at Millayn. There came to this Councell aboue .300. Bishoppes out of the VVest Countries. After this, he minded to call a gene­rall Councell of all the East and VVest Bysshops to one place, vvhich coulde not conueniently be brought to passe, by reason of the greate distaunce of the places, and therefore he commaunded the Councell to be kept in tvvo places, at Ariminum in Italie, and at Nicomedia in Bythinia.

The .5. Chapter. What Ecclesiasticall gouernement the Sonnes of Constantine the Great practised.

Stapleton.

YF Constantines Sonnes claimed the same authoritie that their Father had in causes Ecclesiasticall, then were they no supreame Iudges, no more then their Father was, who was none as I haue said and shewed. Yet saith M. Horne, They not only mainteined their Fathers or­dinaunces in Church matters, but also made new of their owne, But al this is but a loud and a lewd lye. Which (to be short) [Page 111] shal sone appeare in the wordes of Zozomene (M. Hornes Author) who in the boke ād chapter quoted by M. Horne writeth thus:Li. 3. c. 17. The Princes also (he meaneth Constantines Sonnes) concurred to to the encrease of these things (he spea­keth of encreasing the Christian faith) [...]. shewing their good affection to the Churches no lesse then their Father: and ho­nouring the Clergy, their seruaunts, and their domesticals, with singular promotions and immunites. Both confirming their Fa­thers lawes, and making also of their owne, against such as went about to sacrifice, to worship idols, or by any other meanes fell to the Grekes or Heathens superstitions. Lo, M. Horne, heare what your Author saith. As before Cōstantine promulged lawes against Idolatrie, and honored the Church of Christ, and the ministers thereof, so did his Sonnes after him. As for Church matters, as Constantine the Father, made no lawes or decrees therto apertaining, no more did his Sōnes. It is but your impudent vntruth.Three vntruthes of M Horns in fovver lines. Tripart. lib. 3. ca. 2. Now touching the first and eldest sonne of Constantine, called also Constantine, we haue here of him as many lies as lines. First in that M. Horne saith, that his Father deposed Athanasius, who was deposed by the Bishops, and not by Constantine, for he ba­nished him, but depose him, he neither did, nor could. The second, that this Constantine restored him to his bishoprick againe: wherein he belyeth (and so maketh the third lye) his Author Theodoret,Theod. lib. 2. ca. 1. M. Horne now. God be thāked hath foūd his suprē head in cōstātius the Arriā Emperor who speaketh of none other restitution, but that he released him from exile and banishmente: which ye wote is no Bishoply, but a Princely function and office. But now we may be of good comforte. For hauing boren out this brunt, I trust we shal shift wel inough for all the residue. For now, lo, we haue an Emperour, that as far as I can see, tooke vppon him in dede, in many things M. [Page] Hornes supremacy. Which may be proued by Athanasius, Hosiꝰ, Hilarius, ād Leōtius Bisshops of the very same time: But praise be to God,Athanasi­us ad soli­tartam vi­tam agen­tes, vbi & literae Ho­sij recitan­tur ad Cō ­stantium. Hilarius in lib. con­tra Con­stantium. VVhat li­king the catholiks thē liuing had of yt. VVhat Hosius sayde to him for this supremacy. Vide Sui­dam in Leontio. VVhat Leontius sayde to him for this supremacy. that the same men (al notable lightes of the Catholike Church) which declared that he vsed this authority, do withal declare their great misliking thereof: ād make him (so [...] of thē) a plain forerūner of Antichrist: as I haue before declared out of Athanasius. Meddle not Sir Em­perour (saith Hosius) with maters of the Church, neither com­maūd vs in such things, but rather learne them at our handes: God hath betakē and cōmitted to thée, th' Empire, ād to vs, hath, he cōmitted Church matters. And Leontius B. of Tripolis, at what time this Constantius being present at a Synod of Bis­shops was very busy in talke to set forth certain cōstitutiōs, saith boldly vnto him: Syr Imaruail with my self why that ye leauing your own, busy your self with other mēs affaires: the commō welth and warlik maters are cōmitted to your charge: the which your charge you forslow, sitting amōg the Bis [...]hops ād m [...] kīg lawes cōcernīg maters Ecclesiastical, wherin ye haue nothīg to do. And if this mā deposed Bishops, as ye say, then haue ye foūd a fair welfauored presidēt to groūd your primacy vpō. How wel fauored a prēsidēt he is, ād how worthy to be fo­lowed, if ye list to see, M. Horn, ye may learn of M. Nowel who saw farder in this mater a great deale, then your pre­latship. He hath laid forth no lesse then .13. Articles against this your supreme gouernour (M. Horne) to proue that he was for his busy gouernmēt in dede a very Antichrist. Thus you iarre ādiūble againe one agaīst an other, and can neuer agree in your tales. As for that he called the Coūcel at Ari­minū, ād els where, that induceth no such primacy as I haue and shal better herafter declare, namely whē I com to your own author the Card.Novvel fol. 114. Cusanꝰ: In the meāsesō, ye haue mi­nistred to me a good mater to iustify the Popes primacy. For [Page 112] behold Damasus broke ād disanulled al that was don at Ari­minū (saith Theodoret) because his consent wāted thereto.

And here that Councel which the Emperour by his su­preme gouernmēt (as M. Horn fansieth) sōmoned,Theod. li. 2. cap. 22. the Pope as a Superiour gouernour to this supreme gouernour, quite disanulled, which made S. Ambrose to say:Ambros. li 5. ep. 32. Meritò Conciliū illud exhorreo. I do for good cause abhorre that Councell. For which cause also, it is to this day of no authoritie at all. Thus al M. Horns exāples run roūdly against hī, ād quite o­uerturne his purpose. For why? How can possiblie a false cause be truly defended? That you say, Liberius the Pope of Rome became an Arriā is a slaūderous Vntruth. It is your brethrēs cōmō obiectiō, ād hath so oft bē soluted by the Catholiks, that your part had bē now (bearīg your self for a lerned Prelate) not to resume such rusty reasons, but to replie against the Catholiks answeres ād solutiōs, if ye were able. The worste that euer Liberius did (to make any suspitiō in him) is, that after banishmēt he was restored,Athanas. ad solit. vitā agēt. Tripart. li. 5. ca. 17 and yelded to Cōstātius. But Athanasius saith expresly, that the same his yelding was not to the Arriā heresy, but to the deposing of him frō his Bisshoprik. And that was al that the Emperor re­quired of Liberius, as it maye appeare by the learned and stout cōmunicatiō had betwen this Liberius ād the Empe­ror in Rome, as Theodoret at large recordeth. And to this he was driuē by force of tormtēs, saith Athanasius. Nowe for hī to become an Arriā is volūtarily to teache, to beleue, or to allow the Arriā heresie. Are thei al, trow you, Caluinists in Englād which for fear of displeasure, of banishmente, or of losse of goods, do practise the order of the Caluinists sup­per or Communion? As they are no right Catholiques, so are they not proprely Caluinistes or Heretiques. They [Page] are neither hotte nor colde. God will therefore (but if they repent) spue them out of his mouth. As for Liberius, S. epist. 74Basil, and heres. 75Epiphanius, S.epist. 165Augustine,lib. 2.Optatus, ād S.lib. 3. de Virgin.Am­brose doe speake honourably and reuerentlye of him, and doe reken him among the new of the Romaine Bishoppes: which they would neuer haue done, if (as M Horne saith) he had bene, become an Arrian, It semeth M. Horne is of alliaunce with M. Iewel. So hard it is for him to tel a true tale.Theod l. 4 cap 5.6.7. Prīces by Synodes (104) doe ordeine and con­demne Bisshops. Nowe to the next.

M. Horne. The .40. Diuision. Pag. 26. a.

Valentinianus the Emperour, after the death of Auxentius, an Ar­rian bisshop of Millaine, calleth a Synod of bisshops at Millayn to consult a­bout the ordering of a nevv bisshop. He prescribeth vnto them in a graue or a­tion, in vvhat maner a man qualified ought to be, vvho should take vppon him the office of a bisshop.The .104. Vntruth. A marginal note of that vvhich cā not be founde in the Text. They passe to the election, the people vvere di­uided, till at the last they all cry vvith one consent, to haue Ambrose, vvhom although he did refuse, the Emperour commaunded to be baptized, and to be cōsecrate bisshop. He called an other Synod in Illirico, to apeace the dissentiōs in Asia and Phrigia, about certaine necessary Articles of the Christian faith: and did not only confirme the true faith by his (.105.) The .105. Vntruth. Ioyned vvith a greate follye. royall assent, but made also many godly and sharpe Lavves, as vvell for the maintenaunce of the truth in doctrine, as also (.106.) The .106. Vntruth. Boldly a­uouched, but no vvaye proued. touchinge manye other causes, or matters Ecclesiasticall.

The sixth Chapter: Of Valentinian the Emperour.

Stapleton.

VAlentinian the Emperour commeth in good time. I meane, not to proue your Primacy, M. Horne, but quite to ouerthrowe the same. For this is he that made an expresse Lawe, that in Ecclesiastical matters, only Ecclesiasticall men should iudge. S. Ambrose witnesseth it [Page 113] expressely in an epistle he wrote to younge Valentinian, this mans sonne. The forme of the law was this. In causa fi­dei vel ecclesiastici alicutus ordinis eum iudicare debere, Ambr. lib. 5. epist. 32 qui nec munere impar sit, nec iure dissimilis. Haec enim verba re­scripti sunt, Hoc est sacerdotes de sacerdotibus voluit iudicare. That in the cause of faith, or of any ecclesiastical order, he should iudge, that was neither by office vnequall, neither in right vnlike. Those are the words of the Rescript. That is, he wil haue Priestes to iudge ouer Priestes. Thus S. Am­brose plainely and expressely in one sentence quyte ouer­turneth al M. Hornes supremacy.

Yea so farre was this Emperour from al gouernment ouer Priestes in matters ecclesiastical, that euen in matters ciuil or temporal, he woulde not suffer priestes to be cal­led to the ciuil court. For thus it foloweth immediatlye in S. Ambrose. Quinetiam si aliâs quoque argueretur episco­pus, & morum esset examinanda causa, Ibidem. etiam hanc voluit ad episcopale iudicium pertinere. Yea farder, if a bisshop were o­therwise accused, and some matter of behauyour or out­warde demeanor were to be examined, that matter also he would to belong to the iudgement of Bisshops. Beholde, gentle Reader, what a supreme gouernor in al causes both spiritual and temporal ouer priests and Bisshops M. Horne hath brought forth. Verily such a one, as in very ciuil causes refuseth gouernment ouer them.

But this is he that comm [...]unded Ambrose to be consecra­ted bisshop of Millayn [...] (saieth M. Horne) and in that election prescribed to the bisshops in a graue oration, what a qualified man a bisshop ought to be &c. What then M. Horne? was he therefore supreme gouernour in al causes ecclesiastical? Yea or in this very cause was he, thinke you, the supreme [Page] gouernour? If you had tolde vs some parte of that graue oration, somewhat therein perhaps would haue appered either for your purpose, or against it. Now, a graue oratiō he made, you say, but what that graue talke was, or wherein it cōsisted, you tel vs not. Verily a graue oratiō it was in dede, ād such as with the grauity thereof, vtterly ouerbeareth the light presumption of your surmised supremacy. For this a­mōg other thīgs he saied to those bisshops grauely in dede. [...] &c.Theod. lib. 4. c. 5. Such a mā therefore do you place in this bis­shoply throne, that we also which direct the Empire, may glad­ly submitte oure heads to him, and reuerence (as a medicinable remedy) the rebukes that he shall make ouer vs: for men we are, and must nedes falle somtyme. So, M. Horne, woulde this Emperour haue a bisshop qualified (and so was in dede this Ambrose then chosen passingly qualified) that he shoulde tel and admonish boldely the Prince of his faultes, and the Prince should as gladly and willingly obey him, yea and submit his head vnto hī, not be the supreme Head ouer hī: as you most miserable clawbackes (vnworthy of al priestly preeminēce) would force modest prīces vnto. This was the graue lessō he gaue to the bisshops (as Constantin before to the Fathers of Nice) [...]: as a natural louing child, Theod. li. 1. cap. 7. [...], to the Priestes as to his Fathers: not to them as his seruauntes or subiectes in that respecte.

You say farder (but you say vntruly, to be alwaies like your selfe) that this Emperour confirmed the true faith (de­creed in a Synod in Illyrico) by his royal assent. As though your Reader shoulde straight conceyue, that as the Quenes Maiesty confirmeth the Actes of parliament with her highnes royall assent, and is therefore in dede the Su­preme and vndoubted Head ouer the whole parliament, so [Page 114] this Emperour was ouer that Synod. But Theodoretus (your Author alleaged) saieth no such thīg. Only he saieth. [...].Theod. lib. 4. cap. 7. Those thīgs that had ben decreed and established by the Bisshoppes, he sent abrode to those that doubted thereof. Other confirmatiō then this, is not in your Author or any otherwhere mētioned. And this was plain ministerial execution of the decrees, no royall confirmatiō of them.

M. Horne. The 41. Diuision. Pag. 26. a.

Theodosius, vvas nothing inferiour to Constantine the great, neither in zeale, care, or furtherance, of Christes Religiō. He bent his vvhole povver, and authoritie, to the vtter ouerthrovve of superstition, and false Religion, somevvhat crept in againe, in the times of Iulianus, and Valēs, the vvic­ked Emperours. And for the sure continuance of Religion refourmed, he made many godly Lavves, he defended the (.107) The 107. vntruth. Flauianus in that matter betvvene the Em­perour ād the bis­shops of the vvest proued a periured person. godly bishop of Antioche Fla­uianus, against the bishop of Rome, and other bishoppes of the VVeste, vvho did (.108.) The 108. vntruthe mere slaū derous. falsely accuse him of many crymes: and at the lēgthe, by his care­ful endeuour in Churche matters, and his (.109.) The 109. vntruth. There ap­peared no such Su­premacy ouer Churche matters in Theo­sius. Supreme authoritie there­in, this moste faytful Emperour, sayeth Theodoretus, sette peace and qui­etnes amongest the Bishoppes, and in the Churches. He called a conuocation of the Bishops, to the ende that by common consent, al should agree in vnytie of doctrine confessed by the Nicen councel, to reconcile the Macedonians vn­to the catholique Churche, and to electe and order a Byshop in the sea of Cō ­stantinople, vvhiche vvas than vacant. VVhen the tvvoo fyrste pointes could not be brought to passe, as the Emperour vvished, they vvent in hande vvith the third, to consult amongest them selues touching a fitte Bisshop for Con­stantinople. The Emperour, to vvhose iudgement many of the Synode con­sented, thought Gregorie of Nazianzene, moste fitte to be Bisshop: but he did (.111.) The 111. vntruthe, For he vvas for a time the bisshop there, as shal appeare. vtterly refuse that that charge.The 110. vntruthe. Al this vvas but one Councel, though they are tolde (to make a shevv of Supremacy in themperour) as if they vvere .3. seueral Councels.

[Page]Than the Emperour commaundeth them, to make diligēt inquisitiō for some godly man,Sozom. li. 7 c. 6.7.8 that might be appointed to that rovvme. But vvhen the Bisshops could not agree, vppon any one, the Emperour commaundeth them to bring to him the names of al such, as euery one of them thought moste apt to be Bisshop, vvriten in a paper together. He reserued to him self (saith Sozome­nus) to choose vvhome he liked best. VVhen he had redde ouer once or tvvyse, the sedule of names, vvhich vvas brought vnto him, after good deliberation had vvith him self, he chose Nectarius although as yet he vvas not christened: and the Bisshops maruailing at his iudgemēt in the choise, (.112.) The 112. vntruth. The bis­shoppes might (if they had listed) most lawfully haue remoued him. could not remoue him. And so vvas Nectarius baptized, and made bisshop of Constā ­tinople: vvho proued so godly a bisshop, that all men deemed this election to be made by Themperour, not vvithout some miraculous inspiration of the ho­ly ghost. This Emperour perceiuing, the Church had ben long tyme molested, and dravvē into partes by the Arianisme, and like to be more greuously torne in sonder vvith the heresy of Macedonius, a B. of Cōstātinople, and knovving that his supreme gouernmēt, and empire, vvas geuē him of God to main­teine the common peace of the Church, and confirmation of the true faith, summoneth a Synode at Constantinople, in the thirde yeere of his reigne (vvhich is the second great and general councel of the fovver notable and famous oecumenical councels) and vvhen al the bisshops vvhome he had cited, vvere assembled, he cometh into the councell house amongest them, he made vnto them a graue exhortation, to consulte diligently, like graue Fathers of the matters propoūded vnto them. The Macedonians depart out of the Cytie, the Catholike Fathers agree, conclude a trueth, and send the canons of their conclusion to the Emperour (.113.) The 113. vntruth. For not to be so cōfirmed as M [...]ior. fancieth. That is, by the vvaye of Supreme gouerne­ment &c. to be confirmed, vvriting vnto him in these vvords: The holy counsaile of bisshops assembled at Con­stātinople to Theodosius Emperour, the most reuerent obser­uer of Godlines, Religion, and loue towardes God: VVe geue God thankes, who hath appointed your Emperial gouernmēt for the common tranquility of his Churches, and to establishe the sounde faith. Sithe the tyme of our assembly at Constanti­nople by your godly commaundement, we haue renewed cō ­corde amongest our selues, and haue prescribed certaine Ca­nōs or rules, which we haue annexed vnto this our writing: we beseche therefore your clemency to commaunde the De­cree [Page 115] of the Counsaile to be stablished by the letters of your holines, and that ye wil confirme it, and as you haue honou­red the Church by the letters wherewith you called vs toge­ther: euen so, that you wil strengthen also the final conclusion of the Decrees with your own sentence and seale.

After this he calleth an other (.114.) The 114. vntruth. This vvas no other, nor no Councel at al. Councel of bisshops to Constantino­ple of vvhat Religion so euer,Sozom. li. 5. cap. 10. thinking that if they might assemble together in his presence, and before him conferre touching the matters of Religion, vvherein they disagreed, that they might be reconciled, and brought to vnity of Faith. He consulteth vvith Nectarius, and sitteth dovvn in the Coun­cel house amongest them al, and examineth those that vvere in Heresie, in such sort, that the Heretikes vvere not onely asionied at his questions, but also beganne to fal out amongest themselues, some liking, some misliking the Emperours purpose▪ This done, he commaundeth eche sect,The 115. vntruthe in reaso­ning. For al this proueth no vvhit any spiri­tual Su­premacy in Theo­dosius, to declare their faieth in vvritinge, and to bringe it vnto him: he appointeth to them a daye, vvhereat they came as the Emperoure commaunded, and deliuered vnto him the fourmes of their faieth in vvritinge: vvhen the Emperoure had the sedules in his handes, he maketh an earneste praier vnto God, for the assistāce of his holy spirite, that he may discern the truth, and iudge right­ly. And after he had redde them al, he condemneth the heresies of the Arians and Eunomians, renting their sedules in sundre, and alovveth only, and con­firmeth the faith of the Homousians, and so the Heretiks departed ashamed and dasht out of countenance.

The .7. Chapter: Of Theodosius the first, and his dealing in causes Ecclesiasticall.

Stapleton.

THis Theodosius had no greater care to further true religiō, then ye haue to slāder and hinder it:A heap of lies ga­thered together in the one story of Theo­sius. and that by notable lying, as it will, al other things set a parte appere, by the heape of lyes, that in this story of this one Emperour, ye gather here together. And first that ye call Flauian the godly bisshop of Antioche: For albeit, he stode very stowtly in the defence of the Catholike faith and suf­fred [Page] much for it, yet in that respecte for the which, he is here by you alleaged, he was not godly. As one that came to his bisshoprike, againste the canons and contrarye to 1 the othe taken, that he woulde neuer take vppon him to be bisshop of Antioche, Paulinus lyuing: and ministring by this meanes an occasiō of a greate schisme to the Church, which continued many yeares. And for this cause the A­rabians, the Cyprians, the Aegiptians with Theophilus Pa­triarche of Alexandria, and the west Churche, with Pope Damasus,Socra. lib. 5. cap. 15. Theo. li. 5 cap. 23. Sozo. li. 7. cap. 11. Vide Amb. epist. 78. tripart. li. 9. cap. 26. & 44. Siricius, and Anastasius, would not receiue hī in­to their cōmuniō. Neither could he be setled quietly, ād re­ceiued as Bisshop, vntil he had recōciled hīself to the Pope, and that his fault was by him forgeuē. For the which pur­pose he sente to Rome a solēpne ambassade: And so it appereth, that the .2. lyne after ye adioyne a freshe lie, that the bisshop of Rome did falsly accuse him of many crimes, who layde to him, no lesse crimes, then al the world did beside, which was periury, and schisme. Then as though ye would droppe lies, or lie for the whetstone, ye adde that by his su­preame 2 authority he set peace and quietnes in the Church 3 for this matter, shufflīg in by your supreame lyīg authority these words supreame authority, Theod. lib. 5. cap. 23. The popes primacy proued euen by M. Hornes ovvne storye. Reconci­liation to the pope▪ which neither your author Theodoretus hath, nor any other: yea directly contrary to the declaratiō of Theodoretus, who in the verye chapter by you alleaged reciteth the ambassade I speake of, which is a good argumēt of the Popes Supremacy: and may be ad­ded to other exāples of M. Doctor Hardings, and of myne in my Return &c. agaīst M. Iewel in the matter of recōci­liatiō. For as fauorable as themperour was to him, and for al the Emperours supremacy: the Emperour himself com­maūded hī to go to Rome, to be recōciled, he being one of [Page 116] the foure patriarches. And Flauianus was fayn also, to desire Theophilus bisshop of Alexandria to sende some body to Pope Damasus, to pacifie ād mollifie his anger, ād to pardō hī: who sent Isidorus for that purpose. And as I haue said, Flauianus hīself afterward sent Acatius and others his am­bassadours. Which Acatius pacified the schismes that had cōtinued .17. yeres, and restored, as your own author Theo­doretꝰ saith, peace to the Church, pacē (saith he) Ecclesiis re­stituit. Which words though Theodoretus, doth speake of 4 thēperor Theodo▪ yet he speaketh the like of Acatiꝰ which ye guilefully apply to Theodosiꝰ ōly, ād as falsely conclude therof, that Theodosiꝰ therfore should be supreme head of the Church. For so by that reason Acatiꝰ should also be su­preme head of the Church. Now foloweth M. Horns nar­ratiō of certain coūcels holdē vnder this Theodosiꝰ, so disorderly, so cōfusely, so vnperfectly, and so lyingly hādled, as a mā may wel wōder at it. He maketh of two coūcels kepte at Cōstātinople three: wheras the .1. ād .2. is al one (beīg the 5 secōd famouse general coūcel) ād properly to cal a coūcell the third is none, but rather a conference or talke. The first Coūcel, which he telleth vs of, was called (he saith) to electe 6 ād order a bisshop in the sea of Cōstantinople. Socra lib 5. cap. 6. Theod. lib. 5. cap. 8. Gre. Niss. in vita Greg. Na­zianzen. Nicep. lib. 12. cap. 11. Which (in case 7 he cā proue thē distincted Councels) was don in the Coū ­cel general, and in the secōde as he placeth it ād not in the first. As also the electiō ād ordinatiō of Nectariꝰ. He saieth that Gregory Naziāzene was neuer bisshop of Cōstantino­ple, but did vtterly refuse it. Whereas after he had taught there .12. yeares, to the great edifying of the Catholikes against the Arians, not enioyinge the name of a Bisshop all this while, he was at the lengthe, sette in his bisshoply see, by the worthy Meletius bisshop of Antioche, and by the whole nōber of the bisshops assēbled at the general cūcell. [Page] Though in dede he did not longe enioye it, but voluntari­ly, and much against this good Emperours mynde, gaue it ouer, to auoyde a schisme, that grewe vppon his election. For whome Nectarius (that M. Horne speaketh of) was chosen,Sozom. li. 7. cap. 8. [...]. Theod. lib. 5. cap. 9. [...]. being at that tyme vnbaptized. And so chosen by the Emperour, as M. Horne saieth, that the Bisshops though they meruailed at the Emperours iudgement, yet they coulde not remoue him. Wherein ye may note two vntruthes, the one that M. Horne woulde gather Theodosius suprema­cy by this electiō. Of the which electiō or rather naminge (for the Emperour only pricked him) I haue alredy answe­red in my Returne against M. Iewel, and said there more at large. And the bisshoppes, with common consent of the whole Synod, doe pronounce him and creat him bisshop, as also intheir letters to Pope Damasus they professe. The other that the Bisshops could not remoue him. Yes M. Horn that they might,Can. apos. 79. Can. Nic. [...]. La [...]d can. 3. Aurel 2. can. 1. 1. Tim. 3. aswel by the Apostolical, the Nicene, and other canons of the Churche, as by the very plaine holye scripture, and by S. Paule by expresse wordes forbidding it, for that he was Neophytus. Suerly of you that would seame to be so zelouse a keper of the sincere worde of God, and so wel a scriptured man, this is nothing scripturelye spo­ken: And therefore this your sayinge muste needes make vppe the heape. Yea and therefore they might lawfullye haue infringed and annichilated this election: sauing that, they bore with this good graciouse Emperour, that ten­dred Christes Church and faith so tenderlye, euen as Mel­chiades before rehearsed bore with the good Constantin.

Here may we now adde this also to the heape, that ye woulde inferre this Soueraynety in Theodosius, because the Fathers of this general Councel desired him to con­firme [Page 117] their decrees and canons. Which is a mighty great copiouse argumente with you throughout your booke, all in fewe words easie to be answered and auoyded. For this kind of confirmation is not, nor euer was required,VVhye and to what end the Em­perours confirme the lawes of the Churche. as though their ordinaunces were voyde and frustrate with­out it: as al that ye now doe, haue don, or shal doe in your synodes and conuocations without the ratification of the Quenes Maiesty. Which thīg for decrees of the Churche, ye doe not, ye haue not, nor euer shal be able to proue. But to this ende, were the Emperours required to confirme Councels that the willing and towarde people might haue the better lyking in them, and be the more allured careful­ly and exactly to obserue them, vpon the good lyking of their prince: And withal that the frowarde and malignāte people, that make no great accompte of the censures of the Churche, because yt doth not presently touche the bo­dy, or any temporal losse, might for feare of ciuil and tem­porall punishement, be brought the soner to keepe and ob­serue thē. And this litle short, but so true an answere, as ye shal neuer with al your cūning honestly shift it of, may suf­fice to euacuate and emptye a great part of your boke res­ting in this point.

But to shew in this place, ones for al,Hovve Empe­rors haue and may deale in Generall Coūcels. how emperors haue dealed ād may deale in General Coūcels, either for calling them, or for confirming them, or for their demeanour in them, I wil put certayne points or Articles, and note there­by what the practise of the Churche hath bene in this be­halfe: to thentent that the Reader maye knowe, what it is that we defende, and what had bene your part to haue proued, least walking alwaies in generalities, we spende words without fruit, and bring the cause to no certaine is­sew. [Page] And this I professe to take of one of your own special authors M. Horne, the Cardinal of Cusa, out of whō you alleage afterwarde a longe processe,Horne fo. 85. col. 1. c. as one that made who­ly for you. And in very dede he speaketh as much for the Emperour, and for his prerogatiue in ordering of generall Councels, as he could possibly finde by the continual pra­ctise of the Church from Constantines tyme down to his, which was to the late Councell of Basil vnder Sigismunde the Emperour, in the yere. 14.32.

Cusanus lib. 3. c. 9. de Cōcor­dia Catholica. Lib. 9. epi. 54.The first poīt thē is, that Kīgs ād Prīces, ought to be careful and diligēt that Synods ād Coūcels may be had, as the especial aduocates of the Church, and as of greatest power to pro­cure quiet paisible passage to Coūcels, abyding there ād re­turnīg home againe. Exāple in an admonitiō of S. Gregory to Theodorike the Frēche King, exhorting to see a Synod called in his realme for the repressing of Simony.

Cusan li. 3. cap. 10.The seconde point is, that to such Synods Princes ought to come with all mekenesse, reuerence and humility, and with gentle exhortations. Examples are Riccharedus, Sisenādus, and Chintillanus Kīgs of Spayne, as we shal hereafter more largely declare, in certain of the Toletane Councels.

Cap. 13.The third point is, that as Kīgs and Prīces for their own prouinces do cal prouincial Synods, so the Emperorus for the whole corps of Christēdō do cal General Coūcels. Nō ꝙ coactiuè sed exhortatoriè colligere debeat. Not that by force or cōstraint, but by way of exhortatiō he ought to cal thē. Examples are the Councel of Aquileia vnder S. Ambrose: the 4. General Councell vnder Pope Leo: the sixt vnder Agatho: the 7. vnder Adriā the first with the rest, as of eche in their places we shal declare.

The fourth: that the Emperor in case of a general schisme, ought first to certifie the Pope of the necessity of a Councel, and [Page 118] require his consent to haue it in some certain place assembled. So did Valentiniā and Martiā the Emperours to Pope Leo for the Chalcedon.In epist. praeambu. Cha [...]c. cō ­cil. In 6. Syn. Act. 1. So did Constantin the 4. to Pope Aga­tho for the sixt general Councel.

The fift point is, that the Pope summoneth and calleth al general Coūcels, far otherwise thē do the Emperours. For the Pope as the chiefest, and as hauīg power to cōmaund ouer al other bisshops for the principality of his priesthood, Cap. 15. by the power cōmitted to him ouer the vniuersal Church, hath to cōmaund al faithful Christiās, especially bisshops and priests to assemble and mete in Councel. But the Emperour exhorteth and inuiteth bisshops, but cōmaundeth the lay, to a Councel. And the Canons do cōmaūde, Tripart. hist. lib. 4. cap. 9. & 19. that without the Authority of the bisshop of Rome no Councel cā be holdē. Not so in the Emperor. For the Ephe­sin cōuēticle was disanulled, because Leo his legates were reiected, though Theodosiꝰ the yōger, did cōfirm it and al­low it. So the great Coūcel of Ariminū was cōdemned, be­cause Pope Damasus sent not thither, though Constantius themperour summoned it and allowed it. And the greate Coūcel of Sardica preuailed,Athanaes. Apolog. 2. because by Pope Iulius it was called and allowed, though Cōstātius thē Emperor resisted it and refused it. And thus much for the first beginninges of the Coūcel. Now in the Coūcel it self, what is the Princes part, ād what the bisshops, it shal appeare. Let thē the sixt point be, that at the Councel being, the Princes office and care ought to be, to prouide that altumult ād d [...]sorder be auoy­ded and to remoue such as are to be remouedCap. 14. So did the iudges in the Chalcedō Coūcel, remoue Dioscorꝰ frō the bēch, ād admit Theodoret, the one by pope Leo cōdēned, the other recōciled. So when the parties waxed warm, they did their best to brīg thē to a calm. So did also Cōstātī in his own per­son [Page] in the first Nicene Councel, as M. Horne hath himself alleaged, and as Eusebius reporteth.

Fol. 24. a. Lib. 3. De vit. Const Cap. 13. Cap. 17.Seuenthly the Lay Magistrates or Princes: being pla­ced in the Councel in the roomes of Emperours and kings, Non habent vocem Synodicam, sed solum audire debent: haue no voice as a parte of the Synod, but ōly are there to heare. This practise is clere in al the Councels, as it shall appere in the particulars hereafter. The iudges therefore and Princes delegates mencioned in the Chalcedon and other Councels, are in the Councels, much after a sorte, as the Speaker in our Parliaments. To open and set forth to the Councel all matters to be treated vpon. To appointe (by the aduise of the Councel) the next metings, to breake of the present session, to promulge the Councels Sētence: and such like matters as belong to more orderlye and quiet proceding in al things.

Cap. 18.Eightly the force and Vigour of the Sentence in Coū ­cel dependeth only of the Bisshops, which make the Coū ­cel, & non ex Imperiali commissione, and not of the Empe­rours Commission, whose Authority is inferiour to the Sy­nod, saieth Cusanus. And so the Continuall practise will proue.

Ibidem.Ninthly the Emperour, the Princes, and their Oratours do subscribe as witnesses of that is done: but as iudging and determining, only the bisshops in all Councels haue sub­scribed.

Cap. 22.Tenthly for the ende and consummation of all Coun­cels, the Emperours and Princes ought to prouide, that such things as are decreed and determined by the holy Councels, may be obserued, and by lawes and penaltyes they ought to force their subiects to the obseruation thereof. But to confirme by [Page 119] waye of Ecclesiastical Authority and Supremacy, it hath euer belonged only to the bisshops of Rome, as by the continual practise of the Church it hath and shal yet better appeare. In this sence, and as I haue already saied, Empe­rours haue confirmed, and by their edictes established the Councels, lawes, and decrees of the Churche. And thus you see M. Horne particularly and plainly what we attri­bute to Emperours and Ciuil Princes in the calling, orde­ring and confirming of Councels, and what we deny most iustly vnto them. If you proue that which we graunte, you shewe your selfe a slender scholer, and a weake aduersa­ry, that will take vpon you to confute that practise, the limites and conditions where of you knowe not, which is altogether to fight in darkenesse or with your owne shadowe. If you can proue that which we deny, lette the truthe goe on your side. But you neither haue in this booke, neither shall euer be able to proue it. To auoyde therefore hereafter the superfluyte of vnfruteful talke, as well for myne, as for the Readers ease, in al your like ob­iections of Emperours calling and confirming of Coun­cels, I wil referre you to the answeres and distinctions pre­sently made.

To returne nowe to Theodosius, and to you M. Horne, we haue one vntruthe more to charge you withal: for that you would establishe this peerlesse and Supreme Authori­ty in Theodosius, because he hauing receiued in writinge the faith as wel of the Catholikes, as of the Eunomians, Arians, and other heretiks, after the reading of them, ren­ted all the shedules, sauing that which was deliuered by the Catholiks, whereupon the heretikes departed ashamed and dashte out of countenauce. Whome he had, as ye also [Page] write, before examined of their faith, and that after such sorte, that they were not only astonyed, but began to fall out amōges themselues, some lyking, some mislykīg the Emperours purpose. But alas good M. Horne, whie are ye your self, nowe as ye seame to me so sodenly dasshed out of countenance? Yea and whiche is maruayle in so harde a metall, me thinketh somwhat asshamed to, and wonderfullye astonied withall. Why man? Pluck vp your harte, and be of good cowrage. You wil perchaunce say I borde with yowe, and am sette vpon my mery pynnes. I woulde to God the matter were suche as yt myght be better lawghed at, then pitied. And that it might serue more for Democrytus, The one of them euer law­hed, the other e­uer wepte thē Heraclytus, and yet to say the truth, there is cause and to muche for them bothe. Perchaunce nowe some mā wil think I doe but ieste when I speake of shame: I would God yt were or myght ons be truelye sayde of youe, yt were a goodly sparcle of grace growing. Wel I put of that to other mēs iudgement. But that ye are dashed out of countenance, yea that ye are wonderfully astonied, M. Horne no lesse astonied in the tel­ling of this storie then the Ariās and other he­retiks thē vvere vvhē the thing vvas don. and that euen for the same cause, and after the same maner as the Arians and other heretikes thē were, I dare say it, and proue yt to. For if the Arians were asshamed and dasshed out of countenaunce, vpō these doinges of Theodosius onely, how much more are yowe asshamed and dasshed out of countenaunce, whose heresies are cōdem­ned, by so many Kings and Catholyke Emperours? Or yf ye say ye are not asshamed, then must I replie, ô shamelesse fellowe, and more impudente then the Arians. I nowe ad­de, that ye are more astonied then the Arrians and other heretikes with this facte of Theodosius, and therfore full slylie and wylilye, what was the doinges of the Emperour ye haue ouerhipped, whyche yf ye had put in, would haue [Page 120] serued, aswel againste yowe, as yt did againste them. And therfore the memorie of yt so astonied yowe, that ye durst not for shame name the matter, and yet for folly coulde ye not forbeare to patche yt in, as a speciall matter aduaun­cyng your supreamacy. For first,VVhy M. Horne hath lefte out the principal matter of his ovvn storye. Tanquam cauis bibēs in Nil [...]. Hovv Theodo­sius the Emperor dashed the Heretikes out of coūte­nance. Socrat. li. 5. cap. 10. The He­retiks fell at diuisiō before Theodo­siꝰ, vvhe [...] vpon he teareth their she­duls of their faith vvhich they of­fred. as Theodosius did not al­lowe, the open disputations of the Arians, Macedonians, Eunomians, whiche were verie redie to the same, so yf he had bene lyuing of late, he woulde not (ād euē for the same cause he disalowed the other) allowed your late westmyn­ster disputations: beinge more mete to leade the common people out of the truthe, then to confirme them in truthe, whereof we haue alredie somwhat towched. But nowe I praye yowe M. Horn tel vs what was the Emperours pur­pose that some heretyks lyked, some mislyked? wherin as yt were the dogge drinking in Nilus, as the olde peruerbe is, for feare of stinging ye dare not tary. Wel because ye are astonied at the memory of yt, I wil tel it for you. The Em­peror demaūded of the heads of the secte, whether they did allowe and receyue, the fathers of the Churche, that wrote be­fore the diuision beganne: Yea marye, say they, what else? we reuerence and honour them as our maysters: for feare (saieth the story) least yf they had sayde otherwyse, the people would wonderfully haue misliked theyre doings: wel sayd. sayeth the Emperour. Are ye then cōtente, for this matters cōtrouersed to stād to their sayings and testimonie? Here they beganne the one to stare vpon the other, and wiste nere what in the world to answere, and fynally fell owt as your self write, amongs thē selues. Now let the Emperor cal the Anabaptists, the Zwin­glians, the Lutherans, and demaūde of them, the same que­stion, woulde not the matter so fall out thinke you? Yea hath yt not alreadye so fallen out, and daylye so falleth [Page] out more and more against you and your Brethern, to your great shame? And thincke you, that yf Theodosius were lyuing now, he would not deale with your Billes, as he dealed with theirs? Woulde he not teare a sonder the she­dules, of al your false faithlesse faith? Yes that he would as­suredly. The greauouse remembrance of this did, so astone you, that it caused you, thus to leaue the matter it self, that was by some liked, and by some misliked, and to tel a liking or mislikinge of I can not tel what.

Ye maye see the ful ansvvere of this, in the Con­futation of the Apology fol. 31. Cod. Om­nis vtrius­que sexus. The Popes Primacie proued by the doinges of Theo­dosius, ād the Coū ­cels by M Horne alleaged. Vide Tō. 1. Concil. in Concil. A­quil. pag. 397. col. 1. bNow how so euer ye haue maymed the narration of the storye, and making the beste ye can of the matter for your purpose, primacy can ye make none of it. For the doinge of Theodosius reacheth not to the determination of anye thing in question alredy not determined, but to the exe­cution of the Nicene Councel: commaunding by expresse decree, that al should obeye the faith of Damasus Pope of Rome, and of Peter Patriarche of Alexandria, both defen­ders of the Nicene Councel.

Let me now a while after al this your miserable wre­sting and writhing, ād liberal lying to, deale shortly ād sim­ply with you: and see whether I can pycke out any thinge of Theodosius and these coūcels doings for the Popes pri­macy. Why then? Ys it not Theodosius that referreth the decisiō of Ecclesiastical causes to the Bisshops? Was it not he, of whō S. Ambrose saied: Ecce quod Christianus cōstituit Imperator. Noluit iniuriā facere sacerdotibus. Ipsos interpretes cōstituit sacerdotes. Behold what the Christiā Emperor hath appointed. He would not doe iniury to the Priestes. He hath appointed the Priests them selues to examine the mat­ter? Was it not this Theodosius the great, M. Horne? Yes surely it was he. Was it not Theodosius, to whome Saint [Page 121] Ambrose enioyned penance, which he most humbly obei­ed? Where was Theodosius Ecclesiasticall supremacye then? Is it not Damasus the Pope,Tripart. li. 9. ca. 30. that calleth these Bis­shops assembled at Constantinople, euen to Rome, there to aide and assist him in keping of a Councel? What? Saied they to him, Syr we haue nothing to doe with you, [...]. ye are a forrain Bishop to vs of the East? Nay nay, they confesse that he called them as his members (thē must he needs be the head) to the Councell at Rome. Yea they confesse, that by his letters they came to the Councel at Constantinople: they declare their good wil and readines to come to Rome too:Theod. li. 5. cap. 9. but for their excuse they alleage many reasonable causes, none of those that the Protestants alleage at this day. And finally in the name of the whole, thei send certaine of their Bishops thither. Now further, doe not these Fathers de­cree at this their general Councel,Can. 5. that the Church of Cō ­stantinople, shoulde be the first and chiefe of al other after Rome? Do they not then therin acknowledge the Popes Primacie? It is writen, M. Horne:Ecclesiast. cap. 2. Sapientis oculi in ca­pite eius, stultus in tenebris ambulat. The eies of a wise man are in his head alwaies opē, and in a readines to direct him in his way: whereas the folish man walketh in darcknesse, being vncertaine and vnsure which way to take or to goe. Now whether your eyes priyng and seking forth this story of Theodosius were opened or shutte, I leaue the iudge­ment to the indifferent Reader: But this dare I firmely a­uouche, that these things whiche I haue nowe last rehear­sed, beside other, that I willingly omitte, drawe much nea­rer to make the Pope supreme head of the Churche, then anye thinge ye haue broughte foorth, for the doinges of Theodosius, to make him Supreame Head. Which when [Page] ye haue al sayde and done be nothing agreable to the arti­cles in question betwene vs, concernyng our princes regi­ment. And therfore yf the matter were much stronger of your side, touching Theodosius, yet did ye nothing touche that ye owght to touche.

M. Horne. The .42. Diuision. pag. 27. b.

Theodosius left his tvvoo sonnes Emperours; of the vvhich I vvil say but litle: yet vvherein it may moste (.116.) The .116. vntruthe That vvil neuer ap­peare. manifestly appeare, that the su­preme gouernement in causes Ecclesiastical belonged to the Emperours.

Archadius the Emperour, vvhen Nectarius the bishop of Constanti­nople vvas dead, and so the sea vacant (.117.) The 117. vntruthe. Such cer­tification appeareth not in the story. vvas certified thereof he cau­seth Iohn Chrysostome to be called from Antioch: he commaundeth the other bishoppes collected into a Synode, that they admonish Chrysostome of Goddes graces, and vvhat belongeth to suche a chardge, and that they choose and order him to be the bishop of Constantinople. In which dooinge, (saith Theodoretus) the Emperour declared what careful ende­uour, he had about the holy (.118.) The 118. vntruthe. False trās­lation, as shall ap­pere. Li. 5. ca 27 Churche matters. But this su­preme authoritie, to care, appoint, and procure vvoorthy and good Pastours or bishoppes, vvhen the seas vvere vacant, appeareth more plainly in Ho­norius the Emperour, brother to Archadius, vvhome the bishop of Rome him selfe in his decrees, and his Glosars on the same, cōfesse and acknovvledge to haue the ouersight, rule and gouernement in the elections and orderinge of bishops, yea (119.) The 119. vntruthe. No such rule, or gouernemēt confessed by the Bi­shop of Rome. Luith­prand. ouer the bishoppe of Rome him selfe.

After the death of Pope Sozimus, vvere tvvoo Popes choosen at ones in a great Schisme, the one Bonifacius primus, the other Eulalius, vvhe­reof vvhen the Emperour Honorius, had notice beinge at Millayne, he cau­sed them bothe to be banished Rome: But after seuen monethes, Bonifacius vvas by the Emperours cōmaundement, called againe and cōfirmed (.120.)The 120. vntruthe. He vvas then to the temporalties of the bishoprike restored, but he vvas the true Pope before. by his authoritie in the Apostolicall sea. This Bonifacius beinge novve settled in the Papacy, by humble suite to the Emperour, prouideth a remedie against [Page 122] suche mischiefes in time to come. The case vvas this, saith the Glosator, Bo­niface the first, did beseeche Honorius the Emperour to make a Lawe, whereby it might appeare, what were to be done, when twoo Popes were chosen at ones by the vndiscreetnes of the Electours, contendinge amōgest them selues.Dist. 79. Si duo.Honorius did than constitute, that neither of those twaine shoulde be Pope, but that in a newe Election a thirde shoulde be chosen by cōmon cōsente. If twoo (saithe the Emperour in his Lavve made at the humble sute of Bonifacius) by chaunce againste righte be cho­sen, thorough the vndiscreete cōtention of the Electours: wee permitte neither of them to be Priest or Pope: but wee iudge him to remaine in the Apostolike sea, whom the diuine iudgemente, and the common consente dothe appointe frō amon­gest the Clergy in a newe Election. Vppon this vvoorde,Gratian. dist. 63. vvhere the Emperour saithe (wee permitte) the Glosar saith, and so the Empe­rour dothe not onely abrogate the clayme of bothe those that be chosen in the contention, but dothe make them bothe for that time vnable, and dothe decree an other to be takē out of the Clergie for that time. Againe the Glosar interpretinge this (the diuine iudgement) saithe: this is the meaninge that the Empe­rours wil and election muste stande, the Clergy and the whole people acceptinge with thankefull minde whome the Empe­rour doth choose. For the Emperours were called in those daies holy, and their rescriptes and iudgementes Diuine. Here you see by the (.121) The 121. vntruthe. Carolus Molineus is none of the Popes Glosars. Popes decrees and Glosars, that the Emperour had the supreme rule and gouernement in Churche causes, and this vvas the (.122.) The 122. vntruthe, vtterly vnproued continual practise of the Churche for the most parte, yea euen the bishoppes of Rome before they vvere ordered and consecrated, had their election ratified and confirmed by the Emperours, their Lieutenant, or other Princes.

The .8. Chapter. Of the Sonnes of Theodosius, Honorius and Archadius.

Stapleton.

[Page]NOwe folowe in rew Theodosius his sonnes: Archa­dius and Honorius, of whome M. Horne sayeth he wil say but litle, belike, because he hath said to much of theyre father alredye, and more then he can iustifie, or for that he wil make vs a shorte tale, but yet a sweete. And wherein it shal most manifestly appere, that the supreame go­uernement in causes ecclesiastical belonged to the Emperours. Al Archadius doings here stande in appointinge S. Iohn Chrysostome to be bishop of Constantinople, a most wor­thie man who dowbteth?The ele­ction of S. Iohn Chrysostome by Archadius maketh him no supreame head. Tripart. lib. 10. c. 3. Socrates. lib. 6. c. 2. And I woulde to God as this his firste dealing with Chrysostome was to his worthy prayse: so he had not by his after dealinge blotted and blemished the same.

As for this election, first Archadius did it not of his own Supreme authoritie, but the fame of Iohn Chrysostom be­ing great, and after some debate aboute the election, Intra modicū tēpus cōmuni decreto omniū clericorū, & laicorū Impe­rator Archadius euocauit eum. Within a litle while (saieth Socrates) by the common decree and agreement of all the Clergy and of al the lay, the Emperour Archadius sent for him from Antioche to Constantinople, and so by the com­mon decree of al estates (as the order of electiō then was) he was elected bishop, not by the Emperours supreme and absolute Authoryty, as M. Horne fancyeth. Thē Theodoret though he tel not so much, yet dothe he not attribute the matter to the Emperour: as a parte of his gouuernement. Which that it might some waies appere, M. Horn thought good to spyce a litle the text with the powder of his false translation, that yet so it might somewhat relys in the Readers cōceit for his surmised primacy. For Theodoret saieth not, that in this dooing, the Emperour declared what careful [Page 123] endeuour he had aboute the holy Churche matters, but [...], the care that he had about Gods or godly mat­ters. Which care is commendable as in all men,Theod. li. 5. c. 27 so in prin­ces especially, for the greater good they are able to doe. [...]. Circa res diuinas. But such care of Gods matters emporteth no gouuerne­ment in such matters. As neither the care of Churche matters importeth iurisdictiō: Though yet that soundeth nea­rer to iurisdiction then the care and zeale about godly ma­ters. And therefore M. Horne thought good with this li­tle poore helpe of false translation, a little to itche forward his miserale and barraine cause. And that we shoulde the more fauourably winck at his liegerdemain, he phraseth it, the holy Church matters. Speaking very holily and reuerent­ly, that we might not suspect him of forgery. Whereas in the original text of his author, there is no worde, of ey­ther Church ▪ or holy Church. Last of all, though we graun­ted him (which we neither will nor may, considering the whole story, as Socrates describeth it) that Archadius him selfe appointed Iohn Chrysostom to be Bishop, yet maketh it not any iote to proue any Supremacie in him, eyther in al, or in any cause ecclesiastical. Vnlesse we wil haue euery laie patrō that presēteth his Priest to a benefice, to be suprē heade also: or measure the matter by the greatenesse and weight of the patrimony and liuing,M. Hornes primacy ouerthro­vven by his ovvn example. Gorgius Alexand. in vita Io. Chrysost. and not by the weight of reason. But now M. Horne, in an il time for your self, ād for your supremacy, haue ye here put me in remēbrance of this Archadius, and S. Iohn Chrysostom. Yf you would pur­posely haue sought a meane to haue geuē your self a greate and a shameful fall, that all that beholde you, mighte laughe you al to skorne: ye could not haue foūd lightly any where els a better occasion. For this Archadius being Emperour [Page] of the East, as Honorius was in the West, was excōmuni­cated of Pope Innocētius for banishing of the said S. Chry­sostom being most wrongfully deposed by his enemies, by the procurement of Archadius his wife. Now Syr I besech you tel me who is supreme head,Archadi­us th Em­peroure excōmu­nicated by the Pope. the Emperour, or he that excōmunicateth th'Emperor, especially being vnder an o­ther Patriarche and residēt so far of, as Cōstantinople is frō Rome? The next narration seing it toucheth nothing, but matters of election, requireth no great answere: namely se­ing M. Horne him self, hath made a sufficiēt answer against him self. For if th'Emperour made a law touching th'electiō of Popes, at the Popes own desire, belike here was no great Supremacy: euē no more then the Pope was cōtent either to geue hī, or to suffer at his hand. Neither the banishing of both Popes frō Rome, especially in a schism, as this was, by M. Horne here specified, causeth any spirituall iurisdiction, the matter it selfe being mere temporall, as the matter of the election being (in this case) only begunne, not brought to perfection. Beside this, here is no presidente of our elections in England. For here is both the Emperors, the Clergyes, and the peoples consente in the Bishoppelye e­lection.

I woulde nowe passe ouer to the next matter, sauing M. Horne here commeth in with his Glosatour and Glosar after such a cunninge sorte, lawlike, and gloselike, that it woulde not be to hastely lepte ouer. Firste he alleageth the Glosatour, as he calleth him, and that I am assured, is meante, and so to be proued of him that is the common expositour of the Canon Lawe, as appeareth by Maister Hornes owne allegations. But that he bringeth out of his Glosar, I am assured, is not to be founde in him that he [Page 124] calleth Glosatour. And so haue we an other extraordinary glose by M. Horne now first authorised.A nevve glose of the Canō law, now firste au­thorised by M. Horne. But perchance ye wil meruaile, good Reader, especially ye that are exercised and trauailed in the Canon Law, that M. Horne shuld haue so deape and rare knowledge in the gloses of the Canon law, that perchāce this question might appose the best Do­ctor in the arches, onles it wer M. D. Ackworth M. Horns sōne in law, who perchāce by his fathers speciall cōmision, though perhaps M. Horne neuer read the glosar him selfe, hath authorised vs a new glosar. And now me thīketh your eares itch to heare what glosar this shuld be. It had ben wel don for M. Horne to haue eased his Reader and me to in so doutful a mater. But seing we haue foūd him out at the lēgth out he shall, and al the world shall now know him, and shall know M. Horne much the better by and for him. Therfore to be short, it is Carolus Molineꝰ a frenchman, whose glose is as far as I can yet learn, scarse seuen yeres old, or therabout,Vide editi­onem iuris canonici in. 4, Lug­duni cum glos. 1559. scarsely past his infancy, and woulde hardly be allowed to speake, onlesse M. Horn had bisshopped it. Wherfore I see no cause, but that I may according to my manner, score vp this to. But yet if M. Horne will needes haue him a Glo­sar (with the which perchaunce I will not greatly sticke, especially in that sence, as merely we call a Glosar in our tongue, that is a vaine lyer) and thinke he may truely so call him, I will not muche contende with him. For if he skape scoring vppe for calling him Glosar here, surely he shall by no meanes skape for calling him the Popes Glo­sar the tenth lyne immediatlye following. For Molline­us is so the Popes Glosar, that he loueth the Pope, and al­loweth his authoritie, euen as well as M. Horne him self: as appereth as wel by his notes adioyned to the olde inter­pretour [Page] of the Canon law, new and fresh set out, as by his other workes extant in print, condemned among other in­hibited bookes by the late General Councel. And whoe would haue thought that M. Horne had such wise, wilie, wittie, fresh fetches? I perceiue a ragged Colte may yet proue a good Horse.

M. Horne. The .43. Diuision. pag. 28. b.

Sabellicus speakinge of the contentious entraunce of Damasus the first into the Papacy, vvhiche vvas not vvithout great bloudshed, as Vola­teranus saith, dothe note the ambition of the Prelates, to be the cause of suche cōtention about their atteininge of such roumes. For now (saieth he) the ambicious desire of honour, had by litle and litle, begon to entre into the mindes of the Bishopes. The vvhiche vvas proued ouer true, not onely in the elections of the Bishoppes of old Rome, but also in many Bishoppes of other Cities, especially of nevve Rome. These diseases in the Churche ministers, and the disorders thereout springyng: the Emperours from time to time studied to cure and refourme: vvherefore Theodosius and Valentinianus vvhen they savve, the great hoouing and shoouinge at Constantinople,Liberat. cap. 4. Socr. lib. 7. cap 29. about the election of a Bishop after the death of Sisinius some speakinge to preferre Philippus, other some Proclus, both being mi­nisters of that Churche, did prouide a remedy for this michiefe, to vvitte, they them selues (.123.) The 123. vntruthe. No such decree ap­pereth: neither in Liberatus nor in Socrates. made a decree, that none of that Church should be Bishop there, but some straunger from an other Churche, and so the Emperours sent to Antioche for Nestorius, vvho as yet vvas thought both for his doctrine and life, to be a sitte pastor for the flocke, and made him Bishop of Constan­tinople.

Stapleton.

This man is nowe againe in hande with the Emperours ordinance concerning the election of the Bishop of Con­stantinople: but by the way, or being as he is in dede, al out of his waye and matter to, he towcheth what slaughter there was at Rome, when Damasus was made Pope, and so rūneth backe agayne out of the way, and out of his mat­ter: [Page 125] which he might ful wel haue let alone, sauing that he would shewe his great familiaritie and affinitie with Iulian the Pelagian.M. Horne foloweth Iulian the Pelagian. Aug. lib. c cō. Iulian. De consti­tuendo Episcopo dissensionē populi Ro­mani in­sultabūdus obiectas. Volat. Ant lib. 22. pag. 499. multi mortales ex vtraque parte in­terfecti. Sabel. en­nead. 9. li. 9. Vi & armis cer­tatū, com­petitore superato. et c Ad Dam. Damasus Primacy recogni­sed by S. Hierom Who for lacke of good matter to iustify his own, and to infringe the Catholik doctrine, fel to controlle the Catholikes for their manners, and namely for this dis­sention at the creation of Damasus. Of which cotentiō, Sa­bellicus, saith M. Horne, speaketh: and Volaterranus sayeth it was not without much bloudshed. As though Sabellicus said not also, that the matter was tried with strokes. But where to finde or seke it in either of them, M. Horne lea­ueth vs to the wide worlde. But what is this, M. Horne, a­gainst Damasus Primacie, who was also a true and a good godly learned Bishop: whom S. Hierome for all this contention, recognised as head of the Churche, and as greate a Clerke as he was, yet being in doubte by reason of diuerse sectes about Antiochia in Syria, with what persons to com­municate, moste humbly requireth of him to knowe, with whom he should communicate, and with whom he should not communicate?

What is then your argumēt, M. Horne? Is it this? Da­masus entred into the See of Rome by force and bloudshed: Ergo, the Emperour at that time was Supreme gouernour in all causes Ecclesiasticall. Verely either this is your ar­gumēt, or els you make here none at al: but only tel forth a story to no purpose, except it be to deface the holy Apostolik See of Rome, which in dede serueth euer your purpose both in bookes and in pulpitts. What so euer it be you haue in hand beside, the Pope may not be forgotten.

Now that you tel vs of a decree made (by th'Emperours Theodosius and Valentinianus) that none of the Churche of Constantinople should be Bysshop there, but some straunger frō [Page] an other Churche, you tell vs a mere vntruth: Your alleaged Authors Socrates and Liberatus speake no one woorde of any such Decree. Liberatus cap. 4. in Breuiario. Socrates li 7 ca. 29 Niceph. li. 14. c. 34 35. The words of Liberatus (who translated in maner the wordes of Socrates) are these: Sisinius being departed, it semed good to the Emperours, to appoint none of the Church of Constantinople to be bisshop there, but to send for som straunger from Antioch in Syria (from whence they had a little before Iohn Chrysostome) and to make him Bisshop. And this worde for worde hath also Socrates, but he addeth more: [...]. Because of the vaine triflers and busy heades that were of that Churche. Of any Decree that the Emperor should make, none of them both doe mention. But at that time only the case then in Con­stantinople so standing, and their luck before being so good in Iohn Chrysostom, who from a stranger became their bi­shop, it pleased the Emperours so to doe. And al this they did by way of prouision for the Church quiet, not by waye of absolute authority or any forceable Decree, as M. Horn fableth and ouer reacheth his Authors.

M. Horne. The .44. Diuision. pag. 28. b.

As Constantinus and Theodosius the elder, euen so Theodosius the seconde a very (.124.) The 124 Vntruth Theodos. in these doings by you allea­ged, vvas vngodly godly Emperour, hauing and practising the (.125.) The 125 vntruthe. Vtterlie vnpro­ued supreme gouernment in Ecclesiasticall causes, seeinge the horrible Heresies spronge vp and deuidinge the Church, but specially by Nestorius, did (126) The .126. Vntruth. For not by his au­thoritie. by his authoritie cal the thirde general councel at Ephesus, named the first Ephesine councel, geuinge streight (.127.) The 127. Vntruth. He gaue no suche Cōmaun­dement. commaundement to al Bishops vvheresoeuer, that they shoulde not faile to appeare at the time appointed, and further vsed the same povver and authoritie, in the ordering and gouer­ninge thereof by his (.128.) The .128. Vntruth The Coū cell resi­sted and refused the orde­ring of this Lieutenāt Iohn. Cyril. ep. 22. Tō 4. Liberat. cap. 6. All this vvas a leude fact vvhiche neuer cā to effect, ād vvher­of they al repented after, yet M. Horne buildeth vpon it. Lieutenaūt Ioannes Comes Sacrensis, that other Godly Emperours had beene accustomed to vse before him▪ accordinge to the cōtinual practise of the Churche, as it is plainely set foorth in the booke of general Councelles.

In this councel there happened so greuous contention betvvixt Cyrillus [Page 126] Bishop of Alexandria, and Iohn Bishop of Antioche, both beyng other­vvise godly and learned mē, that the councel vvas diuided thereby into tvvo partes: the occasion of this Schisme vvas partely, that Cyrillus and cer­taine other vvith him had proceeded to the cōdemnation of Nestorius, before that Ioānes vvith his cōpany could com, ād partly for that Ioānes of Antioch suspected Cyrillus of certain Heresies, misdeeming that Ciril had made the more haste to confirme them before his comminge. He therefore vvith his associates complaineth, and laieth to Cyrilles chardge, that he did not tary according to the commaundement of the Emperour for the com­ming of the Bisshops of other Prouinces, vvhich vvere called thither frō all partes, by the cōmaundement of the Emperour: That vvhan the noble Earle Candidianus commaunded him by vvriting, and vvithout vvriting, that he should presume no suche matter, but that he and those that vvere vvith him, should abide the comming of the other Bishops, neuer thelesse he pro­ceeded: that he and his company vvere the authours of dissension and discord in the Church▪ and that they had geuē the occasion, that the rules of the Fathers, and the decrees of the Emperours vvere broken▪ and trodē vnder foote: vvherefore they iudge Cyrill of Alexādria, vvith Memnō bisshop of E­phesus, to be deposed frō their bisshopriks, and Ecclesiastical ministery: and the other their associates to be excōmunicate. The vvhich their doinges they signifie to the Emperour Theodosius by their Synodical letters, to vnder­stande his pleasure, in (.129.) The 129. vntruth. The story hathe no suche vvoords. allovving or disallovvyng of their Synodicall actes. After this came the bishop of Romes legates, before vvhome in the coū ­cel Cyrillus and Memnō offered vp their libelles, deposing a contestation againste Iohn and his party to haue them cited, and render the cause of their deposition. The bisshoppe of Romes legates, vvith the consent of the councell, on that parte, sendeth for Ioannes and his parties, vvho returneth this an­svveare: Neither sende you to vs, nor wee to you, bicause wee looke for an answeare So did alvvaies Schisma­tiks, such as these vvere. from the Prince touching you. Therfore saith Liberatus: Cyril and Memnon, seeking to reuenge thē selues, did condemne Iohn and all those that stood with him, who suffered manye displeasures at Ephesus thoroughe the pride of these twaine. The Emperoure sendeth to the vvhole Councell his ansvveare in vvritinge, on this sorte: VVee allowe the condemnation of Nestorius, Cyrillus, and Memnon: the [Page] other actes and condemnations, whiche you haue made, we disallowe, obseruinge the Christian faithe, and vprightnesse which we haue receiued of our fathers ād progenitours.Liberat. cap. 8.etc. Certain of the Bishops did satisfie the Emperour (.130.) The .130. vntruth. These vvordes nipped of in the middle. Bicause the greate and gene­ral coun­cel doing all things regularly, hath con­demned Nestorius. By vhich appereth, the Coū ­cel gaue sentence ouer the Heretik, not themperour. whō he commaūded to enter into the Church, and to ordeine an other Bishop for Constantinople in the place of Nestorius. These things thus done, the Emperour dissolued the Coūcel, and cōmaunded the Bishops to depart euery man to his own coūtrie. VVithin a while after, the Emperour perceiuing the dissension betwixte Cyrill and Iohn to continue, whiche he thought was not to be suffered: called Maximianus, and ma­ny other Bishoppes that were then at Constantinople, with whome he cōsulted, how this schism of the Churches might be taken away. VVhose aduise had, the Emperour sent a noble man, Aristolaus vvith his letters to Cyrill and Iohn, commaunding thē to come to an agreement and vnitie betvvixte them selues, othervvise he vvoulde (.131.) The .131. vntruth, the word depose, is not in Liberatꝰ. depose and banish them both. VVherevpon follovved a reconciliation betvvene the tvvo bisshops, and much quietnes to the Churches.

The .9. Chapter. Of Theodosius the Second: and of the Ephe­sine Councell, the third Generall.

Stapleton.

HERE followeth now an other Emperour Supreme head of the Churche, as well for calling of the firste General Councell at Ephesus, as also, for ordering and gouerning of it by his Lieutenaunt. Yf M. Horne do or can shew any decree or determination in matter of faithe, or any other Ecclesiastical matter made by Theodosius or his deputy, then were it somewhat. He sheweth no such thing, nor can shew any such matter. Al this ordering and gouerning, is concerning the externall and outward mat­ters, and to see al things done quietly and orderly: and by ciuile punishment to correct such as disobey the Councel. [Page 127] All the which are no matters of spirituall gouernement. Let vs then consider the particularities.

The calling of the Ephesine Councel by this Emperour Theodosius (which yet was at the request of Cyrillus the Patriarch of Alexandria,Niceph. li. 14. c. 33 not by the Emperours owne au­thoritie) M. Horne setteth foorth in these words: geuing streight commaūdement to al Bis [...]hops wheresoeuer, that they should not faile to appeare. As though the Emperour had so peremptorily cited them, and summoned thē both, as Prin­ces and Ciuile Magistrates doe cite their subiectes for ciuil matters. Whereas the history of Nicephorus by him al­leaged, geueth forth no token of such peremptory commā ­dement, but rather of the contrary. For the Emperour in his letters whereby he summoned them,Niceph. li. 14. c. 34 addeth this reason or threat to them that would draw backe. Qui enim vocatus non alacriter accurrit, non bonae is conscientiae esse apparet. For whosoeuer being called, hasteneth not, verely he appereth to haue an euill conscience. In which woordes he rather chargeth their conscience before God, then their loyal o­bedience to him: as Iosaphat did to the Priestes and Leuits of the olde Law, as before hath ben shewed.2. Paral. 19. Neither vseth any other threat or force of commaundement to expresse so much as an ynckling of that gloriouse supremacye that M. Horne would so faine finde out.

Againe,Vide Cyril. Epist. 22. Tom. 4. the ordering and gouerning (as you call it) of the Councell, by Ioannes Comes the Emperours Lieutenaunte, was suche as Cyrillus and al the Catholique Bishoppes of that Councell, complained of. Firste, because he made no true relatiō to the Emperour, what was in the Councel done. Then because he laboured to haue Iohn of Antioche with his confederates, reduced to the Communion of the holy [Page] Councel hauing brokē the Canons: To the which request, the Councell resisted plainlye, saiyng: It is not possible to force vs hereto, except both that which they haue done against the Canons, be disanulled: and also they become humble sup­pliauntes to the Councell, as suche whiche haue offended. When Iohn the Lieutenant could not winne his purpose this way, by force of authority, whiche those Bishops ac­knowledged none at all, for any matter Synodicall to be concluded, or decreed, he went about by a sleight to com­passe them. He desired them, to geue him in writing a con­fession of their faith: and I, saied he, will cause the other to sub­scribe therevnto, and so to agree with you. This he did (saieth the Councel) that after he might make his vaunte, and say. I haue brought these bisshops to an attonement, Concilia­ui eos ad amicitiā humanis inter se of­fensis dis­sidentes. Nō expo­nimus nos contume­liae. being at vari­aunce among them selues, vpon worldly displeasures. And the Councell espiyng this, replied againe, they woulde not geue the world occasion of reproche and shame. And as for the cō ­fession of their faithe which he required, they answered. We be not called hither as heretikes, but we are come hither to restore the faith that hath bene despised, which also we do re­store. And as for the Emperour, he hath no nede nowe to lerne his faith he knoweth it wel enough, and he hath bene baptised in it.

Thus we see the ordering and gouerninge, whiche M. Hornes cause dependeth vpon, of this Lieutenāt and Em­perour too, was a mere tyrānical violēce, not such as other godly Emperours accustomed to vse before him as M. Horne auoucheth. So did not Constantine in the Nicene Coūcel. Nor Theodosius this mans Grandfather in the Councell of Aquileia.Cyrill. vbi suprà. But this was such a tyrannicall gouernment, that Cyrillus and the whole Synod writeth thereof thus. We be [Page 128] all in greate vexation, being kept in with the guardes of souldi­ars, yea hauing them by our beddes side when we slepe: specially we, saith Cyrillus. And the whole Councell beside, is much we­ried and vexed, and many are dead. Many other also, hauing spent all, doe now sell their necessaries. This, lo, was the ho­norable gouernement of M. Hornes supreame head.M. Horne groūdeth his prima­cye vpon the doe­ings of Iohn a Schisma­tical Bis­shop. By force of armes to extort a cōsent. Such a gouernour would the great Turke be, or the Souldan, if he ruled againe. But suche rough paterns please verye well this rough and rude Prelate. Similes habent labra lactucas. Wheras ther­fore he calleth this Emperour Theodosius, a verie godlie Emperour, seing he calleth him not godly in this place, but in respect of his actions hereafter to be by him rehearsed, which are very lewd and naught, as it hathe and shall yet better appeare, it is a plaine vntruth,Donec poe­nitētiā a­gatis, et a­nathema­tisetis, hae­retica ca­pitula quae à Cyrillo Alexādri­no episco­po exposita sunt cōtra Euangeli­cam & ca­tholicam doctrinam Liberatus. cap. 6. what so euer he were in other thinges. And therefore either he shoulde haue forborne so to call him, at the least in this place, or shoulde haue founde some better matter for him to haue practised his Supremacie vpon.

For al Maister hornes declaration resteth in this, that he defended Iohn the Bishoppe of Antiochia, and a fewe of his confederates, the fautours of Nestorius, in this Coun­cell condemned. Whoe made Cyrillus and the residew of the Ephesine Fathers (two hundred in number) heretiks, and called their doings hereticall, as euidentlye appeareth by the selfe same Authour and chapter, that M. Horne taketh for his helpe and ayde. But to sweete this vnsaue­ry declaration wythall, he calleth thys Ihon a godlye man: and wandering here and there in by circumstaunces, lea­ueth owte thys, least the godlye Reader might sone sus­pecte thys Primacye, standynge vppon no better grounde.

[Page]Yet will M. Horne saye, that Theodosius practised this Supremacy here. First by the Earle Candidianus his De­putie,The cau­ses vvhy M. Horn taketh Theodo­sius for Supreme head. who on the Emperours behalfe inhibited Cyril and the other, that they should not procede til the comming of Iohn the Patriarche of Antiochia. Then, that after the said Iohn had condemned Cyril and Memnon, and deposed thē from their Bishopriks, the Emperour confirmed Iohns sen­tence. Thirdly that seing the dissension betwixt Cyril and Iohn to grow more and more, cōmaunded them to agree, otherwise he would depose and banish them both. Last of all, that Iohn being cited to answere before the Popes Le­gate, would not come, but said, he looked for the Princes answere.

The said causes an­svvered.But these things neither seuerally nor iointly are of any force. First, Candidianus doings, as ye see, goe no further then to the externall moderation, disposition, and order of the Councels doings. Whiche, as we haue before saide, is one point of the Emperours dealing in Councelles, as the Churches best Sonne, not as Supreme gouernour thereof. Secondarily, the Emperoure deposed not Cyrill, but the schismaticall assemble of Iohn and his cōsociates to the nū ­ber of .34. as Liberatus writeth:Cap. 6. and that contrary to the minde of al the residue, whose sentence though wrongful­ly geuen, Theodosius sinistrally affected and seduced, doth confirme. Wherein he is no principall worker, but an exe­cutour of the sentence. Thirdly, the Emperour threatned no deposition or depriuation, but banishment only, which is no Spirituall but Ciuile punishment, and so impertinente to our matter. Therefore where you adde, he would depose thē to ye are but a Glosar.Liberatus cap. 8. And as good a glosar for the Pope as your brother Molineus. For Liberatus your author, hath [Page 129] no such word. Only he saieth. He threatened to sende them both to Nicomedia in banishment. Last of al, Iohn beinge such a mā, ād so vpholdē by the Emperour, what meruaile yf he woulde not appeare before the Popes Legat,Proufes for the Popes primacy ta­ken out of the Ephesine Councell and M. Hornes ovvne author. Prosper in Chronic. Euang [...]li. 1. cap. 4. Nicep. lib. 14. cap. 34 Con. [...]lor­ses. 5. et 8. Chal. syn. Act 4. pagina. 871. [...]le [...]ine confe [...]sed the presi­dente of the Ephsine coū ­cel by tvvo Emperours. Pro Mar. vide act. 3 Cōc. Chal. of whō he thought he should be cōdemned? There is no felō by his good wil, that would appere at the Kings bēch, but would refuse it, yf he might be assisted therin. And yet it is an or­dinary ād a lawful cowrt, that not withstāding: and should be, though an hundred such should refuse it.

Wel Sir: Now that ye haue spēt and empted your proufs for the vpholding of Theodosius primacy, wherin ye work lyke one that taking vppon him to guyde other in the night, woulde put out the candle or torch and conducte them by a lanterne, let vs for our syde see, yf we can fetche any better light aswel from other, as euen from your owne Author, and from the doings of your owne councell and your owne Emperour, for the bishops and the popes ecclesiastical primacy. I say then that the head and presidēte of this councel was Celestinus the Pope: and in his steade the foresayde Ciril, and not the Emperour or his deputie. Vpō this as a certayne truthe all the ecclesiastical writers aswel Latins as Greke, vniformely agree, yea the whole councel yt self of Ephesus agniseth this Coelestine as theire presi­dente and head, as appeareth by the nexte general councel of Chalcedo shortly folowing, and in the Ephesin coūcels letters to the Emperour Theodosius him self: and to the Emperour Valentinian. And least ye should thinke, the spi­rituall men, and the councels encroched to muche vppon the Emperours iurisdiction, and did thē iniury, as ye, your Apologie, M. Iewel, and your other bretherne complayne, lo Themperour Marcianus, and the Emperour Iustinian [Page] in their open proclamations do plainly professe, that Pope Coelestine by his deputy Cyril, was president of that Coū ­cel.Pro Iusti edict. eius tom. 2. cō ­cil. M. Horns primacye destroied by his ovvne author. I trow M. Horne this is no lanterne light shut vp in a darke dymme Horne, but good torche light, or rather the fayre bright light of the sonne it selfe.

In case al this will not serue the turne, we wil drawe somwhat nearer, euen to your owne author, your owne Emperour, yea your owne wordes to, and by them proue our intente: and then I trust ye wil be fully satisfied. Who is he then Maister Horne, that writeth: Multos in hoc mundo reges esse, & non esse vnum, sicut Papa est super Ecclesiā mundi totius. There are many Kings in the world, and no one King of the whole: as the Pope onely is the gouernor ouer the Church throughout the whole world: Surely it is your own authour Liberatus. And hereby ap­peareth well M. Iewels great errour,Liberatus in breuiar. cap. 22. tom. 2. cō, pag. 119. M. Iewels errour. In his Re­ply fol. 254. M. Horne noteth not the author ād chapter of his de­claration ād vvhy? Euag. lib. 1. cap. 4. and M. Nowelles to, affirming stoutely and assuredly, that one man can no more haue the rule of the whole Church, thē of the whole world. Liberatꝰ a writer about xic. yers past, reporteth that assertiō, spokē of a holy bisshop to the Emperor Iustiniā, ād yet accōpted therfore neither foolish nor wicked. You be­gāne your narratiō with the dissentiō of Cyrillus and Iohns, but your memory or your truth fayled you, whē ye lefte out the author of whō ye toke it ād the chapter. Perchaūce ye were here astonied, as the heretiks were before Theo­dosius. For euē in this place your author sheweth, that Coe­lestin was the presidēt of this coūcel, by his deputy Cyrill: to whō he gaue instructiōs and informatiōs by letters, how he should demeane hī self with Nestorius, and prescribeth him a certain order for his doings. And therfore Cyril him self, at what tyme he should pronounce final sentēce of de­priuatiō [Page 130] against Nestorius, saieth he was forced therto by Coelestinus letters. In the geuing of which sentēce,Cyrillus gaue sen­tence a­gaīst Ne­storiꝰ by Celestinꝰ. Cyril. epi. 11. &. 12. Tom. 4. Cyril. epi. 17. Proued against M Horne by Theo­dosius hī ­self that thempe­ror is not supreame head in matters ecclesia­stical. M. Horns ovvn ex­ample al­so of Candidinia­nꝰ turned agaīst hī. Cap. satis euidenter distin. 96. neither thēperor, nor his Lieutenant, had any thing to do, either in allowing or disallowing: ād that wil I proue vnto you euē by your own supreme head Theodosius writīg to Cyrillus, vt perturbatio quae ex cōtrouersiis istis accidit, secūdū ecclesia­sticos canones dissoluatur, that the hurly burly which thē was for cōtrouersies of religiō, might be pacified and quieted according to the ecclesiastical canōs. Now by the ecclesiastical canō the ending and determinatiō of matters spirituall apperteyneth to the clergy, ād not to the layty. Now also both to answere you, and to take some hādfast against you of such things, your selfe haue alleaged: wil ye know M. Horne whether the doings of the erle Cādidianus thēpe­rors deputy, reached to the discussiō or determinatiō of any matter ecclesiastical, or no? I say, no. And for my saing to be cōfirmed I appeale to your own supreame head Theodo­sius, and plead for my self, the very cōmissiō, that he gaue to Cādidianus. Deputatus est Cādidianus magnificus Comes trā ­sire vs (que) ad sanctissimā synodū vestrā, ac in nullo quidē quae fa­cienda sunt de pijs dogmatibus quaestiones communicare. Illici­tum nam (que) est, eū qui non sit ex ordine sanctissimorum episco­porum ecclesiasticis immiscere tractatibus. I haue sent, saith themperour Theodosius, the noble erle Candidinianus, as my deputye vnto your holye Synode, geuinge him in charge, not to medle in anye poynte towchinge questions to be moued abowte godlye doctryne and Religion. For yt is vnlawfull for him, whiche is not of the order of ho­lye Bisshoppes, to entermedle with Ecclesiasticall mat­ters. But yet ye saye, Iohn and his fellowes woulde not appeare before the Popes Legates: A true man [Page] ye are in this point. It was so in dede, wherein his doinges were as good as yours and your felowes Protestante bis­shops,This Iohn refused to come be­fore the Popes Legates and the Coū ­cel by as good right, as M Horne and his fellovves refused the Coū ­cel of Trent. Liberatus cap. 6. M. Horns suprema­cye de­stroyed by his ovvne author ā [...] chapter. which being and that with a large saufe conducte, called to the late Councel of Trente, durst not, ye knewe your cause so good, shewe your face in such an ordinarie and learned consistory. Ye knew ye were no more able, to shewe good cause why ye haue deposed the Catholike Bisshoppes, then coulde your Iohn, why he deposed Cy­rillus and Memnon. And therefore he being called to geue a reckoning of those his doings before Pope Celestins Le­gates, who were then president themselues (for Cyrill and Memnon then both put vp their complaintes to the Popes Legats, thē newly come from Rome to Cōstātinople) and before the whole Coūcel of Bisshops, durste not appeare.

But loe now out of your own place ād chapter, an other opē proufe against you, for the Popes, ād the ecclesiastical primacy. For not withstāding all that euer your Emperour and supreme head did, and for al his allowing of Iohns wyc­ked proceding: the Popes Legats and the Councell with a more Supreme Authority resumed the matter into their hāds: to whō also Cyrill and Memnon bisshops of Ephesus vniustly deposed, offred their billes of cōplainte: wherevpō Iohn was cited to appere. who playd the night owlespart, not able to abyde the cleare light of the Popes authority, ād of so honorable a Councel. And so haue ye cōcerning this Ephesine Councel spoken altogether, as we saye, ad Ephe­sios, and very poore ayde are ye like to take at this Coun­cels hands. Nay, ye are quyt ouerborē ād ouertilted there­with. As it shall yet more at large appere to him that will vouchesafe to reade, that I haue writen of this matter a­gainst M. Iewel,Art. 4. fo. 837. et. 138 in my Returne of vntruthes.

M. Horne. The 45. Diuision. Pag. 30. a.

Eutyches stirred vp much trouble in these daies: vvherefore he vvas cited to appeare before Flauianus Bisshop of Constantinople, and other Bisshops assembled in a Synode, to ansvveare vnto his heresies: vvho vvoulde He vvas an here­tik I vvarrant you, that vvoulde not ap­peare be­fore his bisshop, but fled to the Prince. Liberat. cap. 11. not appeare but fledde vnto the Emperour Theodosius, and declareth vnto him his griefe. The Emperour sendeth vnto the Synod vvith Eutiches, one of his chiefe officers Florentius, vvith this mandate: Bicause wee study carefully for the peace of Goddes Churche, and for the Catholike Faith, and wil by Goddes grace haue the righte Faithe kepte, whiche was sette foorth by the Nicene Councell, and confirmed by the Fathers at Ephesus, when Nestorius was cō ­demned: wee wil therefore there bee no offence committed aboute the aforenamed Catholique Faithe, and bicause wee knowe the honourable Florentius, to be a faithfull and an ap­prooued man in the righte faith, wee wil that he shalbe pre­sent in your Synode, bicause the conference is of the Faithe. He vvas there asistaunt vnto the Fathers and (.132.) The .132. vntruth. Florētius vsed no examina­tion at al. examined Eutyches openly in the Synode, (.133.) The 133. vntruth. He neuer asked hī but one question. diuerse times of his faithe, and finally saide vnto him: He that (saithe Florentius) doth not confesse in Christ twoo natures, doth not beleeue aright: and (.134.) The .134. vntruth. Not so. that is not by Florētius, but by the Coū ­cel he vvas cō ­demned, and deposed. so vvas Eutyches ex­communicate, deposed, and condemned. Eutyches rested not here, but ob­teined that the Emperour did commaunde a nevv Synode to be had at Con­stantinople, vvherein to examine the actes of the former, vvhether that all thinges touching the proceding against Eutyches, vvere don orderly and rightly, or no. He appointeth besides Florentius, diuerse (.135.) The 135. vntruthe, Nicephorus hath no such thing. other of his nobles to be in this councel, to see the doings thereof. But vvhen Eutyches coulde not vvin his purpose in neither of these Synodes, he procureth by friēd­ship of the Empresse Eudoxia and others, that the Emperour should call a Synode againe at Ephesus: to the vvhich Synode the Emperour prescribeth a fourme of proceding. This Synode vvas a vvicked conuenticle, vvherein the truth vvas defaced and Heresie approued, the Emperour being seduced by Chrysaphius, one of the priuy chamber, and in most fauour vvithe him.

The .10. Chapter, of Eutyches the Archeretike.

Stapleton.

AS Eutyches that false monke did, so do ye flie frō your ordinarie Iudges to suche as be no Iudges in the mat­ter. Neither the presence of Florētius, or any other the Emperours deputy in the councel, maketh the Empe­ror, as I haue sayd ād shewed before, a supreame head. And in as much as the Emperor sayth, that because the cōferēce is of sayth, he woulde his deputy to be present: that is graunted (whē matters of faith are debated) not only to Emperours, Dist. 96. Vbinam. Chal. Act. 3. pa. 838. Cabil. can. 6. Milleuit. Cap. 19. but to al Christē mē. But hereof yt may be inferred that in Coūcels assembled for disciplin ecclesiasticall, and not for faith, thēperor and his deputy haue nothīg to do: which in­frīgeth the greatest part of your supremacy. And which is plain both by the rules, and by the practise of the Church expressed in the Coūcels of Chalcedon, of Cabylon, and of Milleuitum. Now as we graunt the Emperours deputye may be present in the Councell, where matters of faith are in debate: so how he is present, and to what ende, and that he hath no authoritye to determyne and decide the controuersies, we haue alredy proued by Theodosius him selfe. To stoppe belyke this gappe, ye imagin Florentius to play the Iudges parte, as to examyne Eutyches openly in the Synod of his faith, and how he belieued. Examination Flo­rentius vsed none, but as any lay man beside might haue don, he demaūded what he beleued: which demaunding is not to determin, what and how he ought to belieue. Again where you adde, diuerse tymes of his faith, this is an other vntruth. For Florentius in al that Synode neuer asked him but one question (which you here alleage) and that after the Synode hadde nowe condemned him. But I suppose [Page 132] ye would fasten the Iudges part vpon him, because he sayd to Eutyches, he that doth not confesse in Christe two natures, doth not belieue a right. This might anie other mā haue sayd to, and this is but a symple sentence. And as simple as yt is, ye thought not very simply, but dubly and craftely, yea al­together falsly, minding to beare the ignorant reader in hād as thoughe this had bene the final sentence. And therfore ye say, and so was Eutyches excommunicated, deposed, and condemned. But by whom, I pray you, Maister Horne? By Florentius, or Flauianus in the Councell? And when and howe, I praye youe? Did not the Councell before these woordes of Florentius, demaunde of Eutyches his faithe?Liberatus cap. 11. Yea, did not they tell him? Thou must confesse this, and curse all doctrine contrary to this faith? Nowe when Eu­tyches would not, and said, as ye say in many thinges, he would not, because the holy scripture hadde no suche matter, then did the Councel curse him: And after this curse Flo­rentius spake the woordes by you rehersed. Afterwarde was he cursed again, and depriued of his priestly honour, not by Florenrius, but by his owne bisshop Flauianus, as it is conteined in the chapter by you quoted. Yea that more is, a playn place withal of the Popes primacy to. For both Flauianus sent this his Sētēce to Rome, and Eutyches thus cōdemned, cōplayned by his letters vpon Flauianus, and ap­pealed, to Pope Leo. But Eutyches rested not here: The Popes primacy proued by M, Horns ovvn author and chapter. (saieth M. Horne) In dede in Eutyches we haue a paterne of you and your felowes, that wil be ruled by no lawe or order of the Church. This Eutyches being first three seueral tymes cyted by his owne bisshop and Patriarche Flauianus, would not appeare before him, but by the meanes of one Chry­saphius his Godde childe, a buskyn gentleman aboute [Page] the Emperours preuy chamber, brought the matter to the Prince. Then a prouincial Synode being called by the Em­perour, and Eutyches condemned, he appealed from the Emperour to Pope Leo. Being by him also condemned, he woulde not yet yelde. No in the generall Councel of Chalcedon being thrise summoned by the whole Coun­cell of 630. Bisshoppes, his pride and obstinacy was suche, that he woulde not appeare, nor being there with ful cō ­sent condemned, would yet yelde thereunto. And al be­cause the .ij. natures of Christ in one person (which he de­nied) was not expressely found in the Scriptures. In all these (except his only appealing to Rome) he shewed him selfe as right an heretike, as any that nowe liueth. But this is a wōderful foly, or rather madnes in you to procede on, and to alleage farder matter of Theodosius doinges for calling other Councels in the mayntenance of Entyches at Constantinople and Ephesus,Leo epist. 51. ad. Pulcheriam. and by and by to declare, that the said synode of Ephesus, was a wicked conuēticle, as it was in dede, and as Leo calleth it, Non iudicium, sed la­trocinium. No iudgement, but a tyrannical violence, and al thinges there done against Flauianus, afterwarde reuersed by Pope Leo: a most certain argument of his supremacye. And yet ye cal your Emperour, a godly Emperour, neither shewing of his repentaunce, nor of any his good doinges. Thus ye see how pitefully euery way ye are caste in your own turne.

M. Horne. 46. Diuision. Pag. 30. b.

Leo the first, Bisshop of Rome a learned and a godly bisshop, although not vvithout al, faultes, maketh hum [...]le supplicatiō vn [...]o Theodosius the Emperour, and vnto Pulcheria: that there might be a general Coūcel called in Italy, to abolishe the wicked errour in Faith, [Page 133] confirmed by the violence of Dioscorus. The selfe same Bis­shop of Rome with many bisshops kneeling on their knees, did most humbly beseeche in like sort Valentinianus the em­perour, that he woulde vouchesaulfe to entreate and exhorte Theodosius the Emperour to cal an other Synode,Liberat. cap. 12. to reuoke those euil actes and iudgementes, which Dioscorus had cau­sed to be don in the condemnation of Flauianus Bisshop of Constantinople and others. In vvhich examples it is manifest, that the bisshops of Rome did (.136.)The .136. vntruth. The Popes neuer ac­knovlea­ged any such matter, and Leo lest of al other, acknovvledge the supreme gouerment, di­rection and authority in calling of Councels, vvhich is (.137.)The .137 vntruthe. It is no ecclesia­stical cause at al, as the Emperours vse it. one of the greatest amongest the ecclesiastical causes or matters, to be in the Empe­rours, and Princes, and not in them selues.

The .11. Chapter. Of Pope Leo the great, and first of that name.

Stapleton.

IT is well and clerkly noted of you M. Horne, that Leo, being a godly and a learned bisshop was not yet without all faults It was wel spied of yow, least men should think he was borne without originall synne (which I dowbt whe­ther yowe wil graunt to Christes mother) or take him for Christ him self. For who, I beseache yowe, is without all faultes?

But what a holy, vertuous and godly man this Leo was, I let passe to speake (though very much might be said ther­in) bicause the good or euil life of a Pope or any other man is not material to the doctrin which he teacheth, or to the matter we haue now in hand. But verely for his right faith, true doctrine, and found belefe (for the which you seme to taxe him) I wil with ij. shorte saynges onely of ij. generall [Page] Coūcels shortly note to the Reader, both what an absolute doctour this Leo was, and what a malapert comptroller you are. The Chalcedō Councell of 630. bishops do expres­sely and plainely professe their Iudgement of this blessed father Leo (in their solemne subscription) in these wordes. Nos summè orthodoxum esse sanctissimum patrem nostrum Archiepiscopum Leonem perfectissimè nouimus. Act. 4. pa. 871. col. [...]. Tom. 1. Con. We most perfitly know, that our most holy father Leo the Archebi­shop, is of right iudgement in religiō, in the highest degree. Loe M. Horne those fathers so many and so lerned with one consent do saye: Not that they thinke or beleue, but that they knowe: and that not superficially or slenderly, but perfectissimè most perfytly, most exactly, most assured­ly: And what knowe they so surely? Forsothe that their most holy father Leo is Orthodoxus, a right beleuer, a true Catholike, a sounde teacher of Gods people. And not onely so, after a common or meane sort, but Summè Ortho­doxum: Catholike and right beleuing in the highest degree: without any blotte or blemish in that respecte. After suche a Sentence, so protested and pronounced, of suche, so many, so lerned, and so auncient fathers aboue vnleuen hundred yeres paste, in suche and so solemne an assem­bly for the absolute and vndoubted commendation of that excellent prelat, whence crepe you, with your lewde sur­mise, or with what face dare you deface him? With the like constāt and absolute cōmendatiō (without any surmi­sed exceptiō at al) in an other general Coūcel,Cōcil. Cō ­stant. 5. Act. 1. pag. 74. Tom. 2. Cō ­cil. the next af­ter this, he is called by the cōmon voyce of the East Bis­shops, Illuminator & Columna Ecclesiae. A geuer of light, and a piller of the Churche. You come to late, M. Horne, to blotte or to blemish the Reuerēt memory of so blessed, so [Page 134] lerned and so much commended a father. His light so shy­neth that no horne can dymme it. His doctrine is so strōge, that no surmise can weaken it. The more you kicke at this piller, the more you breake your shinne. The more you deface him, the greater is your owne shame.

Therefore as your glosing here was causelesse, so sure­ly your meaning is gracelesie. Verely suche as if ye had expressed it, woulde forthwith haue disgraced and quyte ouerthrowen your false conclusion immediatly folowing, freighted allmost with as many lies as lynes. For tou­ching his suyte to the Emperour to haue a Councell cal­led, you must vnderstande M. Horne, that the bare cal­ling of Councells suche as Emperours haue vsed, is not one of the greateste amonge Ecclesiasticall causes, nor, to speake properlye, any matter Ecclesiasticall at all, but a prouision by the waie of exhortation for the bishops to meete in some conuenyent place without breache of the ciuill order, which forbiddeth Illicita collegia: that is,Tit. de Il­licitis col­legijs. vn­lawful assemblies, as the same shoulde for such be accōpted if thēperor had not allowed them: And not only thēperor, but any other prince being lorde of the territory or soyle, where the bishops woulde assemble. In dede the discussion and determination of matters of faith in Councelles may wel be said to belong to the great ād weighty causes of the Church, but this belōgeth not to lay princes: and this not withstādīg, Leo is so far of frō acknowledging this supreme gouernmēt and authority in calling of councels, that yf I be not deceiued, ye your self do know ād belieue the cōtrary, and therefore durst not speak what ye thought, but vnder such dark and mystical talke. For I pray you, M. Horne, what is the fault ye find in Leo, worthy to be thus touched [Page] by yow onlesse yt be, that he moste playnely and seriously auowcheth this supreame authoritie to reste in the see of Rome? And then fare wel your goodlie conclusion. What other secrete faults, by your so quick prying egles eye, ye haue in him espied, I wot not. But your brethern of the best and learned sorte, fynde, as farre as I can fynde, none other fault then this that I haue sayde: wich is no fault at al. And therfore in your shrewde and vnhappie meaning, thowgh not in your expresse pēning, yt is a verye vntruthe. Yet yf ye wel pretend ignorāce, and make men belieue ye know no such thing in Leo, but that yowre cōclusion is true, and taketh place as wel in him as other bisshops, then wil I load and presse you,Prouf [...] out of [...]eo for the popes primacy. See his 3 sermon vvhere he calleth S. Pet. head of the Church. Epist. 82. vel aliâs 84. ad A­nastasium cap. 11. Tom. 1. cō ­cil. pag. 700. Ad vnam Petrisedem vnersalis ecclesiae cura conflueret. Ibidem. Vt pro solicitudine quam vniuersae ecclesiae ex diuina institutione dependimus: episto. 87. ad episcopos Aphrican. with such good and euidēte proufs, fetched no farder then from Leo him self, that ye shall be fayne, yf ye haue any grace to acknowledge the truthe. For whe­ther ye regarde his doings or his sayings, both are in this pointe moste notable.

S. Peters primacy he doth euery where confesse. As ap­pereth in many of his sermons, and in his other workes. For Leo saieth: Quoniam & inter Apostolos, in similitudine ho­noris fuit quaedam discretio potestatis: & quum omnium par es­set electio, vni tamē datū est, vt caeteris praeemineret. Where­as all the Apostles were of lyke honour (he meaneth in Apostleship and priesthood) yet was there difference of power amōgs them, and where as al were of lyke elected, yet was yt geuen to one to be peerlesse aboue the other. Wherein he meaneth Saint Peter. Leo saieth, that where other Bisshops haue their seueral and appointed care, the [Page 135] care of the vniuersal Church cometh to the only see of S. Peter. Leo saith, that euen by Gods own ordinance, he taketh care, for the whole Churche. And Leo saieth, Vt ab ipso quasi quodam capite, dona sua velut in omne corpus diffunderet, vt expertemse ministerij intelligeret esse diuini, qui ausus fuisset a Petri soliditate recedere: hunc enim in consortium indiuiduae vnitatis assumptum, id quod ipse erat, voluit nominari, Leo epist. 87. ad epis. Vicnnē. prouinciae: tom. 2. cōc. f [...]l. 705. Extra de elect & e­lecti potest c. funda­menta. Ievvell Pag. 311. A vvret­ched cor­ruption made of Pope Leo his words by M. Ievve [...]. V [...]de dict. c. funda­menta in. 6. & dist. 19. ca. [...]a Dominus: in editio. Iugd. 1559 dicen­do. Tu es Petrus & super hanc Petram &c. that from S. Peter the Apostle as from the head God powreth al his gifts into the body, and that God toke him into the felowship of the indiuisible vnity. The meaning whereof Leo him self ex­poundeth, saying, that he shall not be partaker of Gods miste­rie that departeth from Peters sowndenes: and for that Christe who is called in scriptures the rock, gaue the same name to Pe­ter. And here yt shall not be much out of the way to note, that M. Iewel recyting this place, doth not only dissimble that this is writen of the godlie and learned man Leo: but also fathereth yt vpon Pope Bonifacius, who writeth it to, but as ye see, not originally. And most lyingly for vnita­tis putteth in trinitatis: as though Leo ād Bonifacius should make S. Peter one of the three parsons of the blessed Tri­nitie. Being in this poynt, the popes glosar, as good as Molineus, or M. Horne him selfe. Whiche Molineus in this place gloseth apase, but not for the pope, but as much as he can againste him. And yet for this matter much better then M. Iewel, reading aswell here as otherwhere in the canon lawe: vnitatis, & non trinitatis. This nowe by the way, to shewe yow, that there be more popes glosars, then Moli­neus, and withal, one of M. Iewels prety knackes, worthy to be added for an after reckonīg to such as M. D. Hardīg, D. Sanders, and I haue most rightfully charged him with.

[Page]Let vs now returne to Leo, and see whether as in woordes he did amplifie this supreame authori­ty: so in his doinges he practised it, or no. Who is he then,Dict. epist. 87. Dedimus literas ad fratres & coepis­copos Tarraco. Car­tha. Lusitanos atque Gallicos eisque con­cilium Synodi ge­neralis indiximus. epistola. 93 ad [...]ur­biū. cap. 17. Vicem curae nostrae proficiscenti à nobis fratri & consacer­doti nostro Potentio delegantes▪ epistola 87. ad episcopos A­phrican. Dilectioni tuae vi­cem mei modera­minis delegaui, epi­stol. 82. To. 1. Con. pa. 742. Vicem ipse meam cō ­tra temporis nostri haereticos delegaui, atque propter eccle­siarum pacisque cu­stodiam, vt a comi­tatu vestro non ab­esset, exegi. epist. 55. [...]om. 1. Concil pag. 674 In ipso Leon. 57. Consensiones Episcoporū sanctorū cano [...]ū apud Nicaeā conditarū regulis repugnātes, in irritū mettimus, & per authoritatem beati Petri Apostoli generali prorsus definitione cassamus. Ad Pulcheriam epist. 55. Tom. 1. concil. pag. 672. Epistola 47. & 49. that reuerseth the vnlawfull doinges of Bisshoppe Hilarius at Fraunce? Leo. Who is he, that calleth to a generall Councell the Bisshoppes of Tarracone, Lusitania, Fraunce and Car [...]hage? Leo. Who is it that appointeth his deputye Poten­tius to heare and refourme matters Ecclesiasticall in Aphrike? Leo. Who is he that doth appointe Anastasius the Bisshoppe of Thessalonica, to be his deputye and vicegerente for matters Ecclesiasticall in those quarters? Leo. Who is he that resto­red to his bisshoprike the learned Theodoretus bis­shoppe of Cyrus dwellinge farre of in the easte, vniustlye deposed of Maximus his owne Patri­arche, and of Dioscorus? Leo. Who is he that sendeth his deputy Iulian to the Emperour Mar­cian to remayne in his cowrte, and to supplye his office, in such thinges as shoulde be done, a­gainst heretikes in those quarters? Leo. Who is he that did annichilate ād reuerse by the authority of S. Peter the Apostle, the doings of a nōber of Bis­shoppes at Constantinople, before the Bis [...]hoppe of Alexandria and other patriarches contrarye to the canons of Nice? Leo. Who is he that sendeth his Legates to be presidentes in the great Coun­cel [Page 136] at Chalcedo? Leo. Which him selfe signifieth in his letters aswel to the whole Coūcell as to thēperour Marcian.Epist. 59. & 61. Act. 3. Chal. cōc. Epist. 33.40 [...]4.55 Epist. [...]8. Leo epist. 47. Who is he that confirmed the Decrees of the Councel of Chalcedo, being therto required, as wel by the whole Coū cel, as by thēperour Marciā? Leo. Who is he that cōfirmed Anatholius and Proterius the ij. chiefe Patriarches in the Easte, one of Constantinople the other of Alexādria? Leo. And who is he that in summoning the Councel of Chal­cedon, yelded not otherwise to the Emperours appoynt­ment for the place, but with an expresse exception, say­ing? The honour and right of the See of S. Peter the most bles­sed Apostle, reserued ▪ Leo. Wherein he expressely sig­nified, that the Summoning of the Councell of right ap­pertayned to his Apostolike See. What saye yowe to all this, Maister Horne? Howe well dothe, Pope Leo, ac­knowledge your supremacy? For shame leaue of ons these lyinge conclusions. Hard yt will be I trowe, yt seameth to be so naturall an humour in men of your religion. But yet nothing is hard to the willing, and to him that will hartely seke for grace at Gods hande. The which I praye him of his mercy sende yowe: And learne I praye you to fynde faulte with your self, as ye haue greate cause, rather then with this good vertuouse bishop,It is in the 477. vntruth. In our Return [...] Art. 4. folio 142. faultlesse I dare saye for suche matters, as ye take for greate faultes in him. But to ende this matter, I must commende yowe for one thinge, for ye haue scaped one scoringe that your fellowe M. Ie­well did not scape: for writing that Leo did kneele with other bishops, which the wordes of his authour Liberatus by you here truelie rehersed, do not importe.

M. Horne. The .47. Diuision. Pag. 3 [...]. a.

Nice. lib. 15. cap. 12. Leo epist. 44. Marcianus, a godly Emperour, and very studious about the Christian Religion, succeded Theodosius, vvho besides that of him selfe, he vvas much careful to suppresse al heresies, and to refourme the Churches, restoring Religion to purity vvithout error, vvas also hastened hereunto by the earnest sute of Leo bisshop of Rome: vvho in diuerse and sondry epistles, declaring vn­to him in moste humble vvise, the miserable state of the Church, doth beseche him, that he vvould vouchsaulfe to cal a general councel. Many other bis­shops make the same sui [...]e vnto the Emperour, and to the same ende complaining vnto him,Act. 1. of the miserable destructiō, and horrible disorders, in Church causes. An example and paterne of their supplications, vvherby (138.) The .138. vntruth. Neither by Leo his epistle neither by the bisshops supplication any such thīg doth appeare. may appeare, that they acknovvledged the Emperour to be their Supreme gouer­nour, also in Ecclesiastical causes, or matters, is sette foorth in the Chalcedon councel, in the supplicatiō of Eusebius, the bishop of Dorelaum; vnto the Emperour: vvho maketh humble supplication as he sayth, for him selfe, and for the true or right faith. we flie vnto your godlines (saith this bishop vnto the Emperour) bicause both we and the Christian faith, haue suffered much wrong against al reason: humbly crauing iustice, and for that Dioscorus hath doon many, and that no smal offences, both against the faith of Christ and vs: pro­strate, we beseche your clemency, that you wil cōmaund him to answere to the matters, we shal obiecte against him: (.139.) The .139. vntruth. In nippīg of a clause in the middest, vtterly ouer­throvvīg M. Horns principal purpose. wherein we will proue him to be out of the catholike faith, defending heresies replete with impietie. VVherefore we beseche you to directe your holy and honourable commaun­dement, to the holy and vniuersal councel of the moste reli­gious Bishoppes, to examen the cause betwixt vs, and Dios­corus, and to make relation of al thinges, that are doon, to be (.140.) The .140 vntruth False trāslation. In epist. praeamb. iudged as shal seeme good to your clemency. The Em­perour protesting that they oughte to preserue the furtheraunce of the right fayth and Christian Religion, before al other affaires of the commō vvealth: sendeth their letters of summons to all bishoppes, commaundinge them to repaire to Nice, a citie in Bithinya, there to consulte and conclude, an vni­tie and concorde, in religion, and matters perteining thereunto, that here­after all altercation and doubtfulnesse be taken cleane avvay, and an hole­some [Page 137] trueth in Religion established, addinge (.141.) The .141. vntruthe Marcian vsed no such threates. Vide epist. preamb. Cōc. Chal. Tom. 1. Cō. pag. 734. col. 2. threates, and punishe­ment to them that vvould refuse to come at the time appointed. VVhā thas­sembly vvas made at Nice of all the bishops, and that the Emperours could not come thither, to be present in the Synode personally, vvhich they had pro­mised and did much coueite, they vvrite vnto the vvhole Synode, vvilling thē to remoue from Nice vnto Chalcedon vvithout delay: vvhere they assembled at the Emperours (.142.) The 142. vntr. At his exhortatiō, not commaū ­dement. commaundement, to the number of .630. bi­shoppes.

The, 12. Chapter. Of the Emperour Martian, and of his calling the Councel of Chalcedon.

Stapleton.

M. Horne is nowe harping againe vpon his old string of calling of Councelles: and would establish Mar­cianus ecclesiasticall primacy thereby. But eyther his eies, his lucke, or his mater was not good, to happe vpō no better place then he doth, which doth beare him quyte ouer, and setteth forth pope Leo his primacye sending his ambassadours and vicegerents to Cōstantinople to reforme heresies, and to pardon and recōcyle such heretical bishops as were poenitente:Ep. 42. & 44. alias 44. & 46. Tom. 1. Conc. di­cta epist. 42 alibi est. 44. vnto whome he adioyneth as his dele­gate, euen the Bishoppe and Patriarche of Constantino­ple. And declareth this his doings in his letters as wel to the Emperour him selfe: as to Anatolius the Patriarche. Nowe, what yf pope Leo requireth a councell at the Em­perours hands? what doth this blemish his authority, more thē yf the Pope now shuld require the Emperor, the french and Spanishe kings, and other princes, as he did of late, to sende their bisshops to the councel? Verely that the Empe­rour so should doe, it was of all times moste necessarie in Marcian his tyme: the .3. patriarches of Alexandra, Antio­chia, and Hierusalem, with a great number of Bishops in the [Page] East, taking then the Archeheretike Eutyches part, against the good and godly Catholike byshop Flauianus, whome Dioscorus with his factiō murdered. Was it not then high time to seke al ayde and helpe,Generale Concilium ex praecep­to Christianorū prin­cipū, & ex cōsensu A­postolicae sedis placuit cōgregari. Epist. 59. alias. 61. ad luxe nalē. [...]om. 1. Concil. pag. 676. So [...]ra. li. 1. cap. 8. [...]ouncels [...] not be kepte vvithout the con [...]ent of the Pope. Beatissimi Petri iure atque ho­nore serua to. Ep. 45. alias. 47. Tō. 1. Cōc. pag. 663. col. 2. a. both spiritual and temporal? Or is it any diminution to the spirituall power, when the temporall power doth helpe and assist it? Or thinke yow, would this perniciouse pestilent fellow Dioscorus, and his faction any thing haue regarded Pope Leo his ecclesiasti­cal authority, which before had so notoriously transgressed both Gods lawes and mans lawes, onlesse the good Empe­rour had ioyned his assistaunce vnto it? And this maye be answered for the calling of many other generall Councels by the Emperours: especially of the firste seuen hundred yeares after Christ, when the Patriarches them selues were Archeheretikes, and the matters not like easily to be re­dressed by the Churche authoritie onely. Yet neyther did any Catholique Prince call, or could call a Councell with­out or against the Popes wil and consent. If ye thinke not so, as in dede ye doe not, then thinke you farre a wrong: And the godly and learned Bisshop Leo, as you call him, is able, if you be capable and willing toward any reformati­on, sone to refourme your wrong iudgement. Who decla­reth expresselye, that euen the Councell of Chalcedo was summoned, by the commaundement of the Emperours, with the consent of the See Apostolique. Surely it was a rule and a Canon in the Church, aboue .12. hūdred yeares now past, that no Councell could be kept (as Socrates witnesseth) with­out the authoritie of the Bisshop of Rome: And that by a spe­ciall prerogatiue and priuilege of that See. This preroga­tiue Leo also doth signify, speaking of this Emperour Mar­cian, who called the Chalcedon Councel, but yet, saith he, [Page 138] without any hinderance or preiudice of S. Peters right and ho­nour, that is by and with his consent, being S. Peters succes­sour, in the Apostolique See of Rome.

I meruail much, that ye frame this supremacie of Marci­an by the supplication of the Bishop Eusebius, desiring the Emperour to procure by his letters that he coūcel would heare his cause against Dioscorus, which serueth rather for the Councels primacy. The remouing also of the Councel frō Nicaea to Chalcedo, doth serue to as litle purpose.Vide Tom. 1. Concil. pag. 735. & 736. For the cause of the trāsposing was, for that Leo by his ambas­sadours had signified, that the Bishops would not assemble, onlesse th'Emperour would be there personally, for feare of seditiō and tumult of Eutyches disciples. It was therfore translated to Chalcedo, being nigh to Constantinople, that the Emperour might be there the more cōmodiously. And so that which was done by the good Emperor to assure ād honour th'Eclesiastical authority, ye turne it to the hinde­rance and derogation of it. But in the supplicatiō of Eu­sebius which you haue put so at large in your booke, it is a world to see how vntruly you haue dealt, partly with nip­ping of sentences in the midst, partly with false translation. First you leaue out at the very begīning of the Bishops sup­plication, wherin he shortly declareth the whole effect of his request, saiyng:Act. 1. Cōc. Chal. pag. 741. The entēt and purpose of your clemency is to prouide for all your subiects, and to helpe all that are iniuriously oppressed, but especially such as beare the office of Priesthod. By this beginning it appereth, the Bishop requested onely the Emperours external and ciuill power for redresse and help against iniuries. And because this should not so appere, you thought good to leaue it quite out. Againe in the pro­cesse, where the sayed Bisshoppe saieth: Prostrate we [Page] beseech your clemencie that ye will commaund Dioscorus to answere to the matters we shall obiect against him. It folo­loweth which you leaue out, the euidences of his doinges a­gainst vs being read in this Councell, by which words the bi­shop required the Councel to be his Iudge, not the Empe­ror: and least that shuld appere you leaue it out: At the end where the latine hath, perferre ad scientiam vestrae pietatis omnia quae geruntur, you turne it: to make relation of all thin-that are don, to be iudged: where you haue put in these words (to be iudged) of your own liyng liberality, more then your latine hath: and al to persuade, that the bishoppe requested here the Emperoure to be the Iudge betweene Dioscorus and him. Which (if ye had put in the whole wordes of your Author) would haue easely appeared nothing so, but ra­ther the contrarye: as by the places by you omitted, and nowe by me expressed, the circumspect Reader may sone perceiue. Thus like as your doctrine, so is your manner of writing, false, vnperfect, and vntrue.

Againe in all this tale, Maister Horne, though you tell vs at large howe the Emperoures Marcian and Valenti­nian sente their letters of Summons to all Bisshoppes com­maunding them, In epist. Praeamb. Concil. Chal [...]ed. Tom. 1. Pag. 733.734. & 735. col. 2 &c. Yea, adding threattes and punish­mentes to those that refused to come at appointmente, Yet you tell vs nothing that the Emperoure firste wrote vnto Pope Leo, and obteined his consente and Authoritye. And then that in his letters of Summones to al Bishops, certified them expressely of the Popes pleasure, and last of all that the Popes Legates required the Emperours to be presente personallye at the Councell, or els they woulde not come there them selues. All this yow lette passe. In deede it maketh not for yow. But it sheweth against yow and [Page 139] for vs, very well and plainely, that the supreme summon and citing of the bishops to that general Councel,In epist. praeamb. vbi supra. yea and the Emperours owne presence there, proceded directlye and principally from the Pope and his Legats. It declareth well the Popes supremacy in that affaire, as we shal in ma­ny other moe pointes decypher vnto yow anon more at large. Neyther doth the Emperour vse in his letters of Sū ­mon, the wordes of commaundemente, but saith: Venire dignemini. Vouchesafe ye to come. And againe. Adhorta­mur. we exhort you to come. This was the practise of Em­perours (as I haue noted before out of Cusanus) by the way of exhortation to call Councels: not by forceable cōman­dement, by threates and punishmēt, as you vntruely report.

M. Horne. The .48. Diuision. pag. 31. b.

The Emperour assigneth Iudges and (143.) The .143. Vntruth. They wer no rulers suche as M. Horne sancieth. Act. 1. The cause of discord vvas that they taught not quod veri­tas aut doctrina patrum requirit: that vvhiche truth or the Fa­thers do­ctrine re­quireth. This you omit. For vvhy? It shevved your ovn case. rulers in the Sinode about .24. of the chiefest of his Nobles and Senatours. After al the Bishoppes and the Iudges vvere assembled in the councell house, vvhiche vvas in S. Euphemies Church: the Emperour Martianus, vvith Pulcheria, entreth in amongst them, and maketh an Oration vnto the vvhole Councel, to this effecte. First he declareth, vvhat zeale and care he hath for the maintenance and furthe­rance of true Religiō: Then he shevveth, that partely the vanitie, partely the auarice of the teachers, had caused the * discorde and errour in Religion: He addeth the cause vvherefore he chardged them vvith this trauaile: And last of all he (.144.) The 144. Vntruth. The Em­peroure prescri­bed no fourme at al for determinīg of maters in cōtro­uersie. prescribeth a fourme, after vvhich they must determine the matters in controuersy. This done, the Iudges sate doune in their places, and the Bisshoppes arovve, some on the right hand, and others on the left hande. And vvhan that Dioscorus vvas accused, and the Iudges vvilled him to vse his lavvfull defence, there began to be amōgst the Bisshops vvhote scholes, vvanting some modesty, vvherefore the Iudges at the first stayed them vvith milde vvordes. VVilling them to auoide confusion: but being ear­nest, they ouershot the modesty of so graue men: vvherefore the honourable [Page] Iudges and Senate of the Laity, appointed by the Emperour, did reproue them saying: These popular acclamations, neither becommeth Bis­shoppes, neither yet helpe the parties: be ye quiet therefore, and suffer all thinges to be rehersed and heard in order with quietnes. VVhen the Iudges and Senate, had duely examined the causes, they gaue (.145.) The .145. Vntruth. notorius. The Iud­ges depo­sed not Diosco­rus, but the Coū ­cell. sentence to depose Dioscorus and others: So that this their iudgement semed good to the Em­perour, to whom they referred the whole matter.

The .13. Chapter. Of the Chalcedon Councell, and how the Emperour with his deputies dealed therin.

Stapleton.

WE are now in order come to the Coūcel of Chal­cedo, the actes whereof being very long and te­dious, the leaues in the great volume rising to the number of one hundred and more, M. Horne hath here and there pried out good matter as he thinketh, to depresse the Popes primacie withal. Wherein he so handleth him­selfe, that he semeth to me for many causes neuer to haue read the acts, but to haue taken things as they came to his handes, ministred by his friends, or by his Latine Maisters. Ones,The aun­svver cō ­cerning the Coū ­cell of Chalcedo this is sure, that for some of his allegations, a man may pore in the booke, til his eies dasel againe, and his head ake, ere he shal find them, and in such prolixitie of the mat­ter, when he hath found them, and well weighed them: a man would thinke,The E­phesine and the Chalcedō Councell shevved in a darke horne. that M. Horne had either lost his wits, or els were him selfe a sleape, when he wrote those argu­ments: or els which is worst of al, that he was past al shame and grace. For as ye saw, good Readers, the Ephesine so shall ye now see the Councell of Chalcedo, by no cleare candle or torche, but all in a darke horne. Wherein he playeth like a false wilie marchaunte, that will not shewe [Page 140] his wares, but in a darke shoppe. But by Gods helpe I shall bring his naughty marchādise into the bright shining light, that al men may openly at the eye see al the leudnes of it.

And to begyn, with the first action of the said Councel, and to followe M. Hornes steppes with a litle tracing, ther sterteth vp at the first (I will speake with the least) a brace of lyes, besyde other vaine and impertinent talke.See the .1. [...]ome of councelle the 736. leaf and 737. col. 2. & 1. Of hys Iudges, whereby he woulde haue the Reader to thinke, that these noble men were Iudges in the decision and de­termination of matters ecclesiastical, he commeth altoge­ther to short, as ye shal anon vnderstande. And therefore this shall be the first lye. The second lye is that he saieth. The Emperour prescribed a forme, after which they muste determine the matters in controuersie. For in al the Actes of that Councell, there appeareth no such fourme or pre­scription made. It is vsual with M. Horne, in euery Coun­cel to report such a prescription. But as he hath often saied it, so hath he not once proued it, or shewed it by any one Authority, but his owne, which is a singular authoritye,See the 831. leaf. col▪ 2. to lye as lewedly (allmost) as M. Iewell. Yet to bleare the Readers eye, and to seame handsomly to furnish his mat­ter by some president and example, he layeth forth for his proufe, that these Iudges gaue sentence to depose Dios­corus the Patriarche of Alexandria, and others. This is all­together false.

For firste they were no competent and ordinary Iudges being mere laye men,4. Causes to proue that Dios­corus vvas not deposed by them▪ especially in causes ecclesiastical to depose a Bishoppe. Secondlye, puttyng the case, they had bene lawefull and ordinarye Iudges, yet was yt no finall and iudiciall sentence. For a final sentēce must decide and determine the matter, by an absolut cōdemnatiō or absolu­tion: [Page] which was not done here, this pretensed sentence being as your selfe write, cōditional: So that this their iudg­ment semed good to the Emperour, to whom they referred the whole matter. And here by the waye falleth out an other vntruth:Videtur nobis iustū esse. See the 847. leafe col. 2. for the Nobles them selues doe not cal this saying a Iudgemēt, but say, yt semeth vnto vs iust. Which words by lawe importe no final iudgemēt. Fourthly and laste, this was no iudgemente, neither was Dioscorus deposed here in this action (for in the beginning of the next action, the Iudges confesse, that sentence was not yet geuen vppon Dioscorus.) but in the thirde action: and that not by theis Iudges, as ye cal them, but by Pope Leo his deputies, and the residew of the Bishoppes without any referring of the matter to th'Emperor as the Iudges doe here.

Martians oration returned vpon M. Horne.The rest ye talk of in this place is of no weight: and yf it weyeth anie thing, yt weieth against you, as Marcians ora­tion, whych tendeth to this, that in new questions and dis­sensions of religion, we must haue a speciall regard to the do­ctrine, teaching and writing of the former fathers and coūcels: which rule and forme of Iudgemēt prescribed by him you quit left out, as a rule in dede, importing a plaine destructiō of your new gospel.See the 740. leafe col. 1. Now if the making of an oration by a lay man imploieth any authority, voice, or iuriseictiō in the Coūcell, then were many lay men (the ambassadours for their Princes, that made orations there, yea and found ma­ny faultes to in the Church, and desired the reformation of them) members and Iudges of the late Councel of Trent, which is notoriously false: and so is that also that ye write of the noble men at Chalcedo. And whereas they founde faulte wyth the populare acclamations of the Bishoppes, which of a great zele to the catholik faith cried out against [Page 141] Dioscorus and other that deposed the godly Bishop Flaui­anus, and that they would not receiue Theodoretus, nor heare such matters as he had to propose, because he for the time, helde against Cyrillus and other Catholikes: and that these noble men endeuoured to set an order and quietnes among them, doth plainly shew,M. Horn [...] argumēte for the exclama­tiō retur­ned vpon him selfe. See the 743. leafe. col. 1. wherein these noble mens office did rest: as nothing touching the definition of anye matter spiritual, but to prouide that al things might be don with order, indifferency and quietnes. For if a man consi­der, what disorder, tumulte, crueltie, yea and murder too, fell in the second Ephesin Councell, whiche customably is rather called a Conuenticle, and a cōspiracy, for the main­tenaunce whereof, ye make Theodosius a very godly Em­perour, and how that Dioscorus and his cōfederats, would not suffer the Catholique Bishops Notaries, as the manner was, to write the actes there done: but thrusted them out, and put in Notaries of his owne at his pleasure, howe he came to the other notaries and brake their wrytinges and fingers to:See the 750. leafe. 1. &. 2. col See the 847. leafe col. 2. howe that he forced the bishops to subscribe to a blanke: that is, in cleane paper, wherein nothyng was writen: howe that, Dioscorus would not suffer the epistle of Leo the Pope sent to the Councel to be read: and final­ly, howe that he slewe the blessed Bishop Flauianus: he that, I say, cōsidereth and wel weigheth the premisses, and that a great numbre of those schismatical bishops were also with Dioscorus at Chalcedo, shal sone perceue, what nede there was of these noble mens assistance, & that they might wel haue to doe there, thoughe not in ruling and iudging any spiritual matter, yet in the indifferent ruling and dire­ction of the Catholike Bishopes external doings, and to see that al things might procede with quietnesse and without [Page] parcialitie. Which answere ones made, will serue also for many other General Councels. But what a wicked Cham are you, M. Horne, that reueale to the common people in your vulgare bookes, the faults and disorders of your most holy and reuerent Fathers, the Fathers of so famous, and so learned a Councell? Verely Constantine the Greate, that noble Emperour,Niceph. li 8 ca. 16 would cast his Imperiall garment (he said) to hyde a Bisshops faulte, if by chaunce he should see any. And becommeth it your vocation, bearing the roume of a Bis­shop your self, to tel the people of the Bisshops whot scholes, of their want of modestie, and of ouershoting them selues? You a Bishop of Gods Church? Nay your sprit sheweth it selfe more bucherly then Bishoply, and as mete to carie a rake as a Rochet.

M. Horne. The .49. Diuision. pag. 32. a.

Act. 2.In the next action, the Iudges and Senate after rehersall made, vvhat vvas done before, dooe propounde vnto the Synode, vvhat matters vvere novv to be consulted of, and vvilleth them to make a pure exposition of the faith, and that vvithout any sinister affection, declaring that the Emperour and they, did firmely kepe and beleue, according to the faith receiued in the Nicen Councel: vvherevnto the Bisshops also accorde, and saith, that noman maketh, or may attempt to make any other exposition. Certaine of the Synode desired to heare the Symbol of the Nicen Councel re­cited, which the Senate and Iudges graunted vnto them.

Stapleton.

By this also it may easely be sene, wherein the duety and office of these Ciuil Magistrats did stād. videl. to see the Bi­shops requests, of reading this booke or that booke, this e­uidence or that euidence, put in execution. And so it ma­keth rather against M. Horne then with him.

M. Horne. The .50. Diuision. Pag. 32. a.

After that it vvas agreed vpon by the vvhole Synode, that Dioscorus should be deposed, Act. 3, 630. Bis­shoppes. (.146.) cō fesse the Princes suprema­cie in Ec­clesiasti­cal causes. The .146, Vntruth. most ri­diculous, a [...] shall appeare. the Synode vvriteth vnto the Emperours Valentinia­nus and Martianus, saiyng in this fourme: Grieuous diseases nea­deth both a stronge medicine and a wise Physition: For this cause therfore, the Lord ouer al hath appointed your godlines as the best and chiefe Phisition ouer the diseases of the whole world, that you should heale them with fitte medicines. And you most Christian Emperours, receiuing commaundemēt frō God aboue other men, haue geuen competent diligence for the churches, framing a medicine of cōcord vnto the Bishops (.147.)The .147. Vntruth. In cōcea­ling the next sen­tence fo­lovving opening the whol matter. This, thus in vvay of Preface said, they declare vvhat they haue done touching Dioscorus, they shevve the cause and reasons that moued them thervnto: both that the Emperour shoulde consider his vvickednesse, and also the sinceritie of their sentence.

Stapleton.

Now loe M. Fekenham must nedes yeld and geue ouer. For euen the whole Coūcel, to the number of .630. Bishops doth confesse (saith M. Horne) the princes supremacy in causes ecclesiastical (it is wel, it is not yet in al causes Ecclesiastical) And therefore this note is fastened in the Margente, as it were with a tenpeny naile, and yet al not worth a hedlesse pinne. For I beseech you, Maister Horne, howe can this notable conclusion of yours take anye anker holde of any saiyngs of the Councell by you here alleaged? How farre and how deaply your sharpe sight can pearce, I know not. But for my part I must confesse my selfe so blind, that I can see no cause in the world why ye should furnish your margent with such a iolie note.

Wel, I perceiue euery mā can not see through a milstone: But yet eyther my sight and my braine to, faileth mee, or [Page] all this great prouf standeth in this, that the Councell cal­leth the Emperours, the best and chiefe physitions ouer the disseases of the world, for framing a medicine of concorde to the Bisshops: By my trowth, it is wel and worshipfully conclu­ded, and ye were worthy at the least, to be made a potica­rie for your labour. Sauing that it is to be feared, if ye shuld procede on the body, as ye doe nowe with the soule, ye woulde kil manie a poore mans bodie, with your olde rot­ten drugges, as ye do now kill many a sowle with your pe­stiferous poysoned drawght of heretical potions, they take at your hands. But nowe to answere to you, and to your so farre fette phisike:A Copie of M. Ie­wells rhe­torike in his Reply, the 225. page. I pray yow M. Horne, why doe ye cut of the tayle of your owne tale? Why do ye not suffer the fathers to speake their whole mind? And to ruffle a litle in M. Iewells rhetorycke, what? were the fathers stayed with the choygnecoughe, and forced to breake of theyre matter and tale in the myddest? Mark well gentle reader, and thow shal see the whole Coūcel of .630. bisshops set to schole, and kept in awe, and not suffred to vtter one worde more, then M. Horne will geue them leaue. For the next wordes that immediatly fol­lowe in the same matter are these.Act. 3. fol. 861. col. 1. Pontificibus cōcordiae me­dicinā machinantes: vndi (que) enim nos congregantes omne com­modastis auxilium, quatenus factae interimantur discordiae & paternae fidei doctrina roboretur. For yow (say the fathers to the Emperours) assembling vs from all places, haue holpen al that may be, to pacify and kil these diuisions and dissen­sions, and that the fayth and doctrine of our fathers may be strenghthened. What worde is here M. Horne, that any thing towcheth your purpose? Here is nothing, but that the coūcel was assembled by their good help, which as I haue often declared, serueth not your turne to make them su­preame [Page 143] heads. Nowe because throwgh their meanes the Councell came together, in the whiche a quietnesse was set in religion, the Councell calleth them physitions,vvhy the fathers cal the Em­perours the chiefe Phisitiōs. yea and the chiefe: as they were chiefe in dede, in respecte of their cyuill authoritie wherewythe they did assiste the Councel, and did helpe by this ministerie of theirs, not by anie iudicial sentence, or other Ecclesiasticall acte (which ye shal neuer shewe) to quiet and pacefie the greate dis­sensions then raigning and raging. And so were they phisi­tions in dede, but the outwarde not the inward phisitions. The fathers were the inwarde phisitions. They made the verye potion, for the disease. And because we are ons entred into the talke of phisitions, they were the very phi­sitions of the sowle. The scripture saieth of the king: re­gem honorificate: honour the kinge,1, Pet. 2. Ecclesiast. 38. 1. Timo. 5. Heb. 13. Ecclesi. 4. yt saieth also of the phisition: honora medicum. Honour the phisition. But what sayeth yt of the prieste? The priestes, sayeth S. Paule, that gouuerne well are worthy of double honour: againe, obeye your rulers (meaninge the Ecclesiasticall rulers) for they watche to geue a reckoning for your sowles. And the Ecclesiasticus sayeth, humble thy sowle to the preste. So that ye may see M. Horne, the priestes to be the true and highest phisitions, as farre passing and exceding the other physitions, as the sowle passeth and excedeth the bodie: and then must the spirituall primacye nedes remayne in them. And that doe these Iudges here euen in this Action, expressely proteste and confesse against you. For they say touching the point of doctrine then in question. Quod placuit reuerendo Conci­lio de sancta fide, ipsum nos doceat. Let the Reuerend Coun­cel it selfe teach vs and infourme vs, what is their pleasure touching the holy faith: You see here, they toke no suprem [Page] gouernemente in this cause ecclesiastical, in determining, I say, the true faith: (as you will make Princes beleue they may and ought to doe) they yet being the Emperours de­puties, but lerned humbly of the holy Councel, what their determination in such matters was. Thus at the length your great mighty [...]ost, is thwyghted to a pudding pryck. Neither shal ye be able of al theis .630. bishops to bring one, that mayntained your pretensed supremacy. And when he proueth yt to you good reader by theis 630. bisshops, or by anie one of them I dare say M. Fekēham wil take the oth, and so wil I to. For it is as true, as the nobles gaue sentēce to depose Dioscorus and others. Who is not, as yet depo­sed and that wil I proue by M. Horne him self: who sayth, that in this actiō the whole synode agreed,M. Horne contrarie to him self in on leaf. that Dioscorus should be deposed: and so ful pretely doth he cal back that he sayd not fyftene lynes before: and proueth him self, a­gainst him self, that their saying was no sentence.

M. Horne. 51. Diuision. Pag. 32. b.

In the fourth Action, vvhen the rehearsall of al things passed before vvas done, the Iudges and Senate asketh if all the Bisshops agree: vvhervnto they ansvvered yea, yea. The Synode had requested the Iudges and the Senate, to make suite to the Emperour for fiue Bisshops, vvhich othervvise (.148.) The .148. vntruth. There is no suche must in all the Councell. must be deposed, as vvas Dioscorus, vvhich they did, and made this relation vnto the Synode: That the Emperour, perceiuing the humble suite of the Synod, doth licence them to determine touching the fiue, what they thought good: admonishing them notwitstāding, to geue good hede what they did: for that they must make an accompt to God of their doings.

Stapleton.

M. Horne would fayne fastē some ecclesiasticall iudge­mēt, vpō these lay men, as the depositiō of certain bishops: which he shal fynd, whē he cā fynd that they deposed Di­oscorus. [Page 144] It is playn, sayth M. Horn, for the whole councell maketh humble suyt, to the Emperour, to licēce thē to determi­ne towching fyue bisshops, which otherwise Must be deposed, as Dioscorus was. Ha good M. Horn, haue ye found now at the length, a must? That is wel and in high tyme espied out of you, or els al theis your great doīgs must lie in the mire. But I belieue whē we haue al done, we shal fynd no must, but a playn myst, that ye lyke a wily shrew, haue cast be­fore the eies of the simple readers, to blind thē withall. Yf I say not true, thē like a true mā of your word point with your finger, the leaf ād line wher, in al the acts of this coū ­cel your must lieth. I am assured, that neither in the 4. actiō wherby ye now plead, nor in the .1. actiō, wherby ye haue alredy pleaded (which both places spake of those fyue bi­shops) is anie mutterīg in the world of your musting. Truth it is that in the first actiō, theis senatours, thowght it reaso­nable, that Dioscorus ād theis fyue bishops, being the ring­leaders of that wycked conuenticle at Ephesus, should be deposed, but not by the way of any finall or iudiciall sen­tence, as ye fable. But as they thowght them worthy to be depryued, so neither did they depryue thē, nor thought them selues or the Emperour mete parsons to depryue them, but the councel.A sancto concilio secundū re­gulas, ab episcopali dignitate fieri alie­nos. Pag. 831. col. 2. And therfore immediatly followeth that they should be put, from all theire bishoply dignitye. But by whome M. Horne? A sancto Concilio: by the holy councell. And howe I pray yow? secundùm regulas. Accor­dinge to the canons. Then here standeth the case. The Emperoure, and not withowt cause, was in this mynde, that as they mighte and owghte by the Canons to haue bene depryued, so that execution shoulde haue bene done accordinglye: for example sake, as yt was allredye [Page] done vpon Dioscorus. And yet leauing the final determi­nation (as otherwise he could not choose, if he would fol­lowe the Canons by his deputies alleaged) to the Bishops. And this is the Licence ye falsely speake of.The true meaning of the place by M. Horne alleaged. Anno. 25. Hē. 8. c. 19. Sententiae vestrae per­misit deli­berare de Thalassio & quae vobis pla­cuerint. Fol. 872. col. 2. Liberatus. in Breuia. cap. 13. [...]. Quia con­senserant in subscri­ptione epi­stolae Leo­nis, &c. For proprely licēce it was none, neither doth the latine word inforce it, but that he permitted and suffered them to do therin their pleasure: which words doe not necessarilie declare his or­dinary authority to let them (as the Prince may let your Conuocation Decrees by act of Parliament) but onely the geauing ouer and yelding to the Fathers, in that mater, frō his owne mind and sentence, which he thought good and reasonable. The Fathers on the other side, thought not best to exact the rigour and extremitie of the Canons, but seing these fiue were hartely penitent, and had subscribed to the Epistle of Leo, whiche before they refused, and for feare of a great schisme, as Liberatus noteth, that happely might by this rigorouse dealing ensue, toke the milder way, and suffred them to remaine in their dignitie, and in the Coun­cell with them. See now M. Horne, if this be not rather a mist then a muste, a darke mist, I say, mete for theues as Homer saith, and not mete, as he saith, nor acceptable to the shepheard. How vnmete then for you M. Horne, that taketh vpn you to be the shepheard and pastor of so many thousand soules, that should kepe your flocke, from al such hurtefull mystes of false doctrine? Yea to feed them with the same, and to make him beleue, and that by the authori­tie of this honorable Councel, that ye feed them well, and that ye must so feed them. And yet, lo, like a blind Prophet ye haue said truer then ye wist of: saiyng they must be de­posed as Dioscorus was. For Dioscorꝰ was not deposed at all, by those whome ye fable to haue geauen sentence. [Page 145] Again see what falleth out otherwise against you. For yf the lay iudges deposed in the first action Dioscorus,Dicta pa. 931. col. 2. Videtur nobis se­cundum quod Deo placitum est, iustum esse si placuerit diuinissimo & pijssimo Domino nostro, eidem poenae Dioscorum reuerend. episcopum Alexandriae, & Iuuenalem reuerend, episcopum Hie [...]os. & Thalassium &c. they deposed also these fyue. For al cometh vnder one trade ād course of woordes. And thus euery waye ye walke in a miste, wandring pitifully to and fro, ye can not tell why­ther.

M. Horne .52. Diuision. Pag. 32. b.

In the fifth Action, the Iudges vvilled the Synode, to reade those thinges, vvhich vvere agreed vpon touching the Faith: vvhereabout began a great contention, one parte of them allovving, an other sorte disallovving that vvas redde amongest them. The iudges seing the exclamations and confusion that vvas amongest them, appointeth a Comitty, choosing foorth of sundry partes a certaine number to goe aside vvith the iudges, to make a resolutiō. VVhen they preuailed nothing, they threatened the vvhole Synode, that they vvould signifie these (.149.) The 149. vntruth. The word disorde­red, levv­dely ad­ded to the text, to make coulour of re­proche. disordered clamours vnto the Emperor, vvhich they did. The Emperour immediatly of his (.150.) The .150. vntruth. Not by any his supreme authority but at the bisshops choise ād pleasure, as shal ap­peare. Supreme authority, appoin­ted the order of Committies, vvhich the iudges had deuised before: geuing them in commandement, that going aside by them selues, they should cōsult and conclude a truthe in Faith, vvith such plainnesse, that there might no more doubtes arise thereof, vvhereunto al should agree. The Synode obeyed, and folovved the Emperours direction, and the Committies vvith the Iudges goeth a side into a secrete place, maketh conference, concludeth, and cometh again into the Synode, and reciteth their determination▪ vvhereunto the vvhole Synode gaue their consent, and so the Iudges commaundeth, that this their definition should be shevved vnto the Emperour.

Stapleton.

Ye shewe nothing that either the Emperour or his de­putyes, made any definitiō of the faith. Now thē yf the Fa­thers [Page] could not agree, themperour did wel to find out some meanes by committies to bring them to agremente, which is no spiritual matter. And so ye come not nighe to that ye should haue proued by a great deale. But let vs a litle con­sider the maner of these Cōmitties, the cause and the end thereof: and we shall see M. Horne quyte ouerthrowen with his own sway, and a moste euident argument of the Popes supremacy. At the beginning of the fyfte Action a forme of the faith being openly read, all the Bisshops cried, praeter Romanos & aliquos Orientales, beside the Romanes and some of the East:Concil. Chalced. Act. 5. pa. 879. col. 2 Definitio omnibus placet. The deter­mination pleaseth al.

Vppon this when they coulde not agree the Popes Le­gat stode vp, and said. If these men agree not to the letters of the Apostolike and most blessedman Pope Leo, commaunde it that we haue them copied out that we may returne home, and there kepe a Councel. The cause of the Cōmitties made in the v. Ac­tion. For this loe was the cause of al that garboyle. Dioscorus with Eutyches were alreadye condemned: the Nestorians in like maner. And the forme of faith after a sorte was agreed vpon, but not in such sorte as in the Popes letters it was conceiued. And against the foorme of the Popes letters all the Bisshoppes of Aegypt, of Asia, of Illiricum, Ponthus and Thracia, very hotlye resisted, affirming that the definition was otherwise per­fect enoughe. Which the Romaines and certaine of the Easte Bisshppes as earnestly denied. Herevpon the iud­ges to make the matter come to an agrement, made first a Committy in this sorte: that of all the foresaide prouinces, three should be chosen, and they togeather with the Romaynes and six of the Easte Bisshoppes shoulde conferre a parte. But this order beinge misliked, and the greater nomber of Bis­shoppes [Page 146] stil crying to haue it passe, as it was first concei­ued, not passing vpon the forme conceiued in the Popes letters, the iudges asked those that so cried,Pag. 880. col. 1. whether they allowed the letters of Pope Leo, or no? When they answered, Yea: and that they had alreadye subscribed thereunto, the Iudges inferred. Lette then that be added to the definition which is in those leters cōprised. The Bisshops of Aegipt and other crying alwaies to the contrarye, the debate was si­gnified to the Emperour. The Emperour sent back againe, that they shoulde take the order of Committye appointed, or yf that liked them not, Si vobis hoc nō placet, singuli fidē suā &c. Si autem neque hoc velit vestra sā ­ctitas, cognoscite quia in partibus Occidēta­libus fieri habet sy­nodus, eó quòd &c. then they should make an other Cōmittye by their Metropolitanes, and euerye man declare his mynde, that so the matter might come to an ende. But (saith the Em­perour) yf your Holynes will none of this neither, then knowe you certainelye, that you shall come to a Councell in the west partes, seing you will not here agree. And this also was that the Popes Legates before required. And the Bisshoppes of Illyricum as excusing them selues, cried. Qui contra­dicunt, Romam ambulent. These which doe not agree, let them walke to Rome.

Had Maister Horne and his fellowes bene in that case, they woulde haue cryed: what haue we to doe with Rome, or with that forayne Prelate, the Pope? But the Bis­shoppes and Fathers of those dayes knewe a better obe­dience to the See Apostolike. And therefore in the ende the Popes Legates with a fewe other of the Easte, pre­uailed against al the reste of Aegypt and Asia, of Illyricū, Pontus and Thracia: and endited the forme of their defini­tiō of the faith, according to the tenour of Pope Leo his let­ters, inserting his very words to their definitiō. Otherwise [Page] as the Emperour and the Popes Legates before threatned, they should al haue trotted to Rome, and there haue finished the Councel. Such was the Authority and preeminence of that Apostolike See of Rome, and so wel declared in this fifte Action out of which M. Horne concealing the whole yssue, order, and cause of the debate, thought only by a sim­ple commyttye, to proue his Supreme Gouernement in the prince. Thow seest nowe gentle Reader, that by the prince his owne confession, by the Legates protestation, and by the ende and yssue of the whole Action, the Supe­riority rested in the Church of Rome, and in a Councel to be had there, in case they would not presently agree. So harde it is for Maister Horne to bring any one Authority, that maketh not directly against him, and manifestly for vs.

M. Horne. The .53. Diuision. Pag. 33. a.

The Emperour cometh into the Synode place, in his ovvne persone, vvith Pulcheria, his nobles, and Senatours▪ and maketh vnto the Synode an ora­tion, of this effect. He careth for nothing so much, as to haue all men rightly persuaded in the true Christian faith: He declareth the occasions, It vvas be [...]ause he would [...] Doctrinī Patrum. The do­ctrine of Fathers: vvi [...]h you leaue out. vvhy he sommoned the Synode: He cōmaundeth that no man be so hardy, hereafter to hold opinion, or dispute of the Christian faith, othervvyse than vvas de­creed in the first Nicē coūcel, he chargeth thē therefore, that all partaking, cōten [...]iō, and couetousnes laide apart the onely truth may appeare to al men. He declareth his cōming into the Synod, to be for none other cause, thē (.151.) The 151. vntruth, in dissembling a greate part of the Sen­tence. to confirme the faith, and to remoue from the people in tyme to come, all dissention in Religion. And last of al, he protesteth his vvhole care, and study, that al people may be brought into an vnity, and vnifourme agreement in pure religion, by true and holy doctrine. The chief Notarie humbly asketh of the Emperour, if it vvil please him to heare their Ergo. it vvas be­fore defi­ned w [...]h­out the emper [...]r royal as­sent. definition redde: The Emperour vvilleth that it should be recited openly: he enquireth of them al, if euery man consented thereunto: they ansvvere, that it is agreed vppon by al their consentes. VVhereunto they adde many acclamations, commend [...]ng [Page 147] the vvorthines of his Emperial gouernmēt, cōcluding: By the O worthy Emperor, the right faith is confirmed, heresies banished, peace restored, and the Churche refourmed. After these acclama­tions, the Emperour doth openly declare vnto the Synode a For execution of the Coū ­cel. statute, vvhich he maketh to cut of and put avvay from thencefoorth, al maner occasion of contention about the true faith, and holy Religion. The vvhole Synode desireth the Emperour, to dissolue the councel, and to (.152.) The 152. vntruth. No suche words in the Acte [...] geue thē leaue to departe: vvhereunto the Emperour vvould not consent, but (.153.) The 153. vntruth, as before com­maundeth that none of them depart.

Stapleton.

Here is nothing, whervpon ye shoulde frame any con­clusion of Supremacy. Concerning Marcians oration we haue spoken somwhat before: and nowe ye geue vs more occasion, especially to note your true and accustomable faith, in the true rehersal of your Authour. For yf ye hadde not here maimed and mangled your owne allegation, ye had made your self a ful answere, for al this your bible ba­ble, to proue the Emperours supremacy, for that they cal­led or were present in the Councels. We (saieth this noble Emperour) are come into this present Councel, Hovv ād vvhye Prīces are presente in Coun­cels. not to take vp­on vs or to practise any power therein, but to strenghten and confirm the faith, therin following the example of the religious prince Constantine. By which woordes he declareth, that the Emperours authority and powre taketh no place in the Councel, to determyn or define any thing (which nei­ther is founde of the doings of Constantine, or this Mar­cian, or of any other good Prince) but only by ciuil penal­ties, to confirme and strenghthen the decrees, as did Cō ­stantine, and as this Emperour did also, as appereth by his woordes spoken to the Synode,Fol. 893. col. 2. in this sixt action by yow recited. These woordes of Marcian ye haue cut from the [Page] residue of the sentence: least otherwise it should haue by Marcian him selfe appeared that ye were but a glosar, a Popes glosar I say, as your brother Mollineus is: when ye wrote of the fiue Bishops,Multum quidē estis itinere fa­tigati, la­borē per­ferētes. ve­runtamen sustinete tres adhuc aut qua­tuor dies. Et presēti­tibus ma­gnificētiss. nostris iu­dicib. quae­cūque vul­tis mouete, competens aedepturi solatium. Nullus vestrū ante­quā perfe­cti termini ex omnib. proferā [...]ur à S. cōcilio discedat. Fol. 894. col. 1. that otherwise must haue bene deposed. Cōcerning the staiyng of the Fathers, that would haue departed, whiche ye inforce as a thing material, if ye had not followed your accustomable guise of dismembring your Author, ye should haue found a small matter. Ye haue (saith Marcian to the Fathers) ben much weried by your iour­ney: and haue taken great paines. Yet beare you, and staye you for iij. or .iiij. daies lōger: And our honorable Iudges being present, moue you what matter your hart desireth, and ye shal not faile of cōuenient comfort. But let no man depart, til all things be fully finished. What leaue is there asked here to depart, or what cōmaundemēt is made to stay and tarie? No, no, M. Horne: Princes were not thē so Imperiall ouer Bishops, as your dis­solute heresies haue caused of late some to be.

M. Horne. The .54. Diuision. pag. 33. b.

Bassianus, of late the Bisshop at Ephesus, cōplaineth vnto the Empe­rour, to direct his letters to the Synod, to haue his cause heard. The Empe­rour cōmaundeth the Synod to heare the matter. The Iudges cō ­maūdeth Stephanus Bisshop of Ephesus, to make ansvvere vnto Bassia­nus his complaint. After due examination had by the Iudges, openly in the Synod in this cōtrouersy, the Iudges asked of the Synode, vvhat they iudged to be done. The Bisshops adiudged Bassianus to be restored. But the Iudges appointed by the Emperour, vvould not (.154.) The .154 Vntruthe. They neither allovved nor disallovved any sentence of the Councel, but shevved only their aduise and minde. allovv that sentence, but dee­med neither of them both vvorthy to occupy that Bisshoprike, and that there should be a third chosen, and admitted to that see, to the vvhich (155)The .155. Vntruthe. It vvas no iudgement at all. iudge­ment the vvhole synode did accord. After the end of this Councel, the Empe­rour [Page 148] doth confirme the determination therof by his publique Decree.

Stapleton.

M. Horn wil not leaue his laical iudgemēt so: (being maruelous propense and enclined that way) belike because, he is become by the Canons a lay man him selfe, throughe his vnlaufull mariage: and therefore yet ones againe, they by their iudgement, if we wil credit M. Horne, do reuerse the iudgement of the whole Synode, in the cause of Bassianus and Stephanus. In dede, if M. Horne could proue, that the whole councel had first geuen sentēce, here had ben som­what for him with some good countenaunce, to haue sette forth and furnished his new primacy withal. But now ney­ther the whole Synode gaue yet iudgemente in the cause, neither was it any iudgement geuen by the laie men, more then was before against Dioscorus. For lo, M. Horne, they saye, nobis videtur, it seemeth to vs. But will ye see it is no sentence? Then I pray you marke well what followeth.Act. 11. pag 915. col. [...] Totū autē cōcilio sancto relin­quimus quate­nus sententiam quae in haec causa fuerit visa, de­promat. After they had told their minde and opinion, they adde and saye: But we leaue the whole matter to the Councell, to geue what sentence, it shall please them in this matter. Ye will say, yet the whole Coūcell followed the aduise of the iud­ges. Then it appereth it was but an aduise, no sentēce that they gaue foorth before. Els it were maruaile, if so so­dainly they wente from their owne determination. But will ye see, how wisely this mater is handled of M. Horne? Yf the first was a resolute and a final sentēce of the whole Coūcel, what authority had the laie men to infringe it? Or how cā ye say they did infringe it, when they left afterward the whole determinatiō therof to the Coūcel? Thus ye see euery way, that the more ye striue ād strugle in this mater, ād with this coūcel, the more ye mesh and intāgle your self. [Page] But perchaunce as ye see, or may see yf ye be not blynde, that ye are in the pytte or faste in the myre: so ye see not how to get out. And ye wil say, as ye say ād truely to, that the Iudges asked the Synod,In talibus sanct. Cōc. contingit frequēter, vnum ex praesentibꝰ reuerend, episcopis aliquid dicere, & quod ab vno dictū est, tā (quam) ab oībus si­mul dica­tur, & subscribatur & intelli­gatur. hoc ab exordio subsecutū est in tan­tum vt vno dicē ­te. scriba­mꝰ, sancta Synodus dixit. Act. 1. pa. 791. col. 2. what was to be don, and that they adiudged Bassianus to be restored. I graunt ye Sir: ye play now the true reporter: but either ye do not, or wil not vnderstand that wich ye reporte. For ye shall fynde a rule, and that euen in this Synode, that somtyme yt is writen (by the Notary) the Synode sayth, when the whole Synode sayeth not, but some of the Synode. And ye being so well trauayled by your self, or your frendes in this Synode, shuld haue cō ­sidered this rule, necessary to bring you out of the pytte of errour ye are fallen in. Wel perchaunce, as ye lack no cou­rage, ye will not so geue ouer, and will say the matter fa­reth not so here: and when yt is sayd The Iudges asked the Synode, the true vnderstā ­ding of the place by M. Horne alleaged. yt must be takē for the whole Synode. Now you put me to my shifte in dede: But I truste to shift whith you wel inough. What say ye thē to Liberatus, by you oft re­heresed, that sayeth as I say, that the whole Synode did not agree, that Bassianus shulde be restored, but parte of the Sy­node: and therfore the matter was put ouer to an other me­ting, at which metīg the whole Synod vniformely agreed, that aswel Bassianus as Stephanus shulde be remoued? In case this answere wil not contente you I wil I am assured, yf any most reasonable answere wil contente you, set you ouer to such witnesses, as your self hitherto haue best liked and sought all your helpe and ayde for your supremacy at their hands: I meane your Iudges and senatours the Empe­rours deputies. For wheras ye alleage the matter, as finally determined in the .11. action, the very same matter was re­sumed [Page 149] in the .12. action. Because (say they) that after our oft mouing the matter to you, and requiring, that ye woulde geue sentence concerning the bisshop­rike of the holy Church of Ephesus, Gloriosissimi iudices dixerunt. Quoniam sepe nobis interloquē tibus & pescentibus proferri sententiam de episcopatu sancta Ecclesiae in Epheso cō stituto, perfecta res­pōsio nō est data, Ve­nerabile &c. Act. 12 pa. 916. col. 3. there is no perfytte and resolute answere made: Let the holy ghospell &c. I trust by this tyme M. Horne, ye wil wisely geue ouer this matter of Bassianus and of all the resi­dewe of this Councell, that ye haue vniustly plea­ded vppon: and require of vs to belieue yow no better, then ye can shewe cause. Onlesse ye will haue vs vppon your bare worde to credite yowe. which I think wise men, wil not be to hasty to do, excepte ye can shewe some as good commission, as the Apostles had. For the bringing forth where­of, we are contente to geue you a good long day. As for this councel whervpō ye would seme your proufs shuld reste, ye haue not shewed yt to vs by anie good and cleare light, but as ye haue done be­fore, the Nicen and Ephesine, very obscurely and vnperfectly.

The .14. Chapter. Contayning euident proufes out of the Chal­cedon Councel, for the Popes and bishops Supremacy, in causes ecclesiasticall.

NOw good Reader thowghe M. Horne be sufficiētly alredy answered for the solutions of his argumētes, as we nede not greatly to stay here lōger, yet if we can shew you no fayrer nor clearer light, for the illustratiō and confirmation of our assertion, and that euen from this councel, then M. Horne hath don for his: than for my part, I shal yelde to M. Horne, and so I suppose M. Fekenhā wil to. Wherfore following M. Horns trace and steps we wil [Page] rōne ouer the Acts of the said Coūcel, though wō ­derful long and tedious, and compendiously gather some material thing for our side.

Act. 1. pa. 737. col. 1. b Paschasio & Lucētio reuerēd. Episcopis, & Bonifacio religiosiss. presbytero tenētibus locū sanctiss. et reue­rendiss. [...]rchiepis. al­mae vrbis Romae Leo­nis Anatolio &c. Act. 1. pa 741. co. 1. ā Quia Synodū facere ausus est sine authoritate Romanae sedis: quod nūquā ritè fa­ctū est, nec fieri licuit Rome heade of all Churches. Act. 1. p. 740. co 2 c Romam [...]cclesiarū omnium caput. Act. 1. pag. 741. col. 1. a.First then to begin with the first Sessiō, it is most certain, that the Popes Legates, be named and pla­ced before al other Bishops and Patriarchs, though one of them was but a Priest and no Bishop. Here shal ye find the wicked B. of Alexandria called to an accōpt for mainteining the doings of a Councel, whervnto the B. of Rome gaue no cōsent or authority, which (as it is auouched there) was neuer law­ful to do. Here shal ye find and heare Rome called the Head of all Churches. Here shal ye find that Pope Leo gaue cōmaundement to his Legates, that they shuld not suffer Dioscorꝰ to sit among th'other Bi­shops, but to stand as a person accused, and defen­dant, and so the Legates tolde the Senatours, and that in case they wold suffer the mater to go other wise, that they should be excōmunicated: and ther­vpon he was cōmaunded to sit in the middle a part from the rest. Here shall ye finde that the learned Bishop of Cyrus Theodoretus, deposed by Diosco­rus and Maximus his own Patriarche, was receiued and placed among the bishops,Euag: lib. 2. ca. 16. Dioscorus cōman­ded by Leo to stā [...], and not to be pla­ced among the Bis­shoppes. Vniuersal Bishop. because Leo had re­stored him. Here shal ye find that nor laie men, nor Priests, haue voice in the Councel, but Bishops only. Here it appeareth why the Ciuil Magistrate is pre­sent in the Councell: not to geaue sentence, or to1 [Page 150] beare the greatest sway there in matters Ecclesia­stical, as M. Horne imagineth: but, as it appeareth by Theodosius the Emperours cōmission geuen to the Earle Elpidius, to see there be no tumulte, Nullū fieri tumultū permittere, sed si quē videretis cōturbatio­nibus & tumultui studentē, ad les [...]ionē sanctae fidei, hūc cu­siodiae mancipare, & ad nostram perferre notitiam & causam quidē ordine proue­nire, interesse autem iudicio, et operā dare celerē & circumspe­ctam probationem à sancta Synodo fieri. Act. 1. pa. 744. b. and in case he see any troblesome or tumultuous person, to the hurt and hinderance of the Catholik faith, to imprison him, and to certifie th'Emperour of him, to see the ma­ters procede orderly, to be present at the iudgemēt ge­uing and to procure that the Councell spedily and cir­cumspectly proue their matters. In this Sessiō ye shall find that not only Flauianus, that godly Bishop and Patriarche of Constantinople wrongfully deposed by Dioscorꝰ, appealed to Rome, but that Eutyches also that Archeheretique, iustlye condemned by Flauianus, for his reliefe, pretended an appellation made to Leo by him selfe.

In the second Session Leo his Epistle was read, the Councell crieth out,VVhy laie men are present in Coūcels. Petrus per Leonem loquu­tus est. Peter hath spoken out of Leos mouthe. But of all, the thirde Session is so freighted with ample and plaine testimonies for the Ecclesiasti­cal Primacy,Act. 1. p. 790. col. 1. c. & 823. col. 2. that I must rather seke to restrain and moderat them, then to amplifie or enlarge them.

In this thirde Session,Appeales to Rome frō Constātinople. Pope Leo is called the vniuersall Archebishop, the vniuersall Patriarche, the Bisshopee of the vniuersall Churche, Act. 2. pag. 834 col. 1. b. the Pope of the vniuersal Church the Catholike or vniuersal Pope. And now must M. Iewel, if he be a true man of his worde, yelde and subscribe:Peter speaketh in Leo. being answered euen2 [Page] by the verye precise woordes and termes of his owne, thoughe peuishlye and folishly proposed, question:The pope vniuer­sal bisshop. M. Iewel muste subscribe. Act. 3. pag. 847. col. 2. b. &c. The popes legates geue [...] [...]ēce against Dioscorus the Pa­tria [...]ch of Alexan­dria. Leo per nos & per praesentē Synodum, vnà cum [...]er beatiss. & ōni laude digno beato Petro Apostolo, qui est petra & crepido catholicae ec­clesiae, & ille qui est rectae fidei fundamē ­tum, nudauit eu [...] tā episcopatus dignitate quā etiam ab omni sacerdotali alienauit ministerio. In this sessiō the Popes Legates pronoūce sentence against Dioscorus, the Patriarche of Alex­andria, and doe, by the Authority of Leo and S. Pe­ter, (who is called there, the Rocke and the top clyffe of the Catholike Churche) depryue him of all priestlye ministery and bisshoply dignity, for that he communi­cated with Eutyches being by a Councel condemned, for that he presumed to excommunicate Pope Leo, and being thrise per [...]mptorely summoned to the Councell woulde not come. And how are ye now M. Horne and your felowes to be countted Bisshoppes, that refuse, the authoritye of the generall Councel of Trente, and durst no more shewe your face there, then durste Dioscorus at Chalcedo? And can no better defende the deposition of the Catholik Bis­shops in Englande, then could Dioscorus, the depo­sition of Flauianus at Ephesus? And to say the truth, ye can much lesse defende your self. And where is nowe your acte of parliament, that annichilatteh and maketh voyde al Ecclesiastical Authority, sa­uing of such persons as are inhabitants, within the realme? Dioscorus was a foole that could finde no such defence for him selfe:Our protestant bi­shops are in the same case as Dios­corus vvas. or else he neded not to haue passed a button for the Councel of Chalcedo: Vnlesse happely we think we haue a special priui­lege, and as we be enuironed, and as it were wal­led vp, frō the world by the great Oceā sea, as the poete writeth of vs: Et penitus toto diuisos orbe Bri­tānos: so we may take our selues to be exēpted and [Page 151] closed vp from the faith and religion of all Catho­like people in the world.Act. 3. pa. 858. col. 1. b. 835. col. 2. b. Paschasius vice bea­tissimi Leonis presi­dens suscripsi, dict. pag. 858. The popes legate president of the Councel. Act. 3. pag. 867. col. 1. b. Vocis beati petri orbi cōstitutus interpres. The councel cō [...]e [...] ­seth [...]eo to be their head and ruler. Quibus tu quidem, sicut membris caput praeeras, in his qui tuum tenebant ordi­nem beneuolentiam praeseferens. Impera­tores verò ad or­nandum decentissi­mè praesidebant, si­cut Zorozabel & Iesus Ecclesiae Hie­rusalem aedificatio­nem renouare circa dogmata adni [...]ētes. Act. 3. in relatione synodi ad Leonē pa. 867. col. 1. Act. 2. pag. 867. col 2. a. Cui vineae custodia a saluatore commissa est. Act. 3. pag. [...]68 col. 2. a. Rogamus igitur & [...]uis decretis nostrum honora iudic [...]ū, et sicut nos cu [...]i [...]i in bon [...]s adiecimus consonantiam, sic et firmit as tua filijs (quod dece [...]) adim [...]leat, et mox Omnem volis gestorum vim insinuauimus ad comprobationem nostrae sinceri­tatis et ad eorum quae à nobis gesta sunt, firmitatem et consonantiam. But let vs goe foorth with owre matter: Ye shal then find in this third session, that the Popes Legate was presidente of the Councell for Leo, and subscribed before all other. In this session the whole Coūcel calleth Leo the interpretour of S. Peters voyce to al people. In this session the whole Coūcel sayeth that Leo, thē far of at Rome, was presidēt ād ruler of the Coūcel, as the Head is ruler of the body. And that thēperors were presidēts there most de­cētly, to adorne ād set forth the same, end [...]uoring to re­new the building of the Church of Hierusalē cōcerning matters of faith, as did Zorobabel and Iesus in the old lawe. And this place only were sufficient, to an­swere your whole booke, and to shew either your ignorance or frowarde quarrelling in making such a sturre and busines, for Princes authority in Coū ­cels. In this sessiō the whole synode saieth, that the keping of the vineyard (that is of the whole Church) was committed of God to L [...]o. In this session the whole Councel, thowghe Leo his Legates were present, and confirmed al thinges that there passed towching matters of faith, doth yet neuerthelesse pray Leo him self also to confirme their decre [...]s. And here might the Author of your Apologie Maister Horne, if yt pleased him, as merely haue iested and scoffed againste these .630. Fathers, as he doth a­gainst [Page] the Fathers of the late Coūcel at Trente, for the clause: salua Apostolicae sedis authoritate: Here might be demaunded of these .630. Fathers, what thei neaded in this case, the matter being resolued vpon by the whole Councel, yea by his own de­puties to, to sende to Rome to Pope Leo, to haue their decrees yet further cōfirmed? Here also might be demaunded of those 630.The childish toyes of the Englis he Apology. Fathers, whether yt were not a mere foly to think the holy ghost po­sted to Rome: that yf he staggered or stayed in any matter,Themperour Mar­cian desireth Leo to confirme the fa­thers decrees. Epist. 59. & 60. he might there take Councell, of an other holy ghost better learned, with such other childish or rather Iewish toyes. Neither the Coūcel only, but Marcian al [...]o the Emperour prayed Leo, to cō ­firme that which there was concluded of the faith. In this sessiō the Senators (that ye would neades haue to be the cheif Iudges) desire they may be taught of the fathers of this Councel such thinges as appertayne to the faith, The Senatours require to be taught of the fathers. as of them that should geue a reckoninge aswel for their sowles, Scientesigitur quia, & Deo rationē red­dituri estis tam pro animabus singuli ve­stri, quam & pro no­stris omnibus qui & doceri, quae ad religionem pertinent, rectè desideramus. Act. 3. pag. 832. col. 2. a. Eu [...]ebius the bishop besecheth the Councel he may be restored to his bishoprik. Et dum adhuc in memoria retinetis, quae antea inter nos & praesatum Dioscorum acta sunt, decernite omnia quae aduersus nos gesta sunt viribus carere: & nihil nobis ea mo­numenta quae iniustè cōtra nos facta sunt nocere. Habere verò nos & sacerdotalem dig­nitatem &c. Quod impetrantes incessanter gratias agamus vestrae sanctitati. as for their own sowles.

Nowe where as ye catche as yt were a certaine ankerhold of the supplication of Eusebius of Do­rileum: consider I beseache yow his supplication to the Councel too, and weighe them bothe with the ballance of indifferente iudgemente. I pray and most humbly beseche your holines holy father: (saith he) to haue mercy on vs. And while the things [Page 152] passed betwixt Dioscorus and me, be yt in fresh remē ­braunce, decree you all those doings to be voyde, Act. 3. pag. 836. col. 1. a. The authority to geue sentēce of de­positiō or excom­munication geuen [...]o the bishops by God. and that those things which wrongfully passed against vs, may not be preiudicial or hurtful to vs, and that we may be restored to our bisshoply dignity againe: which yf we obtayne, we shall for euer geue thanks to your holines. In this session ye shal finde, that it was no finall or resolutory sentence that the Senatours gaue against Dioscorus,Ioannes episcop. Ger­maniciae ad Dioscorū Senatus aduersus tuā reuerentiā pro­mulgauit sentētiam si hoc placuisset san­ctissimis episcopis quibus hanc inferre à Domino Deo cre­ditum est. but a declaration of theire mynde and resolutiō: the ful authority notwithstan­ding remayning in the Bishops to whom (and not to the Senatorus) God had geuen authority to geue such kind of sentēces. Further now, though I haue alredy sufficiētly shewed the insufficiēcy and feblenes of that your weake collection: yet because ye haue so honorably adorned your margēt, with no lesse thē 630. Fathers cōfessing your supremacye, and al for that they cal thēperor the best and cheif phisition:Act. 3. pag. 846. col. 1. c. I wil be so bolde, thowgh but a poore and a secō ­dary phisitiō, to say somwhat more to your great and far fetched, neither good theological, nor good phisical argumente, and to returne your wise phi­sical reason vpon your own head by the very same fathers, and the very same place that your selfe al­leage. For euen in the same page, it followeth,M. Hornes mighty great phisical note returned vpon his ovvn heade. that perchaunce Dioscorus might baue obtayned pardon, of those his so great and excessiue enormities yf being as the case required throughlye poenitent he had sowght for a medicine at the handes of the Councel. Et sortè super tantis ac talibus iniquita­tibus veniam adi­pisci potuisset, si per dignam poenitentiam adscisceret medicinam ab hoc vniuersali Concilio. Vide & sequentia, Act 3. pag. 861. col. 1. c. But be­cause [Page] he endured in obstinacy, he was cut away by depo­sition and excommunication from the Church, as a rot­ten and pestiferouse member, to saue and preserue the residewe of the bodie. Beholde maister Horne, the fathers are nowe the phisitions that might haue cured Dioscorus (yf he had bene curable) of his dis­ease:Marcian confesseth the fathers to be the physitions. Tandem remedia culpabilis erroris inuen­ta sunt. & mox: Sa­cerdotes quid ob­seruari in religione debeat, perspicua de­finitione docuerunt. Act. 3. pag. 863. col. 1. c. Theis fathers en­quire of fayth by Pope Leo his au­thority. Fidem diligenter in­quirit authoritate beatiss. Leonis. Act. 3. pag. 865. col. 2. a. Sancta & magna synodo habente regu­larem potestatem. Act. 3. pag. 865. col. 2. a. The Emperours by their lavve can not condemne them vvhose belief the councel allovveth.???Quia non possunt sa­cerdotes constitutio­ne damnari, quos sy­nodicum ornat super conseruanda religio­ne iudicium. Act. 3. pag. 865. b. Act. 4. pag. 872. col. 1. c. Qui a vobis damna­tus est ignorāte diuo Vertice, & nobis. Dioscorus condemned without themperours knowledg or his deputies. Act. 3. pa. 837. co. 1. b Obse [...]ro vt iudices nunc sint praesen [...]es. Quando quaedam re­gularia examinan­tur, neque iudices ne­que aliquos laicosin­teresse oportet. Act 3. pag. 838. col. 2. c. Euag. li. 2. c. 16. Niceph. li. 15. cap. 30. Lay mē ought not to be in the coūcell vvhen matters of reformation are in hande Propter fidem nō est damnatus Dioscorus. Act. 5. pa. 880. col. 1. a. D [...]oscorus vvas not condemned for matters of fayth.???The bisshops that did not agree, be threatned to be sent to Rome. Act. 5. p. 880. col. 2. a Qui contradicunt, Romam ambulent. The fathers geue vp the sentēce, not the Emperour or his agentes. Act. 5 pag. 882. Desinimus igitur. etc. Si episcopi fuerint, a­lienos ab episcopatu, & clericos à clero: si verò monachi aut laici fuerint, anathe­matizari. Act. 5. pag. 885. Vniuersalis Synodus discordiam, quae ad­uersus rectam & ca­tholicam fidē exorta est, expelli fecit. &c. Act. 6. pa. 889. co. 1. c The forme of the Popes Legats sub­scription. Paschasinus episco­pus vice domini mei beatiss. at (que) Aposto­lici vniuersalis Ec­clesiae Papae vrbis Ro­mae Leonis Synodo praesidēs statui, con­sensi, & subscripsi. Vvherein standeth Marcian the Em­perors cōfirmatiō. pag. 893. col. 2. a. The Pope confir­meth the election of the Bisshop of Antioche. Sanctus ac beatiss. Papa Episcopatum Maximi Episcopi Antiochenae Ecclesiae confirmauit. Act. 7. p. 896. c. 1. a. Rome euer had the primacie. Roma semper habuit primatum. Act. 10. pa. 910. c. 1. Act. 12. pag. 916. Act. 16. pa. 938. co. 1. c The Pope an inui­cible champion a­gainst all errours. Vnde nobis impene­trabile in ōni errore propugnatorē Deus prouidit Roma. Ec­clesiae Papam. Act. 16. p. 940. c. 2. a. Act. 16. p. 938. c. 1. c. The Pope vvoulde not allovve the de­cree of the Councel concerninge the a­uauncing of the pa­triarch of Constāti. Leo. ep. 59. & 61. ad Iuuenalē & alios episcop. Chalced. Synodi. Leo. ep. 71. ad Anat. and notwithstanding he was the captayne of that myscheuouse cōuenticle at Ephesus, he might yf he had sowght for it accordingly, haue founde perchaunce fauour, not at the Emperours, but at the councels hands, and neither bene deposed nor excommunicated. Yea the Emperour Marciā him self cōfesseth, that these fathers founde out a remedy for those nawghtie errours. And howe I pray you? Because they made a playne and an open determina­tion, what was to be obserued concerning fayth and re­ligion. Thus at the length your gay and fresh, your mighty and notable note of .630. Fathers confessing your physical supremacy is not worth one pipte nutte. In this session ye shal fynde, that this most fa­mous Councell did diligently enquire vpon matters of faith: By whose authority M. Horne think you? By the Emperours? Naye. But by the authoritye of the most blessed Leo: as the Emperours Valenti­nian and Marciā themselues confesse. I truste now also ye wil the better belieue these .630. Fathers, saying to Dioscorus, that they had the regular and ordinary authority against him. What say yow nowe, for your selfe and your fellowes? Howe will ye maintaine the vnlawfull deposinge of the Catholike Bisshoppes, and other in the realme by [Page 153] by your ciuill and parliament authoritie, seing that the Emperours Valentiniā and Marcian write, that those Bisshops can not by themperours lawe be condē ­ned, whom the ecclesiastical Coūcel cōmendeth for true religiō? Many things else are to be saied out of this Session, but I wil breake of, and shortly ronne ouer the residewe: noting this only for the .4. Session, that it is there declared, that Dioscorus was depri­ued and excōmunicated to, by the Popes Legates and the Councel: the Emperours deputies, which in all other Sessions were present, being then absent, and without themperours or their knowledge. Which geueth a checke mate to all your supremacy, and to all your booke withall: yea and that with a seely pawne of one only line. This is so declared as I say, in the fourth session: but the sentēce passed against Dioscorus in the third sessiō, Dioscorus not daring to shewe his face, and requiring, that themperours vicegerents might be there presente: to whome an­swere was made, that when matters of correctiō and reformation are in hande, as these were (for Diosco­rus was not condemned for heresie and matters of fayth, but for his disobedience against the pope, the councel, and the canons) neither the Iudges, nor any laye men owght to be presente. Which answere M. Horne, for all your heuing and sheuing, against the ecclesiasticall reformation, geueth an other paune mate also in one shorte sentence, to a great parte of your boke, and to al such ecclesiastical visitation as is geuen to the prynce, by acte of parliament.

In the fyfte sessiō a litle variance fell among the [Page] Fathers for the framing of the final sentēce: wher­vpon the Senatours said, that if they did not agree, a Councel should be kept in the west parties: meaning at Rome. The Bishops of Illyricum cried (as I haue before shewed) they that doe not agree, lette them trudge to Rome. In this session when they were all afterwards agreed, the final and resolute sentence of the matter in controuersy, with a denunciation of deposition and curse against suche as should re­pine agaīst it, is pronoūced by the Bishops, without any voice or cōsent of themperour, or of his agēts.

In the sixt session was present Marcian thempe­rour with the noble and vertuouse Empresse Pul­cheria, to whome Aetius the Archedeacō of Con­stantinople declared, that nowe the discord lately rysen among the people in matters of faith, was pa­cified by the holy Councell: and then read to him their finall determination and sentence. Vnto the which sentence were annexed the subscripions of all the Bishops: And first of the Popes vicegerent, after the fourme of these woordes.

I Bisshop Paschasine President of the Councell, in the stead of my most blessed Lord; and the Apostolical Pope of the vniuersal Church, of the City of Rome, Leo, haue determined, consented and subscribed. Then followe the subscriptions of his two colleages, one of them being no bishop: after whō Anatolius the Patriarch of Constātinople, and so other Patriarches and bis­shops. Marciā seing the full and vniforme cōsent of al these .630. bishops, doth allowe and cōfirme their decree, and strēgtheneth it with a ciuill and politi­call [Page 154] punishmēt appointed against the trāsgressours. And in this properly resteth the Princes office and authority, in affaires ecclesiastical. In the seuēth session it is declared, that the election of Maximus bishop of Antioche was confirmed by Pope Leo. In the tenth Actiō, it ys openly auouched, quia mis­si Apostolici semper in Synodis prius loqui & cōfirmare soliti sunt. That the Popes legates were allwayes wonte in Councels to speake first and to confirme first. In the twelueth Actiō the controuersy about the Bishop of Ephesus was ended by the Councel, not by thēperours deputies, as it hath ben shewed. In the .16. and last Session, yt is sayde, that Rome e­uer had the primacye: The whole councell sayeth to thēperour, that God had prouided for thē an in­uincible champion against all errours, meaning of Pope Leo. In thys session a greate parte of the fa­thers thowghe contrarye to the Nicene decrees, auaunced the patriarche of Constantinople, to gra­tifie themperour making his chiefe abode there, a­boue the patriarchs of Alexandria, Antiochia, and Hierusalē. But the Popes Legates would not ther­to agree, no nor Leo him selfe: though the whole Coūcel besought him: but cōfirmed al other things that the Coūcel had determined vpon: and caused Anatoliꝰ the patriarch of Cōstātinople, to surcease frō this his ambitious claime: and to cōfesse his faut. Last of al in a letter of Paschasinus one of the Popes Legates in that Coūcel touching the condēnation of Dioscorꝰ, this pope Leo is expresly called, Caput Vniuersalis Ecclesiae. Head of the vniuersall Church. [Page] Many other things myght be gathered for this purpose,Tom 1. Conc. pag. 945 Gre­gor. lib. 4. epist. 38, Cap. 14. as wel out of the Actes of this Councel as otherwhere, espe­cially that S. Gregorie writeth that of this holy Councell, his predecessours were called Vniuersall Bisshppes.

M. Horne. The .55. Diuision. Pag 33. b.

This Synode being finished, the Emperour banished Dioscorus into the Cytie of Gangren. VVhich thyng doon: The no [...]les of the Cytie (saith Liberat [...]s) assēbled together to choose one, both for life and learning, worthy of the Bisshopricke: for this wa [...] (.156.) The .156. vntruth Nipping of the Author alle­ged, as shall ap­pea [...]e. Lib. c. 15. cōmaunded by the Emperours Decrees. At the length P [...]oteriu [...] v [...]s [...]ade Bis [...]hop: against vvhom the seditious people raysed one [...]imo­theus Hellu [...]us, or Aelurus, vvho in conclusion, murthered Proterius. The catholique Bissoppes, vvhich mainteined the Chalcedon councel, made humble supplication vnto Leo the Emperour, both to reuenge the death of Proterius, and also (.157) The .157. vntruth. Not to depose, but, vt ex­pelleretur to expell to banish to depose Timotheus Hellurus, as one not Lavvfully instituted in the Bishoprike on the contrary parte, other Bishops make supplication v [...]to h [...]m, in the defence of Timotheus, and against the Chalcedon councel. VVhen Leo the Emperour had considered the mat­ter of both their supplications, for good and godly consyderations he vvrote his letters to the Bisshops of euery city, declaring both these causes, and vvil­ling them to send him (.158) The .158. vntruth false trā ­slation. Consulēs quid fi [...]ri oporteret Ask [...]ng counsel vvhat he shuld do. Cap. 16 their aduise, vvhat vvas best to be done: from vvhom he receiued an [...]vvere, that the Chalcedon Councel is to be maintei­ned euen vnto [...]eath: vvherevpon the Emperour vvriteth to S [...]ila his Lieu­tenaunt of Alexandria, that he should maintein the Chalce [...]on Coun­cell. Stila did as the Emperour commaunded: he expelled Timotheus Hellurus, and (.159.)The 159. vntruth Liberatus saith that an other vvas pla­ced, decre to populi, whiche you leaue out. placed an other in his roume, named Timotheus S [...]lefacialius, or Albus, vvho liued quietly all [...]he raigne of Leo, and Zeno, the Emperours, til Basilicus gat the Empire, vvho restored Timo­theus the Heretique: But vvhen Zeno recouered the Empire, this Timo­theus poisoned him selfe, in vvhose place the Heretiques chose one Peter Mogge. Af [...]er that Zeno the Emperour knevv of the crafty dealing of the heretiques, he vvrote to his Lieu [...]enaunt Anthemius, that he should de­priue Peter Mogge, and restore Timotheus to the bisshopricke, and fur­ther, that he should punish those, that vvere the authours to enstall Peter [Page 155] Mogge. Anthemius receiuing the [...]mperours mandate, did depose Peter Mogge, as one that vvas but a counterfayt made bissop, contrary to the lavv­es of the Catholique Churche, and restored Timotheus Salefacialius, vvho being restored, sent certeine of his Clergy to the Emperour to render him thankes.

The .15. Chapter, of Leo and Zeno Emperours.

Stapleton.

THis collection standeth in the banishing of Diosco­rus, and in the election and deposing of bishoppes: Proterius was chosen vniuersorum sententia, by the verdit of all the Citizens of Alexandria,Liberat. cap. 14. as the maner of choosing then was, both before and after. The Emperours commaundement was not the only cause thereof, but the cōmaundement of the Councell, for execution whereof the Emperour gaue forth his letters, also. For concealing whereof in your first allegatiō out of Liberatus, you leaue out the worde, Et: Also, where Liberatus saieth: For this was also commaunded by the Emperours edictes. The worde Also, you leaue out, to make your Reader beleue, that the onely Absolute cōmaundement of the Emperour was the cause, that Proterius was ordered bishop in the place of Dioscorus. Whereas themperours edict came forth, part­ly for auoyding of tumultes, which the hereticall adherēts of Dioscorus were likely to raise: And which they raised in dede, straight after the death of Marcian themperour, and remouyng Proterius made Timotheus to sitte in hys place: partly for executing the Chalcedon Councels De­cree, which was that a newe bishop should strayght way be ordered at Alexādria in the roume of Dioscorus,Act. 4. whom they had deposed. Nowe Timotheus was an open here­tike, [Page] standing against the Coūcel of Chalcedo, and a mur­therer withall of hys lawefull bishop Proterius, and there­fore no greate accompt to be made of the Emperours do­ings towards hym he being no bishop at al in dede. Nowe where the Emperour cōmaunded an other to be put in his place, it had bene well done, if ye had placed also (as your author doth) the whole words and doings of themperour: which was,dict ca. 15. that Stila his deputy shuld set in ā other. But whē M. Horne? when all the Bissops had answered that the Coun­cel of Chalcedo was to be maintayned euen to death: And that the foresayed Timotheus was vnworthy to be called either Bis­shop or Chaistian man. And howe M. Horne? Decreto populi. With the consente of the people: which kinde of choo­sing Bishops was then no newe thinge in the Churche, butAmbros. li. [...]. Epist. 32. Con. Ant. can. 16. Con. Sard cap. 1. vsed bothe before and after. As for the banisshing of Dioscorus (being before deposed of the Councell) I think your self wil confesse yt to be no spirituall matter.

M. Horne. The .56. Diuision. pag. 34. a.

After this Timotheus, Ioannes de Talaida vvas choosen, vvhereof vvhen Acatius Bisshop of Constantinople hearde, he being offended vvith Iohn, for that he had not sent vnto him synodical letters, to signifie of his e­lection, as the maner vvas,) he ioyned him selfe vvith the fautours of Peter Mogge, and accused Iohn vnto the Emperour, as one not sounde in Reli­gion, nor fit for the Byshoprike. Peter Mogge espying this oportunity, dis­sembleth an vnity and recōciliation, and by his friends, vvynneth Acatius, vvho breaketh the matter to thēperour, and persvvadeth him to depose Ioā ­nes de Talaida, and to restore Peter Mogge: so that the same Peter vvold first receiue and professe the Henoticō, that is, the confessiō of the vnity in faith,Lib. ca. 18. vvhich the Prince had set foorth, vvherof this is the effect. Zeno the Emperor, to al Bishops and people, throughout Alexādry, and Aegipt, Lybia, and Pētapolis: For somuch as we know that the right and true faith alone, is the begīning, cōtinuāce, strēgth, and inuīcible shyld of our Empire: we labour night ād day in [Page 156] praier, study, and with Lawes to encrease, the Catholik, The prin­ces supre­macye in (.160.) al causes. and A­postolike Church by that faith. Al people next after God, shal bowe doune their necks vnder our power. Seing therfore, that the pure faith, doth on this wise preserue vs, and the Romain cōmon wealth, many godly fathers haue hūbly beseched vs, The .160. vntruthe ioyned vvith folye. No suche Su­premacy can be gathered of the texte. to cause an vnitie to be had in the holy Church, that the mē ­bers displaced and separated through the malice of the ene­mie, may be coupled and knit together. And after this, declaring his faith, to agree vvich the Nicen councel, and those that condēned Nestorius, and Eutiches, (he sayth) we curse those that thinke the cont [...]ary. After vvhiche curse, declaring al the articles of his faith, he cōcludeth vvith an earnest exhortation vnto the vnitie of faith. The Emperour, saith Liberatus, supposing that Ioannes de Thalaida, had not ment rightly of the Chalcedō coūcel, but had dō al things fainedly, vvrote his letters by the persvvasiō of Acatius, to Pergamius & Apolonius his Lieutenantes, to (.161.)The .161. vntr [...]th. Not to depose, but, [...]t pel­lerent, to driue out and to banish depose Iohn, and enstal Peter Mogge. Iohn, being thus thrust out, repaired to the B. of Antioche, vvith vvhose letters of cōmendacion, he vvēt to Sīpliciꝰ bishop of Rome, and desired him to vvrite in his behalfe vnto Acatiꝰ bishoppe of Constantinople, vvho did so, and vvithin a vvhile after, died.

Stapleton.

The like drifte as before, followeth nowe also, and ther­fore the lesse nede of any long or exquisite answer. Sauing that a few things are to be cōsidered, aswel for the weigh­ing of M. Hornes reasons, as for such matters, as make for the popes primacye euen in those stories that M. Horne reherseth. As,.1. Sigeb. in Chron. Pantal. that pope Simplicius of whome M. Horne maketh mention excommunicated Peter the Bishop of A­lexandria here mentioned benig an Eutychian. Again that Acatius bishop of Constantinople, here also recited by M. Horne, was also excōmunicated by pope Felix. What?.2. Isidor. in Faelicē. To. 2. Cōc. Sig. Pāt. sai­eth M. Horn, a buttō for your popes curse. If that be a mat­ter ecclesiastical, our Emperors haue cursed aswel, as your popes: Euē our Emperour Zeno that we are nowe in hand withal. Say you me so M. Horne? Then shew me I beseche [Page] you, by what authority? For no man (you say your selfe af­terward) hath authority to excōmunicate, but only the Church and those who receiue authority therevnto by cōmission from the Churche. pag. [...]05. col. 2. Thus you say euen in this booke. Bring forth then the Emperours cōmission: Otherwise thinke not, we will crie sanctus sanctus to all ye shal say. And if you bring forth the cōmission, then are you vndone, and al your pri­macy. For if the Emperour hath his commission from the Church, then belike the Church is aboue him. Onlesse as ye haue found a newe diuinitie, so ye can find a new lawe, wherby he that taketh the cōmissiō shal be aboue him that geueth it. This curse then M. Horne was no ecclesiasticall curse: no more surely then if you shuld, if Maistres Madge played the shrewe with you,VVhat maner of curse Ze­no the ēperours curse vvas. be shrewe and curse to, her shrewes heart. It was a zelouse detestation of heretikes, as if a good catholike man should nowe say, cursed be al wic­ked Sacramentaries. And whome I pray you did he curse? Any, trow ye that was not accursed before? No, but chief­ly Nestorius and Eutyches: which were before by general Coūcels excōmunicated. Yet for al that we haue our mar­gent dasshed with a fresh iolye note, that the princes supre­macy is in al causes. I pray God send you M. Horne as much worship of yt, as ye had of your other late like marginall florishe owte of the Chalcedon Councell. Yet let vs see what proufes ye lay forthe: Why? say you: Was not Zeno required to cause an vnity in the church. Ye mary was he, and so was Constantine and Marcian to. Yea Marcian for that, was called the cheif phisition to. But we neade not put you any more in remembrance hereof, leaste ye take to muche pryde of yt. Yea but zeno sayeth, that after God all people shall bowe their neckes to his power. It is so [Page 157] in dede M. Horne. But onlesse ye can proue, that he saied to his spiritual power (which he said not,Hostiū generationes cōterētur. oēs autē incurua­bunt post Deum suā potestati nostrae ceruicem. Libe. c. 18 Gentes hostiles con­terentur, at (que) extī ­guētur, & oēs collae sua impe­rio secūdū Deū no­stro sub­mittent. Nice. lib. 16. c. 12. Libe. c. 18 Libe. c. 18 Nice. lib. 6. cap. 15. To. 1. cōc. pag. 961. col. 2. nor meante not) a good argument (the more pittye) hath quyte broken his necke. Neither yet doth Zeno speake of the neckes of any his subiectes, but (as yt semeth) of such nations as were his enimies. And assuredly such woordes al pagan Emperours vse. And yet they are not, I trowe, therefore supreme go­uernours in al causes spiritual. Now yt would require some tracte of tyme, fully to open either howe M. Horne hath confounded, maymed, and mangled his authours narration, or to shewe that these things euen in the true narration of the stories, that he reherseth, make fully agaīst him, and for the Popes primacy. For this Ioannes Talaida (saieth Libera­tus) appealed to Pope Simplicius euen as Athanasius did. Sim­plicius writeth to Acatius, who answereth: that he did all this withowt the Popes cōsent, by the Emperours commaunde­ment for the preseruation of the vnity in the Church. To whō Simplicius replied, that he ought not to communicate with Petrus Moggus for that he agreed to the Emperours order ād proclamatiō: onlesse he woulde embrace the decrees of the Coū ­cel of Chalcedo. Thus letters going to and fro, Simplicius died and Felix succedeth: who doth both depriue him from his bisshoprike, and excommunicateth him, for taking part with the said Petrus Moggus. After the death of Acatius, succe­deth Flauianus, who woulde not suffer himselfe to be en­stalled without the Popes consent. Within shorte tyme, Euphemius was Patriarche of Constantinople: who recei­ued synodicall letters from this Pope. These and manye other thinges else might here be said, euen out of the chap­ter vpon which Maister Horne himselfe pleadeth, which we passe ouer.

[Page]But for the Princes Supremacy in causes Ecclesiastical, what hath M. Horne in al this diuision? His marginal Note lyeth in the dust. What hath he beside? He saith. The Empe­ror by his Lieutenants deposed Iohn Talaida, the Patriarche of Antioche. But this is vntrue. The Emperour in dede com­maunded his Lieutenants,Liberatus Cap. 18. vt pellerent eum: to expulse and driue him out from his bisshoprike, but to depose him, that is to make him now no Bishop at all, that lay not in the Em­perours power. He did (as merely of him selfe a wise prelate said in King Edwardes dayes, being then in the Tower for the Catholike faieth) but take awaye the Ricke, Iohn re­mayned bisshop stil. And that with this Iohn Talaida so it was, appereth well by Liberatus your owne Author, M. Horne. For this Iohn Talaida (saieth Liberatus) appealinge from the Emperours violence to Pope Simplicius, habēs epis­copi dignitatem, remansit Romae, remayned at Rome, hauing stil the dignity of a bishop, who also afterwarde had the Ricke also. For the Pope endewed him with the bishoprike of Nola in Campania. Now as Emperours and Princes haue power (though not lawful) to expelle, and depriue men of the Church from their temporal dignities, and possessions: so to depriue a man of the Church from his office of ministe­ry, to depose a bisshop or a priest frō his spiritual Iurisdictiō and Authority (which deposition only is a cause ecclesiasti­cal) to the Church only frō whom such Authority came, it belongeth. Princes depriuations, are no ecclesiastical depo­sitions Take this answere ones for al M. Horne, you which vntruly reporte, that Princes deposed bisshops.

M. Horne. The .57. Diuision. Pag. 35. a.

This Pope Simplicius considering the great contentions that vvere ac­customably about the election of Popes, did prouide by decree, that no Pope [Page 158] should hereafter be chosen vvithout the authority of the Prince, vvhich decree, although it be not extant, yet it is manifest inough, by the Epistle of Kinge Odoacer put into the Actes of the thirde Synode, that Simmachus the Pope did keepe at Rome, vvherin the King doth not only auouche, the decree of Simplicius, but also addeth: VVe maruaile, that without vs anye thīg was accōpted, seing that whiles our Priest (meaning the bis­shop of Rome Simplicius) was on liue: nothing ought to haue bene taken in hande without vs.

The .16. Chapter of Simplicius, Felix .3. and Symmachus Popes of Rome.

Stapleton.

IF Pope Simplicius by decree, gaue the Prince Authority to confirme the chosen Pope, what helpeth this your su­premacy? Nay doth it not much impayre the same? For then al the Princes Authority in this behalfe dependeth of the Popes decree as of a Superiour lawe. And so he is sub­iect both to the law, and to the lawemaker. And yet this is all that in this Diuision hath any maner inckling to iuduce the Prīces Supremacy in any cause ecclesiastical. But yf M. Horn would haue loked but a litle further and vpō the first line of the next leafe, he mought haue found in the said Synod, that the see of Rome hath the priestly primacy ouer all the whole world. And that Councels must be confirmed by that see, with such other like matter. For whereas this King O­doacer, beside the decree touchīg the chosing of the Pope (which as your self say he made at the Popes request) made also an other concerning not alienating Church goods, the whole Synod reiected and cōdemned it, for these .ij. causes expressely. First (saith Eulalius a bisshop of Sicily, whose sentence (the other bisshops saying the same) the whole Sy­node [Page] folowed) because against the rules of the Fathers, this Decree appereth to be made of Layemen, though religious and godlye, In Synod. Rom. 3. sub Sym­macho. Tom. 1. Conc. pag. 1004. col 2. to whome that any authoritye was euer geuen ouer Ecclesiasticall goods, it is not reade. Secondlye it is not decla­red to be confirmed with the subscription of any bisshop of the Apostolike See. Nowe whereas, the holy Fathers In the Nicene Councel, Can. 4. & 6. haue de­creed, that if the Priestes of any whatsoeuer prouince (kee­ping a Councel within their owne lymities) shall attempt any thing without the authority of their Metropolitane or their bis­shop, it should be voyde and of none effect, howe much more that which is knowen to haue bene presumed in the See Apo­stolike, the Bisshop thereof not present (Qui prae rogatiua beati Apostoli Petri per vniuersum orbē primatum obtinens sacerdotij, statutis synodalibꝰ consueuit tribuere firmitatē. which bisshop by the prerogatiue of the blessed Apostle Peter, hauing throughe the whole worlde the Primacy of priesthood, hath bene wonte to confirme the Decrees of Councels) presumed I say, of layemen, though certayn bisshops agreing vnto it (who yet could not pre­iudicat their Prelat of whom it is knowen they were consecra­ted) is vndoubtedly voyde and of no effect, neither any waye to be accompted amonge Ecclesiastical decrees? Thus farre that Synod by your selfe alleaged M. Horne. God rewarde you for geuing vs such good instructions against your selfe. Or yf it came not of you, but of your frende, let him haue the thankes therefore. But yf it so falleth out against your wil­les both, yet God be praysed, that as by sinne he worketh somtime a greater amēdement, and turneth horrible temp­tations into a more confortable calmenesse then before the storme came, so also by your vnhappy meaning hathe yet brought vs to a happye information of such doctrine as vtterly ouerthroweth your heresye.

For here you see M. Horne, not only the laie Magistrat, yea the King him selfe, yea though he were religiouse and [Page 159] godly, vtterly excluded from all authority in causes Eccle­siasticall (whereby your phantasticall Primacie vanisheth cleane away) but also that the Pope (whome you cal a for­raine power) hath the Primacy, the chiefty and supreame praeeminence of Priesthode, not onely in Rome or the Ro­maine Prouince, but (saith this Synode by your self clerck­ly alleaged) per vniuersum orbem, throughout the whole worlde, and then if you be a parte of the worlde, he is your Primate too. Thus much saith this Synode: and thereby vtterly ouerthroweth the whole effect of the Othe, in both those partes for the whiche the Catholikes refuse to swere vnto it. Verely if ye goe on as you haue hitherto, you wil surely be espied for a preuaricatour, that is, for a double faced Proctour, secreatlie instructing your clients aduersa­rie, but in face protesting to plead against him. For bet­ter instructions, no hyred aduocate coulde haue geauen vs, then you the Counterpleader haue ministered vnto vs.

M. Horne. The .58. Diuision. pag. 35. a.

Next after Simplicius vvas Foelix the third chosen,Act. 1. vvho after his confirmation, sent many letters as vvell to the Emperour, as to Acatius Bisshoppe of Constantinople, about the matter betvvixt Iohn and Peter, but vvhen he coulde not preuaile in his suite, he made Iohn Bisshoppe of Nola in Campania. One of the letters that Pope Foelix vvrote vn­to Zenon the Emperour about this matter, is put into the fift Synode of Constantinople: vvherein the Pope after the salutation, doth most humblye beseech the Emperour, to take his humble suite in good parte. He shevveth that the holy (.162.) The 162: Vntruth. These vvordes Apostolike and Ca­tholique, left out. Churche maketh this suite, that he vvill vouchesafe to mainteine the vnitie of the Churche, that he vvill destroye Heresies, that breaketh the bonde of vnitie, that he vvill expell Peter Mogge bothe oute of the Citie, and also from Churche regiment: that he vvould not suffer [Page] Peter being deposed,Vide Tom. 2. Cōc. pa. 13. in epist. Felicis ad Petrum. Haec legat sancta Dei Apostolica et Catho­lica eccles. vt ab ipsa propter praedictas causas de­positū ad cōmunio­nē nō sus­cipias, sed per diui­nas apices vestrae se­renitatis ab Antio­chiae confi­nio propel­li [...]e, pro ip­so aūt cō ­stituite v­nū operib. sacerdotiū ornantem etc. Tom 2. Conc. Act. 1. Synod 5. pag. 19. b. to be admitted to the Communion of the Churche: but that by his honorable letters, he vvould banish him out of the bounds of An­tioche. And (saith this Bisshop of Rome Foelix vnto the Emperour) In his place appoint you one that shal beutifie the Priesthode by his woorkes.

Stapleton.

You procede still to bring authorities against your selfe. This Peter was deposed I confesse: But by whome, M. Horne? Not by the Emperour, but euen by Pope Foelix as appeareth but one leafe before the place which your selfe alleage. And in case it was to painefull for you to turne backe a leafe or two before, yet might you haue vouchsa­ued to haue read the next lines before your own allegatiō. In the which Foelix signifieth, that he was so deposed, and therfore requesteth th'Emperour to expel him, and to place some other mete man for him: whiche thing Popes doe at this day, requiring Catholike Princes to remoue hereticall Bishops, and to place good in their roome, neither yet ther­fore are, or euer were Princes accompted, enacted, or in­tituled, Supreme gouernours in all causes Ecclesiasticall. Your new Religion, hath inuented this newe Title. This Pope Foelix also excommunicated Acatius of Constantinople, for bearing with this Peter Mogge, as witnesseth Liberatus. Whereby appeareth clerely the Popes Primacie ouer the ij. chiefe Patriarches of the East Churche of Constantino­ple and Antioche. And you againe are with your owne examples cleane ouerthrowen.

M. Horne. The .59. Diuision. pag. 35. b.

Anastasius the Emperour (.163.) The .163. Vntruth. As before. deposed Macedonius Bisshoppe of Constantinople, as one that falsified the Ghospels, as Liberatus saith.

Stapleton.

If this Macedonius falsified the Ghospel, he was I wene, worthy to be deposed. But your Author vseth not this worde Deposed, but he saieth, he was expulsed. Whiche might be, being, by an ordinary and an vsual course,Liberatus cap. 19. by the Bishops first deposed. But because the matter is not cleare on your side, and if it were, it did not greatly enforce: by reason Anastasius him selfe was a wicked hereticall Empe­rour, and so no great good deduction to be made from his doings: I let it passe.

M. Horne. The .60. Diuision. pag. 35. b.

About the election of Symachus, Platina mentioneth vvhat great di­uision and sedition arose, in so muche that the parties vvere faine to agree, to haue a Councell holden for the determination of the matter. And there was a Councell appointed at Rauenna (saith Sabellicus) to the end that the controuersy might be decided according to right, before the king Theodoriche: before vvhome, the matter vvas so discussed, that at the last, this Pope Symachus vvas confirmed. Neuer­thelesse this fyer vvas not thus so quite quenched, but that foure yeares after, it blased out sorer againe. VVhereat the king (saieth Platina) beinge displeased, sente Peter the Bisshoppe of Altine to Rome, to enioye the See, and bothe the other to be (.164.) The 164: Vntruth. Platina saieth not so, but vt pulso vtroque sedem te­neret. deposed. VVherevpon an other Synode vvas called of 120. Bisshops, vvherein (saith Sabellicus) the Pope him selfe defended his ovvne cause so stoutlye, and cun­ningly, and confuted (saith Platina) al the obiections laid against him, that by the verdict of them all, he vvas acquited, and all the fault laied to Lau­rence and Peter.

Stapleton.

What may be said for the doings of Princes in the electi­on of the Clergie, and how your examples agree not with our practise, I haue already saied somewhat: and that I say to this too. But in the Diuision folowing, we shall saye to this more particularlye.

M. Horne. The .61. Diuision. pag. 35. b.

But to thentent it may the better appere vvhat vvas the Kings authority about these matters, mark the fourth Romaine Synode, holden in the time of this Symachus, and about the same matter of his, vvhiche although it be mangled and confusedly set forth in the Booke of Generall Councels, bicause (as it may seeme) that they (.165.) The .165. Vntruth. Slaunde­rouse and malitious vvould not haue the vvhole trueth of this dissention appaare: yet vvil it shevv much, that the Princes had (.166.) The .166. Vntruth. That coū ­cell vvill shevve they had verye small. no small entermedling, and authority in Synodes and Churche matters. This Synode vvas summoned to be kept in Rome by the (.167.)The .167. Vntruth. The King him selfe in the coū cel decla­reth, that not by his com­maunde­ment, but by the Popes letters, this Sy­nod vvas sūmoned. commaundement of the most honorable Kinge Theodoriche. He declareth that many and grieuous complaintes, vvere brought vnto him againste Symachus Bis­shoppe of Rome. Symachus commeth into the Synode to ansvvere for him selfe, geaueth thankes to the King for calling the Synode, requireth that he may be restored to suche things as he had loste by the suggestion of his enne­mies, and to his former state, and then to come to the cause, and to ansvvere the accusers. The more parte in the Synode, thoughte this his demaunde reasonable: Decernere tamen aliquid Synodus sine regia notitia non Praesumpsit. Yet the Synode presumed not to decree any thing without the Kings knowledge. Neyther came it to passe as they vvisshed: for the King commaunded Symachus the Bisshoppe of Rome, to ansvvere his aduersaries before he shoulde resume any thing. And (.168.) The .168. Vntruth. Not so. But be­cause as the Councel prote­sted, it perteined not to him or to any mans els. so the King committed the vvhole debating and iudging of the ma­ter to the Synode, vvhich concludeth the sentence vvith these vvords: Vvher­fore according to the Kings will or cōmaundement, who hath committed this cause to vs, we refourme or restore vnto him (to Symachus) what right so euer he ought to haue within the Citie of Rome, or without.

Stapleton.

Here hath M. Horne an other fetch to proue Princes to haue the chief interest in maters ecclesiastical: as for the de­positions of Bishops, yea of the Pope him selfe. And first he is angry, that this mater in the boke of Councels is so man­gled and confusedly set foorth. But it is an other thorne [Page 161] then this that pricketh him, that he will not disclose to all the worlde. For to saye the truthe, he seeth in his owne conscience, that of all Councelles,M. Horne complai­neth, but dareth not shew vvhere the thoro pricketh him. the selfe same Coun­cell that he here alleageth, dothe so set foorth the Popes Primacie, that the grieuouse remembrance therof, causeth him to speake, he can not tel what. Verelye, if M. Horne had stepped foorth but one fote further, and turned his eie vpon the next leafe, there should he haue found a clercklie worke made by Eunodius in the defence of the Councell, that he is in hand withall. There should he haue founde most euident authorities for the Popes Supremacie vppon all states temporall and spirituall. He should also finde the same booke to be confirmed by .CC. and .xxx. Bishops as­sembled at Rome in a Synode. Leaue of therfore, M. Horne this complaint, and complaine of that,Tom. 1, Conc. pa. 1009. that grieueth you in dede, and that is not of confusion, but of the confession ye find there of all the Bishops concerning the Ecclesiasticall praeeminence, liyng so open and thicke, like a great block in your way, that ye coulde not passe ouer to these your alle­gations that you haue here patched in, but that you must needes stumble and breake your shinnes therat: which grie­ueth you ful sore. But let vs now see, what good and hol­some herbes, ye being so cunning a gardener, haue gathe­red out of this garden, that as ye thinke lieth so vnhāsomlie and sluttishly. Ye say first that this Councell was called by the cōmaundement of the right honorable King Theodoriche. Make him as honorable as ye wil. But other then an Arri­an shal ye not make of him. Yf ye knew he was an Arrian,Martinus Pol. Sabellicus your honour might haue bene better bestowed els where. If ye knewe it not, then is your reading to small, I trow, to furnish such a boke as this is. And yet to say the truthe, small [Page] reading will serue the turne too. Ye say he called a Coun­cell: So he did. But how did he call it? Forsoth with the cōsent of the Pope Symachus, though the Coūcel were cal­led against him. For when the Bisshops had tolde the King, that the Pope him selfe ought to call Councels, Tom. 1. Conc. pa. 1007. col. 1. by a singular pri­uilege due to the See of Rome, because to that See, first the me­rite ād principality of S. Peter, ād after the authority of Coūcels, singulorum in Ecclesijs tradidit potestatem, gaue power ouer euery thing in the Churches, the Kinge made aunsweare, that the Pope had declared his consente to it by his letters. Yea and the Bishops not satisfied with the Kings so saiyng, required a sight of the Popes letters: which the King shew­ed vnto them out of hād. The Pope also him self being pre­sent, licensed the Bishops to examine his own matter. And a litle after: Affectu purgationis suae culmen humiliat. For desire of purging himself he hūbleth his high authority or dignity. Yet M. Horne addeth: the Synode presumed not to decree any thing without the Kings knowledge. Yf they had saied they ought not, then had ye said somwhat. But presume not, and may not, are two things farre a sonder. Though yet in one sense in dede they might not, nor ought not to haue proce­ded with the Kings consent, or without, against the Pope, who hath no Iudge in this world but God only: Neither cā he be iudged by his inferiours.Nec ali­quid ad se praeter re­uerentiā de Ecclesi­asticis ne­gotijs pertinere. pa. 1007. col. 2 And so these Bishops told the King to his face. And finally the King referreth the whole mater to the Synode, and plainly protesteth, that it was the Coūcels part to prescribe what ought to be done in so weighty a mater. As for mee (saith the King) I haue nothing to doe with Ecclesiasticall maters, but to honour and reuerence them, I cōmit to you, to heare or not to heare this matter, as ye shall thinke it most profitable, so that the Christiās in the City of Rome, might [Page 162] be set in peace. And to this point, lo, is al M. Hornes suprema­cy driuen. The Bishops proceding to sentence, doe declare that Pope Symachus was not to be iudged by any man: nei­ther bound to answere his accusers, but to be committed to Gods iudgemēt. And the reason the Coūcel geueth. That it appertaineth not to the sheep, but to the pastour, Vnde secū ­dum prin­cipalia praecepta, quae nostrae hoc tribu­unt pote­stati, ei quicquid ecclesiasti­ci intra sacrā vrbem vel foris iuris est, reformamus totamque causam Dei iudi­tio reser­uantes, v­niuersos hortamur. &c. Pa. 1008. col. 2. to foresee and prouide for the snares of the wolfe. And thē follow the words that you reherse, which are no iudicial sentence, but only a declaration that he should be taken for the true Bishop as before. But to medle with the cause, and to discusse it iudici­ally, they would not, because as they said, by the Canōs thei could not. And therefore immediatly in the same sentence, that ye haue in such hast brokē of in the midle, it followeth: We doe reserue the whole cause to the iudgemente of God.

Sette this to the former parte by you recited, being a parcell of the sayed sentence, as ye must needes doe, and then haue ye sponne a faire threade: your selfe prouing that thing, whiche of all things yee and your fellowes de­nye. That is, that the Pope can be iudged of no man. And so haue ye nowe made him the Supreame Heade of the whole Churche: and haue geauen your selfe suche a fowle fall, that all the worlde will lawghe you to scorne, to see you finde faulte with this Councell, as mangled and confusedlye sette foorth, whiche so plainelye and pithelye confoundeth to your greate shame and confusion, all that euer yee haue broughte, or shall in this booke bringe a­gainste the Popes Primacye. So also it well appeareth, that if there were in the worlde nothing else to be plea­ded vppon but your owne Councell and sentence, by you here mangled and confusedly alleged, M. Fekenham might vpon very good ground refuse the othe: and ye be cōpelled [Page] also, if not to take the othe for the Popes Primacy, being of so squemish a conscience, yet not to refuse his authority by your owne Author and text so plainely auouched.

M. Horne. The .62. Diuision pag. 36. a.

As it is and shall be most manifestly proued and testified by the oecumeni­call or generall Councels, vvherin the order of Ecclesiasticall gouernment in Christes Church hath ben most faithfully declared, and shevved from time to time (as your self affirme) that such like gouernment as the Quenes Maie­stie doth claime and take vppon her in Ecclesiasticall causes vvas practi­sed (.169.) The .169. Vntruth. Such like gouerne­mente vvas ne­uer pra­ctised by any Ca­tholique Empe­rour. continually by the Emperours: and approued, praised; and high­ly commended by (.170.) The .170. Vntruth. Not by one good Bishop, or godlye Father. thousands of the best Bisshoppes and most godly fa­thers that haue bene in Christes Churche from time to time: euen so shall I prooue by your ovvne booke of Generall Councels (.171) The .171. vntruthe Slaunde­rouse. mangled, maimed, and set foorth by Papish Donatistes them selues, and other such like Church vvriters, that this kinde, and such like gouernment, as the Quenes Maie­stie doth vse in Church causes, vvas by continuall practise, not in some one onely Church or parte of Christendome (vvhereof you craue proufe, as though not possible to be shevved) but in the notablest Kingdomes of al Christendome, as (.172.) The .172. Vntruth. Neither in Fraūce nor in Spaine shall you euer shevv it. Fraunce and Spaine, put in vre: vvherby your vvil­full and malicious ignoraunce shalbe made so plain, that it shalbe palpable to them vvhose eyes ye haue so bleared, that they cannot see the truth.

The .17. Chapter of Clodoueus, Childebert, Theodobert, and Gunthranus, Kings of Fraunce.

Stapleton.

MAister Horne nowe taketh his iourney from Rome and the East Churche (where he hath made his a­bode a greate while) to Fraunce and to Spaine: hoping there to find out his newe founde Supreamacye. [Page 163] Yea he saieth: He hath and will proue it by thowsandes of the beste Bisshops. Vndoudtedly, as he hath already founde it out by the .318. Bisshops at Nice, by the 200. bisshops at Ephe­sus, and by the 630. bishops at Chalcedo: (who stande eche one in open fielde against him) so wil he finde it in Fraūce and in Spayn also. If he had said he would haue found it in the new founde landes beyonde Spayn among the infidels there, that in dede had ben a mete place for his new founde Supremacy. Verily in any Christened coūtre by hī yet na­med or to be named in this booke, he neither hath nor shall find any one Coūcel or bishop, Prince or Prouīce, to agnise or witnesse this absolute Supremacy that M. Horn so depe­ly dreameth of. And that let the Cōference of both our la­bours trie: M. Hornes answer, and this Reply: As also who hath bleared the Readers eyes, M. Horne, or Maister Fe­kenham.

M. Horne. The 63. Diuision. pag. 36. b.

Clodoueus about this time the first Christian King of Fraunce, bapti­zed by Remigius, and taught the Christian faith: perceyuing that through the troublesome times of vvarres, the Church discipline had bene neglected and much corruption crepte in, doth for reformacion hereof call a nationall councel or Synode at Aurelia, and commaundeth the bisshoppes to assemble there together, to consult of such necessary matters as vvere fit, and as he de­liuered vnto them to consulte of. The Bisshoppes doe according as the Kinge (.173.) The .173. vntruth. The Bis­shoppes were not so at the Kings cō ­maunde­ment as M. Horne fancieth. commaundeth, they assemble, they commende the Kings zeale, and great care for the Catholique faith, and Religion, they conclude according to the Kings minde, and doth (.174.) The 174. vntruth. Notori­ous, as shal ap­peare. referre their decrees to the iudgement of the King, vvhome they confesse to haue (.175.) The 175. vntruth. For not in appro­uing do­ctrin, as M Horne here craftly vvuld inferre. the superiority, to be appro­ued by his assent. Clodoueus also called a Synode named Conciliū Ca­biloneum, and commaunded the bisshops to consider if any thing vvere amisse in the discipline of the Church, and to consulte for the reformation thereof: and this (saith the bisshops) he did of zeale to Religiō and true faith.

Other fovver Synodes vvere summoned aftervvarde in the same City at [Page] sondry tymes, by the commaundement of the King, named Childebert, mo­ued of the loue and care,As Clo­doueus and Chil­debert here, so Charles the Frēch King that novv li­ueth cal­led a Sy­nod at Poyssy by Paris of late yers. And yet is he not of his sub­iects takē for the supreme Gouernor in al causes Ecclesia­stical. Aurelia 1. Tom. 1. Conc. pa. 1046. a. Turonense 2. Can. 22 he had for the holy faith, and furtheraunce of Chri­stian Religion, to the same effect and purpose that the first vvas sommoned for.

This King Childebert, caused a Synode of Bishoppes to assemble at Pa­rys, and commaunded them to take order for the reformation of that Church, and also to declare vvhom they thought to be a prouident Pastour, to take the care ouer the Lords flock, the Bisshop Saphoracus, being deposed for his iust demerites.

Stapleton.

M. Horne so telleth his tale here, as yf this King Clodo­ueus had had the Bisshops at his commaundement to kepe Councels and conuocations at his pleasure: yea and that they referred their Decrees to his iudgement. But now so it is in dede, that neither the Prince proceded herein by way of meare commaundememente, neither the bisshoppes re­ferred to him any such Iudgement ouer their determina­ted Sentence. For proufe of the first: both the Bisshoppes in this very Councel at Orleans doe say to the Kinge, that they haue deliberated vpon these matters secundùm vestrae voluntatis consultationem according to the cōsultation kept by your wil, and the Bisshoppes of an other Councell hol­den after this at Toures in Fraunce also doe say of this Sy­node, quam inuictissimus Rex Clodoueus fieri supplicauit, which the mighty King Clodoueus made sute to be called. But because as the lawiers do note, the wil of a Prince, and the wil of a father, doe not differ from their commaunde­ment, therefore that Councel which the King by suite and supplication obtayned to be called,Aurelian. 1. in prin­cipio. is yet termed to be done praecepto & iussione, by commaundement of the Bisshoppes themselues at the Councell. For proufe of the seconde, I [Page 164] bring you the woordes of the Councel, which you in tel­ling your tale, thought good to leaue out. The bishoppes doe say vnto the Prince. Definitione respondimus &c. Ibidem. We haue by determining answered to the intent, that yf those thīgs which we haue decreed, be approued right also by your Iudge­ment, the Sentence of so many bisshoppes, may confirme and strenghthen the Authority of such a consent, as of the Kinge and greate Stuarde to be obserued. In which wordes they re­ferre not the Definition to his Iudgement, but doe shewe that yf his consent doe concurre, then his Authority is con­firmed by the verdite of Bisshops so great and so manye.

But ye say they confesse him to haue the superiority: And those wordes ye couche craftely among the rest,To. 1. cōci. pa. 1046. col. 1. M. Horne to proue his supre­macy al­leageth a bishop deposed for lesse fornica­tiō then him selfe vseth. Vide Tom. 2. Concil. pag. 149. col 1. & Conc. Au­rel. 5. can. 4. pag. 1. to make your Reader thinke, that the King had the Superiority in approuing doctrine. But this is an vntruth. They cal hī in dede Regem, ac Dominum maiorem, their Kinge or greate Stuard. Which is in respecte of temporal things, and of his world­ly principality, not of any Superiority in allowing or disal­lowing their Synodical decrees. And I praye you good Sir, was Saphoracus deposed by the Kinge, or by the Bishops? and was he as you say deposed for his iuste demerits? It had bene wel done to haue tolde vs, why he deserued to be deposed. But I suppose either ye know yt not, or else ye wil not be knowen thereof lyke a wyly shrewe. Forsurelye as farre as I can gather, yt was for that, he being a Bisshoppe vsed the company of his wyfe which he maried before he was prieste, contrarye to the olde canons, and a late order taken in the Councell at Orlyans . Yf it be so, in what case be you with your madge: pretending her to be your lawfull wyfe, yea and that after your takinge of holye orders.

M. Horne. The .64. Diuision. pag. 37. a.

A Princes charge. Theodobertus Kinge of Fraunce, calleth a Synode at Auerna in Fraunce, for the restoring and establishing the Church discipline. Gunthra­nus the King, called a Synod, named Matisconēs .2. to refourme the Eccle­siastical discipline, and to cōfirm certein orders, and ceremonies in the Church, vvhich he declareth plainly in the Edict, that he setteth foorth for that pur­pose. VVherein he declareth his vigilant and studious carefulnes, to haue his people trained and brought vp, vnder the feare of God, in true Religion, and godly discipline, for othervvise (saith this Christian King) to whom God hath committed (.176.) The 176. vntruth. Crafy cō ­nayaūce as shal appeare. A bis­shops iu­risdictiō. this charge, shall not escape his ven­geaunce. He shevveth the bisshops that their office is to (.177.) The .177 vntruth. A parte of the Sē ­tence nipped quyt of, in the middest. teache, cō ­fort, exhort, to reproue, rebuke, ond correct, by preaching the vvorde of God. He commaundeth the elders of the Church, and also others of authority, in the common vveale, to iudge and punish, that they assiste the bisshops, and sharpely punishe by bodely punishement, such as vvil not amende by the re­buke and correction of the vvorde, and Church discipline. And concludeth, that he hath caused the Decrees in the Councel, touching discipline, and cer­tein ceremonies to be defined, the vvhich he doth publishe and cōfirme, by the authority of this Edict.

Stapleton.

We haue nowe two Kings more of Fraunce: But in both these to proue your purpose, you haue nothing. King Gū ­tranus himself confesseth in the place by you alleaged: that God hath committed to the Priests the office of a fatherly autho­ritye:Tom. 2. Concil. fol. 179. And sheweth to what ende the Princes medle withe matters of religion. that is, that the sworde may amende such persons as the preachers worde can not amende. And yt is wor­thy to be considered, that among other decrees that this Councel made, and the King confirmed, yt was ordayned, that the Laye man where so euer he mette a priest should shewe him reuerence and honour.Conc. Matiscon. 2. can. 15. And in case the Prieste wente a fote and the Laye man ridde, the Laye mā should a light, and so reuerence him, as now the Christians are cō ­pelled [Page 165] to doe in Turkey to the Turks. And so I trowe this Councel maketh not al together for your purpose and sup­posed Primacy. Only it maketh to encreace the nombre of your vntruthes. For wheras you first talke of the Princes vigilant and studiouse carefulnes, to see the people brought vppe in true religion and godly discipline, you adde as the Princes woordes. Otherwise I, to whome God hath commit­ted this charge, shall not escape his vengeaunce. In making the Prince to saye, this charge, you woulde make your Reader thinke, the Prince acknowledged a Charge ouer true Re­ligion &c. And therefore you put in the margin, to beutifie your booke withal, A princes charge. But the Prince spea­keth of no such charge, as shall anone appeare. And when you adde to this, that the Prince shewed the bisshoppes, that their office is to teache, &c. there you leaue out, absque nostrae admonitione, without our admonishment, by which appea­reth, the Bishops knew their office, though the Prince held his peace: and that it depended not of the Princes supreme gouernment, as you would haue folcke to think. These cou­ple of vntruthes shal now euidently appeare by the whole wordes of the King, as they were in order by him vttered, which you haue confusely set out, putting the later parte before the first, and the first laste, adding in one place, and nipping in an other, thus to blinde and bleare your Readers eies, whome plainly you ought to instruct. For these are the wordes of Kinge Guntranus to the bishops of Mascon.Matiscon. 2. Tom. 2. Conc. pag. 179. Al­thoughe without our admonition, to you (holy bisshops) specially belongeth the matter of preaching, yet we thinke verily you are partakeners of other mens sinnes, if you correct not with dailye rebuking the faultes of your children, but passe them ouer in si­lence. For neither we, to whom God hath committed the king­dome, [Page] can escape his vengeaunce yf we be not hofull of the peo­ple subiect vnto vs. In these wordes orderly laied out as the Kinge spake them, thou seest gentle Reader, first that the King talketh not of this charge, Platina. as M. Horn vntruly repor­teth him, meaning a charge ouer religion, for the King ex­pressely speaketh of the charge of his kingdome: declaring, that as he, for negligence in his charge, so the bisshoppes for negligence in their charge, shal both increase the wrath of God. Also that without his admonition (which woordes M. Horne nipped quyte of in the middest) the bisshop hath to preache, to rebuke, to punish and correct the transgressours of Gods lawe. Such patched proufes M. Horne bringeth to pricke vp the poppet of his straunge fantastical primacye.

M. Horne. The .65. Diuision. pag. 37. b.

After the death of Anastasius thēperor, Iustinꝰ reigned alone a right ca­tholike Prince, vvho immediatly sent messengers vnto the bishop of Rome, who should both cōfirm the autority of the sea, ād also shuld prouide peace for al churches, so much as might be, with which doings of thēperor, Hormisda the bishop of Rome, be­ing moued, sent vnto thēperour, with cōsent of Theodoricus, Legats (178) The 178. vntruth. A parte of the Sē ­tence brokē of preiudicial. The pope is the kinges Ambassa­dour. the popes humble sute to thēperor, (179.) for the Ariā heretiks. The 179. vntruthe slaunde­rous. Martinus Penitentiarius telleth the cause of this legacy vvas, to entreate thēperor to restore those bishops, vvhich the vvicked Ana­stasius had deposed. This godly emperor Iustinus (saith Martin) did make a lavv, that the Churchs of the heretiks, should be cōsecrated to the Catholik religiō, but this Decree vvas made in Iohn the next Popes daies. The vvhich e­dict vvhē the King Theodoriche, being an Arian (saith the same Martin) and King of Italy, herd, he sent Pope Iohn (saith Sabellicus) vvith others in embassage vnto thēperor, to purchase liberty for the Ariās. Iustinus recei­ued these Ambassadours honorably, saith Platina, and thēperor at the lēgth ouercome vvith the humble suit of the Pope, vvhich vvas sauced vvith teares, graūted to hī and his associats, that the Arians shuld be restored, and suffred to liue after their orders. In this history, this is not vnvvorthy the noting, that the Pope did not only shevv his obedience and (180) The 180. vntruth. This fact proueth no subie­ction on the popes parte. subiectiō to the godly Emperor, but also that the secular Princes, ordeyned (181.) The .181. vntruth. The lavv of Iustinꝰ vvas no Ecclesia­stical law at al. Lavves ecclesiastical, vvith the vvhich the Pope could not dispēce. For al this busines arose about the [Page 166] decree, vvhich thēperor had made in an (182.) The 182. vntruth, as before. ecclesiastical cause or matter. If the Popes authority in these causes, had bene aboue the Emperours, he needed not vvith such lovvlynes, and so many tears to haue besought the Emperour to haue reuoked his decree and edict.

The 18. Chapter. Of Iustinus themperour, and Iohn the Pope.

Stapleton.

NOw hath M. Horn for this turne left Frāce, and is re­turned to thēperours again: but so that he had ben as good, to haue kept hī selfe in Frāce stil. For though he decketh his margēt with, the Pope is the Kings Ambassadour:M Horns confuse narratiō. and again. The Popes hūble sute for the Arriā heretiks (which yet is a stark lie as we shal anō declare) yet by that time the whole tale is told (wherof this mā maketh a cōfuse narratiō) neither he nor his cause shal winne any worship or honesty thereby. I wil therfore opē vnto you gētle reader the whole story, truly and faithfully, and that by his owne authors Pla­tina, Sabellicus, ād Martinꝰ. The sto­ry trulye and fully opened. This Anastasius was a wicked Emperor, as M. Horne here cōfesseth. And yet two leaues be­fore, he made a presidēt of his doīgs for deposing of bishops. He defended Iohn the patriarch of Cōstātinople a great heretik who by his assistāce most iniuriously ād spitefuly hād­led the Legats that Pope Hormisda sent to hī,Sabellic. Plat. in Homisd. 1. exhorting hī to forsake ād renoūce his heresy. The said heretik Emperor Anastasius sent answere by the Legats to Pope Hormisda, that it was thēperours part and office to cōmaūde, and not the Popes, and that he must also obey thēperor. Surely a fair exāple for your new supremacy. After the death of this Anastasius strikē with lightnīg frō heauē for his wiked heresy ād As Pla­tina vvel noteth. Qui Apo­stolicae se­di debitā venera­tionē etc. Sa [...]e [...]. en. 8 li. 2. pag. 454. diso­bediēce succedeth this Iustin, a right Catholik prīce by M. Horns own words ād cōfesiō, who īcōtinētly sent to Rome his ambassadours, which should shew dew reuerēce of faith to the see Apostolike. Or as Platina in other woords writeth: [Page] qui sedis Apostolicae authoritatem confirmarent. That shoulde confirme the authority of the Apostolike See. And what was that I pray you M. Horne, but to confirme the Popes primacy,M. Horns ovvn story cōfir­meth the Popes Primacy. so litle set by before of the wicked Anastasius, and the heretical bisshop Iohn of Constantinople? And there­fore gramercye that forsakinge Fraunce ye haue browght vs euen to Constantinople, and to the Emperour there: sen­ding his ambassadour to Rome, to recognise the Popes most highe authority. Yow tel vs yet farder, that the Pope Hor­misda sent Legates to Iustinus. And there you breake of so­dēly. But what folowed? Forsoth immediatly it foloweth in the very same sentēce:Platina in Hor­misda. 1. which Iustinus receiued honorably the Popes Legats sendīg forthe to mete thē, the more to honour thē a great multitude of Mōks and of other Catholik ād worshipful mē, the whole clergy of Cōstātinople, and Iohn their bisshop cō ­gratulating also. At whose coming, the Emperour thrust out of the City and the Churches, the schismatikes called Aca­tiās (of their Author Acatius) whome Pope Felix had excō ­municated. Nowe goe forth, Gods blessing of your heart, God send vs many moe such aduersaries: And to say the truth, M. Iewel and your fellowes are not much worse to vs. But yet goe forward, for I hope we shal be more deaply bound to this good Catholike Emperour anon: and to you to, for bringing to our hād without our farder traiuail, such good and effectual matter for the Popes superiority. This godly Emperor made a law, say you, that the Churches of here­tiks should be cōsecrated to the Catholik Religiō. What did he M. Horn? Happy are ye, that he is fair dead and buried ma­ny years agoe, for feare lest if he were now liuing, your tē ­ples ād synagogs would be shortly shut vp, as they are nowe in Antwerpe, and in al Flanders here, God be praised. But [Page 167] who telleth this? Forsoth say you Martinꝰ Poenitētiarius. But lo, how wisely this tale is told, as though both Sabellicus ād Platina the Authors of your narratiō did not write the like. King Theodoricke tooke not in good parte, but euē to the very harte, these doings of Iustine. And why M. Horne:M. Horne calleth Theodo­rike now an Arriā, vvhiche before he calleth most ho­nor [...]ble. Because (as ye say now like a true mā) he was an Arriā. Say ye so M. Horne? Doth the winde wagge on that side now? For Theodoricus was, not two leaues before, The most ho­nourable King Theodoriche, and the Supreame Head of the Church of Rome to. But who saith M. Horne, that he was an Arrian? Forsoth say ye, Martin: and forsoth say I, the matter is ones againe fitly and clerkly handeled. For not onely Martin, but Platina and Sabellicus, from whome ye fetche your storie, write it also. This Theodorike sendeth his Ambassadours to Iustine, yea he sendeth Pope Iohn him selfe, who with most humble suite sauced (as you write) with teares, entreateth the Emperour, that the Churches might be restored to the Arrians. The Pope was then belike an Arrian him selfe. Surely the simple Reader, can gather none other thing by you, especially the same being dasshed in the margent to. Ye haue not done well to tell half the tale, and to tell it so suspitiouslye.VVhat the Popes [...]uit vvas to [...]usti­nus the Emperor The cause then of his earnest suite was, that otherwise Theodorike threatened, to shutte vppe all the Catholique Churches in Italie, and vnder his dominion. Yea your Author Martinus writeth, that he menaced to kill all the Catholikes in Italy: whome he calleth Christianos. This was the cause of his ernest suite, not for the fauour he bore to the Arriās, but for the fauour he bore to the Catholiques and their Churches. Iustinus receiued those Ambassadours, as you truly say, honorably. And as Sabellicus writeth, the Emperour was not onelye [Page] crowned of Pope Iohn, but at his first cōming most humbly and reuerētly fel at his feet before him and honoured him. But Iustinus did not so honorably entertaine him at Con­stantinople,Excepit Iustinus pontificem vententem multa ve­neratione, dimissus (que) ad eius pe­des adora­uit. but Theodorike at his returne did deale with him as homly, casting hī into prison at Rauēna, where what for hunger, what for lothsome filthines of the prison, short­ly after he died a Martyr. About which time or a litle after, he slew the honorable Senatours, Symachus and Boetius. Whiche thing al your three Historiographers doe write. Where ye wil vs to note that, not onely the Pope shewed his obediēce and subiectiō to the godly Emperor, but also that the se­cular Princes ordeined lawes ecclesiastical, &c. Your double note wil proue but a double vntruthe. For the Pope in this supplicatiō obeied not the godly Emperour Iustine, but the Arrian King Theodorike: Neither was it obedience of du­tie,Martinus Pol. col. 98 Plat. in Ioan. 1. Niceph. lib. 17. cap. 9. but a submission of charitie: partly to qualifie the furie of the Arrian tyrant, partely to saue harmelesse the whole nūber of Catholikes in Italy, which by th'Emperours edict should cōsequently haue ben destroyed. Againe this decree of Iustine was no ecclesiasticall mater, cōcerning any alte­ration of religion, any deposing of Bishoppes, any order of Church discipline or such like, but ōly a decree for banishīg of Arrian heretikes, and of ouerthrowing their Synagogs: which maner of decree being of denoūced heretiks, belon­geth properly to the ciuile Magistrate, and is an external or tēporal mater, no spirituall or ecclesiasticall cause, namely such as we ioyne issue with you. King Phillip hath banished heretikes out of this land and hath cōmaunded their Syn [...] ­gogues to be ouerthrowen. But he is not therfore taken for Supreme gouernour in al causes, or in any cause ecclesiasti­cal: Neither do or euer did his subiects swere to any suche Title.

M. Horne. The .66. Diuision. pag. 38. a.

VVithin a vvhile after this [...]hon, vvas Agapetus Pope, vvhome The­odatus the King, sent on his Ambassage vnto the Emperour Iustinianus, to make a suit or treaty in his behalfe. VVhen the Emperour had enterteined this Ambassadour vvith much honour, and graunted that he came for, tou­ching Theodatus, he earnestly both vvith faire vvordes and soule, assailed this Pope, to bring him to become an Eutychian: the vvhich vvhen he could not vvinne at his handes, being delighted vvith his free speache and con­stancy, he so liked him, that he foorthvvith (.183.) The .183. Vntruth. For Pope Agapetus deposed Anthy­mus and placed Menna in his room not iusti­nian. deposed Anthemius bisshop of Constantinople, bycause he vvas an Eutychian, and placed Men­na a Catholike man, in his roume. Agapetus died in his legacy, in vvhose roume vvas Syluerius made Pope, by the meanes, or rather, as Sabellicus saieth, by the commaundemente of the Kynge Theodatus, the which vntil this time, was wōt to be done by the authority of the Emperours (saith Sabellicus) for the reuenge whereof Iusti­nianus was kyndled to make warres against Theodatus. Syl­uerius vvas shortly after quarrelled vvithal by the Emp [...]resse, through the meanes of Vigilius, vvho sought to be in his roome, and vvas by the Empe­rours (184) The .184. Vntruth. By vio­lence ba­nished, not by authorite deposed. authority deposed. The vvhich act although it vver altogether vn­iust, yet it declareth the autority that the Prince had ouer the Pope: vvho like a good Bisshop, as he vvould not for any threates do contrary to his cōscience and office: so like an (185) The .185. Vntruth. Ridicu­louse. obediēt subiect, he acknovvleged the Princes au­thority: being sent for, came: being accused, vvas ready vvith hūblenes to haue excused and purged him self: and vvhan he could not be admitted thervnto, he suffred him selfe (186) The .186. Vntruth. As shall appeare. obediētly to be spoiled of the Bissoplike apparaile, to be displaced out of his office, and to be clothed in a Monasticall garement.

The same measure that Vigilius did giue vnto Syluerius, he himselfe being Pope in his place, receiued shortly after, vvith an augmentation, for he vvas in like sorte vvithin a vvhile (187) The 187. Vntruth. By vio­lence he vvas ba­nished, not by autority deposed. See oure Returne. Art 3. pag. 77. deposed by the Emperours au­thority, bicause he vvould not kepe the promise vvhich he had made vnto the Emperesse, and vvas in most cruell vvise dealt vvith all: vvhich cruel­ty vvas the rather shevved to him by the meanes and procurement (as Sa­bellicus noteth) of Pelagius, vvhom Vigilius had placed to be his Suf­fragan in his absence.

The .19. Chapter. Of Iustinian the Emperour, and diuerse Popes and Bisshoppes vnder him.

Stapleton.

ALL this standeth in two pointes. First, that an other Pope, Agapetus by name, was againe sent in Ambas­sage of Theodatus the King. But this (as Liberatꝰ wri­teth) was a tyrannical force,Libera [...]us cap. 21. made bothe to the Pope, and to the whole Senat of Rome. These Arrian and barbarouse Gothian Kings are no fit examples of gouernmente due to godly Catholik Princes. And their vtter destructiō folowed immediatly after, vnder Belisarius Iustinians Captain. Such blessed presidents M. Horne hath foūd out, to build his ima­gined Supremacy vpon. The next point is, in the deposing of two Popes by the Emperour Iustinian, wherin we nede by so much the lesse to enlarge our aunsweare, for that M. Horne freely and franckly of him selfe confesseth that they were vniustly deposed. Againe, that you say, the Pope suffe­red him self obediently to be spoiled &c. If your tale wer true, that were you know,Tom. 2. Conc. in vitae Sil­uerij. Pla­tina in Sil­uerio. Li­ratus. c. 22 but an homly obedience: but now he suffred not that spoile as you imagine, obediently: but was brought to that point by a very craft and traine, as in Plati­na and Liberatꝰ it may be sene. This therfore may passe for an other of M. Horns vntruths. So hard it is for such Prote­stāt Prelats to tel a true tale. With the like truth you write, that the Pope like an obediēt subiect, acknowleged the Princes autority. And why? Because forsoth he suffred himself to be cloistred vp by force of Belisarius (or rather his wife) the Emperours Captain. If such patience parforce proue a sub­iection, then is the true man an obediente subiecte also to the theefe, when he yeldeth him vppe his purse in the high waie to saue his lyfe.

[Page 169]But we say if there had bene iuste cause to depose them: yet neither themperour, nor the Councel could lawfully haue deposed them. And because good Reader,If ye will see more of these tvvo Po­pes, se the cōfutatiō of the A­pologie. Act. 1. Cō ­stāt. 5. syn. to. 2. Con. p. 71. c. 2. b. Definite sāctissimi ipū alienū esse, & nu­dū ab ōni epis. dign. at (que) effi­cacia. Ibid. p. 67. col. 2. a. Agapetus Anthimū cōdēnauit [...]t oī dign. sacerd. & officio nu­dauitet oī episcopat. & ortho­doxonoīe. Iustin. in authent. in constit. cōt. Anth. Vide 5. Synodū Cōst. Act. 1. pa. 67. col. 1. b. Et Liber. c. 21. To. 2. Conci in vita Vigilij. Li­beratus. Cap. 22. thou shalt haue a shorte and a ready proufe, and that framed to thy hand already by M. Horne, I remit thee to the fourth Ro­man Councell, wherevpon M. Horne lately pleaded, and to the very same sentence that M. Horne did him selfe al­leage. But yet by the way I must score vp as an vntruth, that Iustinian deposed Anthimus. For it was not Iustiniā, but Pope Agapetus that gaue sentēce of depositiō against hī: nor he was not deposed at that time, but before. In dede Iustiniā executed the sentence, and thrust him out of Con­stātinople, and banished him, though thempresse toke part with him. For fiirst we find, that Agapetus was desired by a supplicatiō of diuers of the East, to depose him. We haue also in the actes of the .5. generall Councel declared, that Agapetus did depose him. In case these testimonies wyll not serue, ye shal heare Iustinian him selfe, that shal tel you that it was not he, but Agapetus that deposed Anthimus. Quēadmodum nuper factū esse scimus circa Anthymū, qui qui­dē deiectus est de sede huins vrbis à sancto & gloriosae memoriae Agapeto sanctiss Rom. Ecclesiae pontifice. Euen, saith Iustinian, as we knowe it happened of late to Anthimus, who was displaced from the see of this imperial citie by Agapetus of holy and gloriouse memorye, bishop of the holy Churche of Rome. Neither was Vigilius deposed by the Emperous au­thoritye, as M, Horne fableth, but for not yelding to the Eutychian Emperesse, Iustinians wife, he was by a trayne brought to Constantinople and so banished. And all this was done rather by the wicked Emperesse, then by Iustini­ā: who (as Liberatus writeth) restored again both Siluerius [Page] (thoughe by the meanes of Belisarius he was caried awaye againe into banishment) and Vigilius also, though he dyed by the way in Sicilia.This Emperesse was ā Eutychian hereti [...]e. Such ex­āples ōly make for M. Horne

M. Horne. The .67. Diuision . pag. 38. b.

About this time, Epiphanius Bisshop of Constantinople, as Libera­tus, sayih, died, in vvhose roune the Empresse placed Anthymus. About vvhich time, vvas great strife betvvene Gaianus and Theodosius, for the bisshopricke of Alexandria, and vvithin tvvo monethes, sayth Libera­tus, the Empresse Theodora sent Narses a noble man, to enstall Theo­dosius, and to banissh Gaianus: Theodosius being banisshed, the sea vvas vacant: vvhervnto Paulus (vvho came to Constantinople to plead his cause before the Emperour, against certaine stubborne monkes) vvas appoin­ted, and he receiued, sayth Liberatus, (.188.) The .188. vntruth. The wor­des of Li­beratus fouly malmed in the mid­dest. authority of the Em­peroure, to remoue heretiques, and to ordeine in their places men of right faith. This Paulus vvas shortly after accused of murther, vvhervpon the Emperour sent Pelagius the Popes proctour, lying at Con­stantinople, ioyning vnto him certaine other bissops (.189.) The .189. Vntruth not with cōmissiō, but to do it by their meanes, vvithout vvhome (by order of the ca­nons) he could neuer haue done it. vvith commission to depose Paulus from the bissoplike office, vvhich they did: and they or­dered for him Zoilus, whome afterward the Emperour depo­sed, and ordered Apollo, who is nowe the Bisshop of Alexan­dria (sayth Liberatus). Certaine Monkes mette vvith Pelagius in his re­tourne from Gaza (vvher Paulus vvas deposed) tovvards Constantinople, bringyng certaine articles, gathered out of Origenes vvorkes, minding to make suyte vnto the Emperour, that both Origen and those articles, might be condemned, vvhom Pelagius for malice he bare to. Theodorus bisshop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, an earnest fautor of Origen, did further all that he might. Pelagius therfore doth earnestly entreat themperour, that h [...] vvold cōmaund that to be dō vvhich the Monks sued for: to vvit, that Origē vvith those articles should be dāned. The vvhich suit themperour graūted. being glad (.190.) The .190. Vntruth. False trā ­slation. Gaudēs se &c. Beīg gladde, that him selfe gaue iudgemēt &c. The Author thereby, noteth the Em­perours ambiti­ousnes. to geue iudgmēt vpō such matters, and so by his commandmēt, the sentēce of the great curse against Origē, and those articles vvere dravvē foorth in vvriting and subscribed vvith their hands, and so sent to Vigilius the bisshop of Rome, to Zoilus bissop of Alexādria, Euphe­mius of Antioche, ād Peter bisshop of Hierusalē. These Bishops recei­uing this sentēce of the curse (.191.) ꝓnoūced by themperours [Page 170] cōmaundmēt, and subscribing thervnto: Origen was condēned being dead, who before long agoe on liue was condemned.

Stapleton.

Here is a myngle mangle I can not tel wherof, and a tale tolde of a tubbe, for any reason or certaine scope that I see in it. Here haue we nowe, that themperours wife placeth and setteth in bishoppes to. For it was Theodora the Euty­chian Emperesse that placed and displaced the bishops here named: sauynge Paulus whiche was made by Pelagius the Popes Legate at Constantinople:The .191. Vntruth, These vvordes pronoūced by the Emperors cō ­mādemēt, are not in Liberatus Lib. c. 20. &. 23 Accepit abimpera. potestatē super ordinationem Ducū ac tribunorū vt remoue ret haereticos, & pro eis ortho­doxos or­dinaret. Lib. c. 23. whych thyng M. Horne concealeth. But I meruaile by what warrant that Empresse did al this. I dare say not by M. Knoxes and his fellowes, of whom I haue spoken. And what bishop, think you, that she setteth in? No better surely then her selfe: that is, Anthimus the captaine of the heretikes of that time. But this geare goeth handsomly in and out, all thyngs I warrante yow in dewe order and proportion: euen in as good, as the matter is good it selfe. For nowe M. Horne, after he hath declared, that Anthimus was deposed from his bishoprike, is retour­ned to shewe howe he was first ordered and made bishop. We haue then a tale tolde, to no purpose in the worlde, of Paulus the bishop and a murtherer, deposed, and well and orderly to, I trowe by Pelagius the Popes proctour, and so howe M. Horne frameth his primacy hereof, God woteth, I wotte not in all the world. For as for Iustinians commis­sion to depose bishops, if M. Horne meane of such as Kyng Edward gaue in England of late, it is M. Hornes commis­sion and not Iustinians. Neither hath hys author any suche thing. But only that themperour gaue the bishop authority, to appoint Captaines and other of the Emperours officers, to helpe forward the execution. Nay saieth M. Horne, the [Page] wurste is behind. For Iustinian thēperour gaue his iudge­mente vppon Origenes and cursed him to. Here in dede somwhat might haue bene sayde sauing that we haue sayd somwhat alredie of suche manner of cursing, and sauinge that M. Horne of hys great curtesie hath eased vs, ād hath made (I trowe againste hys will, but nothing against hys skill) a full answere for vs: saying that Origenes was long before this tyme, yea yet lyvinge condemned. Thē was there here no newe sentēce or determinatiō made by Iustinian, but a confirmation of the olde: and no more matter of su­premacie, then yf a man shoulde beshrewe Luthers cur­sed harte for his newe broched heresies, and curse them and him to: hys heresies being manie hundred yeares be­fore condēned, ād cursed by many a good vertuous clerke, and by many general and other Coūcels to Neither did Iustiniā geue any sentēce of curse against Origen him self,Cap. 23. but as Liberatꝰ saith; at his cōmaundemēt or procurīg the chief Patriarchs, of Rome, of Alexādria, of Antioch, ād of Hieru­salē did it and so by the ordinary Iudges in this case, not by the Emperours only or absolut commandemēt he was cō ­demned. And we find in the acts of the .5. generall Coū ­cell,Action. 4. Cō. 5. Cō ­stā. ca 11. Origen condemned with Arius, Macedonius, Euthy­ches and other.

M. Horne. The .68. Diuision. pag. 3 [...]. a.

VVhen Theodorus bisshop, of Caesarea in Cappadocia heard of this condemnation, to be reuenged he laboured earnestly vvith the Emperour, to condemne Theodorus Mopsuestenus a famous aduersary of Origen, the vvhich he brought to passe by ouermuch fraude, abusing the Emperour to the great slaunder and offence of the Church. Thus in all these Ecclesiasticall causes, it appereth the Emperor had the (.192). The .192. vntruth. The bis­shops not the Em­perour had the chief in­termed­li [...]g, as it hath well appeared. chief entermedling, vvho al­though at the last vvas beguyled by the false bisshops: yet it is vvorthy the noting by vvhom this offence in the Church came, vvhich appeareth by that, [Page 171] that follovveth: I beleeue that this is manifest to al men (saith Liberatus) that this offence entred into the Church by Pelagius the Deacō, and Theodorus the Bisshop, the which euē Theo­dorus him selfe, did openly publishe with clamours: crying, that he and Pelagius were woorthy to be brente quicke, by whome this offence entred into the worlde.

Stapleton.

M. Horne nowe will bringe vs a prety conclusion and prove vs, because bishopes be at dissention and abuse the Prince assisting nowe the one parte, nowe the other that the prince is supreame head.Euil suc­cesse [...], o [...] princes ī ­ [...]ermed­ling ī causes eccle­siasticall. Whereof will rather very well followe this conclusion. Experience sheweth that princes the more they intermedled in causes of religiō, the more they troubled the Churche, the more they were thē selues abused, and also misused others: Therefore prīces a­re no mete persons to be supreme heads in such causes. Examples hereof are plenty.

Constantin the great persuaded by the Donatistes most importunat suyt,August. Epist. 166. waded so farre ouer the borders of his owne vocatiō, that (as S. Augustin writeth) à sanctis anti­stibus veniam erat petiturus, Tripar. l. 3. c. 8. &. 12. it came to the point he should aske pardon of the holy bishops. The same Emperour by the suit of the Arrians medled so far with bishops matters, that he banished the most innocent, most godly, and most lerned bishop Athanasius: whereof in his deathebed he re­pented, willing him by testament to be restored.

Theodosius the first,Niceph. li. 12. c. 24. persuaded with the smothe toung of Flauianus the vnlawful and periured bishop of Antioch did take his parte wrongefully against the west bisshops and the greatest parte of Christēdom: wwhereof we haue before spoken.

[Page]Theodosius the seconde, defended the Ephesine con­uenticle against Pope Leo, seduced by Dioscorus and Eu­tyches,Cō. Chalc. Act. 1. & 10. or rather abused by one of his priuy chamber Chry­saphius an Eunuche: and wynked at the m [...]dering of holy Flauianus, whome the Chalcedon Coun [...]ll calleth Mar­tyr.

Lib. ca. 18.Zenon the Emperour deceyued by Acatius of Constā ­tinople, banished Iohn Talayda the Catholike patriarch of Alexandria, who appealed from the Emperoure to Pope Simplicius. And nowe in like maner this Emperour Iusti­nian while he was ouer busy in ecclesiastical matters, as one that toke great delight (so noteth Liberatus) to geue iudg­ment in such matters,Cap. 23. &. 24. Concil. Chalc. Act. 10. in fine. being deceiued by Theodorus of the secte of Acephali, condemned Theodorus Mopsuestenus and Ibas two most catholike bishops, and highly praysed in the Chalcedon Councel, wherof sprong vp in the Church a moste lamentable tragedye for the space of many yeares as all writers doe pitefully report.Niceph. lib. 17. ca. 29.30. & 31. This same Iustinian also banished the good bishop of Constantinople Eutychius for not suffering him to alter Religion. But he restored him a­gaine in his deathbed, as Constantine dyd Athanasius. He woulde haue banished also Anastasius an other Catholyke bishop of Antioche, because he would not yeld to his here­sy of Aphthartodocitae. Such examples ought rather to teach Princes not to intermedle with matters aboue their vocati­on (trulye as muche as the sowle passeth the body) then to geue them anye presidentes of supreame gouernemente, yea IN ALL CAVSES, as Mayster Horne and hys fellowes, as long as Princes fauour them woulde geue vn­to them.

M. Horne. The .69. Diuision. pag. 39. a.

[Page 172]This Pelagius as yet vvas but Suffragan or proctour for the Pope, vvho aftervvard in the absence of Pope Vigilius his maister, crepte into his See, in the middest of the broiles that Totylas King of the Gothes made in Ita­lye, vvhen also he came to Rome. In the vvhiche Historie is to be no­ted the Popes (.193.) The .193. Vntruth. This vvas no subie­ction in ecclesia­stical ma­ters, but Rome being then cōquered by Toty­las, Pela­gius vith­all the Ci­tie submi­ted them selues. subiection to Totylas, vvhome humblie on his knees he acknovvleaged, to be his Lorde, appointed thereto of God, and him selfe as all the reste to be his seruaunte. Note also hovve the King sent him Embassadoure, vvhat charge, and that by Othe, of his voyage, of his message, and of his returne, the King straight­lie gaue vnto him: hovve buxomelie in all these things he obeyed: Hovve last of all tovvard the Emperour (being commaunded by him to tell his mes­sage) he fell doune to his feet, and vvith teares bothe to him and to his Nobles, he ceased not to make moste lamentable and humble supplication, till vvithout speed, but not vvithout (.194.) The .194. Vntruth. Slaunde­rous as shall ap­peare. reproche, he had leaue to returne home. But least you should take these things, to sette foorthe that Princes had onely their iurisdiction ouer the Ecclesiasticall personnes, and that in matters Temporall, and not in causes Ecclesiasticall, marke vvhat is vvritten by the Historians. Platina amongest the Decrees of this Pope Pelagius, telleth (and the same vvitnesseth Sabellicu [...]) that Narses the Emperours other deputie, Ioyntelye with Pelagius did decree, that none by ambition shoulde be admitted to any of the holye Orders. Pelagius moreouer vvriteth vnto Narses, The .195. Vntruth. For the Decree of Narses vvas no ecclesiastical mater but an ex­ecutiō of the chur­che Ca­nōs made before. desi­ring him of his ayed against all the Bisshoppes of Liguria, Venetiae, and Histria, vvhich vvould not obey him, putting their aff [...]aunce in the autho­ritie of the first Councell of Constantinople. In vvhiche Epistle amongest other things he vvriteth on this vvise: Your honoure must remem­ber what God wrought by you at that time, when as Totyla the tyraunt possessing Histriam and Venetias: the Frenche also wasting all thinges, and you woulde not neuerthelesse This proueth naughte els but that (as Pelagius the firste hath or­deined) the sec [...] ­lar word helped, when the spiritua [...]l could not preuaile. suffer a Bis [...]hoppe of Myllaine to be made, vntill he had sente woorde from thence to the moste milde Prince (mea­ning the Emperour) and had reciued answere againe from him by writing what shoulde be done, and so bothe he that was or­deined Bisshoppe, and he that was to be ordeined, were brought to Rauenna at the appointment of your high autho­ritie. [Page] Not long after, Pelagius. 2. bycause he vvas chosen In [...]ussu Prin­cipis, without the Emperours comaundement, and could not send vnto him by reason the tovvne vvas beseged, and the huge risyng of the vva­ters stopped the passage: as soone as he might being elected Pope, he sent Gre­gory to craue the Em [...]erours pardone▪ and to obtaine his good vvill. For in those dayes (sayth Platina) the Clergie did nothing in the Popes election except the election had bene allovved by the Empe­rour.

Stapleton.

M. Horne telleth vs a tale after his olde wonte, that is without head or taile, to abuse his ignorant reader with a confuse heape of disordered and false wordes. Pelagius was sente by the Romans to King Totilas to entreat of peace, and that he would for a time ceasse from warre, and geue them truce. Saying that if in the meane whyle they had no succour,Sabellic. Aeneld. 8. lib. 4. they would yelde the citye of Rome to him. Pelagius coulde wynne none other answere at his hands, bu [...] that they should beate downe the walles, receiue his army, and stand to his curtesy and mercye. Totilas being afterward in possession of the City▪ cōcernīg pope Pe­lagius set Ambassa­dour to thempe­rour. and fearing warres frō the Emperour Iustinian, sent Pelagius to Iustinian, to tra­uaile with him for peace: sending him withall worde, that in case he would inuade Italye, he would destroye Rome, and plucke it downe faste to the ground. Totilas toke an othe of Pelagius and hys other ambassadours to doe hys message faythfullie, and to returne againe theyre ambassa­de exployted. Pelagius most pitefullye and withe manie teares layethe before Iustinian the miserable state and the vtter destructiō and desolation of Rome impedente, onlesse he woulde forbeare warre with Totilas: yea he ād hys fel­lowes fell vpon theire knees most humblye beseching him to haue compassiō of the citye. But in fyne Iustiniā would [Page 173] not relent. Wherevpon sone after their returne, Rome was set al on fier by Totylas, and no lyuing creature, man, wo­man, nor childe suffered there to inhabite. Prye nowe M. Horne and pycke out here what ye can to establishe your primacye: your folye is to open to be in this matter withe many words refuted. Here is no one matter Ecclesiastical, and that ye see wel inowghe: and therefore your selfe as faste as ye can wou [...]de steale away from yt, and proue your matter otherwise. But Sir ye shall not so steale awaye, but beside the note of extreme folye, to busie your selfe and your Readers with that, which your self can not deny, no­thing to towch spiritual matters, but that ye shal carry with you a lie or two. Els tel vs why you wil haue vs to note the Popes subiection to Totylas, Platina in Pelagio. 1. Sabell. Aenead. 8 lib. 4. seing that neither Pelagius was then Pope, Vigilius yet liuing at Cōstantinople, neither was he any other way subiect, then as to a Tyrant. For Totilas (who for his rage and crueltyes was called Flagellum Dei, the Scourge of God) at that tyme tooke Rome, and entred with the conquest. Pelagius did that homage to him, to ob­tayne mercy for his poore Cytyzens. And when Totylas seing him coming towarde him, said: What meaneth this ô Pe­lagius? comest thou to me as a suppliant? Pelagius answered, sayinge. Yea Sir I come to you, seing God hath made you my Lorde. But haue mercy, I beseche you, vpon [...]our seruaunts, haue mercy vpon the poore Captiue Cytie. And this lo was the sub­iection of Pelagius made to Totylas, which you wishe to be noted M. Horne, as though it made any thing for the Popes subiection in spiritual matters. Tel vs also whye ye write, that he departed with reproche. What reproche had he at Iustinians hand? Your authour Sabellicus sheweth of none. But see the mans folish wilynes. In dede Sabellicus writeth [Page] that Pelagius was noted as a fauorer of Anthimus: but then saith he withall, that Pelagius did detest it of all thinges to seme to fauour him. Wel, to supply this defect of his super­fluous liyng talk of Pelagiꝰ be brīgeth forth a decree against symony, made by Pelagius and Narses th'Emperors deputy. This is no mater of faith, M. Horne, no, nor no new decree of maners, but such as had bene decreed long before. And therefore but an execution of the old Canons: which Nar­ses might medle withal wel inoughe. There is then to make vp the mater yet ones againe a declaration concerning the interest of the Emperour in the election of Bishoppes and Popes too: wherevnto at this time we nede not greatly to say any thing: so much hath ben said hereof before.

M. Horne. The .70. Diuision. pag. 40. a.

About the time of Pelagius the first his Papacy, vvas there a Councel hol­den at Tovvers in Fraūce, by the licence and consent of Arithbertus the King, for the reformation of the Churche discipline, vvherein appeareth, that the Kings authoritie vvas (.196.) The .196. Vntruth. In that Councell there is no suche thing. necessarily required to confirme and streng­then the discipline. For vvhere they decree of the maides or vviddovves, that shall not be maried, vvithoute the consente of the parentes, vvhiche is an especiall matter Ecclesiasticall, they declare (.197.) The .197. Vntruth. They de­clare that the due obserua­tiō therof (not the strength) depēded vpō thos Princes good lavves. the strength thereof to depend vpon the commaundement of the Prince. Not onely (say they) the Kings, Childebert and Clotharius of honourable memory, kepte and preserued the constitutiō of the lawes touching this matter, the which nowe the King Charibert their successour hath confirmed or strengthened by his precept.

Stapleton.

Nowe is Maister Horne reuolted to Fraunce againe, but not to tarie there long. For sodainly he returneth againe to Constantinople. His short tale consisteth in two lyes. First when he saieth the Kings authoritie was necessarily re­quired to confirme the discipline of the Churche. For that [Page 174] neither is in the Councell, neither can be gathered out of it. The second is, that the Coūcel declareth that the strength of their Decree, being a speciall matter Ecclesiastical dependeth vppon the commaundemente of the Prince. For the Coun­cell declareth onely, that those good Kings of Fraunce kept the Constitution of the Churche in that behalfe:Tripart. li. 7. ca. 4. and for­ced by lawe the due obseruation thereof. Like as Iouini­an the Emperoure, made it death by lawe, to defile a Vir­gin or Nonne. Though that sinne before, was by the Chur­che condemned. All this doth but multiplie woordes. It proueth nothing your imagined Supremacye. Mary if you will knowe M. Horne, what this Councell by youre selfe alleaged, maketh for the Popes Supremacie, I will not lette to tell it you. The Fathers of the Councell do saye:Conc. Tu­rō. 2 can. 21. What Priest is he that dare be so bolde, as to doe contrarye to suche Decrees as come from the See Apostolique? And a li­tle after. And whose authoritie may take place, if it be not theirs, whome the Apostolique See sendeth and maketh his deputies or Referendaries? Our Fathers haue euer kept that, which their authoritie commaunded. Thus you fight well for vs, but nothing for your selfe.

M. Horne. The .71. Diuision. pag. 40. a.

The Emperoure Iustinianus calleth the Bisshoppes of all Churches vnto a Generall Councell at Constantinople, the vvhich is called the fifte oecumeni­call Synode, to represse the insolence of certaine Heretiques, vvho taught and mainteined Heresies and Schismes, to the greate disquieting of the Chur­che againste the doctrine establisshed in the foure forenamed General Coun­celles. In the time of this Councell Menna,Euag. li. 4. ca. 38. the Bisshoppe of Constanti­nople departed out of this life, in vvhose roome the Emperour placed Euty­chius. The Emperour gouerneth and directeth all things in this Councell,Niceph. li. 17. ca. 27.as the Emperours before him had done in the other Generall Synodes, as ap­peareth by the vvriting, vvhiche he sente vnto the Bisshoppes, vvherein he [Page] shevveth, that the right belieuing godly Emperours his auncestours did al­vvaies labour, to cutte of the heresies sprong vp in their time, by calling together into Synode the most religious Bisshops,Al this is graunted, but M. Hornes Primacie neuer a vvhitte thereby furdered. and to preserue the holy Church in peace: and the right faith to be sincerely preached and taught. He allegeth the'xāples of Cōstātinus Magnus, Theodosius the elder, Theodosius the yonger, and Mar­tianus the Emperours: vvho (saith he) called the former generall Coun­celles, vvere present them selues in their ovvne personnes, did aide and helpe the true confessours, and tooke great trauaile vppon them, that the righte faithe should preuaile, and be preached. Our forenamed auncestours of godlie memorie (saith he) did strengthen and confirme by their lawes, those things whiche were decided in euerye of those Councelles, and did expulse the Heretiques, whiche went about to gainesaye the determination of the fower fore­named Generall Councelles, and to vnquiet the Churches.

He protesteth, that from his first entraunce, he made these beginnings and foundation of his Emperiall gouernement, to vvitte, the vnitie in faith agreeable to the fovver Generall Councelles, amongest the Churche mini­sters, from the East to the VVest: the restraigning of schismes and contenti­ons stirred vppe, by the fautours of Eutyches and Nestorius, againste the Chalcedon Councell: the satisfying of many that gainsaied the holy Chalce­don Councell, and the expulsion of others, that perseuered in their errours, out of the holye Churches and Monasteryes: To the ende that con­corde and peace of the holye Churches and their Priestes, be­ing firmely kepte, one, and the selfe same faithe, whiche the fower holy Synodes did confesse, might be preached through­out Gods holye Churches, He declareth hovv he had consulted vvith them by his letters and messengers about these matters, and hovv they de­clared their iudgementes vnto him by their vvritinges: not vvithstanding seeing certaine Heretiques continue in their heresies: Therefore I haue called you (saith he) to the royall Cittie (meaning Constantinople) exhorting you being assembled togeather, to declare once a­gaine your mindes touching these matters. He sh [...]vveth that he opened these controuersies to Vigilius the Pope, at his being vvith him at Constantinople: And we asked him (saith he) his opiniō herein: [Page 175] and hee, not once nor twise, but oftentimes in writinge, and without writing, did curse the three wicked articles, &c. VVe commaūded him also by our Iudges, and by some of you,The Em­peroure (198) cō ­maūdeth the Pope to com to the sinod. The .198. Vntruth. For not in that sence as M. Horn imagi­neth. vilz to inforce thereby a Supreme gouerne­mente. to come vnto the Synode with you, and to debate these three Articles together with you, to the ende that an agreable form of the right faith might be set forth: and that we asked bothe of him and you in writing touching this matter: that eyther as wicked articles, they might be condemned of all: or els, if he thought them right, he should shewe his minde openlye: But he answered vnto vs: that he would doe seuerely by him selfe concerning these three points, and deliuer it vnto vs. He declareth his ovvne iudgement and beliefe, to be agreeable vvith the faieth set foorth in the fovver Generall Councelles. He prescribeth vnto them the speciall matters, that they should debate and decide in this Synode: vvhereof the finall ende is (saith he) That the truth in euery thing may be confirmed, and wicked opinions condemned. And at the last, he concludeth vvith an earnest and godly exhortation, to seeke Gods glory only, to declare their iudgements agreable to the holy Ghospell, touching the mat­ters he propoundeth, and to doe that vvith conuenient spede. Dat. 3. Nonas Maias, Constantinopoli.

Stapleton.

Here M. Horne, as he hath other Emperors and Princes, so would he now beare Iustinian in hand also, that he is and ought to be the Supreme head and gouernour in all causes euen Ecclesiastical and Spiritual. But Iustinian, if you will hearken to his lawes and Constitutions, will tell you flatly that suche a heade agreeth not with his shoulders. He wil not be made such a monster at your handes. You shall finde him as very a Papist for the Popes Supremacy, as euer was any Emperor before him, or sence him. For who I pray you was it, M Horne, that by opē proclamatiōs ād laws for euer to continue enacted, that the holy Ecclesiasticall Canons of the foure first Councels shall haue the strength and force of [Page] an imperiall lawe? Iustinians testimo­nies for the Popes primacie. Cōst. 131 ex trāsl. hal Sancimus, vt sancti ecclesiastici canones, qui [...]a sanctis. 4. Cō ­cilijs, Niceno, Con­stāt. Ephes. & Chalcedon. expositi sunt, vicem legum obtine ant. Praedictorum e­nim sanctorum Con­ciliorū decreta per­inde vt sacras scri­pturas suscipimus▪ & canones vt leges cu­stodimus. Ac pro­pterea sancimus, vt secundum eorum definitiones sanctiss. veteris Ro. Papae, primu [...] oīm sacerd. sit. Sūmi pōtificatus api­cē apud Romam esse nemo ē qui dubitet. Lib. 1. Cod. Iustin. de summae Trinitate. Ideó (que) oēs sacerdotes vniuersi orientalis traectus et subijcere et vnire sedi vest. San­ctitatis properaui­mus. & mox. Nec enī patimur quicquā quod ad ecclesiarū statū ꝑtinet, quàmuis manifestū & indubitatū sit quod mouetur, vt nō ēt vestrae īnotescat Sanct. quae Caput est oim sanctarū ecclīarū. Secūdū eorū definitiones &c. vt suprà const. 131. Sancimus sacras sequētes regulas &c. const. 5. Secundū diuinas regulas sancimus sacras per omnia sequentes regulas. const. 6. Was it not Iustinian? Who ys yt that embraceth the decrees of those holy Councells, euen as he doth the holy and sacred scriptures? And kepeth their Canōs as he doth the imperial lawes? Who but Iustinian? Who enacted also, that according to the definitiō of those foure Councels, the Pope of Rome shal be taken for the chiefe of all Priestes? Iustinian. Who yn an expresse lawe declared, that no man doubteth, but that the principality of the highest bis­shoprike resteth in Rome? Iustinian. Who declared to Pope Iohn, that he studied and laboured, howe to bring to subiection, and to an vnitye with the See of Rome all the priestes of the Easte? Iustinian. Who tolde him, that there shall be nothing moued pertei­ning to the state of the Churche, be it neuer so open and certaine, but that he would signify it to his Holi­nesse, being head of all holy Churches? Iustinian. Who declared, that in all his lawes and doings for matters ecclesiastical, he followed the holy Canons made by the Fathers? Iustinian. Who published thys lawe that, when any matter ecclesiastical is moued, his laye officers should not intermedle, but suffer the Bissoppes to ende yt accordyng to the Canons? This selfe same Iustinian.

What great impudency then is it for you to ob­trude him this title of supreme gouernour, whiche so many of his expresse lawes doe so euidently ab­horre? What shame, infamy and dishonour shoulde it be for him, to accept any such title, the Canons [Page 176] of the holy Catholike Church,Sequentes igitur ea quae sacris definita sūt Canonib. Cō. 123. Si ecclesiasticū ne­gotiū sit, nullam cō ­munionē habento ci­uiles magistratus cū ea disceptatione, sed religiosiss. episcopi se cundū sacros canones negotio finē īponū [...]. Const. 109. Haereti­cos & illi dixerūt, et nos dicimus, quicū (que) mēbrum sanctae Dei catholicae & aposto­licae ecclesiae nō sunt. in qua & omnes sanctissimi totius habi­tati orbis paetriarchae tam Romae occiden­talis, (quam) huius regiae vrbis, & Alexādriae & Theopolis & H [...] ­erosolymorū, & oēs sub ijs cōstituti epis­copi vno ore Aposto­licam fidē & tradi­tionē praedicāt. Qui igitur incōtaminata coīone, in Catholica ecclesia Dei amātiss. huius sacerdotib. nō participant, opt. iure vocamus haereticos. and his owne law­es, standing so plainly to the cōtrary? What? would you haue him an heretike, as you are? Hath not he yn hys Lawes pronounced hym to be an here­tike, that doth not cōmunicate in faith with the holy Churche, especiallye with the Pope of Rome and the fowre patriarches? Hath he not also in his said lawes shewed, that the Pope of Rome hath the primacy ouer all priestes, by the first fowre generall Councelles, vnto the which the Pope and all other patriarches haue a­greed? Obtrude not therefore this presumptuous Title to this Emperour, who of al other most shun­ned it. Bring forth M. Horne, what ecclesiasticall Constitutions and decrees you wil or can, made of this Emperour Iustiniā. Al wil not serue your pur­pose one iote. This only of the diligent Reader be­ing remembred, that all such lawes he referred to the Popes iudgement: that he made not one of his owne, but followed in them all, the former Canons and holy Fathers. Last of all that he enacteth ex­presly, that in ecclesiastical matters, lay Magistrats shall not intermeddle, but that bishops shall ende al such matters according to the Canōs. These three thyngs beyng well remembred and borne awaye, nowe tell on M. Horne, and bring what you can of Iustinians Constitutions in ecclesiasticall mat­ters.

The effecte of all your Argumentes yn thys Diuision, resteth vppon thys poynte, that Iustini­an made Lawes for matters ecclesiasticall, which thing I nede not further answer then I haue done. [Page] Sauing partly, that this lye of M. Hornes woulde not be o­uerpassed: wherein he imagineth all things here spoken to be done in the fifte generall Councell at Constantinople: whereas a greate part of them were done in an other Coū ­cel at Constantinople vnder this Emperour, whiche M. Horne doth here vnskilfully confoūde. Partly also to shew yet ones again, that Iustinian himself doth so expounde his doinges,Cōstit. 42 in Nouel. Quā sententiā tā. etsi per se valētem, multò ta­mē adhuc valentio­rē, reddit maiestas imperato­ria, quae regia hac vrbe ipsū expellit. Hovve thempe­rours be said to strengthē the lavves of the Churche. Tom. 2. Concil. pag. 21. that M. Horne can not wel wreste them to his pur­pose. For Iustinian saieth. We following the holy fathers &c. and so forth: as we by many places of Iustinian haue decla­red before. Againe speaking of things decreed in the Synod against Zoaras. Your sentence, saieth he, being of power by yt se [...]fe, our imperiall maiestye hath made yt yet muche stronger, which doth expulse him out of this imperial City. Lo M. Horn the decree of the Synode is stronge, thoughe the Emperour neuer confirme it, and where is then become your impe­rial primacye? Nowe farder you heare to what purpose the princes assiste: that is for the furtheraunce of the executiō. The bishops had deposed Zoaras, but they by their power coulde not thrust him out of the City and banishe him. This must be don by the ciuil power, and this did Iustinian, and by that made the Councels lawe the stronger. And so ye now heare of Iustiniā himself, what is the meaning of that which you here and so often alleage, that Princes strēghthē the lawes of the Church. And to shew that the Supreme gouernment, which is the final Sentence and Iudgemēt re­sted in the bisshops, not in the Emperour, in the first Actiō Theodorus the Emperours Officer, bringeth in the playn­tif Bishops of Syria, and saieth to the Synode. Vt in his inter­pellantes, vos ipsis finem imponatis. To the entent that you considering these supplications, maye make an ende of thē. [Page 177] And in the same Action the Emperour himself againe affir­meth, that:Act. 1. pag. 61. As ofte as the Sentēce of the Priestes hath deposed any from their holy rowmes, as vnworthy of priesthood, so ofte the Empire was of the same minde, and made the same order or cōstitutiō with the Authority of the priestes. Where you see M. Horne, that the deposing of Priestes or Bishoppes, pro­ceded first from the Authority, Sentence and Iudgement of the Priestes: And was afterwarde putte in execution by the Imperial lawes. That is, to say all shortly. The bishops deposed. The Prince banished. For by death in those dayes Princes proceded not against the clergy thoughe deposed and condemned in generall Councell. I might nowe goe forwarde for any thing of weight remayning: sauinge that your marginal note, that the Emperour commaundeth the Pope to come to Councell, stayeth me a litle, as making some good apparance for you. Ye say he commaunded the Pope, but yf ye had proued withall, that he had such authority to commaunde, then would the matter ronne better on your syde: or that ye could shewe that at this commaundemente he came to the Councel, which ye are not able to shewe. But yet am I able to shewe he came not. So that this indu­ceth rather the Popes primacy, especially considering,In praeam. epist Cōc. Chalced. that he was at Cōstātinople, euen whē the Councel was kept. Marciā also sent his letters to Pope Leo to come to Chalcedo, ād yet he came not, but sent his deputies thither for hī.

M. Horne. The .72. Diuision. Pag. 41 b.

The (.199.)The 199. vntruth. There is no suche Title. Title prefixed to the first general Councel, summoned by the commandement of Iustinian, telleth in effect generally, both the matter and also vvho had the chief authority in the ordering thereof: for it is intituled: The diuine ordinaunce and constitution of Iustinian the Em­peror against Anthymus, Seuerꝰ, Petrus, and Zoaras, Mennas the [Page] vniuersal Archebisshop and Patriarche of Constantinople, vvas present in this Councel, vvho had adioyned vnto him, placed on his right hande, cer­tain Bisshops, coadiutours, named and (.200.) The 200. vntruth. Flat and open, as it shal ap­peare. appointed by the commaun­dement of the Emperour, sent out of Italy from the sea of Rome. VVhen they vvere set thus in Councel, Themperour sent Theodorus one of the maisters of the Requestes, or his Secretarie, a vvise man, vnto the Synode: Bisshops, Abbottes, and many other of the cleargy, vvith their billes of supplications, vvhich they had put vp vnto themperour, for redresse of certain matters Ec­clesiastical. Theodorus maketh relation vnto the Synode hereof, deliue­reth the Billes of supplication to be considered on: presenteth the parties to the Synod, and shevveth that this is themperours pleasure, that they shoulde (.201.) The 201. vntruth. Not to dispatche (that vvorde is not in the Councel) but finem imponere, to make an end of by finall Sentence. The prīce the hi­ghest po­tentate next to God (202) in al cau­ses. The .202. vntruth. You ouer rech your Author. In al cau­ses, is more thē your Au­thor said. God reserueth to the prince the fulnes of direction in (.203.) Ecclesiastical causes. The 203. vntruthe, as before. For of Ecclesiastical causes, the Author speaketh not, but of banishing heretiks. dispatche and end these matters. Paulus the Bisshoppe of Apamea, in his bil of supplication, offred to the most godly Emperour in the name of al his, acknowledgeth him to be the highest Potentate in the worlde next vnto God: who hath magnified his Empire, and throwē his aduersaris vnder him: because he mainteineth the only and pure faith: offreth vnto God pure Leuen, that is to say, true doctrine as incense, and burneth the chaffe (meaning false religiō) with vnquencheable fier. And after the declaratiō of their Faith talking of the Eutychian or counterfaite catholike, He desireth them­perour, to whom God hath reserued the ful authority to direct, to cut him from the Churche, and to expulse him out of his Dominions. In like sort the religious men, and the Monasteries of Secū ­da Syria, doo offer vp a booke of supplication vnto the Emperour, beseeching him that he vvil commaund the Archebishoppe Mennas, president of the councel, to receiue their booke, and to (.204.) The .204. vntruth. False translatiō: for not, to considre, but Canonice finem accipere to conclude &c. The 205. vntruthe. A parte of the sentence nipped of, quyte ouerthrovving M. Hornes purpose. consider of it according to the Ecclesiastical Canons. The Emperour maketh a lavv and constitution, to ra­tifie and confirme the iudgement of the Synode against Anthymus, and other heretiks: vvherein also he decreeth touching many other ecclesiastical matters or causes: as, No man to Rebaptize: to prophane the holy Communion: to cal Conuenticles: to dispute further in those matters concluded on: to publishe or set forth the Heretical [Page 178] bookes: to communicate with them. And so knitteth vp all, vvith this conclusion. VVee haue decreed these thinges for the com­mon peace of the most holye Churches: Tom. 2. cō ­cil. pa. 20 Act. 1. Cō ­stā. pa. 20 Prima er­go est sen­tentia quae in Constā ­tinopoli cō ­tra Anthimum lata est, secun­da autem sententiae quae in Constant. fuit cōtra Seuerum Petrū & Zoaram. Terita cō ­stitutio est ordinaria. Quarta autem a­ctio in Hierosoly­mis, et haec omnia in 4. mēsibꝰ facta & sancitae fuerunt. these thinges haue we determined by sentence. (.205.)

Stapleton.

You goe on M. Horne, euer like to your selfe, and to your brother M. Iewel. For as at the first, you beginne with a great vntruthe, so you procede on with a greate manye moe. I meane not that ye cal the first for the fifte, lette the printer beare this, but for the residewe ye must take it vpon your own shulders. As first wher ye speake of the title: ther is no such title prefixed before the Councel: there is such a sentence in dede. But that it is a title prefixed before the Councel, as though this ordination were made before the Councel, and so should tel both the matters and who had the cheif authority in the ordering thereof, this is no simple lie. But euer ye shoote to farre, or come to short home. Af­ter those wordes by you rehersed yt followeth (which you leaue out) ad Petrum Archiepiscopū Hierosolimorū: To Peter Archebishop of Hierusalē, to whō Iustiniā did send this cō ­stitutiō, not before the Coūcel, but the Coūcel beīg ended. The order of these sentences, as it is declared in the acts of the Coūcel was this. First there was a sentēce geuē at Cō ­stantinople against Anthymus. Thē was there an other sen­tence geuen there against Seuerus, Petrus, and Zoaras. Thē was the constitutiō of Iustinian (whereof ye speake) made and sente to the bishop of Hierusalē, which kept there also a Councel and condēned Anthimus. And al this was done in fowre monethes. And therfore yt cā not be the true title of this Coūcel. And much lesse tel the matter and who had cheif authority there. But euery man is not so cunning as you, to make men weene, that the egge was a chycke [Page] before the henne had hatched. Yet for one thinge I here commende you, for telling vs that the Popes Legats in this Councel were set in the right hande of the Patriarche Me­nas, whiche I suppose maketh somwhat for the Popes pri­macye. But that you adde, they were named and appointed by the commaundement of the Emperour, I can not commēde you. For it is vntruly saied. They were the Popes owne Le­gates and deputies, of his own naming and appointing, not of the Emperours. For it foloweth in the same Constitu­tion of Iustinian,Tom. 2. Conc. pa. 20. b. touching these Legates: Omnibus qui­dem ex Italica regione ab Apostolica sede nuper missis. All being lately sent out of Italy from the See Apostolike. In like maner where you say, Theodorus a Maister of the Re­questes to the Emperour, (as you call him) deliuered to the Synod the Billes of supplication to be considered on, such consi­deration you finde not in the woordes of Theodorus: but this you finde him say to the Synode. V [...] in his interpellan­tes, vos ipsis finem imponatis. To thentent that by your meanes in these matters they may be ended and cōcluded. This the Emperours officer required of the Synode: that they would make an ende of the complaintes layed in by certaine Bisshoppes and Monkes. And this you conceale, and alter cleane to a simple consideration, as thoughe the Councel should haue considered, and then the Emperour concluded. And therefore yet ones againe in this very Di­uision,Tom. 2. Conc. pa. 23. col. 1. you tel vs of a booke of supplication made by the Mo­nasteries of Secunda Syria, to the Emperour, that Menna the president of the Councel should receaue their booke and consi­der of it according to the Ecclesiastical Canons. The woordes of your Author are: Quae in ipso insita sunt Canonicè finem ac­cipere conuenientibus ad ipsum &c. that the contents of their [Page 179] booke of supplication, be ended and determined Cononically (not considered only) and that by the accorde (not of Men­na only, whome only you name, being the bisshop of Con­stantinople) but, of the most holy Romaines and the holy Sy­node. Thus your false doctrine can not appeare (when it commeth to trial) but lodē alwaies with fardels of vntruths. But nowe I trowe we shall quickly lese this aduantage. For strayte ye bringe vs foorth a bisshop that calleth the Em­perour the higheste potentate in the worlde next vnto God, maintayning the onely and pure faith: offeringe vnto God pure leuen of true doctrine, as incense, and burning the chaff (mea­ning, as ye say, false religion) with vnquencheable fier. And thinke you M Horne, that yf Iustiniā now lyued, he would take your doctrine for pure fyne flower, and not rather for stynking musty chaffe or bran? Well you haue hearde his iudgemente in parte alredy. As for your bsshop yf he had sayd, in al causes, as you make hī to say in the margin, he had said wel towarde your purpose, but nothing towarde the truthe. And therefore ye hauing espied the former wordes not to come iumpe to your purpose, ye vndershore them withe an other sayinge of the saied bisshoppe, who spea­kinge of an heretyke, desireth the Emperour to whome God had reserued the ful authority to directe, to cut him from the Church, and to expulse him out of his dominions. Ye are not for al this much the nearer: for wherein the good bisshop meante the full direction, he him selfe sheweth: that is, in cutting away of heretiks, and expulsing them out of his domi­niōs. And therefore your goodly marginal note that, God re­serueth to the Prince the fulnesse of direction in causes Eccle­siasticall quayleth, and is not worth a rushe: Neither is yt to be collected by the expresse woordes of the bishop: and yf [Page] yt were, sauing for your shrewd meaning and mistaking, yt were not greatly material. For it might stād right wel, mea­ning of the ful and final directiō, which is the executiō. Ye now lay forth many ecclesiastical cōstitutions: and among other,Const 42. Haec decreuimus sanctorum patrum canones sequu­ti. [...]om. 2. C [...]c. pa. 62 Haec sentē t [...]auimus, sequentes sanctorum patrū dogmata. that no mā shal dispute further in matters of religiō ons concluded (where are your Westmynster disputations thē?) and that themperour had decreed all those things by sentence, for the common peace of the Church. Ye say the truth, but not all the truth, for ye haue most falsly, following your accu­stomable humour, left out iij. or iiij. wordes strayt waies fol­lowing. We haue (saith Iustinian) determined these things fol­lowing the decrees of the holy fathers. Which wordes doe set your self and your primacy to, quyt beside the sadle. And thus, as thēperours conclusion, that knitteth vp al, knitteth vp our conclusion to, for the ecclesiastical primacy, and vn­foldeth al your false conclusiōs in this your false boke: So, yf ye take and ioyne the very beginning of the said constitutiō to the wynding vp of yt, the matter wilbe much clearer: and so clere that Iustiniās cōstitutiō that your self do bring forth,Conc. Cō ­stant. 5. Act. 1. To. 2. pag. 61. may serue for a sufficiēt answere to al your boke: cō ­cerning princes intermedling in causes Ecclesiastical. We do (saith Iustiniā) no strāge thīg, or such as thēperors haue not ben accustomed vnto before, in makīg this present Law: (meaning against Anthimus,Tom. 2. Conc. Synod. 5. Act. 1. pag. 61. col. 2. a Rem non insolitam im [...]erio & nos faciē ­tes ad praesentem ve­ni nus legē. Quoties enim sacerdotū sen­tentia quosdam in­dignos sacerdotio de sacris sedibꝰ deposuit, quē admodū Nesto­rium, Eutychen, Arrium, Macedonium & Eun [...]mium, ac quosdam alios ad iniquitatem non minores illis: toties imperium eiusdem sententia & ordinationis cum sacerdotum authoritate fuit: sic que diuina & humana pariter concurrentia, vnam consonantiam rectis sententiis fecere: quemadmodum & nuper factum esse contrae Anthymū scimus, qui quidē deiectus est de sede huius regiae vrbis a sanctae & gloriosae memoriae Agapeto, sanctis. Ec­clesiae antiquae Romae pontifice, eò quòd &c. Seuerus, and Zoaras) for as often as the bishops by their sentence haue deposed and displaced out of their holysees and dignities any vnworthy par­sons, as Nestorius, Eutyches, Arius, Macedonius, and Eunomius, and certain other as nawghty as they were: thēperors folowing their sentēce ād authority decreed the same: So that ecclesiastical ād tēporal authority cō ­curring together, made one agremēt in right iudgmēt. [Page 180] Euen as we knowe it happened of Late touching An­thimus, who was thruste out of the see of this impe­riall cyty by Agapetus of holy and gloriouse memorie, the bisshop of the most holy Church of olde Rome.

M. Horne. The .73. Diuision. pag. 42. aNothing may be don in Churche maters, vvithout the prin­ces authority.

Al things being thus done, by the commaundement of the Emperour, in the first Action, and so foorth, in the second, third, and fourth, after many ac­clamations, the President of the Councel Mennas, concludeth: saying to the Synod: That they are not ignorāt of the zeale and minde, of the Godly Emperour, towards the right Faithe, and that nothing of those that are moued in the Church (.206.)The .206. vntruthe double both in the text ād in the margin: standing in false trāslatiō. Nihil eo­rū quae in sanctissi­ma eccle­sia mouē ­tur cōue­nit fieri. To. 2. cōcil. p. 78. co. 2ought to be don without his wil and commaundement.

Stapleton.

Now goe ye M. Horne clerkly to worke. For yf ye can roundly and hansomly proue this, ye may perchance set a new head vpon Iustinians shoulders: which yet woulde be but an vgle and a monstrouse sight. But this is neither clerk­ly, nor truely don of you; to turne Cōuenit, yt is mete, semely, or conuenient: into oportet, yt must or ought. I maruaile ye bearing the state of a bishop, haue so litle faith and honesty: or dwelling so nighe Winchester schole, so litle sight in the grammer. Mennas had condemned Anthimus: the Bishops and other cryed, that forwith he should cōdēne Seuerꝰ, Pe­trus, and Zoaras: as he did a while after. To whome Mennas answered, that it was mete to cōsult with themperour first. which is very true: for his great zeale to the faith, ād for that [Page] he hadde the exequution of the sentence, this is lyke your other knacke before, that Dioscorus and other must be deposed.Nos sicut scit vostra charitas, apostolicā sedem sequimur & obedimus: & ipsius commun [...]catores, cō ­municatores habe­mus, & condemna­tos ab ipsa & nos condemnamus. Act. 4. pag. 87. And surely I woulde haue meruayled yf Mennas had takē Iustinian for the supreame head who within fowre lynes after decla­reth the Pope to be the supreame head: and that he did followe and obeye hī in al things, and cōmunicated with them, that did communicate with him: and cō ­demned those whome he did condemne. Who also gaue Anthimus the heretik a tyme of repentance appointed by Pope Agapetus, and proceded in Sē ­tence against him, according to the prescription of the Pope,Cyrillus Epist. 10. & 11. & Coelest. epi. 12. inter epist. Cyril. as Cyrillus proceded against Nestorius in the Ephesine Councel, according to the limita­tion of Pope Celestinus.

M. Horne. The .74. Diuision. pag. 42. a.

Such is the autority of Princes in matters Ecclesiastical, that the Godly auncient Fathers did not only confesse, that nothing moued in Church matters (.207.) The 207. vntruthe. The godly Fathers neuer confessed so. ought to be done vvithout their authority, but also did submitte thēselues vvillingly vvith humble obedience, to the direct [...]on of the Godly Emperors, by their lavves (.208.) The 208. vntruthe. Notorious and im­pudent: often auouched, but neuer proued. Cod. lib. 1. tit. 17. in al matters or causes Ecclesiastical, vvhich thei vvuld not haue done▪ yf they hadde thought, that Princes ought not to haue gouerned in Ecclesiastical causes. The same zelous Empe­rour doth declare, that the authority of the Princes lavves doth rightly dispose and kepe in good order, both spiritual and tempo­ral matters, and driueth avvay all iniquity: vvherefore he did not only gather togeather as it vvere into one heape, tha lavves that he him selfe had made, and other Emperours before him, tou­ching ciuil or temporal matters: but also manye of those lavves and constitutions, vvhich (.209.) The 209. vntruthe Not vvhich his Auncestours, but vvhich the Apost­les and fathers of the Church had made before. his auncestours had made in Ecclesiastical causes: Yea, there vvas nothing perteyning to the [Page 181] Church gouernemente, vvhiche he did not prouide for, order and direct by his lavves and Constitutions:Nou. Cō 3. Thempe­rours ec­clesiastical Lavves. vvherein may euidently appeare the aucthoritie of Princes, not onely ouer the persons, but also in the causes Ecclesiasticall. He made a common and generall lavve to all the Patriarches, touching the ordering of Bisshoppes, and all other of the Clergie, and Church Ministers: prescribing the number of them to be suche, as the reuenues of the Churches may vvell susteine: affirming that the care ouer the Churches, and other re­ligious houses, perteine to his ouersight: And doth further inhibite, that the ministers do passe foorth of one Churche to an other, vvithout the licence of the Emperour or the Bisshoppe: the vvhich ordinaunce he gaue also to those that vvere in Monasteries. He (.210.) The .210. Vntruth. Not he, but the Canōs of the Chur­ch before gaue that autority. He only putteth the mat­ter by his lavve in executiō Cōst. 5. geaueth authoritie to the Patri­arche or Bisshoppe, to refuse and reiect, although great suit by men of much authoritie be made. He prescribeth in vvhat sorte and to vvhat ende the Churche goods shoulde be bestovved, and threatneth the appointed paines to the bysshoppe and the other Mynisters, if they trangresse this his Consti­tution.

He prescribeth in vvhat sorte the Bisshoppe shall dedicate a Monastery: be giueth rules and fourmes of examination, and triall of those that shalbe admitted into a Monasterie, before they be professed: in vvhat sorte and or­ders they shal liue together: He (.211.) The .211. vntruth. Not he, but the Churche prescri­bed that order and rule. Const. 6. prescribeth an order and rule, vvher­by to choose and ordeine the Abbat: He requireth in a Monasticall personne, diuinorum eloquiorum eruditionem, & conuersationis inte­gritatem: Learning in Gods woorde, and integritie of life. And last of all, he chargeth the Archebisshoppes, Bisshoppes, and other chur­che Ministers, vvith the publisshing and obseruing of this his constitution: Yea his Temporal officers and Iudges also, threatening to them both, that if they doe not see this his Lawe executed and take the effecte, they shal not escape condigne punishment.

He protesteth, that Emperours ought not to be carefull for nothing so much, as to haue the mynisterye faithfull tovvardes God, and of honeste behauiour tovvardes the vvorlde, vvhiche he saith, vill easely be brought to passe, if the holy rules vvhich the Apostles gaue, and the holy Fathers kept, and made plaine, be obserued and put in vre. Therefore, saith he, [Page] vve folovving in all things the sacred rules (meaning of the Apostles) do or­deine and decree, &c. and so maketh a constitution and lavve, touching the qualities and conditions, that one to be chosen and ordered a Bisshop ought to haue, and prescribeth a fourme of triall and examination of the party, be­fore he be ordered: adding that if any be ordered a Bisshop, not M. Horn is not so qualified. for he hath (he saieth) a wife Ergo M. Horne by his ovvne law, yea of the Apostles making, must lose his Bis­shoprik. Const. 57 qualified ac­cording to this constitution, bothe he that ordereth, and he that is ordered, shall * lose their bisshoprikes. He addeth furthermore, that if he come to his Bisshoprike by giftes or revvardes, or if he be absent from his Bisshoprike aboue a time limited, vvithout the commaundement of the Emperour, that he shall incurre the same penalties. The like orders and rules he prescri­beth in the same constitution for Deacons, Diaconisses, Subdeacons, and Rea­ders: commaunding the Patriarches, Archbisshops and bisshops to promul­gate this constitution, and to see it obserued vnder a paine.

He af [...]irmeth that this hath ben an auncient Lavve, and doth by his au­thority, renevv and confirme the same: that no man haue priuate Chappels in their houses, vvherein to celebrate the diuine mysteries: vvherevnto he addeth this vvarning vnto Mennas the Archebisshop, that if he knevv any suche to be, and do not forbid and refourme that abuse, but suffer this consti­tution of the Emperour to be neglected and broken, he him selfe shal forfait to the Emperour fiftie poundes of gold.

Const. 58.Also that the ministers kepe continuall residence on their benefices: other­vvise the Bisshop to place others in their roomes, and they neuer to be restored.

Stapleton.

We shall nowe haue a long rehearsall, full three leaues, of many Ecclesiasticall Lawes, made by Iustinian the Em­perour. But who would thinke that M. Horne were ey­ther so folishe to make suche a sturre for that no man deny­eth, and the which nothing proueth his cause, or to reherse such constitutions of Iustinian, that partely ouerthroweth his Primacy, partly displaceth him frō al bishoply and priest­ly office? But what shal a man saye to them that be past all shame, and haue no regard what they say or doe preach or write? Or how is this world bewitched, thus paciently to [Page 182] suffer, such mens sermons and bookes,Const. 6. Hoc aūt futurū esse credimus, si sacrarū regularū obseruatio custodiatur quā iusti laudandi et adoran­di inspectores et mi­nistri Dei tradiderūt apost et sancti patres custodierūt et expla­narūt. Sancimus igi­tur sacras per oīa se­quētes regulas. &c. aut in virginitate degens à principto, aut vxorē habens ex virginitate ad eum venientē, et nō vidu­ā. & mox: de caeter [...] aūt nulli permitten­tes àa positione legis vxorē habentitalem imponi ordinationē. Ibidem. yea and to geue them high credit to? Tel me then and blushe not M. Horn, whether ye be not one of them, that for lacke of such qualities, as Iustiniā, according to the holie rules and Canons ye spake of, requireth in a Bishop, must lose your Bishoprik, and those al­so that ordeined you? Is not this one of the qua­lities, that a Bisshoppe should haue no maner of wife when he is ordered? Yea that his wife that he had be­fore he was ordered Priest or Bisshop, must haue bene a virgin and no widowe at the time of mariage? Is not this one of the holye rules, whiche the Apostles gaue, and the holy Fathers kept and made plaine, whi­che Iustinian would haue obserued and put in vre? Now againe for Priest, Deacon, or Subdeacon that marieth after he is ordered, doth not Iustinian euē in your owne constitution say, that he must forth: with be spoiled of all Ecclesiasticall function and office, and become a laie man? Loke nowe well aboute you Maister Horne, and aboute your fellowes Pro­testante Bisshoppes, and tell mee, if this rule take place, whether ye can shewe among them all,Sacro Statim cadat ordine, et deinceps idiota sit. any one Byshoppe? And so by the merueilous handy woorke of God, yee are neither Parliamente nor Churche Bishops. What do ye tel me of Iustinians constitutions touching Monkes and monasteries,There is not a Pro­testant Bisshop in England by the cō stitution that M. Horne him selfe alleageth. and of the rules and fourmes that he prescribed to them? He sayeth in dede, that he hath a speciall care to see the monastical rules and fourmes according to the will of the holy Canones obserued. He saith that throughe the pure and deuoute prayers of religi­ouse [Page] men, all thinges doe prosper in the common wealth, both in peace and in warre. Hovve vvell M. Hornes doctrine agreeth vvith Iu­stiniās for the monastical life. Yf then Iustinian threatneth punish­ment, as ye truely say, both to spirituall and temporall ma­gistrates for not publishyng and causyng hys Constitutions made for religiouse men to be obserued: howe sharply and roughlye woulde he deale with you, your fellowes, and maysters, that by your preachinges haue caused so manye monasteries to be so pityfully ouerthrowen? Howe should yow escape condigne punishment, thinke you, that make no better of these Iustinians, and not hys, but rather the holy Fathers, rules concernyng the monasticall life, then to call the sayde holy life a foolis [...]e vowe, an horrible errour, and a monkish superstition?

M. Horne. The .75. Diuision. pag. 43. b.

VVhan this Emperour vnderstood, by the complaints that vvere brought vnto him against the Clergy, Monks and certein Bishoppes, that their liues vvere not framed according to the holy Canons, and that many of them vvere so ignoraunt, that they knevve not the prayer of the holy oblation and sacred Baptisme: Perceiuyng further, that the occasion hereof vvas part­ly, by reason that the Synodes vvere not kept accordinge to the order ap­pointed, partly for that the Bishoppes, Priestes, Deacons, and the re­sidue of the Clergy, vvere ordered, bothe vvithout due examination of the right faith, and also vvithout testimony of honest conuersation: Prote­sting that as he is mindeful to see the ciuil Lavves firmely kept, euen so he ought (of duty) to be more carefull about the obseruation of the Sacred rules and diuine Lawes, and in no wise to suffer them to be violated and broken. He renueth the constitutions for the Cler­gy, touching Churche causes, saing. This an­svvereth all your processe, M. Horn, The Em­peroure foloveth the canōs The Ca­nōs vver made of Bisshops in Coun­cels and Synods. Ergo he folovv­eth the Bisshops. If he fo­lovve thē he goeth not be­fore thē, He dothe not di­rect them prescribe to them, or gouern them, but is directed prescribed, and gouerned of them. Folowyng therefore those thin­ges, that are defined in the sacred Canons, we make a Pragma­ticall or moste full and effectuall Lawe, whereby we ordeine that so often as it shalbe neadfull, to make a Bishop. &c. And so goeth forvvarde in prescribing the forme of his election, examination, and [Page 183] approbation. And shutteth vp the Lavve about the ordering of a Bishop vvith this clause: If any shalbe ordered a Bishop against this for­mer appointed order, bothe he that is ordered and he also that hath presumed to order against this fourme, shal be deposed. He decreeth also by Prouiso, vvhat order shall be kept, if it chaunce that there be any occasion or matter layd to the charge of him that is to be orde­red, either Bishop, Priest, Deacon, Clergy man, or els Abbot af any Monastery. But aboue all things sayeth he, vvee enact this to be obser­ued, that no man be ordered Bishop by giftes or revvards: for both the geuer, taker, and the broker, if he be a Church man, shalbe depriued of his bene­fice, or clericall dignity, and if he be a Lay man, that either taketh re­vvarde, or is a vvorker in the matter betvvene the partyes, vve commaund that he pay double to be geuen to the Churche. He geueth lycence neuer­theles, that vvhere there hath bene somethyng geuen, by hym that is ordered Byshoppe, of custome, or for enstallation, that they may take it: so that it exceede not the somme prescribed by hym in this Lavve. VVe commaund therefore that the holy Archebishoppes, namely of the elder Rome, of Constantinople, Alexandria, Theopolis, and Hieru­salem, if they haue a custome to geue the Bishoppes and Cler­kes, at their ordering vnder twenty poūdes in gold: they geue onely so muche as the custome alloweth: But if there were more geuen before this Lawe, wee commaunde that there be no more geuen then twenty poundes. And so he setteth a rate to all other Ecclesiastical persons in their degrees, and according to the habi­litie of their Churches, concluding thus: Surely if any presume by any meanes to take more than we haue appointed, either in name of customes, or enstallations, wee commaunde that he restore threefolde so much to his Churche, of whom he tooke it. He doth vtterly forbidde bishoppes and Monkes, to take vpon them gardianship: neuerthelesse, he licēceth Priestes, Diacōs, and Subdeacōs, to take the same on thē in certein cases. He cōmaundeth tvvo Synods to be kept in euery Prouince yerely. He prescribeth vvhat, and in vvhat order, maters shalbe examined, and discussed in them. Besides these, he enioyneth, and doth commaunde all Byshops, and Priestes, to celebrate the prayers in the ministration of the Lor­des supper, ād in baptism, not after a vvhispering or vvhyst maner, but vvith a [Page] cleare voyce, as thereby the minds of the hearers, may be sturred vp vvith more deuotion in praisyng the Lord God. He proueth by the testimony of S. Paul, that it ought so to be. He concludeth, that if the religious bisshops, neg­lect any of these things, they shal not escape punisshment by his order. And for the better obseruing of this constitution, he commaundeth the rulers of the prouinces vnder him, if they se these things neglected, to vrge the bisshops, to cal Synods, and to accomplissh all things, vvhich he hath commaunded by this Lavv to be doon by Synods. But if the Rulers see notvvithstanding, that the bisshops be slouthfull and slack to do thies things, then to sygnify therof to him self, that he may correct their negligēce: for othervvise he vvil extremely punissh the Rulers them selues. Besydes thies, saith this Emperour, vve for­bid and enioyne the Religious bisshops, Priests, Deacons, Subdeacons, Readers, and euery other Clergy man, of vvhat degre or order so euer he be, that they play not at the table plaies (as cardes,Con. 133. dyce, and such like playes, vsed vpon a table) nor associat or gase vpon the players at such playes, nor to be gasers at ay other open syghts: if any offend against this decre, vve commaund that he be prohibited from all sacred ministery for the space of thre years, and to be thrust into a monastery. After thies Constitutions made for the gouern­mēt of the secular Clergy (as you terme it) in causes ecclesiasticall, the Em­perour descēdeth to make statutes, ordinaunces and rules for monastical per­sons (commonly called Religious) declaryng, that there is no maner of thing, The prīce hath su­preame gouerne­mēt ouer al persōs (.213.) ī al maner causes. which is not throughly to be searched by the authority of the Emperour, who hath (sayth he) receiued from God the common gouernment and principality ouer al men. And (.212.) The .212. Vntruth. These la­wes shew no suche principa­lity. to shevv further that this principality is ouer the persons, so vvell in Ecclesi­asticall causes as Temporall, he prescribeth orders and rules for them, and committeth to the Abbottes and Bisshoppes (iurisdiction) to see these rules kepte, concludynge that so well the Magistra­tes, The .213. Vntruth. Impudēt. That set ī the mar­gin, vvhich is not ī the text. as Ecclesiasticall personnes, oughte to keepe incorrupted all thynges whyche concerne godlynesse: but aboue all other the Emperour, who owghte to neglecte no manner of thyng pertaynyng to godlynesse. I omit many other Lavves and Constitu­tions, that not only this Emperour, but also the Emperours before him made, touchyng matters and causes Eccesiasticall, and doo remitte you vnto the Code, and the Authentikes, vvhere you may see that al manner of causes Ec­clesiasticall, [Page 184] vvere ouerseene, (.214.) The .214. vntruth. That can not be found either in the Code, or ī thauthē. August. Epist. 48. Const. 133. Solitaria vita atque in ea contemplatio, res planè sacra est, et quae suapte natura animas ad Deū ad­ducat. Neque ijs tantum, qui eam inco­lunt, sed etiam om­nibus alijs puritate sua & apud Deū in­terpellatione competentē de se vtilitatē praebeat. Vnde & olī eares Imperatoribus studio fuit habita, & nos non pauca de dignit. & honestate eorū legibus cōplexi sumus. Sequimur enī sacros in hoc canones et sanctos patres qui hoc cōprehēderūt le­gibus. quādoquidē nihil nō peruiū ad in­quisitionē maiestati èxistit imperatoriae, quae cōmunem in oēs hoīes moderationē et principatum à Deo percepit. ordered and directed by the Emperours, and so they did the duetifull seruice of Kyngs to Christ, In that (as S. Augustine sayth) they made lawes for Christe.

Stapleton.

All this geare runneth after one race, and allto­gether standeth in the execution of the ecclesia­stical Lawes. Neither is there any thing here to be stayed vpon, but for that he hath furnished his mar­gent wyth hys accustomable note, that the prince hath the supreame gouernment ouer all persons in all maner causes. Whiche as yt is largely and liberally spoken: so is his text to narrowe to beare any such wide talke. Yea and rather proueth the contrary, if he take the nexte line before with him, and stop­peth also his felowes blasphemous railyngs, against the holy monastical life. The solitary and the cōtem­platiue life (saieth Iustinian) is certeinly an holy thing, and such a thing as by her owne nature cōducteth sou­les to God: neyther is it fruitful to them only that leade that life, but through her puritye and prayers to God geueth a sufficient help to other also. Wherefore them­perours in former times, toke care of this matter, and we also in our Lawes haue set foorth many things tou­ching the dignity and vertue of religious men. For we doe followe in this the holy canons and the holy fathers who haue drawen out certaine orders and Lawes for these matters. For there is no thing that themperours maiesty doth not throughly search. Whiche hath recei­ued from God a common gouernment and principality [Page] ouer all men. Nowe thys place as ye see, serueth expresly for the Churches principality, whose holy Canons, and holy Fathers themperour, as he sayeth, doth followe. By whiche wordes appeareth,Sequimur sacros Ca­nones & sanctos patres. he made no one Constitution of hys owne Authority. And therefore hath M. Horne craftely shyfted in this worde Authority which is not in the Latine: as though the Emperours Authority were the chief groūd of these Constitutions, whereas it is but the seconde, and depending only vpon former Canons and writtinges of ho­ly Fathers. Yet hath this ioly gloser placed in his margine a suprem gouernmēt and principality in al maner causes. Which is not to be founde any where in the text, but is a glose of his owne making. Wherein me thinketh, M. Horne fareth as certaine Melancholike passionated doe: whose imagina­tion is so stronge, that if they begin earnestly to imagine as present, ether the sight or voyce of any one that they exce­dingly either loue or feare, by force of theyr imagination, doe talke with them selues, or crye out sodenly, as though in very deede, not in imagination only the thinge desired or feared, were actually present. Verely so M. Horne, be­inge exceding passionated to finde out this supreme gouer­nment in al causes, by force of his imagination, putteth it in his margin, as though the text told it him, whē the text tal­keth no such matter vnto him, but is vtterly domme in that point and hushe. This passiō hath vttered it self in M. Horne not nowe onely, but many times before also, as the diligent Reader may easely remember.

Brach. 1.2.M. Horne. The .76. Diuision. pag. 45. a.

Arriamiru King of Spaine, (215) The .215. Vntruth. He com­maunded not in M. Hornes sēce. That is, as suprē gouernor but as the Coūcel it selfe saith, as Pijssi­mus filius noster: Our most godlye Sonne. cōmaunded tvvo Conucels to be cele­brated in a Citie called Brachara, the one in the seconde yeare of his reigne, the other the third yere, vvherein vvere certaine rules made or rather renued [Page 185] touching matters of faith, touching Constitutions of the Church, and for the dueties and diligence of the Clergie, in their offices.

VVambanus King of Spaine (.216.) The .216. Vntruth. No suche thing in the Coū ­cell, nor that Vvā ­banus cal­led it at al seeing the greate disorders in the Churche, not onely in the discipline, but also in the matters of Faithe, and aboute the Administration of the Sacramentes, calleth a Synode at Brachara, named Concill. Brachar. 3. for the reformation of the er­rours and disorders aboute the Sacramentes and Churche discipline.

The .20. Chapter. Of Ariamirus, Wambanus, and Richaredus Kings of Spaine, and of Pelagius .2. and S. Gre­gorie. 1. Popes.

Stapleton.

NOW are we gon from Fraūce and Constantinople to, and are come to Spaine, and to the Coūcels called of King Ariamirus and King Wambanus. But the Fa­thers at these Councels tell M. Horne for his first greeting and welcome, that they acknowleged the authority of the See of Rome: and therfore being some cōtrouersies in ma­ters ecclesiastical among thē, they did direct them selues by the instructiōs and admonitiōs sent frō the See Apostolike.Vide Brac. 1. tom. 2. Conc. pag. 216. et 217 Can. 18. &. 23.

M. Horne. The .77. Diuision. pag. 45. b.

About this time after the death of Pelagius .2. the Clergy and the people e­lected Gregory .1. called aftervvards the great. But the custom was (saith Sabellicus) vvhich is declared in an other place, that the Emperours should ratify by their consent, th'electiō of him that is chosen Pope. And to stay th'Emperors approbatiō (saith Platina) he sent his messengers with his letters, to beseche th'Emperour Mau­ritius that he would not suffer th'electiō of the people ād Cler­gy to take effect in the choise of hī. &c. So much did this good mā (saith Sabellicus) seking after heauēly things, cōtemne earthly and refused that honour, for the which other did contend so ambitiously. But the Emperour being desirouse to plant so good a man in that place, vvould not condescend to his request, but (.217.)The .217. Vntruth. That is not in Sa­bellicus. sent his Embassadours, to ratifie and confirme the election.

Stapleton.

This authority toucheth nothing but th'electiō of the Pope wont to be confirmed by the Emperour for order and qui­etnes sake. And that but of custom only (for the custom was saith Sabellicus) not of any Supreme gouernement of the Prince in that behaulfe, as though without it, the election were not good. Yet I cōmend M. Horn that, he reherseth so much good cōmendacion of Pope Gregorie, that sent hi­ther our Apostle S. Augustine. But I marue [...]l how he can be so good a mā, and the religion that came frō him to England no better then superstiton and plaine Idolatrie, as M. Horne and his fellowes doe daily preach and write. And ye shall heare a non that he goeth as craftely as he can, and as farre as he durst to obscure and disgrace him.

M. Horne. The .78. Diuision. pag. 45. b.

Richaredus King of Spaine, rightly taught and instructed in the Chri­stian faith, by the godly and Catholique Bisshoppe Leander Bisshop of Hi­spalis, did not only bring to passe, that the vvhole natiō, should forsake the Arrianisme and receiue true faith, but also did carefully study hovv to conti­nue his people in the true Relligion by his meanes nevvelye receiued. And therfore commaunded all the Bisshops within his Dominions to assemble together at Toletum, in the fourth yeare of his reigne, and there to consult about staying and confirming of his people in true faith and religion of Christ by godly discipline. VVhan the Bisshoppes vvere as­sembled in the Conuocation house, at the Kings commaundement: the King commeth in amongest them, he maketh a short, but a pithy and most Chri­stian oration vnto the vvhole Synode: VVherein he shevveth, that the cause vvherfore he called them together into the Synode, vvas To repaire and make a (.218.) The .218. Vntruth. False trā ­slation. instaurare formam, is not to make a nevve fourme, but to re­paire the olde. newe fourme of Churche discipline, by common consultation in Synode, vvhich had bene letted long time before by the here­tical Arianisme, the whiche staie and lette of the Arrian [...] Here­sies, it hath pleased God (saith he) to remoue and put away by my meanes. He vvilleth them to be ioyfull and gladde, that the aun­cient [Page 186] maner to make Ecclesiasticall constitutions for the vvell ordering of the Churche, is novve through Gods prouidence reduced and brought againe to the bounds of the Fathers by his honorable industrie. And last of al, he doth admonisshe and exhort them before they begin their consultation, to sast and pray vnto the Almighty, that he vvill vouchsaulfe to open and shevv vnto them a true order of discipline, vvhich that age knevv not, the senses of the Clergy vvere so much benummed, vvith long forgetfulnes. VVherevppon there vvas a three daies fast appointed. That done, the Synode assembleth, the King commeth in, and fitteth amongest them: he deliuereth in vvriting to be openly read amongest them the confession of his faith, in vvhich he pro­testeth, vvith vvhat endeuour and care, being their King, he ought not only to studie for him self, to be rightly geuen to serue and please God vvith a right Faith in true Religion: but also to prouide for his subiects, that they be throughly instructed in the Christian faith. He affirmeth and thereto taketh them to vvitnes, that the Lorde hath stirred him vppe,The duti­ful care of a Prince about re­ligion. infla­med vvith the heate of Faith: both to remoue and put avvay the furious and obstinate Heresies and Schismes, and also by his vigilant endeuour and care to call and bring home againe the people vnto the confession of the true faith, and the Communion of the Catholique Churche. Furder alluding to the place of S. Paul, vvhere he saith, that through his ministery in the Ghospell, he offereth vppe the Gentils vnto God, to be an acceptable Sacrifice: he saith to the Bisshops, That he offereth by their mynisterie, this noble people, as an holy and acceptable Sacrifice to God. And last of all vvith the rehearsall of his Faith, he declareth vnto the Bisshoppes, That as it hath pleased God by his care and industrie to winne this people to the Faith, and vnite them to the Catholique Chur­che: so he chardgeth them, nowe to see them stayed and con­firmed by theyr diligente teaching and instructinge them in the trueth. After this Confession vvas read, and that he him selfe, and also his Queene Badda, had confirmed and testified the same vvith their handes subscription: the vvhole Synode gaue thankes to God vvith manye and sundry acclamations, saiyng: That the Catholique King Ri­charedus is to be crouned of God with an euerlasting croune, for he is the gatherer togeather of newe people in the Chur­che. This King truely oughte to haue the Apostolique re­ward, [Page] reward, who hath perfourmed the Apostolike office. This done, after the Noble men and Bisshops of Spaine, vvhom the vvorthy King had conuerted, and brought to the amity of faithe, in the Cōmunion of Christes Church, had also geuen their confession opēly, and testified the same vvith sub­scription: the King vvilling the Synode to goe in hand to repaire and esta­blissh some Ecclesiastical discipline, saith to the Synode, alluding to S. Paules saiyng to the Ephesians to this effect: That the care of a king ought to stretch forth it self, and not to cease til he haue brought (.219.) The .219. Vntruthe. No suche vvoords in that sentence the subiects to a full knowledge and perfect age in Christ: and as (220) The .220. Vntruth. The kīgs vvhole vvordes fouly maimed and mangled, as shall appeare. A Princes speciall care for his subiects a king ought to bend al his power and authority to re­presse the insolēce of the euil, ād to nourish the cōmon peace and trāquility: Euē to ought he much more to study, labour, ād be careful, not only to bring his subiects frō erours and false religiō, but also to see thē instructed, taught, and trained vp in the truth of the clere light, and for this purpose he doth there decree of (221) The .221. Vntruthe. No such vvords in the Councell. his own authority, cōmā ­ding the Bisshops to see it obserued, that at euery Cō ­muniō time before the receit of the same, al the peple with a loud voice together, do recite distīctly the Simbol or crede, set forth by the (222)The .222. Vntruth It vvas not of the Nicene Coūcel, but of the Cōstantino­ple Councell. Nicē coūcel. VVhē the Synode had cōsulted about the discipline, and had agreed vpon such rules and orders, as vvas thought most mete for that time ād chur­che, and the King had cōsidered of them, he doth by his assent and (223)The .223. Vntruth. For not by autho­rity of Supreame gouernemente (as M Horne driueth it) but only for the execution of it in his Dominions. authority, cōfirme and ratify the same, and first subscribeth to thē, and then after hī al the Synod. This zelous care and careful study of this and the other aboue named princes, prouiding, ruling, gouerning, and by their Princely povver and authority, directing their vvhole Clergy, in causes or matters Ecclesiasticall, vvas neuer disalovved, or misliked of the aūcient Fathers, nor of the bisshops of Rome, til novv in these later daies, the insaciable ābitiō of the cler­gy, and the ouermuch negligēce and vvātones of the Princes, vvith the grosse ignorance of the vvhole laity, gaue your holy father (224)The 224. Vntruth. Slaunderous and blasphemous. Lib. Epist. 7. Epist. 126. The Pope at that time cōmēded the Princes gouerne­ment in causes Ec­clesiasiastical. the child of perditiō, the ful svvay to make perfect the mystery of iniquity: yea, it may appe [...]e by an Epistle that Gregorius surnamed great, B. of Rome, vvriteth vnto this vvorthy King Richaredus, [Page 187] that the B. of Rome did much cōmend this careful (225) The .225. Vntruth. S. Gregory speketh not there of any gouernment at all. The (226) Prince calleth Councels ād gouerneth ecclesia­stical causes vvith­out any doings of the Pope therein. gouernmēt of Princes in causes of religion. For he most highly commendeth the doings of this most Christian King. He affirmeth that he is assha­med of him selfe, and of his ovvne slacknes,The .226. Vntruth. auouched in the margin, but not a whit proued in the Texte. vvhen he doth consider the trauail of Kings in gathering of soules to the celestial gaine. Yea what shal I (saith this B. of Rome to the King) answere at the dreadful dome when your excellēcy shal leade after your sel [...] flocks of faithful ones, which you haue brought vnto the true faith by carefull and continuall preaching, &c. Although I haue medled and don no­thing at al with you, doing this (227) The .227. Vntruth. S. Gregories vvor­des excedinglye o­uer reached. altogether with­out me, yet am I partaker of the ioy with you. Neither doth Gregory blame this King as one medling in Churche causes, vvherin he is not Ruler: but he praiseth God for him, that he ma­keth godly constitutions against the vnfaithfulnes of miscreants: and for no vvorldly respect vvilbe persvvaded to see them violated.

Stapleton.

We are now vpon the soden returned into Spaine: But wonderful it is to consider, howe M. Horne misordereth and mistelleth his whole mater, and enforceth as wel other where, as here also by Richaredus, that whiche can not be enforced: that is, to make him a Supreme head in al causes Ecclesiasticall. Ye say M. Horne, he called a Synod to re­paire and make a newe fourme of the Churche discipline. But I say you haue falsly translated the worde, instaurare, which is not to make a new thing, but to renew an olde: whiche differeth very muche. For by the example of the firste, Queene Marie repaired and renewed the Catholique Re­ligiō. By the report of the second, you made in dede a new fourme of matters in King Edwardes dayes, neuer vsed be­fore in Christes Churche. You say also he remoued from [Page] Spaine the Arrians heresies. I graunt you: he dyd so. But thinke you M. Horne,Tom. 2. Cōc. p. 168 col. 1. b. if he nowe liued, and were prince of our Coūtre, he would haue nothing to say to you and your fellowes, as wel as he had to the Arrians? Nay. He and his Councell hath said something to you and against you alrea­dy,Pag. 168. Ante cōmuni­cationem Corporis Christi. Pag. 169. Secundum formam cōcilij Cō ­stantinop. S [...]mbolū fidei reci­tetur. Et mox. Et ad christi corpus et sanguinē praeli­bandū, pe­ctora po­pulorū fi­de purifi­cata ac­cedant. Deijs sym­bolis vide tom. 2. Concil. pag. 392. as we shall anon see.

You say: he cōmaunded the Bisshops that at euery cōmuni­on time, before the receit of the same, the people with a lowde voice togeather should recite distinctly the Symbole or Crede set foorth by the Nicene Councell. It happeneth wel, that the Nicene Councell was added. I was afeard, least ye would haue gonne about to proue, the people to haue song then, some such Geneuical Psalmes as now the brotherhod most estemeth: Wherevnto ye haue here made a prety founda­tion, calling that after your Geneuical sort, the Communion, which the Fathers call the body and bloud of Christ: and the King him selfe calleth the cōmunicating of the body and bloud of Christ. Now here by the way I must admonish you, that it was not the Nicene Crede (as ye write) made at Con­stantinople that was apointed to be rehersed of the people. The which is fuller then the Nicene, for auoiding of certain heresies: fuller I say, as cōcerning Christ conceiued and in­carnated of the holy ghost (which thing I cā not tel how or why your Apologie, as I haue said, hath left out) with some other like. This Councell then hath said somewhat to you for your translation, and muche more for your wicked and heretical meaning, to conuey from the blessed Sacrament, the reall presence of Christes very bodie.

But now M. Horne take you ād your Madge good hede, and marke you wel, whether ye and your sect be not of the Arrians generation, whiche being Priestes, contrary to the [Page 188] Canons of the Church, which thei as mightely contemned as ye do, kept company with their wiues, but yet with such as they laufully maried, before they were ordered Priestes.The Pro­testantes follovve the Arriās in their carnal le­cherie. Can. 5. Tolet. 3. c. 1 Who returning to the Catholike faith frō their Arianisme, woulde faine haue lusked in their leacherie, as they did be­fore being Arians. Which disorder this Coūcel reformeth. The same Councell also cōmaundeth, that the decrees of all Councels, yea and the decretall Epistles of the holye Bisshops of Rome, should remaine in their full strength. Bicause forsoth by Arrians they had before ben violated and neglected,M. Horns Madge must be sold for a slaue by this Coū ­cel which M. Horne him selfe allegeth. Illi vero canonicè, multeres quidē ab Episcopis venūden­tur. et pre­tiū ipsum pauperi­bus irro­getur. Canon. 5. as they are at this day by you and your fellowes vtterly despi­sed and contemned. So like euer are yong heretikes to the olde. Vnū nôr is, omnes nôr is. And this is M. Horne, one part of the repairing, and the making (as you call it) of a newe fourme of the Church discipline, ye spake of. But for the matter it selfe, ye are al in a mūmery, and dare not rub the galde horse on the backe for feare of wincing. Now all in an il time haue ye put vs in remembrance of this Councel: for you must be Canonically punisshed, and Maistres Madge must be solde of the Bisshoppes, and the price must be geuen to the poore. I would be sory shee should heare of this geare: and to what pitifull case ye haue brought her by your own Coūcel. Marke now your margent as fast and as solemne­ly as ye will with the note: The duetifull care of a Prince a­boute Religion: with the note of a Princes speciall c [...]re for his subiects, and with such like. I do not enuie you such notes. In case now, notwithstanding ye are so curstly handeled of King Richaredus and his Councell, ye be content of your gentle and suffering nature, to beare it al well: and wil for al this stil goe forward to set foorth his Primacie, be it so. What can ye say therein further? I perceiue then ye make [Page] great and depe accompt that he subscribed before the Coūcell,A greate difference betvvixt the sub­scription of them­perours ād of the Bisshops. Sext. Syn. Const. act. 17. &. 18. Georgius miserante Deo, &c. Definens, subscripsi. Subscrip­tio pijss. & christ. di­lecti Cōst. imperat. Legimus et cōsenti­mus. act 18 Vt patet in dict. tom. 2 Concil. & Isidor. vi­del. Aera. 627. Hoc est. an. 589 Beda. li. 1. cap. 23. in Hist. gent. Angl. wherof I make as litle: considering here was no newe mater defined by him or the Fathers, but a cōfirmation and a ratification made of the first foure Councels. Which the King strengtheneth by all meanes he coulde, yea with the subscription of his owne hande, because the other Kings his predecessours had ben Arians. Otherwise in the firste .7. Generall Councelles, I finde no subscription of the Empe­rours, but onely in the sixte, proceding from the said cause that this dothe, that is, for that his predecessours were he­retikes, of the heresie of the Monothelites: but not proce­ding altogether in the same order. For the Emperour there subscribeth after al the Bisshops, saying onely: We haue read the Decree and doe consent. But the Bishop of Cōstantinople saith: I George by the mercy of God Bisshop of Constantinople to my definitiue sentence, haue subscribed: after the same sort o­ther Bishops also set to their handes. And this was because the mater was there finally determined against the Mono­thelites. In case this subscriptiō wil not serue the mater, M. Horne hath an other helpe at hand: yea he hath S. Gregory him self, that (as he saith) cōmendeth Richaredus for his gouern­mēt in causes Ecclesiastical: and this is set in the margent as a weighty mater, with an other foorthwith as weighty, that this Richaredus called Councels, and gouerned Ecclesiasticall causes, without any doing of Pope Gregory therin. But by your leaue, both your notes are both folish and false. Folish I say, for how shuld Pope Gregory be a doer with hī, being at that time no Pope, the coūcel being kept in the time of Pelagiꝰ .2. S. Gregories predecessour, in the yere .589. as it appereth by th [...] accōpt of Isidorꝰ liuing about that time: and S. Gregory was made Pope in the yere .592. by the accompt of S. Bede. [Page 189] False, I say: for Richaredus called not Councelles, but one onely Councel: yea and false againe. For there was no go­uernement Ecclesiasticall in Richaredus doings. Neyther is there any such word in the whole Councel by M. Horn alleaged, nor any thing that may by good consequence in­duce such gouernement. I say then further, ye doe moste impudently, in going about to make your Readers belieue, that Richaredus and other Princes after him, were takē for Supreme heades of the Church, till now in these later dai­es: and most blasphemously in calling the Pope, for this ma­ter, the childe of perdition. As wel might you for this cause haue called Gregorie so too. Who is surnamed, as ye here write, the Great. But God wotteth, and the more pitie, not very great with you and your fellowes. Of al bookes, his writinges beare most ful and plaine testimonie, for the Popes singular praeeminence: whiche thing is in an other place by me largely proued, that though the matter here semeth to require somewhat to be said, I neede not say any thing,See the 4. Article the 9. pag. and cer­tain folo­vving. but onely remit the Reader to that place where he shal finde that S. Gregorie practised this Supreme authori­tie, as wel in Spain, as other where, throughout the whole Christened world. But what saith S. Gregorie? Forsothe that the King Richaredus by his carefull and continuall prea­ching, brought Arrians into the true faith. S. Gregorie saith wel. And yet you wil not (I trow) say: The Prince himself preached in pulpit to the Arrians. What then? Verelye that which he did by his Clergie, and to the which he was a godly promoter, that he is saied to doe him selfe. As to preache, to conuert heretiques, to decree this or that, and briefely to gouerne in causes Ecclesiastical. All which the Prince in his owne person or of his owne authority, neuer [Page] dothe. But by his furderance such things being done, he is saied sometimes (as here of Saint Gregorye) to doe them him selfe.

M. Horne goeth a­bout craf­tely to disgrace and slaū ­der Saint Gregory.We might now passe to the next mater, sauing that as ye without any good occasion or bettering of your cause, bring in that Richaredus woorked these thinges without Pope Gregorie: So it may be feared, ye haue a woorse meaning, and that ye doe this altogeather craftely to ble­mishe and deface Sainte Gregorye with the ignoraunte Reader. Els tell me to what purpose write ye, that Saint Gregorye was asshamed of him selfe, Greg. li. 7. Ep. 126. and his owne slacknesse? Why bringe you in these woordes of Sainte Gregorye, What shall I aunsweare at the dreadfull doome, when youre excellencye shall lead with you flockes of faithfull ones, which ye haue broughte into the true faithe, by careful and continuall preachinges? I muste then either to refourme your ig­norance (if ye knew it not before) or to preuent your rea­ders circumuention by your wilye handeling of the mater, like to be perchaunce miscaried: if ye knewe it before,Greg. li. 6. Epist. 37. ad­monish you and him, that this is spoken of S. Gregorye in deede, but as proceeding from a maruelouse humilitye and lowlines.

The wor­thy doīgs of S. Gre­gorie.In like maner as he wrote to Sainte Augustine oure A­postle in the commendation of his doings, wherein yet vn­doubtedly he was a great doer him selfe many wayes, as by the Historie of Bede clerely appeareth Otherwise though Richaredus doings be most gloriouse and worthy of perpe­tuall renoune,Nauclerus Generat. 21. pa. 752 yet shal S. Gregory match him or passe him. Neither shal he altogether be voide of his worthy cōmen­dation, concerning his care for the refourming of Spaine, and repressing of heresies there, either by his authority, or [Page 190] by his learned woorkes. Verely Platina witnesseth, that by the meanes of this Gregorie, the Gothes returned to the vnite of the Catholike faithe. Plat. in Greg. 1. Whiche appeareth not at that time any otherwhere, then in Spaine

Hearken farder what Nauclerus one that you ofte re­herse in this your booke, writeth of him: In super Beatus Gre­gorius, &c. Beside this Saint Gregorie compelled the Ligurians, the Venetians, the Iberians, which had confessed their schisme, by their libell to receiue the Decrees of the Councell of Chalce­do: and so broughte them to the vnitye of the Churche. He reduced them from Idolatrye, partely by punnisshmente, partlye by preaching, the Brucians, the people of Sardinia, and the husbandmenne of Campania. By the good and migh­tye authoritie of his writings, and by Ambassadours sente in conueniente time, he sequestred from the bodye of the Chur­che, the Donatiste Heretiques in Affrique, the Maniches in Sicilie, the Arrians in Spaine, the Agnoites in Alexandria. Onely the Heresie of the Neophites in Fraunce, rising by Sy­moniacall bribes, as it were by so manye rootes, was spreade farre and wide: againste the whiche he valiauntlye foughte, labouring mightelye against it, to the Queene Brunechildis, and to the Frenche Kinges Theodoricus, and Theodobertus, till at the lengthe a Generall Councell beinge summoned, he ob­teined to haue it vtterlye banned and accursed. This saith Nauclerus of other Countries.

Now what nede I speake of our Realme, the matter be­ing so notoriouse, that by his good meanes, by his studye and carefulnes, we were brought from most miserable ido­latrie to the faith of Christe? And therefore as our Venera­ble Countreyman Bede writeth, we maye well and oughte [Page] to call him our Apostle.S. Grego­rie our Apostle. Lib. 2. c. 1. Rectè nostrum appellare possumus & debemus Apostolum. Quia cum, &c. For, saith he, wheras he had the chiefe Bisshoprike in all the worlde, and was the chiefe Ruler of the Churches, that long before were conuerted to the faithe, he procured oure Nation, that before that time was the Idols slaue, to be the Church of Christ. So that we may well vse that saiyng taken from the Apostle. All were it, that he were not an Apostle to other, yet is he our Apostle. We are the seal of his Apostlesship in our Lord God. It appeareth that S. Gregorie had to doe in Ireland also by his Ecclesia­stical authoritie.Greg. lib. 2 cap. 36. Thus much haue I here spoken of S. Gre­gorie, either necessarily, or (as I suppose) not altogether without good cause: Surely not without most deape harte griefe, to consider how farre we are gon from the learning, vertue, and faith, whiche we nowe almost one thousande yeares past, receiued at this Blessed mans handes. Which altogether, with our newe Apostle M. Horne heere, is no­thing but Grosse ignorance. And this blessed and true Apo­stle of our English Nation, no better then the child of perdi­tion. That is, as he meaneth in dede, a plaine Antichriste. I pray God, ones open the eyes of our Coūtrie, to see who is in dede the true Antichrist, and who are his messengers and forerunners, thereby carefully and Christianly to shun as well the one as the other. Christ is the Truth it selfe, as him selfe hath said. Who then is more nere Antichriste, then the teacher of Vntruthes? And what a huge number hath M. Horne heaped vs vppe in that, hitherto hath bene answered, being litle more then the third part of his boke? Yea in this very Diuision how doe they muster? Some of them haue already ben touched. But now to the rest more at large, let vs ouer runne the Diuision shortly againe.

[Page 191]First besides his false translation, putting for repairing the order of Ecclesiasticall discipline,M. Horns Vntruths laid forth. to make a new fourme thereof, as though that King altered the old Religion of his realme, and placed a newe neuer vsed before in Christes Churche, as M. Horne and his fellowes haue done in our Countrie, beside this pety sleight, and diuers other before noted, he hath so maimed and mangled the wordes of King Richaredus (wherein the whole pithe of this Diuision re­steth) to make some apparence of his pretensed Primacie, that it would lothe a man to see it, and weary a man to ex­presse it. Namely in the text where his Note standeth of a Princes speciall care for his subiectes. Tom. 2. Conc. pag. 167. col. 2. The whole woordes of the King are these: The care of a King ought so farre to be ex­tended and directed, vntill it be found to receiue the full mea­sure of age and knowledge. For as in worldly things the Kings power passeth in glorie, so oughte his care to be the greater for the welth of his subiectes. But now (moste holy Priestes) we bestow not onely our diligence in those matters whereby oure subiectes may be gouerned and liue most peaceablye, but also by the helpe of Christe, we extend our selues to thinke of heauenly matters, and we labour to knowe how to make our people faith­full. And verely if we ought to bend all our power to order mens maners, and with Princely power to represse the insolency of the euill, if we ought to geue all ayde for the encrease of peace and quiet, muche more we ought to study, to desire and thinke vppon godly things, to looke after high matters, and to shew to our people being now brought from errour, the trueth of cleare light. For so he dothe whiche trusteth to be rewarded of God with aboundant reward. For so he dothe, which aboue that is cōmitted vnto him doth adde more, seing to such it is said, Luc. 10. what so euer thou spendest more, I, when I come againe, will recom­pence [Page] thee. This is the whole and ful talke of Richaredus the king to the Councel touching his duetyfull care aboute religion.

Compare this, gentle Reader, with the broken and mangled narratiō of M. horne, and thou shalt see to the eye his lewde pelting and pelting lewdnesse. Thou shalt see, that the king protested his care in gods matters to be (not his dew charge and vocatiō, as a king) but an additiō aboue that which was commytted wnto him, and to be a work of supererogatiō, and that he extēded him selfe of zeale aboue that, which his duety ād office required. Al which M. Horn left out, bycause he knewe it did quite ouerthrowe his purpose.

He saieth againe of kyng Richaredus, that he decreed in the Councel of his owne Authority, commaundyng the bis­shops to see it obserued: which wordes also he hath caused to be printed in a distinct lettre, as the wordes of his Author alleaged.Cōcil. To­let. 3. Cap 2. Tom. 2. pag. 169. Col. 1. But they are his owne wordes, and do proceede of his owne Authority, not to be found in the whole pro­cesse of the Kings Oration to the Councell, or in the Coū ­cel it selfe. But contrariwise the Councell expressely saith of this Decree: Consultu pijssimi & gloriosissimi Richaredi Regis constituit Synodus. The Synode hath appointed or decreed by the aduise of the most godly and gloriouse King Richaredus. The Synode M. Horne, made that Decree by the aduise of the King.Vide Gre­gor. lib. 7. epist. 126. The king made it not by his own au­thority commaunding. &c. as you very Imperiously do talke. Againe where you saie that S. Gregory did much commend the carefull gouernement of Princes in causes of Religion, S. Gregory speaketh not of any suche gouernement at all. It is an other of your Vntruthes.

[Page 192]Last of all, where Saint Gregorie sayeth of humilitie, as we haue before declared, to the king: Et si vobiscum nihil egimus: Although we haue done nothing with you: You to amplifie the matter, enlardge your translation with a very lying liberalitie, thus. Although I haue medled and don nothing at all with you, doing this altogether without mee. For these wordes, medle, at all, and dooing this altogeather without me, is altogeather without and beyond your La­tine of Saint Gregorie. Whome you ouerreache excee­ding much: Making him not so muche as to meddle with the Kings doings, and that the king did altogeather with­out him: Which yet (if Nauclerus your common alleaged Author be true of his woorde) did verye muche with the King,Naucle­rus vbi supra: & Platina. and furdered many wayes the conuerting of the Ar­rians in Spaine to the Catholique faith.

But so it is. As in al your proufes you ouerreach migh­tely the force of your examples, cōcluding Supreme gouern­mente in all causes, when the Argumente procedeth of no gouernemente at all, but of execution, and so foorth, euen so in your translations (wherein yet you looke singular­lye to be credited, scarse ones in tenne leaues, bringing one sentence of Latine) you ouer reache marueilouslye your originall Authorities.

Suche is your vntrue and false dealing, not onely here, but in a manner throughout your whole booke. And nowe to ende this Seconde booke, with a flourishe of Maister Iewels Rhetorique, to sweete your mouth at the ende Maister Horne, that so with the more courage we may proceede (after a pause vppon this) to the Thirde and Fourthe, let me spurre you a question.

[Page] M. Iewell [...]n his Re­lie. pa. 91 What M. Horne? Is it not possible your doctrine may stande without lyes? So many Vntruthes in so litle roome, without the shame of the worlde, without the feare of God? Where did Christe euer commaunde you to make, your Prince the su­preme gouernour in all causes? By what Commission, by what woordes? Or if Christ did not, who euer els cōmaun­ded you so to do? What lawe? What Decree, what Decre­tall, what Legantine, what Prouinciall? But what a wonderfull case is this? The Supreame gouernemente of Princes in al causes Ecclesiastical, that we must nedes swere vnto by booke othe, yea and that we must nedes belieue in conscience, to be so auncient, so vniuersal, so Ca­tholique, so cleere, so gloriouse, can not now be founde, neither in the olde Law, nor in the new, nor by anye one example of the first 600. yeares.

THE THIRDE BOOKE: DIS­PROVING THE PRETENSED PRACTISE OF Ecclesiastical gouernmēt in Emperors and Kings as wel of our own Countre of Englande, as of Fraunce and Spayne, in these later .900. yeres from the tyme of Phocas to Maximilian next predecessour to Charles the .V. of famous me­mory.

M. Horne. The .79. Diuision. Fol. 47. b.

Next after Sabinianus, an obscure Pope, enemy and successour to this Gregory, succeded Bonifacius. 3. VVho although he durst not in playne dealing denie, or take from the Emperours, the authoritie and iurisdiction in the Popes election, and other Churche matters: yet he vvas the first that (.228.)The .228. vntruth. Slaunde­rous. Sabel. Plat. Paul. Dia. Volater. Naucler. Martinus. opened the gappe thereunto: for as Sabel. testifieth, vvith vvhom agree all other vvriters, for the moste parte: This Bonifacius immediatly vpon the entraunce into his Papacy, dealte with Phocas, to winne that the Church of Rome, might (.229.)The .229. vntruth. Not to be Head, but to be so called. be head of all other Churches, the which he hardely obteined, bicause the Grecians did chalenge that prerogatiue for Constantinople. After he had obteyned this glorious and ambitious title, of the bloudy tyrant Phocas, and that vvith (.230.)The .230. vntruthe Slaunde­rous. no smal bribes: like vnto one that hauing a beame in his ovvn eie, vvent about to pul the mote out of his brothers, he made a decree, that euery one should be accursed, that prepared to him selfe a way into the Papacy, or any other Ecclesia­stical dignity, with frendship or bribery. Also that the bisshops in euery city, should be chosen by the people and Clergy: and that the election should be good, so that the Prince of the City did approue the party by thē chosen, ād the Pope addīg his au­thority therto, had ones said, volumus & iubemus: we wil and commaunde. But saith Sabell, both these decrees are abolished.

The first Chapter. Of Phocas the Emperour, and of Bo­nifacius the .3. Pope.

Stapleton.

HAVING nowe good reader, passed the first sixe hundred yeares, and hauing answered to M. Hornes arguments, for such proufes as he pretendeth to serue him, for thinges don with­in those .600. yeares: I am in a great doubte and staye withe my selfe, what order to take for the residewe of myne answere. We haue gone ouer litle more then one half, of that parte of M. Hornes booke, wherein he taketh vpon him to be the challenger, and an apponente: and yf we weighe the nomber of yeares, in the which M. Horne taketh his large race and course, they yet remayne almoste a thowsande to those that be alredy passed. Yf we measure the leaues, almost the one halfe rest behinde to the nomber of .42. Beside the remnante of his booke, wherein he plaith the defendants parte. I speake thus much for this considera­tion. Yf I shoulde largely and copiouslye answere the re­sidewe, as I haue begonne, and fullye vnfolde his fonde follies, confuting euerye point, the booke woulde wexe to bigge and huge. On the other syde, yf I should lightlye and breiflye passe yt ouer, perchaunce M. Horne woulde bragge and saye he were not, no nor coulde be answered.

But yet bethinkinge my selfe well vppon the matter, the compendiouse waye seemeth to me at this tyme beste. Wherein I could be so shorte and compendiouse, that with one lyne, I shoulde sufficiently discharge my selfe for the whole answere, in saying shortly, but truely, that there is not, no not one onely authority apte and fyt to cōclude his purpose. I coulde also shifte him of an other waye: and [Page 194] because M. Iewel with other his fellowes groundeth him self vppon yt, as a good and a peremptorye exception, I might boldly say, M. Horne, al your proufes after Gregory come to late: your .600. yeres are empted, spente, and gone.

Again I might and truly, seing that his pretensed proufes, of the first sixe hundred yeares are so faint and weake, yea seing that he is quyte borne downe, with his own authors, in the same booke, chapter, leafe, and somtyme line to, that him self alleageth: say, that either it is most likelye, that he cannot bring any good or substancial matter, for the latter 900. yeares, or what so euer yt be, it must yeld and geue place, to the Fathers of the first sixe hundred yeares. And with this answere might we, contemning and neglecting al his long ragmans rolle, that hereafter followeth, set vppon him an other while, and see how valiantly he wil defende his owne heade. Which God wote he will full faynte­lye doe. Well I will not be so precise,The or­der to be takē here after in ansvve­ring the residewe of M. Hornes booke. as to let yt alone al­together, but I shall take the meane, and as I thinke, the most allowable way: neither answering all at length, and stitch by stitch with diligence, as I haue hitherto vsed, nor leauing all, but taking some aduised choice. Wherefore yf hereafter he bringe any accustomed or stale marchan­dize, yt shall passe: but yf any fyne freshe, farre sought, and farre bowght marchandize come, we will geue him the lokinge on, and now and then cope withe him to. Goe to then M. Horne, take your weapon in your hand againe, and besturre your self with yt, edglynge, or foyning with the beste aduantage ye can.

Ye say then Bonifacius the thirde opened the gappe to take away from th'Emperour the authority and Iurisdictiō of the popes election: Ye say it, but ye doe not, nor cā proue [Page] it. Ye say that he wonne of Phocas, that Rome might be head of all Churches, meaning thereby, as appereth well by that which followeth, ād by M. Iewel and your other fellowes, that it was not takē so before.Plat. in Bonifa. 3. Whereof I haue alredy pro­ued the contrary by the Councell of Chalcedo: by Victor, yea the Emperours Valentinian and Iustinian: and other­wise to.Adoi [...] Chroni. Beda de sex Aera. Martinus Polonus. Paulus Diaconus. But this you reporte vntruly. For the Popes suyte was not, that his See might be the head of al Churches, but that the see of S. Peter which is the head of all Churches, might be so called and takē of al mē. And the reason is added by Ado, Paulus Diaconus, Beda, Martinus, and others, bicause the Se [...] of Constantinople, wrote her selfe at that time the Chiefe of all others. This newe attempt, caused the Pope to make this suyt. Not that either it should be so (for so it had bene with­out the Emperours Autorytie) or that then it was first cal­led so. Ye say he wanne this gloriouse and ambitiouse title with no small brybes. Ye say it, but ye neither proue it, nor can proue yt. And sure I am, that none of your authours ye name in the margent,Sabel. Ac­nea. 8. l 6. Platina, in Boni. 2. Paul. Dia. de gestis Lōgobar. li. 4. c. 11. Naucler. Gener. 21. Martinus Polon. Vo­lateranus. sayth so. Neither do I yet see, wher­vppon ye shuld grounde your self, onlesse it be vppon your straunge grammer, turning Magna contentione, with great contention, or with much adoe, into no small brybes: as ye did lately conuenit, into oportet. And for this that ye call this a gloriouse and ambitiouse tytle, obtayned by this Bonifa­cius: truth it is, that as this tytle was euer due to the Church of Rome, and confessed as I haue said, by Councels, Empe­rours and other longe before the time of this Phocas or Bonifacius, so neither this pope, nor anie other of his succes­sours vsurped or vsed it, as a tytle. These be your manifold falshods M. Horne, lapped vp in so fewe lynes. After your lewde vntruthes, foloweth a copie of your singular witte. [Page 195] For to what ende, with what wisedome, or with what be­nefytte of your cause recyte you two decrees of this Bo­nifacius? I will geue yowe leaue to breath on the matter,M Hor­nes folly. least vppon the soden you might be apalled with the que­stion. The best answere, I wene, you coulde make, woulde be to say, that hereby appereth the Ambition of pope Bo­nifacius, 3. And then to proue that Ambition in him, by these decrees, I thinke, it would trouble you much more. For in the one he expressely decreeth against Ambition, in the other he alloweth the consent of lay princes in a bis­shops election. But it is wel, that as Sabel. saieth: Both these decrees are abolisshed. Wherof it will folowe, if that be true, that if the decrees were good, and made for you, then yet they continewed not, but were abolished. If they were naught, and made against the pope, yet the faulte was soone amended. Thus how so euer it fal out, you see howe wisely ād to what great purpose you haue alleaged those decrees.

M. Horne. The .80. Diuision. Fol. 48. a.

Novve began this matter to brue by litle and litle, first he obteined to (.231.) The 231. vntruth, as before. be the chiefe ouer al the Bisshops, then to couer vice vvith vertue, and to hide his ambicion, he condemned al ambicion in labouring Spirituall pro­mocion, and in the election of Bishoppes, vvhere the confirmation before vvas in the Emperours: bicause the Emperour gaue him an I [...]i [...]he, he toke an ell, bicause he had giuen him a foote, he vvould thrust in the vvhole body, and tourne the right ovvner out, For (.232.) The 232. vntruth. Thempe­rour by that de­cree is not left out, leuing out the Emperour, he putteth in the Princes of the Cities, from vvhome he might as easely aftervvardes take avvay, as for a shevve he gaue falsely that vnto them, that vvas none of his to giue: graunting vnto them the allovvance of the election: but to him self the authority of ratifying, or infringing the same, choose them vvhe­ther they vvould allovve it or no. And to shevve vvhat authoritie he vvould reserue to him selfe, borovving of the tyrant, speaking in the singuler nombre. Sic volo, sic iubeo, so wil I, so do I commaunde: for the more magnificence in the plurall nombre, he princely lappeth vp all the [Page] matter vvith volumus & iubemus, we will and commaunde: VVhich vvordes, like the Lavve of the Medes and Persians, that may not be reuoked, if they once passe through the Novve M. Horne doth his kinde. Sabel. Popes holy lippes, must nedes stand, allovve or not allovve, vvho so list, vvith full authoritie the matter is quite dashed. But thankes be to God for al this (the decre is abolished) folo­vveth immediatly. For (.233.) The .233. vntruth. 4 popes came be­twene ād 25. yeres. shortly after, Isacius the Emperours Lieute­nant in Italy, did confirme and ratifie the election of Seuerinus the first of that name, for saith Platina. The electiō of the Pope made by the Clergie and people in those daies, It was so, vi, non iure, by force not by right. was but a vaine thing, onlesse the Emperour, or his Lieutenant had confirmed the same.

Stapleton.

WHeras ye say this Bonifacius lefte out the Empe­rour (who had the confirmation of them before) in his decree concernyng the election of Bishops and put in the princes of the citie, and gaue falslie that to them, which was none of his to geue: yf ye mark the words of the decree wel, the Emperour is not left out, but lefte in as good case as he was before. Onlesse ye think the Empe­rour is prince of no city: or that all cities were at this tyme vnder the Emperour, wheras euen in our Europa, the Em­perour had nothing to doe, in England, Fraunce, Germanie Spaine, no nor in manie places of Italie. And I must put you in remembraunce,Fol. 38. that before this tyme, when Iustinian was Emperour, king Theodatus did confirme the electiō of pope Agapetus, as you reherse out of Sabellicus. Neither did the pope as of him self, and of newe geue anie authority to princes in election more thē they had before. But by his decree renewed the old order of electiō of bishops. Which was wont to passe, by the cōsent of the clergie, prince, and people, with the popes confirmation afterward: Therefore ye say vntruly surmising that the decree of Bonifacius, was [Page 196] in this poynt immediatly abolished. Verely your example of Isacius the Emperours Lieutenāt litle serueth your pur­pose, who shortly after, you say,Bonifa. 4. Theodat. Bonifa. 5. Honor. 1. confirmed and ratified the election of Pope Seuerinus. For first betwene this confirming of Seuerinus, and the deathe of this Bonifacius, foure Popes came betwene, and wel nere .30. yeres. Againe as touching this ratifieng and confirmation that Isacius the Emperours Lieutenāt practised, will you see how orderly it proceded? Verely by mere violence, by spoyling the treasure of the Church of S. Iohn Lateranes. At the distribution of which treasure afterwarde so orderly obtayned by the Emperour Heraclius, the Saracens fel out with the Christiās,Sabellicus Aenead. 8. lib. 6. pag. 535. (because they had no parte thereof with the Greke and Romayn Souldiours) forsoke the Emperours seruice, got from the Empire Damascus, al Aegypt, and at lēgth Persia it self, and embraced Mahomet then lyuing and his doctrine, which synce hath so plaged all Christendome. So well prospered the doinges of this Isacius: and such holsome examples M. Horne hath piked out to furnishe his imagined supremacy withall.

M. Horne. The .81. Diuision. pag. 48. a

Sisenandus the king of Spain,Tol. 4. calleth forth of all partes of his domi­nions the Bishops to a City in Spaine, called Toletum. The purpose and maner of the kynges doynges in that councel, the Bishoppes them selues set forth, first as they affirme: They assemble together by the praecepts and cōmaundement of the king, to consult of certaine orders of discipline for the Church, to refourme the abuses that were crept in about the Sacramētes ād the maners of the Clergy. The king vvith his nobles, cōmeth into the coūcel house: He exhorteth thē to careful diligēce, that therby al errors and abuses, may be vvypt a vvay clere out of the Churches in Spayn. They folovve the kinges (.234.) The .234. vntruth. The king folovved their directiō, not they the Kinges in causes ec­clesiasti­cal. directiō, ād agree vpō many holsom rules. VVhē they haue cōcluded, thei besech the kīg to cō ­tinu his regim [...]t, to gouern his peple with iustice ād godlines. [Page] And vvhē the King had geuē his assent to the rulers of discipline, vvhich they had (.235.) The .235 vntruthe. Not simply agreed vpon, but fully and finally had decreed and determined. Tol. 5. Tol. 6. Desinitis itaque etc. Tol. 7. agreed vppon, they subscribed the same vvith their ovvn handes.

The like Synode Chintillanus king of Spaine, did conuocate at Toletum, for certain ceremonies, orders, and discipline, vvhich vvas confirmed by his precept and (.236.) The 236. vntruthe. By the bis [...]hops de­cree not by the kinges decree. Decreto nostro sancimus. decree, in the first yeere of his reigne. And an other also by the same king, and in the same place, and for the like purpose, vvas called and kept the second yere of his reigne.

Chinasuindus King of Spaine, no lesse careful for Churche matters and Religion, than his predecessours, (.237.) The .237. vntruthe. For not by his Su­preme Authority, Studio Serenissimi Regis By the fauor and endeuour &c. Tol. 8. appointeth his bisshops to assemble at Toletum in conuocation, and there to consult for the stablishing of the faith, and Church discipline, vvhich they did.

Reccessiunthus King of Spaine, commaunded his Bisshops to assemble at Toletum, in the first yere of his reigne, and there appointed a Synode, vvherein besides the Bisshops and Abbottes, there sate a great company of the noble men of Spaine. The Kinge him selfe came in amongest them, he maketh a graue and verye godlye exhortation vnto the vvhole Synode, he professed hovve careful he is, that his subiectes should be rightly instructed in the true faith, and Religion. He propoundeth the fourme of an In that Othe, there vvas, I vvar­rant you, no Su­preme gouernmēt &c. Othe vvhich the clergy and others of his subiectes vvere By the vertu of a Canon made in Tolet. 7. vvonte to re­ceiue, for the assurance of the Kings saulfty. He exhorteth them to ordeine sufficiently for the maintenance of godlines and iustice. He moueth his nobles that they vvill (.238.) The .238. vntruthe. Not to assiste, but in al poīts to obey ād folovv the ordi­naunces of the Sy­nod. assist and further the good and godly ordinaunces of the Synode. He promiseth that he vvil by his princely authority, ratifie and maineteine vvhat so euer they shal decree, to the furtherance of true Godlinesse, and Religion. The Synode maketh ordinaunces: the clergy, and nobility there assembled subscribeth them: and the Kinge confirmeth the same vvith his (.239.) The 239. vntruthe. No such matter in the Councel. Tol. 9. Tol. 10. royal assent and authority. He called tvvo other Synodes in the same place for such like purpose, in the se­uenth and eyght yeeres of his reigne.

The 2. Chapter: Of other kinges of Spayne, and of the Toletane Councels holden in their raignes.

Stapleton.

WE are yet ons againe come to Spayne: and we haue nowe seuen councels summoned there, by theis foure kings, that M. Horn here nameth. But surely there is nothing, wherby to fasten this primacy vp­pon them. But here are manie playne and open things, that do so blemish and spotte M. Horn, and his Madge and their childrē with a most shamful reproche of perpetual infamy, as theis coūcels here by him alleaged, may seme to remayne in this his boke lyke the salt Stone, wherinto Lothes wyfe was turned: that is,Tol. 4. ca. 40. as a perpetual monumente of his shame and dishonestie for euer. For where is the clericall crowne that theis fathers require, in M. Hornes head? What a nomber of decrees appeare in theis councelles by M. Horne rehersed againste the filthie fornication and ma­riage of such persons both men and wemen as had profes­sed chastytie?Tol. 6. c. 6. Tol. 8. c. 4. & 5. & 7 Tol. 9. c. 10 Tol. 10. c. 5. For the which Potamius the bishop of Bra­carie is deposed: as was before Saphoracus (whome as ye heard, M. Horne browght in for an example of his proufe) in Fraunce. And here haue yowe, that not onlie Mai­stres Madge shall be a slaue, but her children to, thus in­cestuously begotten, shall be made bond men. I praye yow then what doe all theis Councells so muster here: onlesse yt be to represente to vs, and to all that shall reade and see M. Hornes boke hereafter, that he can alleage no Coun­cells, but suche as make against him? For beholde howe manye thinges these Councells decree, of whiche M. Horne, and his pewfelowes obserue neuer a white. [Page] Els where are the hallowed tapers to be vsed in the vigils decreed in those Councels?Tol. 4. ca. 8 Tol. 7. ca. 3 Tol. 10. c. 5 Where is the Masse so expres­ly in those Councells mentioned? Where is the order and discipline decreed there against renegate Nonnes? But to let these things passe, what hath M. Horne, in al those Coū ­cels to iustifie his primacy by? Verely in the first Councell by him alleaged Sisenandus the kyng entring in to the Sy­nod,Tol. 4. in praefat. began his talke to the bishops, Coram sacerdotibus Dei humi prostratus, lyenge flat groueling on the ground before the priestes of God. And in al that Councel he only exhor­ted the bishoppes to make some decrees for reformation of the Church. In the second Councel by him alleaged, wher he saieth the Synod was confirmed by the princes commaunde­ment and decree, the wordes of the Councel write expres­ly the contrary.Tol. 5. in. praefat. For the bishops there of their conclusion in that Synod do say. Ex praecepto eius, & decreto nostro sanci­mus. This we ordaine by the kinges precept, and our de­cree. It is their decree M. Horne not the princes. And so in the next Councell folowing,Tol. 6. c. 2. this Synod is called, the bishops constitution or decree: not the kinges. In the third Councell by you alleaged, the bishops confesse they were there assembled,Tol. 6. in praefat. Regis salutaribus hortamentis absque impe­dimento: by the holsome exhortations of the king without let, signifiyng that by the kinges meanes they were quiet­ly assembled,Tol. 7. in praefat. and nothing els. As also in the next Councell folowing they saie Studio serenissimi Regis & caet by the en­deuoure or fauoure of our most gratiouse kinge. Nay in the next Councel by you alleaged the kinge and his nobles confesse them selues subiectes to the bishops in such mat­ters.Tol. 8. in praefat. The king speaking to the bishops saieth. En Reuerendi patres excelsiori mihi venerationis honore sublimes, coram vo­bis [Page 198] aduenio &c. Beholde Reuerend fathers, highe to me in a more higher degree of honour, I come before you &c. And touching his nobles (of whome, as M. Horne noteth, there sate in the Synod a greate Company) he chargeth them,Ibidem. vt nihil à consensu praesentium patrum sanctorúmque virorum a­liorsum mentis ducant obtutum: that in no point they should direct their intention from the consent of the fathers and holy men there present. In which words you see M. Horn, his nobles were not there to gouerne, to direct, or to ouer­rule the bishops: but rather to be gouerned directed, and instructed of the bishoppes. And then as I saied, what is there in all these Councells that may any waies furder this vehement imaginatiō of your supremacy? And how much is there that ouerturneth the same, and establisheth the Clergies supremacy, in such causes to them apperteyning? For beside all this,Tol. 8. c. 4. lo what the Fathers in this very Coun­cell do yet farder protest. They saie, that Christ is the head, and the bishops the eyes. They say, that they being of the hi­ghest doe rule by the highnes of theire order: and doe gouerne the multitude of people, Nam dùm secun­dum Carnis assump­tae mysterium, Ec­clesiae suae fuerit dig­natus caput existere Christus, meritò in membris eius in­tentio Episcoporū, of­ficia peragere cerni­tur oculorum. Ipsi enim de sublimiori­bus, celsitudine ordinis regunt & disponunt subiectas multitudines plebium. Tol. 8. ca. 4. vnder their subiec­tion. And therevppon they say that Bisshoppes a­monge other their vertues, must excell in kepinge of chastitye. And they further doe declare, that such as be faultye therein, shalbe thruste oute of theire bisshoprikes. Yet one thinge there is, that semethe colowrablye to serue Maister Horne, that is, that the nobility also subscribeth. Which should seame to imploye a voyce and a consente. [Page] Vnto the which our former answer may serue wel enough, that the Bisshops decreed and ruled, not the Nobles. Again this may serue,Vide Cōc. 5 & Con. 8. that here in al these Councels, was no new matter of faith determined: but most of all this I am assu­red will serue, to say that many thinges were in those Coū ­cels, enacted for the assurance and succession of the Prince and of other cyuill and polityke matters, to the whiche noble men may subscribe wel inowghe.

M. Horne. The .82. Diuision. Fol. 49. a.

Distin. 631. cap. 21. Vitalianus beinge chosen Pope, sente his messengers vvith Synodicall letters (according to the custome, saith Gratian) to signifie vnto the Emperour of his election. In this Popes time (saith the Pontificall) came Constantinus the Emperour to Rome, vvhome this Pope vvith his cleargy,The .242. vntruthe Slaunderous. met sixe myles out of the City, and did humbly receiue him. It is vvonderfull to consider (although the Historians, being Papistes for the most part, (.240.) couer the matter so muche as may be) vvhat practises the Popes vsed to catche (.241.) The 241. vntruth. The Emperours neuer had it. from the Emperours to them selues, the su­periority in gouerning of Churche matters: vvhen they savve, that by stovvte and braue presumption, their ambitious appetites could not be satisfied, they turned ouer an other leafe, and coue­ring their (.242.) The 242. vntruthe Slaunderous and Rayling. ambitious meaning vvith a patched cloke of humility and lovvlinesse, they vvan muche of that, vvhich vvith pride and presumption they had so often before this tyme attemp­ted in vaine.

VVith this vvily lovvlinesse, Donus the next sauing one to Vitalianus, (.243.) The .243. vntruth. He brought it not, but restored it &c. As shal appeare. brought vnder his obedience the Archebis­shop of Rauenna. There had been an olde and (.244.) The 244. vntruthe Notorious and fa­cing. continual dissention betvvixt the Archebisshop of Rome, and the Arche­bisshop of Rauenna, for the superiority: The Rauennates ac­compting their sea (.245.) The .245. vntruthe. Their first strife vvas not about the Superiority: but about Tria capitula. Pontificall. equall in dignity, and to ovve none obedience to the sea of Rome, for they vvere not subiect there­vnto: To finishe this matter, and to vvinne the superiority, Do­nus [Page 199] first practised vvith Reparatus the Archebisshop of Ra­uenna, to geue ouer vnto him the superiority,Anno. 620. and become his o­bedientiary, and that (as it may appeare by the sequele) vvithout the consent of his Church. After the death of Reparatus, vvhich vvas vvithin a vvhyle, Theodorus a familiar friend to Aga­tho the Pope, and a stoute man, (vvhom (.246.) The 246. vntruth. It vvas not that Theodorus, but an other, as shal ap­peare. Agatho did honour vvith his Legacy vnto the syxth general Councel at Cōstā ­tinople) because his Clergy vvoulde not vvayt on him on Christ­mas daye, solempnely (.247.) The 247 vntruthe as shal appeare. conducting him vnto the Churche as the maner had been, did geue ouer the title, ād made his sea subiect to the Pope for enuy ād despite of his Clergy, (saith Sabellicus) vvherevvith the Rauennates vvere not con­tent, but being ouercome by the authority of the Emperour Con­stantin, vvho much fauored Agatho, they bare it as patiently as they might. And Leo the seconde, successour to Agatho, made an ende hereof, (.248.) The 248 vntruthe grosse ād impudēt, as shal appeare. causing the Emperour Iustinian to shevve great (.249.) The 249. vntruth. It vvas because thei vvould maintayne their olde disobe­dience. cruelty vnto the vvhole Cyty of Rauenna, and to Felix their Bisshop, because they vvould haue (.250.) The 250. vntruthe. It vvas Constantin not Iustinian. recouered their olde liberty. And so this Pope Leo by the commandement and povver of the Emperour Iustinian, brought Rauenna vnder his obeisance, as the Pontifical reporteth. These Popes through their feyned humility and obedience vnto the Emperours, vvhich vvas but duty, vvan both much fauour and ayde at the Emperors hādes, to atchieue their purpose much desired.

The .3. Chapter: of Vitalianus, Donus and Leo the .2. Bishops of Rome: and howe the Church of Rauenna was re­conciled to the See Apostolike.

Stapleton.

WHy Maister Horne? Put case the Pope signifieth his election to the Emperour? Putte case the Popes were sometyme stowte and braue? And sometyme againe couered theyre ambitiouse mea­ninge with a patched cloke of humilitye and lowe­lines? [Page] what yf the Churche of Rauenna after long rebellion became an obediētiarie to the apostolike see of Rome?Sabell. en. 8. lib. 6. Rauēnas ecclesiae ad officium reuocata est. Platina ad Donum, hoc decus refert. Platina. Prae­terea tantum do­ctrina & sanctitate valuit, vt Rauen­natem Ecclesiam à Romana [...]am pridē segregatam. &c. This is the effect and contents almost of one whole leafe. What then I say? Knitte vp I pray you, your conclusiō. Ergo a Prince of a Realme is supreame head in al causes ecclesiasticall and tē ­poral. Wel and clerckly knitte vp by my sheathe. But Lorde what a sorte of falshods and follies are knitte vp together, in this your wise collection? As concerning the stowtnes and cloked humility of the Popes, your authours the Pontifical and Sa­bellicus write no such thinge, but commend Vita­lian,Idem in Leone. 2. Contudit superbiam praesulum Rauenna­tum, quod Agatho inchoauerat. Instituit enim ne electio cleri Rauennatis valeret, nisi eadem Ro­manae sedis authori­tate cōfirmata fuis­set. Antea verò Hy­parchorum potentia freti, diuina atque humanae omnia pro arbitrio animi mis­cebant, nemini obtē perantes, quasi Rom. pontificibus pares. Tom. 2. Concil. fol. 280. col. 1. a. Donus, Agatho, Leo, for very good Popes, yea and for this their doing concerning the Church of Rauenna. Other writers commende these Popes also, for good and vertuouse men. But I perceiue they are no meane or common persons that must serue for witnesses in your honorable consistorie, your exceptions are so precise and peremptorye. Yet I beseache you sir, in case ye will reiecte all other, lette the Emperour Constantin himself serue the turne for this Vitalian. Who, at what tyme the bisshops of the easte being Monothelites, woulde not suffer Vitalians name to be rehersed according to the custome in the Churche at Constantinople, did withstande them. And why, thinke, you M. Horne? for any fayned holynes? No, no, but propter collatam nobis charitatem ab eodem Vitaliano dum su­peresset in motione tyrannorum nostrorum. For his charity employed vppon vs, saieth the Emperour, whil he liued, in the remouing and thrusting out, of [Page 200] those that played the tyrants against vs. Why doe ye not bring forth your authours, to proue them dissemblers and Hypocrites? but you shal proue this, when you proue your other saying, that there had ben an old ād a cōtinual dissensiō betwen these .ij. Churches,Vide Gre­gorium li. 2. epist. 54 indict. 11. ad [...]oan. Epis. Ra­uen. Li. 4. epi. 54. ad Martianū epi. Rauē. Epist. Io. Rauēnat. ad Grego. li. 10. epi. 55. Quae vni­uersali ec­clesiae iura sua trās­mittit. Rauenna­ti ecclesiae quae pecu­liariter vestra est. ād that the Rauēnates were not subiect to the see of Rome. This is wel to be proued, that they ought to haue bene subiect to the see of Rome, not onely by a common and an vniuersal subiection, as to the see of all Churches: But as to theyre patriarchall see with­all. It is also aswell to be proued, that in S. Gregories tyme, who died but .72. yeares before Donus was made pope, the Archebishops of Rauēna, acknowledged the superioritie of the Church of Rome: as appereth by sondrye epistles of S. Gregorie: and receyuid theire Palle from thense, a most certayne token of subiection: matters also being remoued from thense to the popes consistory, yea the bishop of Ra­uēna cōfessing that Rome was the holy See, that sente to the vniuersall Churche, her lawes, and prayeth S. Gregorie not onely to preserue to the Church of Rauenna which pecu­liarly was vnder Rome, her olde priuileges: but also, to be­stowe greater priuileges vppon her. Wherein appeareth your great vntruth, and foly withal: in that you saie, there had bene an olde and continuall dissention betwixt the Arche­bishop of Rome and the Archebishop of Rauenna for the su­perioritie. Now you see the dissension was not continual, nor very olde, it being so But 72. yeres be­fore. Tom. 2. Cō p. 279. b. late subiect to the See of Rome in the tyme of S. Gregory. Herein appeareth also an other of your vntruths, where you alleadge out of the pontifical, that Pope Leo brought Rauenna vnder his obeisaunce. For the pontificall saieth. Restituta est Ecclesia Rauennas sub ordina­tione Sedis Apostolicae. The Church of Rauenna was resto­red [Page] or brought home againe vnder the ordering of the See Apostolike. In which wordes (if you had truly reported them) woulde easely haue appeared that the rebelliouse childe was then brought home again to obediēce, not that then first it was brought vnder subiection, as you vntruly and ignorantly surmise. You say also as ignorantly or as vn­truly, that Theodorus the Archebishope of Rauenna who submitted his Church to Pope Agatho, was a familiar frēd to Agatho, and was of him honoured with his legacie to the sixt generall Councell of Constantinople, intending thereby to make your reader thinke he did it of frendship or flattery, and not of duety. But your conceytes haue deceyued you. For the legat of pope Agatho in that Councel, so familiar a frend of his, and so much by him honoured, was one Theo­dorus, presbyter Rauennas, a priest of Rauenna: as both in the life of Agatho,Tom. 2. Conc. pa. 277. a. & 282. b. and in the very Councel it self euidently appeareth. Neither could that priest be afterward the same bishope that so submitted him self, for that submission was before the Councell, as in the life of Agatho it appeareth. So lernedly and truely, M. Horne in his talke procedeth.

With like truthe M. Horn telleth, that Theodorus made his see of Rauenna subiect to Rome, bicause his clergy did not so solemnely conducte him to Church vpon Christmas day, as the maner had been. Would not a man here suppose, that this was a very solemne prelat, that forlacke of his solem­nyty,Naucler. Gener. 23. pag. 771. Omnis Clerus eū destituit. would forsake his whole clergy? But it is not possible for these lying superintendentes to tel their tales truly. The story is this. Theodorus the Archebisshop of Rauenna (saieth Nauclerus) minding vpon Christmas daye before the sonne ri­syng to say Masse in S. Apollinaris Church, was forsaken of al his clergy. And vntil it was towarde noone they came not at [Page 201] him: at what tyme by the meanes of the Exarchus, they brought him to Churche. The cause of this enmyty that the Clergy bore to him was, as Nauclerus writeth, for that he was a great almes man, and liberal of the Churche goods, and al­so very busy to kepe his Clergy in good order. For this cause they hated him, and in so solemne a daye vtterly for­soke him: Which is more, I trowe M. Horne, then not so so­lemnely to conducte him as the maner was. To lacke the or­dinary solemnity, and to be cleane destitute are two things. And there is a difference, you knowe, betwene staring and starke blinde. I thincke your selfe M. Horne as holy and as mortified as you be, woulde be very lothe to shewe your self in S. Swithens Quyer at Winchester vpon a Christ­mas day al alone, without any one of your Ministers as see­ly as they are. Again where you say that Leo the secōd made an end hereof causing thēperour Iustinian to shew great cruelty &c. This is a very grosse lie. For Leo the second was Pope only in Constantins time father to this Iustinian. 2. And the cruelty that Iustiniā shewed to the whole City of Rauēna was after the death of this Leo. 2. at the lest twēty yers, vn­der Cōstātine the Pope, at the later end of Iustiniās reigne, being restored then from banishment, but yet continuinge in al his former cruelties. And as Nauclerus writeth,Naucler. Generat. 24. p. 779 he changed neuer a whit his former life, only excepted, that (after his banishment) he euer shewed Reuerence to the See Aposto­like, otherwise then before (his banishmēt) he was wont to do. And therefore hearing that Felix the bishop of Rauenna diso­beied the Pope, he commaunded his Lieutenant in Sicilie to punish them: which he did in dede very cruelly and barba­rously. But that he did of his own accorde, not by the cau­sing (as you ignorantly affirme) of Leo the .2. Who was [Page] dead at the lest .20. yers before, nor by the causing of Cō ­stantine the Pope then, for ought that appeareth in the Sto­ries. And therefore where you conclude, that Pope Leo by the commaundement and power of Iustinian brought Rauen­na vnder his obeissance, as the Pontifical reporteth, you belie the Pontifical and the whole storye of that tyme to to ig­norantly. The Pontificall in dede saieth: Percurrente diuale iussione &c. By the commaundement of the Emperour sent abrode, the Church of Rauenna was restored &c. But Iusti­nian it nameth not. It meaneth Constantine the Emperour who straight after the .6. Councel ended, promulged that edicte, Leo the .2. being then Pope. Suche a longe and te­dious mater it is to open M. Hornes vntruthes.

M. Horne. The .83. Diuision. pag. 50. a.

But Benedictus the secōd, vvho succeded next to Leo the second, vvēt in this point beyonde al his predecessours, for Constantin being moued vvith his (.251.) The .251. vntruth. Sanctitate permotus: moued vvith his holynesse faith Pla­tina: and Sabellicꝰ also. humanity, piety, and fauourablenes tovvards al mē, vvhen he sent to thēperour for his confirmation: thēperour sent, saith Platina, a decree, that from henceforth, loke whome the Clergy, the people, and the Romain army, should chose to be Pope, al men, without de­lay, should beleue him to be Christes true vicar, abiding for no confirmation by themperour, or his Lieutenant as it had been wonte to be doen. &c. For that was wont to be allowed in the Popes creation, that was confirmed by the Prince him self or his vicegerent in Italy.

Here first of al it appereth (if this story be true) hovve this interest of the Prince in this Ecclesiastical matter thus continuing (.252.) The .252. vntruth. No lōger then frō Pelagius the firste, and that by his de­cree. long tyme, al­though many vvayes assailed, and many attemptes made by the Popes, to shake it of, vvas at the length through their flattery (vvhich their Para­sites cal humility) geuē vnto them of thēperours, to vvhom it apperteined. But vvhether this story be true or not, or if it vvere geuen, hovv it vvas geuen, or hovv long the giftes toke place, or hovv it vvas taken a­vvay [Page 202] and retourned to the former right, may vvell be called into question, for there is good (.253.) The .253. vntruth. No good token cā beshewed tokens to shevv, that it vvas not geuen in this sort. For these tvvo Popes vvho sat in the Papal seat (.254.) The .254. vntruth. benedictꝰ 2. sate one yere and .10. Mo­neths. Pā ­taleon. but .10. mo­neths a peece or there about, vvere in (.255.) The .255. vntruth. Bened. 2. vvas in as much fa­uour, as Agatho, with this Emperor no such fauour vvith Thēpe­rour, as vvas their predecessour Agatho, vvho made great suit vnto thēpe­rour for such like things, and obteined his suit, but vvith a speciall Prouiso for the reseruatiō of this authority stil to remain vnto thēperors, as vvitnes­seth the Pontificall and Gratian. He receiued from the Emperour letters (say they) accordinge to his petition, wherebye the somme of moeny was releassed that was wont to bee geuen (to the Emperour) for the Popes Consecration: but so that yf there happen after his deathe anye election, the Bisshoppe electe be not consecrated before the election be signified to the Emperour by the general decree (he meaneth the Synodicall letters) accordinge to the auncient custome, that the orde­ringe of the Pope maye goe forwarde, by the Emperours knowledge or consent and commaundement. The Glossar vp­pon Gratian noteth vppon these vvordes: VVhich summe was wont to be geuen: For euery Bisshop was wonte to geue something to themperour at his election. But did not themperour cōmit Symony in releasing this right vnder this cōdition, that his cō ­sent should be required in the election? answeare, no: because both these belonged to hī of right before, wherefore he might nowe remitte the one.

But as I said, let it be true, that Constantin gaue ouer this iurisdictiō, but Volateranus addeth to this suspected donatiō, this clause, found true by ex­perience, which donatiō (saith he) was not lōg after obserued. And in dede it vvas kept so smal a vvhile, (.256.) The 256. vntruth. A false ād a fond il­lation, as shal ap­peare, that vvithin one yere after or litle more, vvhē the electors after lōg altercation, had agreed on Conon: Theodorꝰ thēperors Lieutenāt (as saith Sabellicus) gaue his assent: ād Platina shevveth the same, although not so plainly. So that by this also it appea­reth, that if stil it appertained to thēperours Lieutenant, to geue his assēt to the Popes electiō, that than this gift is (.257.) The .257. vntruth. Slaunde­rous to al Historio­graphers: Sabell. Naucler. Volater. Platina and the rest. either fained of the Papistes (and that the rather vnder the name of Constantinus, to bleare there­vvith the ignorauntes eies, as though it vvere the graunt of Constantine [Page] the great, as they doe about Images vvith (.258.) The 258. vntruth. peuish ād starke foolish. the name of the Nicene Coūcel) or by like the gift vvas not so authētically ratified, as it vvas vnadui­sedly promised: but hovv so euer it vvas, it helde not longe: the Pope himselfe solempnely vvith the consent and decree of a vvhole Councell, resigning al the foresaid graunt vnto the Emperours for euermore.

The .4. Chapter. of Benedictus the .2. Pope, and Constan­tine the .5. Emperour.

Stapleton.

I Can not tel whether this matter is by M. Horne more vntrulye, or more vnwiselye handled. The Emperour Constantin moued with the great vertue of Benedictus the .2. gaue ouer to him, saith Platina, his accustomable right, in the confirmation of the Popes election. Nay saith M. Horne,Trithem. de ecclesi. scriptorib. This was through their flattery, which their pa­rasites call humility. Then by you Platina was the Popes flat­terer. Verily such a flatterer he was, that for his free spea­king agaīst the Pope he was imprisoned. And it is not likely that he which was so free with the Pope thē liuing, would flatter with the Popes that were dead. You adde farder to proue themperour did not geue vp the Popes confirmatiō. For it is not (say you) any thinge likely:Proper argumēts not vvorthe the an­svvering. The pope supreame head by the place M. Horn him selfe bringeth in. for Pope Agatho could not obtain it, and it was kept but a small tyme: and the Pope him self with the cōsent of a Councel not long af­ter resigned it: Haue ye done M. Horne? then I pray lappe vp your as wise a conclusion, as before. Ergo the Quene of England is the supreame head. But nowe what say you to this M. Horne, that Constantin agnised the Pope for the true vicar of Christe? Doth not Platina write this, whose words your self reherse? Let the Popes cōfirmatiō weigh as it may weigh: which maketh neither with nor against this [Page 203] supremacy. Doe not these thre woords, Christes true vicar, weigh down, ād beate al in peces, your sely poore light reasons of your cōfirmatiō? Brought in I cā not tel how, ād al out of ceason, and nothīg pertaynīg to the kings of Englād. Who neuer had anie thing to intermedle, for the ratifying of the popes election. But what an extreme impudency is this? Or who but very euil him selfe, can suspect so vily, and drawe al thinges to the worste? If the pope be humble, thē he is (with M. Horne) an hypocrite and a flatterer. If he be stoute, he is a tyrant, ambitious, and proude. Contrary wise if the Emperour be cruel (as we shall see anon of Harry 4. and Friderike the first) then he doth but his right: If he doe his duty, as this Constantinnowe, Theodosius, Valentinian, Marcian and Iustinian before, thē they are deceyued with flattery. Wo be to you that cal euill good, and good euill. For as before we sayd, Vitalianus, Donus, Agatho, Volater. Anthrop. lib. 22. Sabel. Ae­nead. 8. lib. 6. Fol. 49. a Leo 2. wer al commended of all writers, so is this Benedictus 2. highly praysed not onely of Platina, but of Sabellicus and Volate­rane, both for his lerning and for his holynesse. And in respect of those qualyties (saie they) Constantine sent the decree that M. Horne is so greued withal. Yet al this to M. Horne is hypocrisy. And the Historians, he saieth, were papistes for the most part. It is true they were so: not only for the most parte, but altogeather hitherto. For what other historians, what other Councels, what other Church can you shewe synce Christes tyme, then of very papistes? If you refuse the papistes historians, you must holde your peace, and let all this discourse passe, from Constantine the first, downe to Maximiliā next predecessour to Charles the fyft. You must begynne only synce Luthers tyme: Which yet for very shame you haue clene omitted, not speaking one word, of [Page] Charles the fyfte or of Ferdināde his brother the late most renowmed Emperours, or of any their gouuernement in causes ecclesiasticall: whose examples yet you might as well haue browght, as of any other Catholike Emperour sence Constantines tyme, the first. But that in these, mens eyes and eares yet liuing, and knowing certeynely the con­trary, woulde haue condemned you: In the other being out of the memory of men yet liuing, you thought you might by suche homly shiftes as you haue made with pat­ched false and forged narrations, worke yet somewhat with the vnlerned Reader, which trusteth you better then he knoweth you. If this be not true, tel me the cause Maister Horne, why coming down to Maximilian Charles his next predecessour, and to Lewys the frenche kinge next before Frauncis the first, yow come not lower to Charles him selfe, and to kinge Frauncis of Fraunce? Why I pray you, but for the reason aboue sayed? Well. If you had come lower, you might in dede haue founde prote­stant historians for your owne tothe. But nowe, coue­ting to haue a coloure of Antiquitie for your doinges, you are driuen to alleage onely papist historians, papist Coun­cells, papist doctours, papist Emperours. Brefely all your Authorities, testimonies and allegations, none other but of papistes. Yea the Scriptures them selues of whome haue you them, but of papistes? No merueyll therefore if you are so continuallye by your owne Authorities beaten downe. In the meane season, what historians, what Councels, what Doctours, haue you in any tyme of all the Churche, to speake any one poore worde for your ymagined supremacy? No, no, M. Horne. Either you [Page 204] that nowe lyue are not the Churche of Christ, or ells Christ hath had no Churche, these thousand yeres and vpwarde. Either you must condemne so many ages be­fore you, or they must condemne you. Would God our dere Countrie woulde ones consider this one reason, and worthely regarde the same.

To returne to you, Maister Horne, what moueth you to saie, that the Electours after longe altercation agreed on Conon, and Theodorus the Emperours Lyeu­tenant gaue his assent, inferring thereof, that the Popes election still appertayned to the Emperours Lieutenant, and to hys assent? Your tale is myngled with vntruthe, and your consequent hangeth loosely. For firste alter­cation in the election of Conon there was none. Sabel­licus your owne alleaged Author saieth. In nullo vn­quam Pontifice creando maior extitit Ordinum consensus: There was neuer more agreement of all degrees in the creatyng of anye pope, then in this Conon.Sabel. Ae­nead 8. l. 6 And as for the Emperours Lieutenants assent, he addeth. Prae­stitit & Theodorus Exarchus suum assensum. Theodorus also the Lieutenant gaue his assent: which he inferreth, not as you doe, to shewe that the Lieutenants assent was eyther of right or necessitie required, but to de­clare, that this pope without any altercation, for his sin­gular vertues in dede, was chosen withe the consent of all men, yea of the Lieutenant him selfe. And thus your whole and onely proufe fayleth, whereby you would persuade vs, that the decree of Constantine the Emperour was so sone after abolished, or els not at al made, but (as you most peuishly talk) fayned of the Papist historiās: being yet al such, as wrote before Luther was borne, and [Page] therefore by no reason in the worlde likely to be counter­fayters eyther for our vauntage, or for your disauauntage. Els by the same reason you may reiect al histories ād Coū ­cels and doctours to (bycause they al make directly against you and your doctrine, not only in this, but in al other your heresies) and say, that the papistes haue fayned stories, de­uised Councels, forged olde doctours, yea and counterfay­ted the Scriptures also, which I praye God, you Caluinistes of England do not ones attempte to auouche, as the Swēc­feldians haue already begonne.

M. Horne. The .84. Diuision. Fol. 51. a.

But I returne againe to Agatho, vvho (as I sayde) being in great fauour vvith Constantine the Emperour, Determined (saith Platina) to haue a councel to decide the errour of the Monothelites. But (.259.) The .259. vntruth. Not for that cause but bi­cause he could not otherwise haue had the Em­perours ayde and assistance. Const. 6. bicause he coulde not him selfe by his ovvne authoritie, cal a general councel, for that belōged to the Emperour, vvho in that time vvas busie in the vvarres against the Saracens: He waited (saith Platina) for the returne of the Emperour.

This Constantinus surnamed Pogonatus, about the yeere of the Lord 680. calleth the Bishoppes out of all coastes vnto a general Councel: in his letters of Sommons to Donus (but committed to Agatho Bishop of Rome, Donus beinge dead) he admonisheth him of the contention betvvixt the sea of Rome and Constantinople, he exhorteth him to laie aside al strife, feruen­cie, and malice, and to agree in the trueth vvith other, addinge this reason: For God loueth the trueth, and as Chrysostome saith: He that wilbe the chief amongst all, he must be minister vnto all (by vvhich reason made by the Emperour, it may seeme, that the pride of those tvvoo seates, striuinge (.260.) The .260. vntruth. A false. lewde, ād malicious surmise, as shal appeare. The Bis­shop of Rome, at the Emperors (261) cōmaundemēt in Eccl. matters. Act. 1. for superioritie and supremacie, vvas a great nourishment of the Schisme, vvhich vvas chiefly in outvvarde shevve only for doctrine.) He protesteth that he vvill shevve him selfe indifferent, vvithout parciallitye to anye parte or faction., onely seekinge, as Godde hath appointed him, to keepe the Faith that he had receiued vvholye and vvithout blotte. He exhorteth and commaundeth the Bishoppe of [Page 205] Rome, not to be an hinderaunce, but to further this Councell vvith sending such as are fitte for such purpose. The bishop of Rome obeyeth the Emperours (.261.) The .261. vntruth. Notorioꝰ The Em­perour plainely denieth and dis­claymeth such Au­thoryte of com­maūding the bis­shops. commaundement. And the like letters the Emperor sendeth to Geor­ge Bishop of Constantinople, and others. The Emperour sat in the councell him selfe, as President and moderatour of al that action: hauing on his right hande a great company of his Nobles, and of his Bishoppes on his lefte hand. And vvhan the holy Ghospelles vvas broughte foorth, and laide before them, as the (.262.) The .262. vntruth. The Coū cell hath no such vvordes. iudges, vvhose sentence they ought to follovve, as it vvas also vvonte to be doone in the fornamed Councels: The deputies for the bishoppe of Rome stande vppe, and speake vnto the Emperour in moste humble vvise callinge him moste benigne Lorde, affirminge, the Apostolike seat of Rome to be It vvas then true, in Tem­porall matters. subiect vnto him, as the seruant vnto the Maister: and beseechinge him that he vvil commaunde those that tooke parte vvith the bi­shoppe of Constantinople, vvhich had in times paste brought in nevve kinds of speache, and erronious opinions, to shevve from vvhence they receiued, their nevve deuised Heresies. The Emperour commaundeth Macarius Ar­chebishoppe of Antioche, and his side to ansvveare for them selues. And after diuerse requestes made by him to the Emperour, and graunted by the Emperour vnto him, the Emperour commaundeth the Synode to staie for that time.

The .5. Chapter. Of the sixt Generall Councell holden at Constantinople vnder Pope Agatho.

Stapleton.

MAister Horne, as he sayeth, returneth againe to A­gatho, wherin he doth wel: for this hath bene an ex­trauagant and an impertinent discourse. But he re­turneth withall to his accustomable dealing: sayinge that pope Agatho of his owne authoritie coulde not call a councell. Which neither his authour Platina sayeth, nor anie other, nor he him self proueth. He coulde M. Horne haue cal­led a Councell, (and so he did call at Rome at this verie [Page] tyme a great Councell of an .1 [...]5. Bisshoppes, our con­treyman S. Wilfryde Archbisshoppe of Yorke and the A­postle of Sussex being one of them) without the Emperor, and such as this Emperour him selfe confesseth to be a ge­neral Councell.Beda lib. 5. ca. 20. Conc. 6. Act. 4. pa. 306. Constātinꝰ omnibus sanctissi. vniuersa­lis Synodi Apostolica sedis conciliū reprae­sentantib. Ibidem. Act. 18. fo. 409. col. 2. a. The cause vvhy Pope A­gatho ioyned with thēperor for the Councell to be had. M. Horns reasons out of the 6. General Councell for his Primacy. Tom. 2. Concil. fol. 280. col. 2. a. But because, the schisme of the Mono­thelites was deaply setled in Grece, and was fast and depe­lye rooted by continuance of .46. yeares, not onely in the Bisshoppes of the chiefe sees, as Constantinople, A­lexandria, Antiochia, and others, but also in the Emperours withall: full godly and wisely, that the Councell might be more effectuall and fruytful, he thowght good to worke with the aduice and assistance of the Emperour: and so he did: And this his godly pollicy had his prosperouse successe accordingly.

Maister Horne will nowe recite to vs his collections oute of this Councell called, the .6. Generall Councell, that he hath gathered, (but how well and fytlye to proue his matter, ye shal anone vnderstande) for the confirma­tion of his newe erected primacy. And first he glaunceth at the See of Rome, surmising that because the Emperour exhorted the Pope to vnity, the pride of Rome and of Con­stantinople striuing for superiority and supremacy was a greate nourishment of the Schisme. This is a lewde and a false surmise. For the Emperour in that place expressely tel­leth (by the reporte of the Greeke Patriarches) the cause of that stryfe to be, quòd verba quaedam nouitatis intro­missa sunt, that certaine newe doctrine was brought in­to the Churche. And will Maister Horne haue his vn­proued surmise, to waighe downe the Emperours plaine confession?

[Page 206]The malice you talke of Maister Horne, is in your self▪ It was not in Pope Agatho. The Emperour protesteth, you say, to kepe the faith that he hadde receiued wholy and without blotte. Woulde God all Christen Princes had done so. You hadde hadde then Maister Horne, no place in our countre to preache and sette forthe your damnable heresies.

You say farder: The Bisshop of Rome obeyed the Empe­rours commaundement. And this also you note verye so­lemnely in your Margin. But both your text and your mar­gin, by your leaue, lyeth. For the Emperour in his letters to the Pope (wherein he inuited him to this Councel) saith plainely.Ibidem. Inuitare & rogare possumus ad omnem commenda­tionem & vnitatem omnium Christianorum, necessitatem ve­rò inferre nullatenus volumus. Well we may moue you and praye you to fall to an vnity, but force you by no meanes wil we. Where then is this forceable commaundemēt that you imagine? You woulde faine haue the Emperours very Imperiall, ouer Popes and Bisshoppes: You woulde, as Auxentius the Arrian Bisshop did,Amb. li. 5. epist. 32. Suidas in Leontio. Laicis ius sacerdotale substernere, bring vnder the Laye Princes foote, the Priest­ly right and Authoritye. You woulde haue them, as the Arrians persuaded Constantius, [...] being sette to gouerne one thinge, to take vpon them an other thing. This with your predecessours hereti­call Bisshoppes, your prelatship also would Emperours shoulde take vppon them. But they expresselye refuse so to doe: they proteste the contrary: they abhorre suche lewde clawebackes. You adde farder, that in the Councell, the holye Gospelles was brought forthe and layde before them, as the iudges. This is a flatte vntruthe. [Page] The Councel hath no such woordes, I meane that the Gos­pels were Iudges. No doubte but by the ghospels the Coun­cel did iudge and determine the controuersies, and had al­waies those holy books before thē, as also a Signe of the Crosse and other relikes,De Con­cord. Ca­thol. li. 2. cap. 6. 1. Cor. 4. as Cusanus writeth. But a Iudge must speake and pronounce a Sentence. Such is not the Scripture, but such are they that be (as the Apostle saith) Dispensatores mysteriorum Christi, the dispensours of the mysteries of Christ, the ordered teachers of his woorde, the successours of his Apostles. But you to make folke wene, that Scripture alone were the only Iudge, as though the booke could speake and geue sentence it selfe, without a Teacher or Pastour, sticke not, to falsifie and missere­porte the holy Councel, seing by true dealing you cā proue nothing.Act. 5. fol. 301. But it maketh perhaps for you, that the Popes Le­gates, cal the Emperour most benign Lord, and affirme the Apostolike see of Rome to be subiecte to him. But they do not, I am assured, adde, in al spiritual matters. And so are ye nothing the nere to your purpose: and as the Popes Legats cal him Lorde, so pope Agatho calleth him his sonne.

And that which the Legates said of the See Apostolike, the same Pope Agatho in his letters saied of the City of Rome,Act. 4. Cō cil. 6. Cō ­stant. pag. 289. a. Gregor. li. 2. epi. 20. li. 3. epi 16. Instit. lib. 4. cap. 11. calling it seruilem Principatus sui vrbem: A Cyty sub­iect to his gouernement. And it may be well thought, the Legates spake in no other sence, then did their Lorde and Maister. But as for such phrases S. Gregory spake as hum­bly and as basely to the Emperour Mauritius (which Cal­uin also hath noted) as euer any Pope before him, or after him did to any whatsoeuer Emperour. He called Mauri­tius his good Lorde, and him selfe, his vnworthy seruaunt. But yet (as I haue at large proued against M. Iewel) he [Page 207] practised in Ecclesiastical causes an vniuersall Supremacy throughout all Christendome.

And nowe beside, that I haue said, in as much as the Popes .3. Legats, two being priestes, and one but a Deacon,The Po­pes Le­gates are first na­med, and doe speke first in the Coū ­cell. How the Emperor is presi­dent of the Coū ­cell. be, as wel in the rehersall of the Bishops names, as in the placing of the Bishops, first named, and do first speake in this action, I thinke I may make thereof also a better col­lection for the Popes Primacy, then you haue made against it. Whereas you say the Emperour was president of the Councel, I graunt you in that sense, as I haue before decla­red: and that is, concerning thexternal order, moderation, and direction of things to be done and heard quietly and without parciality in the synode: but not for any suprema­cy in geuing sentence, against their wils, as themperour him self euen now declared.

M. Horne. The .85. Diuision. Fol. 51 b.Act. 2.

In the next session after the self same order obserued, as in the first, Pau­lus themperours Secretary began to put the Councel in remēbraunce of the former daies proceding. The Emperor commaundeth the Acts of the Chal­cedon Councel to be brought foorth and redde. At length vvhan a manifest place vvas alledged out of Leo the Pope, the Emperour him self (.263.) The .263. vntruth. For it vvas no disputa­tiō, but a simple interroga­tion. dis­puted vvith Macarius on the vnderstanding therof. The Secretary hauing offred the bookes of the fifte Councel, the Emperour commaundeth the Notary to reade them. The Notary began to reade, and vvithin a vvhile the Popes Legats rising vp, cried out this Booke of the fifte Synode is falsified, and there alleaged a reason therof, vvhervvith thēmperor and the iudges being moued, began to look more narrovvly to the book, ād espying at the last, that three quaterniōs vvas thrust into the beginning, thēperour cō ­maunded it should not be red. Note here, that the Popes Legats vvere but (264) The .264. vntruth. This doth not proue thē plaī ­tife par­ties, as it shal ap­pere. Act. 3. the plaintify parties in this Coūcel, ād not the iudges therof, the vvhich more plainly follovveth: either parties stryuing vppon a like corrupt place. The Emperour cōmaunded the Synod and the Iudges (vvhich vvere Laymē) [Page] to peruse the Synodical boks, and (.265.)The 265. vntruth. The laye Iudges vver not cōmaun­de [...] to de­termine any mat­ter. Const. im. dixit. Sed vnam operationē nō intelligis, eum dixis se [...]et mox: & quomo do intelli­gis Dei vi­rilē opera­tionem? fol. 285. c. 2. a. act. 2. to determine the matter, vvhich they did. George the Archebishop of Constantinople most humbly beseecheth the Emperour that he vvil cause the letters vvhich Agatho the Pope, and his Synode sent vnto the Emperour to be redde ones againe: the Emperour graunteth his request.

Stapleton.

In these two sessions ye can pyck no matter of any sub­stance to helpe you withal: no, not of themperours dispu­tation. And God wotte, this was but a sleight and a colde disputation, to demaunde two things of Macarius, and that by interrogation onely. I trowe ye shal fynde, but vj. or vij. lynes before, a better place for the popes supremacy: wher yt is sayde, that pope Leo his epistle was taken of the Chalcedon Councel as the foundation of the catholyke fayth, being conformable to the confession, of the blessed S. Peter the prince of the Apostles. But you bidde vs, note here that the popes legates were but the plaintife parties in this Councel, and not the Iudges thereof. Your reason is, because they firste spake and accused the forgery committed in a copie of the fifte Councel. If you had marked the practise of other Coū cells before, M. Horne, you woulde not thoughe hyred thereto, haue made this Note to your Reader. For so is it in dede, that the popes legates, by the waie of prerogatiue in all Councells, semperprius loqui & confirmare soliti sunt, were alwaies wont to speake first. So did they in the Chal­cedon Councel first speake against Dioscorus, and remo­ued him from the benche where other bishops sate,Chalc. Cō. Act. 10. p. 910. ma­king him to sitte in the myddest, where the defendantes place was. And one of the popes Legates then so ear­nestly speakinge and requiringe to haue him remoued, the Emperours deputies saied vnto him. Si iudicis ob­tines [Page 208] personam, non vt accusator d [...]bes prosequi. If yowe beare the person of a Iudge,Ibidē Act. 1. p. 741. a you ought not to pleade as an Accuser. In whiche wordes the Iudges did not inferre (as M. Horne here doth,) that the Popes Legate was no Iudge, bicause he accused as a party plaintife, but rather bicause he was a Iudge (bearinge the Popes per­son) he wished him to forbeare accusing. But the popes Legates, as they were alwaies the Iudges to decree and subscribe before all other bishoppes against heresies, so were they ready to accuse and betraye the Demeanours of Heretikes before all others. For why? As in the Chal­cedon Councell it is writen. Missi Apostolici semper in Synodis prius loqui & confirmare soliti sunt. Act. 10. vt supra. The popes Le­gates were alwaies wonte to speake formest in Councels, and to confirme before all others. And by this the pre­rogatiue of the See Apostolike was expressed. And as in the Chalcedon Councel the popes Legates were the first that spake againste Dioscorus, and yet were also the first that gaue sentence againste him (as I haue before pro­ued) so in this Councell, as the popes Legates spake first against the false and forged euidences, so thei were the first (as we shal anon see) that condemned the forgers thereof, Macarius with his felowes. And yet to speake properly,The po­pes Lega­tes vvere not plaintif parties either here, or in the Chal­cedon councell. the popes Legates neither here nor in the matter of Dios­corus, were parties plaintifs. For as there they onely, re­quired to haue the sentence of pope Leo executed, tou­ching Dioscorus his place in the Councell, so here they only required the euidence to be tried, suspecting it as for­ged, as it was in dede founde to be. And this they required, not as plaintif parties, but to haue executiō. which execu­tion was in the ordering of the Emperour or his deputies. [Page] For looke what the chefe bishops, or the whole Councel required, that the Prince or his deputies (the Iudges) did see executed quietly and orderly.Cusanus lib. 3. de Concord. Cathol. c. 17. & 18. Wherin cōsisted their whole authoritie and trauayle, as we haue before shewed out of Cusanus. But to Iudge and determine belonged only to the bishopes.

M. Horne. The .84. Diuision. pag. 52. a.

In the next session the order and fourme obserued as in the first, the Em­perour commaunded first of al Pope Agatho his letters to be redde: in the vvhich letters is manifestly confessed by the Pope him selfe: so vvel the Em­perours (.266.) The. 266. vntruth. The con­trary, vvhich is the Po­pes pri­macy is ther clerely cōfes­sed. The prince is Christes Vicar in earth, in causes (.267.) Ecclesia­sticall by the popes confessiō Act. 1. supreme gouernment in Ecclesiastical causes, as the Popes obedience and subiection vnto him in the same. For in the beginning, he decla­reth vvhat pleasure and comforte he conceyued of this, that the Emperour sought so carefully, that the sincere Faith of Christe should preuayle in all Churches: that he vsed such mildenes and clemency, therein follovvyng the example of Christe, in admonishyng him and his, to geue an accompte of their Faith, vvhich they preached: that being emboldened vvith these com­fortable letters of the Emperour, he perfourmed his ready obedience in accomplishinge the Emperous praeceptes effectually. That he made inquisition for satisfiynge of his obedience (to the Emperour) for apt men to be sent to the Councel: the vvhich thing, saith the Pope to the Emperour, the studious obedience of our seruice, would haue perfourmed soner, had it not beē letted, by the great circuite of the Prouince, and longe distances of place. He protesteth that he sendeth his Le­gats according to the Emperours commaundement, not of any sinister mea­ninge,The .267. vntruth. Not in causes Ecclesiasti­cal, but for executiō of the lavves ecclesiasti­call. but for the obedience sake (to the Emperour) which (saith he) we owe of dutie. He maketh a confession of his faith, concerning the cō ­trouersie, adding the testimonies of many auncient fathers. And he dooth pro­test, that he vvith his Synod of the VVesterne Bishoppes, beleueth that God reserued the Emperour to this tyme for this purpose. That he (the Empe­rour) occupyinge the place and zeale of our Lorde Iesu Christe him selfe here in earth, shoulde giue iuste iudgement or sen­tence, on the behalfe of the Euangelicall and Apostolicall truthe.

Stapleton.

What exceding and intolerable impudency is this, to be so bolde as to bringe forthe Pope Agatho his letters, agaīst the Popes supremacy? If a man woulde purposely and di­ligently seke ample and large proufes for the confirmation of th [...] same, he shal not lightly fynde them more plentifull and more effectual, then in this epistle, reade and allowed of the whole Councel.Act. 4. pag. 290. col. 2. a. Cuius (Petri videli­cet) adnitente praesi­dio haec apostolica e­ius ecclesia, nūquā à via veritatis, in qua libet erroris parte deflexa est. Cuius authoritate vtpote apostolorum omniū principis semper omnis caetholica Christi ecclesia, et vniuersales sy­nodi fideliter ample­ctentes, in cunctis se­quutae sunt. Omnes (que) venerabiles patres apostolicā eius do­ctrinam amplexi: haeretici aūt falsis criminationibus ac de­rogationū odijs inse­quuti. By the helpe (saith Pope A­gatho) of S. Peter, this Apostolik Church neuer swerued frō the truth into any errour. Whose authority as chief of al the apostles al the Catholik Church of Christ, al ge­neral Councels faithfully embracing, did alwaies follow in all things. Whose apostolike doctrine all the reue­rēd fathers embraced: and the heretiks, with false accusations, most spitefully deface and persequute. Of like authorities ye shal fynde great store, aswel in this session, as else where in Pag. 300. col. 2. a. & pa. 303. co. 1 a. & pag. 304. col. 2. c. this Councell. Yea the whole Councell confesse, that S. Peter was with them by his successour Agatho, and that S. Peter spake by Agatho his mowthe. And yf this wil not suffice, themperour himself confesseth the like.

By these and the like testimonies yt is cleare, that the Emperour himself, toke the fathers to be the iudges, in this controuersie, and most of al the Pope. To the which saying, it is nothing repug­nante, that Pope Agatho, according to the Empe­rours Letters, did diligently and obediently as well sende his own deputies to the Councel, as procu­red that other were also sent thither. Yes, saieth M. Horne: In those letters is manifestly confessed by the Pope him selfe, as wel the Emperours supreme gouern­ment [Page] in Ecclesiasticall causes, as the Popes obedience and subie­ction in the same. This is largely spoken M. Horne. O that your proufes were as clere, as your asseuerations are bolde. Then were you in dede a ioylye writer. But M. Iewell can tel you, that bolde asseueration maketh no proufe. For howe I praye you shewe you this out of the Popes owne letters? You tel vs many thinges, that the Pope sent his legates, caused also other bisshops to repayre to the Councell, and woulde haue caused more to come, if great lettes had not hindered him. And all this you saie, to per­fourme his ready obedience, for satisfying of his obedience, the studious obedience of his seruice, and yet ones againe, for the obedience sake which he owed of duty. Here is I trowe obe­dience on the Popes parte, enoughe and enough. But here is not yet in ecclesiasticall causes: Here is not yet the Empe­rours supreme gouuernement. Here is not, subiection in the same, that is, in Ecclesiasticall causes. Then M. Horne hath affirmed foure thinges, and proued but one. And hath he, trowe we, proued that? Verely as well, as he hath proued the rest, of the whiche he hath spoken neuer a worde. For what obedience was this that the Pope so many times speaketh of? Was it any other, then that at the Emperours earnest request he sent his legates, and summoned the bishops to the Councell? Yes, will M. Horn saye: It was vpon the Emperours commaundement, that he so did, and not at his simple request. Then remembre I praye you the Emperours wordes before alleaged, in whiche he protesteth, that he can only inuite and praye the Po [...]e to come to a Councell, and that force him he would not. And if the Emperours owne wordes suffise not, then as you haue brought the Pope againste him selfe, so I pray [Page 210] you M. Horne, heare him speake nowe for him selfe. And that in the selfe same letters where he talketh so muche of Obedience, which you liked in him very well. I assure you M. Horne you shall heare him so speake for him selfe, that if he had by spirit of prophecy foresene this lewde obiection that you haue made, he coulde scante in playner termes or more effectually haue answered you, then nowe he hath by the waye of preuention confuted you. For beholde what he saieth of the Emperours calling him and mouing him to assemble this Councell. He saieth. Nequaquam tam pia lateret intentio audientiū, Concil. 6. Constant. Act. 4. pa. 288. col. 2. b. humanáue sus­picio perterreretur, aestimantium potestate nos esse compulsos, & non plena serenitate ad satisfaciendum &c. commonitos, Diuales apices patefecerunt ac satisfaciunt, quos gratia spiritus sancti, imperialis līguae calamo, de puro cordis thesauro dictauit, Commonentis, non opprimentis, satisfaci [...]ntis, non perterrētis, non affligentis, sed exhortantis, & ad ea quae Dei sunt secundū Deum inuitantis. Lest any that heare hereof, shoulde be ignorant of this godly intention, or the suspicion of man shoulde feare, thinkinge (as M. Horne here doth) that we were forced by Authoryte, and not very gently exhor­ted to answere & caet. the Imperiall letters haue decla­red and doe declare, writen and directed from his Ma­iestyes pure harte, throughe the grace of the holy Ghoste, wherein he warneth, not oppresseth, he requyreth, not threatneth, not forceth, but exhorteth, and to God­ly thinges accordinge to God inuiteth. Lo M. Horn, you are I trowe sufficiently answered, if any thinge can suffyse you. The Emperour forced not the Pope by waye of commaundement, or supreme gouuernement (as yowe allwaies imagyne) but exhorted him.

[Page]He proceded not by waye of oppression or threats, as by vertue of his allegeance or in payne of displeasure, but by gentle admonitions and requestes. So did al the good Em­perours before procede with bishops in ecclesiastical mat­ters: Constantin the first, Theodosius the first and second, Valentinian the first, Marcian, Iustinian, and nowe this Cō ­stantin the fyfte: not as with their subiectes or vassals in that respect, but rather as with their Fathers, their pastours and by God appoynted Ouerseers. The obedience then that pope Agatho so much and so ofte protested, proce­ded of his owne humylytie, not of the Emperours supre­macy: of greate discretion, not of dewe subiection name­lye in Ecclesiasticall causes. For seinge the Emperour in his letters so meke, so gracious and so lowly, he could doe no lesse (and the better man he was, the more he did) but shewe him selfe againe lowly and humble also. But when Emperours would tyrannically take vpon them in Church matters, there lacked not Catholike bishops, as stoute and bolde then, as the pope was humble nowe. So were to Constantius that heretical tyran Liberius of Rome, Hosius of Spayne, and Leontius of the East. So was to Valentinian the yonger S. Ambrose, to Theodosius the seconde, Leo the first, to the Emperour Anastasius pope Gelasius, to Mauritius S. Gregory. But M. Horne, if this do fayle, hath yet ready at hand an other freshe, iolye coulorable shifte: that the Emperour, euen by Agathos owne confession, oc­cupied the place and zele of our Lorde Iesu Christe in earth, to geue iuste iudgement and sentence, in the behalf of the truth. Nowe are we dryuen to the harde wal in dede. This geare ronneth roundly. And yf I should nowe, thowghe true­lye, interprete, and mollifie thys sentence accordinge [Page 211] to [...], and the mynde of the speaker then woulde you so vrge and presse [...] the bare letter, that I shulde haue much a doe to rydde my handes of you. But God be thanked,Act. 4. pa. 301. c. 1. c. Vt eius fi­dei causā (sicut aeꝗ­tas exigit, & sancto­rū patrū sacrarū (que) quinque synodorū decreuit īstructio) exequi dignemini, et redempto­ris iniuriā defidei suae contēptoribꝰ per eius praesidium vlciscami­min [...]. Vide se­quentia. who hath so prouided that Agatho him self, doth so plainely declare his owne meaninge, and your false handling of the matter, euen in the verie nexte sentence immediatly folowing: that al the worlde may eui­dently see, that for al your holy euangelical pretences, and cloked cowlours, ye seke not the trowthe: but to tryfle, to toy, and contentiouslie to confounde all thinges. For it fol­loweth. That ye woulde voutchsauf (saieth Pope Agatho to the Emperour) to exequute the cause of Christes fayth accor­ding to equitye, and the instructions of the holy fathers, and the fyue generall Councells, and by Gods helpe to reuenge his in­iurie, vppon such as condemne his faythe. And this saying of Agatho M. Horne, may wel serue for a ful and a sufficiente answere to al your boke, for princes intermedling in Coū ­cels, and for making lawes concernyng matters ecclesiasti­call. You see by this place their gouuernement is no other, but to ayde and assiste for putting in execution the decrees of Councels, and the holy Fathers Instructions. Wherfore ye may put vp your ioly note wherwyth ye would seame to furnishe and bewtifie your matter and margent here, in your purse: and the lesse yt be sene, the better for yowe, for any good, that euer your cause shal take by it.

M. Horne. The .87. Diuision. pag. [...]2 b.

In the next session, the Emperour sitteth as (268.) The .268. vntruth. He vvas not presi­dent nor Modera­tour, after M. Hornes sence. President, and Mode­ratour, accompanied vvith many of his nobles, sitting about him. On his right hande sate Georgius the Archebishop of Constantinople, called nevve Rome, and those that vvere vvith him: on the other side, vpon themperours lefte hande, sate the Legates of the Archebishop Agatho of old Rome, these tvvo as (.269.)The .269. vntruth. The popes Legats vvere no agent parties. agent parties. VVhē they vver thus set, the Emperours Secre­tary [Page] brought foorth the Ghospels, putteth the Emperour in mind, vvhat vvas done the sessiō before, and desireth his maiesty to cause Macarius and his party, to bring out likevvise their testimonies, as the Legats from Agatho of old Rome had don, for their party. The Emperour cōmaundeth, Macarius obeith, and desireth that his books may be red: the Emperour commaundeth they should so be.

Stapleton.

M. Horne here noteth the sitting of the Popes Legates on the lefte hand, and the Bisshop of Constantinople on the right hand: which either maketh nothing, for the abasing of the Legats authority, either, that doth not so abase them, as doth that I haue said auaunce them, that they are rehersed, both in the naming and placing as wel in this very place, as throughout al this Councel, before al other bisshops: beside the prerogatiues, which we haue and shal declare they had in this Councel. And M. Horn must remēber that in the fift general Councel they had the right hand:Fol. 41. col. 2. as him self cōfes­seth. Neither was the Emperour President in this Coun­cell, neither the bisshops, the Agent parties, as M. Horne here vntruly saith, but when the Sentence came to be pro­nounced,Supra lib. 2. Cap. 7. the Bishops alone gaue it without themperour. A moderatour in dede in external order and quyet to be kept, thēperour was, not only in this, but in al other Coūcels, as I haue shewed before out of Cusanꝰ, but not in geuīg solutiōs to the reasons propoūded, or in geuing final sentēce in mat­ter of doctrin, as the word Moderatour in the scholes soun­deth,Act. 7. The .270. vntruth. This proueth it not, as shal ap­peare. ād as M. Horn would haue it here to be vnderstāded.

M. Horne. The .88. Diuision. pag. 52. b.

After the shevving of the allegations on bothe sides, the Legates of old Rome, desier the Emperour that they may knovve, yf the aduersaries agree on the tenour of their tvvo forsaid suggestiōs. The aduersaries beseche thēpe­ror, that they might haue the copies of thē: thēperor cōmaūdeth, that vvith­out delay their request should be fulfilled. The books vvere brought forth and [Page 212] sealed vvith the seales of the Iudges, and either of the parties. This againe (.270.) proueth that the Popes Legats vvere none of the Iudges, but one of the parties. And so in the eight, ninth, and tēth actiō, the same order of doing is obserued in like sort, as before, in such vvise that no one in the Synode, nei­ther the vvhole Synod, doth (.271.) The .271. vntruth. For they gaue Iud­geme [...] a­gainst the heretike vvithout him, any thing vvithout licence, and the di­rection of the Emperour, the president and chief ruler in al those causes.

Stapleton.

M. Horne is now harping vpon the same stringe that he was harping vpon before, twise in the former leaf: that the Popes Legats were no Iudges, but parties and plantiues. In the one of the former places, he geueth no cause, but will haue vs belieue hī vpō his bare word. Here ād in the other, he geueth vs a cause, that nothing cōcludeth, for hī, but ra­ther agaīst hī. The Monothelits, to make their matter beare some good coūtenāce, brought forth freshely many autho­rities of Athanasius, and other fathers on their side. The Popes Legats espying, the chopping and chaūging, the cut­ting and hewing, the mayming and mangling of those testi­monies▪ discried this falshod to the Coūcel. Vpō this an ex­acte search, cōference, and cōparison was made of other bokes in thēperous and patriarchs of Cōstātinople library, and the extractes as wel of those bookes, as of such as the Popes Legates had delyuered, were brought forth to the Councel, to auoyde suspicion of al sinistrous working, sea­led with the Iudges seales. So that the fathers and the Le­gates gaue the iudgment (as yt afterward appeareth) that the bookes were corrupted. The Iudges to their charge tooke, that by the notarye the bookes shoulde be indiffe­rentlye and vprightlye vewed and examined, and the true testimonies to be browght to the Councell. I maruayle Maister Horne, that this so good an argumente esca­ped you in the Chalcedon Councell: wherein likewise, [Page] the Legates first of al beganne to speake and worke against Dioscorus, and caused hym to be displaced of sytting amōg other bishops,Missi apo­stolici semper in synodis prius loqui, et cō ­firmare soliti sunt. Chalc. sy­no. act. 10 fo. 910. c. 1 and to sytte in the middest as a defendante. And yet they were hys Iudges, and they onelie pronoun­ced the finall sentāce against hym: to the which the whole Councel condescended. Ye are then farre wyde M. Horn, frō the cause, whie the Legates so intermedled. The cause then was, not as ye either ignorantly or maliciouslie pre­tende, for that they were parties: but for thys, that the popes Legates were wont euer in councells to speake first, and to cō ­firme first ▪ as I haue not much before largely declared. To that place for a fuller answer hereto I remitte the Reader.

M. Horne. The .89. Diuision. pag. 53. a.

In the ende of the eleuenth Action, The Emperour assigneth certeine of his noble counsailours, to be the directours in the Synode, for that he vvas to bee occupied in other vveighty affaires of the cōmō vveale. Hitherto vve see hovv thēmperor in his ovvn person vvith his lay Prīces also, vvas the (272) The .272. vntruth. He vvas not the iudge in matters there concluded, ergo not supreme gouernour. supreme gouernour, vvas the President, ouersear, commaunder, ratifier, and directour, of al things done in the Councell. The Popes Legats and al the vvhole Councel, humbly yelding al these thinges vnto him (.273.) The .273. vntruth. They yelded no such thīg but reser­ued to thē selues the finall Sentence and iud­gement. M. Horns post [...]as [...], Act. 11. fo. 350. c. 2. c. alone. The residue of the actes, or any thing therein done, vvas likevvyse his deede, by his deputies, although he him selfe in person, vvas not present.

Stapleton.

Whye good Sir? why make you such post haste? What are you so sone at the ende of the .11. action? Where is the beginning and the midle? where is the .6. Action? Where are the .8. the .9. and the .10. Action? I see your hast is greate: what wil you leape ouer the hedge, ere ye come at it? And I might be so bolde, I woulde fayne demaund of you the cause of your hasty posting. Perhaps there is some eye sore here, or some thing that your stomake cā not beare. What? [Page 213] Greaueth yt you to heare, that our Lady was pure from all maner synne?Castitatē Maria sanctae ab ōni cōtagioue liberatae et corporis, & animae & intel­lectus. Act. 8. fo­lio. 313. Iubetemitti in dypti­chis san­ctarū ecclesiarum no­men sanc­tae memo­riae Vitae­liani papae Romae. Act. 8. fol. 315. Coniectu­res whie M Horn hath made this post hast. Or doth yt appalle yowe to heare the patriarch of Constantinople, and al the bisshops his obediē saries, with the bisshops that were vnder the patriarche of Antioche, after they had heard readen the letters sent from pope Agatho and his Councel at Rome, and aduisedly cō ­sidered them, which (as I haue tolde yowe) were stuffed with authorities concernyng the popes primacy, to yelde to the truth, and after .46. yeares to forsake and abandon their greate schisme and false heresie? Doth it dasel and a­mase yowe to heare the patriarche of Constantinople to confesse to the whole Councel, that yf the name of Pope Vitalianus were receyued againe into theyre dypticha, which they had raced out, that those which had sondred ād sequestred them selues from the Catholike Churche, woulde forthwithe returne thyther againe, whereunto the Emperour and all the Councell by▪ and by agreed, and therevppon the Councell made manie gratulatorie excla­mations? And is there anie other way to stay and redresse thys huge schisme in Englande or else where, but euen to put in our Churche bokes the Popes name, and to im­brace againe hys Authoritie? Or doe ye take yt to the hart M. Horne to see here the pleadinge of Macarius the he­retyke (which is also M. Iewells and your ordinarie fas­shion) as pleadinge vppon the doings of heretical Bisshops and Emperours grounding hym self vpon a nomber of pa­triarches of Constantinople, of Antioche, and diuers other bisshops with theyre Councells, yea vpon the Emperour his father and his great graundfather, teachings and procla­matiōs, quite reiected and refused? Or is it a corsy vnto you, that the heretical writings of Macarius as sone as they be­ganne [Page] to be read, were straight condemned of the bishops, not looking for the Emperours pleasure therein, though he him selfe was then present thereat?Act. 11. p. 362. Act. 10. Act. 8 fol. 321. col. 1. c Sancta sy­nodus di­xit. Ecce & hoc te­stimoniū sancti pa­tris pere­misti. Nō congruit orthodo­xis ita circumtrun­catas san­ctorum patrum vo­ces destora re [...]haereticorū potiꝰ proprium hoc est. An hum­ble and a reasona­ble re­queste to the Que­nes Maie­sty ād her councell. Or is there yet anye other lurking sore priuily pynching your stomake? Name­ly that ye see to your great greef, that the fathers geue vs an assured marke to knowe yowe and M. Iewel by, what ye are, by your wretched wresting and wrething, and mi­serable chopping and paring the auncient fathers writings: wherein ye are the true schollers of these Monothelites, whose practises are discried in the .6. the .8. the .9. the .10. and the .11. sessions? The allegations of the Popes Legats, being founde truelie, faythfully, and semely done. I trowe it nyp­ped yowe at the verie hearte roote, when ye reade (in case ye euer reade yt, and haue not trusted rather other mens eies then your owne) the Synode to say, to that cursed and vnhappie Macarius, that it was the property of an heretyke, to nyppe and breake of, to mangle and mayme, the fathers testimo­nies. And therevppon he being oft taken with the maner, and nowe cōfessing the same, was forthwith depriued, and his bishoply attierment plucked from his backe.

And I would to God, yt might please the Quenes Maie­sty, and her honorable coūcel to play the Supreame heads as this good Emperour Cōstantinus and his Iudges did, and to make an indifferēt search and vewe: whether the catho­liks in their late boks, or M. Iewel. M. Horn, ād other their fellowes, play the Macariās or no: and thervppō (euē as M. Horn sayd thēperour Cōstantine did) to geue iust iudgmēt and sentence. Which is a redie and a sownde way for the quailing ād appeasing of this huge scisme. And without the which, books wil excessyuely growe on eche part, and ra­ther to encrease of cōtentiō, thē to any ful pacificatiō. And [Page 214] for my part the fault being fownd (as I dowbte nothing yt wil be) and cōfessed therevppon on theyr part with an har­ty renūciatiō, of al schisme and heresie, I would not wishe theire riches to be plucked from them: but that they shuld remaine in as good worldly estate as they now are in. This is al the hurt I wish thē. But nowe M. Horn to returne to the matter, ye see that this was but a poore iudgmēt, and a poore selie supremacy, that ye geue to your Emperour ād his nobles. Wherin in effect whil ye would seme to aduāce and exalt thē, ye make theyr office not much better, thē the registers and notaries office. Which office though it be ho­nest and worshipful to perchaūce, yet I dowbte whether it be honorable: as not many yeares past one of your fellowes and protestāt prelats sayd to one that thowed his Register. I tel thee: my regesters office, is an honorable office. Wel,M. Iewel. let yt be honorable to: I suppose for all that, it shal not make hym supreame heade of the Churche withall. And so hath M. Hornes argument a great foyle.

M. Horne. The .90. Diuision. Fol. 53. a.

The bishops and Clergy, vvhich vvere of the Prouince of Antioche, vvhan Macarius vvas deposed by the iudgement of the Synode, do make supplica­tion vnto the Iudges, the Emperours deputies and counsailours, that they vvilbe meanes vnto the Emperour to appoint them an other Archbishop in the place of Macarius novve deposed.

Stapleton.

And wil ye play me the Macariā styl M. Horne? Good reader cōsider of M. Horns dealings, euē in this coūcel, that I haue ād shal declare, whether M. Horn doth not altoge­ther resemble Macarius shameful practise in his allegatiōs. One of your reasons thē M. Horn, to proue Cōstantines supremacy by, is, that the Antiochians sewed to themperour [Page] to appoint an other Archbisshop in the place of Macarius. The appointment of an Archbisshop imployeth no supre­macy: Diuerse Kings of England haue appointed bisshops and Archebisshops in their Realm: And yet none euer toke vpon them either the name or Authority of a Supreme Go­uernour in al causes Ecclesiastical, vntil in this our misera­ble tyme, heretikes by authority of Princes, to establishe their heresies, haue spoiled Gods Ministers, and the Church of her dewe Authority and gouernement And I haue told you before M. Horne, that this Cōstantin himself hath dis­claimed your supremacy, of supreame iudgement in causes ecclesiastical. Wherof also the very next matter, immediat­lye rehersed before the thing you alleage, is a good and a sufficient proufe.

I wil therfore demaunde a question of you. Ye see, Ma­carius is deposed, and that, as you confesse here your selfe, by the Iudgement of the Synod. Might now themperour kepe him stil ād that laufully in his bisshoprik, if he had so would, or no? If ye say he might not, thē is he no Supreame Head. Except ye wil say, he was lawfully deposed as an heretike: and therfore thēperour could not kepe him in. This also as yet maketh against your supremacy. For thē the Iudgemēt of the bisshops is aboue themperours power. But I wil fur­ther aske you, whether yf Macarius had bene hartely poeni­tent, and had recanted his heresy to, themperour might thē haue kept him in? Now take hede ye be not brought to the streights, which way so euer ye wind yourself. Yf ye say he may (as ye must, yf ye wil haue themperour Supreme Go­uernour in al causes ecclesiastical) then is the whole Coū ­cel against you,Act. 12. subfinem. vtterly denying him al hope of restitution, though the Iudges at thēperours cōmaundemēt, being mo­ued [Page 215] with mercy, proposed this questiō to the Synod. Yf ye say he may not:The bis­shop [...] primacy proued by the said place that M. Horn al­leageth. then do ye your self spoile thēperour of his Primacy. Thus ye perceiue euery way ye are in the bryers, being conuicted by the very place by your self proposed.

M. Horne. The .91. Diuision. Fol. 53. a.

The Iudges make them aunsvvere, that it vvas the Emperours pleasure, that they should determine amongest them selues, vvhom they would haue, and bring their decree vnto the Emperour. At the last the vvhole Synod doe offer their definition subscribed vvith their hands to the Emperour, besechīg him to (.274.)The 274. vntruth, wilful ād Notorioꝰ as shal appeare. examen and confirme the same. The Emperour vvithin a vvhyle saith: vve haue redde this definition, and geue our consent thereunto. The Emperour asked of the vvhole Synod, yf this definition be concluded by vnifourme consent of al the Bishops, the Synod ansvvered: VVe al beleue so, we be al of this mind, God send themperour manye yeares: Thou hast made al heretiks to flie, by thy meanes al Churches are in peace, accursed be al Heretiks. In the vvhich curse, the vvhole Synode curseth Honorius Pope of Rome vvith the great curse, vvhome the Synode nameth in .17. Action, one of the chiefest of these Heretiques, vvho are here cursed. The Emperour protesteth, that his zeale to con­serue the Christiā faith vndefiled (.275.)The .275. vntruthe in leauīg out wor­des mate­rial. VVherin cōsisteth the office of Bis­shops. vvas the only cause of calling this Synode. He shevveth vvhat vvas their partes therein, to vvyt, to weighe consideratly by Gods holy Scriptures, to put away al noueltye of speche or assertion, added to the pure Christiā faith, in these latter daies by some of wicked opiniō, and to deliuer vnto the Church this faith most pure and cleane. (.276.)The .276. vntruth, in nippīg of the chiefest parte of the Sen­tence. The prin­ces moste accepta­ble ser­uice to God. They make a cō ­mendatory oration vnto thēperor vvith much ioyfulnes declaring, that this his fact about this Synod in procuring to his subiectes true god­lynes, and to al the Church a quiet state, was the most comely thing, the most acceptable seruice, the most liberall oblatiō or sacrifice, that any Emperour might or coulde make vnto God. And declaring the humble obedience to his precept or sommons of the Bisshop of Rome, vvho sent his Legates, (.277.)The .277. vntruth. That appeareth not in the Councell, neither vvas that the cause of his absence. being sicke him self, and of them selues being present in their ovvne persones, they doe most humbly be­seche [Page] him to set his seale vnto their doinges, to ratifie the same with the Emperial wryt, and to make edictes and constitutiōs (.278.)The .278. vntruth. Ex more, after the maner, left out. wherewith to confirme the Actes of this Councel, that al controuersie in tyme to come, may bee vtterly taken away. Al vvhich the Emperour graunted vnto them, adding his curse, as they had done before, so vvel against al the other Heretikes, as also against Ho­norius late Pope of Rome, a companion, fautour, and cōfirmer, (saith he) of the others heresies in al pointes. After this, the Empe­rour directeth his letters to the Synode at Rome of the VVesterne Bisshoppes, vvherein he commendeth their diligence about the confuting of the heresies. He describeth the miserable estate the Churche vvas in, by meanes of the Heresies: for, saith he, the inuentours of Heresies are made the chiefe Bis­shoppes, they preached vnto the people contention in steade of peace, they sovved in the Churche for [...]vves, cockle for vvheate, and all Church mat­ters vvere troubled, and cleane out of order. And because these things vvere thus disordered, and impietye consumed Godlines, wee sette forwarde thyther, whereunto, it becommed vs to di­recte our goinge (meaninge to seeke by al meanes the redresse of these disorders in Churche matters) wee labour with earnestnes for the pure faith, wee attende vppon Godlines, and wee haue our speciall care aboute the Ecclesiasticall state. In considera­tion vvhereof, vvee called the Bisshoppes out of farre distaunte places to this Synode, to sette a Godly peace and Quietnes in the Churche matters &c. To this epistle of the Emperour, Leo the seconde Bisshoppe of Rome, maketh aunsvvere (for Agatho vvas deade) bye letters, vvhere­of this is the effecte. I geue thankes vnto the Kinge of Kinges, vvho hath bestovved on you an earthly Kingdome, in such vvyse, that he hath ge­uen you therevvith a mind to seeke much more after heauenlye thinges.

Your pietye is the fruite of mercy, but your authoritye is the keper of Discipline: by that the Princes minde is ioyned to Godde: But bye this the subiectes receyue reformation of dis­orders. Kinges ought to haue so muche care to refourme and correcte naughtynes amongest their subiectes, as to triumphe ouer their enemies: for in so dooinge they make their authoritye subiecte to serue him, bye whose gifte and [Page 216] protection they reigne. VVherefore seinge that the holye mother the Churche, which is the Body of Christe, enioyeth by meanes of you her sincere and principall childe, an inuin­cible soundnes. Therefore it is writen of you, moste mer­cifull Prince, and of that same holye Churche dispersed throughout all the worlde,Esai. 49. Psal. 98. Kinges shalbe thy noursinge fa­thers, and in like sorte it is writen, the honour of the Kinge loueth iudgement: in that you set much more by heauenly thā by earthly thinges, and doe preferre without comparison the right faith, before all worldly cares: what other doe yowe herein, than make right iudgement bonde and seruiceable to Goddes honour and religion, and to offer vnto his diuine Maiestye, an oblation and burnt Sacrifice,The pope accursed for here­sie by the sentence of the emperour, the synod and the bishop of Rome. of sweete sauour vppon the aultar of your harte? God inspire, encrease and re­plenishe your princelye harte, with the light of the Catho­lique doctrine, whereby the clowdes of the hereticall praui­ty, may be driuen away. I receyued most ioyfully the Syno­dical actes, with your letters of highest authority, by the Le­gates your humble seruauntes, whiche were sente vnto the Councell, from my predecessour Agatho, at your commaun­demēt. VVherfore with thankes geuinge I crie vnto the Lord: O Lord saue our most Christian Kinge, and heare him in the day he calleth vpon thee: By whose godly trauaile the Apo­stolike godly doctrine or Religion, shineth through the world, and the horrible darkenes of hereticall malice is vanished a­way. For through your trauaile, God assisting the same, that mischiefe which the wicked crafte of the Deuill had brought in, is ouerthrowne: the benefit of the Christian Faith, that Christe gaue to the saluation of man, hath wonne the ouer hande. The holy and greate Generall Councell, whiche of late hathe beene congregate at Constantinople bye your (.279.)The 279. vntruth. No such woordes in the Latin text. order and precepte: wherein for the seruice and Mi­nisterie sake that ye owe to God, you had the chiefe rule and gouernemēt, hath in al points followed the doctrin of the Apo­stles, and approued Fathers. Here is left out: that the See Apo­stolike. Beati Petri autoritate confirmat confir­meth vvith the Authori­tie of S. Peter, the 6. General Councell. I doe deteste therfore and curse [Page] al Heretikes, yea Honorius also late Bishop of this sea, who la­boured prophanely to betray and subuerte the immaculate faith. O holy Churche, the mother of the faithfull, arise, put of thy mourninge weede, and clothe thy selfe with ioyful appa­raile, beholde thy Sonne the moste constant Constantine, of al Princes thy defendour, thy helpe [...] (be not afraide) hath girded him selfe with the swoorde of Goddes woorde, wherewith he deuideth the miscreauntes from the Faithful: hath armed him selfe in the coate armour of Faith, and for his helmet the hope of Saluation. This newe Dauid and Constantine, hath vanquished the great Goliath thy boasting enemy, the very Prince and chieftayne of all mischiefe and errours the Deuill: and by his careful trauaile the righte faith hath recouered her brightnes, and shineth thorough the whole worlde.

Stapleton.

In al this one leaf and an half, and more there is nothing materiall but that may be auoyded by my former answere. And as touching Pope Honorius we might yelde, that for his owne person he was an heretyke, and accursed to, by the sentence of themperour, the synode, and the bisshop of Rome. I meane either that the pope is not the head of the Church:Concer­nīg pope Honorius that M. Horn maketh an heretyke .218. patres in 5. syno­do Roma­na. Nisi à fide exor­bitauerit. or that the Quene of England is supreame head there. Neither of these, shal he be able to proue by any col­lection that he can bringe of Honorius his heresy while he lyueth. Yf he say, I haue alredy declared out of the Coun­cell at Rome, in the tyme of kinge Theodoricus, that the Councel yt self could not iudge the Pope: I will graunte yt him, and will neuer steppe backe from yt. But then you muste Maister Horne, take of the fathers there assem­bled, the vnderstandinge withall: that is, onlesse he swarue and straye from the fayth. Ye will nowe happelye replie a­againe, and say: how shal thē the pope (whom ye make the [Page 219] vniuersall bishop of the whole churche) direct the sayde churche in a true and a sownde fayth, him self being an heretyke? Or howe can yt be, but the whole or the greater parte of the churche, shall with the head miscarie also? Or howe ys yt true, that we heard at your handes euen nowe, that the churche of Rome was neuer caryed away with any errrour in fayth? Or howe is yt trewe, that ye sayd, that Peter had a pryuilege not onely for him self, but for hys successours also (which ye make the popes) not onely not to erre them selues, but also to confirme theire bre­therne, and to remoue all errour from them? We answere that in case the Pope by his open lawe and decree made with the consent of his brethern in Synod or consistory, promulged to be obserued throwghe christendomme, do set forth any heresy, that your replies are good and effec­tuall. But suche a decree ye haue not shewed, nor euer shall shewe. For, from making any suche lawe the bles­sed hande of God doth vpholde, and euer hath vpholden, the popes for his promise sake. Promise, I saye, made to S. Peter, not for his owne priuat person, but for the safegard of the church, which otherwyse must nedes haue a great wracke in the fayth, if the Rock and head thereof shoulde publikly decree heresy. In case therefore the pope be pry­uately a close heretycke to him self, or to other to, without any open setting forth or proclaiming his errour by a com­mon lawe (as Honorius was, if he were an heretike) he is not proprely to be called an heretike as he is a Pope, nor the church of Rome can be said to haue erred. Neither the other inconueniences wil ensue that ye brought foorth.

But verely what soeuer Honorius in his owne person was, yet certein it is, that the See of Rome both in his tyme [Page] and euer after, was alwaies clere of this heresy, yea ād was a contynual persecutor thereof. For both in the tyme of Honorius him self, Pirrhus the patriarche of Constanti­nople was bannished by the Emperour Heraelius into Afrike at the suyte of the Churche of Rome (as Platina,Plat. in Honor. 1. Sabel Ac­nead. 8. lib. 6. Tom. 2. Concil. in gest. Theo­dori. pag. 228. Sabellicus and other do testifie) for this heresye: and also in the tyme of Theodorus the Pope within three yeres or there aboute after the decease of Honorius, this Pirrhus came out of Afrique to Rome, recanted there his He­resye, and was by the Pope therefore reconciled: though afterward againe ad proprium impietatis vomitum repedauit. He retourned to the vomytte of his impietye. This Pope also Theodorus wrote to Paulus of Constantinople a de­fender also of this heresye, warnyng and rebukinge him thereof.

Al this was before the tyme of this generall Coun­cell and of Pope Agatho. And therefore notwithstan­ding the priuate erroure of Honorius, whiche he neuer taughte or preached publiquely, but onely in letters com­ming foorth in his name after his deathe, was surmised to be suche, yet Pope Agatho in his letters (redde and al­lowed of the whole Councell) moste truely sayed, that his Predecessours kepte alwayes sownde and vnuiolated the faithe, Act. 4. Cōcil. 6. Const. pa. 291. c. 1. a. &c. and did also in this verye Heresye laboure continual­lye with the Bisshoppes of Constantinople (Pyrrhus, Pau­lus, Petrus, and Sergius) to haue it suppressed and extin­guisshed.

So that as I sayed, though we graunte, that Honori­us was an Heretique for his owne priuate opinion, yet that he or his Churche euer decreed or publiquely al­lowed that Heresye, it can neuer truely be graunted.

[Page]And yet it seemeth verye straunge, that if Honorius were an Heretique, that Pope Agatho neyther in his letters reade in the whole Councell,Act. 4. pag 209.300. & 304. where learnedly and particularlye he confuteth and recyteth all the Bis­shoppes that helde that heresye, neyther yet in the let­ters of the Romaine Synode of one hundred and fiue and twentye Bisshoppes redde also in the Councell na­ming againe particularlie the Bisshoppes of that heresy, in neyther of them, I saye, shoulde ones name Honori­us. For neyther coulde he be ignoraunte therof, ney­ther coulde his dissimulation haue cloked the matter, but rather haue muche hasarded his creditte and esti­mation, both with the Emperour, and with the whole Councell.

It is marueile also, that Zonaras a Greeke Writer,Vide zonarā. Tom. 3 pag. 74. rea­koning vppe of purpose all the Hereticall Bishoppes con­demned in this sixt Generall Councell, nameth not yet at all, Honorius the Pope of Rome.

Farder it is verye likely, that if he were so knowen an Heretique, Venerable Bede liuing so shortlye after that time, and recording in his Ecclesiasticall Historie, diuerse of this Popes letters directed to oure Countrye, shoulde somewhere touche this matter, or shoulde not at the least so Authenticallie recite his doinges and wri­tinges, as he dothe of other Popes before him, and after him. Verelie in his letters recorded in Sainte Bede,Beda li. 2. hist. gētis Angl. cap. 17.18. & 19. he commendeth highlye the bookes and woorkes of Sainte Gregory the first his Predecessour, in the whiche his he­resye (if he helde any such) is, as by other Catholique Fa­thers reiected.

[Page]But of this matter I haue also spoken against Maister Ie­well: to the whiche this that I haue here saide, and that to this may be added. The Conclusion both here and there is that Honorius as Pope neuer decreed nor alowed this heresie or any other,Art. 4. fol. 112. & 113. nor was not as Pope condemned. And how it is to be vnderstanded, that the Pope may erre, and yet the Church of Rome not erre, because it is by M. Rastell sufficiently declared against M. Iewel,M. Rastel in his third booke against M. Iewel. fol. 144. and .145. to that place I referre also the Reader. Al things in al places must not be said to the vnfruitfull werinesse bothe of the writer, and of the Reader.

Wheras now M. Horne enforceth his pretensed supre­macy, for that the Synode offred to the Emperoure their definitiō subscribed with their hands, beseching him to examine and confirme the same, marke him good Reader, and eye him well. For in these three wordes, subscription, ex­amination, Tvvo le­gerdema­nes of M. Hornes: one mete for a Ma­cariā, tho. ther for a gay grammarian. and confirmation, lye couched two vntruths be­sides two Legerdemaines: One mete for a Macarian, the other for a iolie fresh Grammarian. Your text M. Horne where it maketh mention of this subscription, neither spea­keth of examination, nor yet of confirmation. And as for confirmation, we could beare it wel inough, sauing I know ye haue a shrewd meaning, that would not well be borne withal. And therefore for ones, we wil be so bolde to put yowe to your prouf, and desire you to shewe in this place any word of cōfirmation. I knowe he did confirme and ra­tify this councel, as yt appereth otherwher. But wyth such a cōfirmation as the fathers could not vse: that is, banisshing the gainsayers putting them owte of his protection. But nowe to your examination.Act. 18. fol. 409. Col. 1. c.

Why M. Horne? After the Pope at Rome in his owne [Page 217] person with a .125. Bishops, and after that his Legates with 289. Bishops at Constantinople, haue resolutely and defi­nitiuely determined the matter against the Monothelites, hang al these doings vpon a new examination and appro­bation of the Emperour, that if he like them not, then all is dasshed? Then haue the Fathers sponne a faire threde. Then haue ye now at length after long searching and hun­ting in the acts of this Synode, beatē out somwhat for your purpose in dede. Goe on therfore M. Horne. Proue this, and then let your Emperour, a Gods name, haue set on his head, not only his Emperiall, but the Popes triple crowne too. Shew your cardes then, M. Horne: The whole Synode say you, offereth their defininitō subscribed with their handes to themperor, beseching him to examin and cōfirme the same. Wel said: But now in what part of the Councell lie these words? In so notable a mater and cōclusion as this is, why do ye not send your Reader to the leafe or to the action at least? And why is not this cōclusion with a ioly note, das­shed into your margēt? Surely the occasion being so good, and the mater so importāt, there must nedes be some greate stay, that among so many ioly Notes, this only is omitted.Hanc defi­nitionem prae mani­bus deferimus vestro serenitatis proposito recensen­dam. Acti. 18. Fol. 398. Col. 2. Wote ye then what it is, good Readers? Forsoth a wōder­ful stay in dede. For I assure you there are no such wordes in the Councel. He hath all this while outfaced vs with a card of ten. There is none other, but this, that Theodore the Deacon told th'Emperor: that he had at hand ready the Coūcels definition, to be read to him at his highnes wil ād plea­sure. Whervpon th'emperour by and by answered: Let it be read. And when it was read, th'Emperour asked the Coū ­cel, whether they wer al agreed to the definition thē read, which when thei had al protested, by many acclamations, [Page] th'Emperour subscribed also thervnto, not examinīg or tri­yng it in any maner at al, but plainly protesting, that he was ready to obey as wel al the former Coūcels as that, and for their parts they shuld answer before God in the last iudge­mēt, whether they had said wel or euil. Now whether re­cēsendā doth signify to be examined, or to be recited ād re­hersed, there is no more to do, M. Horne, but to call a faire quest of Grāmarians, your owne nigh neighbours at Win­chester schole. And if they geue sentēce for you, thē let the Emperoure, as I haue sayed, weare the Popes threefolde Crowne.

Act. 18. pag. 401.Now for your other Macarian practise: ye haue dissem­bled, as wel the Bishops subscription, which was as I haue shewed, iudicially done, definiendo, the Popes Legates sub­scribing first: as also th'Emperours, which was only consen­tiendo: by consenting: and put to after all the Bishoppes had subscribed.

There is yet an other Macarian feat played here by M. Horne worth the notyng both for a trial of his honesty ād for the Readers edifiyng. He hath made two special notes in his margin: the one, wherin consisteth the office of Bishops. The other: The princes most acceptable seruice to God. Two good notes in dede and wel worth the noting, if thei be vprightly noted.

The office of Bishoppes is, as M. Horne alleageth, to deliuer vnto the Churche the faith of Christe most pure and cleane. Act. 18. pag. 401. Col. 2. c. But how, he telleth not. His feate is quite to nippe of the wordes immediately folowing, which are these. (Sicut praedictum est) Quatenus secūdum sancta & vniuersa­lia quinque Concilia & statuta sanctorum venerabilium patrū, ita eam nos custodiamus vsque in mortem. To thentent that [Page 220] (as we haue before saied, saieth the Emperour) we also may kepe the faith, euen to deathe according to the fiue holy and generall Councels, and according to the decrees of the holy Reuerent Fathers. If you had put this clause to the office of Bishops, M. Horn, as the Emperour did, al En­gland should haue sene that you and your fellowes were no Bishops, who so lightly and so impudētly condemne the doctrine of the holy fathers, and do allowe but fower ge­nerall Councels, as your bretherne here in Antwerpe do allowe but three. But it went against your conscience,Edvvard. 6. Ann. 1. Tilet. in Confutaet. Confes. Minist. Antvverp. pag 15. b. Act. 18. vt supra. to tell that, which should condemne your conscience. Like­wise in the princes seruice to God, you saie: the Emperour protested his zeale, to conserue the Christian faith vndefi­led: but you leaue out againe, what he saieth immediatly after: secundùm doctrinam atque traditionem quae tradita est nobis tam per Euangelium, quámque per sanctos Apostolos, & statuta sanctorum quinque vniuersalium Conciliorum, sancto­rúmque probabilium patrum. According to the doctrine and tradition deliuered vnto vs aswel by the Gospell, as by the holye Apostles, and by the decrees of the fiue holye General Councels, and of the holye approued fathers. If you had told this parte of the princes duetye, and had geuen the Emperour leaue to tell out his whole tale, the Reader shoulde sone haue espied, what damnable wretches yowe are, that persuade Princes to professe the Gospell onelye with out regarde of former Coun­cels, and of the traditions of the holy fathers. And then your two marginal notes, either would not at al bene no­ted, or at least to your vtter shame haue ben readen. Other your nippinges and curtallinges of your places might here be noted.

[Page]As that in the Councels request to the Emperour, for ratifieng their determination with his edict, you leaue out ex more after the maner, wherby is insinuated a customable practise of Emperours (as we sawe before in Iustinian) to procure by edictes and proclamations the execution of Councels.Act. 18. pa. 404. Supra: lib. 2. cap. 19. As also in your long allegation of pope Leo his letters (which al we graunt vnto you, and you neuer the nerer) we might note at the least half a dosen such nippin­ges and manglinges of the text. But I thinck, M. Horne (all that hath ben saied being wel considered) you looke for no greate triumphe, for this fielde: But are content to blowe the retrayte. Be it so then.

M. Horne. The .92. Diuision. pag. 55. a.

Bamba King of Spaine commaunded a Synod to be had at Toletum in the fourthe yeere of his reigne: the occasion vvas this. There had beene no Synode by the space of .18. yeeres before, as it is saide in the preface to this Councell, by meanes vvhereof the vvorde of God vvas despised, the Churche disciplicine neglected, all Godly order distourbed, and the Churche toste and tumbled, as a shippe vvithout a rovver and sterne, (meaning a Kinge to call them togeather in Synode). By the carefull zeale of this Kinge, beyng cal­led togeather they consulte hovv to refourme errores about Faithe, corrup­tion of discipline, and other disorders againste godlines and Religion. And at the ende they doo geue great thankes vnto the noble and vertuous Kinge, by vvhose ordinaunce and carefull endeuour, they vvere (.280). The .280. vntruthe The word cōmauded, is not in the text. Aggregati sumꝰ. vide tom. 2 pag. 270. col. 2. Tol. 12. commaunded to this consultation: vvho as they affirme of him, comming as a nevve repayrer of the Ecclesiasticall discipline in these times, not onely intended to restore the orders of the Councelles before this time omitted, but also hath decreed and appointed, yeerely Synodes to bee kepte hereafter.

Eringius kinge of Spaine commaundeth the Bishopps and other of his Clergie, to assemble togeather at Toletum in one Synode the first yere of his reigne.Tol. 13. And called an other to the same place, the fourth yeere of his reigne: to consulte about reformation of the Churche discipline. VVhen the [Page 221] Bishoppes, and the residue of the Cleargy vvere assembled in their conuoca­tion, at the commaundemente of the king: he him selfe vvith many of his no­bilitie and counsailours, commeth in to them: he declareth the cause vvhere­fore he summoned this Synode: he shevveth the miseries the vvhole countrey hath susteined, and the plagues: he declareth the cause, to be Goddes vvrathe kindled by meanes of the contempte of Goddes vvorde and commaundement: And he exhorteth them that they vvil vvith Godly zeale, study [...]o purge the land from prauity, by preaching, and exercise of Godly discipline, and that zealously. He doth exhort his Nobles, that vvere there presente, that they also vvould care diligently for the futherance hereof: he deliuereth vnto the Synode a booke, conteining the principall matter vvherof they should con­sulte. And last of all, he promiseth by his hande subscription, that he vvil con­firme and ratifie vvhat the clergy and nobility shall conclude, touching these articles, for the furtherance of godlines and Church Discipline.

Egita, Kinge of Spayne, (.281.) The 281. vntruth. Of these .3. Coūcels or of any ratifiing thereof by the kings Authorite or Royal assent in the To­mes of the Coū ­cels there appereth nothing. caused in his time also three Councelles to be hadde and celebrated at Toletum, for the preseruation of Religion, vvith the Church Discipline in sincerity and puritie: vvho also confirmed and ratified the same vvith his Royal assent and authority.

The .6. Chapter. Of three Kings of Spaine, and of the three later Toletane Councels kept in their reignes.

Stapleton.

ALM. Hornes force is now sodenly remoued from Constantinople to Spaine, where he now bloweth a larme againe. But God be thanked for all this great fighte, there is litle hurte donne. Yea after all this tos­sing and turmoiling, and after all his great sturre and broile againste the pope and the clergy, he is vppon the soden be­comme suche an entiere and so well affectioned frende to them, that (but I trowe vnwares, and therfore worthy the lesse thanke) he transporteth the supreame authority as well in temporall as spirituall matters from the king to the clergy. For I beseache you M. Horne, are not dyuers of [Page] the maters specified in the twelueth and thirtenth Coun­cell at Toledo plaine Ciuile and Temporall? As con­cerning the confirmation of King Ernigius royall Autho­ritie succeeding to Kinge Bamba being shorne a Monke?Tolet. 12. Vide Tom. 2. Concil. Fol. 417. &. Tolet. 13. fol. 425 Votorum meorum studia ve­stris iudi­cijs diri­menda cō ­mittēs. pa. 425. & 417. His votorū meorū in sinuationib. quaes [...] vt fortia paternitatis vestrae adiutoria pro­rogetis. Luce enī cla­rius constat, quod ag­gregatio sancta pōti­ficū quicquid censue­rit obseruādū per do­nū spiritus sancti, oīo est ad aeternitatem praefixum. Tol. 13. fol. 426. c. 1. b M. Horne vnawares maketh the Clergie Supreme Iudges in Ciuile causes. Concerning the release and exoneration of the people from certaine grieuouse payementes and exactions? Concer­ninge also the goods of certaine Traytours with such like? Dothe not the Kinge praye the Prelates to discusse his re­quests with their iudgementes? Doe not they confirme his royall Authoritie with their Synodicall Decree? Doth not the Kinge in his booke offred to the Councell saye, that he moste humblie and deuoutlye lyeth prostrate before their Reuerente assemblie? Coram caetus vestri reuerentia humilis deuotusque prosternor? Dothe he not desire them cōcerning his other ciuil ordināces, to put to their strōg and helping hand? Doth he not plainly say, that what so euer the holy assemblie of Bisshops decreeth to be ob­serued, is by the gift of the holy Ghoste established for euer? Let me now, Gentle Reader, play Maister Horne his parte, and make for me his accustomable conclusion. The King requireth of the Clergy the confirmation of his Decrees and ordinaunces, as wel concerning matters of Faith and Religion, as cōcerning Ciuil maters: Ergo the Clergy hath the Superioritye in bothe. And with this Argument, dothe Maister Horne lappe vppe here his Spannishe matters. Sauing that he telleth vs of three other Councels holden at Toletum vnder Egita their King, which in all the vo­lumes of the Councels appeare not, this vnder Eringius, the .13. in number being the last: and therefore till he tell [Page 222] vs, where those Councelles may be founde, seing he hath so often belyed the knowen Histories, I will make no curtesie to note this for an Vntruth also, this being a mater so vtterly vnknowen.

And nowe farewell Spaine for this time. For Maister Horne hath manie other mightie, large, and farre Coun­tries to bring vnder his conquest and Supremacie: as wel truely, as he hath already conquered Spaine: which will be to leese the fielde and all his matter, gladde to escape with body and soule: with small triumphe, and shame enough. Goe to then Maister Horne, and take your iourney when and whither it pleaseth you. Yow will wishe, I trowe, when you haue all sayed and done, that you had taryed at home and let this greate enterprise alone.

M. Horne. The .93. Diuision. pag. 55. b.

Although about this time the Popes deuised (282) The .282. Vntruth. Horrible and Slan­derous. horible practises, vvher­by to vvinne them selues from vnder the ouer sight and comptrolment of the Emperour or any other, and to haue the onely and Supreame au­thoritye in them selues ouer all, as (.283.) The .283. Vntruth▪ as before is proued they had alreadie obteined to their Churche the Supreame Title, to be Heade of other Churches: Yet the Emperours had not altogeather surrendred from them selues to the Popes, their Authoritie and iurisdictions in Churche matters. For vvhen the Church vvas grieuouslye vexed vvith the controuersie aboute Images, there vvere diuerse greate Synodes or Councelles called for the decidinge of that troublesome matter by the Emperours: and at the laste, that vvhiche is called the Seuenth General or Oecumenical Councel vvas caled and summoned to be holden at Nice in Bythinia, by Constantine and Irene the Empresse his Moother, vvho vvas the Su­preame vvoorker and Gouernour (although but an (.284.) The .284. Vntruth. mere Slā ­derous. ignorant and verye superstitious vvoman, I vvill say no vvoorse) in this matter. [Page] For her Sonne vvas but aboute tenne yeeres olde, as Zonaras affir­meth, and she had the vvhole rule, although he bare the name. After the deathe of Paule, the Emperour appoincted Tarasius the Secretary to be Patriarche at Constantinople, the people lyked vvell thereof. But Tara­sius the Emperours Secretarie refused the office, and vvoulde not take it vppon him, till the Emperour had promised to call a generall Councell, to quiete the (.285.) The .285. vntruthe false trās­lation, vt Eccles [...]ae vniantur. To vnite the Churches vvhich vvere in a schis­me. bravvles in the Churche aboute Images. The Emperour vvriteth to the Patriarche of olde Rome, and to the other Patriarches, vvilling them to sende their Legates, vnto a Councell to bee holden at Nice in Bithynia. The Bishoppes assemble at Nice by the commaundement and decree of the Emperour, as they confesse in diuerse places of this Coun­cell. VVhan the Bishoppes vvere sette in Councell, and many Lay persons of the nobility vvith them: and the holy Ghospelles vvere brought foorth, as the maner vvas (although the holy Gospells vver not made (.286.) The .286. vntruthe As much in this Councel as in any other. Iudges in this councell, as they ought to haue been, and vvere in al the fore­named general Councels) Tarasius commēdeth the vigilant care and fer­uent zeale of the Emperours, aboute Churche matters: for ordering and pacifiyng vvherof, they haue called, saith he, this councell. The Empe­rour sendeth vnto he Synod, certein counsailours vvith the Emperours letters patentes, to this effect. Constantinus and Irene, to the Bis­shoppes assembled in the secōd Nicene Synode, by Gods grace our fauour and the commaundement of our Emperiall autho­ritie. He shevveth that it apperteyneth to the emperial office, to main­teine the peace, concord, and vnity, of the vvhole Romayne Empire, but especially to preserue the estate of Gods holy Churches, vvith all possible care and councell. For this cause, he hath vvith paine gathered this councel together: geueth licēce also and liberty to euery mā vvithout al feare, to vt­ter his mind and iudgemēt frankely: to the end the truth may the better ap­peare. He shevveth the order he obserued, in making Tarasius Bishop: He prescribeth vnto the Bishopps vvhat is their office, ād vvhat they should doo: propounding vnto thē the holy Ghospelles, as the right and (287.) The .287. Vntruthe He saied not so. onely true rule they should folovve. After this be mentioneth letters brought from the Bishop of Rome by his Legates, the vvhiche he cōmaundeth to be opēly redde in the councel: and so appointeth also other thinges that they should reade. There vvas (.288.) The .288. vntruth. The defi­nition of the faithe was made vvithout the Emperours Authority. nothing attempted or done in this councel, vvithout the [Page 223] autority of the Emperours, as in all the former generall councels.

And so at the end, the vvhole Councell put vppe a supplication to the Empe­rour, for the (.289.) ratifiyng of al their doings. The vvhiche vvhen the Emperour had heard openly recited and read vnto them, they forthvvith al­lovved, signed, and sealed.

The .7. Coapter. Of the .7. General Councel holden at Nice.

Stapleton.

PHY on all shamelesse impudencie.M. Horns exceding impudēci for allea­ging for hī the. 7. Generall Councell. Qui vene­randas i­magines idola ap­pellant, a­nathema. Act. 4. fol. 535. et act 7. fol. 603. Fol. 15. M. Horn is by this Councell declared an Here­tique. Doth it not shame you M. Horne ones to name this .7. Generall Coun­cell, which doth so plainly accurse you and your fel­lowes, for your detestable saiyngs, writings, and doings, a­gainst the holy Images, and against all such as call them I­dols, as ye doe in this your booke? Yf the authority of this Coūcel furnished with the presence of .350. Bisshops, esta­blished with the cōsente of the Pope, and the foure other Patriarches, and euer since of all Catholike people both in the Latine and Greke Church highly reuerēced, may take no force, I know not what law eclesiastical may or ought to take force. Yf you and your fellowes be no heretikes (and it were but for this point onely) according to the rule and prescription, before by me out of the Emperour Iusti­nians writings rehearsed, who is, was, or euer shall be, an heretike? And can ye then for verye shame medle with the Councel, yea to craue aide of this Councel to healpe you to erect your newe Papalitie? Out vpon this your exceding shamelesse demeanour. Yet were your impu­dencie, the more to be borne withal, if beside the matter of Images, there were not also, most open and euident te­stimonie of the Popes Supremacie in this Synode. Cer­tainelye as in the Councell of Chalcedo, after Pope Leos letters were read, and in the sixt Generall Councell, after [Page] Agathos letters were read: all the fathers receiued and al­lowed, and highly reuerenced the said letters, and were directed by them, towchinge matters of fayth then being controuersed: Euen so yt fared also here. The letters that Pope Adrianus sent to thēperour, and to the Patriarche of Constātinople towching the Reuerēd Images beinge pro­poned ād reade to these Fathers, they did most vniformely, and most ioyfullie cōdescēde to the cōtentes of thē: And in ful testimony therof,Act. 2. eche one set to hys hād ād subscriptiō. The sayd Adriā writeth to Tarasius the patriarche of Cōstā tinople, that ōlesse, he had wel knowen Tarasius good syn­cere zeale, ād catholike fayth touching Images, ād the sixe general coūcels, that he would neuer haue cōsented to the calling of any Councell. Nequa­quam ad Synodum conuocā ­dā cōsen­tiremus. Dict. act. 2. fol. 483. Col. 2. b. Ibidē fol. 485. Col. Tripart. lib. 4. cap. 9. Theodoret. lib. 2. cap. 22. Wherby ye see M. Horn that the Pope hath such a voyce negatyue, in summonyng and ratifiyng of Coūcels, that if he only had drawē backe, it had bene no lawful Councel: According as the old Canon alleaged in the ecclesiasticall story commaundeth, that without the Popes Authorityte no Councel ought to be kept, and according as for that only cause diuers coūcels were abolished, as the Antiochian in the East, and the Ariminense in the West. And the sayed Pope Adrian saieth to Tarasius. Vnde & ipse Beatus Petrus Apostolus Dei iussu Ecclesiam pascens nihil om­nino praetermisit sed vbique principatum obtinuit & obtinet: cui etiam & nostrae beatae & Apostolicae sedi, quae est omnium Ecclesiarum Dei caput, velim beata vestra sanctitas ex sincera mente & toto corde agglutinetur. Saynte Peter feding the Churche by Gods commaundemēt hath omitted nothing at all, but euer hath had the principality, and nowe hath: to whome and to our blessed and Apostolyke see, whiche is the Head of all Gods Churches, I would wish your bles­sed [Page 224] holines wythe syncere mynd, and withall your heart to ioyne your self. The Emperour hym self sayth, that the councel was called by synodical letters sente frō the most holy patriarch. And a litle after, by whose exhortatiō ād in a māner cōmaundemēt we haue called you together, Cuius hortatu & veluti iussu vos congrega­uimus. [...]ct. 1. fol: 463. saith th'Emperour to the bis [...]hops. The Popes Legates are named first and sub­scribe first: The Popes letters were read first of all in the Councel: And that (Tarasius him selfe confesseth) Praeroga­tiua quadam. For a certeyn prerogatiue dewe to the Pope. Other places also of like agreablenes ye shal find here.

These be the letters M. Horn, that ye speak of, which as ye say thēperor cōmaūded to be read opēly. Wherwith, that ye dare for shame of th'world ones to medle, as also to talk of the story of Paulus ād Tarasius, I can not but most won­derfully maruayle at. This Paulus was patriarche of Cōstā ­tinople immediatly before Tarasius,Tom. 2. Conc. fol. 608. and volūtarily renoū ­ced the same office, and became a monke, mynding to doe some penāce the residue of his lyfe, for that he had set forth the wycked doings and decrees of themperours against the images.Zonaras Tom. 3. & Tom. 2. Concil. fol. 464. The Emperour was verye desirous to place Tarasius in hys roome, but he was as vnwilling to re­ceyue that dignity. And whē the Emperour vrged ād pres­sed hym vehemētly: he answered. How cā I take vpon me to be Bishop of thys see, being sondred frō the residew of Christes Church▪ ād wrapped in excōmunication. Ecclesiae à reliquis ecclesiis auulsae & anathe­mati sub­iectae. Zonar. ibidem. Is not this then pre­tely ād gayly done of M. Horn, to take this coūcel as a trō ­pet in hys hand, to blowe and proclaime hym self to all the world an heretyke? Pleade on a pase M. Horne, as ye haue done, and yow shall purchase your self at length great glo­ry: as great as euer had he that burnte the tēple of Diana, to wyn to him self a perpetuall memorye. To the which your glorious tytle for the encrease and amplifying of the same, [Page] let your Vntruthes, which are here thicke and threefolde be also adioyned. That the Popes about this time deuised horrible practises, to haue to them selues only the supreme authority:M. Horns vntruths. that Irene Constantines Mother was an igno­rant and a superstitious woman: that the matters in the .7. Generall Councel were not iudged according to the Go­spelles: that there was nothing attempted or done in this Councell without the authority of the Emperour. In all this I heare very bolde asseuerations, but as for proufes, I finde none: And none wil be found when M. Horne hath done bis best, this yeare, nor the next neyther.

M. Horne. The .94. Diuision. pag. 57. a.

Gregorius .3. sent into Fraunce for succour to Charles Martell, yel­ding and (.290.)The .290. Vntruth. Ioyned vvith a Slāder. surrendring vp vnto him, that vvhiche the Pope had so long sought, by all subtile and mischieuous meanes, to spoile the Emperoure and the Princes of.The .192. Vntruth. Capitaine and notorious, io [...] ned vith extreme folly, and grosse ig­norance. This same Gregory the third (saith Martinus Poenitē ­tiarius) VVhan Rome was besieged by the king of Lombar­dy, sent by shippe vnto Charles Martell, Pipines father, the Keyes (.291.) The .291. Vntruth. False trā ­slation as shall ap­peare. of S. Peters confession, beseeching him to deli­uer the Church of Rome from the Lombardes. By the keyes of S. Peters confession, he meaneth (.292.) al the preheminence, dignitie, and iu­risdiction, that the Popes claime to them selues (more and besides that, vvhich al other church ministers haue) ouer and aboue all manner persons Ecclesiastical or Temporal, as geuen of Christ onely to S. Peter, for his con­fession, and so from him to the Popes of Rome by lineall succession. Seinge that this Pope vvho vvas passingly vvell learned, both in diuine and pro­phane learning, and no lesse godly, stout, and constant (if you vvill beleeue Platina) (.293.) The .293. Vntruth. He yel­deth no iurisdicti­on at al in eccle­siast. mat­ters to the laye Prince. yeldeth and commiteth all this iurisdiction and claime that he hath, ouer all persons Ecclesiastical and Temporall, so vvel in cau­ses Ecclesiasticall as Temporall, vnto Charles Martell a laie Prince, and great Maister of Fraunce: it appeareth that Princes may laufully haue the rule, gouernment, and charge, in Church matters. The heires and succes­sours [Page 225] of this Charles Martell, did keepe these keyes from rusting. They ex­ercised the same iurisdictiō and gouernmēt in Ecclesiastical causes, that the Emperours and Kings had don, from the tyme of Constātine the great, vntil their tyme, vvhich vvas almost .400. yeres. For Carolomanus (.294.) The .294. vntruth. He vVas brother to Pepin, ād sonne to Charles Martell. sonne to King Pepin, and nephevv to Charles Martel, no lesse Princelike than Chri­stianly, exercised this his (.295.)The .295. vntruth. Carolo­manus exercised no Su­preme authority in ecclesiastical causes Synod. Francica. Supreme authority in Ecclesiastical causes, and made notable reformation of the Ecclesiastical state. He summoned a Councel of his Clergy, both Bisshoppes and Priestes .742. yere from the incar­nation of Christ: vvherein also he him selfe sate vvith many of his nobles and counsailours. He shevveth the cause vvhy he called this Synode. That they should geue aduise (saith he) howe the Lawe of God and the Churche religion (meaning the order and discipline) may be restored againe, which in the tyme of my predecessours, being broken in sonder, fell cleane away. Also by what meanes the Christiā people may attaine to the saluation of their soules, and perishe not, being deceiued by false priestes. He declareth vvhat ordinaun­ces and decrers vvere made (.296.) The .296. vntruth. Not by his, but by the bi­shops Authority. by his authoriy in that Synode. VVe did ordein Bishops through the Cities (saith he) by the coūcel of the Priests, ād my nobles, ād did cōstitute Bonifaciꝰ to be the Arch­bisshop ouer them (.297.)The .297. vntruth. VVhich is the Popes Legate, left out. Naucler.VVe haue also decreed a Synode to [...]e ca [...]e [...] together euery yere, that the decrees of the Canons, and the Lawes of the Churche, may be repaired in our pre­sence, and the Christian Religion amended. &c. That the mo­ney vvhereof the Churches haue been defrauded, be restored. VVe haue degraded the false Priestes, Deacons, and Clerkes, being adul­terers, and fornicatours, and haue driuē them to penaunce. VVe haue vtterly forbidden, al maner hūting and haukīg to the Clergy. VVe decree also, that euery priest dvvellīg in the diocese, be subiect vnto his ovvn bisshop, and that alvvaies in Lent, he make an accōpt and shhevv to the bishop the maner ād order of his ministery, touching baptism, the Catholik faith, praiers and the order of Masses. And vvhāsoeuer the bishop shal go his circuite to cō ­firm the people, the priest shalbe ready to receiue hī vvith collectiō ād helpe of the people. That the priest seke for nevv Chrism alvvaies on Maūdy thursday at the bishops hād, that the bishop may be a vvitnes of his chast life, of his faith and doctrine. VVe decree further, that no vnknovven bishop or Priest, [Page] be admitted into the Churche ministerye, before he be allovved bye the Sy­node. He maketh many such like, for the reformation of the Clergy, in vvhat sort they shalbe punished, yf they commit vvho [...]dome, and likevvise againste sorcery, vvitchcraft, diuinacions, incantations, and al kind of prophane super­stitions. If ther vvere no more examples of any Church history, but this (298)The .298. vntruth. For all that Carolomanus here did, vvas don by the Cōmissiō of Pope Zacha­ [...]ias. of Caloroman, it vvoulde suffice to make plaine that to the Princes autho­ritye apperteineth, to make Lavves, and to the Clergye to ge [...] him coun­saile out of Gods vvorde, hovv to frame the discipline, to the edifiyng of Gods Church.

The .8. Chapter: Of Charles Martell, and of the keyes of S. Peters Confession.

Stapleton.

M. Horns great provves.AS farre as I can see, al M. Hornes noble prowes and great conquests haue bene and shal be vpon the lāde. By the which he hath brought and will bring (yf ye wil belieue him) vnder his newe Papacy many greate and noble countries: yea Moscouia and Aethiopia to. But hap­pye yt is, that he is not yet come to the Late newe foūde Landes: where the newe Christian people doe as faste, and as reuerently embrace the Popes authority, as we, af­ter we haue bene Christian men nowe these thowsande yeares, doe reiecte yt, and that with moste shamefull vi­lany. But as I said, I fynde no martiall actes of M Hornes, vpon the sea, but this onely, which is so notable and won­derful,Al the Popes authoritye sent away by sea in a shippe. that this one way serue for all. For Lo he carieth all the Popes authoritye awaye in a shippe, to Fraunce: sente thyt [...]er by the Pope him selfe, as him selfe saieth. For as muche as he sent to Carolus Martellus, the keyes of Saint Peters confession. So that nowe the Pope hathe, beinge therto forced by Maister Horne, belyke in some [Page 226] terrible combat vppon the seas with sending these keyes, so spoyled him selfe of all his iurisdiction, that he hath no more lefte, then haue all other Ministers of the Churche, and euerye other poore selye Sir Iohn. This is Maister Horne, a iolye triumphante victorye, as euer I reade or hearde of: and these be as wonderfull keyes. Some great and stronge wonders haue I reade, done by keyes.Miracles done by keyes. As in Italye, that suche as be bytten with madde dogges haue bene cured by the Churche doore keye of Saint Bellins Churche: who beinge a blessed man,Coelius Rhodiginꝰ Lect. an­tiq. lib. 17. cap. 28. Gregor. li. 6. epist. 23. died al to torne with dogges. And this is writen of a greate learned man of late memorie, borne aboute those quarters. I haue reade also, of meruelouse greate miracles done by keyes, that hadde towched the holye reliques of Saint Peter at Rome: writen by Sainte Gregorye, our Apostle, as a thynge moste certainelye and notoriouslye to him and to others knowen. But yet Maister Horne these your keyes seame to me incomparablye to passe all other: And for the straungnes of the matter, and for my better instruction, I woulde full fayne be resolued at your handes but of two dowbtes that trouble and incomber me.

First seinge that this Pope, as Maister Horne reciteth out of P [...]ina, passingly well learned bothe in diuine and pro­phane l [...]rninge, and no lesse godlye, stoute, and constante, hath yelded ouer to a laye Prince (by sendinge to him in a shippe Saint Peters keyes) all his iurisdiction and clayme,M. Horns merue­louse ex­position of Saint Peters keyes. that he hadde ouer all causes Ecclesiasticall or temporall, yet for all this good Maister Horne, in this so weightye a matter, I woulde craue at your handes a litle of your good helpe to satisfie my mynde, yea and your wise discrete rea­ders mynde to.

[Page]For I hauing but a dull insight in such matters, for my part, see no great wisedome, vertue, or learning, and lesse stout­nesse in Gregorie for theis his doings. Your authors in this storie, are here, Martinus and Platina. Yf we shall by them measure his wisdome and stowtenes, and other qualities whithal:Martinus. Synodum pene .1000. episcoporū Romae ce­lebrādo venerationē sanctarū imaginū cōfirmat, atque vio­latores ge­nerali sen­tētia ana­themati­zauit. yt was partly, for that by his great carefulnes he procured, that Rome being oppressed by the kinge of Lom­bardie, was releyued: partlie and that most of al for that by a councel holden at Rome almoste of one thowsande bis­shops, he condemned and accursed the wycked Emperour of Constantinople Leo, for defacyng againe after the 7. Ge­nerall Councel (beinge persuaded thereto by an hereticall monke) the holy images, as your authour Martinus in Gre­gories storie writeth: And Platina sayth, that he both excō ­municated themperour Leo, and by sentence declared him to be no Emperour. And so not whithstāding the keies of S. Peter were sent away by shippe, he reserued to him self one of S. Peters keyes, and a litle more authoritie then ye were ware of, yea so much, that he hath geuen you a sore blowe in the face whith his key, ād declared, you ād your fellowes, and your great Emperour to,Zonaras: Tom. 3. verie arrant heretyks. I must now ons again be so bolde as to trouble your wisedome: with an other as necessarie a question, and that is: by what authoritye ye auouche, that theis keyes were nothing else, but the popes supreame authoritie and iurisdictiō? Your au­thors Martinus and Platina say no such thing:M. Horn shevveth no author for his io­lie expo­sition. No nor anie other, that I could euer chaūce vppō. If this be your owne newe freshe inuention, then haue yowe a iolie pregnante wytte, and ye haue deceyued aswel others, as the late re­uerent father, M. Bayne, late bishop of Lichfeld and Couē ­trie, his expectation, somtime your reader in Cābridge, that [Page 227] was wont to call yow quouis connu duriorem: that is, harder then any Horn. But I pray you good Sir is your authority inuoydable? Must we neads sing sanctus, sanctus, sanctus, to al your sayings? and say of you as Pythagoras schollers were wont to say: ipse dixi [...]: ād reason no further? Let poore blont fellowes be so bold vppon yowe for ones, to heare frō you some better authoritye then your owne naked worde for this noble exposition. Namely seing that your boke is not authorised, by the Quenes cōmissioners, as some others are.M. Horns boke is not set forth by the Que­nes au­thoritye. And thowgh yt wer, yet might we craue so much at your hands, seing that yowe auouche that, whiche (for all your prety exposition) was not done by this Gregorie, nor could possible be done, onlesse he had bene as frantycke as euer was madde Collyns of Bethelem. Nor I trowe, anie man woulde make or belieue anie suche fonde declarations, but suche as haue lost theyr fyue wyttes. And therefore I say, of all your shameful lies, this maye be crowned for a noto­riouse, a captayne and an Imperiall Lie.

For wil you see gētle Readers,VVhat vvere the keyes that vver sent to Char­les Martel what were in dede these miraculous keyes that M. Horn hath with such a straunge Metamorphosis turned into al the preeminence, dignitie, and Iurisdlction that the Pope hath aboue other Church Ministers? Verely not in al the xiiij. bookes of Ouides Metamorpho­sis can there be founde, a more fabulous, more ridiculous, or more vnsauery and vnsensible chaunge, thoughe he talke there of full many, as of men and wemen chaunged into birds, into stones, into bestes, into starres, and into I can not tel what, then is this one most singular and rare inuented Metamorphosis of M. Hornes exacte deuise. And truly M. Horn you hauing such a nūber of good versyfiers to your neighbours, in the famous and wel ordered schole of Win­chester, [Page] it shoulde be an eternal monument of your singu­lar witte, if you did procure this your excellent Metamor­phosis to be put also in verses, and to be adioyned to the other of Ouides, for the rarite and singularnesse thereof. Suche as I trowe all Europe, yea all the wide worlde a­gaine will not be able to shewe the like. Well: In the meane season that the worthy memory hereof may not vtterly be extinguished, I will shortelye and rudelye sha­dowe it out, leauing to more excellent wittes, and con­ning workemen (of which you shall not want M. Horne, if you earnestlye procure them) to sette it forthe in his coulours. First then it is to be vnderstanded gentle Rea­ders, that bothe before the time of this Gregory .3. and in his time, and after his time, the toumbe, chappell or mo­nument where S. Peters body laye in Rome, was called of the Romayn writers Confessio B. Petri. S. Peters Confes­sion. Witnesse hereof before the time of Gregory. the .3. is the Pontificall of Damasus, as Georgius Cassander hath noted out of Petrus Vrbeuetanus.Georg. Cassander in Ordine Romano. Thus Cassander writeth vpon the worde Confessio. Frequens est haec vox in Pontifi­cali Damasi. Ante Confessionem S. Petri, de qua P. Vrb. Con­fessio, inquit, Capsa vel sepulchrum, vel potius corpus B. Petri conditum sub altari. P. Vrb. in scholijs in vitas Pōt. Damasi. This worde Confessio, saieth Cassander is often founde in the Pontificall of Damasus. Before S. Peters Confession. Whereof Petrus V [...]beuetanus saieth. By S. Peters Confession is meante, t [...]e Cophyn or toumbe, or rather the body of S. Peter layed vnder the Aultar.

This was a phrase to expresse that place, where the me­mory of S. Peter and of his most blessed Cōfessiō cōfessing there Christ, and dying there a glorious Martyr for Christ was by the blessed Relike of his bodye there present, ho­noured [Page 228] and contynewed. In the life of Gregory .3. it is wri­ten of a Synod of .93. bishops holden in S. Peters Chappel at Rome:Tom. 2. Conc. pa. 434. col. 2. c Ibidē pag. 445. c. 2. Coram sacrosancta Confessione Sacratissimi corporis B. Petri residentibus & caet. The bishops sittinge before the holy Confession of the moste blessed body of S. Peter. And with the like phrase it is writen of Zacharias his succes­sour, that he offred vp before the Confession of S. Peter many Iewels and much treasure. Such phrases are ryfe in the 2. Tome of the Councels, and in the writers of those ages. This beinge firste knowen, lette vs nowe con­sider the allegation of M. Horne. He saieth Gregory .3. sent by shippe to Charles Martell, the keyes of S. Peters Confession. His Author is Martinus poenitentiarius, one of the poenitentiaries at Rome. The latin of Martinus is this. Claues ex Confessione B. Petri Apostoli accipiens, direxit na­uali itinere. Here M. Horne hath clerkly turned: Claues ex Confessione B. Petri, The keyes of S. Peters Confession. The latin of this Englishe, were. Claues Confessionis, not Claues ex Confessione. As if I should saie, Claues ex Ecclesia direxit. It were not well Englished I trowe. He sent the keyes of the Churche. But: He sent kayes from the Churche: Which mighte be other keyes pardie, then the Churche keyes. And so is it in this place. Pope Gregory the thyrd sent to Charles Martell, keyes from the Confession of S. Pe­ter. But not: the keyes of S. Peters confession. The keyes of S. Peters Confession were Claues Regni coelorum: the keyes of the kingdome of heauen, whiche Christe gaue to Pe­ter, and to onely Peter. And the whiche were not I trowe materiall keyes, suche as might be sente awaye, ei­ther by sea, or by lande. But keyes from S. Peters Con­fession were keyes from the body of S. Peter: keyes which [Page] had touched that holy relike, and which by that touch was made it selfe a Relike. Howe proue we this, you say? For­soth very plainely and euidently by a witnesse well nere a thousande yeres olde, by one of the foure Doctours of the Churche, by our Apostle, learned S. Gregory the first.Gregorius Secundino seruo Dei incluso lib. 7. epistol. 53. Indict. 2. Such keyes from S. Peters confession to be sent to de­uoute persons for holy Relikes, was in his tyme and longe before his tyme an vsuall matter. S. Gregory writing to Secundinus an Anachoret (as it seemeth) amonge other re­likes, as an Image of our Sauiour, of our Lady, and of S. Peter and Paule, and a Crosse also, mentioneth also this kinde of Relike, sayinge. Clauim etiam pro benedictione à sanctissimo Corpore Petri Apostolorum principis &c. We sende you also by this bearer, a keye for a benediction from the most holye bodye of Peter the Prince of the Apo­stles. A keye from the body, was a keye that hadde tou­ched the body, or the place where the body was inter­red. And wil M. Horne nowe say, that S. Gregory sent a­way to this poore Anchoret his whole preeminence, digni­ty, and iurisdiction &c? Or because he sent also to one Theo­dorus a Physitian of Constantinople,Lib. 6. epist. 25. Clauem à sacratissimo Petri Corpore, a keye from the most holy body of S. Peter, thinketh M. Horne, that this Physitian had, All the Popes preeminence and iurisdiction geuen him? Or because in like maner he sent to Theotistas and Andreas, two noble men aboute the Emperour, for a benediction of Saint Peter, Clauem à sacratissimo eius corpore, Lib. eodē. epist. 23. a keye from his moste holye bodye, were they also promoted wyth all the Popes preeminence, dignitye and Iurisdiction, as you affirme Charles Martell was here of Pope Gregory .3. for hauinge suche a Relike sent him by shippe?

[Page 229]S. Gregory saied, he sent those keyes for a Benediction, not for a Iurisdiction. He sent it to the Anchoret, vt per ipsum a maligno defenderetur, cuius signo munitum se crederet. Lib. 7. epistol. 53. That by him from the deuil he might be defended, by whose to­ken or remembrance he thoughte him selfe garded.Lib. 6. epistol. 25. He sent it to Theodorus the Phisicyan, with a piece of S. Pe­ters chayne enclosed, vt quod illius collum ligauit ad marty­rum, vestrum ab omnibus peccatis soluat. that the same which had tyed S. Peters necke to martyrdom, may lose yours (saieth S. Gregory to the Physitian) from all sinnes, mea­ninge from the paynes of synnes.Lib. eodē epist. 23. He sent it to the two Noble men, vt per quam omnipotens Deus superbientem & perfidum hominem peremit, per eam vos (qui eum timetis & diligitis) & praesentem salutem & aeternam habere valea­tis. To thentent that as by that keye God (Of this Miracle, Vide Greg. loco citate miraculously) shewe a proude and wretched man, so by it you (saieth he to them) whiche feare God and loue God, may haue also bothe present sauegarde and euerlastinge. This was M. Horne the popes meaninges and intentes in sendinge to deuoute persons, to Noble men, and to princes, such re­likes of keyes from the Confession, that is from the body or chappell of S. Peter. And thus whereas M. Horne, by his wonderfull inuentyue wytte had made a straunge me­tamorphosis, of a Relique from S. Peters body, into al the preeminence dignitie and Iurisdictiō of the Pope aboue other Churche Ministers, they are nowe agayne by a happy re­uolution, God be thanked, returned to their former shape, and appere as they did before, in their owne natural like­nesse. And that wythe more truthe a greate deale, then Lucians Asse hauing trotted many yeres ouer downes and dales, came at lengthe by eating of red roses to be Lucian [Page] him selfe agayne as it was before, and as they saie, it was neuer other.

But if M. Horne notwithstanding al this, wil yet vphold his straunge metamorphosis, and delight him selfe stil ther­in, the rather bicause S. Gregory in al those places speaketh but of a keye, and not of keyes, as Gregory the .3. is saied to haue sente to Charles Martell: then lo M. Horne for your ful satisfaction in this poynt, yet an other place of S. Gre­gory, wherein he sendeth euen keyes also. Writing to Co­lumbus a bishop of Numidia, at the ende of his letters he sayeth.Lib. 2. epist. 47. Indict. 11. Etiam Claues beati Petri in quibus de cathenis ipsius inclusum est, tibi pro benedictione transmisi. I haue sent you also by this bearer the keyes of S. Peter, in which there is of his chaynes enclosed for a benediction. Lo M. Horne here are sent to a bishop of Numidia not the keyes from or of S. Peters Confession (which you see are but keyes of or from his toumbe or body) as to Charles Martell onely were sent, but the very keyes of S. Peter him selfe. But what? Had that bishoppe therefore all the popes preemi­nence and Iurisdiction sent him? Nay this notwithstan­dinge, what Iurisdiction and supreme gouernement thys verye pope practised ouer Numidia and all Afrike to, bothe in these very letters partlye appereth, and more largely it maye appeare, if you vóuchesafe M. Horne to reade that litle onely which in this matter I haue saied to your pewefelowe M. Iewell,Art. 4. fol. 10. & 11. in my laste Returne of vn­truthes vppon his moste lyinge Replie. And here you heare S. Gregory saie he sent him, these keyes, pro benedi­ctione: For a benediction, not for a Iurisdiction. For a ho­ly Relike: not for a supreme dignitie. For a deuoute re­membraunce, not for a princelye preeminence: As you [Page 230] moste fondelye and ignorantlye do pronounce. Yea and this you so folowe and pursewe from hence forewarde, as the very grounde and foundation of all the Supreme gouernement, whiche you woulde so fayne fasten vppon princes heads, a thinge of them neuer yet so much as de­sired or dreamed of.

For lo vpon this ioyly grounde you buylde and say. The heyres and successours of this Charles Martell, did keepe these keyes from rustinge. Verely I thinke in dede bothe he and his godly successours, vsed that Relike and many other deuoutely, and did not suffer it to ruste aboute them. A poynt for this relike, say you. I saie: They exercised the same iurisdiction and gouernement in Ecclesiastical causes, that the Emperours and kings had done from the time of Constantine & caet. Verelye and so thinke I to. But you see nowe Maister Horne, at leste euery discrete Reader seeth, that from the time of Constantin hytherto, neuer Prince but heretikes, as Constantius and Anastasius wythe a fewe suche, gouuerned in causes Ecclesiasticall. Namely in al things and causes, as you by Othe make folke to sweare, I should say, forsweare.

But as touchinge thys Charles Martell, and Carolo­manus his sonne (whom you call his nephewe, and kinge Pipins sonne) and their gouuernement in Ecclesiasticall causes, gouuernement they had none, nor exercised none. You tel vs of such a thinge, but you proue no such thinge. The whole dealing of Gregory the .3. with Charles Martel and of pope Zachary with Carolomannus his sonne, was onely that they shoulde take the Churche of Rome in to their protection, (beinge then the moste mighty prin­ces in this parte of Christendom) seinge the Emperours [Page] of Constantinople had by heresy (as Leo then the Icono­mache) and other crueltyes, rather forsaken it and oppres­sed it, then succoured it, and defended it. And therefore of this facte of Gregory the .3. Sabellicus a moste diligente chronicler,Sabellicus Aenead. 8. lib. 8. writeth thus. Tum primùm Romanae vrbis Apo­stolicae (que) sedis tutela, quae ad Constantinopolitanos principes (si quid grauius accidisset) omnia sua desideria conferre consue­uisset, Gallorum est Regum facta. Then began the Frenche princes to take vpō thē the protection of the Cyty of Rome and of the See Apostolike, which had bene wonte (before) to referre al their griefes to the Emperours of Constanti­nople, if any weightyer matter had befallē. And againe. Sus­cepit nihil grauatè pientissimū patrociniū Carolus Pōtificis rogatu. Charles at the request of the pope toke vpon him wil­lingly that most charitable or godly protection. And this lo was that which Pope Gregory by sendīg keyes frō S. Peters Cōfessiō to Charles Martel, did seke ād fewe for at his hāds. M. Horn shooteth farre wide to imagine herin al the popes Iurisdictiō, dignite and preeminēce to be sent away by ship into Frāce.Naucle­rus Gene­rat: 25. p. 793. co. 1. And as for Carolomanus, of whose supreme go­uernmēt M. Horn fableth here so much, within .4. yeres af­ter this great Authoryty exercised, wēt to Rome, offred hī selfe to the pope, ād was shorē in for a Mōke. And what or wherin cōsisted his Authoryty? He summoned a Coūcel you say, and many decrees were made there by his Authoryty. Yea but why tel you not that pope Zacharias at the request of Bonifacius, gaue to him ād to this Carolomanus, a speciall Cōmissiō by his letters to cal this Synod, ād to decree ther­in such things as Bonifacius should think behoueful for that time? Why in your very narratiō do you euē in the middest of your allegatiō where you talk of this Bonifacius, leaue [Page 231] out quite, and nippe of these wordes: Qui est missus S. Petri. Who is the Popes Legat? Why deale you not trulye, and why tell you not al? Forsoth because truth is none in you, and al maketh against you. In Nauclerus you may see and reade at large the Popes Commission to Bonifacius and to the Prince for keping this Synod, and for orderīg the same.Nauc. pa 790. & 791. Yet you tell all for the Emperour, as though the Pope had don nothing. O wilful malice, and malicious wilfulnesse. M. Horne is not content to be blinde him selfe. He wil also make his readers blīd. And because he loueth not the truth, or the truth loueth not him, therfore he would his Reader should learne the falshood and be as false as him self is.

But againe what impudency is this, to bring Caroloma­nus doinges, by the which euen in your own narration, the holy Chrisme, the masse, and other orders of the Churche, that ye haue abolisshed, are confirmed?Masse cō ­firmed, ād M. Horn degraded by Caro­loma­nus his supreme head. and your whordome with M. Madge, is punished by derogation, penance, and otherwise euen by your own supreme head, Corolomanus? Which did not degrade any priest actually him self, or cau­sed any to be degraded, by his supreame authoritye (as ye seame by a false sense to inferre) but caused them by the or­dinary meanes, and according to the rules and canons to be degraded. Who also made him selfe no Churche lawes, as M. Horn here vntruly noteth, but did al by the authority of Pope Zacharias, who (as I haue said,Nauclerꝰ generat. 25. pa. 79. and as in Nauclere it appeareth) gaue Commission to Bonifacius the Bisshop to kepe a Synod in the Dominion of this Carolomanus, in which Synode all these Churche lawes were made. All which euidently proueth the Popes Primacy at that tyme, not the Princes.

M. Horne. The .95. Diuision. pag. 58. a.

About this tyme vvas one Bonifacius not Pope, but as they call him the great Apostle of the Germanies, the like for all the vvorld to our Apo­stle here in Englande, Augustinus Anglorum Apostolus: Either of them (.299.) The .299. vntruth. Slaunde­rous and vylainouse. might be called, the Popes Apostles, vvhose greate cham­pions they vvere. And euen suche Ecclesiasticall matters as our Apostle trea­teth of, hath this Apostle in his Epistles to the Pope, as this. He asketh his holines when fatte bakon should be eaten: The Pope an­swereth, when it is wel smoke dried or resty, and then soddē. Likewise he asketh whether we shall eate Dawes, Crowes, Hares, and wilde Horses: The Pope biddeth him to beware of them in any wise. Also he asketh him howe, if Horses haue the falling sicknesse, what we shall doe to them: The Pope aunswereth, hurle them into a ditche. He asketh what we shall doe with Beastes bitten with a madde dogge, the Pope biddeth him kepe them close, or hurle them into a pitte. He asketh if one Nonne may washe an others feete, as men may: the Pope answereth, yea, on Goddes name. Also he asketh, howe many Crosses, and where aboutes (.300.) The .300. vntruth. His que­stiō vvas other­vvise, as shal ap­peare. in his bodye, a man shoulde make them. These and a greate manye suche like, are the Popes and his Apostles, Ecclesiasticall matters. But leauing these trifles, note that in those Ecclesiasticall matters, vvhich he did to anye purpose, the laye Princes hadde the entermedling, as appea­reth (.301.) The .301. vntruth. The con­trary by that epi­stle appe­reth. by the Pope Zacharias Epistle to this Boniface. It is no marueile thoughe this Kinge Charoloman, as also Charles the greate, and other noble Princes, after their tyme established by their authority in Sy­nodes manye superstitions, and (.302.) The .302. vntruth. The churche vvas not then idola­trous. idolatrous obseruaunces, as of Masses, Chrysmes, and such like abuses, beinge moued vvith the zeale, that all Princes ought to haue, but vvanting the pure knovvledge that good and faithfull Bisshoppes should haue instructed them vvithal: seinge suche (.303.) The .303. vntruth. Slaunde­rous and cōtrary to your own sayinges after. blind bussardes as this Boniface, had the teaching of them, vvho like blinde guides, ledde them in the bottomles pitte of all superstitions and false religion.

The .9. Chapter: Of S. Boniface the Apostle of Germany, and of S. Augustin our Apostle.

Stapleton.

HEre is interlaced a lying slaunderouse patche al from the principal matter, against our apostle S. Augustyn, and S. Boniface an English man,Beda in martyro­logio. and a blessed Martyr slayne in Phrisia by the infidels, commonly called the Apo­stle of Germanye. But what a Ghospel is this, that can not come in credite, but by most slaunderouse vilany, and that against S. Augustin, whome we may thank and S. Gregory that sent him, that we are Christē mē? S. Gregory cōmen­deth him for learned and vertuous, and setteth forth the mi­racles wonderfully wrought by him in our Countre. And think you now M. Horn, that you with al your lewde, lying rayling, or M. Iewel either, can stayne and blemishe that blessed mās memory? No, no: ye rather amplifie ād auaunce his glorious renown, and proue your selues most wretched and detestable lyers: as I haue sufficiētly of late declared in my Return vpō M. Iewels Reply.Art. 3. fol 124. & se­quentibus. They nede not M. Horn your cōmendatiō, which in such a person as ye are, were rather their discōmendatiō. For the ill mans discōmendation is to a good man a very commendation: as contrary wise to be commended of an il man, is no true prayse, but rather a a disgracyng and a dispraise. Therefore where ye cal these blessed mē, ād other bishops of this tyme blīd bussards, ād say that in Charles the great, ād other Princes then, lacked pure knowledge, ye declare your self what ye are,M. Horns contradi­ction to him selfe. a very blinde hob abowt the howse, neither able to kepe your self frō ly­ing, nor yet frō cōtradictiō. For M. Horne I would to God, either your self, or a great sort of your fellowes Protestāt [Page] bisshops, had beside his vertue, the learning of Charles the great,Charles the great learned in the La­tin and Greeke tonges. being well sene aswel in the Greke as the Latin tōge. And see nowe how well your tale hangeth together. For the very leafe before Gregorye the .3. was passinglye well learned, both in diuine and prophane learning, and no lesse god­lye. And the fowrth leafe after, your selfe bringe forthe Alcuinus an Englishman of greate learninge, as ye saye, that saieth, as ye write, that God incomparably honored and exalted Charles the great, aboue his auncetours with wise­dome to gouerne and teache his subiectes with a godlye care­fulnes. Which wisedome stode, as your selfe declare, in or­dering matters Ecclesiasticall.Vide Pōt. in vitae Zachar. And Pope Zacharias that ye here speake of, was well also sene in the Greeke tonge: Into the which he trāslated out of Latin S. Gregories Dia­loges. And now what a blinde bussarde are you, that pleade vpon this Zacharias epistles to Bonifacius to proue this Charlemains supremacye, wherein the Popes primacy is e­uidently and openly declared, (as I haue before shewed) yf ye were of this ignorant: or what an impudent and a maliciouse person are you, yf ye wittinglye and willingly alleage that for you, which is most strong against you? For this Councel that ye grounde your selfe vpon,De synodo autem congregata apud Francorum prouin­ciam mediantibus Pipino & Carolo­mano, excellentissi­mis filiis nostris iux­ta syllabarum no­strarum commoni­tionem, per agēte vi­ces nosiras tua san­titate qualiter egi­stis cognouimus, & omnipotenti Deo no­stro gratias egimus, qui eorum corda cō ­firmauit, vt in hoc pio opere adiutores existerent, et omnia optimè et canonicè peregisti, tam de falsis Episcopis et for­nicarijs et schisma­ticis, quamque etiā et c. was called in dede by Pipyn and Caroloman, but ac­cording as the Pope had geuen them Commission in his letters: And this Bonifacius was the Popes Legate there: For concealing wherof, you left out: Qui est missus S. Petri: Who is the Popes legat. And the Princes were but ayders and assisters vnto him. And Boniface proceding very well and canonical­ly deposed the false, the adulterouse, and the schis­maticall priestes. Which so yrketh M. Horne at [Page 233] the very heart, remēbring that if him selfe were wel and canonically handeled, he should beare a muche lower saile, then to beare either any Bisshoplye or priestly office, that faring like a mad mā, he speaketh he wot nere what: and euen there, where with his egle eies he findeth fault with other mens blindnes, he sheweth him self, most blind bussard of al. For he may as wel find fault with Moses Law, and by the supreme authority of his new Papacy, he may laugh to scorne Moses to, as wel as Bonifacius, and cal hī blind bussard also, for his madd lawes forbidding the eating of the Camel, the Hare, the Swine, the Egle, the Goshauke, the Crow, the Rauen, the Owle, the carmorāt, Zacha: ad Bonifac. Tom. 2. Concil. fol. 450. Col. 2. and such like. He might also as well make him selfe pastime and ieste merely at the Canons of the sixth General Councel, that he so lately spake of, forbid­ding the eating of puddings and things suffocated. Vvhy M. Horne is so outragius agaīst S. Bonifacius. Leuit. 11. And perchaūce the questiō of beasts bitten with madde dogges hath more matter in it, then M. Horne doth yet withal his Philosophy cōsider,Mē waxē mad with eating of svvines flessh bit­tē vvith a madde dogge. Lycosthen. de Prodi­gijs. Anno. 1535. In VVirten­bergēsi. ducatu. &c. or that some of his good brethren in Germanye haue of late considered, fealing as it were, the smart of this their ignorance, which feading vpon swines flessh, bitten of a madde dogge, waxed as madde as the dog, and falling one vpon an other, most pitifully bitte and tore one the others flessh. As for the questiō cōcerning the Nūne, M. Horne hath no great cause to mislike.

Nowe in case Bonifacius had demaunded of Pope Za­charie, whether a lewde, lecherouse, false Fryer, might lurke and luske in bedde with a Nunne, and then cloke their incest vnder the name of holy wedlock, ād that Pope Zacharie had geuen as honourable an answere, as his late [Page] Apostle frier Luther, hath donne, aswel by hys bokes,as by hys damnable doings: then lo, had Bonifacius ben the true and sincere Apostle of Iesus Christe. And then should he haue ben M. Hornes Idole.Tom. 2. Cōcil. fol. 452. Col. 2 Nā et hoc flagitasti à nobis sanctissime frater, in sacri canonis praedi­catione, quot in lo­cis cruces fieri de­beant. Fol. 453. Col. 2. c. Neither did Bonifacius demād these matters because he was ignorante, or in anye greate doubte: but to worke more suerly. And the Pope in hys an­swere, telleth hym, that he was well sene in all holy scri­pture. As for the question how many crosses a mā should make in his body, is not Bonifacius, but your question. For the question was, of crosses to be made, in saying the holy canō of the masse. The name of the which holy canon ye can no more abyde, then the deuill the signe of the holie crosse: of whome ye haue learned, thus to mangle your al­legatiōs, and to caste away both crossing and canō wythal.

M. Horne. The .96. Diuision. pag. 58. a.

Adrianus the first, Pope, being muche vexed through his ovvne (.304.)The .304. vntruth. Slaunde­rous. furious pride, by Desiderius king of Lombardy, sendeth to Carolus Magnus, and requireth him of his ayde against the Lombardes, promising to make him (.305.)The .305. vntruth. It appe­reth not so in any history. Dist. 634. therfore Emperour of Rome: Charles cōmeth, vāquisheth Desiderius, and so passeth into Rome, vvhō the Pope receiued vvith great honour; geuing to him in part of recompence, the title of most Christian king, and further to augment his beneuolence tovvardes Charles, desired him to sende for his Bishops into Fraunce, to celebrate a Synode at Rome: vvhere in vvere gathered together of Bishops, Abbottes, and other Prela­tes, about .154. In vvhich coūcel also Carolus him selfe vvas present, as saith Martinus. Gratianus maketh report hereof out of the Churche history on this vvise. Charles after he had vanquished Desiderius, came to Rome, ād appointed a Synode to be holdē there with Adrian the Pope. Adrian with the vvhole Synode, deliuered vnto Charles, the right and povver to elect the Pope, and to dispose the Apostolique sea. They graunted also vnto him, the dignity of the aunciēt bloud of Rome. VVerby he vvas made a Pa­triciā, and so capable of the emperial dignity. Furthermore he decreed [Page 234] that th'Archbishops ād bishops in euery prouīce shuld receiue their inuestiture of him: so that none shuld be cōsecrate, onles he were cōmēded ād inuestured Bishop of the Kinge. VVo so euer woulde doo contrary to this decree, should be accursed, and except he repēted, his goodes also should be cōfiscate. Pla­tina addeth, Charles, and the Pope, the Romaines ād the Frēche sweare the one to the other, to keepe a perpetuall amity, and that those shuld be enemies to thē both, that anoyed the one.

The 10. Chapter. Of Charlemayne, and of Adrian, and Leo Bishops of Rome.

Stapleton.

THat Adriā was vexed by king Desiderius throwgh hys owne furiouse pryde,Magnitu­dine ani­mi, consi­lio, doctri­na, et san­ctitate vi­tae, cū quouis optimo pontifice comporari potest. who was a very vertuouse learned man, is nothing but your follishe furiouse ly­ing, as also that he promised to Charles to make hym Em­perour, if he would ayde and helpe hym: No history saieth so, except M. Hornes pēne be an history. Now what doth it furder your cause, that thys Charles had the righte and power to electe the Pope, and the inuesturing of Bishops, seeing he helde yt not of hys owne right and tytle, but by a speciall and a gratiouse graunte of the Pope and hys Sy­nod, as your self alleage? Nay verely this one exāple cleer­ly destroyeth al your imagined Supremacy, and al that you shall bringe hereafter of the Emperours claime for the ele­ctiō ād inuesturing of Bishops. For the diligēt Reader remē ­brīg this, that the first Original ād Authority hereof sprong not of the Imperial right or power, but of the Popes special graunte made to Charlemayn the first Emperour of the west after the trāslatiō therof, must also see, that al that you bring hereafter of th'Emperors claime in this behalfe, pro­ueth no Primacy in the Prince, but rather in the Pope, from whō the Authority of that facte proceded, by which facte you would proue a primacy.

Horne. The .97. Diuision. pag. 59. a.

Not longe after, Charles, perceiuing the Churches to be muche molested and dravvne in [...] partes, vvith the Heresy of Foelix, calleth a councell of al the Bishoppes vnder his dominions in Italy, Fraunce, and Germany, to cō ­sulte and conclude a truthe, and to bring the Churches to an vnity therein, as he him selfe affirmeth in his Epistle vvriten to Elepandus Bishop of Tolet, and the other Bishoppes of Spaine: VVee haue commaunded (sayth Charles) a Synodall councel to be had of deuout Fathers from al the Churches thoroughout our signiouries, to the end that with one accorde it might be decreed, what is to be be­leued touching the opiniō we know that you haue brought in with newe assertions, suche as the holy Catholike Church in old time neuer heard of. Sabellicus also maketh mention of this Synode vviche vvas conuocated to Frankeforth: ad Caroli edictum: at the commaundement of Charles.

Stapleton.

This gere serueth for nothing but to proue that Carolus called a councell: and here M. Horne sayeth Sabellicus also maketh mention of this Synode cōuocated to Frāckford. Your also M. Horn,Sabell. Aen. 8. li. 8 dānata est haeresis de abolendis imaginib. is altogether superfluous, seing that ye named no other author before, that spake of thys Synode, for Sa­bellicus is here poste alone. Well, let it be Charles that cal­led the Synode, but why do ye not tell vs, what was donne there, as doth Platina, and your owne authour Sabellicus also, declaring that suche iconomaches and image breakers as ye are,Platina. Theophilatius & Stephanus Episcopi insignes, Adriani no­mine synodū Franco rū Germanorumque Episcoporū habuere: in qua, & caet. were there cōdemned for heretyks? why do ye not tell vs also, who were cheif in that Coū ­cell: whiche were Theophilatius and Stephanus Pope Adriās Legates? And here appereth the wret­ched dealing of the authour of your Apologye, for hys duble lye, aswell in that he would by thys Sy­node proue, that a generall councell, maye be abo­lished [Page 235] by a national as for saying, this Councell did abolishe the Seuenth Generall Councell, whereas it confirmed the said Generall Councell, with a like Decree.A duble vntruth of the En­glih Apo­logy abovvte this Sy­node. And with this the strongest part of your Apologie lyeth in the dust. For wheras the chiefe and principall parte of it is to deface the Councel of Trent: and to shew that by priuate authority of one nation, the publike and cōmon authority of a Generall Councel might be well inough abrogated: he could finde no colour of proufe but this your Councel of Franckford, which now as ye heare, dothe not infirme, but ratifie and confirme the .2. Nicene Councell. As made for the hono­ring, and not for the vilaining of holy Images.

M. Horne. The .98. Diuision. pag. 59. a.

Carolus Magnus calleth by his commaundemente the Bisshoppes of Fraunce to a Synode at Arelatum, appointeth the Archebisshoppes of Arelatum and Narbon to be chiefe there. They declare to the Sy­node assembled, that Carolus Magnus of feruente zeale and loue to­vvardes Christe, doothe vigilauntlye care to establishe good orders in Goddes Churche: and therefore exhorte them in his name, that they diligentlye instructe the people vvith godlie doctrine, and exaumples of lyfe. VVhen this Synode had consulted and agreed of suche mat­ters as they thoughte fitte for that time, They decree that their do­inges shoulde be presented vnto Carolus Magnus, besee­ching him, that where anye defectes are in their Decrees, that he supplie the same by his wisedome. If anye thing be otherwise then well, that he will amende it by his iudgemente. And that whiche is well, that he will (.306.) The .306. Vntruth. Not so in the Coū ­cel. But vteius adiu­torio perficiatur. That by his helpe it mighte be en­ded or brought to passe. Not ratifi­ed by his Autho­ritye. ratifie, aide, and assist by his authority.

By his commaundemente also vvas an other Synode cele­brated at Cabellinum, vvherevnto he called manye Bys­shoppes and Abbotes: vvho as they confesse in the Preface, did consulte and collecte manye matters, thoughte fitte and neces­arie for that time: the vvhiche they agreed neuerthelesse to be [Page] allovved, and confirmed, amended, or (.307.) The .307. Vntruth. Of allovving or dissalovvinge, the Councel speaketh not. dissalovved. As this Councel referreth al the Ecclesiastical matters to the (308) The .308. Vntruth. In misreportinge the Councell. iudge­ment, correction, disalovving or confirming, of the Prince: so amon­gest other matters this is to be noted, that it prohibiteth the coue­tousnesse and cautels, vvherevvith the Clergie enriched them sel­ues, persuading the simple people to geue their lands, and goods to the Churche for their soules helth. The Fathers in this Synod com­plaine,Can. 6. Can. 25. that the auncient Church order of excommunication, doing penaunce, and reconciliation, is quite out of vse: Therefore they agree to craue the Princes (.309.) The .309. Vntruth. They craued the Princes helpe, that the Canons might be put in executiō. order, after vvhat sorte be that doth committe a publique offence, may be punished by pub­lique penaunce. This Councel also enueigheth against, and (.309.) condemneth gadding on pilgrimage in Church ministers, Lay men, great men,Can. 45. and beggars: al vvhich abuses (saith the Synode) af­ter what sort they may be amended, the Princes mind must be knowen. The .310. Vntruth. Notorious. It con­demneth certaine abuses thereabout, it condemneth not the vse it selfe.

The same Charles calleth an other Councel at Maguntia. In the beginning of their Preface to the Councel, they salute Charles: the moste Christian Emperour, the Authour of true Religiō, and maintenour of Gods holy Church. &c. Shevving vnto him, that they his moste humble seruants are come thither according to his commaundement: The Prince is the Gouernour of the Church appointed of God (.311.) in ec­clesiastical causes. that they geue Godde thankes: Quia sanctae Ecclesiae suae pium ac deuotum in seruitio suo concessit habe­re rectorem. Because he hath geauen vnto his holie Churche a gouernour godlye, and deuoute in his ser­uice: The .311. Vntruth. Auouched in the Margin, but not to be founde in the Texte. who in his times opening the fountaine of god­lye wisdome, dothe continuallie fede Christes shepe, with holye foode, and instructeth them with Diuine knowledge, farre passing through his holy wisedome, in moste deuoute endeuoure the other Kinges of the earth, &c. And after they haue apointed in vvhat order, they di­uide the states in the Councel: the Bisshops and secular Priests by them selues, the Abbottes and religious by them selues, and the Laye Nobilitie, and Iustices by them selues, assigning due honour, [Page 236] to euery person: it folovveth in their petition to the Prince, They desire his assistaunce, aide and confirmation, of suche Articles as they haue agreed vppon, so that he iudge them worthy: beseeching him, to cause that to be a­mended, which is found worthy of amendmēt. In like sorte did the Synode congregated at Rhemes (.312.) The .312. Vntruth. By the order of vvulfarius Archbisshop there: left out of the Texte. by Charles, more priscorū Imperatorū, as the auncient Emperours were wont to do, and diuers other, vvhich he in his time cal­led. I vvould haue you to note, besides the authority of this Noble Prince Charles the Great, in these Church matters (vvhich vvas none other, but the selfe same, that other Princes from Constan­tine the Great had and vsed) that the holy Councel of Mogūtia, doth acknovvledge and cōfesse (313) The .313. Vntruth. In plaine speache no suche thing ap­peareth. in plain speach, him to be the ruler of the Church (in these Ecclesiastical causes) and further that in al these councels, next to the cōfession of their faith to God, vvith­out making any mention of the Pope, they pray, and commaunde prayer to be made for the prince.Imputa­tur qui­busdāsra­trib. eo ꝙ auaritiae culpa ho­minibus ꝑsuadeant vt abre­nūciantes seculo res suas eccle­siae confe­rant: quod penitus ab omniū mē tib. eradi­candū est. Can. 6. et Can. 7

Stapleton.

The calling of Councels either by this Carolus, or by others, as I haue oft saied, proueth no Supremacy: neither his confirmation of the Coūcels, and so much the lesse, for that he did it at the Fathers desire, as your self confesse. But now, Good Reader, take hede of M. Horne, for he would stilie make the beleue, that this Charles, with his Councell of Bishops, should forbid landes and goodes to be geuen to the Church of any man for his soules helth, and to be prai­ed for, after his deathe, whiche is not so. In deede the Councell forbiddeth, that men shal not be entised, and per­swaded to enter into Relligion; and to geue their goods to the Churche onely vppon couetousnes. Animarum ete­nim solatium inquirere sacerdos, non lucra terrena debet. Quoniam fideles ad res suas dandas non sunt cogēdi, nec cir­cumueniendi. Oblatio namque spontanea esse debet: iuxta illud quod ait Scriptura. Voluntariè sacrificabo tibi.

[Page]For a priest (saieth the Councell) shoulde seke the helth of sowles, and not worldly gaines, and Christians are not ei­ther to be forced, or to be craftely circunuented to geue away theyr goods. For it owght to be a willing offering ac­cordīg as yt is writē: I wil willingly offer sacrifice to thee. and in the next canon yt is sayde: hoc verò quod quisque Deo iustè & rationabiliter de rebus suis offert, Ecclesia tenere de­bet. What so euer any man hath offred vnto God iustly and reasonably,Can. 39. that muste the Church kepe styl. Now for pray­ers for the dead, ther is a special Canon made, in this Coū ­cell that in euery Masse there shoulde be prayer made for suche as be departed owte of this worlde:Prayers for the dead. And yt is decla­red owte of S. Augustyne, that thys was the gwise and fas­shion of the anciente Church. The lyke sleight M. Horne vseth touching pilgrimage: the whiche his owne canon highly comendeth, thowghe full wisely and discreetly yt preuenteth and reformeth some abuses. Wherfore ye shall heare the whole canon. I will shifte no worde, but only frō Latyn into the english.Can. 44. In the former canō the coūcel for­badde, that priests shuld goe on pilgrimage without the cō ­sent of their Bishoppe to Rome or to Towres a towne in France: where at the tombe and reliques of blessed S. Mar­tyn innumerable miracles were donne and wrowght: as amonge other Gregorius Turonensis Bishop there and a faythfull reporter, not by vncerteyne hearesay, but by pre­sente eiesight, moste fully declareth. The whiche holy re­liques the hugonotes of late in Frāce haue with moste vi­lany dishonored and consumed. After which inhibition it followeth.Pilgrima­ge. Ca. 45. For say the Fathers, some mē, which vnaduisedlie vnder the cowlour of prayer, goe in pilgrimage to Rome, to Towres and other places, doe erre very much. There are priestes [Page 237] and Deacons and other of the Clergie, which liuing dissolute­ly thinke them selues to be purged of their sinnes, In eo pur­gari se à peccatis putant, et ministeri [...] suo fu [...]gi deberi, si. &c. Note here vvel how the chur­ch of this age, de­creed opē ly against abuses, ād vvinked not at them, as Prote­stantes vvoulde make folke be­leeue. Hieron. in Epist. ad Paulinū. Tom. 1. and to dooe their office, if they ones come to the foresaid places.

There are neuerthelesse laye menne whiche thinke they haue freelye sinned, or may freely sinne, because they fre­quente these places, to make their prayers in. There be some Noble men, which to scrape and procure mony vnder the p [...]etence of their pilgrimage to Rome or to Towres, oppresse ma­ny poore men, and that which they doe vpon couetousnesse on­ly, they pretend to doe, for prayers sake, and for the visiting of holy places. There are poore men which doe this, for no other intent, but to procure to them selues a greater occasiō to begge. Of this number are they, that wandering hither and thither, faine neuerthelesse that they goe thither: or that are so foo­lisshe, that they thinke, they are by the bare view of holie places, purged of their sinnes: not considering that saying of S. Hierome. It is not praise worthi [...] to h [...]ue seene Hierusalem, but to haue liued vertuouslie at Hierusalem. Of all whiche things lette vs looke for the iudgemente of our Emperoure, howe they maye be amended. But those who haue confessed themselues to their parrissh Priestes, and haue of them taken counsell how to doe penance, if imploying them selues to praier, and almes geuing, and to the refourming of their life and ma­ners, they desire to goe on Pilgrimage to Rome or els where, are of allmen to be commended for their deuotion.

The Fathers also desire the Emperours healpe and assi­staunce, not his Order, as you vntruely reporte, for pub­lique pēnaunce: Beside, if it had pleased you, yee mighte haue caste in also a woorde or twoo more.Can. 25. Vt secundum ordinem Canonum pro merito suo excommunicetur. That accordinge to the order of the Canons, he may accor­ding [Page] to his deserts be excommunicated. And now, good Reader iudge thou, how truely, how wisely, or how to his purpose this gere is brought furth of M. Horne: and what a singular good grace this man hath, so wel to plead against him selfe and his fellowes, for the Catholiques. And nowe would I be in hande with Leo, sauing that Maister Hornes Marginall Note, seemeth to take me by the hand, and to staie me a while: And yet we wil foorth with shake him of, and desire Maister Horne to ouersee his text ones againe, and to square his Note to his Texte, and not his text after his peruerse and preposterous order, to his note. I say then, M. Horne, ye haue no words, nor mater in your text to cal Carolus Magnus Gouernour in Ecclesiastical cau­ses, and because, beside your Note Marginall, ye note the matter also so fast in your text, which is not in the Fathers text, saying: the Fathers saye in playne speach, that he was ruler of the Church in Ecclesiasticall causes, I wil note as fast as you, and that is your one false lying in your text, and the other in the margent. Onles ye may by some new Gram­mar and like Diuinitie; proue that, in seruitio suo, in his ser­uice, is Englished also, In ecclesiastical matters,

You tell vs farder M. Horne, that in this Councell of Ments, the States were diuided. The Bisshoppes and se­cular Priestes by them selues. The Abbottes and Religious by them selues. But you tell vs not, wherein euery State was occupied and busied in that Councell. That in deede made not for you.in Con­cilio Mo­guntiaco. Tom. 2. Cōc. p. 630 The Councel then saith: In prima tur­ma consederunt Episcopi, &c. In the first rewe sate the Bis­shops with their Notaries, reading and debating vppon the holy Ghospel, the Canons of the Church, diuers works of the holy Fathers, and namely the Pastoral of S. Gregory: searching [Page 238] and determining thereby, that which belonged to holsome do­ctrine, and to the state of the Church. In the seconde rew sate the Bisshops and approued Monks, hauing before them the rule of S. Benet, and seking therby to better the life of Monks to en­crease their godly conuersation. In the third rew sate the Laye Nobilitie and Iudges. But what to doe M. Horne? To con­clude of matters of Religiō, as the laie Burgeses and Gētle­men do in our Parliamēts? No, no: Ne (que) nos, 1. Cor. 11. ne (que) Ecclesia Dei talē consuetudinē habemus. Neither we, nor the Church of God haue any such custom or maner. But there thei sate In mundanis legibus decertantes. &c. Debating in worldly lawes, searching out Iustice for the people, examininge dili­gently the causes of all that came, and determining Iustice by al meanes that they could. Thus were the States in that Coun­cel diuided, vnder that Noble Emperour Charlemain. And what could this Note helpe you, M. Horne, or relieue you, except it were that you would geue a preuy nippe to the order of late Parliaments, where the laie not onely of the Nobilitie, but euen of the Commons (whose sentences in treatie of Relligion, neuer sence Christe suffred, were e­uer hearde or admitted) doe talke, dispute, yea and con­clude of Religion, and that in the highest and most secrete mysteries thereof, to the consequente of a Generall alte­ration.

You woulde no doubte, as gladdelie as Catholiques, haue the treatie and decision of suche matters in youre owne handes onely (as in deede all Protestauntes beside you, Caluin, Melanchthon, the Magdeburgenses with the reste doe expresselye teache, as I haue bothe in this booke, and otherwhere declared) But this is the diffe­rence.

[Page]You are miserable clawbackes, and as Caluin writeth, to extolle the Ciuill Magistrate, you spoyle the Churche of her dewe Authoryte. Institut. lib. 4. Cap. 11. But the Catholikes thinke it not mete to flatter in Religiō: But to geue that, which is Cesars, to Cesar: and that which is Gods, to God. Excepete we shoulde saye, that now you will haue Religion decided in parliament, and when,Math. 22. the Prince shall otherwise be affected, you will not haue it so decided: and that your Religion is Ambula­toria: a wandring and a walking Religion, teaching one thinge to day and an other to morowe. As in dede very properlye and truly George the Noble duke of Saxony sayed of the Lutheranes at Wittenberge, when yet your Religion was scante out of her swadling clowtes. What the faythe of my neighbours of wittenberge is now this yere, I knowe. But what it wil be the next yere, I knowe not.

Yet you desire M. Feckenham to note here an other thing, besides the Authoryty of this Noble Prince Charles the great (for so you call him) which (you say) was none other but the selfe same, that other Princes from Cōstātin the great had and vsed: which in deede is very true: for they had none, ne vsed none, as hath bene proued, and yet I mar­uayle, where is then become the priuilege of S. Peters keyes sent to Charles Martell this mans grandefather, if he had, as you say, none other but the selfe same Authoryte that other Princes from Constantin had. If it was loste so soone, then how is it true, that you said before, the heyres and suc­cessours of Charles Martell kepte these keyes form rusting. If it was not lost, how had he no more thē other which had S. Peters keyes more then other had? But now to your note. You will M. Feckenham to note, that the holy Councel of Moguntia (I am gladde you call it holy, for thē [Page 239] you wil not, I trowe misselyke with the diuision of the States there, that I tolde you of euen now, neyther with the Rule of S. Benets Order, in that holy Coūcel straightly exacted) doth acknowleadge and cōfesse in plaine speache him, (that is, Charles the great) to be the Ruler of the Churche in these ecclesiasticall causes. Now shewe these laste wordes (in these ecclesiastical causes) in any parcel or place of the whol Councell, in playne speache, as you say, and then M. Feckē ­ham I dare say, wil thanke you for your Note, and for my parte I wil say, you are a true man of your worde. Which hitherto, I assure you, I haue litle cause to say, or to thinke. Your lying is almost comparable to M. Iewels. Mary you are not in dede as yet so farre in the lashe, as he is. But if you come ones to Replying, as he hathe done, you wil be a Pinner I doubte not, as well as he, and telle your vntru­thes by the thousandes. For assure your selfe M. Horne: as vera veris conueniunt, so an vntrue and false doctrine can neuer possiblye be maintayned, without horrible lying, and mayne numbers of vntruthes.

M. Horne. The .99. Diuision. pag. 60. a.

Pope Leo .3. as the French Chronicles, and Nauclerus vvitnesseth, sent foorthvvith after he vvas made Pope Peters keyes, the Banner of the City, and many other gifts vnto Charles: requiring him, that he vvold cause the people of Rome to become subiecte vnto the Pope, and that by Othe. Charles minding to gratify and pleasure Pope Leo (there (.314.) The .314. vntruth. A levvde and a false surmyse vvas a cause vvherfore) sente an Abbot on this busines, and assured the people of Rome to the Pope by othe. This Leo (his streight (.315.) The .315. vntruth, he was a most mylde ād m [...]ke mā. dealinges vvith the Romayns vvas so hatefull vnto them) vvas brought shortly into much daungier of his life, but farre more of his honesty, Certaine of Rome came to Charles to accuse this Pope: Charles putteth of the examination of the mat­ter till an other time, promisinge that he vvoulde vvithin a vvhile come to Rome him selfe: vvhiche he did; after he had finished his vvarres.

[Page]He vvas honorably receiued of the Pope.Sabell. The eight day after his co­minge into Rome, he commaunded al the people, and the Cleargy to be called togeather into S. Peters churche: appointing to here and examine the Pope,Platina. Sabell. touchynge that he vvas accused of, in the opē assembly. VVhē the Cleargy and the people, vvere assembled, the Kinge examineth them of the Popes life and conuersation: and the vvhole company (.316.) The .316. vntruth. The bishops only were asked their mindes. beinge vvilled to say their mindes: an­svveare that the manner hathe beene, that the Popes shoulde be iudged of no man, but of them selues. Charles being mooued vvith so (.317.) The .317. vntruthe. Charles tooke not the answere in such parte. sore & greeuous an ansvveare, gaue ouer further examination. Leo the Pope (saieth Platina) vvho did earne­stly desire that kinde of iudgement (to geue sentence be (318.) The .318. vntruth. Platina meaned not so. meaneth in his ovvne cause) vvente vp into the pulpitte, and holdinge the Gospels in his handes, affirmed by his Othe, that he vvas guiltles of all those matters vvherevvith he vvas chardged. VVhereunto Sabellicus addeth, the Popes owne testimonie of him selfe, was so waighty, as if it had beene geuen on him by other: so muche auaileth a mans owne good reporte made of him selfe in due season, (.319.) The .319. vntruth. Sabellicus had no suche meaning. for vvante of good neighbours. This matter, if it vvere as the Popes flatterers vvrite, thus subtily compas­sed: although Martinus saith flatly, that he vvas driuen to purge him selfe of certaine crimes laide to his chardge: yet not vvithstanding, the kinge toke (.320.) The .320. vntruth. He tooke it not vpon him, but vvas required of the Pope him selfe to doe it. vpon him, both to examine the matter, and to determine therein: and, as ap­peareth, tooke their ansvvere no lesse (.321.) The .321. Vntruthe. Not able to be pro­ued. insufficient, than greuous: although he vvinked at it: bicause he looked (.322.) The .322. Vntruthe. Leud ād slāderous. for a greater pleasure to be shevved him againe in con­secratinge him Emperour, promised longe before: vvhiche this Pope perfourmed, and solemply vvith great acclama­tions of the people, crovvned him Emperour of Rome: For saithe Platina: The Pope did this to shewe some thāke fulnes againe to him, who had well Yea: in manifold battayles, not in that Iudgement. deserued of the Churche.

Stapleton.

This processe stādeth in the accusation of Pope Leo the .3. that certayne Romans made againste hym to Charles, bearing with yt suche a wonderfull strength for the esta­blishing of the Popes Supremacy, that M. Horn may seme, to play al by collusiō, and to betray hys owne cause.Regino in chronic. Captū ex­caecauerūt, ac linguā eius radi­citus ab­sciderunt. Sed Deus omnipotēs reddidit ei visum & loquelam. Mart. Poenitent. For now hath he by hys owne story, auaunced the Pope so (as he did also before in alleaging the Roman Councell in the tyme of Pope Sīmachus) that he may be iudged of no mā. For all the clergie and people of Rome make answere to Charles hym self, that no mā cā iudge the Pope. This writeth M. Horne owte of Platina and Sabellicus: ād other writers be of the same lykenes ād agreablenes in writing with thē. Howe then M. Horne? Where is now your primacy be­come? I trust now at the length ye wil discharge M. Fekē ­ham frō this othe. What say yow to your owne volūtarie allegation, that no man forced yow vnto, but the mightie truth: to the bewraying of your false cause and your greate folly? Yet leaste his sayde folly and preuarication shoulde be to open, he will saye somwhat to yt, (because he maye seame to worke thowghe not as miraculously, yet as wō ­derfully as euer did thys Leo: who, his tong being cut of by the roote, as some mē write, could speake neuerthelesse) ād though his fowle lying mouthe against the Popes primacy be stopped by his own true declaratiō, yet wil he speake, not to any hys owne honour, as Leo did, but to hys vtter cōfusion ād shame. Forsoth sayeth M. Horne, Charles toke thys answere no lesse insufficient, then greauous. Wel sayde, and in tyme M. Horne, sauinge that yt is moste vntrue: ād for the which as ye lay forthe no prouf, so shal ye neuer be able to proue yt. And yet, if ye coulde proue yt, ye shoulde dooe none other thinge then that whiche yee [Page] doe so solemnlye in the rest of youre booke to proue that which being proued, doth yet nothing relieue your cause. And thinke you,Carolꝰ his testimoni (oute of Charls his booke as M. Cal­uin and M. Ievvel say) for the Popes Primacy. Li. 1. Car. ca. 6. M. Horne, that we are so bare and na­ked from many good proufes, but that we may and canne roundlie and redely disproue your fond foolish lye? Yea and by that booke, by the which your Apostle Caluin, and your great Iewell of Englande, will (though not to their great worship) defeate the Second Generall Councell of Nice? The Churche of Rome (saith he) is preferred before all other Apostolicall Sees, not by the Decrees of Synodes, but by the authoritie of our Lord him selfe, saying thou art Peter: and so forth. And saith farder, that he doth most desire to obey the holsom exhortatiōs of Pope Adriā: and that Italy, Frāce, and Germanie,The fore­said boke ouerthrovveth M. Ievvel in his Re­ply ād in the Apo­logie. doe in al things follow the See of Peter. And now wot ye what, M. Horne? Forsoth this his an­swere proueth M. Iewell, as wel in the Apologie (or who so euer be the Author) as in his Replie to M. D. Harding, to haue ouerthrowen not the Nicene Councell (wherein this Adrians Legates bare the chiefe sway) as they did also in the Councell at Frankfoorde, as I haue shewed, but hys owne peeuish and fantastical imagination, that this Charles should at Frankford disalow the said Nicene Synode. But I trow ye be as wery and as much ashamed ere this time, of this counterfeit Charles booke: wherein by the foolish and fond handling of the iconomache, the cause of the Ca­tholike Church is cōfirmed, as your fellowes wilbe shortly of this your boke:The Po­pes Pri­macy proued by the true Charles. that I doubt not to all that be not sini­strallie affectioned, shal serue, rather for the confirmation, then abrogation, of the Popes Primacie. And because, as I say, I suppose ye wil your selues shortly disclaime this pe­uish booke, I wil send you to Carolus him selfe, in his Ec­clesiastical [Page 241] decrees, collected by Abbat Ansegisus, whome ye authorise in the nexte leafe.Vide Constitut. Caroli ex Ansegiso collectas, impressas in 8. An. 1545. Pa­risiis. Tom. 1. Cō cil. pa. 196 Where ye shall fynde this playne decree. Neque praesul summus a quoquam iudicabitur. No man shall iudge the pope: whiche was also decreed in the tyme of the great Cōstantyne and pope Syluester: yea before that tyme the lyke was sayd in a councel of Marcel­line pope and Martyre, as I haue otherwhere shewed.

Nowe then thowghe there was no cause whie Charles shoulde be greaued with this, that the whole Clergie and people wel lyked and for the which there wer old aunciēt presidents: yet to goe forth, and to smothe this tale withal, and to shewe why Charles should quietlie beare this grief, which was sone born, being none at al:The new Ghospell can not stand but by defa­cing of al antiqui­tie. he addeth an other lie, whereof we haue alredie somwhat spoken: And that is, because the Pope promised him longe before, to make him Emperour. Yea good M. Horn sone sayd of yowe, but not so sone proued. For neither your authour Platina sayth so, nor any other that I haue hitherto read. Phy on your wret­ched dealīg, ād wretched cause that ye maintayne, that cā not be vpholdē,Platin. Homo certè mitis in genij, vt omnes di­ligeret, neminem odio habe­ret, tardus ad iram, promptus ad miseri­cordiam. but with the defacing ād dishonorīg not only of the clergie, but of this worthy ād (as your self cal him) this Noble Prīce Charles withal. I would fayne procede to the next matter, but that your other vntruthes must or I go, be also discouered: as that yow say, without any prouf, yea against good prouf to be layd to the cōtrary, that this pope Leo for his streight dealings was hateful to the Romās: which your authors Sabellicus and Platina say not, but the quite contrary. For Platina among his other manifold and nota­ble vertues telleth, that he was a man, of myld nature, so that he loued all men, hated no man: slowe to wrathe, ready to take mercie and pitie of other. And Sabellicus of this very matter [Page] sayeth thus. Coniuratorum odium in Pontificem inde ortum ferunt, Sabel. Ae­nead. 8. [...]. 8. quòd illi liberius viuere assueti, ferre nequiuissent gra­uem Pontificis Censuram. It is saied the hatred of such as cō ­spired against him, spronge hereof, that they accustomed to liue more licentiously, coulde not abyde the Graue Rebu­kes and Censures of the pope. Nowe further, M. Horne be­ing not able to denie, but that aswell Carolus, as all other gaue ouer for any iudgmēt they wold or could geue agaīst Leo, he falleth to quarellīg with Leo, for that, for the which he owght to haue cōmēded him. The matter standing thus, and no mā stepping forth lawfully to proue any thing agaīst Leo,Rhegino in chronic. Cum nul­lus proba­tor, aut testis legiti­mus appa­teret. this good man, thowghe no man did or coulde force him to yt, yet knowing his owne innocency, toke an open othe vppon the holy ghospel, that he was gyltlesse from suche matters, as were obiected against him. And here M. Horne beinge pleasantly disposed sayeth (as owte of Pla­tina.) Leo did earnestlye desire that kynde of iudgmente: and addeth by his owne lying liberalyte, that Platina mente, that Leo was desirouse to geue sentence in his owne cause. Wheras Platina meante that Leo, was desirouse, vppon the assured truste, of his owne integritye, that the matter might haue bene iudged: and so worthie of commenda­tion, that he woulde submitte his cause to iudgemente, where he neaded not, as Symachus and Sixtus did before. And so are Platina his wordes, qui id iudicium maximè ex­petebat, Naucle­rus gene­rat. 28. Impress. Coloniae. 1564. to be vnderstanded. And perchaunce in some co­pies, id, is not sene. Nauclerus which seameth here as in many other places to followe Platina, and to reherse his wordes, and whom M. Horne doth here also alleage, saith. qui iudicium maximè expetebat. Whiche did moste ernest­ly desire to be iudged. Whiche iudgement not procee­dynge, [Page 242] he did as muche as laye in him, that is, to purge him selfe by his othe. Nowe where Sabellicus speaketh of this purgation in the commendation of Leo, saying, that a mans owne reporte much auayleth made in dewe ceason, M. Horn addeth this his pretie glose, for wante of good neygh­bours. Yet I pray yowe good M. Horne take not the mat­ter so greuously against Pope Leo:The pope did more for his purgatiō then hath one of our pro­testant prelats. But remember that Leo being pope did more then a protestant Prelate, (whom ye knowe ful wel) of late did, being perchaunce more then a suspition, that a wrong cocke had troden Cockerelles hen. And yet the sayd prelat was not put to his purgation, and much lesse him selfe offred to sweare for his owne hone­sty. I medle not with the iustifying of the matter one way or other: Some men say that strypes may cause yong strip­linges to saye, Tonge thoue lyest: but not truelie to the eye, Eie thowe lyest, whiche can not lie in that, whiche is hys obiecte. But let this goe. I saye yt, for none other cause, but onely that ye haue not M. Horne so greate cause to take the matter so hotte, against Leo.S. Peters keyes sēt ons again to fraūce, and yet the pope remay­nīg pope still. In Chron. Claues cō ­fessionis sancti Pe­tri & vexillum dixerit.

And now to make vp this matter, gentle reader, of Leo, this Leo also sendeth Saint Peters keyes, yea and the banner of the city to, to Charles as M. Horne telleth vs, yea the keyes of S. Peters cōfessiō as Rhegino telleth vs, and yet for al that, he remayned Bisshop, Archebisshop, Patriarche, and Pope to: yea and supreme head of the Church by M. Horns owne tale to. But remembre your selfe better M. Horne. You said euen nowe, they were sent awaye by Gregory the .3. to Charles Martell, into Fraunce by shippe. Howe then came the Pope by them agayne? Or howe did the successours and heyeres of Charles Martell keepe those keyes from rusting, if his own Nephewe Charles the [Page] greate, loste them, and was fayne to haue them againe by a newe dede of gifte? Or hath euery Pope a newe payre of keyes frō Christ to bestowe as thei list? Then the gift could be but for terme of life. And then where be the heyres and successours of Charles Martell, which kept not you saye those keyes from rusting? O M. Horne. Oportet mendacem esse memorē. A lyar must haue a good memory. Or wil you saye that this Pope Leo sent to Charles these keyes, as a gifte to signifie,Sabellicus that the city was at his commaundemente, as Bellisarius after he had recouered Rome from Totilas, of whome we spake of before sent the keyes of the city to Iu­stinian themperour:Rhegino in Chron. claues ci­uitatis cū vexillo detulerūt. and as some men write euen aboute this time, this Charles receiued the keyes of the city of Hie­rusalem, with the banner of the said citye? Yet al this will not work the great straūge miracle of supremacie that your keies haue wrought.

M. Horne. The .100. Diuision. Fol. 61. a.

Ansegisus Abbas gathereth together the decrees, that this Charles ād his son Lodouicus had made in their tymes for the reformatiō of the Churche causes: Amongest other these: The Canonicall Scriptures Vnder the name of holy scriptures onely to be redde in the Churches: For the office of Bisshops in diligēt preaching, and that onely out of the holy Scriptures: that the communion should be receiued three times in the yeere: The abrogatīg and taking away a great nūber of holy daies besides Sōdaies: and that childrē before ripe yeres should not be thrust into religious houses: ād that no mā should be ꝓfessed a Mōk, except licence were first asked and obteined of the King. He decreed also, and straightly commaunded that Monkes being Priestes,Ioan. A­ [...]ētinus. should studie diligentlie, shoulde write rightlie, should teache children in their Abbaies, and in Bisshoppes houses. That Priests should eschue couetousnes, glotony, ale­houses or tauernes, secular or prophane busines, familiaritie of [Page 243] women vnder paine of depriuation or degradation. H [...] proui­ded to haue, and placed fit pastours for the bisshoprikes and cures to feede the people. He ordeined learned Scholemaisters for the youth, and made deuout abbots to rule those that were enclosed in Cloisters, saith Nauclerus, As it is said of Kinge See our ansvvere before to King Da­uid. [...]o. 48 Dauid, 1. Par. 16. that he set in order the Priests, Leuits, singers and porters, and ordered all the offices and officers required to be in the house of the Lorde, for the setting foorth of his seruice and Religion: Euen so this noble Charles left no officer belonging to Goddes Churche, no not so much as the singer, porter or Sextē, vnapointed and taught his office and duety, as Nauclerus telleth. Besides the authority of this noble Prince in (.323.)The .323. vntruth. Boldly a­uouched, but neuer proued. gouernīg and directing al Church matters, his zeale and care therfore (in such sort as the knovvledge of that (.324.)The .324. vntruth. Blasphe­mous a­gainst the promises of Christ to remaī alvvaie vvith his Churche. M. Horne nameth no Au­thor of this lōge allegatiō, least he should be taken in trippes, ād his vn­truths be discoue­red, as be­fore. superstitious time vvould suffer) is plainly shevved in an iniūctiō, that he gaue to al estates both of the Layty and Cleargy to this effect. I Charles, by the grace of God King and gouernour of the Kingdome of Fraunce, a deuout and humble maintainour, and ayder of the Churche: To al estates both of the Layety and the Cleargye, wis he saluation in Christ. Considering the exceeding goodnes of God towardes vs, and our people, I thinke it very necessary wee rendre thankes vnto him, not onely in harte and worde, but also in continual exercise, and practise of wel doing, to his glory: to the end that he, who hath hitherto bestowed so great honour vpon this Kingdom, may vouchesaulfe to preserue vs and our people with his protection. VVherfore it hath seemed good for vs, to mooue you, ô ye pastours of Christes Churches, leaders of his flocke, and the bright lightes of the worlde: that ye wil trauaile, with vigilant care and diligent admonition to guide Goddes people thorough the pastours of eternal life, &c. Bringing the stray sheepe into the foulde least the wolfe de­uoure them, &c. Therefore they are with earnest zeale to be admonished and exhorted, yea to be compelled to keepe thē selues in a sure faith, and reasonable continuaunce, vvithin ād vnder the rules of the Fathers. In the vvhich vvorke and tra­uaile knovve yee right vvell, that our industrie shall vvorke vvith you: For vvhich cause also vve haue addressed our mes­sengers [Page] vnto you, who with you by our authority, shal amēde and correct those thinges that are to be amended. And there­fore also haue wee added such Canonical constitutions, as see­med to vs most necessarie. Let no man iudge this to be pre­sumption in vs, that we take vpon vs to amende, that is amisse, to cut of that is superfluous. For wee reade in the bookes of Kinges, howe the holy Kinge Iosias trauailed, goinge the cir­cuites of his Kingdome or visitinge, correctinge and admo­nishinge his people, to reduce the whole Kingdome vnto the true Religion and Seruice of God. I speake not this as to make my self equal to him in holines: but for that we ought alwaies to follovve the examples of the holy Kinges: and so much as we can, vve are bounde of necessitie, to bring the people to follovve vertuous life to the praise and glory of our Lorde Ie­sus Christ, &c. And anon after amongest the rules that he prescribeth vnto them this follovveth:Our an­svver be­fore to the Con­stitutions of Iusti­nian, may serue here to these lavves of Charle­maine. Both in like ma­ner pro­fessed their obedience in al such matters to the See of Rome. First of al, that al the Bisshoppes and Priestes, reade diligentlie the Catholique Faith, and preache the same to all the people. For this is the first precept of God the Lorde in his Lawe: Heare ô Israel, &c. It belongeth to your offices ô yee pastours and guides of Goddes Churches, to sende forth thorough your Diocesses, Priestes to preache vnto the people, and to see that they preache rightly and honestly. That ye doe not suffer newe things, not Canonicall, of their owne minde forged, and not after the holy Scriptures, to be preached vnto the people. Yea, you your owne selues preache profitable, ho­nest and true thinges, which doe leade vnto eternal life. And enstructe you others also that they doe the same. Firste of all euery preacher must preache in general, that thei beleeue the Father, the Sonne, and the holy Ghost to be an omnipotent God, &c. And so learnedly proceedeth through al the articles of our Faith, after vvhich becommeth to the conuersation of life, &c. And wee doo therefore more diligētlie enioine vnto you this thing, because vve knovve, that in the latter daies shall come false teachers, as the Lorde himselfe hath forvvarned, and the Apostle Paule to Timothe doth vvitnesse. Therefore beloued let vs furnishe [Page 244] our selues in harte and minde, with the knowledge of the truth, that we may be able to vvithstande the aduersaries to trueth, and that thorough Goddes grace, Goddes vvorde may encrease, passe through and be multiplied, to the pro­fitte of Goddes holy Churche, the Saluation of our soules, and the glory of the name of our Lorde Iesus Christ. Peace to the preachers, grace to the obedient hearers, and glory to our Lord Iesus Christe. Amen.

Stapleton.

Many Lawes Ecclesiasticall are here brought forth, set forth by this Charles, with his great care, that reached e­uen to the singer, porter or sextē: wherunto ye might adde, that he made an order, that no man should minister in the Churche in his vsuall apparell:Naucler. gener. 28. and that he him selfe fre­quented the Churche erlye and late, yea at night prayer to. But this addition perchaunce woulde not all the best haue liked your Geneuicall ministers. Then layeth he me forth, an iniunction of this Charles in matters Ecclesiasticall. But consider his style Maister Horne. What is it? Su­preame Gouuernour or head of the Churche in all mat­ters and thinges Ecclesiasticall? No, but a deuoute and an humble mainteyner of the Churche. Consider againe the order of his doinges Maister Horne, which are to sette forthe iniunctions, to kepe the clergie within and vnder the rules of the Fathers. But from whence trowe we, toke Maister Horne all this longe allegation of Charles his Constitutions? He placeth towarde the ende of his allegation, in the margin, Ioan. Auentinus, out of whome it may seme he toke that later parte. But as for the former part thereof (whence so euer M. Horne hath fetched it) it [Page] is founde in dede among the Constitutions of Charles set forthe xx. yeres paste. But there it is sette though as a Con­stitution of Charles, yet not as his owne proper lawe or statute,Vide epi­tomē Constitut. Ca­rol. in. 8. An. 1545 but expressely alleaged out of the Aphricane Councell. For so vsed godly Princes to establishe the Canons of the Churche, with their owne Constitutions and lawes. And in that Councell whence Charles toke this Constitu­tion, where it is saied that Scriptures onely shoulde be reade in the Churches, it is added, Vnder the name of Scriptures. And it is farder added. We will also that in the yearly festes of Martyrs, Concil. Carthag. 3. Can. 47 their passions be reade. Which thinges M. Horne here, but M. Iewell a great deale more shamefully quyte omitted in his Reply to D. Cole: falsely to make folcke be­leue,Vide Dist. 19. In me­moriam, & in de­cretis. 11. q. 1. Volu­mus vt omnes. Se before fol. 48. that in the Churche only Scriptures should be read.

But what neade I nowe seke furder answere, when M. Horne of his owne goodnes, hath answered hym selfe, as ye haue hearde, good reader, sufficientlie alredy? And I haue before noted of this Charles and of his submission to bishoppes, and namely to the bishop of Rome so farre, that no Emperour I trowe was euer a greater papiste then he was, or farder from this Antichristian supremacy that M. Horne and his felowes teache. For no lesse is it termed to be of Athanasius that lerned father, as I haue before declared.

M. Horne. The .101. Diuision. pag. 62. a.

This noble Prince vvas mooued to take vpon him this gouernement in ec­clesiastical matters and causes, not of presumptiō, but by the vvoorde of God, for the dischardge of his princely duety, as he had learned the same both in the examples of godly kings commended therfore of the holy ghost, and also by the instructions of the best learned teachers of his time, vvhereof he had greate stoare and especially Alcuinus an Englisheman of great learninge, vvho vvas his chiefe Scholmaister and teacher: vvhome, as Martinus tel­leth, [Page 245] Charles made Abbot of Tovvers. Amongst other many and notable vo­lumes, thu Alcuinus vvriteth one, entituled De Fide sanctae & indi­uiduae Trinitatis, vvhich as moste meete for him to knovv, he dedicateth to Charles the Emperour. He beginneth his epistle dedicatory, after the salu­tatiō and superscriptiō, thus: Seeinge that the Emperial dignitie or­deined of God, seemeth to be exalted for none other thinge,Alcuinus. thē to gouern and profite the people, Therfore God doth geue vnto them that are chosen to that dignitie power and wise­dome: Power to suppresse the proude, and to defend the hum­ble against the euil disposed: wisdome to gouerne and teache the subiectes with a godly carefulnes. VVith these twoo giftes O holy Emperour, Gods fauour hath honoured ād exalted you incomparably aboue your auncestours of the same name and authoritie, &c. VVhat than? what must your carefulnes moste deuoutly dedicated to God bringe forthe in the time of peace the warres being finished, when as the people hasteneth to as­semble togeather, at the proclamation of your commaunde­mēt (he meaneth that he expresseth aftervvard, by this assembly or cōcourse, the councel that vvas novve in hand assembled, as he saith, Imperiali prae­cepto: by the Emperours precept.) And waiteth attentiuely before the throne of your grace, what you wil cōmaunde to eue­ry persone by your authoritie: what I say ought you to doo? but to determine with al dignitie iuste thinges, which beinge ratified to set them foorth by cōmaundement, and to geue ho­ly admonitions, that euery man may retourne home mery and gladde, with the precept of eternal Saluation, &c. And least I should seeme not to helpe and further your preaching of the Faithe, I haue directed and dedicated this booke vnto you, thinkinge no gifte so conuenient and woorthy to be presented vnto you: seeinge that al men knowe this most plainly, that the Prince of the people ought of necessitie to knowe al thinges, and to By other not in his ovvn person. And so in all the rest. preache those thinges that please God: neither belon­geth it to any man to knowe better or moe things, than to an Emperour, whose doctrine ought to profite all the subiectes &c. Al the faithful hath great cause to reioyce of your godlines [Page] seing that you haue the priestly power (as it is mete so to bee) in the preaching of the worde of God, perfect knowledge in the Catholique faith, and a most holy deuotion to the saluatiō of men.The prīce hath a priestlie povver to sette forth Gods vvord. This doctrine of Alcuinus, vvhich no doubte, vvas the doctrine of all the catholike and learned fathers in that time, confirmeth vvell the doinges of Charles and other Princes, in callinge councelles, in makinge decrees, in geuing Iniunctions to Ecclesiasticall persons, and in rulinge and gouerninge them in (.325.)The .325. vntruth. euer auouched, but neuer proued. all Ecclesiasticall thinges and causes. If the gouernement of this moste Christian Prince in Ecclesiastical matters be vvel considered, it shall vvell appeare, that this Charles the great, vvhome the Popes doo extolle as an other great Constantine, and patron vnto them (as he vvas in deede, by enriching the Churche vvith great reuenues and riches) vvas no vvhit greater for his martiall and Princelike affaires in the politique gouernaunce, than for his godly ordering and disposinge the Church causes: although that in some thinges he is to be borne vvith, considering the (.326.)The .326. vntruth. Slaunde­rous and a plaine contradi­ction. blindnes and superstition of the time.

Stapleton.

The contents of these matters stande in the highe com­mendation, of this Charles: which can not be commended inowghe, and whome the councell kepte at Mens, com­mendeth euen as M. Horne reporteth, for his godlie wise­dome in continual feadinge of Christs sheepe withe holie foode,Al Char­les com­mēdatiō serueth for no­thing but for M. Hornes discōmē ­dation. and instructinge them with diuine knowledge, farre passing thorowgh his holy wisdome, the other kings of the earthe. A wise man would now maruayle, to what end M. Horne hath heaped these and all his other prayses of thys Emperour who truly can not be praised to much: but the truer and greater his prayse is, the more discommendation to M. Horne and to his boke, beinge directe contrarie to the doings and belief of Charles, and this matter so certayn­ly true, that Maister Horne him selfe can not denie yt. Be­side, here appeareth a contradiction the whiche Mai­ster [Page 246] Horne shal neuer shift away charging him before for want of pure knowledge: whereof yet he doth nothing else but purge him almost fowre leaues following together:Fol. 58. col. 2. as one hauinge a priestlie power, to preache the worde of God, and hauing perfytte knowledg in the catholyke fayth. And say­ing that al the catholyk and learned fathers of that tyme con­firme well the doinges of Charles, which he him selfe dothe here impugne, for Masses, Chrisme, and other poyntes of catholyke religion. Consider these thinges, good reader well, and then iudge with indifferency, who be the blind bussardes, that M. Horne spake of.

Your note in the margent may be suffred wel inowgh, being agreable to your texte: onlesse yt be, that some­tyme good thinges be the worse for comminge to yl mens handes. The priestly power that Alcuinus meaneth re­steth in this poynte, that as the priestes in theyre Syno­des and preachinges set forthe the true fayeth, so doe good princes set forth the same by theire proclamations. For you will not I trowe say, that the Emperour him self preached in pulpyt with gown and surplesse, or with cope and Rotchet, as you poore soules are driuen full againste your willes to doe. And so for all your note and shrewde meaning, Charles is as farre of from his supremacy as euer he was before. Yea I will nowe proue,Naucler. generat. 28. & 11. q. 1. c. vo­lumus. vbi allegatur liber Theodosij. after the vsual sort of M. Hornes reasoning against the catholikes, that bishops at thys tyme, yea in the tyme of greate Theodosius to, were supreame heads aswell in causes temporall as spiri­tuall: For (by the decree of Charles, and Theodosius) yt was Lawfull for all men in all suites to appeale to the bisshoppes, withowte anie appeale to be made from theyre sentence and decree. But of this we haue spoken before more at large. [Page] Yet you tel vs again here after your maner that this Charles ruled and gouerned ecclesiasticall persons in all Ecclesiasticall thinges and causes. This you conclude stil. But this clause, saying or assertion coulde neuer yet appeare in any text by you alleaged. And here I might ruffle with you in M. Ie­wels Rethorike for this clause, Supreme gouernment in all Ecclesiasticall thīgs and causes: as he doth against D. Harding for the bare termes of Priuate Masse, vniuersal Bisshop, head of the Church, Ievvel in his Reply pag. 302. &c. and say to you. If Emperours and other Princes were supreme Gouernours in dede in all Ecclesia­sticall causes, so allowed and taken in the whole worlde, why were thei neuer expressely and plainely named so? was there no man in the worlde for the space of a thowsand yeres and more from the tyme of Constantine to Maximilian, able to ex­presse this name or Title? It had ben the simpler and playner dealing for M. Horne to haue said. This Title can not yet be found, Idem pa. 306. and so to haue takē a longer daie. And againe. This title of supreme Gouernour in al Ecclesiastical causes is the very thing that we deny, ād that M. Horn hath takē in hād to proue, and boldly auoucheth, that he hath already plainly shewed it, and yet not in one of his allegations it can be found. As though he woulde say, al the olde fathers of the Church both Greekes and Latines wanted woordes and eloquence, and ei­ther they could not, or they durste not call the supreme Go­uernour by his own peculiar name. And again thus. From the tyme of Constantine the great to this Charles, there haue ben of Christen Emperours aboue .30. and beside a greate nombre of Christen Kinges in Spayne, in Fraunce, yea and in our Countrye to, for their Constancy in faith, for their vertues and knowledge far exceading the rest that haue ben sithence: (at least wise by your Iudgements which con­demne [Page 247] these later ages) The nombre of them beinge so greate, their vertues so noble, their power so mighty, it is merueyl M. Horne should not be able to shew that any one of them all in so long tyme, was so much as once Called, Intitled, Idem pag. 308. Saluted or proclaymed, The supreme Gouernour in al causes Ecclesiastical. And last of al. This supreme Gouernement, to the which we must nedes sweare by booke othe, so Auncient, so vniuersall, so Catholike, so Gloriouse can not be founde neither in the Ro­main Empire, neither in al the Easte Church, nor in Fraūce, nor in Spaine, nor in England, but must be sought out, in broken sayinges of this and that man, and that by coniecture only. This I might, as I said, in M. Iewels Rhetorike ruffle a litell with you. But because, as his chalenge it selfe (I be­leue) so farre misliketh you, that you wishe his tounge had bene tyed to a pillery, when he vttered it at Paules Crosse, so this his Rhetorike also pleaseth you, I trowe, neuer a whitte. Therefore not to trowble you, I am content to leaue it. Onelye I desire the Reader to marke, that euer you conclude, pronounce and affirme in your owne woordes, Supreme Gouernement in al Ecclesiasticall causes, but in your allegations and Authorities being so thicke, and so long, you can not for your life so much as once finde it. And so Christen men are sworen to that, which neuer synce Christ was borne, was euer reade, sene, or herde of, in any Councel or Doctour, Bisshop or Father, Emperour or Prince, Countrie or City whatsoeuer.

But to returne to you Maister Horne, whome I hadde almoste forgotten, I will note one moste fonde contra­diction in you, and so passe to the next Diuision. You say this Prince Charles the greate,Pag. 63. is in some thinges to be borne with, considering the blindnesse and superstition of the tyme. [Page] And yet you say in lesse thē twēty lines before: This doctrine of Alcuinꝰ (who was this Charles his Chaplain) was no doubt the doctrin of al the Catholik and learned fathers in that tyme. Now good sir.Pag. eadē. If there were Catholik ād learned fathers in that tyme, ād the doctrin of Alcuinꝰ was the doctrin of thē, he also being themperors chaplaine, and dayly instructer in Gods matters, why feare you in thēperor a corruptiō of the blindnes ād superstitiō of the tyme? Or what blindnes and superstitiō is there in the tyme, whē Catholik ād learned fa­thers flourish in the time? Except you wil say, that to be Catholik and learned, is also a blindnes ād superstitiō: ād that he­retiks only do se or the vnlerned ōly haue the pure worship of God? But so it is. That tyme cōdēneth this tyme. That Re­ligiō cōdēneth yours. And therefore you must nedes either cal thē blind, or cōfesse your self blīd, which you cā not pos­sibly do,why pro­testants can not see the truthe. because you are blīd in dede. And why? Forsoth be­cause euer, whē you looke vp toward the former ages, you put vpō your eies a paire of spotted spectacles: so that al that you se through those spectacles, semeth also spotted, fowle, ād euil fauored vnto you. And these spectacles are, The cō ­tempt of the Church traditiōs. A pride of your own know­ledge in Gods word: A lothsomnes of austere ād hard life to beare your Matth. 10. & 16. Marc. 8. Luc. 9. own crosse with Christ. A preiudicat opiniō of preferrīg Caluin, Melāchtō ād Luther before al the Ca­tholik ād lerned fathers, for so you cal thē, of that age. With such like. If you wuld ones put of these foule spotted specta­cles, M. Horn, thē wuld you neuer cal the time of Catholik ād lerned fathers, a time of blindnes ād superstitiō, but then would you se clerly, your own blindnes and superstition. Which with al my hart, I pray God you may ones doe ere your dye.

M. Horne. The .102. Diuision. pag. 63. a.

Although herein Lodouicꝰ Charles his son vvere somvvhat inferior to his father: Yet notvvithstādīg, he (.327.) The .327. vntruth. He gaue thē ouer, as shal appeare. reserued these Ecclesiastical causes to [Page 248] hīself, ād vvith no lesse care be ordred the same, although in some thīgs, being a very mild Prīce, he vvīked ād bare ouer much vvith the (.328.) The .328. vntruth. Slaunde­rous. ambitiō of the Popes. Shortly after, vvhā as the forsaid Leo vvas departed, vvas Stephē next elected Pope, ād vvithout the cōfirmatiō of thēperour, tooke the Papacy vpō hī. Al the histories agree, that he came shortly after into Fraūce to thē ­peror, but vvherfore, most of thē leaue vncertain. Platina thinketh to auoid the hursey burley in the City that vvas after the death of Leo. Sabellicus thīketh thēperors coronatiō to be the cause. Nauclerus saith, he wēt in his own person vnto thēperor Lodouik (.329.) The .329. vntruth. Ad vitan­das seditiones left out in the middest. about, or for the Church matters, vvhich (330) The .330. vntruth. It pro­ueth not any such matter. proueth that thēperour had chief authority in ordering the Church busines. But our English Chronicles, as These some vvriters dare not shevve their faces nor tell out their names. some vvri­ters affirme, do plainly declare, that his cōming into Fraūce, vvas to make an excuse of his vnlaufull consecration, against the decrees made to Char­les by his predecessours, Adriā and Leo, fearing therefore the sequele of the matter he first sent his Legats before hī to be a preparatiue to his purgatiō, and aftervvards came hīself to craue his pardō. And the rather to please thē ­peror, brought a most beautiful crovvn of gold for hī, and another for the Em­presse (331) The .331. vntruth. This vvherof foloweth not out of Nau­clerus. Dist. 63. vvherof folovved, as Naucle. saith: Oīa quae petiit à pio Impera­tore obtinuit, he obteined whatsoeuer he asked of the godly em­peror. Novv vvhē Stephē had dispatched al his matters, he retourned home: and shortly after, an other ecclesiastical cause happened, for vvithin a vvhile the bishop of Reatina died, and there vvas an other chosen. And whē the sea of Reatina (saith Nauclerꝰ) was void, the Pope would not cō ­secrat the elect Bishop, onles he had first licēce therto of them­peror. The circūstances of this story, make the matter more plaine. The erle Guido, had vvritē vnto Pope Stephē to cōsecrat that bishop: vvhō the Cler­gy and the people had elect: but the Pope durst not enterprice the matter, till he vvere certified of thēperors pleasure, and therupō vvriteth agaī vnto Therle the tenor vvhereof folovveth, after Gratianus report: I haue red your letters, wherī you require me to cōsecrat the newly elect Bis­shop of Reatin, chosen by the cōsent of the Clergy ād people, least the Church should be long destitute of a propre pastour. I am sory for the death of the other: but I haue deferred the consecratiō of this, for that he brought not with him, thempe­rors licence (vt mos est) as the maner is. I haue not satisfied your mind herein, leste that the Emperour should be displeased at my doing. Therefore I require you (for otherwise I ought not to medle) to purchase the Emperours licēce directed vnto me [Page] by his letters, vt prisca consuetudo dictat, as the auncient custome doth wil, and then I will accomplishe your desier. I praie you take not this my doing in euil parte. VVherof it is manifeste inough (saith Nauclerus) that of the Emperours at that time, the Bishops had their inuestitures: although Anto, doth glosse o­therwise, saying that perhaps, this electe Bisshoppe was belon­ging to the Court, who ought not to be ordered. Not only the textes of many decrees in this distinction, doth confirme this to be true, Dist. 63. but also Gratian him self, and the glossars, do in ma­nie places affirme, that this was the auncient custome, and cō ­stitution in the Churche, that the election [...] of the Bishoppes of Rome, and of other Bishops also, should be presented to the Emperours and Princes, before they might be consecrated.

The .11. Chapter▪ Of Lewys the first, of Steuē .1. Paschalis .1. Eu­genius .1. and Gregory the .4. Popes of Rome.

Stapleton.

LVdouicus sonne to Charles the great, confirmed the popes election, and had the inuestitures of bishops. Be yt so M. Horn, if ye wil: what then? Haue you forgot­ten, that al that Authoryty was geuē to his father Charles the great, by Adrian the pope, and that he helde that onely of the Popes gifte? Agayne, many hundred yeares together ere this tyme, Fraunce, Italie, Spayne, England and many other contreis were vnder thempiere of Rome. Would ye therfore inferre your argument, frō that tyme to our tyme, and make those countries nowe subiect to the Empire, bi­cause they were then? Yf ye doe, litle thank shal ye haue for your labour: And truely the argument holdeth aswel in the one, as in the other: And when al is done, your cause of su­premacie standeth as yt did before. Yet is the fyne and clerkly handlyng of the matter by M. Horne, to be withall [Page 249] considered: who like a wanton spanell, running from hys game at riot, hunteth to fynde the cause, why Pope Ste­phen (whome the stories call an Angelicall and a blessed man) came to this Emperour into Fraūce.Nauclerus generat. 28. In A­reopagiti­cis Hildiuini pag. 60 He is so called of the Em­perour Lodouike him selfe. He telleth three causes, out of three certaine and knowē Authours: ād then telleth vs, that Nauclerus sayeth, he came for Churche matters, and so ful hādsomly concludeth thereby, that the Emperour had the chiefe Authoritie therein: which is as good an argument, as if a man would proue, the woman to whome Kyng Saule came and consulted with for certaine his affaires, to haue bene aboue the King. Your Authour Nauclerus doth specifie what these causes were: that is, to intreate themperour, for his enemies, and for the Ro­mans, that had done suche iniurie to Pope Leo,Nauclerus generat. 28. pag. 53. of whom ye haue spoken, and to pardon other that were in diuerse prisons in Fraūce, for the great owtragiouse offences done against the Churche. The good Emperour satisfied hys de­sire: ād so he returned to Rome, ād those also which were banished with him. Also he saieth he wēt to the Emperour ad vitandas seditiones: to auoyde the tumultes that were rising in the Cytie, which clause M. Horne nipped quyte of in the middest of hys allegation. Belike M. Horne hym self, thought not good to rest in that argumente, and ther­fore he seketh a new, ād that is that the Pope came to ex­cuse hym self, of hys vnlawfull consecratiō, done without the cōsente of thēperour: And to make his way, brought a most bewtiful crowne of golde, one for hym, and an other for the Empresse, wherof followed as Nauclerus saith that he obtayned, what so euer he asked of the godlye Empe­rour. But Maister Horne how your wherof followeth, yt would trouble a wiseman, yea your selfe to tell. For to say [Page] the truth yt can not followe. Nauclerus maketh mention, as I haue sayde what hys demaundes were, but of no suche crowne. Neither your other Authours Sabellicus and Pla­tina.Volat ant. Lib. 22. But as well Platina as Volaterranus sayth the Empe­rour deliuered to the Pope at his returne, a weightye and a massie Crosse of golde, that he gaue to Sainte Peters Churche.

Now Syr, do so much for me againe, or rather for your selfe, to proue your selfe a true man and somwhat to better your own tale, to tel vs but one Author by name good or bad, that writeth, as ye say, cōcerning the .ij. Crownes, the Pope brought with him, and of his purgatiō and pardō that he should craue of the Emperour. What M. Horne may do hereafter,The prety proufe [...] that M. Horne vseth. good Reader, let him selfe wel consider. But I pray thee in the mean ceason consider, that he allegeth no better matter than this, that our Englissh Chronicles (Bale belike, or some such honest man) and againe, as some wri­ters affirme doe plainely saye so. Now though the cre­ditte of our English Histories, in this case be very slender: yet ye see, good Reader, how he playeth and dallieth with you, neither daring to name any Originall Chronicler, nor any other that doth name the said Chronicler. But maketh his proufe onely vpon some sayes, and heare sayes.

M. Horne. The .103. Diuision. pag. 64. a.

Immediatl [...]e after the death of Stephen Paschalis .1. vvas chosen Pope: He being encouraged▪ by all (.332.) The .332. Vntruth. No likli­hode in the world can be gathered herof out of anye good hy­storie. likelihode, by his Predecessours like en­traunce, thinking to entreat the Emperour so easely as Stephen had done. And boldened vvith a late made Canon by Stephen, suffied him selfe to be enstalled and consecrate vvithout the Emperours inuesturing, leaue and authoritie: Neuertheles being better aduised (mistrusting his presumptuous and disobedient fact vvould displease the Emperour, as it did in deede) he sent by and by his Legates to the Emperour to excuse him selfe, and laieth al [Page 250] the fault on the people and clergy. Th'Emperour accepting this ex­cuse for that time warneth the people and Clergie of Rome, that they take good hede, that they do no more offend against his Maiestie, but that hereafter they doe warely obserue and kepe the old orders and cōstitutions. He calleth this attempt (.333.) The .333. Vntruth. He dothe not so cal it, nor did not so take it. plaine treason. This Emperour called a Coūcel at Frankeford, he be­stovved spirituall promotions, and (.334.) The .334. Vntruth. He vvas first cho­sen of the Clergye: Vvhiche M Horne hath lefte out. instituted his brother Drogo, the chiefe Minister or Bisshop at Mettes.

In the meane vvhile die [...]h Pope Paschalis, next to vvhome follovved Eugenius, but elected not vvithout contention, and liued but a vvhile: af­ter vvhom succeded Valentinus, vvho liued in the Papacie but forty dai­es. Next vnto him vvas chosen Gregorie the fourthe, who was of so great modesty, saith Platina, that being elected Pope of the Cler­gie and people of Rome, he would not take vpon him the of­fice, before he had his confirmation of th' Emperours Embas­sadours, whō th' Emperor had sent to Rome for that purpose, and to examin diligētly that election. And Lodouicus th' Em­perour, did not this of pride, but that he woulde not loose the priuileges and rightes of th'Empire. Note al these things vvell, the Pope on the one part, vvhā he vvas chosen vvithout any contentiō, yet vvould he not be cōsecrat vvithout th' Emperors cōfirmation: othervvise he thought it an vnmodest part. Th' Emperor on the other side, not only sendeth his Embas­sadours to cōfirm, but or euer they confirm hī, to examin, and diligētly to di­scusse, after vvhat sort he cam in, ād vvhether he vver elected laufully or no. And this he did, not of a pride (say thei) much lesse of any vsurpatiō, but becaus he vvold not lose or diminissh the right herein, that belonged to the Emperial (.335.) The .335. Vntruth. It vvas no right, of Empe­rial Maie­sty, but of the Apo­stolik au­thoritie. Maiest. Here, say they, he did it of purpose, because he vvould not lose his right, ād not his only, but the right of the Empire. But least it shuld seme he did tirannously herein, and oppressed the church, or infringed her liberties, it folovveth almost vvoorde for vvorde, in both these vvriters Platina and Nauclerus. For he was a mild, merciful, and most gētle Prince of nature, and one that did alwaies mainteine the righte and dignity of the Church. Lo hovv great clemēcy this is compted in him, and the defence of the dignities and rightes of the Church: the vvhich after­vvardes, and novv of the Popes, is comptedTo doe it novv▪ as this Le­vves did then yt is counted no tyran­ny at all. the greatest tyranny and oppres­sion [Page] of the Churche that can be. But further to approue this deede of Lodo­uike, the foresaid authors recite many Canons, Decrees, and Constitutions, that this Emperour made in Ecclesiastical causes and things: and especially for the reformatiō of the disordered behauiours of the Bisshops ād Clergy In so much that Platina cōparing the dissolutenes of the church mē in his time, crieth out Vve wishe the same: for thē your heresies shoulde sone haue an ende would God, O Lodouike, thou were aliue in these our times, for now the Church wanteth thy most holy ordi­naunces, and thy discipline. The selfe same Lodouicus (saith Pla­tina) called a Councell of many Bisshoppes at Aquisgrane, to Gods honour, and the profite of the Church dignitie. The Pre­lates in the Preface to this Synode, dooe declare, vvhat vvas the care and authoritie of this godly Emperour in this Synode. They affirme that the most Christian Emperour, had called an holy and Generall Congregation or Coū ­cell at Aquisgrane: He began therin throughly to hādle the matter, vvith vvisedom void of curiositie: he counsailed, yea vvarned the Holie Sinod as­sembled, vvhat vvas nedeful to be don, touchīg certain chief Ministers of the Churches: He vvarned thē further, to dravv out of the holy Canōs, and the sayīgs of the holy fathers, a fourm of institutiō for the sīple sort of ministers, vvherby they might the more easily learn to vvalke in their dueties vvithout offēce. The Synod geueth God thāks, that he had preferd so ho­lie, wise, and deuout a Prince, to haue the (.336.) The .336. vntruthe. False trā ­slatiō as shal ap­peare. charge and ouersight of his Church, and the Churches nedefull businesse or matters. The Synode, accordinge to the kings aduertisement, fur­thered also vvith his helpe othervvise, collecteth a fourme of Institution, vvherin is cōteined at large, after vvhat sorte the Prelates oughte to fra [...]e their liues, rule, or gouerne the people cōmitted to their cures, &c. This done, they bring (337) The .337. vntruth. missere­porting. corā pro­latam lau­dibus effe­runt. to the Prince their fourm of Institutiō, vvhich they had de­uised. This Emperour called an other Councel at Ticinum in Italy for the causes hereafter expressed. The matters or causes vvich the honorable Emperour Ludouicus did commaunde his Bisshoppes to consider of, are these: touching the state of his kingedome: of the conuersation of the Bi­shoppes, Priestes, and other Churchmen: of the doctrine and preachinge to the people: of vvritinge out of Bookes: of restoring of Churches: of orde­ring the people, and hospitalles for strangers: of Monasteries both for men and vvemen. (.338.) The .338. Vntruth. Accordīg to the rule of S. Benet, left out. VVhat so euer is out of order in these forenamed states, [Page 251] eyther through the negligence of the guides, or the slouthfulnes of the inferi­ours, I am (said he) very much desirous to know, and I coueite to amende or refourme them, according to Goddes will, and your holy aduise, in suche sorte that neither I be found repro­uable in Gods sight, neither you nor the people incurre Gods wrathful indignation for these things, how this may be sear­ched, found out, and brought to perfection, that I commit to be entreated by you, and so to be declared vnto mee. The lesser matters also, whiche in general touche all, but in espe­ciall, some, and nede refourmation: I will that ye make en­quirie of them, and make relation vnto me thereof: as for ex­aumple, if the rulers in the Countries neglecte or sell Iustice, if they be takers or oppressours of the Churches, widdowes, Orphanes, or of the poore. Yf they come to the Sermons. If they dooe reuerence and obey duelie their Priestes. If they presume to take in hand any new opinions or arguments that may hurt the people. &c.

The Bisshoppes after they had consulted vppon these matters, doe make relation vnto the Emperour, vvhat they had done: shevving to him, that they had founde some of the Bisshoppes and chiefe Ministers faultie, and humblie praye the Emperour on their behalfe, that he vvill of his goodnes graunt those, some space to amende their faultes. They complaine to the Emperour of Bisshops and Priests for lacke of Preaching, and that Noble men, and Gentlemen, come not vnto those (.339.) The .339. Vntruth. Of fevv Sermons no complainte is made. fevv ser­mons that bee. And so then recite many other enormities, as about Tythes, Incest, and suche like, especiallie in religious persons, vvho for the moste parte are (.340.) The .340. Vntruth A tale falsely told and out of order. cleane out of order. And to bring these to their former order and state resteth (say they) in your disposition. Thus dothe this King take vppon him, and thus doe the Bisshoppes yeelde vnto him the (.341.) The .341. Vntruth. No gouernemente at al named or yel­ded in Ecclesiasti­cal things. gouernemente, as vvell of Ecclesiasticall, as Temporall causes and thinges. On this vvise did Lodouicus alvvaies exercise him selfe: in so muche that for his carefull gouernemente in Churche matters he vvas surnamed Pius, the Godlie,, as his Father beforehim, vvas called Magnus, the Greate.

Stapleton.

The principall tenour of the matters here conteyned, standeth in the confirmation of the Popes election, in cal­ling councelles, and confirming lawes ecclesiastical. To all the whiche we neade no farre fetched or newe solution, especially seing M. Horne hym self, furthereth yt so wel, as declaryng that all thinges were donne according to the holy Canons, and sayinges of the holy Fathers: and that many of theis matters towched the polityke gouernmente of the realme. Yet let M. Fekenham now beware. For M. Horne proueth yt high treason in the people and clergy, for that Paschalis was made Pope wythowte themperours consent. And so lo, at the lengthe here is some face of anti­quity, for our newe actes of Parliamente. Well found out, and lyke a good lawyer M. Horne. Yet I beseache you tel vs, which wordes of all that you reherse imploye plaine treason.Ne āplius simili ex­emplo im­peratoria laederetur maiestas. I am assured there are none, onlesse yt be these. that they do no more offende againste hys maiesty ▪ as your self reherse out of Sabellicus. And yf ye call thys treason, and make no better prouf, I thinke neither good grammarian, nor any good lawyer wil take your parte. For thowghe in latin laedere maiestatem, be somtyme taken for treason, yet yt is not alwayes, neither can yt be englished treason, but vpon the circumstances, which declare the acte to be trea­son. And how wil thys cruell exposition stande I pray you with your owne declaration, in this leaf also: that thys Lu­douicus was a milde mercifull, and moste gentle prince? Be­side thys, it is not like he toke thys matter so heauely, for that euen as Platina your authour here writeth out of A­nastasius bibliothecarius, a worthy authour ād lyuing about thys tyme, thys Emperour released to this Pope Paschalis his right that he had in the election of Bishoppes, geuē be­fore [Page 252] to Charles by Adrian the Pope. And here uppon might I aswell cōclude after your base and yet accustomable rea­soning,Nauclerus generat. 28. pag. 55. et dist. 6 [...]. Ego Ludo­uicus. that the Princes of Englande should haue nothing to doe, with the election of Bishopes. Yet, if there be no remedy, let yt be highe treason to agnise the Popes election withowte the Emperours confirmation. What is thys to the prince of Englonde, that hath nothing to doe therwith, or to M. Fekēham, seing if al be true, yet it maketh nothing for the Emperours supreamacy, or againste the Popes su­preamacy?A new kinde of treason wherin a man may loose his head and take no hurte. The denial wherof in dede (the more pitie) is taken for treason with vs, but yet thankes be to God, suche kinde of treason, as a man maye lose his head and take no hurte by yt, but muche good: and that is to be a very true and a blessed martyr.

But now touching the particular doinges of this Empe­rour Ludouike, you tel vs he bestowed Spirituall promotions (and you tell vs but of one onely) and instituted his brother Drogo the Chiefe Minister or Bishop at Mettes. And here you leaue oute, Canonicam vitam agentem, clero eiusdem Eccle­siae consentiente ac eligente, he instituted him being a man that lead a regular lyfe, the clergye also of that Churche bothe confenting and choosing him.Naucle­rus. pag. 55. Gener. 28. This you leaue out to make the worlde beleue the Emperour bestowed Spiri­tuall promotions, of his owne supreme Authorytie abso­lutely. And here you tel vs of a right belonging to the Empe­rial maiesty, in confirming of the Pope. And yet you forget,Fol. 63. b. that in the very leafe before you confesse, this was made by decrees of Adrian and Leo Popes to Charles, this mans Fa­ther. And then was it not a right of Imperial Maiesty, but a Priuilege frō the Apostolike Authoryte. As for the Cle­mency of this Prince so much commended, it was not as [Page] you imagine for any supreme gouernment, but for his most fatherly defending, aiding and succouring of the Church. Namely in that most learned Councell holden vnder him at Aquisgrane, of which presently you do talk very much, prying out for som clause that might make for your suprem gouernmēt. And at last, finding none, with a litle false tran­slatiō, you make the Synode to say of th'Emperour, that he had the charge and ouersight of Christes Church. Which al in Latine is but this one word Procuratorem, Tom. 2. Conc. pag. 639. Eius vide­licet libe­ralissima largitione Copiā li­brorū &c. A defendour, a succourer, a maintainour, not a Supreme Gouernour with charge and ouersight. You adde also the Synode was furthe­red with his helpe otherwise, itching forth a litle and a litle, faine to finde somewhat, and it wil not be. For all that fur­thering (that you so closely couer) was nothing els, but that to his great charges, he furnished the Councel with a goodly store of bookes, and greate plentye of the Fathers writings. Out of which they collected a fourme of institu­tion, &c. Not the Emperour. A non after you talke of Mo­nasteries for men and wemen: but you leaue out: Secun­dùm regulam S. Benedicti. According to the Rule of S. Benet. Your vnruly Religion coulde not beare so much as the Remēbraunce of that holy Rule. And al that you tell of the Emperors words to the Bishops in the Coūcel of Tioinū,In Con. Ticin. pag. 705. pag. 706. Col. 2. the Coūcel calleth it only Cōmonitoriū an aduertise­mēt or admonitiō. No charge or Cōmissiō. You note to the Reader certeyne enormyties recited in this Goūcel. But wote you what those enormytes were? Forsoth these. That the lay Nobilite, quia ad electionis consortiū admittuntur, Archi­praesbyteris suis dominari praesumunt, & quos tanquā patres venerari debuerūt, velut subditos cōtēnunt. Bicause they are ad­mitted to haue a part in the Electiō, they presume to ouer [Page 253] rule their chief priestes. And whom they oughte to reue­rence as Fathers, they contemne as subiects. These were the enormyties there recyted M. Horne. And do not you defende this very enormytie, euen in this very place, ād by this very Councel? When will you leaue to bringe Autho­ryties against your selfe? As touching the matter of Incest, the Synod requireth of the Emperour that to bringe such offenders to open penaunce,Ibid. Vt publicae possint poenitentiae subiugari. Comitum eius auxilio fulcian­tur, they may be vpholded with the helpe of his Offycers. Lo they require the Emperours helpe for execution. And yet you conclude after your maner. Thus dothe the kinge take vpō him, ād thus doe the Bishops yelde vnto him the Go­uernement as wel of Ecclesiastical as Tēporal causes and thin­ges. And this you conclude a gouernement, whiche in all your premisses was not so muche as named. Your Con­clusion is alwaies full and mightye. But your proufes are voyde and fainte.

M. Horne. The .104. Diuision. pag. 66. a.

Pope Leo .4. vvriteth his humble letters vnto Lotharius on the behalfe of one Colonus, vvho vvas chosen to be Bishop of Reatina, but he might not consecrate him vvithout the Emperours licence first obteined thereunto, and therfore praieth the Emperour of his fauour tovvardes Colonus: Vt vestra licentia accepta, ibidem, Deo adiuuante, eum consecra­re valeamus Episcopum: That hauing your licence, wee may haue authority by Goddes helpe to consecrate him Bishoppe there. Vppon this vvoorde, Licence, The Glosser noteth, the consente of the Prince to be required after the election be made. (.342.) The .342. vntruth. You take not the vvhole glose. The next lyne maketh cleane against you. Sabell. Platina. Nexte to Leo, sauinge the (.343.) The .343. vntruth. Pope Ione, Pope None. vvoman Pope Iohan, vvas Benedi­ctus .3. chosen, vvho vvas ratified and confirmed by the Emperours autho­rity: vvho sente his Embassadours to Rome for that purpose. This Pope is commended for his greates godline: But he vvas ouer godly to li [...]e longe in that sea; neuerthelesse he vvas not so godly as the moste of his successours [Page] vvere altogether vngodly, as your (.344.) The .344. vntruth. None write so, but Bale and such other, which be your vvriters, not ours, Apocal. 9. ovvne vvriters make reporte. And to note this chaunge the better: Nauclerus telleth of diuers vvonders: hovv the Deuil appeared in an vgly shape, and hurled stones at men as they vvent by: set men togeather by the eares: bevvrayed theeues, and Priestes of their Lemmans, and such like: Hovv it rained bloud three daies and three nightes: Hovv great Grassehoppers vvith six vvings, and six fete, and tvvo teeth harder then any stone, couered the ground, and destroyed the fruites: not altogether vnlike those Grassehoppers, that S. Iohn noteth in his Reuelatiō, to come frō the bottōles pit, after the starre vvas fallen. After this folovved a great pestilence: VVhich vvonders, if they be true, be not vnvvorthy the notīg considering the chaunge that follovved. For hitherto stil from time to time, although some Popes did priuily attempte the contrarye, yet the Emperours (.345.) The .345. Vntruth: For none, but Char­lemaine and Le­vvis the .1 vvho at the lēgth gaue it ouer also, alvvayes kept the confirmation of the Pope, the inuesturing of Bis­shoppes, and the ordering of many (.346.) The .346. Vntruth. M. Horne can shevv none o­ther. other Ecclesiasticall matters, till the next Pope began openly to repine at the matter, and his successour after him to curse, and some of those that folovved, fell from chiding and cursing, to plaine fighting for the same. In the vvhiche combate, though vvith much a doe, at length they vvrong them selues from vnder the Em­perours (.347.) The .347. Vntruth. They vvere ne­uer vnder their obe­dience in Ecclesia­stical ma­ters, obedience: Yet alvvaies euen hitherto, Princes haue had no litle interest in Ecclesiastical causes, as hereafter shal appere.

The .12. Chapter. Of. Leo .4. Benedictus .3. Nicolaus. 1. Adrian .2: Martinus .2. Adrian .3. and of the .8. Generall Councell vnder Basi­lius the Emperour.

Stapleton.

WE goe on still with the Popes confirmation: a matter, as ye know, nedelesse, and such as might be spared, sauing that M. Horne must take a foile euen of his owne allegation and Glosar. Who, as he saith, the Princes consente, is required after the election, so [Page 254] he addeth: Nisi aliud suade at scandalum, vel praescripta con­suetudo. Onlesse, saith he, some offence, or a prescribed custome moue vs to thinke otherwise. Then is M. Horne in hand with Benedictus the .3. nexte Pope to the woman Pope Iohan: who was confirmed by the Emperour. But here M. Horne, a man may doubt of this pointe, whether this Benedictus was next to Pope Iohan. For if there was neuer such Pope Iohan, then could not he be nexte to her. And that it is rather a fable then a storie, for al your great busines, your Apologie, and others, make therein,Confut at Apolog. fol. 164. I thinke it hath ben already sufficiently proued. Neither nede you to make so much wondering at the matter. Except ye list to wonder at your selues, whiche doe place the Popes Su­preme authoritie in Princes, be they men, or women: Yea and chyldren to. And in so fewe yeares you haue had all three. Man. Childe. And Woman. The lesse meruaile had it bene, if in so many hundred yeres, we had had one wo­man pope, which yet as I sayed, is vtterly false: as it hath bene sufficiently proued.

But touching this confirmation of popes and inuestu­ring of bishops, which Adrian and Leo graunted to Char­les the greate, whych Ludouicus hys sonne gaue ouer a­gaine, which other princes coueted to haue after in their owne handes againe, and which was denied them, Gratian who hath collected the examples of both sydes, geueth forth a true and an euident reason, as well why to the one it was first graunted, as also why to the other afterwarde it was most iustly denied. Of the fyrst he sayeth.Dist. 63. The ele­ctiōs of Popes and of other bishops to be referred to Princes and Emperours, both Custome and lawe hath taught vs, for the dis­sensiōs of schismatiks and heretiks, against whō the Church hath [Page] ben defended oftentimes with the lawes of faithful Emperours. The election therfore of the Clergy was presented to the Prin­ces, to the entēt that, it being by their authority strengthened, no heretike or schismatike should dare to gainsaie it. And also to the end that the Princes them selues as deuout childrē shuld agree vpon him, whom they sawe to be chosen for their Father, that in all things they might aide and assist him. As it was in the example of Valentinian th'Emperour, and S. Ambrose. I, saith the Emperour, wil be thy aide and defence, as it be­cometh my degree. And herevpon Pope Steuen (of whom M. Horne talked euen now) made a Decree that without the Emperours Legates were present, no bishops alreadie chosen should be consecrated. And by reason of this De­cree, the Bishops of Reatina coulde not be consecrated, as M. Horne euen now alleaged. But (saith Gratian) because the Emperours, passing sometime their bondes, would not be of the nūber of cōsenters ād agreers to th'electiō, but wuld be the first that shuld choose, yea ād put out to, oftētimes also falling to be as false as heretiks, assaied to breake the vnity of the Catho­like Church their Mother, therefore the decrees of the holie Fathers haue proceded against them, that they should no more medle with the election of bisshops, and that whosoeuer ob­tained any Church by their voice, should be excommunicated. And as Ezechias toke awaye the brasen serpent, whiche Moyses did set vp, because it was now abused: so the con­stitutions of our forefathers are sometime chaunged by the Authoritie of the posteritie, when such Constitutiōs mere positiue are abused. Then Gratian bringeth in diuers other decrees against the Confirmatiō of Emperours, as of Gre­gorie the .4. pope: of Lewys the firste Charles hys sonne, Henrie the first, and Otho the first Emperours: who all [Page 255] gaue ouer by open decrees this priuilege graunted first of popes vpon good considerations, and after repealed vpon as good by the same authoritie.

And thus you see, M. Horne, by your owne Authours, and by good reason (if ye haue grace to consider it) you are sufficiently answered for confirmation of Popes, and inue­sturing of Bisshops: a common matter in your booke, and yet as you see nowe, a matter of no weight in the world.

After this, M. Horn is in hand with the raining of bloud three daies, and with many other wonders of this time: yea with the Deuil him selfe that bewrayed Priests Lemmans, whiche they kept in corners secrete, that now M. Horne and his fellowes, are not ashamed to kepe openly, and haue learned a furder lesson then Priestes of that age knew, that a Frier and a Nunne may laufully wedde: wherat the De­uill him selfe perchaunce doth as much wonder, as Maister Horne here doth wonder at the Deuils straunge doings.M. Horns vvonder­ful vvise­dome. which yet are not so strange, nor so much to be wondered at, as perchance your great wisedom is to be wōdred at, to imagine that al these things chanced, for that th'Emperour had not as he was wonte to haue, the confirmation of the Popes election, and the ordering of maters Ecclesiasticall.

M. Horne. The .105. Diuision. pag. 66. b.

After Benedictus, vvas Nicolas chosen, vvhom the Emperour him selfe being present, did confirme, as vvitnesseth Nauclerus: At the same time, was the Emperour Lodouicus .2. at Rome, who confir­med the Popes election. The same also sayeth Martin, to the vvhich Volateran addeth of the Emperour and the Pope: De communi con­silio ambo cuncta gerebant. Al [...] thinges were done by com­mon counsaile or consent of both, the Emperour and the Pope. And least it might be thought he meaneth not as vvel Ecclesiastical as Tem­poral [Page] matters: Sabellicus maketh the matter more plaine, affirming that the Emperour and the Pope had secrete confer [...]nce together many daies, and had consultation both touching the matters perteining to Christian Religion, and also of the state of Italye. And a litle after talkinge of the Pope: The Pope decreed by the consente of Lodouicus, that from thence foorth, no Prince, no not the Emperour him selfe, should be present in the councell with the Cler­gye. onlesse it were when the principall pointes of faith were treated of. Hitherto in all these Ecclesiasticall causes, the Emperour hath the doinge, as (.348.) The .348. vntruth. For neuer so well as the Pope had. vvell or more than the Pope.

But this last decree, that by the allovvance of the Emperour, the Pope made, exempteth Temporall Princes: from Ecclesiasticall matters in their councelles, though in the most principall matters Ecclesiastical, concerning faith, it leaueth to them their (.349.) The .349. vntruth. In mat­ters of fayth the Empe­rours had no interestes of gouernemēt. interestes.

Stapleton.

M Horne hym self, to helpe our matters forwarde brin­geth forth a decree made by the pope with th'Emperours consent, that lay princes should not be present in Coūcels, onlesse it were when the principall pointes of religion be treated of: at the which he wondreth as of a thing vnheard of. And yet he did, or mought haue found as much in the actes of the Councell of Chalcedo.Act. 3. fol. 838. Yea, he myght haue sene also that by the same decree, as well the people, as the prince might be present, and as much interest had the one thereyn, as the other. For, as the same Pope Nicolas sayed,Dist. 96. vbinam. geuynge a reason why the prince may be present, when matters of faith are debated, Faith is common to all, and perteineth as well to the layitie, as to the Clergie, yea to all Christen men without exception.

Yet all was not gone from them, sayeth M. Horne: for they had their interestes still (he sayeth) in the principall matters ecclesiasticall, concerning faith. But what intereste I praye you, tell vs? Was it to determine or define anye [Page 256] thyng, or that all determinations were voyde and frustrate without thē? Nay, but only that they might be present, ey­ther to keepe quiet and order, or els (as Constantin and Marcian protested) ad confirmandam fidem, to strenghthen their owne faith: or last of all, to execute the Sentence and determinations of bishops. And so were theyr Ambassa­dours present, in the late General Councel at Trēt: And the Emperour and Kinges were wished thē selues to be there.

M. Horne. The .106. Diuision. pag. 67. a.

Martinus the secōd gat into the Papacie malis artibus by naughty meanes saith Platina, ād as is noted in the margēt, it vvas in this Popes time, that first of all the creation of the Popes vvas made vvithout the Em­perours authority: But this Pope died so shortely, as he came in naughtily. After vvhō Adriā the third, like vnto his predecessor, the secōd of that name (vvho by cūning sleight practised to (.350.) The .350. vntruth. Slaunde­rous, as shall ap­peare. defraude the Emperour of his au­thority) espying oportunitie by reason, that Charles the emperour, as Sabel­licus saith, vvas farre of, busied in the vvarres, dothe promote this matter to be decreed by the Senate and the people, and this he did immediatly after he vvas made Bishop, ād persuadeth thē, that they doo not hereafter vvayte for the Emperours approbatiō, and cōfirmation, in appointing their Bishop, but that they should kepe to thēselues, their ovvn fredome. The vvhich thing also Nicolaus the firste, vvith others attēpted, but coulde not bringe it to passe, as Platina reporteth. VVho also vvriteth, that the Romaynes had cō ­ceiued an hope of great liberty in the hauty courage of this Pope, being a Ro­maine borne. But to their great griefe, he vvithin a vvhile vvas takē frō thē.

Stapleton.

M. Horne hath sone done with Nicolaus the first, and is frō him leapē to Martinus the secōd. Betwene which two were, yet .ij. other Popes, Adriā the secōd, ād Iohn the .9. the time also of their regimēt, being more thē twēty yeres: and vnder whō, especially vnder Nicolaus the first, ād Adriā the second as great matters passed touchinge our present pur­pose, as vnder any Popes els of many yeres before or after. [Page] For vnder thys Nicolaus the firste and Adrian the second, the .8. general Councell was kept at Constantinople, vnder Basilius then Emperour in the East partes: All which mat­ter M. Horne, being in other Councels both General and Nationall so diligent a chronicler, hath vtterly drowned in silence. And yet he might Iwys haue found as much appa­rent matter for his purpose there, as in any other Councel hytherto mentioned. For Basilius the Emperour called al­so this Councell, as other Emperours before him dyd, and M. Horne might haue furnished his booke with some ioyly talke of this Emperour also made to the bishops at the be­ginning of the Councell, touching his care and endeuour about ecclesiasticall matters.

But there was a padde in the strawe, I warrant you, that made M. Horne agast, and not so bold as ones to come nere it.Cusanus lib. 3. cap. 19. de Cō ­cordia Catholica. Ignorant thereof he coulde not be, hauing sene Cu­sanus de Concordia Catholica, out of whom he alleageth in this his booke a large place, and that in the same booke, ād but fiue chapters aboue the place, wher Cusanus reherseth out of this viij. Generall Councell, diuerse and longe pro­cesses, to shew of purpose how the Emperour Basilius dea­led and demeaned him selfe in that Coūcel. Ignorant ther­fore,Fol. 85. ex li. 3. cap. 13 I say, of this matter he could not be, nor laye for his excuse, that the Actes of this coūcel are not commonly set forthe in the former Tomes of the Councelles. Except M. Horne alleage such bookes and chapters as he neuer sawe nor read,In Tom. 3. fol. 531. Colon impr. An. prae­sente. and so vttereth his doctrine vpon heresaye and reporte of others. Shortly therfore to touche this General Councel also, seing that of all other in maner bothe gene­rall and Nationall somewhat hath bene sayd, ād seing now this Councel is also set forth in the last editiō of the Tomes, [Page 257] I will in fewe wordes declare both the Popes Primacy in the East Church then to haue bene confessed, and the Laye Princes Primacy in Ecclesiastical matters to haue ben none at all.

First, wheras Michael the Emperour of the East partes, a man geuē to al licentiousnes and ryot, had thrust out the godly Bishop Ignatius from the See of Constantinople,Zonaras lib. 3. by the persuasion of Bardas, whome for incest that bisshop had excommunicated, and placed in his roome one of his Courtyars, and otherwise an heretike, Photius by name, whome Pantaleon calleth Phocas, other Photinus: Nico­laus the first, then Pope of Rome after legacies to and fro, excommunicated Photius, and Michael the Emperour for not restoring again Ignatius to his See.Tom. 2. Conc. pa. 746. There is extāt a most lerned and notable letter of this Nicolaus to Michael the Emperour, where lernedly and copiously he discourseth what obedience and reuerence Catholik Emperours haue shewed to the Bisshops of Rome, and howe none but he­retikes and schismatikes haue disobeyed the same. And whereas this Emperour Michael had (as he saith) Commaū ­ded the Pope to sende his Legates to Constantinople aboute that matter, a phrase which you M. Horn make very much of, this Pope lernedly and trulye aunswereth him, that Ca­tholike and good Emperours were not wonte to com­maunde their Bisshoppes and Pastours, especially the Bis­shoppes of the See Apostolike, but with Reuerence ex­horte and desire them to suche thinges as they required: which he proueth by the examples of Dist 97. Victor. Honorius, In epist. praeambu. Cōc. Chal. Va­lentinian and Marcian,Cod. de Sum Trin. Nos red­dentes. Iustinian,Conc. 6. Const. Constantin the .4. and Conc. 7. Nice. Constantin the fift in their letters to Bonifacius the first, to Leo the first, to Iohn the first, to Donus, and to Agatho [Page] Popes of Rome. In al which their letters thei vse the words. Petimus, hortamur, inuitamus & rogamus, we beseche, we exhorte, we inuite, and desire you: with all gentlenes and Reuerēce, such as the Apostle cōmaūdeth al mē to shew to their Ouerseers, that watche for their soules, and shal geue accōpte for the same.Heb. 13. Also whereas this Emperour had by a Councell of his Bisshoppes banished and remoued Igna­tius, the Pope first sente his Legates to examine the mat­ter a freshe, and to referre to the Pope vnto whom the See of Constantinople of right appertayned: wherein the Le­gates passing their Commission ouercome by flattery and ambition in the Courte of Constantinople, confirmed Pho­tius by their consent. But the Pope not consenting there­to, he cyted bothe Ignatius and Pontius to Rome, as Iu­lius cyted Athanasius,Tripart. li. 4. cap. 6. and Eusebius with his complices, and required the Emperour Michael, that by his good ayde and fauour they might appeare. In the same letter also he declareth howe in dede amonge the Ethnikes, the Emperour was also summus Pontifex, the highe Bisshoppe. But (saith Nicolaus) Cùm ad verum ventum est eundem re­gem atque pontificem, Tom. 2. Conci. pa. 764. vltra sibi nec Imperator iura pontifica­tus arripuit, nec pontifex nomen Imperatorium vsurpauit. When Christ the true King and bishop came, then neither the Emperour tooke any more vpon him the high bisshops right or Authoritye, neither the high bisshop vsurped any more the Imperial title. After this by the example of Con­stantin the great, calling the bishops Gods, and not to be iudged of any man, of Theodosius the younger, charging his Lieutenant Candidianus in the Ephesine Councel, not to medle with any matter or question of doctrine (as hath before bene alleaged) and of Maximus that blessed Martyr [Page 258] (whom Constans the heretical Emperour nephew to He­raclius had put to death) he proueth that thēperorus iudge­ment ouer bishops, is not, nor ought not to be of any force.Zonaras lib. 3. pag. 71. And therfore cōcludeth that Ignatius being deposed by the Emperial sentēce only was not at al deposed, but remained as true bishop as before. Thus dealed Nicolaus the first with Michael the Greek Emperor, not vsurping any new autho­rity to him self, but following herein the examples of most holye and auncient Bisshoppes before him, and requiring no more of the Emperour then his moste godlye and No­ble progenitours other Catholike Emperours hadde done. All this coulde haue no place in Maister Hornes chroni­cle, either because he hadde not reade so farre, or els because his sleightes woulde haue bene to grosse, to haue picked hereof any coulourable matter for his imagined Su­premacye.

Vnder Adrian the seconde nexte successour to this Nicolaus,Vide San­ctiones ec­clesiasticas collectas a Franc. Io­uerio. Im­press. Par. An. 1555. and vnder Basilius the Emperour nexte to Mi­chael was holden at Constantinople aboute this matter of Ignatius and Photius principallye, the .8. generall Councell by the accompte of the Latines. In this Coun­cell the Legates of Adrian, Donatus and Stephen Bis­shoppes and Marinus a Deacon were president, as in all other generall Councelles before. In the firste Action the Popes letters to the Emperour were reade, where­in he condemneth the former Synode vnder Michael, and willeth that all the monimentes and recordes thereof be burnte. In the beginninge also of this Synode the Emperour Basilius, made an Oration to the Synode,Cusanus lib. 3. cap. 19. De de­clarynge wythe what Zeale and loue to the vnytye of God his Churche, he hadde called them together, [Page] exhortinge them in many wordes to concorde and agree­ment. Confessing also that they, Potestatem Synodici iudicij diuinitus acceperunt, Concord. Cathol. & Tom. 3. Cōcil pag 539. edit. postr. haue receyued from God (not by any his commission) the power and authoryte to iudge in Sy­nods. He addeth farder, that though he doubted not but that they were altogether such as zealed the truth, and folowed righteousnes, yet (saieth he) to thentent that it may appeare that our Imperial maiesty, secundùm datam sibi potestatis mē ­suram, in ecclesiasticis negotijs nihil tacuisse, eorum quae debent atque conueniunt: hath not in ecclesiastical matters, cōcea­led any thinge of that which is dewe and conuenient, ac­cording to the measure of power geuen vnto her, deposci­mus religionem vestram &c. We beseche your religion or godlynes to ouercome nowe al affection of partialyte and hatred, and to resemble as much as is possible, the immuta­ble, and vnchangeable nature of God, who neuer respe­cteth the person &c. In this Oratiō of the Emperour three things I woulde you should note and beare well away M. Horne. First that the bishops (by his confessiō) haue power from God to iudge and determine in Coūcels. Their power and Authoryty herein procedeth not of the Princes com­mission, as a supreme gouernour next vnto God aboue the bishops in ecclesiastical matters, but frō God him self, saieth this Emperour. Secōdly that thēmperours power is a limi­ted power, not the chief, Supreme, ād the highest in all ma­ner causes ād thinges. Thirdly howe it is limited: Forsothe not to commaunde or prescribe to the bisshops what they shall doe, decree or determine in ecclesiastical matters, but to exhorte them to concorde and vnyty in the same.

In the seconde Action, diuerse of the Photians offering vp their libelles of repentaunce to the Synod, not to them­perour [Page 259] or his deputyes, were by the Synod with impositiō of handes reconciled. In the third and fourthe Actions di­uers letters were reade as wel of Michael and Basilius Em­perours to the Popes, Nicolaus and Adrian, as also of the Popes to them againe touching the condemnation of Pho­tius intruded by Michael, and the restoring agayne of Ig­natius. In the fifte Action Photius was brought in, and the popes letters conteyninge his condemnation reade before him, vnto the which the whole Synod cryed. Recipimus haec omnia &c. We receaue al these thinges, bicause they are a­greable to reason and to the ecclesiasticall rules and lawes. In that action also the Popes legates are called the presi­dents of the Councell. In the sixt Action the Photians ap­pearing agayne, and being moued as well of the whole Sy­nod, as of the Emperour, to repentaunce, they yet perseue­red obstinately in their schisme: Wherupon the Emperour gaue them seuen dayes of deliberation, after which time, if they were not in the meane while recōciled, he bad them appeare againe, saying. Ventura sexta feria in sancta & vni­uersali Synodo state omnes, & quicquid definierit vniuersa Sy­nodus, fiet. The next Friday, be you here present in the ho­ly and vniuersal Synod: ād whatsoeuer the vniuersal Synod shal define or cōclude, that shal be done, where agayne you see the Emperour iudgeth not in the matters then in hand,Cusanus li. 3. c. 24. but the Coūcel. Yea he saieth plainely, that the restoring of Ignatius, was not his doing, or his deuise. But that longe before, the most holy and most blessed pope Nicolaus examining the matter thouroughly, decreed by Synod, that he should be restored to the right of his See agayne, and together with the holy Romayn Churche, pronounced Anathema to all suche that should re­siste that decree and sentence. And we knowing this before, [Page] saieth the Emperour, fearinge to haue the iudgement of the Curse promulged: Obsecundare Synodico iudicio Romanae eccle­siae necessarium duximus, & huius rei gratia reddidimus ei pro­prium thronum. We haue thought it necessary to obeye the Synodicall Iudgement of the Churche of Rome, and for that cause we haue restored vnto him his owne See. Of such Authoryty was the Sentence of the Churche of Rome, with the Emperour of the East Churche in those dayes. In the same action he saieth yet farder. Hoc solum nostrum est si voluerit quis nominare crimina. Alia verò om­nia Canonibus & his, quibus imperiū Synodi creditū est, tradi­mus. This only is our parte to do: if any man will bring forth any crimes, or make anye accusation, to see it put vp to the Councell, &c. But all other thinges we leaue to the Ca­nons, and to them to whome the Rule of the Synode is cō ­mitted, that is to bishoppes, as we hearde him before saie vnto them. Thus muche in that Action.

In the seuenth Action Photius appearinge agayne, Marinus one of the legates commaunded his staffe to be taken from him, because it was a token of his bisshoplye estate and dignyte.Libro. 3. c. 20. H [...]r­tatoriè alloquitur vos Impe­rator. In this Action (as Cusanus recor­deth) Bahanis the Emperours Lieutenant had much talke withe the Photyans, Hortatoriè, by the waye of exhor­tation, mouinge them to vnytie and repentaunce. The onely shifte of the Photyans was to say, that the legates of the Patriarches there present, did not their commis­sion, but condemned them cōtrary to the Patriarches own willes and Iudgementes. Vpon this the Emperour offred them, that whosoeuer would stand by that surmise, should by his prouision be sent to the Patriarches them selues, as to Rome, to Antyoche, and to Hierusalem, and lerne [Page 260] of them the truthe. But they refused to doe so. At the length the Emperour seing them obstinat and full of words to no purpose, sayed to them. Omnes nouimus, quòd laici estis, & non adduximus vos latrare, & sine ordine facere verba. We knowe all, that you are but laye men. And we brought you not hither to barke, and to talke out of or­der. But the Emperour (saieth Cusanus) called them there­fore laye men, because they were all ordered of Photius who him selfe was no bisshop: Such are you and all your felo­wes M. Horne, no bishops at all, but mere laye persons, ordered of none at all that was him selfe ordered. And whereas one of the Photians Eulapius by name, beganne to talke with the Emperour, the legates of the See Apostolike sayed. Eulapius is condemned and excommunicated of the See Apostolike: and therefore the Emperour ought not to talke with him. Then the Emperour sayed. I haue oftentimes and much desired, that they might not perish: And therefore I called them hither: but if they will not returne to the Church, whatsoeuer the Patriarches shall iudge of them, they shall, will they, nill they, stande vnto it. For no man can reiecte the power that is geuen to them (he meaneth the high bisshops) of Christ our God and Sauiour. Thus agayne you see Maister Horne howe all the iudgement resteth in the bishops,Iubet Im­perator vt loquami­ni: sed vi­dentes Iu­dices con­uicia ve­stra, nec audire vos volunt. and howe the sentence of the See Apostolike preuayleth, and howe buxomely (to vse your owne worde) and obediently the Emperour yeldeth thereunto, not intermedling farder then to procure that all partes may be heard, that tumulte may be auoided, and that the Iudges (for so were the bis­shops called in this Actiō) may quietly procede to Sētence, and last of al that same Sētence may be put in executiō, notwithstanding the indurat malice of obstinat heretikes.

[Page]In the .8. Action al the schismatical conuenticles of the Photians are condemned, and the recordes thereof burned. In that Action also diuers Image breakers came to the Sy­node, and were reconciled: That secte also was againe accursed In the last Action the Canons were reade, at the Popes Legates commaundement,Dist. 63. Nullus. to the number of .27. In the .22. Canon it is decreed, that no secular Prince inter­medle with the election or choyse of any Patriarche, Me­tropolitane, or Bisshop whatsoeuer, which also is inserted by Gratian into the decrees. Finally the Councel being en­ded, Basilius the Emperour maketh a longe and a notable Oration to the Synod,Cusanus lib. 3. c. 23. expressing the dewe zeale and dew­ty of an Emperour in al Synodes and Councels. He auou­cheth plainly, that to secular and laye men, Non est datum secundùm Canonem dicendi quicquam penitus de Ecclesiasticis causis: opus enim hoc pontificum & sacerdotum est. It is not graunted by the Rule of the Churche to speake any thinge at al (in Councel) of Ecclesiasticall matters. For this is the worke, saith he, of Bishops and Priestes. And after, commē ­ding the bishops for their greate paynes and trauaile in that Councell, he speaketh to the laye Nobylyte then present thus. De vobis autem Laicis, &c. But as touching you that are of the lay sorte, as wel you that beare offices, as that be pri­uate men, I haue no more to say vnto you, but that it is not law­full for you by any meanes to moue talke of Ecclesiasticall mat­ters, neither to resiste in any point against the integrity of the Churche, or to gaynesaie the vniuersal Synode. For to searche and seke out these matters, it belongeth to Bisshops and Priests, which beare the office of gouernours, which haue the power to sanctifie, to binde and to loose, which haue obtayned the keyes of the Churche and of heauen. It belongeth not to vs, which [Page 261] ought to be fedde, which haue nede to be sanctified, to be boūde, and to be loosed from bande. For of whatsoeuer Religion, or wisedome the laye man be, yea though he be indewed with all internal vertues, as longe as he is a lay man, he shal not cease to be called a shepe. Againe, a bisshop howesoeuer vnreuerent he be, and naked of all vertue, as longe as he is a bishop, and preacheth dewlye the woorde of Truthe, he suffereth not the losse of his pastorall vocation and dignitye. What then haue we to doe, standinge yet in the roome of shepe? The Shepheardes haue the power to discusse the subtiltye of woordes, and to seke and compasse such thinges, as are aboue vs. We must there­fore in feare and sincere faith harken vnto them, and reue­rence their countenances, as being the Ministres of Almigh­tye God, and bearinge his fourme, and not to seke any more then that which belongeth to our degree and vocation. Thus farre the Emperour Basilius in the ende and Conclusion of the eight generall Councell, and much more in this sense, which were here to longe to inserte. I blame you not nowe Maister Horne, that you so ouerhipped this whole Generall Councell, and the doinges of those .ij. Popes Ni­colaus and Adrian .2. You sawe perhaps or had hearde say, that it made clerely against you. And yet as I sayed be­fore, apparently you might haue culled out broken narra­tions for your purpose as well out of this Generall Coun­cell, as out of the other .7. But seing you tooke such paynes to note themperors demeanour in the former .7. I thought it a poynte of courtesye Maister Horne, to requytte you againe with this one generall Councell, for so manye by you alleaged, to your verye small purpose, as euery in­different Reader seeth. Whether this be not to our pur­pose, I dare make your selfe Iudge. And nowe I wonder [Page] what shifte you will make to auoyde the Authoritye of this generall Councell, or of this Emperour Basilius. Well. You maye at your good leasure thinke and deuise vppon it. I wil nowe returne to your text.

You saye Martinus the seconde (whome other more trulye call Marinus) gat into the Papacy by naughtye meanes: What maketh that to proue your Supremacye in the laye Magistrat? It is noted, you saie, in the margent of Platina that it was in this Popes tyme, that first of all the creation of the Popes was made without the Emperours authoritye. You shoulde haue tolde vs withall in what printe of Platina that note is founde. I haue sene Platina both of the Col­len printe, and of the Venyce print sette forthe with the Notes of Onuphrius, and yet I finde no suche Note in the margent. It is by like the Note of some your brother­hood in some copie printed at Basill: And then is it of as good Authoritye, as Maister Hornes owne booke is: which is God wote, but course. Whose so euers note it be,Dist. 63. Cū longè Princeps non aduo­catur ad electionē faciendā, sed ad cō ­sensum e­lectioni adhiben­dam. a false note it is. For as of a hundred and ten Bis­shoppes of Rome, before this Marinus, scarse the fourthe parte of them was confirmed of the Emperours, so the Emperours before this tyme neuer created Popes, but onelye consented to the creation or election made by the clergye, and confirmed the same, for quyet sake, and for the preseruation of vnyty, as I haue before shewed. Adrians decree that the people of Rome shoulde wayte no more for the Emperours confirmation, was no defrau­dinge of themperours right, as you vntrulye reporte, but a renewing of the olde liberties and priuileges dewe to the Churche by the order of Canons and Councels, and the whiche neuer came to the Emperours, but by the Popes [Page 262] owne grauntes and decrees (namelye of Adrian the first and Leo .3. as hath before appeared) and therefore by them agayne reuocable without iniurye done to the Prince, when the weale of the Churche so requyred. As it was at this tyme, the Frenche Emperours busyed with warres against the Sarracens, and not so carefull of the Ecclesiasticall peace (vppon respect whereof that Cō ­firmation of the Pope was graunted them) as were theyr predecessours. Which negligence so encreased, that in fewe yeares after as we shall anon see, they not only lefte of the protection of the See Apostolike, but loste also the Empire,Cusanus lib. 3. c. 3. it being transferred to the Germains in Otho the first, whome also some Germayne writers (namelye Cu­sanus) do accompte for the first Emperour of the Weste, after the decaye and breache of the East Empire.

M. Horne. The .107. Diuision. Fol. 67. b.

The next Pope Stephen had an obscure tyme, sauing that Charles therein called a Councell at Collen, and after him Arnulphus the Emperour, o­ther tvvo: the one at Moguntia, the other at Triburum.

The .13. Chapter: Of the laste Emperours of Charlemaynes race, and of the Popes of Rome of that age.

Stapleton.

HEre folowe two Coūcels vnder Arnulphus the Em­perour, the one at Moguntia the other at Triburum. But what? Is there in that Councels nothing for you M. Horne? Why? There is in the Councell of Moguntia a [Page] whole Chapter intitled: Quid sit propriè ministerium Regis. What is properly the office of a kynge. And in a Chapter so specially debating of your matter in hād, could you fynd nothing that made for you?Cap. 3. vi­de Tom. 2. Concil. pa. gin. 780. Then let vs see whether there be any thing for vs. The Councell in that Chapter saieth. The office of a kynge specially is, to gouerne the people of God, and to rule vvith equitie and Iustice, and to prouide that peace and concord may be kept. And howe? In ecclesiasticall mat­ters? We shal heare. For (saieth the Councell) he ought be­fore all thinges to be a defender of the Churches (I thought the Councel would haue said, Supreme Gouernour) and of the seruants of God, of widowes, and Orphanes, And so furth. Lo. M. Horne. The office of the prince is to defend the Churche of God, not to gouerne it, not to alter and chaunge the Religion, not to make Church lawes &c. In al this chapter looke when you will, you shall not fynd one worde for the Princes supreme Gouernement, or any maner of Gouernement at al in matters ecclesiastical. And yet this beinge as you say in the beginninge of this booke, A principall parte of the Princes Royal povver,Fol. 3. b. the Councel of purpose treating in this Chapter only of the princes office and power, it is more then maruayl that the matter should in such depe silence so be wrapped vp, that no worde or half worde thereof coulde appeare. Verely in the next chapter folowinge it is commaunded and de­creed,Cap. 4. that the Churches and things to them belonging should apperteyn to bishops: without any worde of the Princes su­preme Gouernement in thinges of the Church.

M. Horne. The .108. Diuision. Fol. 67. b.

Of these Popes and those that follovved, as Formosus, Stephanus, Romanus, Benedictus, Leo, Christophorus, Sergius, and a great com­pany [Page 263] more, the Historians geue but an homely testimonie, and Nauclerus saith, that to satisfie their voluptuous lustes, they did maliciously malice one another, as most cruel Tyrantes, and he added this reason. Cum non ex­tarent qui eorum vitia coercerent, bicause there was none to correcte and chasten them for their euill doinges. For so long as the Princes exercised their (351)The .351. vntruth. slaunde­rously surmised, but not able by any good Au­thor to be proued. authoritie in ouerseing carefully the Church matters, and the mynisters, so vvel the Popes, as other Bishoppes, there grevve no such intollerable disorders, neither vvere there suche mōsters (for so Nau­clerus, termeth these Popes) that continued any space: But vvere by the Princes authoritie suppressed, and therfore Nauclerus citeth out of Pla­tina, and affirmeth it to be true, that the cause of these monstrous Rebelles in the Churche vvas: Quòd Resp. ignauos & desides principes ha­beat. Bicause the common wealthe had improfitable and slouthfull Princes. Thus these vvriters burdeine and charge the Princes vvith the disorders and enormities in Christes Churche, vvherein they doo them vvronge, if they thought not, that it apperteined to the Princely au­ritie to This we graunte: But this cometh nothing nere to the pur­pose, and scope pre­fixed. ouersee, care, and prouide for the good order of Christes Churche: and to redresse, punishe, and remoue the inordinate euilles therein.

Stapleton.

M. Horne nowe russheth in withe a bedroll of certain naughty popes, down from Formosus to Iohn the .13. Amōg whom I marueyl why you recken Benedictus, Gener. 31. pag. 72. of whome Nauclerus writeth thus. Huius Benedicti laus est, quòd intam corruptis moribus grauiter & constanter vitam duxisse fe­ratur. The commendation of this Benedictus is, that in so corrupt maners of men, he is saied to haue liued with gra­uitie and Constancie. And namely for his great humanitie and clemency he was chosen. But much more I merueyle that amonge so many badde you speake neuer a worde of the good, namely of Anastasius of whom it is writen. Nihil habuit quo reprehendi posset. Pag. 74. He was a man that could [Page] be charged with nothing.Pag. 74. of Leo the .6. which nihil tyran­nicum prae se tulit, rei diuinae consulens, shewed no tyranny in his behauyour, attending vpō Gods seruice. Of Steuen the 7. whose lyfe was full of gentlenesse and Religion. Pag. 80. Ibidem. Pag. 85. Of Leo .7. and Steuen the .8. bothe commended Popes. Of Martyn the .3. who folowed also the gentle demeanour of Steuen. Of Agapetus who is writen to haue ben vir innocens & Reip. Christianae feruens amator, Saxo grā. lib. 9. An innocent man and a feruent tenderer of the Christian commō wealth. Of whom also the kyng of Denmark receyued the faith. All these good and vertuouse Popes in great affliction of wicked persons in those daies (for lacke in dede of Iustice in good Empe­rours) lyued, and ruled the Church betwen this Formosus and Iohn the .13. or .12. more then twenty yeres. But. M. Horne like a fowle sowe that nouseleth in the donghil and careth not for the fayre floures in the garden, nouseleth him selfe amonge the euyll bisshops, and can not abyde to speake one poore worde for the good. And therefore as Mēmius obiected to Cato his nights Dronckennesse, for whom Cicero answereth, why tellest thou not also of his dayes dycing? he being in dede all the daye in the affayres of the Common wealth, so for the bedrol of your euyl Popes For­mosus, Plutar­chus in Catone V­ticensi. and the rest, I aske you whi you tel vs not also of A­nastasius, of Leo the .6. and .7. of Steuyn the .7. and .8. of Martyn the .3. ād of Agapetꝰ, but that you had rather be Mēmius thē Cicero, rather a rashe cōptroller thē a discrete reporter?

M. Horne. The .109. Diuision. pag. 68. a.

Yea, Sabellicus so vvondereth at these tragicall examples of the Bi­shoppes of this time, and their horrible obliuion of Godly Religion, that he (.352.)The .352. vntruth: Sabellicꝰ falsified, as shal appeare. ascribeth the good and godly moderatiō that vvas in the Bishops, and the dutiful execution of their office, from Charles the great, til the ende of the [Page 264] Frenche Empire, vvhiche vvas an vvhole age: to be not so much of them selues, and their ovvne good vvilles, as of the avve and feare they had of the Princes, kinges, and Emperours, vvho vvere their guardians. And therfore concludeth, that it may be truely said, that this vvas the calamitie of Fraunce, Italy, and of the Churche of Rome: Quòd in ea gente desi­tum esset imperari: bicause there was (.353.)The .353. vntruth. False trās­lation. no king nor Em­perour to beare rule, (354.)The .354. vntruth. Sab. mea­neth no such thīg. meaning that although there vvere kinges and Emperours, yea [...] did they not execute their Princely office and authori­tie, in ouerseing, correcting and reforminge the Churche matters, and her mynisters, and therefore the state vvas miserable. In this confusion vvere all thinges, but especially in the Church of Rome, till God stirred vp the vvyse and mighty Prince Otho the first, vvhose zeale, stoutnes and trauayle in reforming Religion and the disordred Churche, no tongue is able to expresse saith Nauclerus.

Stapleton.

You make Sabellicus to saie a great deale more thē euer he saied, or intended to say. For he doth not certaynely as­cribe any such cause, as you pretend, but only he saieth. Nō immeritò quis suspicaretur. A mā may ād not without a cause suspecte. But what M. Horne? That Popes kept euill rule, and were geuen to al lewdenesse, bicause the Emperours did not ouersee them? So you woulde haue folke to think,Sabell. Aenead. 9. lib. 1. and therefore you make Sabellicus to conclude, that this was the calamyte of Fraunce, Italy and of the Churche of Rome quòd in ea gēte desitum esset imperari, bicause there was no kīg nor Emperour to beare rule. But false translation maketh no proufe. Knowe you not M. Horne, what In ea gente, doth signifie in english? Or if we may not finde faulte with your grammer, why slacked your honesty so farre, as to leaue the english thereof quyte out? What, was there a pad in the strawe? Sabellicus then saieth, the cause of all that cala­myte was, bicause there was no kinge nor Emperour to [Page] beare rule, in ea gente, in that stocke or line of Charles the great, whose posterity had hitherto lineally reigned, downe to Arnulphus the last mentioned Emperour, and the last in dede (by the opinion of most historians) of Charles his li­neal descēt. After whom in dede the Churche was in great trouble and disorder, for the space of .50. or .60. yeres. But howe? Did the euil Popes cause that disorder? So woulde M. Horne folowing herein the steppes of baudy Bale, that we should thinke. But as I haue noted before, in the com­passe of that .50. yeres, there were diuers good, and ver­tuous Popes, ruling the Churche more then twenty of those .50. yeres. And the cause of al that disorder was not the only euil life of certaine Popes, but much more, the li­centious lewdenesse of the Italians, and especially the Ro­mans at that tyme, who in dede for lacke of Iustice on the Emperours partes (which is the thinge that Sabellicus cō ­plaineth of) liued enormously and licētiously, makīg Kings amonge themselues, and not only oppressing one an other, but also moste vily and cruelly handlinge their bisshoppes being good and vertuous. Of whome Stephen the .8. a Pope of much holynes at that very tyme,Naucler. generat. 32. pa. 85. Martinus Pol. was of his Cy­tyzens so shamefully mangled and disfigured, that he was fayne of a long tyme for very shame to kepe within dores, and so liued three yeres in greate vexation and trouble. The cause of al this trouble in the Churche at this tyme, yf you liste shortly to knowe (gentle Readers) Sabellicus a­greing herein with the other historians wil clerely tell you. He saieth. Quantū Francorum pietate &c. Looke howe muche Rome and all Italy breathed (as it were) from alonge continuāce of miseries, Aenead. [...]. lib. 1. by the godlynes and bountifulnes of the Frenche Princes (Charles and his issewe) one whole age (almost a .100. [Page 265] yeares) so much fell it backe againe in to all kinde of calamytie, by the space of almost .60. yeres through ciuil Sedition. This cala­myty beganne, from the last yere of Adrian the .3. and ended in the time of Iohn the .12. And will you see whereof sprange this calamytie? M. Horn imagineth, it was bicause the Prin­ces did not practise their Ecclesiastical gouernement ouer Popes. But Sabellicus a better historian then M. Horne, ad­deth immediatly vpon his former wordes, this Cause.(Ex qua iniuria vi­detur mihi orta tāta rerū mutatio, quanta in humanis rebus fa­cta est) Enimuero, praeter Normannos &c. Verely beside the Nor­mans which wasted Fraunce (of which outrage, that great chaunge of thinges then made in the worlde, semeth to me to haue sprounge) the Hunnes also people of Scythia, being bolde vpon the troubles of Fraunce, coming downe into Slauony, did conquer the landes of Gepides and Auari, people then in those quarters so called. The ouerrūning thē of forrain na­tions, and the Ciuill Seditions through out all Italy caused this greate calamyty that the historyans of this time com­plaine so muche of. Whych the more encreased, for that the Emperours of that time, Arnulphus, Conradus, Hen­rie the first, yea and Otho hym selfe vntyll the later ende of hys Empire, partly would not, partly could not represse the tyrantes in Italie, and other where.

In all whych hurley burleys,In tā cor­ruptis mo­ribus Nauclerus ge­nerat. 32. vbique Esai. 24. in all whych breaches of good order, licentiousnes of lyfe, and corruption of the worlde, if the heads also them selues, the chiefe bishoppes, sometimes fell to disorder and lewdenesse of life, yt is the lesse to be maruayled of him that wyll consider the course of Gods prouidence in thys worlde, who suffreth for the sinnes of the people, vt sicut populus, sic sit & sacerdos. That lyke as the people, so should also the Priest be: who saieth also in lyke enormities of the worlde:Osc. 4. Dabo pueros princi­pes [Page] eorum. Esaiae 3. Et effae­minati dominabun­tur eis. 2. Reg. 24 I will geue them children for their Princes, mea­ning not onely children in age, but children in wisedome, children in strength, and children in vertue. Of which al­so expressely we reade, that the wrath of God wexed hotte against Israëll, and stirred vppe Dauid to say to Ioab. Goe and number Israël and Iuda. Of the which great vanitie and o­uersight of that King, the plague fell vppon the people, and not vpon the King. So God plagueth the wickednesse of subiects with the sinnes of their Rulers, and geueth often­times to a froward flock, a curst shepheard. This conside­ration of Gods prouidēce in that corrupt time (not of cor­rupt faith (as you bable) but of corrupt maners) had more becommed a man of your vocation, M. Horne, and a Di­uine, then such false ād lewde surmises as you haue vttered. Which you could neuer so haue cloked, if you had opened the whole historie and circumstaunces of the case to your Readers. But this you will neuer doe, saye we what we wil. Your ragged relligion must be patched vp with such broken cloutes of imperfecte narrations.

M. Horne. The .110. Diuision. pag. 68. a.

At this time vvas Iohn .13. Pope, a man replete and loden vvith all disshonestie and villanie, against (.355.) The :355. vntruth. For these parties were not sent to Otho against Pope Iohn, but frō him, and for him. vvhom tvvo of the chiefest amon­gest the Clergie (the one vvas a Cardinall saith Luithprandus, the other, maister of the Rolles) made complaint vnto Ottho, most humblie beseching him, to haue some compassion on the Church, vvhich if it vvere not spedi­lie refourmed, must needes come to vtter decaie. After vvhom came the Bisshoppe of Millaine, and so one after an other, a great manie moe, ma­king the same suite vnto Ottho: vvho being moued of his ovvne zeale to Gods glorie, but novv enflamed by the lamentable supplications of these Bis­shoppes. Rex pijssimus, saieth Luithprandus; Non quae sua sunt, sed quae Iesu Christi cogitans: The moste Relligious King hauinge carefull cogitations, not for his owne thinges, [Page 266] but for Iesus Christes maters, addressed him selfe vvith all conueni­ent speede into Italie, to refourme Rome from vvhence all the mischiefe sprang. VVhen the Pope vnderstoode of his comming, he prepared to re­ceiue him in moste honourable vvise, and vvith suche humilitie behaued him selfe tovvardes the Emperour, and shevved suche faire face of re­pentaunce, that the vvell meaning Emperour, thought he had meant as he pretended, and svvare the Pope to obedience and loyaltie against Berengarius and Adalbertus, as Luithprandus vvriteth, and so returned into his countrie. This Luithprandus is the more to be cre­dited, for that he vvas liuing a famous vvriter, and (.356.) The .356. Vntruth: This Lu­ithprand▪ vvas no Cardinal. Luithpr. vntruth. Deacon Cardinall, euen in the same time. The Pope immediatly against both Othe and honesty (.357.) The .357. his Au­thor ouer reached. practised vvith Adalbertus, to depose this godly Emperoure, and promised him by Othe his aide. The reason or cause why Iohn the Pope shoulde hate this moste godlye Emperoure, who had deliuered him out of the handes of Adelbert his ennemie, and wherefore the Deuill shoulde hate God his creatoure, seemeth not to be vnlike. For the Emperoure, as we haue had good experience, vnderstan­deth things pertaining to God, he worketh, he loueth them, he mainteineth with maine and mighte the Ecclesiasticall and Temporall matters, he decketh them with manners, and amendeth them by lawes: but Iohn the Pope is against all these thinges. The Emperoure seeketh by diuerse vvayes to re­concile this Pope, and to bring him from his filthy life, to some honesty, and regarde of his office. VVhan by no persuasions he can vvinne him, he determineth to depose him, and (.358.) The .358. Vntruth. That coū cel vvas not called to depose him. for that purpose, he calleth a Councell of the Bisshoppes of Italie, to the end he may seke the refour­mation, vvhich he mindeth, and savv to be ouermuch nedeful by their aduise.

Pope Iohn, (.359.) The .359. vntruth. He vvas runne avvay before the Synod vvas any thinge tovvard▪ seeing him selfe to be tried by a Synode, runneth a­vvay, vvhen al the people savv their Pope vvas runne avvaye from them, they svvare fidelity to th'Emperor, promising by their Othes, that they vvould neuer hereafter elect or make any Pope vvithout the consent of the Empe­rour. VVithin three daies after, there vvas a great assemblie in S. Peters Church at the requests of the Bisshops and people: In vvhich Councell sate the Emperour, vvith many Archebisshoppes and others: to vvhom the godly [Page] Emperor propoūdeth the cause of their assemble, exhorteth thē to do al thīgs vvith vpright iudgemēt: ād the Bisshops, deacōs, Clergy, ād al the peple make solempne protestation, and obtestat [...]on of their iust and vpright dealing in the cause propounded. And because the chiefe matter touched the Pope that vvas runne avvay: the holy Synode said, if it seme so good to the godly Em­perour, let letters be sent to the Pope, and cyte him to come and purge him selfe. The letters vvere directed in this fourme: Otho by Goddes grace Emperour, with the Archebisshops of Liguria, Tuscia, Saxo­nia, and Fraūce, send greeting in the Lord to Iohn the Pope: VVe comming to Rome for our Seruice to God, and enqui­ring the cause of your absence from your Church, were enfor­med by the Bisshops, Cardinales, Priestes, Deacons, and the whole people, of such shameful doings by you, as we are as­shamed to rehearse: whereof these are parte they charge you with: The .360. vntruth. A part of the sentē ­ce leaft out. Murder, periurie, sacrilege, incest with twaine of your owne sisters: that in your banquetes (which is horrible to be rehearsed) ye drinke wine in the loue of the Deuill: in your plaie at dice, you craue the helpe of Iupiter, Venus, and other Diuels: The .361. vntruth. These vvordes in the middest nipped quite of. To vvhō [...] the electiō of your Bisshop be­longeth. wherefore we pray you to repaier vnto vs your selfe. To this, the Pope vvriteth this ansvvere. I heare saye ye will make an other Pope, which if ye attempte, I excommunicate you all, that ye may haue no licence or power to order any, &c. To this short ansvvere the Emperour, vvith the Synode replieth, telling him that they had vvritten, to let him vnderstand of the crimes vvherevvith he vvas charged, and that he had sent them such an Such si M. Hor­nes an­svvere to M. Feckē ­ham in a great part ansvveare as rather became the folly of a childe, then the grauitie of a Bisshop: as for the povver of bind [...]ng and losing, they say, he ones had as Iudas had, to vvhom it vvas saide: Quaecunque ligaueritis super terram. &c. VVhat so euer ye binde on earth, shalbe bound in Heauen, &c. But novv he hath no more povver against the Emperour and the Synod,The .362. vntruth. Luithprā ­dus she­vveth no such thinge. then Iudas had vvhen he vvent about to betraie Christ his Maister.

These letters vvere sent vnto him by tvvo Cardinalles, vvho returned, not finding him: and therfore the Synode procedeth to his deposition: They beseche the Emperour to remoue Monstrum illud, that Monster, and to place some vvorthy bisshop in his roome. Tune Imperator, placet in­quit, [Page 267] quod dicitis: Your request pleaseth me, saith the Empe­rour (360.). The Clergie and the people (saith Nauclerus) doth make humble supplication vnto the Emperour, to prouide for them a vvorthy Bi­shoppe: to vvhom the Emperour ansvvereth: Choose you your selues one, (361.) whom, hauing God before your eyes, ye may iudge worthie, and I wil confirme him: The Emperour had no sooner spo­ken this (saith Luithprandus) than they all vvith one assent named Leo: The Emperour gaue his consent: Et Ottho Imperator, Leonem creat Pontificem, and Ottho the Emperoure created Leo Pope (as Sabellicus and Platina saith) Here Luithprand, tell [...]th at large, hovve after this creation of Leo, the Emperour (.362.) dissolued the Synode, and vvhat mischiefe the Monstruous Pope Iohn vv [...]ought after­vvard. For by his friends in Rome, Pope Leo vvas driuen avvay. And after this Monster vvas deade, the Romaines elected Benedictus in his place, and requireth the Emperoure vvho vvas than at Spolet, to confirme him: the Emperoure vvoulde not, but compelled them to receiue Leo a­gaine. And heere the Emperoure summoned againe a nevve Synode vvherein he (.363.)The .363. vntruthe pregnant. For nei­ther the Empe­rour de­posed Be­nedictus, but Pope Leo him selfe, nei­ther doth Platina, Nauclere or Sabell: make any mention of Synod called by thempe­rour the­reaboute. Dist. 63. satte him selfe, for the Canonicall deposition of Benedictus. notvvithstanding this, sayth Nauclerus, Leo being vveary of the inconstancy of the Romaines, did constitute by their consent in the Sy­node holden at Rome, that the vvhole authority of chosing the Bishop, shuld remayne in the Emperour, at it is rehearsed in the decrees in these vvordes: Being in the Synode at Rome in the Church of the holy Sa­uiour: lyke as Adrianus Bisshop of Rome graunted to Charles the great, the dignity of patricianship, the ordering of the A­postolical sea, and the inuesturing of Bishops; So I also Leo Bi­shop of Rome, seruaunt of Goddes seruaūtes, with the cōsent of all the Cleargy and people of Rome, doo constitute, con­firme, and corroborate, and by our Apostolicall authority, wee doo graunt and geue vnto the Lorde Ottho, the first King of Dutchmē, and to his successours in this kingdome of Italy for euer, the authoritie to elect after vs, and to ordeine the Bishop of (.364.)The .364. vntruth. Sūmae soe­dis Apostolicae. Of the hi­ghest Apostoli­ke See: leeft out. Rome: and so Archbisshops, and Bisshops, that they receiue of him, as they ought the inuesturing and consecra­tion (.365.) excepting those, whō the Emperour hath graūted [Page] to the popes and Archebisshops: The .365. vntruth. vnde de­bēt: from vvhence it apper­tayneth, left out: And that no man hereafter of what dignitie or Relligiō so euer, haue power to elect one, to the dignitie of Cōsules bloud, or to be bisshop of the (.366.)The .366. vntruth. Sūmae: the highest. lef out agayne. Apostolike See, or to make any other bisshop, without th'Em­perours consent. And if any be chosen bisshop without he be cōmēded, and inuested by the King, that in no wise he be cō ­secrated, vnder paine of excōmunication. As Sabellicus noteth this for a renovvmed matter, that the right of creatinge the Pope, vvas novv restored to the Emperial dignity: euen so Nauclerus affirmeth, this godly Imperour Otho, to be borne in totius Ecclesiae consolationē, for the consolation of the whole Churche.

The .14. Chapter: Of Otho the first, Emperour: Of Iohn the .12. and Leo the .8. Popes of Romae.

Stapleton.

THis declaration runneth all vppon the deposition of the naughtye Pope Iohn the .13. or as moste men call him, the .12. in a synode at Rome the Emperour Otho being then present. But onlesse M. Horne can shewe, that this Emperour toke hym self for supreame head in all cau­ses ecclesiasticall and temporall, and vtterlye renownced all the Popes supreamacye, the case standynge that thys Pope were a most wycked man (which we freelie con­fesse) and most vnworthy of that see, yet is M. Horne farre of from iustifiing the matter. Wherin euē by hys owne au­thor and story, he should haue bene vtterly ouerthrowen, yf he had made therof a true and a faythfull reporte: which ye shall now heare, by vs, and that by hys owne chrono­grapher, so that ye shall haue good cause to be astonied to see the most shamefull and impudente dealing of thys man. First then he begynneth with a notoriouse lie. For neither thys Cardinall, whome Luithprandus calleth Io­hannem, nor the Maister of the rolles, whome he calleth [Page 268] Aronem, Vide Nau­clerū ge­nerat. 33. pag. 89. & sequēt. Summus Pontifex et vniuer­salis papa. Luithprā ­dus lib. 6. rerū per Europam gestarum cap. 6. Naucler. generat. 32. pag. 85 Vide Tri­themium. in scrip. & Chrono­graph. Pantaleo­nis. Luithprā ­di Ticinē ­sis Eccle­siae Leuitae re [...]um ab Europae Impera­tor. gesta­rū histo­riae liber 1. &c. nor the Bishop of Millain and others here na­med were sente to complayne vppon Pope Iohn, to Otho: but sente to hym by Iohn the Pope hym self, which Iohn, hys authour Luithprandus calleth the highe Bishop and the vniuersall Pope, who most humbly beseacheth hym, that he woulde vouchsaufe for the loue of God, and the holye Apostle Petre and Paule, as he would wishe them to for­gyue hym hys synnes, to deliuer hym and the Churche of Rome to hym committed, from the tyrannye of Berenga­rius and Adelbertus. Wheruppon themperour gathered an army and commyng to Italie with all spede, expulsed from the Kyngdome of Italy the sayde tyrants: so, that yt seamed euidente that he was ayded and assisted by the moste holy Apostles Peter and Paule, and (which is to be noted) he was afterward anoynted and crowned Emperour of the sayd Iohn though so vicyous a mā, and swore also obediē ­ce vnto him, as Nauclerus writeth. Farther he did not only restore hym, those thinges wherof he was spoyled, but ho­nored hym also with greate rewards, aswell in golde and siluer, as in precious stones. And he toke an oth of the Pope vpō the most precious body of S. Peter, that he shuld neuer ayde or assist the sayd Berēgarius and Adelbertꝰ. M. Horne here nedelesse enforceth the credit of his author, as then liuing, yea and anaunceth him to be a famous writer and a Deacō Cardinal, wheras he was, as far as my boke sheweth, and as farre as Trithemius, and Pantaleon report of him, no Deacō Cardinal at Rome, but a deacō of the church of Ti­cinū, otherwise called Pauia in Italy: Onlesse perchaūce he was such a Cardinal as the Cardinals are amōg the pety ca­nōs of Poules in Londō. With like truth ye say M. Horne, ij. lines after, that the pope practised with Adelbertus, to depose [Page] the Emperour, but your author speaketh not so much, but onlye that the Pope promised the foresayed Adelbertus to helpe him againste the Emperours power. Affirmans se illū cō ­tra impe­ratoris po­tentiā ad­iuturum. Dict. ca. 6. Then tell ye, in a smaller and distincte letter, truely inough, but altogether confusely, of Iohns doings, writing out of your author, as we haue good experience, but who were that we, ye shewe not, nor to whome the wordes were spoken.

Ye say, that the Emperour called a Councell in Italie to depose him, that your authour sayeth not,M. Horns confuse vvritīg. but that, after three dayes, themperour had bene at Rome, the pope and Adelbertus being fledde from thence, there was a greate assemblie in S. Peters Church, rogantibus tam Romanis epi­scopis quàm plebe, at the desire as well of the Italian bishops as of the people: In the whiche councell were presente be­side the Bishops many noble men. And the Pope ranne not away, bicause of this Councell (as you vntruly reporte) but iij. dayes after that he was fled with Adelbertꝰ, the Coūcel was called: and that not to depose hym, but to call hym to his answere: as appereth by the Emperours owne oration. Who after that Benedictus had rehersed dyuerse of theis horryble owtragies that ye specifie: themperour and the councell sent for hym to purge hym self. In the which let­ters sent by the Emperour ye dissemble many thinges and dismember them,Cap. 9. Quod nos Ecclesiae vestrae vestrique defensores etc. as the tytle of thēperours letters whiche was: Summo Pontifici & vniuersali papae Iohanni Otho. &c. To the highe Bishop ād the vniuersal Pope, our Lord Iohn, Otho, and so forth. And by and by. We asked the cause of your absence, and why ye would not see vs, your, and your Churches defensour. And againe. Oramus itaque paternitatem vestram obnixè venire atque hijs omnibus vos purgare non dissimule­tis. Si forte vim temerariae multitudinis formidatis, iuramento [Page 969] vobis affirmamus nihil fieri praeter Sanctorū Canonum sanctio­nem. We most earnestly pray your fatherhode, that ye do not forslow to come and to purge your selfe. Yf ye feare any violēce of the rude and rashe people, we promise you vpon our Othe, that nothing shal be done contrary to the Decrees of the holye Canons. After this, ye rehearse the Popes short answere, which yet as short as it is, doth won­derfully trouble you, and ye dare not fully recite it. I hea saie (saith this Iohn) ye wil make an other Pope, which if ye attempt, I excōmunicate you all, that ye may haue no licence or power to order any, or to saie Masse.

It is true that ye saie afterwarde, that the Councell de­sired the Emperour, that the said Iohn might be remoued, and that the Emperour so answered. Yet ye leaue out part of his answere. And that is: and that some other might be found who should rule the holy and vniuersall See. Hovv ād in vvhat sorte the Empe­rour had to doo vvith the Popes de­position. Cap. 11. Nei­ther did they desire of the Emperour any thing els, but his assistāce in the remouīg of him. Neither proprely to speak, otherwise then by cōsenting and assisting, did th'Emperour create pope Leo. As appeareth by your author, saying: that al saied with one voice, Leonē nobis in pastorē eligimus, vt sit summus & vniuersalis Papa Romanae ecclesiae. We doe electe Leo to be our pastour, and the high and vniuersall Pope of the Roman Churche, and doe refuse Iohn the renegate for hys wycked behauiour. The wich thinge beinge thryse by all cried owte, he was caried to the palace of Lateran: Annuente imperatore with themperours consente, and thē to S. Peters Church, to be consecrated: and thē they swore they would be faythful, vnto him. And in thys election the people also had theyre consente aswell as the Emperour. And so can ye not make thys election to be a platte forme, [Page] for your elections nowe in Englande.Sperās imperator cū paucis se Romae degere posse, ne consume­retur populus Romanus ob multitudinē exercitus, multis vt redirēt licētiam de­dit. Quumque hoc Iohannes qui deie­tus est, papa cognos­ceret etc.

Your nexte vntruth in this narration is, that ye say, that Luithprandus sheweth, howe the Emperour dissolued the Councell. For he speaketh no worde of the dissoluing of the councell, but that he gaue licence to many of hys souldiers to departe: vppō wich occasion Pope Iohn maketh a new hurly bur­ley. And Benedictus of whome ye speake, that was set vppe in Iohns place, after Iohns death by the Romans was thrust owte and Leo restored againe. The whiche Benedictus was not deposed by thē ­perour,Cap. 11. Nauclere generat. 33. pag. 90. Platina in Bened. 5. & in Leone. 8. Benedictū sanctae et Apostolicae sedis Ro­manae inuasorē om­ni Pontificatus & presbiteratus iure priuamus: ob elaec­mosinam verò Do­mini imperatoris etc. cuius opera in sedē debitam resti­tuti sumus, diacona­tus eum ordinē habere permittimus, & non iam Romae sed in exilium destina­namus. Luithprā. Cap 11. in the coūcel ye speake of: Neyhter did the Emperour sommon any Councell for his deposi­tiō, but only by fine force constrained the Romai­nes to admitte Leo, ād to sweare vnto him, as both Nauclere and Platina do write, of whom you take your matter: But it was the Pope hym self, who gaue sentence against hym, deposed hym and de­priued hym as well from hys vsurped papacie, as from all bishoplie and priestly dignity: yea and ba­nished him also from Rome. Yet at the Emperours request, who effusis lachrymis rogauit Synodū, with teares requested the Synode for some mercye for him: the pope suffred him to remaine in the order of a deacon, but yet to liue in banishment, not at Rome. And this declaration, which ye haue so sly­ly and craftely passed ouer, is a most euident argu­ment against your false assertion in this your boke, yea and sheweth that it is not the Emperour, as ye imagī, but the clergy ād the pope chiefly that hath the supreame authority in the deposing of bishops.

[Page 298]Whereas ye say further, that this Leo with his Synode, gaue to Otho the creation of the Popes,Vide Dist. 63. In Synodo. and the consecra­tion of Archebishops and Bishoppes: you belye the De­cree. For it graunteth not to the Emperour the whole cre­ation, and cōsecration, but only the inuesturing of bishops: ād that the popes electiō shuld not be takē as effectual with out themperours consent. Therefore in the middest of your allegation, you nippe quite of after the worde, Consecrati­on, vnde debent: From whence they ought: whereby is de­clared that as the inuesturing and confirming is graunted to the Emperour, so the Consecration is referred to that order according to whiche before by the Canons it ought to be. And therfore the Decree at the ende saith: If anie be chosen Bisshop of the Clergie and the people, except he be cō ­mended and inuested by the King of Italie, let him not be con­secrated. By which words it is euident, that both the choise and the Consecration or ordering of Bishops and Archebi­shops is reserued to the Clergie and people. But thereto is required the cōmendation, inuesturing, and cōfirmation of the Emperour: whiche, as I haue before shewed at large, impaireth no iote the Popes Primacie, but rather cōfirmeth it: as a thing due to the Emperour rather, by the gifte and confirmation Apostolicall, then otherwise: and due vnto him for order and quietnesse sake, not as any parte of his Princelie power.

M. Horne The .111. Diuision. pag. 70. a.

VVhen this godlyPrince vvas dead, vvhilest his sonne Ottho .2. vvas busied in the vvarres against the Sarazēs: and after him his Son Ottho .3. vvas yet in nonage, the Popes began to vvaxe so euil, and the state of Christes Church to decaie asmuch as euer it did before: So daungerous a mater it is, to vvant godly Princes to gouerne Gods Church, and to ouersee the Ministers therof.

Stapleton.

It is well you call Otho the first a godly prince. For then I trust all that we haue so largely shewed concerning hys obedience to the See of Rome, yea to that Pope Iohn, so naughty a man as (thanked be God) neuer in our remem­brance the like by many partes liued, you will M. Horne allowe for good and godly. Which if you doe, we shall soone be at a point touching this matter betwene you and M. Fekenham: and wil (I hope) recante and subscribe your selfe. M. Iewell perhaps will beare you company. All that you adde of the euil popes in the time of Otho the .2. and in the noneage of Otho .3. is but a slaunderous lye. For as there were in that time some euill popes,Nauclerus generat. 33. so were there also right good, as Donus the .2. and Benedictus .7. who ru­led the Church .8. yeres. And the other were not so badde as M. Horne maketh them, but by the reason of factions were much molested, and traiterously vsed, not for wante of the princes gouernement in causes ecclesiasticall, but for lacke in dede of the Princes Iustice in orders tempo­rall. For to see external Iustice ministred is a matter tem­porall, not ecclesiasticall. Which for the reasons by M. Horne alleaged ceased in dede for a time in Italy, the Em­perours being allwaies in maner absent. So necessary it was to reduce that Coūtrie to seueral Signories, as it now liueth in, and hath these many yeares in great quiet liued.

M. Horne The .112. Diuision. pag. 70. b.

About this time Hugh Capet the French king, looked better to his Cler­gy in Fraūce, and callinge a Coūcel at Rhemes of all the Prelates of Fraūce, (.367.)The 367. vntruth. The king deposed him not, but the Councel: and Ar­nulphus was restored by the Pope: and Gil­bert deposed agayne. deposed Arnulphus, vvhome Charles had made Bishop there, and made Gilbert the Philosopher Bishoppe, vvhom aftervvards Otto .3. made Archebishoppe of Rauenna. After Hugh, Robert his sonne succeded, a Prince very vvel learned, and a diligent labourer about diuine or Churche matters, whiche is the propre parte of a righte king, [Page 271] saithe Sabellicus. VVhen Ottho .3. (surnamed for his excellent vertues in that (.368.)The .368. vntruth. Slaunde­rous to that age. vitious age, Mirabilia mundi, the maruailes of the worlde) herde of the great misorder in Rome, for the reformation therof he came into Italy: but or euer he entred into Rome, Pope Iohn .17. died, and there fel no contention (saith Nauclerus) in the Popes Election, bicause the Prince (.369.)The .369. vntruth. False trā ­slation. Iussit obtinuitque. He com­maunded and ob­tayned that his kynsman shulde be named Pope. Platina appointed by his commaundement, Bruno to be pronunced Pope, who was called Gregory .5. So soone as the Emperour departed from Italy, the Romaines thrust out Gre­gory, and placed one Placentinus, vvhom they call Iohn .18. The Empe­rour hearing hereof, came to Rome, hāged vp the Consul, and put out Iohns eyes, and restored Gregory into his sea againe. I maruail that the histo­riās (saith Platina) do rekē this Iohn amōgest the popes, which vndoubtedly was in his Papacy a theef, ād a robber, for he en­tred not in by the dore, as of right he should haue don. For he came in by a factiō, corrupting with mony ād large gifts Cres­cētius the Cōsul, a most couetous wretch, ād no lesse ābitious. VVherby, the sharpe iudgemēt of the Emperour, is declared to be but vpright iustice. So (370)The .370. vntruth. This so that folo­weth not, as it shall appeare. that Platina makīg Gregory to be the true Pope, ād to haue entred in by the dore, of vvhom he saith. Ottonis .3. authoritate pōtifex creatur, he is created Pope by thēmperors autority, and declaring the other that cam in vvithout thēmperors cōsent to be a theef and a robber: semeth to be of this opiniō (although to (.371.)The .371. Vntruth: Platina vvas no flatterer, but a free vvriter. flatter the Popes vvithall, he durst not so plainly open his minde) that vvithout the Pope he creat vvith the Emperours confirmation and authority, he is but a thefe and a robber.

Ne [...]t vnto him, saith Nauclerus, vvas Syluester the second placed, by the Emperours appointment. (.372.)The .372. Vntruth. False trā ­slation. Ex Imperatoris sen­tentia, According to the Emperours vvill. Vvho being a (.373.)The .373. Vntruth. Slanderous. Syluester vvas no Coniurer. Con­iurer, had solde his soule to the Diuel for this promotion. Neuerthelesse he vvas, saith he, so vvittie, so learned, and semed so holy, that he not onely deceiued th' Emperor that made hī Pope, but al the vvorld besides. In vvhich Otho the Emperor remaining at Rome, did deliberate after vvhat sort, ād by vvhat meanes he might reforme, not onely the Empire, but also hāde­ling (.374.)The .374. vntruth, Ecclesiastical maters, Naucl. nameth not: Ecclesiastical matters how he might reforme the Lawes of the Church, and bring thē into the auncient estate. Suche vvas the careful trauel of the Godly Princes▪ in gouerning not onely in Temporall, but also in Ecclesiasticall thinges and causes.

[Page]Benedictus the ninth, solde the Papacy to Gregorye the sixt. Syl­uester the thirde, thrust in amongest them by frendship and briberye. To this case was the Papacy brought now (saith Platina) that onely he that was most mighty in ambition and bribery, ob­teined this dignitie: there was no roume for good men. Hen­ricus the thyrd, surnamed Pius, came to Rome to thrust out these three monsters, saith, Sabellicus, and to bring this to passe in better order, he calleth a Synod, vvherein he (.375.)The .375. vntruth. Sabelli­cus falsi­fied, as shall ap­peare. deposeth these three monstrous beastes, and dooth create Clement the second. The vvhiche doon, he sweareth the Romaines, that they shall neuer after be present at the electiō of any Pope, onles they be (.376.)The .376. vntruth., Sabellicus saith not so. compelled thereunto by the Emperour. But after the Emperours departure from the citie: Stephan perceiuing the people to grudge somvvhat at Clementes election, despatched him out of the vvay vvith a medicine for a Pope. Venenum illi miscuit, he poisoned him (saith Sabellicus,) and immediatlye after his death, entruded him self into the Papacy, without consent, either of the Emperour, people or priest, ād called him self Da­masus .2. But vvithin a vvhile he died also. In the meanetime the Romai­nes sent to the Emperour, besechinge him to appointe them some good man to be their Bishop. vvho made Bauno Pope, and vvas named Leo .9.

The .15. Chapter. of Hugh Capet the Frenche King: Otho. 3. Emperour: and of Gregorie .5. and Siluester .2. Popes.

Stapleton.

AMong all other Popes M. Horne, you could not al­leage any worse to your purpose,Plat. in Greg. 5. Volat. lib. 22. An­throp. then this Gregorie the .5. For if we shall beleue Platina, Sabellicus, Vola­terane, Carion and the other cōmon writers: it is this Gre­gorie that instituted the .7. Electours in Germanie, and the whole order and direction, with his Othe also, to the Pope.

[Page 280]As touching Arnulphus the Bishop of Rhemes depo­sed by a Councel there called (as you say) by Hugh Ca­pet the French King, and Gilbert put in his place,Naucl. generat. 34. pag. 96. it is true you saie: but you tell not all. For afterwardes (as Nau­clerus reporteth) because Arnulphus coulde not be depo­sed, without the authoritie of the bisshop of Rome, M. Gil­bert was deposed againe, and Arnulphus restored. Where­vpon Gilbert fled to Otho, and was in a certaine time after made Bisshop of Rauēna. This is the whole story M. Horn, and this declareth the Popes authoritie, aboue youre Su­preme Gouernour, Hugh Capet the French King.Nauclerus Ibidem.

Where you adde, that King Robert sonne to Hugh Ca­pet, was a diligent labourer about Diuine or Church matters, if you had told forth, wherin, as your Author doth, saying: Composuit enim multas prosas & hymnos. For he made manie proses and hymnes, to be song in the Churche, your tale had bene to small purpose: excepte to make songs for the Church, do proue a man Supreme Gouernour in al Church causes or things. And then you haue more supreme gouer­nours then one▪ not onely in England, but in London, yea and in the Court too, I trowe. Of Iohn the .18. and Grego­rie the .5. we shal say more anon.

But nowe whether Syluester the .2. were a coniurer or no, to your mater it maketh neuer a whit, and there is more to be said to the contrary, whiche neadelesse we nede not now to allege, then ye shal perchaunce,M. Horn [...] incōstant or igno­dealing touching Syluester the .2. this whole twelue moneths wel answere vnto. But I woulde now faine aske you M. Horne, who is this Siluester? What was his name before I pray you? Forsoth, gentle Reader, this Siluester is he, by whose electiō to be B. of Rhemes, M. Horne in the last page, would proue the Frēch king to be Supreme head [Page] of the Church: And then to set foorth the Kings Suprema­cie, he was Gilbert the Philosopher, and nowe for to de­presse the Popes Supremacie, being made Pope him selfe, by M. Hornes charme, is turned from a Philosopher to a Coniurer. But to leaue al other coniectures, and especial­lie that it is not likely, that he solde as ye say, his soule to the Deuill for that promotion: seing, that by the report of your own Author Sabellicus, it is said that he instructed in lear­ning not only the French king, but the Emperour also, and therfore was in some great likelihode of preferment, with­out any Magical arte to be practised for the same, I say that your selfe vnwarely haue aunswered your selfe, in calling him a Philosopher. For being so verye fewe in the West part in those daies skilful in Philosophie and in the Mathe­maticalles,Siluester vvas no cōiurer. Theodori­chus de Nyem in lib de pri­uileg. & Iurib. Im­perij. In volum. de imper. et eccles. po­test. pag. 832. impr. Basil. An. 1566. if anye were suche, the common people tooke him by and by, for a Nigromancer and a coniurer. And Theodorichus de Nyem, an Author by your selfe alle­gead (Page .83. a) witnesseth the same, saying that this Syl­uester was cunning in liberal Sciences, and a noble Philosopher and Mathematical. I haue seene (saith he) certaine of his bookes most suttill in Philosophie. And for his suche excellent learning, multi Romani ipsum odio habebant, dicētes, quòd Ma­gus esset, nec non magicam artem exerceret. Many of the Romaines hated him, saying that he was a Coniurer and vsed witchcraft. Vpon such vaine rumours you also cal him a Coniurer M. Horne, vttering therein as much good skil, as you doe good will.

But how so euer it be, ye should not by your supreme au­thority, yet to the bewraying either of your notable vn­skilfulnesse (as not knowing the saied Sluyester, to be the partye yee speake of immediatlye before) or of youre [Page 273] notable peruersitie and yll dealing, so sodenly haue turned him from a philosopher into a coniurer.Dist. 63. Tibi Do­mino Io­hanni pa­pae, ego rex Otho &c. In Romae nullū pla­citū aut ordinationē faciam de omnibus quae ad te, aut ad Romanos pertinent sine tuo consi­lio, et quicquid deterra S. Petri ad nostrā potestatē peruenerit tibi red­dam, & cuicunque &c. Wherein yet if ye will stryue and wrangle, to proue, that for all this gyfte, Otho acknowledged the popes supreame authoritye, I re­mitte yowe M. Horne, and your reader, to the verie sayde distinction your self alleage. Where ye shall fynd, that this Otho or his grandfather, Otho the firste, did by the vsuall othe of themperours euer sythens geuen, agnise the pope for the supreame head of the Church. So your owne story playnely and fullie opened, geueth againste yowe a playne and a full testimonie also, aswell of your moste vnhoneste and false dealinge in the handlinge of this storie, as of your most false, and yet most accustomable assertion, that the su­premacie of all causes ecclesiasticall remayned in thempe­rous and not in the popes. And as for Syluester him selfe, howe he repented at the ende, and what a miraculous to­ken God gaue of his good state, after his deathe, the lerned Reader may see in Gen. 34. Naucler Aen. 9. lib. 2. Sabell. and In Syl. Artic. 4. pag. 114. Naucl. gener. 33. Arnulphū Rhemorū Pontificē synodo episcoporū habita ab vrbe deiectū, in vincula coniecit. Rhemis Gilbertū Philosophū posuit episcopum: Romani tamen ponti­ficis edicto, Arnulphus, reuocato Gilberto restitutus est, &c. Platina, as I haue otherwhere touched it against M. Iewell.

You reherse here yet a nomber of popes in the creation or deposition of whome, themperour semed to haue some­what to doe. But altogether as we haue often shewed, impertinently and otherwise lyingly, and againste your self also directly browght in. And to begin M. Horn euen with your first example of Arnulphus, I pray you, where fynde yowe in your authour that the kinge deposed him? Your authour sayeth no suche matter, but that, the kinge did cast him in pryson, beinge firste deposed by a synode of bi­shops. Yet he made ye will say, Gilberte the philosopher [Page] bisshop for him: and afterward Otho the .3. made him arch­bishop of Rauēna. Ye might haue added ād pope to, as your authour doth, if ye had meant to deale playnly, ād especial­ly that the said Gilbertꝰ by pope Iohns authority, was thrust out, ād Arnulphus restored agayne (as you heard before).

Ye doe nowe partly (as before) bely Platina, and partly gheasse blindly, as thowghe Platina durst not (to flatter the popes withal) playnly opē his mynd: ād as thowgh he shuld be of this mynd,Platina in Ioh. 18. Cresceniij Romani cōsulis po­tētia fretꝰ quē pecu­nia corru­pissecredi­tum est: et mox. Mi­ror ergo historicos Ioannē ipsū inter pōti­fices numerasse, cùm viuēte ad huc pōtifi­ce Grego­rio sedem occupasset. that he that cōmeth into the papacy with­out thēperours cōsent is but a theef, and a robber. Which is as true as before ye made him therfore a traytour. For Pla­tina geueth forth no such mening. But sheweth two causes why this Iohn came not in by the dore. The one, that he came in by bryberie. The other, that he vsurped the see beīg not as yet vacāt, Gregory whome ye write of, as yet lyuīg, ād beīg the lawful pope chosen by the voice of the clergy, and by the cōsent of thēperor, and all the people of Rome.

After al this ye say, that Hērie the .3. deposed thre popes (whom you cal thre mōstrous bestes, of such a beastly sprite you are) ād yet you lie in so sayīg. For thēperor by supreme Authorite deposed none. But only for quyetnes sake (as Sa­bel. writeth) coegit se dignitate abdicare. Forced thē al to de­pose thē selues. which by force no maruail if he did. But by right neither he nor any mā liuing could haue deposed any pope. They may be induced either by reason or by force to depose thē selues. Farder you say, this Emperour sware the Romās that they should neuer be present at the popes ele­ctiō, onlesse they were compelled by thēperor. It had bene wel done if ye had told vs who writeth so, and withal, by what warrāt thēperour could exclud the people frō their cōsent which hitherto they gaue in the chosing of the popes. Sa­bellicus [Page 274] your Author, writeth of no such cōpulsiō. But that they should not so doe, without his permissiō,Sabel. Ae­ne. 9. li. 2. ād the reason he addeh. Vt dignitas maneret illi inoffensa, caueretur (que) in po­sterum pontificibus. that pope Clement thē chosen might cō ­tinewe quietly, and that also for the quiet of other popes to come he might prouide. Al which he did as a godly defen­dour, not as a Supreme Gouernor of the Church. Now if a mā would stād with you altogether ād say ye belie Stepha­nus, ād certain other popes, of such as ye haue here named,Vide Her­mannum cōtractum in chroni­cis. Lambert. Schasnab. in histor. Germa. Othonem Frising. li. 6. cap. 33. I think he should not say farre frō the truth. But yet because ye haue some authors on your side, I wil not greatly charge your for this matter. You tel vs in thend of this processe, that the Emperour made Bauno pope, ād was named Leo .9. But I tel you nowe. M. Horn, that the Emperors making was after vnmade, ād this Bauno made pope by the Clergy in Rome. For where as this Bauno chosen first of thempe­rour, came out of Germany to Rome, al in his Pontificalibus as alredy pope, Hugo that famouse ād lerned Abbat of Clu­niacū, ād Hildebrād (who after was pope Gregory .7.) met him in the way ād shewed him: that thēperor had no right to choose the pope, that the same right belonged to the Clergy and City of Rome, that he should lay down his bishoply attyre, Sabell. Aened. 9. lib. 2. Naucler. gener. 35. pag 120. Platina in Leo .9. come to Rome as a priuate man, and then if he were thought mete, by the lawfull consent of the clergie and city, to be chosen. Their counsell he folowed, openly detestinge his former rashnes, that at the Emperours only choyse he had taken vpon him that highe office. Thus afterwarde in Rome he was lawful­ly chosen, there he was made pope, and named Leo .9. not by the Emperour only, as M. Horne only telleth. And this al historians in maner do witnesse.

M. Horne. The .113. Diuision. Fol. 71. b.

After this Leo, vvhom Hildebrand ridde out of the vvay, saith Benno Cardinalis, vvas Victor the seconde made Pope, by the Emperours authority or priuilege. Shortly after, this Godly Emperour died being greatly praised,Platina Ab. Vrspu. and surnamed, Pius Henricus, for his dealing in the refor­mation of Church matters. This Emperour had called tvvo Councels, the one at Cōstance, vvherein he vvas himself present, and after that another at Moguntia, vvherein both the Emperour and the Pope, sat in Synod. This Pope saith Nauclerns, came into Germany about the Church matters, and orde­red al things therein (saith Abbas Vrspur.) by the aduise and coun­saile of themperor and other seculer Princes, and the bishops. And as this Emperour had yet this interest in the Councel [...], and in the crea­tiō of the Pope himself, so had he the placing and displacing, allovving ād dis­allovving, in other spiritual promotions, as at large appeareth in Naucler. Stephē .9. vvas chosen Pope after that Victor had dronken of (.377.) The .377. vntruth. Slaunderous: Sabell [...]c. Hilde­brands cup. But this Sthphen liued not long: for saith Benno If any other than Hildebrand were chosen Pope, Gerardus Brazutus, Hil­debrands familiar friend would soone dispatche hī out of the way with poyson. Alexander .2. vvas chosen vvithout thēperors authority or knovvledge, vvith vvhose electiō the vvhole Clergy of Lōbardy vvas much offended, and refused to ovve vnto hī any obediēce, beseching thēperor that he vvould geue them licēce to chose one of their ovvn: persuading him (378)The 378. vntruth. they adde By the lavv of Nicolas the last po­pe before: vvhich you vn­truly haue left out that there ought none to be elect without the cōsent of the king of Italy. After thei had licēce, thei chose Cadolus the bishop of Parma, vvhō al the Clergy of Lōbardy obeyed as their lauful Pope. The Cardinals (saith Bēno) knowing wel Hildebrāds ambitiō, did win with much sute thēperors fauour and aide to their new elected Pope Ca­dolꝰ: the which did so depely perce the ha [...]t of Hildebrād, that he becam a deadly enemy to thēperor for euer after cōtrary to the faithful duty that he had sworn vnto hī. Hard hold there vvas betvvixt these tvvo (.379.) The .379. vntruth. For one of them vvas not pope. Popes so vvel vvith strokes as vvith vvoords: they both gathered great armies, and vvith their armies came into the fielde in their ovvn persones, and fought tvvo cruel and bloudy battailes, and so ruled the (380) The .380. vntruth. Slaunde­rous a­gainst the vvhole Church of that age. Schismatical Church vvith Paules (vvorde, Peters keyes, being fast locked frō thē both in Christes Churche: til thēperor sent Otto the Archebis­shop [Page 275] of Collein, geuing him ful authority, as he should see cause, to set in or­der the Church matters. VVhā Otto came to Rome vvith this large com­mission, he did sharpely reproue Alexander at the first,Platina. Because he had takē vpō him the Papacy without thēperours cōmaundement, and cōtrary to that order, which the Law it self, and the longe custome also hath prescribed. VVhose vvords Nauclerus telleth thus: How cōmeth this to passe (saith he) my brother Alexander, that cōtrary to the maner of old time hitherto obserued, and agaīst the law prescribed to the Romain bishops many yeares agoe, thou hast takē vpō thee the Romain Papacy without the com­maundemēt of the King, and my Lord Hēry: and so beginning frō Charles the great, he nameth many Princes, by vvhose authority the Popes vvere either chosen, cōfirmed, or had their electiō ratified: and vvhan Le vvas going forvvard in his oratiō, Hildebrand Tharchdeacō taketh the tale (.381.) The .381. vntruthe Slaunde­rous, as shal ap­peare. out of his mouth, saying in great heat: O Archbisshop Otto, themperors and Kings, had neuer any right at al, or rule in the electiō of the Romain Bis­shops. Tharchbisshop gaue place to Maister Archedeacō (.382.) The: 382. vntruth. For much more was sayed, b [...] ­fore he gaue place. by and by: For Hildebrand knevv vvel inough, saith (.383.)The .383. vntruth. Sabell. falsified, as shal ap­peare. Sabellicus Sabellicus, that Otto vvould relent easely, and agree vvith him. In such sort also haue other godly Princes been (.384.) The .384. vntruth. mere slaū derous. beguyled, trusting ouer much popish Prelats vvith their embas­sages. VVihin a vvhile after vvhan thēperour heard of these doinges, he sent streight to Pope Alexander, to gather together the Prelats, promising that he hīself vvould come to the councel to (.385.) The .385. vntruth. Sabellicus falsified, as shal ap­peare. set an order in the Church matters, that al things might be don in his own presence, vvho vsed Alexander very gētly and friēdly vvhervvith the Pope aftervvards vvas so moued, and savv hovv he hīself had bē abused by Hildebrāds instigatiōs a­gainst so gētle a Prīce, that he vvas greatly sory, that he had attēpted to be pope vvithout his assent. VVherupō saith Bēno, whā Alexāder vnderstode, that he was elected ād ēstalled by fraude ād craft of Hildebrād, ād other thēperors enemies, in his sermō to the people, he plaī ­ly declared, that he would not sit in the Apostolik sea, without the licence and fauour of thēperour: and further said openlye in the pulpit, that he would sende foorthwith, his letters vnto the Emperour for this purpose, so greatly he repented him of his vsurpation without the Emperours authority.

[Page] Hildebrande, vvho had long avvayted and (.386.)The .386. vntruth. mere slaū ­derous. practised to be Pope, impacient of any longer tariaunce, immediatly after the death of Alexan­der, gatte to be made Pope, and vvas called Gregory the seuenth, of vvhose e­lectiō Abbas Vrspurgens. saith▪ next to Alexander succeded Hildebrande, vnder whome the Romain common weale and the whole Church, was endaungered and brought in a great perill with newe errours and schismes, such as haue not been heard of: who climbed vp to this high dignity without the consent of the Prince, and therefore there be that affirme him to haue v­surped the Papacy, by tyranny, and not Canonically instituted, for which cause also many did refuse him to be Pope. In this election, Hildebrande (.387.)The .387. vntruth. The cler­gy of Rome, not he, made all the haste. made poste haste, for feare [...]e had come shorte of his purpose. In so much that Nauclerus saith, before the exequies of Alex­ander vvere finished, the Cleargy and people that came to the buriall, cried out, that S. Peter had chosen Maister Archedeacon Hildebrande to be Pope, vvhereupon the Cardinalles vvent a side and elected Hildebrande. But Ben­no, vvho vvas a Cardinall at Rome the same tyme, A lewde lying tale cōtrary to al other vvriters Sabel. Platina, Nau­clere, Ma­rianꝰ, An­selmus ād other. saith, that the selfe same euening and hovver, vvhen Alexander died, Hildebrande vvas enstal­led by his souldiours, vvithout the assent of either Priest or people: fearing lest delay vvoulde breede peril: to vvhose election not one of the Cardinales did subscribe: in so much that Hildebrande said to an Abbot, that came short to the election, brother Abbot yee haue taried ouer longe: to vvhome the Abbot ansvvered, ād thou Hildebrād hast made ouer much hast, in that thou hast v­surped the Apostolik sea agaīst the Canōs, thy Maister the Pope being not yet buried. By vvhich post hast, īportune clamours, and violēt electiō, it is easie to see, hovv Platina and those that follovv him, do no lesse (388) The .388. vntruth. slaunde­rous in preferrīg the cōde­ned fable of one mā before all approued histories. lie than flatter in praysing this Pope, ād settīg foorth so comely a form of his electiō. Nauel. protesteth and promiseth in the tellīg of this Popes life to kepe an indifferēcy and fidelity, in the report of the Chronicles: and first reporteth the state of the Church vnder this Pope vvord for vvord as I haue rehersed out of Abbas V [...]spurg. (.389.)The .389. vntruth. in cōcea­ling: For straight N [...]uclere addeth. Other and in maner al vvriter [...] report the plaine cō ­trary [...]. Naucl [...]r. and to declare his further vprightnes in the matter, he telleth vvhat he founde vvriten in a fine stile amongest the Saxon histories: that the Bisshops of Fraunce moued the Prince not to suffer this election, vvhich vvas made vvithout his consent, for if he did, it might vvorke to him muche and greuous daungier: the Prince perceiuing this suggestion to [Page 276] be true, sent immediatly his Embassadours to Rome, to demaunde the cause vvherefore they presumed vvithout the Kinges licence, against the custome of their auncestours, to ordeine a Pope: and further to commaunde the nevve e­lected Pope, to forsake that dignity vnlaufully come by, onlesse they vvoulde make a reasonable satisfaction. These Embassadours vvere honorably recei­ued, and vvhen they had declared their message, the Pope himselfe, maketh them this ansvvere: He taketh God to witnesse, that he neuer co­ueted this high dignity, but that he was chosen, ād thrust vio­lently thereunto by the Romaines, who would not suffer him in any wise to refuse it: notwithstanding they coulde by no meanes perswade him, to take the Papacy vpō him, ād to be cō secrate Pope, till he were surely certified, that both the Kinge and also the Princes of Germany, had geuen their assente. VVhē the King vvas certified of this ansvveare, he vvas contente and vvillingly gaue commaundement, that he should be ordered Pope. He also reciteth out of Blondus, and other vvriters, That the Kinge gaue his consente vnto the Popes election, sending the Bisshop of Verselles, the Chauncellour of Italy, to confirme the election by his autho­rity, as the maner had bene, the which thing also, Platina (saith he) seemeth to affirme.

Aftervvardes the Emperour called a (.390.) The .390. vntruth. It vvas no Coun­cel, but a schismati­cal con­uenticle. Auētinus. Councell, vvhich he helde (as Sabellicus saith) at VVormes, vvhereat vvere al the Bisshops of Fraūce and Germany, excepte the Saxons. The Churchmen of Rome sent their epist­les, vvith greuous complaints against Hildebrand vnto this Councel: In quibus Hildebrandum ambitus & periurij accersunt, eundem­que plaera (que) auarè, superbe (que) facere, conqueruntur: hoc (que) reie­cto, alium pastorem postulant: VVherein they accuse Hilde­brande, of ambition and periury, complainning that he dothe manye thinges proudly and couetouslye, and therefore desire, that he may be deposed, and an other pastour appoincted thē.

The (.391.) The .391. vntruth. Ridicu­lous. Fathers in this Councell make a Decree for to depose Hilde­brande, reciting therein many his greuous and horrible crymes, that moued them therto: And not only the Bisshops of Germany and Fraūce, but also the Bisshoppes of Italy, assembled togeather at Tici­num, a citie in Lombardy nowe called Pauia, did subscribe this [Page] Decree. This Synode beynge thus finished, the Emperour (saith Auenti­nus) vvrote tvvo letters, the one to Hildebrand, the other to the people and priestes of Rome, vvherein he commaundeth Hildebrande, accordinge to the Decree of the Councell, to retourne to his priuate life and estate▪ and the Romaines to forsake Hildebrande, and to choose to them selues a Pastor, accordinge to the manner of their auncestours. VVho so listeth to reade these Epistles, and the seditious (.392.)The 392. vntruth. Rayling. traiterous, and tragicall feates and pra­ctises of the Pope against the Emperour, bothe before, and especially after this Decree, he may see them in Orth winus Gratius, in Nauclerus, Auē ­tinus, Sabellicus, and Platina.

The .16. Chapter. Of Henry the .4. and of Gregory .7. other­wised called Hildebrande, Pope.

Stapleton.

A man might make a shorte and a true answere withal, to all thys long tale, and say that it is altogether ex­trauagante, and impertinente or rather directly con­cluding for the Popes Primacie. For thowghe Henrie the fowrth, woulde not acknowledge Hildebrande, as pope, yet he acknowledged an other, whom him self had set vp, yea and the sayd Hildebrande to at the lengthe to be the supreame head of Christes Church: as we shall anon de­clare. So that nowe we might passe ouer, al these heynous accusations againste this pope called Gregorie the .7. as out of your matter, sauinge that I thinke good to geue notice to the reader, that yet neuerthelesse ye shall neuer be able to iustifie them, as surmised and fayned by your authour Benno and other his enimies,Marianus Scotus saying of Hilde­brande. whom he had iustly excōmu­nicated ād deposed for their naughtines, vpholdē ād mayn­teyned by Hēry thēperor being him self also iustly excōmu­nicated. Marianus Scotus lyuing about the same time, saith, [Page 277] that this Gregory, was accused of Hēries fautours of many false crymes, and maketh the councells kepte against him no better, then a conspiracie against God and his vicar,Lib. 3. aeta te. 6. Conspirantes cōuenerāt in vnū aduersus Dominum & aduer­sus vica­riū eius papā Grego­rium. VVilliam of Mal­mes bu­ries sayīg of the same. Hildebrād had the gifte of prophecy Lib. 3. de hist. An­glicana. Hilde­brand ta­kē for the true pope by the godlie ād Learned bishop Anselmus Vide epist. Anselmi apud Ab­batem. po­pe Gregory. Owre country man william of Malmesburie sayeth, that he had the spryte of prophecie, and telleth as a certayne and sure veritie, by relation of hym that heard yt out of the mowthe of the famouse Abbat of Cluniacum, called Hugo, that this Hildebrand being but yet archdea­con and the Popes Legate in Fraunce, hauing a bisshop be­fore him whome he did wonderfully suspecte for symonie committed, but yet not conuinced by sufficiente proufe, commaunded him to pronounce for his purgation: Gloria patri; & filio, & spiritui sancto. The bisshop pronounced rowndlie, Gloria patri & filio. But for his lyfe he could not then, nor all his lyfe after, pronounce spiritui sancto. This Hugo reported further, that Hildebrand foretolde hym of a great plague and pestilence ere yt came: and told hym al­so of certayne of his pryuie thoughts. It pleaseth yowe to make Platina but a lier and a flatterer, for that he taketh this Gregory to be the true pope, and to haue bene most wrōg­fully thrust out by the Emperour. Ye seame rather to en­cline to Abbas Vrspergensis and Nauclerus, who bothe yet make against you. For you shal fynd in Abbas that Ansel­mus bishop of Luca a man as he writeth, of an excellent eloquence, wytte, and Learning, and by whom God wrought miracles, aswel in his lyfe tyme, as afterward, did euer ack­nowledg hī for the true pope, ād the other suborned by the Emperor, to be but an vsurper. And so he wrote to the fal­se pope in playne words. What say you thē to your own author Nauclerus, that, as ye say, protesteth and promiseth in telling this popes lyfe to kepe an indifferēcy and a fidelity in the [Page] report of the chronicles? Opera Sigeberti Ar­chiepiscopi Mogunt. VVormaciae cōuentus indicitur. In conuētū eum & Hugo Car­dinalis venit, tragoe­diā quandam apud prīcipes de scelesta papae vita cōmentus fal­sò protulit. Naucler. gener. 36. The crymes layde to Hildebrand were falsely layde to hī, by the confession of M. Hornes own author vvhom he maketh to be indif­ferente. Gener. 37. Abbas Vrspergens. Guiliel. Malmesb. li. 3. de hist. Anglicae. Blondus. Naucler. Gener. 36. Pope Hilbrand purgeth him self by re­ceiuing the blessed Sacrament. Doth not he condemne as feined and false forged lies, such thīgs as ye here al­leage? doth he not, though he saieth Sigebertus and some other write to the cōtrary, say that the doings of this Gregory were honest, and proceded from a zelouse faith? The like say I of your Coūcels holdē in Italy. Whose folly and falshod euidently bursted out aswel otherwise, as in calling this Gregory the disciple of Berēgariꝰ: ād one that browght in doubt the Catholike and apostolical faith, of the body and bloud of Christ. This was a most notoriouse lye: for Hildebrādus beīg as yet but archedeacō, and not­withstāding the Popes Legat, as I haue said, in Frāce brought this Berēgariꝰ to a recātatiō: first at Towers in Fraūce, and afterward at Rome also, hīself being thē pope. Yea hīsef, thēperor being present, after he had said Masse, taking the body of Christe into his hād, said to thēperor. Sir I haue benaccused of you and your adherēts of diuerse crymes, wherof yf I be gylty, I pray God, after I haue receiued his body (which I en­tēde presently to receaue for my purgatiō) to streke me with sodayne death. Vpopn this this pope receaued part of the holy hoste, and woulde that themperor should haue done the like for his purgation, but he refused so to doe. And nowe take heade to your self and to your fellowes M. Horne, least by your owne Councell of Pauia, one of the moste greauouse and moste horrible crymes, falslye layde to Pope Gregory, be not most truely layde to you, and your adherents being the very true disci­ple of the heretike Berēgarius and mē that bring in doubte, yea that accurse and condemne the Catholik and Aposto­lical [Page 278] faith. Whose condemnation made by Pope Gregory, with his decree that he made against your cōcubines, doth I trow much more greue you, then doth this matter of thē ­perour,A conie­cture vvhie M. Horne is so much offended vvith Hildebrand. or any wronge ye pretende, by this Pope, to haue bene done to him.

Nowe is your cloked dissimulation also in the handling of this story to be considered, that dare not open the very cause of all this dissentiō betwene the pope ād thēperor, and the euente thereof. Which dissention rose, for that them­perour woulde not remoue such symoniacall Bisshoppes,The cause of the dis­sention betvvene thempe­ror and pope Hildebrand. Naucler, gener. 36. as he kepte aboute him, being excommunicated by Alex­ander the .2. Gregories predecessour. And that him self woulde not forbeare to sell bisshopriks and other spirituall lyuings. Whereof Gregory, as sone as euer he was elected, admonished him, saying: that being confirmed by themperour he would in no wise suffer and beare with his doīgs: and ther­fore willed him, either to procure that some other man shoulde be made Pope, or to amende those things, that were amisse. This notwithstandinge, the Emperour did confirme him: but beinge afterwarde seduced, by such as Gregorie had ex­communicated and deposed, and irritated by the Popes letters, being therein commaūded to purge him self of such crymes as he was charged withal, conspired againste him, with his adherente bisshoppes assembled (as ye write) at Wormes: and declared him to be no Pope. The Pope agayne accurseth all that wycked conuenticle with the Emperour, and deposeth him from his imperiall dignitye: discharging all his subiectes of al such loyalty as they owed by othe vnto him. Afterwarde also this Pope excommuni­cated the Emperour and al his adherentes. The same yere (saith Nauclerus) the Princes and the greater parte of the [Page] people, beganne to alienat their minds from him: By reason whereof a great dyet was kept of the Allemayn Princes at Openham.Naucler. gener. 36. pag. 135. At the whiche themperour was forced by the princes of Germanie (which sayd yf he wente not, and re­conciled him self to the pope, they would exequute the Popes sentence againste hym) to take his iorneye to the Po­pe, and commynge to Canossom where the Pope was, he put of all his royall attiermente, and bare foted three dayes together, in a colde and harde sharpe wynter moste humblie craued pardon of the Pope: and at the length was by the pope, from the sentence of excommunication vp­pon certayne conditions absolued. Whiche conditions beinge by hym broken, beganne as hotte a sturre as euer was before: So farre forthe that thys Gregorie was forced to flie from Rome,A iuste iudgemēt of God againste Henrye the .4. Henry the 4. appe­leth to the pope. Rom. pon­tificē, san­ctam & [...]niuersa­lē sedē Romanam appellamus. In literis ad Henri­cum filiū. for feare of hys powre, to Salernum, where shortly after he died.

Nowe good reader will ye see the iuste iudgemente of God: and therein withall a full answeare to Maister Hornes impertinent processe? After Gregories deathe, thys Emperour was taken prisoner of hys owne sonne, and forced to resigne and geue ouer all his royall and im­periall dignitye, whiche rebelled againste hym, as he re­belled againste hys spirituall father pope Gregorie. And as faste as he wrote letters before to depose Hildebrande (as ye write) wherein neuer the lesse he refused not abso­lutly the pope, but Hildebrāde (whō he toke not for pope) which thīg I desire the Reader diligently to note, so being in this distresse in his letters aswel to his son Henry (which was Hēry the 5.) as in his letters to the bishops and nobility of Germany (which letters ye deaply dissemble) he appea­leth to the pope, ād to the holy ād vniuersal see of Rome.

[Page 279]Goe on nowe M. Horne, and tel vs hardlie,Rogamus vos per authori­tatē Ro. ecclesiae, cui nos cō ­mittimus & honorē regni ne &c. Apud quē si in­terpellatio vestra, nulla (que) alia interuētio ad presens prodesse peterit, appellamus R. p. & sanctā vniuersalem R. sedē & ecclesiam. In literis ad episco­pos et prī ­cipes. and lie one as faste as ye wil vppon this Hildebrandus: that he poyso­ned: first Leo the .9. then Victor the .2. and after him Ste­nen the .9. But suerlye either ye are a great lier, or Hil­debrande was not his craftes maister, for all that ye make hī so cunning in the arte of poysonīg. For where after Ste­phen, there were two other Popes: Benedicte the tenth, and Nicolaus the .2. and after them Alexander the .2. ye omitting those two, doe tell vs forthwith of Alexander the 2. and howe that this Gregorye, who had longe away­ted and practised to be Pope, immediatly after the deathe of Alexander gate himself to be made pope. And I am assu­red ye can tel vs no better reason why he shoulde poyson, the other first thre Popes, then the other latter three. Nei­ther can ye tell vs anye probable reason why he shoulde poyson any one, or seke by this vngodly way to come to that see, which as yet being but Archedeacon seameth e­uen by your tale, to haue bene of such creditte among the Romans, as was lightly no other. As one that in so weigh­ty a cause by the will and consente of the Cardinalles an­swered to Otho themperours Ambassadour, wisely and so­berly, and not as ye fable, taking the tale out of his mowthe in great heate. As yt pleaseth you also to fable, that the Archebisshop Otho, gaue place to M. Archedeacon by and by. And thervpō ful like your self ye rushe in against popishe prelates, as ye cal them, who haue beguyled godly Princes, that trusted them ouermuch. Whereas Otho was fayne to yelde to Hildebrande of fyne force of reason,Platina in Alexan. 2. Naucler. gener. 36. and to such examples of the auncient Churche as he brought forthe. For after the woordes by you alleaged, that Emperours or Kinges neuer had right in the election of Popes, he sayed [Page] farder. And if any thinge was attempted by violence, or other­wise then well, it was afterward by the Censures of the fathers redressed. And so beginning (saith Nauclere) from the firste Emperours, he continewed so longe, vntyll Anno (whom you call Otto tharchbishop) [...]nswered, that he was satisfised. This was no hotte talke as you bable, but a lerned communica­tion, sobre and discret. I pray you now further, to what end or purpose serueth this narratiō cōcerning Alexander the .2. seing that your Antipope Cadolus was deposed, and thē ­perour fayne to craue pardō for him:Naucler. dict. Gene. and seing the bishops of Lombardy were reconciled to this Alexāder at a coun­cel holdē at Mantua, the Emperour also ratifying Alexan­ders electiō? Goe on M. Horne and tel vs that Platina and others do lie (and that Benno one cōtrary to al others, and an Author in this matter expressely condemned only saith truth,) ād flatter in praysing this pope, and in setting forth a comely forme of his electiō: which, what it was ye dare not shewe, least yt shuld to much disgrace your vncomely ele­ctiōs, ād most of al your false assertiōs agaīst the Popes Pri­macy. Gregory, The same vvriteth Sabellicꝰ Aenead. 9 lib. 3. and Nauclere gener. 36. pag. 133. sayth Platina, was chosen with the cōsent of al good men. The wordes of the electiō are noted to be of this sort and tenour. We the Cardinals, the clergy, the acolites, the subdeacōs, the priests of the Church of Rome, in the presence of the bis­shops ād Abbats, ād of many other, aswell of the clergy as of the Laytie this day beīg the xxij. day of April in S. Peter Church, called ad Vincula, The form of Hilde­brands e­lection. the yeare of our Lord God .1072. doe elect, to be true vicare of Christ Archdeacō Hildebrād: a mā of great lear­ning, vertue, wisdome, iustice, cōstācie, religiō, a modest, a sober, ād a chast mā: one that gouerneth his hous hold wel, ful of hospi­talitie toward the poore, beīg brought vp ād taught, euen frō his yowthe to his age in the lap of his holy mother the Church: whō [Page 280] we wyl to be ruler of Christes Church, euē with that authority, with the which Peter did ones rule it by Gods cōmaundemēt. Yf this be a comely forme, of electiō, as in dede yt is, ād as your self terme yt, thē hath this comely forme, answered al your false and deforme argumēts made agaīst this Pope or his pri­macie. Yet to touche a fewe of your many folde vntruthes, which do so swarme in this your narration, I am forced to prolōg a litle more my answer. You report as of Sabellicus, that Hildebrande knewe wel inoughe, that Otto would relent easely. But you should knowe wel inoughe that Sabell. hath no such words. Only he sayth.Aenead. 9. lib. 3. Facilè tenuit vt Otho sibi assen tiretur. He obtayned easely, that Otho shoulde agree vnto him. And that was by his lerned perswasiō, not by any co­uert collusiō, as you do lewdely imagine. Againe you say, thēperor promised he wold come to the Coūcel, to set an order in Church matters, prītyng those words in a latyn letter as the words of Sabel. Now ther are no such words in your Author Sabellicus of thēperor. But only that he desired the pope to cal a Councel, for setting of order in Church mat­ters, and that he woulde come. Vt se presente omnia fierent. Sabell. vt supra. that al thinges might be done in his presence. The pithe of your argumēt lay in those words: and therfore those words you falsely fathered vppon Sabellicus. You alleage a longe tale out of Benno againste Hildebrande, as that after that Councell ended, Alexander had perceyued he was [...]nstalled by fraude and crafte of Hildebrand, but how true that tale is, it appeareth by that Alexander after thys Synode ended,Sabel. Ae­nead. 9. lib. 3. Naucl. generat. 36. sent Hildebrande in to Apulia withe an Armye, to re­couer to the Churche of Rome suche places as the Nor­mans had taken awaye, the whiche Hildebrand broughte to passe. For had Alexander perceyued suche fraude [Page] and crafte in Hildebrande as you and Benno do surmise, he woulde not I trowe so sone after haue putte him in suche truste and credite, in so weighty and important a matter. And this being reported by Sabell. Nauclerus, and other common writers, it is easy to iudge what a lyar your Ben­no is,In Indice lib. inhib. and howe worthely this very booke of his de vita Hildebrandi is by general Councel forbidden and condem­ned. That which you alleage out of Abbas Vrspergensis a­gainst Hildebrand,Naucler. gener. 36. is woorde for woorde recited in Nau­clerus (whome you alleage as one that protesteth and pro­miseth to kepe an indifferency and fidelity in telling of this Popes life) but he addeth immediatly: Alij & ferè omnes prorsus contrarium referunt. Other writers and in maner al doe reporte the cleane contrary: that is, al for the commen­dation of Hildebrand. But this you without al indifferency or fidelity thought good to leaue out, and against in ma­ner al writers to cleaue to one Abbat.Marianus in sinc suae chronogr. Sabell. & Naucler. vbi supra. Of whome when you tell that many refused this Hildebrand to be Pope, Ma­rianus Scotus which lyued in that very age, Nauclerus, Sa­bellicus and Platina will tell you, that those Many, were none but Simmoniaci & fornicarij. The Simoniacal and the fornicatours. Such as by brybery creped in to Ecclesiasti­call promotions, and such as being Priestes kept whores ād concubines, which you now call wyues. M. Horne, to saue your Madges poore honesty.Naucler. gener. 36. pag. 133. Where you tel vs out of Nau­clerus, that the bisshops of Fraunce moued the Prince not to suffer the election of Hildebrande &c. You should haue done wel to haue tolde vs out of Nauclerus the cause why these bishops so did. Verily Nauclerus euen in the middest of the sentence whiche you alleage, saieth of those Bisshoppes: Grandi scrupulo permoti ne vir vehementis & acris ingenij [Page 281] atque fidei districtius eos pro negligentijs suis quandoque di­scuteret. They sent to the Emperour, being sore afrayed, left this Hildebrand being a man of a vehement and sharpe disposition and faithe, woulde at length more roughly and sharpely examine them for their negligences: Lo, Mayster Horne the loue of licentiousnes, and the feare of discipline for theyr desertes, moued those Frenche Bishoppes to sewe thus to the Emperoure againste that Pope. But you will neuer tell all, because (as I haue saied and must often saye) al maketh against you.

You conclude with a peale of moste slaunderous and rayling lyes, sendyng vs to certain epistles wherin we shal fynde, you saie, the seditiouse, trayterous, and tragical feates and practises of this Pope against the Emperour &c. For in Nauclerus, Sabellicus, Marianus Scotus, Volaterrane and Platina, I am right sure there appeareth no suche cancred matter as you raue of, except suche as they reporte vpon false rumors.

But if you wil see on the contrary parte, what a godly ād lerned mā he was, how sharp an enemy to vice, name­ly to Simonye and Bauderye (for the whych he procu­red him selfe so much enemytie) You may reade Mai­ster Horne, not only Nauclerus, Sabell, and Platina with Volaterane, Blondus, Antoninus and other late writers, but also Marianus Scotus, William of Malmesbury our countreyman, Anselmus that notable Bishoppe of Luca, who lyued all in the tyme of that tragedy, and you shall fynd him in all poyntes a most excellent Bishop and a most godly man. The French Bishops for Simony, the Germayn Bishoppes for both Simony ād whoredome, the Emperoure Henrye the fourth for his filthye lucre in sy­moniacall [Page] practises, caused all the troubles of that age the most vertuose Pope, alwayes proceding against those vices with the force of the spiritual sworde. For the which at the hower of his death he sayed.Nauclerus generat. 37. pag. 144. Dilexi iustitiam: & odi iniquitatem: propterea morior in exilio. I haue loued righte­ousnes: and I haue hated iniquyte. Therefore I die in bā ­nishment.

M. Horne. The .1 [...]4▪ Diuision. pag. 74. a.

Henry the .5. came into Italy to end the cōtrouersy and discorde, that vvas betvvixt him and the Pope, for this (.393.) The .393. vntruth Not for this Supre­me [...]urisdictiō in al Eccles. causes whch M Horne vvould proue, but only for inuesturing of Bishops. iurisdiction, and to make such compositiō as might bring quietnesse both to the Church and the Empyre: But Paschalis the Pope did not muche lyke of his comming, as the Italian vvriters vvitnesse. The Em­perour sendeth to the Pope, the Pope againe to him: certaine coue­naūtes vvere aggreed vppon, and confirmed by othe, and assured by pledges on bothe the parties. But the Pope coulde not, or vvould not, keepe promise vvith the Emperour, for that his Bishoppes did vvithstande, and in no vvise vvould stande to the agreement: vvereuppon folovved great tumult and a bluddy fray. The Em­perour (.394.) The 394. vntruth. The Emperour broke his couenā ­tes first, not the Pope, as shal ap­peare. seynge they for their partes, vvould not stande to the couenauntes, vvhiche vvere confyrmed so strongly by othe, and hostages, as mighte be, vvould not in like vvyse be bounde to his. Shortly after Easter follovving, there vvas a frendly peace concluded betvvixt the Emperour and the Pope, vvho crovvned Henry .5. Emperour, deliuering vnto him vvith his holy hande suche priuileges as his auncestours vvere vvont to enioie, and confirmed the same to him, neuer to be taken from him vnder the paine of the great Curse. After this the Emperour tooke an Othe of all the inhabitauntes in euerye Citye thoroughe Italy, for their faithfull obedience to him, and the faithfull keepinge of of this his prerogatiue, and priuilege in (.395.) The .395 vntruth. The othe of the Italians mencioned in Nauclerus hath no one vvord of any ecclesiasticall thinge or cause. Ecclesiastical thin­ges or causes.

The .17. Chapter Of Henry the .5. Lotharius and Conra­dus, Emperours.

Stapleton.

GOE on as I sayd M. Horne lustely, and tell your tale truely and fully: and then as we haue had you hither­to, so shall we haue yow styl a very gentle and a tra­ctable aduersay. What? Were there such cōtrouersies, dis­cordes and frayes betwixt the Pope and Henrie the fift? Thē belyke yt is no very probable tale,A fovvl [...] lye of the Apo­logie of Englāde. that your Apology writeth, that by the Popes procuring thys Henry toke hys Father prisoner, as it is in dede a foule and grosse lye. Yet at the length I perceiue there was a frendly peace cōclu­ded (as ye say) and the Pope with hys holy hand delyuered to hym suche pryuileges as his auncetours were wont to enioy. I am glad M. Horne that the pope hath anye thing holy in hym. It is strāge me thinketh to heare at your hāds of the Popes holy hād: namely seing your authour Naucle­rus, speaketh of hys hād only, withowt any other additiō.Dato sibi per manū Apostolici priuilegio inuestitu­ [...]ae eccle­siasticae. Nauclerus gener. 38. In Late­ranensi conuentu. Sabell. Aenead. 9. l [...]b. 4. Belyke there is come vppon yow some sodayne deuotion towards the Popes holines. But lo, I see now the cause of your deuotiō. The Popes hād is holy with yow now, whē he being forced ād cōstrayned, deliuereth vppe such priuileges, as with his heart he did not deliuer: and therfore did afterward in a Coūcel of Bishops reuoke al these doinges. Whiche your authour in the nexte leaf (as also Sabellicus at large) doth declare: and what sturre ād busines the Em­perour made for it, swearing first to the Pope, that he wold vse no violence, and that he woulde cause all the Bishops of Germany, which had bene made by Simonye, to be de­posed. Who yet afterward brake bothe partes of his O [...]he. [Page] Toke the Pope out of Rome with him as prisoner, because he would not confirme his symoniacal Bisshops: And after long vexation of the Pope, and spoiles of the Romaine ter­ritorie, extorted at the lengthe by fine force his consente thereto: which yet (after the Emperour being departed) he reuoked (as I said) in a ful Councell. And this periurie and violence of this Emperour, the Italian Emperours doe witnesse also. Briefly al came to this conclusion, that Pas­chalis being dead, the Emperour shortly after, renounced to the Pope Calistus the .2. all this inuesturing of Bisshops, and left to the clergy the free electiō without the princes cōfirmatiō: which was al that Paschalis graūted to this Emperour. For the graūt of Paschalis (as it is recorded in Nauclere) referreth it selfe, to the former grauntes of his pre­decessours made to Catholike Emperours. And farder he specifieth his graunt thus. That he haue priuilege to geue the staffe and the ring to al Bisshops and Abbats of his dominions, Gener. 38. Pag. 183. &. 191. being first freely chosen without violence or symonie: and to be afterward consecrated or ordered of the bisshop to whom they belong. But al this was (as I haue said) both reuoked of Pope Paschalis, and geuen ouer of Henrie the fift.

M. Horns dissēbling of his au­thors narration.But I pray you tell me, was your holy hand so vnlustie and heauy, that ye could or rather would not, set in this al­so, being a parcell of your authors narration, and the finall conclusion of this great controuersie? Whiche as it was thē troblesom to the church many yeres: so it is troblesom also to your Reader, as occupiyng a greate parte of your booke, but no part of your principal mater, and yet as litle material as it is, in fine al agaīst you. And therfore ye shake the ful declaratiō of the mater from your holy handes, as a man would shake away a snake for feare of stinging.

M. Horne. The .115. Diuision. pag. 74. b.

The next Emperour to Henrie, vvas Lotharius, vvho so laboured vvith the Pope to retaine the inuesturing of Ecclesiasticall persons, and be­sides that, he so trauailed in other Ecclesiastical causes, so (.396.) The .396. Vntruth. Not so vvel by a greate deale. Otto. Fri­singen. vvel as Temporal, that saith Vrspurg. Huius laus est à vindicata religio­ne & legibus: The praise of this Prince is, in that he refour­med Religion and the Lawes.

Next to vvhom, vvas Conradus the Emperour, to vvhome the Ro­maines vvrote supplications, to come and chalendge his right in these mat­ters, to reduce the fourme of the Empire, to the olde state whiche it was in, in Constantine and Iustinians daies, and to deliuer them from the (.397.) The .397. vntruth. Leud and grosse as shall ap­peere. Naucler. tyranny of the Pope. To vvhom also the Pope vvrote humble supplications, to take his cause into his protection against the Magistrates of Rome, which toke vppon them to reduce the Pope, to the olde order and state of the (.398.) The .398. Vntruth. Not of the auncient Bis­shops, but of the old heathen Priestes. aunciente bisshoppes of Rome.

Stapleton.

Let the Emperour Lotharius labour to retain the inue­sturing of Bishops (which as ye heard, Henrie the .5. resi­gned before to Calistus) let him if ye will needes vse that word, reforme the ciuil lawes and religion to: the meaning wherof is no more, but that he restored the ciuil Lawe (the vse therof being discōtinued many yeres) ād restored Pope Innocētius the .2 to his See beīg thrust out by an Antipope (wherof he was called Fidelis Ecclesiae aduocatus, a faithfull defēder of the Church). Yet why do you vtter such grosse lyes, M. Horne telling your Reader, that the Romaines be­sought th'Emperor to deliuer them frō the tyrāny of the Pope? Neyther Otho Fringensis, nor Nauclerus, who rehearseth his words haue any such thing. The Romaines at that time would be lusty a Gods name, and reduce their state to the old magnificence of the victorious Romaines, being proud of a litle victorie whiche they had against the Tiburtines. [Page] And therefore the Pope complained to the Emperour of their tyrannie, not they of the Popes tyrannie. Yea they thrusted out the Emperours Praefectus, and placed in his roome their owne Patricius. And so woulde shake of as well the Emperour, as the Pope. Foorth then with the storie.

Let Pope Lucius .2. make hūble supplicatiō, to the Em­perour Conradus, against the Magistrates of Rome, cōcer­ning the ciuil regiment of Rome,Naucl. gener. 39. and their subiection to the Pope in temporalities (for that was the matter and no other, and yet were they faine shortlye after to submitte them selues to Eugenius .3. the next Pope) Let all this be as you tell it not perspicuouslie, but couertlie, as though the Romaines then woulde haue bene Schismatiques, as you are nowe, and denied his Authoritie in Spiritual cau­ses, as you doe nowe, let all this, as I saie, be graunted vn­to you: But then I pray you set your conclusion to it, that therefore the Prince is Supreme Gouernour in all causes Ecclesiasticall, and then shall euery childe sone conclude with you, that your Conclusion, concludeth nothinge to the purpose. For all the strife and contention here, was partely about Temporall and Ciuill regiment, partely not against the Popes Authoritie, absolutelye, but against such or suche a Pope: whiche thing I woulde haue you wel to note Maister Horne, not here onelye, but in all these and other quarrellings of Emperours againste Popes. That they neuer repined againste the Popes Authoritie, as the Pope, but they repined against this man or that mā, whom they woulde not agnise for the Pope, but some other by them selues elected.

M. Horne. The .116. Diuision. pag. 74. b.

Next to vvhome, follovved the Godly and zelous Emperour Frederike the firste, vvho (.399.) The .399. Vntruth. Horrible and notorious▪ as shall ap­peare. seeing the horrible vices of the Romissh Church, commaunded that no Legate of the Church of Rome, should be suffered to enter into Germanie, without he were called or hyred of the Emperour: nor would suffer that any man vnder the name of appellation, shuld goe vnto the Court of Rome.

After the death of Adrian the fovvrth,Nauclerus. Vrspurg. Sabellicus. the Cardinals fell out amongest them selues for the Election of a nevv Pope: some stry­uinge to haue Rovvlande, other some contendinge to haue Octa­uian a man, (saith Abbat. Vrspur.) in all points honest and reli­gious. Herevppon sprang an horrible schisme and great discord. Rouland sent his Legates to the Emperour Fredericus .1. and de­sired him that he vvould (.400.) The 400. Vntruth. False translation. vt seditionē tolleret. That he vvoulde take avvay the se­dition, not take vp the matter to his ovvne arbitremēt. Vspurg. take vppe and end this conten­tion by his authoritie. The Emperour commaundeth them both to come vnto him at Ticinum, vvhere foorthvvith he summo­ned a Councell to be holden about this matter, (.401.) The .401. Vntruth. He minded no such matter as shall ap­peare. minding to examine bothe their causes, and by searching to trye vvhose cause vvas the most honest. Rouland (.402.) The .402. Vntruth. He vvas gon to this VVilliam be­fore he vvrote to Frederike, by Nau­clerus. being afrayed to haue the matter come to this triall, getteth to VVilliam of Si­cilia, the Emperours mortall ennemie, and vvithin tvvelue daies putteth on his Cope, and nameth him selfe Alexander: for he pur­posed (belike) to make a conquest of the matter. He alleaged his election to be good out of all doubt, and that he sent for the Emperours aid, and not for his arbitrement: and therfore thought not good to bring his case into doubtfull question.The 403. Vntruth. That appeareth not in Platina or Nauclerus. The Emperour being offended vvith him, for that he vvould not obey his appoint­ment, sent tvvo Bisshops to cite him, to come vnto the Councell by the name of Cardinall, and not Pope: But Rouland refused, confuting their citation vvith this Maxime or Principle, Roma­num Pontificem à nemine iudicari debere: The Pope ought not to be iudged of anye man. But vvhen these Legates from the Emperour came to Octauian, he straight vvai­es obeyed, and they brought him to Papia (.404.).The .404 vntruth. In omitting the next sentēce vvhe­rein the Popes Pri­macie ouer the Emperour is manifest­lie declared. Vspurg. saith, that Rouland vvas oftentimes monisshed to come, and did [Page] contemne all those monitions. The Emperour faite in the Councel, (as Ra­deuicus Frifingēsis, vvho vvrote his actes, vvitnesseth [...]ad made an ora­tion vnto the Bishoppes, vvherein he declareth, and that by the example of his auncestours Constantinus, Theodosius, Iustinianus, and of later time of Carolus Magnus, and other, that the povver and authority to call Councelles, vvhere the Churche is trou [...]led vvith any schismes, or other perillous distourbance, belongeth to the Emperour: Notvvithstanding he cō ­mitted the desining of the cōtrouersie to theyr vvisedome and (.405) The .405. vntruth. For he had none to geue in that behalfe. gaue them therevnto authoritie. The Councell debateth the cause, and con­sulteth vvith men learned in the Lavve, and so concludeth, that Octa­uians election vvas good, and adiudgeth him to be the righte Bishoppe of Rome. VVhē they had thus tryed out the matter, Fredericus the Empe­rour saith Platina) Confirmat Octauianum Pontificem. Con­firmed Octauian Pope. (.406.) The .406. vntruth. In leuing out that which foloweth P [...] vrbē equo insi­dentē deducitet de more ado­rat which shevveth plainely the Emperour [...] in­feriour­nes, not primacy. The Emperour vvithin a vvhile after, sente Octauianus, nevv confirmed Pope, tovvardes Rome, vvho dyed in the iourney. After vvhose death, the Emperour called an other councell at VVirtzberge (as Auentinus vvriteth) vvherein vvere a great number of Archebishoppes, and other Bishoppes, ād also many of the nobles and states of the Empyre. In this Councell a statute or Decree vvas made by common consente. That from hence foorth none shoulde be Pope, one­lesse he were created by the consent of the Emperour, accor­dinge as the custome had bene of longe and auncient time. This vvorthy Emperour, vvhom the Chronicles call Christianissimum, moste Christian, for his zeale tovvardes Goddes Churche, endeuored not vvithout great perill to him selfe and his estate, to reteine the iurisdiction due to the Princes, and thereby to refourme the horrible disorders that vvere grovven so highe, that they ouervvhelmed the Church, as in lyke sorte diuers other Emperours end Kinges, bothe before and after, had attempted, but in vayne: for the vvealthy pride, the fierce povver, and (.407.) The .407 vntruth. Rayling ribauldry trayterous treachery of the Pope and his Prelates vvas so mighty, violent, and sub­tile, that there vvas no earthly povver able to vvithstande or matche vvith them. And therefore Erasmus compteth the Popes of this time, and those that folovved, to be the Vicars and s [...]ccessours of Iulius Caesar, of Alex­ander the Great, of Croesus the ryche, and of Xerxes the mighty: ra­ther then of Christe, the onelye If the only, thē hovv is the Prīce [...]ouer­nour? Or if the Prince notvvithstādingis, vvhi mai not also the Pope be? Emperour and gouernour of the Churche. Bernarde calleth Eugenius .3. in his great pompe, and [Page 285] pride, rather the successour of Constantinus the highe Emperour, then of Peter the humble Apostle, and Abbas Vrspurg, vvho lyued at this time, vvhen the Popes had spoyled the [...]mperour, and other Princes vvelnighe of (.408.) The .408. and .409. vntruth [...] bothe [...]launde­rours, neuer able to be proued. all iurisdiction, rulinge all by theyr ovvne Decretalles, novve aboute this time set foorth (.409.) as they listed, maketh a lamentable complainte of the horrible pryde and couetousnesse of the (.410.) The .410. vntruth. For he speaketh only of the clergi of Rome. vvhole clergy, and cō ­cludeth vvith these vvords: Gaude mater nostra Roma, &c. Reioyce O our mother Rome, bycause the seluses of the hidden trea­sures in the earthe are opened, that riuers ād heapes of mony maye flowe vnto thee in great abundance. Be glad of the ini­quitie of the sonnes of mē, bicause mony is geuen to thee for the recompence of so great euilles. Be mery and iocund for discordes sake, which is thy helper bicause she is rushte out of the infernall pit, that plentiful rewardes of money might be heaped vpon the: thou hast that which thou hast alwaies thyrsted after: synge pleasant balades, for throughe mennes malitiousnesse, not by thy Godlinesse, thou hast ouercome the worlde.

The .18. Chapter: Of Frederike Barbarossa, and of Ale­xander. the .3.

Stapleton.

MAister Horne good Reader, as he hath hitherto, so doth he styll playe Cacus parte.T. Liuius. Lib. 1. Dec. 1. This Cacus stole Hercules Oxen, and because he woulde not haue them espied where they were by the track, he drewe thē into his caue by the tayles backward. Whiche thing Her­cules seing, did nothing mistrust they shoulde be there,M. Horne playeth Cacus his parte, that stole Hercules Oxen. but yet as he passed by with the droue of his beastes, the beasts that were in the denne lackinge theyr company, beganne as the maner is to bellowe, wherby all this thefte was dis­cried. This boke of M. Hornes is the very denne of Cacus, into the which by a pretye sleight, he conueyeth in hys stories and other proufes, as a man maye say, by the [Page] taile backewarde, that is not keeping the righte and cu­stomable waie and order in making true and faithfull alle­gations, but craftelie and peruersely cutting and chopping away some parte of them: which partely lying in this his Cacus denne, and as it were bellowing for his companie, bewrayeth all M. Hornes slie dealings. So haue ye hither­to found it, and so shall ye still, good Reader, finde it, and loe we haue at hande a ready proufe Frederike saith M. Horne, seing the horrible vices of the Romis [...]h Church, com­maund [...]d that no Legate of the Church of Rome, should come into Germanie, &c.

First, Maister Horne, what horrible vices of the Romissh Churche, were those you speake of? It is verely, naughte els, t [...]en a horrible lye of your schismatical mouth. The beginning of the sentence, of the whiche you haue taken the taile onely, is this. Adrian the .4. our Countrieman, and Frederike the first, were fallen at great variaunce.Naucler. gener, 39. pag. 215. The Pope complained (saith Nauclerus your own Authour) that liuing betwene the swordes of the Romaines and William of Sicilie, he was forsaken of the Emperoure, contrarye to his great promises, and so vexed for the Emperours sake, that he could not reast at Rome. The Emperoure on the other side, pretended many things, and namely the crowning of William the King of Sicilia, Iamque ad id vsque processum est, vt Im­perator nullum Rom. Ecclesiae legatum, &c. And now the matter broke out so farre, that the Emperour cōmaunded that no Legate and so forth, as in Maister Hornes Allegation. You see nowe, good Readers, it was no horrible vices of the Romissh Church as this horrible lying spirit of M. Horn prateth, but a priuate quarrell betwene this Emperoure and that Pope, that occasioned the Emperour to forbidde [Page 286] appellations to Rome, &c. You see howe this Cacus hathe drawen Nauclerus his woordes by the tayle into the lurkinge denne of his lying Conclusion. And that their fellowes nowe drawing nere to the others compa­nie, the former ioyned with the later, haue euidentlye betrayed the notable thefte of this lying and theeuinge Cacus.

But Maister Horne, supposing the Emperour vpon such respecte had so done, tell vs, is the doings of this one Em­perour, so preiudiciall to our cause, and so authorised a­boue al exception or plea, that because he did so, we must straightwaies cōfesse he did wel and laufully? Me thinke it were reason ye should proue this withal. Wel let this goe, we wil not charge you at this time so straightly. Yet this questiō I must nedes aske you: Whether this was so done because he thought the Pope or See of Rome had no au­thoritie, or for some priuate grudge and quarell not against the See and Pope, but against this Pope.

Yf ye will saye (as ye must nedes saye this quarrel was but a priuate and a personall quarrell, then is the ordinarie authoritie as yet nothing acrased hereby, but your Ar­gumente is then muche acrased. Yf ye will say, he de­nied, as ye now doe, all maner of authoritie of the See of Rome, then must I aunswere you: It is not so. For he was crowned of this Pope called Adrianus Quartus, an Eng­lishe man: and submitted him selfe after to Alexander the thirde, as we shall anon see. And further I must answere you, that you are the verye Cacus we spake of, and that these stolē allegations from Nauclerus do bellow wanting their companie, and doe discrie all your theeuish conuey­aunce as we haue before declared.

[Page]Now next hath M. Horne found a Rouland for an Oli­uer: a dissension betwixt Roulande and Octauian for the Papacie. For the appeasing wherof, this Frederike called a Councell, and at length the matter being heard, confir­med Octauian, who was called Victor the .3. as the other was called Alexander the .3. which name ministreth mat­ter of mery pastime to M. Horne to solace him selfe with­al, as though Alexander named him self so, for that he pur­posed (belike) to make a cōquest of the mater. And here is das­shed in the margēt, to set forth ād beutify his narratiō with­al, first, Vrspergensis, then Nauclerus, then Sabellicus, then Platina, then Nauclerus againe, then beside Radeuicus Fri­singensis in his next, Platina, and then Vrspergensis againe. As though he tooke distinct and seuerall matter from eche one.Frederic. Octauianū Pontificem cōfirmat, eumque albo equo in sidentē per vrbē Tici­nensem ducit, & de mo [...]e adorat. Platina in Alex .3. Tunc Episc. ad pedes so Octauiani proster­nūt. Imperator quo­que id ipsum fecit, vt ab eo indulgentiā ac­ciperent, & sibi obe­dientiam sacerent. Vspurg. Quem Imperator in Concilio Papā decla­ratū adorauit, & e­quū eius de more per vrbem deduxit. Whereas in a manner al they runne one way: and wherof I am most assured, al against M. Hornes owne Primacie: part of their testimonies being cut of from eche of them, and so caried craftely by M. Horn into his Cacus caue, bewraieth al M. Horns theft. Wil ye proue the like regiment, M. Horne, by Frederike his doings, that ye now maintaine? Goe to then, and see ye proue it vs substantiallye. He refused ye say Pope Rouland: yet he receiued Pope Octauian, and confirmed him too, as ye say, yea and ledde him about the Citie of Pauia sitting vppon a white Horse, and then adored him too, as I with Platina and Nauclerus saye, or as Vspur­gensis saieth, fell flatte before his feete, to receiue pardon, and to become his obediensarie. Al which ye saye not, and therefore, I heare Hercules sto­len oxen bellowe out of Cacus denne.

[Page 287]Why Maister Horne can your eares paciently abide al this? And is your Octauian for all this, as ye write, a mā in all pointes honest and relligious? Some thing I perceiue there was, that he is made a Saint after his death,Naucler. geuer. 39. and that as it is said, there were many miracles done at his Tombe in Luca, where he was buried before the Image of Nico­demus. Can your stomake disgest all this Maister Horn? And can you suffer your Supreme head, like a slaue to kisse the Popes feete, and to become the Maister of his Horse? Can ye suffer Miracles at the Popes tombe, and yet not­withstanding shall he be a man in all points honest and reli­giouse? How chance we haue not at the least for your cō ­fort one pretie nip, ād to tel vs that he called hī self Victor, for that he entēded to be a victorious Cōquerer, as he was in deede vppon your Supreame head the Emperour Fre­derike? Surely I maruaile why ye shoulde so fauourably encline to this false Antipope, rather then to the true Pope in dede, which was Rouland, who as Platina writeth, was elected of 22. Cardinals: and your Octauian but of .3. onlye. And therfore was he, and Frederik that mainteined hī, and not Rouland, the occasion of the horrible schisme ye speak of. And this Rouland was euer ād is takē for the true Pope, yea and was so taken at length by your Frederike also cō ­ming to him to Venice, and kissing his holy feete (for see­ing ye haue made the Popes hand holye,Supra in the .114. Diuision. I will be so bolde to make his feete holy too) and ratifiyng and allowing him by that humilitye, to be the Supreame heade of Christes Churche. And so at the length (for all your iesting) Ale­xander hath made as great a conqueste vppon your false lying booke, and new set vppe Primacie, as euer did the great Alexander vpon King Darius.

[Page]But lo, now ye and your companions, that can beare with Victors conqueste, can not beare, the matter being all one, the lyke in Alexander. Wherin I see no reason, but that perchaunce ye take Victor to be of your nighe cousinage, for that he was, as ye are, a great schismatike. And therfore thoughe Friderike did suffer at the hands, yea and at the feete to of Victor,A fable of the Apology and M. Foxe touching thys Alexander treading on thēpe­rours necke. as he did at Alexanders, yet roreth owte your Apologie against hym, that he put yll fauored­ly and mōstruouslie this Emperours neck vnder his feete. Whiche semeth to be but a fable of such as be parcial wri­ters, and wedded to theyre affectiōs, to slaunder the Pope withal, as Carion and suche other are that write yt: Al­thoughe some catholyks perchaunce, reporte the same as dothe Nauclerus, but with an addition. vel vt Blondus scri­bit, post quàm Pontificis pedes imperator exosculatus est, ad al­tare maius ambo principes se amplexati & exosculati sunt. So that Nauclerus,Naucle­rus. Gener. 40. In his madde Martyro­log. Non tibi inquit, sed Petro, cui successores, pa [...]eo. Naucler. dict. gener. 40. whiche thowghe catholyke, yet muche inclinable as the Germans cōmōly are to the Emperours parte, semeth rather to lyke the narration of Blondus, that thēperour did no other thē the vsual honor in kyssing the Popes feet. And if the tale of th'Apology were true (which M. Fox doth also with a ioly gay picture set forth) thowgh yt make not for the commendation of the Popes modera­tion and humility, yet yt maketh for hys supreame authori­ty. I obey sayeth the Emperour, not to thee, but to Peter whome thow doest succede.

But to thentent that you M. Horne with the Apologie and M. Foxe, who alwaies like bestly swyne do nousell in the donge, and vente vp the worste that may be founde against Popes and prelates, may haue a iuste occasiō (if any Charity be in you) to cōmende the greate moderation of [Page 288] this Pope Alexander 3. you may remember, that this is he to whō being in extreme misery through the oppressiō of the Almayne Army, spoyling ād wasting al aboute Rome,Naucler. gener. 39. pag. 225. Emanuel then Emperour in the East, sent embassadours, promysing bothe a great hoste against the Almayne Em­perour Friderike, and also a vniō of the Grecians with the Romain Church, if he would suffer the Romain Empire, so lōge diuided (frō the time of Charlemayn) to come agayne to one heade and Empire: to whome also (being then in banishment) the sayde Emperour sent a seconde embassy, with great quantytie of mony, promysing to reduce the whole East Churche vnder the subiection of the West, all Grece vnder Rome, if he woulde restore to the Em­perour of Constantinople the Crowne of the West Em­pire, from the which Frederike seemed nowe rightlye and worthely to be depriued. To all which this Pope (notwithstanding the greate miseries he stode presentlye in, and was daily like to suffer through the power of this Frederike) answered. Se nolle id in vnum coniungere, Pag. 226. quod olim de industria maiores sui disiunxissent. That he woulde not ioyne that into one, which his Forefathers of olde time had of purpose diuided. You will not I trowe denie M. Horne (all circumstances duely cōsidered) but that this was a very great ād rare moderatiō of this Pope Alexāder 3. more worthy to be set forth in figures ād pictures to the posteryty for sober and vertuous, then that facte of him whiche Mayster Fox hath so blased oute, for prowde and hasty. Except your Charyties be suche (as verely it semeth to be) that you take more delight in vice then in vertue, and had rather heare one lewde fact of a Pope, [Page] then twenty good. If it be so with you, then is there no Charyte with you. For Charyte, as S. Paule describeth it, Thinketh not euill, 1. Cor. 13. Prote­stants lacke true Charyty. reioyseth not vpon iniquyte, but reioyseth with verytie. It suffreth all thinges, it beleueth all thinges, it hopeth al thinges, it beareth all thinges Contraryewyse, you not only thinke, but reporte alwaies the worst: you reioyse and take greate pleasure vpon the iniquytie of such as you ought most of all men to reuerence: you are sorye to haue the veryty and truthe tolde you. You suffer and beare no­thing in the Church: But for the euil life of a fewe you for­sake the Cōmunion and societie of the whole. You beleue as much as pleaseth you, and you hope accordingly. And thus muche by the way ones for all, touching your greate ambition and desire to speake euil of the Popes, and to re­porte the worste you can doe of them: which you in this booke M. Horne haue done so plentifullye and exactlye throughe this whole processe,Nō vt iu­dicaret eos, aut causam sedis Apostolicae, sed vt à pru­dentibus viris ad­disceret, cui electo obedire potius de­beret. [...]rsperg. of the Princes practise in Ecclesiastical gouernment, as if the euill life of some Popes were a direct and sufficient argument to proue all Princes Supreme Gouernours in al thinges and causes Ec­clesiasticall.

I coulde now shewe you other authorityes and places oute of your owne authours concerninge thys storye, of Friderike the first making directlie againste you, and wherein ye haue played the Cacus. As where ye wryte by the authoritie of Vrspergensis, that the Emperour sent for both theis Popes to come to hym, mynding to examine both theyre causes. For yt followeth by and by: not to iudge them, or the cause of the Apostolique see: but that he might learne of wise men, to whether of them he shoulde rather obey.

[Page 289]And is not this thinke you M. Horne, so craftely to cut of, and steale away this sentence from your reader, a preatye pageant of Cacus? Namely seing your authour Nauclerus writeth also the like?Gener. 39. And seyng ye demeane your selfe so vnhonestly, and vnclerkly in the principall matter,M. Horn [...] extraor­dinarye processe ād lewde [...]ayling. who will nowe care for your extraordinarye and foolishe false excursions, against the welthy pride, the fearce power, the trayterouse trecherie of Popes at that tyme? Or for Erasmus comparing the Popes to the successours of Iu­lius Caesar? Or for Vrspergensis owteries, against their couetousnes, and not againste the Popes authoritye? As for S. Bernarde, who, you say founde faulte with the pompe and pride of Eugenius. 3. how clerely he pronoun­ceth (that not withstanding) for the Popes Primacy, I referre you (to be shorte) to the Confutation of your lying Apologie. Al this impertinent rayling rhetorike,Confu. fol. 210. we freely leaue ouer vnto you, to rayle and rolle your self therein, til your tōg be wery againe, yf ye wil, for any thīg that shal let you. Only as I haue oftē said, I desire the Reader to marke, that as wel this, as other emperors, were not at variāce with the See Apostolike it self, or set against the Popes Authori­ty absolutely, but were at variaunce, with such a pope and such, and were set against this mans or that mans election, not renouncing the Pope, but renouncing this man or that man, as not the true and right Pope.

M. Horne. The .117. Diuision. pag. 76. a.

About this tyme, the King of Cicilia and Apulia, had a dispensation from the Pope for money, Otto Fri­gingēsis. to Inuesture Archebisshops with staffe or cro­sier, ringe, palle, myter, sandalles or slippers: and that the Pope might sende into his dominions no Legate, onlesse the kinge should sende for him.

Stapleton.

Did the Kings of Sicilia procure a dispensation as ye say M. Horne from the Pope to inuesture bisshops and to re­ceyue no Legate?Vid. de hoc Nau. gen. 41 p. 287. & 288. Who was then the supreame heade I praye you, the Pope that gaue the dispensation, or the King that procured yt? Ye see, good readers, howe sauerlye and hansomly this man, after his olde guise, concludeth, against him self.

M. Horne. The .118. Diuision. pag. 76. a.

Of (.411.) the doīgs of the Kings of this Realme, in Eccles. matters, before the Conquest looke in the bok De postestate Regia set out by the Prelats, 26. Hen. 8. Our English Chronicles make report, that the Kings of this Realme, hadde not altogeather leafte of their dealing in Chur [...]he matters, but continued in parte their iurisdiction aboute Ecclesia­sticall causes, although not vvithout some trouble. Polychron. Polychro. Fabian. Polychro. Fabian. The Popes Legate came into Englande, and made a Coū ­cel by the assent of King VVilliam the Conquerour. And after that in an (.412.)The .412 vntruthe. For al this vvas but one Councell. other Coūcel at VVinchester, Polychron. Polychro. Fabian. Polychro. Fabian. were put down many Bisshops, Abbatts, and priours by the procuremēt of the King. The King gaue to Lāfrauke the Archbisshoprike of Cantorb. and on our Ladye daie the Assumption made him Archebisshope. On whit Sonday, he gaue the Archbisshoprike of Yorke, vnto Thomas a Canon of Bayon. VVhen Thomas shoulde haue bene consecrated of Lanfranke, there fell a strife betvvixt them, about the liberties of the Church of Yorke. The controuer­sie being about Church matters, vvas brought and referred to the Kinges (.413.)The .413. vntruthe. Fabiā saith not so: neither by the story appeareth so. iudgement, and Thomas by the Kinges commaundement, was faine to come to Lanfrank to be sacred. And aftervvard, vvhen there grevve greater conten­tion betvvixt these tvvayne about Churche matters, the Bis­shop of Rome remitted the matter to be determined before the Kinge, and the Bisshops of Englande, and so at VVindesour before Kinge VVilliam and the Cleargy the cause was treated.Polychron. Also an other cause vvas moued before the King of the misorder of Thurstan, Fabian. Polychron. whome the [Page 290] King had made Abbot of Glastonbury, by whose iud­gement the Abbot was chaunged, and tourned to his owne Abbay in Normandye. but the Monkes (.414.)The .414. vntruth. They vvere spred into diuers houses, saith Fabian, which you leaue out. scattered aboute by the Kings hest. After this the King bestowed many Bisshoprikes on his Chaplaines, as London, Norvviche, Chester, Couentry, &c. And ruled both temporalty and the spiritualty at his owne wil: saithe Polychronicon: He tooke noman fro the Pope in his lād,Polychron. (he meaneth that the Kinge vvoulde suffer no Legate to enter into the lande from the Pope) but he came and pleased him: he suffred no Coūcel made in his own coūtrey with­out his own leaue: Also he woulde nothing suffer in such a councel, but as he woulde assent. So (.415.)The .415 vntruthe. This, So that, folo­vveth not, as shall appeare. that in geuing, or translating of spiritual promocions, in geuing his as­sent to Councels, and suffring nothing to passe vvithout his con­sent, in hearing and determining Ecclesiasticall causes, in rest­reining the Popes liberty, vvithout his speciall licence, and in ru­ling the spiritualty at his ovvn vvil: King VVilliā shevveth plain, that he (.416.)The .416. vntruth. He neuer toke hī self, for such. tooke him self for the supreame gouernour vvithin this Realm in al maner of causes, so vvel Ecclesiastical as Tempo­rall.

The .19. Chapter: Of England before the Conqueste, Of William the Conquerour, Rufus his Sonne, and Henry the first, Kinges of Englande.

Stapleton.

GOod readers, I do most hartely beseche you, euen as ye tender either the truth, or the saluation of your sowles, to haue a good and a speciall regarde to M. Hornes narration nowe following. For now at the length is M. Horn come frō his long and vnfruitfull wandering in Spaine, Fraunce, Italie, Germany, and other countries, to our own natiue contrey. Now, where as the late doings in [Page] our Countre are suche, as we haue sequestred our selues frō the common and vsuall obedience, that all other contries concerning authority in matters ecclesiasticall euer gaue, with a singular and peerlesse preeminence to the see of Rome, and do yet sequester, the more pittie, our selues day­lie more and more, makinge none accompte of other good princes doings and presidents in this behalf, and pretending partly in the acts of parliament,Consyder the sub­stantiall handling of the matter by M. Horn for Eng­lande. partly in the newe englishe bokes, and daylie sermons, that this is no newe or straunge example in England, to exclude the Pope from all maner spiritual iurisdiction to be exercised and practised there by hym: yt behoued our protestants, especiallie M. Horne in thys his boke, that what so euer his proufes were for other countries, yet for some conuenient prouf of the olde pra­ctise concerning his newe primacie in Englande, to haue wrowght his matters so substancially, that at least wise, for our owne Countre, he shulde haue browght forth good aū ­cient and autentique matter. And wil ye nowe see the wise and euen dealinge of these protestant prelats? Where they pynne vp all our proufes, wythin vj. hundred yeares after Christ:M. Horn for the firste thousand yeares shevveth no exam­ple of his primacie practised then in Britannie Fol. 93. Col. 2. and what so euer we bring after, theyr Iewell tel­leth vs ful merelie we come to late, M. Horne in this mat­ter of Supreamacie most weightie to the poore catholiks, the deniyng thereof being more greauously punished by lawes, then anie other matter nowe lying in controuersie betwene the catholyks and protestantes in Englande: M. Horne I say, for thys his owne country, which as approued Chroniclers reporte, and as him self after alleageth, did first of al the Romā prouinces, publiquely embrace Christes rel­ligion: for one thousand yeares, standeth mute. And belike thinking that William Conquerour had conquered aswell [Page 291] all the olde catholyke fayth in Englande, as the Lande and people, fansieth a duble conqueste, one vppon the goods and bodies, the other vppon the sowles and faythe of the Englishe men. But what shall I nowe say to this noble and worthie Champion? shall I dryue hym a litle backe,M. Horn begīneth his newe primacie vvith vvilliam Conque­rour, as thovv [...]h he had cōquered both the lande and the fayth vvithall. with M. Iewels peremptory challenge and tel him, that he com­meth to late by almoste fyue hundred yeares? Or shall I deale more freely and liberally with him, then M. Iewell doth whith vs, and bydde hym take the beste helpe he can for hym self? Verely M. Horne had nede I did so: And yet all will be to lytle for his purpose: aswell for that after the conquest he hath no sufficient prouf, for his pretensed su­premacy, as for that, what prouf so euer he bringeth, yt must yelde and geue place to the first thousand yeares, whiche beare ful testimonie for the Popes primacie laufully practi­sed in our realme before the conquest.

It were now a matter for to fyll a large volume withal, to runne a longe by these thowsand yeares, and to shewe what prouf we haue for the popes primacy before the con­quest. My answere woulde waxe to bigge and to prolixe yf I shoulde so doe. But I will onelie putte the good reader in remembraunce of a matter or two: I muste therefore pluck M. Horne backe from Williams conquest and desire him to remember an other, and a better,Proufs for the popes supre­macie in Britanie before the Saxons tyme. Beda hist. Ang. lib. 1. cap. 4. and more aun­ciente conqueste with al, in Britannie, then Williams was, yea aboute ix. hundred yeares before: when this Ilelande of Britanie was firste delyuered from the tyrannicall yoke, and miserable bondage of dyuelish idolatrie: But by whom M. Horne? Suerlie by pope Eleutherius, to whome kinge Lucius sente letters desiringe hym, that by his commaun­dement he mighte be christened. Fugatius and Damià­nus [Page] (whose holy reliques are thought to be now in Wales, and whose holy remembraunce churches there dedicated to God in their name,Obsecrās, vt per eiꝰ mandatū Christianꝰ efficeretur King Luciꝰ ād the realme Christe­ned bi [...]the popes le­gate [...]. Ireneus li. 3 ca. 3. Ad hāc e­nim prop­ter poten­tiorē principalitatē necesse est oēm cōue­nire Ecclesiam, hoc est, eos qui sunt vndi­que fide­les, in qua semper ab hijs qui sūt vndi (que) cō ­seruata est ea, quae est ab Apostolis traditio. Beda li. cap. 13. [...]rosper in Chronic. doe to this day kepe and preserue as it were fresh and immortall) sent to England by the sayed Eleutherius, did most godly and wonderfully worke thys great conqueste. If I should nowe aske M. Horne, what Lucius meant to send so farre for instructours and teachers of the Christian fayth, namely Fraunce beyng at hande: where about thys tyme the Christian Churches were ad­orned wyth many learned Bishoppes and Martyrs: though he woulde perchaunce seeke manie a pretye shyfte, to shyfte awaye thys demaunde, yet should he neuer make any good and sufficiente aunsweare, vntyll he confessed the Popes primacye, to be the verie cause to send so farre of. The which the blessed Martyr of God and great lear­ned Bishoppe of Lyons in Fraunce Ireneus writyng in the tyme of our firste Apostle Eleutherius doth confesse, wri­tyng: That all Churches muste agree wyth the Churche of Rome, for that the sayed Churche hath the greater principa­litie, and for that the traditions of the Apostles haue euer bene kept there.

In case nowe the pope had nothing to doe in matters ecclesiasticall within this Ileland in the tyme of the olde Britaines, why did pope Celestinus appoint to the Scottes, theyr firste Bishop Palladius as Prosper writeth a notable Chronicler of that age? Why dyd he also send into thys Ileland S. Germaine Bishoppe of Antisiodorum, to bryng by the Apostolicall Authoritie the Britaynes from the he­resye of the Pelagians, as the sayed Prosper witnesseth?

Lett vs nowe come to the tyme of the Saxons con­uerted [Page 292] by S. Augustine: And then shall we fynd so manie, and so full testimonies both of the popes primacie, and of the princes subiection, as I trowe M. Horne him selfe,Pope Ce­lestinus practised his supremacye in the Saxōs tyme. as impudent as he is, can not, nor will not denie them. Which I do ouerpasse, by reason they are readely to be foūd in our worthy coūtriemā S. Bede, lately set forth by me in the En­glish tongue, and in the Fortresse also adioyned to the same storie, I will nowe adde this only, that from the time wher­in Beda endeth his storie, to the conquest of the foresaied William,The Po­pes supremacie in Englande sithence the Saxōs time. Beda. lib. 1 ca. 29. li, 3. ca. 14.22. & 25. li. 2. c. 4. & 19. there appeareth in our domesticall stories a per­petuall and continuall practise of the saied primacie in this realme by the popes, as well in those bookes as be extant in printe, as in other: As in Asserius Meneuens. that continu­eth the storie from the death of Bede, to the yeare of our Lorde: 914. in Henricus Huntingtoniensis, Gulielmus Mal­mesburiensis, Alphredus Beuerlacensis, Rogerus Houede­nus, Florilegiū, siue Mattheus Westmonasteriensis, Chro­nica Iohānis Londoniensis, and many other yet not printed (that I haue not sene) and which are hard to be sene, by reason of the greate spoyle of such kind of bookes of late made, in the suppressing of monasteries and colleges.Fortresse. par 2. c. 8. A cōplaīt for defa­c [...]ng of Libraries The which suppression, and it were for nothing else, but for the losse of so many worthy Chroniclers, can not be to much lamented, the losse being incomparably greater, then the losse of any princes treasure. The case is nowe to be pi­tyed, for that the verie Librarie of the Vniuersitie of Ox­forde hath felt the rage of this spiteful spoile, not so much as one booke at this howre there remaining. This is one of the worthy fruits of your new ghospel M. Horne. As appe­reth also by the late vprores in these low Coūtries wher by the Gueses, not onely the Monasteries, but the Libraries [Page] also (namelye of the grey friers in Antwerpe) be most shamefully defaced,King Alured: or Alphred the foūder of the vniuersitie of Oxforde. A schole of the Saxons at Rome. An. Dom. 880. Asserius Meneuensis. Gul. Noueoburgens. M.S. Henr. Hung­tington. Ioannes Scotus. Idem Henricus. King Alured vvas annointed king of England at Rome. Asserius. Quo tempore Leo Papa .4. Apostolicae sedi praeerat, qui praefatum infantem Alphredū confirma­uit, et in filium ado­ptionis sibi accepit, & oleo vnctum con­secrauit in Regem. Vide deflorationes Alphredi Beuerla­censis. A Patre suo Adelul­pho Romā mittitur. & à papa Leone. 4 in Regem inūgitur. Of S. vvulstane bi­shop of vvorceter. the bookes burnt to ashes, and the olde monuments destroyed. The naming of Oxforde, bringeth to my remembrance the noble and worthy foūder of the vniuersity there, I meane Kinge Alurede. In whose tyme there was at Rome a special schole or colledge, for English mē, priuile­ged ād exēpted frō al taxe ād tollages, by pope Mar­tin the .2. at the desire of this King. Who sent to him for a gift a peece of the holy crosse. This King beīg learned hīself loued entierly learned mē, especially Ioānes Scotus, that trāslated out of the Greeke tōg the works of Dionysius Areopagita: whoō he vsed moste familiarly. This Alurede, being but yet yong, was sent by the Kinge Edeluulphus his father to Rome accompanied with many noble men, where pope Leo the .4. did confirme him, and toke him as his sonne by adoption, and did also annoynte and consecrate him King of Englande. The manifolde practise of the said primacy continued from this Kings tyme, euen to the tyme, and in the tyme of blessed S. Edward, the immediate predecessour of William, sauing Harolde who reigned not one full yeare. In the twenty yeare of the said King Ed­warde, the blessed man Wulstanus, that was be­fore a monk and prior there, was consecrated bis­shop of Worceter. A man of suche notable vertue, and such austerity of lyfe, as he resembled the olde vertuouse and renowned religiouse men. As one that among all other his notable qualities, conti­nued so in praying, studiyng and fasting, that som­tymes [Page 289] in foure dayes and foure nights he neuer slepte: and that litle reste which he toke, was vpon a foorme in the Churche, vsing none other bolsterre, but his booke, wher­in he prayed or studied. This man, I saye, was made bisshop, and confirmed by the popes Legats being then in the realm before the Cōqueste.He vvas cōfirmed by the popes le­gats be­fore the cōquest. Henry Hūtingto. Our authour doth not write this of vncertain heresay, but of certain knowledge, as a mā of that age, and one, that as it semeth, had sene this blessed man, ād talked with him.

To discourse vpon other particularities as vpon the con­tinual appeale to Rome, vpon willes, charteres, and such o­ther writings sent from Rome, to auoide tediousnes I doe purposely forbeare. But I will nowe notifie to the good reader two thīgs only. First that from the tyme of the good Kinge Offa (in the yere of our Lord .760.) who gaue after the example of Inas not long before him,Idem Hēr. Hunting. Polid. l. 4. The con­tinual practise of the Popes Primacy in the re­alme of England before the con­queste in payinge the Peter pence, ād receiuing the palle. to the Pope as to the Vicare of S. Peter, the Peter pence, euen to the cōquest the payment of the said Peter pence hath continued: and they were frō tyme to tyme leuied, the Kings taking good diligent order, for the sure paymente of the same. Second­ly that from the tyme of S. Augustine, the first Archebis­shop among the Saxons, both he and al other Archebishops euen to the conquest receaued their palle from Rome: an infallible token of their subiectiō to the Pope, as Peters suc­cessour, vpon whose holy tombe, the palle is first layed, ād after taken of, and sente to the Archebisshop. As these two tokens of subiection cōtinued frō tyme to time, to the con­queste: so they continewed also without any interruption, (onlesse it were verie seldome, and for a litle space by rea­son of some priuate controuersie, betwixte the Pope and the Kinge) euen from thence to our freshe memorie, be­side [Page] many notable things otherwise in this realme since the conquest, continually practised, that serue for the declara­tion and confirmation of the said primacy. Perchaunce M. Horne wil say to me, Sir, though I specifie nothing before the conquest to iustifie the princes supremacy, yet in the margent of my booke, I doe remitte the reader, to a booke made in King Henry the .8. days.De pote­state Re­gia. Wherein he may see, what doinges the Kings of England had in this realme before the conquest, for matters Ecclesiastical. A prety and a clerklie remission in dede, to sende your reader for one thowsande of yeares together, in the which ye shoulde haue laide out before hī, your best and principal proufs, to seke out a book, he wotteth not where, and which, whē it is at lēgth foūd, shal proue your matter, no more substātially, then ye haue done hitherto your selfe. And therefore because ye worke by signes and profers only and marginal notes, I wil remitte both you and my reader to a The .411. vntruth, for there is not as much as one exam­ple of this nevve Primacye brought foorth in that boke cōcerning Englād. And therfore this is a marginal lie of M. Hornes. And so are ye novv vvel­come to Englande M. Horne vvithall your ioly compa­nye, that is vvith .400. vntruthes and more cleauing faste to your syde be­side many a trym follie othervvise, marginal note also, for your and his ful aunswere.

Nowe then, lette vs goe forwarde in Gods name, and see whether Kinge William conquered, bothe the lande and the Catholike faithe all at ones. Lette vs consider yf this Kinge and the re­alme did not then acknowledge the Popes Supre­macy, as much, and as reuerently as any Christian prince doth now liuīg. I say nothing of the othe he toke the day of his coronation, promising by othe to Aldrede Archbisshop of Yorke that crouned hī, at S. Peters alter in Westminster, before the clergy, and the people, that he would defende the holye Churches and their gouernours. But tel your rea­ders good M. Horn I beseche you, why that King [Page 294] Williā, contrary to the aunciēt order, vsed euer be­fore and since, was not crowned of Stigandus thē liuing and being Archbishop of Canterbury,VV. Conquerours othe. In addit. ad. Noueo­burg. M.S. promittēs se velle sanctas Dei Ecclesias, ac rectores defendere. but of the bishop of York. Yf ye can not or wil not for ve­ry shame to betraie your cause tel you reader, then wil I do so much for you. Forsoth, the cause was, that the Pope layde to his charge, that he had not receiued his palle canonically. The said Stigandus was deposed shortly after in a Councell holden at Winchester in the presence of .ij.Idē Noueobur. M.S. Pallium canonicè nō suscepisti. Fabian. par. 7. cap. 220. The cause why the Archbishop Stigā ­dus vvas deposed. Cardinals sent frō Pope Alexander the .2. and that (as Fabian writeth) for thre causes. The first for that he had holden wrōg­fully the bisshoprik, whyle Robert the Archbishop was liuing. The second for that he had receyued the palle of Benett bishop of Rome, the fifth of that name. The third for that he occupied the said Palle without licēce and leful authority of the court of Rome. Guil. Malmesb. Sti­gandū perperā & falsò Archiepiscopū, per Card. Rom. & Ar­menfridū episcopum Sedunensem deponi passus est. Polychronic. lib. 7. cap. 1. Your author Polychronicon writeth in the like effect. Neubri­gensis also newly prīted, toucheth the depositiō of this Stigādus by the Popes Legat in Englād, ād re­porteth that the Popes Legat Canonically deposed him. What liking haue you now M. Horne of Kīg Williās supremacy? Happy are you with your fel­lowes, the protestāt bishops, and your two Archbis­shops, that the said Williā is not now king. For if he were, ye se cause sufficiēt,Neub. lib. 1. cap. 1. why ye al shuld be depri­ued, aswel as Stigādꝰ. And yet ther is one other thīg worse thā this, and that is schisme and heresy.M. Horne and his felovves are to be deposed, yf he al­lovv VV. Conque­rours supremacy. Who woulde euer haue thought good reader, that the Pope should euer haue found M. Horne him selfe, so good a proctour, for the Papacy, againste him [Page] self and his fellowes? For lo, this brasen face which short­ly for this his incredible impudency, will be much more famouse, then freer Bacons brasen head, of the which the schollers of Oxforde were wonte to talke so much, doth not blushe,M Horns impudē ­cie. to tel thee, good reader, to his owne confusion of the Popes Legates, and the Councell kepte at Winche­ster: And al this is ye wotte wel to shewe, that Kinge Wil­liam was supreme head in al causes as wel temporall as spi­ritual. Then doth he pleade on foorth full lustely for the Pope: for Kinge William heareth a certayne Ecclesiasti­call matter beinge in controuersie, and dependinge in the Popes cowrte betwene the Archebisshop of Yorke and the Archebisshop of Caunterbury: the which cause the Pope had remitted to be determined by the King and the bishops.Gul. Mal­mesb. Ex prae­cepto A­lexandri. 11. venti­lata est causa &c. Adfuit Hubertus Le­gatus Pa­pae. Fabian. cap. 222. Polich. lib. 7. cap. 3. Guiliel. de Pontifi. Guil. Hū ­tingt. Well said M. Horne, and like the Popes faithfull proctour. For hereof followeth that the Pope was the su­preame head and iudge of the cause: And the Kinge the Popes Commissioner, by whose commaundemēt, the cause was sent ouer to be heard in Englād. And yet was Huber­tus the Popes Legat present at the end this notwithstāding.

M. Horne would now belike make vs belieue, that King William also thrusted out Abbats and supressed Monaste­ries, when yt pleased him. For he telleth vs, that by the Kīgs iudgement Abbat Thurstan was chaunged, and his monks scattered abrode: but he had forgotte to set in also, that his authour, and others say: that it was for slaying of certayne of his monkes, and wounding of certayne other. The monks also had hurt many of his men. And your author of the Pollichro­nicō telleth, that these mōks were scattered abrode by the kīgs hest, by diuers bisshopriks and abbays: which latter words ye leue out. As also you do in your Author Fabiā, who saith [Page 291] not, they were scattred about, as you reporte, as though they had bene scattred out of their coates, as of late dayes they were, but he saieth: they were spred abrode into diuers houses through Englande: so that they chaunged but their house, not their Religion. And so this was no spirituall matter that the kinge did, neither gaue he herein any iudgement in any spirituall cause.

Nowe if all other argumentes and euidences fayled vs, to shewe that kinge William toke not him self for supreame gouernour in all maner causes, as you moste vntruely and fondly auouche, we might well proue it againste yowe by the storie of Lanfranke, whome kinge William,Notable places of Lanfrācus for the popes primacie. Lanfran. contra Berengar: de sacramēto Et hoc impio ore garristi quod garrista nemo lo­quitur: nō haereticus, non schis­maticus. non falsus aliquis Christia­nus. fol. 2. as ye con­fesse, made archebishop of Canterburie. Though according to your olde manner ye dissemble aswell the depryuation of Stigandus, in whose place the king set Lanfranke, as that Lanfranke receyuid his palle from Rome, and acknowled­ged not the kinge, but the pope for supreame head of the Church. Which thing doth manifestly appeare, in his lear­ned boke he wrote againste your greate graundsier Beren­garius. Who, as ye doe nowe, denied then the transubstan­tiation and the real presence of Christes bodie in the Sacramente: and called the Churche of Rome, which had con­demned his heresie, as ye vse to doe, the Church of the ma­lignante, the councell of vanitye, the see of Sathan. To whome Lanfrancus answereth, that there was neuer anie heretyke, anie schismatyke, anie false Christian, that before hym had so wyckedly babled againste that see. And sayth yet farder in an other place of the sayd boke, Quotquot a primordio Christia­nae Ecclesiae, Christiani nominis dignitate gloriati sunt, etsi ali­qui relicto veritatis tramite per deuia erroris incedere malue­runt, sedem tamen sancti Petri Apostoli magnificè honora­uerunt, [Page] nullam (que) aduersus eam huiusmodi blasphemiam, vel di­cere, vel scribere praesumpserunt. Whosoeuer from the be­gynning of Christes Church,Fol. 13. Beati pa­tres cōcorditer astruxerūt, hae­ricum esse hoēm om­nem, qui à Romana & vniuersali Ecclesia in sidei doctrina discordat, in edit. Lo nan. in 8. An. 1551. were honored with the name of Christē mē, though some forsaking the Truth, haue gone astray, yet they honoured much the See of Peter, neyther presumed at any time either to speake or to write any such blasphemy. He saieth also, that the blessed Fathers doe vni­formly affirme that mā to be an heretike, that doth dissent from the Romā and vniuersal Church in matter of faith.

But what nede I lay furth to thee good Reader, Lanfrāks learned books, or to goe from the matter we haue in hand ministred to vs by M. Horne, cōcerning this matter sent to be determined before the King? Such as haue or can get ei­ther Polychronicō or Fabiā, I would wish them to see the very place: and thā wil they meruail, that M. Horne would for shame bring in this matter agaīst the Popes primacy: for the confirmation wherof ye shal find in Lāfranks reasoning before the King for his right vpō the church of York som­thing worth the noting for the Popes primacy. Beside this he writeth that Lanfrank was a man of singular vertue, cō ­stancy, and grauity, whose helpe and coūsel for his affaires, the King chiefly vsed. And therfore your cōclusion that ye inferre, of such premisses as ye haue specified, which as I haue shewed, do not impugne, but establish the popes pri­macy, is a very fond, folish and false cōclusion. It appeareth well both by Fabian and by Polychronicon, that he would sometime like a cōquerour for his owne lucre and safetie, both displace the English prelats, as he did the Knights and Nobles of the realme, to place his owne Normans in their roome: and also haue a peece many times of his owne mind cōtrary to the precise order of the Canōs and lawes eccle­siastical. [Page 296] And this not only Fabian and Polychonicon, but before them both Williā of Malmesbury doth also witnes. Such faults therfore of Williā Cōquerour ād of others, that your authour and other reporte in discōmendation, serue you notwithstāding (such beggarly shiftes you are forced to vse) for good argumēts ād substātial bulwarks,Lib. De pō tif. Angli. to build your newe supreamacy vpō. And nowe might I or anie wise mā much meruail, to cōsider how that ye haue ladē and freigh­ted this one page of your boke with no lesse then .6. quota­tiōs of the Polychronicō, and yet not one of them seruing for, but rather againste you: yea eche one ouerthrowing your purpose. And therfore because ye would be the lesse espied, as throughout your whole discourse, so here ye nei­ther name boke nor chapter of your authour. Beside that it is vntrue that ye write, as out of Polychronicon, that the popes Legates kept a Councell before which was kept at Winchester. For he speaketh of none other but of that,Polychr. li. 7. ca. 1. where Stigādus, that we spake of, was degraded, and after­ward kept streighly in prison by Williā Conquerour. And the Bishops and Abbats ye speake of, were not deposed by the King, but as your self write,Fabian. cap. 220. by the kings meanes and pro­curemēt. Which was (as Fabiā reporteth) all to the entent he might preferre Normans to the rule of the Church, as he had preferred his Knightes to the rule of the temporaltie: that he might stand in the more suertie of the lande.

M. Horne. The .119. Diuision. pag. 77. a.

In like maner did his sonne William Rufus, vvho made Anselm Bishop of Yorke and aftervvard trāslated him to Cantorbury. But within a while strife and cōtention fel betwene him and Anselm,Fabian. for Anselm might not cal his Synods, nor correct the bishops but as the kīg would: the king also chalēged the inuestiture of bisshops. This king also forbad the paying of any mony or tribut to Rome: as saith Polychronicon.

[Page] The like inhibition made Henry the first, and (417.)The .417. vntruthe. He made holy Church free sayeth Fabyan. Fabyan. gaue Ec­clesiastical promotions, Matth. Par. as his auncestours had doone: vvherefore Anselme fel out vvith the kinge, and vvould not consecrate suche Prelates, as he beynge a Lay man had made: but the Archebishop of Yorke (.418.)The 418 vntruthe. For the pleasure of the Kinge left out. did consecrate thē, and therefore Anselme (.419.)The .419. vntruthe. he fled not to Rome but vvas sente thi­ther by the kinge. fledde the Realme. In an other councel at London, the spiritual condescended, that the kinges officers, should punish Priestes for whoordome. The cause of this decree, as it see­meth, vvas, that a Cardinall named Ioannes Cremensis, that came to redresse the matter, after he had enueighed againste the vice, vvas him selfe the same nyghte taken tardy. In the which councell also (sayth Polydore) the kinge prouided many thinges to bee enacted which shoulde greatly helpe to leade a Godly and blessed life.Simeon Dunelmensis Hen. Huntingtonus Roge. Houedenus. Matt. Paris. Mat. VVestmonast. After this the kinge called an other Councell at Sarisbury, Sommoning thither so well the chief of the Clergy, as the people, and swore them vnto him, and vnto VVilliam his sonne. Whereupon Polydorus taketh occasion to speake of the order of our Parliamente, though it haue a French name, yet in deede to be a councell of the Clergy, Polidorus. Polidorus. Nauclerus. Abbas Vrsp. and the Laitie, vvhereof the Prince hath a full ratifiyng or enfringing voyce. And not only (saith he) this king did make Bisshoppes and Abbottes (vvhich he calleth) holy rites, Lavves of religion, and Church ceremonies (as other likevvyse cal it ecclesiastical busynes) but the Princes of euery natiō, begane euery wher to claim this right vnto thē selues of namīg and denouncing of Bisshops, the which to this daie they hold fast with toothe and nayle, Also Martinus here no­teth. Vntil this time, and frō thence (.420.)The .420. vntruthe. flatly belying Mar­tinus. euē til our daies, the king of Hungary maketh and inuestureth according to his pleasure, Bisshops and other Eccle­siastical persons within his Dominions.

Stapleton.

Concerning Vvil­liam Rufus King.Ye shal nowe good reader see a more euidente testimonie of M. Hornes meruelouse newe logike [Page 297] and diuinity, wherof I spake euen now.M. Horne buyldeth his newe primacie vppō the doinges of ill princes. Eusebius de vitae Const. lib. 1. prope finem. For ys not this a worthy and a clerkly conclusion? The wicked king Rufus woulde not suffer the blessed and learned archbishop of Caūterbury Anselme, to cal hys Synodes and correcte the Bishoppes: he challenged the inuestiture of Bishoppes: he woulde paye no tribute to Rome. Ergo the Quene of En­glande is supreame head of the Church of Englande. The losenes and fondnes of thys argumente, euery childe may sone espie. By this argument he may set the Popes crowne vppon the head of the wycked and heathen Prince espe­ciallie the tyrāte Licinius, with whome Eusebius cōparing the good and Christian Emperour Constantine cōpartner with hym in the empire, ād not in hys wyckednes, writeth thus. [...], &c.

First then he watched and obserued the Priestes of God, that were vnder hys gouernemente, and wheras they had nothing offended hym, he by curiouse and subtyle working, deuised pre­tensed matter to trouble and vex [...] them.The a­greable­nes be­tvvene Rufus, ād the tyrāt Licinius, for stay­yng of ecclesia­sticall councels.When he could fynd no iuste matter to accuse them withall, he made a proclamatiō that the Bishoppes for [...]. &c. no maner of matter should assemble to­gether, and that yt shoulde not be lawfull to any of them to re­payre to theire neighbours Churches, [...]. &c. or to call any Synode, or place to consulte and debate, vppon suche thinges, as appertey­ned to the commoditye of the Churche. Thys was hys dryfte, by the wich he sowght theyre destruction. For either the Bishop­pes were in daunger to be punished▪ yf they trāsgressed his law, or yf they kepte the lawe, they broke the order and custome of the Churche. For they could not aduise thē selues in any weigh­ty matters but in a Synode. And thys wicked mā hated of God gaue thys commaundement, that he might worke quite con­trarye to the doeinges of good Constantyne, whome God lo­ued. [Page] For he, such was his reuerēce to God, suche was his studie and endeuour to haue peace and agreemente, assembled Gods priests together. M. Horne like the spider ād the flie. The worthines of Bisshop Anse [...]me. Guil Maelmesb. in lib. de Pontif. Henri [...]. Hunting. in Histor. Angl. T [...]e cau­ses of dissen [...]iō be­tvvene King [...]u­fus and Anselmus Edmerus. de vita Ansel. li. 2 Regē pro Ecclesiarū quae de die in diē de­struebātur releuatione pro Christianae l [...]gis quae in multis violabatur renouatione, pro di­uersorū morū qui ōni ordine hominum quotidie nimis corrumpebantur, correctione coepit interpellare. Th'other cōtrariwyse wēt about to dissolue those things that were wel ordeined and to breke peace ād agreemēt. Thus farre Eusebius of the heathen tyran Licinius. Ye play therfore M. Horn like a very spider, that gathereth nothīg but poison out of sweet herbes, and so doe you out of good chronicles. Ye are like to the flie that loueth to dwell in the horse dong. I would to God your Reader M. Horne, would either aduisedly weigh, what an ill King this Williā Rufus was, by the most agreable consent of all writers: and what straūge and wōderful tokēs were sene in his time, ād how he ended his life being slaine by the glaūsing of an Ar­rowe, as he was a hūting: or the excellēt learning, cōstancy and vertue of the B. Anselmus: and the great miracles, that God wrought by him, as wel before, as after his death, set foorth by the best Historiographers of that time: especially of Henry Hūtington, Williā of Malmesbury, and one Ed­merus. Who hath made .ij. special Treatises, the one cōcer­ning Anselmus doings, with this king and king Hēry, the o­ther cōcerning his priuat life. The which I would wish the gētle Reader, to read, to know the better the worthines of this man, and withal, the state of the cōtrouersy betwixt hī and the two kings: Williā Rufus, and Hēry Which in effect cōcerning William Rufus rested in that the said William, would not at the admonitiō of this good man as wel leaue of other faults, as also the inuesturing of Bishops, the pilling of the spiritualty ād tēporalty, and the selling of bis­shopriks, which was bought and solde as plainly as other marchandize: as M. Hornes Author Fabian, beside others dothe declare: The beginning of the [Page 298] Kings displeasure against Bishop Anselme, rose principally for that he woulde not according to his expectation geue him in the way of thanks,Edmer. lib 2. a thousand pounds for making hī Archebishop of Caūterbury. And yet as naught as this king was, he neuer denyed the Pope to be Supreme Heade or Iudge of the Church, no nor the paiment of the tribut cal­led Rome shot: but for a time pretending he knew not who was the true Pope (the church of Rome thē being troubled with schisme) and he seeming for the time to fauour rather the false, then the true Pope, which was Vrbane. Whom, this notwithstanding, he acknowledged for the true Pope:Edmer. dict. lib. 2. Attamen posthaec et Vrbanum per VVal­terum Albanensem episcopum, qui palliū à Roma Anselmo Cantuariam detulit pro Papa suscepit et principum suorum cōsilio actus in ami­citiam suam virum recepit. ād receiued Walter the Popes legat that brought the Palle for Anselme, and receiued Anselme also into his friendship. Henry of Huntington writeth, that the king him selfe sent for the Palle, the which being brought to Caūterburie, and set vpon the Aulter, was for the honor of S. Peter kissed of al men most humblie kneeling.

We haue now shewed how and after what fas­shiō the king forbod the tribut to be paid to Rome: the which, I marueile why ye tell it rather out of Polichronicō, then Fabian, which saith it as well as the residue ye alleage. But not for any of his good dedes.Henric. Hunting. Cap. 225. For describing the death of this Williā, he telleth, that the day whē he died, he held in his hands the three Bisshopriks of Caūterbury, of Winchester, ād of Salisbury, and diuers Abbeies, of the which he let some to farme. Also he restrained the mony that of old time was paid to Rome, called Rome shot. Al which is told of Fabiā and the other Chroniclers, to shew what a couetous man he was, and iniurious to the Church, not to shewe any practise of due and laufull Authoritie thereby. [Page] Yet this serueth notwithstanding M. Hornes purpose ve­ry wel. What M. Horne? Wil you haue our Princes now like to William Rufus, and his Father the Conquerour to taxe and pille both the Spiritualty and Temporalty of their realme, as they out of measure did? For so both Polichro­nicon and Fabian report (which you conceal) that notwith­standing the staie of this tribute to Rome, yet did this William pill and shaue his people with tribute, and misuse them with diuers other disorders. Or as Fabian saith, He pilled the Spiri­tualtie and Temporalty with vnreasonable taskes and tributs. Concer­ning kīg Hēry the first. Such a one you bring foorth as a worthy example of your new Supremacie, and yet can ye not fasten it vppon him neyther.

Edmer. lib. 2. De vi­ta Anselmi. Post ea omnia rega­uit Anselmum rex, quatenus ipsemet Romam iret. Henr. Hungt. Rogatus à Rege per­rexit Romam. Idē Hēric. Hūgt. Anno. 1107. statuit vt nūquā per dona­tionem baculi pasto­ralis vel ānuli, quis (quam) de episcopatu vel abbatia [...]er regē vel quamlibet laicā ma­num in Anglia inue­stiretur. [...]ex antecessorū suo­rum vsu relicto, [...]ec personas quae in regi­men Ecclesiarum su­mebantur per se eli­git, nec eas per da­tionem virgae pasto­ralis quibus praeficie batur, inuestiuit. Edmer. lib. 2. de vi­ta Anselmi.But much lesse shal ye fasten it vpon king Hen­ry folowing who (though he were for a time dis­pleased with Anselme, for that he would neyther consecrate those Bishops, nor communicate with them whom the King had inuestured, and because the Pope had so commaunded, the matter yet stā ­ding in controuersie) did not flie, as ye write, but at the Kings desire went to Rome, to see if he could mollifie the Pope: And afterwarde the king was perfitly reconciled to him: and the King made an ordinaunce and a decree, that from that time fore­ward, nor Bishop, nor Abbat should be inuestured by the king or any other laie man, by the pastorall staffe and the ring. This writeth Henrie Arche­deacon of Huntington, a writer then liuing. The like also Edmerius Anselmes cōpanion in his exile writeth. And that the king was very gladde, that he had made peace and accorde with Anselme. [Page 299] And had great hope, that he should the soner sub­due Normandie. Euen as it chaunced: for he had a notable victorie, and toke prisoners his brother Robert and other Princes that assisted Robert.

The whiche thing he certified Anselme of by his letters sent to him into Englande: and all men of those daies imputed his victorie to the agreamente made with Anselme. Tel me nowe in good faith M. Horne, who was the Supreme Heade, the king that yelded to the Pope for inuesturīg,Idem. or the Pope that would neuer yelde to him, nor the Emperour Henrie the .4. neither, in this matter,Omnes qui haec ge­sta tūc tēporis audie­re, ea meritis cōcor­diae quā rex cū An­sel. fecerat ascripsere Fabian. cap. 227. but did ex­communicate the Emperour: and king Henry was faine to forsake him and his doings, though he were him selfe a mighty Prince and the Emperours Fa­ther in law, by Maude the Empresse his daughter.

I now also perceiue that a Horne wil not lightly blush,M. Horn sheweth him selfe vvorthy to be pu­nished for vvhore­dome by his ovvn storie. for if it could, ye would neuer for shame haue tolde your Reader, of these Priestes that were punnished for whore­dome, for sauing of your own and Maistres Madges poore honestie. And yet your whoredome infinitely excedeth theirs. For they were punished for keping company with their concubines or their wiues whome they had laufully maried before they were ordered. But you after Priesthod doe marie, which neuer was allowed, but euer condem­ned as wel in the Greke Churche as in the Latine. And now decke your margent as thicke as ye will, with Fabiā, Simeon Dunelmens. Rogerus Houedenus, Henricus Hun­tingtonꝰ, Matheus Parisiēs. Matheus Westmonasteriēs. and Polidorus, ād blow out, as it were out of your own horne, your own dishonesty and shame as long as ye will: and see [Page] what supreamacy ye shal buyld vpon such a fickle and filthy foundation.Fabian. Simeon Dunelmens. & Rogerus Houed. Rex tenuit Conciliū magnū apud Lōdo­nū de vxoribus sacerdotū prohibē lis, &c. Concessere namque regi iustitiā de vxo­ribus sacerdotū, & improuidi habiti sunt: accepit enī rex pecuniam infinitam de presbyteris & re­demit eos. Similia habet, & Henr. Huntington. Verely your owne authours doe witnesse, that this king kept a great Councel at London, where among al other Decrees (saieth Fa­bian) one was, that priestes should forgoe their wiues. And if the popes Legate was taken as ye write, in whoredome (who yet, as Mattheus Westmonast. writeth, was no priest but a correctour of priests, and thereby excused his fault) what doth that re­lieue your cause, or wherein doth it saue your ho­nestie? For the king did not punish these fornica­tours, but by the clergies consent. Wherein they were by thier rashe graunte ouerseen and circum­uented For the King tooke a greate masse of mo­ney of the parsons that were faultye, and so dis­missed them. Ye tell vs nowe out of Polidore, that the parliament is in dede a Councel of the clergie and the Layetie.Lib. 11. The order of the parliamēte abovvt the conqueste. Parliamētum est ex 3. gradibus siue gene­ribus: scilicet ex pro­curatoribus cleri, militibus cōmunitatis, ciuibus & Burgensi­bus, qui repraesentāt totam communita­tem Angliae. Quia quilibet magnatum est [...]bi pro propria persona & non pro alia. If ye meane an Ecclesiasticall councell, then Polydore neither saieth it, nor mea­neth yt. For as he maketh the parliamente an as­semble for politike matters, to the which the pre­lates also come as Barons: so for matters ecclesi­asticall he appointeth specialle the conuocation. Truthe yt is, that before the conqueste and in Wil­liam Conquerours tyme to (as appeareth by old recordes, writen as it semeth abowt the cōquest) the proctours of the clergye sate in the Lower howse. And the sayde recordes do shewe that the Parliament properly standeth and consisteth in .3. degrees: that is, of the proctours of the clergye, of the knightes of the sheere, and of the Burge­ses [Page 300] and Citizens. For they represent the people and comminaltie of the realme. As for the noble men, bishoppes and oth [...]r be there, for their owne persons, and not for other: yf we shal beleue the said auncient records. Nowe though these many yeres, for matters politike the cōuocation haue had nothing to doe, yet as of [...] as any paiemēt is to be made, it taketh no place by vertue of Parliamēt against the Cler­gy, onles the Clergie do cōsent. Yf this be true in mony ma­ters, and if in aūciēt time the Clergy had to do in ciuil maters also (the which prerogatiue, belik, they left volūtarely, that they might the better attend their owne spirituall vocatiō) what an accōpt ought of all good reason to be made of the late parliament,M. Horns vvisdom in reaso­ning aga­inst hym selfe. wherein mere Laie men haue turned vpsi­downe the state of the Catholique faythe againste the full mindes of the Clergie, I leaue it to euery wiseman well to consider. But as I beganne to saye, If Polidore mea­neth not the Parliamente to be a Councell of Spirituall matters, to what purpose,Polidorus lib. 11. Admone­bat ne sanctos ritus, neuè reli­gionis iu­ra, et ceremonias verteret pollue­retque. or with what great wisedome haue ye alleaged him: or that he calleth the making of Bis­shops ād Abbats, holy rites, lawes of religiō, and church ce­remonies: seing that the King gaue ouer the electing of bi­shoppes, and seing that your Authour doth shew, that An­selme rebuked the King therefore?

Nowe to those matters of Englande M. Horne addeth a greate Vntruthe of the Kyng of Hungarie, tellyng vs out of Martinus, that the Kynge of Hungarie, vntill this time, (which is the yeare of grace. 1110.) and from thence euen til our daies maketh ād inuestureth according to his plea­sure, bisshops &c. Thys I say is a great and flat vntruth. For Martinus here saieth plainly the cōtrary, thus. At this time the King of Hūgary (saieth Martinus) writing many aduertise­ments [Page] to the Pope by his letters, gaue ouer the inuesturing of Bishops and of other prelats, Martinus Polonus in, Pascha li. 2. Re­nunciauit inuestitu­ris Epi­scoporum & aliorū praelatorū. which vntil that time the kinges of Hungary were wonte to make. These are the true wordes of Martinus in this place. Now what passing impudency is this of M, Hornes? That which his Author telleth for the Popes primacy, this man wresteth it to the Princes. And therefore whereas Martinus telleth only, that vntill that time kinges of Hungary inuested the Bishops, and addeth far­der that at the same time the kinge of Hungary gaue ouer the same into the Popes handes, M. Horne bothe lewdely concealeth that, and also of his owne, most impudentlye and shamelessely addeth, and from thence euen til our dayes: which Martinus not only auoucheth not, but telleth also plainely the contrarye: to witte, that, at that time the king gaue ouer al such matters. Farder to make the matter soūd more princely, you make Martinus say, that the kinge of Hungary inuested Bishops, according to his pleasure. Which wordes (according to his pleasure) are not in Martinus at al, but it is a poynt of your descant, vpō his playne, and a fitte of your owne volūtary, at your pleasure. In dede this soū ­ded pleasauntly in M. Hornes eares, that by this exāmple he might also goe for a Bishop, made at the Princes pleasure, and to be remoued againe at her highnes pleasure. But you hearde before by the forme of Paschalis his graunte made to Henry the .4. that though the Prince haue the in­uesturing and confirming of Bishoppes graunted him, yet it was neuer so graūted to Princes, that their ōly pleasure suffised to make a man a true Bishop. For first, whom the Prince inuested and confirmed,Vide Nauclerū ge­nerat. 38. pag. 183. he shoulde be, liberè praeter violentiam & simoniam electus, chosen freely without vio­lence or simony on the Princes part. Which great faultes, [Page 301] both the Emperours of Germanie, and the kinges of oure land, such as had the inuesturing of Bishops in their owne handes, namely Henrie the .4. Emperoure, and William Rufus of England, most grieuouslie and daily committed. Secondarelye though he were inuested and confirmed of the Prince,Dist. 63. in Synod. yet post inuestituram Canonicè Consecrationem accipiant ab episcopo ad quem pertinuerint, after the inuestu­ring let them (saith Paschalis) be consecrated of the Bis­shop to whom they belong. So likewise, Leo .8. in his graūt made to Otho. the .1. geuing to the Emperour the inuestu­ring of Bishops, addeth, Et consecrationem vnde debent, and to be consecrated, where they ought to be. Which words vnde debent, where they ought, you for the nonse lefte out in your alleaging of this graunt made to Otho, to thentent that your inuesturing of the Prince,Fol. 7 [...]. Fac. 1. being without any cō ­secration at al of your Metropolitane (him self poore man, being no Bishop neither) might seme to be good and suffi­cient, and to haue example of antiquitie. For that purpose also ye make Martinus here to say, that the king of Hun­garie made Bishops according to his pleasure. But you see nowe it is not the Princes only pleasure that maketh a Bis­shop, but there must be both free election, without eyther forcing the Clergy to a choise, or forcing the chosen to fil­thie bribery, and also there must follow a due consecratiō, which in you, and al your fellowes doe lacke. And there­fore are in deede (by the waye to conclude it) no true Bis­shoppes, neither by the lawe of the Churche, as you see,An. 2 [...]. Henric. 8. cap. 14. An. 1. Elizab. cap. 1. neyther yet by the lawes of the Realme, for wante of due Consecration, expressely required by an Act of Parliamēt, renewed in this Queenes dayes in Suffragane Bisshoppes, much more in you.

M. Horne. The .120. Diuision. pag. 74. b.

And he [...]e sithen I am entred into the noting of the practises of other Coūtries in this behalfe: I might not onely note the doings about (.421.)The .421. Vntruth. not about this time, by 150. yeares at the least. this time of Frederike King of Cicill, and Iames the King of Spaine his brother, in reformation of Relligion in their dominions, as appeareth in their Epi­stles vvritē by Arnoldus de noua Villa, but also make a digressiō to the state of other parts in Christēdō, as of the churches of Grece, of Armenia, of Moscouia, &c. that acknovvledged not any, but (.422.)The 422. Vntruth. They of Armenia neuer ac­knovv­ledged their Prīce for suche. only their Princes to be their supreme gouernours in al things next to Christ: as especially also to note that most auncient part of Christēdom southvvard in Aethiopia, con­teining .62. kingdomes vnder the ruling of him vvhō vve misname Presbyter Ioannes, as vvho say he vver a Priest, and head Bisshop ouer those chri­stian Realmes, hauing such a povver vvith them, as the Popes (423)The 423. Vntruth. Slāderus. vsurpa­tiō hath chalēged here in Europe, to be an head or vniuersal Priest ād king. If vve may beleue Sabellicus, vvho saith that he hath both often talked vvith the Marchaūts, that haue their trafique there, and hath also díuers times enquired the matter by an interpretour of the inhabitaunts there borne, they al say that his name is neyther Presbiter Ioannes, nor Pretto Ianes, but say they, his name is Gyan, that is, mightie, and they maruaile greatly what the Italians meane, to call him by the name of Priesthode. But this they say, that al the suites or requestes euen of their greate Bishoppes, are brought before the king him self: and that all their benefices or Spiritual pro­motions be opteined at his handes (.424.)The .424. vntruth, most lewde in nipping away the vvordes folowing in the same sentence. So that there beynge, as Sabellicus telleth further, an exceadinge great nomber of chiefe Prela­tes or Metropolitanes, and vnder euerye one Prelate at the leaste tvven­ty Bishoppes, all their sutes and causes Ecclesiasticall, beyng brought vnto him, and he the maker of all these Prelates, Bishoppes, and other Ec­clesiasticall persons, he is called ouer them all, Clergy or Laie, in all causes Ecclesiastical or themporall, Gyan the mightie, that is, the supreme Ruler ād Gouernour, ād euē so hath (.425.) The .425. vntruth. Neuer able to be iusti­fied. cōtinued sithē those partes vvere first Christened, (as they saye) of Thomas Dydimus, the Apostle, vntill our tyme. But thys by the vvaye, novv from them to retourne to our ovvne countrey.

The .20. Chapter. Of the Armenians, and of the Aethio­pians in Preto Ianes lande.

Stapleton.

A MAN would thinke that Maister Horne was with some straunge spirituall meditation rauished,M. Horne by a spi­ritual ra­uishmēt, is sodain­ly caried frō Eng­land to Moscouia Aethio­pia, &c. when he interlaced this digression, woorthy belike depe­ly to be cōsidered, being here, I can not tel whether more impertinently, or more falsely, betwene the doings of king Henrie and king Stephen that immediately succeded him, full wisely wrenched and writhed in. For he is now vppon the sodaine, as a man rapt vppe and caried awaie not only into Spaine, but into Greece, Armenia, Moscouia, yea and Aethiopia too. And then is he as sodainly in England againe. About a foure hundred yeres past, he was very busie, and to busie too, for his owne honestie with Spaine: nowe after this long taciturnitie belike he hathe espied out there, some notable matter for his purpose: And what is it thinke ye good Reader? Forsooth he commeth in, as it were in a Mummerie, and sendeth vs to Arnoldus de Villa Noua, and telleth vs that we shall learne by him of the doing of Frederike king of Sicilie, and Iames king of Spain, in their Epistles writen by the said Arnoldus. But what this Arnoldus was, Heretique or Catholique, what his bookes were, and where, and when they were printed, and where a man shall finde any thing of him, he telleth vs nothing.

Your brother Gesnerus, M. Horn, in his Bibliotheca ma­keth mētion of Arnoldꝰ a Phisitiō, ād nūbreth his bokes. But of these epistles there is no word: and maruel it is, that such [Page] a notable worke shoulde escape hys handes. Suerlye with much a doe I suppose, I haue chaunced vppon hym, what in your brother Illiricus and what in your other frende Gaspar Hedio that addeth Paralipomena, to Abbas Vrsper gensis, I haue by them some feeling of thys your greate ghostly rauishmēte, ād feele at my fyngers endes that your Arnoldus (if he were no better then Illiricus maketh hym) was your owne deare brother, that is an Heretike as­well as your self: and also that in the vehemencye of thys your impertinente madde meditatiō you are caried away,Vide Pa­ralip. Vr­sperg. & Matheum Flaccium Illiricum in catalo­go testium veritatis. one hundred and fiftie yeares at the leaste, from the tyme ye shoulde haue orderly prosequuted, and as many myles from the matter yt self. For thys Arnoldus is noted to haue writen lyke a blinde and a lewde lying prophete, abowte the tyme of Clemente the fifte, which was made Pope abowte the yeare of our Lorde .1306. This Arnoldus then taking vppon him to be a prophete, sayeth that Antichrist should come within .34. yeres of his blinde prophesiyng. Now here for hys part M. Horne also playeth the lying prophete,Imo quod deterius est videtur nobis quod pro nihilo habeant Ecclesiam Roma­nam, quia nulli ap­pellationi ad eam factae de­ferunt. and telleth vs of wonderfull epistles that his au­thour wrote, one hundred yeares before he was borne: Whiche epistles though they be very highe and mysticall, yet there semeth to be no greate poynte of heresie in thē. And what so euer reformation these kings wente aboute, the epistles seme to geue a playn testimony, for the Popes primacy, and to fynde faulte with certaine religiouse per­sons that they despised the Churche of Rome, and did di­sallow appeales to that See. Yea where he telleth vs with a greate mighty assertion, and sayeth. Quòd concluditur infallibiliter, quòd Antichristus apparebit in mundo ab hoc anno Domini .1354. infra immediatè sequentes 34. annos, that [Page 303] is, that it is an infallible conclusion, that Antechriste shall appeare in the world, within fowre and thyrty yeares im­mediatly folowing after the yeare of our Lorde .1354. He sayth withall, that within the sayde 34 the Sarasyns should be destroyed, and the Iewes should be conuerted, & iuris­dictionem summi Pontificis per vniuersum orbē dilatari: and that the authoritie of the Pope, should be spredde through owte all the worlde. Well, how so euer yt be, Arnoldus de Villa noua seameth not greatly to furder M. Hornes pri­macy. And it semeth to me that by ignorāce he taketh one Arnoldus for an other.Bernard. Epist. Platina in Had. 4 Sabel. En. 9. lib. 9. In dede there was one Arnoldus Brixianus abowt thys tyme, cōdemned for an Heretik by Eugenius the .3. as S. Bernarde, Platina and Sabellicus doe write. Your Brother Bale sayeth, that he was condemned, for that he sayde the clergy might vse no temporal iurisdi­ctiō. And so thys Arnoldus might haue serued your turne for the tyme, and somwhat for the matter to after your ac­customable reasoninge, if the authority of heretikes maye serue the turne. But let Arnoldus ād Spayne to goe for this tyme. for M. Horne hath other great coūtries, that about this time taketh hys part: as Grecia, Armenia, Moscouia ād Aethiopia to, which acknouledge theyre Princes only to be theyr supreame gouernours in al things next vnto God, which ye muste belieue without any proufe: belyke because yt is shewed to M. Horne in thys his Spirituall reuelation. For otherwise I am assured he shall neuer iustifie this most vn­trewe saying. And though perchaunce some of these coū ­treis did not at this tyme, shewe to the see of Rome suche obediēce, as they owght to haue done, especially the Gre­ciās, ād Moscouites, that followe the religiō and order of the greke Church: yet neither doth M. Horne proue, nor [Page] euer shall be able to proue that the Churches of these coū ­tries gaue any suche authoritie to theyre princes: but that they euer toke, for spirituall causes theyre patriarche and other Bishoppes for the supreame heades, in all matters spi­rituall. Maruayle nowe yt is, that M. Horne can not loke vpon the Grecians and Armenians, but with one blind eye bleared with affection to heresie and hatred to the Pope. Otherwyse yf he woulde loke vppon them with the better and indifferente eie, there were more cause whie he should regarde aswell the aunciente Greeke Churche which ac­knowledged the Popes Supreamacye: as also the later ac­knowledging the same, in the generall councell at Lions: wherof we haue spoken, and also afterward in the general Coūcel at Ferraria and frō thēce trāslated to Florēce. Where also the Armenians were ioyned with the Roman Church. But not then first. For Anno. 1145. Nauclerus Generat. 39. pag. 231. Volater. Geograph. lib. 10. Otho Fri­sing. three hundred yeres before that, aboute .10. yeres before the deathe of Henry the first in. S. Bernardes tyme, the Armenians submitted them selues to Eugenius .3. sending their chief Metropolitane who had vnder him moe thē a thousand Bishops to the See of Rome, who trauayling in iourney of a yere ād a halfe came to Vi­terbū, scarse ij. dayes iourney from Rome, where the Pope lay thē, of whō they were receyued, ād instructed in al such thinges as they sought at his handes, touching the order of the blessed sacrifice, the obseruation of festiuall dayes and certayn other pointes, wherin they varyed from the rest of Christendome, of which errours they are ofCōc. Ni­cen. 2. Cap. 32. Theophil. in Ioan. 19 Niceph. li. 18. cap. 52. & 53.old writers much ād oftē noted. And this their submissiō to the Church of Rome, fel before the tyme that M. Horne now talketh of, affirming but falsly (as his maner is) that the people of Ar­menia, acknowleged none but ōly their princes to be their [Page 304] supreme gournours. Neither neded yow yet M. Horne to haue loked so far. For if your enuious eie might haue abiddē our own late time, and the late councel of Trent, ye should haue found that the Armenians sent ambassadours to the Pope recognising hys supreamacy, and desiring the con­firmation of theyre patriarch of Antiochia. Ye should haue founde, that Abdisa the patriarche of the Assyrians inha­biting nygh to the famous floud of Tygris came to Rome, with no small eyther trauell or daunger of hys life, to be confirmed of Pius Quartus the last pope of blessed memo­rie: who also promised as well for hym selfe, as for those that were vnder his spiritual gouernemēt, that he and they woulde faythfully and constantly keepe suche decrees, as should be set forth by the saied Councell of Trent.

Perchaunce ye will the lesse passe for the Armenians, seeyng you haue on your syde, as ye saye, about thys tyme the greate prince of the Aethiopians hauing no lesse then 62. Kingdomes vnder hys Dominion, the same country be­yng the most auncient part of Christendome Southwarde. And because your selfe haue forsaken your priesthodde, (take heede I pray you, that ye haue not withall forsaken your Christendome) ye are not contented with the Itali­ans, and other that call hym Prieste Ihon, as thoughe he were a prieste and head Bishoppe ouer those Christian re­almes, hauing suche a power wyth them, as the popes v­surpation (as ye terme yt) hath challenged here in Eu­rope, to be an head or vniuersall priest or Kyng. And ye would rather he should be called as Sabellicus telleth, the mighty Gyan So called (as ye by a mighty lying exposition of your own falsly declare) because he is the supreme ruler and gouernour of all causes aswel ecclesiasticall as tēporal.

[Page]But here first, seing ye pretend your selfe to be so good an Antiquarie, I would gladly knowe, what monumentes ye haue of the Aethiopical religion about this time? It had bene mete ye had laied foorth your Authour for your dis­charge. Surely I beleue ye haue sene none at al of such an­tiquitie, and I dare boldly auouch, ye neither haue nor shal see any, whereby ye may iustly gather, that the Aethiopiās take their king for their Supreme head in all causes Eccle­siastical and Temporal. We haue to the contrary, the con­fession of the Bishop, Raba Rago, his kings Embassadour, to the king of Portugale,Domianꝰ à Goes de Aethiopum moribus. Pontificem Roma­num tanquam pri­mum Episcopum & pastorem ouiū Chri­sti agnosco. Nostri certè ab ex­ordio primitiuae Ec­clesiae Rom. Pontificē vt primum Episc. agnouerūt, cui etiam hodierno die vt Christi Vicario paeremus. Anno. Dom. 1524. Propterea dico ego humiliter ad terram flexis genibus, quòd tu pater meus es, & ego filius tuus. Procul dubio sancti­tas vestra Dei est Vicarius. that he made .33. yeares now past. saying that he doth acknowledge the bisshop of Rome, as the chief bishop and pastour of Christes shepe. We haue his confession, wherein he declareth, that the Aethiopiās, euē frō the begīning of the Church did ac­knowlege the B. of Rome for the first ād chief Bisshop: ād so at that day did obey him as Christes Vicar. What speak I of his Orators cōfession? We haue the kings own cōfessiō made to the Pope, wherin he calleth hī Caput oīū Pōtifi [...] the head of al bisshops: he saith to the Pope, Aequū est, vt omnes obedientiā tibi prae­stent, sicuti sancti Apostoli praecipiūt. It is mete that al men obey him, euen as th'Apostles commaund. He saith most humbly kneling on the ground, that the Pope is his Father, and he his sonne: he saith again, Your holines without al doubt is Gods Vicar. And thinke ye now, M. Horne, that ye shal like a mighty Giant, cōquer al your Readers, ād make them such bōnd slaues to your ignorāce and folly, that because Sabellicus sayeth, he is called Mightye Cyan, there­fore yee maye so mightely lye, as to conclude [Page 305] thereby, for that he hathe the collection of the Spiritual li­uinges, that he is therfore the supreame gouernour in all causes? Not so M. Horn.Sabel. ene. 10. lib. 8. But now shal your greate falshood be discouered; and lying sprite be coniured. For beholde e­uen immediatly after the words by you alleaged out of Sa­bellicus that al benefices and spiritual promotions are obtayned at the Kings hands, it foloweth, I say immediatly: Quod Rom. Pontifex Regum Maiestati dederit: The which thinge the Bisshop of Rome hath geuen to the Kings Maiesty. Which woordes of your authour you haue most lewdely nipped quyte of. Such à Macariā you are, and so lyke to M. Iewel your pewefellowe. Neither doth he speake of any order of relligion, about that age, so many hundred yeres paste, as ye pretende, but of his and our late tyme. And so thus are you M. Horne after this your longe and fruitles iorney, wherin as wayfaring men in longe iorneyes are wonte to doe,Mat. Par. Polychro. ye haue gathered store of wonderfull lies to delight your hea­rers, that haue not trauayled so far, withal: welcome home againe from Moscouia and Aethiopia, into Englande.

M. Horne. The .121. Diuision. pag. 78. a.

In England also, King Stephā (.426.)The .426. vntruthe. Polychronicō saith no such thing. Mat. Par. Fabian. reserued to him self, the inuestitures of the Prelats, as likevvise after him did Henry the secōd, that made Thomas Becket Archbisshop of Cātorbury, who therat was sworn to the King, and to his Lawes, and to his Sonne.

In the ninth yeere of his reigne, this king called a Parliamēt at Northampton, where he entended reformation of many priuileges that the Clergy had, amongest these, was one: that al­though one of the Clergy had committed felonie, murder, or treason, yet might not the King put him to death as he did the Laye men. The which thing with many other, the kinge thought to redresse in the said Parliament. Thomas Becket re­sisted him, but he might not preuayle againste the king (427).The .427. vntruthe. This for foloweth not here, but of an other matter longe after. Se [...] Fabian. cap. 237. [Page] For wel neere al the Bisshops of Englande were against him.

In the .17. yere of his reigne, the king made a iourney into Ireland, where with great trauaile, he subdued the Irishe, and after with the helpe of the Primate of Armach,Fabian. he refourmed the maners of the people and dwellers in that countrey, and that in thre thinges especially: First, in ruling and ordering of the Church by the Curates, ād how they should order their di­uine Seruice, and minister the Sacrament of matrimonie as it was in England, and other Christian Regions. The seconde was, how that the Lay people should behaue them selues to­wards their Curats, and in what wise they should pay and of­fer to God their tithes. The thirde was, for making of their testamentes.

The .21. Chapter. Of King Stephen, King Henry the .2. and S. Thomas of Caunterbury.

Stapleton.

MAister Horn hath a maruelouse grace to dwel stil in such matters as nothing relieue his cause: that is in the inuesturing of bisshoppes. the which neither the Quenes Maiesty, or her graces noble progenitours in our tyme haue challenged, nor yet any other prince in England these many hūdred yers. Neither is it likely that King Ste­phen reserued the inuestitures to him self, aswel for that his immediat predecessour King Henry, after so long sturre a­bout them, gaue them ouer, as that the Pope had so lately excōmunicated al such Princes. Polychronicō, which work ye cite,VVilliam of Mal­mesbury saith no such thing. Verily King Stephen, for a per­petual confirming of the clergies immunites, made this so­lemne othe, as it is recorded in Williā of Malmesbury. Ego Stephanus Dei gratia &c. I Stephen by the grace of God, by the assent of the clergy, and of the people, chosen to be King of En­gland, and consecrated thereunto of Williā the Archebishop of Caūterbury ād Legat of the Church of Rome, cōfirmed also after­ward [Page 306] of Innocētius the bishop of Rome, in the regard ād loue of God, I graūt the Church of God to be free, and do cōfirme the dew reuerēce vnto her. I promise I wil do nothing in the Church, or in ecclesiastical matters by simony, neither suffer any thing to be so don. I affirm ād cōfirm the Iustice, the power and the orderīg of Ecclesiastical persons, and of al clerks, and their matters to be in the hāds of the bishops. I do enact and graūt the promotiōs of the Churches with their priuileges cōfirmed, and the customes thereof after the old maner kept, to cōtinue and remayn inuiola­ted. And while such Churches shal be void of their ꝓper pastours, that both the Churches ād al the possessiōs therof, be ī the hād ād custody of the Clerks or of honest mē, vntil such time, as a Pa­stour be substituted according to the Canons. Thus far William of Malmesbury. Now that kīg Hēry the .2. shuld reserue the said inuestitures to hīself: (which your author Polichronicō saith not) and that the blessed Saint and Martyr S. Thomas (whō ye cal Thomas Becket) was sworn to the same: this tale verily hath no maner of apparāce or colour. This was none of the articles for the which the king ād S. Thomas cōtēded so much: the which articles appere in the life of S. Thomas.Giraldus Cambrēsis The King kepeth Councels in Irelād by the Popes cō ­sent. King Hē ­ry cōque­red Irelād by the Popes consent▪ That in dede which ye recite is one of thē: but how ye may proue your new supremacy therby, that were hard, for the wisest man in a coūtrey to tel: Yea much rather yt serueth to the cōtrary, and proueth the Popes supremacy, who dis­allowed the said article with many other, the King also beīg at lēgth fain to yeld therin. The like I say of the Kings doīgs in Irelād wherof ye write, which things, as euē by your own cōfessiō he did by the helpe of the primat of Armach: so Gi­raldus Cambrēsis, one that writeth of the kins doīgs ther, ād one that was sent thither by the kīg, saith he kept many coū cels ther, but by the popes wil ād cōsent. And Polidorꝰ sayth [Page] that the King obtayned the title of Irelond by the Popes autho­ritie. Guilielmus Newburgensis writeth much lyke of Wil­liā Conquerour,Poli. li. 13. In addit. ad Neu­bur. M. S. praemonstrato prius Apostolico Papae iure quod in regno Angliae habebat, licentia (que) haereditatem conquirendi impetrata, that before he inuaded England, he did intimate his right and interest to the Pope, and obtayned of him li­cence to atchiue and conquere his inheritaunce.King vvilliā the cō querour moued his right first to the Pope ere he cō ­quered England. Here per­chaunce wil many of your secte maruaile, why ye haue either named S. Thomas, or passed ouer the story so sleightlye: and wil think, that ye are but a dissembler and a traytour to their cause, or at the least a very faynt patrone for thē, especially seing M. Fox hath ministred you so much good matter, prosequuting the matter .xj. leaues and more. Your own frends wil say your allegations are but simple ād colde,The doīgs of Kinge Henry a­gainst S. Thomas declared by M. Foxe. and in a maner altogether extrauagante, and that ye might haue founde in M. Foxe, other maner of stuffe, as a nomber of Kinge Henry the seconde his constitutions and ordinaunces playne derogatorie to many of the Popes Lawes: yea playne commaundemente, that no man should appeale to Rome, and that Peter pence should be no more payed to the Apostolicall see: or that, yf any man should be founde to bring in any interdict or curse against the Realme of En­gland, he should be apprehended without delaye for a traytour, and so executed. And finally, that no maner decree or cōmaun­demente proceding from the authority of the Pope should be re­ceiued. You shall there finde, wil they say, concerning the said Thomas his parson and doinges that he was no Mar­tyr, but a very rebell and traytour, and that all his contention stode not vppon matters of faith, religion, true doctrine or sin­cere discipline, but vpon worldly thinges: as possessiōs, liberties, exemptions, superiorities and such like.

[Page 307]In deede these and suche other lyke thynges we finde in M. Foxe: but he storieth these thynges with as good fayth and trouth, as he doth all his other. And here I would glad­ly for a while leaue M. Horne, and take him in hand, and shape him a full answere. But in as much as this would re­quire a long processe, and for that this my answere allready waxeth lōg, I will forbeare the diligent and exact discussiō of the whole: and wil open so much only to the vnlearned reader, as may serue hī for the true knowledge of the mat­ter, and for the discouering of M. Foxes crafty and vntrue dealing: and withall for a full answere, to these friuolouse and false arguments producted by M. Horne.

And here first, not S. Thomas, but the Kings stoutnes and sternnesse semeth to be reprehēded, that would nedes haue an absolute answere of him, and would not be con­tented with so reasonable an answere as he made, Saluo ordine meo: sauing my order. No nor afterward with this exception, Saluo honore Dei, sauing the honour of God.S. Thomas can not iustlie be accused of stoutnes and stub­bournes. This modification or moderation may serue to any indiffe­rent man, that aduisedly considereth the kings articles pro­posed to S. Thomas, such as might excuse him frō all stout­nes and stubbornes; that M. Foxe and his aduersaries lay to him. I intend not nowe to enter into any serious or deape examination of the sayd articles▪ but this I wil say, that yt is against al the olde canons of the Church, yea and againste reason to, that an Archbishop shulde be iudged of his suffra­gans, as S. Thomas was. Againe to omitte other articles, there is one, that is quite contrarie to the Apostolical do­ctrine, to the canons of Nice, and other most auncient ge­neral councels: finallie to the catholyke doctrin of Christes vniuersal Churche. that is, for appeales to be made from the [Page] Archdeacō to the bishop, frō the bishop to the Archbishop:Ca. 8. de appellatio. Si emerserint ab Ar­chidiacono, debēt procedere ad episcopū: et ad epis. ad archie, et si Archiepis. defuerit in iustitia exhibēda, postremò ad regē est peruemendū, vt prae­cepto ipsius in curia Archiepiscopi cōtrouersia terminetur, ita quod non debent vlteriꝰ procedere abs­que assensu regis. In quadrilogo de vi­ta B. Thomae. lib. 5. Vide dict quadrilo­gū lib. 5. impress. parisijs in 4. An. 1495. in princi­pio. Vide foxū fol. 48. Cap. 7. Nullꝰ qui de rege te­neat in capite, vel aliquis domesticorū ministro­rū eius ex communi­cetur &c. nisi prius rex &c. ād in case ther be any defect of iustice there, the matter to be browght to the king, and by his cō ­maundemēt to be ended in the Archbishops cowrt, without any further proceding, without the kinges cōsent, wherby not only the popes supreme autho­rity, but the authority also of al general coūcels, the which are the ordinary and necessary remedies in many cases, did stād thē in the kīg of Englād his grace only, to be accepted, or to be reiected. M. Fox reci­teth the kings cōstitutiōs: but as he leaueth out this ād many other, ād reherseth but six of thē: so in those six he maketh thre manifest ād opē lies. For wher he saith the sayd decrees by him recited were cōdēned by the Pope, ther were but thre of thē cōdēned, that is the .1. the .3. ād the .4. The other thre the pope did suffer ād tolerat. Againe what a decree was this, that none that held of the king in capite, no nor any of his seruāts shuld be excōmunicated, onlesse the kīg were first cōsulted? I trow M. Horn hīself, ād his fellowes, neither kepe this precise or­der, nor wil allow it. Well, M. Fox full pretely leaueth out this cōstitutiō, what cause moueth him I cā not tel. Thīk ye nowe M. Fox, that for those ād such like, S. Thomas had not good cause, to mollify the matter with saluo ordine meo, & saluo honore Dei, ād whē that wold not be accepted, to gaī ­say altogether, ād to appeale to the sea of Rome? Ye wil say this notwithstāding, they were no matters of fayth or reli­giō, or true doctrine, and that he is therfor far frō the cause and title of a martyr. In dede it was if not wisely, yet wili­ly, ād like a crafty Fox done of you to scrape hī out of your blessed kalender. For in good fayth place cā he haue none [Page 308] there, onlesse all your late stinking martyrs geue place, and yelde. which are the deuils, ād not Gods martyrs, ād it were for none other thīg, but for the denial of the Popes suprea­macy. The which supremacy is a necessary doctryne, to be holdē of euery Christiā mā (where vnuincible ignorāce is not) vppō payn of dāmatiō, and euerlasting separatiō frō the Catholik Church, and the mēbers of the same. Beside this,A man may be a martyr, though it be for no cause of fayth or relligion. Niceph. li. hist. eccles. 13. cap. 1. Telema­chius the martyr. Theod. l. 5. cap. 26. Tr. l. 10. c. 2 Niceph. li. 13. cap. 4. cū sequēt. Sigeb. in chronic. a. 697 et 698. Videelegā ­tē disputationem an Alphegus sit martyr inter Lanfrāc. Can­tur. & Anselmum postea Cant. Archiepiscop. apud Edinerum lib. 1. de vita Anselmi. Vide Guliel. Malmesb. de Pontif. lib. 1. there are many takē for blessed martyrs in the Church, that died not for the faith or for doctrine beīg thē in any cōtro­uersy, but for iustice ād truth sake, and for theyr vertuouse dealīg: as is the good mōke Telemachius, that seīg at Rome two swordplayers, the on of thē redy to destroy, ād kil the other, vppō a great zeale, came to thē, and thought to haue parted thē, ād so was slayn of thē him self. wheruppō thēpe­rour Honorius reckoned him amōg the martyrs, ād made a lawe, that there should be no more such kīd of play exerci­sed in Rome. The cause also of S. Iohn Chrisostoms troble proceded not directly frō matter of fayth or doctryne, but for reprouīg thēpresse Eudoxia. I omit S. Quilliā and S. Lā ­bert both takē for martyrs, and slayne for rebukīg adultery. And to come nearer to our own cōtrey and to S. Thomas tyme, S. Alphegius Archbisshop of Canterburie, a litle be­fore the Conquest, that suffred him selfe to be slayne of the Danes, rather then he would pille and polle his tenauntes, to leauy an excessiue somme of money, that the Danes re­quired for his redemption. Of whose vertue God synce hath geuen greate testimonie, aswell by diuerse other mi­racles, as by preseruinge his body so longe vncorrupted. But the cheife and moste aunciente presidente of all in the newe testamente is S. Iohn the Baptiste, who died [Page] for the lyke liberty and fredome of speache, as S. Quillian. and S. Lamberte did. To these we may set Esaye and the other prophets of the olde testamente: Howbeyt as I sayd in S. Thomas his cause, is a necessarie doctryne also im­ployed,VVat a testimo­ny God hath geuē to the vvorld for S. Thomas doyngs. that was either directly or indirectly blemisshed, by these ordinaunces of the king, concerning the Popes Su­premacy. Now what madnes were yt for me, or any other to seke by words to sette forth this blessed mans qualities and Martyrdome, when that God him self, hath by so won­derfull and straunge, yea by so certayne and notoriouse mi­racles, aswell in the lyfe of his seruant as afterwarde, ge­uen to the worlde suche a testimonie for him, as all the de­uills in hell,In Qua­drilogo. li. 2. c. 16. Vox de coe­lo elapsa sic conte­stata est. In dicto quadril. li. 3. c. vlt. Nā & in loco passiō nis eius & vbi ante maius al­tare per­noctauit humādus, & vbi tandem sepul­tus est. etc. and theyre disciples in earth may rather gnashe theyr angrie teathe, and enuie at, then by any good meanes deny and deface yt. True shall yt be also, that S. Thomas heard long ere he returned into Englande, by a celestiall and heauenlie voyce. O Thoma, Thoma, Ecclesia mea gloriabi­tur in sanguine tuo. O Thomas, Thomas, my Churche shall glory in thy bloud. And true yt is, that was writen incon­tinently after hys death, that at the place of his passion, and where he is buried, paralitici curantur, caeci vident, surdi au­diunt, loquuntur muti, claudi ambulant, euadunt febricantes, arrepti à daemonio liberantur, & à variis morbis sanātur aegroti, blasphemi à demonio arrepti confunduntur: & quod à diebus pa­trum nostrorum non est auditum▪ mortui surgunt. Palsies are cured, the blinde see, the deaffe heare, the dombe speake, the lame walk, the agues are healed, ād such as are possessed of the Deuill are delyuered, and diuers diseases holpen, and blasphemers beinge taken and possessed of the deuill con­founded: and finally (as our sayd authour, not so muche an eare as an eie wytnes, saith) that which hath not ben heard [Page 309] of, in our fathers dayes, dead men are relieued a­gaine.The erle of flaun­ders ād the Frenche kinge came to Can­terburie in pilgri­mage to S. Thomas In quadrilogo lib. 4. cap. 4. Obtulit munera, vi­nū videlicet et aurū: aureū scilicet calicē, & vini centū modios, perpetuo ad natali­tium diē martyris singulis ānis celebrādū in latitia. These and manie other miracles shewen as­well in England as out of England, were so notable and famouse, that shortly after S. Thomas his Mar­tyrdome, not only the Erle of Flaunders, but the Frenche King also came to Cantorburie in pilgri­mage, to pray at this blessed Martyrs tumbe. The kinge of Fraunce offered there a chalice of golde, and his graunt in writinge for a certayne quantitye of wyne, yerely to be delyuered to the monks ther to be merie withall at the solempnitye or feaste of this blessed Martyr.

But what shal we say to kinge Henry him selfe? what thowght he trowe ye of this blessed mans doings and death? This parte of the story of all other is moste notable.Polidorus. in Hen 2. Quadri­logus. li. 4. cap. 5. The kīgs grief for S. Tho­mas. The king being in Normandy, and hearing that S. Thomas was slayne toke the matter so heuely, that for forty dayes, he kept him self solitary in great mourning and lamentatiō, in great abstinence, setting a syde al the affayres of his great ād large dominiōs, for greif and sorow: And forthwith sent his ambassadours to the Pope to purge him selfe of the sayd murther. Wheruppō certayn Legats were sent to him, be­fore whom vpō his othe he sayd, that he neither cōmaun­ded, nor willed that the Archbisshop should be slayne, and added that he was neuer so sory for the death of his owne father or mother. Yet did he not denie, but by vnaduised words, he gaue the murtherers an occasion of theyr fowle enterprise.Penaunce enioyned to the kīg by the popes Le­gats. Wherfor he submitted him self to the Legats to enioyne him penaunce as they should thinke good. Then was yt among other thinges enioyned him, that he should breake and reuoke the foresayde statutes and ordinances, [Page] for the which al this troble rose: al the which cōditions the king by his othe promised to obserue. This done the kings son also promised on his part, to see these couenants kept. But yet see the iuste iudgement of God. As this king rebel­led againste his spirituall father S. Thomas,The kīgs sonnes re­bell to hī theire carnal father as he rebelled a­gainst his spirituall father, the pope and S. Thomas. and his spirituall mother the Churche, so did his sonne and heire, with his two other sonnes, Richard and Iohn, rebell againste him, confederating them selues with other the kinges subiects, and with the Frenche and Scottishe kinges. The king was browghte to this distresse, that he wyste not in the world, what to saye, or what to doe: and being destitute of mans helpe ranne to Gods helpe, and to the helpe of his blessed martyr S. Thomas, at whose greater miracles done at Canter­bury all the worlde did wonder. Wherefore forsakinge Normandy where he was in more saftie, sayled into En­glande,Quadrip. histo. vitae D. Thom. lib. 4. c. 6. cū sequēt. and commynge towarde Canterbury, before he entred the city, puttinge of al his princely appparell, lyke a newe kinge Dauid, beinge presequuted of his Absolon, for hys synnes, as Dauid wente out of the citie barefoted, so this newe Dauid beinge barefoted, and all hys body na­ked,2. Re. c. 17. Iosephus li. 2. c. 12. de Antiq. Iudaeo. His mer­uelous voluntarie penaunce In dicta quadripa. & in Gul. Malmesb. sauinge that he was couered withe a poore and a vile cote vppon the bare, beinge nowe hym selfe fearefull and tremblyng, whom before so many nations feared and trem­bled, with muche sighinge and gronynge wente to the Martyrs tombe, where he continued all that daye, and the nighte followinge watchfull and fastinge: where he commended hym selfe to the blessed martyrs prayers. Nei­ther was he deceyued of his good deuotion and expecta­tion: as we shall anon declare. Before the sayde tombe, he toke discipline with a rodde of euerie monke, and for his loue and deuotion to the martyr, he renounced the [Page 310] foresayd yll statutes and customes for euer, and onely sayd he woulde kepe suche as were reasonable and good. Guliel­mus Neuburgensis, whome M. Foxe bringeth in to deface and disgrace this blessed martyr, yf yt might be, and yet not daring, to tell either of other thinges, writen by other, or that I shall nowe tell yowe out of the sayde Neuburgensis, sayeth, that the sayd nighte, there was avoyce that sayde to a good and a blessed monke at Canterbury beinge a sleape:Neuburg. lib. 2. c. 34. Impr. Cap. 19. M.S. Viro reuerendissimo Rogero scilicet Ab­bate Bellelandensi referēte cognoui, quod &c. Polidorus. in Hēr. 2. Dict. lib. 4. ca. 8. in quadripart, & in Neuburg. cap. 19. Ipsa nāque die, eadē etiam diei hora qua missae interfuerat, rex Scotorum captus est: &c. A meruelouse victory that God gaue the king the same hovvre he heard masse at Cāterbury. The king ascribeth his victorie to God and S Thomas. Rex autem totū as­cripsit Domino, & glorioso martyri Ib. cui certiss. erat ascr haue ye not sene (sayeth the voyce) the kings great and wonderfull humilitie? Be thou assured, that shortlye thende of his affayres shall declare howe well God lyketh the same. My authour sayth, that he heard this from the mowthe of a reuerende Abbate, who beinge the same tyme in Kente, hearde yt from a credible and a faythfull reporter. The nexte mor­ninge the kinge heard masse, before the tombe of the martyr, and so departed. The very same daye yea the very same howre that the king heard masse there, vndoubtedly by the miraculous workinge of God, the scottishe king without battayle scatte­red from the rest of his Army, and after few strokes geuen was taken prisoner, and afterwarde by litle and litle all his enimies, aswell beyond as by hither the seas were quieted and pacified. All the which prosperouse fortune the kinge did ascribe to God, and to his gloriouse martyr S. Thomas, to whome most certaynly, it was to be ascribed. Let M. Foxe nowe and his fellowes to, rayle at this blessed mā as lōg as they will. Let hī scrape hī out of his kalēder, ād put in for hī heretiks, theeues, ād traytors, ād let hī nowe if he can for very shame, cal this man a tray­tour, [Page] and cause his name to be abolisshed out of the Church boks,vvhat a madnes is it to make S. Tho­mas after so manie hundred yeares a traytour? as yt hath bene of late yeares. Let them tosse and tur­moyle as longe, and as buselie as they will. They shall but shewe theire extreme wyckednes and madnes, blasphe­mously to cal him traytour, whom the king him self (to whō the offence was don, if any were don) worshipped as Gods holy martyr: they shal but stryue against the streame, or ra­ther against God him selfe, that hath geuen throwgh out al the world such a glorious testimony for him: and for the cō ­firmatiō of the catholike doctrine of his Church, namely for the popes supreamacie. Which answere I will also to serue against M. Horn cōcerning al his allegations here touching the doings of the king with this blessed Martyr.

M. Horn. The .122. Diuision. pag. 78. b.

In Germany, succeded vnto Frederike, Henry, and next vnto him Philip, both of them (.428.) The .428. Vntruth. Auou­ched, but vnproued inuesturing Bishops, and suffering no Legates frō Rome to come into Apulia, nor Sicilia, according to the aforesaid composition.

The .22. Chapter: Of Henry the .6. Philip, and Otho the .4. Emperours.

Ann 1230. Abb. Vrsp. in vita Henr. 5. Gul. [...]irius de bell sac. li. 1. ca. 13. Otho [...]ris. li. 7. ca. 16. Radulph. Pisanus in vita Ca­lixti. 2.Stapleton.

THat Henry and his brother Philip did inuesture bis­shops, yt is not likely, and the matter woulde be bet­ter proued, then by your bare worde Namelie seinge that Henrie the .5. made a full conclusion with Calixtus the second (as we haue before shewed) that the clergie should haue the election of theyre bisshops. By the which agrea­ment the contention that had continued about a fiftie yea­res for that matter was pacified. And wheras ye refer your self to the aforesayd cōposition, that they woulde suffer no Legats to come into Apulia and Sicilia, the pope is muche [Page 311] bounde to you, for therby ye proue his supremacy: As from whom that Composition by way of dispensatiō proceded,Diuis. 117. Naucl. ge­ner. 41. pa. 287. &. 288. Nauclerus as your self before auouched, and as in Nauclerus it wel ap­peareth.

M. Horne. The .123. Diuision. pag. 78. b.

Next to vvhame succeded Otto, surnamed of the Clergie the defen­dour of Iustice▪ for vvher as the maner of Princes vvas (saith Abbas Vrspurgens.) cheerfully and readily to geue benefices or Chur­ches, to those that did first aske them, he woulde not so doe: but he gaue all the benefices that fel, as wel Ecclesiastical as Secu­lar, to those with whome he was acquainted &c. This Empe­rour came into Italy, claymed and (.429.)The .429. vntruthe. This Otho recouered it not, but lost the Empire him selfe. recouered al the right of the Em­pire, that the Pope (430.)The .430. vntruthe slaunde­rous. It vvas no vsurpatiō but lavv­ful poses­sion. vsurped vnder the name of S. Peters Patrimonie, and called a (.431.)The .431. and .432. as shall appeare. Synode at Norinberge about this matter, ād touching the (.432.) Popes authority.

Stapleton.

Ye haue not as I said wonne so much creditte, being so often taken in open lies that we may truste you vpon your worde. Tell vs therefore I pray you what chronicler cal­leth this Otho the defendour of iustice, and then tel vs, by what good logike your for wil followe. For methinke yt is but a selie slender for to say, he was defendour of iustice, for that he bestowed spiritual lyuings vpon none but suche as he knewe. Onlesse ye did proue withall that he knewe none but honest men. But will you see what Nauclerus your owne Author writeth hereof? He saith of this Otho: This man was praysed of many religious persons and of the clergy, for a defendour of Iustice: Nauclerus gener. 41. pag. 273. when yet he was altogether a dissembler. Nam omnia beneficia tam Ecclesiastica quàm se­cularia, familiaribus suis quos secum ex Saxonia & Anglia duxerat, contulit. For he bestowed all promotions as well [Page] Ecclesiastical as temporall vppon his nere acquaintaunce such as he brought with him out of Saxony and out of En­glande.Platina in Inno. 3. Vide Naucler. gene. 41. p. 274.5.6. &. 7. Conuentū principum suae partis celebrauit Norimbergae. Lo M. Horne, this (For he bestowed) which you brīg to proue a supreme gouerment, Nauclerus reporteth to proue a partial regiment. That he telleth to his shame, you drawe it to his honour. Again what patrone of Iustice call you him, that wrongfully toke frō the Church of Rome her olde and rightful possessions, and was therfore excommu­nicated and deposed, of Innocētius .3. and Frederik .2. made Emperour in his place. And that, notwithstanding the diet of Otho his faction, holden at Norimberg: which you vn­truly cal a Synod. Neither was it there debated of the Popes Authority in Ecclesiastical matters (which is our present matter) but only whether the Pope might depose the Em­perour: which is not now any part of our matter in hande.

M. Horne. The .124. Diuision. pag. 78. b.

Polych. Fabian.In England as Henry his father had doone before him: so folovved Kinge Richard in geuing Ecclesiastical promotions, in calling coūcels, and ordering other Ecclesiastical matters: yea▪ euen in his absence, being in Syria, by one that represented his person therin the B. of Ely, who called and made a councel at westminster, as the kīgs procurator, and the Popes Legat, ād (.432.) The .432. vntruthe. No suche vvoordes in Fabian. spake by the Kings power. But in this matter, kīg Iohn did more then any of his predecessours, vvhich purchased him much ha­tred vvith the Pope and his Monkes.

The .23. Chapter: Of King Richarde the first, and King Iohn, Kings of England.

Stapleton.

NOw M. Horne is returned from Appulia, Sicilia, Ger­many, and Italy into Englād againe. And why thinke you? Forsoth to proue him self like a good and faith­full proctour to the Pope, that the Pope was the supreame [Page 312] head of the Churche of England. Else let him wisely shewe why he telleth, that the bisshop of Elie was the Popes Le­gate? But chiefly why he bringeth in, or is not asshamed to lay forth for his supremacy Kinge Iohn: and to say that he did more in this matter, than any of his predecessours? Ye say truthe M. Horne, he did in dede, and being excommunica­ted of the Pope, for his misorder and outragious doinges a­gainst the Churche, and the whole lande interdicted, he gaue ouer to the Pope, his crowne and kingdome: and receiued it againe at the Popes handes. And because this matter shoulde not be kepte in silence (which wisedome perchaunce and policie to, woulde haue had so kepte) Maister Foxe blaseth out the matter at large,Acts and monu­mentes fol. 65. and laieth forth before all men, the copie of the letter obligatorie concerning the yeldinge vp of the crowne into the Popes handes, and of certayne money yearelye to be paide. I will not, nor neede not trauayle in the curiouse triall, and examination of the circumstances of the cause: but this only wil I say to M. Foxe and to you M. Horne, that yf ye proceede on as ye beginne, ye are worthy to haue a re­warde at the Popes hande: either for that ye are but a dis­sembling counterfeyte protestante, and the Popes pryuie frende: or yf ye be angrie with that, so wise and skylfull a reasoner, that ye speake ye wotte nere what: And while ye go about to set the Popes crowne on the Quenes head, ye take her crowne and sette yt on the Popes head. So that it litle serueth you to tel vs, that Kinge Iohn purcha­sed him much hatred with the Pope and the Monks. Ye might haue put in, and with all the nobilitye and commons to, yea moste of all, with God and good men to. But this is your, and your fellowes trade, especiallie Maister Foxes, in [Page] the setting forth of this Kinges storie, to lye extremely, to bring thereby the clergie into hatred and enuie: as in thys storie among other thinges he hath done,A greate vntruthe of M. Fox cōcernīge the poy­soning of kīg Iohn. touching the poi­soning of this King by a monke of Swinstead abbey. And perchaunce ye M. Horne meante some like matter, when ye speake of the monks that hated him. But because I can not certainly lay this to you, I wil let you goe for a while, and be a litle in hand with M. Fox, and opē vnto thee (good Reader) that thou mayst the better vnderstande his substā ­tial dealing and handling of stories, and the better beware of his gay gloriouse painted lies, what is the common consent of our best chroniclers in this point.

An other vntruthe, for the chroni­cles doe not com­monly say so.First then, this is a manifest lie, that ye say M. Foxe, the chroniclers moste agree in this, that he was poysoned by the monke at Swinstead. Which thing I could easely proue, by reciting specially, what euery authour writeth concerning the maner of his death: But M. Foxe himself hath, we thank him, prouided that we neade not trauayle so farre: for lo, he bringeth in Polidorus, saying he died of sorowe and heuines of harte:M. Foxe him selfe vnwares cōfuteth his ovvn fable of the poy­soning of kīg Iohn. Radulphus Niger, saying he died, of surfeting in the night: Roger Houeden, saying he died of a bluddie flixe: Ma­theus Parisiensis, saying that by heuines of minde, he fel into a feruente agewe, at the abbey of Swinstead, which he encreased with surfeting, and nawghty diet: by eating pea­ches and drinkinge of newe Ciser, or sydar. Then adde ye farder Maister Foxe that some saye he died of a colde sweate: some of eatinge apples: some of eating peares: and some of eating plummes. So haue ye here good rea­der, fowre chroniclers by name, and at the least fowre other vnnamed, that make no mention of any poyson. Now could I bring the Polichronicon, and Fabian which reci­ting [Page 313] the sayed Polychronicon, saieth that the King died of the fluxe. Here also could I bring in, that those that write of his poysoning, write very diuersly nothing agreing with your authour in the kind of poyson. And also that they re­hearse it rather as a common tale, then for any assured sto­rie or truthe. Many other thinges could I bring in, but what needeth yt, when we haue by hys owne tale store ynoughe of witnesses agaynst him? Yet will I adde one more, but such a one, as ought to be to M. Foxe in steade of a greate sorte: that one I say, of whome by all that I can iudge (for he hath not vouchsafed ones to name him) M. Foxe hath taken all his declaration,The Au­thour of vvhome M. Foxe taketh the residue of his storie cōcernīg Kīg Iohn maketh against him. Ex Chro­nic. Ioan. Lōdinēsis. concerning the electi­on of Stephen Langton, and of all the greate busines that issued thereof: yea the writyng obligatorie, touching the resigning of the crowne into the Popes handes. Whiche lyeth in our authour worde for worde, as M. Foxe hath translated it.

This our authour sheweth, that as the Kyng was going northwarde, the grounde opened and swallowed vp hys cartes and caryage, that yt coulde neuer be recouered. Wherevppon the Kyng fell into a greate griefe and hea­uinesse, and fetched many sighes from the very bottome of hys harte. And beyng at Swinstead surfeated with pea­ches and other fruite, and there fell sicke. And so beynge sicke departed, and being not able to continue on horse­backe, came in an horselytter to Leadforde castle: and af­terwarde to Newemarket, where perceiuyng him selfe to be paste all cure and remedie, he sente for the Abbatte of Crokestone that was skylfull in physicke. of whome he was confessed, and receiued the Sacrament of the holye Eucharistia. And by and by he endeth this storie of King [Page] Iohn, saying that because this king was hated of many, part­ly for the death of his nephewe Arthur, partly for his adul­trie, partly for hys tyranny, partlye for the tribute, by the whiche he browght England into a perpetuall bondage, partly for the warres that hys doinges sturred vppe, he was scarslie worthie to be bemoned and lamented for, of anye man. Here haue we now M. Foxe fyue authors by name, and more aunciente thē your Caxtō, and of an other iudge­mente, towching this kinges death, then your Caxton is: beside fowre some sayes at the leaste.

M. Foxes grounde of poyso­ninge kinge Iohn stā ­deth vp­pō a ly­ing boke hauing no na­me of the auctour.And now let vs weighe with a word or two the creditte of this yowr owne Authour. I passe ouer, that ye call yt the chronicle of William Caxton, he being neither the ma­ker, neither the translatour, sauing he hath adioyned out of Polichronicō the description of Englande and Irelande, of Treuisa his translation, and added as they say, certayn other thinges to his vnknowen Author. Belyke ye thowght to wynne some credite to your authour clothing hym with the name of this Caxton, a man of late remembraunce, be­cause he hath no name of his owne. And so a mete worke for you, in the darke to lurke and lie withall, and in dede vnworthy to haue the name of the chronicles of England,Vvhat a lying bo­ke this fructus tē ­porū is that M. Fox groū deth him selfe vppon. or to be called Fructus temporum: being as vnfruytful as any booke that was made many a .100. yeres. Onlesse we may call him beinge barrē of al good truthe and choise of good matter, fitte for a story of any credit, or fruytful, being only fruytful ād plētiful of wōderful vntruths, and opē lewde lies. I report me (for his truth to his fable of the xxxiij. Daugh­ters of king Diocletiā king of Syria, that after they had slain their husbands, stole away by shippe into our Ilelād of Bri­tannie whiche was then vnhabited and vnpeopled, and af­terwarde [Page 314] beinge conceyued by deuilles browght forth gy­antes whiche inhabited the lande, vntill the commynge of Brute that slewe them.Parte. 1. And that our Ilelande was called Albion of the eldest dawghter Albine: as afterward Britā ­nie by the name of the foresayd Brute. Againe of king Ar­thure, that being not able to kepe the possessiō of his owne realme from the Saxons, caried an armie of one hundred thousande and more into farre countries, hauing vnder his conducte a nomber of kinges, and there slewe the Empe­rour of Rome, ād discomfited his huge army, wherin were aboue .5. or .6. hundred thousande armed men. Make now M. Foxe the citezens of Rochester beleue,Parte. 5. that in the olde tyme, by the prayer of S. Augustyne, theyre forefathers were borne with tayles: or any wise man to belieue, that king Ethelbertus ioyning with his frend Elfride the king of Northumberlād (who yet was an heathen, the other being christened) leuied an army, and set vppō the Britaines, be­cause they would not receyue and obey the sayd S. Augu­stine. Make vs, if you can beleue this, with the vaine fabler Galfride (a sadde Author with your felowe Iewel) against the approued history of venerable Bede,Vide prae­fationem Guilielm. Nevvbri­gensis de Galfrid [...] impress. and of all other sence his time. Make vs, I say, M. Fox, by any good or pro­bable demōstratiō, belieue this and an hundred suche other fables, for the which your Fructus temporum, is vnfruitfull to his wise ād discrete reader: and then tel vs and spare not, of this mōk of Swīstead. Otherwise he wer a very swynes­head that would be lightly and rashly perswaded, by suche swynish fables. Paynt ād picture thē as fast ād fayre as ye wil to make fooles fayn withal: I say not this because I wil ex­cuse hym, or any other yll monke, of theyre nawghty do­inges. I do require but cōuenient proufe namely of you M. [Page] Foxe, and your fellowes, that are so precise with the Ca­tholikes for their proufes. And when ye haue al proued, ye proue nothing to the purpose. For the ill doings of some naughty packes, can neither deface the truth of the Catho­lique doctrine, nor yet spotte the honestie of other not cō ­senting. And as there is no likelihode the King to be after this sort poisoned: so is it more incredible, that this Monke had Masses continually songe for his soule: and of all, most incredible, that it shoulde be confirmed by their generall Chapter. No, no, M. Foxe, thinke not to carie awaye the matter so. Thinke not that al that reade your foolish, lewd lying Martyrologe will straight waies without further try­all and examination, take all for the Gospell. And see how God hath prouided against your false lying fable a good and a conuenient remedie for them that will not willingly be caried away lyke fooles and beastes,An other great vn­vntruth. of M. Foxes: for his authour hath no vvord of this con­firmatiō. See thys boke prynted by vvin­kin de word [...] 2502. for the discredite of this your fable. For seeing that your selfe hath here most impudently added that which is not at all in your authour, that is, concerning the confirmation of the generall chap­ter: who will hereafter credite you or regarde your wri­tinges: or who wyll not thinke, that your vnnamed and vnfruitfull authour hath either vpon to light credite set in this fable in his vnfruitfull booke, or by like impudencie as ye haue fayned the generall chapters confirmation, hath fained it, or taken of some that fained it, this whole foolish fond fable? Goe nowe on M. Horne: pleade on, as you haue begonne, and bring moe such examples, I pray you.

M. Horne. The .125. Diuision. pag. 79. a.

In this vvhile The French King helde a Councell at Ceno­mannia in Turon. And after him King Lewes did celebrate a so­lemne Coūcel at Paris, wherat was present the Popes legates.

Stapleton.

Plead on I say M. Horn, ād tel your reader that king Le­wes was supreme head, because in a coūcell that he kept at Parys the Popes legat was present. Wherby it rather follo­weth that it was kepte, by the Popes supreame authority, not by the kinges.

M. Horne The .126. Diuision. pag. 79. a.

In vvhiche time vvas Frederike the .2. Emperour, out of doubt, saith Auentinus, an other Charles the great, and without all contro­uersie most profitable for the Christiā cōmon wealth: vvhiche not only helde the priuileges aforesaid in Apulia and Sicilia, but in all his dominions, and about this matter, (.433.) The .433. vntruth. mere Slaunde­rous. tamed diuers Popes, called and kepte diuerse Coūcelles, asvvel by his Sonnes, as by him selfe: and ordei­ned certain (.434.) The .434. vntruthe. Not ecclesiasticall Lavves as shall appeare. Ecclesiastical lavves against diuerse Heretiques, cōdē ­ninge their heresies and appointing hovv they should be ordered: ordeining likevvise many priuileges for Ecclesiasticall personnes.

The .24. Chapter. Of Frederike the .2. Emperour of that name.

THE more and the deaper ye praise this Frederik, the more and the deaper ye meshe and wrappe your self in your owne shame and greauous cōdemnatiō And muche are we the catholikes bownden to the inspeakable goodnes of God, that whereas ye and your fellowes most presumptuouslye and obstinatelye, either reiecte all suche proufes and demonstrations as the catholikes lay for them against you, or most fryuolously goe about to frustrat and elude thē, hath now so entangled yow with yower owne allegatiō, your owne Emperour, by yow so highlie cōmē ­ded, that whereas ye say, he tamed dyuers Popes: we say, he neuer so tamed Pope, as he was tamed him self of the Pope, and as he tameth you, and maketh you not so much a tame foole, as that so folishlye and fondlye set vppe your newe [Page] Papacy by his authority: but a very mad and an horrible he­retike. I pray thee now Good Reader, geue a good and an attentiue eare.M. Horne telleth of lavves made by the Em­perour hovv he­retikes should be ordered, but the order he shevveth not. Did then this Emperour, as ye say Maister Horne, and therein truely, make lawes (though not true­ly Ecclesiasticall Lawes) againste diuerse Heretiques, con­demning the heresies, and appointing howe they shoulde be ordered? If ye had tolde your Reader, the names of the Heretiques, or their heresies, and the manner appoin­ted howe they shoulde be ordered, yee might haue eased mee of some labour, but to your owne little ease or con­tentation: as proclaiming your selfe by expresse woordes as ye doe neuerthelesse couertlie lurking in this youre Ca­cus denne, an open and a notoriouse, for a number of most wretched and damnable errours,The He­retikes that Fre­derike cō ­demned, vvere cōdemned before in the great ge­neral coū ­cell at Lions: and a most wretched he­retique. And here first though I haue graunted you, that he made lawes againste Heretiques: yet will I not graunt you, that they were (as ye terme thē) Ecclesiasticall lawes. For suche (proprely to speake) are made of Ecclesiastical persons, in whome the Authoritie of allowing or condem­ning for matters Ecclesiasticall resteth. These Lawes of Frederike were rather exequutorie of the Lawes Eccle­siasticall, then lawes mere Ecclesiastical. For the Here­tiques and heresies by Frederike condemned, were before condemned by the Bishoppes and Popes,An. 1215. Platina In Innoc. tertio. In Chro­nographia especiallye by the great learned Bishoppe Innocentius the third, in the moste famouse Generall Councell kepte at Lateran in Rome. At the whiche beside the Pope, were present, the Patri­arches of Constantinople and Hierusalem, three score and tenne Metropolitane, and foure hundred other Bishoppes, 12. Abbattes, and .800. Priours conuentuals: in the whole, as your brother Pantaleō writeth, a thousād ād .300. Prelats: [Page 316] with the Ambassadours of both the Emperours,Vide Decret. Grego. tit. de heretic. c. ex­communicamus. 2. as wel of the West, as of the East: Yea as also of the Kings of Hierusalem, Fraūce, Spaine, England, Cy­prus and other Countries. In this Councell were condemned a nūber of heretikes,A rascal rablement of monstruous he­retiques names. calling thē selues Catharos, Patarenos, Pauperes de Lugduno, Passaginos, Tossepinos, Arnoldistas, Speronistas, and with other straūge names.Ioan. Gers. part. 4. Ibidē titulo de sum­ma Trinit. cap. 2. Reprobamus etiam & cōdemnamus peruersissimum dogmae impij Almarici, cu­ius mētem pater mē ­dacij sic excoecauit vt eius doctrina, nō tam haeretica, quàm insa­na sit censenda. Vide epistolas Petri de vineis Cancella­rij Frederic. 2. li. 1. ca. 25.26. et. 27. Et nouell. Fred. in­sertas Cod. Iustiniā. There was also cōdemned the wic­ked Almaricus: whose mind the Father of lies had so blinded, that his doctrine was to be counted not here­tical only, but madde also ād furious. This coūcel was kept, this Fredericus being Emperour, who in this point folowing th'Emperours Iustinian ād Charles the Great (and so far I graunt it true, that ye say he was an other Charles the Great) as thei before had done, cōfirmed the lawes Ecclesiastical, with ciuil ād politike ordinaūces. And as they cōdemned the heretiks, first by the Church condemned: so dothe Fredericus to: as Patarenos, Speronistas, Leonistas, Arrianistas, Circūcisos, Passaginos, Ioseppinos, Carracē ­ses, Albanēses, Franciscos, Bānaroles, Comistas, Waldē ­ses, Burgaros, Cōmillos, Barrinos, Ottoleuos, & de aqua nigra, and finally, omnes haereticos vtrius (que) sexus: All heretiks of both kind, as well men as womē. Yet is there great differēce,The difference be­tvvene the lavves of Frederike and the Councell. Dict. cap. 2. de sum­ma trinitate. Et c. excommunicamus. 1. &. 2. de haeretic. betwene the foresaid Eccle­siastical, ād Emperial lawes. The Ecclesiastical per­sons, after long ād mature cōsideration and exami­nation of opiniōs and doctrine of the foresaid per­sons, do find their doctrine, a false and an heretical doctrine, and therfore do cōdemne thē as heretiks: they do curse and excōmunicate them, and if they [Page] be persons Ecclesiasticall, doe depriue and degrade them, and so leaue them to the secular power. The said Councel ordeineth, that none shal preach without the Popes or the Bishoppes licence,The ma­ner hovv heretikes should be ordered, set forthe as vvell out of the foresaide Councell, as out of Frederike his lawes. Dict. c. 25. cū sequē ­tibus. and that all secular officers shall take an othe to doe their endeuour to purge their countrie of he­retikes, and if nede be, to be compelled thereto by excom­munication. And that all suspect persons shall purge them selues, at the discretion of their ordinarie vnder paine of excommunication, in the which if they wilfully continue one yeare, then to be taken for heretikes. These and many other things the Councell ordeined in this behalfe. The which decrees the Emperour Frederike confirmeth by his Emperial edict, adding perpetual infamie, exile, banishmēt, death, and the disheryting of their heires: and that he shal not be takē for any officer or Magistrat, ād that al his iudge­mēts and sentēces shal be void that wil not take the othe a­foresaid. He cōmaūdeth the houses of heretiks and of their fautours and abettours to be plucked downe, neuer to be builded againe. He declareth them to be intestable: that is, neither able to make testament of their owne nor to be capable of any benefit, out of any other mans testimonie: and that to the second generation, they shal beare no pu­blike office. And this is the manner, M. Horne, of the orde­ring of Heretiks, that ye speake of, appointed by your new supreme Head the Emperour Frederike. And so yee see withal, how you and your fellowes were to be ordered, if he now liued. What? Me thinke ye beginne, M. Horne, to waxe angrie and to chaufe with me, for telling you of such a rablement of straunge monstruouse heretical names: And that ye haue nothing to doe with these heretiques, be­ing suche as ye neuer heard of, no, not so muche as their [Page 317] names before. Wel, for the names, I wil not perchaunce sticke with you, but for the wicked opinions,M. Horne in telling that Fre­derik cō ­demned heretiks, proclai­meth him selfe an Heretike. Almari­cus his heresies. In Chro­nolog. Almaricus Gallus, i­magines, altaria, & sanctorum inuocatio­nē, idololaetriā cēset: transub­stantiationē altaris negat. Idē aliquot errores docēs cōburitur Parisijs. Bern. de Luxēburg in catal. Bernard. epist. 195. that they mainteined, they are of nearer cousinage to you, then yee were ware of, when ye wrote of Fredericus Ecclesiasticall lawes against heretikes, Ergo, heretikes they were by your owne sentence. Wherevnto I adioyne: Ergo, you are an heretique, as vpholding a number of their erronious opini­ons: for the which they were condemned as well by Fre­derike, as by the foresaid general Councel.

And first to beginne with Almaricus, Did not his errors stand in the refusing of Images, Aulters, the inuocation of Saintes, the transubstantiation of the holy Eucharistia, euē as your brother Pantaleon writeth, saying (which is mar­uaile) that he was burned at Paris for teaching of errours? A man may thinke they were errours in deede, that Pan­taleon will ones confesse to be errours. For the other a­foresaide, he taketh not for errours, but for true doctrine. What errours were they then? One was, that if Adam and Eue had continued in state of grace, they should neuer haue had children by any carnal copulatiō, but otherwise: Yea that there should haue bene no difference betwen the Male and the Female kinde. Secondly, he saied, that the blessed Saintes in heauen doe not see the essence of God. Whiche errour he learned of Petrus Abailardus, againste whome S. Barnarde writeth: and of Arnoldus Brixiensis, of whome as I suppose, Arnoldistae, of whom we spake of, be called. Thirdly, he said, that the bodie of Christ is no otherwise in the Sacramente of the Aulter, then in other bread, and all other things. Fourthly he said, there was no hell. Fifthly, he denyed the resurrection of the flesh. And yet is this Almaricus a worthy Bisshoppe, and an holy [Page] Martyr, in Maister Foxes madde Martyrologe. Neither can he finde any matter why he was condemned,Almari­cus is M. Foxes holy Mar­tyr. Vide Foxū fol. 70. but for teaching and holding againste Images, whiche if it were true, as it is false, yet were he but a starke stinking Mar­tyr.

I will nowe vnfolde and rippe vppe the heresies of some other condemned by Frederike, that Maister Horne may see his own iudgement,Articles of the cō ­uocation offered of late to the parliamēt geuen against him and his fellowes (especially against their hereticall Articles agreed vppon in their Schismaticall Conuocation, and nowe after fower yeares, offered to the Parliament to be confirmed and ra­tified) geauen, I saie, not onely by the moste famouse Ge­nerall Councell aforesaied, but also by his owne Supreme Head, the Emperour Frederike, and by his owne wordes and confession. And here it shall be sufficient to set be­fore yow, the Waldenses onely. For as a good fellowe ones said, whiche had prouided a feast furnished with ma­nye disshes, to his friend maruailing at suche plentie, but all was but swines fleshe, which he had by his iolie cokerie dressed in suche diuersitie: So all this rascall rablement of these huge monstruous names and sectes, are in effecte no­thing but the swinish secte of the Waldenses: otherwise called the poore brethren of Lyons, taking there, their ori­ginall of one Waldo, their vnlearned and blinde presump­tuouse guide. Whiche had in diuerse Countries diuerse names, whereof some ye haue heard: and were common­lie called in England, as appeareth by our Actes of Parlia­mente and Chronicles, and in some other Countries also, Lollardes. Wil ye then knowe, what their Relligion and order was in Churche matters? I remitte the Latine and learned Reader to Aeneas Syluius, and to Paulus Aemilius: [Page 318] and the English Reader to Maister Foxe him selfe. Who at large to decke and beutifie his holy Canonisation setteth their errours and heresies foorth to his Reader.In historiae Bohemiae ca. 35. P. Aemil. li. 6. Hist. Franc. Fol. 42. cū sequēt. All our nevve Gospell springeth from the foolishe fond Frier VValdo, and his sect con­demned by the foresaide Councell and by Frederik. Of vvhō the Ar­noldists are called. Vide cata­logum Il­lirici. pag. 465. et in appendice pag. 15. impress. Argentin. 1562. And to be short, there shal ye find, that our holy English Cōuocatiō borowed their damnable Articles, whereof we haue spo­ken, of them, and the whole order beside, of this their gaie Gospelling Church.

Of this secte sprang among other, the Albanenses, whi­che otherwise are called Albigenses, of the people called Albij in the Countie of Tholous in Fraunce, the whiche we haue before rehearsed. Nowe the Arnoldistae can not be the schollers and disciples of Arnoldus de Villa noua, being at this time and long after vnborne and so it seemeth that they are so called of Arnoldus Brixiensis, and withal, that as well Maister Horne, as his Maister Illiricus (from whome he fetched these Epistles of Arnoldus de Villa no­ua) are out of the waye. Maister Horne for imagining this Arnoldus to haue liued, aboute the time of King Henrie the first. And Illiricus for imagining Arnoldistas, to be named of Arnoldus de Villa noua, and to be condemned before he was borne. Him selfe confessing, that he li­ued aboute suche time as we before haue declared. Maister Foxe also as greate an Antiquarie as he is, as farre as I can learne, confoundeth these two Arnoldus: and maketh a great sturre for the auauncing of his newe Ghospel of this Arnoldus de villa noua, being a false lying Prophet▪ as I haue before shewed you. And yt may be proued both by him and by Illyricus, that he was an Heretique, if he maintey­ned suche errours as they specifie: whereof nothing doth appeare in the foresaied Epistles.

[Page]And therfore I suppose, yf any of them both main­teyned these errours,Arnoldus Brixensis Vide de hoc Arnoldo. Plat. in Adriane. 4. Sabel. Aenea. 8. li. 9 Bernard. epi. 195. yt was this Arnoldus Bri­xiensis. Who for theis errours of the Waldenses (as it may seme) with his disciples is excommunicated by the generall coūcel, as I tolde you before. Now for the other secte of the Albanenses or Albigen­ses, The horrible errors of the Albigenses. springinge of the loynes of the holye brother Waldo, beside the cōmon and vsuall errours, of the Waldenses, they cōdēned matrimony,Paulus Aemilius. li. 6. hist. Franc. Ecclesiam nostram caetum infernorum vocitabant, matrimonia damnabāt, pro­miscuōs concubitus, eosque nefarios san­ctos ducebant. ād lyued lyke brute beastes in most filthie and beastlie bytchery. Who not withstanding multiplied in such sort, and so desperatly suffred al kind of punishmēt, ād death to, for the maynteyning of theire heresies, that they were set vpon and destroyed with an armie. And yet are they preciouse martyrs with M. Foxe, thoughe him self cōfesse, that the chroniclers make them no better thē Turkes and infidelles: and wold fayne (for the honesty of his new ghospell and hys newe canonisation) that men shoulde thinke yt were not so,M. Foxe vvolde fayn haue vs beleue theis Albigenses to be martyrs. Frid. Dict. epist. 27. Patarenorum com­plices & qui vt alios à paena possint eximere, de se velut impro­nidi non formidant. vvhy these heretiks called them selues Patarenos. Epiphanius. lib. 3. Tom. 2. Heres. 8. contrary to all the Chroniclers vpon his owne bare woorde, as one that doth not, nor euer shalbe able to shewe any thinge worthye of any credite, to the contrarye. The desperate rage of theis wilde wodde Waldenses was suche, as I haue sayde, that they did not shūne, but rather co­uitte deathe, to make theyre secte in the eies of the worlde more commendable, (as M. Foxes holye martyrs haue of late donne in Englande, and els where) and for this cause bothe the councell and themperour calleth them Patarenos. For they so called them selues, as in the olde tyme the Messa­lian [Page 319] heretikes called them selues, for the like cause Marty­rianos, as men glorying, [...]. that for their secte and heresie had suffred martyrdomme. Now let Mayster foxe make an ac­compte of hys holy martyrs, and see howe manie he canne fynde, that haue not maynteyned the sayd errours, of these Albigenses, Paterans, or Waldenses: and he shall fynde his holie cataloge altogether voyde and empted. So that the olde martyrs may take theyre olde place in the Kalender againe.

And because Mayster Foxe doth so highlie esteme these men: and so lightlye regardeth what so euer either the forsayde moste famous and lerned councell, or the late councell of Trente hathe sayde or donne againste the doctrine of his holye Martyrs: and wyll not belieue the catholikes, when they truelye call them furiouse and madde martyrs, let him at the leaste belieue this Empe­rour Friderike, a newe greate Charles, as Mayster Horne sayeth, and let hym in fewe wordes, heare a rownde and a full answere to all his vglie and madde martyrologe.Vide Petrā de vinea Lib. 1. Epist. 26. A short ansvvere to all M. Foxes madde martyro­log, by thempe­rour frideryke M. Hornes supreame head. He then speaking of the sect of the folishe frontyke and wood Waldo sayeth: In exēplum martyrū qui pro fide catholica. &c. They call them selues (sayeth Fridericus) as thowghe they followed the example of the Martyrs, which died for the catholike fayth, Paterans, as men prompte and redie to suffer death: howbeit these wretched Paterans, hauing no holie belief of the eternall deitie, in this theyre owne wickednes offende three together. that is, God, theyre neighbour, and them selues. God I saye, whiles they do not knowe the faythe, that they shoulde haue in God, nor his counsayle. They deceyue theire neighbours, whiles vnder the pretēce of spirituall and ghostly feadinge, they feade them with pleasaunt wicked heresie.

[Page] But they are most cruell to them selues, whiles, beside the losse of theire sowles, as men making no accompte of lyfe, but rashelye seeking death, The Pate­rās desperate dea­linges. take a pleasure to bring theyr bodies to most payneful death, the which they might by true knowledge, and by a sownde and strong faythe auoyde, and whiche is a most greauouse thing to be spoken, they that remayne a lyue be no­thing afrayde by theyre example. We can not staye and re­frayne our selues, but that we must plucke owte our sworde, and take worthie vengeance vppon suche: being enemies to God, to them selues, and to other: persequuting them, so muche the more earnestly, by how muche the more, they are iudged to spread abrode and to practise their wycked supersti­tion nighe to Rome which is the head of all Churches. Rome the head of all churches by Fride­ricus cō ­fession againste the Pa­terans. Thus farre Friderike the Emperour.

Let nowe Mayster Foxe take this as a fytte ād worthie condemnation of al his stinking martyrs. And take you this also Mayster Horne, and digeste yt well: and then tel me at your good leasure, when ye are better aduised, what ye haue wōne by this your supreame head, or by what colour, ye can make hym Supreame Head that confesseth the Church of Rome to be the Head of al Churches: who also fealt the practise of the Popes Supreamacy aswel by excommu­nicatiō as by depryuation frō his empire,Platina. Sabell. Naucler. & alij. that followed the sayde excommunicatiō: the electours proceding to a new election at the Popes commaundemente. As for Frideryke hym self for matters spirituall he acknowledged the Popes Supreamacy, as ye haue heard, and as yt appeareth in Pe­trus de vinea his Chaūceler, that wrote his epistles, though he thowght the Pope did but vsurpe vppon certaine pos­sessions, which Friderike (notwithstāding his former othe made to the contrarie) did afterwarde challenge. The mat­ter [Page 320] of S. Peters patrimony, I will not medle withall, as not greatly necessarye for our purpose: the which when the Church of Rome lacked, yet did not the Pope lacke his Supreamacie, neither should lacke the sayde Supreamacie, thowghe he should lacke the sayde patrimony hereafter, or though his Bishoppricke were not indewed with one foote of land. For it is no worldly power or temporal pre­eminence, that hath sett vp the Popes primacy, or that the Popes primacy consisteth in, but it is a Supreme Autho­rytie ouer all Christes flocke, such as to his predecessour S. Peter, Christ him selfe gaue here on the earthe, such as by generall Councels is confirmed and acknowledged, and such as the continuall practise from age to age without in­termission dothe inuincibly cōuince. And for this Supreme gouernment ouer Christes flocke in Spiritual matters nei­ther this Friderike neither any other Christian Emperour whatsoeuer (except it were Constantius the Arrian) euer striued or contended for with the Bishoppes of Rome. To conclude therefore, this onlye for this time I saye, that your dealing with this Emperour, Mayster Horne, is to intolerable, thus to misuse your readers, and not to be ashamed so confidently to alleage this Emperour, for the confirmation of your newe supreamacie. Now, thinck yow that Auentinus a man of our age, and as farre as I can iudge a Lutheran, and most certaynelie verie muche affectionated to thēperours against the Popes, is of suche credite, that because he sayeth yt, therefore we muste belieue him: that this Friderike was an other Charles the greate, and moste profitable for the Christian com­mon wealthe? Howbeit let this also passe. For the praise or dispraise of this Emperoure to oure principall matter, [Page] which is, whether the Quene be supreame head and Iudge of al causes ecclesiastical, is but impertinent. And therfore we shall now procede to the residue.

M. Horne. The .127. Diuision. pag. 79. a.

Fabian. In whiche time Henrie the .3. king of Englande held a so­lemne Councell, in the whiche bothe by the sentence of the King and of the Princes, not a fewe priuilegies, were (.435.)The .435. Vntruth. Captaine and no­torious. Polidore saith the clean cō ­trary. taken awaie from the order of Priesthode, at vvhat time the Popes Legate required a (.436.)The .436. and .437. Vntruth. For it vvas a tenth, no tribute, ād it vvas graunted, not deni­ed. tribute of all the Glergie, but it was (.437.) denyed him. Robert Grosthead (vvhome yee call Saint Robert) wrote vnto the Pope, a sharpe Epistle, because he grieued the Church of England with taskes and paiementes against reason: of whiche when he sawe no redresse, he with other Prelates of the lād, cōplained vnto the King, of the wast of the goodes and patrimonie of the Churche, by the Popes neare kinsemen and other alient Bisshops, whom the king a­uoided out of the Realme. To vvhome also the Emperour Frederike vvrote, that it vvas a shame for him to suffer any longer his Realme to be oppressed vvith the Popes tyrannie.

The .25. Chapter. Of King Henrie the third.

Stapleton.

Concer­ning Kīg Henrie the .3.KING Henry the .3. toke away many priuileges from the order of Priesthode, the clergie denied a tribute to the Popes Legate, Roberte grostheade writeth, sharply against the Popes exactions, Frederike the Empe­rour writeth to the King, that he shoulde not suffer his Realme to be oppressed with the Popes tyrrannie.M. Horns impertinent Ar­guments. Ergo, M. Fekēham must take an othe that the Quene is Supreme Head. Yf these and such like arguments conclude, Mai­ster Horne, then may you be bolde to blowe your Horne, and triumphantly to reioyce like a Conquerour.

[Page 321]But nowe what if the matter of your argumentation be as yll, or worse then the forme of yt? Ye ought to proue that in this kings dayes the lyke regimente was for matters Ec­clesiasticall as is nowe, and that the kinge toke vppon him all supreamacy Ecclesiasticall. The contrarie whereof is so euidente, by all our Chroniclers,M. Horne seketh by matters, leauīg the principall as the Donatistes did. and by the authours your selfe alleage, and otherwise in this shorte declaration of king Henry the .3. ye do so friuolously trifle, and exce­dingly lie, as ye haue done and will doe in the reste, that I muste, beside all other matters by me before rehersed cōcerning the Donatists, saye of you, as S. Augustine sayd of them. He sayd of the Donatistes, that in theyr reasoning with the catholykes before Marcellinus.August. cō tra Dona. post collat. cap. 34. [...]om. 7. In Collat. Carth. Conc. Dicebatse mirari Donatistas habe [...]e inco [...]pore sā guinē, qui nunquam erubes [...]e­rent toties in mani­festo men­datio de­prehensi. Nimium patien­ter pertulit homines per inania vagantes, & tam multa super­flua dicentes, & ad eadem toties conficta redeuntes, vt gesta tā ­tis voluminibus onerata pene omnes pigeret euoluere, &c. He suffred with ouer much patience, those felowes wandring about trifles, and so full of superfluous talke, and returning so ofte to the selfe same matters fayned and forged, that the Acts of that cōferēce, were so lodē with such huge volu­mes, that it would wery any mā to reade thē ouer, ād by the reading to know, how the matter was debated. Yea their extraordinary vagaries were so thick ād so many, that Mar­cellinus was fayn (as Frāciscus Balduinꝰ noteth) almost 600. times by his sentēce interlocutory to cut of their friuolous elusiōs. We haue nowe nead of such an other Marcellinus, to be styckler an arbitrer betwen you and M. Fekenhā.

Againe the sayd S. Augustine sayd of the Donatistes (as Baldwine noteth) that he did meruaile if the Donatists had any bloud in their body, that being so often taken in mani­feste and open lies, yet neuer blushed. I say then to you M. [Page] Horne that this kinge was not the supreame head but the pope, who practised his supremacy in this kinges dayes, as much as any pope hath done in this realme in our tyme, or sithen this king Henries tyme.In addit. ad Neub. M. S. Po­lichronic. Fabian. Was not the Priour of Can­terbury deposed by the Pope? Were not a nomber of the clergy that helde with the Barons againste the kinge de­pryued of their Ecclesiasticall lyuinges, and fayne to send to Rome for their absolution? Was not the Archbisshop of Canterburies election annichilated and frustrated by the pope?Polichr. et [...]o Lond. Polichro. In addit. ad Neub. M. S. & Polichr. Did not the Archbishop of Canterbury Edmond goe to Rome for the dispatche of his Ecclesiasticall affay­res? Were not S. Hewe of Lincolne and the foresayd S. Ed­monde, S. Richarde bisshop of Chichester, and S. Thomas of Canterbury by the popes authority translated in this kings tyme? Was not the kinge hym selfe with Pandulphus the popes Legate presente at the sayd translation at Can­terbury?vvherein the pope practised his supre­macy in Englād in Kings Hē ries time. Polidor. lib. 16. Did not Octobonus the popes legate make cer­tayne constitutions ecclesiasticall, which are euery where to be had in prynt? Did not the king hym selfe procure the Popes curse vppon the Barons that rebelled againste hym? Was not the Pope the Iudge in controuersy depēding be­twene the kinge and the Archbisshop of Canterbury? Did not the kinge hym selfe procure to be absolued and dis­charged of his othe by the Pope, as supreame Iudge in mat­ters spirituall? Did not this kinge send his bisshops to the greate councell holden at Laterane wherof we haue spo­ken, aswell as other princes did? Did not this kinge helpe with his money the Pope againste themperour Frederike, thowghe he were allied vnto him? And shall all this supe­riority quayle onely for such bare and friuolouse matter, as you laye forth? But what yf yt be not only friuolouse M. [Page 322] Horne, but starke false? I maruayle suerly yf this kinge toke away anie priueleges from the Clergy. Why M. Horne? What kinge was yt thinke yow, that gaue the priuileges for the clergy and the commōs, yea and the nobylity to, cō teyned in magna charta, Magna Charta. but this kinge? Who caused the bi­shops of this realme beinge arayed in theyr Pontifi­calibus solemly to accurse,Priuileges graūted to Poules Churche in London by the kinge. Polidorus lib. 16. Pro sua pietate & gratia irrogauit Paulino collegio sacer­dotū, ea omnia liber­talis priuilegia, qui­bus ciuitas Lōdinēs. vteretur, frueretur, quae ne indedānū vllū faceret, dedit ex suo libras septē, quas etiā nūc vicecomites vr­bani ex arbitrio re­gio, quot annis capiūt Polidorus lib. 16. Iam ade [...]at annus salutis humanae. 1226. & nonus, cū regnare cepit Hēricus: quo anno cōciliū prīcipū est habitū: in eo concilio de regis pariter ac prī cipū sentētia, nō parū multa priuilegia or­dini sacerdotali, at (que) reliquo populo irrogata sunt multae (que) leges, quas reges qui sequuti sunt ita approbarunt, vt inde bona pars iu­ris collecta sit, quemadmodū in eo extat libello qui inscribitur magna Charta, & alterae [...] in Westmynster hall (the king him selfe and his nobility being present) the in­fringers of the same, but this king Hēry the .3? Who gaue vnto the Church of Poules in Londō, such priuileges as the city of Londō had, and least the citie of London should take any domage therby, gaue to the city out of his checker an yearely rente of se­uē pounds euer syns vsually payd, but this kīg Hēry?

Lo M. Horn: you heare of great priuileges gra­tiously graunted and geuen to the clergy. But what priuileges, or when any were taken away from thē I can not yet fynd. No, sayth M. Horn, can ye not fynd it? Why, doe ye not then take a litle paynes, to reade my authour Polidor to whome I doe remit my reader? Yes M. Horn that paynes haue I taken, and that shall ye full well vnderstand. I wil reherse your own allegation in your authours own words. Nowe was (saieth he) the .1226. yeare of our Lorde God, and the .9. yeare of kinges Henries raigne come. In the whiche yeare, there was an assemble of nobi­lity. In this assemble by the consente of the kinge and the nobilitie manie liberties and priuileges were ge­uen to the order of priesthod, and to the commons, and many ordinances were made which the kings that followed, did so allowe, that a good part of the Law, is ga­thered [Page] thereof: as appeareth in the great Charter, and in the Charter of the Foreste. Howe say yow M. Horne, is there any more bludde left in your body,A moste notori­ouse and captayne lie, vvherin Maister Horne is cōuicted by the place him self allea­geth. then was in the Dona­tists, of whom S. Augustin complayneth? what a Macarian pageante haue ye here played? What? Thinke yow, as Cyr­ces turned Vlysses companie into hoggs, that ye maye so enchaunte all your readers, by this your supreame lying su­preamacy, that they shall be so swinishe, as to beleue yow in this poynte, or in any other beinge here taken with the maner, and as the ciuilians say [...]? What coloura­ble shifte can ye nowe pretende, to saue your poore hone­sty? Is not this the very place, that your [...]elfe translate out of Polidorus? Doth yt not say the quite contrary to that, for the which ye alleage yt? The matter is so opē, that I wil re­fuse no arbitrers, no, not your owne protestante fellowes.

It is beside the matter of the story wherin your own au­thor cōdemneth you, a law matter: Cal me therfore a quest of Lawiers. Let thē tel you, whether Hēry the .3. in this coū cel,vve must cal a quest of Lavv­yers and grāmari­ans for M. Horn. toke away the Charter, or made and graūted the Char­ter. Yf perchaunce ye wil appeale from thē to the Gram­marians, and say that irrogare priuilegia, is to take away pri­uileges (which in dede is your extreme miserable refuge a­gainst al truth and the words, and meaning of your author) I am cōtent ye chose a quest of thē: neither therin wil I vse any peremptory challenge,M, Horns shameful ignorāce in the grāmer and Latyn tong. but am content to stand to the iudgment of your nigh neighbours in the famous schole of Wīchester, or if ye wil, of M. Cooper the dictionary maker, better acquaynted with these matters, thē perchaūce your self are. But see M. Horn how as accordīg to the old sayīg: vnum malū non venit solum. So with yow vnum mendacium non venit solum. But that as thowgh there were a game [Page 323] set vp for lying, ye adde for the with an other lie. Ye saye there was a tribute demaunded of all the clergy by the Legate: but yt was denied him. Your author saith, he demaunded the tenth of the clergie, to mainteyne warre against the Sara­cens: and yt was sone graunted him. Your authour reciteth also, after the minde of some writers, that in a conuocation, Ottho the Popes Legate, demaunded a certayne yerelye paymente, which was denied him, but he doth improue those that so write. And so withal it is not a single but a double, or rather a treble vntruth, that ye write concerning this tribute. For this demaunde yf yt were made, was not made, at that tyme (as you say) when that Councel, that ye call the solemne Councel was holdē and wherin the great Charter was graunted, and where, as ye most falsly say, yt was disanulled, but in a conuocation at an other tyme. Now putting the case there were any such payment denied, doth that spoile the pope of his supremacy? By as good reason ye may conclude, yf any thing be denied the King, that he demaundeth in the parliament, that therefore he is no King. This former answere may serue you also for that ye alleage concerning Robert groshead: sauing that I may adde this withall, that he were a very Groshead in dede, that would belieue you, either when ye say to M. Fekenham (whome ye call S. Robert) seing M. Fekenham speaketh no woorde of this Robert, no more then he doth of Robyn goodfel­lowe: or that this story should make against the Popes pri­macie, seing that your owne authour Fabian saith, that this Robert being accursed of the Pope Innocentius, appealed from his courte to Christes owne cowrte. A manifeste ar­gument of the popes supremacy. As for Frederyk the Em­perours episte to Kinge Henry: what so euer he writeth [Page] against the Pope ye would be loth I suppose,M. Horne alleageth Friderikes epistle, but litle for his own ease, if it vver fully executed to­vvards himself. it shuld take place in Englād. For then farewel your good­ly Manours, as Walthā, Farnhā ād such other. Nei­ther were your gētleman Vssher like to ride before you barehead, but both he and you to goe a foote, or rather your self to go barefoted al alone.Io. Lond. in Chroni. Iste Fridericus in proposito habuit ecclesiam ad supremam paupertatem redigere. Vi­de apud eūdem: partem epist, eius ad Henric. 3.

M. Horne. The .128. Diuision. pag. 79. a.

Antoninꝰ. Levves the Frenche King, called S. Levves, vvho as Antoninus saith, was so instructed, euen from his infancy, in all the wisedom of diuine and good orders, that there was not found his like, that kept the law of the high God, &c. made a lawe against those that blasphemed the name of the Lorde: adioyning a penalty of a whote yron to be printed in the transgressours forehead.Append. Math. Pa­risiens. Also in the yere of the Lorde .1228. He made a Law against the Popes fraudes, concerning the preuentions and re [...]eruations of the reuenues, and dignities Ecclesiastical, complayning that the Pope had pulled from him, the collations of all Spirituall promotions: ordeining that from hence foorth the election of Bisshops, Prelates and al other whatsoeuer, should be free, for­cible, ād effectual to the electors Patrones ād collatours of thē. Also the same yere he set forth an other Law agaīst Simony: cō plainīg of the bieyng ād sellīg of ecclesiastical dignities.Fabian. He made also certain godly Lavves against vvhoredome and Fornicatiō. Laste of all in the yeere of the Lorde .1268. he set foorth the Lavve, Append. Math. Pa­risiens. commonly called Pragmatica Sanctio, vvherein in amongest other Ecclesiastical matters against the Popes pollinges he saith thus: Item, in no case we wil that exactions or greuous burdens of money, being laide on the Churche of our Kingdome by the Courte of Rome, where­by our Kingedome is miserably impouerished, be leuied or ga­thered: nor any hereafter to be layed, excepte only for a rea­sonable, [Page 324] godly and moste vrgent cause of necessity, that can not be auoided: ād that the same be don by our expresse (.438.)The .438. and 439. vntruths. One in false trās­lating, the other in vnfaith­ful nip­ping. biddinge, and commaundement of our own accord. (.439.)

The .26. Chapter: Of S. Lewys the French King. Of Man­fred, and Charles King of Sicilia and Apulia.

Stapleton.

LEwes his Lawe, against those that blasphemed the name of God, maketh not him supreame head of the Churche. Ye mowght haue put in,Antoninus. part. 3. tit. 19. cap. 9. Nomē do­mini vel Virginis gloriosae. as your authour doth, those also, that blaspheme the name of his blessed mo­ther. But the mention of this woulde haue greaued some of your sect that haue compared our Ladie to a saffron bagge, making her no better then other women. And what yf you or your confederats had liued then, that say, it is Ido­latrie to pray to her, and to praye her, to pray for vs to her sonne Iesu Christe: shoulde not ye haue had, suppose you, great cause to feare the printe of the hotte yron, ye speake of? As for the collations of spiritual promotions, this Le­wys bestowed none such as his predecessours by espe­cial licences and priuileges had graunted vnto them frō the bisshops of Rome. And that as I haue ofte said, proueth no superiority of gouernemēt in Ecclesiastical matters, except by the same reason you wil make euery Patrone of a bene­fice to be supreme gouernour in all Ecclesiasticall matters to his owne Vicar and Curate. The embarringe of Exa­ctions from the Courte of Rome, is nothing derogatorye from the Spiritual power or Iurisdiction of the Churche of Rome. For they are not vtterly embarred, but the excesse of thē is denied: ād in any reasonable, godly, or vrgent cause of necessity they are graunted, as your selfe alleage. But [Page] to better a litle your badde cause, you haue with a double vntruthe ended your allegation. For where the King saieth, Nisi de spontaneo expresso cōsensu nostro, not without our vo­luntary and expresse consent, you turne it, by our expresse bidding and commaundement, and that it might seme to hāge of the Kings pleasure only, you leaue out, & ipsarum Ec­clesiarum regni nostri: and of the Churches of our kingdom.

But what nede we lese more time in making more ample answer,Annales de France. Fabian. Nau [...]lere. seing it is moste certaine, that this Kinge and his realme acknowleadged the Popes Supremacye, as muche then as euer since euen to this daye? For where was your newe great Charles Friderike the seconde deposed from his Empire, by Pope Innocentius the fourth, but at Lyons in Fraunce? And in whose Kinges dayes, but of this Le­wys? Who defended many yeares together the Popes of Rome, Innocentius the .4. Alexander the .4. Vrbanus the .4. and Clement the .4. againste the Emperour Frederike (who therefore by treason went about to destroye him) but this Kings Lewys? Who warred him selfe in person a­gainste the Sarracens at Thunys, at Clement the Popes request, but this Lewys? Who also before that, making his voyage into the holy lāde against the Souldā tooke benedi­ction and absolution of Pope Innocentius the .4. lying thē at the Abbye of Cluny in Fraunce, but this Lewys? And did not the sayed Clement make by his Authoritye Charles this Lewys his brother, King of Sicilia and Apulia? And wil you make vs nowe beleue M. Horne, that this Kinge was suche a Supreme Gouernour, as you imagine Princes ought to be, or that in his tyme the Popes Supremacy was accompted a forrayne power in Fraunce, as it is with you in Englande? No. No. M. Horne. Seeke what age and [Page 325] what Countre you wil, you shal neuer finde it while you liue.

M. Horne The .129. Diuision. pag. 79. b.

Conradus, Conradinus and Manfredus, (.440.) The 440. vntruthe. For they lost them. stil kepte the priuilege of the foresaide Ecclesiastical matters in Sicilia and Apulia. Shortly after this tyme Charles the King of Sicilia and Apulia, had (.441.) The .441. vntruthe, as shal ap­peare. al or most of the dooing in the elelection and making of diuerse Popes, as of Mar­tyn .4. Celestyn .5. Boniface .8. &c.

Stapleton.

To these matters of Sicilie I haue already more then ones answered, and doe now say again,Nauclerꝰ gener. 41. pag. 288. Vide chro­nicon ad­ditum ad P. Aemil. historiā. Plat. in Nicolao. 4. Cardina­les ad cō ­cordiā & electionē pontificis adhorta­tus est. Idē in Caelesti­no. 5. In­stante Carolo Rege, & Latino Cardinale pontifex creatur. that this priuilege consi­sted only in inuesturing of bisshops graunted by Alexander the .3. and after reclaymed by Innocentius the .3. Whereby it wel appereth, that this allegation maketh rather with the Popes Primacy, then against it: but most of all in this place. For Pope Alexander the .4. declared this Manfredus the Romain Churches enemy, as he was in dede, and a traytour also both to Conradus, his brother, and to Conradinus his nephewe, both inheritours to that kingdome, both whome he went about to poyson. By reason of which outrages, he was as I said denounced enemy to the Church of Rome by Alexander the .4. and shortly after, Charles Kinge Lewys his brother, was made King of Sicilie by Clemens the .4. paying to the Pope a tribute, and holding of him by faithe and homage. Such Supreme heads were your Conradus, Conradinus and Manfredus.

As for Charles (who only by the Popes Authority came to that dignity, as I haue said) it is not true, that he (as you say, had all or most of the doing, in the election, or making of diuerse Popes For the Cardinalls only had the whole doing. Truth it is, that a strief and contention rising amonge the Cardinals, for the election, and many of them being encli­ned [Page] to serue Charles expectation, they elected those which he best liked of. But what can all this make to proue the Prince Supreme Gouernour in al ecclesiastical causes? yea or in any ecclesiastical cause at al?Naucler. gener. 42. pag. 313. et 314. Idē gener. 43. Prīces euē now adaies find some like fauour sometimes at the electiō of Popes. But thīk you therfore thei are takē of their subiects for Supreme Go­uernours &c? You may be ashamed M. Horne, that your rea­sons be no better.

Polych. Fabian. Polyd.M. Horne. The .130. Diuision. pag. 79. b.

Edvvard the first, King of Englande, about this time made the Statute of Northampton: So that after that time, no man should geue, nei­ther sel, nor bequeath, neither chaūge, neither bye title, assign lāds, tenemēts, neither rētes to no mā of Religiō, without the Kīgs leaue: which acte, sence that tyme, hath bē more straight­ly enacted and deuised with many additiōs, thereunto augmē ­ted or annexed. The which Law, saith Polidore, he made (.442.)The 442. vntruthe. Polidore saith not so. bicause he was Religionis studiosissimꝰ, &c. most studiouse of Reli­gion, and most sharpe enemie to the insolency of the Priests.

The .27. Chapter. Of King Edward the first, of Englande.

Stapleton.

LEaue ones Maister Horne to proue that, wherein no man doth stande with you: and proue vs, that ei­ther Kinge Edwarde by this facte was the Supreame Head of the Churche:Concer­ning Kīg Edvvard the first. or that the Popes Primacie, was not aswel acknowledged in Englād in those dayes, as it hath ben in our dayes. None of your marginal Authours, auouch any such thinge. Neither shall ye euer be able to proue it. Your authours,Polid. Polychro. Fabian. and many other, haue plentiful matter to the contrarye, especially the Chronicle of Iohannes Londo­nensis, which semeth to haue liued aboute that tyme: and seemeth amonge all other, to haue writen of him verie exactlye. Lette vs see then whether Kinge Edwarde [Page 326] tooke him selfe, or the Pope for the Supreame Head of the Churche. This King after his Fathers death returning from the holie Lande, in his iourney visited Pope Gregorie the tenthe, and obteyned of him an excommunication a­gainst one Guido de monte forti, for a slawghter he had com­mitted.Io. Lond. An. 1272. Two yeares after was the famouse Councell hol­den at Lions, at the which was present the Emperour Mi­chael Paleologus, of whome we haue somewhat spoken. And trowe ye Maister Horne, that at suche tyme as the Grecians, which had longe renounced the Popes authori­ty, returned to their olde obedience againe, that the realm of Englande withdrewe it selfe from the olde and accusto­mable obedience? Or trowe ye that the true and worthye Bisshops of England refused that Councell, as ye and your fellowes, counterfeite and parliament bisshops only, haue of late refused the Councel of Trente? No, no. Our authour sheweth by a verse commonly then vsed, that it was fre­quented of all sorte.Gregorius denus col­ligit omne genus. Ioan. Lōd. An. 1272. &. 1274. Neubu. in addi. M.S. dict. anno. 1274. Io. Lond. 1278. Idē Anno. 1294. & 1298. And the additions to Newburgensis (which endeth his storie, as the said Iohn doth with this King) saith, that plures episcopi cōuenerunt de vniuersis terris, de Anglia ibidem aderant archiepiscopi Cantuar. & Ebor. et cae­teri episcopi Angliae ferè vniuersi, there came thither manye bisshops from al quarters: and from Englād the Archbisshops of Canterburie and Yorke, and in a maner all the other bis­shops of the realme. In this Kinges tyme, the Pope did in­fringe and annichilate the election of the Kings Chaunce­lour being Bisshop of Bathe and Welles, chosen by the monks: and placed in the Archebisshoprike of Caunterbury Iohn Pecham. In this Kings tyme the yere of our Lorde .1294. the prior of Caunterburie was cited to Rome, and in the yeare .1298. appeale was made to the Pope, for a [Page] controuersie towching the election of a newe Bisshop of Elie. Thre yeres after the bisshop of Chester was constray­ned to appeare personally at Rome, and to answere to cer­tayne crymes wherewith he was charged.Idē Anno 1301. & 1303. Wythin two yeares after, was there an other appeale after the death of the Bisshoppe of London, towching the election of the newe Bisshoppe. Yea the authority of the Pope was in highe estimation, not onely for spirituall, but euen for temporal matters also.Idem An. 1286. The Kinges mother professed her selfe a religiouse woman, whose dowrie notwithstandinge was reserued vnto her, and confirmed by the Pope. For the greate and weightye matters, and affaires standing in controuersie and contention betwene this King Edward,See in vvhat estimation the Popes doinges were with the Kinge and the realme e­uen for temporal matter [...]. Idem An. 1298. Idem An. 1300. Vide Neu. in addit. M.S. anno 1291. Idē Io. Lō ­dinen. and the Frenche Kinge, the Pope was made arbiter and vmpier, who made an agreament and an arbitrimente: which being sente vnder his seale, was reade in open par­liamente at Westmynster, and was well liked of all. The Kinge and the nobility sendeth in the yeare of our Lorde. 1300. letters to the Pope sealed with an hundred seales, declaring the right of the crowne of England vpon Scot­lād: and they desire the Pope to defende their right, and that he would not geue a light eare to the false suggestiōs of the Scots. There are extant at this day, the letters of Iohn Ba­liole and other Scots agnising the said superiority, sent to this Kinge Edwarde. In the foresaide yeare .1300. the Kinge confirmed the great Charter, and the Charter of the Forest, and the Archebisshoppe of Caunterburie with the other Bisshoppes pronounced a solemne curse vpon al suche as would breake the sayd liberties. This Kinge was encombred with diuerse and longe warres, aswell with Fraunce as Scotlande, and therefore was fayne to charge [Page 327] the clergy and laity with many payments. But in as much, as Pope Bonifacius consideringe the wonderfull and into­lerable exactions daylie layed vppon the clergy, of theyre princes, had ordeyned in the councell at Lions,Pol. li. 17. Vide 6. lib. decret. li. 3. ca. 3. de immunit. Eccles. Idē Ioan. an. 1296. Idem an. 1296.1297 & 1300. Idem an. 1300. Neu. in addit. M. S. an. 1291. & 1292. M. Horns extraua­gante ar­gument. Cōcernig Mort­maine. that from thence forth the clergy shuld pay no tribute or taxe, with­out the knowledge and consente of the see of Rome, Ro­bert Archbishop of Canterbury, being demaunded a tribute for him self and his clergie, stode in the matter not without his great busines and trouble. And at the length vpon ap­pellation the matter came to the Popes hearing. The kinge had afterwarde by the Popes consente dyuerse payments of the clergy.

Many other thinges could I lay forth for the popes pri­macy practised at this tyme in Englande. And is nowe M. Horn, one onely Acte of Parliament, made against Mort­maine, of such force with yow, that it is able to plucke frō the Pope his triple Crowne, and set yt vppon the kynges head? Yf Mortmaine had bene so straightly sene vnto, some hundred yeares before, ye should haue fownde your reue­newes, I suppose, very slender and poore. But ye beinge as good a Lawier as ye be, either diuine, or Chronicler, think belyke your self to be out of the gōneshotte, ād that Mort­maine reacheth onely to men of relligion. And yt semeth, so he and his mate may be wel prouided for, M. Horne for­ceth litle, howe litle other haue, and whether they haue ought or nought. Suerly M. Horn it semeth to me straunge that you being a man of the Churche, and knowinge that the Clergy hath vppon the great truste that good mē haue had of their vpprightnes and vertue, bene endewed with great possessions (which in dede should be and commonly haue bene imployed vppō the nedy according to the mynd [Page] of the doners) shuld fynd fault, with Mortmaine, and with that, which good and well disposed men haue voluntarily offered to the Church, to be well and charitably bestow­ed. But I perceyue why ye are an enemy to Mortmaine. For nowe haue you and your Madge lyue catle of your owne, for the which you haue more care to prouide, then for any Mortmaine for your successours in the see.

But as I was about to tell yow, ye must vnderstande, that the statute of Mortmaine doth not reache to religious men onely,The sta­tute of mort­maine doth not touch re­ligiouse mē only. but to bisshops and other spirituall men, yea to lay men also: And was made aswell for the commodity of spiritualty as temporalty: to saue aswell to the one, as to thother theire wardes, eschetes, and other commodities that by mortifying of Lands, are wont to followe. Well, as litle vnderstandinge as maister Horne hath of Mort­maine, and as farre as yt is from his principall matter, yet will he, tell vs also out of Polidore a cause of this Lawe of Mortmaine: And then as he is wont, he telleth vs a cause fantasied of him selfe. Trueth it is, that Polidore sayeth, that the kinge made this Lawe to represse the riot and excesse of the Clergy,Polidor. Prudentia summa, religionis studiosissi­mus, insolentiae sacerdotū enimicus acer­rimus, quam ex opi­bus tum primis pro­ficisci putabat: quā ­obrem legem ad ma­num mortuam per­petuasse fertur, vt ita eorū luxuries coer­ceretur. but Polidore was a straunger, and vnskilful in the Lawes of our realme: and therfore he did not fully vnderstand the matter, thinking (as M. Horn doth) that Mortmaine touched the cler­gy only: and yet he sayth it not precisely, but (vt fertur) as yt is sayd. It is true also, that, he sayeth this kinge was moste studiouse of relligion, but that he sayeth this in respecte of Mortmaine, can not be induced, and is nothinge but M. Hornes vayne gheasse, and lewde vntruth.

M. Horne. The .131. Diuision. pag. 80. a.

At this time Philip le Beau the Frēch kīg, begā his reign, brought [Page 328] vp in the studie of diuinity, vnder Aegidius the Romain diuine, by (.423.) The 423. vntruth: he gaue him no admoni­tiō to re­forme re­ligion. Anton. Naucler. Blond. vvhose admonitions and also of other diuines, the Kinge beinge instructed in his duety, aboue al other thinges, Pau. Aem. endeuoured him selfe about the reformation of Religion, and ordering of Ecclesiastical matters. VVheruppō looking to the state of the Cleargy, he (.424.) The .424. vntruth. He depo­sed him not, but depriued hī of his tēporal­ties, and that vn­iustly. Aemilius. Nauclerꝰ. deposed a certain Bishop for Heresie, ād gaue his Bishoprik to an other, and besides, claymed the inuestiture of al other Bi­shops in his dominions: and calling Councelles at home in his ovvne Realm, woulde suffer none of his Cleargy to goo to the Popes (.425.) Councelles. He caused the Popes (.426.) Bulles to be burned. He cōmaunded the Popes (.427.) Legates to auoyde his realm. He commaunded, that no money should be caried out of the Realme to the Pope. He sette foorth a Law, that no mā shuld goo to Rome out of his kingdom. He called a Coūcel at Paris, and caused to be gathered thither all the Prelates and Barons of Fraunce: to iustifie his doinges. He shewed vnto thē why he tooke vppō hī to cal a Coūcel. He enueighed against the Pope for heresie, Symonie, Homicide, Pride, Ambitiō. &c. ād that of right he ought therfore to be deposed. He demaundeth of the Coūcel, vnto whom they be lawfully sworne, ād of whō they haue receiued their dignities? They al answere, that they are al the beneficiaries of hī alone, ād that mindful of their Faith, and the Kīges estate, they would suffer death, for his glory, po­wer and saulfegard. Thervppō he setteth foorth a pragmaticall sanctiō or forceable law to diminishe the dignity of the Pope.The .425.426. and 427. vn­truthes. by arte of multipli­cation, a [...] shall ap­peare. Platina. Naucler. Antonin. Sabell. Naucler. Sabellic. Aemyl. Append. Vrspurg. Antonin. Naucler. Antonin. Many other Ecclesiastical Lavves he made, agaīst the Ievves, agaīst the Tē ­plars, agaīst adultery, &c. He (.428.)The .428. vntruth. He made him not, but made intercession to haue him made. made also Clemēt the fifth Pope, and svvor hī to certain cōditiōs before hand: by vvhose importune meanes also, the General coūcel of Viēna vvas holdē. In which Coūcel he laboured to haue Pope Boniface cōdēned for an Heretique, affirminge that he would proue hī so. But the matter vvas (.429.)The .429. vntruth. It vvas not taken vp, but decreed playne against the kinge. takē vp, ād to satisfie the king, it was decreed, that all the processes of Bonifacius a­gainst the kīg, were vniust, and the kinges doinges in any poīt agaīst the Pope shuld not be preiudicial to hī, or to his heyers.

The .28. Chapter: of Philip le Beau the Frenche kinge.

Concer­ning Phi­lip the Frenche kinge.Stapleton.

A man would thincke, that nowe at length M. Horne had fownde some good and effectuall matter, for his newe primacy. He layeth on suche lode againste the Pope aswell in his texte, as in his ioly ranck and rewe of his marginall authours, that nowe at the least M. Fekenham must yelde ād subscribe. But yet for al this M. Horne I must be playne with yow and tell yow, that if ye had shewed your reader the whole and entiere story, out of any one of all your owne authours, for all ye haue so clerkly and cun­ningly ordered and placed them:M. Horns ioly rank with Paulus Aemilius, thē with Antoninus, Nauclerus, Blondus, then with Platina, and after this with Nauclerus, Antoninus, Sabellicus, and forwith with Nauclerus againe, with Sabellicus, with Aemilius: and after al this with Appendix Vrspergensis, and eftsone with Antoninus, Nauclerus, and finallie with Antoninus againe, the whole primacy, shuld (as it dothe in dede notwithstan­ding) haue remayned with the Pope, and not with your Phi­lippe le Beau, make him as beau, and as faire as ye cā. Your souldiers be very thicke and warlyk placed, but they stryk neuer a stroke for yowe, but that that is all againste yowe. Neither wil I here (for it nedeth not) intermedle with the iustice of the cause of either side: Let the fault light, where it shuld light: and let this Bonifacius be as badde as ye make him (thowghe your authour Paulus Aemilius a most wor­thy Chronicler,Paul. Ae­milius. li. 8 by the common verdit of all learned wri­ters) and auauncing Fraunce as highe as he may, with the saufgarde of trueth and veritie, thinketh rather the epistles writen betwene the kinge and the Pope, wherin eche one [Page 329] chargeth the other with many faultes to be counterfeite, then true and authenticall.M. Horne choppeth and pa­reth the [...]uctour [...] by hym alleaged. Cypriā: de simplicit Prae [...]a. siue de vnitate Ecclesiae. Corrupto­res euan­gelij atque interpre­tes falsi extrema ponunt & superiora prate­reunt, partim memores, & partim subdolè corrūpen­tes: vt ipsi ab Eccle­sia scissi sunt▪ ita capituli vnius sententiā scindunt. For these matters I wil not at this tyme towche you: but for your notable, and yet ac­customable infidelity in the wretched and miserable man­gling and mayming of your owne authors I must nedes say somwhat vnto you. Ye doe thē in this reporte of stories, as your self and your cōpanions do, and as your aūcetours the old heretikes were wōt to do in alleging of scripture ād the Fathers: that is, in chopping and paring of what it pleaseth you, and as ye are cutte of your selues from the Churche: so dis­membre you also your authours allegations, euen as S. Cyprian many yeres sythēce, hath described and painted you fotrh. Firste then is there any one of al your authors, that (as ye moste wyckedly doe) goeth abowt by this story, either to make this king Supreame Heade of the frenche Church, or to deface and disanul the Popes Primacie? No truely. On­lesse perchaunce yt be the authour, that added to Vrsper­gēsis, I meane your owne deare brother Gaspar Hedio, his addition aswell agreeing, for matters of fayth, with hys firste authour Vrspergensis, as the legges and loynes of an horse, wil agree with the head, shoulders, and vpper part of a mans bodie. Yea, beside his heresy, he is to yong to be al­leaged for authour authentical. To be shorte, the dealing of this kinge, proueth nothing the lyke regiment that nowe is in our realme (which is your peculiar matter, and the only matter M. Fekēham resteth vppon) and so for al your great sturre, with burning the Popes Bulles and commaūding the Popes Legates to auoyd the realme, ye goe fayre and farre frō the matter. For where you say, he wold suffer none of his clergy to goe to the Popes councels, that was but of one only Councell called against him self. Item where you say, [Page] He caused the Popes bulles to be burned, Vide Nau­cler. gene­rat. 44. pag. 361. P. Aemil. lib. 8. Cōmemo­rat Boni­facij in se, Frāciam­que noui exempli decretum: sed eū pō ­tificem maximā non esse, eaque de re cogno­sc [...]nda sa­crosanctā sede [...] suo antistite tunc vi­duam ap­pellare. Naucler. gener. 44. Diuersis sententijs elegerunt Episc. Bur. re­ge inter cedente. first not he, but Fami­liares Regis, the Kings frendes and courtiars did it, and yet it was but one bulle neither, and that of the kingss owne excommunication. Againe, where you saie, he commaun­ded the Popes Legates to auoide the realme: It was but one Legate, about that one matter that he so commaunded. With these many vntruthes by the Arte of Multiplication, you entre your plea. Touching the matter it selfe, the Kings grudge, was but a priuate and a personall grudge and enmitie, against Bonifacius: no lasting or perpetual renun­tiation of the whole Papal authoritie, as it is euident by the discourse of al your owne Authors. And therefore Boni­facius being dead, who accursed the King, and interdited the Realme, bothe he and the Realme were released from curse and interdiction by Benedictus, successour to this Bo­nifacius. Yea Bonifacius yet liuing, this King most plainly agnised the authoritie of the See of Rome, appealing from this Bonifacius▪ whom he toke not for the right Pope, but an vsurper, and an intruder, to the See Apostolical, vacant (as he thought) and to the next successour. Ye heare Mai­ster Horne, notwithstanding the greate enmitie betwene the King and Pope Bonifacius, that he appealeth to the See of Rome, being as he thought vacant: and that he is, as I haue said▪ absolued from the sentence of excommunicati­on by Bonifacius his successour, whiche altogether ye o­mitte. But yet ye tell vs of Pope Clement the fift, made as ye say, pope by this King. But here you ouerreache your Authour, and water him with your olde lying glose. Nau­clerus neither saieth, nor could truely saye, that the king made him pope, but saith he was made Pope by his intercessiō: Neither your Authour Antoninus saieth it. Ye saye, he [Page 330] swore this pope to certaine condicions. Why doe ye not name thē M. Horne? Forsoth because in the naming of thē,Antoninus in historia part. 3. [...]it. 21. c. 1 M. Horns ovvne story proueth most fully the Popes su­premacy. Naucler. gener. 44. Contrariū declarauit scilicet ip­sum fuisse catholicū & indubi­tatū pon­tificem. Ant. par. 3. tit. 21. c. 3. Cōcilium nullo mo­do cōsen­tire voluit sed cōtra­riū decla­rauit, sci­licet ipsū f [...]isse catholicū. & indu­bitatū pō ­tificem. the fourme, state, and condition of this your new primacy in your faire Phillip woulde be full ilfauoredly acrased and defourmed. Among other there were these three: Prima est, vt me perfectè reconcilies Ecclesiae sacrosanctae, relaxando & veniā dando de adiutorio dato in captura Bonifacij Papae Se­cundum est, vt censuras excommunicationis amoueas contra me & meos sequ [...]ces prolatas. Tertium est, quòd mihi concedas omnes decimas regni per quinquennium in reparationem ex­pensarum multarum in bello inito contra Flandrenses. First, that ye will perfectly reconcile me to the Churche: and release and forgeue me, for that by my meanes Pope Boni­face was taken prisoner. Secondly that you wil reuoke the sentence of excommunication, geuen against mee and my confederates. Thirdly, that you will graunte me for fiue yeres the tenth of al my realme, to relieue me for the great charges and expences, defraied in my warres against the Flemmings. These conditions the king required the Pope to assure him of by Othe. Then would M. Horne faine haue Pope Boniface taken for an heretique, and saieth that King Phillip would haue had it so declared by the Councell hol­den at Vienna. But the matter was taken vp, M. Horne saith, and to satisfie the King, it was declared, that Pope Bonifacius doings should not be preiudiciall to him and his heires. And why haue ye M. Horne either wilily omitted, the matters for the which the pope was cōditionated withal: or haue so fondly told vs against your self, of this Councell at Vienna? Why, but to cōfirme the popes primacy, ād to declare your selfe also a lyer in saying the matter was taken vp, &c. For the Coūcel assembled of .300. Bishops, beside other prelats, would in no wise agree to the kings request, but declared [Page] the cōtrary: to wit, that Bonifacius was a catholike, and an vndoubted Bishop: as your owne authours Antoninus and Nauclerus specifie. Yea Nauclere addeth. Quo rex cogeba­tur contentus esse. With the which determination of the Councel, the kinge was constrayned to be contented. At the coronation of the foresayde Clement were presente, not only this Philip the Frenche king,Ant. part. 3. tit. 21. ca. 1. Nauclerus dict gener. 4 [...] Paul. Aemilius. Naucler. volum. 3. pag. 361. Blond. Celebrauerat pro­uinciale Conci­lium &c. Ad sedem Apostolicā in se mitiorē aquio­remque appella­uerat. Ant. part. 3 tit. 2. c. 8. ss. 20. Naucler. gener. 44 but the king of Ar­ragone, and as some write, the kinge of Englande also. Yet hath M. Horn one other prouf▪ to proue Philip head of the Churche, for that he deposed a Bishop for heresye, and for that he claymed the inuestiture of Bishoppes. As for the in­uestitures let them goe for this time: we haue sayd inough, I suppose, of that matter. And as for deposing of a Bishope, he deposed him not but vnder pretence of heresy (saieth Nauclere) he depriued him of all his temporaltyes, and of his Bishopricke. But why doe ye not M. Horne recite the whole sentēce of your authors Antoninus and Nauclerus? For as for Blondus, writing nothing of this mater, that is of of the deposing of any Bishop, or of the claimīg of the inue­stitures, for the which you seeme to alleage him, ye doe but blindly allege, and may blot hī out again: sauing that ye may truly put in, that in the Councel which king Philip called in Fraūce he appealed (as I haue told you) to th'Apostolik See of Rome. But why do ye not, as I sayd, shew the whole ād entiere sentēce of your authours, fully to adorne your pri­macy withal? whiche is, that he toke a certayne Bishoppe, laying to hys charge that he was a Paterā heretik, spoyling hym of his Bishopryke and of al his goods: ād that he spoy­led also and robbed the Bishopprykes beinge vacante, and that he would haue had the inuestitures of the Bishoppes? Now if it were so, that king Philip deposed a Bishop for he­resie, [Page 331] yet shuld you M. Horne of al mē take smallest reliefe therby. For yf Philip your supreme head were now lyuing,M. Horne declared ones agaī an here­tik by his ovvne King Phillip. and you vnder his dominiō, he might also depriue you and your fellowes for heresie: being as I haue before shewed, very Paterās. And now you that make so litle of Generall coūcels ād stay your self and your religiō vpō the iudgmēts of lay princes, haue heard your cōdēnation not only frō the notable General Coūcel at Liōs, but frō your new Charles the Emperour Frederike, and from your faire King Phillip.Mark the vvoorke of God.

This, this, Good Reader, is the very handie woorke of God, that these men should be cast in their owne turne, and geue sentence against them selues. And as hotte, as ernest, and as wilie as they are, in the first enterprise of their mat­ters, yet in the pursuit of their vngratious purpose, to cause them to declare to all the worlde their small circumspecti­on prouidence, and lesse faith and honesty. Many other things might be here brought, for furder aunsweare to M. Horne, as that he saieth that this King by the Councell of Aegidius the Romaine Diuine, went about the reformation (as M. Horne calleth it) of matters Ecclesiastical, and that Paulus Aemilius should be his Authour therein, which is a double vntruth. For neither is it true, that Aegidius was any counsailer or aider to refourme the Churche, or rather defourme it, after the order of M. Hornes Relligion: nor Aemilius saith it. Againe, Sabellicus is eyther twise placed in M. Hornes Margent wrōg, or he alleageth Sabellicus al­together wrōgfully. But this may goe for a small ouersight.

M. Horne The .132. Diuision. pag. 80. b.

About the time of this Councel at Vienna, the famous scholman Duran­dus setteth forth a booke: vvherin as he reckeneth vppe diuerse great enor­mities in Churche matters: so for the reformation of them, he alvvaies ioy­neth the King and secular Princes, and the Prelates, and to this purpose [Page] citeth the fourme of the auncient Councelles and many times enueigheth against and complaineth vppon the vsurped (.430.) The .430. vntruth. For not in spiri­tual mat­ters, which is nowe the Questiō. authority of the Ro­maine Bishop, vvarning men to bevvare, hovv they yeelde vnto him: and prescribeth a rule for the Princes and the Prelats to refourme all these enor­mities, not by custome vvere it neuer so auncient, but by the vvord of God.

Stapleton.

Answere me M. Horne directly, and precisely, whether Durandus, in any worke of his, taketh the laye prince for the head of the Church. If ye saye, he doth not: to what purpose doe ye alleage him? Yf ye say he doth, then his bokes shal sone conuince you. And what boke is it I praye you, that ye speake of? Why do ye not name yt? Whie doe you tel vs of a boke, no man can tel what? The boke there is intituled de modo concilij celebrādi, which he made at the commaundemente of the foresayde Clemente. Wherein thowghe he spake many thinges for the reformation of the cowrte of Rome, yet that aswell in that boke, as in all his other he taketh the Pope for the supreame head of the whole Churche,Vide eun­dē librum titul. 2. & 27. & ali­bi passim. is so notoriouse, that a man maye iudge, all your care is to saye something againste the Pope, with­out any care howe or what ye saye. And that ye fare much like a madde dogge that runneth foorth, and snatcheth at all that euer commeth nigh him.

Durandus de diuinis officijs lib. 2. cap. 1. Num. 17.And to geue you one place for all M. Horne, that you maye no longer stagger in thys matter, behold what thys famouse Scholeman (as you call him) Durandus saieth of the Popes primacie. Illius [...]raelatus Papa, &c. The prelate of the whole Church is called Papa, that is to say, the father of Fa­thers: vniuersal, because he beareth the principal rule ouer the whole Church: Apostolicall, because he occupieth the roome of the Prince of the Apostles: chief Bishoppe, because he is the [Page 332] Head of al Bishops &c. Lo M. Horne what a ioly Authour you haue alleaged against M. Fekēham. Verely such an ad­uersary were worth at al tymes not only the hearing, but also the hyring. But alas what tole is ther so weak, that you poore soules in such a desperat cause, will refuse to strike withal? You must say somwhat. It stādeth vpō your honors: and whē al is said, it were for your honesties better vnsaid.

M. Horne The .133. Diuision. pag. [...]0. b.

About this time also the Emperour Henry the .7. came into Italy vvith great povver to reduce the Empyre to the olde estate and glorie of the auncient Emperours in (431.)The .431. vntruth. For not in the be­halfe of ecclesia­stical go­uerne­ment. this behalfe. And on the day of his coronation at Rome, according to the maner of other Romaine Emperours, he set forth a Lawe, or newe au­thentique of the most high Trinity, and the Catholique faith.

Stapleton.

What matter is this M. Horne, to enforce M. Fekēham to denie the popes primacy? Wil you neuer leaue your tri­fling and friuolous dealing? If ye wil say any thing to your purpose, ye must shewe, that he toke not the pope, but him selfe onely and his successours for supreame heades of the Church, and that in al things and causes, which ye shal ne­uer be able to doe while ye liue, neither in this, nor in any other Emperour, King or prince what so euer.

M. Horne. The .134. Diuision. pag 80. b.

Nexte to Henry .7. vvas Levves .4. Emperour: vvho had no lesse but ra­ther greater conflictes vvith the Popes in his time (.432.)The .432: vntruth. The con­flict vvas farre o­therwise, as shall appeare. about the refor­matiō of abuses, thā any had before hī: the Pope novv claiming for an (433)The .433. vntruth, as shall appere. Ecclesiastical matter, the confirming of the Emperour, as before the Empe­rours vvere vvonte to confirme the Popes. About vvhiche question, the Emperour sent and called many learned Clerkes in (.434)The .434. vntruth. Poets, not diuines. Diuinitie, in the Ciuil and Canō Lavve, from Italy, Fraunce, Germany, Paris, and Bononia, vvhich al ansvvered, that the (435)The .435. vntruth. No such thing in his Au­thor. Popes attēpts were erroneous, and derogating from the simplicity of the Christian religion. [Page] VVherevppon the Emperour vvilled them to search out the matter diligent­ly, and to dispute vppon it, and to gather into bookes their mindes therein, vvhich diuerse did, as Marsilius Patauinus, Ockam, Dantes, Pe­trarche, &c. By vvhom vvhen the Emperour vnderstoode the Popes vsurpation, he came to Rome, called a Councell, and (.436.)The .436. Vntruth. For he did it De facto, not De iure. deposed the Pope, and placed an other in his roome: In vvhich Councel, the Romaines desired to haue their olde order in the Popes election ratified by the Emperour, to be renevved. This Emperour called also a very great Coun­cell at Frankeforth, where besides the Spirituall and Secular princes of Germanie, the King of (.437.)The .437. Vntruth. None of his Mar­ginal Au­thors say so. Englande, and the King of Beame, were present, where by the greater and soun­der parte, the Popes aforesaid vsurpation was abolished. VVhich sentence the Emperoure confirmed, and published vvriting thereof, that his authoritie dependeth not of the pope, but of God im­mediatly, and that it is a vaine thing that is wonte to be sayed, the pope hath no superiour (.438.)The .438. Vntruth. In cōcea­ling his Authours meaning. The Actes of this (.439.)The .439. Vntruth. Nauclere belied, ād falsified, a [...] shall appeare. Coū ­cell against the Popes processe vvere ratified by the Emperour, as appeareth by his letters patentes therevppon, beginning thus. Lodouike the fourth, by the grace of God, &c. To all patriarches, Archebisshoppes, Bisshops, and priest [...], &c. And ending thus. VVherfore by the Councell and consent of the prelates and princes, &c. VVe denounce and determine, that al such processes be of no force or moment, and straightly charge and commaund to all that liue in our Empire, of what estate or condition so euer they be, that they presume not to obserue the saied sentences and curses of the popes interdiction, &c. An other Councell he called aftervvards at the same place, about the same matter: because Pope Clemēt called it heresie, To saie that the Emperour had authoritie to de­pose the pope, which heresie as principall, he laid (.440.)The .440 Vntruth. It vvas not the first that vvas laid &c. first to the Emperours charg. Item (.441.)The 441. and .442. Vntruth [...] Pope Cle­mēt twise flatly be­lyed as shall ap­peare. that the Emperour affir­med, that Christ and his Apostles were but poore. Item, the .3. heresie, that he made and deposed Bisshops. Item that he neg­lected the Popes interdightmēt, &c. Itē that he (.442) ioyned certaine in mariage in degrees forbidden (he meaneth forbidden by the Popes lavves) and deuorceth them that were maried in the [Page 333] face of the Church. VVhiche in deede vvas nothing els▪ but that amongest other Ecclesiastical lavves that the Emperour set forth, vvere some for mariages and deuorcements contrary to the Popes decrees.

The .29. Chapter. Of Lewys the .4. Emperour.

Stapleton.

WE haue neede Maister Horne of a newe Iudge Marcelline,M. Horn [...] imperti­nent Ar­gument [...]. that maie by his interlocutorie sen­tence, bring you, as he did the Donatistes from your wilde wide wandering, home againe to your matter. Let it be (for the time if ye will needes so haue it) that the Emperours Authoritie dothe not depende of the Pope, yea and that Pope Iohn the .22. was also for his owne priuate person an Heretique. And then I beseeche you adde your wise conclusion. Ergo Maister Feckenham must take a corporall Othe, that the Queene is Supreme Heade of the Churche of England.

Now on the other side, if we can proue againste you, that euen this your owne Supreame Head, Lewys, for spi­rituall and Ecclesiasticall matters, agnised the Popes and the Generall Councelles Authoritie, to be Superiour to the Authoritie of the Emperoure and of all other Princes, and that they all must be obediente and submitte them sel­ues therevnto, then shal Maister Fekenham conclude with you an other manner of Ergo, and that is, that ye and your confederates, are no Bishoppes, as made contrarye to the lawes and ordinaunces of the Pope, and as well of the late Generall Councel at Trent, as of other General Councels: yea that ye are no good Christians, but plaine Heretiques, for refusing the Pope and the said Generall Councelles au­thoritie. For the proufe of our assertion, that this Empe­rour, [Page] albeit he stode against the Pope, auouching him selfe for a true and a ful Emperour, thowghe he were not cōfir­med by the Pope (which was the very state of the original controuersie betwixt hym and the Pope) and thowghe he procured Pope Iohn (as much as lay in hym) to be deposed, ād placed an other in his roume, belieued yet (this notwith­standing) that the Pope for spiritual and fayth matters was the Head of the Church (which thing is the ōly matter stā ­ding in debate betwene you ād M. Feckēhā) for prouf I say of this we wil not stray farre of, but fetche yt, only of your owne authours here named: who cōfesse that he appealed, to the very same Pope Iohn,Antoninꝰ part .3. tit. 21. cap. 5. ff. 8. Appellauit ad ipsum Papā malè informatū, benè informandū et etiā ad cōciliū ge­nerale. Nauclerus Gener 45. Naucler. ibidem. Platina. Creatus ita (que) Pseu­dopontifex ac Nicolaus .5. appellatus ab imperato­re & ijs qui cū eo aderant, vt verus Christi vi­carius cō ­salutatur. Naucler. ibidem. yl enformed, when he should be afterwarde better enformed: and withall to a general councel. But what nede we seke ayde at Antoninus and Nauclerus hands, when we haue yt, so redy at your own hāds? For your self say, that he placed an other Pope in Iohns stead. Ergo he ac­knowledged a Pope stil: ād as your authour saieth, vt verū Christi vicarium, as the true vicar of Christ. Neither did your Emperour diminishe or blemishe the Popes authority in any poynte, sauing that he sayd, he might appeale frō hym to the general coū ­cel, and that thēperour was not inferiour or subiect to hym for temporal iurisdictiō. But with you ād your bād, neither Pope, nor general coūcell taketh place. Now thē, that ye are cast euē by your own emperour, we might wel let goe the residewe of your superfluous talke, sauing that yt is worth the marking to see your true, honest, and wise hādling of it. Your first ouersight ād vntruth thē is, that ye write, that the Pope claimed the cōfirmatiō of thēperour as an ecclesiastical matter. In dede he claimed the same, ād so right wel he might do: as no new thing by him inuēted, [Page 334] but browght to him frō hād to hād, frō successor, to succes­sour, by the race and cōtinuance of many hundred yeares. And yet if we speak properly, yt is no matter ecclesiastical no more thē the patrimony of S. Peter,Cōcernīg the cōfir­matiō of thēperor by the Pope. cōsisting in tēporall lāds was a matter ecclesiastical and yet bothe dewe to the Pope. The one by the gyfte of dyuerse good princes: the other, either by prescriptiō of time owt of mind, or by spe­cial order takē by the popes at such time, as the pope made Charles the great, Emperour of the West: or whē he trā ­slated thēpire into Germany, and ordeined .7. Princes there to haue the electiō of th'Emperor, or for some other good reason, that yf nede be, may be yet further alleaged ād bet­ter enforced, thē that al your wytte and cōning shall euer be able, wel to auoyd. Nay say ye, thēperour had great ler­ned mē on his syde, experte in diuinity, and in the ciuil and canō law. But whē ye come to nōber thē, ye fynd none, but the Poetes Dātes, and Petrarcha, Ockā the scholeman,M. Horne proueth his nevv primacie by poets. M. Hor­nes ovvn authour cōdēneth his vvyt­nesses. Volater. in Anthropo­logia. and the great heretike, Marsilius Patauinus. And shal these men M. Horne coūteruayle, or ouerweighe the practise of the church euer synce vsed to the cōtrary, and cōfirmed by the great cōsente of the catholyke writers, and dyuerse gene­ral councelles withal? Ye write as out of Antoninus, or Marius, in a seueral and latin letter that the Popes attemptes were erroneous, and derogating from the simplicity of the Chri­stiā religiō. But such wordes I fynd as yet in neither of thē, nor in any other of your authours, here named. And your authour Antoninus saieth, that in this point, both Dātes ād Ockam with other do erre: and that the monarchy of the Empire is subiect to the Church euē in matters temporal.Antoni. part. 3. ti­tul 21. ca. 5. ss. 2. And wheras your secte wil haue no meane place, for any Christians, but heauen or hell, your Dantes (as Antoninus [Page] telleth) hath fownde a meane place, beside heauen and hel, for Socrates, Aristotle, Cicero, Homere and suche lyke. Suerly Dantes,Bartolus in lege prima ff. de requi­rendis reis. Marsilius Pataui­nus. Vide Hie­rarchiam Pighij. De Iuris­dict. Imper. & ec­clesiast. Basil. im­pres. Anno 1566. The pro­per haeresy of En­glande. for his other opinion towching thēperours subiection is counted not muche better then an heretyke. As for Marsilius Patauinus, he hath bene aswell long agoe, as also of late, largely and learnedly answered. But as for these writers, Marsilius Patauinus, Ockam, Dantes, and Pe­trarche, with diuerse others, part of whom your brethern of Basil haue patched vp togeather, in a greate volume, as they laboure al to proue the Emperour aboue the Pope in temporal iurisdiction and gouernemēt, wherin yet they er­red (as we haue said) so none of thē al doe labour to proue the Emperour supreme gouernour in spirituall and eccle­siastical causes, (as you the first founders of this heresy do say and sweare to,) but do leaue that to the Bishoppes, yea and some of them to the Pope to. And therefore al were it true, that they wrote in the fauoure of Lewys the .4. then Emperour, yet were you neuer the nerer of your purpose by one iote. This is M. Horne, your owne proper and sin­gular heresy of England to make the Prince supreme go­uernour in causes ecclesiastical. You only are Laicocephali, that is such as make the lay Magistrates, your heads in spi­rituall matters.

Ye adde then more force to your matter by a great coū ­cel kepte at Franckford, wherat the king of Beame and of Englande also were presente, of which wyth other things is set forth by a special ād a latin letter, as the precise words of Marius, or of the additiō adioyned to Vrspergensis. But neither they, nor anye other of your marginall authours speake of the king of Englād. And when ye haue al don, ād who so euer was there, yt was but a schismatical conuen­ticle, [Page 335] and yet muche better, then your late conuocations. Yf the articles of your sayde conuocations had comme to theire handes, no dowbte, they had bene condemned, for a greate parte of them, for most blasphemous heresies. Wel: The Emperour saith (say you) that his authority depēdeth not of the Pope, but of God immediatly, and that it is a vayne thinge, that is wonte to be sayde, the Pope hath no superiour: yf ye could proue this Emperour an Euangelist, or this Coūcel a lawfull Generall Councel, we would geue some eare to you. And yf themperours authority depende so immediatly of God, shewe vs goddes commaundement, geuē rather to the Germans, then to the Frenche or English mē, to chose an Emperour. Most of the other princes Christiā in Europa holde by succession, and not by electiō. And yf ye cā shew vs any other cause of the diuersity, but the Popes only or­dinance, then shal ye quite your self lyke a clerke. Yf ye cā not shewe other cause, then shal ye neuer be able to shewe vs good cause, why the Pope should not clayme the cōfir­mation. Yet is yt, sayeth M. Horne,M. Horne leaueth owte of his au­thours vvordes. Vide dict. Paralip. & Nau­cler. pag. 384. & 385. vo [...] lum. 3. a vayne thing to say the Pope hath no superiour: but yt is more vainelye and fondlye done of you M. Horn, to the descrying of your false dealing and to the destruction of your Primacy, to bring foorth this saying. For your sayd councel recogniseth the Pope, as su­periour in all causes ecclesiastical. And where yt sayeth, yt hath a superiour, why do ye not tel vs, as your authours do, who is his superiour? Is it the Emperour wene you, or any temporal Prince, as ye wold make your vnlearned reader belieue? No, no. Your councel meante, and so both your authours plainely declare, that it was the generall councell, to the which themperour had appealed. Where you adde, the Actes of this Councell were ratified by the Emperours [Page] letters patents, and do bring in thervpon as the Emperours letters against the Popes processes, you beguile your Rea­der, and belie your Author Nauclerus. For those letters pa­tents, this Emperour gaue forth, not as ratifiyng the Actes of that Councel (as you say) but De concilio quorundā fratrū Minorum sub sigillo suo: vpō the aduise of certaine Minorits, vnder his owne seale. And againe: vocata solenni curia: At the keping of a solemne Courte. Of the Acts of that Coun­cel, Nauclere speaketh not in this place, neither reporteth these leters pattēts to haue proceded therof. Thus of Prin­ces Courtes, ye make great Councels, and of the aduise of certaī Friers, you frame to your Reader the cōsent of many bishoppes. By suche pelting shiftes, a barren cause must be relieued.

But now are ye yet againe in hand with an other Coun­cel at Frankford by this Emperour: and with certaine here­sies that Pope Clement laid to this Emperours charge. It would make a wise man to wonder, to consider, to what end ād purpose this stuffe is here so thrust in. Neither cause can I as yet coniecture any, vnlesse I shoulde impute it, to Maistres folie, or to dame heresie, or to both: or to the spe­ciall ordinaunce of God, that suffreth this man for the ma­lice he beareth to the Catholike Church to wexe so blind, that he speaketh,An heape of Vn­truths. Naucler. vbi vt su­pra. Paralip. Vrspergen. he wotteth not what, and seeth not; whē he speaketh moste against him selfe, nor the matter that he would gladly defend. For beside as many lies as be almoste lines (as that he telleth of an heresie first laid to the Empe­rours charge, which was not the first, as ye shal vnderstand anon: Item, that the Pope sayed he was an heretike, be­cause he said Christ ād his Apostles were poore, wherin he doth excedingly lie vpon pope Clement: Item that th'Em­perour [Page 336] set forth lawes Ecclesiasticall, concerning mariages and deuorcemēts, which his Authours say not,Naucler. gener. 45. pag. 390. Prima haeresis. Ipse enī (in­quit Cle­mens) as­seruit de­terminat. de pauper tate Chri­sti et apo­stolorū per Ioan. 22. factā, esse haereticā: et iurauit se credere contrariū. Item asse­ruit. &c. M. Horne Emperor is an he­retike. Vide ex­trauagantē Io. 22. cū inter de verb. signif. nor is other­wise true) beside all this he declareth his Emperour to be a very heretike, and him selfe also, or at the least to be but a very foolish fond man.

I wil therfore for the better vnderstāding of the mater, first rehearse you his authors wordes, and then adde to it some further declaratiō mete for the purpose. The first heresy (saith Nauclerus) was that the Emperour affirmed, that the Decree made by Pope Iohn the .22. touching the pouerty of Christ ād his Apostles, was heretical, swearing that he beleued the contrarie. He auouched moreouer that it appertained to the Emperour, to make or depose Popes. Furthermore being cited to answere in a cause of heresie, and being accursed for his cōtumacy, he hath cō ­tinued almost these tēne yeres in the said curse. He retained al­so in his cōpany, one Iohn of Landenio an Archeheretik. He ma­keth bisshops, he breaketh the interdict, and doth expel thē out of their benefices that wil not breake it. He seuereth matrimo­nies, cōtracted in the face of the Church: and ioyneth persons to­gether in the degrees forbiddē. He meaneth perchaunce (sayeth Nauclere) that he maried his sonne Lewys to the Coūtes of Ty­roles, her husbād Iohn, the king of Beames son, yet liuing: saying that he was impotēt: ād furder, shee was maried to this Lewys being within the degrees prohibited. Clemēt addeth beside, that he hath set vp an Idole in the Churche, and an Antipope, and hath de facto, deposed the Pope. These are Nauclere, M. Horn his authors precise words: the which I pray thee good rea­der to conferre with M. Hornes glose, and then shal ye see the mans honesty and fidelity in reporting his Authors.

This Emperor then was not accōpted an heretik because he said Christ ād his Apostles wer poore, neither is this cō ­demned [Page] for heresie, by the foresaid Iohn the .22. but to say Christ and his Apostles had nothing in cōmon or in priuat,Vide histo­ [...]iam Ant. part. 3. tit. 21. c. 5. ss. 1. which was the heresie of those that are called Fratricelli, or Pauperes de Lugduno: most chieflie of al men set forth by a Frier called Michaël de Cesena, and our Countriman Frier Ockam, ād Marsilius Patauinus, and by this your Emperour Lewes of Bauarie and by Petrus de Corbario the Antipope, that ye say was placed in pope Iohns roome:Is Concilio in Italia habito Io. 22. haereti­cū declarauerat, de­fendens Iesum eius­que discipulos adeo pauperes fuisse, vt nihil ne (que) in cōi, neque priuatim habuissent. Quod in Cōcil. Ane­monēsi refutatū est. Io. Marius de schism. et Cōcil. part. 2. c. 21 who keping a Conuenticle in Italie, condemned pope Iohn for an Heretique, as your Author Marius de­clareth: So that this faction in this wise on euerie side banded, grew to a very great schisme. And many so fondly and obstinately dwelt in this opini­nion, that they died as obstinately and wretchedly for it. And yet these men as I haue saied, are not onely holy brethren, but holye Martyrs too, with Maister Foxe. And nowe good Maister Horne, tell vs your iudgement in the matter. Is it Heresie, or is it no heresie, to defende this opinion obstinatlie? If ye say it is heresie▪ Cardinal. Flor. in Clement. exiui. ss. proinde de verb. signif. Madde Martyrs. then doe ye confesse your newe Heade of the Church, with his newe Idole and Antipope, an Here­tique: and doe shew your selfe a greate slaunderouse lyer against pope Iohn: and a very fonde madde man, thus to fight against your selfe, and your owne cause. If ye doe stoutelie denie this to be heresie, as yee seeme, by the or­der of your declaration to denie it, as well as the rest, then shewe you your selfe no simple Schismatique, nor simple Heretique, and so ye are at the least messhed here in foure heresies.

To set some fast footing in the discussiō of these matters, and seriouslye to weigh and examine euery thing, woulde [Page 337] aske some larger talke, thē we may now (vnlesse we would be to to tediouse to our reader) wel spare. But yet for the two principal matters, seing you make so light of Pope Iohn and the Churches Authoritie, I will conuince you, and sufficientlye to, I hope: and by suche a witnesse as your owne Emperour, of all other men in the worlde did most esteme and reuerence, yea and kissed his fote to. Perchaūce Maister Horne ye longe to heare of this man? Truelye he is none other, but your Emperours dearling,The repē ­tance of the Anti­pope se [...]te vp agaīst Pope Iohn. and idole the Antipope. I meane Petrus de Corbario. Who at lēgth, (called no doubt thereto by the speciall grace of God,) better aduising him selfe of his doings, and weighing them better with him selfe, after mature and seriouse discussing of them, in fyne founde him selfe no Pope, but a misera­ble and a wretched intruder, in the sea of S. Peter: and a damnable disturber of the peace and vnitye of Christes Churche, and to say all at ones, a greauouse schismatike, and an heynouse heretike. Wherefore fynding the worme of conscience, bytinge and gnawing his harte, he fell to greate sorowe and lamentation, and forthwith being then at a citie in Italy called Pisa, before the Archebisshoppe of the said citye, and the Bisshoppe of Luke, and manye o­ther honorable persons aswell of the clergy as of the laity, voluntarilie and willinglye, shewed howe penitente he was for his greauouse enormities, and before them and certayne notaries, for a full testimonie of his true repen­tance, gaue ouer his vsurped primacie, and plainely con­fessed, that he hadde bene a schismatike and an heretike: and he did put him selfe into the handes and mercie of the right Pope Iohn the .22. And wrote vnto him resident then at Auinion in Fraunce, his moste humble submission: in [Page] the which he declareth, that as him selfe was but an vsur­per of the Apostolique▪ See: So your Lewys of Bauarie, was no lawfull Emperour, but an vsurper. He declareth further that both he and the said Lewes, mainteyned di­uers heresies, and namely two of these that ye here specify, concerning the pouertie of Christ, and the making and the deposinge of the Pope. The which he doth by spe­ciall woordes freelie and voluntarilie, forsake, renounce, and abiure. And promiseth that he woulde euer after be­lieue,Specialiter cognosco, me tenere & credere quòd ad Imperato­rem non pertinet, deponere nec insti­tuere Pa­pā, prout &c. as the sayde Iohn, and the holie Churche of Rome belieued. Wil ye nowe see good Reader the wonderfull workinge of God, that hath brought to Maister Horne his owne Pope, to condemne him and his newe Heade of the Churche Lewys, for Arrante heretikes? Yea to make a shorte aunswere to all Maister Hornes booke, and to call yt heresie, that Maister Horne doth so stowtlie de­fende, in saying that the Emperour shoulde be aboue the Pope, and to haue authority to make or depose the Pope? And thus ye heare, (Maister Horne) that contrary to your saying Pope Iohn neither was deposed, nor coulde be de­posed by your Emperour. I meruayle nowe seing that it is a true and sownde doctrine by your newe heades tea­chinge,Vide Ro­bertū Ar­bor [...]ēsem Episcopum impressum Parisiis in 8. Anno. 15.46. Maister Hornes Emperour, and him selfe declared an heretike by his ovvne Antipope. All Maister Hornes booke shortlie confuted by the sayde Antipope. that Christe and the Apostles hadde nothinge of theire own, that your and your fellowes consciences (who pretende that ye woulde haue the Churche that nowe is, reformed to the paterne of the primityue and Apostolicall Churche) are so large, that ye are nothing pinched at cō ­science, in keping your godly and great possessions.

The .30. Chapter: Of Gods Iudgement vpon such Emperours, as seme most to haue practised M. Horns Primacy.

Stapleton.

BVT nowe M. Horne, sith we are come by course of tymes and ages to the last Emperour, that notoriously rebelled against the Apostolike See of Rome (for since this Lewys the .4. they haue al ben obedient Childrē to that See, especially in al causes spiritual or Ecclesiasticall, euē to the right Catholike Emperour Maximilian that now reig­neth) I wil put you brefely in minde, to what ends al these disobedient Emperours came. Trusting that this considera­tion of Gods iudgement shal be neither to you bearing your self for a bishop in Gods Church vnpleasant, neither for me (my vocation considered) vnmete, neither to the Christian Reader vnfruteful.

To be short therfore,Ammianꝰ Marcel. li. 22. Cōstā [...]ius the Arriā Emperor which banished Pope Liberius, ād plaied in dede the part of your supreme gouernour, died obscurely and miserably whiles he persecuted Iulyan his own Cousen.

Valens an other Arriā Emperor,Idē lib. 31. and playing Rex ouer al Catholik Bishops in the East, being ouercome in field of the Gothes, was burned to ashes in a poore cotage, with diuers of his nobles about him, which▪ was neuer read of any Chri­stian Emperour sence, or before.

Valentinian the yonger who called his bisshop,Hierony. ad Helio­dorū. To. 1. Ambr. lib. 5. epist. 32. Eutropius lib. 3. S. Am­brose to appeare before his consistory, and there to answer in matters of faith, his end was to be kylled of his own ser­uants, and shamefully hanged.

Anastasius the Eutychian Emperour, and excommu­nicated of Pope Gelasius, was stroken to deathe with fyre from heauen, and Mauritius an vnmerciful persecuter [Page] of blessed Pope Gregory, and a busy Prince ouer his Bishops seing first his wife and children murdred before his face, was murdered at last him selfe of a base Souldiare Phocas.Blondus li. 3. decad 1. Paulus Diaconus, lib. 18. Zon [...]ras Tomo. 3. Zonaras Ibidem.

Constans nephewe to Heraclius, banished the most ho­ly Pope Martinus: but seing him selfe for that and such like wicked dedes (saith Zonaras) hatefull to his subiectes, he left Constantinople, and liued in Sicilia, where at a bathing he was slayne. Michael, sonne to Theophilus, a notorious enemy to the See Apostolike, namely to Nicolaus the first, going drunke to bed, was miserably slayne by his beds syde, forsaken of al his frēds. And thus much of the Greke Empe­rours and of the East Church, only Valentinian excepted.

Nauclerus volum. 3. Generat. 37. pag. 171 &. 173.The first of al the Germain Emperours that notoriously disobeyed the See of Rome, and that was therefore by the Pope excommunicated openly, was Henry the .4. whome Gregory the seuēth (otherwise called Hildebrād) excōmu­nicated. His end was, as it hath before ben declared, that be­ing first deposed of his own son, after much resistance, and misery, appealīg, but to late, to the See of Rome, seing hīself forsaken almost of al the states of the Empire, in affliction and extreme persecution died.

Idem. Ge­nerat. 40. pag. 251. Sabellicus Aenead. 9. lib. 5.Friderik the first called Barbarossa, a man that many yeres persecu [...]ed the Church of Rome, ād therfore worthely ex­cōmunicated of Alexāder .3. to whō also he was forced at lēgth to submit himself, though against his wil, afterward in Cicilia, being strong and mery, sodenly bathing him selfe in a ryuer he was loste.

Naucler. Gene. 41. pag. 271.Philip an Emperour made against the consent of Pope Innocētius .3. and a persecuter therefore of the Pope, in the towne of Bromberge reposing him selfe after diner in his pryuey chamber, was slayne of the Countie Palatyne. [Page 339] Otho the fourth deposed and excommunicated of the Pope for his enormious cruelties and iniuries cōmitted in many places of Italy,Pag. 275. & 280. Sabell. Ae. 9. lib. 6. Nauc. Ge­nera. 42. pag. 309. Sab. Aen. 9. lib. 6. was of Philipe the French king assaulted in these lowe countries, and put to flight, and shortly after in Saxony died as a priuat man.

Frederike the second, a prince brought vp in the Court of Rome, and set in the Empire by the procuremēt of pope Innocentius the .3. became yet afterwarde a most cruel ād tyrānical persecutor not only of that See, but of al the Clergy vnder his dominions. This man being excommunicated of Innocentius .4. was poysoned in Apulia as some write, or strangled, as other write, by his bastarde sonne Manfre­dus. Not onely this Emperour him selfe, but al his stocke after him perished, by violent deathes or imprisonmēt.Naucler. pag. 313. His sonne and Heyr Conradus being excommunicated also of Innocentius .4. for the great outrages and oppressions by him commytted against the Church, by the meanes also of the sayd Manfredus, was poysoned in Apulia.

This Manfredus commyng by these trayterouse meanes to the kyngdomes of Apulia and Sicilia,Idē. Gen. 42. p. 32 [...]. and afflictinge the Churche of Rome, as his father and brother had done, was excommunicated by Alexander the .4. and after of Charles the Frenche kynges broother, whome Vrbanus the fourth made kyng of Sicilia and Apulia,Sabel. Ae. 9. lib. 7. Naucler. pag. 323. he was vanquished and slayn in the fyeld. Conradinus sonne to Conradus, and clay­ming after, his fathers Titles, was of this Charles also van­quished and put to death.

Entius likewise an other sonne of Friderike the .2. and one that had longe and many yeres in his fathers warres,Naucler. pag. 324. dict. Gen. 42. done great myschief to the See of Rome, was at length takē in battayle of the Bononyans, and committed to perpetual [Page] prison. Thus al the stock of this Frederike the .2. who had so greuously persecuted the Church of Rome, was in few yers vtterly extinguished. Which thing al historiās do worthely note, though some more sharply them other: yet al herein agreing, that for their desertes God plaged thē so notorious­ly in this worlde.

Naucl. Gener. 45. pag. 379.388. et 393.Lewys the fourth, the last Emperour by maister Horne alleaged, being excōmunicated twise of the See of Rome, first of Iohn the .22. and after of Clement the .6. vnder whō and in whose fauour those poetes and oratours, Petrarcha and Dantes, Marsilius, and Ockam the scholeman wrote a­gainst the Popes temporalties, as he was a hunting, was ta­ken with a soden palsey, fel from his horse, and died.

Such endes had they in this life, that most practised the supreme gouernement by M. Horn here defended. And his best exāples and proufes, to proue his strange primacy, haue bene drawen from the doyngs of these forenamed Empe­rours. And verely like as in the old lawe, Saul, Achab, Iorā, Ochozias, Ioas, Amasias, Ozias, and Achas, kynges of Iuda and Israel died al by violent and miserable deathes, for diso­beying the prophetes and priestes of God,1. Reg. 31. 3. Reg. 22 4. Reg. 9. 2. Paral. 24.25.26 Samuel, Elias, E­lizeus, Micheas ād Esaie, ād as their such deathes were ma­nifest argumentes of Gods indignation, and recounted for suche in holy scripture: so these forenamed Emperours, ād princes in Christes Church Constantius, Mauritius, Valēs, Anastasius, Constans, Michael, Henry the fourth, Friderike Barbarossa, Philip, Otho .4. Friderike the second, Cōradus, Conradinus, Manfredus, ād Lewys the .4. hauing such vio­lent and miserable endes, vppon their notorious disobe­dience to Christes vicaires in earth, the bishoppes of the See Apostolike Liberius, Gelasius, S. Gregory the firste, Martinus the firste, Nicolaus the firste, Gregory the .7. [Page 340] Alexander .3. Innocentius the .3. and .4. Alexander the .4. Iohn the . [...]2. and Clement the .6. are vnto vs professing the faith of this Church, vndoubted argumentes of Gods iuste indignation and plage in their behalfes, and may well serue for holsome presidentes to other Christen princes, not to attempt the like. But nowe to returne to M. Horne, and to treade, as he leadeth vs, haue out of Germany, into France, an other while.

M Horne. The .135. Diuision. pag 81. b.

In Fraunce king Charles (.443.)The .443. vntruth. He graū ­ted them. Pet. Ber­tran. denied the Pope the tenthes of his Cler­gie. But Philip de Valois that follovved, Aemylius. reformed and tooke avvay many late vpstart Ecclesiasticall abuses in the Clergy, and Prelates in his Realme: of the vvhich, diuerse complaints being made vnto the kinge, he ca [...]led a coū ­cel at Paris, and summoned thither the bishops, as appeareth by his letters vvherein he complaineth, that they haue enchroched from him and his officers a great many of rightes: bringing in their nouelties not due, and vnwonted grieues vnder the p [...]etence of Eccle­siastical causes: whereby they haue broken the concorde of the Clergy and the Laity, and therfore willing to prouide so much as he can by Goddes help, an healthful remedy: He requireth, and neuerthelesse commaundeth them to appeare before him at Parys personally. &c. The Prelates appearing at the day as­signed, before the kinge in his Palayce, Archebisshoppes, Bis­shoppes, and making reuerence to the kinges maiestie, being set down with his councel, and certein Barons assisting him, a certeine knight of the kinges councell, spake publykely for the kinge in the presence of them al, taking for his theme this texte. Geue that vnto Caesar that belongeth to Caesar, and that vnto God that is due vnto God. &c.

The kinges admonition being made, a great many complaintes vvere put vp vnto the king by his nobles and officers, againste the Clergies vsurpation, in medling vvith contractes of mariages, in their priuileges of [...]lerkes: In citations to their Courtes, in their excommunications, in vvilles, and hereditamentes, in calling of prouinciall councells, in making synodall De­crees, ād statutes, in medling vvith realties, in perēptory vvrites, in examina­tions [Page] of mens beleues, in enioyning of money penaunces, In shauing of childrē, and vnlauful persons making them Clerkes, in vvhoordome and fornication, in vvyddovves goodes, in bloudshead in the Churcheyarde, in inuentories, &c. and in a great many mo matters, vvhich ye call Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall causes: the Frenche kinge prouing (.444.) The .444. vntruth. For the Frenche kinge ne sayed ne proued no such matter. them to be (as in deede they vvere no other) but temporall: neuerthelesse not standinge much about the name, nor taking them al avvay, from their iurisdiction, he onely saied, he vvould reforme them. Neuerthelesse, for certeine daies there vvas much di­sputing to and f [...]o, whether they belonged to the kinge to re­forme or no, till the king by his foresaid procuratour gaue thē the kinges determinat aunswere, declaring vnto them, howe that they ought not to be troubled, bicause the kinges intentiō was, to keepe those rightes and customes of the Churche, and Prelates which were good ād resonable, but by reason of their faults, the iudgement which were good and reasonable, ap­perteined not vnto them to determine, but to the kīg. Bicause the Decree, Nouit &c. saieth, that the kinge of Fraunce in mat­ters de Facto, hath not his superiour &c. VVhereuppon hee cō ­cluded, that the kinge woulde heare all the informatiōs: And those Customes of the whiche he should be fully enfourmed, that they were good and reasonable, he woulde make only to bee obserued.

In (.445.)The .445. vntruth. For this vvas not the Cōclusiō, as shal appeare. Aemylius cōclusiō the Prelats made such importune labour, that the for­said attourney aūswered thē for the kinge, that if the Prelates thē selues would amende those thinges, that were to be amended and corrected, the king would abide till the feaste of the Na­tiuity next to come: within the saide terme, he woulde inno­uate nothing: but if within the sayde terme, the Prelates had not amended those thinges that were to be amended and cor­rected, that then the king would put to such [...]emedy, as shuld be acceptable to God and the people. VVhich in conclusion the kinge vvas faine to do, by a sharpe and seuere (.446.)The .446 vntruth. P. Aemy­lius men­cioneth no suche lavve▪ but plainely the con­trary. Lavv, vvhan he savve hovv the Prelate [...] dallied him of, vvith faire vvordes, and (.447.)The .447 vntruth. Not ther­fo [...]e, P. Aemylius fovvly abused. therefore he him selfe, Composuit rem sacerdotum, did set in order the mat­ters of the Priestes.

The .31. Chapter. Of Charles the .4. and Philip de Valois sixt of that name, kinges of Fraunce.

Stapleton.

WEll fisht, and caught a frogge. All this lōg tale is tolde for Composuit rem sacerdotum. But to touche the particulars,P. Aemilius li. 8. in Carolo Pulchro. Carolus Rex & vir­tutis & clementiae laudē, fructum (que) ad eum diē tulit, exin aduersourmore, quòd sacri in Ludouicū Baeuarū belli noīe deci­mas de sacerdotibus Frācispetentipōtific. Max. Iohāni cū pri­mum denegasset, pa­ctione deinde expug­natus, concessisset vt in partē ipse veniret, & caet. what wise reason is this, or what reason at al is it, to make the Quene of England supreame head of the Church, because Charles the French king denied the pope the tenthes of the Clergy? Verely his authour saith, the king did empayre his estimation, that men had of his vertue before by this very fact of his. Yea and yet he sayth withall, that afterwarde he did cōdes­cēde to the popes request. Now what meaneth M. Horn, to alleage that for prouf of dewe gouuerne­mēt, which his authors report, for prouf of vndewe regiment? Meaneth he that al the worlde shoulde laugh him to skorne? That which foloweth of Peter Bertrād, and eftson of Paulus Aemilius, is M. Horns own: making thē, to speake not theire myndes, but what liketh him, tellīg vs first an obscure, dark, false tale, out of the sayd Bertrād: but I trust we shall drawe him out into the fayre open light, and pluck frō him Petrus Ber­trand and Paulus Aemilius with whose visour, he woulde fayne couer the vgly face of his impudente and shamelesse lies. Why M. Horn? hath not the Clergy to doe with mat­ters of contracts of mariage, excommunications, wills, and with the examination of mens beliefes, with making syno­dical decrees, and such like matters? Wherfor thē do ye not shake of from you the intermedlinge with these matters? Wel I perceiue saying ād doing are two things: and neither [Page] shall Ludouicus the Emperour, though he affirmed that the Clergy should followe Christ and his Apostles in po­uerty, make yowe to disclaime your goodly landes and patrimony: nor Philip Valesius the Frenche kinge make yowe to disclaime your iurisdiction. The gaine is to sweet. Perhaps ye will answere, that I strayne yowe to farre, and that ye do not deny,Vide libellum Petri Bertrandi episc. He du [...]us. & Cardina­lis aduer­sus Pe [...]rū de Cune­rijs super facto prae­ [...]a [...]o [...]ū ec­clesiae gal­lis [...]naean. 1 [...]29. Hīc l [...]bel. reperies adiūctum cum Qua d [...]il [...]g. de vita Be. Thom Pa­ris. Anno. 1495. A shorte declarati [...] of the matter in hande. but that the Clergy may vse the iu­risdiction of the foresayd matters, but not as Church or ec­clesiasticall matters, but as playne temporall matters, for the Frenche kinge proued they were so in dede. Ney­ther the king proued yt, nor your authour sayth yt, nor any other. The shamelesse dealinge of this man is suche, that he semeth to seke nothing else, but to ouerwhelme the worlde with wordes, litle regardinge to speake, not only great and many vntruthes, but euen such as with­out further triall and strayning hym no more, but with his owne authours, are incontinently opened and des­cried. To answere fully, and at large to all his endlesse and importune babling, aswel here as otherwhere would be to to tediouse a thinge. And for this matter, in as muche as Petrus Bertrand is in prynte, I will send the learned reader, that is desirouse; to see the deapth of thys matter, to the originall booke: and will nowe touche so much onely, as shalbe sufficiente for the vnlettered rea­der, to see and consider M. Hornes vnfaythfull and wret­ched dealing.

Petrus C [...]erius being one of the kings priuie councell proponed to the Clergy before the king, and the nobilitie .76. articles: and wente about to proue, that the prelates and the Clergy, for so many poynts had vsurped vppon the kinges iurisdiction. He auowched also, that tempo­rall [Page 342] and spirituall things, are diuided and sondred, and that the one appertayned to the kinge onely, the other to the cleargy onely. The archbishop of Sans, answered to this Petrus, and proued by the olde and the newe testamēt, by the cyuil and canon Lawe, and by the custome of Fraunce tyme out of mynd vsed, and by seuerall graunts and pri­uileges, receiued from the kings predecessours, that spiri­tuall and temporall iurisdiction were not so preci [...]elie di­stincted, but that one person might occupie both. After him the same daye seuē night, in the presence of the king stode vppe Petrus Bertrandus a Bisshoppe of the people in Fraunce then called Hedui, who are nowe Burgoni­ons, and enforced the same matter, addinge a full aun­swere, aswell to the decree Nouit, alleaged here by M. Horne out of the sayd Petrus Cunerius, as vnto all his .76. articles. A greate nomber of the sayde articles, towche matters playne and mere temporall, and yet suche as the clergy did and might medle withall, part­ly by Lawe, partly by speciall priuilege, and partly by custome. There were certayne faults and abuses fownd in the prelates officers,Petr. Ber­trandus. the whiche the prelates answe­red, that yf they had knowen them before, they woulde not haue suffred them: and promised to forsee for the tyme to come, for the earneste amendinge and redressinge of them. For the redressing whereof the kinge gaue them a tyme vn­till Christmas folowinge. Nowe M. Horne would make thee belieue, good reader, that because the prelats dalied and things were not refourmed accordingly, the kinge by a sharpe and a seuere lawe dyd amende and correcte them. But this is your owne Lawe, good maister Horne, and no Lawe at all of Kynge Philippe: made by yowe, [Page] I say, with as good authoritie and truthe, as the damnable articles were made, in your late conuocation. Howe so euer yt be, here is nothinge amended but abuses: which to be amended no good man will I wene be angrie withall. But what say yow nowe maister Horne to the whole ec­clesiasticall iurisdiction that the Frenche clergie practi­sed? What became of yt? Did the king take yt away, or no? Whie are ye tounge tyed M. Horne to tell the truth, that so freelie and liberally, yea and lewdly to, lie againste the truth? Wel: seing that ye can not wynne yt at Maister Hornes hands good reader,Petrus Bertran­dus. ye shal heare it otherwise. The effecte and finall resolution then of this debate was, that the kinge made answere to the forsayd bishop of Sans, de­maunding his resolute answere, in the behalfe of the whole clergy: that the prelates shoulde feare nothinge, and that they shoulde not lose one iote in his tyme: but that he woulde defende them in theire righte and customes: neither woulde he geue to other an example to impugne the Churche. Where­vppon the Bisshoppe in the name of the whole clergie gaue to the kinge moste humble thankes. M. Horns shame­lesse Dea­linge. Howe saye yowe good reader, hath this man any more shame then hath a very Horne? And dareth he to looke hereafter any honest man in the face?

Yet he wil say that Paulus Aemilius sayth, that the King was fayne to make this sharp and seuere Lawe. Why? Cā Pau­lus Aemylius, tell better what was done, then your other authour Bertrande, being presente and playing the chiefe parte in this play, and setting yt forth to the world, to your perpetual ignominie, with his own penne? Wel: tel vs then, what Paulus sayeth. Marie saye yowe, Paulus reporteth that composuit rem sacerdotum: he did set in order the mat­ters [Page 343] of the Priestes. But who speaketh of your sharpe and seuere Lawe? Wil not cōponere rem sacerdotū: agree with al that I haue told out of Bertrand himself? Is now cōponere rē sacerdotū: to be englisshed, to make a sharpe and a seuere law? Suerly this is a prety expositiō, ād a try me tricke of your new grāmer. Your Authour Aemilius vseth his word cōpo­suit, valdè, aptè, & compositè, very aptly and fytlie. But you M. Horne with your gaye and freshe interpretation doe no­thing else, but Lectori fallacias componere, deceyue and be guyle your reader, or to speake more fytely to our pur­pose, ye doe nothing else but Legem Philippi nomine compo­nere. counterfeyte a lawe in Philippes name:Paulꝰ Ae­milius. Lib. 8. in Philip. 6. Valesio, supplicationi­bus ac gratijs numi­ni ac san­ctis mar­tyribus haebitis rem sacerdotū composuit. Praetores regij &c. The mat­ter truely declared out of [...]. Aemilius M. Horns authour. whereof your authour Aemilius speaketh nothing. For Aemilius decla­ring a notable victory that this King had ouer his enemies, saith: that the victory obteyned, and after that he had made his prayers and geuen thankes therefore to God and to his blessed Martyres, composuit rem Sacerdotum: he set in order the Priestes matters. Then doth he shortly specifie, that the foresaide Petrus Cunerius complained vpon the clergy for the hearing of many matters, that appertayned to the kīges secular cowrte: and that the foresaid Bertrandus made him answere, declaring amonge other thinges, that their beste Kinges in Fraunce, the most florisshing and the most nota­ble were euer the greateste patrons and defenders of the clergies liberties: and that the other that impugned the same, came to a miserable and wretched ende. He saith fur­ther, that the Kings answere being from day to day prolō ­ged, the said Bertrandus with a nomber of the prelates vpō S. Thomas of Canterburies day, went to the Kinge, ad­monishīg him that S. Thomas in the defence of the Church liberties vppon that daye, spente his bloud and lyfe. The [Page] King at the length answered that he wuld rather encrease, than impayre the Churches right. P. Aemi­lius dict. lib. 8. Tum Rex, iura, in­quit, eccle­siarū auxerim potius quàm im­minutae velī. Gratias vniuersi e­gere, Rex Catholici nomē pro­meruit. Wherevpon all rendred vn­to him thankes: and the Kinge purchased himselfe thereby the name of a Catholike King. Ye heare, good reader, an other maner of exposition of [...]om [...]osuit remsace [...]dotum, by theau­thour him self, then is M. Hornes gaye lying glose made in his theeuish Cacus denne. And therfore with these words, wherewith Aemilius beginneth his narration, M. Horne endeth the narration, to putte some countenance vpon his false and counterfeite Lawe. The clergy then enioyed still their liberties and iurisdiction, which ordinarilye they had before, either by Law, or by custome and priuilege, though as I said many causes were but temporall. Al the which tē ­poral causes, the said Petrus Cunerius, by the way of cōsul­tation only and reasoning, declared by some coulorable ar­guments, to belong to the Kings cowrte onely. But for ex­cōmunicatiōs, synodical decrees, examinatiōs of mēs beliefes, ād such like he maketh thē not as ye bable tēporal matters, nor abridgeth the clergies iurisdiction therein, but onely repro­ueth certayne abuses therin committed, forthe which and for the other the clergy promised a reformation.

Let vs nowe see your policie, ād to what benefit of your cause ye doe so lie? Imagyne (yf ye wil) that al were true, ād for ones we will take you for Philip the French King: and your Law made in your Cacus denne, to be in as good force as yf yt had ben made in open parliament in France. What issue ioyne you thereof?M. Horns imperti­nent arguments. what due and ordinate consequēt is this: the Frenche King maketh a seuere lawe against the clergie, vsurping his iurisdiction: Ergo the Pope is no Pope: or, ergo the King of England, is the Pope of Englande? A­gayne, yf al are temporal matters, howe standeth yt with [Page 344] your doctrine, especially of this booke, that ye and your fellowes, shoulde busie your selfe therewith? Neither will yt ease you to say, that ye doe yt by the Princes commissiō: for Cunerius, vppon whome ye grounde all this your talke dryueth his reason to this ende,M. Horne loke vvel to your cōmissiō. that spirituall men be not capable of temporall iurisdiction, and therefore this com­mission will not serue you. And yf ye holde by commis­sion, take heade your commission be well and substan­cially made. But of this commission, we shal haue more oc­casion to speake hereafter.

M. Horne. The .136. Diuision. pag. 82. b.Paral. Vrsp. Fabian. Caxton. Polyd. Nauclerus.

In England at this tyme many abuses about Ecclesiasticall causes, vvere refourmed, (although the Pope and his Clergie, did earnestly (.448.) The .448. vntruth Slaunderous. mainteine them) by Kinge Edvvard the .3. vvho vvrote his (.449.) The .449. vntruth. For those letters proue the Popes Supremacy. letters to the Pope, admonishing him to leaue of his disordered doings, and vvhan that vvould not serue, he re­dressed them by act of parliament, and (as Nauclerus saith) he commaunded that from thence forth, no body should (.450.) The .450. vntruth. Nauclere falsly re­ported. bring into the Realme any kind of the Popes letters, vnder the paine of drowning, and expelled al persones out of his kingdome, that were by the Pope promoted to any benefice.

The .32. Chapter: Of Edward the .3. King of England.

Stapleton.

THis argument also is right futely to the precedent,Cōcernīg King Ed­vvard [...] the .3. as resting vpō the reformīg of abuses, in matters Eccle­siastical. But I pray you tel vs no more M. Horn of reformīg of abuses, if you wil ani way furder your presēt cause, except [Page] you tell vs withal, and proue it to, that in such reformation, the whole clergy, and the temporalty, tooke the Kinge and not the Pope to be the supreame head Gouernour, and di­recter thereof, and of al other Ecclesiastical causes also. Ve­rily your own authors shewe playnely the cōtrary. And the Popes authority was at this tyme takē to be of such weight and force,Polid. li. 19 that the great league made betwē our Kīg ād the Frēch King was cōfirmed by the Pope. Ye wil perhapps re­plie and say, the Popes whole Authority was abolished, a commaundement being geuen vpon paine of drowninge, no man shoulde bring into the realme any kinde of letters from the Pope. Ye wil tel vs also, of certaine letters, that the Kinge sent to the Pope admonisshing him, to leaue his disordered doings: and when that woulde not serue, he re­dressed them by acte of Parliament. Why doe ye not M. Horne laye forth the tenour of those letters, which as yet I finde not in any of your marginall authours? Belyke there lieth some thing hidde that ye woulde be loth your reader should knowe, least yt bewray your weake and feble argu­mente, as yt doth in dede. Neither that only, but directlye proueth the Popes primacy. Did this Kinge, wene you M. Horne, cal the Pope Antichrist as ye doe? Or wrote he him self supreame head of the Churche of England? Or did he abolishe the popes authority in England? Harken then I pray you, euen to the beginning of his letters. Sanctissimo in Christo Patri Domino Clementi diuina prouidentia sacrosan­ctae Romanae ac vniuersalis Ecclesiae summo pontifici, Edwardus eadēm gratia rex Francorum & Angliae, & dux Hiberniae de­uot a pedum oscula beatorum To the most holy father in Christ the Lorde Clement by Gods prouidence the high bisshop of the holy and vniuersall Churche of Rome, Edward by [Page 345] the same grace King of Fraunce and England, and Duke of Ireland, offereth deuoutly to kisse his holy feete.Pensatae etiā deuo­tionis ple­nitudine, quam do­mꝰ nostra regia & clerus ac populus dicti regni praestite­rūt hacte­nus in obedientia dictae se­dis. He calleth the Pope, Successorem Apostolorum Principis, the successour of the prince of the Apostles: he desireth the pope to consider the great deuotion and obedience, that the King, the Cleargie, and the people had shewed hitherto to the Sea of Rome. He saieth, vt nos & nostri, qui personam vestrā sanctiss. & sanctam Rom. Ecclesiam dominari cupimus, vt de­bemus, &c. that he and all his, did desire euen as their dutie was, that his holy person and the holy Churche of Rome, might gouerne and rule.

Now M. Horne vnlesse vppon some sodayne and newe deuotiō ye intende to haue the pope beare rule in England againe, and will also offer your selfe, yf neede be, to kysse the Popes fote to, wich thing this great and mighty Prince was not ashamed to say, tell vs no more for shame of these letters. Neither tel vs of disorders reformed nowe al­most two hundred yeares agoe: to make thereby an vn­seasonable and fonde argumente to abolishe all the Popes authority in our Dayes. The effecte then of those letters were, to pray, and that most humbly, the Pope, that he woulde not by reseruations, collations, and prouisions of Archbishoprykes, Bishoprykes, Abbeis, Priories, and other dignities and benefices, bestowe any ecclesiasticall lyuinges in Englande vppon straungers and aliens.Anno. 25. & 38. The whych thyng hath bene euer synce straitly sene to, and there were two Actes of parliament made in this Kinges dayes, agaynst the sayed prouisions. And yet did the popes ordinarie and laufull authoritie in matters and causes ec­clesiasticall remayne whole and entiere as before. Ney­ther doe I fynde, nor take it to be true, that suche persons [Page] as were promoted by the Pope, were expelled the realme. Nor did the statute take place againste suche, as had taken before the enacting of the same, corporal possession. As for Nauclere, it is no maruell yf he being a straunger doth not write so exactely of our matters. And no doubte he is de­ceiued in writinge, that the kinge forbad any letters to be browght from the Pope. But what say I, he is deceiued? Nay, you, that should knowe Englishe matters better then he, especially such as by penne ye set abrode into the face of the worlde, are deceiued, and not Nauclerus. Yea rather ye haue wilfully peruerted Nauclerus, and drawen his sen­tence, as Cacus did Hercules oxen, backwarde into your Cacus denne: and to beguile and deceiue your sim [...]le rea­der,Naucler. Gener. 46. pag. 397. a Omnes in regno suo per papā p [...]omotos ad benefi­cia expu­lit, & subpena. sub­mersionis praecepit ne quis inibi lite­ras Apostolicas exe­queretur, quascun (que) &c. and to bring him, into a fooles paradise, therin fond­ly to reioyce with you, as thoughe this King abolisshed all the Popes authority and Iurisdiction. For thoughe Naucle­rus his wordes be general, yet they may be wel vnderstan­ded and restrayned to suche letters as conteyned any suche collatiō or prouision inhibited by the statute. But you, least this shoulde be espied, haue altered the forme and order of your authours wordes, placing that firste, that he placed laste. As before cōtrariewise, ye placed in Paulus Aemilius that laste, whiche he placed firste. Then haue ye falsly trā ­slated your authour to wrye him to your wrōgful purpose. He expelled sayeth Nauclerus) all persons promoted to any benefice in his realme by the Pope, commaundinge vnder payne of drowning, that no man shoulde exequute there, the Popes letters what so euer they were. Your authour speaketh not of bringinge letters, into the Realme: (those are your owne wordes falsly fathered vpon him: but of exequutiō. And therefore the generall wordes following (what so [Page 346] euer) are to be restrayned to the exequution of the Popes letters, contrarie to the order taken, against the sayde pro­uisions, and of none other. Whiche statute doth no more take away the Popes ecclesiastical and ordinary authoritie,Polidor. an. Edo­uar. 3.50. The chronicles of Englande prīted in flete stret 1502. withowt the au­thours name. The addi­tions of Caxtō to polichro. Cap. 4. then this kinges royall authority was taken away, because the Parliament vppon reasonable causes denied him a cer­taine paymente that he there demaunded. And yet yf I shoulde followe your vayne and humour in your newe rhetoryke, I might thereby aswell inferre, that the people toke him for no king as you by as good argumentes inferre the abolishing of the Popes authority. Nowe as towching theis prouisiōs, they were not altogether abolished against the Popes will. For this matter, was lōg in debate betwene the Pope and the king, and at lengthe yt was agreed by the Pope, that he woulde not practise anye more suche pro­uisions. And on the kinges parte, it was agreed, that Arch­bishoppes and Bishops should be chosen by the Chapter of the cathedral Church without any interruption or impedi­mente of the king.Polid. The saide Chroni­cles prin­ted in flet strete. As appeareth aswell in the sayde epistle sente by the king to the Pope as by our chroniclers.

M. Horne. The .137. Diuision. pag. 82. b.

Next to Levves vvas Charles the .4. chosen Emperour, vvho helde a councel at Mentze vvith the Prelates and Princes, in the yere of the Lorde 1359. vvherein he much reproued the Popes Legate for his disorders, and cō ­maunded the Archbishop of Mentze to reforme his Clergy, and the disorders amongest them, for othervvise he would see to it him selfe. (.451.)The .451. vntruth. For lea­uing out, hovv he vvold see vnto it. The Popes Legate seing hovv the Emperor tooke vpon him, gate him to his shippe, and saylled to Colayn as one that fledde away. VVith (.452.)The .452. vntruth. None of his Au­thors say so. vvhiche doynges, the Emperour became very famouse, for he was a man of great vvorkes. VVho did lyghten the king­dōme of Bohem [...], bothe vvith the setting foorth of Religion, and vvith the discipline of Lavves, and good manners.

The .33. Chapter. Of Charles the .4. Emperour. And of Nilus the Bisshop of Thessalonica.

Stapleton.

THis man runneth on his race stil, to proue the Empe­rour Charles the .4. also the Supreame heade of the Churche, because he reproued the Popes Legat, and other of the Clergy for disorders. Goe ones to the matter, M. Horne, and proue to M. Feckenham, that Charles toke either him selfe to be head of the Church, or the Pope not to be the Head. Was not this Charles crouned by Pope Innocentius his Legate? Did not this Charles geaue the vsuall othe that Emperours make to the Pope? And did he not at the Popes commaundemente voide out of Italie, straight after his coronation? If ye denie it, ye shal finde it in your owne Authour Gener. 46. pag. 401. aNauclerus. Yf ye graunt it, being the principal, why do ye so trifle in other things, that touch not the principal matter standing in variance betwene you and M. Fekenham? These are but fonde floorishes of your rude rhetorique.M. Horns doings resembled to a dead snake. And I may resemble your doings well to a dead snake: whose taile and hinder partes, the head being cut of, and the snake slaine, do notwithstanding for a while moue and sturre, yea and make a resemblance of life. Euen so, the head of your serpentine and poisoned argumentatiō against the Popes primacy, being at al times by the true and faithful declaration of the saied Primacie, against your false arguing, as it were with a sharp sworde cut of: yet make ye by telling vs of reformation, and such bie matters a counte­naūce and resemblaūce of some truth, or as it were of some life in your matter ye take in hād to proue. And truly your bie matters to, are cōmonly brought in very malitiously, ig­norātly, erroneously, ād foolishly, as wel otherwhere, as euē [Page 347] here also. For to leaue then other things, what folly is it for you to proue by this storie the like regiment in this Empe­rours time, as is now in England (for if ye proue not this,Naucler. dict. gen. 46. & pa­ral. Vrsp. D. Legate, papa misit vos ad Germaniam in qua magnam pecuniam corraditis sed in cle­ro nihil reformatis. The popes Primacie proued by the place M: Horn al­leageth. Vide Nau­cler. p. 401 col. 1. gen. 46. Staphil. in Apologia absoluta fol. 77. Surius in comment. breui rerū gest. fo. 216 ye proue nothing to the purpose) confessing your selfe, that the Popes Legat was present in the Coūcel with th'Emperor? And wel ye wot ye haue no Popes Legate in your cōuoca­tion. But what was the disorder M. Horn, in the Popes Le­gate? Because he will not tell it you, good Reader, ye shal now heare it at my hands. Sir, saith the Emperour to the Legate, the Pope hath sent you into Germanie, where you ga­ther a great masse of mony, but reformation in the Clergie ye make none. At which words the Legat being gilty to him­self, went away. Now what inferre you hereof, M. Horne? Do not these words necessarily import the Popes Primacy in Germany? And that the reformation of the Clergy was at the Popes ordering, not at the Emperours? Is not there­fore M. Feckenhā much boūd vnto you, that he hath of you so tractable and gentle an Aduersarie?

But the Archebishop of Mentz also (you say) is commaū ­ded to reforme his Clergy. I āswere. If ye had told the cause withal, ye had surely deformed al your Geneuical Clergie. The occasiō was, for that one Cuno a Canon of his Church, there presēt, wēt in a cap or hood, more lay like ād souldior like, then Priestlik. What think you thē this Emperor would haue said to your brother Smidelinus the pastor of Gepping, that preached openly before a great assemblie of the nobi­litie in Germany, in his Maisters liuery girded with a wod­knife by his side? Or to the late Caluinist Ministers in Ant­werp, of whō some preached in clokes and rapiers by their sides? What likīg would he haue had in your bretherns late booke made in the defence of their Geneuical apparrel, ād [Page] for the vnfoldīg of the Popes attierment, as they cal it? And therfore the Quenes most excellēt Ma. hath don very wel her self to see to these disorders, as ye said thēmperor would see to it him selfe. He said so in dede. But how? To doe it by his authority?Naucler. g [...]ner. 46. pag. 403. Quos cum voluntate Papae in honestos cōuerte­mus vsus. The Po­pes Pri­macy yet ons again proued by M. Horns ovvne storie. In paral. Vrsperg. The false­hoode of Gaspar Hedio. No. But cōmaunding the Archbisshop to see to the reformatiō of his Clergy in their apparrell, their shoes, their heare, and otherwise. And withal he said, yf the disordered persons would not redresse their abuses, then should they leese the profites and issues of their benefices: the which the Empe­rour would employ with the Popes cōsent to better vses. And so haue you of your accustomable liberalitie and goodnes, broughte to our hande one Argumente more for the Popes superiority. This hath your Author Nauclerus. And as for your brother Gaspar Hedio, though he rehearse al the resi­due, word by word, in a manner, out of Nauclerus, yet these three poore wordes, cū volūtate Papae, weighed so heauie a­gainst your new primacy, that he could not carrie thē with him. And you to be sure, tell vs that the Emperour saide he would see to it hī self. But how he would see to it, that would you not your Reader should see, least he should see withal, not your Charles, but the Popes primacie. This your dissi­mulation is badde inough. But whē ye adde, with the which doings th'Emperour became very famouse: I suppose your vnhonest dealing throughout all your booke practised, will make you famous to, and yet to your no great cōmendatiō, but to your great shame and infamy. Your Authors say not, nor can wel say, he was famouse for these doings. And then come ye in as wisely, with your, for he was a wise man, ctc. Nauclerus saith in dede, he was a renouned Emperour, not for the causes by you aboue rehearsed: but for some other that he afterward reciteth: and nothing seruing your, with [Page 348] the which doings, &c. The doings that made this Charles the 4. so famous (if ye list to know, M. Horn) were that with his greate charges and bountifulnes he erected the Vniuersitye of Praga in Boheme, that he founded manye Monasteries,Naeucler. gener. 46. pag. 403. that he brought the bodie of S. Vitus to Praga, and such like: Which you had as litle lust to recite, as you haue to follow. Only you say he was famouse for setting forth of Religion. A man woulde thinke that knewe you, that he was a setter foorth of your religion forsoth. But if you had tolde vs (as your Author telleth you) that he builded Monasteries, and translated Saints bodies: Euery child should haue sene, that this setting forth of Religion in Charles▪ was no such suprem gouernment as you should proue to M. Fekenham, but was (to say al in few words) a setting forth of Papistrie. See you not, M. Horne, what a faire thread you haue sponne?

M. Horne. The .138. Diuision. pag. 83. a.

At this time vvrot Nilus vvas a Schisma­tik of late yeares, of as good Authori­tie as Fri­er Luther. Nilus the Bisshop of Thessalonica, declaring the (.453.)The .453. Vntruth. Nil [...] saith no suche thing. only cause of the diuision betvvene the Greke and the Latine Churche to be, for that the Pope vvould not suffer free and General Councels to be cal­led by the Emperours, according to the aūcient custome: and that his autho­rity is not by the lavve of God, but by the positiue Lavves of Princes, graunted only, because that than Rome vvas the greatest Citie in the vvorld, and hath no prerogatiue of Christ or Peter, more then any other Bisshoprique.

Stapleton.

A faire pleasurely, for one Schismatique to plead vppon the Authority of an other Schismatike. As if you would say M. Horne: Aske my fellow, if I be a theefe. For both the Author Nilus, and the first setter forth therof,Concer­nīg Nilus. Flaccus Illy­ricus, are knowen and notorious, the one a Schismatike, the other an Heretik. And therfore what so euer ye here bring oute of Nilus bookes, it weigheth no more, then if yowe brought Illyricus him selfe, or Luther his Maister.

[Page] Leo Epi­stola 84. Sicut prae­decessores mei praede cessoribus tuis, ita etiam ego dilectioni tuae, prio­rū sequu­tus exem­plum vicē mei mode raminis delegaui, vt curam quam vniuersis ec­clesiis principaliter ex diuina institutio­ne debe­mus &c. adiuua­res, & lō ­ginquis ab Apostolica sede prouī cijs, prae­sentiam, quodāmo­do nostrae visitatio­nis impē ­deres.And to saye the truth, it is nothing but an heape of vn­truthes: not only on your Authours parte, but on youres also, ouerreaching him shamefully, as I shall anon declare. But as for your authour, if he would haue considered no more but his owne predecessours the Archbisshoppes of Thessalonica, he should haue found, that they almost one thousand yeares before, had an other and a better iudge­ment of the Popes authoritie: and were at that time the popes Legates for the Easte partes: as well appeareth by Pope Leo his epistles, to Anastasius Bishop there. And that the Pope had the principal charge of al churches, by Gods owne ordinaunce: contrary to the saying of your schisma­tical authour of so late yeres. And yet as bad as he is, he doth litle relieue yow. For he graūteth the Pope to be Pa­triarche of the Weste Churche. And so is he, (thowgh he were not the Chiefe absolutelye) yet our patriarche and cheif Bishop: and therfore cheiflie to be consulted in all greate and weighty ecclesiastical affayres. Againe though he be badde inoughe, yet is he the worse for coming into your fingers. For where you make him to say, the only cause of diuision betwene the Greke and the latine Churche was, for that the Pope wil not suffer free ād general Coūcelles to be cal­led by the Emperours &c. There is no suche thinge in Nilus (I haue of purpose perused him ouer neither in the Greke nor in the Translation of Flaccus Illiricus. It is your own Captayne and Notorious vntruth.

M. Horne. The .139. Diuision. pag. 83. a.

Kinge Richarde the .2. called a Councel at VVestminster (saieth Polydore) wherein it was thought good to the Kinge and the Princes for the weale of his realme of Englande, if a parte of the Popes authority were bounded within the limites of the [Page 349] Occean sea, (he meaneth that it vvere driuen out of the Isle of Britaine) (.454.)The .454 vntruth. A sentēce left out quite in the mid­dest ope­ning the vvhole matter. wherefore it was decreed, that hereafter it shoulde be lawfull to no man, to trie (.455.)The .455. vntruth. False translation. any cause before the Bishop of Rome: nor that any man be publikly pronoūced wicked or enemy of Religion, that is to wit, as the cōmon people terme it, be excōmunicate by his authority: nor that if any mā haue any such cōmaūdemēt frō him, they execute the same. The penalty ordeined to those that violate this lawe, was, that losing all his goodes, he shoulde be caste into perpetual pryson.

The .34. Chapter: Of Richarde the seconde, Kinge of Englande.

Stapleton.

HEre lo, M. Horn at lēgth strayneth vs very sore. For nowe all suytes to Rome are quite cut of. Neither can the Pope send any excommunication into En­glande. What may we then say to helpe our selues? Shall I lette the matter goe, and let yt shifte for yt selfe as yt may, and reason againste the man and not the matter, and tel M. Horne, least he waxe to proude and want on, for this great triumphaunte and victoriouse argumēte, that yf a man that is excommunicated, is (as he expoundeth yt) a wycked man, and a enemie of religion, that him self and his fellowes had neade to loke wel abowt them, beinge accursed, not only by many Popes (which now M. Horne careth not a rushe for) but by many national and general coūcelles also? Or shal I tel him that, suyte to Rome for excommunicatiō, is but one braunche or arme of the Popes authority? And that the residewe of his authority stoode in strengthe and force styll? And so that he proueth not the lyke regimente that nowe is, in the which, the whole papal authoritye is vtterly bannished? Or shall I say, that God punished the [Page] kinge for his attempte and as he toke away the Popes au­thority: so he loste all his owne very shortly after: and loste bothe crowne and kingdome miserably? Or shall I say this lawe died with the kinge, and was neuer after vntill our dayes put in vre? Or shall I say that, thowghe all the Popes authoritie were bannished by this statute out of England, M. Hornes newe supreamacy will not therof followe, but that the supreamacy in matters ecclesiasticall,Vide. c. Itē quia, &c. Nullus de Haeretic. in constit. prouīcial. remayned in the Bishoppes, especially in Thomas Arondell Archbi­shop of Canterbury, who kepte coūcelles and synodes: and determined matters ecclesiasticall without the kinges cō ­sente therunto, by whose prouincial constitution Mayster Horne and his fellowes are declared excommunicate par­sons and heretikes for the hereticall doctrine,An appeale against M. Horne to a quest of tēpo­ral la­vvyers. that he and they maynteyne contrarie to the catholike faith? Or shall I yet ones againe appeale not to Rome, (leaste M. Horne charge me with a terrible premunire) but euē to some do­mesticall Iudge, and I greatly passe not, yf yt be to a quest, of lawyers of his best frendes, to be tried by them, yf they can fynde any suche lawe in the Statutes of oure Realme?An other to a quest of grammarians. Againe shall I appeale to an other Queste, euen of his owne nighe neighbours in Winchester schole, to be tried by them, yf I falsly accuse M. Horne, of a moste vntruth and false translation?The .3. to queste of logi­tioners. Or shal I appeale to his deare frendes the Logitioners at Oxford or Cambridge, and be tried by them, yf I say not true, saying now and auouching to M. Hornes owne face, that his owne allegation out of Polidore, directly proueth the Popes Primacie, and es­pecially the customable and ordinarye suytes to Rome? I will then holde my self at this stay: and I will ioyne with him for these three poyntes.

[Page 350]First then I auouche, that there is no suche presidente to be shewed among the statutes of our realme: and further that neuer any suche was made in the tyme of this kinge. Secondly I affirme, that M. Horne hathe either of deape and grosse ignorance, or of cankered malice, maymed or mangled his authours narration, and depraued and peruer­ted his manifeste meaning, by a false and counterfeite tran­slation. The wordes of Polidore are these.Poli. li. 20 Concilium habi­tum est ad Westmonasterium: eo in Concilio regi pariter at (que) principibus visum est è republica sua Anglicana fore, si pars aliqua imperij Romani Pontificis Oceano terminaretur, quod multi quotidie vexarentur ob causas quas Romae non facilè co­gnosci posse putabant. Quapropter sancitum est, vt nulli mor­talium deinceps liceret pro quauis causa agere apud Romanum Pontificem, vt quispiam in Anglia eius authoritate, impius religionis (que) hostis publicè declararetur, hoc est, excommunica­retur, quemadmodum vulgò dicitur: néue exequi tale manda­tum, si quod ab illo haberet. Sincerely translated thus they stande. A Councel (sayeth he) was called at Westmynster, wherin yt was thowght good to the king and his Princes, for theire common weale in Englande, yf a parte of the Popes authority were bounded within the lymytes of the Occean sea: These vvordes, because, &c. M. Horne quite left out. because many were dayly troubled and vexed for causes, which they thowght, coulde not be well hearde at Rome. Wherfore yt was decreed, that yt should be lawfull for no man to sue to the Pope Pro qua­uis causa. for euery cause, to haue any man in Englande by his authority publikely pronoun­ced a wicked man and an enemie of religion: that is (as the people commonly terme yt) to be excommunicated. And that, if any man haue any suche commaundement, he doe not exequute yt.

[Page]The statute then doth not embarre, as ye most shameful­ly pretend, all suites to Rome, nor all excommunications, from the Pope: but only that it should not be lawfull to sue to Rome, and procure excommunications, indifferently as wel in temporal as in spiritual matters: as it seemeth many did then. And this doth nothing acrase the Popes ordina­rie authoritie. Now that this is the meaning, your Authour him selfe sufficiently declareth. First when he speaketh but of a parte of the Popes authoritie: then when he sheweth that men sued to Rome for suche causes, as were thought could not be heard there: which must nedes be temporall causes. And therefore ye ouerhipped one whole line and more,M. H [...]rne omitteth a vvhole line that openeth the whol matter againste him. in your translation, thinking by this sleight so craftely to conueie into your theeuish Cacus denne, this sentence, that no man should espie you. And for this purpose where your Authour writeth, pro quauis causa agere, that is, to sue for euery cause, Ye translate, to trie any cause. As though it were al one to say. I forbidde you to sue to Rome for eue­ry cause, and to saie: I forbidde you to sue to Rome for any cause. And as though your Authour Polidore had writē: pro quacunque causa agere, to trie any cause at al. The sta­tute therefore doth not cut of al suites, but some suites: that is, for suche matters as were temporal, or thought so to be. Wherevppō it wil followe, that for all spiritual matters the Popes iurisdiction remained vntouched, and nothing blemi­shed. For these woordes of the statute, that men shoulde not sue in euerie cause to Rome, imploye some causes, for the whiche they might sue to Rome. And so for all your gaie Grammar and ruffling Rhetorique, the Popes autho­ritie is confirmed by this statute, whiche ye bring againste it. And this King Richard confirmed it, and was redie to main­teine [Page 351] it not by words only, but by the sworde also. And therefore caused to be gathered fiftene thousand fotemen, and two thousand horsemen,King Ri­chardes armie ga­thered for the defēce of the Pope. Poli. dict. lib. 20. M. Horn [...] armye a­gainst the Pope. and sent them out of the real­me to defende Pope Vrbane against his ennemie and Anti­pope Clement. You on the other side, in this your victo­riouse booke, haue brought a iolie sorte of souldiers to the field, to fight against the Pope, but when all is well seene and examined, ye doe nothing but muster lies together a­gainst the Pope, as he did men, to fight for the Pope. A farre of, and vppon the sodaine, an vnskilfull man would thinke, ye had a iolie and a well sette armie: but lette him come nigh and make a good view, and then he shal finde nothing but a sorte of scar crowes pricked vppe in mans apparell.

M. Horne The .140. Diuision. pag. 13. a.

The Churche of Rome at this time vvas marueilouslie torne in sunder vvith an horrible Schisme, vvhiche continued about fortie yeares, hauing at ones three heades, calling them selues Popes,De schis. lib. 3. ca. 7 euerie one of them in moste despitefull vvise, calling the other Antichriste, Schismatique, Heretique, tyraunt, thiefe, traitour, the sonne of perdition, sovver of Cockle, the child of Beliall, &c. Diuerse learned men of that time inueighed againste them all three, as Henricus de Hassia, Ioan. Gerson, Theodorych Ny­em, Secretarie before this, to Pope Boniface, vvho proueth at lardge by (.456.) The .456. Vntruth. touching Theodo­dorich Nyem, as shall ap­peare. Pius Pa. 2. Platina. Sabel. good reasons, by the vvoorde of God, and by the Popes Decrees, that the refourmation of these horrible disorders in the Chuche, belong to the Emperour, and the Secular Princes. Sigismunde the noble Emperour, vn­derstanding his duetie herein, amongest other his notable Actes, called a Councell togeather at Constantia, and brought againe to vni­tie the Churche deuided in three partes: whiche Councell (saithe Nauclerus) beganne by the Emperours cōmaundemente and industrye, in the yeare.1414. To the vvhiche Councel came Pope Iohn before thēmperors cōming, thinking to haue (457) The .457. Vntruth. Slaunde­rous. outfaced the Councell vvith his pretensed authoritie, till the Emperoure came: vvho [Page] geauing to all men in the Councel free libertie to speake their mindes, a great companie of horrible vices, were laied straight way to his chardge To the vvhich vvhen he vvas not able to ansvvere he vvas (.458.) The .458. Vntruth, He vvas deposed by the Councell, not by the Em­perour. deposed, and the other tvvo Popes also, and an other (459) The .459. Vntruth He vvas chosen of the Cardi­nals and bishops only, not by them­perour. Vide Nau­cler. gen. 48. pag. 442. co. 2 chosen chieflie by the Emperon [...]s meanes, called Martin the fifte. After these things finished, they entred into communication of a reformati­on bothe of the Clergie and the Laitie, to vvhiche purpose the Emperour had deuised a booke of Constitutions, and also vvilled certaine learned Fathers there, but specially the Bisshoppe of Camera, a Cardinall there presente, to deuise vvhat faultes they could finde, and hovve they shoulde be [...]edressed, not sparing any degree, neyther of the Prelates, nor of the Princes themselues. VVhiche the Bisshoppe did, and compiled a little booke or Libell entituled: A Libell for reformation of the Churche gathered togeather by Peter de Aliaco, &c. And offered to the Chur­che rulers, gathered togeather in Constaunce Councel, by the commaundemente of the Emperoure Sigismunde. & cet. In this In this Libel the popes primacie is clerely confessed as it shall appeare. Libell of refourmation, after he hathe touched the notable enormi­ties in the Pope, in the Courte of Rome, in the Cardinalles, in the Prelates, in Religious personnes, and in Priestes: in exactions, in Canons, and De­cretalles, in collations of benefices, in fastings, in the Diuine Seruice, in Pi­ctures, in making festiuall daies, in making Sainctes, in reading theyr le­gendes in the Churche, in hallovving Temples, in vvoorshipping Reli­ques, in calling Councelles, in making Relligious souldiours, in refourming Vniuersities, in studying liberal Sciences, and knovvledge of the tongues, in repairing Libraries, and in promoting the learned: After all these thinges, being (.460.) The .460 Vntruth: Repairīg of Libra­ries is no Ecclesia­stical matter. Ecclesiasticall matters or causes, he concludeth vvith the dueties of Princes for the looking to the reformation of these matters, or any other that needeth amendement. The sixth (saieth he) and the last consideration shall be of the refourminge of the state of the Laie Christians, and chieflie the Princes, of whose manners dependeth the behauiour of the people, & cet. Let them see also, that they repell all euill customes contrarie to the lawe of God, and the lawe of man in their subiectes, by the Coun­cell of Diuines and other wise men. Also lette them see, that they pul vppe by the rootes, and destroy more diligently then [Page 352] they haue done, Magicall Artes and other superstitions con­demned by the lawe of God, and all errours and heresies con­trarie to the Faith. Item that they watche and care earnestly for the exalting of the Faith, and the honour of Goddes ser­uice, and the refourming of the Churche, that they labour and trauaile diligently for the reformation of althose things which are mentioned afore, or here folowing, or anye other thinges profitable, & caet. VVhen this booke vvas thus compiled, it was of­fered vppe to the Councel (saith Orthvviuus) that the most Chri­stian Emperour Sigismunde had called togeather, not so much for the agreemente of the Churche, as for hope of a generall reformation of their manners: hoping verelye, that the Pre­lates woulde put to their helping handes, but the Romaine craft beguiling the Germaine simplicitie: the new made pope featly flouted the vvell meaning Emperoure, saying that he vvoulde thinke on this matter at laisure, & caet. Thus vvas Sigismunde the Emperour misused, vvhiche othervvise might seeme to haue bene borne to haue restored Christianitie to the vvorlde againe. The frustrating of this refourmation, vvas on the o­ther side, no lesse grieuouse vnto the Frenche Kinge,Naucler. that bothe before the time of the Councell, and in the Councell vvhile, had greatly trauailed in taking avvay the Popes ex [...]ctions, and other Ecclesiasticall abuses, vvher­vvith his Realme vvas vvonderfully oppressed: as appeareth in the Ora­tion that the Frenche Kings Embassadours made in this Councell, vvritten by Nicol. de Clemangijs, and set forth in Othvvynus Gratius far­dell of notable things.

After this Councell, vvas an other holden at Basil, vvhither came the Princes of Spaine, Fraunce, Hungary, and Germany: vvhiche dooinges of the Princes made pope Eugenius so to feare, that he (.461.) The .461. Vntruth. He tran­slated the Councell in deede, not only thoughte so to do. thought to translat the Coūcel to Bononia. But the Emperour and other princes, and the prelates whiche vvere at Basill, not onlye not obeyed him, but tvvise or thrise admonished him to come thither. This [...]pe vvas in this Coūcel (.462.) The .462. Vntruth. For he cōtinued Pope af­ter that Councell, as long as he liued. deposed in the .34. sessiō. Of this Coūcel, the Em­perour Sigismōde vvas the chiefe, and protector, and in his absence appointed the Duke of Bauaria in his roome. He caused the Bohemes to come to this [Page] Councell. And whan he hearde of those matters in Religion, which were generally agreed vppon, he allowed them, and commaunded them to be obserued.

The .35. Chapter. Of Sigismund and Friderike the .3. Emperours.

Stapleton.

MAister Horne, for goddes sake remember your self, and what ye haue taken in hande, to proue to M. Fekenhā, that is, that the Quene of Englāde owght to be supreame head of the Churche of Englande, and not the Pope. Remēber I pray you how weighty this is to M. Fekenham as for the which, beside this his longe imprison­ment, he standeth in daunger of losse of lyfe also. Goe ones rowndly to your matter and bringe him some fytte and cō ­uenient proufe to perswade him withal.M. Hor­nes to impertinēte proufes for so weighty a matter. Ye rūne on a thre leaues following, with the doinges of the Emperours Si­gismonde, Friderike, and Maximilian, and then at length after all your busie rufle and greate turmoyle againste the Pope, ye come to kinge Henry the .8. and to our owne dayes. Nowe howe litle the doinges of these Emperours proue their supreamacie in all causes ecclesiastical,Cōcernīg thempe­rour Sigismundus. euerie childe may see. And to beginne with Sigismond: we heare of you, that in the tyme of the great and mayne schisme, he called a councell at Constantia, where three Popes were deposed, and that thē Martine the .5. was ( [...]he [...]st [...]r by the Em­perors meanes) chosen. We heare of a booke of reformatiō offred to themperour, for the abuses of some matters ec­clesiastical. But in al that boke there is not one word either against the Catholike faythe, or for M. Hornes heresies. Onely he reherseth vp certayne abuses, which he woulde haue amended.

[Page 353]And as for our matter nowe in hande, he sayth expressely that the Church of Rome beareth the Principalyte or chief rule in Christes Church: deriued principally from Gods ordinaunce, Vide Petrū de aliaco: impres. Basill. in 8. an. 1551. and secondarely from the Coūcels. What doth this relieue you M. Horne? We heare farder, that themperour and other princes would not suffer the pope to trāslate the Councell of Basile to an other place: and finally that the pope Eu­genius was deposed in the foresayd Councell at Basile. But what serueth all this for your purpose? Yea what shameles impudencie is this for yow, thus to vaunte your selfe,M. Horn [...] gospel cō demned in the coū cel at Cō ­stantia by him alleaged. Tom. 4. Concil. pa. 104. Edit. vlt. vppō the doings of these two councels, that cōdemne your great Apostle Wiccliffe for an horrible heretyke, and so conse­quently al your Geneuical doctrine now practised in Eng­land? And ye must remember, that not themperour, but the Councel deposed these popes, that is, the bishops. You doe fynde theire sentence definityue, in the .34. Session of the Councel of Basill by your selfe alleaged. But for the sentēce definitiue of themperour, for theis depositions, or any mat­ter of religion, ye shall not fynd. Ergo the bisshops were the heads, and not themperour. And so are ye nothing the nea­rer for the deposition of Eugenius. Who yet,Cōcernīg the pretē ­sed depo­sition of pope Eu­genius. Ievvel, in his Reply pag. 289. c this depositiō notwithstanding, continued pope still (as M. Iewell him selfe witnesseth against you M. Horne) and the duke of Sa­uoye (of whome ye make mention in your nexte argumēt) elected in Eugenius his place, by the sayde councell, was fayne to renounce his papacy, as your selfe confesse. And notwithstanding so many and so great princes, that ye name withstode the translation of yt, yet was the councell of Ba­sill translated to Ferraria first, and thē to Florence: where the greke Emperour and the Grecians were reconciled to the vnity of the Church, and among other things, acknowled­ged [Page] the Popes Primacy. So that ye haue nowe lost all your goodly schismaticall argumentes that ye haue in this your book brought out of Nilus and otherwise for the Grecians rebellion against the sayd primacy.Vide Theo­dorichi [...] de Nyem Norimberg. impr. An. 1532. De schis. lib. 3 ca. 7. But what doe you tell vs here of Theodorike Nyem, and of his greate and large proufes, that the reformation of the Church belonged to the Emperours? In dede proue he would such a matter. But as for him, bothe his maner of writing is so course, and his proufs so weake, that you were ashamed to bring any one of thē into the face of the opē Court. And in very dede, it is but a great vntruth of yours so to reporte of him. Namely out of that booke and Chapter which you alleage. For ther he bringeth neither good reason, nor any parte of the word of God (both which you auouche him to bring, and that at large) but only one sentence of a decree, and the exāple of king Theodorike, in the matter of pope Symachus: which matter (as I haue before proued) maketh expressely for the popes primacy. Such a discrete writer you haue picked out to help forward so badde a matter. But to let this mā passe, I will nowe aske yow whether thēperour toke pope Mar­tinus for the head of the whole Church,Naucl. Gener. 48. pag. 442. Ante pōti­ficē prostratus cum summa veneratione eius pedes osculatus est. or no? Yf ye say he did, as the force of truth will cōpell you, then to what ende haue ye so busied your self with the doings of this Empe­rour? Yf ye say he did not, thē wil I send you to your owne authour Nauclerus of whom ye shall heare, that not them­perour, but the Cardinals elected Martinus: and that them­perour as sone as he was elected, fell flatte and prostrate before him, and with much reuerence kissed his feete. Now againe if as ye say, he allowed, and commaunded such thinges as the councell agreed vppon in matters of relligion to be obser­ued (this agreemēt being as it was in dede against your new [Page 354] religiō) what doe ye, but blowe your own cōdemnatiō, ma­king it as strong as may be against your own self? How Emperours haue cōfirmed councels, I haue oftē declared.M. Horn blovveth out his ovvn cō ­dēnation. This therfore I let passe, as a stale argumēt, according to promise.

But now let me be so bold, as ones to appose you M. Horn. Who was (I pray you) at this tyme, supreame head of the Church in England? Did king Henrie the .5. take him selfe (trowe ye) to be this head? I suppose ye dare not say it for shame. And if ye dare, thē dare I be so bold to tel you, it is a most notoriouse lie: and withall that in case it were so, yet did he euē about the same time that Wiccleff and his schol­lers were cōdemned in the Coūcell of Cōstantia,Anno. 2. Henr. 5. cap. 7. cōdemne thē as fast by act of parliament in Englād. And it was (I may say to you) high time. For your good bretherne had cōspi­red to adnulle, destroy, and subuert not only the Christian fayth, ād the law of God, ād holy Church within the realm: but also to destroy the kīg,The sta­tute made agaīst he­resies in the tyme of kinge Henry the .5. ād al maner of estats of the realm aswel spiritual as tēporal: ād all maner of pollicy, and finally the lawes of the lād. As it is more at large cōprised in an act of parliamēt, made at that time. In the which it was ordey­ned, ād established, that: first the Chauncelor, Treasorer, Iustices of the one bench ād of the other, iustices of peace, Sherifs, mayors baylifs of cities ād townes, ād all other officers hauing the gouer­nance of people, or that at any tyme afterward shulde haue the sayd gouernaunce, shuld take an othe in taking of their charge to put theire whole power and diligence to put out, cease ād de­stroy al maner of errours and heresies, cōmonly then called Lol­lardries, within the place where they exercised theire offices. And thus neither abrode, nor at home, can ye fynde any good matter, for the defence of your newe primacy, and your damnable heresies.

M. Horne. The .141. Diuision. pag. 84. b.

Nauclerꝰ. After the death of Sigismonde, Frederike the Emperour caused the Duke of Sauoy,The .463. vntruth. In reaso­ning. For this Fre­derike, tooke the Pope for Supreme head of the Church, as his predecessour did.that vvas made Pope, to renounce his Papacy, and commaun­ded by his Decree, the Prelates gathered at Basill, to dissolue the Councell by a certaine daie. This Emperour called a Coū ­cell at Mentze, to make an ende, and vtterly to take away the Schisme of the Church, and to deliuer it from more greuous daungers. He vvriteth to the Frenche Kinge thereof, declaring hovv this Schisme did so oppresse his minde, and feruētly sollicite him, that as well for his loue to Religion, as for his office called of God, to be the Chiefe, Aduocat, Not Su­preme Gouer­nour. chiefe aduocate of the Churche, he did not onely runne with diligence to succour it, but stirred vp al kin­ges and Princes, that with a pure sinceritie, delighted in the name of Christe, to runne with him in this so necessary and healthfull a worke, and to this purpose, he declareth hovve, he hath appointed to all his princes and prelates an assembly at Mentze, whereat he entendeth to be personally present, and therefore desireth the Frenche kinge also to bee there in his ovvne persone, or at the least that he vvoulde sende his Ora­tours thither, instructed distinctly vvith all vvaies and meanes, by the vvhiche the Churche might be quiet from the calami­ties ready to fall on her. Pope Eugenius sent to the Frenche king, to desire him to take a vvay his (.464.)The .464 vntruth. As before For the makers of this pragma­tical lawe acknovv­leaged the popes primacy. pragmaticall Lavve. To vvhom the king ansvvered, that he vvould haue it kept inuiolatly. Then the Pope desidered the king neither to admit [...] Basill coūcel, nor yet the coūcel at Mētze, that vvas called: to the vvhich the kīg ansvvered, that he vvold take aduise.

Stapleton.

Here is small or no matter for M. Hornes newe Prima­cie, and that he here reherseth maketh rather agaynst him, then with him. For though M. Horne sayed in the last ar­gument, that pope Eugenius was deposed, yet is he nowe pope styll, and thother set in his place, faine to geue ouer: And though the princes would not obeye Eugenius, for the dissoluing of the Councell of Basile: yet nowe it is dis­solued [Page 355] by the Emperour Friderike also. And what answere so euer the French King made to Eugenius, touching the sayed Basile Councell, the Councell is no further allowed in the Catholike Church, then Eugenius and his successour Nicolaus did allowe the same. And (as ye shewe your selfe) themperour Friderike saieth, that by his office he was cal­led of God, to be the chiefe Aduocate of the Church. He saieth not, the chiefe head of the Church, the which ho­nour he did attribute, not to him selfe, but to the Pope only, of whome he was crowned, as his predecessours were. These also are but stale wares, and much woren. And for such I let them passe. As for the Frenche King and hys pragmatical sanction, which Charles his predecessour had made, and whiche he at the requeste of Pope Eugenius, would not reuoke: it contained no such matter, as you M. Horne doe attribute to princes nowe, neyther was that gouernement like to that which you nowe defend. This pragmaticall sanction stode most about monye matters: It denied to the Court of Rome, the great payements which went out of Fraunce, about Reseruations, collations, ex­pectations, and cōmendoes of bishoprickes, prebendes and benefices. Great and long contention there was betwene certaine Kings of Fraunce, as Charles the .vij. and the .viij. Loys .xj. and .xij. Frauncis the first, and certaine Popes, as this Eugenius,Lib. 5. c. 2. sacr. eccles. minist. Pius .2. Sixtus .4. Innocentius .8. Alexander .6. Iulius the .2. and Leo the .10. as Duarenus a vehement wri­ter for the French Kings aduantage mencioneth.

But notwythstanding all these matters, the Popes su­preme Authoritie in matters of Fayth and ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction was not denied. For witnesse hereof I bring you the wordes of the Court of Paris, vttered among the [Page] Articles which they proposed to the King, about this mat­ter,Vide Dua­renum. de sacris eccles. mi­nist. lib. 5. cap. 12. & in append. pro libert. eccles. Ga. defens. as Duarenus him selfe recordeth them. In the number .19. thus they say. Ante omnia protestatur Curia &c. Before all thinges the Court protesteth, that it mindeth not to dero­gat any thing from the holynesse, dignity, honour, and Autho­rity of the Pope and the holy Apostolike See. But rather it is rea­dy to shewe and exhibit, all honour, reuerence and obedience, that euery godly and faithfull person ought to shewe to the chief Pastour of the Churche. And yf any thing fall out, worthy of amendement, it refuseth not to submitte them selues to the de­termination of the Church, which can not erre. C.A recta .24. q. 1. By which allegatiō they proteste to meane the Church of Rome. For so in that place we reade out of the Aunciēt decretal epistle of Pope Luciꝰ .1. How thē do you proue M. Horn by this exāple the like gouernement in the Church cau­ses, as you now attribute to the Q. Mai. and as you take vpō you here to proue? Graūte M. Horn to the See Apostolike now, as the Court of Paris graūted thē, and thē looke howe and with what conscience you may take the Othe, which now you defend, or by what reason you cā moue M. Fekē ­hā thereunto.Par. Vrsp. I would haue you ones brīg some exāple, that made not playn against you, and your whole booke.

M. Horne. The .142. Diuision. pag. 85. a.

Pius the seconde, sent his Legate the Cardinal of Cusa, into the coun­treis of Sigismond Duke of Austria, vvhich Legate, when he woulde haue ordeined certain (.465.)The .465. vntruthe. His Au­thor mē ­cioneth no Eccle­siasticall Constitu­tions Ecclesiasticall constitutions ac­cording to the Popes Lawe: Sigismonde the Duke, would not suffer that such a custome should come into Germany.

Aeneas Syluius, vvho after he vvas made Pope, vvas called Pius the seconde, vvas of this minde before he vvas Pope, that secular Princes might cal councels, yea, (.466.)The 466. vntruthe. Aeneas Syl. neuer said so. maugre the Popes head, and therefore commen­deth that deuise of Charles the Frenche king which (saith he) is both a [Page 356] saulf and a short way to stil this mischiefe. He meaneth to take a­vvay the Schisme and to restore vnity to the Churche. Of the same (.467.)The .467. vntruthe. Cusanus vvas of a far other minde as shal ap­peare. Li. 3. ca. 13 minde also vvas [...]is Cardinal de Cusa, as appeareth in his booke, Epist. 54. ad Cācel. Imperat. De Cō ­cordia Catholica, saying. By that which is a foresaide, it is gathe­red, that the holy Emperours alwaies, made the Synodical cō ­gregations of vniuersal councels of the whole Chu [...]che: and euen so I my selfe, hauing sought throughly the Actes of al the vniuersal councels, euen til the eight councel inclusiue, cele­brated in the time of Basil, I haue found it to be true: and so al­so in the same eight Synod in the fift Act therof, we reade, that the most reuerende priest Elias and Syncellus, of the trone of Hierusalem in the hearinge of al, spake thus: Knowe you that in the tymes past, they were the Emperours, which gathered together Synods frō out of the whole vvorld, ād they collected their deputies, to the disposing of such maner causes:Par. Vrsp. Cū venisset ad ecclesiā suā Brixi­ensem in alpibꝰ de (que) illa dispo­nere volu­isset pro veteri pon­tificū iure, non passus est Sigis­mundus dux Au­striae, vt ea in Germa­niā tende­retur con­suetudo, quòd Ro­mani Car­dinales ecclesias Germania haberent in commendis. VVhose steps therfore our Emperor folovving, being also a worshipper of God, hath made this vniuersal Synod. Thus said he there, ād I haue also redde in the litle glosse of Anastasius (the library-keper of the Apostolical sea, who translated the same Synode out of Greke) vpon the same, saying: that the Emperours were vvont to gather vniuersal Synodes from al the vvorld, &c.

The .36. Chapter. Of Aeneas Syluius, who was after, Pope Pius .2. and of Cardinal Cusanus.

Stapleton.

YOu run stil at riot M. Horne, bringing in your matters extraordinarely and impertinently, and yet adioyned with one lye beside. For your autor speketh not of the ordeining of any ecclesiasticall constitution, by the Popes Legat, but that themperor would not suffer him to receiue the profits of the Church he had in commendo, neither any such custome to be brought into Germanye. Ye are then in hande ones agayne that Princes maye call Councelles. But when ye tell vs this owte of Aeneas Syluius, and [Page] tell vs withall, that before he was pope, he was of that minde, that secular princes might call Councelles: if he were not also of that minde being pope, why tell you this tale against your selfe?Bulla re­tractatio­nū Pij. 2. Venetijs an. 1564. vnà cum Cardilio. Louanij. an. 65. Paris. an. eodem. Had you read M. Horne that no­table letter of Recantation, which this Aeneas Syluius in his riper yeares and later dayes (after the example of S. Au­gustin retracting in like maner diuers thinges) sent to the Vniuersytie of Collen, sette forth fewe yeres past in diuers editions, you woulde not for very shame (if any shame be in you) ones haue mentioned the testimony of this man. In that Bulle of retractatiō (forseing as he sayth him self the ob­iection that woulde be made) he retracteth and reuoketh this errour which in his youthe at the Councel at Basill he had lerned, that the Coūcel was aboue the Pope. In which he declareth at large by what meanes, by whose aduise and counsell, he was first persuaded so to thinke, howe also he was agayne brought backe from that errour, and amonge other meanes by the persuasion of that most lerned Cardi­nall Iulianus sancti Angeli, who firste at Basill was for the Councell against pope Eugenius, but after (as after him all other) reconciled him selfe to the pope, was his legate in the Councell of Florence, (where most lernedly he confuted the Grekes, and reduced them al (only Marcus of Ephesus excepted) to the Catholike doctrine of the holy Ghoste, and to the vnyte of the Romain Church) and last of al ser­ued him in embassy against the Turk. He proueth by Scri­pture, by natural Reason, by Authorytie of the Doctours, that Peter and his successours are the Supreme Vicairs of Christ, that the Church to whome Christ gaue his Pacē meā do vobis, Pacem relinquo vo­bis. peace, must of necessytie haue that kinde of regiment, by which peace may most be mayntained and preserued, which only [Page 357] is the state of Monarchy, where one Heade gouerneth the whole body, and last, by S. Hierom, and S. Bernard that the bishop of Rome S. Peters Successour, is that one Head. Af­ter al which he cōcludeth. Haec nos de Romani Pontificis Au­thoritate & potestate sentimus, cui & cōgregare Concilia gene­ralia & dissoluere datum est: qui etsi filius est propter regenera­tionem, propter dignitatē tamen pater habetur, & sicut propter regenerationis causam venerari debet Ecclesiam tanquam Ma­trem, ita & propter praelationis causam praeest ei vt pastor gre­gi, princeps populo, Rector familiae. This is our Iudgement of the Authoritye and power of the Bisshop of Rome. To whome it belongeth both to summon general Councelles, and to dissolue them. Who though he be a childe of the Churche for his regeneration and newe birthe therein (by baptisme) yet he is for his dignity and office her Father. And as he ought to Reuerence the Churche as his Mo­ther, because he was borne of her: so he ruleth the Church also, as a Pastour the flocke, as a Prince his people, and as a maister his family, because he is made the Ruler of her. A­gain in his very last words of that retractatiō thus he spea­keth to the Vniuersity of Collē. Haec nostra sententia est filij. Haec credimus & profitemur: haec iam senes & in Apostolatus apice constituti pro veritate asserimus: si quae vel vobis vel aliis conscripsimus aliquando, quae huic doctrinae repugnent, illa tan­quam erronea & iuuenilis animi parum pensata iudicia reuoca­mus at (que) omnino respuimus. This is (my sonnes) our Iudgemēt. This we beleue and professe. This we now affirm in our old age, ād placed in the Apostolik top. If at any tyme we haue writen any thing either to you or to any other, contrary to this doctrin, al those things we now reuoke and vtterly re­peale for erroneous, and light opiniōs of youthely affectiō. [Page] Lo M. Horn. For your Aeneas: we answere you with Pius: for your younge, vnkilful and lesse aduised, we answere you by the old,Ne (que) vn­quā sacros imbuimus ordines, ni si post veri­tatē cognitā Basiliē si coecitate relicta. the more lerned, and the better aduised: for your priuat and lay mā (for he had yet takē no holy orders when he returned to the obediēce of Pope Eugenius) we answer you with the Bishop ād the chief of al Bishops. You must re­mēbre M. Horne, that alwaies: [...].

Next to Aeneas Syluiꝰ cometh the Cardin. de Cusa, one that maketh as much for M. Horn as a rope doth for a thefe. Haue you sene M. Horn that Cardinals book, which you allege de Cōcordia Catholica? If not, thē beshrew your frend that told you of hī? If yes, thē tel vs I pray you, how like you him, ād his cōclusiōs in that work? How like you his cōclusiō in the .2. book,Cusanꝰ de Concordia Cath. li. 2. Cap. 4. proued by the clere practise of the Chalcedō ād the Ephesin Coūcel, fidē Romanae Ecclesiae in nulla Synodo vniuer­sali retractari posse? That the faith of the Church of Rome cā be reuoked in no vniuersal Synod or Councel generall? For thē what wretches are you, and how cōtrary to the Fa­thers of the first general Coūcels, and of the first .400. yers, which haue in your pelting priuat conuocations reuoked and cōdēned in so many and waighty points the faith of the Church of Rome? How like you, that he telleth how in the old first general Coūcels, not only the holy ghospels, but al­so lignū S. Crucis & aliae reliquiae, a piece of wod of the holy Crosse,Cap. 6. ād other relikes were layed forth in the midle? How like you that he saith.Cap. 9. Ecclesiastici Canones nō possunt nisi per ecelesiasticā cōgregationē (quae Synodus vel coetus dicitur) statui? Canōs or rules touchīg Church matters cānot be determi­ned but by ā ecclesiastical assēbly, which is called a Synod or cōpany, no doubt but of ecclesiastical persons? For if this be true (as Cusanꝰ ther by the practise ād Canōs of the Church [Page 358] proueth ir most true) thē hath Cusanus vtterly ouerthrowē your new primacy, ād in one lyne geuē you an other pawne mate to your whole boke. For here lo are plainly excluded al Prīces ād other laye magistrats whatsoeuer, who are par­dy no ecclesiastical persons. How like you that he pronoū ­ceth assuredly and cōstātly, saying.Cap. 13. Papā esse rectorē nauiculae S. Petri & vniuersalis Ecclesiae, nemo etiā dubitat. That the Pope is the ruler of S. Peters ship, ād of the vniuersal Church no mā verely doubteth. But how say you M. Horn? doubte you, or doubt you not? How like you again where he affir­meth ād proueth the same substātially, as whē he saith.Cap. 15. Et verū est &c. And true it is that no iudgemēt of any Synod is auaile­able, wher the autority of the See Apostolik cōcurreth not? wher be thē your Lōdō conuocatiōs? But how proueth he this? the reason he geueth. Quia semper appellari potest &c. Bicause it may alwaies be appeled, frō the Iudgmēt of that Synod to the See Apostolik. So we reade (saith he) of the Patriarches of Cōstātino­ple, Flauianus, Ignatius, ād other: so of Athanasius, of Alexādria and other we reade that thei appealed (frō Synods of Bishops) to the See Apostolik. So also Chrysostome frō a Synod of the Aegyptiā bishops appealed to Innocētiꝰ the Pope. So Theo­doretus frō the Ephesin cōuenticle ād his owne Patriarche Maximꝰ of Antioch, appealed to Pope Leo, as I haue other wher agaīst M. Iewel declared: How like you this doctrin of Cusanꝰ M. Horn? As also wher he saith again expressely.Cap. eodē. Fateor de cōstitutionibus fidē tāgētibus verū esse, quòd si Sedis Apostolicae Autoritas nō interueniat, ratae nō sint, imò & ipsiꝰ Pō tificis cōsensus interuenire debet, cū sit princeps in episcopatu fi­dei. I confesse it is true of Constitutions concerninge faith, that yf the Authoritie of the See Apostolike doe wante, they are of no valewe, yea the consent of the Pope him selfe ought to concurre in such case, because he beareth [Page] the chiefe rule, in the bishoply charge of fayth. Which last wordes Cusanus had lerned of the Emperours Valentinian and Marcian in their letters to pope Leo,Vide prae­ambulares Epistol. Cōc. Cha. Tom. 1. pag. 733 aboue a .xi. hun­dred yers past. How like you now M. Horn, tel me of good felowship, this Cardinal of Cusa, out of whom so sadly you alleage such a longe processe? Howe so euer you like it, it is of vs, and of euery diligent Reader, very well to be liked, and diligētly to be noted: I meane these testimonies of Cu­sanus, not bicause he sayeth it, but bicause he proueth it so by the olde practise of the primitiue Churche. But es­pecially it is to be noted, that this Cusanus writinge this booke De Concordia Catholica, about the time of the Coun­cell of Basill, and writinge it expressely not for the pope, but againste the pope, for the Authorytie of the Councell aboue the pope,Cardillus disput. 1. fol. 19. Decanus Sancti Florini Con­fluentiae. Lib. 2. ca. vltimo. Nihil de meis con­ceptibus adeòfirmū assero, quī peritioribꝰ dicam po­tius ac­quiescen­dum. and for the Authoryte of the Emperour as muche as he coulde, yet by the very force of the truthe, which in dede lernedly and paynefully he serched out, he was constrained to say and conclude for the popes Autho­rytie, as we haue before recited largely and amply, though not in dede so fully and absolutely, as bothe he and Aeneas Syluius afterwarde did, by reuokinge their former errours, in their riper ages. For this Cusanꝰ whē he wrote this, was not yet Cardinall, but only the deane of a Church in Coue­lēce. And in all his positions where he speaketh against the Commō opiniō of lerned mē touching the popes primacie, aboue the general Councel (for otherwise he neuer denied it) he submitteth him self to better iudgement, and speaketh vnder correction. Nowe to drawe nerer to your allegatiō M. Horne, concerning the Emperours Authorytie in cal­ling of Councels, if you take Cusanus with his whole mea­ning therein, you shall find small reliefe for your desperat [Page 397] cause. If you admitte not his whole meaning, nor will not tary his tale out, M. Iewel wil tel you M. Horne: that is no good maner. And he will tell you of a lawe that sayeth. It is againste reason that one man shoulde in parte allowe the will of the dead, Ievvel in his reply. Art. 4. pag. 290. (so farre forthe as it maketh for him) and in parte ouerthrowe it, where it semeth to make against him. Lette vs then heare the whole meaninge of Cusa­nus, concerninge the Authorytie that Emperours haue in callinge, assistinge and confirming of Councelles, euen in that booke where he sayeth all he can for the Emperours. Verely maister Horne in all that booke he neuer calleth the Emperour supreame gouernour in all matters, no not in any matter Ecclesiasticall. He sayeth the Emperour is truly called Aduocatus vniuersalis Ecclesiae, Cusanus de Cō. Ca. lib. 3. c. 7. the Aduocat or protectour of the vniuersall Churche. And wherein, he declareth out of the .8. Generall Councel. For, sayth he, as the Authoryte to define and determine those thinges that belonge to the right and vniuersall faythe of Christe is com­mitted of God to Priestes: so to gouerne, to confirme, and to preserue those thinges that are of God by the Priestes orday­ned, it is committed to the holy Empire. And this he graun­teth to the Emperour onely, not to other seuerall prin­ces and kinges, bicause he speaketh onely herein of mat­ters touchinge the vniuersall faith of the Church. Where­in also he so farre preferreth the pope before the Empe­rour, that he sayeth. Si papa qui in Episcopatu fidei princi­patum gerit, electum in fide errare inueniret, declarare posset, Ibidem. eum non esse Imperatorem. If the pope who beareth the principalytie in the bishoply charge of Fayth,Chalc. Act. 3. fol. 838. should finde the Emperour elected, to erre in the fayth, he might pronoūce him no Emperor. In the next chapter he proueth very wel [Page] out of the Chalcedon Councell, the Councells of Milleui­tum and of Cabylon, that in matters properly ecclesiasticall belonging to bishops and clerckes,Chalced. Act. 3. fol. 838. Cabilon. Cōc. ca. 6. Milleuit. cap. 19. Cusan. l. 3. Cap. 10. Emperours and princes ought not to intermedle. Nowe touching the intermed­ling of Emperours and princes with Councelles, firste he sheweth by the examples of Riccharedus Chintillanus and Sysenandus kinges of Spayne in .iij. seuerall Councelles of Toletum (which also we haue before shewed) with what mekenes, reuerence and humilite princes ought to come to Councells. And wheras in many Synodes, matters also of the common welthe were debated, he declareth by the practise of Aunciente time, that In Synodicis congregationi­bus &c. Cap. 12. In Synodall assemblyes (of particular prouinces) the office of the kinge is to mete there, to exhorte and to strengthē to obey and to execute the ecclesiastical cōstitutions, such as be­longe to fayth or to the worshipping of God. But in such cōstitu­tions as belonge to the publike state (of the common welthe) he must together with the bishops define and determine. In all which he ouerthroweth clerely your position M. Horne, as you see. And here after this in the next chapter immedi­atly foloweth the place by you alleaged:Lib. 3. c. 13 By that which is a­foresayd it is gathered, that Emperors made alwayes the Synodal congregations of vniuersall Councels of the whole worlde &c. For this he speaketh only of General Councels, adding im­mediatly in the same sentence, which sentence you quyte cutte of from the ende: Locales verò nunquam eos legitur col­legisse. But prouinciall Synodes it is neuer read that Em­perours called. And in the nexte Sentence he concludeth howe he called the generall Councelles. Non quòd coa­ctiuè sed exhortatiuè, colligere debeat. Not that the Emperour should cal or gather those Councels by the way of force or [Page 360] cōmaundement but by the way of exhortation and aduise. And this he exemplifieth very well by the Councell of A­quileia whereat S. Ambrose was present. Vnto the which the bishops were so called by the Emperours Gratian,Tom. 1. Conc. pag. 395. Valē ­tinian, and Theodosius (as in their epistle the Councel agni­seth) vt episcopis honorificentia reseruata, nemo de esset volens, nemo cogeretur inuitus: that dewe reuerēce beīg reserued to the bishops, none was absent that listed to come, nor none was forced that listed not to come. Nowe the reason why the Emperour may cal only General Councels, none pro­uinciall, Cusanus addeth. For (saieth he) when any generall daungers of fayth do occurre, or any other thing that vniuersally troubleth the Church of Christ, then ought the Emperour him self to attende, as a preseruer both of the fayth and of the peace: and thē he ought first of all to signifie to the bishop of Rome the necessyte of a Councel: and requyre his consent for assembling a Councell in some certayne place. As the Emperours Martiā and Valentinian did to pope Leo for the Chalcedō Councell. Inuitā ­tes at (que) rogantes: Inuitinge him and desiringe him.In praeāb. Cōc. Cha. pa. 733. In epist ad Agathonē As Con­stantin the .4. did to pope Agatho for the .6. general Coun­cell at Constantinople, writing thus vnto him. Adhorta­mur vestram paternam Beatitudinem, We exhorte your fa­therly blessednes, vsinge all wordes of gentle intreaty, and none of forceable commaundemente as we haue before largely declared. To be short,Lib. 3. ca. 14. in fine. Cusanus concludeth al this Imperiall callinge of Councelles in these wordes. Ista sunt & cat. These are the thinges that belonge to the Emperour, tou­chinge the beginninge of a Councell, that is, to assemble it with exhortation, and with sauegarde, with all liberty, with good custody, all partialytie taken away, and all necessyte of commaundement.

[Page]Nowe if you wil knowe, what difference there is betwene the calling of the Pope, and the calling of the Emperour, to a Councel, Cusanus declareth that also shortly by the pra­ctise of the first Councels thus. Papa vt primus &c. The Pope calleth a General Councel (for of such he speaketh) as the chief, Cap. 15. and as hauing a power to cōmaunde, through the principality of his priesthood ouer all bisshops, touching that assembly which cō cerneth the vniuersal state of the Church, in the which he bea­reth the chiefe charge. By the which power committed vnto him, he may commaūd the faithful to assemble, chiefly al priestes subiect vnto him. But the Emperour exhorteth or counselleth the Bisshops, and commaundeth the Laye. Thus much your own Authour Cusanus (M. Horne) concerning the Em­perours Authority in calling of Councels. I suppose if you take his whole meaning, your cause wil be but weakely re­lieued by him. And I think you wishe nowe, you had neuer alleaged him.

M. Horne The .143. Diuision. pag. 85. b.

Next vnto Frederike vvas M [...]ximilian Emperour, to vvhome the Princes of Germany put vp certaine greuaunces in Ecclesiasticall matters, that anoied the Empire, in number .10. Against Bulles, Priuileges, Electiōs, reseruatiōs, expectatiues, Annates, vnfit pastours, pardōs, tythes, ād the spiri­tual courtes &c. beseching hī, to haue some redresse herin. VVho being moued vvith the admonitions, aduisementes and exhortations of the learned Cler­gy, and the godly Princes, at the length called a Councel at Triers and Co­layn, for the redresse of these and other enormities, in the yeere of the Lord: 1512. vvhich vvas the fourth yeere of the moste renoumed King of Englād, King Henry the eight. Para. Vrsp. In this Councel amongest other thinges be­cause there was a suspicion of a Schisme breedinge, and of greauaunces in the Churche, it vvas necessarily decreed, that the Emperour and Princes electours, vvith other Princes and states of the Empire, should looke about them, and vvel cō ­sult [Page 361] by what means, these greeues might be taken away most commodiouslie, and the Schisme remoued, and euill thinges reformed to edification. It was decreed also against blasphe­mours, to paie either a somme of money limited, or to suffer death. And that all men should knowe this decree, it was thought good to the Princes, and states of the Empire, that al Preachers and persones, should at all high feastes preache vn­to the people thereof faithfully. This being done. Maximilian sette forth a decree for the taking avvaie of the foresaied Ecclesiastical greuaun­ces: vvherein he declareth, Orth. Grat. that though of clemencie he haue suffered the Pope and the Clergie herein, as did his Father Frederik: Yet not with­standing sith that by his liberality, the worshippe and seruice of God hath fallen to decaie, it apperteineth vnto his dutie, whom God hath chosen vnto the Emperial Throne of Rome, that amongest all other moste great businesses of peace and warres, that he also looke aboute him vigilantlie, that the Church perishe not, that Regilion decaie not, that the wor­shippe of the seruice of God, be not diminished &c. In confide­ration vvhereof, he prouideth, that a man hauing in any Citie a Canonship or Vicarshippe, enioy not any prebende of an other Church in the same Ci­tie, &c. Making other decrees againste suinge in the Ecclesiasticall Courtes for benefices, for defence of Lay mens Patronages, for pensions against bulles, and cloked Symonie &c.

After this, the (.468.)The 468. vntruthe The Em­peror did not con­clude to haue that cōuēticle Emperour and Levvys the French King, conclu­ded togeather to call a (.469)The 469. vntruth. It vvas a priuate conuen­ticle, no generall Councel. generall Councell at Pise: to the vvhich also agreed a great part of the Popes Cardinals. Many (saith (.470.)The 470. vntruth. No such thing to be found in Sabel­licus. Sabelli­cus) began to abhorre the Popes Courts, saying, that al things were defiled with filthy lucre, with monstruous and wicked lustes, with poisonings, Sacrilegies, murders, and Symoniacal faiers, and that Pope Iulius him selfe vvas a Symoniake, a dron­karde, a beaste, a worldling, and vnworthelye occupied the place, to the destruction of Christendome, and that there was no remedie, but a General Councel to be called, to helpe these mischiefes, to the which his Cardinalles accordng to his othe, desired him, but they could not obteine it of him.

[Page]Maximilian the Emperour, being the Authour of it, with Lewes the Frenche King (because the histories doe beare re­corde, that in times past the Emperours of Rome had wont to appoint Councels) they appoint a Coūcell to be holdē at Pyse.

The .37. Chapter. Of Maximilian the Emperour: Great Gran­father to Maximilian the Emperour which now liueth.

Stapleton.

THough Maximilian the Emperour redressed certaine grieuaunces, that the Churches of Germanie suffred through paiements to the Romaine Court, as did the French Kings about the same time, yet did he not thereby challenge the Popes Supremacy, but most reuerētly obeied the same, as did (this notwithstanding) the French Kings al­so, as I haue before declared. Which (to omitte al other ar­guments) appeareth wel by his demeanour, at his later dai­es, in the first starting vppe of your Apostle, I shoulde saye Apostata Martin Luther: and also by the protestation of his nexte successour Charles the fift of famous memorie, protesting openlye at his first dyet holden in Germanie at Wormes,Vide Pon­tanū lib. 2. Rerū me­morab. pag. 52. that he woulde followe the approued Relligion of his moste Noble Progenitours of the house of Austria, of whome this Maximilian was his Graundfather. Whose Relligion and deuotion to the See of Rome from time to time, his nephew Charles in that assemblye extolleth and setteth forthe as a most honourable and worthy example. Whiche in him howe great it was, if nothing els, yet your deape silence in this place, of so noble an Emperour, vn­der whome suche importante concurrents befell geaue vs well to vnderstande. For had there bene in him the least [Page 362] inkling in the worlde of any inclining to your factious sect, he shoulde not thus haue escaped the famouse Chronicle of this your infamouse Libell. And yet verely as wel you might haue broughte him, and Ferdinand his brother, yea and our late Gratiouse Soueraigne Queene Marie too, for example of gouernemente in Ecclesiasticall causes, as you haue broughte Maximilian his predecessour, and a number of other Emperours before.

As for the Generall Councell, that you saye Maximilian and Lewys the Frenche King, called at Pyse, it was neuer taken for anye Generall Councell, nor Councell at all, but a schismaticall assemblie procured against Pope Iulius by a fewe Cardinalles, whome he had depriued of their Eccle­siasticall honour. And it was called onely by the meanes of the Frenche King in despite of Pope Iulius, for making league with the Venetians, and for mouing Genua to re­belle againste him. As for Maximilian, he doubted in dede a while (being for the said league offended with the Pope) whiche waie to take,Pietr [...] Messia in vita di Massimi­liano. but seeinge the matter growe to a Schisme, he rased that Conuenticle, being remoued from Pise to Millaine, and agreed with Pope Iulius. By whom also, and by Leo the .10. his successoure, this Conuenticle was dissanulled in a Generall Councell holden at Laterane in Rome. To the whiche Councell at length, as wel the Schismaticall Cardinalles, as all other Princes, condescen­ded. And thus euer, if there be any thing defectuouse or faulty, that you make much of, and that maketh for you: but if the faulte be refourmed, and thinges done orderlye, that you will none of, for that is against you.

As for that you tell vs out of Sabellicus, That many be­ganne to abhorre the Popes Courtes, &c. not telling vs withal, [Page] where in Sabellicus that should appere, his workes being so large, it semeth to be a manifest Vntruth. For neither in his Aenead. 11. lib. 2. where by the course of time it shoulde be found, neither in Rebus Venetis, nor anye otherwhere can I yet finde it. And therefore vntill you tell vs, where that shamefull accusation was layed in, and by whome, we doe iustlie aunswere you, that it sauoureth shrewdly of a lie.

And yet if all were true, what proue you els, but that then the Pope was an euill man, and his Courte licentiously or­dered? Whereof if you inferre, M. Horne, that therfore the Prince in England must be Supreame Gouernour, then on the contrarie side we may reason thus. The Pope that now liueth, is a man of miraculouse holinesse, of excellente learning, and no waies reprehensible: His Court also is di­ligently refourmed, and moste godly ordered (as all that now know Rome, can and do witnesse) Ergo the Quenes Maiestie now, nor no other Prince, can or ought to be su­preme Gouernour in al causes Ecclesiasticall.

M. Horne. The .144. Diuision. pag. 86 b.

Maximilian the Emperour, Levves the French Kinke, and other Prin­ces beyonde the seas, vvere not more carefully bent, and moued by theyr learned men to refourme by their authoritie the abuses about (.471.)The 471. vntruth. For not aboute Churche maters, but about maters of the court of Rome. Church matters, then vvas King Henrie the eight, at the same time King of Eng­land, of most famous memorie, vvho follovving the humble suits and petiti­ons of his learned Clergie, agreeing therevpon by vnifourme consent in their Conuocation, toke vppon him that authoritie and gouernment in all matters or causes Ecclesiasticall, vvhich they assured him to belong vnto his estate, both by the vvoord of God, and by the auncient Lavves of the Churche: and therefore promised, in verbo sacerdotij, by their priesthoode, not to [Page 363] doe any thing in their Councels vvithout his assent, &c. And this Clergie vvas not onely of Diuines, but also of the vvisest, most expert and best lear­ned in the Ciuil and Canon Lavves, that vvas than or hath bene sence, as D. Tonstall Bisshoppe of Duresme, D. Stokesley Bisshop of London, D. Gar­diner Bisshop of VVynton. D. Thirlebie Bisshoppe of VVestminster, and after of Norvvich, and your old Maister D. Bonner, vvho succeded Stok [...]sley, in the See of Lōdon, and many others: by vvhose aduise and consent, there vvas at that time also a learned booke made and publisshed, De vera differen­tia Regiae potestatis & Ecclesiasticae, vvhiche I doubte not, but yee haue sene long sithen. Neither vvas this a (.472.)The 472. vntruth. It vvas a mere no­uelty. nevv deuise of theirs to please the King vvithal, or their opiniō only, but it vvas ād is the iudgemēt of the most lerned (473)The 473. vntruth. No Ciui­lians nor Canoni­stes are of th [...] iudgement, vvhiche M. Horne here de­fendeth. Const. 152 23. q. [...]. Ciuiliās and Canonists, that vvhē the Clergy are faulty or negligēt, it appertaineth to th'Emperor to cal general councelles for the reformation of the Churche causes, as Phi­lippus Deciu [...] a famous Lavvyer affirmeth. And the Glossator vppon this Canon Principes, affirmeth, that the princes haue iurisdiction in diuers sortes within the Churche ouer the Cleargy, when they be stubbourne, ambitious, subuerters of the faith, falsaries, makers of Schismes, contemners of excommunication: yea also wherein so euer, the Ecclesiasticall povver faileth or is to vveake, as in this Decree. He meaneth vvhere the povver of the Church by the vvorde of doctrine preuaileth not, therein must the Princes authority and iurisdiction take order, for that is the plaine prouis [...] in the decree. The vvordes of the decree are as follovv. The seculer princes haue (.474.)The .474 Vntruth: False trā ­slation. Nonnun­quā som­times. oftentimes vvithin the Church the highest authority that they may fence by that power, the Ecclesiastical discipline. But with in the Church the povver (of princes) should not be necessary, sauing that, that thing vvhich the priests are not able to do, by the vvorde of doctrine, the povver (of the prince) may There is diuerse readinges imperet or impetret. com­maund, or obteine that, by the terrour of discipline: The hea­uenlie kingdome dothe oftentimes preuaile or goe forvvarde by the earthlie Kingdome, that those which being vvithin the Churche, dooe againste the faithe and discipline, maye be broughte vnder by the rigoure of princes: and that the po­vver of the princes, may lay vppon the neckes of the proude, [Page] that same discipline, whiche the profite of the Churche is not hable to exercise: and that he bestowe the force of his authori­tie,The Princes shall geue an accompt to God, for the Church, and the discipline thereof whereby to deserue woorship. Let the Princes of the worlde wel knowe, that they of duety shall rendre an accōpt to God for the Churche, VVhiche they haue taken of Christe to preserue. For vvether the peace and discipline of the Churche be encreased by faithfull princes, or it be loosed: He doth exacte of them an accompt, VVho hath deliuered his Churche to be committed to their povver.

The .38. Chapter. Of kinge Henry the .8. our late Souerayne.

Stapleton.

Cōcernīg the do­inges of king Hē ­ry the .8.WE are at lengthe, by the course of tyme which M. Horne hath prosequuted, deuolued to owre owne dayes, and to the doinges of kinge Henry the eight for the confirmation whereof, he hath fetched frō all partes of the world so long, so many, and yet al imperti­nente argumentes. Belyke nowe for his farewell, and to make vs vppe a plausible conclusion, he will loke more narrowly, and more substancially to the handling of his proufes, and wil perhappe lyke a good oratour in the win­ding vp of his matter leaue in the readers heartes by some good and effectuall probation, a vehemente impressiō and perswasion of his surmised primacie. He hathe perchaunce reserued the beste dishe to the last, and lyke a good expert captaine, will set his strongeste reasons and authorities, tanquam triarios milites, The order of M. Hornes proufes. in the rearwarde. And so suerlye yt semeth he will doe in making vp his matters with fyue authorities that is, of one Diuine, and fowre Lawyers. The diuine being a Spaniard: and of his lawyers thre being straungers, two Italians, and one frenche man, all being ci­uillians [Page 364] of late tyme: The fourth being our contryman and a temporall lawyer of our realme. For the Diuine and our countriman the lawyer, he sti [...]keth not to breake his araye and course of tyme, the one lyuing aboute .900. yeares, the other fowre hundred yeares sythence. Let vs then cōsider his proufes, and whether he doth not, according to his ac­customable wonte rather featly floute hym, then bring his reader, any matter to the purpose.

You will nowe proue to vs M. Horne, that king Henrie was taken and called the Supreame Head of the Churche of England, and that lawfully. And whie so, I pray you?Cōcernīg the cōuo­cations promisse, to make no cōsti­tution without the kings consente. Fol. 95. Mary say ye because the conuocation promised hym by theire priesthod they woulde doe nothing in theire coun­celles withowte his consente. Why M. Horne, take you this promise to be of so great weight? Dothe the conside­ration and estimation of priesthod weighe so deaply with you nowe? Ye wil not be of this mynde long. For ere ye haue done, ye wil tell M. Fekenham, that there was none of them al priestes: and that there is but one onely prieste which is Christe. Yet will ye say, a promise they made. Truthe yt is: but vnlesse ye can proue the promise honeste and lawful (which we vtterly deny) then this promise will not relieue you. And, this is but one braunche of the vn­lawfull supreamacie that king Henry practised: therefore thowghe this doinge were tolerable and probable to, yet vnlesse ye went to a further proufe, ye shall wynne litle at M. Fekenhams handes. I am content to passe ouer the re­sidewe of his vsurped supreamacie for this tyme I demaūd of you then, what one thing ye haue hitherto browght for to perswade any reasonable man, for this one pointe: that is, that the Bishoppes can determyne nothing in theire sy­nodes [Page] to be forcible, vnlesse the Prince agree also to yt? Suerlye no one thing. That Bishoppes voluntarely desired their good and catholyke Princes to ioyne with them,M. Horn hath not proued in all his boke that such con­sent is ne­cessarie. yea and submitted sometimes the iudgmente of theire doinges, of theire great humility, to some notable Princes, ye haue shewed: and withall that in some cases yt is conueniente so to be donne. But ye can full ill wynde vp your conclu­sion vppon this. Which ye forseeing, did shewe vs a tricke of your newe thetorike and fyne grammer, turning conue­nit into opo [...]tet: making yt is conueniente, and yt muste be so, all one. Ye will belyke take better handfaste nowe. But wil ye now see his sure handfaste good Reader? Suerly the first is not very fast, as whē he telleth vs owt of Decius, ād owt of the glose of the Canō law,M. Horn [...] Sampsōs post vvil fall on his ovvn heade. that princes may cal coū ­cels, and that in some cases they haue iurisdictiō in Church matters: wherin we haue alredy sayde inowgh. And how slenderly and loosely this geare hangeth with his assertion, yt is opē to the eye. I trow he sticketh faster to his diuine, thē to his lawyer, and therefore he bringeth in Isidorus ex­traordinary .900. yeares almost owt of his race and course. Here, here (as yt semeth) is his anker hold, and for this cause aswell the whole allegation is here producted, as also one peace of the same, set in the first page of his whole boke, as a sure marke to direct the reader by: and as yt were a Sam­psons poste for M. Horne, to buyld his boke vppō. But take good head M. Horne yt be not a true Sampsons poste, and that it bring not the whole howse vpon your own head, as yt doth in dede.Concer­ning Isi­dorus. Wherunto good reader, seing M. Horne hath chosen this as a notable allegation to be eied on, set­ting the same in two notable places, I woulde wishe thee also to geue a good eye thereunto, and to see, if it can anye way possible make for him.

[Page 365]I say then M. Horne, that this allegatiō goeth no further, then that the Prince, by his cyuill and worldlye power shoulde assiste and maynteyne the Churche and her do­ctrine. And that this allegation directly and rowndly pro­ueth the contrarye of that, for the whiche ye doe al­leage yt, that is, that yt proueth the ecclesiasticall autho­ritie, and not the cyuill, to be cheif and principall, in cau­ses ecclesiasticall. And that in effecte the whole ten­deth to nothing else but that, as I sayde,Vide destructoriū vt­tiorum impress. No­rinberg. 1496. part. 6. cap. 40. Qui eorū potestati suam Ec­clesiam tradidit defenden­dam. the Princes shoulde defend the Churche. I will not stande here in rip­ping vp of wordes with you, or in the diuersity of reading, and that some old copies haue: who hath committed his Churche to be defended of theire power: and that your (hath deliuered to be committed) seameth to stande in your tran­slation vnhansomly. I will saye nothing, that credere and committere: is all one in Latin. Let this goe, I finde no faulte with you, for translation, but for yl application. Yf ye had brought this authority to proue, that the prince should defende the Churche (for the whiche ende and respecte it was writen) I woulde say nothing to you. But when ye will bleare our eies and make vs so blinde, that we shoulde imagine, by this saying of Isidore,23. q. 5. c. Principes. Principes seculi non­nunquam intra Ec­clesiam po­testati. adeptae culmina te­nent. that the king is Supreame Head of the Churche, or that his assente is necessarie to the Synodes of Bishops and coūcelles, I wil say to you, that the cōtrary, wil be much better gathered of this allegatiō. The very firste wordes wōderfully acrase your newe pri­macy, and somwhat also your honesty, peruersly trāslating, nōnunquā: which is, somtime, or now and thē, into oftētimes. But let yt be, for nonnunquam, sepe: let them oftētymes haue the highest authoritye in the Churche. Vnlesse they haue yt styll, they can not be called the Supreame Heades in all [Page] causes ecclesiastical. And so theis very words make a good argumēt againste your primacy.Vt per eandē potestatem eccle­siasticam disciplinā muniant. Caterū intra eccle­siam pote­states ne­cessariae non essent nisi vt quod non preualent sacerdotes efficere per doctrinae sermonē, potestas hoc impe­ret per di­sciplinae terrorem. Et mox. Vt qui in­tra ecclesiam positi cōtra fidē & disciplinā agunt, rigore principum cō ­ [...]arantur. But now M. Horne, what is the cause, whie they haue this high authority either som­times, or oftētimes? Isidore straytwayes sheweth the cause: that they may (as your self translate) fence by theire power the ecclesiastical discipline. Ye heare thē the scope, and final pur­pose of this allegation, for Princes authority in matters ec­clesiasticall, that is to defende the Churche. And therefore as I sayde, yt is more sutely, to reade, tradidit defendendam, then tradidit cōmittendā. And for this cause the Emperours call them selues not capita Ecclesiae, not the heades of the Churche, sed aduocatos Ecclesiae, but the aduocates of the Churche, as your self tel of themperour Friderike. Goe we now forth with Isidorus: But first I aske of you M. Horne, that make the Princes to be heades of the Churche, and to haue so muche to doe, in matters ecclesiasticall, that the Bi­shops can decree nothing that shoulde be auaylable with­owt theyre special ratification (for the setting forth of the which doctrine ye are content, for this tyme that priestes shalbe priestes, and may sweare by their priesthod, and not by theire aldermanship or eldership) whether suche autho­rity in Princes be absolutelie necessarie to the Churche or no? Yf ye say no, thē conclud you against your self ād your whole boke. Yf ye say yea, then conclude you against the truthe, and againste your authour, who sayeth, that suche authority of Princes in the Church is not necessarie, but for to punishe those that contemne the worde of doctrine, the fayth, and discipline of the Churche. Of whome haue we receiued M. Horne the worde of doctrine, the faythe and discipline of the Churche? Of the Apostles, and theire successours the Bishoppes, or of the Princes? I suppose ye will not saie of [Page 366] Princes. Then must ye graunt that for these matters the pri­macy resteth in the clergy, of whom the Princes thē selues, haue receiued theire faith: ād to whom in matters of faith, and for the discipline of the Churche they must also obey: and as case requireth, set forth the doctrine of worde wyth theire temporal sworde. Whiche if they do not, but suffer throwghe theire slacknes, the faythe and disciplyne of the Churche to be loosed, God, M. Horn [...] booke in a manner ansvve­red by his ovvn allegation. who hath committed his Churche to be defended by theire power wil exacte an accompte of thē, as your authour Isidore writeth and your self do allege. So that now we see euen by your own allegatiō in whom the superiority of Churche matters, remayneth: that is, in the clergy: And that Princes are not the heades but the ayders, assisters, and aduocates of the Churche with theire tēporal authority. And to this ende, all that euer ye haue browght in this your boke cōcerning the intermedling of Princes in church affaires, cā only be referred. And this your own al­legatiō is aswel a sufficiēt answere to al your argumēts hi­therto laid furth for the princes supremacy, as a good iusti­fication of the Clergies primacy.

Wherfore if you harken but to your owne allegation, and will stande to the same as you wil your Readers to do, placing it (as I haue said) in the fore fronte of your booke, you must nedes stand also to the next parcell folowing ma­king clerely for the Clergies superioritie in Ecclesiasticall causes. These words I mean,Isidorus. that withī the Church the power (of Prīces) shuld not be necessary sauing that, that thing, which the Priests are not able to do by the word of doctrine, the power (of the prīce) may cōmaūd by terror of discipline. And I doubt nothing, but that we are able wel and surely to proue as wel by his other bookes, as by his gathering of all the Councels [Page] together, into one volume yet extāt, that Isidorus thought of the Popes Primacy then, as Catholiques doe now. For an euident proufe wherof, behold what this Auncient and learned Bisshop Isidorus writeth. He saith: Synodorum congregandarum authoritas Apostolicae sedi commissa est. Isidorus in praefat. Cōciliorū. Ne­que vllam Synodū generalem ratam esse credimus aut legimus, quae non fuerit eius authoritate congregata vel fulcita. Hoc Authoritas testatur Canonica, hoc Ecclesiastica historia com­probat, hoc Sancti Patres confirmant. The Authoritie of assembling Coūcelles, is committed to the See Apostolike. Neither doe we beleue or reade any General Councell to be ratified, whiche was not either assembled or confirmed with her Authoritie. This to be so, the Authoritie of Ca­nons doth witnesse.Trip. li. 4. cap. 9. &. 19. This the ecclesiastical history proueth. This the holie Fathers confirme. Lo you see. M. Horne, what the iudgement of Isidorus was aboue .900. yeres past, howe iumpe it agreeth with the assertion of Catholiques now, and how directly it ouerthroweth yours. This ther­fore being so sure a Principle on our parte, and so clerelie proued: bethinke your selfe now, M. Horne, how your new Primacie wil be proued by this allegation.

Touching that you saie, This Clergie (in King Henries daies) was not only of Diuines, but also of the wisest, most ex­pert, and best learned in the Ciuil and Canon Lawes, that was or hath ben sence, as D. Tonstal, D. Stokesley, D. Gardiner, D. Thirlbie, and D. Bonner, by the euident falsehood whiche you practise in alleaging these witnesses, a man may iudge with what fidelitie you haue handled the rest, throughout your whole booke. Who is ignoraunte, that not one of these Reuerent Fathers did sincerely thinke that to be true, which you here impute vnto them? For whereas [Page 367] all vpright iudgement shoulde come of a mans owne free choise, not stained or spotted either with the hope of pri­uate lucre and honoure, or with the feare of great losse, the one of those two things which of all other, most forceably carieth men away, from professing their owne conscience, did stoppe those men from saying and vttering that, which otherwise they would most gladly haue vttered: sithens as they were put in hope of al promotion, if they agreed with the Kings will (of which they made, I iudge, the lesse ac­compte) so disagreeing from the same, they were certaine to loose bothe goods and life, and also their good name, in the shew of the worlde, as who shoulde haue bene put to deathe by the name of Traitours, whiche is the thing that all true subiectes doe chieflie abhorre. Yet you knowe in suche sorte suffered a great many, notable both for lear­ning and vertue, as D. Fisher Bishoppe of Rochester, Syr Thomas More, a great number of the Carthusians, beside diuerse other of all estates. You knowe also, the matter, then was not so sifted and tryed by learning, as it hath bene since. And we know, they were the secrete snakes of your adders broode, that induced the King to that minde, not any of the Doctours here by you named, who all againste their willes, condescended therevnto.

Howe then are they broughte foorthe for witnesses of your heresies, who for feare of deathe saied as you doe, and that no longer then the foresaid impedimente laie in theyr waye? For when the state of the worlde was otherwise that without feare of deathe they might vtter their minde freely: who knoweth not, that all they who liued to see those daies of freedome, in all theire woordes and deedes, protested that the Pope, and not the King, was head of the [Page] Churche vnder Christ? Neuer hearde you (M. Horne) that when your owne brethren, being arryued before D. Gardiner the Bishope of Winchester, and then Chaunce­lour of England, had saied, they lerned theyr disobedience vnto the Pope,D. Gardi­ner B. of VVin­chester. out of his booke, De vera obedientia, &c. then he aunswered that if they had bene good Scholers, they would haue folowed theyr Maister in his beste, and not in his worste doeinges. Againe, if they had erred through his Authority, whē he was not so wel learned and grounded, they should much more repēt and recāt through his Authority, being nowe better lerned through longer studie, and better grounded through longer experience. And this Doctour Gardiner, when he was moste of your side, in this one matter, yet he was so suspected of the Kinge for secrete conference with the Pope, by let­ters to be sent by a straunger in the tyme of his embas­sye on this side of the Seas, that (as Master Foxe repor­teth) for this verie cause,Actes and monu­mentes. pag. 824. col. 1. & 816. Kinge Henrie in all Generall Pardons graunted after that tyme, dyd euermore excepte, all treasons committed beyonde the Seas, whiche was meant for the Bishoppes cause: This ys that Doctour Gardiner who at Paules Crosse, in a moste Honorable and full Au­dience, witnessed not onely his owne repentaunce for his former naughty doings, but also that King Henry sought diuerse tymes to haue reconciled hym selfe againe, to the See of Rome, as who knewe, that he had vnlaw­fully departed from the vnytie thereof, and had made hym selfe the Supreme Heade of the Churche of En­glande, altogether vniustly.

This is that Doctour Gardiner▪ who lying in his deathe­bedde, caused the Passion of Christe to be readen vnto [Page 368] hym, and when he hearde it readen, that Peter after the denying of his Maister, went out and wepte bitterlie, he causyng the Reader to staye, wept him selfe full bitter­lie, and saied: Ego exiui, sed non dum fleui amarè: I haue gone out, but as yet, I haue not wepte bytterlie. And is nowe Doctour Gardiner a fitte witnesse for your secu­lar Supremacy M. Horne?

Marcellinus the Pope being afearde of deathe dyd sa­crifice vnto Idolles: And the same Marcellinus repen­ting his vniuste feare,Tom. 1. Concil. in vita Mar­cellini. dyd afterwarde sacrifice his owne bodie and soule for the loue of Christe, suffring Martyr­dome for his sake. Will you nowe proue Idolles to be better then Christe, by the facte of Marcellinus? Or shall not the last iudgemente stande rather then the first? What meane you then to alleage the iudgementes of Do­ctour Gardiner, Doctour Thirlbey, Doctour Tonstall, and Doctour Bonner, sith you knowe that all those chaunged their mindes vppon better aduise? Or whie died Doctour Tonstalle, in prisonne? Or why lye the other learned godly Bisshops yet in prisonne, if they are of your minde? But if you knowe that they dissente vtterly from you, and yet doe pretende to bring their Authoritie for you, this fact declareth, that you are not only a fond wrangler, but also a wicked falsarie: and that you knowe as well Saint Augu­stine whome you alleaged before so largelye, and all the Councels and princes with al other Authours by you pro­ducted, are none otherwise of your minde, then are Do­ctour Thirlebie, and Doctour Bonner, whome you so im­pudentlie make to speake as Proctours in your cause, albe­it they are readie to shedde their bloude against this your opinion.

[Page]Once in maner the whole clergy of the Realme sinned most greuously, by preferring the secular and earthly king­dome, before the Magistrates of the heauēly kingdome. But that sinne of theirs al those now abhor, and haue before ab­horred, to whō God gaue grace to see the filthines and the absurdty thereof. And surelye vntil the rest bothe of the clergy and of the layety, do hartely repēt for that most fil­thy and absurd dede, wherein they withdrewe the Supre­macy from S. Peters successours, and gaue it to the succes­sours of Iulius Caesar, vntill I say they repent for it, and re­fourme that minde of theirs, as much as lyeth in thē, they cā neuer be made partakers of the kingedome of heauen: But only they shal inherit the kingdome of the earth, in whose Supremacy they put their cōfidence. You Mayster Horn, haue in dede great cause to make much of this earthly Su­premacy. For had not the clergy and temporalty geuen that to kinge Henry .8. you and your heresies coulde haue had no place now in the throne of that Bishopprike, which was ordayned not for Robert and his Madge, but for chast prelates, and suche as shoulde preferre the soule before the body, the kingdome of heauen before the kingdome of the earthe, Peter before Nero, Christ before Antichrist. For so I doubte not to say, with the greate Clerke, and most holy Bishop Athanasius,See be­fore. fol. [...]7. that a Christian kinge or Emperour, setting him selfe aboue bishops, the officers of Christ, in matters of the faythe, is a very Antichrist. Which Anti­christian facte in dede hathe bene the first gate and entry for all those heresies to enter▪ which the Prince him selfe then most abhorred, and against the which bothe he had lately before made a lerned booke, and did publishe after (but in vayne) for a stay thereof, the six Articles. In vayne, [Page 369] I say: for the order of dewe gouernement ones taken a­way, the knotte of vnity ones vndone, the heade being cut of, howe coulde it otherwise be, but false doctrine should take place, a separation from the corps of Christendome shoulde ensewe, and our Countrie a parte of the body fall to decaie in suche matters, as belonged to the Heade, to order, direct and refourme? This horrible sinne Maister Horne woulde make a vertue. But all ages, all Councels, all Princes, yea the holy Scriptures are directly against him, and doe al witnesse for the Pope and Bishoppes against the Prince and lay Magistrat, that to them not to these, be­longeth by right, by reason, by practise, the Supreme and chiefe gouernement in al causes and matters mere Eccle­siastical and spiritual.

M. Horne. The .145. Diuision. pag. 87. a.

To this (.475.)The 475. vntruth. For this Petrus vvriteh for the Po­pes Supremacy, not for the Princes in Ecclesiastical mat­ters. effect also vvriteth Petrus Ferrariensis,In form. lib. quo agi­tur ex subst. in verbo ex suo corpore. a notable learned man in the Lavves, saying: Thou ignorāt mā, thou oughtest to know that the Empire (the Emperour) ones in tymes past, had both the swoordes, to witte, both the Temporal and Spiritual, in so much that the Emperours then bestowed (.476.)The .476. vntruth. Not possible, to be true. al the ecclesiastical benefices through the (477)The .477. vntruth. False translation, as shal appeare In form. respons. con. ad verb. tanquam publ. ex com. n. 10. whole world, and more, they did choose the Pope, as it is in C. Adrianus Dist. 63. And the same Petrus in an other place, saith thus: Marke after what sorte and how many vvaies those Clergymen, do snare the Lay, and enlarge their ovvne iurisdiction: but alas miserable Emperours and secular princes, which doe suffer this and other things: you both make your selues sclaues to the Bisshoppes, and ye see the vvorlde vsurped by thē infinit vvaies, and yet ye study not for remedy, because ye geue no heed to vvisedom and knovveleadge.

Stapleton.

YF your law be not better thē your diuinity, we neade not much to feare our matter: And so much the lesse, yf that be true, that a good mery fellowe, and vnto you not vnknowen, reading your boke of late sayd, that he durst lay a good wager, that yf ye were vppon the sodayne well apposed, ye were not able to reade the quotations, by your selfe in the margent alleaged out of this Petrus: and withal, that ye neuer readde that, which ye alleage out of Quintinus,M. Horns imp [...]rtinēt argu­ments. or yf ye did, ye do not vnderstande yt, or at the leaste ye doe most wickedly peruerte yt. But let this goe, as merely spoken: for thoughe ye neuer read the authour, nor can redely at the first (perchaunce) reade your owne quotations, the whole matter being by some of your frēds and neareste affinity brought ripe and ready to your hand, we shal be wel cōtēt frō whēce so euer yt come, so it come at length to any purpose and effect, whereof I for my parte haue litle hope. For what if in the old tyme the Emperours confirmed popes? What if the cleargy vsurpe and intrude in many thinges vppon the seculer princes iurisdiction? Yf ye may herof make a sequele, that either the king of Englād is supreame head of the Church: or that, the vnlawful pro­misse made by the bisshops by their priesthod (which ye esteme as much as yf they had sworne by Robin hode his bowe) doth bynde them,Practica Iohānis Petri Fer. In forma in­ter. fieud. cum reo, cōuento in act. reali. as a lawfull promisse, I will say, ye are sodenly become a notable lawyer, and worthy to be re­tayned of councell in greate affayres. I am assured of one thinge, that howe so euer ye lyke him in this poynte, yet for other poynts of this his boke, that you alleage, you like him neuer adeale: As, for the inuocation of Saints: yea for the Popes Primacie, by the which he sayth: A periured man [Page 370] which otherwise is reiected) may be by the Popes dispensa­tion admitted to beare wytnes: and that a clerke irregular can not be absolued, but by the Pope. In forma iuramēti testium. Numer 7. Which followeth the very place by yowe alleaged, with many such lyke, not making very much to your lykinge. Nowe what yf I should say vnto yowe, that you and your authour to, yf he sayth so, say vntruely,Informa responsi [...]ei cōuenti ad verbū tā ­quam publicè excō ­municatū numero 11 affirminge the Emperour to haue both the temporall and spirituall sworde? And what if I should say that there is no more truth in that assertion, than in the o­ther, that he bestowed all the benefices through the whole worlde? For your chapter Adrianus, that you alleage, speaketh of the Emperour Charles the great who was not Emperour of the whole worlde, nor of halfe Europa nei­ther, and therfore he coulde not bestowe the benefices of the whole worlde. Yf ye wil say,Dict. cap. Adrianus dist. 63. that your authour saith truly, and ye haue translated truely, for the text is per singulas prouincia [...]: I graunt yowe it is so: but yet is it vnskil­fully and ignorantly translated: for ye shoulde haue sayed, through out euery prouince, or contrey subiect to the Romā empire. For the Romans did call all countries, that they had conquered (Italie excepted) prouinces, and the peo­ple Prouinciales. I say nothing nowe, that this chapter ra­ther enforceth then destroyeth the popes primacy. For Charles had neither authority to bestowe the Ecclesia­sticall benefices, nor to choose the Pope: but as he beinge a mere straunger before, toke thempire at the popes hand, so did he take also this speciall priuilege and preroga­tyue.

M. Horne. The .146. Diuision. pag. 87. b.

Like as Petrus Ferrariensis attributeth bothe the svvordes, that is, both the spirituall and the temporall iurisdiction to the Emperour: [Page] So (.478.)The .478. vntruth. For he reproueth Ferrariensis. Io. Quintinus Heduus a famous professour of the lavv in Paris, and one that attributeth so much to the Pope as may be, and much more than ought to be, saith that: In solo Principe omnis est potestas: in the Prince (.479.)The .479. vntruth. He is of a plaine cō ­trary minde. In repetit. lect. de Christ. Ciuitatis Aristocratia. alone is al power, and thereto (480.)The .480. vntruth. He auoucheth not Speculator. auoucheth this saying of Specu­lator, De iurisdict. omnium iudicum: Quod quicquid est in regno, id esse intelligitur de iurisdictione Regis: that whatsoeuer is in a kingdome, that is vnderstan­ded, to be vnder the iurisdiction of the kinge. To vvhich (.481.)The .481. vntruth. He citeth not Lotharius to that purpose purpose he citeth an auncient learned one in the Lavve vvhose name vvas Lotharius, vvho, saith he, did say: That the Prince is the fountaine or welspring of all iurisdictiō and protesteth also him selfe to be of the (.482.)The .482. vntruth. Lotharius is not of the same minde. same mind.

The .39. Chapter. Solutions to Argumentes taken out of Quintinus Heduus, a Doctour of Parys.

Stapleton.

Concer­nīg Quin­ti [...]us He­duus.LET vs nowe take heede: for M. Horne wonderfully lassheth on, with Io. Quintinus Heduus, and runneth his race with him two full leaues together. And yet for all this sturre, and heapinge Lawe vppon Lawe, we might graunt him, all that euer he bringeth yn, without any pre­iudice of our cause: and would so do in dede, sauing that the handling of the matter by M. Horne is such as requireth of vs a special specification. Neither can I tell, of all the disho­nest and shamefull pageantes that he hath hitherto played, whether there be any comparable to this.M. Horn miserably mis [...]seth his re [...]der vvith the alleaging of Quintinus. I can not tell whether his folly or his impudency be the greater: but that bothe excede, I am right well assured. And yet I trowe he owght not to beare all the blame, but may parte stake with his collectour, who hath abused his ignorance, as hym selfe doth abuse his readers ignorance. The answere would [Page 371] growe longe and bigge, yf I should fully as the case requi­reth, rippe vp, and open all thinges, and then at large con­fute them, which at this tyme I intende not: but in vsinge as muche breuity as I may, to lay before thee good reader, and to discipher the fashion and maner of his dealinge. Wherein euen as Medea, fleinge from her naturall father, and runninge away with a straunger, with whome she fell in loue: her father pursuing her, and she fearing to be taken, slewe her yong brother scattering his limmes in the way,M. Horn for his wretched handling of Quin­tinus cō ­pared to Medea. therby to stay, what with sorowe, and what with long see­king for his sonnes body, her fathers iourney: euen so M. Horne running away from the catholyke Church his mo­ther, with dame heresie, with whose filthy loue he is rauis­shed, to stay the reader that woulde trace him, and his he­resyes, for the authours he alleageth, doth so miserably teare them in peces, and dismember them, that yt would pity any good Christian mans harte to see yt, as muche as yt pitied kinge Oëta father to Medea to see that misera­ble and lamentable sight: and very busie will yt be for him to finde out the whole corps of the sentences, so wret­chedly cutte and hewed by M. Horne: and here and there in these two leaues so miserably dispersed.VVhat vvas the opiniō of Lothariꝰ, of whom M. Horn speaketh, and hovv it is to be vnderstā ­ded. We will notwith­standing trace hī as we may. Thē the better to vnderstād his first allegatiō, ye shal vnderstād that ther is a kind of Iurisdi­ctiō which is called of the Ciuiliās merū imperiū that is, po­wer of lyfe ād death: which whether it resteth in the prīce only, or in other inferiour magistrates, the Lawyers do not al agree. Lotharius setled al in the prince: to that opinion Quintinus also inclineth. But then maketh Quintinus an obiection. Whie sayeth he, Howe is yt true, that the prince onelye hath this mere empire or iurisdiction, seinge that we [Page] affirme, Quasi Principum nomine pontifices nō intelligantur. Dist. 35 c. 4. Nos honorum ciui­lium duntaxat ex­trae Ecclesiam popu­lariumque dignita­tum regem tenere fastigiū intelligimus &c. the Churche to haue yt also? Whereunto he answereth, that vnder the name of Princes, are cō ­teyned the highe Priestes: from the which our Actes of parliament doe not all disagree, calling Bisshoppes the Eduardi. 3. An. 15. cap. 3. Clerkes peeres of the lande. Peeres of the realme. When we say, saieth he, with Lotharius, that the Kinge is the fountayne of all iurisdiction, we meane as Lotha­rius doth, not of the Churche, but of the ciuill magi­strates, vnder the Kinge. The said Quintinus saieth, Gladium pontifex vtrū (que) gestat, exercet alterum Rex solus, quem pontifex etiam desertus a suis, in hostes li­citè stringit. The Pope hath both the swordes, that is, both temporall and spiritual iurisdiction, yet the King alone, vseth the one of thē, that is the tēporal: the which the Pope may notwithstāding, yf he be forsakē of his own, vse also. But as I was about to tel you out of Quī ­tinus, he saith: Probauimus Ecclesiam Deo militantem se no­luisse temerè negotijs secularibus implicare, temporalem (que) iu­risdictionem principibus sponte reliquisse, VVhy Specula­tor saith, al that is ī the realm to be of the King [...] iurisdictiō tam (que) libenter, tam (que) animo prompto & facili, vt regū propria videatur. Id circo scrip­tum est à Speculatore, quòd quicquid est in regno, id esse intelli­gitur de iurisdictione regis. We haue proued, that the mili­tant Church doth not but vpō good cause intermedle with seculer affaires: yea rather geueth ouer to Princes the tem­porall iurisdiction so gladly and so willinglye, that yt see­meth to appertayne to the Princes onely.Ecclesia v­trū (que) gla­diū tenet, vtramque pariter habet iurisdictionē. And therefore Speculatour writeth, that what so euer is in a Kingdome, that is vnderstanded to be of the Kinges iurisdiction. And for this some were persuaded, that the spirituall and tem­porall iurisdiction stode so contrarie one to the other, that one man might not exercise both. But Quintinus hīself mis­liketh [Page 372] this opinion, and saith, euen in the said place,Nouimus vtrum (que) gladium soli Eccle­siae datum. hoc est, ecclesiae pontificem habere ius & pote­statem in spiritualia simul & in omnia temporalia, at (que) ex ijs decernere & sta­tuere ex causa posse, cuius decretis stan­dum. Gibere deformem. Flagitiosissimꝰ qui­dam. & postea: tam infenso nebulone. where he speaketh of Speculator, that the Church only, ād not the Princes seculer, hath both swordes, and both iurisdictions. And vpon this occasion he doth vehemently inueighe against Petrus de Cug­nerio of whome we haue spokē, that did so stifflye stand against the Frēch clergy for their tēporall iu­risdictiō: and prouoked the King Philip Valesius, as much as in him laye, to plucke it away frō the cler­gie. He calleth him a misshapen parson in body, a most wicked mā, and to say al in one, a very knaue. And thoughe his name were then terrible, and thowgh he would seeme for his great wisedome to carrie al the realme vpō his shulders, yet was he euer after, but a lawghing stock to mē: and because he durst not for shame after this great challēge, shew hīself abrode, as he was wont to do, for M. Peter de Cugnerio,Quintinꝰ declareth M. Horn to be a li [...] in the story of kīg Philip valesius be­fore re­hersed. he was called in their tong M. Pierre de Coyner: as a mā would say, M Peter that lurketh in corners.

But wil ye now heare M. Horne this your own authour Quin [...]inus how he expoūdeth cōposuit rē sacerdotum, that is, how the King set in order the matters of the priests? Wil ye heare also, what sharpe Law he made against thē, as you a­uouch that he did? He saith of the king. Pronūciauit Ecclesiā, Meus. Sep. 1. An 1 [...]29 [...]yue st [...]t vntruths of M. [...]orn in lesse t [...]en 15 lynes. & feuda, & [...]ēporalia quae (que) bona propria sibi possidere posse at (que) in illa iurisdictionē habere He gaue sentēce and pronoūced, that the Church might possesse fealtes and other temporal things, ād haue iurisdictiō therein. So much for our first en­traūce into Quītinus. Wherin beside the shame that ye must take, for your worshipful glose vpō cōposuit rē sacerdotū, first ye see, that he improueth Ferrariēsis ād such like, as attribute [Page] to the Emperour the spiritual and temporal sworde. Then that he is of a quyte contrarie mynde, to that, that ye woulde by a sentence here and there yll fauouredlie, and disorderly patched in, enforce vpon, as thowgh he should thinke, that al iurisdictiō should come of the Prince. Third­ly it is vntrue that he auoucheth Speculatours saying: He auoucheth as ye haue hearde the contrary. Fowrthly it is vntrue, that he bringeth in Lotharius, to confirme that, which Speculatour said. For he intreateth of Lotharius, be­fore he alleageth Speculator, and doth not alleage Lotha­rius for that purpose ye speake of. Fiftly and last, Lotharius is not as ye pretende of this mynde, that all iurisdiction co­meth of the secular Prince. For Lotharius meaneth not of the clergies iurisdiction, which cometh not of the Prince, but of the iurisdiction of Laye men, which all together de­pendeth of the Prince.

M. Horne. The .147. Diuision. pag. 87. b.

And vvriting of the Kings povver in Eccle. (.483.)The .483. vntruthe. In that place he proueth the cler­gies po­vver, not the Prīces in ecclesiastical mat­ters. matters or causes, he citeth this Canon Quando vult Deus foorth of the decrees, vvhereuppon he as it vvere commenteth: saying, Thus is the reason vvherefore, it is leaful for the Prince, some vvhiles to determine those things vvhich concerne the Church, least the honesty of the mother (he meaneth the Church) should in any thing be violated, or least her tranquilly should be troubled, specially of them, to vvhom she is committed (meaning the Church Ministers).

Stapleton.

Duabus regulis cō ­cludā: pri­or est sem­per in fidei & peccati materia, ius Ecclesiasticum attendendum est, & in fore ciuili, tumque cessat omne iuris imperatorij mandatum & aboletur.Leaue ones M. Horne, this peuishe pinching and pa­ring, this miserable mayming and marring of your authours. Your authour M. Horne, geueth two rules: the first for the [Page 373] authority and matters of the Church saying that, in matter of fayth and synne, the lawe of the Church is euer to be obserued, and therto all princes lawes must yelde: whiche rule he pro­ueth at large. And thus yow see your owne authour stan­deth agaīst you, for one of the cheif matters of your booke, wherī ye wil, in al matters to be determined by the Church, that the princes cōsent is to be had.c. Quādo vult Deꝰ. 23. q. 4. The .2. rule, is touching the prince: wherin he sayth, that it apperteyneth to the kings and princes of the worlde, to desire that the Church theyr mo­ther, of whome they are spiritually born, be in their tyme in rest and quietnes. And this is the reason, and so forth as your self reherse. What can ye gather of this, that is sayde, that somtyme the princes may determine of thinges touchinge the Church: seyng as ye haue heard before, this determina­tion toucheth not fayth or synne, nor can be vsed of them generally, but sometymes for the quietnes of the Church?

M. Horn. The .148. Diuision. pag. 87. b.

If there be any other thing, this chiefly is an Ecclesiasticall matter, namely to call or conuocate Councelles (saith Quinti­nus) But this is the opinion, saith he, of many learned men, that the Emperour may conuocate a general Councel, so often, and for any cause, whan the pope and the Cardinalles be noted of any suspiciō, and doo forslowe ād ceasse, either for lacke of skil: or peraduenture of some euil meaning, or of both, or els whan there is any schisme. Cōstātinus, saith he, called the first Nicene coūcel, the other Hovv [...] farre all this is true, it hath at large ben shevved in the se­cōd book three general Coūcels, Gratianus, Theodo­sius, and Martianus themperours called by their edict. Iustinia­nus called the fifte general coūcel at Cōstantinople: thempe­ror Cōstātine .4. did cōuocat the sixt general Coūcel agaīst the Monothelytes. The authority of the kīg Theodorike cōmaun­ded the Bishops ād priestes forth of diuers prouīces to assemble together at Rome, for the purgatiō of Pope Symachus the first. Carolus Magnus, as it is in our histories, cōmaūded fiue Coū ­cels [Page] to be celebrated for the Ecclesiastical state, to wit, Moguntinum, Remense, Cabilonense, Arelatense, and Turonense. The Pope calleth the Bishops to Rome, or to some other place: the King dooth forbidde them to go, or he commaundeth them to come to his Court or (.484.)The .484. vntruth. His Author spea­keth not of tvvo Councels. Councell:The king i [...] to be obeied in (485.) Ecclesiastical causes, and not the Pope. the Bisshoppes muste obey the kinges precept, not onely in this case, but in any other matter what so euer besides sinne: for he that dooth not obserue his bounden fidelitie to the kinge: whe­ther he be a Bisshoppe,The .485. vntruthe. Quītinus auouched no suche thinge. Priest, or Deacon, is to be throwne foorth of his degree or place. For the proufe vvhereof he citeth many Canons out of the decrees, and conclu­deth thus: to be briefe, this is mine opinion: whan the kinge calleth together the Prelates to a Councell, and to reforme the state of the Church, they are bounde to obey, yea although the Pope (.486.)The .486. vntruth. That is meant in feudis & regalibus: which you haue quyte left, out of Quintinus. forbidde it.

Stapleton.

This is our olde matter of calling of Coūcels by princes: wherin you see you authour maketh no general or absolut rule as you doe, but for certayne tymes and considerations: for the which I will not greatly stande with yowe, seinge that your authour confesseth that which we most stand for, and ye stande most against: that the prince in such coūcels, hath not the superiority,Interesse tamē volo reges tan­tū & non praeesse, talibus sacerdotum cō ­uentibus. but the cleargy. For he saith: I wil that princes be present at such Councelles, but not president. And therfor Quintinus wil not be aduocat, for the bishops, that by their priesthod promised, that they woulde enacte nothing in their synodes without the kings consente. Yet haue ye one prety knacke more in Quintinus to proue the king supreame head, and not the pope. For if the kinge on the one syde, and the pope on the other side call the bis­shops to a Councell, the Bisshoppes muste obey the kinge, and not the pope: and not onely in this thinge, but in all [Page 374] other thinges what so euer beside synne. Happie is it, that ye haue putte in, beside synne: for this putteth you quite beside your cusshion, as they say, and beside your matter and purpose. For this is synne, yea and one of the moste horrible kindes of synne, that is a schisme, for any prince or anie other to holde a councell, contrary to the councell summoned by a lawfull Pope. Such neuer had anie good successe as the ecclesiasticall stories euery where reporte. And as Aarons rodde deuoured the roddes of Iamnes and Mambres, and other sorcerers in Aegipte:Num. 17. and as his rodde onely among all the roddes of the schismaticall and mur­muringe people of Israell, did geue forth yong slippes,Al schis­maticall coūcels at fayne at the lēgth to yelde to the popes coū ­cells. and braunches: and for a memoriall was reserued in the taber­nacle: Euen so, those councells, that the pope gathered or allowed, haue deuoured and abolished all other vnlawful and schismaticall conuenticles. They onely florish, and be in estimation, and are and shalbe for euer preserued in the tabernacle of Christes Catholyke Churche.

I will not walke in the larg felde of this matter that here lieth open: The Frenche kinges doinges onely, whereof ye talke, shall be a sufficiente confirmation for our side, and such stories onely as your self haue browght forth for the strēgthnīg as ye thought, of your purpose: As the coūcel of Rhemes that the kīg Hugo Capet assembled deposing ther, as ye write, the bishop Arnulphus. What was the issue M. Horn?Fol. 70. Io. Mariꝰ de schism. &. concil. differ. par. 2. cap. 6. Did not Benedictus the .7. summone an other coūcel euē in the very same city, ād restored Arnulphꝰ again? Was not al, that your fayre kīg Philip attēpted agaīst the pope Bonifaciꝰ in his coūcels in Frāce brought to naught by a coūcel sūmoned by the Pope as we haue before declared? we haue also shewed how that the Laterā councell abolished the Pi­sane [Page] conuenticle, that Lewes the Frenche king, and others maynteyned as your self write. Wherfore yf your authour had thus writen, neither his tyme is so auncient, nor his au­thoritie so great, but that a man might haue sayde, that he was wonderfully deceyued. But it is not he, but you that with your false sleight and craftie cōueiance deceyue your readers. Your authour speaketh not, of two councells, the one summoned by the pope, the other by the king: but speaketh of bishops, that held by fealty and homage lands of the king. And then sayth, that quoad feuda & regalia: concernīg theis fealties and royalties,Idē Quin­tinus. Aristocrat. fo. 135. Paris. 1552. Quatenus ad feuda & rega­lia per­tinet, per glosam ca. reprehen­sibile. 23. qu. 8. the king is aboue the bisshops, as he is aboue all his other vassals. And therfore if the pope on the one side, send for a bisshoppe, and the kinge on the other side, send for him: concerning his fealty and homage matters, he ought to goe to the king: otherwise he shoulde rather obey the pope thē the king, as appereth (sayth Quin­tine) in the glose, to the which he referreth hym self. Theis wordes feuda and regalia, haue ye sliely slipt ouer; as though Quintinus had auouched the bishops subiectiō in Ecclesia­stical matters. You could not otherwise haue decked your margent, with your gay and freshe lying note: that the king is to be obeyed in Ecclesiastical causes, and not the Pope. And so are ye now sodainly become so spiritual and so good an ec­clesiastical man,M. Horne leaueth out that vvhich serueth for the opening of the vvhole matter. that feuda and regalia: are become matters ecclesiastical. Which is as true, as ye may be rightfully cal­led an ecclesiastical man, hauing a Madge of your owne to kepe your back warme in the cold winter nightes: and by as good reason ye may cal her an ecclesiastical woman to.

M. Horn. The .149. Diuision. pag. 88. a.

The people doth amende or reforme the negligence of the Pastour Can. vlt. dist. 65. Ergo, the Prince also may do the same. [Page 375] If the Bisshop wil not, or doe forslovve to heare and to decide the controuersies of his Cleargy: the Bisshop being slowe or tarying ouer longe, nothing dooth hinder or stay (saith the Canon) to aske Episcopale Iudicium, the bisshoply iudgement of the Emperour. If it happen that the Priests be not diligent a­bout the Aultar offices: if concerning the temple, neglecting the Sacrifices, they hasten into kings palayces▪ runne to wrast­linge places, doe prophane them selues in brothelles houses, and yf they conuert that which the faithful haue offred, to the pleasures of them selues, and of theirs: wherefore shal not the Princes, whome the Catholique Faith hath be­gotten, and taught in the bosome of the Church, cal againe, and take vpon thē selues the care of this mat­ter? and so proueth at large by many examples out of the Histo­ries, and the Lavves, that this care and charge in Ecclesiasticall (.487.)The .487. vntruth. This chardge is not in Ecclesiasti­cal matters, but a­boute Ecclesiasti­cal persons in tem­poral matters, as for external order to be kept, and in execution of the Church Canons, requiringe the Prī ­ces ayde &c. matters and causes belongeth to the Princes, vnto the vvhich examples, he addeth this: In our Fathers tyme (saith he) Kinge Lewes .11. made a constitution, that Arche­bisshoppes, Bisshops, Abbottes, and who so euer hadde dignities in the Church, or had the cure of other bene­fices, should within fiue monethes, resorte to their Churches, and should not remoue any more frō thēse, diligently there labouring in diuine matters, and sa­crifices for the faulfty of the king and his kingdome, and that vnder a great paine of losing all their goods and lands. Here Quintinus doth greuously complain of the dissolute and moste VVho more cor­rupt, then your nevve Clergy now of handycraft Mi­nisters? corrupt maners of the Cleargy, vvhereto he addeth, saying: VVherefore than should not Princes cō ­pell this Iewde idle kinde of men to do their dueties?

Stapleton.

May the people M. Horne amende and reforme the ne­gligence of the pastour? And that by the Popes Lawe to?M. Horn [...] imperti­nent alle­gations. Then belyke the headlesse people of Germany, and your [Page] headlesse bretherne that of late haue made such ruffle, in these lowe countres here, shal finde some good defence for their doings, to saue the reast from the gybet or from the sacke, which haue not yet passed that way. Then may yt seme a smal matter that the laye people haue by a late Acte of parliamente transformed and altered the olde relligion against the minde of all the Bisshops and the whole conuo­cation. But your authour saieth. Ecclesiae nihil est licentius, Democratia. There is in the worlde, nothing more perni­ciouse to the Church of God, then is such vnbrideled liber­tie of the people,Dist. 62. Docendus. which must be taught and not followed: as he alleageth out of Pope Celestin, ād that but two distinctiōs, before that distinction, which your self alleage. And what great reformation is it M. Horn, that your distinction spea­keth of? Suerly none other, but that, yf it chaunce all the bis­shops of one contrie to die, Dist. 65. Sî fortè. sauing one, and yf he be negligent in procuring the electiō and substitutiō of some other in their pla­ces, that the people may goe to the bisshops of the contrey next adioyning, and cause them to ordeine some new bisshops. We are also content that yf the bisshops or others be negligent, the prince may compell them to doe their dewty. But then loke wel to your self. For who is more negligent about the Aultars, Hovve handsom­ly M. H. pleadeth against him selfe. and worthy to be punished therfore, thē they that throwe downe Aultars? Who neglect the sacrifices but yow that deny the sacrifice and the presence of Christ in the Sa­cramēt? Who be those but you and your fellowes, that cō ­uerte to the pleasures of thē selues and theires, that which the faithful hath offred to Christ in laying out the Church goods vpō your self, which should haue no parte to thē, being be­come by your mariage a laye man: and in the mainteyninge ād purchasing for your vnlawful wyues childrē? Now who [Page 376] be they that prophane thē selues in brothel howses, let the old constitutions of the Churche tel vs. A man would litle think, that ye would euer haue pleaded so agaīst your own self. But what can you bring, (I would fayne know,) that is not against you, in so badde a cause?

M. Horne. The .150. Diuision. pag. 88. b.

If you delight in antiquites (saith he) no man doth doubt,L. Quicū ­que: de E­pis. et Cler. but that in the primatiue Church, the Princes did iudge both of the Ecclesiasticall persones and causes: and did oftentimes make good Lawes for the trueth against falsehood. Arcadius ād Ho­norius religious Princes doe (.488.)The .488. vntruthe. The place alleaged shevveth of no bis­shops de­posed by these Em­perours. depose a troublesome Bis­shop both from his Bishoprik, sea, and name. The .13. first titles of the first booke of Iustiniās Code, collected out of the Cōsti­tutiōs of diuers Emperours, doe plainly intreate and iudge of those things which appertain to the Bishoply cure. For what perteineth more to the office of a Bishop, than Faith? thē Bap­tism? then the high Trinity? than the conuersation of Mōkes? the ordeining of Clergymen and Bishops? and than many like lawes, which doubtles doe concerne our Religiō, ād Church. But the Nouel Constitutions of themperour Iustinian are full of such Lavves. And least peraduenture some man might sus­pect, that this vvas tyranny, or the oppression of the Churche, Iohn the Pope doth salute this Emperor, the most Clemēt Son learned in the Ecclesiastical disciplines, and the most Christiā amōgest Princes. Epist. inter claras. De summa Trin. C. Childebertus the King of Frāce, did (.489.)The .489. vntruthe. The King did not exact any thīng. exact of Pelagius .2. the cōfession of his faith and religion: the which the Pope both speedely ād willingly did perfourme C. Sat agendum. 25. q. 1. VVhan I was in Calabria, saith Quintinus, by chaunce I founde a fragment of a certain booke in Lombardye letters, hauinge this inscription: Capitula Caroli. Then followeth an epistle beginning thus: I Charles by the grace of God, and of his mercy, the Kinge and gouernour of the kingdom of Fraunce, a deuout defendour of Goddes holy Churche, and humble healper thereof.

[Page]To al the orders of the Ecclesiastical power, or the dignities of the secular power: greeting: And so reciteth all those Ecclesiasticall Lavves and constitutions, vvhich I haue vvriten before in Charles the great. To al which (saith Quintinus) as it were in maner of a conclusiō, are these woordes put to: I will compell al men to liue accor­dinge to the Canons and rules of the Fathers. Lewes the Emperour, this Charles Sonne, kept a Synode wherein he forbadde all Churchmen, sumptuousnes or excesse in appa­raile, vanities of Ievvels, and ouermuch pompe. Anno Christi .830. He also set forth a booke, touching the maner and order of liuing for the Churchmen. I doubt not, (saith Quintīnus) but the Church should vse, and should be bounde to such lawes. (meaning, as Princes (.490.)The .490. vntruth. He meaneth not so, but such as be­ing made in for­mer Canons, the Princes confirm ād promulge by their lavves also. make in Ecclesiastical matters) Pope Leo .3. (saith he) being accused by Campulus and Paschalis, did purge himself before Charles the great, being at Rome, and as yet not Emperour. Can. Auditū. 2. q. 4. Leo .4. offereth him selfe to be refourmed or a­mended, if he haue done any thing amisse by the iud­gement of Lewes the Frenche Kinge, being Empe­rour. Can. Nos si incompetenter. 2. q. 7. Menna whom Gre­gory the great calleth moste reuerende brother and fellow Bishop, beīg now already purged before Gre­gory, is (.491)The .491. vntruth. For concealinge, vvho commaun­ded him, vvhich vvas the Pope him selfe. cōmaunded a freshe to purge himself of the crime obiected, before Bruchin [...]ld the Queene of Fraunce Ca. Menna. 2. q. 4. In which question also it is red, that Pope Sixtus .3. did purge himselfe before the Emperour Valentinian. Can. Mandastis. So (.492.)The .492. vntruth. This is not in Quī ­tinus, printed at Lyons. An 1549. also Iohn .22. Bisshop of Rome was compelled by meanes of the Diuines of Paris, to recante before the Frenche King Philippe,The Pope an (493.) heretik compelled to recante before the French King. The .493. vntruthe Slaunderous not vvithout triumphe, the vvhich Io. Gerson telleth in a Sermon. De Pasc. The Popes Heresy vvas, that he thought, the Christian Soules not to be re­ceiued into glory before the resurrection of the Bo­dies. Cresconius a noble man in Sicilia, had authoritie or povver geuen him of Pelagius the Pope, ouer the [Page 377] Bishoppes in that Prouince, oppressing the Cleargie with vexations. Can. Illud. 10. q. 3. The whiche Canon of the law,The .494: vntruth. greate, in false reasonīg. For none of al these examples do proue the popes Primacy. the Glossar doth interprete to be writē to a secular Prince. in Ca. Clericū nullus .11. q. 3. The Abbottes, Bishoppes, and the Popes them selues, in some time paste, were chosen by the Kinges prouision. Cap. Adrianus .63. dist. And in the same Canō. Hinc est etiam .16. q. 1. Gregorius wrote vnto the Dukes Rodolph, and Bertulph, that they shoude in no wise receiue priestes defiled with whoredome or Symony, but that they should for­bidde thē frō the holy Ministeries. § Verum .32. dist. in whiche place the interpretours doo note, that Laimen sometimes may suspende Cleargymen from their office, by the Popes cōmaun­dement: yea also they may excōmunicate, whiche is worthy of memory. Hytherto Quintinus a learned lavvier and a great main­teinour of the Popes iurisdiction, hath declared his opinion, and that agrea­ble to the Popes ovvne Lavves, that Princes may take vppon them to gouerne in Ecclesiastical (.495.)The .495. vntruth. That hath not bene proued, out of Quintinꝰ in such sēce as the Acte at­tributeth to the Prince: L. quicunque de E­piscopis et clericis. Quicūque residē [...]ibus sacerdoti­bus, fuerit episcopali loco & no mine de­trusus, si aliquid cōtra quie tē publicā moliri &c. matters or causes.

Stapleton.

All this processe following tendeth to proue, that prin­ces haue a gouernemente in causes and matters ecclesia­stical. We might perchaunce stande with M. Horne for the worde gouernemente, which I suppose can not be iu­stified by any thing he shall bringe forthe, but we wil not. For we nede not greatly sticke with him for the terme, we wil rather consider the thing yt self. First then ye enter M. Horne with an vntruth, or two. For properly to speake, neither were any princes, that you here reherse, iudges in causes ecclesiastical, thowgh they had therein a certain in­termedling: neither dothe the lawe ye speake of, tel of any Bishoppes deposed by the Emperours Arcadius and Ho­norius: but this▪ onely that if any Bishop be deposed by his fellowe Bishoppes, assembled together in councell, howe he shalbe ordered, yf he be fownde afterwarde to attempte [Page] anie thing against the common wealth. Concerning the doeinges of the Emperour Iustinian in matters ecclesiasti­call:Dicta ep. inter cla­ras de su­ma Trini­nitate. Vt nō ve­strae inno­tescat san­ctitati, quia ca­put est omnium sanctarum ecclesiarū. Dict. ca. Satagēdū. 25. q. 1. Satagēdū est, vt pro auferendo suspicionis scandalo. Cōsidēter à nobis postulauit (vt decuit) quatenus. &c. Dict. c. Nos si in­competen­ter. 2. q. 7. & ibi in glos. we haue spoken at large alredie. And if he were, as ye terme him moste Christian amongest princes, and lear­ned in the ecclesiastical disciplines: why doe you not be­lieue him calling Pope Iohn, that ye here speake of, heade of the Churche, and that in the verie place by you alleaged? What gouernance in matters ecclesiasticall, I praye you was it in Kinge Childebertus, if Pope Pelagius, to auoyde slaunder, and suspicion, that he should not thinke wel of the Chalcedon Councell, sent to the saied King at his requeste the tenoure of his faythe and beliefe? Therefore you doe abuse your Reader, and abuse also the woorde, exacte: whiche signifieth to constraine or compel. And that dyd not the Kinge, but only dyd require or demaunde. Tou­ching the Emperour Charles, it is I suppose sufficiently an­swered alrerdye. And if nothing were answered, that youre selfe nowe alleage maie serue for a good answere. For he maketh no newe rules or Constitutions in Chur­che matters, but establissheth and reneweth the olde, and saieth: He wil compell all men to lyue according to the rules and Canons of the Fathers. Neither doothe he call him selfe heade or Gouernoure of the Churche, but a de­uoute defender, and an humble helper. But when he spea­keth of his worldlie kingdome, he calleth him selfe, the go­uernour of the kingdome of Fraunce. We nede now answere no further for Lewys the Emperour, Charles the great his sonne, then we haue already answered: neither touching Leo the .3. Yf ye say, that the Emperour was iudge in the cause of Leo the .4. I graunt you, but not by any ordinarie authoritie, but because he submitted him selfe and his cause [Page 378] to the Emperours iudgemēt, as it appereth by his own text and the glose. And it is a rule of the Ciuill Lawe,Lib. 14. Est recep­tum, &c. ff. de iuris­dic. omniū iudicum. that yf any man of higher Authority, wil submit him selfe and his cause to his inferior, that in such a case he may be his iudge.

But now at length, it semeth you haue found a laie per­son, yea a woman, head of the Churche: and that a reue­rend Bisshop was cōmaunded to purge him self before her. Whie doe ye not tel vs also who cōmaunded him?Causa. 2. quest 4. cap. Mennam. It was not Brunichildis the Frenche Queene, but Pope Gregorie that cōmaunded him. And when, I pray you?Reuerti illum, pur­gatum absolutūque permisimus. Surely when he had purged him self be­fore at Rome, before Pope Gregory. And why was he, I pray you, sent to the Queene? Surely for no great nede, but for to cause his innocencie,Vide marginalē glo­sam ibidem. to be more euidently and clerely knowen. Here by the waie, I woulde aske M. Horne, what authoritie Gregorie had to call this French Bishop to Rome?Dict. c. mandastis. ibidem. Quod audiens Valē ­tinianus Augustus nostra authoritate Synodum congregari iussit: & mox. Li­cet euadere aliter satis potuissem, suspitionem tamen fugiēs coram omnibus me purgaui. Sed non alijs qui noluerint, aut sponte hoc non elegerint, faciendi formam dans. Hath he not trow ye, by his owne example, pro­ued the Popes Primacy? And hath he not done the like in the matter of Pope Sixtus? Verely his text saieth: that the Councell which the Emperour Valen­tinian commaunded to be holden, and before the whi­che the Pope Sixtus purged him selfe, was assembled by the saied Pope Sixtus authoritie, and that he nea­ded not to haue made his purgation, but made it vo­luntarilye to auoyde suspition, not binding his succes­sours to followe this exaumple, but to be free and at their owne libertie. But this matter I leaue to be handeld more at large by Maister Dorman against Maister Nowell, who maketh (to his seming) gaie sporte therewith.

[Page]Then followeth in M. Horne the recantation of Pope Iohn wherof his Author Quintinus speaketh neuer a word, and yet is it here placed in the midle of Quintinus matters, and in a distinct letter.In exem­plar. Lug­dun. An. 1549. in volum. 14. And this patche as it discloseth the grosse errour of the English Apologie, and of M. Iewell in his Replie imputing to this Pope, that he denied the immor­talitie of sowles: so it proueth nothing in the world the laye Princes primacie, no nor any heresie in Pope Iohn neither. For if he mainteined any such errour,A grosse errour of M. Iewel. pag. 275. it was before he was Pope. And in case he thought so after he was auaunced to the See Apostolicall (which can not be proued) yet he did not cōmaūd yt to be publikly beleued, by any definitiue sentence or open decree. And therfore as gaily as ye haue garnished your margent: with the Pope an Heretique com­pelled to recant before the French King, neither you, nor your Apologie, nor M. Iewel, shall take any greate woorshippe thereby: but you must all three (if M. Iewell and the Au­thour of the Apologie be two) recante, as well as he, and beare him companie. The Apologie and M. Iewel, for slaū ­dering him with a wrong and a farre more grieuous error, then he euer helde. You, as well for reporting this out of Quintinus (who saieth it not) as for your impertinent and foolish plea, pleading thereby for your new secular prima­cie. Which wil as well follow of this storie, as it is true that Pope Iohn denied the immortalitie of soules. The re­sidue that followeth, partly we haue answered, as touching Cap. Adrianus .63. Distinct. Partly it may be answered in few wordes: and that is, that it maketh al directly for the Popes Primacie as from whom the laie men that M. Horne spea­keth of, had al their authority, as appereth by his own exā ­ples. If he would haue proued any thing cōcludingly for his [Page 399] purpose, he should haue concluded, that the Pope tooke his authoritie of the laie men. Now prouing the contrarye him selfe, he ministreth good matter against him selfe.

M. Horne. The .151. Diuision. pag. 89 b.Braughtō lib. 1. cap. de Papa. Archiepis­copis & a­lijs praelat.

Besydes these Lavviers, this vvas the common opinion of the chiefest vvri­ters of the cōmon Lavv of this realme, as appeareth (.496.)The 496. vntruth: The con­trary ap­peareth plainely by Brau­ghton, as it shal be declared. by Braughton in these vvoordes: Sunt & sub rege &c. Vnder the King are bothe freemen and bondemen, and they be subiect to his power, and are all vnder him, and he is a certaine thing or creature that is vnder none but onely vnder God. And againe in the Chapiter the title vvhereof is this. Rex non habet parem, &c. The King hath no peere or equall in his Kingdome: The King (saith he) in his Kingdom hath no equall, for so might he lose his precepte or authoritie of commaunding, sithe that an equall hathe no rule or commaundement ouer his equall: as for the King himselfe ought not to be vnder man, but vnder God, and vnder the law, because the Law maketh a King. Let the King therefore attri­bute that vnto the Lawe, that the Lawe attributeth vnto him,The 487. vntruth. A parte of the sen­tence opening, and ansvver­ing the vvhole obiection nipped quite of. to wit, dominion and power. For he is not a King in whom will and not the law doth rule, and that he ought to be vnder the Law, Cùm sit Dei Vicarius, sith he is the Vicare of God, it appeareth euidently by the likenes of Iesu Christe, whose vicegerent he is in earth: and vvithin a litle after he concludeth thus: Igitur non debet maior esse eo in regno suo (.497.) Therfore there ought to be none greater then he in his kingdome.

The .40. Chapter. Concerning Braughton, Maister Hornes last Authour.

Stapleton.

HAppie is it, that M. Horne writeth in English, and to English men, and not in Latine. For surelye as oure Countrie hath shutte out the Popes authoritie, yea [Page] ād al maner of ecclesiastical authority, that it shal not passe the Ocean sea towarde it: So may al other nations muche better exclude the authority of a temporall lawyer of our realme that it passe not the sayde Ocean sea toward them. But because our Christian belief (the more pity) is become of late nothing else but a Parliamēt matter, and a matter of commō lawe: and seing we haue estraunged our self from the olde cōmon catholike faith into a late vpstart, and into a priuate and national fayth of our owne, and yet for some colour wil pretend, it was at least the aunciente faythe of this realme, I wil make none exceptiō againste M. Hornes plea, but wil ioyne issue, and cope with him euen with our own lawe, and with his owne authour. And that M Horne shall not say I deale with him hardly and pinchingly, but freely and liberally: I do here offer to be tried, not by the Pope (for feare of a premunire) but by the Iudges of the kinges benche: and by al other the Quenes May. Iudges, yea by all the lawyers of the realme to, that by the cōmon lawe of the realme in Braughtons time the king was not ta­ken for the head of the Churche, but the Pope. And if M. Horne may proue the contrary to my assertiō, by Braugh­ton, then dare I offerre in M. Fekenhams name, that he shal take the othe: and if he wil not, I, for my self dare pro­mise so much, ād wil performe it: and shalbe contēte with­al, that M. Horne for this his highe inuentiō, shal be made sergeant of the quo if also. Why saieth Mayster Horn, what meane you to say so? Do not I plainly alleage by Braugh­ton his wordes, that the kinge is vnder none, but onely vn­der God? That the kinge hath no peere or equall? That there ought to be none greater in his kingdome then the kinge? Yea to conclude, that he is the Vicar of God? Are not these [Page 380] Braughtons wordes? Do I misreherse them, sayeth May­ster Horne? And what will ye haue then more, will he saie? Forsoth Mayster Horne we loke for, but three litle wordes more, that is, that ye proue vs owt of Brawghton, that the kinge is the greatest in his realme, and the Vicar of all, not in matters cyuill, which we willinglye graunte you, but for matters ecclesiasticall. Wherof ye haue not yet owte of Braughton browght so much as one worde. And so haue you for all this ioly fetche, fetched in nothing to your purpose, but haue fished all this while in Braugh­ton all in vayne. Yet is there one thing more we loke for, that is, to haue an honester man, and of better,Hovv vvret­chedlie M. Horne alleageth Brauhg­ton. and more vppright dealing and conscience, then ye are of, to reporte Braughton. And then we haue some hope, that as you can proue nothing by him, for your new primacie: So shall we proue euen by your owne authour, that by the common lawe of the realme, the Pope was then the cheif head of all Christes Churche. And me thincke, thowghe in your texte there is nothing but the duskishe, darke, hornelight of an vnfaythfull and blinde allegation, that yet in your margent, there appereth a glistering day starre, and that the sonne is at hande to open and disclose to the worlde by the bright beames and most cleare light of the catholyque faythe, shyning in youre owne Authoure, ei­ther your exceding malice, or your most palpable grosse, and darke ignorance. Wherewith for your desertes and spitiful heart to the catholyke faith, God hath plagued you no lesse then he did the Aegiptians. Why M. Horne? Hath Braughtō thē a Title de Papa, Archiepiscopis, & alijs prelatis: of the Pope, Archbishops and other prelats. What? Is there nothing in him but a bare and naked title? What sayeth [Page] Braughton in his text? Doth he say that the Pope hath no­thing to doe, but in his owne diocese, and no more than o­ther Bishoppes haue? Doth he say, that he is not the head, and the superiour of al other Bishopes? Or doth he say, as ye saie, that all Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction commeth from the King only? Or doth he say, that the Kinge is aboue the the Pope, and head of the Churche him selfe? Wel. Ye haue seene the starre light in the margent: Nowe shall ye see also,Braughtō lib. 1. Homines quidā sunt excellētes & prelati & alijs principantur. Dominus Papa in rebus spirituali­bus, quae pertinent ad sacerdotiū & sub eo archie­piscopi, E­piscopi, & alij praelati inferiores. Item in tēporali­bus Impe­ratores, reges, &c. to the vtter destruction of your newe primacie, and to your great dishonestie, for this your detestable dea­ling, the bright daye light. Ye tel vs out of Braughton, that al, aswel freemen as bondmen, are subiecte to the Kinge his power. You tel vs, the King hath no Peere: what of all this? Tel me withall for what the title of the Pope and Arche­bishope serueth? Verely it serueth to direct vs to your own confusion and shame. Ye tolde vs euen in the other page of this leafe, that Kinge Childebertus exacted of Pope Pela­gius the confession of his faith, whiche he voluntarily offe­red. But suerly the cōfessiō of this matter, wil not come frō you freely and voluntarily, but it must be exacted from you, and brought from you by the verie violence of the moste stronge and forcible truth. Let vs then heare Braughtons owne wordes. He saieth: There is a difference and distinctiō betwen person and person. For some there are, that be in excel­lencie and prelacie, and be rulers aboue other. As in spirituall matters and those that appertaine to priesthood, our Lorde the Pope, and vnder him Archebishopes, and Bishopes, and other inferiour Prelates. In temporall matters also Emperours, Kinges, and Princes, for suche thinges as apperteine to the kingdom: and vnder them Dukes, Erles, Barons and such other.

Againe he writeth thus in an other place: Sunt enim [Page 381] causae spirituales &c. There are, saieth he, spiritual causes, in the which the seculer iugde hath no cognition, Eodē libro neither can put them to execution, because he hath no punishement for them. For in these causes, the iudgement apperteyneth to the eccle­siastical iudges who hath the gouernance and defence of priest­hoode. There be also Secular causes, the knowledge and iudgemente whereof apperteyneth to Kinges and Princes, who defende the Kingdome, Ergo non debet ma­ior esse in regno suo in exhibi­tioneiuris. and with the whiche the Cler­gie shoulde not intermedle: seeing that the iurisdictions of them are sondred and distincted: vnlesse yt be when one sworde muste helpe the other. I truste by this Maister Horne ye doe, or may vnderstand, what is meante, when Braughton calleth the Kinge, the Vicar of God: and saieth, there ought to be none greater then the Kinge in his kingdome. Whiche rule woulde haue bene playner, if ye had added the three woordes following: In exhibitione iuris. That is, in ministring of euerie man ryght and iustice: whiche is altogether ministred in mere prophane and ciuill matters vnder and by the Kinges Authoritie, and whiche woordes are by you nipped quite of verie ministerlyke. We will yet adde the third Authoritie out of Braughton, because it doeth not onely make againste this newe vpstarte Supre­macie, but aunswereth also as well to the olde Cugnerius, as to our newe Cugnerius (M. Horne) his fonde argu­mentes against the spirituall iurisction.

Braughton then after that he hath shewed,Libro 4. that there is one iurisdiction, that is called ordinarie, and an other of delegates, and holding by commission, and that as well in the temporall as spirituall Courte: and that these two iu­risdictions be distincted, and that the Iudges of eche sorte, shoulde take heed, that they doe not intrude vppon the [Page] other: he telleth vs of some particularities, of matters ap­perteyning to the Churche Iurisdiction. First that none of the clergy may be called before a secular iudge,Matters appertei­ning to the spiri­tual iuris­diction. for anie matter towching the ecclesiasticall courte, or for any spi­rituall matter, or suche as be annexed and coherent. As when penance is to be enioyned for any sinne or trespase, wherin the ecclesiastical Iudge hath the cognitiō, and not the kinge: for it doth not apperteine to the king or to the temporall Iudge to enioyne penaunce. Neither can they iudge of matters coherent and annexed to spiritual things: as of tithes and suche other: as, concerning mouables be­quethed in a mans testament, nor in a cause of matrimony. Nor if a mā promise mony for mariage as (he saith) he hath before declared. For in al theis things the clerke may bring the cause frō the tēporal to the ecclesiastical Iudge. And so haue we found M. Horne by the common lawe in Braugh­tons time the Popes supreamacy in Englande, and not that onely,Braugh­ton and Quintinꝰ be against Petrus Cugneri­us that M. Horne before al­leaged. Prius fol. 82. but also, that aswel Braughton as Quintinus be hard against you and your Petrus Cugnerius for the minishing and defacing of the spiritual iurisdiction: and for your vn­truth in auowching that the medling with contractes of mariages, enioyning of penaūce, and suche like, are nothing but temporal matters perteining to the kinges iurisdiction. And thus in fine, to be shorte, where your proufes should be strongest, there are they most acrased and feble: ād your fowre lawyers, with your Diuine, proue nothing to your purpose, but al against yt.

M. Horne. The .152. Diuision. pag. 90. a.

Thus haue I sufficiently (.498.) The .498. vntruth. You haue proued nothing lesse. proued, that the Emperours and Kinges, ought, haue, and may claime, and take vpon thē suche gouernement, in Spi­ritual and Ecclesiastical causes and matters, as the Queenes Maiestye novv [Page 382] doothe. In confirmation vvhereof I haue bene more large, than other­vvise I vvoulde, but that the proufe hereof doeth reproue, and fully aun­svveare the principall matter of your vvhole booke: and therefore I maie vse more briefnesse in that vvhiche follovveth. I haue made proufe vnto you, sufficient to remoue (.499.) The 499. vntruthe. You haue proued nothing sufficient to satisfie M. Feckē ­ham, or anie meane man. your ignorance, both of the mat­ter, and the vvaie vvherby to knovve, confessed by you in your Minor Proposition. And this haue I done by the selfesame mea­nes, that you require in your issue. I haue made proufe of the Su­preame gouernment in Ecclesiastical causes, to belong vnto Kings and Princes, by the expresse (.500.) The 500. Vntruthe. you haue shewed no such commaun­dement. cōmaundement of God, vvhere he did first describe and set foorth, the duety and office of Kings. I haue made the same more plaine and manifest, by the (.501.) The 501. vntruthe. None of your ex­amples haue serued your turne. ex­amples of the moste holy gouernours amongest Goddes people, as Moyses, Iosua, Dauid, Salomon, Iosaphat, Ezechias, Iosias, the Kinge of Niniue, Darius, and Nabugodonosor: vvho expreste this to be the true meaning of God his commaundemente, by theyr practise hereof, so hyghly commended euen by the holy Ghost: vvhervnto I haue added certaine prophecies, forthe of Dauid and Esaie: vvherby it is manifestly proued, that the holy ghost doth loke for, exact, and challenge, this seruice and (.502.) The 502. vntruthe. Your prophecies haue proued no such Supreme Go­uernment. Supreme gouern­ment in church causes, at princes handes. I haue declared that the Catholike church of Christ, did accept, and repute these histories of the old Testamēt, to be figures and prophecies, of the like gouernmēt and seruice, to be required of the Kinges, in the time of the nevve Testamēt: I haue cōfirmed the same by the manifest Scriptures, of the (.503.) The 503. vntruhe. No Scripture of the nevve Testament hath proued the like gouernment &c. nevve Testamēt: VVherevnto I haue adioygned the testi­monies of (.504.) The 504. vntruthe. Your Auncient Do­ctours stand plaine againste you. auncient Doctours, vvith certain exāples of most godly emperors, vvho being so taught by the most Catholik Fathers of Christs church, did rightly iudge, that the vigilāt care, ouersight, ād ordering of church causes, vvas the chiefest and best part of their ministery, and seruice vnto the Lord. I haue shevved plainly, by the order of supreame gouernmēt in church causes, practised, set forth, and allovved, in the greatest and best Coūcels, both (.505.) The 505. vntruthe. The practise of all Councelles bothe Generall and Na­tionall hath vvit­nessed the popes, not the Princes Primacy. General and Nationall: that the same order of Gouernement, hath bene claimed and put in vse by the Emperours, and allovved, and much commended by the vvhole number of the Catholike Bishops. [Page] I haue made plaine proufe hereof, by the continuall practise of the (.506.) The 506: vntruth. Ye haue not pro­ued the like go­uernemēt by any one king or prince. like Ecclesiastical gouernment, claimed and vsed by the kinges and Princes, euen vntil the time that you your selfe did allovve, confesse, and preache the same many yeares togeather: All vvhiche to your more contentation here­in, I haue proued by those Hystoriographers, that vvrote not onely before the time of Martine Luther, least ye might suspecte them of partialitie a­gainst you: but also suche in dede, as vvere for the moste parte (.507.) The .507. Vntruth Partiall thei could not be for your part, being the aduersari, vvas not thē extāt. par­tiall on your side, or rather vvholie addicte and mancipate to your holy Fa­ther: as Platina, Nauclerus, Abbas Vrspurgensis, Sabellicus, Ae­neas Syluius, Volateranus, Fabian, Polychronicon, Petrus Ber­trandus, Benno Cardinalis, Durandus, Paulus Aemilius, Mar­tinus Poenitentiarius, Pontificale, Damasus, Polydorus Virgili­us, &c. all your friendes, and vvhome you may truste. I vvarraunt [...] you, on their vvo [...]rde, being the Popes svvorne Vassalles, his Chapplaines, his Cardinalles, his Chamberlaines, his Secretaries, his Librarie keepers, his Penitentia [...]ies, his Legates, his Peterpence gatherers, his svvorne Monkes and Abbottes, as vvell as you, and some of them Popes them selues, vvhich, your friendes saie, can (.508.) The .508. Vntruth. No Ca­tholique denieth, but the Pope can lie and svvear to, as bad as any other neyther lie, nor erre from the truth. And besides all these, the fovver pointes of your issue, according to your re­queste, proued at large, for the better reducing of you from vvilfull and ma­licious ignoraunce, to knovve and acknovvlege the inuincible trueth hereof: I haue added to your petition, a fift pointe, vvhiche you tearme a vvoorke of Supererogation. For, to confirme my proufes vvithall, I haue produ­cted for vvitnesses, your best learned, although othervvise Papishe, Ciui­lian and Canon lavvyers, vvho haue deposed directlie on my (.509.)The .509. Vntruth. Most im­pudent. Thei haue all depo­sed ō our side clene againste you, and do yet to this daie, some of thē stand against you. side againste you: Namely Doctour Tunstall, D. Stokesley. D. Gardiner, D. Bon­ner, D. Thirlbie, D. Decius, the Glossaries vppon the Lavv, D. Petrus Fer­rariensis, D. Io. Quintinus: to vvhome I mighte adde the Ciuilians and Canonistes that vvere in or tovvard the Arches in the last ende of King Henrie, and all the time of King Edvvarde, vvith all the Doctours and Proctours of or tovvardes the Arches at (.510.)The .510. vntruth. Slaunderous to the learned of the Arche [...] this time. VVherefore you vvill novv, I trust, yealde herein, and recken your selfe vvell satisfied, take vppon you the knovvledge hereof, and to be readie to testifie the same vppon a booke othe, for so haue you promised.

The conclusion of the three bookes going before, with a briefe recapitulatiō of that which hath bene saied.

Stapleton.

NOwe doth M. Horne blow out of his iolye Horne, a gloriouse and triumphant blaste, to signifie to all the world, what a renowned cōqueste he hath made vppon poore M. Fekenham. He setteth forth his army to the vewe of the worlde, wherby he sayeth he hath obtey­ned this famouse victorie: furnished with a number of most holie gouernours amongest Gods people, before the com­ming of Christ, as Moyses, Iosue, Dauid, the king of Niniue, Darius, and Nabuchodonosor: furnished with the manifest scriptures of the newe testamente, and the examples of the most godly Emperours, with generall and nationall coun­celles, with the cōtinuall practise of the Churche, with the Popes sworne vassales, his chaplaines, his cardinalles, his chamberlaines, his secretaries, his librarie kepers, his peni­tentiaries, his legates, his peterpence gatherers, his sworne monks and Abbattes, yea to confirme vp his proufes with­al, with the testimony of Doctour Gardiner, D. Tonstal, D. Bonner, and D. Thirlbie. And therfore he trusteth that M. Fekenham will nowe at length, yelde and recken hym self wel satisfied, and take the othe of the supremacy.

This is a Royall and a Triumphante conqueste in deede, Mayster Horne, if it be as you vaunte. But yet, I would muche soner beleue yt, yf I hearde any indifferent man besides your self, say as much. For thowghe, as I heare say, you coulde handle your clubbe, your buckler, and your waster wel and cūningly, whē ye were in Cābridge, wher­of ye wil not sticke as yt is reported, now and thē to talke, when ye are disposed to bragge of your yowthly partes [Page] there played, yet to say the truth, in this combate with M. Fekenham I see no such manlines in you. Neither haue ye plaied so closely, but that a man may easely reache you a rappe vppon the head, armes, or shoulders, and cause you there to cratche and claw with your fingers, where it yt­cheth not. Yea ye are beaten quite out of the field, with your owne proufes and weapons.

And as for M. Fekhenhā ye haue not fastened vpon him as much as one blow. What speak I of a blowe? No not so much as a good phillip. And therfore wheras ye so brauely bragge, and so triumphaūtlie vaunt, that all is yours, when in dede ye haue lost al, I thinke good to put you in remem­braunce of the great wise man that Atheneus writeth of:Lib. 12. who as often as any ship came to the hauē with marchan­dize, would runne thither with al haste, and welcome the mariners with great ioye and gratulation, reioycing exce­dinglie and thanking God that had sent home his Marchā ­dize, so sauflie, and so prosperouslie. For the poore man (such was his wisedome) being owner of no part, thought al to be his. I say, it fareth euen so with you, M. Horne. Of al the good Emperours, Kings, Fathers and Councelles by you rehearsed, crie you as much and as long as ye will, that they are al yours, yet there is not so much as one, yours. Ye haue not brought so muche as one authority directly or in­directly cōcluding your purpose. Els shew me, but one of al the foresaid Authors that saieth that the Pope hath no au­thoritie either in England or in other countries out of Ita­lie. Shew me one that saith either plain words, or in equiualent, that the Prince is Supreme head in al causes eccle­siasticall. Yea shewe me one, that auoucheth the Prince to be the Supreme gouernour in any one cause mere ecclesi­astical. [Page 384] And thinke you now in the folding vp of your con­clusion, to perswade your Readers, that yee haue them all on your side? Or blush you not to vaunte, that you haue proued your assertion, euen by those that your selfe cōfesse were wholy addicted and mancipated to the Pope? And what can more euidently descrie and betraie your excee­ding follie, and passing impudencie,See M. Hornes maruey­lous Rhe­torique. then dothe this moste strange and monstrous Paradoxe? But who woulde haue thought, that of all men in the worlde, your Rhethorique would serue you to bring in the most Reuerend Fathers in God by you named, as good motiues to perswade M. Fe­kenham to take this othe, which for the refusing of the ve­ry same othe, were thrust out of their Bishopricks, and cast into prison, where yet they remaine, suche as yet liue? This point of rhetorical perswasion, neither Demosthenes, nor Cicero (I trow) could euer attaine vnto.

Seing then all your Rhetorike consisteth in lying, and your triumphant conclusiō is folded vp with a browne do­sen of seueral vntruthes, allowing you thirteen to the do­sen, I wil assay M. Horne with more truthe and simplicitie, brefely to vnfolde, for the Readers better remembraunce, and for your comfort, the contentes of these three bookes, wherin you haue plaied the Opponēt, and haue laied forth the best euidēces that you could, for proufe of your straūge and vnheard paradoxe of Princes Supreme Gouernmēt in al ecclesiastical causes. I haue therfore not only disproued your proufes al along frō the first to the laste, but I haue al­so proued the contrary, that to priestes, not to princes ap­pertaineth the chiefe gouernemēt in causes Ecclesiastical. In the first boke, your scripture of the Deuteronom,Cap. 8. cōmaū deth the king to take of the priests, not only the boke of the [Page] lawe, but also the exposition thereof. To your examples of Moyses,Cap. 9.10.11.12.13.14. & 15. of Iosue, of Dauid, of Salomō, of Iosaphat, of Eze­chias and of Iosias, I haue so answered, that it hath euidēt­ly appeared the Supreme gouernement in spiritual matters to haue rested in the highe Bishops, Priestes, and Prophe­tes: not in them: Moyses only excepted, who was a Priest also, not only a Prince of the people. Your idle obiections out of S. Augustin, and of the Donatistes examples, haue nothing relieued you, but only haue bene occasiō to make opē your extreme folly, and to reuele your cousinage with olde heretikes to al the worlde. Your Emanuel hath vtter­ly shamed you: and your disorderly talke of Cōstantin hath nothing furdered you. Your textes of the newe Testamēt, haue bene to to fondly and foolishly alleged, to set vp that kinde of gouernemēt which Christ and the Apostles neuer spake word of. Last of all wheras you blindely vttered, the state of the Question, as one that loued darkenes and shū ­ned the light, where only Truthe is to be founde: I haue opened the same more particularly, and discouered withal your double Vntruth aboute the tenour of the Othe. Thus muche in the firste booke, beside many priuat matters be­twene M. Feckenham and you: wherein you haue bene taken in manifest forgeryes, lyes▪ and slaunders. Besides also a Note of your brethernes obediēce to their Supreme Go­uernours as well in other Countres▪ Cap. 3. Fol. 16. b. as in these lowe Coū ­tres, here, and of their late good rule kept, of which I sup­pose, bothe you and your cause shall take small reliefe and lesse honesty.

In the second booke I haue not only disproued all your pretensed proufes of Princes supreme gouerment in al cau­ses ecclesiasticall, but I haue in them all directly proued [Page 385] the popes primacy withall.In the foure first Chapters. I haue I say shewed the practise of the former .600. yeres, namely from Constantin the great downe to Phocas, to stande clerely for the popes primacy, I haue shewed that Constantin in all his dealinges in the Nicene Counc [...]ll against the Donatistes, in the matter of Athanasius, with the Arrian bishoppes, and with Arrius him selfe, neuer practised this Supreme Gouuernement, which you so fondly vpholde: but in al matters Ecclesiasti­call yelded the gouuernement thereof vnto Bisshops.

I haue shewed,Cap. 5. that the Sonnes of Constantin the greate practised no Supreme gouernement at al in any ecclesiasti­cal cause, much lesse in al causes.

Your next example Valentinian the elder,Cap. 6. is so farre frō al gouernement of the lay prince in Ecclesiasticall causes, that he decreed the plaine contrary, yea and made it law­ful in ciuill matters to appeale to the bishoply Iudgement.

Theodosiꝰ the great hath bene proued to be no fitte ex­ample of your lay supremacy in causes ecclesiastical:Cap. 7. But in his exāple the Popes Primacy is clerly proued, namely by a Recōciliation made of Flauianus the intruded patriarche of Antioche to pope Damasus, ād also by the letters of the General Councell holden at Cōstantinople vnder this Theo­dosius. In that place also I haue shewed by ten seueral ar­ticles, what and howe farre Emperours may and haue dea­led in General Councelles.

In the examples of Archadius and Honorius,Cap. 8. fo. 122. &c. sonnes to this Theodosius, as their pretēded Primacy is proued to be none, so the primacy of Innocentius, thē pope, is clerly pro­ued, as one that for the iniust depositiō of Iohn Chrisostom excōmunicated themperor Archadius, the vpholder ther­of. Also of Damasus then pope, by the suyte of S. Hierom, [Page] made vnto him.

Cap. 9. fo. 127. &. se.In the example of Theodosius the secōd, and the practise of the Ephesine Coūcel the third General, M. Hornes pur­pose is ouerthrowē, and the popes primacy is by clere pra­ctise testified, as well by the saied Counc [...]ll, as also by M. Horns owne Authours, Liberatus and Cyrillus.

Cap. 10.The doinges in the cause of Eutyches, brought forth, by M. Horne to proue the princes Supreme gouernment in al Ecclesiasticall causes, do proue clerely the popes primacy, euen in the very Author and chapter by maister Horne al­leaged.

Cap. 11.Pope Leo strayned by M. Horn to speake somewhat for the Princes Supremacy in matters Ecclesiastical, hath spo­ken and done so much to proue the primacy of the See of Rome, that if M. Horn wil stand to his owne Author, he is vtterly confounded and forced to agnise the popes primacy without all maner of doubte.

Cap. 12.By the example also of Martian the Emperour, for cal­ling of the Chalcedon Councell, nextly alleaged, M. Horns purpose is no whit furdered, but Pope Leo his primacy eui­dently proued.

Cap. 13.By the Actes also of the sayd Councell, the popes and the bishops Supreme Iurisdiction in al ecclesiastical matters to be treated, examined, iudged and defined, throughe out the whole Councel appeareth, and M. Hornes purpose re­mayneth vtterly vnproued.

Cap. 14.I haue farder out of the sayd Chalcedon Councell, be­ing the fourthe Generall, and so one of the foure allowed in our Countre by Acte of parliament in the reigne of the Queenes Mai. present,Elizab. An. 1. gathered euident and sundry argu­mentes for proufe of the Popes and bishops Supremacy in [Page 386] causes ecclesiasticall. And here I require M. Horne, or any mans els whatsoeuer to shewe, howe it is possible without manifeste contradiction, to allowe the Authorytie of this fourthe Generall Councel, and to bannishe the Popes Au­thorytie, which this whole Councel agnised, or to geue to the Prince Supreme Authorytie in al ecclesiastical causes, the same by this Councel resting in the bishops only, not in the Prince at all.

In hath consequently ben shewed against M. Horne,Cap. 15. that his exāples of Leo and Zeno Emperours haue proued no­thing lesse then his imagined Supremacy.

His next examples of three popes Simplicius,Cap. 16. Felix .3. and Symachus, haue al proued so manifest testimonies for their owne Supremacy, euen out of the bookes and places by M. Horne alleaged, that in this matter he semeth a plaine preuaricatour, and one secretly defending the cause, which he seemeth openly to impugne.

Nowe in Fraunce M. Horne,Cap. 17. your lucke hath bene no better, then before in the East Church and in Italy it was. Your arguments in this behalfe haue bene to to pelting and miserable. But the bishops Iurisdiction in all those matters hath bene as euident.

Your story of Iustinus the elder (nextly by you alleaged,Cap. 18. but confusedly and out of measure mangled) being wholy layed forthe, hath plainely proued the popes Supremacy, and nothing at al the princes.

Iustinian your next exaample,Cap. 19. and largely by you prose­cuted, hath neuer a whit proued your matter, but for the Popes absolute Supremacy hath diuerse waies pronoun­ced, not onelye in his behauyour in the fifte Generall [Page] Councell, but in his Edictes and Constitutions, which you for your selfe so thicke haue alleaged.Fol. 171. In that place also I haue noted by diuerse exāples, what euil successe Churche matters haue had,Fol. 174. whē Princes most intermedled. Ther also by the way a Councell in Fraunce by M. Horne alleaged, hath openly pronounced for the popes vniuersall Supre­macy.

Cap. 20.Your last examples taken out of Spayne haue nothinge relieued your badde cause, but haue geuen euidēt witnesse for the Bishops Supremacy in ecclesiastical causes. And thus farre haue you waded in the first .600. yeres after Christe, without any one prouf for your newe Laicall Supremacy. But for the popes and Bishops Supremacy in matters of the Church, the Cōtinual practise of that first age and that in al Countres hath clerely pronounced, as hath bene at large shewed.

In the third book, as the race your runne is the longer, ād triple to that ye ranne in before, so is our cause the strōger, and yours the febler, or rather the wretcheder, that in the cōpasse of .900. yeres, that of so many Emperors, kings and princes, of so many Coūcels both General and National, of so diuerse parts of the Christened worlde, al the East part, Italy, Fraunce, Spayne, Germany, and our own Countre of Englād, yea of the Moscouites, Armeniās and Aethyopiās to, of all these I say not one Prince, Councel or Coūtre ma­keth for you, and not one prince, Councell, or Countre ma­keth against vs, but all haue agnised the popes primacy, and not one in the worlde of so many hundred yeres, haue ag­nised or so muche as hearde of, muche lesse sworen vnto, the Princes Supreme Gouuernement in all Ecclesiasticall causes.

[Page 387]Your first proufe belyeth flatly the See of Rome,Cap. 1. and proueth nothing by any doing of Phocas the Emperour, the Supremacy that you woulde proue.

The Kinges of Spayne and the Toletane Councelles haue made nothinge for you,Cap. 2. but haue clerely confounded you, not only in the principal matters in hande, but also in diuers other matters by your lewde heresies denied.

Your patched proufes and swarming vntruthes in your next narratiō touching certain Popes of Rome,Cap. 3. and of the Churche of Rauēna, haue discouered the miserable weke­nesse of your badde cause, and nothing relieued yowe: the Popes Primacy by your owne examples notwithstan­ding established.

Your fonde surmise against the Decree of Constantin .5. Emperour, for the prerogatiue of the See Apostolike,Cap. 4. as it nothing furdered your matter in hande, yf it had not bene made, so it shewed wel the misery of your cause, that to make your paradoxe to beare some credit, you were fayne to discredit al the Historiās and writers of that matter, cal­ling them Papistes, the Popes Parasites, and fayners of that which they wrote.

The practise of Ecclesiasticall gouernement vsed in the sixt general Councel, next by you alleaged,Cap. 5. cōfirmeth both in word and dede the Popes Primacy and the Bisshops Su­preme iurisdiction in matters Ecclesiasticall, and geueth forth no maner inckling of your imagined Supremacy. In which only matter beside twenty vntruthes by you vtte­red there about, you are as much confounded as in any o­ther Councell or Countre before, notwithstanding your great obiection of Pope Honorius, to the which I haue there sufficiently aunswered.

[Page] Cap. 6.Your talke of the three Kings of Spayne next ensewing, and of the three Toletane Councells kept in their reignes, doth so litle disproue the Supreme iurisdiction of Bisshops in Ecclesiastical causes, that it maketh them Supreme iud­ges euen in ciuil causes. So wide you are euer from prouing your purpose.

Cap. 7.The .7. General Councel by you shortly noted, doth am­ply and abundantly confirme the Popes Primacy, and no­thing in the worlde helpeth your purpose.

Cap. 8.Charles Martel ād Carolomanus his sonne exercised no whit of your imagined Supremacy, but haue cōfessed both clerely the Popes Primacy, by their doings, euē in the mat­ters by your self treated. Your most ignorant and ridiculous exposition made of the keyes of S. Peters Confession sent to this Charles, and your extreme fonde argument deduc­ted thereof, hath vtterly shamed you, yf any shame be in you.

Cap. 9.Your slaunderous reproches against S. Augustine our Apostle, and S. Boniface the Apostle of Germany, and ho­lye Martyr, haue redounded to your owne shame and fol­lye, your cause thereby nothing in the worlde furdered: No, yf yt had bene all true, which you hadde reported of them.

Cap. 10.Charlemayne for all his callinge of Councelles, confir­mynge of the same, and publishinge of Churche Lawes, practised not yet anye like Gouuernement in Ecclesia­sticall causes, as you haue defended, no nor anye Gou­uernement at all, but was lead and gouerned him selfe in all suche thinges of the Fathers and Bisshoppes then liuing, especiallye of the See of Rome. The whole Order also of [Page 388] the Councelles by you alleaged, hath plainelye condem­ned the prophane maner of determinyng causes Eccle­siasticall nowe vsed by mere laye men, at the warrant of suche as yowe are. But for the Popes Primacye none more clere then this Charlemaine, bothe in his doinges,Vide fol. 240. b. & 244. b. Itē fol. 48. Cap. 11. as in the cause of Pope Leo the .3. and in his sayinges, as in the booke so much by you and your fellowes alleaged, and in the decrees it appeareth.

Lewys the first, sonne to this Charlemayne practised no parte of your Supremacye, but the Popes at that tyme, hadde as full vse thereof, as any Popes before or fithens, the confirmation of the Pope, before elected and chosen,Cap. 12. notwithstandinge, of the which matter in that place I haue aunswered you sufficientlye. There also you haue Maister Horne out of the Notable Epistle of Nicolaus .1. to Michael the Emperour, and by the practise of the .8. Generall Councell at large declared vnto you, both the Popes Primacye in all Spirituall matters, and the Empe­rour or Princes subiection in the same, by the Confession of the Emperour himselfe Basilius of Constantinople present in that Councel.

Arnulphus his example hathe nothinge holpen yowe:Cap. 13. The bedroll of certaine euill Popes by yow browght in, onelye declareth your malice to Gods Vicares, and fur­dereth nothinge your badde cause. Your surmise adioy­ned of the cause of the calamities at that tyme, hathe ar­gued your greate folye, and ignorance of the stories, ex­cept we shall say, that malice made you blinde.

Otho the first shewed such obediēce to the See of Rome,Cap. 14. yea to the naughty Pope Iohn the .12. that he is no fit exāple [Page] for the like gouernement in Princes as you maintayne, but for the like obedience to the See Apostolike, as Catholike Princes and Emperours haue alwaies shewed, you coulde not haue brought a more notable or excellent example: ād that proued out of the Authours by your selfe alleaged.

Cap. 15.Hugh Capet the Frenche King, and Otho the .3. Empe­rour haue euen in the matters by your selfe treated, bene proued obediēt and subiect to the See Apostolike, without any colour of the like gouernement as you would fasten v­pon them.

Cap. 16.Your great matter of Henry the .4. and Pope Hildebrād hath concluded flatte against you, with a great number of your lewde vntruthes in that behalfe discouered and con­futed. The Popes Primacy, in no matter more, abundantly and clerely proued.

Cap. 17.The matter of inuesturing bishops (your chief matter to proue the Princes Supremacy in al Ecclesiasticall causes) in Henry .5. Lotharius and Conradus, Emperours, hath pro­ued your purpose no deale at al, namely Henry .5. resigning vp all such pretensed right to pope Calixtus the .2. But in al these matters, how beastly you haue belyed the stories, I haue I trust, sufficiently declared.

Cap. 18.Frederike Barbarossa speaketh no woorde for your bar­barous paradoxe: he obeyed no lesse then other Emperors the See of Rome, yea and at the last submitted himselfe to the Pope, whō before he persecuted, not as true Pope, but as he thought, an intruded Pope. He neuer made question whether he ought to obeye the See Apostolike, or no, but only he doubted who was the true elected Pope, and tooke parte with the worste side. The question nowe in our dayes is farre vnlike: And so are your proufes M. Horne farre and [Page 389] extreme wide from the purpose in hande.

Nowe for matters of our owne Countre,Cap. 19. and for Eccle­siasticall gouernement practised therin, you are so ouerta­ken as in no Countre more. It hath well appered, by that I haue at large sayd, and proued, that longe and many yeres before the Conqueste (at which time you onely beginne your course) as well in Brytannie before the Saxons co­ming, as in England (after of thē it was so called) the Popes Primacy was clerely confessed and practised, euen as it is at this day amonge the Catholikes euery where. As for the gouernement of William the Conquerour, of William Ru­fus his sonne, and of kinge Henry the first, it hath bene pro­ued so farre vnlike to that which you pretende of right to appertayne to the Crowne of Englande, yea to all prin­ces whatsoeuer, that the Popes Supreme gouernement in spirituall matters, is by their examples, yea euen by the testimony of your owne Authours, so expressely proued, and so strongely established, that a man may well wonder, what wytte, honestie or discretion you had, ones to touche the remembraunce of them for proufe of so badde a cause. Your patched adiuncte of the kinges of Hungary, hath appeared a greate vntruth on your part, and nothing for your purpose: except lies can proue your purpose.

That which foloweth of the Armenians and of the Aethyopians,Cap. 20. proueth also moste euidently the Popes Supremacy in those Countries: but proueth no whit your singular paradoxicall primacy. Verely so singular, that in no one parte of the vniuersall worlde it can be founde.

The doinges of King Stephen and kinge Henry the .2. Cap. 21. [Page] haue proued the popes Supremacy in our Coūtre, but that kinde of Supremacy as you imagine, they make no proufe of in the worlde. The Martyrdome of .S. Thomas by the way also is defended against your ād M. Foxes lewed lying about that matter.

Cap. 22.Henry the .6. Philip, and Otho the .4. Emperors of Rome, haue bene no fitte examples for the like gouernement now in England: and your sely argumentes in that behalfe haue bene to to childish and feble.

Cap. 23.Your proufes of kinge Richard the firste, and of kinge Iohn haue appeared mere ridiculous. Onely by occasion therof, the lewed lying of M. Foxe hath bene partly disco­uered, touchinge kinge Iohn. Your matters of Fraunce about that time haue proued the popes primacy, not the Princes.

Cap. 24.By the discourse of Friderike the .2. his doinges, as your principall cause hath taken a great foyle, so a mayne num­ber of other your heresies, by your own Authours and your owne Supreme head condemned, haue geuē a great cracke to al your Religion beside.

Cap. 25.The time of kinge Henry the .3. condemneth alltoge­ther the primacy in your booke defended, and pronoun­ceth clerely for the Popes Supremacy, by sundry and o­pen practises, as Appeales to Rome, depositions of pre­lates by the pope, makinge of Ecclesiasticall lawes by his Legate, and such other. And for your parte in that place, you haue vttered your greate ignorance euen in the latin tongue.

Cap. 26.At that time also S. Lewys the Frenche kinge agni­sed no lesse the popes primacy in Fraunce: and therefore can be no fitte example of such Supreme gouernement, [Page 390] as by Othe M. Feckenham is required to sweare vnto. The like also appeareth by the state of Apulia and Sicilia in those dayes.

As for kinge Edwarde the firste, kinge of England,Cap. 27. the Popes primacy in his time was so well agnised in the realm of England, that euen in temporal matters his Authorytie tooke place. Your fonde surmise of the Statute of Morte­mayne, hath exemplified your lewde lying, and encreased the number of your maniefolde vntruthes: It hath not ex­emplified your pretended primacy, neither any thinge fur­dered you, for proufe of your matter.

Philip le Beau, as beau and fayre as he was,Cap. 28. yet hath he bene nor fayre nor fytte example for the Supremacy that so much ye seeke for, and can not yet finde. His doinges haue nothinge derogated from the popes Supremacy. But he, as his progenitours, liued and dyed in the obedience of the See Apostolike in all Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall matters. Durandus your owne Author hath cleane ouer­throwen you: and your great Councel of Vienna, yea your owne fayre Philippe hath pronounced you an Here­tyke.

Lewys of Bauary, as much as you bable of him,Cap. 29. hath nothinge relieued you: Neither yet his poetes Pe­trarche and Dantes: All that greate strife was aboute the popes temporall primacy, not of his spirituall supe­riorytie, which neuer yet kinge Christened denied, vntill these late dayes in our owne Countre, by the meanes of such Apostatas as you are.

You haue hearde also in that place M. Horne by the e­numeratiō of al such Emperours,Cap. 30. that notoriously haue re­belled [Page] against the See Apostolike, what Gods Iudgement hath bene ouer them, and to what euill endes they came through Gods vengeaunce.

Cap. 31.Philip of Valoys, for all your Composuit rem sacerdotum, yet maketh he nothing for your purpose, but both in your owne very matter he concluded againste you, and other­wise with mere spirituall Iurisdictions, he neuer inter­medled, nor claymed the vse thereof from the Spirituall Magistrate. Your owne Authours, and witnesses, Paulus Aemylius and Petrus Bertrandus haue deposed, againste you, and your owne kinge Philippe hath condemned you.

Cap. 32. &. 34.Kinge Edwarde the .3. and Richarde the .2. of England, for al that you reporte of them, out of Nauclere and Poli­dore, haue nothwithstandinge pronounced clerely for the Popes Primacy: and declared withall bothe you and your felowes, to be no true members of the Churche, that they liued in, but to be plaine Apostatas and schismatikes from the same.

Cap. 33.35.36. & 38.In like maner Charles the .4. Sigismunde, Friderike the .3. and Maximilian the first, al most Catholike Emperours haue taken great wronge at your handes, being made to say and doe, that which they neuer sayd ne did: Yea and for the which, if they liued agayne, they woulde order you, as they did the Hussyttes, and Wicleffistes your progenitours in their dayes.

Cap. 37.Aeneas Syluius and Cusanus, your two especial Authors haue so pronounced against you, that no man I trowe, ex­cept he had a face of horne, woulde for very shame haue brought thē into the open Courte. But (as the prouerbe is) looke howe you haue brewed, so must you bake.

[Page 391]But what shall I say to your last witnesses,Cap. 39. &. 40. the Catho­like Bisshoppes and Doctours of our owne Countre, to D. Quintinus of Paris, and Petrus of Ferraria, last of all to Phi­lippus Decius the lawier, and Brawghton our Countre­man? what extreme vncourtesy, I may wel say impudency, hath it bene on your part, so violently and desperatly to drawe them to the barre, where you were right sure, to be condemned by their verdicte, but that you thought you might frame their tales for them, and that no man woulde comptrol your extreme lying, of the which in my Preface I will say more? Thus you haue it truly and shortly repe­ted vnto you M. Horne, both what you haue not done, and what I haue done. I require you before all the worlde (yf you intende to Replye,) to answer to euery particular as I haue done, and so to proue your selfe an honest man.

THE FOVRTH BOOKE: CON­TEYNING A FVL CONFVTATION OF M. Hornes answeres, made to M. Fekenhams Reasons, for not taking the Othe of the Supremacye.

The .153. Diuision. pag. 91. b.
M. Fekenham.

The secōd point.The seconde chief point is, that I must vpon a booke othe, not only testifie, but also declare in my cōsciēce, that the Queenes Highnesse, is the only Supreame gouernour of this realme, aswel in all Spiritual or Ecclesiasticall things or causes, as Temporall. But vpon a booke othe to make any such declaration in conscience, it may not pos­sible be vvithout periury, before that a mans cōscience be perswaded thereunto: therefore (my conscience being not as yet persuaded thereunto) I can not presently without most plaine and manifest periury, receiue this Othe.

M. Horne.

As there is no difference in matter betvvixt these tvvo Propositions, I Testifie in conscience, and I Declare in conscience, although to seeme subtile, you (.511.) The .511. vntruthe. M. Feken­ham ma­keth not this diffe­rence, but a farre di­uerse, as shal ap­peare. vvould haue the simple conceiue, by vvay of ampli­fication much diuersitie: Euen so this vvhich ye call the Second chiefe point, varieth (.512.) The .512. vntruthe. It varieth very muche. no vvhitte in matter from the first, and therefore my former ansvveare serueth to them both, if ye vvil needes make tvvo in shevv, of that in very dede is but one.

The first Chapter: Conteyning M. Fekenhams first reason, taken out of the Actes of the Apostles: And by the way of King Lucius.

Stapleton.

HITHERTO hath M. Horne, twēty ful leaues and more enlarged his proufs touchīg the cō ­firmatiō of his newe ecclesiastical superiority. Hitherto he hath assaide with al force to beate down to the ground the Popes Primacy, which yet notwithstāding al this terrible assaulte standeth as strōg and as sure as euer it did before. Yea I trust strōger ād surer withal those, that but indifferētly haue perused ād waighed our two former labours. Now thē an other while M. Horn wil playe the lustly defendāt:M. Horne novv be­gīneth to play the defendāts parte. wherin he seemeth to make as light of al M. Fekenhās arguments, and to take thē to be of no more strength thē is the weight of a fether. But seing he hath alredy takē so many foyles, and so many woundes, and semeth with his own weapons, to haue by rashe hardines wel beaten himselfe, in setting vpon his aduersarie: hard will yt be for him, to beare of such blowes, as his aduersa­ry wil bestowe vpō him. Neither thinke good reader, that he shall euer soyle other mens reasons that can not sound­ly or sothly confirme his owne. Yet let vs trie howe he wil shifte for him self. And now see, howe euen at the first en­traunce, he playeth fowle playe and wrangleth. For M. Fekenham doth not make difference betwixte to testifie in conscience, and to declare in conscience, as Maister Horne sayeth, he dothe: but betwixte to take an othe that the Queenes Maiesty is supreame Heade in all causes, and to declare the same in conscience, which are two things. For a man maye and many doe (the more pity) take an othe for [Page] feare loue, or rewarde, quyte contrary to their cōscience. And that we nede not to seke farre for an example, euen in this matter of Supremacy, which we nowe are in hande withal.

Though therefore a mā may be perswaded as many (the more pitie) are, through pretence of obedience, through feare of displeasure, or through the loue of worldly promo­tions, riches, or pleasure, to take the othe: yet to declare the same in conscience no man can possibly (as Maister Fekenham most trulye reasoneth) without manifest per­iury, except his conscience be persuaded thereunto. Now to persuade the conscience, requireth either a soden reue­lation, or miraculouse inspiration from God (which is not to be presumed without some euident signe thereof) or els a tract of time, to be instructed, informed and taught that which we neuer lerned before. M. Fekenham therefore ād al such as feare God, who haue lerned in the ghospell to forsake father and mother, wyfe and children, goods and landes and al that in this worlde is dere, for Christes sake, that is, for euery truth concerning Christian Religion, such I say neither being inspired from God by soden reuelation, neither by any of your preachings, or writings being yet informed or instructed, can not possibly though a thou­sand acts of parliament should commaund it, declare in their conscience, declare I say in their very conscience and hart thought, that they beleue verely such supreme gouerne­ment in the Prince, as the act expresseth and intēdeth. Mē may be perswaded to take the othe, which is an externall fact, by external respects of force, feare, or fraylty: but per­swaded to declare the othe in his conscience, no man can be without an internall persuasion of hart and minde: Cō ­trary [Page 393] to this internall perswasion and consent (whiche no power of Princes, no force of acts, no law or statut world­ly can euer make) who so euer declareth externallye by booke othe, and worde of mouth, that he so thinketh, he incurreth manifestly the horrible crime of periurie, ād that of double periurie: which God wil neuer suffer vnreuēged without hartie repētance. To this most strōg and inuincible reasō, M. Horn answereth not a word, but maketh his Rea­der beleue that M. Fekenham putteth a difference betwen testifiyng in cōscience, and declaring in cōscience. Which he doth not, but thus. Betwene testifiyng by boke othe, and declaring in conscience, he putteth a true difference, as we haue said largely. Now how well M. Horne hath pleaded to perswade M. Fekenhams conscience, thou seest good Reader, if thou haue diligētly read and cōferred his proufes, and our confutation. I doubt not, but many Catholike men wil be perswaded (in conscience at least) neuer to take the othe, whiche you so singularlie contrarie to all Christen­dome beside, doe defende.

M. Fekenham.

And for the persuasion of my conscience in this mat­ter, I shall againe ioyne this issue with your L. That yf your L. or any other learned man of this whole Realme, shalbe able to proue, that our Sauiour Christ in his Gho­spel and Testament, did committe the supreme gouerne­mēt of al spiritual and ecclesiastical causes in his Church, not vnto his Apostles, being Bishops and Priests, but to Emperours and Empresses, Kings and Quenes, being for the whole time of Christes abode here vpō the earth, Ido­latours [Page] and Infideles, and so continued for the space of .300. yeres after the assension of Christ:Cōstātine the firste Empe­rour that did ioign his sword to the mainte­nance of God his vvoord. Act. 2. Constantine the Emperour being the very first Christian Kinge, that we reade of: when your L. shalbe hable to proue this, either by sentence or halfe sentence, woorde or halfe woorde of Christes Ghospel and last Testament: Then I shal yelde in this seconde pointe, and with moste humble thankes, thinke my selfe well satisfied in conscience. And when your L. shalbe hable to proue, that these woordes spoken of the Apostle Paule at Miletum, vnto the Bishoppes of Ephesus: Attendite vobis & vniuerso gregi, in quo posuit vos Spiritus Sanctus Episcopos regere Ecclesiā Dei, quam acquisiuit sanguine suo: Take hede therefore vnto your selues, and vnto the whole flock of Christ, wherof the holy Ghost hath appoincted or made you Bishops, to gouerne and rule the Church of God, whiche he hath purchased with his bloud. VVhan your L. shalbe hable to proue, that these words do not make ful and perfect declaration, that the holy Ghost had so appoincted al spiritual gouern­ment of Christes flocke vnto Bishops and Priestes: But that kings, Quenes or princes may haue some part of spiri­tual gouernmēt with them, or rather take the supremacy and chiefe part of spiritual gouernmēt from them: I shall then yeelde, and thinke my self in conscience wel satisfied, touching the saiyng of S. Paule.

M. Horne. The .154. Diuision. pag. 9 b.

That our Sauiour Christe hath committed, the Supreame gouernmēt in all Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall causes, to the Magistrates and Princes, [Page 394] is alreadie proued, by perfect vvordes add vvhole (.513.) The .513. Vntruth. Not one sentence hath ben broughte to proue that. sentences of Chri­stes Ghospell, and last Testament: and therfore if your staie hitherto, hathe bene of conscience vnpersuaded through vvante of knovvledge, and not of peruerse opinion, mainteined vvith the vaine desire of glorie and reputati­on, you must nedes yelde, and be vvell satisfied in conscience. You auouche this (.514.) The .514. Vntruth. M. Fekā ­hā auou­cheth it not for suche, as it shal ap­peare. Argument as inuincible. The Emperours and Empresses, Kings, and Queenes, vvere for the vvhole time of Christes aboade here vppon the earth, idolatours, and infidels, and so continued by the space of .300. yeares af­ter the Assention of Christe: Constantinus the Emperour being the very first Christian King that vve reade of: Ergo, our Sauiour Christe did not committe the Supreme gouernemente in Spirituall or Ecclesiastical causes to Emperours, Kings, and Princes. This Argument holdeth good, neither in matter, nor yet in fourme. There vvas in the time of Christes abode here vppon earth, if vve may beleue Eusebius, and Nicephorus the Eccle­siastical historians, a King in Edessa, vvhose name vvas Agbarus. This King beleued in Christ, as Eusebius reporteth, although as yet vveakelie. In his Epistle vvhich he vvrote vnto Christe, he saluteth Christ, to be Iesus the good Sauiour: he thinketh by the miraculouse vvorkes vvhich he hath heard done by Christ, that he is either God him self, or els Gods sonne: and he offereth vnto Christ such fruits of thankefulnes, as so yong and tender a faith might for the time, bring forth. And Christ in his rescript vnto Agbarus, affir­meth that he vvas no infidel, or idolatour, saying: Beatus es quòd in me credidisti, cùm nō videris me: Agbare thou art blessed, because thou hast beleued in me, whē thou hast not sene me. Besides this your ovvn self, haue affirmed oftētimes, ād so doth yourA Pro­testāticall slaunder. Popissh tales declare, that the .iij. vvise mē, that came forth of the East, to vvorsship the nevv borne King of the Ievves, vvere Kings, and lie beried in the great doom at Collain, as the Colonists make mē to beleue, called yet amōgst the vulgar Papists, the three Kings of Collain. If there be any creditte to be geuen to the narration of Eusebius and Nicephorus touching Agbarus King of Edessa, and to the cōmonly receiued opiniō of your Popissh church, cōcerning the three Kings of Colain, these foure, vvere Kings in the time of Christes abode here in earth, and yet not Idolatours nor infidels, all the vvhole time of Christes aboade here, but faithfull vvoorsshippers of Christe: VVhereby the former parte of the matter in the Antecedent of your Argument is disproued. Neither is that true, vvhiche you put in the seconde parte, that the Emperours and Kings [Page] continued Idolatours for the space of .300. yeares after Christes Assentiō: For although for the most parte, during that space, they vvere such, yet vvas there in that time some Godly Princes that vvere othervvise geuē.Li. 6. c. 34 Eusebius in his Ecclesiasticall History, maketh mention of one Philippus, a moste Christian Emperour, of vvhom, and his sonne also, being Emperour vvith him, Abbas Vrspurgensis vvitnesseth, that they vvere the first of al the Romaine Emperours, that became Christians, vvho also declared by theyr (.515.) The 515. vntruth. In dissembling vvhat dedes and vvorkes those vvere. Li. 1. de vit. Const. deedes and vvorkes (as Abbas saieth) that they had in them the feare of God, and the most perfect Christian faith. Constantinus also the Em­perour, Father to Constantine the greate, did moste diligently of all others, seeke after Gods fauour, as Eusebius vvriteth of him. He did prouide by his gouernment, that his subiectes did not only enioye greate peace and quietnes, but also a pleasant conuersation in holines and deuotion towardes God: Idolatours and dissemblers in Religion, he ba­nished out of his Courte: and such as confessed Gods truth, he reteined and iugded most worthy to be about an Emperour, commaunding such to haue the guarde, both of his person and dominion. He serued and worshipped the only true God. He condemned the multitude of Gods that the wicked had. He fortified his house with the praiers of holy and faithful men, and he did so consecrat his Court and Palaice, vnto the seruice of God, that his housholde companie, was a congregation or Church of God within his palaice, hauing Gods mynisters, and what soeuer is requisit for a Christian congregation. Poli­dorus in his Historie of Englande,Lib. 2. affirmeth also of this Emperour, that he studied aboue al other thinges to encrease the Christian Religion, vvho after his death vvas rekened in the nūber of saincts. To these fevve adde Lu­cius a king of our ovvn country, vvho although he vvas not in might cōpa­rable to Cōstantine the mighty Emperor, yet in zeale tovvardes God, in ab­olishing idolatry and false religion, in vvinning and dravving his subiects by al meanes to the Christiā faith, in mainteining ād defending the sincere Chri­stianity to the vttermost of his povver, he vvas equall vvith Constātine, and in this pointe did excel him, that he longe before Constantine brake the Ise, gaue the onsette, and shapt a patern for Constantine to follovv, vvhereby to vvorke that in other parts, vvhich he had achieued vvithin his ovvn dominiō.

[Page 395]This noble king, of very loue to true Religion (.516.) The 516: vntruth. Polidorꝰ text vily mangled, as shall appeare. as Polido­re testified of him, Procured him selfe and his subiectes to be ba­ptised, caused his natiō to be the first of al other prouinces, that receiued the Gospell publiquely, did drawe his people to the knowledge of the true God, banished at ones al maner of pro­phane worshipping of Goddes, and cōmaunded it to be leaft. Cōuerted the tēples of the Idolatours, to be Churches for the Christiās. And to be short, he emploied and did bestowe al his seruice and power moste willingly to the furtheraūce and en­crease of the Christiā Religiō, whiche he plāted most sincere­ly throughout his countrey: and so lefte it at his death, almoste an hūdreth yeres before Constantine vvas Emperour: and therefore vntruely sayed of you, that Constantine vvas the very first Christian king, that ioyned his svvorde to the maintenaunce of Gods vvorde. Sithe this king Lucius, so longe before Constantine, did not only these thinges, that Polidore ascribeth vnto him, but also did thē of his ovvn authority, vvithout any (.517) The 517. vntruth. of al other most no­torious, and cōtrary to al historians vvhatso­euer. knovv­ledge or consent of the Pope. Nor Eleutherius then Bishop of Rome, to vvhome aftervvardes king Lucius did vvrite, to see some of Caesars and the Romaine Lawes, vvas any thing offended vvith the kinges doinges, but greatly (.518.) The .518. vntruth. The epi­stle folo­wing re­porteth no suche thinge. commending him therein, councelled him not to stand vppon the Romain lavves, vvhiche, saith the Pope, might be reprehen­ded: but as he began vvithout them, so to go on, and dravv Lavves (.519.) The .519. vntruth. No such thinge in the pop [...]s pretensed letters. alonely out of the Scripture, vvhich aftervvardes more at large, the Saxon kinges, as, (520.)The .520. vntruth. Kinge Iune, ne­uer drew out suche lavves. Iune and Aluredus did.

The epistle of Pope Eleutherius to king Luciꝰ is as follovveth, Petistis à nobis &c. You haue desired of vs, that the Romayne Lawes, ād the Lawes of Caesar, might be sent ouer to you, the which ye would haue vsed in (your) kingdome of Brytanny. VVe may at al times reproue the Romaine Lawes, and the Lawes of Caesar, the lawe of God we can not. For ye haue receyued of late (by the diuine mercy) in your kingdome of Brytany, the Lawe and faithe of Christ. Ye haue with you in (your) king­dome, both the old and newe testament: take out of them the Lawe (by the grace of God) through the councell of your kingdome, and by it (through Gods sufferaunce) shall ye rule [Page] (your) kingdome of Britanie, for you are the Vicar of God in (your) kingdom, according to the Prophet King: The earth is the Lordes, and all that therein is, the compasse of the world, and they that dwell therein. And againe, according to the Prophet king: Thou hast loued righteosnes, and hated iniqui­tie, wherefore God, euen thy God, hath anointed thee with the oile of gladnes aboue thy fellowes. And againe accor­ding to the Prophet Kinge: geue the Kinge thy iudgement O God, and thy righteousnes vnto the Kinges Sonne. For it is not: geue the iugement and righteousnes of Caesar, for the Christian nations and people of (your) kingdome, are the kin­ges sonnes, which dwel and consiste in your kingdome, vnder your protection and peace, according to the Gospel, euen as the henne gathereth together her chickēs vnder her winges. The nations indede of the kingdom of Britany, and people are yours, ād whom being diuided, you ought to gather together, to concorde and peace, and to the faith, and to the Lawe of Christ, and to the holy Church, to reuoke, cherishe, mainteine protect, rule, and alwaies defende them, both from the iniuri­ous persons and malicious, and from his enemies. VVoe be to the kingdome whose King is a child, and whose Princes ban­quet early, a King I name not for his smal and tender age, but for follie and wickednes, and madnes, according to the Pro­phet King: bloud thirsty and deceitfull men, shall not liue out halfe theyr daies. By banqueting, we vnderstand glotonie, through glotonie riotousnes, through riotousnes al filthie and euil thinges, according to Kinge Salomon: wisdome shal not enter into a frowarde soule, nor dwell in the body, that is subdued vnto sinne. A kinge is named of ruling, and not of a kingedome, so longe as thou rulest well, thou shalt be king, which vnlesse thou doe, the name of a Kinge shall not con­sist in thee, and thou shalt lese the name of a King, which God forbid. Almighty God geue vnto you, so to rule your kingdom of Britanie, that ye may reigne with him for euer, whose Vicar ye are in the kingdom aforesaid. VVho with the Father &c.

Stapleton.

M Fekenham will nowe shewe three causes,Three causes that stay [...] M. Fekē ham, frō [...] taking the Othe. why he can not be perswaded in cōscience to take the othe. The first is, for that Christe appointed to his Apostles and theyr successours being bishoppes and priestes, and supreamacie of spiritual gouernmente, and not to Princes, being in Chri­stes time, and so cōtinuing idolators and infidels, to the time of Cōstantin the great. He proueth his assertiō by S. Paule:The first. Attendite vobis & vniuerso gregi, in quo posuit vos spiri­tus sanctus episcopos regere ec­clesiā Dei, quam ac­quisiuit sanguine su [...]. speaking thus to the clergy. Take hede therfore vnto your selues, and vnto the whole flock of Christ, wherof the holy ghost hath apoīted or made you bishops, to gouern ād rule the church of God, which he had purchased with his own bloud. Here againe M. Horne wrāgleth with M. Fekenhā, ād wresteth his saying, yea and belieth him to, as though he should auouche as an inuincible argumēt, that which he spea­keth of the infidel Princes: whiche is not his principall ar­gumente, but incidently browght in, the pithe of the argu­mente resting in the authority of S. Paule before specified. And therefore thowgh Abgarus with the three Magi, that came to honour Christes byrth, with the Emperour Philip­pus, and king Lucius were Christened, yet is M. Fekenhās argumente framed vppon the authority of S. Paules words litle acrased or febled:M. Horn i­magineth that to be M. Feken­hams principal argu­ment that is not. vnlesse M. Horn cā proue (which he doth not, nor cā not) that these, and other Christiā princes before Cōstantine had the supremacy of al causes ecclesia­stical. For the kind and maner of their gouernment in spi­rituall matters M. Horne alleageth nothing: and to say the truthe nothing can be alleaged. And verie litle also wyll be founde for any matter ecclesiasticall, that maye seeme to towche theyr personnes. And yet that lytle that we fynde in stories maketh altogether, aswell againste some [Page] other part of M. Hornes new relligion as against this new Supremacie.Christes Image sent to Abgarus. As Christes Image printed in a lynen clothe, by Christes owne hande and sent to this Abgarus: by the which many yeares afterward the Citie of Edessa was mi­raculouslie preserued being besieged by Chosroes the king of the Persians.Niceph. l,. 17. c. 16 Which Image also was afterward brought to Constantinople with much reuerence and honour, and thereby many great miracles wrought, as the Emperour of Constantinople Constantine doth write,Vide Me­taphrast. who was present when the Image was brought thither.

Of the first Christiā Em­perour. Philip.That litle also that we haue recorded, in stories of the Emperour Philip and his sonne, maketh altogether against your new religion, and especiallie against your new prima­cie: which is the matter that presentlye we haue to deale withal. Shewe your Reader, I beseeche you, M. Horne, what was that wherein by their woorkes and dedes they de­clared (as you say) that they had in them the feare of God, and the most Christian faith. Hovve corruptly ād vvret­chedly M. Horne handleth the storie of them­perour Philip. Come on good M. Horne, and declare vs this. Surely, good Reader, there was neuer beare that came to the stake with worse will, then Maister Horne wil come nigh this point. For if he come ones nigh to it, he shal forthwith declare him selfe, void and empty of the Catholike faith, for the denying of the Popes and cler­gies Supremacie (wel to be proued euen by this story) and void also of al feare of God, for the wretched hewing and mangling of his Authour,Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 25. histor. ec­clesiast. Abbas Vr­spergen. and for leauing out that, for the which they are commended, for their faith and fear of God. The cause then, whie Eusebius, and after him Vrspurgensis, so writeth, is, for that this Philip and his sonne, being in the Churche vppon Easter eue, and minding to be present at the Sacrifice, and to communicate: Fabian the Pope woulde not [Page 397] suffer them vnlesse they would first confesse theyr faultes, and stande amonge the penytentes. Wherevnto they obeyed most gladly, declaring (euen as M. Horne writeth) by theyr dedes and workes that they had in them the feare of God, and the most perfect Christian faith. Where is now in you M. Horne the feare of God? Yea where is your Christiā faith? Besides confession of sinnes and a place of penitentes, this storie hath also a testimonie of the sacrifice of the Churche, and of the Popes and Clergies Supreamacie ouer the Prince,The cause that mo­ued M. Horne so to handle this story which you so stoutlie denie, making the Prince Supreme in al causes without exception. And therefore without all faith, and feare of God, ye haue stollen away all this, and conueied it from the sight of your Reader, into your darke Cacus denne. The like pageant, yea and excedingly much worse, plaie you with the storie of our most noble, and first Christian King Lucius.Beda li. 1. eccles. hist, ca. 4. mi­sit ad eum Lucius Britānorū Rex epistolam obse­crans, vt per eius mandatū efficeretur christianꝰ. Idē pror­sus Damasus in Pontificali. For here ye doe not onely by a slie sluttish silence dissemble the doings of Pope Eleuthe­rius, as ye did before of Pope Fabian, but impudentelye a­uouche, that King Lucius did all those things mentioned by Polidore, of whiche the Christening of his whole Nation is the chiefe, and so consequentlye, that he was Christened without any knowledge or consent of Pope Eleutherius. Bring foorth, M. Horne, but one Authour in Greke, Latine, or English, good or badd new or old, Catholike or Heretike, (vnlesse perchaunce you may shew some one of your late brethren, that write so, and yet after long search I can find none such) that writeth as ye write: and then am I content though this be of al other a most euident, and a notoriouselie, to remitte it you at our next reckoning, whiche yet for the better keping of your accōpt, I must not now let passe vnscored. I neuer before readde it, no I neuer readde any [Page] chronicler newe or olde,Galf. Monumetēs. Epistolas Eleuthe­ [...]io Papae direxi [...], petens vt ab eo christianitatem reciperet. Li. 1. ca. 4. Galfr. Monum. &c. Asse [...]ius Meueuēs. in annali­bus Angl. vnlesse yt be some of your late bretherne, or such Catholikes as write but very cōpēdiou­sly, and as yt were abridgmētes of thinges, which doth not expressely write that king Lucius sent to Rome to Pope Eleutherius, that he might be by his aduice and authority Christened: but the negatiue thereof I neuer as I say read, nor shal I trowe fynde any so madde, and so maliciouse a writer, as ye are, to write yt againe. I referre you for our owne countremen, to Beda. Who writeth, that king Lucius wrote an epistle to pope Eleutherius, that by his comm [...]u [...]de­ment he might be christened. I referre you, to our Britishe chronicler, translated by Geffrie of Monmoth: and to one other of our owne contrey, that wrote abowt .700. yeares sithens in lyke effect. I referre me to Hēry of Hungtingtō, to William of Malmesbury, to Alphredus Beuerlacensis, to Iohannes Londonensis, to Polychronicō, to the chronicles of Englande,Cēt. 1. de script. Brit. Eluanū & Meduinū ad Eleutheriū Ro. Pontificē misit, cum quibus ille suos lega­tos remisit Fugatiū ac Damianū, qui no­uis ritib. ac selēni e­piscoporū dispositione eā formarēt Ecclesiā. Graftō in the abridgemēt of the chro­nicles of England. Naucler. gener. 6. Sabel. enead. 7. li. 5. Io. Laz. in epit. hist. vniuers. Ado in Chro. Tom. 1. Concil: pag. 191. edit. vlt. that M. Foxe calleth Caxtons chroni­cles. And to a number of other of our owne cōtry, which partly I haue sene, partly I haue not sene. And to come to our owne time, to Bale your cheif antiquary: and to Grafton writing thus. This Lucy sent louing letters to Eleutherius thē Bishop of Rome, desiring him to sende some deuoute and learned man, by whose instruction both he and his people might be tawghte the faith and religion of Christ. It were now superfluouse, to ouerlade my answere or the Rea­der, with the external and Latin writers: as Naucle­rus, Sabellicus, Platina, Iohannes Laziardus, Ab­bas Vrspergensis, Ado, but especially Damasus in vita Eleutherij: ād a nūber of the like, which agree with our own chronicles. Some perchaunce wil thinke, [Page 398] that Mayster Horne would neuer be so impudent, as to gainsay all theis wryters and chroniclers, and that as he fetcheth all his narration towching Lucius owte of Poli­dorus: so he hath at the leaste for this pointe Polidorus on his side. Yf it were so, though yt were a foolish and a fond shifte, yet were yt somwhat colourable, to shifte from him self, so notable a lie. But Polidorus writeth conformably to all other. And as yt is true that Mayster Horne boro­weth all the residewe of Polidorus: so moste wretched­lie he dismembreth from the residewe of Poli­dorus narration,Polidorus lib. 2. Iste anno salutis hu­manae 182. regni vero 13. verae religionis a­more ductus cū Eleutherio Romano Pon­tifice egit, vt se ac suos ad Christianorū numerū coelesti sonte perfusos adiungeret. Missi sunt eò Fuga­tius ac Damianus viri pietate singulari hij regē cum tota do­mo populo (que) vniuer­so baptisarunt, subla­toque &c. all that towcheth Pope Eleu­therius. Lucius (sayeth Polidore) in the yeare of our Lorde .182. and the yeare of his reigne .13. of verie true loue to religion, sent letters to Eleutherius the Pope to procure that he and his people might be made Christians. Fugatius and Damianus men of singular vertue were sente thither: which did baptise the kinge with al his courte, and people. All this hath M. Horne broken and cutte of from the myddle of the sentence, and thereby hath mangled and torne the same as miserablie, as euer did Medea her chylde, for that he well sawe, yt made no­tablye for the Popes primacy. Whiche you shall well perceyue, yf you doe deaplye consider the cause, that moued the Kynge to sende so farre as to Rome.See good reader the sincere and ho­nest dealing of M. Horne. A consideration of the cause that mo­ued Lucius to send to Rome.

A man woulde at the firste sight thinke the doinges of the king very straunge, namely conside­ring that abowt this time liued in Fraunce the great clearke and Bishoppe Ireneus with many other fa­mouse men, whose ayde he might haue craued [Page] for his necessary instruction in the Christian faith. Neither did he lacke at home, of his owne subiectes that could well (as yt semeth) haue serued his turne. And yet no doubte, this good kinge had a good and substantial grownde for his doinges. It is then to be cōsidered, that anon after the death of Christe and so euer after vntil Lucius time, there were amonge the Christians, a number of heretikes, whiche as they bore the name of Christians, so by theyre heresies they loste the benefitte of their Christēdome: as the Simo­nians (the schollers of Simon Magus) Menandrians, the Sa­turninians, the Basilidians, the Nicolaites, the heretikes cal­led Gnostici, for the excellent knowledge they pretended to haue aboue other mē: the Cherinthians, the Cerdoniās, the Phrygians, the Montanistes, and Marcionites with di­uerse other. Eche secte contending theire owne false faith to be the true,Niceph. li. 4. c. 19. and the onely Christian faith: yea manie of them were taken for Prophetes, as Montanus and others. Many suffred death for Christe with those that were ca­tholike, and that with great pacience. Among them was a priest called Metrodorus a Marcionite.Idem li. 3. cap. 36. Of the which secte euen in Lucius time, a great number suffred in the persecu­tion raised against the Christians. Whereof the secte cra­ked very muche,Euseb. li. 5. cap. 16. and made thereof a great argument, that they were in the true faith: and a muche better argumēte, then doth Mayster Foxe for his madde martyrs, that died moste wilfullie for playne and open heresie. Lucius then vnderstāding of this, had good cause to be careful by whom he receiued his Christendome, least chauncing vppō some false shrew, and taking him for his instructour, he might ra­ther chaunge one errour, for an other, then put yt cleane away: and for an Idolatour become a false Christian. The [Page 399] wante of this good choyse of Instructours, was the cause why Valens the Emperour became an Arrian and suche an horrible bloudsucker of the catholikes. This also was the cause that the Gothes ād Vādales, were Arriās. Who most cruelly afflicted and martyred thowsandes of Christians. What was then the sureste way for Lucius to auoyde this daunger? Dowbtles the very same that he toke, that is, to send to the Churche of Rome, which neuer erred in faith, and which was the principal Churche, and with the which al other Churches muste agree, by reason of the cheif principalitie of that Churche, as Ireneus that blessed bishop and Martyr wrote, euen in the tyme of this Lucius? This principalitie I say hath so troubled M. Horne, that he durst not truely re­porte his owne authour, yea so amased him, that falling so­dēly in a rage, hath framed vs suche an open and maliciouse lie, that who so euer wil hereafter truste him, is well wor­thie to be beguiled.

And wil ye, yet see an other as greate a madnes of this man? As he moste shamefully denieth theis doinges of Lu­cius with Pope Eleutherius, againste the vniforme cōsente of al historiographers, so hath he fownde letters of Lucius, with Eleutherius answere,Cōcernīg Pope Eleuthe­rius let­ters to king Lucius. wherof no one of al the fore­sayde chroniclers maketh mention, nor any other, that I cā yet lerne of, containinge matter altogether vnprobable and vnlikely, and therefore mete, after this fowrtene hun­dred yeares nowe at length to come owte of Trophonius and Cacus blinde denne, and be set in M Hornes boke as a notable matter of antiquity to furnish and bewtify his new supremacie withal. He layeth vs forth an epistle of Eleu­therius: but out of what authour he hath taken yt, or in what library we shal fynde yt, he will not tell vs. The best [Page] Author, I wene, that he can alleage for it, wil be some re­cordes of parchement in the Guild Halle. But then M. Ie­wel wil answere you for me,Ievvell. pag 86. in his reply. M. Horne: A Calues skinne is no sufficient warrant of truth. Lies haue bene writen in let­ters of golde. Wel, make the best of it, and iustifie it as you may. As our cause can take no preiudice by it: So you shal take much shame by it, if not for the matter it selfe, yet at the least for three or foure pretie lies that you adioyne, to companie this notable Epistle. For first, there was neuer any Saxon king that made any notable Lawes called Iune. There was one called Inas, and he in dede with king Alu­redus or Alphredus, ordeined many Lawes, but that they shoulde be suche Scripture lawes as Maister Horne saieth, drawen alonely out of the Scripture, it is Mayster Hornes vaine dreame. And in case they had so great regarde to scripture onely, and measured and squared their lawes and doings by scripture, belike M. Horne will beginne to haue some better liking of Religious men, and of the Popes Pri­macye also. For it was this king Inas, that Naucle­rus putat hunc fuisse Edeluul­phum Al­phredi pa­trem. Ge­nerat. 29. pag. 61. Alibi vo­cat eum Adulphū. Gener. 41, pag. 280 Henricus Hunting Asserius Meneuēs. Pol. li. 4. Pag. 89. gaue the Peter pence first to Rome, and renouncing his Realme went to Rome and professed him self a Monke. Both which things vndoubtedly, by M. Horn, he must nedes find in Scripture. It is this Alphredus, that was anointed and crowned King at Rome, as we haue told before, and therfore is called the Popes sonne adoptiue. Now wheras ye bring this Epistle to proue, that the king was christened without the Popes cōsent, ād that the Pope was nothing offēded with the kīgs doings, but greatly cōmended him therin: neither the one nor the other, can be proued by this Epistle. This is a mete and cōuenient glose for such a worthy epistle: In the which also there is no probability in the world. For as other Coū ­tries, that were subdued by the Romans, especially such as [Page 400] were reduced into a forme of a Prouince, and had their ru­lers and Lieutenaūts frō Rome (as Britain had) receiued the Romaine and Ciuil Law, so is it to be thought of Britaine.Lib. 2. Dedit le­ges et Ro­mana quae dam insti­tuta vtē ­dae intro­duxit. Vide Cor­nel. tacit. in vitae Agricolae. And Polidorus writeth, that Agricola (th'Emperor Vespasi­ans deputie) gaue to the Britaines certain Romane lawes ād orders, to be vsed and practised by them. Neither is it likely, but that before this time, there was some copie of the Ro­maine lawes in Britain, the yōg Noble men of the Realme being much geuē to be eloquēt in the Romain tong, wher­in Agricola did prefer thē before the Galles or French mē, and being brought vp in Rome especially Coilus, king Lu­cius father spēding al his youth there: So that Lucius had no nede to send to Pope Eleutherius for Caesars lawes. And if he had nede, it is more likely he would haue sente to some other then to Eleutherius, who with other blessed Popes at that time, medled (God wot) litle with Caesars Ciuill la­wes, or with any other lawes of Pagan Princes. But of al o­ther things, Eleutherus answer is most vnlikely. For who would think him so vnwise and so vnskilfull, that he would appoint the old and the new Testament only as sufficiēt to gouern and rule a cōmon welth by? Which thīg was neuer yet practised in any Christiā coūtry, nor cā possibly be pra­ctised: the old law, being al in a manner abolished, and the new Testament cōsisting of such principles of the Christiā faith as be immutable, ād not variable: wheras politik lawes haue ben, are, and euer shalbe and so must be, according to many incidents alterable and variable.

This epistle then, be it true, or be it a counterfait doth as yet serue M. Horne to no great purpose: but for any thing we haue brought out of this Epistle, M. Horne perchance wil not him self greatly passe of it. There is an other priuie [Page] treasure hiddē here, for the which, I suppose this Epistle is chiefly brought forth, and that is to proue euē by the Pope Eleutherius him self,How and vvherein King Lu­cius vvas Gods Vi­care. that the King and not the Pope is the supreme heade in al causes Ecclesiasticall. For Eleutherius saith, that Lucius was Vicare of God in his Kingdome. This, this is the marke that M. Horne al this while hathe shot at: this is the cause, that this Epistle, that hath so many hūdred yeares lyen dead, is now reuiued by M. Horne. Yea for this clause, this Epistle was solemply alleaged in open par­liament against the Popes Primacie. And seeing that your new Diuinitie now, is nothing but English and Parliament Diuinitie: I will remitte you ones againe, M. Horne, to your owne Braughton, who vseth the same woordes. Which must nedes be (as by him appeareth) taken, that the King is Gods Vicare in his Kingdome, that is, in the tē ­porall administration of Ciuile, and not for Spirituall mat­ters. And therfore, this Epistle doth as wel serue M. Horne to proue the Princes Primacie by,In his Replie fol. 19. This Epi­stle, be it a true or a false epistle, ney­ther ma­keth for M. Horne nor for M. Ievvel as it serueth M. Iewel to proue that the seruice must be in the English tongue: which is as true as that other where he saith, that Lucius sente to Rome to Eleutherius, for his aduice touching the ordering of his Church. Wherein if M. Iewell meane, that he sent to Rome before he was Christened, then haue ye one witnes more against you. But if he meaneth, as it semeth he doth, by his discourse of these letters that you specifie, parte wherof he also reciteth and among other things, that the King is Gods Vicare: then is he also deceiued. For in these letters king Lucius doth not aske his aduise in any Church matters, but requireth only to haue Caesars lawes sent him, appeareth by the tenour and purport of the said Epistle. So that I perceiue, this Epistle is an Instrument to set forth [Page 401] the new Ghospel many wayes: but for such a Ghospel such a proufe is very mete.

We will therfore nowe passe forth to the residewe of your answere, where you goe about to disproue M. Feken­ham, saying that Constantine the great was the first Chri­stiā king. The force and weight of his argument (as I sayd) doth not stande vppon this,Concer­ning M. Fekenhās sayīg that Cōstātin the great vvas the first Chri­stiā king. whether there were any Chri­stian kings before Constantinus the great. This is but a by matter, and yet ye dwell vppon it, and handle the matter seriously, as thoughe all lay in the duste, if there were any kinge Christened before Constantine. But herein ye do but trifle with M. Fekenham: who saieth not simply or absolutely that Constantin was the first Christiā king, but the firste that ioyned his sworde to the maintenance of Goddes worde: as in making sharpe Lawes againste Idolatours and heretikes: and in making sharpe warre against Maxentius and Licinius, that persecuted the Christians,Niceph. li. 2. cap. 7. Mihi verò oppidum quoddam est modicū quidē, nec admodum celebre: v­tri (que) tamē nostrū per cōmodum. Tobiae. 4. Sicut bea­to Iob, in­sultabant reges. which thinges are not read of any king before him. Againe if there were anie other Christian princes, they were very fewe, and of small dominion and rule. As Abgarus, who seameth by his own lettres to Christ, to haue ben lorde, but of one small and obscure towne: As the .3. wise mē that are called kings, to auaūce the honour of Christes natiuitie, and are thought to haue ben either kings or Lordes in Arabia minore. which may perchaunce be called kings, aswel as those were called in holy scripture, which did scorne and checke holy Iob. Yf there were any of greater renowne and dominion, as king Lucius, Philip themperour, Constantius, Constantinus father, yet because either they did not ioyne theyr sworde to the mayntenaunce of Gods word, or for that their suc­cessours were paynims and Infidells: as it chaunced to the [Page] sayd Lucius and Philip, there is the lesse accompt made of thē. How so euer it be, M. Fekēhā ought not to be reprehē ­ded in this,Solus aeuo vniuerso regenitus imperator at (que) sacris initiatus est in Christo. Lib. 4. De vita Cōst. ex transl. Ioan. Por­tesij. Lact. de falsa relig. cap. 1. Amb. de obitu Theodosij. Aug. ep. 50 hauīg good authors that wrote so before him: na­mely Eusebius, Lactantius, and S. Ambrose, who all cal Cō ­stantinus the first Emperor that from the beginning of the world was christened. Which thing belike they write, for the causes, by vs rehersed, or some lyke. Yea he hath S. Au­gustin to cōfesse so much as he did, as M. Horn him self wil anon tel vs. But yet see good reader the wise and polityke handling of the matter by M. Horn. He goeth about to dis­proue M. Fekenham, for sayinge there were no Christian princes in Christes tyme, and for his relief, brīgeth me forth Abgarus and the thre wise men, but so as he semeth to take it, but for a fable. And therfore he sayth, yf we may belieue Eusebius and Nicephorus: againe, yf there be any creditte to be ge­uen to the popish Church concerning the .3. kings: and doth no­thing vnderstād, that the more he defaceth their kingdoms, the more he defaceth his own answere, and strengtheneth his aduersaries argument.

M Horn. The .155. Diuision. pag. 94. b.

Thus it is made manifest, that bothe your argument faileth in truthe of (.521.)The .521. vntruthe. It is true in matter, as hath bene pro­ued. matter, and you your self vvere beguiled through ignorāce, by (.522.)The 522. vntruthe, mere slaū ­derous. Epist. 50. vvante of reading. But put the case that your antecedent vvere true, yet is it a faulty fallax made à dicto secundùm quid, ad simpliciter, and the consequent follovveth not, for that there is more conteined in the conclusion, than the antecedent doth comprehende, vvhich is such an euill fauoured forme of argument, that yonge studentes in the scholes vvoulde be ashamed therof. The Donatistes made the like obiectiō against the catholique fathers, vvherto S. Augustine maketh ansvvere. The state of the Apostles time, is o­therwise to be thought of, than this time, all thinges muste be doon in their time: In the Apostles time, this prophecy was yet in fulfillīg:Psalm. 2. wherfore do the Heathē rage, ād the people muse vpō vaine thinges? The kinges of the earth set them selues, and [Page 420] the Princes consult together against the Lorde and his Christ. As yet that was not in hande which is spoken a litle after in the same psalme: and nowe ye kings vnderstand, be learned ye Iudges on the earth, serue the Lorde in feare, and ioy in him with reuerēce. Therfore seing that as yet in the Apostles time, kinges serued not the Lorde, but still did deuise vaine thinges against God and his Christ, that al the foresayinges of the Pro­phete might be fulfilled, than truely impieties coulde not be inhibited by prīces Lawes, but rather be mainteyned. For such was the order of the times, that both the Iewes shoulde kill the preachers of Christ, thinking to doo God good seruice ther­in, as Christ had forspoken: and also the gentiles shoulde rage against the Christians, that the martyrs might winne the victo­ry thorough pacience. But after that this began to be fulfilled which is writen:Psalm. 71. And al the kinges of the earth shal woorship him, and al the nations shal serue him: what man, onlesse he be not wel in his wittes, wil say that Kinges ought not to haue a special regarde for the Church of Christ, and al manner god­lines amongest their subiectes?

Stapleton.

We haue declared, that M. Fekenham his saying of Cō ­stantinus the great, and the first Christian king may be born in a right good sense, ād also that he speaketh therein agrea­ble to most auncient and lerned writers. And if he were de­ceyued, as ye write, by ignorance and want of reading (which is of your part a mere slaūderous lye) the pyth yet of his ar­gument standing vppon the saying of S. Paule, is nothinge therby blemished.M. Fekē ­hams ar­gument falsely cō pared vvith the Donatists argumēt. And of al men you may worse lay igno­rance to his charge, that haue vttered in this very parte and parcel of your answere not only so much grosse ignorance, but so exceding and cākred malice, especially in the story of king Lucius. And here also yet ones againe to compare M. Fekenham with the Donatists for framing an argument frō [Page] the vse and exāples of the Apostles, and of the primitiue Churche: wherein beside your malice, you bewraye your owne vnskilfulnes. For this redoundeth altogether vppon you, and your owne fellowes. For wherein resteth all your eloquence against the Catholike Churche, but that it is not conformable nowe to Christes, and the Apostles tyme, and to the primitiue Churche? Namely touching in­uocation of Saints, suffrages for the dead: touching adoratiō and eleuation of the blessed Eucharistia, the minglinge of water and wyne, receyuing vnder one kinde, sole recey­uing, and a number of the like? Yea and before that any Prince woulde say or doe for you, you coulde M. Horne with your fellowes play the Donatists in dede, and inueigh against the tēporalties of Bishops, agaīst their lordely trayne and reuenewes, because forsoth the Apostles were poore, and vsed no such ioylyte. But nowe who more ioyly then M. Horne himselfe, or who more lordely then your Lord­ships are?In his first Reproufe. Fol. 74. b. & 75 a Marke good rea­der that to reason from the order of the Apo­stles to our time, is novve vvith M. Horne an ill fauo­red forme of arguīg. Again what is more vsual with M. Nowel (a man, I trowe, of a rare Spirit) then to make this tyme the tyme of the primityue Churche: that we be the Pharisees, and they forsoth the Apostles. That nowe we may not pre­scribe with Antiquity, Traditions, or Consent of our El­ders, against them, because the Scribes and Pharisees, pre­scribed so against Christ and his Apostles. What then? Is Luther their Messias, and Caluin their Paule? But to re­turne to our matter: Though already the Catholiks haue sufficiently answered to al these reasons, yet now haue we gotten at your hands an answere, for this and all the like: that to argue frō the Apostles tyme, to our tyme, is a fallax à dicto secundū quid ad simpliciter: that it is an yl fauored forme of argumente, that yonge studientes in the scholes woulde be [Page 403] asshamed of: and to be shorte, that it is a reason of the Do­natistes aunswered and confuted by S. Augustine. It is al­redy M. Horne sufficiently by vs declared, that the Do­natistes cause, and S. Augustines aunswere to them hath no maner affinity with M. Fekenham his reason. They denied, that princes had any thing at al to doe in matters of the Churche, or in punisshing those that breake the Eccle­siasticall lawes. M. Fekenham denieth not, but that Prin­ces may lawfully punishe heretikes by lawes: He confes­seth also, that Princes may wel and commendably medle as ministers, ayders, and as assisters by their temporal sworde, for the furderance and mayntenance of Ecclesiastical mat­ters, but not to rule and prescribe, as the chief gouernours of all causes Ecclesiastical: I must tel you againe M. Horne: There is great difference betwene staring and starke blind. And as busie as ye are now again with the Donatists, ye lac­ked a litle salt of discretiō in alleaging of this place of S. Au­gustine. For this confirmeth M. Fekenhams former saying,M. Feken­hams say­ing cōfir­med by M. Horns ovvn al­legation. that in Christes ād the Apostoles tyme ther were no Chri­stian Princes. In the Apostles tyme, saith S. Augustine, as your self report his words, Kings serued not the Lorde, but did de­uise vayne things, against God and his Christ. And here might a man now, that would follow your vayne and humour, en­counter with S. Augustine, and obiect vnto him, King Ab­garus, and the thre Kings, that came to honour Christes na­tiuity, ād such other. But though they had ben greater Kīgs thē they were, and that there had ben some few other lords or Kings to, that did serue Christ: yet would no wise man for the cause by me before rehersed, quarrell with S. Au­gustine. For a general rule, is not by one exception or two, notably blemisshed or impayred. Such kinde of phrases are [Page] to be foūde aswel otherwhere,Vt descri­beretur v­niuersus orbis. Luc. 1. Murmurauit omnis congrega­tio filiorū Israel. Exo. c. 16. as in holy scripture. As wher it saith, that the whole worlde was described by the Emperor Augustus. And yet is it wel knowen, that he had nothing to doe, with a great part of the worlde. It is writen also, that all the people of Israel did murmure: and yet all did not murmure. Such kinde of phrases are verefied of the grea­ter, or the more notable parte.

M. Horne. The .156. Diuision. pag. 95. a.

You frame an other reason vpon S. Paules vvords vnto the bisshops of E­phesus: vvhereby to proue, that al gouernement in spiritual or ecclesiasti­cal causes, belōgeth to Bisshops and Priests, and not to Princes, and Ciuil Ma­gistrats, thus you argue: The holy ghost appointed al spiritual gouernement of Christes flocke vnto Bisshops and Priests, as the vvords spokē by S. Paule, doe make full and perfect declaration: Ergo, Kings, Queenes, and Princes, may not claime or take vpon thē any part of Spiritual gouernement, much lesse take the supremacy, and chief part of spiritual gouernement from them. For ansvveare, I deny this argument, for it is a naughty and deceiptful (.523.) The .523. vntruthe. It is a good argument, no Sophisti­catiō at al. So­phistication, called, Fallacia aequiuocationis. There is equiuocatiō in this vvord (Priests) and so in these vvords to gouerne ād rule the Church of God. This vvorde Priest, hath diuers significatiōs vvhich are to be obser­ued: least the simple readers be confirmed or brought into errour thorough the equiuocatiō therein. The Scripture speaketh of a priesthood after the order of Aaron: after vvhich order you vvil not cōfesse Apostles, and the Bisshops their successours to be Priests, an other kind of Priesthod is, after the other of Mel­chisedech, Heb. 7. and Christ only vvithout any successour in that priesthood, vvas the alone Priest of that order. The third kind is an holy and princely Priest­hod, of the vvhich order not only the Apostles and their true successours, but also Kings, Queenes, Princes and al maner of faithful Christians are Priests. There is in common opinion amongest the Papists, a fourth kind, vvhich is a massinge and sacrificīg priesthod: after vvhich order, Christes Apostles, ād the true mynisters of his Church vvere (524.) The .524. vntruthe. A plaine heresy. neuer priests: for that order belō ­geth only to the Apostolical Clergy of the Romishe Antichrist. Yf your mea­ning therefore be, that Christ left any kinde of gouernement or rule of his Church to Bisshops and Priests, after this popishe order, your opiniō is (.525.) The .525. vntruthe. It is a Catholike and and vniuersall opinion of the Churche. [Page 404] hereticall, and your assertion vtterly false. Therefore vvhere I shal aftervvardes in my speaking cal the ministers of Christes Church, Priestes, I geue you to vnderstand, that I doe therein but follovv the vsuall, and accustomed kinde of speache vvhich is (.526.) The .526. vntruth. Notorious, as it shal appere out of S. Augustine. im­propre although in longe vse. Likevvise to gouerne and rule the Chureh of God: is of tvvo kindes and sortes, the one is by the supreme authority and povver of the (.527.) The .527. vntruthe. The povver of the svvorde ruled the Ievves Synogoge, not Christes Chur­che. svvorde, to guide, care, prouide, direct and ayde Gods Church, to further, mainteine and setfoorth the true Religion, vnity and quietnes of Gods Chur­che: and to ouersee, visit, refourme, restraine, amende and correcte all maner persons, vvith al maner errours, superstitions, heresies, schismes, abuses, offfences, contemptes and enormities in or about Gods Church. VVhich gouernement and rule apperteineth onely to Kings, Queenes, and Princes, and not to the Apostles, Bisshops and Priestes: vvhereof S. Paule speaketh nothing at al in this sentence by you alledged to the Bisshops of Ephesus. The other sorte is to feede the flocke of Christ vvith the Spiritual foode of Gods vvord, vvhich is the (.528.) The .528. vntruthe. Not that only, but also to correcte, to rebuke, and to re­fourme. only rule and gouernement that belongeth to the Apostles, Bisshops and Ministers of Christes Churche, and of none other maner rule speaketh S. Paule to the Bisshoppes of E­phesus, vvhich he maketh most plaine, both by the expresse vvords of the sentence auouched, and also by the vvhole circumstance of the same place. The vvord that S. Paule vseth, doth proprely signi­fy to feede, as the sheapeherd feedeth his sheepe, ād by a figuratiue speach to guide, gouerne or rule: and therefore if you vvould haue dealt (529) The .529. vntruthe. He dealt plainely, and translated tru­ly. plainly, ād haue vttered S. Paules meaning according to his propre speache, vvhere you say, To gouerne and rule, doubling the vvoordes as it vvere to amplifie the matter, that the truth might lesse appeare, you ought to haue said, to feede the Church of God. for that is the Apostles (530) The 530. vntruthe. For [...], the Apostles vvorde, signifieth as properly to rule as to feede. propre say­ing, and so the old translatour of Chrysostome doth translate it vp­pon the Epistle to the Ephesians, and also expounding this same place of the Acts of the Apostles, vt pascatis Ecclesiā, Cap. 4. Act. 24. to feede the Church. S. Peter making the like exhortation, to this of S. Paule, to the Bisshops dispersed, vseth that self same vvord, saying: [Page] Pascite, quantum in vobis est, gregem Christi: Feede so muche as you may, the flocke of Christ. Christ him selfe also tea­ching Peter, and all other Bishops, vvhat manner of rule and go­uernement,Ioan. 21. as properly geuen them by Gods vvoorde, they should haue in the Church, doth expresse it, vvith the selfe same vvoorde, saying: Pasce agnos meos, feede my Lambes. To rule and gouerne the L. household faithfully and prudently,Math. 24. Christ expoun­deth to be nothing els in general, than to geue meate vnto his fa­mily in due season. Neither did our sauiour Christ geue (.531.) The .531. vntruthe. For he gaue in o­ther places other povver and Authoryte: Namely in his laste Supper, Luc. 22. and also af­ter his Ascension by the holy Ghost instructing them and their successors for euer. Ioan. 14. &. 16. Math. 28. other povver, authority or commission vnto his Apostles, and so to all other Bishops as properly belonging and onely to the Bishoply of­fice, then this: As my Father sente me, so I sende you, re­ceiue the holy ghost, whose sinnes yee remit, they are remitted, whose sinnes yee retaine, they are reteined, goo therefore, and teache all nations, Baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Sonne, and of the holy Ghost: teachinge them to obserue al thinges, that I haue commaunded you. So that the Bishoply rule ād gouernement of Gods Church, cōsisteth (.532.) The .532. vntruthe. It consisteth not in these .3. points only, but in many moe: as hath bene she­vved. in these three points, to feade the Church vvith Goddes vvoorde, to minister Christes Sa­cramentes, and to binde and lose: al vvhich three partes, Christ cō ­prehendeth vnder this one saying: to geue meat to the Lords family in due season. And S. Paule in these vvoords, to feed the Churche of God. The circumstaunce of the sentēce vvhich you alledged foorth of the Actes, doth also shevve in the example of Paule him selfe, vvho vvas inferiour to none of the Apostles, and Church mynisters in any point, that he claimed or tooke vppō him none other rule or gouernement, than (.533.) The .533. vntruthe. For S. Paule beside, excōmunicated of­fenders, as. 1. Tim. 1. ordeined bishops, as Tite and Timo­thee, made orders in the Churche. 1. Cor. 21. & caet. of feedinge Goddes Church vvith the spirituall foode of the Ghospell. He setteth foorth the execution of his ovvne office, and by that example moueth the Bishoppes of Ephesus to the like, sayinge: I haue serued the Lorde with all humblenes of minde: I haue leaft no­thinge vndoone, that might be profitable to you: but I haue declared and taught you openly and priuely the repentaunce and faith in God, and Iesus Christe. I re­ceyued [Page 405] an office of ministery from the Lorde Iesus, to testifie the ghospel of Gods grace, and to preache the Kingdome of God. I haue hidden nothing of Gods councel from you. Take heede therefore to your selues, and to Christes flocke (as I haue done) whereof the holy Ghost hath appointed you Bisshoppes (as he did me) to feede the Church of God (as you knovv and see that I haue done). This that you cal to gouerne and rule, vvas vvith Paule to A [...] though humilitie and gouernement could not stande to­gether, ād agre both in one person. serue with lowlines, to mynister with watchefulnes: to preache, teache and testifie the Ghospel, and the kingdome of God publikely and priuately, and to shevv, to the flocke al the Councel of God, touching their saluation, keepinge nothinge thereof from them. To gouerne the Churche of God after this sorte belō ­geth to the only office of Bishops and Church ministers, and not to Kinges, Quenes and Princes: vvho (.534.) The .534. vntruthe. for by [...]ou they may take al v­pō them, ergo this also. may not, neither doo, clayme or take vpō them, this kind of spiritual gouernement and rule, or any part thereof vvith the bisshops, neither do they take the supremacy and chief part of this spiri­tual gouernement from the Church ministers. As contrary vvise the Church ministers, ought not to claime and take vpon them the supremacy of gouer­nement, as the (.535.) The .535. vntruthe, mere slaū ­derous. Papistes of longe tyme haue done frō Kinges, Queenes, and Princes.

Stapleton.

M. Horn hath hitherto (good-reader) proceded altoge­ther historically, aswel in brīgīg forth his poore sely proufs against M. Fekenham, as in his first aunswere to M. Feken­ham, by the story of King Lucius and others: but nowe will he shewe you a copie of his high diuinitye, and of his greate diuine knowledge, in the soluting of theologicall argumentes.

M. Fekenham proueth by S. Paule,Concer­ning this vvorde, Priest. that they are Bis­shops and Priestes, and not the Princes that gouerne Chri­stes Church. Nay saieth M. Horne here, this is a naughty, a duble and a deceitful sophistication: in the worde priest, ād in the worde to gouerne: and he is angrie with M. Feken­ham [Page] for the terme of priestes, and wil nedes haue ministers placed for them. But how chaunceth yt M. Horne, that ye put not in also, for bishops, superintendēts? Shal the inferiour clergy chaūge their papistical name, and wil you reserue to your self stil the name of Bisshops, because it is more lorde­lyke? It is a wonderful thing to cōsider the practise of these protestants: To make a way to their new diuinity, they first began to alter the vsual names, chaunging confession into knowledge, penance into repentance, Church into cōgre­gation, Image into idole, with many such like. So to make a way, to induce men to belieue, that Order is no Sacrament, and that there is no sacrifice in the Church, they could not, nor cā abide the name of priests. Tyndal was much trobled in the framing of some other word for it. First he translated for priests, seniours: but his folly being therein wel espied, he trāslated afterward for seniours, elders. Which word (elder) doth no more signify a priest, thē it signifieth an elderstycke. M. Horn though he be wel cōtēted with the word elders, as ye shal hereafter vnderstand, yet here he wil haue them called Ministers: and geueth vs plainely to vnderstand, that though he vse the vnproper terme of priestes, yet he mea­neth ministers, as though euery Priest be not a Minister (al­though euery Minister be not a priest) and so very oftē cal­led in the holy scripture.Exod. 28. Ioelis. 1. Vlulate Ministri alta­ris. Hiere. 33. Sacerdotes Ministri mei. As wher it speaketh of those which do sacrifice in the clergy, it calleth thē indifferētly priestes or ministers And therefore Moyses saith, of the sonnes of Aarō that were priests: Quādo appropinquāt altari, vt mini­strēt in sanctuario. Whē thei draw nere to the aulter to mi­nister in the sanctuary. Ioel calleth the priests, ministers of the aulters. In Hieremy God saith, that priests are his mini­sters. S. Paule saith, Omnis quidē sacerdos praesto est quotidie [Page 406] ministrās, & easdē semper offerēs hostias, Heb. 10. euery priest is redy dayly to minister, euer offering the same hosts. And in the new testament, where it is writen, ministrantibus illis, & ie­iunantibus, as they ministred to our Lord and fasted,Act. 13. [...] the said word, ( [...]) may wel be traslated, as they made sa­crifice: according to Erasmus his iudegmēt. Yf thē ministers serue the aulter aswel as priests, what hath M. Horn gained, by the shifting of the word priests into ministers? Suerly this is a wōderful shifting ghospel, that cā not stād but by shiftīg: ād that must nedes shyft away this word priest, which hath ben vsually frequēted ād cōtinued, not only amōg vs in En­glād, sythēce the time we were first christened, but amōg o­ther natiōs, as Dutchmē, high Almaines, Frēchmē, Italiās, ād Spaniards, as it appeareth vnto thē that be skilfull in these tonges. But to cal the Ministers of Christes Church, by the name of Priestes, is a kinde of speache (saith M. Horne) im­propre, though longe in vse: and for such he protesteth to vse it, as oft as he vseth the word, Priest, in that sence. The pro­per priesthods he auoucheth to be only thre. Of Aaron: of Melchisedech: ād of that other Order, which is cōmō to all Christiās, mē ād wemē. But ô Lord, what a blīd bussard hath malice and pride made you M. Horn? Think you it an opi­niō among the cōmon Papists only (as you say) to auouche a fourth kind of sacrificing priesthod? What think you then of S. Augustin that lerned Father of Christes Church? Was he a Papist to? Or was he one also of the Apostolical clergy of the Romish Antichrist? Harkē I pray you what his iudge­mēt is herein. He saith,Augu lib. 20. de Ci­uitate Dei cap. 10. that in the Apoc. 20. ād in S. Peter (1. Pet. 2.) where the princely priesthod cōmō to al Christē mē is spoken of: Nō vti (que) de solis episcopis & presbyteris dictū est, qui propriè iā vocātur in Ecclesia sacerdotes, sed sicut oēs &c. [Page] It is spoken not of Bisshops and Priests alōne, which nowe in the Church are properly called Priests: but as we call al (the faithful) Christians, because of the mystical ointment, so we cal al the faithful Priests, because they are the mem­bers of one Priest, that is, Christe. Here you see M. Horn, that it is an opiniō not only among the cōmon Papists, but with S. Augustin also that ther are yet in the Church, beside that Prīcely Priesthod that you spake of, bishops ād priests, ād that properly so called. And dareth your impudēt mouth, auouche that kinde of speache impropre, which S. Augu­stin auoucheth to be properly so called, and that in the Church of Christ to? Goe M. Horne, and tel your frendes this tale. For your frēd, I assure you, he had nede to be, more then his owne, which wil beleue you in this most impudēt and most vnchristian assertion. A priesthood there is M. Horn, and that a proper priesthod of bishops and priests in the Church of Christ, beside that of Aarō in the old law, or of Melchisedech in Christes only person, or of this prīcely priesthood cōmō to al Christiās: who are no more properly priests, thē thei are Princes, and whose cōmō priesthod no more excludeth the proper priesthod of Bishops and priests in the Church, thē doth their kingdō (for kings in like maner al Christiās are called in the places of holy Scripture lastly noted) exclude the proper kingdō, of Emperours, kings, and other Princes. To cōfute yet farder this Antichristiā solutiō and to proue that this propre priesthod is a sacrificīg priest­hod, wuld require some cōueniēt tract of tyme, ād more thē we cā cōueniētly now spare for auoiding of tediousnes. But what nede we seke farre, for a solutiō, or tarry long therin, seing as cūning as M. Horne is, hīself hath in his own solutiō proued the sacrifice of the masse? For to goe no farder M. [Page 407] Horn, then your owne chapter and allegatiō, I reason thus. Christe contineweth a prieste accordinge to the order of Melchisedech for euer: the sacrifice of which order he she­wed in his last Supper. Ergo there is and euer shall be that sacrifice of our true Meschisedech, which he offred in his laste Supper, whiche is the sacrifice of the masse in the Church. Ergo it is vntrue, that Christe hath no ministeriall priesthood or Sacrifice in the Churche.Hebr. 7. For as Christ offe­red in his last supper his owne body: so all priests do offer,Oecume­nius sen­tence of the sayd sacrifice. Sacerdos in aeternū. Psal. 19. Tu es sa­cerdos in aeternū se­cundū or­dinē Mel­chisedech. Consider M. Ie­vvels an­svvere to the sayed Oecume­nius. and shall offer for euer the same body in the holy masse. And for this cause is Christ called a prieste for euer, in the chapter by yowe rehersed, and in the psalmes. I bringe not, M. Horne, this argument, nor frame yt, of my self: it is Oe­cumenius (M. Horne) an aūcient and a notable Greciā that so writeth, and therin vttereth not his owne mynde onely, but the mind of Chrysostomus, ād other fathers, yea and of the whole Greke Church. Here perhaps M. Horn wil take some holde, and answere that M. Iewel hath answered suf­ficiently to Oecumenius in his Reply to M. D. Hardinge. What kinde of answere it is and howe substantiall, it will wel appere, when the Reioynder shal come to this Article touching the sacrifice. And yet I suppose men that be not to much and to sinistrally wedded to their owne fantasies, may see good cause, by such other answeres as are made to part of his reply, what to iudge of the whole. In the meane ceason mark good reader, what kind of answere he maketh to rydde him self from this authority of Oecumenius. I wil omitte al other, ād touche one poynt onely of his answere,M. Ie­vvels hy­pocritall dissimu­lation. whereby thou mayst haue a taste of the whole. First then I pray you cal to remembraunce, what a scoffing and won­dringe he maketh at the name and authority of Leontius, [Page] alleaged by M. D. Harding with: what is this Leontius that wrote this story? or who euer hearde of his name before? with much other gay glorious rhetorike.In his re­ply fo 75. But who is it M. Iewell but Leontius that ye so hardly reason against for adorate scabellū pedū eius, Ievvell fol. 503. Vid. 2. Cōc. Nicenum, actio. 4. Non. 1. vt in Ievvell. pag. 517. adore ye the footstole of his feat? Now how cā ye make such me [...]uel at him, and demaūd whē he was, ād what he was: seing your self impugne him amōg other that be alleged in the 2. Nicene Coūcel? Namely seing in the ve­ry same leaf, wherin is conteyned the argument ye do im­pugne, it appereth also, what he was, and whē he was: that is, such a notable father ād learned bishop, out of your quar­relling exceptiō of your .600. yeares, that he hath escaped, and is aboue all your solemne and peremptory challenges. Truely good reader this is a straunge metamorphosis and a sodaine rauishmēt of M. Iewel. For as much as he wōdreth at Leōtius name in his Reply against priuate masse, as hard­ly, and as stoutly as he resoneth againste him in his reply a­gainst the adoration of Saynts Images: yet he is fallen into so great familiarity and lyking with him, that in his Reply against the sacrifice, to deface Oecumenius, he is content to authorise him for a good and a sufficient writer. And be­cause Oecumenius telleth vs, that Christ is and shall be sacri­ficed by the priestes, Fol. 580. Nos Christiani pro­pemodum quid sit ara, & quid sit victima, nes­cimus. and his holy body to the worldes ende shalbe offred vp in the holy masse, M. Iewel to auoyd this, saith: what sacrifice or aulter meaneth, we being Christian people, in a manner can not tell. which are the words of the sayd Leō ­tius. But yet according to M. Iewells old wonte falsly tran­slated, and most falsly and impudētly applied to that, which the authour neuer ment. And that this holy handling of the matter may not lightly be espied, he alleageth the .2. Nicene councell, beinge very long and tediouse: and neither leafe [Page 408] nor actiō of it named, neither dareth ons for shame to name Leontius the authour of the sentence. Nowe Leōtius doth not meane of the aultar that Christian men vse to the ho­nour of God, or of the sacrifice of Christes blessed body (which is the matter that Oecumenius proueth, and ought to be disproued by M. Iewel) but of the aultars dedicated to the deuills,Nicenae. 2. synodi Act. 4. fol. 517. col. 2. Pudore suf­sundantur Iudaei qui proprios reges et alienos adorātes, nos Christianos tāquam idololatras irrident. Nos aūt Christiani, oībus in ciuitatib. & regionib. indies et in horas singulas cōtra idola stamus armati cōtra idola psallimꝰ, cōtra idola & preces fundimꝰ. Et qua tā ­dem fronte Iudaei nos vocant idololatras? Vbi nunc sunt quae olim ab istis oblatae sunt idolis boū, ouiū & filiorum quo (que) victimae? vbi sacrificio­rū fumi? vbi arae et perfusiōes sanguinū? Nos verò Christiani propemodum quid sit ara, quid sit victima ignoramus. and of the detestable sacrifice that the infidells did make thervppon, as ye shal vnder­stande by his owne wordes. Theis Iewes (sayth Leō ­tius) may be asshamed, that worshipping theire owne kinges, and the kinges of other people, do scorne and skoffe at vs Christians, as though we were Idolatours. For we in euery city and countrie euery day and houre do stande armed against idolls: we sing Psalmes against idoles, we make our prayers against them. And then howe can they for shame call vs idolatours? where are nowe the oxen, the sheepe, yea theire owne children, that the Iewes were wonte to offer in sacrifice to their Idoles? Where are the smoking sacrifices? where are the aulters, and the sheding of bloudde? Suerly we Chri­stians can not in a manner tell, what is an aulter, or what is the sacrifice (of beasts) for that is properly vi­ctima, and of that Leontius speaketh. Thus writeth this aunciente learned bisshoppe about a thowsand yeares paste, againste the Iewes, that called Chri­stian men Idolatours, for worshippinge of images. And the lyke answere we catholyks may make a­gainst theis our newe Iewes. And so at the length Leontius, that M. Iewell hath so wondred at, hath confuted with his short answere al his, and M. Cal­fields, and such other their blasphemous talk against [Page] the catholyks for worshiping of the image of Christ ād his Sayntes: and hath bewrayed M. Iewels abhominable shifte made to answer Oecumenius, vnder the visour of this cou­lorable authority. And nowe may al men as much wōder at M. Iewells doinges, as he doth at Leontius name: And I am deceyued if euer there were any poore owle so gased and wondered at of the byrdes, as men wil hereafter wonder at M. Iewel, for theis wretched and miserable shifts. Thus thē the argument of Oecumenius (M. Horne) contrary to your Antichristian blasphemy againste the sacrifice of the masse standeth vntouched and vnblemished,M. Horn. denying the sacrifice, ma­keth a playne vvay for Antichriste. Daniel. 12. Quum ablatum fue­rit iuge sacrificium. Aug. de ciuit. Dei. lib. 20. ca. 23. &. 29. Prosper de diuinis pro niss. & praedict. dimid. temp. cap. 13. Hier. in dict. cap. 12. Primas. in apoc. li. 3. cap. 11. Greg. l 32. in Iob. 14. An an­svvere to M. Horne for M. Fe­kēhās trā ­slating of the vvord [...] Pascere vel regere. for any thīg that M. Iewel hath or cā say, or any other of al your sect. The sacrificing priesthod M. Horn for al your spite shal cōtinewe, and shal not vttterly fayle vntil the time of Anticrist. Thē shal it fayl in dede for thre years ād an half, according to the prophecy of Da­niel, ād the sayings of the fathers, namely of S. Au­gustin, Prosper, Primasius, S. Hierō, and S. Gregory. Wherfor it is not the Pope, but your self M. Horn, that with this your ful vnchristiā doctrin, ād deue­lish diuinity, in soluting M. Fekenhams argument, prepareth a redy way for Antichrist.

There is nowe an other equiuocatiō espied by M. Horn in the worde to gouerne and rule: and that there are two kindes of sorts to gouerne and to rule the Churche of Cod, the one by the supreame authority and power of the sworde, belōging onely to princes: the other by feading the flocke, with the word of God, by ministring Sacraments, and by bynding and losing, be­longing only to bisshops and Church ministers. Which kinde of spirituall gouernment, princes may not neither doe claime. And therfor M. Horn sayth that M. Fekenhā did not deale plaīly [Page 409] in translating to gouerne and rule the Church, for that S. Paules worde doth properly signifie to fead, as the sheep­heard feadeth his sheepe:2. Reg. 5. T [...] pasces [...]opulum meū Isra­el: & iueris dux super Israeel. Cui praecept vt pasceret populum meū ca. 7. Psalm. 77 pauit eos in innocē ­tia cordis sui. neither doth yt signifie to go­uerne and rule but by a figuratiue speache. By this reason M. Horne might aswell proue, that Agamemnon was no king, nor ruler, whome Homer calleth [...], a pastour or shepheard: or Dauid to be no kinge or ruler, whome the scripture so calleth also. Thou shalt, saieth the scripture, feade my people of Israel, thou shalt be captaine ouer Israel. Againe: whome I haue cōmaunded to feade my people. And in an other place. He fead thē in the innocēcy of his heart, with many like phrases occurrent in the scripture. M. Fekēham therfore dealt plainely, when he translated to gouerne and rule: euē as Erasmus doth trāslate it out of the Greke which hath, regere, & non pasc [...]re: that is, to rule, and not to feade. And your brother Edmūde Beke that translated the Bible, printed at Londō in the yere .1549. though he turne bishops into ouerseers, and church into cōgregation, yet he transla­teth these words here, [...], &c. to rule the cōgregatiō. So dothe also the Englishe trāslation of the nevv te­stament p [...]īted at zuric [...] [...]n .1550. In his Replie. pag. 239. By likelihod M. Horne thīketh, that there is no true rule or gouernmēt but where the sword beareth rule: wherein he thīketh as wel, and reasoneth as substācially, as doth M. Ie­well, auouching that S. Peter was not head of the Church, because he toke vp his lodgīg with a poore tāner. Ye think to grosly ād basely M. Horn of the Churches autority. The Church hath his rule ād gouermēt, yea his sword to, which may aswel and as truely be verefied in the Church regim [...] ̄t as in the cyuill regimente. Yea the Church regimente is incomparably the higher, and by so much as the excellē ­cy of the soule is aboue the body. Neither doth this word [...], that is to fede, as the sheepherd feadeth his shepe, [Page] derogate anie thing of the Ecclesiastical dignity, but rather doth encrease and amplifie it. The pastorall office of the feelde shepperd,The she­pherdes office re­sembleth most pro­perly the Bishopes Office. doth most liuely signifie, set out, and ex­presse to vs the office, the greatnes, and the excellency of this pastorall charge. The Ecclesiasticall pastour hauing as great an accōpt to make to his Maister Christ, for hys spiri­tual flocke, that is, the soules of the peple cōmitted to him, as hath the feeld shepherde for his sheepe. This is the spiri­tual Iacob watching carefully day and night, both in colde and heate vppō his flocke,Genes. 31. that must make good to his mai­ster what so euer by thefte is imbeciled, or by wild beastes deuowred. The shepeherd M. Horne doth not onely feede his sheepe, and carefully choseth owte suche grownde and pastour, as is moste conueniente and holsome for them: but besides that, sondreth the whole and sownde, from the in­fected and rottē: he greaceth and tarreth them, he byndeth, he cutteth them, he hath a staf with a hooke to draw thē in when they stray: he hath a staf to beat away the wolfe: he hath a folde to close and shutte them vp saufe from the incursiōs of the woulf, ād other rauening beasts. And what doth all this, but resemble and expresse vnto vs the pasto­rall office of Bishops and prelates? Who owght to tell the people what is good and bad, what is trueth, what is fals­hod, what is heresye, what is Catholyke fayth but these pastours? Where was then thys lesson of late, when laye men only by acte of parliamente toke vpon them to teache the whole clergye? Did not then lesse men, then kinges, Quenes, and Princes (who may not, you say nowe, clayme or take vpon them this kinde of spiritual gouernement and rule, to fede the Churche with Goddes worde) take vpon thē to fede all the realme with such doctrine as it pleased [Page 410] the parliament to allowe, the parliament I say of lay men onely, not one Bishop amonge them, you being neither by the lawe of God (which no realme cā alter) neither yet by the lawe of the realme any Bishoppes at all: but onely the Quenes Commissioners, in matters of the Churche? And what can be more vnseamely and more vnnatural, thē thus the sheepe to feade the sheepherd, and not the shepheard to fede the shepe? O what times, o what māners are these?

To proceede, what higher Authoritye can there be in the world, thē by baptisme to make a Christian sowle? thē by pronuncing the solempe wordes appointed by Christe to cause to be presente the body and bloudde of Christe? And that same to minister to the deuoute and wel disposed people when so euer they call for yt? What rule and regi­mente is comparable to the rule and regimente of the ec­clesiastical shepherde, in the taking or excluding any out of his spiritual folde: that is, in binding and losing,Chryso­stoms saiyngs touching the spirituall gouerne­ment. in forge­uing or retaininge of synnes, in making owte excommuni­cation, or in the releasing of the same vppon dewe repen­taunce▪ Herken, herken good M. Horne, what that noble prelate Chrysostomus writeth of this gouernment. Etenim qui terram incolunt. &c. There is (sayeth Chrisostomus) a power geuē to them that dwell and be cōuersante in the earth, to dispēse and dispose heauēly thinges, which power God would not geue neither to angelles nor archangelles. Lib. 3. de dignitate Sac [...]rdotij For yt was not spoken to them, what so euer ye binde in earthe shalbe bownde in heauē: and what so euer ye lose in earth shalbe losed in hea­uen. The worldly Princes haue also an authority to binde: but only touching the body: but these bondes of the priestes bynde the sowle also, and do reache euen as farre as heauen. So that what so euer the priestes do beneth [...] (in the worlde) the same [Page] God doth ratifie aboue (in heauen) and the Lord doth confirme his seruants sentence. And he saith anon after. If the kinge doth honour any of his subiectes, so farre, that he geueth him au­thoritie to imprison, or release out of prison whom he wil, this fellowe shalbe counted most fortunable, and a most happy man. But the priest, hath receiued from God a much greater power: and by so muche the greater, as heauen excelleth the earth, or the soule the bodie. And by and by. It is a madnes (saieth he) to despise this principalitie, without the whiche we can not be partakers of our saluation, or of such good thinges as are promi­sed vs. For if no man can enter into the kingdome of heauen, vnlesse he be regenerated by water and the holy Ghoste:Ibidē. li. 6. and he that doth not eate the fleashe of our Lorde and drinke his bloud is berefie of euerlasting lyfe:Porrò illū ipsū opor­tet tantò oībs rebus illis p̄stare ꝓ quib. in­tercedit, quātò parē vt subdi­tos praefe­ctus excellat. Cū aūt ille & spiritum San­ctū inuocauerit, sa­crificiūque illud hor­rore ac reuerētia plenissimū perfecerit, cōmuni omniū ma­nibus assidue pertra­ctato, quaero ex te. & cat. and all these thinges are not done, but by theyr holy handes, I saie by the handes of the Priestes: Howe maie it be, that without theyr helpe, a man maie either shunne hell fier, or obtaine the rewarde of the croune reserued in heauen? Againe he writeth, that the priest is the ambassa­dour from al the worlde to desire God to be merciful, not only for the sinnes of the lyuing, but for the dead also. And anon after speaking of the sacrifice of the Masse, that you denie, and shewing what excellencie in vertue the Bishope or priest ought to haue aboue other: he saieth, that he must in althings excel other for whō he maketh this intercessiō to God, so far as it is mete that the ruler passe and ex­ced the subiect. For (sayth he) whē the priest hath cal­led for the holy Ghost, ād hath made the sacrifice, which we ought most to reuerence, and to tremble and feare at, handling continually our common Lord: I demaund among what states shal we place him? How great inte­grity shal we loke for at his handes? How great holines [Page 411] and deuotiō? Cōsider what those hādes ought to be, that shal mi­nister such things? Cōsider what tong he ought to haue, Locus al­tari vici­nus in illi­us honorē, ꝗ imola­tur ange­lorū cho­ris plenus est. Id quod cre­dere abū ­de licet vel ex tanto illo sacri­ficio quod tū peragi­tur. that shal speak such words? Cōsider finally that his soule ought to be of all other most pure ād holy, that shal receiue so great, ād so worthy a spirit. At that time (he meaneth of the cōsecratiō of the blessed sacrifice) the angels are present with the priest, and al the orders of the heauēly powers do make a shoute: the place that is nigh to the alter, is for the honor of him, that is sacrificed, reple­nished with the companies of angels. Which a man may wel be­leue, by reason of so great a sacrifice as is then made.

Thus muche haue I shewed you M. Horne owt of that most learned light of the Greeke. Church, Ioannes Chriso­stomus, aswell to cause you to vnderstand your detestable heresie againste the priesthod of the newe testamente, as that the priestes haue a dignity, and a singular excellēt re­gimente, aboue secular Princes. They haue their spirituall sword, that two edged sword I say, that cutteth both bodie and soule, and by excōmunication (if the party repent not) casteth both into the deape dongeon of hel. And shall all this be counted no rule nor regiment M. Horne, being in dede the cheif and the principal regimēt of al other? It is, yt is M. Horn the highest gouernmēt of al other, and of grea­test charge, and importance. And muche better may yt be said to this euāgelical pastour, that was sayd to Agamēnon.

[...]
Iliad. [...].
[...].
It is not mete for him, all the night longe to slepe.
that hath so muche people, and suche a charge to kepe.

Yea, ye are forced your self M. Horn to cōfesse yt a spi­ritual gouernmēt and rule. Wherby of necessity followeth the ouerturning and ouerthrowīg of your lay supremacie. [Page] For these being the chief matters or things Ecclesiasticall, as your selfe can not denie, and the Prince hauing nothing to doe with them, as you also confesse, it can not be pos­sible, that the Prince should haue the Supremacy in al cau­ses or things Ecclesiastical.The Princes suprema­cy ou [...]r­throwen by that that M. Horne him selfe graūteth. And so neither M. Fekenham nor any man els may take this othe for feare of euident and open periurie. And of all madnes, this is a madnes, and a most open contradiction to remoue these things from the Prince, as ye do, and yet to attribute to him without anie exception the supremacy in al things or causes Ecclesiastical: Yea and to vrge men by other to confesse the same. Which kind of arguing is as wise as if a man woulde affirme, God to be the maker of al things, the geuer of all things, the pre­seruer of al things, and yet by and by to saye: God can not geue the effect of grace to externall Sacramentes, God can not preserue his owne blessed Mother from al actual or o­riginal sinne. Whereof will followe, that God in dede is not omnipotent or almightie: those things being taken a­waie from him, wherein chieflie his almightie power con­sisteth. For in such miraculous operations, surmounting farre al power of men, God most proprelie sheweth him­selfe a God. As in such actes and causes Ecclesiastical (as binding and loosing, preaching the worde, ministring the Sacramēts, &c.) consisteth specially and most proprely the rule and gouernement Ecclesiastical. We nede not ther­fore wrastle with you herein any farther, M. Horne, seing you can so preatily geue your selfe a notable fall.

Yet one thing would I faine knowe more of you, M. Horne, if I may be so bolde, and learne, what you meane nowe at the length to come in with the supreme Authority and power of the sworde. What meane you, I say, to define [Page 412] vnto vs, the one kinde and sorte of gouerning the Churche of God, in these wordes: by the supreme Authoritie and power of the sword to guide, care, prouide, direct, and ayde Gods Church, &c? In all your booke hitherto, of such supreme Authori­tie and power of the sworde, you neuer spake worde. Howe chaunceth it then, the sworde commeth in nowe? Doth the supreme gouernement of the Churche of God consiste in the power of the sworde? Then howe was the Church of God gouerned .300. yeres and more before the time of Constantine the Emperour, who was the very first (as hath bene shewed) that by the power of the sworde, I saie, by the power of the sworde, guided, cared, prouided, directed and aided Gods Churche? Did the Churche of Christ want a Supreme gouernour all those .300. yeres and more? Againe, doe the Lawes of the Church take force by the power of the sword? You with M. Nowell, and with the Acte of Parliament, do take away from the cler­gie the power and Authoritie to make Churche Lawes, and Constitutions: and you say and swere to, that no Con­uocation or Councel of Bishops, shal or may haue force or Authoritie to decree any Cōstitution Ecclesiastical, with­out the Princes consent, licence, and supreame authoritie. For this purpose also you haue alleaged the practise of so many Coūcels both General and National, to make proufe that by the supreame Authoritie of Emperours and Kings, Canons and lawes of the Churche haue bene enacted and decreed, not by the Bishops and Councels it selfe. Wherin how shamefully you haue misreported the whole practise of the Churche, I haue sufficiently shewed in the seconde and third Bookes. But in all your so long processe you ne­uer yet openlie said, that by the power of the sword suche [Page] Canons and Lawes tooke place. And come you nowe to saye, that all this proceded of the power of the sworde? Where is then nowe become the libertie of the Ghospell, that your graundsir Luther, and all your protestant proge­nitors of Germany do in al their writings so much extolle, maintaine, and defende against the Secular swoorde of Ciuill Magistrates? Againe you M. Horne, that doe force the Scholers of Oxforde to sweare by booke Othe, that Scripture onelye is sufficiente to conuince euerye trueth, and to destroye all heresies, you that will beleue nothing, but that as plaine Scripture auoucheth vnto you, tell vs, I praye you, where finde you in all Scripture, that the Supreame Authoritie to gouerne the Churche of God, is by the power of the swoorde? What? Did not the Apostles gouerne the Churche of Christe all the time of their abode here in earth? And when or where I pray you, vsed they the power of the Sword? Or because they vsed not that power, wer they not therfore the suprē Gouernours? Had they not a power and iurisdiction Ec­clesiasticall?De corre­ptione & gratia. c. 3 Saint Augustine affirmeth: Doctores Eccle­siarum Apostoliomnia faciebant: & praecipiebant quae fierent, & corripiebant si non fierent, & orabant vt fierent. The teachers of the Churches, the Apostles did al things. They cōmaunded things to be done, they rebuked and vsed disci­pline yf things were not done. And they prayed, that things might be done. This declareth that a gouernmēt and iurisdictiō thei vsed beside the bare preaching of the word. But this gouernement (saith M. Horne) was not by the po­wer of the sword, which belōgeth only to Kings and Prin­ces. Lerne now then M. Horne, that the Church of Christ hath a power aboue the sword, ād that as the Iewish Syna­gogue [Page 413] was ruled with the sworde, the transgressours of the lawe being punished by death, so the Churche of Christ is ruled by the Spiritual keies committed to the Apostles and their successours, and the transgressours of the Churche lawes are punished with the spiritual sworde of that iuris­diction. S. Augustine saith:De fide & operibus Cap. 2. Cùm in Ecclesiae disciplina visi­bilis fuerat gladius cessaturus Phinees the Priest slew the ad­ulterers with the sword: which truely was signified to be done in this time with degradations and excommunications, when as in the Church discipline, the visible sworde should cease. Lo, M. Horne. The visible sword is no part of the Church discipline nowe. It was among the Iewes a greate part of their discipline. Marke that it was no parte of the Chur­che discipline. I doe not denie, as the Donatistes did, that because in the Apostles time, Princes vsed not the swoorde vppon Heretiques, and disobediente Christians therefore they should not now vse it. But I saie the Princes sworde is no parte of the Churche discipline. I say with S. Augustine, this visible sword in the Church discipline cea­seth. If the Prince vse the sworde, it is no Ecclesiasticall gouernement, nor it is not the supreme gouernment. The Bishop hath a farre superiour gouernment,De correp. & gratia Cap. 15. and a more ter­rible sworde to strike withall. Of the whiche S. Augustine saith: Ipsa quae damnatio nominatur, quam fecit episcopale Iu­dicium, qua poena in Ecclesia nulla maior est, potest. &c. That punishment which is called condemnation, which is made by the iudgement of the Bisshoppe, then the whyche punyshment there ys in the Churche no greater, may yet (yf yt please God) turne to a holesome correption. And agayne of the Churche discipline he sayeth, where by the Churche (not by anie Prince) the stubborne and disobedyent offender ys pronounced an Ethnicke and a [Page] publicayne, Grauius est, quàn si gladio feriretur, si stammis absumeretur, si feris subrigeretur. This is a more greeuous punishment,Con [...]ra [...]duersur. legis & propheta­rum. lib. 1. Cap. 17. then if he were stryken with the sword, then if he were spent vp in flames of fyere, then if he were rent with wilde beastes. You see then the Church hath a greater power to punishe withall, then the princes sworde. And to proue vnto you euidently, that the Princes sworde can be no part of Ecclesiastical or Spiritual gouernement, I will wishe you to marke but this one reason. The Chur­ches power, iurisdiction, and gouernement, extendeth to the soule, ouerseeth, guideth, and ruleth the soule of man, not the bodie or any thing appertaining to the bodie. But the Princes swoorde can not reache to the soule of man. Ergo the Princes sworde can not be any fitte meane to gouerne as the Churche doothe, or to beare the Su­preme gouernment in Church matters. The Maior or first Proposition is clere and confessed not onely of al Diuines, but of all Christian men that know what the Churche and the soule meaneth. The Minor is also cleare, if by no­thing els,Luc. 12. yet by this onelye place of the Ghospell where oure Sauiour saith: Feare not them that kill the bodie, & post haec non habent amplius quid faciant: and then haue no more to doe. As muche to saie: whose swoorde can not reache to the soule. Or as an other Euangelist writeth: Whiche can not kill the soule. And what is more repug­naunt to reason,Math. 10. c. 28 then to teache, that the Prince his sword whyche can not hurte the soule, shoulde be the supreame Gouernoure of the Churche, all whose power is ouer the soule? Whereof I reason thus. The Prince can not punnishe the soule of man: Ergo he hathe no iurisdi­ction ouer it. Item he can not relieue it, or release it, [Page 414] being in the boundes and distresse eyther of infidelitie, or of sinne: Ergo he can not be the supreame guider, and go­uernour of it. Onely the Bisshoppes and Priests, doe pu­nishe the soule by excommunication and binding of sinnes. Onely the Bisshoppes and Priestes (I saie Maister Horne, those that are proprelie called Priestes) can release, absolue,Augustin. vt suprà. and make free the soule of man from the boundes and fet­ters of infidelitie and sinne: Ergo they onelye haue the true and proper gouernmēt ouer the soul: If ouer the soule, Ergo in al Spiritual or Ecclesiastical causes which al tende to the soule helth and to the only gouernment of the same.

I graunt for preseruation of externall quiet, vnitie and peace in the Church, the Princes sword walketh and puni­sheth the body of mē in the church. But this is no Church disciplin (in the which as S. Austine teacheth the visible sword ceaseth) this is no Churche gouernemente,De fide & operibus Cap. 2. described vnto vs in the Ghospell, and practised of the Churche Mini­sters of all ages and times. But this is a Ciuill gouerne­mente, aiding, not gouerning the Churche in times of ex­treme frowardenesse and obstinacie of Heretiques and missebeleuers. This dothe (as all other worldlye things doe) serue the Churche of God, as the bodie serueth the soule, for execution of Churche lawes, for repressing of schismes and seditions, and for the maintenaunce also of dewe obedience in those men, whose frailtie or malice is suche, that they more feare the temporall swoorde, then the spirituall, and are moued more with externall damma­ges, then with Ecclesiasticall censures, briefelie suche as feare more the torment of the bodie, then the losse of their soules.

And standeth it nowe with your truthe and honesty to [Page] say, that the supreme gouernment of the Church, standeth in the power of the sworde? But why (as I sayed before) say you it now at the length, which before you neuer saied, but rather so extolled the princes supreme gouernement, that you made him an accurser of heretikes, a maker of Church lawes and constitutions,Act. 20. De ciuit. Dei li. 20. cap. 10. a principal confirmer of al Councelles, yea and a preacher of Gods wordes to? And neuer spake worde of the sword, but couertly concealed that pointe vntill nowe? Why M. Horne, but because the euidence of holy Scripture alleaged by M. Feckenham for­ced you thereunto? The place I say of the Actes, where S. Paule confesseth, that the Bishopes and priestes (properly so called, M Horne, as S. Augustine telleth you) were ap­poynted of the holy Ghost to feede and to rule the church, forced you to this plaine distinction, and to graunt nowe which you neuer graunted before, a certaine rule and go­uernement to Bishoppes and priestes, which princes haue nothing to doe withall, plaine contradictorie to your for­mer assertions, and to the Othe which you defende, attri­butyng supreme gouernement to the Princes in all maner causes ecclesiastical or spiritual without exception. This also forced you to limit the Princes gouernemēt with the power of the sworde, which in Churche matters (as hath bene proued) is nowe no power at all (though among the Iewes it were) and which also, if it were a power, is not yet the supreme power, seing the Bishops and Priests haue a farre greater and higher power to exercise and to pra­ctise vpon the soules of men, ouer which the Church pro­perly, chiefly and only ruleth and gouerneth, not ouer the body, otherwise thē the necessary cōiunctiō of both impli­eth the one with th'other. Gods name be blissed. The truth [Page 415] hath forced you to open your owne falshood, and the ab­surditie of your assertion,See the force of truthe. which you would so fayne haue concealed. The truthe also hathe driuē you to graunte that rule and gouernement nowe to Bishoppes and Priestes, which hitherto in your booke, and which also by the te­nour of the Othe by you defended, is attributed to the Prince only, and cleane taken away from the Bishops and Priestes: Yea and to auouch, that Princes neyther may, nor doo clayme any such rule vpon thē, when yet by you and by the Othe, they bothe may and ought to claime no lesse then all together, without any exception or limitation in the worlde. Wherefore (as I sayed before) we nede to wrestle no farder with you, seing you can so roundly geue your selfe so notable a falle, and cast your selfe so properly in your owne turne. And to auoide tediousnes, I am dry­uen here to breake of, desyrous otherwise to open diuerse your other and greate absurdities in thys Diuision. Nowe some of them I will note in your margin among your ma­nyfolde vntruthes, and content my selfe at thys present, with that which hath bene sayed.

The .157. Diuision. pag. 97. a.
M. Fekenham.

And when your L. shalbe hable to prooue, that these woordes of the Apostle Paule, and by him writen in his Epistle vnto the Hebrewes: Obedite praepositis vestris, Heb. 13. & subiacete eis: ipsi enim peruigilāt, quasi rationē pro anima­bus vestris reddituri, vt cū gaudio hoc faciāt, et nō gemētes. Doe ye obey your spiritual gouernours, and submit your selues vnto them, for they watche, as men which must geue accompt for your soules: that they may doe it with ioye & not with griefe. [Page] VVhan your L. shalbe hable to proue, that these wordes were not writen of the Apostle Paule, aswel for al Chri­stian Emperours, Kings and Queenes, as for the inferiour sort of people, thā shal I in like maner yelde touching that text of Paule, and thinke my selfe very wel satisfied.

M. Horne.

No man hath or doth denie, that the Church ministers hath to gouerne the flocke by preaching, and feeding vvith the vvorde, vvhich is the rule or gouernement, that Paule speaketh of in this place also: vvhereto all princes are and ought to be subiecte and obedient. For this subiection and obedience, to the vvorde of the Ghospel, taught, and preached by the Bishoppes, sitting in Christes chaire, vvhich is the vvhole (.536.) The .536. vntruth As before in the 531, 532. and 533. vn­truthes. rule and gouernement they haue or ought to claime, as propre to theyr calling, is commaunded so vvell to princes, as to the inferiour sorte of the people, as you say truely, although your cause is no deale holpen, nor my assertion any (.537.) The 537. vntruth. Your as­sertion is thereby vtterly īproued and ouer­throwen, for then the prīce is not su­preame gouernor in all causes. vvhit proued thereby.

The .2. Chapter, of M. Fekenhams second reason, for not taking the Othe: grounded vpon S. Paule Heb. 13.

Stapleton.

THE seconde authority that M. Fekenham bringeth is out of S. Paule Obey your (spiritual) gouernours, M. Feckē ­hams .2. reason. Hebre. 13. and submitte your selues vnto them, for they watche as men, that muste geue an accompt for your soules. In which wordes th'Apostle, as he teacheth the shepe to obey, so he techeth the pastours vigilare & clauum ac gubernacula tenere, saieth Theodoretus,In Comm. Ibidem. to watch and to rule the sterne. For answere to this, M. Horne is yet ones againe reuolted to his feding, and woulde fayne feade vs forth with a folishe flie flawe, as thowghe this were meante no further, then that spiri­tuall men may feade the people and Prince to, with the [Page 416] worde of God: wherunto all aswell the Princes as people are bownde to obey. And this, he saieth, is the whole rule and gouernmente that they can properly clayme. Nay May­ster Horne, not so, let them haue some more gouerne­mente, and at the leaste, so muche as your self graunted them euen in the laste leafe before: that is, to minister Sa­cramentes, and to bynde and lose. Will ye so sone abridge your late liberalitie? What yf the people Mayster Horne, or the Prince either will set light by the preachers worde, and will amende neuer a deale the more, for all his prea­ching, but wexeth worse and worse, especially in opē and notoriouse faultes? Is there no further remedy, but to suffer al thinges to runne on?1. Reg. 2. Ys the Bishop thinke you now ex­cused? Why had then Ely such a greauouse punishment for his vnruly children? He tolde them theire faultes, he tolde them that all the people spake yll of them. But yet both he and his had a terrible punishmente, quòd non corripuerit eos. Because he did not rebuke thē: yet did he rebuke thē.Vide Dio­nysium. 1. reg. 2. But for that he did not rebuke them so vehemently and so ear­nestly as he shoulde haue done: and as S. Hierome sayeth, coercuit & corripuit eos, sed lenitate seu mansuetudiue pater­nali, nō seueritate & authoritate Pontificali. He did correcte and rebuke thē, but mekely and gently as fathers are wōte, not seuerely, nor with such autority as he being the bishop should haue done. Then yf gentle or sharpe words wil not serue, the euāgelical pastour must take the staf in his hand, and breake the obstinat and stubborne hart with a terrible blowe of excōmunication, he must sequester this scabbed shepe frō the residue of the flock. For as S. Augustin saieth,Augustin. epist. 50. An nō ꝑtinet ad diligentiā pastoralē, ēt illas oues quae etc. à grege aberrauerint, si resistere voluerint, flagellorū terrorib. vel etiā doloribus reuocare?

[Page]Dothe it not appertaine to the pastoral diligence, to call backe such sheepe, as doe goe astraie, and if they resist, to call them backe with terroure of the rodde, yea and with stripes too?1. Cor. 4. &. 5. And this is the rodde S. Paule speaketh of, and threateneth the Corinthians withall. This is the rod with the which he beat the fornicatour there. This rodde ma­ny bishops vsed against Princes and Emperours. This rodde Marcians Father being a Bishoppe,Epiphan. haeres. 42. li. 1. tom. 3 vsed against his owne sonne for deflouring a Virgin. To this spirituall Authoritie the offēder, what so euer he be, prince or other, is subiect: and therfore this proueth euidently the Ecclesiasticall Su­premacy to rest in the Clergy, ād not in the Prince, which must obey as well as the other. And therefore it is not true that ye saye, that M. Fekenhams cause is no deale holpen by this place, nor your assertion any thing improued.

But let vs steppe one steppe farder with you M. Horne, vpō the groūd of your present liberalytye, lest as you haue begonne, you pinche vs yet farder, and take away all toge­ther from Bishops and Priestes. Subiection, you say, and obe­dience to the word of God taught and preached by the Bishops &c. is commaūded so wel to Princes, as to the inferiour sort of the people. If so M. Horne, howe did a lay parliament vtter­ly disobey the doctrine of all their Bishoppes, and enacte a new contrary to theirs? What obediēce was there in that parliament, so expressely required here by S. Paule, and so dewe euen of Princes them selues, as you confesse, to their Bishoppes? Will you say the Bishoppes then preached not Gods worde? And who shal iudge that? Shal a lay parlia­ment iudge it? Is that the obedience dewe to Bishoppes? In case al the Bishops of a realme erred, is there not a generall Councell to be sought vnto? Are there not other Bishops [Page 417] of other Coūtries to be coūseled? Is not al the Church one body? In matters of faithe shal we seuer our selues frō our Fathers ād Brethern (the whole corps of Christēdome be­side) by the vertue of an Acte passed by lay mē onely? No bishops, no Clerke admitted to speake, and say his minde? O lamentable case. God forgeue our dere Countre this most haynouse trespasse. Then the which I feare our Re­alme committed not a more greuous (except the first breache in Kinge Henries dayes) these many hundred yeares.

Yet one steppe farder. The Prince must obey and be fedde at the Bishoppes hande: you confesse. What is that? Is it not, he must learne howe to beleue, and howe to serue God? Is it not the pastorall office, as S Augustin teacheth,Augustin. de verbis Dom. sec. Ioā. serm. 34. Ezech. 34. to open the springes that are hidden, and to geue pure and sounde water to the thirsty shepe? Is not the shepeheardes office, to strenghthen that is weake, to heale that is sicke, to binde that is broken, to bringe home againe that is caste away to seke that is loste, and so forthe, as the Prophet Eze­chiel, describeth? And what is all this, but to teache, to cor­rect, to instructe, to refourme and amende all such thinges as are amisse, either in faithe or in good life? If so, then in case the realme went a stray, shoulde not they redresse vs, which were pastours and shepheards in Christes Church? If our owne shepheards did amisse, was there in all Chri­stendom no true Bishoppes beside, no faithfull pastour,In lib. de pastoribus Cap. 10.11. & 13. no right shepeheard? Verely S. Augustine teacheth at large, that it is not possible, that the shepheards shoulde misse of the true doctrine. What soeuer their life or maners be. But put the case so, that we may come to an issewe. Must then the Prince fede vs, alter our Religion, sett vp a newe, [Page] stop the shepheards mouthes, plaie the shepheard him self. Is this, M. Horne, the obedience that you teach Princes to shew to their shepheards? God forgeue them that herein haue offended, and God (in whose hands the harts of Prin­ces are) inspire with his blessed grace the noble hart of our most gracious Souerain the Quenes Maiesty, that her high­nes may see and consider this horrible and deadly inconue­nience to the which your most wicked and blasphemouse doctrine hath induced her grace. You are the woulfe, M. Horne. And therfore no marueile if you procure to tie the shepheard fast, and to mousell the dogges.

The .158. Diuision. Pag. 97. b.
M. Fekenham.

1. Cor. 14.And when your L. shall be able to proue, that these wordes of Paule: Mulieres in Ecclesijs taceant, &c. Let the wemen kepe silence in the Churche: for it is not permitted vnto them there to speake: but let them liue vnder obedience, like as the Law of God appointeth thē, and if they be desirous to learne any thing, let them aske their husbands at home, for it is a shameful and rebukeful thing, for a woman to speake in the Church of Christ. When your L. shalbe able to proue, that these wordes of Paule, were not as wel spoken of Quenes, Duchesses, and of noble Women, as of the meane and in­feriour sorte of Women: like as these wordes of almigh­tie God, spoken in the plague and punishment first vnto our mother Eue for her offence: and secondarily by her vnto al women without exception. vidz. Multiplicabo ae­rumnas, Gen. 3. &c. I shal encrease thy dolours, sorowes and concei­uings, and in paine and trauaile, thou shalt bring forth thy chil­dren, [Page 418] & thou shalt liue vnder the authority & power of thy hus­bād and he shal haue the gouernment and dominion ouer thee. Whan your L. shall be able to proue, anye exception to be made eyther in these woordes spoken in the olde lawe, by the mouth of God: eyther in the wordes before spoken of the Apostle Paule in the newe: than I shall in like mā ­ner yeelde, and with most humble thankes, thinke my selfe very well satisfied in conscience, not onely touching all the afore alleaged testimonies, but also in this seconde chiefe pointe.

M. Horne.

I doe graunte the vvoordes of the holie Scriptures in bothe these places to be spoken to al states of vvomen vvithout exception. But vvhat make they for your purpose, hovve doe they conclude and confirme your cause? VVomen muste be silent in the Churche, and are not permitted to speake: That is, as your ovvne Doctour Nicolaus de Lyra expoundeth it, wo­men muste not teache and preache the doctrine in the Churche, neyther dispute openlye: Therefore our Sauiour Christe dyd not committe to Kinges, Queenes, and Princes, the Authoritie to haue and take vppon them (.538.) The .538. vntruthe. M Feckenham rea­soneth not so. But thus. Therefore vvomen can not take vppon them the Supreame go­uernement in all causes &c. anye parte of gouernement in Ecclesiasticall causes. As (.539.) The .539. vntruthe, The argument is nothing like. though a younge Nouice of your Munkishe ordre shoulde haue argued: Nunnes muste keepe silence, and maye not speake in the Cloysture, nor yet at Dynner, tyme in the fray­trie: therefore your deceyuer the Pope dyd not committe Au­thoritie to his Prouincialles, Abbottes, Priores, and Prioresses, to haue and take vppon them the gouernement vnder hym selfe in Munkishe and Nunnishe causes and matters? VVhat man vvoulde haue thought Maister Feckēham to haue had so (.540.) The .540 vntruthe. This argument is made vvith good and greate consi­deration, as shall appeare. little consideration, although vnlearned, as to vouche the si­lence of vvomen in the Churche, for a reason to improue the Authoritie of Princes in Churche causes?

The .3. Chapter. Of M. Fekenhams third reason taken out of S. Paule also .1. Cor. 14.

Stapleton.

M. Feckē ­hams 3. reason. 1. Cor. 14.MAister Feckenham his thirde reason is, that women are not permitted to speake in the Church, and there­fore they can not be the heads of the Church. To this M. Horn answereth: first that this place of S. Paul must be vnderstanded of teaching, preaching, and disputing: and that therfore it wil not follow thereof, that they may not take vpō thē any gouernment in Ecclesiastical causes. And then being merily disposed, he saith this Argumēt is much like, as if a yong Nouice shuld reason thus. Nūnes must kepe silēce in the Cloisture: therfore the Prioresses haue not the gouernment in Nūnish causes and matters. Cōcerning the first part of his answere, I say that the argument is good ād sufficiēt. For if teaching, preaching, and disputing in matters of religiō, be causes and matters ecclesiastical: and if womē be imbarred frō this, then is there a sufficiēt cause, why M. Fekenham may not take this othe, that a woman is supreme head in al causes spiritual ād ecclesiastical: Namely to erect and enact a new and proper religiō throughout her realme by the vertue of her own proper and supreme gouernmēt. For to this end, M. Horn, is the othe tēd [...]ed. It is to euidēt. It can not be dissembled. Againe, the said place of S. Paul is of the order and māner of expoūding of scripture, as it ap­peareth by the text. If then S. Paul forbiddeth a woman to expoūd scripture: how can a woman take vpon her, to be the chief iudge of al those that expoūd the scripture? I mean in that very office of expoūding Scripture, in decreeīg, de­termining, and enacting, what religion, what beliefe, what doctrine shal take place. And such shee must nedes be, if she [Page 419] be a supreme head. Suche do you and your fellowes make her. Such authority you M. Horn, throughout all this boke, attribute to your new supreme heads, Emperours and Kīgs by you alleaged. You make them to preache, to teache, and to prescribe to the Bishops in their Coūcels, what and how they shal do in their ecclesiasticall matters. If then by you a supreme Gouerner in ecclesiastical maters, must be so qua­lified, as to be present in Councels of Bishops, to prescribe rules for the Bishops to follow, to determine what they shal do, and to cōfirme by royal assēt the decrees of bishops, yea and to make them selues, decrees and cōstitutions ecclesia­stical, but a woman by S. Paule, may not ones speake in the Church, that is, in the Cōgregatiō or assembly of the faith­ful, and by you a womā may not preache, teach, or dispute: vndoubtedly both by S. Paul, and by your own cōfession, a womā can not be a supreme Gouernour, such as the Othe forceth mē to swere. I say, supreme gouernour in al eccle­siastical causes. No nor in so many causes by a great deale, as you pretend in this your booke, other Kings and Princes to haue practised supreme gouernmēt in. Cōsider now, M. Horne, how it may stād with S. Paules doctrine, that a wo­man may be a supreme gouerner in al ecclesiastical causes: namely such as you in this boke, would make your Reader beleue, that al Emperours, Kings and Princes hitherto haue bene. Now put the case (as we saw it viij. yeres past) that in a doubtful matter of doctrine and religion to be tried by scripture, the whole number of bishops agree vpō some de­terminate and resolute exposition with their Clergie, and would by an Ecclesiastical law of Cōuocation or Councel set forth the same? Al their resolutiō and determination is not worth a rush by your Othe and by your maner of talke [Page] in this booke, if the Prince doe not allowe and cōfirme the same. And how this wil stād with S. Paul in this chapter, tel vs I pray you: presupposing (as the statute requireth) that the Princes allowing though she be a woman, is necessary. And now are ye come to th [...]s point, and driuē therto by the force of this place, to say: that the place doth not proue, but a womā may haue some gouernmēt in ecclesiastical causes: As though the Questiō were now of some gouernmēt on­ly, and not of Supreme and absolute Gouernment in al ma­ner thinges and causes ecclesiastical. If therefore this place do proue, that a womā hath not the Supreme and absolute gouernement in all causes ecclesiasticall, but that in some, and them the chiefest, she must holde her peace, as yt doth euidētly, and ye can not denie yt: then is M. Fekenham free frō taking the othe of the supremacy, and then hath S. Paule vtterly confuted that Othe, and your whole booke withal.

This I say also, as by the way, that yf this chapter must be taken, for teaching, preaching and disputing, as M. Horne saith and truely, that M. Iewell went far wide frō S. Paules meaning, when he applied yt to the cōmon seruice of the Church, whereof it is no more meāt, thē of the cōmō talke in tauernes. As for M. Hornes secōd mery mad obiectiō, no mā is so mad to make such an argumēt but hīself. And ther­fore he may as long, and as iolily as he wil, triūph with him self in his own folly. Yet I would wish M. Horne to speake wel of Nunnes, were it but for his grandsir Luthers sake, and the heauēly coniunctiō of him and a Nonne together: Which vnhappy cōiunction of that Vulcā and Venus, en­gēdred the vnhappy brood of M. Horn ād his felowes. But that this folish fond argumēt is nothing like to M. Fekenhās argumente, yt may easely be proceiued, by that we haue alredy and sufficiently sayde.

M. Fekenham. The .159. Diuision. pag. 98. a.

The third chiefe point is, that I must not only sweare vpon the Euangelists, that no foraine personne, state or potentate, hath or ought to haue any power or authoritie Ecclesiastical or Spiritual within this Realme: but also by vertue of the same Othe, I must renounce all forraine power and authorities, which for a Christian man to doe, is directly against these two Articles of our Crede: Credo sanctā ecclesiā Catholicā: I do beleue the holy catholik [...]hurch. Credo Sanctorū cōmunionē: I do beleue the cōmuniō of saints. And that there is a participatiō and cōmunion amongest al the beleuers of Christes Church, which of the Apostle Paule are called Saincts. Adiuro vos per Dominū vt lega­tur haec Epistola omnibus sanctis fratribus. And herin I do ioyne this issue with your L. that whā your L. shalbe able to proue by Scripture, Doctor, General Coūcell, or by the cōtinual practise of any one Church, or part of al Christē ­dome, that by the first Article, I beleue the holy Catholik Church, is meant only that there is a Catholike Church of Christ, and not so that by the same article euery Christiā man is bound to be subiect and obedient to the Catholike Church, like as euery member ought to haue obediēce vn­to the whole mystical bodie of Christ. And further when you shall be hable to proue by the second Article: I dooe beleue the Communion of Saints, is not so meante, that a Christian man oughte to beleeue such attonement, suche [Page] a participation and communion, to be amongest al belee­uers and members of Christes Catholike Churche in do­ctrine, in faith, in Religion, and Sacramentes, but that it is laufull for vs of this Realme therein to dissent from the Catholike Churche of Christe dispersed in all other Realmes: and that by a corporal Othe it is laufull for vs to renounce, and refuse to haue communion with the Ca­tholike Church so dispersed, bycause it is a forrayne au­thoritie and power out of this Realme: when soeuer your L. shalbe hable to proue this by Scripture, Doctour, Ge­nerall Councell: or yet by continuall practise of any one Church, or parte of al Christendome: Than shal I in lyke manner, yelde in this third point, and with most humble thankes, shal thinke my selfe very well satisfied therein.

M. Horne.

This thirde chiefe pointe is (.541.)The .541. vntruth. It contei­neth an argumēt, that M Horne shal neuer assoyle. nothing els, but a misshapened lumpe of vvordes: conteining firste an argument grounded vppon a kinde of Opposition, that no vvise or learned man euer redde of, but is nevvelie forged and hammered out of your ovvne braine: Then, an issue, to haue me prooue that thinge, vvhiche beinge rightly vnderstanded, no Christian doth doubte of, or vvill denie. And laste of all, an huge heape of flatte and manifeste (.542.)The 542. vntruth. Slaunde­rous and iniurious Lyes againste the vvhole Realme, to set a good face vppon an euill fauoured cause, vvhich can finde no helpe or ease by plaine and simple truthe. The vveightie burden, that you are loden vvith and can not beare, is that you must by Othe renounce all foreine povver and authoritie: the cause that maketh you fainte and feeble, is, that it is directly againste tvvo Artiles of our Creede: So that your feeble reason is grounded after your simple skill vppon the place, ab oppositis & pug­nantibus. Before I aunsvvere to the argument, I vvill put the Reader [Page 421] in remembraunce of the diuision vvhiche you make, chopping and chaun­ginge one (.543.) The .543. vntruth. For they, are 2. di­uers arti­cles, not one. Clemēs in compend. de fide. Article in tvvaine, to make some shevve of an heinous matter. Surely it vvere ouermuche detestable, if you vvere moued to svveare but against one article of our Creede, as yee vvere neuer moued by me, either to or fro, to svveare anie thinge at all. There be three symboles or Creedes, vvhiche haue bene allovved and receaued of Christes Catholique Churche. The symbole of the Apostles, of the Nicen Coun­cell, and of Athanasius. The Apostolicall is so called, bycause it vvas collected (as some saye) by the tvvelue Apostles, and therefore conteineth (as the commonly receiued opinion is in Christes Churche) according to the number of the tvvelue Apostles, but tvvelue Articles, vvhiche are called in the vsuall speache of the Catholique Christians, the tvvelue Articles of our Creede or beliefe. If this, I beleue the communion of sain­ctes, be a seuerall Article from this, I beleue the holy Catholique Churche, as you doe phantasie, then there muste needes be at the leaste thirtene Articles of the Creede, contrarie to the (.544.)The .544. vntruth. The cōmō opiniō of lerned mē rekoneth more thē 12. Arti­cles. vniuersally re­ceiued opinion of the Catholique Churche. You vvere vvonte to staye your selfe muche vpon the custome of the Catholike Churche, and vvoulde vrge stiflie although not so trulie the vniuersallie receiued opinion of the Catho­lique Churche, as a matter that might not bee reiected, or denied: and hovve chaunceth it novve, that you are become suche a chaungeling, that cleane (.545.)The .545. vntruth. As before contrarie to the vse of the Catholike Church, vvhiche ac­knovvledged but tvvelue, you vvil make thirtene Articles of the Creede at the leaste? Besides th [...]s, the Catholike Church in the tyme of Cyprian and Augustine, and before also, dyd not reken or iudge these to be tvvo se­uerall Articles, but did coumpte them one article, concluding these vvor­des, the communion of Sainctes, in this sentence, I beleue a Catho­lique Churche of Christe, recyting the Symbole vvithout rehearsall or mentioning, the communion of Sainctes, as it is plainely sette foorth by S. Cyprian and Augustine, in theyr expositions of the Apostolicall Creede. The matter meant by the communion of Sainctes, is vt­tered in these vvordes: I beleue the holy Catholike Churche of Christe. VVherevnto hath bene added sence these auncient Fathers t [...]mes, as it maie seme by the vvaie of explication, communion of Sain­ctes, to expresse in plainesse of speche, that Christes Catholique Churche, [Page] is nothing els, but a felovvship, and cōmunion of faithful ones, vvhich are sain­ctes. Novv let vs see hovv to svveare, as this third chiefe point of the Othe set­teth forth, is directly against this article of our Creede, I beleue the holy Catholike Church, the communion of Sainctes. All true subiectes ought and must renounce and forsake all foraine iurisdictions, povvers, su­perioririe, preheminēces, and authorities of euery foraine Prince, and prelate, state, or potentat. This is the propositiō of that part of the Othe: to the vvhich adioyne this proposition, all true subiectes ought and must beleue, an holy Catholike church of Christ, the cōmunion of sainctes. Espy novv vvhat opposition is betvvixt these tvvo propositions, that they may not both matche together, and be verified in one true and faithful subiect. The one, say you, is directly against the other. Then say I, there is a direct oppositiō and re­pugnancy betvvixt them, by due examination vve shal find out the oppositiō. Trie the partes of these propositiōs seuerally vvithout the verbe that coupleth them together, and you shal not find any opposion, either cōtrary relatiue, priuatiue, or disparat: ioyne them together vvith the verbe that coupleth, ād being propositions, they are not one against the other cōtrary, subcōtrary, subalterne, nor (546.)The .546. vntruth. They are plaine cō ­tradicto­ry one to an other, as shal appeare. cōtradictory, ād therfore vntruly, ād not lesse vnskilfully babled of you, that the one is directly against the other, vvhen a yong scholer that hath red but the rudimēts of his Logik, could haue sene and iudged, that ther is in thē no oppositiō or repugnancy at al. To renoūce ād forsake (.547.)The .547. vntruth. ioyned vvith impiety. The catholike Churche, that you by othe renoūce, is the Church of Christe, not of antichrist Antichrist and his church by othe or knovvlege and to beleue in Christ and rightfully by al maner of vvaies, standeth neither directly nor in directly one against the other, but are matched together and agreeth iūpe one vvith the other. Surely your eyes vver not matches, neither vvere your vvittes at home, vvhē you spied out this repugnancy, if you had not published this learned peece of vvorke, your friendes should neuer haue knovven, vvhat an huge heape of cōning and knouledge,The defi­nition of the catholique Churche* vnperfect as shall appeare. is hiddē in that litle head of yours. The demaūd in your issue is easely proued by the descriptiō or definitiō of Christes true Catholike church. The catholike Church of Christ, is a multitud, society, and cōmuniō of sainctes and faithful ones, that haue ben, shalbe, and are novv one liue in the earth, hovve and vvhersoeuer they be diuided and dispersed in time and place, the vvhich multitude of saintes, haue a participatiō in cōmuniō amōgst thēselues of al good things, geuē, graūted, and grovvīg frō god through Christ, of spirit, faith, sacramēts, praier, remissiō of syns, and heauēly blisse, and [Page 422] are vnited to Christ their head by faith, and fastened together amōgst thēsel­ues, as mēbers of one body vvith the bōd of loue. To this catholike Churche, euery Christian man is bounde to bee subiect and obedient as a member ought, and may be subiect and obedient to the body.

And vve doo teache and cōfesse in this Church such an attonemēt, partici­patiō, and cōmunion, among all the members in doctrine, faith, Religiō, and Sacramēts, that neither this, nor any other Realme, may laufully dissent frō this Church, or renoūce and refuse to haue cōmunion therevvith, as God be praised vve of this realme do novve shevve our selues by al Christiā meanes, neuer more at any time, to (.548.)The .548. vntruth. You haue no agre [...] ment, consent, or vnite of doctrine amōge your selues. agree and cōsent in the vnity of this Ca­tholike Church, in necessary doctrine, right faith, true Religiō, and the right vse of Christes Sacramentes. The foule (.549.)The .549. vntruth mere slanderous. lies that you heape together, vvherevvith shamefully to defoyle your ovvne neast and natiue coūtry, neadeth none other cōfutatiō, thā only to make thē plaine to be seen and iudged of al mē, that the Realme may be so­ry, that euer it nestled so vnnatural and filthy a byrde, and your friendes ashamed of so malicious and impudent a Liar. This is a levvde (.550.)The 550. vntruth. M. Fekēhā saied not so of the Realme. Lie, that this Realme dissenteth frō the Catholike Church in the forenamed poīts. This is a (.551.)The 551. vntruth. It is right true that in effect you do so, as it shall appeare. shameful Lie, that by corporall othe or any other vvaies, vve renounce and refuse to haue cōmunion vvith the Catholike Church of Christe. And this is a monsterous (.552.)The .552. vntruth. For M. Fekenham saied not, that it is so, but that by Othe you make it so, vvhich is true, as it shal be proued. Lye that the catholike Church is a foraine authority ād povver out of this Realm. VVho vvas euer so madde, as ones to thinke, or so doltish as to speake any thing againste the Catholike Church, but specially to forsake it, and that bicause it is a foraine povver and authority. The Othe maketh no mention in any one vvorde, of the Catholique Church, it speaketh of (.553.)The .553. vntruth. Notorious. The Othe speaketh of Euery foraine Pre­late, not of a foraine prelat. You are novv ashamed your selfe of the Othe, M. Horne, a foraigne Prince, Prelate, and Potētate, and so of the foraigne Po­vver and authority of suche a foraigne state. VVherevpon M. Fe­kenhā cōcludeth as it vvere by Reuelatiō, in a Mōkishe dreame, vvithout rime or reason, that therfore the catholike Church is for­sakē, as though there vvere no differēce betvvixt a foraine Prince, or prelate and the Catholique Churche: or that the Catholique Church might be called a foreine Povver, or a forine authority to a Christiā Realm. This is such a nevv kind of Diuinity is vvas neuer heard or redde of in any vvriter, no not in the Legēd of Goldē Lies.

The .4. Chapter, defending M. Feckenhams thirde chiefe poynt, and prouing euidently, that the Othe destroyeth two Ar­ticles of our Crede. And by occasion, of the prote­stantes dissension in these lowe Countres he [...]e.

Stapleton.

The 3. chief pointe.THE effect of M. Fekenhams third poynt, resteth in this, that he cānot vouchsafe to take the othe, for that it is against two articles of the faith: I belieue the holy cathol [...]ke Church and: I belieue the cōmuniō of Saints. For the which argumēt M. Horn setteth vpō him with great force both of diuinity and logike. He maruaileth, that M. Fekēhā cōtrary to th'opiniō vniuersally receiued of al the catholik Church maketh of xij. xiij. articles of the crede: making the cōmunion of saints an article of the faith, which was none in the time of S. Cypriā and S. Augustine. Then like a lustie logicioner he auoucheth, that there is no way any cōtra­dictiō to the catholike faith, in taking an othe, for the re­nouncing of al foraine power. Last of al he setteth forth a definitiō of the catholike church. Suerly M. Fekenham had nede beware now least M. Horne proue him an heretike, for he can not be farre frō heresy, that mainteineth an opi­niō cōtrary to the vniuersal church. But because ye charge him so hardly M. Horne, we muste see wel to the matter, and we muste cōsider somwhat exactly, whether there be no more articles then xij. to be belieued. And here though ye beare the countenance of a great Bishop, I must be so bold to bring you to your cathechisme, and to seuer euery thing into his owne proper kinde. The first article then is, I belieue in God. The .2. I belieue in God the Father, The .3. that he is omnipotente: The .4. that he is the creatour of heauē and [Page 423] earth: The .5. I belieue in Iesus Christ: The .6 I belieue he was cōceiued of the holy ghost The .7. That he was borne of the vir­gin Marie: The .8. That he suff [...]ed vnder Pontius Pilatus: and the .9 that he descēded into hell. The .10. that he rose f [...]ō death the .3. day. The .11 that he ascēded into heauen: and the .12. that he shall come to iudge the quicke and the dead: Here haue ye alredie twelue articles: the denial of any one of thē being opē heresie. And thē immediatly haue we yet certaine ar­ticles more. As: I belieue in the holy ghost, I belieue the catho­like church, the cōmuniō of saints, the forgiuenes of sinnes, the resurrectiō of the fleshe, and the life euerlasting. Denie me,In hoc cō ­muniter cōcordant Theologi & cano­nistae. Gull. Lin­vvood in cōstit. pro­uinc. de summae trinit ca. 1. §. item alij. D. Thom. 2.2. q. 1. Arti 8. Host. & Io. And. in rub. de sum. tri­nitate. Ruffinus ī symbolo. yf ye dare M. Horne any one of these to be an article of our faith cōteined by expresse words in the cōmon crede. I say nothīg here of many other articles that ye are aswel bound to belieue as these. As that Christe is consubstantial to the Father, that he hath two natures, and two willes, and that the holy Ghost procedeth from the Father and the sonne, with such like. The opiniō of many learned mē in the chur­che is, M. Horne, that there be fowrtene articles of the faith, wherin aswel the diuines as the canonistes do cōmō ­ly agree. And to omitte other coūtries, the bishops of En­glād in their sinodes haue determined ād takē order by di­uerse cōstitutions prouincial, that aswel the articles of the faith accordīg to this nūber, as the .10. cōmaūdemēts should be quarterly expounded, and declared to the people by theire curates in the vulgar tong. Truth yt is, that they are commonly called the .12. articles of the faith, not because they are precisely but xij. But because yt is thowght that the Apostles before they were dispersed abrode in the worlde to preache, made eche one a parcel of the cōmon crede. And for that cause, they are vsually called the .12. ar­ticles. [Page] Or for that they be reducible to .12. principal articles, to the which some do reduce thē, or to .14. as they are vsu­ally reduced in the Schooles. In this sort the Article of the cōmunion of Saints, may be cōprehended in the Article of the holy Catholike Church. Vnder the whiche, as ye say, S. Cypriā and S. Austine do cōprehend it. Yet in this point ye are deceiued, that ye suppose the expositiō of the Crede to be made by S. Cyprian. For it is not his expositiō, but Ruffi­nus or some others: as the thing it self sheweth most euidēt­lie. Touching the .2. point, we feare nothing your Logike, nor your high cūning: wherby ye tel vs of an oppositiō con­trary, relatiue, priuatiue, and disparatiue: and of Propositions cōtrary, M. Horne depra­ueth M. Fekenhās argumēt. subcōtrary, subalterne, and cōtradictory. Lesse Logike might haue serued, M. Horne: for ye do not soile M. Fekē ­hams, but your own Argument. And then is it an easy mat­ter for a man, framing an argument of his own, to frame al­so what solution it pleaseth him. But let vs take M. Fe­kenhams true argument, and we shal find a plaine contradi­ctory (which is the extremest of al oppositiōs) betwen the tenour of the Othe, and betwen this Article of our Crede, that M Fekenham here toucheth. This is (you say your self here M. Horne) the propositiō of that part of the othe. Al true subiects ought and must forsake al foraine iurisdictiōs, powers, superioritie, praeeminences and authorities of euery foraine Prince, and Prelate, state or Potentate. The propositiō of M. Fekenhā,The othe cōtrarye to an Ar­ticle of our crede is, that to beleue the holy Catholik Church, is as much to say, as to be subiect and obediēt to the Catholik Church. But the Catholik Church cōprehēdeth al the corps of Christē ­dom, as wel without the realme as within the realme, sub­iect and obediēt to one head the Pope of Rome. And this Pope of Rome is to you a foraine Prelate, Power and Po­tentate, [Page 424] as your self doth afterward expoūd it: Ergo by ver­tue of the oth, you force al the Quenes subiects to renoūce and forsake al the corps of Christēdom without the realm: which is, as I haue said, the extreme cōtradictory to this, Al true subiects ought and must beleue, obey, and be subiect to the whole corps of Christendom, as well without the Re­alme as within.

You answer. The Othe maketh no mētion in any one word of the Catholike Church. But I replie: In that you exclude al foraine power and authoritie, you exclude also the Catho­lik Church, which is no lesse forain to you, thē is the Pope, to whom that Church is subiect, as the body to the head.

You saye, the Othe speaketh of a foraine Prince, Prelate, and Potentate, and so of the foraine power and authority of such a foraine state, but I replie: First that you belye the Othe. For the Othe speaketh, not, of a forraine Prince, Prelate and Potentate, but of euery foraine Prince, Prelate and poten­tate, as but the second leafe before, your selfe describeth this part of the Othe. And so expresly you renounce, as al Princes so all Prelates of Christes Churche, whiche is the whole Catholike Church. And so the Othe is plaine con­tradictory to this Article: I beleue the Catholique Churche.

Secondarily, I replie, that the foraine authoritie of such a foraine state is (in your sense) the whole Churches au­thoritie subiect to the Pope of Rome. And so ones again, by the report of your Oth in renoūcing al forain autority, you renoūce al the Churches authority without the realme of Englād: as much to say, you renoūce to beleue ād obey the Catholik church. And as much to say, you protest by oth, to beleue and obey, only the church within the realm of Eng­land. Cōsider now, good Reader, whether this third part of [Page] the oth, be not mere cōtradictory in effect, to this article of our Crede, I beleue the Catholike Church: supposing that we must not onely beleue, but also obey and be subiect to the Catholike Church. Which is the Argumēt that M. Feken­ham proposeth, and is the demaund in M. Fekenhams issue. To the which M Horne answereth neuer a whit. But fra­meth a nother opposition such as in deede might well be­come a dremer in his dreme. Againe, betwen this Article of our Crede:An other contradi­ction be­tvvē the Othe, and an article of our Creede. I beleue the Cōmuniō of Saints (ād your othe) I renoūce al foraine iurisdictiōs, power, superiority, praeeminēce, of euery foraine Prince and Prelate: is a plaine and extreme cōtradiction. For as to renoūce euery forain Prince, bīdeth al the subiects of Englād, to obey ōly the prince of that lād, and no prince out of the lād, in al tēporal causes ād things: which part of the Othe no Papist in England euer refused to take (and which for my part, M. Barlow of Chichester can beare me witnesse, I refused not, but expreslie offered my self to take, at what time vpō refusal of the other part, he depriued me (as much as laie in him) of my prebend in that church) so to renoūce euery forain Prelate (as the othe expresly speaketh) bindeth al the subiects of England to o­bey only the Prelates of that lād, and not to obey any Pre­late without the land what soeuer he be, in any spiritual or Ecclesiasticall cause. Which is as euery man may see, the extreme cōtradictory to this Article of our Crede. I beleue the Cōmunion of Saints. Wherby is ment, as M Fekenhā rea­soneth (and M. Horne denieth not, nor can with any shame deny) that euery Christian man ought to beleue a perfecte attonement, participation, and cōmunion to be emongst al beleuers and members of Christes Catholike Churche in doctrine, in faith, in religion, and sacraments.

[Page 425]He confesseth also, that it is not lauful for vs of the realm of England therin to dissent, from the Catholik Church of Christ dispersed in al other Realms. This is a most true and inuincible opposition betwene the Othe and the article or parte of our Crede: most truly and learnedly set forth by M. Feck. lewdly dissembled ād no whit answered by M. Horn.VVat it is to re­noūce the authorite of euery forrayn prelate.

Now though you and your felowes M. Horne, wil seme to expound by the authority of euery foraine Prelate, the au­thority of the Pope only, yet who seeth not, what an heape of absurdities doo folow therof?

For first, is the Pope euery forain Prelate? or yf he be not,1 why sweare you against euery forain Prelate?

Secondly is euery forain Prelate, the Pope? then haue we 2 I trowe more Popes then one.

Thirdly, why should yow rather meane by a forain Pre­late 3 the B. of Rome in Italy, then the B. of Millayn in Lom­bardy, the B. of Toledo in Spain, the B. of Lisbona in Por­tugal, the B. of Parys in Fraunce, the B. of Ments in Germa­ny, or any other bishope in these lowe Countries here, in Sicily, in Polonia, in Prussia, or any other where, without the Realm of Englād? Or what is ther in the B. of Rome, to make hī forain, which is not also in al the forenamed bishops, yea, ī al catholik bishops beside those of the realm of Englād?

Fourthly, when you renounce euery forain Prelat ▪ You doe plainly renoūce al Prelates whatsoeuer without the realm 4 of Englād: and so you renoūce al society, cōmuniō ād Felo­shyp of saints, that is of faithful folk in the Church of Christ.

Fiftly albeit the othe, had expresly named or entended to renoūce the pope only, yet in so doing they had renoūced al Catholik bishops beside. And that not only, because al Catholike bisshoppes are subiect to the Pope, as to their head [Page] (whereby renoūcing the Head, you renoūce also the bodye vnder that Head) but also, because the faith, the doctrin, ād the religiō of the Pope of Rome is no other, thē the faith doctrin ād religiō of al other Catholik bishops. Neither is the faith of other Catholik bishops any other faith, thē the Pops faith is. Therfor who renoūceth by othe the Pope of Rome for a forain Prelat, and his faith ād doctrine for forain, he re­noūceth also by othe, the faith and doctrine of al other Ca­tholik bishops without the Realme of England for forain.

6 Sixtly in renoūcing, all power and Authority of euery forayn Prelat, you renoūce the Lutherā and Sacramētary Superin­tēdents, of Geneua, of Zurich, of Basil, of Wittēberg and of al other protestāt prelats without the realm of Englād, no lesse then the Catholike bishopes in Germany, or any other where. And so stād you post alone in matters of religiō, not to be informed, instructed, or corrected in any doubtefull matter, or peril of schisme. As though you had a warrāt frō the holy Ghost, neither to faile in the faith, nor at any time to haue Prīces that may fayle. For al this you annex ād vnite to the Crown of Englād for euer. Seuēthly ād last in exclu­dīg 7 ād renoūcing euery forain Prelat, ād al power, Authority ād Iurisdictiō of euery forain Prelat, you exclude ād renoūce the whol body of the Church without the realm, which cō sisteth most ꝓperly ād most effectually of the bishops ād prelats the heads therof. And as in tēporal Iurisdictiō, the othe bindeth al the subiects of the Realm of Englād to obey the only kings and Quenes of that Realm (which we doe graūt also most gladly) so that if al princes in the worlde, woulde ioyne together ād cōclude a kind of regimēt, appoint lawes ād enact statutes for the better ordering ād directing of the cōmon wealth, the subiects of Englād by vertue of this othe are boūd to renoūce al such power, except our own prīce [Page 426] would allow thē and cōdescēd thervnto (which thing is reasonable enough, for al coūtries nede not to be gouerned in external maters after one sort, nor at al times a like, the state therof beīg chāgeable ād mutable) euē so in spiritual or Ec­clesiastical Iurisdictiō, the othe so expressely renounceth al power ād Autority of forain prelats, that if al prelats ād bi­shops of the world beside, wolde mete together or other­wise agre ī one truth, order, or law ecclesiastical (which hath oftē ben don and may alwaies be done in general Coūcels) the subiects of Englād are boūd vnder pain of periury ād of a praemunire to renoūce al such orders, lawes, ād decrees or cōcluded Truthes: which is shortly to say, to renounce and forsweare al obediēce to the General Councels, that is, the whole corps of Christendome represented therin, except it shal please the prīce ād prelats of our Coūtre to agre to the same. Which is to make our prīce, ād our prelats either as superiours to al other prīces ād Coūtries, or at the lest as alie­nats ād strāgers frō the whole body of Christendō beside, as though we had a proper Christ, a proper Ghospell, ād loo­ked for a proper heauē, in the which other christened Na­tiōs should find no place. And what is this els, but by booke Othe flatly to renoūce the Catholik Church, ād the cōmu­niō of Saints, both which in our Crede we professe to be­leue? These be (M. Horn) the horrible absurdities that doth necessarily folow of this part of the Othe: And wheras M. Horn sayth, it were ouer much detestable if M. Fecknam were moued to sweare, but against one article of our Crede, M. Horn muste nedes confesse this othe to be ouer muche detesta­ble, whereby not onely M. Fekenham, but many other are moued and forced to sweare againste an especiall article of our Crede: to wit, Against our obedience to the Catho­lyke Churche. The effecte of the Othe, and the sence of [Page] that Article, being cleane contrary one to the other. The which, that it may to the vnlerned Reader more plainely appeare, in this Table following I haue opened the whole contrariety.

THE TABLE

The Article of our Crede.

I beleue the Catholike Churche.

Hereof ariseth this proposition, as M. Fekenham by a si­militude setteth it forth, and M. Horn alloweth it. fol. 100. b.

All Englishmen being Christians ought to admitte, and re­ceyue, professe, and obey the Authority of the Catholike Church, that is, of the bishops of all Christendome (of whome the grea­test part are forayne prelats to our Realme) in matters of faith and doctrine touching the same.

The contrary hereof is.

No Englishmen though Christians, may admitte, professe or obey any Authority of any forain prelat without the Realme of England.

The tenour of one parte of the Othe, as M. Horne reporteth it: pag. 99. b.

All true subiectes ought and muste renounce and forsake all forraine iu­risdictions, povvers, superiority, preeminences and Authorities of euery forayn prince and prelat, state or potentat.

The equiualent of this part of the Othe is.

No true subiect of England (though Christian) ought or may admitte and receyue any forraine Authority, power or Iurisdiction, of any forayne prelat.

Thus then, the equiualent proposition of the Othe, matcheth iumpe with the contrary of the Article, and stā ­deth cleane opposite to the equiualent of the Article. Thus.

[Page 427]

The equiualēt pro­position of the Arti­cle of our Crede, is. The equiualent of the Othe, is.
Al Englishmen be­ing Christiās ought to admit and receiue the autority of forain pre­lats, (the most part of Christēdome being to vs foraine) in matters of faith and Doctrine touching the same by them authorised.Contrary.No Englishmen thoughe Christians ought or may admitte and receyue any fo­rayne Authoritye of any forayne prelat.
Subalterne.CONTRADICTORY.
CONTRA­DICTORY.
Subalterne.
Some Englishmen being Christiās ought to admitte and recey­ue the Authoritye of forayne prelats &c.Subcontrary.Some Englishmen being Christiās ought not to receiue and ad­mit, but to renounce and forsake al forayne authority of al forayn prelats &c.

By this it appeareth, that the equiualent of the Othe is cleane contrary to the plaine sence of the Article of Our Crede, sette forthe by M. Fekenham in the similitude of the members and the body: and in the same similitude cō ­fessed of M. Horne for good. By this also it appereth, that a true subiect taking the Othe (meaning as he sweareth, [Page] which if he doe not, he forsweareth himselfe) and a true Christian professing his Crede can not possibly stande to­gether, but are direct contrarye one to the other. The one professīg obediēce to the body of the Church (cōsistīg for the most and chiefest parte of forayne Bisshoppes) as e­uery member must obey the whole body: the other renoū ­cing flatly all Authoritye of all forayne prelates, as in dede no member of that Catholike body, but as a schismaticall parte cutte of from the whole. Then will it to our greate confusion of vs be verified which S. Augustine saieth. Tur­pis omnis pars est, Confes. lib. 3. Cap. 8. suo vniuerso non congruens. Filthye and shamefull is that parte, which agreeth not with his whole. And which is not only shamefull, but most pernicious and daungerous of all, what place shall then all General Coun­celles haue with vs? Quorumest in Ecclesia saluberrima Au­thoritas: Epist. 118. ad Ianua. whose Authority in the Church is most holesome, saieth S. Augustin?

Verilye the Christen inhabitants of our Countre, more then a thousande yeres paste had learned an other lesson. For whereas the Pelagian heretikes hadde infected the Brittaynes with their pestiferous heresie,Beda. lib. 1. cap. 17. the Brittaynes them selues being (as venerable Bede recordeth) neither willing to receaue their lewde doctrine, neither able to re­fute theire wyly and wicked persuasions: deuised this hol­some Councell, to seke for ayde of the Bisshoppes of Frāce, against their spirituall enemies wherevpō two learned bis­shops of France Germanus and Lupus were sent into Brit­tanie, to redresse and represse those heresies. If those Ca­tholike Brittanies had taken such an othe, as M. Horn here doth iustifie: they should I trow haue incurred periurie or treason, to seke redresse in matters of religion at the handes [Page 428] of those foraine Bisshoppes.

Likewise when Melitus the first Bisshoppe of London trauailed out of Englande to Rome,Bed. lib. 2. cap. 4. Idem lib. eodem ca. 19. to counsell Pope Boniface of matters touching the direction of the Englishe Churche: when also the Clergy of Scotlande, being trou­bled with the Pelagian heresie and schismaticall obserua­tion of Easter, sent to Rome for redresse, Maister Horne must be driuen to say, either that those Bisshoppes com­mitted periurie and treason against their Princes, or els that in those dayes no such othe was tendred, nor no such regiment practised on Princes partes, as this othe com­maundeth.

Farder, if it be necessarie, reasonable, or requisite, that all true subiestes must renounce the Iurisdiction and Autho­ritye of euery forain prelate: Howe farre was S. Augustine ouersene, which so often tymes, so earnestlye, and so ex­pressely chargeth the Donatistes, with the Authoritie, power and iurisdiction of forain prelates beyond the seas out of Afrike? He saieth of them, touching the accusation of Cecilianus their Bisshoppe,Epist. 48. ad Vincen­tium. Cōt. Dona. post colla­tionē. ca. 4 Quem primò vtique apud col­legas transmarinos conuincere debuerant. They ought first of all to haue conuinced him before his fellowe Bisshops beyond the seas. He saith farder, that in case Cecilian hadde bene gyltye, they ought not therefore to separate themselues from the Churches beyonde the seas, of E­phesus, of Smirna, of Laodicea, and of other Countreis. He saith, the whole Churche of Christ is but one bodye: And they that separate them selues from that bodye, vt eorum cōmunio non sit cū toto, quacū (que) diffunditur, Lib. de v­nitat. Ec­clesiae. c. 4. sed in aliqua parte separata inueniatur, manifestum est, eos non esse in Ecclesia Ca­tholica, so that they cōmunicate not with the whole (body) [Page] whersoeuer it be spred abroad, but be foūd to be separated in some parte therof, it is manifest, that they be not in the Catholike Churche.

I say nowe M. Horne: yf by vertue of this othe euerye true subiect must renounce euery foraine prelate: then did S. Augustine much wronge to the Donatistes, to require them to conuince their aduersarie before the Bisshops be­yond the seas, which doth import an Authority of al those forain bishops ouer the Africans alone: thē was he to blame to charge them with separatiō frō forain prelates of Ephe­sus, Smirna, and Laodicea, and other Countreis. Last of all, then was he farre wyde to pronounce them for mē cleane out of the Catholike Churche, which seuered them selues from the society of any part thereof. Then also might the Donatist (had he learned so far furth his lesson as you haue) both easied him self of much trauell out of Afrike into Ita­ly and Fraunce, and also might sone haue stopped S. Au­gustines mouth, saying: What haue we to doe with forain prelates beyond the seas, what nede we care for their Au­thority, iurisdiction, society, and communion? We are true subiectes of Afrik. We renounce al foraine power, Iurisdi­ction and Authoritye.

And truely I see no cause, but with as good reason and conscience, al subiects of all realmes may and ought to re­nounce by othe the power and Authoritie of al forain pre­lats or bishops out of their land and Countre, as we of En­glād must ād ought so to do out of ours. Which if it be ones graunted, enacted and agreed vpō in al other realmes, as it is in oures: what ende wil there be of schismes and dissension in the Church? What hope of vnytie can be cōceyued? Or howe can euer vnytie be long maintayned? What commu­nion, [Page 429] what society, what felowshippe can there be amonge Christen people? What Authorytie shall general Councels haue, which consiste in maner altogether in forayn prelates and bishops, if this othe be accompted good? In the first, se­cond, third, fourth, fyft, sixt,Act. 4. pag. 304. &. 306. To. 2. Concil. seuenth and eigth general Coū ­cell of Christendom we reade not of any one Braityne or English bishop to haue ben present there. In the 6. general Councels pope Agatho cōfessed that Theodorus the Arch­bishop of Caunterbury was called thither, and long looked for. But for his great charge at home, in those beginnings of the English Church he came not. Wilfrid of Yorke was at Rome, but not at Constantinople where that general Coū ­cel was holden. What thē? shal our Church of England re­nounce the Authoryte of al those general Councels as the Authorytie of foraine prelats by vertu of this Othe? What can be more detestable or abhomynable? But they which conceyued and endyted firste this thirde parte of the Othe, of renouncing all Authoryte of euery forain prelat, had they not (trow you M. Horn) a directe ey to general Councels, and did they not by that clause closely disburden and dis­charge the whole realme of al obedience to general Coū ­celles, namely to the general Coūcel of Trent that thē was assembled? And if they intended not so much, see you not then, howe vnaduisedly, howe daungerously, and to howe great a preiudice that part of the Othe was conceyued and endyted? Aga [...]ne yf so much was not intended, howe co­meth it to passe, that in the iniunctions where the Othe is drawen (as much as may be) to a gentle exposition, this part is not so interpreted, as it might not seme to exclude the Authority of general Councels: then the which there is in the Churche no higher or more Supreme Authoritye, ex­cepte [Page] the Pope him selfe, that is the vndoubted Heade thereof.

M Feken­hā clered.By this that hath ben said appereth M. Horne, how fals­ly and slaunderously you charge M. Fekenhā with thre se­ueral lies l [...]wde, shameful, ād mōstrous. For first it is no lewde lie, but a foule and lewde heresy of yours, that you haue e­rected a new faith, a new Religion, and a new vse of Sacra­ments, not only to al the Church throughout the worlde before your daies, but also frō your felow protestāts the Lu­therās, the Osiādrins ād the Anabaptists. If you take this for a slaūder, clere your self of your horrible heresies ād schisms in the table of Staphylus. It is no shameful lie, but a shameful and worse then a detestable case, that by this corporall othe you haue forced many a soule to renoūce and refuse in effect, though not in plain words (the deuil hīself would not be so bolde, at lest at the beginning) these two Articles or points of our faith, I beleue the Catholik Church, and, I be­leue the Cōmunion of Saints. It is no mōstrous lie, but a most monstrous and pytiful case that, you by othe renoūcing the power and Authority of euery forain prelat in plaine Englishe, haue made the Catholik Church which cōsisteth of al fo­rain prelats and bisshops out of England, not of English bis­shops onely, in plaine Englishe a mere foraine power and Authority out of Englande. For yf euery foraine prelat be renounced, is not all power and Authority of the Church which dependeth only of Prelates and Bisshops, accomp­ted also forayne, and for very forayne renounced? It is so. It is so, Maister Horne. The Othe runneth largely and ex­pressely. You can not, you may not, you shal not (God ge­uing vs his grace) bleare our eyes with vayn talke, or make vs to say we see not, that which we see, we heare, we [Page 430] feele, we vnderstande. You sawe, you sawe your self M. Horne,A foule shift vsed by M. Horne. that the woordes of the Othe being taken as they lie verbatim (as you say they must) did expressely renounce the Catholike Churche. And therefore (Marke wel gentle Reader) You M. Horne thinking and labouring to remoue this opinion from the Reader (for though you thinke in ve­ry dede, that nor Churche nor prelat, but only the expresse liuely worde of God muste be heard and obeyed, yet yow dare not as yet for very shame to expresse that detestable minde of yours, the lusty braue Chalenge of Maister Iewel offering to yeld to any one sentence or any one old doctor withdrawing you perhaps not a litle therfro) do tel hī that the Othe maketh no mention in any one worde of the Catho­like Church, but it speaketh (say you) of a forain Prince and Prelate &c. Wherein to auoyde the manifest absurditye, you flatly belye the Othe. For the Othe speaketh not (M. Horne) of a forain Prince and Prelate &c. But the Othe ex­pressly saith, of euery forain Prince and Prelat &c. Now whē it renoūceth the power of euery forain Prelat, it renounceth the power of al Catholik Bishops without the realm of En­gland, which al are forain Prelats to the realm of England, whereupon in dede M. Fekenham cōcludeth, not as it were by reuelation in a Monkishe dream without ryme or reason (as that grosse head of yours most vilely rayleth against such a sobre and discrete prelate) but with good reason and plaine euidence, that therefore the Catholik Church is by Othe renoū ­ced. Not as though there were no difference betwene a foraine Prince or Prelat, and the Catholike Church (as you ful peuishly make Maister Fekenham to reason) but bycause there is no difference betwene euery foraine Prelate (as the Othe spea­keth) and the Catholike Churche.

[Page]Seing (as I haue often said) the Catholyk Church consisteth of euery forayn Prelate, without the realme of Englād, much more then of al the prelates within the realme of Englād. Yea though euery foraine prelate without the realme of England, may and haue in many General councells prescri­bed ouer al the bishoppes of England, yet all the Bishoppes of England nether haue or may at any tyme prescribe ouer euery foraine Prelate without the realme of England. This othe therfore excludeth plainely the Authority of the Ca­tholike Church, and fighteth directly against all good rea­son and order.M. Horns definitiō of the Churche. M. Horns Church cōpared to the schisma­tical tem­ple of Sa­maria. Iosephus de bello In daico li. 7. ca. 30. & de Antiq. lib. 11. ca. vltimo. Ioan. 4. Deut. 12. &. 2. pa­ral. 7. Iosephus antiq l. 11. cap. vlt.

Now the definitiō or descriptiō of the catholik Church, such as ye bring, is much lyke to a shooe, that serueth euery fote: or to a Welshmans hose, that serueth euery legge. Si­mon Magus, Marcion, Hebion, Manicheus, Photinus, Arrius, Nestorius, and al other sects that euer were, will graunt to this your definition, and wil therby challenge the Church to their sect only, as ye do to yours. But herein your syna­goge resembleth the faulse and schismatical tēple that Onias made in Aegypte: and Sanaballites in Samaria in the mount of Garizim, wherof the ghospel of S. Iohn speaketh, though yt doth not so expresly name it. And though God had spe­cially appointed the temple of Hierusalē to be his true and holy temple, and would al sacrifices to be offred there: yet the Samaritanes toke their temple to be the true and the only temple where God would be honored in: And sayed that all offerings and sacrifices should be made ther, and not at Hierusalem. The Iewes (sayth Iosephus) when they had vn­lawfully maried, when they had transgressed and violated the Sabbot day, or eaten meates, or don other things, contrary to the Lawe, fearing punishment for the same, would fly to the Sama­ritanes, [Page 431] and to the false bishop there, and complaine to him, that they were wrongfully vexed, at Hierusalem, and so did ioyne with the sayd schismaticall factiō at the temple of Garizim. And, there was (sayth Iosephus) continuall strief, and conten­tion betwene the Iewes and the Samaritanes, Lib. 12. ca. 1. Ant. eche parte with much sturre and busines, preferring and auauncing their owne temple, yea the matter went so farre, and the Samaritanes waxed so hotte and feruent at the length, that they offered them selues to die in the quarrell and defence of theire hill and temple. And this controuersy,Idē lib. 13. ca. 6. Ant. bursting out at Alexādria into a sedition, was tried (by the common consent of both parties) by the kinge Ptolomeus Philomitor. Eche of them making this offer, that, that party shuld suffer death, whose proufs shuld be founde defectyue and insufficiente: the issewe of the whole contention was, that the king pronounced and gaue sentence for the Iewes: bicause they proued the continual suc­cession of their bishops at Hierusalem from the beginning, and that the kings of Asia had euer honored, and with great re­wardes enriched that temple as Gods true temple. Whervppon the proctours of the Samaritanes were by the kinges com­maundement put to death, whome notwithstāding the Sa­maritans toke for as blessed martyrs, as M. Foxe taketh, any of his ragged rablement in his new holy ma [...]tyrologe. This schismatical synagog is the very patern of your Church M. Horne. Sentence hath bene geuen against your synagoge, by many good and catholike kings, by many general coun­cells. And yt is a most euident, yea and a blasphemous lie a­gainst the Saints in heauē, to say as ye doe, that al the Saints and faythful Christiās, that be or hath bene, are of your Church. What so euer visour ye put vppon your Church, when we ones come to the cheif poynte, to knowe the Church by, [Page] and by the which the temple of Hierusalem was iustified: I meane the continuall succession without any interruptiō of bishops in the sea of Rome, and in al other openly kno­wen to be catholik Churches, maynteyning that faith, that ye namely in this boke impugne: then it wil easely appeare, what your Church is, and howe vnperfytte your definition is, that lacketh one infallible marke, whereby ye may sone disseuer the false from the true Church, to wytte, the knowē succession of bishops from age to age, in all places of the Christened worlde, al which the worde, Catholike, impor­teth: and the which therfore you haue omitted, bicause you are not in dede of the Catholik Churche: and bicause those markes, of vniuersalyte, of Antiquite, and of a knowen suc­cession doe vtterly wante, in that you call your Churche. Els if you haue those markes, and we haue not, procure, I pray you M. Horne, that some one of your brethern (I pro­uoke them al in this matter) doe answere, if he can, to the Fortresse of our first fayth, by me set forth, and annexed to the history of venerable Bede. Let any one of them al disproue the reasons there brought, out of the Psalmes, the prophets, and of the Ghospel, if he cā, wherby it is clerly proued, that that Church only (which you cal papistry) must be the true Church of Christ. I speake not this, vpon any confidence of my owne doinges, which I doe sincerely acknowleadge to be very simple and base, but vpon the confidence of the cause: which I doe assuredly knowe in this pointe to be so stronge, that al the heretical assaultes you shal make against it, shall neuer be able to shake it. Thus of that.

Now, wheras the Catholik Church requireth, as M. Fek. sheweth a cōmunion of Saynts, in one doctrine, one fayth of Sa­craments and other things: the lack of this cōmuniō and par­ticipatiō [Page 432] of this one fayth doth bewray what your Church is: which sore fayne would ye salue, but with howe euidēt and howe notorious a lye, ye force not. For what passīg ād shameful impudēcy is it for you, to vaunt your self and your newe Ghospel to be at an attonement and agreemēt in re­ligion: seing that it is so euidēt to al the world, that the Lu­therans and the Zuinglians be at the daggers poynte with their hot cōtentiō in the sacramētary matter? If the Church nowe of England be Catholike, then is the Saxonicall and Germanical Church hereticall. As contrarywise if Luthers Church be catholik, then is your Church heretical. Howe can ye bragg as ye doe, that you nowe agree and consent in the vnyte of this Catholyk fayth in necessary doctrine at home so much, you say, as neuer at any time more, seinge that so late one of your owne protestant bishops, in opē parliamēt stood against your boke of articles lately set forth as agreed vpō in your cōuocation? And seing the sayd boke, off [...]ed vp to be confirmed by parliament was reiected?

But what a perpetual shame is it to you M. Horn, and all your holy brotherhood, that yet to this howre the trage­dy of your horrible dissension lasteth, euen in the first foun­dation of your ragged Ghospell in these lowe Countries here of Brabant and Flaundres? If you know not the case,Nevves out of Flaūdre [...] for M. Horn and his bre­thern. I will shortly certify you the newes. In the towne of Ant­werpe your brethren the Sacramentaries of Geneua had theire churches fairly built. The Lutherans also had theire churches. This was euident to the eye. Our owne countre­men the marchants ther can beare me witnesse. Is this an agreement M. Horne, that you must eche haue your Chur­ches a parte, your seuerall preachers, your parted congre­gations? that one muste be called the Martinistes Church [Page] (of Martin Luther so called) the other must be called the Caluinists Church, of Caluin of Geneua? But forth. It came to the point in Antwerpe, that the Caluinistes tooke armes against their Prince, the .xiij. of Marche last being thursday. A worthy monyment of their holy profession. For wil you knowe the cause why? Forsoth because the same daye in the forenoone, certain of their brethern to the number of 200. and vpward were slayne in the fielde beside a number drowned in the ryuer, and taken aliue, nigh to Antwerpe by a power of the Lady Regent, which said brethern with a great number more had made a profession (which also for certain dayes they had put in practise) to range aboute the Countrie, and to ease al Churches and Churchmen of their goods, mary yet of conscience, not iniuring any laye man. The quicke iustice done vpon such open robbers and theues, the holy brethern of your sect not abyding, forese­ing that yf such pageants were longe played, their partes were like to followe, moued them immediatly as I said to take armes against their Prince in Antwerpe, to require the kays of the gates, the Churches of the Catholikes to be disposed at their pleasure, the expulsion of al religious per­sons and priests &c. All which things were graunted vnto them by the gouernor of the town, vpon a dayes delibera­tion, that al thinges might be done quietly: And they thus for the space of .ij. nightes and one day ruled al the roste in Antwerpe. What outrages in that small season they com­mitted, namely vpon the poore grey friers, whose knowen vertues irked them most aboue al other orders, I let passe. The Saterday being the .x. of Marche in the morning, whē your brethern the Sacramētaries M. Horn, contynuing stil in Armes, ād gapīg hourely for the satisfying of their gredy [Page 433] appetite, thought presently to become Lordes of so riche a towne, they sawe sodenly in Armes, brauely and strongly appointed against them, not only the Catholike marchāts, Italians, Spanyardes, Portugalles, Burgunyons ād Antwer­pians them selues, but also they sawe M. Horne to their great greefe the very Martinistes or Lutherans (betwene whom and you, you pretend allwaies such agreement) in Armes also against them. And that morning lo M. Horne was the last ioyful houre that your Sacramētary brethern sawe in that towne. For immediatly finding themselues to weake, they were faine to yeld vp the attillery which vp­pon the soden two dayes before they had seasoned vpon, and in stede of their beggarly and trayterous crie of which all Antwerpe before did ring, in stede I say of Viue le Geus, to crye, full sore against their hartes: Viue le Roy. God saue the kinge. From that day forewarde your brethern went backewarde. Valēcene the first and chief rebelling towne wythin ix. dayes after was taken. The preachers within xiiij. dayes after that, bothe Sacramentary and Lutheran haue voyded the towne, yea the whole countre. God be praised. But this I tell you M. Horne, that you may note, howe the Lutheranes them selues stode in Armes against the Caluinistes: Protestants against Protestants, yea in the quarell of protestanticall prowes.

In like maner, in the yere .1561. in Aprill, the Senat of Francford being Lutherās,Vide Franciscū Phi­lippū, & Surium. banished out of their towne the renegat Caluinistes of Fraunce. In the same yere, the inha­bitans of Breme being Caluinistes draue out the Lutherās.

If all this will not serue to proue a clere and playne dis­sensiō in matters of religiō against you, thē behold an other argumēt inuincible M. Horne. Your brethern the Sacra­mentaries [Page] in Antwerp haue published in print a Confessiō of their false faith. The Lutherans or Martinists haue prin­ted also an other of theirs. Both are cōfuted by the Catho­like Doctors of this Vniuersity. The first by Frāciscus Son­nius B. of Hartoghenbusch. The other by Iudocus Tiletanus, a learned professour of Diuinitie here. The Lutherans pre­tend to be called by the Magistrates of Antwerp. The Cal­uinists for lacke of such authority, haue printed their Con­fessiō Cū gratia & priuilegio Altissimi. With grace and pri­uilege of the highest. And this lo, was I trow a more Speci­al Priuilege, then M. Iewels was, though he prīted his Re­plie to, With Special Priuilege. But such Priuileges of he hig­hest, euery rascal heretik can pretend, no lesse then the Sa­cramentaries. And this is a high Diuinitie, the publishing wherof passeth al Princes Priuileges, and must be set from the highest him self. Bilike these mē would seme to be cal­led as S. Paul was,Galat. 1. Nō ab hominibus, ne (que) per hominē, sed per Iesum Christū, Not of men, nor by man, but by Iesus Christ, euen with a voice frō heauen. O peuish pride and most fōd presumption. But to the matter.

The Lutherans or Martiniste Ministers of Antwerpe in their Confession haue one whole Chapter Contra errorem Sacramentariorum: Against the errour of the Sacramenta­r [...]es. It is the seuententh in number. In that Chapter they proue the Reall presence, and the Consecration of the Mysteries, and they labour to cōfute the fond obiectiōs of the Sacramentaries (vsed also very sadly of M. Iewel in his Replie) against the Reall presence,In Cōfut. Ministro­rum Ant­vverp. fol. 92. &. 93, touching the tropicall sence of Christes wordes (whiche they denie vtterly) and touching the assension of Christe into heauen, which they proue (though by an other errour of their owne, as Tileta­nus [Page 434] at large declareth) that the same article maketh nothīg against the Real or Corporal presence of Christ in the Sa­crament.

Briefely the Lutherans do thus pronounce of your Bre­thern the Sacramentaries Communion M. Horne,Vide Tile­tani prae­sat. ad Se­natū Ant­vverp. which you doe make so holy a matter. The Lutheran Ministers of Antwerp in their printed Confession, say thus: Caluinista­rum Leiturgia nō vno sacrilegio vitiata, cōtaminata (que) est, eo (que) (proh dolor) passim innumeras animas aeterno exitio inuoluit. The Cōmunion of the Caluinists is defiled and contamina­ted with diuers Sacrilegies: ād therfore (alas) it enwrappeth euery where infinit nūbers of soules into eternal damnatiō. Lo, M. Horne, what agreemēt in Religion there is betwen you Protestaunts. Your holy Cōmunion of England is cō ­demned for sacrilegious, and damnable of your owne bre­thren the scholers of Martin Luther, whom your Apology commendeth for a most excellent man, and one sent of God to lighten his Church. All that frequente your holie Com­munion, Maister Horne, are damned, saie the Lutherans of Antwerpe.

Bragge no more, Maister Horne, of your agreement. Your horrible dissention glistereth so cleere, cryeth so lowd, and blustereth so great, that as long as we haue eyes to see, eares to heare, and hands to fele, we can not choose but behold it in the face, we must nedes heare the voice of it, and our senses must of necessitie palpablie feele it. And the sight, the voyce and the sense therof, cōuinceth vnto vs with an vnuincible Argument,1. Cor. 14. that your whole Religi­on is a cleere heresie, as proceeding from the Deuill the spirit of dissention, not from God, who is the God of vnity, peace and concorde.

The .160. Diuision. Pag. 101. a.
M. Fekenham.

The fourth and last point is, that I must swere to the obseruatiō of this othe, not only to the Quenes highnes ād our soueraign Lady that now is, but also vnto her heyers and successours Kings and Queenes of this Realme. And bicause euery Christian man ought to be carefull to auoid periurie therein, I would right gladly knowe, that if any her highnes successours should by the refusall of the said title of Supremacie, bind her subiects by the like statute lawe vnto the cleane contrarie (experience whereof was of late made here in this Realme, that it is yet freshe in the memories of all men) In this case I would right gladly knowe, what authoritie is able to dispence againe with this Othe. And if there be none at all, then the subiectes of this Realme in this case are bounde, and that by booke Othe, to liue in a continuall disobedience to the lawes of their soueraigne Lord or Ladie, King or Quene: the case wherof is very lamentable. And christian charity would, that it shoulde be foreseene and prouided for. And for mine owne parte (being further touched herein, then I haue yet expressed) my very trust and hope is, that the charity of this our newe refourmed Churche here in this realme, shal not be found so colde and shorte, as in proui­ding so sharpe lawes and paines of death to force men to take this othe, of the Quenes Highnes Supreamacie, but [Page 435] that it will prouide also such meanes and wayes, wherby the subiects may receiue the same with safe cōscience, and without al periurie. And in so doing, I shal most willing­ly submit my selfe, and receiue also that part of the Othe. And shall further therevpon set foorth the Quenes high­nes Supremacie with al Titles and Prerogatiues, bothe by penne and worde of mouth, and that with as desirous harte and glad will, as any subiect that is this day liuing in her highnesse Realme. So that of the premisses ye may well vnderstande, that there is in mee no other cause of staie, touching the later part of this Othe, then very con­science. And that I would before right gladly know (tou­ching these forenamed points) how I might sweare vnto them, and not committe periurie therein.

M. Ho [...]ne.

As euerie Christian man ought to be carefull to auoide Periurie both in this and al other matters: euen so vvise men may vvell knovve, vvhat you meane by the conditionall case ye put, of the refusall by her highnesse Succes­sours of this Title: vvhereto the holy Ghoste maketh you this plaine ansvver: Spes Hypocritae peribit: The Hypocrites hope shall perishe. You sprinkle this doubtfull case vvith a pouder of late experience, [...]vhiche seasoneth your mater, De facto, non de Iure. For it is not lavvfull for any Christian prince to refuse (.554.)The .554. vntruth. It is not lauful for any Prīce to take it. this Supremacie, vvhich is the beste parte of his princely Ministery, and seruice vnto God. Neither may be more bi [...]de his subiectes by lavve to become svvoren to the Pope and Poperye, than to the ( [...]55.)The .555. vntruth. Horible and Pro­testante lyke. greate [...]urke and turkerie. For that the Pope is a more perillous (.556.)The .556. vntruth. Extreme slaunde­rous, as al the world knoweth yea M. Horne him self, ennemie vnto Christ, than the turke: and Popery much more Idolatrous, then turkery. And therefore there is no humaine Authoritie, that can dispence vvith the violation of this lavvfull Othe, made of duety vnto the Christian Princes.

[Page]This is a lamētable case I graūt, that subiectes should liue in cōtinual diso­bediēce to the lavves of the prince, vvhether it happē for that the lavves be so vngodly, that a christian subiect may not vvith good cōsciēce obey thē (expe­rience vvherof vvas of late made here in this Realme.) Or for that the stub­bornesse of the subiect mainteined vvith a vvicked, and yet a vaine hope. be so stiffe, that vvilfully he liueth in a cōtinual disobediēce to the Godly lavves of his soueragine, vvherof experience is made novv at this time in you, and a fevve others of your (.557.)The .557. vntruth. The companie of catholy­kes is no cōspiracy. conspiracie There is good cause, vvhie ye should haue your very trust ād hope (as you saie ye haue, hovv vngratiousely soeuerye thīk) assured of the charity of our church nevvly reformed after the rule of gods vvord, vvherat ye Popish modestia vestra (M Horne) nota sit omnibus hominibus svvine grunte and groine. For you, in your ovvne self, haue perfect experiēce, that the supreme gouernour vnder Christ of this realm, folovving the exāple of her heauēly father, doth boūtifully, of her good­nes, vvith much more patiēce, and lōg sufferīg allure you to dutiful repētāce. And hath further prouided sundry meanes and vvaies, vvherby to remoue your vvilful ignorance, and to endue you vvith sufficient knovvledge of the truthe, hovv ye might vvith salfe conscience receiue this dutifull Othe of a true sub­iecte, vvithout all periurie.

The .5. Chapter. Of M. Fekenhams fourth chiefe point.

Stapleton.

IN this Diuisiō you lie and raile blasphemously and horri­bly, euē as if Sathā had presētly entred into you, and prō ­pted vnto you at your backe, both such cācred matter as your poisoned hart hath cōceiued, ād also such foul termes, as your spritish pen hath endited. M. Fekenhā demaūded of you a very reasonable demaund, that is, in case he or other should now take this new found Othe, and that it should so chaūce, that any of the Princes successours should bind his subiects by the like statute law, to the cleane cōtrary, how they might be dispensed withal. To this, you M. Horne, in stede of some good reasō, fal to detestable railing: and ye say that the 2. oth must in no wise be geuē, for that the Pope is a more perillous enemy vnto Christ, then the Turke, and Poperie is more idolatrous, then Turkery. Of the which blasphemouse [Page 436] answere (yf yt be true) yt must by a necessary consequente follow, that not only al the catholik princes that now liue, but that all the other that either liued in Englande sence it was first christened by S. Augustin our Apostle, or else where in christēdome for this .15. hundred yeares, with all their people, be and haue bene idolatours, and worse then Turkes. For by Popery M. Horne meaneth the Popes reli­giō: which is none other now, thē yt was whē Englād was first christened, as appeareth by the historye of Venerable Bede▪ ād by the Fortresse ānexed therevnto. Yea thē it was 15. hundred yeares paste. Al the which time all Christiā and catholik natiōs, were euer ioyned with the sea of Rome in one faith and religiō. A heauy and a sorowful thing yt is to heare out of the mowth of one that beareth him self for a prelat of the see of Winchester,The Turke is muche bovvnde to M. Horn ād, to his M. Luther and other his fel­lovves. Art. 34. Vide Ro­fens. Vide dubi­tantium Lindain pag. 322. ex Mālio. [...]om. 3 in loc. Com. pag. 195. such spitiful words for the which he may be ful wel a prelat of the Alcoran. How be yt as horible as this talke is, yt is no vnwonte talke to the best of this new gospelling generatiō. For euē the Apostle of thē Luther maketh more accompt of the Turke, then of many Christiā princes: ād for a while he both preached ād wrote, that yt was not lawful for Christians to kepe anye warre with him. Namely that to warre against the Turkes, was to resist God, visitīg our iniquites by thē. It is one of his Articles that he defendeth against the Church of Rome. And yt is writen that the Turk hearing of theis his doinges, and into what diuisiō he had brought Christēdom, liked it very well: and enquiring of his age, when he heard he was fifty yeres old, I would, ꝙ the Turke he were yonger, the tyme shoulde perhaps ones come, when Luther shoulde fynde me his good Lord: which whē Luther heard of, he blessed him selfe and saied: God saue me from such a good Lorde. [Page] Yea euen to this day Luther hath many schollers that de­horteth Christian mē to resiste the Turkes, especially Clau­dius Monerius one of the late holie martyrs of this newe ghospelling Church: who misliketh all the Christian mens defence,Vide Cri­spinum in historia pseudo­martyrū lib. 5. in Claudio Monerio. that they make to withstād the Turke, and saieth, that the knightes of the Rhodes are nothing but a graf that the heauenly Father neuer graffed, and therefore owght to be plucked vp by the roote. Let no man nowe merueill, yf the Turkes prosper so againste the Christiās, seing that he hath suche frendes at home here amonge our selues. Wherof you M. Horne are not one of the least, but a very Goliath, and much worse then he, so desperatly and so arrogantlie defying and reuiling the host of the liuing God, that is the whole catholike churche, much more vilanously and tray­terously, than the sayd wicked Philistian did. For he was a sworen and professed enemy to the people of God: and therefore therein he did but his kinde. But you professing your selfe not only a friēd, but also a Captaine of the Chri­stian army, (the place that you occupie, considered), do beare thereunto, a deuelish and a Philistian harte, as your Turkish, not Christian penne hath vttered. And yet yf ye had proued any thing all this while in your answere, to the derogation of the Popes authority, or of the religion, that he mainteineth, mens eares woulde lesse haue glowed, to heare you talke so Turkishlie. We haue in dede great bra­uery in talke, and horrible woordes, withowt any substan­tiall proufe of the matter ye take in hande. Yea, ye are ra­ther ouerborne and beaten downe with a number of your owne allegations and authorities. As for the place of Iob ye alleage, that the hypocrites hope shall perishe, doth no more touche M. Fekenham and his fellowes, then yt did [Page 437] touche the blessed man Iob. Baldad did vntruely charge him with yt, and ye doe as baldly, and as vntruely charge nowe the catholikes therwith. The Catholiks haue almost one thousand of yeres quietly possessed and enioyed their faith in our realme that ye peuishely and prowdly call Po­pery. The religion that ye professe hath not as yet, contine­wed there vnder anie one Prince tenne yeares together. Miracles ye worke none, though many wōders ye worke, for your procedinges are altogether to be wondered at. Neither the lyfe of your sect is so vertuouse, nor the lear­ning so greate, that either wyse men, and suche as haue the feare of God in them, may sodenly be drawen from theire aunciente Catholike faith: or that ye may so binde Princes nowe lyuing and all theire successours, by suche a Turkish answere to a reasonable demaunde, as they may not in any wise mainteyne that faith, that notoriously and commonly was mainteyned in Englande almost a thousande yeares, ere ye were borne. M. Feckenhās most reasonable demaūd therfore remayneth vnanswered, and the foule absurdyte, which he obiecteth vnauoyded, appereth well (as it is in dede) by your silence vnauoydable.

[...]he .161. Diuision. pag. 102. a. M. Fekenham.

Here foloweth the Resolutions of the are foresayde Scru­ples, made by my L. Bishop of VVinchester.

For a resolute ansvvere to all the saide Scruples, ex­pressed in the forenamed poinctes, his L. sayde, that he did muche lamente, that the right meaninge of the Othe; had not beene in season opened and declared vnto me, [Page] whan the onely lacke of the right vnderstanding thereof, hath bene the cause of such staies and distourbance of cō ­science. Whereas the Q. Maiesties meaning in that Othe, is farre otherwise, thā the expresse words are, as they lie verbatim, like as it doth well appeare by her Highnes interpretatiō made thereof in the Iniunctiōs. Therevnto my obiectiō was, that vndoutedly her Highnes did fully meane and mind to claim and take al spiritual gouernmēt vpō her: for besides the expres wordes of the Othe, wher­vnto al mē be bound to swere verbatim as they lie, with­out al chaunge and alteratiō making of any word or sense thereof, her Highnes (in the interpretation set foorth in her Iniūctiōs) doth by very playn words, claime the same spiritual gouernmēt here in this realme of the Church of England, that her highnes father Kinge Henry, and her brother king Edwarde did enioye and claime before her: in the which iniunctiōs, and in the late acte of Parleamēt also her highnes doth claime no more spiritual gouernmēt nor no lesse, but so much in euery point, as they had with­out all exception. For answere his L. did still continue in the deniall thereof, and that her Highnes meaning was not to take so much of Spiritual authority and power vp­pon her, as they did: with affirmation, that he did moste certainly and assuredly know her highnes minde therein. Then for some issue to be had of this matter, seeing that the meaning of the Othe, is not as the expresse words doe [Page 438] purport: And seing that his L. did so well vnderstand her Highnes meaning therein, and thereby the very righte sence therof, I besought him, that his L. would take some paines for truthes sake to penne the same: wherevpon his L. did penne and write the interpretatiō of the said Othe as hereafter followeth. I.A.B. do vtterly testifie and de­clare in my cōscience, that the Q. Highnes is the only Su­preme gouernor of this Realm, and of al other her High­nes dominiōs and countries, as wel in al spiritual or ecclesiastical things or causes, as tēporal. That is, to haue the so­ueraingtie and rule ouer al manner persons, borne within her Realmes, dominions and coūtries, of what estate ei­ther Ecclesiastical or tēporal so euer they be. And to haue authority and power to visit the Ecclesiastical estate, and persons, to refourme, order, and correct the same: and all maner errours, heresies, schismes, abuses, offenses, cōtem­ptes, and enormities. Yet neuertheles in no wise meaning, that the Kings and Queenes of this Realme, possessours of this crowne, may challenge authoritie or power of mi­nisterie of diuine offices, as to preache the worde of God, to minister Sacramentes or rytes of the Churche appoin­ted by Christe to the office of Churche ministers, to ex­communicate, or to binde, or loose. Of the whiche fo­wer pointes, three belong onely to the Ecclesiastical mi­nisters, the fourthe is cōmon to them with the congrega­tion, namely to excōmunicate. And that no forain Prince, [Page] Person, Prelat, State or Potētate, hath or ought to haue any iurisdiction, Power, Superioritie, preheminence, or authority ecclesiastical or Spiritual, within this realme. And therefore I doe vtterly renounce al foraine iurisdi­ctions, powers, superiorities, preheminences, and autho­rities: That is, as no Secular or Laie Prince, other than the King or Quenes possessours of the Croune of this Re­alme, of what Title or dignitie so euer they be, hathe or oughte to haue, anye Authoritie, soueraigntie, or pow­er, ouer this Realme, ouer the Prince or Subiectes thereof. Euen so no manner of foraine Prelate or per­son Ecclesiastical, of what title, name, so euer they be, neither the See of Rome, neither any other See, hathe or ought to haue, vse, enioye, or exercise, any maner of po­wer, iurisdiction, authority, superioritie, preheminence, or priuilege spiritual or ecclesiastical within this realme, or within any the Quenes highnes dominions or Coūtries. And therefore, al suche foraine power vtterly is to be re­noūced, and I do ꝓmise, &c. vt sequitur in forma iuramēti.

M. Horne.

These that ye terme Resolutions, are none of (.558.)The .558. Vntruth. Shamful. For they are your very own as it shall appeare. mine, they are like him that forged them, false, feined, and [...]alitious. They be your ovvne, ey­ther ye could not, or ye vvere ashamed to adioyne my ansvvere to your seely obiections, and therfore ye feygned mee to vtter for resolutions, your ovvne peuissh cauillations. This report is false, that I should affirme the Queenes Maiesties meaning in that Othe to be farre othervvise then the expresse vvords are as they lie verbatim. This my constant assertion, that her highnes [Page 439] mind and meaning is, to take so much, and no more of spiritual authority and povver vpon her, than King Henry, and king Edvvard enioyed and did iustly claime, you vntruely feygne to be your obiectiō. And that I should affirme of most certain and sure knovvledge, her Maiesties mind or the very right sence of the Othe, to be othervvise thā it is plainly set forth, is a malicious sclander, vvherof I vvil fetche no better profe, then the testimony of your mouth. Ye cō ­fesse that the interpretatiō folovving, vvas pēned and vvritē by me, to declare the very right sence and meaning of the Othe, vv [...]erein ye haue acquited me, and cōdēned your self, of a manifest vntruth. For the right sence and meaning declared in the interpretatiō that I made, and you haue set forth, doth (.559.)The .559. Vntruth. your in­terpreta­tiō agre­eth vvith your re­solutiōs, the inter­pretation exceptīg certaine iurisdicti­on in causes Eccle­siasticall from the Prince, vvhereof doth fol­low, that (as the re­solutions reporte) the Othe must not be taken, as it lieth Verbatim. plainly shevve the cleane contrary, if you marke it vvel, to al that you here set forth in my name, vnder the title of my resolutions to your scruples. Further­more, in the preface to your fornamed points, ye haue declared by vvord and vvriting, that I did require you presently to svveare and by othe to acknovv­ledge her highnes to be the only supreme gouernour in al spiritual or ecclesia­stical things or causes. If this be true that you haue said, it is manifest by your ovvn cōfession, that I declared her maisties meaning in that Othe, to be none othervvise than the expresse vvords are, as they lye verbatim. For vvhen I shovve her meaning to be, that ye should acknovvledge in her highnes, the only supremacy, I do declare plainly, that she meaneth to exclude,So al ge­neral coū celles are excluded. al other men frō hauīg any supremacy: for this exclusiue only, cā not haue any other sense or meaning. And vvhā I add this supremacy to be in al spiritual causes or things, I shevve an vniuersal cōprehension to be meant vvithout exception. For if ye VVhy thē do ye exclude out of the Oth pre­chīg. Mi­nistrīg of sacramēts bindīg, ād losing. etc except or take avvay any thing, it is not al. And you yourself tooke my meaning to be thus. For ye chalēge me in your second chefe point, and cal for profe hereof at my hand, vvhich ye vvould not do, if it vvere not mine assertion and meaning. For vvhy should I be driuē to proue that vvhich I affirme not, or meant not. Besides these in your vvhole trauaile folovving, ye labour to im­proue this (as you saie) mine assertion, to vvit, that al spiritual iurisdiction dependeth vpon the positiue lavv of Princes: If this be mine assertion, as ye af­firme it is, and therfore bend al your force to improue it, ye vvittnes vvith me (.560.) The .560. vntruth. Not against him selfe. For first you saied so: but in your resolutiōs, and interpreta­tion of the Othe you saie the cōtrary. And so in both places you are truly charged. against your selfe, that I declared her maiesties meanīg, vvas to take neither more nor lesse authoritie, and iurisdictiō, vnto her selfe, than king Hē ­rie and King Edvvarde had, for they had no more thā al. And if her Maiestie take any lesse, she hath not al. Touching therefore these false, feined, and slan­derous [Page] resolutions, as they are by you moste vntruly forged: euen so, vvhether this bee likely, that in a yeres space vvel nigh, I vvould not in all our daily cōference, make (.561.) The, 561. vntruth. M. Fekē ­ham de­nieth it not, in any his vvordes aboue re­hersed. one reason or argumēt, out of the Scriptures or other authority, in the maintenaunce of mine assertion: and to resolue you in the same, I referre to the iudgemēt of all the Papistes in the Realme, that knovv both me and you. Againe, though ye doe denie that I so did, and therefore do report none, there bee many both vvorshipful ād of good credit, yea and some of your ovvn deer friendes also, that are vvitnesses of our talke, and can tell vvhat reasons I haue made vnto you, bothe out of the Scriptures, and other authorities and proofes out of the Churche histories, suche as ye coulde not auoide, but vvere forced to (.562.) The .562. vntruth, M. Fekē ­hā neuer yelded to any your proofes, reasons, or Au­ [...]horites. yelde vnto. And vvhether I should so do [...] or not, I might referre me vnto the testimonie of your ovvn mouthe, both thā and sithē spoken to diuerse, that can vvitnesse the same, that ye affirmed this (although vntrulie) that you neuer found anie, that so much ouerpressed you, as I did, vvhich your saing, although most vntrue, yet it shovveth, that somevvhat I saied to confirme mine assertion, and to confute yours.

The sixt Chapter, concerning the Resolutions that M. Horne gaue to M. Fekenham, to the .4. forenamed poyntes.

Stapleton.

THIS processe following standeth vppon certain re­solutions of M. Hornes, as M. Fekēhā saieth. But M. Horne denieth thē. And therefore being quaestio facti as they cal yt, and the doubte restinge vpon priuate talke, that passed betwene them: I cā geue no certaine iudgmēt: but must referre yt, to the discrete consideratiō of the in­differēt reader. Yet so muche as I know, I wil say, and that is, that I vnderstande by suche as haue had at seueral times cōmunicatiō with the sayde M. Fekenhā, and emong other thinges, of this conference, heard M. Fekenhā say, that tou­ching theis resolutions, he hath thē of M. Daniel, thē secre­tary to M. Horne, his hand writing, redie to be shewed at all tymes. If yt be so, yt is likely, that M. Daniel can and wil [Page 440] testifie the truth, in case he shoulde be required: of whose hand writing M Fekenhā saieth he hath also certaine other thinges copied out. But yet because, the euent of things to come are vncertaine, let vs imagine an vnlikely case, that is, that M. Daniel wil deny these forsaied writings to be of his hād: and that thē M. Horne will much more sharply and vehemētly crie out against these resolutions, then he doth now, that they are none of his, but lyke to him that forged them, false, feyned and maliciouse, with much other like mat­ter that he laieth forth for his defence nowe. Suerly then though M. Fekenham were lyke to haue therbye no great preiudice in the principal matter, (for whether these reso­lutions be true or false, the principal point is neither great­ly bettered, nor much hindred by them) yet should M. Fe­kenhā perchaunce greatly impayre his honesty and good name therby. Let vs thē as I said, thinck vpō the worst, and whether that M. Fekenham as he hath, (as ye haue heard,) much good defence for the principall pointe, so he may in this distresse, fynde any good reliefe, for the defending and sauing vpright of his honesty. Ye wil perchaūce good rea­der now thinck, that M. Fekenhā is in a very hard ād strayt case: and that yt were a great difficulty to find any apparāt or honest help for him. And yet for al this ther is good and great helpe at hāde. For I wil be so bolde my self for ones, to take vppō my self to make a sufficient proufe, that these resolutions are not M. Fekenhams, but M. Hornes owne. And yf his secretary will not serue, I wil bring forth one other witnes that shalbe somwhat nerer him, and that M. Horne can not, nor shall, for all the shiftes that euer he shall make, refuse: and that is Mayster Horne him selfe, and no worse man. For thoughe I be not very priuie and [Page] certaine what passed betwixt M. Horne and M. Fekēham at Waltham: yet of the contentes of this his printed an­swere to M Fekenham I am assured, and so consequentlie that these are his resolutions, confessed more then ones or twise, by his owne mowthe and penne.

Consider therfore good reader, the state of the question touching theis resolutions. Is yt any other, then that as M. Fekenham auowcheth, M. Horne tolde him, for a resolute answere, that the Quenes Mai. meaning in the othe is farre otherwise, then the expresse wordes are in the statute, as they lie verbatim? And that thinges are therefore with some gen­tle vnderstanding to be interpreted, and mollified? And ther­fore, that thoughe the wordes of the statute be general and pre­cise, that she onely is the supreame gouernour of the realme aswell in all spiritual or ecclesiasticall thinges or causes, as tem­porall: Yet in no wise the meaning is that the kinges or Que­nes may challēge authority or power of ministerie of diuine of­fices, as to preache the worde of God, to minister Sacramētes, to excommunicate, to bynde or lose? To this effect come M. Hornes resolutions in the interpretatiō of the Othe, made by him at M. Feckenhams request as M. Fekenham saieth. But M. Horne doth flatly denie, that euer he made anie suche moderation or mollification, and laieth forth manie reasons to perswade the Reader, that M. Fekenham hath slaundered him. He saieth the right sense of the othe, is none other then yt is plainely set forth. he saith: that the supremacie is onely in the Quenes highnes: for this exclusiue (onely) cā not haue any other sense, or meaning. He saith moreouer, when I adde this supreamacie to be in all spiritual causes or thinges, I shewe an vniuersal comprehension to be meante withowt ex­ception, for yf ye excepte or take away any thinge, yt is not all. [Page 441] Are not theis your owne words M. Horne? do not then so generall and peremptory wordes of the statute, especially your precise exposition adioyned thervnto, expresly geue vnto the Quenes Mai. not only a simple and parted autho­rity, but the cheifest, the principaleste, and a general or vni­uersal authority in al thinges and causes whatsoeuer, as to preach, to minister the sacraments, and to lose and bynde, aswell as in other matters? Is it not euident, that theis are things spiritual and ecclesiastical? Do ye not attribute with­out exception, as we haue declared, by your owne words the supremacy to the Quene in al causes and thinges spiri­tuall? How then can it be possible, but that by a necessary consequent, ye doe also attribute, to her the supremacy in the causes Ecclesiastical before rehersed? And think yowe then M. Horne, that M. Fekenhā and his fellowes may take the othe with sauf conscience? And think you, that though the pope had no authority in the realme, the Quenes Mai. might haue so large and ample authority, the holy scripture being so playn to the contrary? Is it not likely therfore, that in your conference with M. Fekenham, ye did forsee this mischief, and therfor (though ye deny it here so stifly) that ye gaue him in dede such resolutions as be here specified? Suerly it is a thīg most probable. For ye make the very same resolutions to hym euen in this your answere also. For doe ye not expressely say a fewe leaues before,Fol. 96. &. 97. that princes neither do, nor may claime to preache the word of God, to mi­nister the Sacramentes, or to bynde and lose? Do ye not say,Fol. 107. &. 108. that this is a spirituall gouernement and rule, belonging onely to the bishops and Church rulers? Do ye not confesse within 4. leaues followinge the lyke? And that Bisshoppes haue the spirituall Iurisdistion ouer theire flocke, by the expresse [Page] worde of God: and that thereby Princes haue not all maner of spiritual gouerment? Is not this agreable to the resolutiōs that M. Fekenham saith he receyued at your handes? Again M. Fenkenham addeth, that in your said resolutions, ye saye that the authority to excommunicate is not properly per­teyning to Princes, but apperteyneth to the whole cōgre­gation aswell as to them.Fol. 105.107. Doe ye not confesse, I pray you, the same twise in your answere immediatly following after this? Why say you then, that these resolutiōs are feyned by M. Fekenham? Why should any man thinke that M. Fekē ­ham should falsly charge you with these resolutiōs in priuat conference, that your self in your own book, doe so plain­ly and openly auouche? Why should not men thinke also such other things as ye here charge M. Fekenham withall to be vntrue, seing that ye doe so falsly accuse M. Feken. for framing resolutions, in your name, that are your own in ve­ry dede? Or why should any man trust you in these greate and weighty matters, which ye hādle, that ye speake, ye cā not tel what, bursting out into such open and fowle con­tradictions, as yt would astone any wise man to consider them:A contra­diction ir­recōcilea­ble in M. Horne. attributing to the Quenes Maie. the supremacy in al spiritual causes or things without exception, and yet your self, excepting diuerse things spiritual, and geuing the supre­macy of them to the cleargy? I woulde fayne know of you that so lately ruffled so freshly with your oppositiō contra­ry, relatyue, priuatiue, and disparatyue, and with your pro­positions contrary, subcontrary, subalterne and cōtradicto­ry: yf a man man may fynd a more fowle contradiction thē this I now laye before you out of your own booke.

You say first fol. 104. b. in fine.

When I adde this supremacy to be in all spiritual causes, or [Page 442] things, I shewe an vniuersall comprehensiō without exception For yf ye except or take away any thing it is not all.

Hereof, ariseth this vniuersal affirmatiue.

Al spiritual causes without exceptiō are vnder the supreme Gouuerment of Princes.

Item you say: fol 96. b.

To feede the Church with Gods worde, to minister Christes Sacramētes, and to bind and lose (fol. 97. a.) Kings, Queenes, ād Princes may not, neither doe clayme or take vpon thē, this kind of spiritual gouernement, and rule, or any part thereof &c.

Hereof ariseth this particular negatiue.

Some spiritual causes are not vnder the Supreme Gouerne­ment of Princes.

Now let vs cōsider, in what kind of opposition, these your two propositions do repugne. Thus stande the oppo­sitions.

All spirituall causes without exceptiō are vnder the Supreme Gouernemēt of Prī ­ces.Contrary.No spiritual causes at all are vnder the Su­preme gouerment of Princes.
Subal­terne.CONTRA­DICTORY.
CONTRADICTORY.
Subal­terne.
Some spiritual causes are vnder the Su­preme gouerment of Princes.Subcontrary.Some spiritual causes are not vnder the su­preme gouernement of Princes.

By this it appereth, that your two propositions do stāde in the extremest kind of al oppositions: which is: Contradiction.

[Page]And though this be a poore sely, and an insufficient shifte, to make such resolutions, yet is it the beste ye may nowe fynde to qualifie and mitigate the general words of the sta­tute. Which in dede are so general and peremptorie, that they may in no wise be borne without some qualification. Which is nowe so notoriouse, that there is a qualification made in the Quenes Maie. iniunctions, that men should not take the general clause so largely, as to collect thereby, that the Kings or Quenes of our realm may challēge authority ād power of ministerie in the diuine offices in the Church. Which doth agree with your resolutions: and therefore there is no cause in the worlde, why ye should deny them to be yours, and say that they be falsly and slaunderouslye fayned vpō you by M. Fekēhā: vttering his owne peuish ca­uillatiōs, as ye say vnder the name of your resolutiōs. Nowe though this be a necessary interpretatiō and moderatiō, yet this doth not take away the scruple that remaineth, staying M. Fekenhā and other to, in taking the said othe: for that this interpretatiō,Note. is not made by acte of parliament, as the statute was. Neither doth the Acte or Statute referre it self to any such Iniunctions to be made, for the qualificatiō or restrayning of any thinge in the Acte or in any braunche thereof cōtayned, no more then it doth to M. Horns book. Neither hath any Iniūction by the lawe of our Realme any force to restrain, weakē or mollifie the rigour or generality of an Acte of parliamēt. And in case it had, yet ther remain many other as great scruples. Namely, that swearing to all causes, the prīcipal causes are excepted, and so he that swea­reth forsweareth, and beside, that al ecclesiastical authori­ty, aswel of the sea of Rome, as of al general coūcels, is eui­dētly abolisshed, by the said statut. And in as much as gene­ral [Page 443] Coūcels, do beare ād represent the parson of the whole Church, wherof the Pope is head, no Christiā mā ought to receyue such othe, imploying the denial of the authority of the Pope the head, and of the whole body of the Churche beside.

The .162. Diuision. pag. 104. b.
M. Fekenham.

Hereunto I did make this obiection following. These woordes of the first part of the othe, I.A.B. doe vtterly te­stifie and declare (in my conscience) that the Q. Highnes is the only supreme gouernour of this Realme, as well in all Spiritual or Ecclesiasticall thinges or causes, as Tem­poral (besides the particulars expressed in your L. inter­pretation made thereof) they doe by expresse woordes of the acte geue vnto the Queenes highnes, al maner of iuris­dictions, priuileges, and preeminences in any wise tou­chinge and concerninge any Spirituall or Ecclesiasti­call iurisdiction within the Realme, with an expresse debarre, and flat denial made of al Spiritual iurisdiction vnto the Bisshops therof, to be exercised ouer their flocks and cures, without her highnes Special commission to be graunted thereunto:Act. 20. Ioan. 20. Math. 16. Act. 8. They hauing by the expresse worde of God, commission of Spiritual gouernement ouer them. Commission to lose and bind their sinnes. Commission to shut and open the gates of heauen to them. Commission to geue vnto them the holy ghost by the imposition of their handes. And they hauing by the expresse woorde of God such a daungerous cure and charge ouer their soules, that [Page] God hath threatned to require the bloud of such as shall perishe at their handes.Heb. 13. Ezech. Notwithstanding, these and ma­ny such other like cōmissions graunted vnto them for the more better discharge of their cure, and that by the mouth of God thei may not exercise any iurisdictiō ouer thē, they may not visit thē, they may not reforme thē, they may not order nor correct them, without a further cōmission frō ye Q. hignes. Suerly my good L. these thinges are so straūge vnto me, and so contrary to al that I haue rede, that I am not hable to satisfie my consciēce therin. Your L. aunswer vvas, that for as much as al Spiritual iurisdictiō, and au­thority to make Lawes and to iudge the people in courtes Ecclesiastical, to visit thē, to reforme thē, to order ād cor­rect thē, doth depēd only vpō the positiue Lawes of Kings and Princes, ād not vpō the Law of God, therfore neither did the Apostles of Christ, neither the Bishops and their successours may exercise any iurisdictiō vpō the people of God, iudge thē, visit thē, refourme, order ād correct them without authority and cōmissiō of the King and Prince.

M. Horne.

It is very true, that after ye had quarelled muche in sondry thinges tou­ching vvoordes and termes expressed in the Act of Parliament, and in the in­terpretation of the Othe: Yee did neuerthelesse finally agree in the vvhole matter thereof, finding onely doubt in one point of mine assertiō, namely tou­ching iurisdiction Spirituall or Ecclesiastical, al vvhich you affirmed, contra­ry to mine assertion, to be committed by Christe to Bishops and priestes, as p [...]oprely apperteyning to their office and calling vvithout further commission or authority from Princes or any other povver. The distinction that I made [Page 444] of Ecclesiastical iurisdiction, I vvil first repete, and than put mine ansvveare to your argumentes. Spiritual Iurisdiction is diuided into tvvo sortes,Ioan. An­toniꝰ Del­ph. lib. 2. the one is called Cohibytiue, the other not Cohibityue. That vvhich is called not Cohibityue, is that iurisdiction or povver that is exercised and vvoorketh in the invvarde and (.563.)The .563. vntruthe. Preachinge and Ministration of S [...]craments▪ per­tayne not to the secrete Courte of Conscience. secrete courte of consciēce: that is (.564.)The .564. vntruthe. Neither preaching of the Ghospell, nor ministration of the Sacrament [...] is referred to Iu­risdiction not co­hibitiue, by his Au­thor alleaged. the prea­chinge of the Ghospell, ministration of the Sacramētes, and the ab­soluing and reteininge of sinnes by the vvoorde of God in the pub­lique mynistery. This therfore they call not Cohibityue, bicause in the Court of conscience, no man is bound or lovvsed vnvvillingly or against his vvill. To exercise this kind of Iurisdictiō, neither Kinges nor ciuill Magistrates, neither any other persone may challendge or take vppon him, onlesse he be lavvfully called thereunto. Iurisdi­ction Cohibityue hath (.565.)The .565. vntruthe. For there is no suche diuision of the Cohibityue Iu­risdiction. tvvo partes, the one consisteth in the exercise of excommunication, and circumstaunces thereunto requi­red by Christes institution: the vvhich povver or Iurisdiction belon­geth to the Church onely, and (.566.)The .566. vntruthe. For excommuni­cation properly belongeth to bis­shops. not to the Prince, Bishoppe or Priest: for no man hath authority to excommunicate, but onely the Churche, and those vvho receiue authority therevnto by com­mission from the Church. The other kinde of Cohibitiue Iurisdi­ction is a povver or authority, that consisteth and is exercised, in foro causarum, in the courte of causes, and apperteineth ad externum & publicum forum, to the externall and publike Courte, and is defined to be, saith Antonius, an au­thority or povver to declare the Lavv, geue sentence and to iudge in all controuersies (pertayninge to the Courte) vvhat is euery mans righte, and in summe, to doo those thinges, that iustice dooth require accordinge to the Lavves. Ioannes Quintinus defineth Iurisdiction, to the same effect, but openeth the nature therof more plainely, saying, Iurisdictiō is an office and authority, to declare the Law, that is, to admynister iustice and equity, and to gouern the people with right ād Lawes. whā I name an office (saith he) I meane that iurisdictiō hath in it selfe a necessity to declare the Lawe: for office is that which euery man is bound to doo: to declare the lawe, is, to exercise iudgementes, wherevppon commeth iurisdiction (be meaneth, that iurisdiction hath the name and is so cal­led of exercising iudgementes) iudgementes are exercised onelye [Page] of thē that haue iurisdictiō, that is, power to iudge. Iu­risdiction consisteth only in the contentions or deba­ting of matters in Courte or iudgements. This autho­rity to iudge dooth discende nowe from the (.567.) The .567. vntruthe. Quintinus speaketh there of temporall Iurisdiction, not of Ecclesiasticall. Prince alone, in whome only is all power. By vertue of (.568.) The .568 vntruthe. Antonius falsified. He speaketh not of this Iurisdiction, that is, of that vvhich cometh from the prince onely. this iurisdiction (saith Antonius) the Churche ministers accordinge to theire offices rightly enioy­ned vnto them, may lawfully visite, enquire of mens manners, punishe the faulty, send foorth apparitours or sommoners, cyte the sturdy and stubborne, represse their malepartnes, call and sommon meete personnes to the Synode prouinciall or generall, confirme the matters decreed in the Synode or Coūcell (.569.) The .569. vntruthe. A great deale left out in the midle▪ plainly confutinge M. Horns purpose, par­done faultes, chaunge or mitigate the penaūce enioy­ned for confessed faultes, condemne Heretiques and their writinges, examine all mens writinges who so euer, before they be set foorth or published, and after due examination, iudge whether they conteyne sounde or pe­stilent doctrin, ordeine Decrees, Lawes, ceremonies and rytes, constitute Bisshoppes and other Church ministers, also depose degrade, make them irreguler and vnhable to haue holy or­ders, determine illegitimation in personnes for maryage, be­stowe Ecclesiasticall benefices, and exact tythes and annates. These and many other thinges may be lavvfully doone by those that haue the povver of this Cohybitiue Iurisdiction, which is not (.saith he.) properly signified by the name of the keyes: for although it may be na­med (in some respect) a Church key: yet it differeth very much from the keyes of the first Courte, that is, of the Courte of Con­science. For the vse of those keyes, that are occupied in the Courte of conscience, belongeth onely to the Euangelicall Priestes. But this Iurisdiction may lawfully be exercised of those that are not ministers of the woorde and Sacramentes, and are not Priestes. As the tvvo former partes of Ecclesiastical iurisdi­ction haue their vertue, povver, and institution of Christe immediatly, euen so this third part, vvhich is saied to consist in foro causarum, vvith those [Page 445] things vvhich may be vsed or exercised by vertu thereof, doth depende vpon the (.570.)The .570. vntruthe. Your own Author, Antonius calleth this Opi­nion Impiū errorē: a vvicked errour. positiue Lavves of Christian Magistrats, or vvhere, such vvan­teth, vpō the positiue rules and orders of that Church, vvhere such orders must be practised, and not immediatly vpon the Lavve of God.

The .7. Chapter. Howe M. Horne restraineth the Othe to one kinde of iurisdiction, thereby to auoide M. Fekenhams vnuincible Argument ta­ken out of Gods woorde.

Stapleton.

AMonge other obiections that M. Fekenham made a­gainst the supremacy in the conference at Waltham, this was one. That Bisshops had their warrante and commission for their exercise of their spiritual function and office by the expresse woorde of God: therefore he could not with quiet conscience allowe the othe, that geueth the Prince supremacy in all causes spiritual, with al priuileges, and preheminences in any wise touching any spirituall iu­risdiction. He misliketh,An an­svvere to Io. Anto. Delphinꝰ. Io. Antho­nius Del­de potesta. Eccles. Ve­net. 1552. in. 8. that Bisshops hauing such commis­sion by Gods worde, may not visite and reforme their cu­res without a further cōmissiō from the Queenes highnes. M. Horne thinketh to wipe al this away with a distinction borowed, as he saith, of one Ioānes Antonius Delphinus. If any Catholik (good reader) should haue brought a testimo­ny out of this Author against M. Horne, yt should haue ben with great contempte refused and reiected by and by. But now seing M. Horne himself hath authorised him: I trust he wil allowe him to be alleaged for our side also. And then shall M. Horne take small cōfort of any distinction, to be found in him: being one that auoucheth the popes suprema­cy, as much as any man, yea aboue al generall Councelles. [Page] Yet M. Horne thinketh so to bewytche his reader, as yt were with certayne magical incantations, that he shoulde beleue this Anthony to be of his opinion. We wil therfore for the better disclosing of M. Hornes iuggling, gather so much out of Anthonius, as we must necessarily do, for the illustratiō of this matter.Tvvo povvers in the Churche: the firste of order or of the keyes: the second of iurisdi­ction. This Anthonius diuideth (as other scholemen doe) al authority Ecclesiastical, into the power of order, and into the power of iurisdictiō. The first power as he declareth, doth reste in the interpreting of the sacred Scripture, in the consecrating of the body and bloudde of Christ, in ministring of Sacraments, in geuing holy orders, and beside other things in coupling of parsons together by mariage sacramētally. The power of iurisdictiō he defineth as M. Morn doth, and doth diuide it into Cohibityue, ād Not Cohibityue: as M. Horn doth. But for the residewe, M. Horn plaieth the Medea, as he did before with Quintinꝰ. And be­sides maketh such expositions, as neither his authour hath, nor otherwise are true. And as skilful a Logician as he pre­tendeth him self: he neither followeth the order of his au­thor, nor yet the true order and trade of the rules of Logik: that is, first to define, and thē to diuide. But peruerteth and confoundeth, aswel the order as the truth of al things. Wel we wil walke also a litle disorderly, to trace M. Horn in his own steppes.Fol. 105. a. The iurisdistion not cohibityue (saith M. Horn) is that iurisdiction or power, that is exercised, and worketh in the inward and secrete court of consciēce, Lib. 2. pa. 76. that is, the preaching of the Ghospel, ministratiō of the Sacraments, and the absoluing or reteyning of syns by the word of God in the publique ministery. This sayth M. Horn,Lib. 2. pa. 36. b. & 37. a. but not his authour: who referreth to the not cohibityue Iurisdiction, only absolutiō in the secret Court of conscience. Who saith also, that preaching and ex­pounding [Page 446] of holy scripture, with the ministratiō of sacraments is no part of iurisdictiō ecclesiastical, but belōgeth to the keies of order. Neither doth your authour call preaching and mini­string of Sacramens, the secret cowrt of conscience, nor he cā iustly do it: being a thing openly done, sene, and hearde:Io. Anth. Delph. lib. 2. pag. 76. b. Quamuis praelati su­perioris voluntate quis parochiali sacerdoti subijciatur, ta­mē nisi ipse vltro subijciat seipsū: nūquam poterit absolui à pec­catis. In secretissimo enīforo cōsciētiae ne­mo absoluitur inuitꝰ. but he so calleth priuate confession only (because it is done priuatly and secretly, betwene the party and the confes­sor). And this no man doth vnwillingly: for though a man may by commaundement of his bishop be al­lotted to a certayne parish and curate: yet vnlesse he do submitte him self to his parrochial priest, and open vnto him his synnes, he can neuer be losed by him. To confesse the which priuy and secrete faults he can not be forced, but by his owne conscience. And vnlesse he cōfesse thē, he can not be absolued. To this cōfession then it appertayneth, that is sayd: no mā is bownd or losed vnwillingly (which you for the tēder loue ye beare to priuat confession do altogether dissemble) and not to preaching or ministring of Sacramēts, as ye seeme to say. Which preaching and ministring of Sacraments doe not appertayne to the, not cohibityue iurisdiction, as abso­lutiō doth, but to the power or kaye of order, which (pro­perly to speak) is no Iurisdictiō at al. The which as M. Horn doth confound: so doth he imagine of his owne fantasticall braine, that the iurisdiction cohibitiue hath two parts: the one standing in excommunicatiō, belonging neither to king, nor bi­shoppe, but to such as haue commission from the Church: the other in hearing of causes in the external and publyke cowrte. All this is but an heape of follies and lies. For first, his Au­thour, doth not so diuide cohibityue iurisdiction: as yt doth euidently appeare in hym, and we shall anon more plainly open it. Againe is not excommunication geuen and [Page] pronounced in publike and external cowrt vppon the hea­ring of causes there? Why do ye then seuer, and dismember excommunication from the hearing of causes ecclesiastical? Now that excommunication should neither properly ap­perteine to the prince, nor to bishops, but to the whole Church and congregation, is a fonde, folish and frantyk ima­gination of M. Horne, as euen also his Author Antonius in this very booke largely proueth.M. Horne in daūger of a pre­munire. And as it is not farre from heresy: so perchaunce it is not farre from a premunire.

What meane you Maister Horne by this Churche? The whole Churche can not assemble together. And if you meane a generall councell, whiche in dede representeth the whole Churche: when shall we haue any man ex­communicated? For of suche councells very fewe, syth the Christiā fayth was first receaued, haue bene assembled. And yet as fewe as they are, diuerse of them haue alredy excōmunicated such heresies as ye mainteyn. Yf ye meane of the particular Church where the party shall be denoun­ced excommunicate, then must we haue both men, womē, and children solemply summoned to assemble when any excommunication is made. For they be aswel parts of the Church,M. Horns doctrine maketh frustrate al the ex­cōmuni­cations made in England theis .8. yeares. as the wisest and the eldest parson of the parrishe. And as euery part of your answere in this point imployeth a great folly: so the greatest of all is, to see yowe after this sort to handle your matters, that ye haue now by this your wise reason frustrated and made voyde al the excommuni­cations, that haue bene made any day this .8. yeares, and more either by your selfe, yowre officers, or by the arches, or any other Ecclesiasticall cowrte in Englande. And nowe may the poore honeste and catholyke woman of Winchester, that vppon false excommunication (if your [Page 447] owne doctrine be true) hath bene kepte so many yeares in the Marshalsea, goe home and serue yowe with a write vppon an action of false inprisonment: either else shewe vs good M. Horne your commission, to excommunicate, that you haue receiued from the Church or congregation. Commission ye haue none from the Quenes highnes: (for as you say, she hath no such power her self) from the con­gregation you haue none: (from the which two you deriue all cohibityue iurisdiction) and from the Pope, ye neither haue, nor wil haue any. From whence fetche ye then your cohibityue iurisdiction to excommunicate? Now as I sayd take ye hede, leaste to your greate folly be annexed also a daungerouse premunire.

As for M. Fekenham, if he deny this and other Ecclesia­stical iurisdiction to depende vppon the prince onely, he doth constantly, and agreably to him self, and to a catholike mā: but you neither agree with the catholik, nor with your statute Law, nor with your owne self. The catholiks say, that this iurisdictiō cometh not originally from the prince, but being in the Church, when fewe or no princes were christened: the princes when they first receiued the fayth, finding this iurisdiction in the Church, so lefte yt, and did rather encrease and amplify it, thē in any part diminish the same. The statute sayth, that the prince is supreame head in al causes ecclesiastical: by the statute also all iurisdictiō ec­clesiastical is vnited and annexed to the crowne of the re­alm. Ye say,An other irrecōci­liable cō ­tradictiō in M. Horne. the statute must be takē as the words lye Verba­tim, without any exception. What then in the worlde, may be thought more contrarie or repugnante, either to the wordes of the statute or your own, then when ye say. For Nomā hath Authoritie to excommunicat but onely the Church? [Page] Which is to say: This power of excommunication belongeth to the Church only, and not to the Prince, adding also, as a rea­son: the prince hath no authority to excommunicate? Is not this also a manifest derogatiō and impayring of the pre­rogatiue royal touching matters Ecclesiastical, to imbarre the Prince al authority of excommunication? May not M. Fekenham here returne wel vpon you, your own wordes? What sauftie meane ye to her person, Fol. 3. co. 2. when ye bereue the same, of a principall parte of her royal power? What quietnes s [...]ke you to her parson, when ye goe aboute to bring the subiectes to a misliking of her royall power: which is a preparation of rebel­lion against her parson? Nowe what cosonage this opinion, yf ye obstinately mainteyne it, hath with heresie, the holy scripture may witnesse.1. Cor. 15. What commission had S. Paule of the Churche,1. Cor. 4. when he excommunicated the fowle forni­catour at Corinthe? What is the rodde that he threatneth the Corinthians withal,1. Tim. 1. 1. Cor. 6. but this excōmunication? By what commission of the Church did he either excommunicate Himeneus, and Alexander, or denounce Anathema to him that loued not our Lord Iesus Christ? What commissiō had S. Peter,Actorū. 5. Nicephor. lib. 13. cap. 34. Idē lib. 12. Cap. 41. when Ananias and Saphira by him excommunica­ted died forthwith? What commissiō had al the Bishops sy­thens, namely Innocentius the Pope, that excommunicated themperour Arcadius? And S. Ambrose that excommunica­ted the Emperor Theodosius? with a thowsand other, that denounced excommunication without any such false ima­gined commission?

After your diuisiō, fantastically by you framed, ye come to the definitiō of Cohibitiue iurisdictiō: wherin ye do not so much misse of your authors words, as of his opē meanīg, comprehending vnder this general definition aswell excō ­munication, [Page 448] as any other matter. Neither are you contente to tel vs Delphinus definition, but of your large liberalitye, you adde, an other neadlesse out of Quintinus: but so, that after your wont, ye infarse of your own, that all authoritye to iudge discēdeth from the prince alone. Which thing Quin­tinus saith not of Ecclesiastical, but of temporal iurisdictiō, as we haue declared before. And therefore, when ye infer by vertue of this iurisdiction, saith Anthonius, See hovv M Horne playeth the Cacu [...] to take a­vvay the authority of excom­munica­tion from the Prīce. the Church mi­nisters, &c. meanīg by the iurisdictiō cōming frō the Prince only, ye lewdly lie, aswel vpō Anthonius, as Quintinus. For neither of them saith so, but both the quite cōtrary. Wher­of doth follow, that al that, which ye reherse immediatlie as out of Quitinus nothing furthereth your pretensed su­premacy. And in case yt did, as ye haue hitherto playde the peuishe and theuishe Cacus with your authours, to blemish the Popes:Note: Idē lib. 2. pag. 84. Determinata in cō ­cilio confirmare, ex­cōmunicare, excom­municatos, cū vt de­cet resipiscunt eccle­siae reconciliare, casus reseruare, reseruatos casus relaxare, dare indulgentias, penas quae pro peccatis in­fliguntur, cōmutare. so now play you the like pageant to ble­mish the Prīces iurisdictiō. For in the midle of your own allegatiō, ye haue pared away certain words, touching the foresaid excōmunication. In your au­thor M. Horn after thefe words, to confirme matters determined, in the synod or councel, followeth, to ex­cōmunicat, and to reconcile to the Church excōmunicat parsons duely repenting, to reserue cases, and to release cases reserued, to geue pardōs, to chaūge and mitigate, ād so forth, as in your allegatiō is cōtained. After this ye say, that this cohibitiue iurisdictiō may be exer­cised by such as are no priests. I graūt you: but what is that for your purpose? For as your Authour sayeth so, euen so he sayeth, that at the leaste he muste haue the clericall tonsure or crowne, without the which, though he were a religiouse professed man, he could not exercise [Page] this iurisdiction.Idem. Quamuis potestas Ecclesiasticae spiri­tualisque iurisdi­ctionis conueniat praebeaturque non sacerdotibus: nō ta­men puris Laicis ne­que religiosis corona clericali carentibus. Pag. 85. And this is a good and a sufficient argument (if you will stande to your own Author Anthonius Delphinus) why neither you, nor your fellowes may lawfully practise any spirituall iuris­diction. Farder the very next Chapter in this An­tonius, of whom M. Horne hath alleaged so much, consisteth only in prouing, that this seconde Cohi­bytiue Iurisdiction is in the Churche, by Gods or­donaunce, not by the Commission of Emperours. And this he proueth expressely against such as M. Horne himselfe is. I meane against the scholers of Luther, against the present protestants of our daies: calling their opinion and M. Hornes assertion here: Impium errorem. A wicked errour. And thought Maister Horne to proue by the same Antonius in the next Chapter before, that the second Cohibytiue iurisdiction depended of Prin­ces Commission, which in the Chapter following he doth of sette purpose confute? O what is Impudency, yf this be not?

M. Horne. The .163. Diuision. pag. 106.

You tooke vpon you to proue, that this (.571.) The .571. vntruthe. M. Fekē ­hams ob­iection is of the first kind, not of the secōd kīd. seconde kinde of Cohi­bitiue Iurisdiction vvith the appurtenances thereof: as I haue rehersed, vvas appointed by the expresse vvord of God immediatlie to Bisshoppes and Priestes, vvithout further commission of Princes or other povver, vvhich I denied.

Novve lette vs consider the force of your proufes, and see hovve thei cō ­clude your cause. First yee saie, that the woordes of the first parte of the Othe, doe by expresse woordes of the Acte, geue vnto the Q. highnes all maner of iurisdictions, priuileges and pree­minences in any wise touching and concerning any Spiritual or Ecclesiastical iurisdiction within the realme, with an ex­presse debarre and flat denial made of al Spiritual iurisdiction [Page 449] vnto the Bishops therof to be exercised ouer their flockes and cures without her highnes special commission, to be graunted therevnto: they hauing by the expresse word of God, commis­sion of spiritual gouernment ouer them. Your (.572.)The .572. vntruthe. Sclaunderous. M. Fekenhā reported the effecte of the Othe truely. euil dealing vvith the vvordes of the Acte of the Othe, expresseth an vnkindely meaning to the Prince and the state: for that either the Acte or the Othe debarreth or denieth expressely or conuertly the to Bishops of this realme to exercise ouer theyr flockes and cures, vvithout her highnes special commission graunted thereto, any spirituall iuris­diction assigned to a Bishoppe by the vvorde of God, is altogether (.573.) The .573. vntruthe. For that is moste true, as it shal ap­peare. vntrue. The Statute geueth, or rather restoreth to the Prince Iurisdiction and Authority to enquire after vvhat sorte, the Ecclesiasticall state and personnes behaue them selues in their cu­res and chardges, to refourme and corecte the disorders, negli­gencies, and enormities [...]isinge amongeste them to the hinde­raunce of theyr Office in theyr cures and chardges, and in summe to order and prouide, that they doe execute theyr Office accor­dinge to theyr calling in theyr cures and chardges. This is not to debarre or denie thē the exercise of theyr office vvithout a spe­cial licēce. Neither do the (.574.)The .574. vntruth. The expresse wor­des of the Statute doe geue to the prince, povver to Authorise men to vse all maner of iu­risdictions, as it is here reported, abso­lutely. Ergo it ge­ueth to the Prince the iurisdictiōs also expresse vvords of the statut geue to the prince al manner of iurisdictiōs in such absolute vvise, as you report, in any wise, and any spiritual iurisdictiō within the realme. For these termes, all maner, in any wise, and any spiritual iurisdiction, vvhich you enforce so much, are not found in the gift or restitutition of spiritual iurisdictiō made by the acte vnto the Prince: but in that part vvhere the Acte geueth aftervvard povver and authority to the Prince to execute the Iurisdictiō, novv Marke: If this iu­risdiction be vnited to the croun which the Prince in al maner doth assigne, name, ād authorise other to execute, why saied you be­fore, that the Sta­tute gaue not to the prince all maner of Iurisdictions? vnited and annexed to the Croune, by mete de­legats, to be assigned, named▪ ād authorised by cōmissiō or letters patents vnder the great Seale of england. If ye vvil hereof infer, that bycause the princes haue by vertue of the acte, full povver and au­thority to name, assigne, and authorise any person vvhom they shal thinke mete to exercise, vse, occupy, and exequute vnder thē, al ma­ner of iurisdictions, priuileges and preheminences in any vvise, tou­ching or concerning any spiritual or ecclesiastical iurisdictiō vvith­in [Page] theyr dominions or countries: Therfore al maner iurisdictiō is in the prince to be exercised, vsed, occupied, and executed by them, for othervvise you vvil say, the princes cannot geue ād cōmit to others, that vvhich they haue not receiued and is not in thē selues. Your argument is easely ansvvered in fevv vvords: it is a foule (.575.) The .575. vntruthe. It is no sophistica­tiō at al: you proue no such thing. Sophisticatiō, à secundū quid ad simpliciter. These vvords of the act, al maner, in any wise, are (.576.)The .576. vntruth. For they are not re­strained in any part of the Acte. restrained and boū ­ded, vvithin the limites of the gift: vvhere you of purpose, to beguile the simple vvithal, do let thē runne at large, and set them forth as mère and simple vniuersalles vvithout any limites at al. The Acte geueth or restoreth to the prince iurisdictions, priuileges, superiori­ties, and preheminencies, spirituall and ecclesiastical, but it (.577.) The .577. vntruthe. This limitatiō vvēt before, it is not ad­ded after those ge­neral vvordes here noted. See the Acte it selfe. Againe it is in effecte no limita­tion at all, as shall appeare. addeth this limitation suche as by any spirituall or ecclesiasti­cal povver or authority hath heretofore ben, or may laufully be ex­ercised or vsed: And for that these vvords (as by any spiritual or ecclesiastical power or authority hath heretofore ben, or laufully be exercised and vsed) may be maliciously stret­ched by avvrāgling Papist, and might seme to som, that haue good meaning also, to geue ouer large a scope, the mater or obiect vvherin, or vvhere about, those spiritual or ecclesiastical iurisdictiōs, pri­uileges, superiorities, and preheminēces, are exercised, vsed and doe consist, is limited ād added in these (.578.) The .578. vntruthe. These words make no limitation of ec­clesiastical iurisdi­ction authorised by the prince, neither doe appertayne therevnto. expresse vvords (for the visitation of the ecclesiastical state and persōs, and for reformatiō, order and correction of the same, and of al maner errors, heresies, schismes, abuses, offences, contē ptes, and enormities) vvhich vvords of limitatiō in the gift, as they geue not to the prince, the exercise of that iurisdiction that cō sisteth and vvorketh in the invvarde and secrete court of cōscience, by the preaching of the vvord and ministration of the Sacramentes, vvhich belōgeth only and alone to the Bishops, neither do they au­thorise the prince to vse that iurisdiction that belongeth properly to the vvhole church: euē so do they geue rightly vnto the prince to ex­ercise al maner iurisdictions priuileges, superiorities, and preemi­nences in any vvise touching, and cōcerning any spiritual or ecclesiastical iurisdictiō, (.579.) The .579. vntruthe. This is a false addi­tion not expressed in the Acte, but ra­ther denyed by the generality thereof. cōteined vnder the second kind of cohibi­tiue [Page 450] iurisdictiō: for that may the Prince laufully exercise and vse, and doth not belōg vnto the Bisshops, othervvise then by (.580.) The .580. vntruthe. To say so, is imp [...]us error. A vvicked er­rour, by Antonius Delphinus M. Hor­nes Authour. cō ­mission, and authority of positiue Lavves. This limitatiō of iurisdi­ction set forth by expresse vvords in the Act, you knovv right vvel: ye vvere also at sundrie times put in mind thereof, and you vvere vvel assured, that your alleaging the vvords of the Act so darkly, cōfusedly, and (.581.) The .581. vntruthe. Sclaunderous. The vvords of the Acte vvere by M. Fekē ­ham plainely and truely sette forth. vntruly, could neuer further your cause amō ­gest the vvise: and yet vvould you nedes publissh them in this sort to the people, vvherby at the least, to make both the Prince and the lavv odious vnto the simple subiects. The Bisshops haue by the ex­pres vvord of God, cōmission of spiritual gouernmet ouer their flock that is, to fede the flock of Christ, cōmitted to their charge, vvith Gods holy vvord, as I haue declared before. [...]hey haue cōmission to absolue the faithfully penitēt, and to retaine or bind the impenitēt: that is, to (.582.) The .582. vntruth. Ioyned vvith an heresie, as shall ap­peare. declare and assure both the one and the other, by the vvord of the Ghospel, of Gods iudgemēt tovvard thē. VVhat vvil ye infer herof? VVil ye cōclude therfore, they haue al maner of Spiritual gouernmēt o [...] [...]urisdictiō ouer thē? Yōg Logiciās knovv this is anSuch an euel cōse­quēt you haue vsed throughout your booke, of certaine dealings cōcluding suprē gouernment in al causes. yl cōsequēt, that cōcludeth vpō one or diuers particulars affirmatiuely an vniuersall. Thus (.583.) The .583. Vntruthe. M Fekenham ar­gueth not so. ye argue, Bisshops by the expres vvord of God, haue cōmission to preach to their cures, to remit or retein sinnes: Ergo, they haue cōmission by the expres vvord of God, to Sōmon Coūcels, or Synods general or prouincial, to visit: that is, iu­dicially sitting in iudgemēt, to enquire of mēs maners, and forinsi­cally to punissh or correct and to decide the cōtrouersies amōgst the people: touching contracts of matrimony, vvhordom tythes, sclaun­ders, &c. And to ordeine Decrees, Lavves, Ceremonies, Rites, &c. If this conclusion follovv consequently vpon your antecedent, thē doth it ouerthrovv the doctrin of your Romissh diuinity, vvhich graūteth not to the Bisshops īmediatly from God this povver, vvithout a spe­cial commission from the Pope, in vvhom only, as the Thē S. Bernardis a Papist who saith so Epist. 238. Solus ipse Rom. Pont. plenitu­dinē habet potestatis. Papists say, is fulnes of iurisdictiō and povver. But if this conclusion follovv not consequētly vpō the ātecedēt, as a mā more thē half blind may plainly see it doth not: thē haue ye concluded (584) The .584. Vntruthe. For M. Fek. therby cōcludeth that by such cōmissiō beīg geuē to bishops im­mediatly frō God in som spiri­tuall cau­ses, the Prīces au­thorising for al ma­ner of spi­ritual causes to be vsed and exercised, is vvrongfully geuen by the Acte. nothīg at al by Christes diuinity, that may further the mat­ter ye haue taken in hande to proue. You falsly reporte the scriptures, in this that you saie: the Bisshops haue cōmission by the expres vvord of God to geue vnto their flockes and cures, the holy Ghoste by imposition of their handes. [Page] For the place vvhich [...]e quote for that purpose, expresseth no such commission, neither (.585.) The 585. vntruth, ioyned vvith an heresy. any other place of the holy scriptures. The Bishoppes haue so daungerous a cure and chardge ouer the soules committed vnto them, that God vvill require the bloud of those that perishe (thorough their negligence) at their handes: and therfore hath geuen them sufficient commission for the discharge of their cures. It vvere therefore an Here M. Horne cō dēneth the doinges in kinge Edwardes daies, and now also for an horrible absurdite, as shall ap­peare. horrible absurdity, if they might not exercise any Iurisdiction ouer them: if they might not visit, refourme, order and correct them, by that commissiō vvith­out a further commission from the Q. highnes. But doo yee not perceiue, vvhich the most simple may see, vvhereof also yee often vvere admonished by me, your vvarbling sleight, and Sophisticall quarellinge in equiuocation of vvordes and termes? As there are tvvo (.586.) The .586 vntruthe. Vnproued as be­fore. sortes of Iurisdictiō vvhereof the one not Cohibitiue, properly belongeth to the Bishoppe vvhich he may and ought to exercise ouer his flocke, vvithout any other commission than of Christ: so to visit, refourme, order and correct, are of tvvo sortes: the one a A nevv terme for a nevv doctrine. Scripturely visitacion, reformation and correction by the onely vvorde of God, vvhich the Bishoppes may and ought to exercise in time, and out of time, vvith all possible vvatchefulnes and diligence vvithout any furtherThis is againste the Acte. For no Iurisdiction vvhat soeuer can be vsed, or exercised in Englāde vvithout the Princes special commission. commission. The other kinde of visitation, reformation and correction, is Forinsecall or court­ly, vvhiche I comprehende vnder the seconde kinde of Cohibitiue Iurisdiction, and this the Bishoppe may not exercise vvithout a further commission from the Prince. VVerefore it is ouer foule an absurdity in you to inferre, that the Bisshops may not exercise any Iurisdictiō, visitaciō, reformatiō or correctiō, bicause they may not vse this Forinsecal, or courtly vvithout the Princes commission.

Stapleton.

M. Horne after that he hath bene so bolde with Delphi­nus, to frame his argumentes and wreste then at his owne pleasure: he is as bold with M. Fekenhams arguments also. M. Feckenham argueth thus. Spiritual gouernment is geuē to Bishops by Gods speciall worde, namely to loose and [Page 451] bynde, to shutte vppe heauen gates,Act 20. Ioan. 20. Math. 26. Act. 8. and to geue the holie ghoste. Ergo the Prince is not the supreame gouernour in all causes spiritual according to the wordes of the statute: Ergo all maner spirituall iurisdictiō is not to be authorised of the Prince, as the Acte expressely and most generallie auoucheth: Ergo yt is not true, that they may not visite or reforme theire flocke withowt the Princes commission. This argumentes being good and sownd,M. Horne frameth argumēts of his ovvn ād thē laieth thē forth as M. Fe­kenhās argumētes. M. Horne leapeth me in, and saieth: that M. Fekenham toke vppon him to proue the second kind of cohibitiue iurisdiction to be, by the expresse worde of God immediatly appointed to bishoppes and priestes, without further commission of Princes. And this argument he doth more solēly repete againe in the .2. leafe following and goeth about to soile yt, being his own, and not M. Fe­kenhās argument. For thinke you M. Horne, that M. Fe­kenham hath or will allowe your first and seconde cohi­bitiue iurisdiction? His examples are of the power of order, or of the keies: and of that, that you cal the first Cohibitiue iurisdiction. Why then do you so falsly charge him, leauing out the first two, and the verie principall partes?M. Horne taketh vpō him to re­strayn the gene­ral vvordes of the statute to take avvay from the Prince the Auto­rity of excōmuni­cation. Let vs nowe heare what ye say further to him.

You accuse his euill dealing with the words of the acte, expressīg an vnkindly meaning to the prince and the state. Yea say, that thoughe the statute doth geue, or rather restore to the Prince, all maner of iurisdictions, or preheminences towching any Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction: yet the wordes must not be taken so generallie, but must be referred and limited to, and with other wordes of the sayde statute, that is, for the visitation, reformation, and correction of the ecclesiasticall state, and of all maner of errours and heresies.

By the which wordes of limitation the Prince as you [Page] inferre of it, is as well restrained from doing any thing in the publike ministerie, by preaching or ministring Sacraments: as from that iurisdiction that standeth in excommunication, and hath onelie thereby the second kinde of cohibitiue Iurisdiction. Surelie here is a marueilouse and a wōderfull interpretatiō. M. Horne vrgeth M. Fekenhā to swere, that he beleueth in conscience,See the absurdity of M. Horne in expoū ding the Othe. that the Prince is Supreme Gouernour in all causes Ecclesiastical: He addeth as ye haue heard, that those wordes must be takē without limitatiō or exceptiō: and yet him selfe excepteth the chief things or causes ecclesiastical. Wherby a man may much better cōclude and swere to the cōtrary: that is, that the Prince is not Supreme Gouernour in al Spi­ritual causes. Surelie to imagine, and to defende the Prince to be supreme ruler in al causes, ād yet to abridge his autho­ritie in so many causes, is much like, as if one should say and affirme of some man, that he is a king: but yet he is able to cōmaund no man to prison, for any offence: he is a king, but if ther be any warre, he can cōmaund no man to serue him: he is a king, but yet if there be any businesse, stur, or disorder in the people, he neither can punish thē, nor make out any decree or proclamatiō against his rebels. Of the which pre­misses (they being true) it wil follow, that in deede he is no king. But surely, M. Horne me thinke (as I haue said) that ye aduenture very far and daūgerously, whē in the other part touching iurisdiction, ye restraine and limit the statute that geueth the authorising of al maner of iurisdictiō to the Prince, yea ānexeth, and vniteth the same to the Croune: to the secōd cohibitiue ōly. And what kind of visitatiō or reformatiō shal the Prince make by his ecclesiastical authority, if you take away the authority to excōmunicat, which al ecclesiastical visiters haue, ād euer had: and which also expresly belōgeth [Page 452] to the secōd kind of cohibitiue iurisdictiō which you make to depēd of only princes by your own author Antoniꝰ, as I haue before shewed. Cōsider M. Horn whether M. Fekēhā may not iustly say to you, that you deal very yl with the words of the act, and you expres an vnkīdly meaning to the Prince ād the state: Wel: if there be no remedy, but that by your inter­pretation directe contrary to all reason and the manifeste wordes of the statute, the statute it selfe may be so eluded: and that ye may by your owne absolute authority spoile your supreame head of one cheif pointe and power eccle­siastical, yea of the very cohibitiue Iurisdictiō, which you woulde seme to graūte him with this your pretie and new­ly coyned distinction, which prince like ye woulde haue to be as yt were good and currāt mony: I meane of your two kindes of cohibitiue iurisdiction, which I suppose shall nei­ther be founde in any good Diuine, nor in any boke of the temporall lawe in all Englande, yet woulde I fayne heare from you of some good and conuenient proufe, whie the seconde cohibitiue, as ye call yt, remayneth in the prince onely, more then the first. Or why if that remaine, excom­municatiō being a part thereof remaineth not in the Prince also? I would know farder whē euer this iurisdictiō was ta­kē away frō the Prīces, that it must now be restored again. Verely that which they neuer had, could neuer be takē a­way. And much lesse can it be restored thē, which by no right euer belonged to thē. For shew M. Horne, yf you can with al your study and cōferēce with your frendes but one exāple of any Catholik Prince, either in Englād, or in al the world beside, that gaue the bishops any cōmissiō, for the se­cōd cohibitiue iurisdictiō: as ye call it specified in those ex­āples that your self reherse out of Antonius. I wil geue you [Page] one whole twelue moneths,Edvvard. 6. Dei grat. &c Reuerēd. Thomae Cant Archiepisc. etc. Quando quidē omnis & iuris di [...]ēdi authoritas, atque etiā iurisdictio omnimoda, tā illa quae Ecclesiastica dicitur, ꝗ secularis, à regia potestate velut à supremo cap. &c. Dat. 7. die. mēs. Feb. An. 1546. & Regni nostri primo. Ibidem. Ad ordinādū igitur quoscūque intra dio­coesin tuā Cātuar. ac ad omnes etiā sacros & presbyterari [...]s or­dines ꝓmouēdū prae­sent atosque etiam ad beneficia eccles. &c. Ib [...]dem. Per praesentes ad no­strū dunt axat bene­placitū duraturas cū cuiuslibet cōgruae & Ecclesiasticae coertio­nis potestate. Per literas datas. 4. Maij. An. 1547. ad eundē Tho. Cantur. Per alias liter. datas dict 4. Maii. An. 1548.28. Iunij. Acts and Monu­mentes Fol. 771. M. Horne, to bring foorth but one such example. I neuer read, I neuer heard of any suche commission. Onely in the late daies of king Edward the sixt his time, I finde such commissions, by the whiche al Archbishops, Bis­shops, and other Ecclesiastical persons did then ex­ercise all their Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction. There I finde, though vntruely, that all iurisdiction as well Secular as Spirituall, sprang from the King as Su­preme head of all men. By the said commission a­mong other things the Bishops tooke their autho­ritie, not only to heare Ecelesiastical causes iudici­ally, but euen to geue holye orders also: as appea­reth by the tenour of the same. They receiued also by vertue of the commission all manner of power Ecclesiastical: and al this no longer then during the Kings pleasure. And therefore within three mo­neths afterward, all Bishops and Archbishops were inhibited to exercise any Ecclesiasticall iurisdictiō, vntil the visitation, appointed by the king were en­ded. There was also an other inhibition made, that no Bishoppe nor anye other Ecclesiasticall person should preache any sermon, vntil such time as they were specially thereto licensed by the king. And haue you not read or heard, M. Horne, that in the second yeare of king Edwarde the .6. letters were sent from the L. Protectour to the Bishop of Win­chester, D. Gardiner, commaunding him in the kings behalfe, and charging him by the authority of the same, to absteine in his sermon from treating of any matter in controuersy cōcerning the Sacramēt of the Aulter, [Page 453] and the Masse, and only to bestowe his speache in the experte explication of the articles prescribed vnto him, &c? An. 15 [...]0. Decem. 15. Actes and monu­mentes. Fol. 777. Knowe you not, that two yeres after that the said Bishop being ex­amined before the kings Commissioners at Lambeth, the tenth article there layed against him was, that being by the King commaunded and inhibited to treate of any mater in con­trouersie concerning the Masse, or the Sacrament of the Aulter, did contrary to the saied commaundement and inhibition de­clare diuers his iudgementes and opinions in the same? Ibidem. Fol. 867. And that in his final pretended depriuation, made at Lambeth the 14. of Februarie, this (as it is there called) disobedience against the kinges cōmaundement, is expressly layed against him? Did not the king here take vppon him the very firste cohibitiue iurisdiction, as you cal it? Dyd he not abridge Christes commission, geuen immediatly to Bishopes, and li­mitte the exercise thereof to his owne pleasure and com­maundement?

Againe were there not iniunctions geuen by the sayed king Edwarde, to the Bishope of London D. Bonner,Actes and Monu­mentes. Fol. 693. & 720. with Articles thereto annexed for him to preache vpon? And dyd not his great examination and depriuation ensewe thereof? Looke in your felowe Foxe, and you shall finde the whole set out at large. If therefore by the Othe now tendred, the Queenes highnes meaning is, to take vpon her, Horne Fol. 103. b. & 104. a. so much and no more of spiritual authority and power, then king Henry and king Edwarde enioyed and did iustly claime, for they had no more thē all, which you auouche to be your constant assertion, and the true meaning of the Othe, see you not, that by the othe euen the Authoritie of preaching Gods word, which Au­thority and commissiō Bishops haue immediatly from God, dependeth yet of a furder commission from the Prince, [Page] which you cal an horrible absurditie? See you not also, that the Bishopes had al maner of ecclesiastical punishment ge­uen them by the princes commission,Fol. 108. b without any suche commission made as you imagine touching excommuni­cation?

Thus haue you taken awaye the very Scripturely visi­tation, Reformation, and Correction, (as you call it) from the Bishoppes and from theyr commission geuen to them by the woorde of God, and haue made it to de­pende vppon a further commission of the Queenes Hygh­nes pleasure: For that by letters patentes shee maye and hath inhibited for a season the Bishoppes of her realme to preache the worde of God, as her brother kinge Edwarde before did. And this you call M. Horne, An horrible absur­ditie, as it is in dede moste horrible: and yet such as you see by vertue of the Othe our Princes bothe may and haue practised.VVherof the whole alteratiō of religiō hath pro­ceded in England. Woe to them that induced good Godly Princes therevnto. For in dede hereof hath proceded the whole alteration of religion in our country. And hereof it follo­weth, that religion in our countrie shal neuer be setled, or of long continuaunce, excepte Princes alwaies of one minde and Iudgement doe Raygne. Hereof it followeth, that we shall neuer ioyne in Faithe and Doctrine with other christened Realmes and with the whole vniuersal Church except our happe be, to haue a prince so affected, as other Christen princes are. Hereof it followeth, that though our Prince be Catholike, yet thys Authorytie standinge, our Faythe is not Authorysed by Gods worde and the church, but by Gods woorde and the Prince, that ys, by Gods woorde so expounded and preached, as the prince shall commaunde and prescribe it.

[Page 454]Briefely hereof foloweth, that the faith of England is no faith at al builded vpon the authority of God and his Mini­sters, who haue charge of our soules, but is an obediēce on­ly of a temporal law, and an opinion chaungeable and alte­rable according to the lawes of the Realme.

These are in dede moste horrible absurdities, and moste dyrecte againste the vnitie of the Churche, whiche aboue all thinges ought to be tendred, and without the whiche there is no saluation. This destroyeth the obedience of faithe, and setteth vp onely a philosophicall perswasion of matters of Religion. This cleane defaceth all true Religion, and induceth in place therof a ciuil policie. To cōclude, this maketh a plaine and directe waye to al heresies. For if euer (which God forbidde) any Prince of our land should be af­fected to any heresie, as of Arrianisme, or any such like, the supreme Authority of the prince remaining as the Othe graunteth, and as king Edward practised, should not al the Bishops either be forced to preache that heresy, or to leese their bishopriks, other placed in their romes which to please the Prince, ād to climbe to hònor, would be quick enough to farder the procedings? Any man of mean cōsideration may see these inconueniences, and many moe then these, which of purpose I leaue to speake of. To returne there­fore to you, M. Horne, whether you and your fellow Bis­shops haue special cōmission from the Quenes Ma. for the exercise of your iurisdictiō, I know not: But I am most cre­dibly informed ye haue none. And as for excōmunicatiō, ye wil haue none of her: neyther wil ye acknowlege any such authority in her. And therfore ye had nede to looke wel to your self, and what answere ye will make, if ye be ones cal­led to an accompt, either for this kind of doctrine, so dero­gatory to the statutes, and the Quenes M. prerogatiue, that [Page] ye would seme to maintaine: either for the practise of your iurisdiction without any sufficient Commission. Remem­ber now among other things,Take hede M Horne of periu­rie. M. Horne, whether this dea­ling be agreable to your Othe, by the which ye promised, that to your power ye would assist and defend al iurisdicti­ons, priuilegies, preheminences, and authorities, graunted or belonging to the Quenes Highnes, her heires or succes­sours: or vnited and annexed to the imperiall Crowne of the realme. Ye may thinke vpon this at your good leasure. Remember also how you wil stand to this your saying: that the expresse woordes of the Statute doe not geue to the Prince all maner of iurisdictions. The Acte saith so expresselie in these wordes. And that your Highnes, &c. shall haue ful po­wer and authoritie by vertue of this Act, &c. to assigne, name, and authorise, when and as often as, &c. And for suche and so long time as it shal please your Highnes, &c. suche persons, &c. as your Maiestie &c. shal thinke meete to exercise, vse, occu­pie, &c. all maner of iurisdictions, priuileges, and praeeminen­ces, in any wise touching or concerning any Spirituall or Eccle­siasticall iurisdiction within these your Realmes, &c. and to visite, refourme, redresse, order, correct, and amend all suche errours, heresies, schismes, abuses, offences, contempts, and enor­mities whatsoeuer, which by any maner Spiritual or Ecclesia­stical power, authoritie or iurisdiction, can or may lawfully be refourmed, ordered, redressed, &c. Here in these woordes you see, M. Horne: ful power and authoritie is geuen to the Prince, to authorise any man at his or her pleasure to exe­cute or exercise AL manner of IVRISDICTIONS: in any wise concerning any SPIRITVAL IVRISDIC­TION: Item to redresse and correct all enormities what­soeuer, which by any maner Spiritual or Ecclesiastical power, [Page 455] AVTHORITIE or iurisdiction, can or may lawfully be re­dressed and corrected. Here, M. Horne, is no exception of cohibitiue, or not cohibitiue Iurisdiction. Dare you then to restraine the Act of Parliament, to the only second kind of Cohibitiue Iurisdiction, a kinde of Iurisdiction by your selfe inuented? But marke howe you haue confounded your selfe. You denie these generall tearmes to be found in the gift of Sp [...]ritual Iurisdiction made by the Act: But, you say, it is afterward found. And where afterward? Forsoth say you, In that part where the Act afterward geueth power to the Prince to execute the Iurisdiction, NOW VNITED and annexed to the CROWNE, by mete delegates to be assig­ned, &c. Marke wel what you haue said. You auouch the same iurisdiction which is by the Prince to be assigned, and authorised in all maner, &c. as before you haue heard, the same so Generall and vniuersall Iurisdiction, I saye, you a­uouche to be vnited and annexed to the Crowne. If that, so generall Iurisdiction (as hath ben saied) be vnited vnto the Crowne, whie denie you, that the expresse words of the Sta­tute doe geue to the Prince all maner of Iurisdictions. Are you not contrary to your selfe? The Prince hath power to execute all maner Iurisdiction by meete delegates by him assigned by your owne confession, and the plaine woordes of the Act. The same Iurisdiction so by the Prince to be ex­ecuted, is vnited to the Crowne, you say: Ergo all maner of Iurisdictions are vnited to the Crowne: you saye. It is vnited to the Crowne: Ergo it is geuen to the Prince. Thus by your owne wordes you are confounded, and pro­ued vntruely and wrongfully to reproue M Fekenham for missereporting the Othe in that thing, which bothe the Te­nour of the Othe hath, and your own confession agniseth. [Page] You thinke this general gifte may be auoyded by the limi­tation, that you say, is added. But you report the Othe vn­truly. That limitation is not added to these general wordes: For it goeth before these general words in a former brāche of this Statute. And your selfe confesse, that these general wordes are sette after the gifte or restitutiō of spiritual Iu­risdiction made to the Prince, in the which that limitation as you say, is foūde. And how cā thē, I pray you, that which wēt before, be a limitation of that which came after? Who seeth not your extreme foly herein, and the miserable shifts that you are driuen vnto?

Now, you cōfessing the same general and vniuersall Iu­risdictiō of which by vertue of th'Acte, the Prince hath the assigning ād authorising, to be vnited to the crown, which is to be in the Prince, and reprouing M. Feckenham for so saying, doe find fault also with his reason, why he should so say, and do cal his reason or argumēt a foul sophisticatiō. His reason, as your self reporteth it, is this. Princes haue not thē selues al maner of ecclesiasticall Iurisdictiōs: ergo they can not geue and cōmit the same to others. That they haue not al maner of Iurisdictiōs your self denieth: for they haue saie you only the forinsecal and Courtly Iurisdiction, or as you call it the secōd cohibitiue Iurisdictiō: and not any spiritual Iurisdictiō touching the secret Courte of Cōscience. Thus the Antecedēt you graunt, being forced therto by the Scri­ptures by M. Feckenhā alleaged. Why deny you then the Cōsequent? You pretend for your denial, a limitation to be made in the Acte, of those generall wordes, al maner, in any wise, and any spiritual Iurisdiction: but that is now found to be but a fable, by reason that this limitatiō goeth before in an other braunche of the Acte, and these generall wordes [Page 456] do folow afterward, as your self also confesse. But to make a limitatiō, before the thing to be limited is spokē of, is agaīst al order and course of writing, or reason. Yet your vrge this to your Reader, againe and again: saying: that the matter or obiect wherin or wherabout these spiritual Iurisdictiōs (to be by the Prince assigned) are exercised, is limited ād added in these expresse wordes (for the visitation &c.) which wordes are not added to the general gifte of assigning and authori­sing all maner &c. For they goe before that generall gifte, neither do or cā they limit that generality going (as I haue oft said) before it. I desire the Reader for better trial hereof to cōsider and peruse the Act it self. Thus thē this limitatiō that you pretēd being but a mere forged and fained matter, the argumēt of M. Feckenhā stādeth sure: and you your self worthy of smal thanke, euen at their hādes which deuised that braunche of the Acte, for restrayning and limiting the general power and Iurisdictiō geuē to the prince, to the on­ly forinsecal and Courtly Iurisdictiō, which you cal the se­cond kinde of cohibitiue Iurisdictiō. You see by that which hath bene saied, the Acte geueth to the prince al together without exception. This shifte therefore failing you, you frame to M. Fecknā such an argumēt, as he neuer made, but such as you haue in dede throughout your booke ful many made: I meane vpō one or diuers particulars to cōclud affirma­tiuely an vniuersal: which you say, is an euil consequent. For what other haue al your proufes or cōclusiōs ben through out your booke hitherto, thē these? Suche a prince called a Councell: or inuestured Bishoppes, or deposed Bishoppes, or made constitutions ecclesiasticall: ergo such and suche a prince were the supreme Gouernours in al ecclesiastical causes: I say not, you haue proued they did so, absolutely by their own Prīcely authority: You haue missed in al your [Page] proufes as well appereth to any indifferent Reader and peruser of bothe our writinges: But I saie, in case you had proued your Antecedēts good, was not this allwaies your Consequent? I say vpon one or diuers particulars to con­clude affirmatiuely an vniuersal? For what one Emperour or Prince amonge so many, so longe a succession, and in so diuers countres, haue you brought forthe, by whose exam­ple by sufficiente enumeration of all partes▪ you might lo­giquely and reasonably cōclude the affirmatiue vniuersal, that is, the Supreme gouernement in al spiritual or ecclesiasti­cal thinges or causes. You haue not M. Horne, brought any one suche. Shewe but one, and I will allowe you in all. And come you nowe to charge M. Fekenham with thys foule and euil consequent? What? Thought you so by pre­uention to blame M. Fekenhā, that you might escape ther­by the blame your selfe? or thought you we shoulde haue forgotten to charge you herewith, excepte your selfe by charging an other, had put vs in minde thereof? Vpon this imagined Conclusion of M. Feckenhams you induce a di­lemma, that whether the Conclusion folow or not folow, yet he shal alwaies remayne in some absurdite. But we say, that as he neuer made that consequent, so also that it folo­weth not. Then say you. If the Conclusion folowe not cōsequēt­ly vpon the Antecedent▪ than haue ye concluded nothing at al by Christes diuinity, that may further the matter ye haue taken in hande to proue. To the which I answere: That M. Feckenham hereby fully cōcludeth his principall purpose.

For, Commission of Spiritual gouernement being geuen (as he reasoneth, and you expresly cōfesse) to Bishops im­mediatly from God, by Christ him selfe true God, not on­ly in some, but euen in the principall spirituall causes, as to [Page 457] fede the Church with true doctrine, to preache the worde, to bind and loose, to minister the Sacraments, it foloweth euidētly, that the Prince is not the Supreme Gouernour in al Spiritual causes: And that the Acte hath wrongfully ge­uen to the Prince the ful authorising for al maner of spiritual causes in any wise concerning any Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction to be vsed and exercised by persons, when and as often, and for such and so long time, as it shal please the Prince to authorise them: It foloweth, I saye, that the Acte hath wrongfully geuen al this to the Princes authorising, seeing that God him selfe hath already geauen it to the Apostles and their successours, Bishops and Priestes in his Churche, without any cōmission or authorisatiō for any prince of the earth whatsoeuer. God hath (your self say, M. Horn) geuē to the Bisshops sufficiēt cōmission for the discharge of their cures: It were therfore (you say) an horrible absurdity, if they might not exercise any iurisdictiō ouer thē, by that cōmissiō, without a furder cōmission frō the Quenes highnes. But bothe by the practise in king Edwardes daies (at what time by the Kings letters patēts, bishops had a special cōmissiō to minister the Sacraments, and to preach the word, frō the Prince, and at the Princes pleasure, as it hath before ben declared) ād also by the plaine Act in the Quenes M. daies now reigning, bi­shops can not exercise, vse, or execute any Spiritual iurisdi­ction, without the Authorising, naming, and assigning of the Prince, yea and that no oftener, nor no longer, then it shall please the Prince to Authorise them (so that beeing a Bishoppe to daye, to morowe (by the Acte) he shall be none, if it please the Prince to dissauthorise him, or dis­charge him) Ergo, by Maister Hornes own confession and plaine constante assertion, bothe in King Edwardes dayes [Page] and now in the Acte, an horrible absurdity, is committed. You haue saied M. Horne a great deale more against the Acte, then euer M. Feckenham saied. Beare therefore with him and vs I pray you, yf to auoide such an horrible absur­dity, bothe he and we refuse the Othe of this acte. Some reason, I perceiue, M. Sampson and D. Humfrey of Oxford had, when they refused this othe, being tendred vnto them by a Commission. They saw it was in dede a most horrible absurdity, so to weakē Gods authority, that it must yet not of congruite, but of necessite and by force of lawe be bol­stered as of it selfe insufficient, with the Princes authori­sing and letters patents. The sawe it was a great impiety, that bishops and Pastours by Gods lawe ordayned to suche offices, should not oftener exercise their offices, nor no len­ger remaine in the saied offices, then it should please the Prince for the time to Authorise them and allowe them. Therefore these men them selues, no doubte true subiectes to the Quenes highnes, and well willers to her Maiest. Person, refused yet this Othe, as is aboue saied.

But what a conclusion is this M. Horne, how fowle an absurdity is it, to take the Othe of supreme gouernemente in al spiritual thinges or causes, in which Othe also you say, nothing may be excepted:Fol. 104. for if you except any, it is not al (these are your owne wordes) and yet to make nowe a limitatiō and to except so many and so principall causes ecclesiasti­call, in the which (as you say also) the Prince hath no go­uernement at all, but only the Bishops, as hauing sufficient commission herein from God him selfe? Whereas if there were in dede any limitation by the Acte expressed or intē ­ded, (as there is not in dede any at all in the Authorising of mete persons to execute all maner of spirituall Iurisdi­ctions) [Page 458] it were yet open and manifest periury to sweare to a supreme gouernement in all causes without exception. What yf you, and your felowes intende not, or meane not al maner spirituall causes? Can this excuse them which sweare to all, from manifest periury? How many haue re­ceyued the Othe, which neuer vnderstode worde of any suche limitatiō? If you meane in dede a limitatiō M. Horne, procure thē that the limitation be put to the Othe expres­ly, that men may sweare to no more then is intended. Els if you intangle mens soules in open periury, vnder a couert limitation, assure your selfe, you and al other the procurers hereof shal answer full derely to God for all the soules that hereby haue perished. And assure your self, that,Malach. 5 as the holy ghost infallibly threatneth, he wil come as a quicke witnesse against al periured and forsworen persons. Neither yet doth the limitatiō, excuse thē frō periury, which sweare Princes to be supreme gouernors in some spirituall causes, who are in dede no gouernours at al in such causes, nor euer had by the lawe of God, any spiritual charge or Iurisdictiō cōmit­ted vnto them. But yet if this limitation were annexed, the periury were the lesse, and the dealing were more playne, though not therfore good. In the meane while you which force men to sweare to al ecclesiastical causes, and yet will except so many ecclesiastical causes, how vnreasonably ād how absurdely do you write? But of these your contradi­ctory assertions I haue before spoken.

If I should here aske M. Horne▪ what Authorite the par­liament had, to geue to the Prince, all or any Iurisdiction at all in matters mere spiritual, that parliament especially consisting only of the lay, the bishops and the whole Con­uocation withstanding that gifte with al their power, I be­leue [Page] it would trouble him or any wise man els to geue any good reason therefore, the obediēce of a Christē mā to the Catholike Church (which al Christians in their Crede doe professe) presupposed. If I should farder aske M. Horn again how he cā goe for a bishop, and write him selfe (as he dothe in his booke) the B. of Winchester, being called to that fun­ctiō only by the letters patents of the Prince, without due Cōsecration,2. Tim. 1. or imposition of handes by any Bishop or bis­shops liuing, which impositiō of hādes S. Paule euidētly pra­ctised vpō Timothe, ād the vniuersal Church hath alwaies vsed, as the only ād proper meanes to order a bishop of the Churche, I am wel assured, neither he nor al his fellowes, being all vnordered prelats shall euer be able to make any sufficient or reasonable answer, (answering as Christiā Catholike mē) whereby it may appeare, that they may goe for right bishops of Christes Church: but that thei must remain as they were before, or mere lay men, or simple priestes.

Last of al take you yourself in dede M. Horn for a bishop? If so, thē may you preache the word, minister the sacramēts, bind ād lose, vpō the cōmissiō geuē you by God in holy scri­pture, without any furder cōmissiō of the prince. If you may so do, thē put the case, the Q. Mai. that now is, or any other king or Queene of England hereafter should forbid you to preach the word, to minister the sacraments, or to execute any other part of the bishoply functiō ▪ and by cōmmissiō ap­point some other to that functiō? Wil you obey, or wil you not? If yea, thē do you forsake your duty and charge cōmit­ted vnto you by God. If not, thē by vertue of this Act, you incurre the penalty therof. To this questiō answer M. Horn if you be able: and make, if you cā, Christs cōmissiō, the holy Scriptures and this Act to agree both together, that the ke­ping [Page 459] of the one, import not the breach of thother. But this shal you neuer be able to do while you liue, stāding to that, which in this your booke you haue cōfessed. Thus you see euery way, how in your own sayings you are intrapped, o­uertakē, and cōfounded. And so must it nedes fal out with e­uery mā that with any truth or ꝓbability, laboreth to main­tain an vntruth or absurdity. As for your forged and presūp­tuous limitatiō vpō the words of th'Act, and abridgīg of the Q. Ma. autoriti therin expressed, I leaue that mater furder to be cōsidered by the graue wisdom of the most Honorables.

Here remain yet some vntruthes by you auouched, that would be cōfuted, which because the answer alredy wax­eth prolixe and long, I wil but touch. The holy Gospel saith, whose syns ye retain shalbe retained: whose syns ye lose in earth, their syns shalbe loosed in heauē. Cōtrary to the plaine words of the gospel you wil haue no actual bindīg or losing by the priest in dede, but a declaratiō ād an assurāce, that they are lo­sed, or boūd: cōtrary I say not only to the words of the gos­pel, but also to the doctrin, ād practise of the vniuersal Chur­ch: wher the priest hath euer said to the penitēt: Ego absoluote &c. I absolue thee: ād saieth not, I declare and assure thee that thou art absolued. This is a plaine heresy,Vide Am­bros. de Poenitent. lib. 1. c. 2. not much vn­like to the Nouatiās, whō S. Ambrose cōfuteth: sauing that their heresy is not so large as is yours. For they, but in cer­tain crimes denied power of losing in the church, referring that power in such cases ōly to God. You deny to be in the church any power at al, either of binding or of losing, refer­ring al the power to God only, ād not cōsidering how God is to be praised, qui talē potestatē dedit hoīb. Who gaue such power to men.Math. 9. Which the cōmon Iewes had yet the grace to cōsider in the high Bishop ād chief priest, Christ Iesus our Sauiour.

[Page]An other of your hereticall vntruthes in this place also is, that you denie the sacramente of confirmation: and that the holie ghoste is not geuen by the imposition of the Bis­shoppes hands.Math. 9. We reade in S Luke, that Christe at his as­cension,Lucae. 24. promised the holy ghost to them, which was per­formed vppon whitsonday.Act. 19. And what was that but their confirmation̄? We reade, that S. Paule after he had baptized certain parsons (in the which baptisme no doubte they re­ceiued the holy ghoste) he put his handes vppon them, and they thereby receiued the holy ghoste. And this was their confirmation.Act. 8. The like is writen in the place here by M. Fekenham alleaged, of the Apostles Peter and Iohn, that put theire handes vppon those that before were baptized, by Philip the Deacon, and they thervppon receiued the holy ghoste. The which did in the primitiue Churche worke in the Christians with inuisible grace and visible miracles, at the time of their confirmatiō: as yt now worketh by inui­sible grace onely, with a strengthening and confirming of the ghostly and spiritual giftes before receiued:Vide caput Spiritus sanctus, et cap. de ijs verò &c. vt Epis­copi de consecra­tione. wherof the Sacrament hath his name. And therfore the Bishoppes cō ­mission for geuing, by the imposition of theire handes, the holy ghoste, may be iustified aswell by the former autho­rities of scripture, as by the authority, practise, and doctrine of the Churche, that belieueth, that the holy ghoste is geuē for the encrease of al spiritual strength in confirmation.

The .164. Diuision. pag. 109. a.
M. Fekenham.

Wherevnto I do adioyne this obiectiō following. First for the time of the old lawe, whiche as Paule saide was a very figure of the new, Moses, Aaron, Eleazarus, being [Page 460] Priests, they had by the very expresse worde of God, this iurisdiction ouer the people of God,Exod. 24. Exod. 29. as to sit in iudgement vpon them, and that not only in Ecclesiasticall,Num. 27. but also in Politike and ciuill matters and causes: they did visite them, they did refourme them, they did order, correct, ād punish them, so oft as cause required, and without al com­mission of any ciuill Magistrate, Gouernour, Kinge or Prince. Besides that for the whole time of the olde Lawe, there was an expresse Law made, where by all Ci­uill Magistrats and Iudges were cōmaunded in al doubt­full matters, to repaire to the Bisshops and Priests, and to staie vppon their determinations and iudgemēts, with­out declining on the righte hande or the lefte. And if that any mā should disobey the determinatiō once geuen of the Priest, Morietur homo ille: like as it appeareth. Deut. 17.

M. Horne.

This adiūct vvil not serue your turn, for it is not possible to stretch it vvith­out bursting, to ioyn with that you must conclude. You begin, to ioyne your vvorke together vvith a saying of S. Paule, vvhich he (.587.) The .587. Vntruth. For S. Paul saith so, as shall appeare. neuer said, you should haue noted the place vvhere S. Paul saith, that the old Lavv vvas a very figure of the nevv. There is no such saying: S. Paule saith to the Heb. that the Lavv hath the shadovv of good things to come, &c. vvhere he speaketh not (.588.)The .588. vntruth. That is spokē of S Paule generally of the vvhole lawe. generally of the vvhole Lavv, but of the cere­monial part and Sacrifices, vvhich vvere shadovves of Christ and his Sacri­fice, ād not of the Bisshops iurisdictiō after Christ, vnder the Lavv of the Go­spel. Thus aptly also do your allegatiōs out of thold testamēt serue your purpose: for one of the three, to wit .29 of Exod. hath no woorde of this iurisdiction: only it sheweth the manner of consecrating the Priest, and the ceremonies the [...] about. In the .24. of Exodus it is saide, that vvhen Moses vvente vp into the Mount, he said vnto the Elders; Tary vs here vntil [Page] we retourne vnto you. Lyra. Beholde Aaron and Hur, are here with you: if any mā haue ought to doe, let him come vnto them, that is, if any mater of cōtrouersie arise in mine absence, let Aaron and Hur, haue the hearing and deciding of it, as I should haue, if I vvere present. By this place Aaron had no authority geuen vnto him, but for a time in the absence of Moyses, by commission from Moses, the chiefe ruler and gouernour of Gods people, and that not alone, but hauing Hur one of the Elders, an Auncient and a vvise man ioyned in commission vvith him. This allegation maketh directly (.589.) The .589. vntruth. It maketh not a whit aga­inst M. Fekenhams cōclusion Aaron thē being not yet Priest at all. against your conclusion: for it shevveth that Aaron had this Authoritie but by commission from Moyses the Prince of the people. In the thirde place, Num. 27. vvhere God shevved vnto Moses, that Iosue shoulde gouerne the people after him, it is saied: that Iosue should stand before Eleazar the Priest, who shal aske Councel for him by the iud­gement of Vrim before the Lord, and at his word they shal go out and in, both he and the people of Israell: that is, vvhan Iosue standeth in doubt vvhat to do for the better gouernment of the people, either in the time of peace or vvarr, he shal vnderstand Gods vvil therin by the high Priest, to vvhom the Lord vvil miraculously declare his vvil and pleasure by the light or shining of the Vrim and Thumin, and according to Gods vvil shevved in the Vrim, to the high priest, and by him to Iosue, he must direct and order his goeing in and out: Ergo, say you. The Bishoppes and Priestes novve in the tyme of the Ghospell, haue Iurisdiction by the expresse vvord of God, to keepe Courtes, to call Councels, to make Lavves, and forinse­callie to visite, refourme, order, and correcte theyr flockes and cures. The moste simple can iudge of this (.590.)The .590. vntruth. For the sequele is good, as it shal ap­peare. sequele. After like sorte it is vvriten Deut. 17. That vvhan hard and doubtful cases come before the iudges or in­feriour Magistrates, vvhich cannot easely be tried or founde out by them: than the inferiour Magistrates shall goe to the highe Prieste, and to the chiefe iudge at Hierusalem for the tyme beinge, vvhoe shall shevve vvhat is to be doone: vvhose sentence and iudgement muste not be disobeyed, vnder the paine of death. Doe you not aptly conclude, thinke you, that the Bi­shopes in the time of the Ghospell ought to haue this Courtly iurisdiction, by­cause the high Priest, and the (.591.)The .591. vntruth. The vvoorde temporall lewdely added to holy scripture. Temporall iudge, did determine doubt­full cases in the time of the olde Testament? For the Priest alone did not de­termine al causes, as you seeme to alleage the texe,

The .8. Chapter: Conteyning a Confutation of M. Hornes answer to the Obiections of M. Fekenham layed out of the olde lawe.

Stapleton.

IF a mā that hath an aduersary and such as he wil and must fight withall,M. Horne vseth no faire play vvith his aduersary. may first by some prety deuice fynde the meanes, that his aduersarie may be caste in prison, and when he shal come to the combate, may appointe him also his weapon, or by a sleight conueye awaye his aduersaries good weapon, and in steade thereof, geue him some feble, weake, and rotten staff to fight with, then may this crafty false souldier, sone be a conquerour. It seameth now to me, that M. Horne, that pretendeth him self to be the prelate of the honourable order of the Garter, doth much dishonour him self, and sheweth to great cowardnes, offering M. Fe­kenham in this combat, to much wrong: first procuring by sinister accusations, that he was restrayned of his liberty, ād then afterward in this his answere, geuing M. Fekenhā by a prety legerdemaine as it were a poore slender and weke weapon, for his inuasiue armure: who otherwise had pro­uided for himself very wel: I meane of such argumēts as M. Fekenham hath made, which M. Horne taketh vpon him to soile and confute: after what sorte ye haue partly sene, and shal forthwith haue further experience. M. Fekenham then argueth after this sorte. In the olde Law which, as S. Paule saith, is a very figure of the new, Moyses, Aaron, and Elea­zarus, being priests had the chief iudgment of matters Ec­clesiastical without any commission from the cyuill magi­strat: Again, al aswel cyuill magistrates and iudges as other were commaunded vpon payne of death, to obey the de­termination of the priest in doubtful matters. Ergo the laye [Page] Prince is not the supreme head or iudge in al spiritual and ecclesiastical causes. Ergo, the bisshops may visite and cor­rect their flock without any commissiō of the Prince. This is good reader M. Fekenham his good and stronge inuasiue weapon. Ye shal now see, howe M. Horn [...] doth slilie and craftely imbecile ād steale away this armure from him, and geueth him as it were a bulrush in his hand, and then step­peth forth, like a new Gohath against litle Dauid. And first, ye may note what a profounde diuine he is, that maketh yt a straunge thing to heare that S. Paule should take the old Testament for a very figure of the newe. And yet this is so sure,Tha thE old testa­ment is a figure of the nevv. Heb. 10. and so sounde a principle, and so easie to be proued by all the new Testament: and so throughly and conforma­bly confessed, as well of the Catholiks as protestants, that I meruaile what Maister Horne meaneth thus to wrangle. Nay, saith Maister Horne, yet S. Paule saith not so: he saith in dede, that the lawe, hath the shadowe of good thinges to come: but that perteyneth onelye to Christes sacrifice, whereof the olde lawes sacrifices were shadowes, and not to the bisshops iurisdiction vnder the ghospel. Why Maister Horne, is there none other place in S. Paule, that may serue M. Fekenhams turne think you,1. Cor. 9. Non obli­gabis os bo u [...] triturā ­ti nūquid debobu [...] cura est Deo? nā propter nos vtique scriptum est. but this? You know M. Fe­kenham quoted not this place which you alleage, nor any other, but being a matter so knowen and cōfessed, left it vn­quoted. Therefore if S. Paule say so, either here, or other­where, M. Fekenhās saying standeth for true. What say you then to S. Paul, that saith, that which was writen in the old law, thou shalt not mussel the mouthe of the oxe that treadeth out the corne, to haue bene writen for vs: and therby proueth, that [...]he laye men should temporally relieue their spirituall pastours? Doth he not here take the old law for a very fi­gure [Page 462] of the new? Again doth not S. Paule say, that Agar ād the mount of Sina did represent the olde Lawe, Ad Ga­lath. 4. and Ismael the Iewishe Synogoge: as Sara and Hierusalem doe represente the ghospell, and Isaac the Churche of Christe? which is our mo­ther: as Saint Paule there saieth. Doth not S. Paule there bidde the Church of the Gentiles, that was before Christ barren and idolatrouse to reioyce, for that she should passe the Iewes and the Synagoge in all vertue, and in number of people? And doth not he further say, that as Ismaell persequuted Isaac: so should the false Iewes, the infidelles and heretikes persequute the true Churche of Christe? And who is this Ismael, yf ye be not? that doe not onelye persequute the Catholiques, but vilanouslye slaunder the whole Churches as Turkishe and idolatrouse, and as voyde and barren of al true relligion? Doth not the said S. Paule write also, that our Fathers were all vnderneath a clowde, and, that all passed the sea, 1. Cor. 10. Haec in fi­gura facta sunt nostri, & mox. Haec oīa cō tigerunt illis in fi­gura. and that all were baptized by Moyses in the clowde, and in the sea, and that thei all did eate one spirituall meate? Doth not he also playnelye saye, that these thinges chaunced to them in a figure? Here, here is the figure Maister Horn, not of the carnall sacrifices on­ly signifying the sacrifice of Christe: but of two of our greatest Sacramentes, yea and yf there be no moe in num­ber then ye and your fellowes saye, of all our sacraments. Here S. Paule saieth plainely, that those thinges that chaun­ced to the Israelites passing the read sea, and eating Man­na, were shadowes and figures for vs: that is, the read sea of our baptisme: the Manna and the water that flowed out of the Rocke, of our Manna: that is, of the bodye and bloudde of Christ that the Christians receaue in the bles­sed Eucharistia. As S. Ambrose, S. Augustine and the other [Page] fathers do moste fully and amply declare. Here might I by this figure inferre many things against your detestable do­ctrine and blasphemy blowen out againste our heauenly Manna, in the forsayd sacrament: but we will not goe from our matter. Many like places of S. Paule I do here omitte, which may iustifie M. Fekenhams sayinge, of the which it pleaseth yow to pycke out that one, that seemeth to yowe weakest, and yet it is as strong or stronger thē any other. For though S. Paule doth speake in that place, of the sacri­fice of Christ, that was shadowed by the carnal sacrifices of the Iewes, and goeth about to proue, that by the sacrifice of the Lawe synne was not taken away, but by the only sa­crifice of Christ:Ad. He. 10. Vmbrā enī habens lex futurorū bonorū, nō ipsam imaginem re­rum. Greg. Na­zianz. in [...]rat. De S. Pascha. Pascha le­gale figu­ra figurae erat. &c. 1. Cor 13. Adhuc in aenigmate Illic facie ad faciem. yet the reason that he layeth forth for the maintenaunce of his assertion, can not be restrayned to the carnal sacrifices only, but is a general rule to argue from the olde Testamente to the newe: that is, that the old Te­stamente was but a shadowe: the newe testament is the very expres image of the celesticall and heauenly thinges. And therfore Dionysius Areopagita, Gregory Nazianzene and others say, that the Church of Christ, stādeth as it were in the midle betwene the state of the sinagog of the Iewes, and the state that shal be in heauen: whervppon it will fol­low that as those thinges, that be done in the Church pre­sently, are a figure of those things that we shall see in hea­uen (as S. Paule calling our present state (in enigmate) tea­cheth) so those things that chaunced in the sinagog were a figure of those thīgs, that now are don in Christes Church. And as our present state, walking by fayth, is yet but in aeni­gmate, in a darke representation, but afterward we shall see the glory of God facie ad faciem, face to face, as S. Paule tea­cheth: so the state of the olde lawe was accordinge to the [Page 463] Apostle also, Paedagogia ad Christū, an Introductiō to Christ,In orat. de S. Pascha. [...]. and as Gregory Nazianzen calleth it, Vallum quoddam inter Deum & idola medium, a certayne trenche or walle set in­differently betwene God and Idols, so as we should passe from that to God, as from the sampler to the veritie, frō the figure to the thinge, and frō the shadowe to the body. And therfore among other things frequented in the Church, the ecclesiastical Hierarchia, or supreamacy, as it is a lyuely, and an expresse image of one God, in heauē, aboue so many and infinite nombers of holy spirits: so no doubt, it hath his sha­dowe in the olde testament. And what other was he that M. Fekenhā here speaketh of, but the high priest M. Horn? And was not he the supreme iudge of all matters ecclesia­stical? In al which causes lay there not an appeale, from all other priestes iudegments in doubtful cases, to him keping his residence in Hierusalem: euen as the course of all ap­peales, in suche matters runneth nowe from all partes to the pope, remayning in Rome? This is euident by the place that maister Fekenham citeth: where yt ys writen,Deut. 17. Qui autē superbierit nolens obedire sacer­dotis im­perio, ex decreto Iudicis mo­rietur ho­mo ille. that yf any man stubbornelye and proudely disobeyed the priestes com­maundement, that he shoulde by the commaundement of the Iudge be putte to death. The practise of this supreme iudge in causes Ecclesiasticall may be easely iustified, by many examples of the olde testament, namely by the doinges of the good kinge Iosaphat: who in the state of the lawe be­inge the figure, renewed those thinges infringed and broken then by the idolatrouse and hereticall Iewes, the true image whereof, so longe kepte and reuerenced amonge the Christians, is nowe broken by yowe and suche as yow are. This Iosaphat placed at Hierusalem the leuites and priests and the chiefe of the famylyes of Israell to heare suche causes 2. Par. 19. [Page] as shoulde be deuolued thither from all other quarters, tou­ching any question of the Lawe of God (concerning matters of beliefe) touching commaundements (pertayning to the pre­cepts moral) touching ceremonies, and touching iustifications, that is, iudicial precepts, geuen for the keping and obserua­tion of Iustice. In all theis the Leuites, and priests, and the chief of the familyes were the Iudges:Amarias aūt sacer­dos & pō ­tifex ve­ster in his quae ad Deū perti­nēt praefi­debit. Amarias the highe priest being chiefe ouer them al in theis and such other matters pertayning to God and to religion. Thus lo at length ye see the shadowe and figure Maister Horne, in the olde lawe mete together, not onely for the sacrifice of Christe, but for the highe and chiefe prieste also, that should be amonge the Christians aboue all other states spirituall or temporall in all the world [...]. Neither can ye nowe, either deny this plaine and euident figure, or deny, that there is any good sequele of argumente to be deriued from the figure of the olde Lawe, to the newe testament. And verely (to leaue all other things that may be thereto iustly sayed) you of all men can leste disallowe this kinde of collection and ar­guing, whiche to iustifie your newe Laical primacy haue vsed the sayed argument your selfe. Neither doe I buylde so muche vppon the figure, nor make so greate accompte of yt, as I doe of the drifte and force of very reason, that muste dryue vs to condescende to the order of the Church, and doth extorte our confession in this poynte.There is a greater necessity to haue one high prieste a­mong the Christiās thē the Ievves had. Whiche reason is, that God loueth his Churche, aswell as he did the Iewes Synagoge, and hath as louingly, as plentifully, and as effectually prouided for the good gouernement of the same, as he dyd for the synagoge. And therefore to pacifie Diuisions, schismes, and heresies, he hath pro­uided vs one spirituall Cowrte, to decide, and vtterly to [Page 464] determyn al controuersies, rising vppon matters of reli­gion, as he prouided for the Iewes. And so much the more, amonge Christians then among the Iewes, for that the Christians, beinge of so many and diuers nations, tongues, wyttes, manners, and fasshions, many cōtrouersies for fayth and religion, and of more weight and moment, will also arise and springe vppe, then euer rose amonge the Iewes beinge but one onely Nation. Especially the Apostle fore­tellinge vs, that heresies must arise.1. Cor. 11. And yf there be not one certayne iudg appoynted, to whome all nations must indifferently obeye, yt muste neades be, that Christen­dome shall contynewe in a continuall broyle and ruffle of sects and heresies. Which also haue in our tyme so terri­bly and hugely encreased, by nothinge more, then that we geue no eare to this one iudge: and that we do not, as our forefathers haue done, staye our selues, and depende vppon this the highest cowrte of all Christendome. Ye see nowe good reader both the figure, and the reason of the figure: what sayeth nowe M. Horne to it?M. Horne setteth forth his ovvn ar­gumēts as thoughe they vver M. Feken­hams. Full pretely I warrante yow: and that is, that Maister Fekenham doth not aptly conclude, that the bisshoppes in the tyme of the Ghospell owght to haue iurisdiction by the expresse woorde of God, to kepe cowrts, to call Councells, to make Lawes, to vi­site, and to reforme & caet. because the highe priest, and the tem­porall iudge, did determyne doubtfull cases, in the tyme of the olde testament: for the priest alone did not determyne all cau­ses, as M. Fekenham seameth to alleage the text. Here may yow playnelie see, that Maister Fekenham can not vse his owne armure, but such onely as Maister Horne wil graunt him. For neither M. Fekenham speaketh of the temporall iudge, nor his texte, be it Latin, Greke or Hebrewe. They [Page] all speake of a iudge, but nothing is there to signifie this woorde temporall. This woorde is shamefully infarsed by Maister Horne, to vpholde his temporall supremacye, by this place most greauously battered. The iudge and the high Priest is al one, as doth appere by the letter, and by the do­ing of Kinge Iosaphat, which was conformable to the cō ­maundement of Moyses, where as Amarias is appointed the chief for spiritual matters, as Zabadias was for those thinges that perteyned to the Kinges office. Which may be wel vnderstanded for the bodilie punishment of those that disobeyed the high priest, and to put them to death, yf the case required, according to the Lawe. And in that sense yt may be taken perchaunce for a temporal Iudge. This notwithstanding yt agreeth well enowghe, with the high priest to.1. Reg. 4. 1. Mach. 14 For that diuerse tymes aswell before there were any Kings as afterward, the high priest had the cheif regiment, both temporal and Ecclesiasticall: but though he had not euer the temporal, yet had he euer the Ecclesiasti­call supremacy: And therefore it is writen of the Prophete Malachie,Mala. 2. that the lipps of the priestes shall preserue knowledg, and they shall seke the lawe at his mowthe. And it is here wri­ten,Deute. 17. who so euer disobeyeth the priest, shal die. He saith not, who so euer diosobeyeth the temporal Iudge. For the high Priest is the Iudge:Cypr. lib. 1. epist. 3. Quibus honor tātus de Dei dignatione conceditur, vt quis­quis sacerdoti eius, & ad tempus hic iu­dicanti non obtēpe­raret, statim necare­tur. al one person, and not two. And so S. Cyprian with the other fathers taketh place. When I speake of the high priest, I exclude not o­ther of the clergy, with whome the Pope, in all graue and weighty causes vseth to consult, and of congruence ought so to do, and so it was in the old Law. Neither M. Fekenham, as ye charge him, saith so, but layeth forth the text as it is, saying, that he [Page 465] that disobeyeth the priest, shall die for it. Nowe the highe priest being this authorised, and Moses, Aaron, and Eleaza­rus being successiuely the highe priestes, it must nedes fol­low, that they had the chiefe superiority for matters eccle­siastical, neding no further authority, then that they had by the expresse woorde of God, for the executing of theire office, whether it were in geuinge sentence, and making decrees Ecclesiasticall, or in visiting and reforming the priests, and Leuites that were vnderneth them: which if ye can shewe they did not, nor coulde do, but by the ciuill magistrates authority, we shall then geue you some eare. But ye proue it not, nor euer shall be able to proue this pa­radoxe. And therfore we passe not, whether it be true or no, that in the .29. of Exodus, there is neuer a worde of iurisdiction. It is sufficiente, that Maister Fekenham proue Aaron to haue bene the highe prieste, as he was in dede, and so yt appeareth there. Where nowe ye would returne against M. Fekenham the .24. of Exodus, ye haue forgot­ten your selfe. For at that tyme Aaron was not yet made highe priest, but afterward he was so made, as appereth in the 3. chapter after: Videlicet cap. 28. Vide Exod. 24. &. 28. And therfore he might haue a commission to heare causes in Moses absence well inowgh: Moses being then both the prince, and the highe priest also, ād he, as is sayd, being yet no priest at al. For your answere to the .3. place by M. Fekenhā alleaged, we might passe it, sauing that by your cōming in with Vrim and Thu­nim you haue much holpen M. Fekenhā his argument, and cut your self with your Thunim quite ouer the thume. For though theis outward miraculouse signes, do not nowe ap­peare in our high priest, yet the thing that was signified by Vrim ād Thunim set in the brestplate of the high priest, that [Page] is, light and perfectiō, as some expoūd it, or as our cōmō trās­latiō hath, doctrin ād verity: remaine now in our high priest aswel as they did thē remaine in the high priest of the olde Testamēt, yea and much more. And therfore the true do­ctrine is to be fetched at the high priests or bisshops hands, in al doubts and perplexities of religiō, ād cōsequently all lawes, decrees, and ordinaūces, made for the obseruatiō of his sentēce and determinatiō, are to be obserued. To what purpose were it for priests to declare ād determin the truth, if they might not by some forcible Lawe cōpel men to the keping of the same, which is nowe chiefly practised in the Church by excōmunicatiōs, as appereth by general, and by other Coūcels? The like hereof the Iewes had in thrusting the disobediēt ād rebellious persons out of the Synagoge.Io. cap. 9. &. 12. Now to imagine such an vnprobable and an vnlikely para­doxe, that bishops hauing cōmissiō frō God to fede the peo­ple, to teache them, and instruct them, and hauing a charge of their soules, for the which they shall make to God an ac­compt, may not visite and reforme their flock by examina­tions, iudgements and trialles forinsecal, also by excommu­nication, depriuation, or such like ecclesiastical punishmēts, without a new commission from the Prince, and to bringe nor reason, nor authority, nor Scripture, nor Doctour, nor coūcel, nor exāple in Christes Church at any time practised for the cōfirmatiō of yt, but only a decree of laye men, con­trary to their own Pastours and bishops: it is such a kind of persuasiō, as wel may be forceable, to the hād ād the mouth, to extort frō thē an outward cōsent for feare of displeasure, but to the hart and cōsciēce of a Christē mā professing obe­diēce to Christ and his dere Spouse the Church ād perfour­ming the same, it shal neuer be able to perce vnto. As for the [Page 466] Sequele of M. Feckēhās argumēt, whereof you say, the most simple cā iudge, as though it were but a simple sequele, to in­fer vpō the Bishops authority in the old law, the Iurisdictiōs of the bishops in the new Testament, or vpon the example of Eleazar to inferre forinsecall, as you call it, iurisdiction in bishoppes, it appereth by that hath ben said, both that the deductiō frō the old law to the new is right good and such as your self most plētifully haue vsed in the first part of your book: yea so far, that you charge M. Fekn. (though vntruly) for a Donatist, for seeming to auoid such kind of prouf: and also it appereth that a vaine thing it were for bishops now (after the example of Eleazarus) to haue the directing, fee­ding, and ordering of Gods people, if thei had not withal power and authority to cal back such as goe a stray, to punish the offenders, to visit their cures, to refourme disorders, to make lawes for order to be kept &c. in vain I say, seing that the one without the other neither was at any tyme auay­lable, neither can by any reason possibly be auailable.

M. Fekenham. The .165. Diuision. pag. 110. a.

The seconde, in the newe Testament: like as our Sa­uiour Christe did committe and leaue the whole Spiri­tual gouernement, of his people and Churche vnto his A­postles, and to the Bisshoppes and Priestes, and the suc­cessours of thē. So they did practise al Spirituall gouern­ment ouer them, they did execute and geue iudgement in the Churche of Christe: they did refourme, order, and correcte all disorder therein, and that without all com­mission, ayde, or authority of any Temporall Magistrat, King, or Prince, for the space of three hundreth yeres in [Page] the primatiue Churche of Christe,Lib. 1. hist. Tripa c. 9. vnto the time of Con­stantine, he being the first Christian Kinge and Empe­rour, which did ioyne his sworde to the maintenaunce of Gods worde.

M. Horne.

Like as the Apostles had in commission povver from Christe our Sauiour, to vvhome al povver vvas geuen both in heauen and in earth: so faithfully they executed the auth [...]rity and charge committed vnto them, not seeking their ovvne honour by vsurpation, but the glory of Christ by the abasing them selues euen vnto the death. Their commission regestred by S. Mathevv appea­reth in these vvordes. Goe and teache al the nations, baptizing them in the name of the father, and of the sonne, and of the holy ghost, teaching them to kepe all things, which I haue commaunded you. Hovv faithfully they exercised this authority according to the commission, S. Luke shevveth in his Chronicle, called the Actes of the Apostles, and set­teth forth one notable example hereof in Paules oration, made to the Elders of Ephesus, called to Miletum. He taketh them to witnesse, that he kept nothing backe from them, that might be for their profit, but shewed them al the councel of God. It is much (592) The .592 vntruthe. No maruail at all. For all Gods Coun­cel that Paule she­wed, is not expres­sly mentioned in the Scripture. It is a most fond collection. maruail that Paul shevved al Gods councel vnto them and yet made no mention of any Fo­rinsecal, iurisdiction as geuen them by the commission of Gods vvorde. The godly Bisshops that succeded the Apostles for manye yeres after, follovved the doctrine and examples of the Apostles, yet (.593.) The 593. vntruthe The Apostles ex­ercised such iuris­diction vvith out any commission, but from God. neuer exercising iurisdictiō Forinsecal, neither iudging, reforming, ordering, or correcting, othervvise than bye preaching, publikely or priuately vvithout especial consent and commission of their Churches, during the time thei had no Christian Prince or Magistrate. Constātinus, as I haue said, vvas not the first Chri­stian King: But he vvas the very first Emperour, as your ovvne vvriters doe vvitnesse, that (.594.) The .594. vntruthe. The bishops exer­cised al kind of Iu­risdictiō ecclesiast. before Constantine vvas borne. gaue Bisshops authority to iudge and exercise iurisdiction ouer their Clergy, and that gaue to the Bisshop of Rome povver and (.595.) The .595. vntruthe. Constantin gaue to the Pope no suche Authority, but fur­dered the executiō thereof. authority ouer other Bis­shops, [Page 467] as iudges haue the King ouer them,Dist. 86. and that gaue to him povver and iurisdiction ouer al other Churches, if that Donation be not forged vvhich Gratian citeth. And Petrus Bertrandus a Bisshop, a Cardinal, and one of your best learned in the Canon and Ciuil lavves, in his treatise De origine iurisdictionum, affirmeth, that Theodosius and Carolus Magnꝰ, did (596) The .596. vntruthe. For this graūt tou­ched not the eccle­siastical ordinarye iurisdiction of Bis­shops. graunt vnto the Churche al iudgementes. For the proufe vvhereof, he auoucheth diuerse decrees, and (.597.) The .597. vntruthe. Bertrandus affirmeth the plain cō ­trary. addeth, That such grauntes were afterwards abrogated.

The .9. Chapter: Of Spirituall Iurisdiction exercised by bis­shops without Princes commissions, and be­fore Constantines time.

Stapleton.

MAister Fekenham bringeth now forth certain auto­rities of the new testament, for the iustifying of his purpose, as that Christ committed to his Apostles,Act. 20. and to their successours the whole spiritual gouernement, and that they did practise and exercise the same .300. yeres together without any maner of commission from Princes, euē to the tyme of Cōstantin the great. M. Horn thinketh it a sufficient answere with stoute asseueration voyde of al maner of probation, to auouche that they had a commissiō, he dareth not say now of their Princes (being al, or almoste al infidels) but of their Churches. Yea well and sone saide M. Horne: but yf ye would withall haue layde before your reader, but one authour old or new, good or badde (vnlesse perchaunce ye may bring some of your own fellowes) and but one example for these .300. yeres, we would the better haue born with you. Now ye tel vs the Apostles did preach and baptise, and other such extraordinary matters, leauing the thing vnproued, wherein lieth al the question betwene [Page] yow and M. Feckenham. Your assertion is altogeather in­credible,M. Horns asser [...]ion incredi­ble. and a very peeuishe fantasticall imagination, that no man of the clergy or Laiety these 300. yeres was excō ­municated, for any manner of offence, no priest was for­bydde to minister the Sacraments, or deposed for his de­faults, by his bishoppe, but by a speciall commission of the prince, or whole Churche. Ye may aswel pul downe the towre of London M. Horne with your litle finger, as ye shall be able to proue this fonde assertion. But yet before Cōstantinus the great his time, ye think your self cock sure. Let vs then see howe sure ye are, euen of this your onely example. Verely I suppose, that no man lyuinge, vnlesse he hath a brasen face, would for shame of the worlde thus de­meane him self,Vide const. Apostol. Clementis in Tom. 1. Cōcil vlt. editionis. in so graue and weighty matters, and linck so many Lies together, as lynes, as you doe in this your false narration that nowe followeth. Constantine, you say, was the very first emperor, that gaue bishops authority to iudge and exercise iurisdiction ouer theire clergy. What Emperour then, I beseche you, graunted to the Apostles authority, to make suche Lawes, and constitutions Ecclesiasticall as be nowe extante, which haue in them diuers paynes and pe­nalties, as excommunication, and depriuation against the trāsgressours?Eus. eccle. hist. li. 5. c. 23. lib. 7. cap. 26. & 28. lib. 6. cap. 43. Socra. lib. 2. cap. 43. Niceph. li. 4. cap. 22. By what Emperours or other lay mans war­rant, did the bishops kepe so many Councelles, as we fynd they kepte, before this Constantines tyme? Namely the .2. Synods kept against Paulus Samosatenus in Antioche, the Councel of Carthage in Afrike vnder S. Cyprian, the Coū ­cells of Gangra against Eustachius, of Ancyra againste the Manichees, of Neocesarea against the Archōtici, the Coū ­cels also vnder Victor the pope at Rome, vnder Narcissus at Hierusalē, vnder Palmas in Pontus, vnder Ireneus in Fraūce, [Page 468] vnder Bacchylus at Corinthe, vnder Fabianus also and Cor­nelius at Rome, and diuers other bishops in other Coūtres, all before the dayes of the first Coūcel of Nice vnder Cō ­stantin, al without any Cōmissiō frō Princes of this worlde, al groūded vpō their own supreme gouernmēt and Iurisdi­ctiō geuē vnto thē by th'expres word of God.Euse. li. 4. ca. 11. & li. 7. ca. 26. Chryso in orat cōtra gent. quòd vnus sit Deus. Euse. eccl. hist. li. 7. cap. 26. Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 28. Idē. & eo­dē lib cap. 25. What warrāt had they for the ecclesiasticall decrees by thē there ordey­ned? By what princes or lay mans cōmission, were Valenti­nus, Paulus Samosatenus, ād the whole rablemēt of forena­med heretiks cōdēned ād excōmunicated? By what cōmissiō did the blessed bisshop of Antiochia, ād martyr Babylas, for­bid thēperour, that he should not enter into the Church a­mōg the Christiās? If the bishops had nothing to do, but to preach and minister Sacramēts, and no iurisdictiō in hearīg of causes, before the time of this Constantine, what did the bishops of Alexandria with a solēne iudgmēt seate, appoin­ted withī the Church ther for the bishops of that sea? What warrāt had Pope Victor, for th'excōmunicating of the blasphemous heretike Theodotꝰ? Yea what authority had he to excōmunicat the bishops of Asia so far frō hī? What warrāt had Fabianus the pope, of whom we haue spokē to appoint thēperor as we haue sayd, to stād amōg the penitēts as a par­son excōmunicated? By what commissiō made the blessed Pope ād martyr Antherus certaine lawes ecclesiastical,Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 25. Vide decr. epist. An­theri. and among, other touching the translations of bishops?

But here M. Iewell will helpe yowe at a pinche like a trusty frende, and with a newe shi [...]te wil pleade vppon the state inficial, denying vtterly the old decretal epistles, and among other this: and will stand vppon no foggy or false ground, as he saieth M.D. Harding doth,Ievvel in his reply. pag. 223. but set his fast fo­ting vppon a sure and an infallible reason, against Antherus epistle making mention of the bishoppes Felix, and Eusebius [Page] that were not borne al the time Antherus lyued. But what if they were borne before him, where is all this your great holde then?Vide Sab. Aenead. 7. lib. 7. Yf I should alleage Sabellicus, though he be a very good Chronicler, and well allowed, or any other La­tin man, to make this epistle authenticall, perchaunce ye would cry out against him and say that he were partiall, ād a papist to. I wil therfore prouide you a Grecian, and a late Grecian to, whom ye shal haue no cause to refuse as suspe­cted,Niceph. li. 14. c. 39. and that is Nicephorus, by whom it may wel appeare that the Grecians toke this Decree for authentical. In him also, shal ye find expresse mention of the sayd Eusebius and Felix. Ye shall also there find a notable place of the autho­rity of the sea of Rome that ye impugne, that such transla­tions must be authorised by the popes assent and confirma­tion. Seing then Nicephorus is no papist, why ye call him one of our owne writers I knowe not, being no Latin mā, but a Grecian, and infected also with theire schisme: and yet not withstanding in all other things catholyke, and full against your newe heresies. And for that respect I am con­tent to take him for one of our writers. And now woulde I see, what vantage ye can take at his hande, for the prouf of your fowle false paradoxe. Yf ye will proue any thinge for the relief of your paradoxe, ye must proue, that no Chri­stian bisshops vnder the Roman empyre, had authority to iudge or exercise any iurisdictiō ouer theyr clergy, but such as they had by commissiō and graunt from Cōstantinus. Let vs then heare Nicephorus him self, that euery mā may see, that ye can not possible stretche him without bursting, to ioyne with that, which you ought to conclude. Qua verò imperator Constantinus obseruantia erga professionem fidei no­strae fuerit, Niceph li. 7. cap. 46. abundè illud quoque testatur, quòd clericos omnes [Page 469] constitutione lata immunes liberos (que) esse permisit: iudicium (que) & iurisdictionem in eos Episcopis si quidem ciuilium iudicum cog­nitionē declinare vellēt, mādauit: & quod episcopi iudicassent, id robur & authoritatem sententiae omnino habere debere de­creuit. Firma quoque & immutabilia esse voluit, quae in synodis constituta essent, & quae ab episcopis iudicata forent, vt ea â magistratibus rempublicam administrantibus, militarique quae sub eis essent manu exequutioni mandarentur, at (que) ad rem col­lata perficerentur constituit. This thing also (saieth Nicepho­rus) doth abundantly testifie,VVhat maner of iurisdicti­on cōstantin gaue to the Bishopes. what honour and reuerence he did beare toward our faith, that he ordeyned by a lawe of his making, that all, that were of the Clergie shoulde be free and exempted frō paying tribute: and that in case they would refuse the iudgement of the temporall magistrates, that the Bishops should haue the iurisdictiō vpon them, and geue sentence in the cause. And that the sayed episcopall iudgement should haue ful strength and authority. He or­deined also, that those thinges that were decreed in a sy­node of Bishopes, should stande stronge and immutable, and that the bishoply iudgement, should be put in execution by his ciuil magistrates, with the helpe of suche souldiers, as they had vnderneath them. Stretche this nowe M. Horne, to your conclusion, if ye can without bursting.

We haue here a Lawe of Constantine, that those that be of the Clergie, may choose whether they wil answere for any matter, what so euer it be before a laie man. They may if they wil cause the matter to be deuolued to the Bisshop: but here is neuer a word of Ecclesiastical matters. In such Constātine geueth the bishops no iurisdiction, for they had it before. Neither is there here any one woorde, that the Bishoppes should neither summon Councelles, nor make [Page] ecclesiastical Lawes without the Princes consent. Here is a plaine ordinaunce that the lay Magistrates shal see, that the Synodical Decrees shall be put in execution. Wherby contrary to the conclusion that ye mainteine through out this your answere, it well appeareth, that the Princes part is onely to see, that the Ecclesiasticall decrees made by the Bishops be kept and put in vre, and not to haue any neces­sarie consente, in the allowing, or disallowing of them.

Which appeareth also most euidently in Eusebius writing of this Constantine in this sort:Euseb. li. 4 cap. 27. De vita Constant. Quae ab Episcopis in publicis conuentibus editae erant regulae, sua consignabat & confirma­bat authoritate: He signed and confirmed with his Autho­ritie, suche Canons or rules, as the Bisshoppes in their as­semblies had decreed. But how? As though without his royall assente, the Canons shoulde haue beene voide, and of no Authoritie, as you woulde make folke beleue? No, but (as the same Eusebius writeth in the same place) Ne re­liquarum gentiū principibus liceret, quae ab eis decreta essent, abrogate: to the intent that it should not be lawful for Prin­ces of other Nations, to abrogate or refuse the Bishops De­crees. And the reason he addeth immediatly: Cuiusuis enim Iudicis sententiae Sacerdotū Dei Iudiciū anteponendū esse. For the Emperour estemed that the iudgemēt and determina­tion of the Priests of God, was to be preferred before the Sentence of any other what so euer Iudge.VVhat kinde of iurisdicti­on Theo­dosius ā [...] Carolus Magnus gaue the Bisshops. This man there­fore M. Horn (to tel you it ones again) can be no fitte exā ­ple of the like gouernment now by you mainteined in the Quenes highnes person, and al other the inheritours of the Realme of England.

Now as Constantine did set the Clergie at their liberty, whether they would answere in any secular court: So the [Page 470] noble Emperour Theodosius set as wel al the Lai­tie as the Clergie, at the like libertie, and ordeined,Vide. c. quicūque etc. volumus. 11. q. Quicūque litem ha­bens siue petitor fue­rit (aliàs siue reus) vel d [...] cursis tempo­rum curriculis, siue cum negotium pero­ratur, siue cum iam coeperit promi sentē tia: si iudiciū elege­rit sacrosanctae sedis a [...]tistitis, ilico sine aliqua dubitatione, etiam si pars alia refragatur, ad epis­coporum iudicium, cum sermone liti­gantium dirigatur. Petrus Bertrandus in libello de iurisdi­ctione ecclesiasticae. Sed dices quòd ista lex est abrogata vt videtur tangere glo­sa ibidem, sed hoc non valet, quia li­cet ista lex non fue­rit in corpore iuris redacta, tamen pro­pter hoc nō est abro­gata. imò. &c cōsider hovv hād­somly M, Horn al­leageth Bertrādus. Vide. Horne. fol. 82. that the plaintife in any cause, any time before the sentence, might breake of, from his ordinary Iudge, and bring the matter whether the defendāt would or no, to the Episcopal audience. The which ordi­naunce, the Great Charles aboute .400. yeares after renewed to be inuiolably obserued of all his subie­ctes, as wel the Romaines and the Frenchemen, as the Almanes, the Bauarians, the Saxons, the Turin­giās, the Frisons, the Galles, the Britanes, the Lom­bards, the Gascons, the Beneuentanes, the Gothes, and the Spaniards.

As ye do with Constantinus Magnus, so doe ye with Theodosius Magnus, and with Carolus Mag­nus constitutions: bringing them forth out of your blind Cacus denne, to dasel and bleare the Readers withal: as though the Bishops helde their ordinarie iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall, by these decrees onely, which do nothing thervnto appertaine, but shew a marueilouse priuilege geuen to them to heare and determine also all tēporall matters brought before thē. And if these graunts wer afterward abrogated, yet was that no abrogatiō to the iurisdictiō, that is proprely the ecclesiastical iurisdictiō: and your au­thor doth not say, that such graūts were afterwards abrogated, but doth reason against them that saide they were abrogated. Neither is his booke entitu­led De origine iurisdictionū, but de iurisdictione Ec­clesiastica. And was this Petrus Bertrandus then as you say, a Bisshop, a Cardinal and one of our best lear­ned men in the Canon and Ciuil Lawes?

[Page]Suerly then may your Petrus Cugne [...]ius, thoughe ye a­uāce him as a worthy knight, go hide his head in a corner. For againste him and his folishe fonde arguing againste the ecclesiastical liberty is all his booke writen, as I haue be­fore declared.Consider how hā ­somly M. Horne alleageth Bertran­dus.

Wherfore all this your tale that the bishops held their iurisdiction ouer theire clergy by Constantine his ghifte, is as true, as your other adiuncte: that he gaue the Bishops of Rome power and authority ouer other Bishoppes and ouer al churches. He might well as he did in dede, reuerently agnise,Vide Horn Fol. 82. and by his Imperial authoritie confirme and corro­borate the vsual authoritie of the Popes holines: but that the original of this authority, as ye imagine, came frō him, ys a great vntruth.The Po­pes au­thoritie that M. Horne denieth, confessed by infi­delles. For euen before his time, and after, not onely the Christians, but the verie infidelles, suche as were acquainted with the maners and fashions of the Christians did wel knowe, that the Bishop of Rome was counted the cheif bishop amonge them al. And for this cause Ammia­nus Marcellinꝰ an heathnish cronicler writeth, that though Athanasius the good bishop were by a councell of Arrian bishoppes condemned,Ammian. Marc. re­rū Rom. lib. 15. Euseb. lib. 7. c. 26. yet that notwithstanding, Constā ­tius sonne to this Constantinus, and an Arrian, and his plain open enemie, was ernestlie in hande with Pope Liberius also to confirme their sentence, and was by him banished, because he would not condescende to thēperours request. Againe before the time of this Constantinus, Paulus Samo­satenus bishop of Antiochia being depriued by a councell of bishoppes, and an other appointed by the sayde councel in his stede, kepte stil possession, nothing regarding either the sentence of depriuation or of excommunication. The Emperour Aurelianus being certified of this matter gaue [Page 471] commaundement, that he whome so euer the bishoppe of Rome, with the bishops of Italie should acknowledge for the bishop of Antiochia, should be taken and accepted for the true bishop. And so was Paulus by this Emperours cō ­maundement, though he were a very infidell, thruste out,Vide libel­lū eius ad­iunctū e­pistolis Leonis 1. impress. Col. in fo. cap. 13. and an other set in. What proufe haue ye now, M. Horne, that the Pope hath his authoritie from Constantine? Sure­ly Gentle Reader, none other but the Donation of Con­stantine, whiche he him selfe doth not beleeue to be true: and therefore dothe qualifie it with these woordes, if it be not forged.

Whiche being so, why doeth your wisedome then,Augustin. Stenchus Eugubin. M. Horne alleage it? Neither wil I here, though Leo the 9. doth constantly testifie, that he sawe and had him selfe the originall of this donation laide by Constātinus owne hand vpon the bodie of S. Peter, though Eugubinus answereth to all Laurence Valla his obiections againste this donation: yea though Balsamon a Grecian,In Nomocanō, Ph [...] ­tij. titulo. 8. Distinct. 96. c. Constantinus. Quoniam vbi prin­cipatus Sacerdotum & Christianae reli­gionis caput ab im­peratore coelesti con­stitutum est, iustum non est, vt illic im­perator terrenus ha­beat potestatem. and an open ennemie to the Pope, alleageth this Donati­on as authentical: I wil not yet, I say, resolue any thing for the one, or the other side: I will take it as I find it, and take you withall, as I find you, and that is a plaine open lyar. For howsoeuer the Do­nation be, the Pope toke not his Supremacy of this Donation, but had it before, of an higher Empe­rour, and that is, of Christe him selfe. Whiche the foresaid donatiō doth also openly testify, but not in the .86. as ye falsly quote it, but in the .96. distinctiō.

M. Fekenham. The .166. Diuision. Pag. 111. a.

At the first Councel holden at Hierusalem, for the re­formation of the controuersy that was than at Antioche, [Page] touching Circumcision, and the obseruation of Moses Lawe, decree was made there by the Apostles and Prie­stes, vnto the beleuers at Antioche, that they should ab­steine from these fowre chiefe and necessary thinges, viz. ab immolatis simulachrorum, Act. 15. à sanguine & suffocato, à for­nicatione, à quib. custodiētes vos, bene agetis. The whiche first councell was there assembled by the Apostles of Christ. The Decrees and Lawes, were made there by thē: The cōtrouersy at Antioche, was by them reformed, or­dered, and corrected without all commission of any tem­poral Magistrate, King, or Prince.

M. Horne.

God be thanked, that S. Luke maketh to vs a sufficient report of this councell, vvho maketh no mention of any (.598.) The .598. vntruth. For the Apostles and the Elders, named of S. Luke vvere priestes. Priest there present, as you vntruely report, onles ye vvill thinke he meant the order of Priestes, vvhan he named the faction of the Pharisees. VVhether the Apostles called this coū ­cel or not: or that the Congregation being assembled together in their ordi­nary sort, for praier, preaching, and breaking of bread, Paulus and Barna­bas, vvith the others, sent to Hierusalem, did declare the cause of their message before the vvhole Churche, vvhich is more likely, I vvil not deter­mine, bicause S. Luke maketh no mention thereof. But if it be true, that ye affirme, that the Apostles called or assembled this Councel, then vvas it not the authoritie or Acte of one Apostle alone. Besides this, if the Apostles cal­led this councel, they called the Laytie so vvel as the Clergy to the councell: yea, as may seeme probable, mo of the Laytie than of the Clergy. The decrees vvere not made by the Apostles (.599.) The .599. vntruth. M. Feckē ­hā saied not of the Apostles alone, but by the Apostles and prie­stes, which is true. alone, as you falsely feyne. For S. Luke saieth, the decree vvas made by the Apostles, Elders, and the (.600.) The .600. vntruth. S. Luke saieth no such thīg of the vvhole congre­gation. vvhole Congregation. The Apostles, I graunt, as vvas moste cōuenient vvith the Elders had the debating, arguing and discussing of the questiō in cōtro­uersie. They declared out of the holy Scriptures, vvhat vvas the truthe: And I doubt not but they declared to the Church, vvhat they thought most con­uenient [Page 472] to be determined: But the determination and decree, vvas by the common consent, both of the Apostles, Elders, and (.601.) The .601. vntruthe. The people had not to doe vvith deter­mination of it. people. Therfore this controuersy vvas reformed, ordered, and cor­rected, not by the authority of the Apostles alone, vvithout the Elders, neither they togeather did it vvithout the assent of the Churche, and so this allegation maketh no (.602.) The .602. vntruthe. For it proueth, Iu­risdiction in the clergy, and povver to make ecclesia­stical lawes, vvith­out con­mission from the Prince. Act. 15. Concer­ning the decree of the Apo­stles made at Hieru­salem. deale for your purpose, but rather cleane against it.

Stapleton.

There followeth now an other reason out of the newe testamente, browght forth by M. Fekenham. The effecte wherof is, that the Apostles and other priestes, both assem­bled in councel, and reformed wrong opinions among the Christians, setting abrode theire decrees without any con­mission of any ciuill magistrate: which is quite contrary to the absurde opinion mainteined by M. Horne: who is faine therefore to wince hither ād thither, and wotteth not well where to rest him self for a resolute answere. First he quar­relleth with the worde, Priestes, and to no purpose:Concer­ning this vvorde prieste. the ar­gumente remaining sownde and whole, be they to be cal­led Priestes, or be they to be called Elders. For though be­fore the worde, Ministers, did like M. Horne well, yet the worde Elders liketh him here better. Priestes he is assured there were none among the Apostles, in this councel, vn­lesse they were the Pharisees. And so with his pleasante pharisaicall myrthe, he maketh the Apostles them selues Pharisees. For Priestes it is certain they were,Prebstre. Prete. Priester. Priest. as I haue de­clared before. Nowe for the worde [...], (which word the Latin and our tonge, and almost al other tongues in Europa, namelie the Frenche, the Italian, the Spay­nishe, the highe and lowe Dutche, yea and all other as [Page] farre as I can yet learne, doe expresse by a like worde de­riued from the Greke) though yt signifie an elder in age, by the proper significatiō of the Greke word, yet in scrip­ture it signifieth that office and dignitie in a man that we cal Priesthod: that is, such an Elder as is a Priest withall. And yet not alwaies to be so called for his age, as appereth by Timothee who was but yong. Truth it is, that this word in Greke [...], sometime signifieth the inferior in dignitie, and him that is vnder the Bishoppe, and sometime the Bishop. As sometime this woorde Apostolus, signifieth none of the .xij. Apostles, but a Bishop: and so is the one and the other confounded in Scripture.

Whereof Theodoretus is an vndoubted witnesse. For thus he writeth:Theodoret. in commē ­tar. in epi. 1. Tim. 3. & Phil. 2. Eosdem olim vocabant presbyteros & Epis­copos, eos autem qui nunc vocantur Episcopi, nominabant Apo­stolos. Procedente autem tempore nomen quidem Apostolorum reliquerunt ijs qui verè erant Apostoli: Episcopatus autē appel­lationem imposuerunt ijs, qui olim appellabantur Apostoli. Ita Philippensium Apostolus erat Epaphroditus, Ita Cretensiū Ti­tus, Asianorum Timotheus. Hom. 36. in 1. cor. 4. In the old time (he meaneth the Primitiue Church, as with the like terme Chrysostō doth) men called Priests and Bishops all one. But those whiche are now called Bishops, they called Apostles. Afterward in processe of time, they lefte the names of Apostles, to those which were in dede Apostles. And bishops they cal­led those, whiche in olde time were called Apostles. So Epaphroditus was the Apostle of the Philippenses, so Titus of the people of Creta, and Timothe of the Asians. Thus then, those which were in dede Bishops, being in the Apo­stles time called Priestes, verely in this place also of the Actes, by these wordes Priests, may very wel be taken not [Page 473] only simple Priests, but euen those that were Bishops too. And then hath M. Horne lost al the grace of his Pharisaical iesting. But now is the man in a great muse with him selfe, whether he may graunt to M. Fekenham, that this Coun­cell was called by the Apostles: though of his modestie (which is here to be wondered at, it sheweth it selfe so sel­dome) he wil not determine the matter. And then doth he ful sadlie imagine, as a thing moste likely, that the Apo­stles Paulus and Barnabas came to Hierusalem iump at that time, that the Apostles and the congregation were assem­bled already together to common prayer. And by as good likelyhood they made poste haste to present them ere the congregation brake vppe, least they should haue lost their iourny for lacke of authority in the Apostles to cal a Coū ­cel: or tarrie at least vntill the next time, that they assem­bled for praier. And whie, I pray you, might they not as wel call a Councel, as assemble together for other causes? And whie do you so fondly ground your likelinesse vppon that, which hathe no likelihood? And why doe ye thus wrangle, seing S. Luke him selfe sheweth plainly the cause of their meeting?Act. 15. Conuenerunt (que) Apostoli & seniores vide­re de verbo hoc. The Apostles and the Priests assembled to­gether to consider of this matter. Then haue we an other snarling, that this was not the acte of one Apostle alone. Neither dothe the Pope alone (for that belike is the matter ye so closely shote at) make any decree, but either by a coū ­cel, or with the aduise of his Cardinales and others. Which in all weighty matters no doubt he dothe, though he after al, as the head, geue the Sentence. At length yet M. Horn taking a better hart vnto him selfe, goeth roundlye to the matter, and resolueth vs, that this Decree was made not by [Page] the Apostles only, and the priestes, but by the whole Con­gregatiō ther present, as S. Luke saieth. Then is there good cause to beleue him, M. Horne. I heare you say, that Saint Luke saith, the decree was made by the Apostles, Elders, and the whole Congregation. But as yet I heare not S. Luke say so,Act. 15. nor euer shal hear him so saie. S. Luke saith, first, that the Apostles and Priests gathered them selues togeather to consult vpon the matter. He saith, that S. Peter spake first his mind, and S. Iames being Bishop there▪ Ibidē. 14. confirmed his sayings. S. Luke also calleth these decrees, the decrees of the Apo­stles and Priests, speaking no worde of the whole congre­gation. And when the contention for keping Moses Law waxed hotte at Antiochia, the Churche there sent Paulus and Barnabas and others to Hierusalē, but not to the whole congregation,Ibidem. 2. but to the Apostles and Priests. Truth it is, that it appeareth also in S. Luke, that by cōmon consent of the Apostles of the Priests, and of the whole congregatiō, Iudas and Barsabas were elected to accompanie S. Paul and Barnabas in their iourny to Antiochia, ād to present to the Christians there▪ the Decrees of the Councel: but that the decree was made by the whole cōgregation, that doth not appeare: but only that they did, as meete it was, reuerently consent, imbrace, and receiue it: as the Catholike Princes and al their people that be Catholik, do allow, imbrace, and reuerēce the late Synod holden at Trent, where were pre­sent the Ambassadours of al the said Catholike Princes, and yet had they there no absolute voice or consent, touching the definition of the questions there debated and determi­ned. Nay, not the laie men onely, but the very Priests them selues, haue no necessary cōsent, which standeth in the Bi­shops only, as the whole practise of the church sheweth frō [Page 474] the Apostles time.To .1. Cōc. Act. 1. pa. 745. vel postr. edit. tom. 3. pag. 19. Act. 1. pa. 775. & pag. 47. Tom. 2. edit. postr. Therfore in the fourth General Coūcell of Chalcedō the Bishops cryed. Synodus Episcoporum est, non clericorum. A Synod or Councel consisteth of Bishops, not of the (inferiour) clergy. And againe in the same Councel: Petrus a priest protested no lesse, saying: Non est meum sub­scribere, Episcoporum tantùm est. It is not my parte to sub­scribe, it belōgeth only to Bishops. Thus subscriptiō, (wher­in necessary consent is expressed) is confessed to pertayne to bishops only, not to Priests. And therfore yt is very like­ly, that theis that you call Elders, were not single priestes, but bishops also. Wherein as I will not cōtende, so though yt were true, that the whole cōgregatiō gaue their voice, yet the supremacy in the sayed and other matters remay­ned not in them, but in the Apostles▪ as may wel appere by this very place, to him that wil but reade and consider the text of S. Luke.

M. Fekenham. The .167. Diuision. pag. 111. b.

The Apostles also hearing at Hierusalem,Act. 8. that Sa­maria had receiued the woord of God, they did sende Pe­ter and Iohn, to visite thē to confirme them in faithe, and that they might receiue the holy Ghost by the imposition of their handes. Paule and Barnabas did agree betwixt them selues, to visite al those Cities and bretheren, which they had cōuerted to the faithe.Act. 15. The woordes of the Scri­pture are these: Dixit ad Barnabam Paulus, reuertentens, vi­sitemus fratres per vniuersas Ciuitates, in quibus praedica­uimus verbum Domini, quomodo se habeant. In the which visitation, the Apostle Paule: Electo Sila per­ambulabat Syriam & Ciliciam, confirmans Ecclesias, prae­cipiens custodire praecepta Apostolorum & Seniorum. [Page] By the whiche wordes it right well appeareth, howe the Apostles and Priestes at Hierusalem, ouer and besides the Ghospell whiche they taught, they did make certaine Decrees, Lawes, and ordinaunces, the whiche the Apo­stle Paule in his visitation,1. Cor. 11. gaue commaundement to the Syrians, and Siliciās, to obserue and keepe. What Lawes and orders did the Apostle make and appoint vnto the Corinthians, that men should neither pray nor preache in the Churche with their heades couered? What reforma­tion and order did he make and appoint vnto them, for the more honourable receiuing of the Sacrament, and that partly by writing, and partly by woorde of mouthe, saying: Caetera, cùm venero, disponam, and in his seconde Epistle to the Thessalonians, he saith, Fratres state, & te­nete traditiones quas didicistis, siue per sermonem, siue per Epistolam nostram. 1. Cor. 13. What orders and Decrees did the Apostle Paule make, touching praiyng and preaching vnto the people in tongues vnknowen, and that all wo­men shoulde keepe silence in the Churche and Congre­gation? These and many suche other like Lawes, or­ders, and Decrees, were made for the reformation of the people in the Churche of Christ, by Christes Apo­stles, by Bishops and priestes, as the successours of them, and that without all commission of any Temporal Magistrate, Emperour, King, or Prince, Constātinus being the first Christian Emperour, like as I haue saide.

M. Horne.

Your vvhole drifte in this parte is, to proue that Bishoppes and Priestes may visite, geue the holy Ghoste, by the imposition of their handes: and make lavves orders, and decrees to their flockes and cures. Your proufe consisteth in the example of the Apostles, and this is your argument: The Apostles visited, gaue the holy Ghost, and made Lavves, orders, and decrees, vnto their flockes and cures, Ergo, Bishoppes and Priestes, haue authoritie and may make Lavves, visit and geue the holy Ghost to their flockes and cu­res. The insufficiency of this consequent, doth easely appeare, to those that doo consider the state and condicion of the Apostleship, and compare ther­vvith the office of a Bishop or Priest. The Apostles did, might, and could doo, many thinges that Bishoppes and Priestes, neither may, nor can do. The matter is more plaine than that needeth any proufe. But as the sequele faileth in forme, so let vs consider the matter, vvhervpon ye grounde the se­quele, that your frindes may see vvhat foule shiftes ye are driuen to make, for the maintenaūce of an vniust claime. That the Apostles did visite their cures and flockes, you proue by tvvo places of the Actes: in the first place, ye (.603.)The .603. vntruth. For the scriptures report so much in effect. feine the Scriptures to say, that it saieth not: for in the eight of the Actes, there is no menciō made of any visitatiō: the other place speaketh only of a (.604.)The .604. vntruth. The actes speake of no such visitatiō. Scripturely visitatiō, and nothing at al of your Forinsecall or Canon Lavve visitation. The Canon Lavves visitation, is to be exercised by a great number of such persons, as the Scripture (.605.)The .605. vntruth, as it shall appeare. knovveth not. And the matter vvherabout that visitation is occupied for the moste parte, is directlye (.606.)The .606. vntruth, slaunde­rous boldly auou­ched, but no vvay proued. againste the Scriptures. The personnes that may lavvfullye visite in youre Canon Lavve visitation, are Popes, Le­gates from the side: Legates sent and borne, Legates and messengers of the Apostolik sea, Patriarches, Archebishoppes, Bishoppes, Archdeacons, Deanes, Archepriestes, Abbottes, and other inferiour personnes hauing iurisdiction. All Arche­bishoppes whiche are Legates borne, haue authority to visit their prouinces by double right, to wit, by right Legatine, and by right Metropolitane, ād so they may visit twyse in the yere. All these visitours muste beginne their visitation with a so­lemne Masse of the holy ghost. The Bishoppe and euery ordi­nary visitour, must beginne his visitation at his Cathedrall [Page] Churche and Chapter. He must come into the Church where he visiteth, and first kneele downe and pray deuoutly, chieflie directing his eies and mind to the place wherein the honou­rable sacramēt of Christes Body is hiddē and kepte. The matters of the Canō Lavve visitatiō are in parte these. The visitour ought to view diligētly, whether the place wher the Sacramēt is kept, be cleane, wel garnished and close, for the Eucharist, and the holy Chrysme ought to be kept shut vnder locke and key. He must see, that there be great lightes of waxe to geue light in that place, Thē must he visit the place of the holy reliquies, ād of Baptisme. And search diligētly what māner of place it is, ād whēther it be kepte shut. Besides this he muste visit the Aul­tars and litle Chappelles, and must with his eies viewe the whole Church whether it be cleāly and cleane. Thē he must visit the vesselles and Churche vestymentes, whether they be cleane, and kepte in a cleane place, as they ought to be, and whether the vestimētes be ouermuche worne and brokē, and in case the visitour shal finde suche vestimētes vncleane, rēte, and cōsumed with occupying, he muste burne thē in the fire, and cause the ashes to be buried in some place, whereby ther is no passage. But in any wise let him not suffer (saith Socius) pur­ses or such like thinges to worldly vse to be made of the co­pes or tunicles. Last of al, let him suruey the houses and pos­sessions belonging to the Churche. The Bishop dooth visit also, to bisshop enfantes, and to cōsecrate or hallow Churches. The visitour also shall enquire and examine, whether any mā knowe or beleeue, or that the fame is, that the Sexten, the Treasurer, or the Vesture keeper, hath well and saufly kepte, the vessels, vestimentes, and other thinges or ornamentes of the Churche, as Masse bookes, Grayles, Antiphoners, Le­gendes, and other thinges appointed to diuine Seruice, and whether any thing moueable, or vnmoueable, be diminished, and by whome, wherefore, whan, and after what sorte, whe­ther they be diligently present at the Dirigees for the dead. And whether the vesture keeper or Sexten, keepe warelie and [Page 476] cleanly the Churche, the Eucharist, the Reliques, the Fount, the Churchyardes, and suche other things. And he shal exa­mine the Priestes in the countrie in saying of their Masses.

But lette euerye Visitour vnderstande (saith mine Authour) that same the greatest question or controuersie which was betwixt three rurall Personnes or Priestes: vvherof tvvo of them stroue about the vvoordes of Consecration, the one affirming, that the vvordes are to be pronounced thus: Hoc est corpus meus: the other, Hoc est corpus (I thinke he should haue said corpum) me­um. These tvvo chose a thirde Prieste, vvho vvas taken to be better learned, to be arbitour, and to decide this high question: vvhose ansvvere vvas, that he him selfe stoode euer doubtfull in this question: and therfore in steede of these vvordes of con­secration, did alvvaies vse to saye one Pater noster. Further­more the Visitour must enquire, vvhether the laity make their confession once in the yeare, and receiue the Euchariste at Easter. And vvhether they be slovve, or denie to paie their tythes and fruites. The Archebisshoppe must in visiting any of his Suffraganes, exactly enquire and examine the Canons and Clerkes of the Cathedrall Churche, vvhether they knovv, beleue, or that the fame is, that the Bisshop hath couered or borne vvith some mens faultes for money, or other temporall commoditie. Can you finde in the Scriptures any one of these Visitours, or anie one of these vveightie matters enquired of, by Peter, Iohn, Paule, Sylas, Barnabas, or by any of the Apostles in their Visitations, vvhich vvere Scripturely visitations? No surely, it is not possible: For these Idolatrous (.607.)The .607. Vntruth. slāderous as before. vanities, are manifestlie repugnaunt to the Holie Scriptures.

Amongest all the rable of these Canon Lavve visitours, ye can not finde in the Scriptures, not so muche as the bare Title of (.608.)The .608. Vntruth. The titles of diuerse of thē are to be foūd there. one of them, one­lesse it be of a Bisshoppe: vvhiche name applied to the man, as the Scrip­tures describeth the man, that is called to that office, can no (.609.)The .609. Vntruth. The Bis­shops of the Canō lavve, are such as the Scri­pture de­scribeth. Lib. 50. Tit. 4. De muner. & honor. more agree vvith a Cannon Lavve Bisshoppe, then vvith the Ciuill Lavve Bis­shoppe, vvhose office vvas, as it is sette foorthe in the Digestes, to haue the rule and ouersighte of all maner of victualles in the Citties, as it vvere the chiefe Clerke of the markets. As the matter of the Apostles visitations [Page] standeth directly (.610.)The .610. Vntruth. Euer repeted, but neuer proued. against the greatest parte of the matter vvhereabout your Popish or Canon Lavve visitation is exerci­sed: Euen so the holy Scripture that you auouche, for the geuing of the holie Ghoste, maketh (.611.)The .611 Vntruthe. For it proueth an ordinarie power in bisshops aboute the Sacrament of confirmation, vvhich they exer­cised vvithout any commission from the Prince. nothing at all to proue your purpose. For Saint Luke in that place speaketh (.612.)The 612. Vntruthe. For he speaketh bothe of the ordi­narie vse of that Sacrament, and of the extraordinarie gift of Miracles, not of an ordinarie povver, that shoulde remaine in the ministers of the Churche for euer, but of a speciall gifte to vvorke miracles, and to geue that povver to others, vvhiche shoulde continue but for the time vvhiles Christes Churche vvas to be erected, and the vvoord to be sounded through the vvorlde: And therefore Chry­sostome saieth: That this gift pertained onely to the Apostles. For (saieth he) the Conuertes in Samaria had receiued before Peter and Iohn came, the spirit of Remission of Sinnes: But the spirite of Myracles, that is, the gift of tongues, healing, propheci­ing, and suche like, vvhich are the giftes of the holie Ghoste, and therefore are called the Holie Ghoste, they had not as yet recei­ued. There vvere many that by the povver of Goddes Spirite coulde vvorke miracles, but to geaue this povver to others, none coulde doe but the Apostles. For that vvas propre and onelye in them. Marke novve the sequele of your allegation for proufe of your purpose: Thus (.613.)The 613. Vntruthe. For M. Fekenham argueth not so. It is your ovvne Ar­gument. you argue: the Apostles gaue by the imposition of their handes, to the Samaritanes, the giftes of Healing, Prophecying, of Tongues, &c. Therefore euerye Bis­shop and Priest hath povver to geue the same gifts to their flocks and cures. There vvas neuer none so blind or so ignorantly brought vp in your cures, belonging to the Abbey of VVestminster, but that did vvel perceiue, that neither your Bisshops, Abbottes, or Priests, had or could doe any such feate. They like Apes, imitated the outvvarde signe or ceremonie, but the invvard grace they vvanted.

Stapleton.

In this parte M. Fekenham prosequuteth his proufe out of the newe Testamente, alleaging for his purpose manye places thereof. As of Peter and Iohn that went into Samaria [Page 477] to visite the Christians there, to confirme them in fayth, and to geue them the holy Ghoste by the imposition of their hands. Of Paulus and Barnabas that visited many contries, commaun­ding the Christians there to kepe the commaundements of the Apostles and priests: with certaine orders and lawes made by S. Paule. But al this M. Horn thinketh may be wiped a­way with one general answer of an insufficiēt consequēcy: for that the Apostles did and could do many things that bi­shops and priests neither may, nor can doe nowe: I wil not striue with you M. Horne what the Apostles did in other thinges, but yf they practised any iurisdiction in makinge of Lawes, in visiting,Vide fol. 105. col. [...]. in princip. & fol. 110. col. 2. in fine. in reforming without the cōmissiō of any Laicall authority: then is M. Fekenhās argument good and sufficient. Thē haue we the practise of the Apostles and pri­matiue Church against this your newe Paradoxe. Thē hath M. Fekēhā wrapped you vp also ād meshed you in a fowle contradiction, as one that affirmeth the quite contrary dy­uerse tymes before.Double authority in the A­postles, ordinary and extra ordinary.

And yet because ye shal not carry ād steale away the matter so, but be more fully answered, I say ther was an ordina­ry, ād ther was also an extraordinary authority in the Apo­stles. The ordinary authority of the Apostles (in the which we are now) remaineth at this day ād shal remain for euer in the Church, in the bishops their successours. The extraordi­nary authority either died with thē, or at lest cā not be vsu­ally pleaded vpō. The lyke argumēt as ye make here, against the authority ād iurisdictiō of bishops,Luc. 221. M. Ievvel in his re­ply agaīst M. D. Harding. M. Iewel ād your fel­lowes make against the Pope, that thoughe S. Peter were head of the whole Church and was assured by the promisse of Christ that prayed for him, that his fayth shulde not fayle, yet can not al his successours the Popes challenge the same [Page] being a special prerogatiue gratiously geuē to him. But here we must vnderstād, that Peter was priuileged for his owne person, and he was priuileged also, in respect, of the cōmon weale of the whole Church. And therfore yf we respect S. Peters person, the persō of his successor is not so priuileged, but he may fal and erre in his own priuat opiniō and iudge­mēt. But if we respect the whole Church, whereof he hath the rule, then we say he can not erre in any decree or order that he shal publikely make for any matter of faith: Least by this his opē errour the whole Church fal also into the same. The prouidēce of God (which a Diuine shuld alwaies haue an eie vnto) suffreth not such an incōueniēce in his Church.

Again, the Apostles had personal priuileges of more am­ple grace, thē their successours haue. And therfore by theis wordes, what so euer, ye shall bynde vppon the earth &c. And by those other, as my father sent me, so I send you: they had authority eche of them to preach throughout the whole world and in whatsoeuer part therof: ād in this respect they were equal with S. Peter: but their successours at Alexan­dria, Antiochia, ād Ephesus do not succede to thē, nor inioy this extraordinary powre of preaching ād teachīg through out the world, ād euery part therof, but the ordinary ōly ād vsual power within their own Diocesse or Patriarchship. The said extraordinary authority remaynīg with the popes only as the successours of S. Peter: who was head of the A­postles (not in the Apostleship for in that all the Apostles were equall) but in bishoply Iurisdiction. After lyke sort the Apostles had a certain peerlesse authority to speak in diuers tongs, to prophecy, to reuiue the dead, to heale the sicke, to cast out diuels, and to do many other miracles. This power doth not descēd to al their successours ordinately, but now and thē to some certain, to whō it pleaseth God, to dispēce [Page 478] these graciouse gifts vnto. As he hath don to many a blessed bishop syth the apostles time, ād to many other euen in our daies, as to the blessed Fathers of the society of Iesus, in cō ­uerting the newe found Indiās frō paganisme to the faith of Christ, and as also to our holy Father the Pope that nowe liueth (as we are most certainly informed) God hath abun­dātly geuē this heauēly gift of workīg miracles. But we are out of this case: we reasō of an vsual ād ordinary power that the apostles successors must nedes haue, and haue as wel as they, for the necessary gouernement of his Churche. As to preach to the flocke of Christ, to gouern ād to direct thē,Matt. 28. Marc. 16. Act. 20. Math. 18. Act. 16. 2. Tim. 4. 1. Thess. 5. 1. Tim. 5. by good orders ād lawes, to reform the offendours, to excōmunicat the disobedient to improue, rebuke, or exhort with al lōg suffering, ād good doctrin, to visit thē, to correct the vnquiet, to cōfort the feble mīded, to forbeare ād receiue the weak, ād to haue a cōtinual paciēce in al mē: By imposition of hāds to geue holy orders in the sacramēt of cōfirmatiō (as Peter and Iohn the apostles did when they visited Samaria) with many other things belōging ordinarily to all bisshops.Act. 8. Nay saith M. Horne, ther is no mentiō made of visitatiō in the eight of the Actes. What shal we trifle cōcerning the word visitatiō, if it be not ther, in case the thīg it self be there? Ve­rely if the very word haue any force with you M. Horne, you haue it plain in the next allegatiō of M. Fekenhā out of the .15. of the Actes: where S. Paule said to Barnabas, Let vs visite our brethern, &c aet. But I pray you tell vs,Act. 15. why were Peter and Iohn sent into Samaria, but to confirme the Sa­maritanes, and to geue the Sacramente of confirma­tion to those that were latelie baptized? This Sacrament of Confirmation is one of the principall thynges, the whiche the Bisshoppes do vse in their visitation. Here [Page] M. Horne runneth to his olde shift yet ons againe, and saith here was no sacrament geuen, neither any holy Ghost at al. But the spirite of miracles, as the gifte of tonges, of healing, prophecying, and such like, which are the gifts of the holy ghost, and therefore called the holy Ghost. And then doth M. Horne ieste at this sequele. The Apostles gaue these giftes. Ergo eue­ry priest and bisshop may geue them nowe. And then he ad­deth for his pleasure, that there was neuer any monke in the Abbay of Westminster so ignorantly brought vp, but knewe wel inough, that the bisshops could do no such feate. Truth it is, that they receiued the holy Ghost, and these outwarde giftes withal at their confirmation.The holy ghost is geuen in confirmation. And as the Apostles only by the imposition of handes gaue these giftes, as ye confesse: so Confirmation to this day perteineth to the bisshops on­ly, that represente the Apostles. Nowe that confirmation is no sacrament, or that the holy ghost is not thereby geuen,Hiero. cont. Lucifer. Si hoc loco quaeras, qui in Ecclesia bapti­zatus, nisi per ma­nus episcopi non ac­cipiat spiritum san­ctum: disce hanc ob­seruationē ex [...]a au­thoritate descendere, quod post ascensum Domini spiritꝰ S. ad Apostolos des [...]endit, & multis in locis idē factitatū reperimus. August. Contra lite­ras Petiliani. lib. 2. Cap. 104. neither Chrysostomus whome ye recite, nor any other auncient authour auoucheth. And that those that were baptized were afterward cō ­firmed by the bisshop, ād receiued the holy Ghost, when there were no visible signes, S. Hierome plainely testifieth. And S. Augustine confesseth, it is a Sacrament, as Baptisme is. Of this holy Ghost that is geuen without any outward miracles, spea­keth M. Fekenham, and no one worde of miracles. Wherefore this misshapen argument that ye bring forth, is yours, and not his. To the ouerthrowe of of the which folishe fonde argument I aunswere, that there was neuer none so blinde or ignorantly brought vp in the monastery of Westminster, that could not well perceyue, that this is a very il fauo­red [Page 479] kinde of reasoning, and such as was neuer vsed amonge the Catholikes.

As for his answere to M. Fekēham touching the second allegation, out of the .15. of the Actes, is such as is mete for such a ghospelling prelate: that is, to leaue reasoning, and to fal to rayling, and so to elude his Readers expectation, and the argument: that he is not, nor euer shalbe able to answere. Yet like a cunning Diuine and a verie skilfull visitour,M. Horn [...] extraordinary ray­ling pro­cesse. he teacheth vs, that there are two visitations, the one a scrip­turely, the other a forinsecall or a canon lawe visitation. Then haue we a longe lesson out of one Socius, he shoulde haue sayde Socinus, what persons may visite, and what matters they owght to enquire vppon in their visitation. And in effecte he doth nothing else in all this his extraua­gant declaration, but mocke, and mowe: and like the di­uelles Iacke anapes potteth at the good rites, customes and vsages of the Catholike Churche, and at the blessed sa­crament to. And solaceth him selfe pleasantly, and maketh ioly sporte at poore Sir Iohn lacke Latin: that could not tell whether he should say Corpum meum, or Corpus meus. At length he concludeth full solemnelie, that neither the persons that exercise the canonicall visitation, nor the matters there enquired of, can be founde in scripture, no not the bare title of any of these visitours, vnlesse it be a Bisshoppe. And yet these canon Lawe Bisshoppes, he will not haue called bisshoppes neither: vnlesse it be, for that they may be ciuill Lawe Bisshops: that is asmuche to say,Li. 50. tit. 4. de mu­neribus & honoribus. Act. 15. as clerkes of the market. Howe thinke you good readers? Is not Maister Fekenham his argument grounded vpon the plaine scriptures and doinges of S. Paule, which did visite the Christians, and commaunded them to kepe the Lawes and [Page] ordinaunces that the Apostles had made, without any laical commission, very scripturely and prelatelyke of this greate scriptured man soluted? Thinke you, that this man hath any reuerence to God, any regard either to his matter, or to his Reader? Or thinke you, that this man lacketh not as much witte, as he doth vertue, learning, religion, and true deuotion, that with his malice to putte out one eie of the Catholikes, putteth out both his owne eies? and that can tell no faulte of the Catholikes, but that the same re­doundeth double or treble against him self and his affinitie? Amonge all the rable (as M. Horne termeth them) of the canon Lawe visitours, he can not finde as much as the bare ti­tle of any of them in scripture. Seing this man is so precise and peremptory in his termes, we wil see whether we can finde any of them either in expresse termes, or at the least in equiualent.2. Cor. 5. Ephes. 6. In dede this worde Papa is not founde there, but his equiualent Pater is founde there. Legates we fynde store, though not with such precise termes as ye adioyne, as speaking of Legates sent and borne. The woorde Pa­triarche is ofte in scripture: Bisshoppes we fynde, Deacons we fynde, priests we fynde. Therefore this is but a grosse and a rude Rhetorike, to fynde faulte with the name of Archebisshop, Archedeacon, and Archpriest, which signi­fieth no more then the chiefe of the bisshoppes, deacons or Priestes. But in case you wil no better beare with Legates borne, and Archebisshops, you shal quite beare away both the audience, and the Arches, and the Courte of preroga­tiue, and the Archbisshoprik withal of Canterbury. As for Deanes, who are called in Latin Decani, yea and Abbats to, for Abba and Abbas is al one, we finde in scripture. And I pray you what persons be the chief visitours nowe in En­gland, [Page 480] but such as beare the names, that ye say, can not be found in scripture, as Archbisshops, Bisshops, Archdeacons, and Deanes? And you M. Horn that haue ben such a solēne visitour, first for the Quenes M. and then in your own pre­tensed Diocese, and in the Vniuersity of Oxford, think you that a man may fynd your name or the name, of your visi­tourship in any place of the Bible? And yf we may not find it there, then by your own rule, when ye come next in visi­tatiō to Oxford, the schollers may fynd some prety excep­tiō against you. Thus you see good readers, I am fain to play the child, with this childishe Prelate.vvhether their visi­tations novve are al scriptu­rely. 1. Tim. 5. Habentes damnatio­nem quiae primam fi­dē irritam fecerunt. See the iniunctions Let vs now leaue the names and goe to the matter of your visitatiō that ye kepe now a dayes. Shall we find nothing there but scripturely matters? I pray you tel me then good M. Horne, in what scripture ye find it, I will not say, that a monke, a nunne, a priest or bishop may marie (for I am sure scripture is against it, cōdēning the frailest kind of womē for maryīg after their vowe) but in what scripture find you it, that (in case their mariage be lawful) the priest or deacō shal not marie, without the aduice or allowance had vpō good examination by the bis­shop of the same diocesse, and two Iustices of the peace of the saide shere? And that the mariages of Bisshoppes must be al­lowed by the Metropolitane, and the Queenes highnes com­missioners? Why? Are ye, that should be the Fathers of the realm now come to this point, that for lacke of your dis­cretion, ye must be made wardes and haue your gardons? They that be vnder their fathers rule, by ciuill Lawe can not marrye withowt their Fathers consent: but by the same Lawe a Bisshoppe is fortwith exempted and acqui­ted from all iurisdiction, that his Father hadde before vp­pon him. But ye contrarie wise are brought vnder the iu­risdiction [Page] of euery meane gentleman: and abridged of that liberty of mariage, that euery poore plowghman hath. And yet is this (as absurde as yt is) an Iniunction belonging to your newe Laicall visitation. It were a matter for a iuste volume, yf I should here prosequute your other scripturely matters, that ye haue sette forth in your visitations: espe­cially in your late visitation by your deare Chaunceler and sonne exercised at the Newe Colledge in Oxforde: who proposed there to be subscribed a rablemente of blaspe­mouse and hereticall articles, a number of them beinge as scripturely matters, as this proposition, is either scripture­lyke or grammarlyke:False Latī in maister Horns articles proposed to be subscribed in his visitation at Oxford Regina est vnicus & supremus guber­nator regni in causis Ecclesiasticis & temporalibus. But of this your clerkely grāmar we haue had much experiēce in this your answere. Amende: Amēde for shame your barbarouse Latin, and put in vnica & suprema gubernatrix, if ye will nedes maintayn the propositiō: which yet doth not so much contrary the rules of grammar, as it doth the rules of Chri­stian religiō. And beare with poore Sir Iohn, and his corpus meus, which is as good Latin (Sir Robert) as your Reginae gubernator vnicus, & caet. And be not so harde as ye are in your iniunctions, to exclude from all cure or spirituall fun­ction, suche as of late Dayes were made priestes other­wise vtterly vnlearned as ye say, but that they coulde reade to say mattins and masse. For yf ye be so straite laced to your ministers, ye are lyke to leaue but a fewe: and to haue the most parte of your cures vnfurnished, and serue the parish Churches your selfe. For a greate parte, yea and a notable number of your ministers can not reade Latin. And ther­fore M. Nowell, beinge in his last booke against M. Dor­man, in the same vayne that you here are M. Horn, and sett [Page 481] in a pelting chafe, with an inuincible place out of S. Am­brose, ruffling in his lusty rhetorike, against poore Sir Iohns, as you do here, durst not yet to cal thē Sir Iohn lacke latins, Novvell fol 86. fac. 2. but ful prouidently called thē, Sir Iohn lacke lerning. Bicause forsothe he sawe full wel, that his felowe Ministres were Sir Iohn lacke latins, as well as poore priestes. Mary yet per­haps in his conceyt, they lacked not lerninge, bicause they can reade in the English bible. Therefore he thought it the surest to call ignorant priestes, Sir Iohn lacke lerninge, not Sir Iohn lacke latins. This point of wisedome you may M. Horne lerne hereafter of M. Nowel, to saue the honesty of your Sir Iohn lacke latins, swarming nowe as thicke in England as euer they did before. Yea such preachers fyll the most parte of your pulpittes, and the eares and hearts of the people with much heresie,A mini­strīg preacher that could not read his licēce ge­uen him to preach and setteth them at a lewde licentiouse liberty to speake what they will, and do what they liste. And here it commeth to my mind, that was credibly tolde me touching one of theis your mi­nistring preachers, that not many yeares sythens came to a parish within the Diocesse of Winchester to preach: And being demaunded his Licence did exhibite it, but beinge required before the people to reade yt, could not: wher­vppon the people fell into such a lawghter, that our prea­cher had no great luste, to shewe his cunning there, but full slily shronke away from them, and stole away with his clerkly sermon that he thought to haue made there.See what clerkly and god­ly curats, are novv in Eng­land. And wherein I pray you resteth a greate parte of your newe clergy, but in butchers, Cookes, Catchpoules, and Coblers, Diers, and Dawbers, fellons carrying their marke in theire hande in steade of a shauen crowne, fissher men, gunners, harpers, Innekepers, Merchauntes and Mari­ners, [Page] Netmakers,Matt. 4. potters, potycaries, and porters of Be­linsgate, pynners, pedlers, ruffling ruffins, sadlers, sheermen, and shepherds, tanners, tilers, tinckers, trumpeters, weauers, whery men & caet. Demaunde of theis fresh clerks M. Horn at your next visitation, whether it must be read corpus me­um, or corpus meus, And see, whether any of them can re­solue his felowes better, then the priest, you speake of did, that being him self doutful, vsed (as you say) his Pater noster, in stede of the words of consecration. Wil they not trowe you, make answer, as a Minister in M. Iewels dyocese did? who in a visitatiō being apposed for trial of his latin tōgue, what case was Decen [...]er, answered, that he thanked God highly, that he had neuer learned that Romish ād Papisticall latin tongue? But what Latin shal a mā loke for at such mēs hands? yea or what honesty either? To describe the dissolut and naughty viciouse lyfe, of your ministers, would fill vp a booke of a good quātity, ād the hearers eares with to much lothsomnes. I coulde here rippe vppe a number of dete­stable partes,The trū ­petou [...] minister at Otter­borne. and some of them playde in your pretensed Diocese: especially of William Webbe the trumpetour and minister of Otterborne nighe to Winchester: who hauing a Ghospelling yokemate of his owne, tawghte a yonge mayden in the Churche to singe the holy Geneuical psal­mes, and as he corrupted her sowle with wicked heresy, so he defyled her body with suche lewde lechery, that he was faine to flee the parish for shame. And yet as I here say he is become at London an holy minister againe. I wil for­beare to lade your honest eares (good reader) with any moe such dishonest and sluttish stories, wherof we haue, the more pity, to much plenty. Theis ād such like are the wic­ked king Hieroboams ministers, the which falling from the [Page 482] true Church of Hierusalem into idolatry, as you and your fellowes are fallen into heresy (which is also in scripture called idolatrie) made the lowest of the people, 3. Reg. 12. Fecit pro­phana in excelsis, et sacerdotes de extre­mis populi qui nō erāt de filijs Leui. and such as were not of the tribe of Leuie peculiarlie and onelye by God appoin­ted, his priests. Was not, I beseache yow M. Horne, the dis­order of theis and other, both in theire lyuinge and prea­ching suche, that the Quenes Maiesty of her graciouse goodnes, caused a number of Licences geuen them to preach, to be called in againe? For all that ye haue so ofte visited, get yow out ones agayne in visitation M. Horne and amend your owne people, and your owne selfe prin­cipallie, accordinge to the rules of the holy scripture, and then call your visitation a scripturely visitation, and the other among the Catholyks nothing but a forinsecall and a canonicall visitation. Suerly yt is a meruelouse Ghos­pell, that ye haue of late broched, which besides moste detestable heresies, importeth such a breach and dissolution of all honest and vertuouse lyuing, that your owne Apo­stle Luther was fayne to call vppon the Duke of Saxony, to make visitation vppon visitation for reformation.Luth. su­per postil. 1. Domin. aduentus. And fayne to crye out, that his newe Ghospellinge children were worse then euer they were vnder the pope: yea tenne tymes worse then the Sodomites. Therefore talke as holily as ye will, of your scripturely visitations, the truthe ys, they are as dyrecte contrary to scripture,In vvhat sense a mā may call their visi­tations in England scripture­ly visita­tions or preachīgs as darcknes ys to lighte, and they are the very nurseries of all heresyes and licentiouse lyuing. And shortly, but with­all truely to conclude, how scripturely they are, I say ye cā no better iustify your visitations and other your doings by scripture, thē the deuil him self could iustifie his allegation: bringing forth scripture, not to the poore simple and vn­lettered [Page] people as you doe,Matt. 4. but to Christ him self: willing him to cast him self down frō the pinacle of the tēple, with scriptum est enim, for it is writen: sayth the deuill. And what is the scope of all your doynges and preachinges to the people, but mitte te deorsum? Cast thy self headlong downe from the highe towre of the lyghtsome catholyke fayth into the lowe darke Dongeon, of all deuelishe heresie? From the highe mounte of a vertuouse and an austere lyfe, in to the lowe vale of all licentiouse and dissolute behauiour? What is all your preaching, but downe, downe, downe with holy bread, holy water, with all the holy ceremonies in baptisme, and in the other sacramentes, with fastinge, with nighte prayer, with all prayer to be made for owre fathers or frendes sowles, or to the bles­sed Virgin Mary, and to all other Hallowes, with al Aul­ters,O detestable im­piety. with masse, yea and with the blessed body of Christ in the Sacramente: which hath bene moste vilanously defiled not onely by blasphemous bokes and sermons, but most wickedly taken from the aulter,The er­ror agaīst the reall presence of Christ in the sa­cramēt, is for any lavve made to the cōtra­ry to be taken for heresie as it vvas vvont to be. and moste horribly yea and that in our most famouse Vniuersity, conculced with the wicked feete of one of your Ghospellinge prea­chers? And by what warrant, ye may sette forth in your so scripturely visitations this your hereticall doctrine a­gainst the reall presence of Christes body in the Sacramēt I knowe not. The playne and open wordes of scripture lye manifestly againste yow with, hoc est corpus meum: Ge­nerall Councells haue determined againste yow: Priuate councels, and amongs other our constitutions prouinciall, determine against yow: and remaine yet in force, euen by the lawes of the Realm, being by no Act of parliamēt taken away. But contrary wise suche as vnreuerently speake a­gainst [Page 483] it,An. [...]. Ed. 6. cap 1. & An. 1. Eli. cap. 1. are by Acte of parliament adiudged to imprison­mēt, and to a fine to be made at the Princes pleasure. Brief­ly the faith of the whole Churche stādeth against you. Yea M. Cheney one of your owne protestant Bisshops in open parliament of late dayes stode against you. Your synodicall and heretical articles, by the which ye would haue this, and other heresies confirmed, are reiected. Yea Luther him self full solemply proclaymeth you all heretiks. How can yt thē be, that your and your fellowes visitations, in the which ye haue set forth such a false doctrin repugnāt to al these, shalbe yet called a scripturely visitation? No, no M. Horne, for all your pecocks tayle glistering with goodly and scripturely talke, we perceyue your filthie heresie wel inough, when we loke vpon your fowle feete. Awaye, away with these painted woordes, wherwith men wil not alwaies be made fooles: nor will take your visitations to be scripturely, as is this, that ye here alleage, made by the blessed Apostles. Which thing though I cā not, nor wil deny:A man may fynd as good matter a­gainst the decrees of the Apo­stles as Luther fyn­deth a­gainst the generall Coūcells. yet yf I should take vpon me the euāgelical person of M. Iewel, or of your Apostle Martin Luther, or your owne either, methinke the Gētils might aswel haue found fault with the Apostles de­cree made and set forth by them afterward in their visitatiōs: as your said Apostle doth against the Councel of Trent and others, or as ye doe against the blessed bisshop and Martyr Bonifacius, for whome we haue alredy answered. They might haue said: ye restraine our Euangelicall liberty, and yet ye bring not one woord of scripture to confirme your decree withall. For though S. Iames brought forth a testi­mony out of the Prophet Amos, yet yt toucheth nothinge the matter there concluded. Then might they haue said, why Syrs, what meane you, will ye haue vs to be Iewishe [Page] againe, in forbearing of puddings and thinges strangled? Why doe ye forbidde vs to eate of such meates, as are of­fered to the idolles? We doe wel knowe, that they are no Goddes, and the meate is neuer a whit the worse: and our Maister Christ hath taught vs, that it is not that, that entreth by the mouth, but that, that goeth from the mouth that cō ­tamineth and defileth the man. This and much more out of the principles of Luthers ghospell they might haue saide to the Apostles: and as truely as Luther and your fellowes alleage these and the like thinges, against the Lawes of the Churche, against vnwriten verities, against fasting daies, and otherwise. Or as ye alleage the like to de [...]ace our holy vertuouse countremā Bonifacius and Augustinus.Prius fo. 58 But it is high tyme to breake of our scripturely visitatis, and to set vpon other matters.

M. Horne. The .168. Diuision. pag. 114. a.

Touching the thirde part of your proufe, vvhereby yee conclude, that bis­shops and Priests make Lavves, orders, and decrees, to their flocks and cures, because the Apostles so did, as you say: Although I neede make none other ansvvere, then to deny your argumēt, vvhich you can by no arte (.6 [...]4.) The .614. vntruthe. The argu­ment i [...] right good, as it hath in the for­mer diui­sion appeared. main­teyne, the insufficiency vvhereof is manifest, to those that haue but a little skil, either in Logike or Diuinity: Yet I vvil briefly cōsider the places, vvher­vpon you grounde this mishapen sequele, that the vnskilful may see, hovve little they make for your purpose. After that S. Paule had founded the Churche of Corinthe, and had brought them to Christ through the prea­chinge of the Ghospell, there sprange vp amongest them in his absence many vices and offences, contrary to the Doctrine he had taught, and the Godly ad­monitions, that he had geuen vnto them: vvherefore being aduertised there­of, he vvrote his Epistle vnto that Churche, vvherein he reproueth their faultes, partely in general, and partely in spectal: And in the ende of the tenth Chapiter, concludeth vvith this General admonition, that All thīgs be done without offence, and to the Glory of God. In the .xi. Chapiter, he reproueth certeine faultes in especial, cōmitted by them in their [Page 484] publique assemblies, and Churche meetinges; contrary to this generall admo­nition, and contrary to that he had taught them in speciall, touchinge their honest and comely behauiour in their publique praier, preaching, and com­municating in Christes Sacramentes, vvhich of all other thinges ought chief­ly to be so done, as thereby God may be glorified, and al offences es [...]hu [...]d. To this ende S. Paule had taught the Corinthes, that in these publique and ho­ly exercises, it is most seemely, that men prophecy and pray hare headed: Cō ­traryvvise vvemen, not vvithout their heades couered. Many obserued this comelynesse in prayer and propheciyng, as Paule had taught them: O­thers contentiously did vvithstande and gainesay the same, as an order that Paule had deuised, and brought in of his ovvne deuise, besides Gods vvoorde, as you also (.615.) The .615. vntruthe. For M. Fekenham said not the matters done at Corinthe to haue bene done beside the Ghospel, but the decrees of the Apostles so to haue bene done. Imagine that Paule made this order besides the Gospel, of his ovvne authority, vvherevvith to binde the Corinthes. To aunsvvere both the contentious Phi­losophers, than amongest the Corinthes, and the superstitious Papistes, novve in (.616.) The .616. vntruthe. for neither the Co­rinthes nor the Ca­tholikes novv, ob­i [...]cted in like sorte. lyke sorte molestinge the Christians, S. Paule proueth, that this comelynes is grounded vppon Gods or­dinaunce, and not a Lavve nevvely deuised of his ovvne au­thoritie besides the Gospell. This is his proufe, the man by Goddes ordinaunce hath the superioritye, and the vvoman must be in subiection. God hath appointed for them both, signes and tokens of this dominion and subiection, He hath ordeyned, that man in token of superioritie, shoulde haue hi [...] head vncouered: as contraryvvise the vvoman, in token of subiection, to haue her head couered.

Therefore, if man laye avvay that signe and token of dominiō vvhich God hath ordeined for him to vse, and taketh vpon him the signe and badge of subiection, he dishonoureth God his head, and breaketh his or­dinance. And so the vvomā, if shee leaue of the couerture of her head vvhich God had geuen to her, to be vvorne as a token and badge of her subiection, and taketh vpon her the signe of superiority, she dishonoreth her head, and breaketh Gods ordinaūce. S. Paule addeth an other reason, vvherby he pro­ueth, that this vvas no Lavv made by him to the Corinthes. Nature, saith he, hath taught you this comely order. If this vvere a Lavve and Decree of na­ture, it vvas not S. Paules deuise besides Gods vvoorde. S. Ambrose vppon [Page] this place saith, that S. Paule spake these woordes, accor­ding to (.617.) The .617. vntruthe. S. Ambrose saith not: of Gods lavve: but secundum legem, according to the lavve: and he mea­neth the old law Leuit. 19. not the lavv of the Gospell. Gods Lawe, which forbiddeth (saith he) the man to weare his heare. Chrysostome affirmeth this to be an ordinaunce of nature. But, saith he, whan I speake of nature, I meane of God, who is the authour of nature. So that it is manifest by S. Paules ovvn proufes in defence of that he had taught, and by the vvitnesse of S. Ambrose and Chrysostom, that the man to be bareheaded, and the vvoman couered, vvas (.618.) The .618. vntruthe. It vvas S. Paules lavv, though Gods lavve also, as shall appeare. not a Lavve, order and decree, made by S. Paule to the Corinthes, as you vntruly fable, but Gods ordinaunce, made plain, set forth, and taught by him, that all thinges might be don in the Churche in comely order, to Gods glory. Of like sorte vvas the re­formation and order: vvhereof you speake about the more vvorthy receiuing the Lordes Supper. The Apostle maketh thereaboute no nevve Lavve, order, or decree, besides (.619.) The .619. vntruthe. If you meane the vvriten gospel, as you seme to doe, ād as you must do, if you reason vvel. the Ghospell, but re­proueth the Corinthians, for that they did not about the receipte thereof, obserue the lavve of the Gospell: He blameth them in ge­neral, that their Churche assemblies vvere not to the encrease, but rather to the decrease of vertue in thē selues: He reproueth thē that in stead of brothlery loue, vnity, and concorde, there vvas Cont [...]mpte, Schisme, and dis­sension amongest them: He rebuketh them, for that they made that Supper Priuate, vvhich the Lorde him selfe had made, and instituted to be commō: He reprehendeth them for Drunkennesse, and that vvith the contempte of the poore: And he sharpely shaketh them vp, for that they abuse the Church, con­temning the right vse thereof. Is not this Christes Lavve, that the people should encrease in vertue? Is not this Christes commaundement, that the Christians should liue in brotherly loue, vnitye, and concorde? Is not this Christes Institution, that his Supper should be cōmon, and not Pryuat? Doth not Christes lavv condēne Drunkerdes, and contempte of the poore? And is not this Gods decree, that his house should not be prophaned or abused? If these be Gods ordinances, as you can not deny them to be, than are they (.620.)The .620. vntruthe. For they are bothe Gods or­dinaunces and S. Paules to, as shal ap­peare. not Paules lavves, orders, or decrees, neither by vvriting or vvorde of mouthe: othervvise than that Paule vvas Gods mouth and scribe, to vtter, not his ovvne lavves besides the Ghospell, but Gods ordinaunces comprehended vvithin his Ghospell. So that vvhether being presente, he taught them by [Page 485] vvorde, or being absent by vvriting, he neither vvritte nor spake, other then he had yea by inspiratiō of the ho­ly Ghost. not of a­ny vvri­ten Gos­pell. receiued of the Lord. He promised, say you, to dispose other things at his comming. It is true, but not othervvise then he did these aboue mentio­ned. He exhorteth, say you, the Thessaloniās, to abide in the traditions, vvhich they had learned by vvoorde or by vvriting. Yee say truth: but he dothe not therby binde them to this, as to a lavve, order, or decree, made by him be­sides the Ghospell: but hee monisheth them, as S. Ambrose expoundeth his meaning. To stand fast, continue, and perseuere in the tradition of the Gospell. So that the traditions he speaketh of, are not other then the Doctrine of the (.621.) The .621. Vntruth. The Tra­ditions that S. Paule spea­keth of, are other then the vvriten Gospel, and that you meane. Ghospel.

I maruaile not, that ye (.622.)The .622. Vntruth. Missequoting is no missereporting. misreporte Sainte Paule, say­ing that he made orders and decrees, touching praying and prea­ching vnto the people in tongues vnknovven, and that all vve­men should keepe silence in the Churche and congregation, for it may seeme, yee neuer readde the place, but tooke it, as you heard it reported. If you had readde the place, you might haue seene vvith your ovvne eyes, that S. Paule speaketh no vvhitte of that matter in the thirteenth, as yee vntruely auouche: and in the fourtenth you should haue perceiued, that he in plaine speach pro­ueth you a lyar: For that he (.623.) The .623. Vntruth. He denieth thē not to be his ovvn, be­cause they vvere the Lords cōmaun­dement [...]. Bothe d [...] stand wel together, as shal appeare. denieth that these vvere his orders or decrees, affirming them to be the Lords commaunde­mentes, and so dothe Theophilact. Gloss. ordinar. and Lyra vvitnesse also vvith Paule, testifying that these vvere his vvords and meaning. These places thus rightly considered, it may easi­lie appear [...] vnto the moste vnskilful, hovv litle (.624.) The .624. Vntruth. For M. Fekenham [...] purpos was so much holpē hereby, that you neuer durste come nigh his Ar­gument. your pur­pose is helpen by them, and that these groundes doe saile you: So that your vvhole shift being sifted, is founde naughte, bothe in matter and fourme.

M. Horne.

Three other places remaine of M. Fekenhās allegatiō. The first, but the .3. in order, that men should pray and prophecy [Page] (that is,2. Thes. 2. Concer­ning certaine de­crees and orders made by S. Paule alleaged by M. Fe­kenham. preache or expounde scripture) theire heades vn­couered: and that the womē should pray with their heades couered. The second is of such orders as the Apostle Paule ordeyned touching the holy Sacrament of the Eucharistia. The thirde, that he ordeined manie thinges aswell by wri­ting, as withowt writing, and in all this seaking for no cō ­mission at any lay mans hand. To the two first M. Horne saieth, that they were no lawes of Paules made by his au­thority besides the ghospel to binde the Corinthians as M. Fekēham imagineth, but they were Gods own ordinaūce. For God had so ordeined to signifie the superiority in the man, and subiection in the woman: and yt was the very law of nature. And for the .2. point he did ordein no new thing, but did set forth onely Gods owne lawes: and that is, that his supper should be common, and not priuate. In condem­ning also according to Gods lawe drunckerds, and the cō ­tempte of the poore and such as against Gods decree pro­phaned or abused his house. And S. Paule him self denieth, that theis were his orders or decrees, but saieth they were the Lords commaundements. And to the thirde he saieth, that whether S. Paule taught by writing or by worde, he taught nothing, but that he receiued of the Lorde: neither for any promise he made to dispose things at his [...]mming, did he dispose any thing otherwise then he receiuid of the Lorde. For al this your solemne answere, ye haue soluted M. Fekenhams argumente neuer a whit: which doth not contende in this place, whether this ordinaunce may be called properly Paules or Gods ordināce, or whether they were beside the ghospel or no, or what kinde of traditions they were that Paule taught. The argument resteth in this, that theis lawes, orders, and decrees, were set forth, pub­lished [Page 486] and diuulged, yea put in execution by visitatiōs, and otherwise without any warrāt of ciuil prīce. Neither doth M. Fekenhā say, that theis ordinaunces were made besides the ghospel, and deliuered to the Corinthians, as ye say he ima­gineth. Your self M. Horne doe but dreame this: for those words of M. Fekenhā, of decrees made beside the gospel are referred to the lawes made by the Apostles in their synod, not to the orders apointed to the Corinthiās. And to those decrees of the Apostles you haue answered neuer a word, but with a shorte vntrue answere, of a scripturelike and an vnscripturelyke visitation, and a longe bible bable againste the order of such visitation as the Catholik Church vseth, you haue trained your Reader with idle talke,M. Horne being not able to ansvvere M. Fekē ­hās 2. al­legation, dissem­bleth it altoge­ther. nothing to the purpose. By a like craft ye make yt the thirde pointe in M. Fekenham that, which he speaketh of lawes and orders made by the Apostles, where yt was his second allegation as yet by you vnanswered, but altogether vnder the visour of a scripturely visitation, dissembled. For there ye sawe ful wel ye were so mette withall, and so strained, that ye had no sterting hole, vnlesse ye woulde say, that yt was Gods lawe in the newe testament, that Christian mē should eate neither puddīgs, nor any thing strāgled: which ye thought belike to be a great incōuenience, and therfore ful closely, and in greate hucker mucker, ye passed yt ouer. And yet might ye haue freshely reasoned the matter therto, yf your stomacke would haue serued you with telling vs: visum est spiritui sancto & nobis. I [...] semeth to the holy Ghost and to vs. And is not this Gods lawe thē also good M. Horne? This geare I perceiue your weake stomacke could not wel di­gest. For yf yt could, and you withal could digest orderlie, plainely, and truely any good answeare, ye should haue at [Page] length answered your selfe: and shoulde haue founde yt as true, that the ordināces cōcerning the head couered or vn­couered,Act. 15. & 16. and cōcerning the blessed Sacramēt, be ād may as wel be called the ordināces or cōmaundemēts of S. Paule, as the other are called praecepta Apostolorū: the cōmaunde­mēts of the Apostles. And what should we reason longe in this matter,1. Cor. 11. seing that S. Paule him selfe calleth theis praece­pta mea: my precepts, or cōmaundements? And sicut tradidi vobis, 1. Cor. 16. 1. Thess. 4 Scitis quae praeceptae dederim vobis. as I haue deliuered vnto you? And doth not S. Paule say plainely, that he ordayned to the Churches of Galatia Col­lets or gatheringes of Almes to be made euery Sonday? And saieth he not of him selfe, that he gaue precepts to the Thessa ­lonians? Which yet he writeth not in his epistles, but refer­reth thē to their former knowledge of deliuered doctrine by word of mouthe. Otherwise yf ye wil so precisely vrge the matter, we must now no lōger cal the old law, the law of Moses: we must no lōger name the prophecies of Hiere­mie,Iudic. 7. gladius domini & Gedeonis. Credide­rūt domi­no, et ser­uo eius Mosi. Ioan. 7. Ezechiel, or Daniel: no more the ghospel of S. Math. S. Luke, S. Mark, or S. Iohn we must no lōger say, the sword of God and of Gedeō: nor the people belieued God and his seruante Moses. But, God be thāked, these things wil stande together wel inough with a good cōstructiō, and by a diuers relatiō. Neither are they more cōtrary, thē whē Christ said: my doctrine, is not my doctrine: but my Fathers that sent me. Yf we cōsider the prīcipal author of these lawes, thē are thei Gods ordināces, ād not Pauls or the Apostles: by whose graciouse inspiratiō ād suggestiō they wer made. S. Paule ād the Apo­stles were but ministers:A distin­ctiō to be noted, of God his lavves, and the Churches lavves. ād in that respect they may be cal­led their lawes: euen as the ministers by their ministery do truly forgeue and remitte sinne. We must yet further cōsi­der here two things. The first, that some lawes there be of the Churche, that are properly called Gods lawes: as these [Page 487] that the Apostles set forth in holy scripture, which Christe him selfe taught thē: as concerning baptisme, the holy Eu­charistia, and some other thinges. Some other lawes there are that the Apostles set forth, but not suche as they recei­ued at Christes own hāds, and by his mouth, but by his holy spirite after his ascension: whiche are for that cause called Christes ād Gods lawes: as for that the Apostles had al their authority to make suche lawes of him,A differē ­ce be­tvvene the Apo­stles ordinances, and those that pro­perly are called Gods or­dinances. they are called also the lawes of the Apostles. Namely these that were made in the first coūcel at Hierusalē, the which M. Fekenhā allea­geth for his purpose. And betwixt these two, ther is a great differēce. For Christ gaue by him selfe fewe precepts, and and of those matters onely that were necessary for our sal­uatiō: And therfore they may by no humaine authority be infrīged or abolished. But the precepts of the Apostles tou­ching the gouernaūce of the Churche, though no man cā by priuate authority breake thē, yet may they, and are,August. 118. ad Ia­nuar. Et ideo non praecepit quo dein­ceps ordi­ne sume­retur, vt Apostolis per quos Ecclesias dispositu­rus erat, seruaret hunc ho­norem. ma­ny of thē, by the authority of the Church abolished. Name­ly such as were made for certain and special respectes, and not to cōtinewe for euer but for a time. As was the decree of the Apostles made at Hierusalem touching the eating of puddinges and thinges strangeled. So we see the Sabboth day turned into the sonday. So we see, that though Christ celebrated his holy maundy of the blessed Eucharistia at night and gaue yt to his disciples after supper, and in both kindes, yet the Church vseth it fasting, and for lay mē vnder one kinde. For thoughe Christe cōmaunded vs to receiue, which no man can dispense withall, yet for the maner and fashion (saieth S. Augustin) he cōmaūded nothing, but reserued that honour to the Apostles, by whō he intēded to directe the Churches. Who therfore also toke order for yt, especially S. [Page] Paule among the Corinthians according as he promised.Ibidem. Vnde intelligi da­tur (quia multū e­rat, vt in epistolae totum illum agendi or­dinē insi­nuaret, quē vni­uersa per orbem ser­uat Eccle­sia) ab ip­so ordina­tum esse, quod nul­la morum diuersita­te varia­tur. M Feken­ham speaketh of one thīg, and M H reasoneth agaīst an other thing. I wil dispose other things when I come. Which is the place M. Fekenham groundeth him self vpō against you. And there­vpon S. Augustine thinketh, that whiche is vniformely and generally vsed throughout Christendome, touching the order in the administration of this Sacrament, to haue ben ordeined by S. Paule, which he could not so conueniently prescribe and ap­point in his Epistle. So that ye see, that though it be true, these orders and lawes may be called Gods ordinaūces and lawes, yet they are and may also well be called, the lawes and ordinaunces of the Apostles. And thus M. Fekenhams Argument standeth as before, in his ful force euery way. And all your talke concerning the Lords supper, is quite from the purpose. You tell vs, that all was Gods Law that S. Paule appointed in the saide Epistle to the Corinthians. Which if it were so, yet ye reason not against M. Feken­ham, who speaketh not of those things that he tooke order for in his Epistle, but of those things that he toke order for at his comming. Whereof he said: Caetera cùm venero, dis­ponam, Other things I wil set in order when I come. Which as they were done without writing (as many things also that he deliuered by tradition to the Thessalonians, as M. Fekenham rehearseth out of S. Paule) so were they done against your fond conclusion, that is, without any other warrant of any lay persons. Neither is the ordinaunce of praying and preaching, the head vncouered, proprely Gods law: for then had it bene indispensable: And then had you and your fellowes, that preache with your cappe on your heades, nede to thinke vpon some good answeare, for the violating of Gods Law. And wemen come to the Church to be maried with their heads open, whiche might not be [Page 488] suffred, if it were directly against Gods law. And though S. Paul geueth this reason of superioritie, and subection, be­cause (as it seemeth) it was a custome or maner proper to the Iewes, yet both among the Romaines and other Gen­tils, in S. Paules time, and also throughout al Christendome at this daie, the opening and discouering of the heade, is a token of subiection, and of duetifull honour to our Magi­strates and other Superiours.

Wherefore, if we consider the Scripture well we shall finde, that S. Paule and the Apostles gaue many precepts in their Epistles, of which in the written Gospell, nothing is mentioned or ordeined. And so your Lutheran Conclusi­on wil appeare starke false and dangerouse, where you say:Vide Hep­tacolō. L. Campestri cōtra Lu­ther. Apo­logiam. An. 1523. That Paul gaue not his owne lawes beside the Ghospel, but Gods ordinaunces comprehended within his Ghospell. And againe, That Paule whether being present, he taught them by worde, or being absent, by writing, he neither wrote nor spake other then he had receiued of the Lorde. And last of al, So that the traditions that Paule speaketh of, are not other then the Doc­trine of the Ghospell. This is, M. Horne (as I said) a Lutheran and a dangerous conclusion. For by this rule you woulde frustrate al the lawes of the Church (as Luther your Grād­sir did) which are not expressely cōprehended in the wri­ten Ghospell. For this beeing put, that the very Apostles made no lawes or ordinaūces, but such as they foūd before recorded in the Gospel, then (say you) by what authoritie can the Prelates of the Churche at any time hereafter take vpon them to make such lawes, as are not expressed in the Gospel? To mete therfore with this wicked sequele, ād to detect your lewd cōclusion, I wil shortly touch a few moe exāples of such lawes and ordinaunces as th'Apostles made [Page] and not recorded, made, or ordeined otherwise in the Gos­pel.1. Cor. 5. First, S. Paule to the Corinthes, forbiddeth them to eate with drōckards, with robbers, with fornicatours, with the couetous, ād with idolators. In the Gospel no such restraīt appereth. Nay rather we see there Christ him self, did eate with publicans and sinners.Lu. 5. &. 7 Again to the Galathiās he cry­eth out:Gal 5. Behold I Paul say vnto you: If ye be circūcided, Christ profiteth you nothing. What Gospel teacheth Paul so to say? What Gospel doth cōdemne circūcision? Nay rather, saith not Christ in the Gospel,Mat. 5. Philip. 3. Coloss. 2. 1. Tim. 3. Tit. 2. I came not to vndoe the lawe, but to fulfil it? And yet not here only, but to the Philippēses most earnestly he chargeth them to cast of the yoke of the law. The like he doth to the Colossiās, teaching thē to make no more accōpt of their Neomeniae and Sabbata. Nowe for the precept that S. Paul geueth to Timothe, that a Bisshop should be the man of one wife: What Gospel prescribeth it, or com­maūdeth it? To Titus also, the lawes that he geueth to yōg wemen, to widowes, ād to old wemē? Are not al these and many more (which for breuities sake I omit) mere cōstituti­ons and lawes of th'Apostls, without any word made ther­of in the Gospel? And what els intēded Christ, I pray you, M. Horne, when he saied to his Apostles a litle before his Passion,Ioan. 16. &. 14. I haue many things yet to say vnto you: but you are not able to beare them now. Howbeit when the Spirit of Truth shall come, he will teache you all Trueth, then that by the spirite of Truth, the holy Ghost, they should learne and teache many Truthes, which in the Ghospell (where onely the doctrine and doings of Christ are recorded) they had not learned? And this holy Spirit he promised should remaine not with them only for their abode here in earth, but with the Churche for euer.

[Page 489]To geue vs to vnderstand, that as they, so their Successours in the Churche from tyme to tyme should be taught of the holy ghost, and teache vs againe al maner of Truthe. Wher­of vnuincibly foloweth, not only that they taught and doe teache many moe things then Christ in the ghospel taught, but also that those their doctrines and teachinges (as proce­ding from the holy Ghost the Spirit of Truth) are infallible, sound and right holsome, and of vs therefore vndoubtedly to be obeyed and beleued. Wherby is ouerthrowē M. Horn your most damnable and wicked conclusion, affirming the Apostles to haue made no lawes of their own besides the ghospel, but only such as were Gods ordinaunces compre­hended in the ghospel. For nowe we see both by exāples of their doings, and by vnuīcible reason out of the ghospel, that they made lawes of their own besides the ghospel, ād might both lawfully and assuredly so do, they being alwaies prōp­ted of the holy Ghost therein, and their lawes therfore be­ing not theirs only, but bearing also the force and value of Gods lawes, so farre, as is before declared. Farder by this it appereth, that as the Apostles thē, so their successours now and alwaies heretofore had and haue full and sufficient au­thority to make ecclesiastical lawes or decrees ouer al their flocks from Christ himself without any iote of Commissiō frō the laye Prince, or any other lay Magistrat. And so your principall conclusion goeth ones again flatte down to the grounde.

The .169. Diuision. pag. 116. b.
M. Fekenham.

The which noble Emperour Constantinus, for the re­pression of the Arians errours and heresies, he did at the request of Syluester then Bishop of Rome, cal the firste [Page] Councell at Nice: where he had to the Bisshops there as­sembled these woordes? [...]ibro. 10. dist. Eccl. cap. 2. Cùm vos Deus Sacerdotes consti­tuerit, potestatem tradidit iudicandi de nobis. Et ideo nos à vobis recte iudicamur. Vos autem, cùm nobis à Deo, dij da­ti sitis,Lib. 7. hist. Trip. ca. 12 ab hominibus iudicari non potestis. &c. Valētinianus Imperator eùm ille rogatus esset ab Episcopis Hellesponti Bythiniae, vt inter esset consilio, respondit: Mihi quidem cùm vnus de populo sim,Theod. li. 5. hist. Ec­cles. ca. 18. fas non est talia perserutari, verum sacerdotes quibus haec cura est, apud semetipsos congregen­tur, vbi voluerit. Theodosio Imperatori Ambrosius ingres­su intra cancellos templi inter dixit, inquiēs: Interiora ô Im­perator sacerdotibus solis patent. &c. Cul egit ob id gratias Imperator, asserens se didicisse diserimen inter Imperato­rem & Sacerdotem.

M. Horne.

It is manifest, that Constantin called the first Nicene Councel, but very vnlikely, that he did it at the request of Syluester, be­cause this Councel vvas (.625.) The .625. vntruthe. It vvas in the time of Syluester, as shal appeare. Nicep. lib. 8. ca. 14. Sozom. lib. 1. ca. 17. Lib. 2. to .2. He. 68. Lib. 1. cap. 1. not in the time of Syluester, but vvhiles Iulius vvas bisshop of Rome, vvho by reason of his great age could not be there present in his ovvne person, and therfore sent in his stede Vitus and Vincentius, as the Ecclesiastical histo­ries report, and Epiphanius affirmeth, that Constantine called this Councel at the earnest sute of Alexander Bisshop of Alex­andria, vvhereto Ruffinus addeth, many other of the Cleargy also. But if it be true as ye say, that thēperour called the Councel at the request of the Pope, than both those Papistes are (626) The .626. vntruthe slaunderous. For both stād vvel to­gether, as shall ap­peare. Liars, vvhich affirme that the Pope called this Councel, and your cause by your ovvn confession is much hindred: for if the Emperour cal­led the Councel, and that at the request of Syluester the Pope, as yee say, or at the earnest suite of Alexander, and other godlye Bisshops, as Epiphanius and Ruffinus affirme: It appeareth plainly, that both the Pope and the other Catholik Bisshops, did therby acknovvledge the (.627.) The .627. vntruthe. As it shall appeare out of Cusanus M. Hornes ovvn Au­thor. supreame povver and authoritie, [Page 490] to sommon and cal Councels, vvhich is a (.628.) The .628. vntruthe. It is no part of ec­clesiastical Iurisdi­stion, as the Em­perou [...] doth it. principal parte of your purpose, and of the Ecclesiastical iurisdiction cohibitiue, to be in themperour, and not in them selues: for othervvise they might, ād vvould haue don it, by vertue of their ovvn office, vvithout any suit made to the Emperour, to execute that vvhich belonged vnto them selues. Themperour refused to iudge the quarreling accusations of the bisshops assembled at the Nicen Councel, one quarreling and accusing an other, and referred the iudgement of them to Christ. This vvas his modesty, Policy, and prudent foresight, least by sifting those priuat quarrels, he might haue hindred the common cause, as I haue said before, and is plainly to be (.629.)The .629. vntruthe. No such thing can be gathered of those Authour [...]. gathered of Ruffi­nus and Nicephorus; and (.630.) The .630. vntruthe. For if he thought not so, as he saied, it vvas no Policy, but a sinne. Lib. 1. cap. 2. Lib. 8. cap. 16. Euseb. lib. 3. De vita Constant. not for that he thought his authority might not stretche so farre as to iudge the Priests and their matters, as ye vvould haue it to seme: for as he him self pro­testeth, this aboue all other things, to be the chief scope and ende of his Emperial authority; namely that the Catholik Church be preserued in vnity of faith, since­rity of loue, cōcord in godly Religiō, and that the dis­eases therein, as Schismes, Heresies, &c. might be hea­led by his ministery: euen so forsoke he no occasion or meane, vvhereby to vvork forth this effect of his ministery and office, vvhe­ther it vvere at some tyme by relenting and remitting somvvhat of his autority, or by exercising the same to the vtmost, in al matters,Sozom. lib. 1. cap. 4. and ouer al persones. He thought it the best for this tyme by (.631.) The .631. vntruthe. He relented nothīg but shevved his due Reuerence. relenting to beare vvith the vveakenes of those fathes, thereby the better to encourage thē to stād fast, and ioyntly against the cōmon enemy, for the furtherance of the truth. But aftervvad, vvhan the Coūcel or Synod vvas assembled at Tyre by his cōmmaūdemet, ād that Athanasius had made cōplaint vnto him of the vniust dea­ling of that councel to deface the truth, themperour did exercise the ful authority of his ministery, and called al the Bishops vnto hī, to this end, that he by his (632) The 632. vntruthe. Facing, as hath be­fore ben shevved in the .2. booke cap. 3. supreme authority, might examine their doīgs, ād iudge of the vvhole Coūcel, vvhether thei had iudged vprightly, ād deal [...] sincerely or not. This he did at the suite of the most godly bisshop Athanas [...]ꝰ, vvho vvold not haue attributed this (.633.) The .633. vntruthe. Athanasius attri­buted no such Au­thority, to the Em­perour, but of all mē, denied it most vnto him. See be­fore. fol. 94. and so forth. authority to the Emperour, if it had not apperteined to his iurisdiction [Page] to haue iudged the bisshops and their doinges▪ vvither vvould the Catholique Fathers of that tyme, haue suffered this and many o­ther such like doinges of this most Christiā Emperour, to haue pas­sed vvithout some admonition or misliking, if they had not ac­knovvledged the authority in him to be lavvful. He commaunded the Bisshops euery vvhere, to assēble at his appointmēt, vvher, and vvhā he vvould. He sharply reproueth Alexāder Bishop of Alexā dria, and Arius, for the contention stirred vp by them. He (634)The .634. vntruthe. The Pope and the Bisshoppes Iudged it, not the'mperor, but vvith thei [...] leaue. See before Fol. [...]1. iudged Cecilianus Bisshop of Carthage, to be lavvfully cōsecra­ted, and ordered, and condemned the Donatistes. And these Bis­shoppes assembled at the Nicen Councell by his commaundement▪ of vvhom ye speake, acknovvledged the Emperour to haue autho­rity to iudge them and their causes, (.635.) The 635. vntruthe. this or els, foloweth not. Many are som­tymes called to iudge betvvene parties, vvho yet haue no Authori­tye ouer the par­ties. or els they had doone folishly, to offer their billes of complaint vnto him, vvhome they thought had no authority or might not iudge and determine thē. But in case it vvere true, that the Prince might not iudge the Priestes nor their causes, vvhat conclude you thereof? You can not conclude your purpose, for this is no more a good consequent: Constantinus vvould not could lavvfully iudge the Priestes as­sembled at Nicen Councel: Ergo, (.636.) The .636. vntruthe. This Ergo, is your ovvne, not M. Fe­kenhams. Bishoppes and Priests may cal councels make Lavves, orders, and decrees, to their flocke and cures, and exercise al maner iurisdiction cohibitiue. Then this, Yorke standeth but .iij. myles from Pocklington, Ergo, your poc­ket is ful of plummes.

The .10. Chapter. Conteyning a defence of three exāples brought forth by M. Fekenham, touching three Emperours, Con­stantin the greate, Valentian the first, and Theodosius the firste.

Stapleton.

ALthough that, which M. Fekēhā hath alredy layd forth out of holy scripture, be sufficiēt to shew ād proue, that the superiority in al causes ecclesiastical, doth not rest [Page 491] in laye princes, but in the spiritual rulers, yet will he nowe adde and adioyne therunto, such a forcible argument, that shall beate downe to the ground M. Hornes newe Laicall supremacy. M. Horne with al his witte and cunning goeth about to auaunce his new supremacy, and to depresse and abolish the other, as contrary to scriptures, and iniuriouse to the Emperours, and princes. Nowe to stoppe his lyinge mouth M. Fekenham bringeth forth thre of the worthiest Emperours that euer were, and al thre lyuing when Chri­stian religion most florished, that by plaine wordes confesse the cleargies superiority in this behalf: that is, Constantine the great; Valentinian the first, and Theodosius the great.Constan­tine ac­knowled­geth the cleargies superio­rity. This Constantine at the request of Siluester the pope called the first general councell, at Nice, where diuerse bisshops being at contention for certain matters, offered their com­plaints to him. To whom Constantine answered, that where as God had made them priests, he had geuen them authority to iudge ouer him. And therefore they might well be his iudges. Ex. Ruff. lib. 10. ec­cles. hist. cap. 2. But ye (sayth he) may be iudged of no man. Good Lorde, how farre discrepant is the iudgment of this our noble contry mā (as our Chroniclers cal him) and most worthy Emperour from the iudgement of M. Horn and his fellowes? He dis­claimeth flatly this newe superiority: Yet you nowe after one thousand and almost thre hūdred yeares, by preaching and writing, yea by premunire, and the sword do maintaine the same. This answere presseth M. Horne very sore, and therefore, he seketh euery corner to hide his head in, and yet he can fynd no good or quiet resting place. And firste he would fain take some holde in a by matter, which is, that Constantin did not cal the councel at Siluester his request: because the councell was not in the tyme of Siluester, but [Page] of Iulius. I deny your argument M. Horne. For it must nea­des be, that the bishops, reparing to Nice frō al quarters of Christendome, should haue a conuenient time to come thi­ther:Li. [...]. c. 26. And Nicephorus writeth, that the same Councel du­red three yeares and more. And then may it wel stand, that Syluester died either after the summoning, and before the full assemble of the bishops, or at least before the end, that so some part of it might falle in the time of Iulius, notwith­standing that Marcus came betwene, who sate in the See litle more then two yeres. Neither doth your authours by yowe cited, deny that it was called at Syluesters requeste, nor any other of the aunciēt writers, that euer I read. But I say further vnto you, that as Constantine did cal it at his re­quest, so did he him self cal this councell: the one by his spi­ritual, the other by his tēporal authority: which in all good princes tyme,Li. 3. c. 15. doth euer serue the other. The one (as your own Author Cusanus teacheth) by force of Authority and cōmaundement ouer al bishops, ouer whom he is the head: The other by way of exhortation,Vide fo. 118 of temporall ayde and succour, as I haue before at large recited his wordes. But to leaue Cusanus,Synodus sexta ī ser­mone acclamatorio ad Imperatorem. Act. 18. fo. 403. co. 1. Arrius diuisor atque partitor Trinitatis insurgebat, & conti­nuò Cōstantinus semper Augustus, & Siluester laudabilis, magnam atque insignē in Nicea Synodum congregabant. for proufe that Syluester called this Councel, I am able to bring against you, at the least two or rather thre hundred witnesses, ād the worst of them shall be a bishop, and so aūcient withal, that none of thē liued this .800. yeres. Perchaūce ye thīk that I do but iest with you: No truely M. Horne, I meane plaine fayth, without any figure of rheto­rike, or such lying figures as ye are wel acquainted withal. Herken you thē, what the sixt general coū ­cel (wher were present about .300. bishops) saith to theire Emperour Constantine beinge then present [Page 492] there. Arrius (say they) which diuided, Eusebius. in Chro [...]. Damas. in Pontif. Isi­dorus tom. 1. Cōcil. in praefat. Nic. Cōc. Platina in Siluestro. Rhegino in Chron. Pantaleō in Chronograph. Photius Patriarch. Cōst. de 7. Conc. Oecum. ad Michaelē Bulg. Principem. and sundred the Trinity, arose and by and by themperor Constantine and the prayse worthy Syluester, did assemble at Nice a great and a notable Synod. See M. Horn. Where ye wil not suffer M. Fekenhā, saying Constantine cal­led the councel at the request of Syluester, ye must nowe be content to suffer him, whē he telleth you, that he did cal it him self also. Beside the vndoubted testimony of these so many and Auncient Fathers, we haue the witnesse of Chroniclers, as of Eusebiꝰ, Damasus, Isidorus, Photius, Platina, Regino, Panta­leon, and diuers other. And so withal is your secōd shift, shif­ted away: wherby ye would make your reader belieue, that the pope ād the other bishops did acknowledg Cōstantins supremacy, in calling of Coūcels, being as ye say, the princi­pal part of iurisdictiō Ecclesiastical cohibitiue. For as this is vntrue, that the bare calling of a councel is any such princi­pal part, as we haue before declared: so it is vntrue also,Vide fol. 118. lib. 1. that ye say, that the pope called not this councell. Theis strings being very weake, and therefore sone broken as ye see, he setteth out the thirde, and that is weakest and wurst of al: And all this stringe hangeth vppon a foolishe synnefull ciuylity and policy, that Maister Horne imagineth full fondly in this worthy prince Constantine. As thowghe he spake those wordes, for his modesty onely, and for a policie and a prudent forsighte: least by siftinge those priuate quarells, he mighte haue hindred the common cause: and not for that he thoughte his authority mighte not stretche so farre as to iudge the priests. And therefore thoughe he politykely relented at this time, yet afterwarde at the councel at Tyrus he shewed hym selfe as supreame Iudge in causes Ecclesiasticall. [Page] It is wont to be sayed M. Horne,Malèdi­cta glosa quae de­struit tex­tum. cursed is that glose that destroyeth the text. Suerly ye are very imprudently ouer­sene in this your answere? For all this is but a peuishe and a wretched policy: wherewith you dishonour this noble mo­narch. And ye haue forgotten the rules aswell of diuinity as of policy. For as it is policy, somtyme to dissemble a truth, so to tel an vntruthe, is at all time a synne, yea though the truth be offensiue to no man, but officiable and profitable to many. As S. Augustin doth at large discourse the matter.Aug. ad Consentiū de māda­tio Tom. 4 Now if the Emperour be the priests iudge: then doth Con­stantins saying conteyne a plaine lye. Seing that before he expressely confessed them to be his Iudges, and sayd farder, that they coulde be iudged of no man. We leaue this policie therfore and prudent forsight, to your generatiō, as vnmete either for Constantine, or for any other a much meaner ca­tholyke man.The po­licy of our newe euangeli­cal schole This kynd of policy a man may fynd in great store in M. Iewels Reply, and in this your answere. This is the very practise of your newe Euangelicall schole. You seme to be persuaded, to make no accompt of lying, so that your lewde cause may be furdered. But thoughe you be naught your selues, you must not so iudge of others. Verely Constantin spake as he thought and the very truth. And he confessed as plainely, that they were his iudges: As you sawe before in his own wordes. For he sayd to the bishops plain­ly. That they could be iudged of no man. Neither is it to be ga­thered by Ruffinus and Nicephorus, as ye pretende, that he thought not so as he spake,Ruffinus. li. 1. ca. 2. Nice. li. 8. cap. 16. or spake those wordes, for that only, that the cōmon cause should not be hindered, which mighte and should haue gonne forward, though he had not spoken theis words. In dede he burned their bills of com­plaints, and so cut away their priuat quarelling, least it shuld [Page 493] haue ben any hinderance to the principal matter, that was then to be discussed and debated vpon. And in case the cō ­plaintes had bene such, as Constantin might haue heard and determined, he might haue reserued them vntil the ende of the Coūcel: and then haue heard thē without any preiudice or stay of the common matters. Now what kinde of mat­ters these were, for the which the Bisshops did contende, it doth not appeare. Yf they were tēporall, then whether Constantine might heare them, or might not, yt maketh nothing for his Ecclesiastical supremacy. Yf they were spi­ritual matters, then are we sure, he might not heare, as the chiefe and principall iudge. Priuate quarrels they were as your self confesse, and therefore by all likelyhood of tem­poral matters: wherein for all that, themperor thought him self no mete or cōueniēt iudge, vpon priests. And that well appereth to be his minde, by that we haue said before, that he made a law, wherby al priests conuented before any tē ­poral iudge, might refuse him,Cap. 4. fo. 103. et. 104. and require the matter to be hearde of the bishop. But of this matter see our answere be­fore in the Second booke.

Ye are now busie again with the Coūcel of Tyrus, with Caecilianus, and such other matters, to proue Cōstantin the supreame head. Whervnto seing we haue Lib. 2. cap. 2. & 3. fol. 90. & sequentib. Item. fol. 94. et seq. alredy sufficiēt­ly answered, we wil not encomber the Reader again with thē in this place: And neade so much the lesse, that ye seme to faynte and geue ouer your holde, and your fond glose a­gainst the plaine text: and by putting the case it were true, which is true in dede: seke yet an other corner to crepe in, and say that though Cōstantin would not or could not law­fully iudge the Priests, yet it will not followe, that bishops may cal Councels, make lawes, and exercise al maner of iu­risdictiō [Page] cohibitiue. Ye say truly M. Horn, it wil not follow in dede. Neither M. Fekenham driueth any such reason. It is sufficient, that they may exercise any cohibitiue iurisdi­ction without the princes commission, which you haue hi­therto denied: affirming, that they can not do it without the Princes warrant: nor the Prince him self touching the first cohibitiue iurisdiction, as ye haue diuided it. But yf they be iudges, thē must it nedes follow, that they haue some iuris­diction cohibitiue. For as the lawe saith. Iurisdictio sine mo­dica correctione nulla est. De officio eius, cui mandata est Iurisdi­ctio: Mā ­datam. Iurisdiction without some compul­sion is no iurisdictiō. Againe yf Cōstātinus were not the su­preme iudge, nor could be: thē are not other Emperours or Princes, iudges any thing more, then he was, ād so hath M. F. by this iustified his assertion. This argument therfore that ye mislike, is not M. Fekenhās, but your owne. Who shal let you to like or mislike your owne reasons at your pleasure. And therefore, for aunswere to this your peuishe argumēt, I say, yt followeth no better, thē yf a man should say. York stādeth but thre myles frō Pocklingtō: Ergo your pocket is ful of plūmes. And so haue you ful wisely stopped not M.F. but your own mouth with an hādful of your own plūmes. If Priests be iudges, they haue not therby al maner of iurisdi­ctiō cohitiue: for thē should they haue al tēporal iurisdiction aswel as spiritual. But yet for such causes as they be lawfull iudges in, they may make lawes and orders iudicially, and may haue, yea and must haue all ecclesiastical iurisdiction, for the execution of their iudgement.

M. Horne. The .170. Diuision. pag. 118. a.

Of the like fourme also are the consequents, that ye make vpon the histo­ries of the Emperours Valentinian and Theodosius. And as you cā not fasten your purpose by any good sequele vpō these histories, so that history tha [...] ye alledge of Valentinian, maketh much (.637.) The .637. vntruth. For that historie maketh much for M. Feck. purpose, as shall appeare. Lib. 6. cap. 7. Lib. 4. cap. 2. again your purpose. Firs [...] [Page 494] it is vncertein and may be doubted, vvhether this ansvvere that ye affirm to be Valentinians, vvere his or Valens the Emperours vvords, for as Sozomenus one of the Tripartit Ecclesiastical historians, affirmeth this suite to be made by Catholik Bisshops of Hellespontus and Bithynia, vnto Valentinian, and that this vvas his ansvvere to their petition. Euē so So­crates an other of the same tripartit historians affirmeth, that this suit vvas made by the Macedonians, vnto Valens the Emperour, vvho graunted thē their petition, the rather supposing, that the matter should haue ben de­termined in that Coūcel, after the minds of Eudoxiꝰ and Acatius. And it i [...] not from the purpose to note vvhich of these Emperours caused this Coū ­cel to be called, for the one of t [...]ē, Valentinian vvas a Catholik Emperour, the other Valēs, an Arian. Secōdly you do (.638.) The .638. vntruthe slaunde­rous. M. Fekenhā repor­teth the story tru­ly. falsely report the story for the Bisshops of Hellespōtꝰ and Bithynia, did not make suite vnto Thē ­perour Valentinian, that he would be present in the coūcel: but by their messenger, did humbly beseche him, that he would commaūde al the Bisshops, as Nicephorus reporteth it, or that he vvould suffer and geue leaue vnto the bisshops to haue a Synod or Councell, vvhich they held after licence obteined at Lampsacum, as Socrates and Sozomenus, the Tripartite Historiās, make relatiō. Third­ly, the Emperour doth (.639.) The .639. vntruthe. He doth simply de­ny it, as shall ap­peare. not simply refuse or deny the search and diligent enquyrie of these matters, as things nothing apper­teining to his office, or not lavvfull for him to enquire of: as yee vvould haue it seeme, but excuseth him selfe by his earnest bu­sines and vvant of leysure, saying, It is not lawful: (.640.) The .640. vntruth. He meant not so, as it plainly appereth by Sozomenus, Paulus Diac. and Cassiodore. (meaning that his leisure, from the vvaighty matters of the common vveale, and iust oportunitie, vvoulde not easely novve suffer him) to trauaile in those causes, and therefore referreth the exacte sifting of those thinges to them, vvhose offices and charge, vvas properlye to be occupied in those matters. That this is the true purporte of his vvordes in his right sense and meaning appereth plainly by the (.641.) The .641. vntruthe. by the Circumstā ­ces no such thing appereth. due circumstances sette foorth in the storye, and also by Nicephorus an Ecclesia­sticall historian, vvho rightly vnderstode his meaning, and re­porteth it in these vvords: Mihi negotijs occupato, & reip­cutis distento res eiusmodi inquirere, non facile est.Lib. 11. cap. 3.[Page] It is no light or easy matter for me, that am nowe occupied with businesses, and filled so ful as I may be, with the cares of the common weale, to enquire or searche such matters. Last of al, vvhether t [...]e Catholique Bisshops of Helespontus and Bithynia, re­quired the Emperours presence in the Councel, as ye affirme, or they required thervvith his labour and trauaile in the debating or searching the truthe of matter, vvhich may seeme at the first by the bare vvordes of his aunsvvere: or they desired onely licence of him and permission to assemble togeather in Synode or Councell, to determine and decree vvith the truth, against the Arianismes, vvhich the most and best part of the Historians agree vnto. Their sute and humble petition, ma­keth plainly against your presumpteous assertion, in that they ac­knovvledged (.642.) The .642. vntruth. They acknovvled­ged nor thereby a­ny such Iurisdictiō, but they craued his ayde and assistance for quyet and or­der sake. thereby the iurisdictiō to call Councels, to be in the Emperour; and not in Bisshops or Priests, vvithout speciall leaue, licence, and commission from the Prince. For if the povver and iurisdiction to cal Councels, had ben in them selues vvithout the Emperours commission, vvhat neaded them to haue craued licence of the Emperour? And if it had not bene lavvfull for the Emperour to haue ben present in the Councel, and to haue dealte in the diligent searche and debating of matters in Religion, then these Catholique Bisshoppes did vvickedly, vvho as you (.643.) The .643. vntruth. M Fekenham saith not, they required thēperour to deale in debating such matters, but only to be present. say, moued him therevnto.

Stapleton.

A cōfuta­tion of M. Horns ansvvere to Valenti­niās storyThe next story is, of Valentinian themperour, whom the Catholiks required, that he would vouchsauf to be present among them in their Councel. Who made them answere, that it was not lawful for him being a lay man, to search out such matters. But ye that are priests (saith he) and that haue the care of these matters, Hist. trip. li. 7. c. 12. may at your pleasure assemble your selfe where ye will. To this allegation Maister Horne aunswereth. First, that it is not certaine, whether the suyte was made to Valentinian, or to Valens his brother, which was an Arrian.

[Page 495]Secondly he saith, that M. Fekenhā doth falsly reporte the story: for that the bishops did not make suyte to him to be presente, but that he would commaund the bishops,Nicephor. lib. 11. c. 3. as Ni­cephorus reporteth it, or suffer, or geue leaue to the bishops to haue a synode, as Socrates and Sozomenus make relatiō.

Thirdly that themperour doth not simply denie, that the search of theis matters apperteyne to his office, but excu­seth him self, by his earnest busines and want of leasure: as Nicephorus, who rightly vnderstode his meaning, repor­teth. Last of all, what so euer the suyt was, they acknow­ledged the iurisdiction to cal Councells to be in the Empe­rour: or else what neaded they to haue craued licence of the Emperour?

Your firste, and second solution M. Horne, though they were true, wil litle relieue yow. And yet aswel in the one, as in the other M. Fekenham reporteth no more then the very wordes of his Authour,Trip. li. 7. cap. 12. Sozo. lib. 6. cap. 7. Pau. Dia. in addit: ad Eutro­pium. Niceph. li. 11 cap. 13. Euagrius lib. 1. ca. 5. [...]. that wrote the Tripartite hi­story. First that the catholyks sent to Valentinian, and not the Macedonians to Valens. This saith the Tripartite allea­ged by M. Fekenham: this sayth Sozomenus: this sayth Pau­lus Diaconus, this saith Nicephorus with others. As for So­crates, though he write otherwise, yet his credit is the lesse, both for that he is knowen, to haue missereported other things, namely about the matters of Athanasius and Arrius, contrary to all other writers, and also for that he is noted of ignorance by Euagrius an other Ecclesiasticall writer, about the story of the Ephesine Coūcel: So litle cause you had to charge M. Fekenham of misreporting, your self for­saking the consent of so many, to folowe one against all the rest, when M. Fekenham folowed the consent of the most and the best writers.

[Page]As for the second point, the sayd tripartite hath euen as M. Fekenham doth alleage it,Tripart. ca. 12. li. 7. Vt dignaretur ad do­gmatis emendationē interesse. Paul. Diac. quatenus dignaretur ad dogmatis emēda­tionem interesse. and so hath Paulus Diaconus to: that is, that yt would please hym to be present, that wronge opiniōs might be reformed. For the .3. point also M. Fekenhā swarueth nothing from the sayd tripartite. Nay sayth M. Horne, the dewe circumstance set forth in the story, and Ni­cephorus who rightly vnderstode the Emperours meaning declare, that when he sayd it was not Law­full for him, he meant: it was no lighte or easie matter for him being occupied with busines and care of the cō ­men welth, Paul. Diaconus. Mthi cum subiecto populo de huiusmodi negotijs curiosè agere fas nō est. vt ergo vi­detur vobis sacerdo­tibus, facite. to search such matters. But howe proue you, that Nicephorus a very late writer should vn­derstand his meaning better, then Paulus Diaconus that lyued at least fowre hundred yeares before Nicephorus, that writeth thus? It is not lawfull for me, and my people curiously to medle with suche matters. Wherfore doe ye that priests, as ye shal thinke good. Why should we thinke, that Nicephorus should be more priuy of themperors right meaning,Tripart. lib. 7. ca. 12. Mihi cū vnus de po­pulo sim, fas non est. & caet. then was Epiphanius the translatour of the Tripartite, wri­tinge at least .600. yeares before Nicephorus was born? Yea why shuld we thīk that Nicephorꝰ shuld see more deaply the meanīg of thēperor,Sozom. li. 6. cap. 7. [...]. thē the o­riginal authour him self Sozomene, that liued about the said Emperours time? Who writeth, that thēpe­rour Valētiniā answered. It is not lauful for me, being a lay mā, to be curiouse in the searchīg of theis matters. Let the bishops, to whose charge theis matters apper­tain, assēble thē selues, at what place they list. Neither cā the circūstāce of the story of Valētiniā as ye ima­gine, [Page 496] leade a mā to your sense.Eutrop. Cui & nos qui gubernamꝰ imperiū, since­rè capita nostra sub­mittamus, & eius monita dū tanquam homines deliquerimꝰ necessariò veluti cu­rantis medicamenta suscipiamus. Tripart. li. 7. ca. 8. Theodor. li. 4 ca. 6. [...]. Eutropius ibidem. Gratias tibi ago D [...] mine, quia huic vir [...] ego quidē co [...]mmisi corpora, tu autem animas. For whether we cōsi­der this answere, or the answer he made at the ele­ctiō of S. Ambrose, we shal fynd al to be of one sort. Chose ye, saith thēperour to the bishops, such a bishop, for Millane, to whō we that gouern the empire, may sincerly submit our head: ād whose admonitiōs we, whē by any fraylty, as mē are wont, we trespasse, may of necessi­ty recieue as of the physitions medecine. And whē the bisshops would haue sette ouer the choise and the appointment of the newe bisshop to him, because he was a wise and a godly Prince: Nay sayth he: This enterprise or worke passeth our vocation or de­gree. For ye that are indewed with the grace of God, and shyne brightlie with that light, may much better make this election. The Emperour also vnderstan­ding, that S. Ambrose was chosen, sayd: I thanke thee my Lord God, that it hath pleased thee, to com­mit mens sowles, to him (meaning S. Ambrose) to whō I cōmitted mens bodies. For before S. Ambrose was chosen bisshop of Millane, he was the gouernour of those quarters vnder the Emperour. But to put the matter out of doubt, let vs harken to S. Ambrose, and to that, that he sayeth of this Emperour. This Emperours sonne the yonge Valenti­nian sent for S. Ambrose to come to his consistory: ād there to reason and dispute before him, ād other as Iudges,Ambros. lib. 5. epi­stola. 32. against the Arrian bishop Auxencius. To whome S. Ambrose an­swered: Sir: your father did not onely say it in wordes, but or­deyned by a law, that in matters touching fayth, or ecclesiastical order, he ought to be iudg, that is neither vnequal in office, nor vnlike in right. For theis are the words of his rescript or Law: that is, that priests should be iudges vpon priestes. Yea if a priest [Page] were otherwise accused, and that he were to be examined of his manners and lyfe, he would that the bisshops should be iudges. Wherfore his owne lawe may best serue, for the interpre­tation of his answere made to the bisshops of Hellespontus. And this with the other premisses declare euidently, them­perours meaning, and that he thought it did not properly belong to him, but to the bishops, to intermedle with the affayres Ecclesiasticall.

Neither doth Nicephorus any thing hinder our purpose. For that, that he saith, wil wel stand with Sozomenus. And it is probable the Emperour sayd both. And as yt is in holy scripture, that one place supplieth the defect of the other: so is it also in chroniclers. And that perchaunce ye sawe your self, and therfore ye runne to your accustomable rea­son, as yt were to your Bulwork, that the princes had autho­rity to call councels, and not the bishops: for else (say you) what neaded them to haue craued Licence of themperour? Wherein I answer, they neaded his ayde for oportunyte of time and place. And as at all tymes the bishops haue wrought in cal­ling of Councels with the princes assistāce, so at this time, (the Arrians and other heretiks bearing such a sway in the worlde) yt was great wisedome, to attempte no councell without notice geuen to the prince, and his consente had thereunto. Namely considering what persequutions the Catholikes of late had suffred vnder the Arrian Emperour Constantius, and that theire decrees could not be effectu­ally executed against rebelliouse heretyks, who cōtemned excommunication, and al other Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction, neither they them selues coulde safely and quietly assem­ble together, without the speciall ayde of the Prince.

M. Horne. The .171. Diuision. pag. 119. a.

Although yee (.644.) The .644. vntruth. The storie is by M. Fekenham truelye reported; vntruely reporte the storie of Theodosi­us the Emperour, and Ambrose the Bisshoppe of Millaine, yet can you not by any meanes vvrast it, to serue your purpose (.645.) The .645. Vntruth. It serueth the pur­pose many vvaies, as shall appeare. any vvhitte at all. For if it vvere true, that Ambrose forbadde Theodosius the Emperour the entraunce into the Chauncellior that the Emperour had said to him, that he had learned the dif­ference betvvixt an Emperour and a Priest, yet can you not con­clude thereof: therefore Bisshops and Priests haue povver and au­thoritie to make Lavves, Orders, and Decrees to their flockes and cures, and to exercise the seconde kinde of Cohibitiue Iurisdi­ction ouer them. Theodosius, as the Author vvriteth,Theod. lib. 5. c. 18. came into the Chauncell to offer his oblation, vvhereat S. Ambrose found no fault: But vvhen he staid there still to receiue the holy Mysteries,Marke here, Gentle Reader, hovve M. Horne telleth only the Storie, and so stealeth avvaye vvithout anye an­svveare in the vvorlde. S. Ambrose sent him vvord to go foorth and abide vvith the other of the Church, for that place vvas only for the Priests: For vvhich monition the Emperoure vvas retourned to Constantinople, and came on a time into the invvarde place or Chauncell to offer his oblation, and vvent foorth againe so sone as he had offred, Ne­ctarius the Bisshop demaunded of him, vvherefore he taried not stil vvithin, meaning to receiue the holy mysteries: To vvhome the Emperour maketh ansvvere, saying: I haue scarsely learned the difference betvvixt an Emperour and a Priest.

Stapleton.

The third story is of th'Emperour Theodosius the Great,A confu­tation of M. Horns ansvvere to the story of Theodosius. whome S. Ambrose forbadde to enter into the Chauncell, saying: The inner partes of the Church, ô Emperour, lie open for Priests only, &c. whome the Emperour thanked for this admonition, saying: that he had now learned a difference betwixt an Emperour and a Priest. First M. Horne findeth this faulte with Maister Fekenham,Theod. lib. 5. c. 18. that he vntruely repor­teth the Storie of Theodosius: then in case this were a true reporte, that it can not be by any meanes wrested to serue [Page] M. Fekenhams purpose any whit at all. For if it were true, yet could he not conclude, that because S. Ambrose for­bad Theodosius thentrance into the Chauncel, that Bisho­pes haue power to make Lawes and decrees, to theyr floc­kes and cure, and to exercise the seconde cohibitiue iuris­diction. I nowe perceyue, that Horace saying is true.

Breuis esse laboro: Obscurus fio.

Whiles men seke breuitie, they fal into obscuritie.

So perchaunce M. Horne might haue saied, and truelie to M. Fekenham. But that he saieth, that M. Fekenham maketh a misreporte of the storie, that he sayeth verie plainely, but as falsely. And therefore both to supplie this defecte, and shape M. Horne a plaine and a ful answere, I wil a litle more open this storie.

The story of Theo­dosius the Em­perour and S. Ambrose, opened.The people at Thessalonica in a sedition and an vprore slewe certaine of the magistrates, wherevppon Theodosi­us, though otherwise a good and a verie temperate man in al his doinges, being entred into a great rage and choler, commaunded the people of that Citie to be destroyed by his armie: which in a furiousnes without anie considera­tion slewe suche as by chaunce they firste mette withal: were they Citizens, straungers, or foreners, were they gil­tie,Niceph. li. 12. cap. 40 & 41. Theod. lib. 5. cap. 18. or were they vngiltie. After a certaine tyme it chaun­ced, that this Emperour came to Millane, and being there, after hys custome repayring to the Churche, S. Ambrose mette hym, and forbadde him to enter: moste vehementlie reprouing hym for the sayed shawghter: asking, howe he coulde finde in his conscience, eyher to lyfte vp hys handes to God, defiled with suche a foule murther, or with the same to receyue the holie bodie of Christe, or to receyue with hys mouthe the preciouse bloude of Christe, by [Page 498] whose furiouse and ragnge commaundemente so muche bloude had bene shedde? Wherefore he woulde, that the Emperour shoulde turne home againe, and that he shoulde pacientlie suffer the bonde,Of the penaunce of this Empe­rour en­ioyned him by S. Am­brose. the which God had with his heauenly sentence allowed, meaning this sentence of excommunication. The Emperour as one browght vppe in Goddes Lawes, obeyed hym, and with weapinge teares departed: where he continued eight monethes, and neuer came all thys while to the Churche, nor receyued the sacramente of Christes bodie. The solemne feast of Chri­stmasse being nowe come, he was in great heuines and sorowe:Mihi porro non mo­dò id tangere licet, verum etiam coelum ipsum clausum est. Neque enim diuini illius oraculi non me­mini quod disertis verbis statuit: quae­cunque a sacerdoti­bus Dei ligata fue­rint in terris, ea etiā in coelis certa esse ligata. to consider that euery poore begger might goe to the Churche, and he onelie was shutte owte. And full bitterlie complayned and moned with him selfe, that he was excluded, not onelie from the Churche, but from heauen also. For he did well remember, that Christe sayde plainlie, that what so euer was bownde in earthe of Goddes Priestes, shoulde be bownde also in heauen.

At lengthe after he had sent Ruffinus a noble man, to entreat with S. Ambrose, he went him self, neither yet would presume to enter, vntill S. Am­brose had absolued him, and losed his bōdes:Te autem oro, vt vincula mea soluas. Et mox Tuae vero, ò vir diui­ne id est operae, indi­care mihi & tempe­rare sacrae medicinae remedia. which he did most humbly and penitently craue at his handes, offering hym selfe to receyue suche far­der penaunce, as S. Ambrose shoulde enioyne hym. Wherevpon S. Ambrose enioyned him (for his penaunce) to make a Lawe, that suche capi­tall sentences and iudgmentes as shoulde seame to be made extraordinarilye, and contrarye to the [Page] common order and custome of themperours, should not be put in execution, til .30. dayes after the sentēce. That in this meane while, the Prince might, yf nede were, better aduise him selfe, either for the moderation or the abolishing of his cōmaundement. Which law was presently made and sub­scribed with Theodosius handes, and doth at this day re­main to be sene in the Code.Vide Cod. Theod. li. 9. tit. 40. lib. 13 In Cod. Iu­stin. lib. 9. tit. de poe­nis: Si vindicari. The Emperour being at lēgth reconciled, and suffered to enter into the church, went vp into the chauncel to offer, and there remained, willinge to receiue the Sacramēt of Christes bodie, as the Emperours were wonte to doe. But S. Ambrose sent to him a deacō to warne him to depart into the body of the churche: for that the inwarde temple was a place for the priestes only. And thervpon he departed, and thanked S Ambrose. And com­ming afterwarde to Constantinople, when he had done his offeringe in the chauncell, woulde not tarrie, but departed into the body of the Church:Niceph. li. 12. ca. 41. Vix aliquando tandē (inquit) quod discri­mē sit inter impera­torem & sacrorum antistitem, cognoui: vix veritatis docto­rem inueni. though Nectarius the Patriarche there, were not contente with yt and willed him to remaine still: to whome he answered. I haue scarsly nowe at lengthe learned the difference betwixte an Emperour, and a priest. By this story, first ye vnderstande, what a cauillor, and what a quarreller M. Horne is: to charge M. Fe­kenham with the vntrue reporte of this story. For as for the first, [...]. truth yt is. S. Ambrose did not fynde faulte, that he shoulde enter into the chancel, nei­ther M. Fekenham saieth so. But sayinge, he for­badde him to enter, and addinge no more but these wordes, the inwarde partes, be for the Priestes, & caetera this & caetera. declareth, that M Fekenhā meante not of the bare ingresse, but of the ingresse [Page 499] and tarying withall, accordinge to the story: to the which he doth referre him selfe with this & caetera. And therfore as there is no cause, why he shoulde vntruely reporte yt, making nothing for his purpose, nor againste you: so con­sideringe the maner of his vtterance, yt is truely repor­ted: and ye Mayster Horne shewe your selfe but a wran­gler. For the .2. poynte, though in dede Theodoretus saieth as you reherse [...], that is, scarsly, or hardlye: yet the lea­uing owte of those two syllables, is not any way beneficial to M. Fekenham, or preiudiciall to your cause, or worthie to be noted for any vntruth. For yt is very true, that Theo­dosius had learned a difference betwixt themperour and the priestes, thoughe scarslye and hardlye, and in longe time.

Nowe we haue proued M. Fekenham an honeste man, and cleared him, we geue you warninge to see to your self, and that you prouide aswel for your selfe and your ho­nesty, which ye shall neuer doe. Remēber I pray you,Vide su­pra fol. 119. b. &. 120. a. The story of, Theo­dosius maketh against manie pointes of M. Horne [...] doctrine. what aduantage, or what great honesty ye toke before, for the al­leaging of Theodosius doings. Take hede I say, least his sto­ry yet ones againe put you to as much shame. I wil not tar­ry vppon other incidente though great matters. As that this story geueth a sure recorde and testimony againste your synagoges, or rather Barnes (.1.) aswell for the pluc­king downe of the chauncell, and makinge no difference betwene the Priestes and the lay mens place (.2.) as also for taking away the oblation and presence of the blessed bo­die and bloudd of Christe, testified by this story. In the which oblation, the cheife office of the Prieste remai­neth: and for the which, as being one principall cause,.1. in the auncient and primitiue Churche the Churches .2. [Page] were not barnes or cockpittes, as yours are now, but seme­ly and orderlie distincted, with the Chauncel to the Priestes onlie: and with the bodie of the Churche, peculiarlie ap­pointed to the people. This I say, I wil now leaue largelie 3 to discourse vppon (.3.) and also that this Storie destroyeth your other heresie, that Priests do not remit sinnes, but de­clare onely sinnes to be remitted. For Theodosius confes­sed, that by the sentence of this Bishoppe, he was excluded not only from the Church, but from heauen also. I wil now discourse only, whether this storie be aptly brought foorth 4(.4.) for M. Fekenhams purpose, which ye denie. But he that doth not see most euidentlie, that this Storie proueth S. Ambrose, for causes Ecclesiastical to haue bene the head of the Church of Millaine, and not the Emperour, he will neuer see any truth, as long as he liueth, and is like to him that in a faire sunny daie stoppeth his eyes with his handes at midnoone, and then crieth out that they are fooles, that saie it is daie lighte. No, no, euery man may easely see by this Storie, that the tenour of your othe can not possi­blie be iustified: whereby men are vrged to swere, that the Prince is supreme head not in one or two, but in AL cau­ses or things ECCLESIASTICAL. Surely an vntrue and an horrible proposition. The which S. Ambrose, if he now liued, rather then he woulde confesse, he woulde be dismembred with wilde horses. This is to open, and to eui­dent an absurditie, and though ye will not, or dare not con­fesse it with plaine wordes,M. Horns starting holes, vvhen he is pressed mere. yet as we haue declared, it may be wel gathered your selfe doe not like it. And therfore ye craftelie wind your selfe from that, as much as ye may pos­siblie, and finde many starting holes: as in the former leafe, That out of Constantinus Storie it may not be gathered, that [Page 500] Bisshoppes haue all manner of Cohibitiue Iurisdiction. And here: that it can not be proued by this Storie of Theodosius, that they haue the seconde Cohibitiue Iurisdiction. But in case out of bothe it may be gathered (as it is in deede ne­cessarilie gathered) that the Prince is not supreame Heade in all matters Ecclesiastical: then is Maister Fekenham free from taking the Othe, as being such, as neither he, nor any good man may with safe conscience receiue.

Now further, what if of this Storie, it shalbe proued most 5 euidently, that Bishops haue not only the .2. Cohibitiue, but the first Cohibitiue too, as ye call it? And that it is so, I sette fast footing, and ioyne issue with you. And first, for your first Cohibitiue Iurisdiction, as ye call it, in which by you is comprehended excōmunication, whiche ye see here practised without any Princes commission, yea vppon the Prince him selfe. And as no man euer read or hearde, that S. Ambrose had any other commission, either from Prince or from his Churche, to excommunicate Theodosius, and that as it is not likely, that the whole Church and Congre­gation of Millaine woulde agree to the excōmunication of the Emperour: or that they had any such authoritie: So a man may doubte, whether there were any one laie man or Priest, that was of such courage, as herein to ioyne with S. Ambrose in so dāgerous, but yet a worthy enterprise. Sure­ly S. Ambrose had none other cōmission, then all other Bis­shops then, or sithens haue had. None other, I say, then he had, when he excōmunicated a seruant of the Erle Stillico,Paulinus in vita Ambrosij. for forging of false letters. Which excōmunication wrought so wōderously, that he waxed mad, and was possessed of the Diuel, that began al to teare him. None other then he had, when he excōmunicated also Maximus the tyrāt:Ibidem. not with­out [Page] great daunger of his life.Niceph. li. 12. cap. 41 Vinculum quod Deus coelitus sub calculo comprobauit, suscipe. None other I say, then that, that he receiued of God, when he was made Bishope. This iurisdiction then did S. Ambrose ex­ercise by his supreame Ecclesiasticall authoritie, vppon the higest Monarche of al the world. This did he by his episcopal office,Ambros lib. 5. epistola 28. ad ipsum Theodo­sium. Ita me Deus ab omnibus tribulatio­nibus liber [...]t, quia non ab homine neque per hominem, sed a­pertè mihi interd [...]ctū aduerti: Dum enim essem sollicitus, ipsa nocte qua proficisci parabam, venisse qui­dem visus es, sed mi­hi sacrificium offerre non licuit. and yet not without a plaine celestiall reuelation to encourage hym therto, and to confirme him, as him selfe declareth. Herein his doinges were agreable to his teachin­ges. For he taught with all other Catholikes, that this excommunication perteyneth to the Bishopes ād not to the multitud. The Bishops office is (sayth he) if it maybe to heale canckered and foystered soores, and if that may not be, to cut the perniciouse and rotten partes quite of. It is then a most true principle, that Bisshops neede to looke for none other warrant to excōmunicate any man, that deserueth excōmuni­cation: no nor the Prince neither, putting the case as ye falsely do, that he is the head of the Church. And therfore either you muste take from him thys vnnatural and monstrouse head,Officiorum lib. 2 ca. 27. Sic Episcopi affe­ctus boni est, vt optet sanare infirmos, ser­pentia auferre vulne­ra: adurere aliqua non abscindere, postremò quod sanari non potest, cum dolore abscindere. by which ye sette two heades vpon one bodie, or ye muste graunte him authoritie to excommunicat to.

Maruell it is to me, if this your preaching and teaching be so true and sure as ye make it, that the learned men about Theodosius could not espie it. O that ye had bene at his elbowe to haue enspired him whith a litle of your newe diuinitie: ye might haue wonderfullie eased his woful harte, and per­chance if you might haue proued your doctrine, haue worne for your labour the Popes triple croune [Page 501] by Theodosius good helpe, for suche good seruice in so greate distresse. What a sort of dolts had Theodosius being so mighty a Prince about him: that none of them could tell him, that he neded not to passe a buttē for S. Ambroses ex­cōmunicatiō, vnlesse he saw yt withal sealed by the whole congregation? Yf Theodosius had learned this lesson he would haue shifted wel inough for him felfe, nor neded not to haue pined away so many moneths with cōtinual mour­ning and lamentatiō. But suerly yf ye had tolde him so M. Horne, he would haue takē you as ye are, that is, for a lier, and an heretike. He was as I haue sayed, brought vp in the knowledge of Gods law, ād knew ful wel,Niceph. li. 14. cap. 3. Adeò reli­giosus Theodosius fuit, vitā ­que suam accuratis­simè ad diuinas leges cō ­posuit. that he was lau­fully excommunicated, by S. Ambrose. The whiche he did muche feare, pronounced not by a Bishop onely, that hath therto ordinary, but (such was his deuotiō and his life so cō ­formable to Gods lawes) of other that had none authority at al. And therefore being on a time excommunicated, of a froward mōk, hauing none authority therto: he would nei­ther eat, nor drink vntil he wer assoiled of him: yea though th'Archbishop him self of Cōstātinople offred to assoil him.

We will now come to the 2. cohibitiue, as ye cal yt, and to the authority of making lawes and decrees, euidently to be proued by this story. For from whense commeth this order and maner to distincte the chauncell from the bodie of the Churche, and to place the priestes in the one, and the laity in the other: but from the Bishops, without any commission of the Prince or people? The which order and lawe ye see, that S Ambrose appointed to the Prince hym selfe: which he euer afterward kepte, thoughe before he vsed the cōtrary. Againe doth not S. Ambrose prescribe to Theodosius for his penaunce, a certain lawe and order [Page] to be set forth by him, by his proclamation? Thirdly is it not a Law made of the Bishops and councel without any com­mission of Princes or people,Cōc. Mi­leuit. c. 19 that a sentence ones geuen, or order taken in matters Ecclesiastical, none of the Clergy should appeale vpon paine of depriuation to any ciuile Prince? And that we go not from the storie and time of Theodosius and S. Ambrose:Tō. 1. cōc. in concil. Aquil. did not S. Ambrose with the whole Councell kept at Aquileia depose Palladius, for that he, among other things, would haue had certaine noble men to haue ben as­sociate to sitte in iudgement with the Bishops in the time of Theodosius?Art. 4. fol. 108. Of the which I haue spoken more largely in my Returne, &c. against M. Iewell.

Thus ye perceiue good Reader, how aptly and fitly M. Fekenham hath accommodated to his purpose, the stories of these three Emperours, and to what poore shifts Maister Horne is driuen for the maintenance of his euill cause, that he hath taken in hand to defend. Thus you see also, how to this storie of S. Ambrose and Theodosius M. Horne hathe answered no one word, but making a short recitall thereof, stealeth faire away, without any answere at all.

M. Fekenham. The .172. Diuision. pag. 119. a.

Cal. Insti­tut. cap. 8. M. Iohn Caluine, intreating of the Histories betwixte these Emperors Valētinian, Theodosius, and S. Ambrose, after a lōg processe wherin he maketh good prouf, that all spiritual iurisdictiō doth appertain vnto the Church, and not vnto the Empire, he hath these woordes folowing: Qui vt magistratum ornēt, Ecclesiam spoliant hac potesta­te, non modo falsa interpretatione Christi sententiā corrum­punt, sed sanctos omnes Episcopos, qui tam multi à tempore Apostolorum extiterunt, non leuiter damnant. Quod hono­rem [Page 502] officiūque Magistratus falso praetextu sibi vsurpauerīt. Now they do spoil the Church of that authority, therby to adorn temporal Magistrates, not onely by corrupting Christ his ap­pointment and meaning therin: But also they lightly cōdemne and set at naught al those holy Bishops, which in so great num­ber haue continued frō the time of the Apostles hitherto, which honour and office of Spiritual gouernmēt they haue (saith Iohn Caluin) vsurped and taken vpon them by a false pretext and title made therof. And againe Iohn Caluin saith: Cal. in. 7. ca. Amos. Qui in initio tan­topere extulerunt Henricum regem Angliae, certe fuerunt homines incōsiderati. Dederūt illi summā omniū potestatē. Et hoc me semper grauiter vulnerauit, erant enim blasphe­mi, cum vocarent ipsum summū caput Ecclesiae sub Christo. They which in the beginning did so much extoll Henry King of England, and which did geue vnto him the highest authoritie in the Church, they were men which lacked circumspection, and of small consideration: which thing (saith Iohn Caluin) did at all times offend me very much, for they did commit blasphemie, and were blasphemers, when they did cal him the supreame Head of the Churche.

M. Horne.

The collectour of your common places did (.646.)The 646. Vntruth, M. Fekenham vvas not beguiled, but you. beguile you, vvhiche you vvoulde haue perceiued, if you hadde readde Maister Caluine vvith your ovvne eyes. He entreateth (.647.) The 647. vntruth. He doth entreat, a [...] shall appeare. not in that place of the Histories betvvixte the Emperours Va­lentinianus, Theodosius, and Sainte Ambrose. He confuteth the opinion of such as thinke the Iurisdiction that Christ gaue vnto his Church, to be but for a time, vvhilest the Magistrats vvere as yet vnfaithfull, and proueth that the Iurisdiction of the Church, vvas geuen of Christ to remaine til his second cōming, and belongeth only to the Church, and not to the Prince (.648.)The .648. Vntruth. excōmunicatiō be­longeth to the Bis­shoppe by Christes cōmission without ani furder cōmissiō frō the Church, as it hath before bene declared. Bishop, or, Priest, vvithout special cōmission frō the Churche. The vvhiche Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction, you do so in dede, but none els beside you. I comprehended vnder the first kind of cohibitiue Iurisdictiō. You do M. Caluin not double, but quadruple, [Page] yea much more vvrong about the citing of his sentence▪ for as ye haue vntrue­ly reported the circumstance of his sentence, so haue you hackte from the be­ginning thereof one material vvorde, part of it you haue obscurely tanslated, the other part falsly, and by altering his vvords and sense, ye haue belied him, slaundered the auncient Bisshopes, and haue auouched M. Caluin (if those vvere his vvordes and meaning, vvhich you in your translation Father vp­pon him) directly against your selfe: vvhich you meant not, for ye thought (as I suppose) you had so cunningly handeled him, that he should haue serued your turne. If this your euil dealing vvith M. Caluin, proceeded of ignoraunce, for that his Latine vvas to fine for your grosse vnderstanding, ye are somevvhat to be borne vvithall: but if you haue thus dealt of purpose, than your malice is ouer great, ye shevve your selfe shameles to deale so vnhonestly, and that in the sight of al men. After that M. Caluin hath proued, that our sauiour Christ gaue the discipline of excommunication vnto the Church, to be exercised con­tinually by the same: to the censure vvhereof all estates ought to submitte thē selues, for if he be an Emperour, he is vvithin, or vnder, and not aboue the Church, He concludeth vvith this sentēce: Quare illi qui vt Magistra­tum ornent &c. VVherefore they which to adorne the Magi­strate, doe spoile the Church of this power (to exercise the discipline of excōmunicatiō) do not only corrupt Christs sentēce with a false interpretation: but doe also, not lightly condemne al the holy Bisshopes, which were so many from the Apostles time: for so much as they (al the holy Bisshopes) haue vsurped to them selues the honour and office of the (ciuil) Magistrate vnder a false pre­tense or colour. The first vvord of the sentence vvhich knitteth the same, as a conclusion to that, that goeth before, ye haue lefte out. Hovve darkely ye haue translated the first parte of the periode, may appeare by conference of your translation vvith the Authours vvordes. The laste parte ye haue falsely translated, tourning the Coniunction into a Pronoune relatiue, and transla­ting this vvord Magistratus (vvherby Caluin meaneth the ciuil Magistrat) by these vvordes, spiritual gouernement, and so haue cleane altered both the vvordes and (.649.) The .649. vntruth. The fence is not al­tered. sense of M. Caluin, and yet shame not to belie him, saying (Iohn Caluin saieth) vvhich he saieth (.650.) The .650: vntruth. For he saieth it by the vvay of an obie­ction. not. But it is M. Fekenham that saieth, and so belieth Caluin, and (.651.) The 651. vntruth. M. Fekenham slaū dereth not the Fathers. slaundereth the auncient Bishopes, as though they (for to them this, they, hath relation) had [Page 503] taken vpon them the office of the Magistrate: as they had done in dede, if al manner correction and iudgement had belonged to the Magistrate, and none at al to the Church, by vvhose commission they exercised this iurisdiction. If this vvere M. Caluines saying, as ye translate him, that they (all the holie Bisshops from the Apostles time) haue vsurped and taken vpon them the ho­nour and office of Spiritual gouernement, by a false pretext and title made thereof, then haue you alleaged M. Caluin against your selfe, for this sentence, if it vvere true (.652.) The .652. vntruth. It ouer­throweth not M. Fekenhās purpose, but cōfir­meth it. ouerthrovveth your purpose, nothing more.

The .11. Chapter. How Iohn Caluine alleaged by M. Fekenham, plainly condemneth M. Horns assertion.

Stapleton.

IN al this Diuision, M. Horne,Vide Cal­ui institut. editas in folio. Anno 1551. li. 4. cap. 11. fol. 451. you continue like to your self, false and vntrue. For first where you tel M. Fekenhā that the collector of his cōmon places beguiled him, whi­che he shuld haue perceiued, if he had read Caluin with his own eyes: I answer he was not deceiued by his collector, but you are deceiued by your Collector. For Caluin entreating of Iurisdictiō Ecclesiasticall in the same Chap­ter,Cap. 11. fol. 447. Sed accidit saepenu­mero vt sit negligen­tior magistratus imò nōnunquā fortè vt sit ipsemet castigandus: quòd & Theodosio Casari contigit. Cap. 12. fol. 454. Sic Theodosius ab Ambrosio ob caedem Thassolanicae perpetrae tam iure communio­nis priuatus, &c. in which the words recited by M. Fekenhā are cōteined, allegeth out of S. Ambrose his Epistle to the Emperour Valentinian, that the foresaid Em­perour Valentinian enacted by plaine Lawe as we haue shewed, that in matters of Faith, Bishoppes shoulde be Iudges. And in the said Chapter, and in the next also, Caluine sheweth that S. Ambrose would not suffer Theodosius to cōmunicate with other. True it is therefore that (as M. Fekenhā saith) Caluine in that place intreateth of these Histories betwixt S. Ambrose, and the Emperours Theodosi­us and Valentiniā: and you for denying it, haue en­creased the huge nūber of your notorious vntruths.

[Page]Goe we now to the allegation yt selfe. M. Horne com­plaineth, that the first worde of the sentence which knit­teth the same as a conclusion to that that goeth before, is quite lafte out by M. Fekenham. And yet when all is done, yt is but a poore Quare, that is, wherefore: which may be lefte owte withowte any preiudice of the sentence in the worlde: and being put in, neither helpeth M. Fekēham, nor hindereth M. Horne.In the English trā ­slation. fol. 402. Reade then good reader thus: wher­fore they that do spoyle, and so forth. And then make an ac­cōpte what is won or what is lost by additiō or subtraction of this Quare. Yet is the first part of the periode (saieth M. Horne) darkely trāslated. In dede the first word, How, how it commeth in I know not, and yt semeth to be a litle ouer­sight of the author or some faulte of the scribe easie to be remedied, and is to be translated, thus: they that do spoyle. &c. and afterward, doe not onely corrupte, but do also not lightly condemne, and so forth: the sense alwaies notwithstanding comminge to one. And as for the coniunction turned into a pronoune: yf ye reade damnant quòd honorem &c. which is but a smal alteration: the matter is sone amended. And al this is litle or nothing preiudiciall to the whole sentence. But I perceiue for lacke of substancial answere, ye are dri­uen thus to rippe vp syllables and to hunte after termes. As for the translating of the worde Magistratus, (whereby ye say Caluin meaneth the ciuill magistrate) into the worde spiritual gouernmente: whereby Mayster Fekenham (as ye say) hath altered the wordes and sense of Caluin, for the wordes which is a matter but of small weight, I will not greatly sticke with you: but for the altering of the sense, I fynde litle or none alteratiō. For seing that Caluin doth an­swere thē, that mainteined al iurisdictiō and punishment to [Page 504] appertaine to the ciuil magistrate, and none to the church, and bringeth in for an absurdity against thē, that they that so thinke, muste condēne al the holy Bishops, for taking vp­on them the office and honour of a Magistrate, by a false pretexte and title, in as muche as this honour and office, that olde Bishoppes toke vppon them, was the authority of excōmunicatiō, which is one prīcipal power of spiritual go­uernmēt, there cā be no notable or preiudicial alteratiō of the sense it self, which euery way cōmeth to one issue. And therfore yt is true inough, that Iohn Caluin sayth as by way of an obiection, that which M. Fekenhā auowcheth him to say: And there is no lie therin at al, as ye imagine: Neither are the Fathers slaūdered by M. Fekenham, as ye cauil: but yf any slaunder be in this pointe,See Hosiu [...]. In his booke, Of the ex­pres vvord of God. Foll. 47. M. Caluī [...] sentence alleaged by M. Fe­kenham condem­neth our acte of parlia­ment. In the en­glish trā ­slation. Fol. 402. pag. 1. Caluin is the Father of the slaūder, whose words or the very sense of thē M. Fekenham reporteth. And for the same cause they do nothing ouer­throwe M. Fekenhams purpose, being not originallye of hym proposed, but owt of Caluin as an absurdity against certain, that doe challēge al iurisdictiō to the ciuill Magistrate. And therfore you in attributing these wordes to M. Fekenhā, as his peculiar wordes, play with him as your Apology doth with Cardinall Hosius: imputing to him the heresy of the Swenkefeldians, that he reciteth not by his own words, but by their own words. I say thē these wordes make nothing against M. Fekenham, but plainely against the othe, that ye mainteine, and against your acte of parliamēte, that vniteth al iurisdiction ecclesiasticall to the Croune, and against M. Horne that mainteineth the saide statute. Against whome now I make this argument borrowed of his own Apostle Iohn Caluin. They, which to honour the Magistrat, do spoile the Church of this power (meaning of excommunication) do not [Page] only with false expositiō corrupt the sentēce of Christ, but also do not sclēderly cōdēne so many holy Bishops, which haue ben frō the time of the Apostles: that they haue by false pretēce vsurped the honour and office of the Magistrate. But our actes of parliamēt geue al maner of ecclesiastical power and iurisdictiō to the Prince. Ergo, our lawes condēne al the holy Fathers ād bi­shops: and do falsly interprete Christes sentence. What part of this argumēt cā ye deny?Printed in Londō An. 1562. The maior is your Apostle Cal­uins, euē according to your own english Trāslatiō, sene and allowed according to the order appointed in the Quenes Maiesties Iniunctions so that you cā by no meanes quarell against it. The minor is notoriouse by the very tenour of the othe, to the which so many haue sworē, or rather for­sworen. Wherefore the conclusion must nedes followe.

The parliamente geueth to the prince the Supreme Go­uernmēt in al ecclesiastical causes, and the authorising of al maner ecclesiastical iurisdictiō. You and your Maister Cal­uin, do restrain this generality. For excōmunicatiō you say, belōgeth neither to Prince nor Bishops, but to the church. Now seing you haue for this your opiniō no better authour, then Iohn Caluin, one of the archeheretiks of our time, whether his authority, though it be very large ād ample with you, ād your brethern, wil serue for the interpretatiō of the statute, in the kings benche, I referre that, to other that haue to do therin.M. Caluin and M. Horn cō ­demne aswel old holy Bi­shops, as the late acte of parlia­mente. On the other side, sure I am yt wil not serue, whē ye come before the ecclesiastical bench of Christes catholike church, nor of the Lutherā Churche, no nor serue your M. Caluin neither. And this his and your interpretation, doth plainely condemne the late lawes of our realm, and geueth M. Fekenham and all other a good and sufficient occasion to refuse the othe appointed by the statute, as cōdēning so many holy Bishops for exercising that iurisdiction, that ap­perteined [Page 505] not to thē, but to the Prince. To the Prince I say, by you M. Horne, who doe geue to the Prince al maner of iurisdictiō cōteined in the second kind of cohibitiue iurisdi­ctiō, in the which second kind excōmunication is expresly cōteined by your own Author Antoniꝰ Delphinus: though you in reciting his wordes, haue nipped quite away frō the middest the wordes expressing the same,See fol. .448. to beguile therby your Reader, and to make him beleue, that Antonius was your Author herein. It is not then M. Fekēham, but your Maister Ihon Caluin, and your self also, that condēne al the holy bishops, yea S. Paule and the other Apostles to, which exercised this iurisdictiō and al other iurisdiction in ecclesi­astical matters, without any warrant frō the Prince, or the Church. Namely the blessed bishop S. Ambrose for excom­municating of Theodosius. And so al your false accusations wherwith ye charge M. Fekēhā, redoūd truly vpō yourself.

Wher you say, that Caluins Latin was to fine for M. Feken­hams grosse vnderstāding. what a sine Latin mā your self are, I referre the Reader to this your owne booke,Fol. 480. and to your articles lately set forth at Oxford. The places I haue before specified, and therfore nedelesse here to be recited againe.

M. Horne. The .173. Diuision. pag. 120 b.

And againe Iohn Caluin vvriting vpō Amos the Prophet, is by you alleged to (.653) The 653. vntruth. For it ser­euth mu­che more for our purpose, as shall appeare. as litle purpose: For be it that thei vvhich attributed to King Hēry of famous memorie, so much authoritie (vvhich greeued Caluin) vvere mē not vvel aduised in so doing, and that thei vvere blasphemous, that called him the supreme head of the church (ye knovv vvho they vvere that first gaue to him that title and authority) yet your (.654.)The .654. vntruth. This is not M. Fekenhās cōclusion cōclusiō follovveth not herof. There­fore Bishops and priests haue authority to make lavves, orders, ā [...] decrees, &c. to their flockes and cures, no more thā of his former saying. Christ gaue to his Church this authoritie to excōmunicat, to bind and to lovvse: Therfore Bishops and Priestes maie make lavves, orders, and decrees, to theyr flockes and cures.

Stapleton.

Caluin saith in plain words, It is blasphemy to cal the Prīce of Englād supreme head of the Church. He saith also. They that so much extolled King Henry at the beginning, soothely they wanted dew cōsideratiō. This is your second and better Apo­stle M. Horn, that hath brought your first Apostle Luther almost out of conceyte. This is he M. Horn, whose bookes the sacramentaries, esteme as the second ghospel. This is he M. Horne, that beareth such a sway in your congregation and conuocation now, that ye direct al your procedings by his Geneuical instructions and examples. This is he, whose institutions against Christ, and the true diuine religion, are in such price with you, that there be few of your protestāte fellowe Bisshops that wil admit any man, to any cure, that hath not reade them, or wil not promise to reade them. The Catholiks deny your new supremacy: the Lutherans also deny it: Caluin calleth it blasphemous. Howe can then any Catholike man persuade his conscience to take this othe?

M. Horne is not able to an­swere to M. Feck. touching Caluin that saith it is blas­phemy to cal the Prince head of the Churche.And what say you now at length to this authority M. Horne? Mary saith he: I say, that though it be true, yet it will no more followe thereof that Bishops may make lawes, orders, and decrees, then of his former saying: that Christ gaue to the Churche authority to excommunicate, to binde, and to lose. In dede ye say truthe for the one, it is but a slender argu­mente: The Ciuil Magistrate is heade of the Churche: Er­go, Bisshoppes may make Lawes: and Maister Fekenham was neuer yet so yll aduised and so ouersene, as to frame such madde argumentes. This argumente cometh fresh and newe hammered out of your owne forge. But for the other parte, if a man woulde reason thus, Bishoppes haue power to binde and to loose: Ergo they haue power to [Page 506] make lawes, orders and decrees &c. he should not rea­son amisse: seing that by the iudgement of the learned, vn­der the power of binding and loosing, the power of ma­king lawes is contayned. Which also very reason for­ceth. For who haue more skill to make lawes and orders for directing of mens consciences, then such whose whole study and office consisteth in instructing and refourming mens consciences? But Maister Fekenham doth not rea­son so, but thus. It is blasphemy to call the Prince heade of the Church: Ergo Maister Fekenham can not with saufe conscience take the othe of the supremacy, and that the Prince is the supreme head. Againe the Prince hath no au­thority or iurisdiction to binde or lose, or to excommuni­cate: Ergo, M. Fekenham can not be persuaded to swere to that statute that annexeth and vniteth al iurisdiction to the Prince, and to swere that the Prince is supreme gouernour in all causes Ecclesiastical. These be no childish matters M. Horne. Leaue of this your fonde and childishe dealings, and make vs a directe answere to the arguments as M. Feken­ham proposeth them to you: and soyle them well and suf­ficiently, and then finde faulte with him, yf ye wil, for re­fusing the othe. But then am I sure, ye wil not be ouer hastie vpon him, but wyll geue him a breathing tyme for this seuē yeres at the least, and for your life to. For as long as your name is Robert Horne ye shall neuer be able to soyle them. Neither thinke you, that in matters of suche importance, wise men and such as haue the feare of God before their eies, wil be carried away from the Catholike faith with such kind of aunsweres.

The words of Iohn Caluin, be manifest, and cā not be a­uoided. He saith. Erāt blasphemi, cū vocarēt ipsum Sūmū caput [Page] Ecclesiae sub Christo. They were blasphemous, whē they cal­led him (he meaneth kinge Henry .8.) the Supreme head of the Church vnder Christ. [...]aluin in [...]mos c. 7. [...]ol. 292. And who were those that Cal­uin calleth here blasphemous? You would M. Horne your Reader should thinke, that he meaned the Papistes, for you referre that matter to M. Fekenhams knowledge, saying to him, You knowe who they were, & caet. as though they were of M. Fekenhams friendes, that is to say, Catholikes, as he by Gods grace is. And so ful wisely bableth M. Nowel in hys second Reproufe against M. Dorman.Fol. 127. But that Caluin mea­neth herein plainely and out of all doubte the Protestants and his owne dere brethern, it is most euidēt by his wordes immediatly folowing, which are these. Hoc certè fuit nimiū: sed tamen sepultum hoc maneat, quia peccârunt inconsiderato zelo. Suerly this was to much. But let it lie buried, for that they offended by inconsiderate zele. Tel me nowe of good felowship M. Horne, were they M. Feckenhams frendes, or youres, were they Catholikes, or Protestants, that Caluin here so gently excuseth, wishing the matter to be forgottē, and attributing it rather to want of dewe consideration, and to zele, then to willfull malice, or sinnefull ignoraunce? Euidēt it is he spake of his brethern protestants of Englād, and for their sakes he wisheth the matter might be forgot­ten. With the like passion of pity, in his commentaries vpō S. Paule to the Corinthians, whē he cometh to there words alleaged there of the Apostle. Hoc est corpus meum: This is my body, remembring the ioyly concent of his bretherne about that matter, he saith. Non recensebo infaelices pugnas, quae de sensu istorum verborum, Caluin: in cōment. in 1. Cor. 11. Ecclesiam nostro tempore exer­cuerunt. Vtinam potius liceat perpetua obliuione eorum memo­riam obruere. I will not reaken vp, the vnhappy combats, [Page 507] that haue exercised the Church in our time, about the sense of these words. I would rather they might ones vtterly be forgotten. And by and by he reiecteth the opinion of Ca­rolostadius, calling it insul [...]um cōmentum, a doltish deuise. I say then of Caluin: the bemoning of the matter, betrayeth his meaning. It is not his maner perdy, to bemone the Pa­pistes. Protestants then nedes must they be, whome Caluin there calleth blasphemous.

But here note good Reader what shiftes these fellowes haue, when they are pressed to see the truthe. M. Nowell laieth al the fault to false reporters, and as Caluin pitied him and his felowes for inconsiderat zele, so he pitieth Caluin againe for incōsiderat beleuing of false reporters.Fol. 127. But what a foolish pitie this was, on M. Nowells part, and how vnsa­uerly he soluteth this obiection, I leaue it to M. Dorman, who will I doubt not, sufficiently discouer his exceding fo­ly herein. Thus then M. Nowell. But what shifte hath M. Horne? Forsothe full wilely and closely he stealeth cleane away, from the matter it self, framing to M. Feckenham an argumente, whiche the basest Logicioner of a hundred woulde be ashamed lo vtter. And thus with folie on the one side, and crafte on the other side, willfulnes ouerco­meth, heresie contineweth, and the obiection is vnan­swered.

Yet to presse it a litle more, for such as haue eies, and shut thē not against the light, you shal vnderstād, that Iohn Cal­uin was offended not only with his brethern of Englād, but also with those of Germany, yea and of his own neighbors about him, for attributing to Princes the spirituall gouerne­mēt, which M. Horn auoucheth,Fol. 14. to be the principall parte of the Princes royall power. In the booke and leafe before no­ted [Page] he saith. Sed interea sunt homines inconsiderati, qui faciūt illos nimis spirituales. Caluin vbi suprà. Et hoc vitium passim regnat in Germa­nia. In his etiam regionibus nimium grassatur. Et nunc sentimus quales fructus nascantur, ex illa radice, quòd scilicet principes et quicunque potiuntur imperio, putent se ita spirituales esse, vt nullum sit amplius Ecclesiasticum Regimen. Et hoc sacrilegium apud eos grassatur, quia non possunt metiri suum officium certis & legitimis finibus: sed non putant posse se regnare, nisi aboleāt omnem Ecclesiae authoritatē, & sint summi iudices tam in do­ctrina, quàm in toto spirituali regimine. But in the meane while there are vnaduised persons, which doe make thē (he meaneth Lay Princes) to spirituall. And this ouersight ray­neth most in Germany. In these Countres also it procedeth ouermuch. And nowe we feele what fruytes springe vp of that roote: verely, that Princes and al such as do beare rule, think thē selues nowe so spirituall, that there is no more any Ecclesiastical gouernemēt. And this sacrilege taketh place among thē, bicause they can not measure their office, with­in certayn and lawful boundes. But are persuaded, that their kingdome is nothinge, except they abolish all Authority of the Church, and become them selues the Supreme Iudges, as wel in doctrine, as in al kinde of Spirituall gouernement. Hitherto Iohn Caluin.

If M. Feckenham or any Catholike subiecte of England had said or writē so much,Fol. 106. b you would haue charged him M. Horn with an vnkind meaning to the Prince ād to the State, yea and say,Fol. 4. b. &. 5. a. that he bereueth and spolyeth the Prince of the principall part of her royall power. But now that Caluin saith it, a man by you not onely estemed, but authorised also so farre as is aboue sayd, what saye you to it M. Horne, or what can you possybly deuise to say? He calleth yt plaine [Page 508] sacrilege, that princes can not measure and limit their po­wer, but that they must become the supreme Iudges in all Ecclesiasticall gouernement. And doe not you M. Horne defend, that princes not onely may, but oughte also to be the Supreme Gouernours in all Ecclesiasticall causes? All, I say, nay you say your selfe, without exception. Fol. 104. a For if (say you) ye excepte or take away any thinge, yt ys not all.

You thē M. Horn that auouch so sternly, that the Prince must haue al supreme gouernement, in matters Ecclesiasti­call, answer to your Maister, to your Apostle, and to your Idoll Iohn Caluin of Geneua, and satisfie his complaynte, complayning and lamenting, that Princes wil be the Supreme Iudges, as well in doctrine, as in all kinde of Spirituall gouerne­ment. Answer to the zelous Lutherans, and the famous ly­ers of Magdeburge: who in their preface vpon the 7. Cen­tury, complaine also ful bitterly, that the lay Magistrats wil be heads of the Church, wil determine dostrine, In praefat. Centur. 7. and appoynte to the Ministers of God what they shall preache and teache, and what forme of Religion they shall folowe. And is not all your preaching and teaching, and the whole forme and maner of all your Religion nowe in England, enacted, established and set vp by acte of parliament, by the lay magistrats only,An. 1. Eliz the Ministers of God, all the bishops and the inferiour cler­gy in the Conuocation howse vtterly, but in vayne, reclay­ming against it?

Speake, speake Maister Morne: Is not all that you doe in matters of Religion, obtruded to Priestes and Ministers by force of the temporall Lawe? Aunswere then to Caluines complaynte. Aunswere to your bre­therne of Germanie. Yea, aunswere to Philippe Me­lanchthon the piller and ankerhold of the ciuill Lutherans, [Page] who saith also, that in the Interim made in Germany, Po­testas politica extrametas egressa est. Melanch­thō in examine ordi­nandorū. Luth. con­tra articulos Louan. Tom. 2. The Ciuil power passed her boundes: and addeth. Non sunt confundendae functiones. The functions of both Magistrats are not to be cōfounded. Yea answer to Luther him selfe the great grādsir of al your pedegree. He saith plainly. Non est Regum aut Principum e­tiam veram doctrinam confirmare, sed ei subijci & seruire. It belongeth not to Kings or Princes, so much as to confirme the true doctrine, but to be subiecte and to obeye it. See you not here, howe farre Luther is frō geuing the supreme gouernemēt in al Ecclesiastical causes to Princes? Answere then to these M. Horne. These are no Papistes. They are your own dere brethern: Or yf they are not, defye them, that we way knowe, of what secte and company you are. What? wil you in matters of Religiō stand post alone? Wil you so rent and teare a sonder the whole Coate of Christ, the vnity of his dere spouse the Church, that you alone of England, contrary, not only to al the Catholik Church, but also contrary, to the chief M. of Geneua Iohn Caluin, con­trary to the Chief Maisters of the Zelous Lutherans Illiri­cus and his felowes, contrrary to the Chief M. of the Ciuil Lutherans Philip Melanchton, yea and contrary to the fa­ther of thē al Martin Luther, briefly cōtrary to al sortes and sectes of Protestants, you wil alone, you only, I say, and a­lone, defende this most Barbarous Paradoxe, of Princes su­preme gouernement in al Ecclesiasticall causes, all, as you say without exception? Sirs. If you lyst so to stand alone against all, and by Othe to hale men to your singular Para­doxe, not only to say with you, but also to swere that they think so in conscience, gette you also a Heauen alone, get you a God alone, get you a Paradise alone. Vndoubtedly [Page 509] and as verely as God is God, seing in the eternal blisse, of all other felicities peace ād loue must nedes be one, either you in this world must drawe to a peace and loue with al other Christians, or you must not looke to haue part of that blisse with other Christiās, except you alone think, you may ex­clude al other: and that all the worlde is blinde, you onelye seing the light, and that all shall goe to hell, you only to heauen.

O M. Horne. These absurdites be to grosse and palpa­ble. If any Christianity be in men, yea in your selfe, you and thei must nedes see it. If you see it, shut not your eies against it. Be not like the stone harted Iewes, that seing would not see, and hearing would not heare the Sauiour and light of the worlde.

To conclude: Mark and beare away these .ij. points on­ly. First, that in this so weighty a matter, to the which on­ly 1 of al matters in controuersy, men are forced to sweare by booke othe, you are contrary not only to al the Catho­like Churche, but also euē to al maner of protestants what­soeuer, be they Caluinistes, Zelous Lutherās, or Ciuil Lu­theranes: and therefore you defende herein a proper and singular heresy of your owne. Next, consider and thinke 2 vpon it wel M. Horne, that before the dayes of Kinge Hē ­ry the .8. there was neuer King or Prince whatsoeuer, not only in our own Countre of England, but also in no other place or countre of the world, that at any tyme either pra­ctised the gouernement, or vsed such a Title, or required of his subiects such an Othe, as you defende.

And is it not great maruail, that in the course of so many hundred yeres sence that Princes haue ben christened, and in the compasse of so many Countres, lands, and dominions, [Page] no one Emperour, Kinge, or Prince can be shewed, to haue vsed, or practised the like gouernement by you so forcea­bly maintayned? Yea, to touche you nerer, is it not a great wonder, that wheras a long tyme before the daies of King Henry the .8. there was a statute made,The Sta­tut of Praeroga­tiuae Re­gis. called Praerogatiuae Regis, contayning the prerogatiues, priuileges and preemi­nences due to the Kings Royall person and to the Crowne of the Realm, that I say in that statute so especially and di­stinctly comprising them, no maner worde should appeare of his supreme Gouernement in all Ecclesiasticall causes, which you M. Horn do auouche to be a principal part of the Princes Royall power? If it be as you say, a principal part of the Princes Royal power, how chaūceth it, that so principal a part was not so much as touched in so special a statut of the Prī ­ces prerogatiues and preeminēces? Shal we think for your sake that the whole Realm was at that tyme so iniurious to the King ād the Crown, as to defraude ād spoyle the Prince of the principal part of his Royal power? Or that the King himself that then was of so smal courage, that he would dis­semble and winke thereat, or last of al, that none of all the posterity sence would ones in so long a time cōplaine ther­of? Againe at what time King Hēry the .8. had by Acte of parliament this Title of Supreme head of the Church graū ­ted vnto him, howe chaunceth it, that none then in al the Realme was found, to challenge by the saied Statut of Prae­rogatiuae Regis, this principal part (as you cal it) of the Princes royal power, or at the lest, if no plain challēge could be made thereof, to make yet some propable deductiō of some par­cel or braunche of the said Statut, that to the King of olde time such right appertayned? Or if it neuer before apper­tayned, how can it be a principal part of the Princes Royal [Page 510] power? What? wāted al other Princes before our dayes the principal part of their royal power? And was there no abso­lut Prince in the Realm of Englād before the daies of King Henry the .8. We wil not M. Horne, be so iniurious to the Noble Progenitours of the Quenes Maie. as to say or think they were not absolut and most Royal Princes. They were so, and by their Noble Actes as wel abrode as at home, she­wed thē selues to be so. They wāted no part of their Royal power, and yet this Title or prerogatiue they neuer had.

This hath ben your own deuise. And why?VVhy the Othe vvas de­uised. Forsothe to erect your new Religiō by Authority of the Prince, which you knewe by the Churches Authority could neuer haue ben erected. And so to prouide for one particular case, you haue made it M. Horn a general rule, that al Princes ought and must be Supreme gouernours in al ecclesiastical causes. Which if it be so, then why is not Kinge Philip here, and King Charles in Fraunce such Supreme Gouernours? Or if they be, with what conscience, doe your bretherne the Guets here, ād the Huguenots there disobey their Supreme Gouuernours, yea and take armes against their Princes Re­ligion?

What? Be you protestants brethern in Christ,Note the Absurdi­ty. and yet in Religion be you not bretherne? Or if you be bretherne in religiō also, how doth one brother make his Prince supreme Gouernour in al Ecclesiastical causes without any excep­tiō or qualificatiō of the Princes person, and the other bro­ther deny his Prince to be such Supreme gouernour, yea ād by armes goeth about to exterminat his Princes lawes in matters ecclesiastical? Solute al those doubtes, and auoid al these absurdities M. Horn, and then require vs to geue eare to your booke, and to sweare to your Othe.

The .174. Diuision. fol. 121. a.
M. Fekenham

Athan. in epist. ad solitariam vitam a­gentes.Hosius Episcopus Cordubensis, qui Synodo Nicenae pri­mae interfuit, sic habet, sicut testatur D. Athanasius aduersus Constantium Imp. Si istud est iudicium Episcoporum, quid commune cum eo habet Imperator? Sin contrà, ista minis Caesaris conflantur, quid opus est hominibus titulo Episco­pis? Quando à condito aeuo auditum? quando iudicium Ec­clesiae authoritatem suam ab Imperatore accepit? aut quan­do vnquam pro iudicio agnitum? Plurimae antehac Synodi fuerunt, multa iudicia Ecclesiae habita sunt. Sed neque pa­tres istiusmodi res principi persuadere conati sunt, nec prin­ceps se in rebus Ecclesiasticis curiosum praebuit: nunc au­tem nouum quoddam spectaculum ab Ariana heresi editur. Conuenerunt enim Haeretici & Constantius Imperator, vt ille quidem sub praetextu Episcoporum, sua potestate ad­uersus eos quos vult vtatur.

M. Horne.

As it is very true, that Hosius Bisshoppe of Corduba in Spaine, vvas in the first councel of Nice, so is it as vntrue, that these be his vvoordes, vvhich you haue cited in his name, for they be the saiynges of Athanasius, and not of Hosius. VVherein ye haue done Athanasius threefolde vvronge, first to attribute his vvritinges to an other, then also to cause him therein to beare false vvitnesse (.655.) The .655. vntruth. Athana­sius bea­reth no vvitnes against him selfe but agaīst you. against him self, and thirdly, in that ye haue left out the first vvoorde of his sentence, vvhich is a materiall vvoorde, and brin­geth in this his saying, as a reason of that vvhich goeth before. Athanasius findeth him self greeued, that both he and many other Godly Bisshops for the truth it selfe, suffered much cruelty, and vvere vvrongfully condemned, not according to the order of the Ecclesiastical iudgement, but by the cruel threa­tes of the Emperour Constantius beinge an Arrian and a fierce maintei­nour of the Arianisme. VVho notvvithstanding subtilly couered his vngodly dealing vnder the pretense of a iudgment or sentence past by Bisshops in Sy­node [Page 511] or conuocation, vvhich he called Episcopale iudicium, a Bisshop­ly iudgement. But sayth Athanasius, Constantius can not so hide him selfe, seeing that there is at hand that can plainly bewray his wilines. for if this be the iudgement of Bisshoppes, what hath the Emperour to doo therewith? But if on the cōtrary side these things be brought to passe through Caesars threates, what neadeth men, that haue but the name of Bisshoopes, &c. There are tvvo thinges necessarily to be considered, for to vnderstande rightly the true meaning of Athanasius in this place by you alledged: first vvhat vvas required to that vvhich he calleth the iudgement belonging to Bisshoppes, or the Bisshoply iudgement. Than vvhat vvas the dooinges of Constantius, pretending a iudgement of Bis [...]hoppes. Liberius the Bisshop of Rome, as Athanasius reporteth in this same Epistle requireth in a Synod ecclesiastical, that it be free from feare, farre from the palaice, where neither the Emperour is present, neither the Earle or Capitaine th [...]u­steth in him selfe, nor yeat the Iudge dooth threaten. He meaneth, that it be free from feare, threates, and vvithout this, that the Emperour or Rulers, do limitte or Marke that M. Horne misliketh novv, that Empe­rours shuld prescri­be to bisshops. Yet his exāples before tended moste to proue they did so: ād the Othe impor­teth, that Princes may prescribe &c. prescribe to the Bisshops vvhat they should iudge. This appeareth more plainly by S. Ambrose, vvho also speaketh of the lyke matter, yea vnder the same Prince, sayinge: Cōstantinus set foorth no Lawes be­fore hande, but gaue free iudgmēt to the Priestes. The selfe same also did Cōstantius (in the begīning of his regine) but that which he wel begō, was otherwise ended. For the Bishops at the first had writtē the sincere faith, but when as certaine mē vvil iudge of the faith vvithin the Palaice, he mea­neth after the opiniō of the Courtiers and Then S. Ambrose meaneth against you, as A­thanasius did be­fore. prescription of the Prince, other­vvise it vvas not vnlavvful to iudge of matters, concerning faith vvithin the Princes Palaice, the Prince also beynge present, for the firste Nicen councell vvas holdē vvithin the Emperours Palayce, ād he him self vvas present a­mōgest thē: They brought this to passe, that those iudgements of the Bisshops vvere chaūged by Circumscriptions. Then is requi­red in a Synode (saith he) that the only feare of God, and the institu­tions of the Apostles, doo suffice to al thinges. Next, that the right faith be approued, and Heresies, vvith the mainteiners [Page] thereof, be cast out of the coūcel, and than to iudge of the per­sones that are accused of any faulte. So that the Bisshoply session or iudgement, must haue freedome, must iudge by the only vvoorde of God, must haue the Bisshops that doo iudge to be of the right faith, and must first exa­mine the Religion and faith of the partie accused, and then his faith. Con­stantius, vvho notvvithstanding that he did pretēde a bissoply iudgmēt vsed none of these obseruances, but the cleane cōtrary, for as Athanasius cōplay­neth in this Epistle, themperour vvrought all togeather with treates, menassing the Bisshops, other to subscribe against Athanasius, or to departe from their Churches: VVho so gaynsaid the subscription, receiued to revvarde, either death or exile. He without any ꝑ­suasiō vvith reasons cōpelleth al mē by force ād violence, in so much as many Bisshops afterwards excused them selues, that they did not subscribe of their own volūtary, but vvere cōpel­led by force. VVhereas (saith he) the faith is not to be set foorth vvith svvoordes or dartes, or by vvarrelike force, but by coūsai­ling and persuading. He in the steade of Gods vvord, vsed his ovvn vvil, appointing and prescribing vvhat shuld be determined, ansvvering the godly bisshops, vvho obiected against his vnorderly doings, the Ecclesiastical Canō, at quod ego volo pro Canone sit. Let my vvil stand for the Ca­nō: Pretending a iudgmēt of Bisshops, he doth vvhat so euer li­keth him self. VVhereas Hosius saith, cyted by Athanasius in this Epi­stle: Themperour ought to learne these things of the Bisshops, and not to cōmaūd or teache thē vvhat to iudge in this kind of iudgmēt, for the Prince shuld not shevve him self so busy or curious in Ec­clesiastical things, that his vvil ād pleasure shuld rule or guyde thē, in steade of Gods vvoord, and the godly Canōs of the fathers. Cōstātius vvould haue no other bisshops but Ariās, vvhich vvere no bisshops in deede, as Athanasius saith, and much lesse apt to iudge of the matter, touchīg a principal article of our faith, or of the faithful bisshop Athanasiꝰ: and takīg his heresy as an vndoubted truth, that might not be called into questiō, he sought by al meanes, to haue Athanasiꝰ cōdēned, and al bisshops to refuse his cōmuniō, and to cō ­municate vvith the Arians. These disorderly dealīgs of thēperour, Athanasiꝰ cōdēneth, as directly agaīst the order of Ecclesiastical sessiō or Synode, hovv so euer he pretēded vnder the colour of the bisshoply iudgemēt, to abuse his ovvn [Page 512] povver and authority after his ovvne luste against vvhom he vvoulde. You vvould haue it seeme to the ignoraūt, that Athanasius mynd in this place vvere to denie, that Princes should (.656.) The .656. vntruth. Not to medle, but to beare the Supreme Rule in synods: That A­thanasius denyeth. And that your do­ings doe maītayn. Li. 2. c. 15 medle or deale in Ecclesiasticall thinges or causes, vvhich is farre frō his meaning: for he him self vvith many other godly bisshops, as I haue shevved before, did acknovvledge the Prin­ces authority herein, and in this same epistle he him self cōfesseth this Empe­rours authority to cal coūcels, and citeth Hosius also, vvho enclineth to that purpose, both of them confessing, that Constans and Constantinus Thē ­perours, did cal al the bisshops to the councel, vvhich he calleth Sardicēse consilium: about the accusations and crimes laid in against Athanasius. And Theodoretus affirmeth, that this Emperour Cōstantius called a Synode at Millaine about such like matter, at vvhose calling the faithful bi­shops assembled, parentes regio edicto, obeying the Kinges Sum­mons: vvhich they vvould not haue done, if it had beene No man saith, it is vnlavv­full to haue any doinges, but to haue al gouernmēt as, the O­the pronoūceth. vnlavvful for him to haue had any dooings about councelles. But vvhen he abused his au­thority in the councel, as though his povver had beene absolute, vvithout li­mites or boundes, vvilling them, yea compelling them, to doo after his vvill against good consciencience, they vvould not obey him. Quin etiam palam praesentem regem coarguebāt impij & iniusti imperij, but did openly reproue the King for his wicked and vniust rule or cō ­maundement: vvherby is manifest, that Athanasius, speaketh (.657.) The .657. vntruth. Athanasiꝰ repro­ueth vt­terly the Prīces Authority in Ecclesia­sticall causes. not against the Princes authority in Ecclesiastical matters, but against his ti­ranny, and the abusing of that authority, vvhich God hath geuē him, vvher­vvith to mynister vnto Gods vvil, and not to rule after his ovvne luste: they commende the authority, but they reproue the disorderly abuse thereof. Novv let vs see hovv this saying of Athanasius helpeth your cause. Constantius the Emperour dealt vnorderly and after his ovvne lust against Athanasius and others, pretending neuerthelesse the iudgement of Bisshops, vvhich Athanasius misliketh, as is plaine in this place auouched: Ergo, Bisshoppes and Priestes may make lavves, decrees, orders, and exercise the second kind of Co­hibitiue Iurisdiction ouer their flockes and cures, vvithout commission from the Prince or other authority: I doubt not but yee see such faulte in this se­quele that yee (.658.) The .658. vntruthe. It is your ovvne sequele, not M. Fekenhams. are, or at least ye ought, to be ashamed therof.

The .12. Chap. Conteyning a Confutation of M. Hornes answer, made to the woordes of Athanasius.

Stapleton.

HEre is nowe one other allegation by M. Fekenham proposed out of Athanasius. Hosius the Bisshop of Corduba (saith M. Fekenham) who was present at the first Nicene Councel, hath these wordes, as Athanasius writing against the Emperour Constantius doth testifie.Athana­sius in E­pist. ad so­litariā vi­tam agē ­tes. Yf this be a iudgement of Bisshops, what hath the Emperour to do there with? But one the contrary parte, yf these thinges be wrought by the threates and menaces of Emperour: what neade is there of anye men besides, to beare the Bare Ti­tle of Bisshoppes? When from the beginning of the worlde hath it bene heard of, that the iudgement of the Churche toke his authority of the Emperour? Or when hath this at any tyme bene agnised for a iudgement? Many synodes haue ben be­fore this tyme: many Councels hath the Church holden: but the tyme is yet to come, Athan. in epist. ad solit. vitam agentes. that either the fathers went about to per­suade the Prince any such matter, or the Prince shewed him selfe to be curiouse in matters of the Churche. But nowe we haue a spectacle neuer sene before: browght in by Arrius he­resye. The heretikes and the Emperour Constantius are assem­bled, that he may vnder the colour and title of Bisshops, vse his power, against whome it pleaseth him. M. Horne to this al­legation aunswereth, that M. Fekenham doth Athanasius threfolde wronge. &c.

To the first wronge I replie, that putting the case that these are not Hosius his words, but Athanasius: M. Feken­hams matter is nothing thereby hindered, but rather fur­thered: considering the excellent authority, that Athana­sius hath and euer had in the Churche. And Hosius hath [Page 513] euen in the said epistle of Athanasius, and but one leaf be­fore, a much like sentence, proceding of a couragious and a godly boldenes. Medle not you Syr Emperour (saieth he to the forsayed Constantius) with matters Ecclesiastical, neither cōmaund vs in this parte, but rather learne these thinges of vs. God hath committed to you the Empire, and to vs those things that appertaine to the Churche. And therefore, Ath. indict. epist. ad solit. euen as he that maligneth and spiteth your Empire, doeth contrarie Gods ordinance: so take ye head, least ye in medling with matters of the Church, doe not runne into some greate offence. Whereas (for the second wrong done to Athanasius) you say, that M. Fekenham hath lefte one material word out of Athanasius, ye haue turned that worde, to one halfe hundred wordes, with a nedelesse declaration the space of one whole leafe at the least. And yet you neuer come nigh the matter. Be­side (such is your wisedome) ye alleage in this your extra­ordinarie glose an epistle of S. Ambrose, which doth so cō ­firme M. Fekenhams present allegation,Quādo audisti clemē tiss. impe­rat. in causa fidei lai­cos de Episcopo iudi­casse? Et mox. Certè si vel scriptu­rarum seriem diui­narum, vel vetera tempora retracte­mus, quis est qui ab­nuat in causa fidei, in causa inquā fidei, Episcopos solere de imperatoribus, non imperatores, de Epi­scopis iudicare? and is so agreable to Athanasius, ād so disagreable to the cheife principle of al this your boke, that I maruel that euer ye would ones name it, vnlesse ye neuer read it your self, but trusted the collector of your cōmon places. For the law of Va­lentinian, whereof we spake before, is in that epi­stle, to the yong Valentian. Whē euer heard you (sayth he) that in a cause of faith lay mē gaue iudgment vpon a Bishoppe? If we will peruse and ouerloke, either the order of holie write, or the Auncient tyme: who is there that will denie, that in matter of Faythe, I saie, saieth S. Ambrose, in matter of faieth, but that the Bishoppes are wonte to iudge vppon the Em­perours, and not the Emperours vppon the Bishoppes? [Page] He saith againe afterward: If there be any conference to be had touching the faith, Et postea. Si confe­rēdum est de fide, sacerdotum debet esse ista col­latio. it must be had emong the Priestes. And how this doctrine of S. Ambrose which is the doctrine of the catholike Church, and most conformable to the saying of Athanasius, agreeth either with your late acte of parlia­ment, wherby the catholik bishops were deposed, or with the doctrine of your boke, euery man may see. Yea S. Am­brose saieth yet farder, that the Emperour Valētiniā, whose sonne (being enduced thereto by the Arrian bishop Auxē ­tius) woulde nedes call the bishop before his benche, and Iudge ouer him, made an expresse lawe, that: In matter of faithe, Ambros. lib. 5. epi. 32. Ibidem. or of any ecclesiastical order, he should iudge, that were neither by office vnequal, neither by right vnlike. That is as S. Ambrose him selfe expoundeth it. Sacerdotes de Sacerdoti­bus voluit iudicare. He woulde haue Priestes to iudge ouer Priestes. And not only in matters ecclesiastical or of faithe, but saieth S. Ambrose: Si aliâs argueretur Episcopus, & morū esset examinanda causa, etiā hanc voluit ad Episcopale iudiciū pertinere. If otherwise also a Bishop were accused, and a question touching maners were to be examined, this que­stion also that Emperour woulde haue to belonge to the trial and Iudgement of Bishops. Here you haue, that yt be­longeth not to Princes to be iudges vppon priests either in matters of faith, either in matters touching liuing and mā ­ners: which doth vtterly destroy al your new primacy, and your late acte of Parliament, deposing the right Bishoppes, as I haue saide. And we are wel contente that councelles shoulde be free from al feare, and that Princes shoulde not appointe or prescribe to Bishops, howe they should iudge, as ye declare owt of Athanasius and S. Ambrose. Let this be as muche material as ye wil to a bishoply iudgmēte. But [Page 514] I pray you, is there nothing else,VVhat materiall thing M. Horne hath lefte out tou­ching this story of the deposition of Athanasius. that Athanasius saieth is material to the same? Yes truely. One of these materiall thinges was, that this Councel was made voyde and annichilated, for that Iulius the Pope did not consent to yt, as the canons of the Churche require: which commaunde, Socrat. lib. 2. cap. 8. & 17. Sozom. lib. 3. cap. 8.10. & 11. Trip. lib. 4. cap. 9.15 & 19. that neither councel be kepte, nor Bishoppes condemned withowte the Authoritie of the Bishoppe of Rome. And there­fore Iulius did rebuke the Arrians, that they did not first of all require his aduice, which they knewe was the Custome they shoulde, and take their de­finitiō from Rome. Athanas. in Apolog. 2. contra Arrianos. Oportuit secundum canonem, & non ist [...] modo iudicium fieri: oportuit scribere no­bis omnibus, vt ita ab omnibus quod iu­stum esset decernere­tur. & mox. An ig­nari estis hanc con­suetudinem esse vt primum nobis s [...]ri­batur, vt hinc quod iustum est, definiri possit? Quapropter si ist uc huiusmodi suspitio in episcopum concepta fuerit, id huc ad nostram Ec­clesiam referri opor­tuit. This Pope also did restore A­thanasius againe to his Bishopprike, as your author Athanasius hym selfe declareth out of the sayde Iulius epistle to the Arrians. See Mayster Horne what a materiall thing ye haue lefte out, so ma­teriall I say, that it maketh all your synodes, and all your depriuations of the Catholyke Bishoppes voyde: as were the doinges of the Arrians againste Athanasius. Nowe as you haue lefte out these ma­teriall thinges: so haue ye browght foorth no materiall thing in the worlde to auoyde Athana­sius authority. And therefore for lacke of sounde and sufficient answere, ye are driuē to make penish argumentes of your own, and then to father them vppon M. Fekenham saying to him. I doubt not, but that ye see suche faulte in your fonde sequele, that ye are, or at the least wise owght to be, ashamed thereof.

But the Sequele of M. Feckenhā is this. He saith to you with Athanasius: whē was yt heard from the creatiō of the world, that the iudgmēte of the Church [Page] should take his authority of the Prince? When was this agnised for a iudgement? And so forth. Yf the Prince be supreame head in al causes ecclesiastical,Marke M. Fekē ­hams ineuitable argument. if al iurisdictiō ecclesiastical, be vnited and annexed to the crowne: yf the synodical de­crees of Bishoppes be nothing worth withowt the kinges expresse consente: yf catholike Bishops be deposed by the Princes commissiō: yf lay men only may alter the olde aun­cient religiō (al which things with other like are now done and practised in Englande) thē doth the Church iudgmēt in Englande, take his authority of the prince and lay mē. And then may we wel, and ful pitifully cry out, whē was there any suche thinge frō the creatiō of the worlde heard of before? This this, is M. Fekenhams argument M. Horne: this is his iuste and godly scruple that staieth him, that he rūneth not headlong to the deuill, in taking an vnlawful othe, against his conscience: settled vpō no light, but vppon the weighty growndes, of holy scripture, of general coūcels, of the holy and blessed fathers, finally of the custome and belief of the whole catholike Churche: and namely among all other of this authority brought out of Athanasius:Athanas. apol. 2. cōtra Ar­ri. Qua fronte cō ­uentū sy­nodi ap­pellare audēt, cui Comes pr [...]sedit? who also in an other place saieth, that the Arrians assembles coulde not be called synodes, wherin the Emperours deputy was president.

Wherefore it is a most opē an impudent lye that ye say, that M. Fekēham causeth Athanasius to beare false witnes against him self: how proue you this, good Syr? By this, say you, that yt is euident by Athanasius and Hosius to, that Prin­ces haue to medle and deale in causes or thinges ecclesiasticall, namely in calling of councelles, for by this Constantius and his brother Constans the Sardicense councel was summoned. A worthie solution perdy for you, and a wonderfull contra­dictiō for Athanasius. Ye shew vs, that they called this coū ­cel: [Page 515] but that there was any thing spokē or done in that coū ­cell by Athanasius (who was there present) or other, that should cause Athanasius to be cōtrary to him self, ye shew nothing. Shal I thē answere you, as M. Iewel answereth M. D. Harding, naming this councel,In his re­plie Fol. 240. but referring the Reader to the councel it self? This coūcel, saith M. Iewell is brought in, al in a mummery, saying nothing. And then he addeth: yet forasmuche as these men thincke yt good policy to huddle vppe theire matters in the darke, it wil not be amisse, A preti [...] mūmery of M Ie­vvel and M. Horn concer­ning the Sardicēse councell. to rippe them abrode, and bring thē forth to light. And yet for all this great brauery and bragge, he leaueth the matter of this coūcel as he fownd yt, and speaketh no more of yt, one way or other. Me think M. Horne, that you treade much after his steps. Ye name the coūcel, but ye tel vs not one materiall worde for your purpose out of it. I wil therfore furnishe that, that lacketh in M. Iewel and you: especially seing the matter is suche as toucheth the deposing of Athanasius, that is, our present matter, and withal, al this your present Treatise and answere to M. Fekenham.

I say thē first: the conditiōs that ye require in a Bishoplie iudgmēt were here exactly obserued. This coūcel was farre ād free frō al feare, farre frō the pallace. Here were present no Coūties with souldiars as it was wōt to be in the Arriās synodes, to extort the cōsent of the Bishops. Whervpō the Arriā bishops, who were called to this coūcel,Ath. indict. epi­stol. ad so­lit. vitam agentes. ād came thi­ther in great nūber, seing this, and seing Athanasius present (whom they had vniustly deposed) yea and ready to āswer thē, and to disproue their wrōgful doings, and finding their own cōsciencs withal gilty, had no more hart to abide the triall of this free Synode, then you and your other Prote­stante bretherne had to appeare in the Councell of Trent. [Page] And therfore ful pretely shronke and stole awaie.Theodor. li. 2. ca. 8. Niceph. li. 9. c. 12. Id quod Constans sic petierat Constātius autē assenserat. The or­der of this Councel was a verie Synodicall and an Episco­pal iudgemēt. Neither Emperour was present, nor anie de­putie for him, that I haue yet read of, though at the request of Constans the Catholike Emperour, and by the assent of Constantius the Arrian, that councel was assembled. Nei­ther was there either in the tyme of the councel, or after­warde the councel being ended, anie consent or confirma­tion required of the Emperour: and yet were there a greate number of Bishopes excommunicated and deposed to. The sentence of Pope Iulius, which, in a councel at Rome a litle before, restored Athanasius and other Bishopes by the Ar­rians in the Easte vniustly thruste out,Vide epist. Concil. Sard. in Theodor. li. 2 ca. 8. Tripart. li. 4. c. 24. Athanas. in epist. ad solit. vitā agentes. Cano. 4.5 7.8. & 13. was exequuted. Ma­nie lawes, orders, and decrees touching matters ecclesiasti­cal were in this councel ordeined. Namely for deposing of Bishopes, and placing others in theyr romes, in all which yt was decreed, that if a Bishope deposed by his fellowe Bishoppes at home (for Princes deposed none in those daies, though banish and expell they did) would appeale to the Bishoppe of Rome, that then the Bishops who had deposed the partie appea­ling should send informations to the Pope, and that if he thought good, the mater should be tried a freshe, otherwise the former iudgement to take effect. For final decision also of such appel­latiōs made to Rome, it was in this general coūcel decreed, that the Pope might, either appoint cōm [...]ssioners to sit vpō the matter, in the Court from whence the Appeale came, or if he thought so meete▪ to send legates from his owne Consistory to de­cide the mater. In lyke manner it was there decreed, that Bi­shopes s [...]ould not haunte the Emperours palaice, excepte for certaine godly suites there mentioned, or inuited [...]hi [...]her of the Emperour himselfe. Also of Bishopes not to be made, but [Page 516] such as had continewed in the inferiour orders, certayne yeres, &c. it was in that councel decreed. All which and di­uers other ecclesiasticall maters that councel determined, without any superiour Authoritie from the prince.

And so to conclude, this one Councel that ye bring in,This coū ­cel vvas holden. An. 350. but in a mummerie, your false visor being taken from your face, openeth what ye are, and answereth fully al this your booke: as wel for the principal mater, that the Pope ys the supreame head, and that Bishopes maie appeal to him from all quarters, as that the Prince hath no necessarie voyce in Councelles. Againe, that as wel the first as the second co­hibitiue iurisdiction (as you diuide them) belongeth to the Bishopes.

Laste of al your greate principle,M. Horne and Cal­uins opi­nion confuted by the pra­ctise of Sardicē [...] Councell. Vide Ath [...] nas. ibidē. that you and your M. Caluin so stronglye builde vppon, that no excommunica­tion ought to be made without the consente of the congre­gation, where the partie that is or shalbe excommunicated dwelleth, is vtterly destroied For Theodorus, Narcissus, Achatius, Stephanus, Vrsacius, Valens, Menaphontes, and Georgiu [...], Arrian Bishopes, were in this councel deposed, and excom­municated, without anie consent or foreknowledge of the congregation where they dwelled. And as this was done in this councel against these men: So was the like done in o­ther councelles against many other heretikes. Wherefore this is a most absurde proposition of Caluin, that M. Horne his scholler so hardly maintaineth. The storie of this coūcel is at large declared by Athanasius hym self, and most strong­ly confirmeth that his former saying, that it is no Councell of Bishopes which hath his authoritie of the Prince. Nei­ther can M. Horne make light of this Councel as well for the foresaid cause, as for that it was populouse and frequen­ted [Page] by a greate number of Bishoppes of thyrtie and fyue Prouinces there present,Cano. 21. Omnis sy­nodus di­xit: vniuersa quae constituta sūt Catholica ecclesia in vniuerso orbe diffusa custo­diat. of the whiche our Britannia was one, and as well Catholike for fayth, as auncient for tyme, and suche a one as theyr Decrees bynde the whole Churche. And the whole Synode sayeth: Let all the Catholike Churche dispersed through out the worlde, keepe and obserue all that we haue ordeyned. And thus muche haue I sayed, to fyll vp your emptie boxe of the Sardi­cense Councell, that you and M. Iewell playe the iolie mummers withal.

The .175. Diuision. pag. 123. a.
M. Fekenham.

Hier. 1. Allmightie God saieth by his Prophete Hieremie, which was bothe a Prophete and a Prieste. Ecce dedi verba mea in ore tuo: Ecce cōstitui te super gētes & super regna, vt euellas & destruas, & disperdas, & dissipes, & aedifi­ces,Greg. Na­zian. de Hier. dict. oratioe 18. ad subdi­tos timore perculsos, & imperatorē irasentem. & plātes. Gregorius Nziāzenus sermonede dictis Hiere­miae ad Iulianum Imperatorem: putas ne patimini vt verū vobiscum agam, suscipitis ne libertatem verbi, & libenter accipitis, quod lex Christi sacerdotali vos nostrae subiecit potestati, atque iustis tribunalibus subdit? Dedit enim nobis potestatem, dedit principatum multò perfectiorem princi­patibus vestris, aut nunquid iustum videtur, si cedat spiritus carni, si à terrenis coelestia superentur, si diuinis praeferantur humana? Sed patienter quaeso accipite libertatem nostram. Scio te ouem esse gregis mei, scio te intra sacra altaria cum veneratione subijci manibus sacerdotis, &c.

Ezech. 34 And by this Prophete Ezechiel almighty God saieth: Vae Pastoribus Israel, quod infirmū fuit, non consolidastis, [Page 517] quod aegrotū, non sanastis: quod confractum non alligastis: quod abiectum, non reduxistis: quod perierat, non quaesistis. Into the whiche maledictions and curses, the Bishoppes and Priestes muste needes incurre, if they haue no Iuris­diction ouer theyr flocke, if they maie not visite them, if they may not refourme them, if they maie not order and correcte them, at all tymes as they shal see cause.

Chrysostomus Homil. 5. de verbis Esaiae,Chrysost. Hom. 5. de verb. Esa. vbi Sacerdo­tem astruit esse medium inter Deum & Hominem, nul­lumque honorem in terris illius honori posse conferri.

And therefore here to conclude this my obiection vnto your L. answeare, I shall here finishe the same, say­ing with the blessed Martyr Ignatius, S Iohn the Euan­gelistes disciple. Quòd nemo praeter Episcopum aliquid agat eorum quae ad Ecclesiam pertinent.Ign. epist. 7. ad Smyrnēs. And so to adio­yne herevnto the sayinge of S. Augustine, who in spea­kinge Contra Iulianum, ait de Doctoribus Ecclesiae: quod credunt, credo: quod tenent, teneo: quod docent, doceo: quod praedicant, praedico: istis cede, & mihi ce­des. &c.

M. Horne

In all this parte there is not (.659.) The .659 vntruth. Most impudent, as shall appeare. one sentence, that can be dravven by any force to helpe your cause. It suffised you, to heape vp a sorte of testimonies togeather, to make a shevve, allthough nothinge to the purpose. Yea the vvoordes spoken to the Prophete Hieremie maketh plainely (.660.) The .660. vntruth. After the same ma­ner, as before. againste you. For they shevve, that the ministers, in Gods Churche, haue au­thoritie to plucke vp by the rootes, and to destroie euilles and the kingedome of Satan, to plante good thinges, and [Page] to edifie the Churche, as the glose enterlined hath it, or all maner wicked and false doctrine, and what so euer the heauenly Fa­ther hath not planted, as the glose ordinary expoundeth it. But the meanes vvhereby this iurisdiction and authority is exercised, is (.661.) The .661. vntruth. The Iu­risdiction of church Ministers is not li­mited in these vvordes limited and appointed in these vvordes: Beholde I haue put my woordes in thy mouthe, saithe God to Hieremy. So that other iu­risdiction ouer people and kingdomes, than the preachinge of Goddes vvorde Hieremy had not. Hieremyes mouth is touched, saieth the glose or­dinary, and the Lordes woordes are geuen (to him) that he shoulde receiue boldenes to preache. Of this boldenes to preache the vvoorde of God, speaketh Gregory Nazianzen. in the place by you alledged. After he had comforted his hearers, he tourneth his speache to the Princes, and suche as vvere in authority, muste we spare you (saithe he) bicause of your power, as though we feared, or were ashamed of the liberty geuē vs of Christe? Christes lawe hath made you subiect to my power, and to my iudgement seate. He speaketh of a spirituall subiection by faith, and obediēce to the minister, exhortinge, comfortinge, and edifiing to eternall life by the vvoorde of God. And he addeth more expressely, vvhat maner of rule or empire he challen­geth, namely suche as bringeth the fleashe to be subiect to the spirite, suche as maketh earthly thinges subiect to Heauenly.Ioan. 10. And the subiection he re­quireth is none other, than such as the spiritual sheepe ovveth to the spiritual pastour, vvhose rule and subiection Christe vttereth in this sentence: My sheepe heare my voice and follow me. I knovv saith Nazianzene to the Emperour, that thou arte a sheepe of my flocke, and there­vpon he concludeth that he must, boldely preache the vvoorde to the Em­perour, and that he on the other side is subiect therto and ought to obey. And This is so in dede but not this only.this is the propre Iurisdiction that belongeth to the Bishoppes and Prie­stes, the vvh [...]che if they exercise vvith all possible diligence and faithful­nes, they shal escape the curses that the Prophete Ezechiel menasseth: As cō ­traryvvise if they vse neuer so princely your popish, or rather pompous Canon Lavve iurisdiction, vvhiche consisteth inBe not your Cō ­sistories Courtly and pom­pous M. Horne? Remēbre your self, I pray you.Courtly consistories, and Forin­secal iudgemēts, farre disagreing frō the right iurisdiction of true and Chri­stianlike Prelates, they shal not in the ende escape the deserued maledictiōs, and curses threatned to such by the Prophet Ezechiel.

The .13. Chapter. Of M. Feckenhams laste Authorities al­leaged out of holy Scripture, and out of certaine do­ctours, for proufe of the Bishoppes Iurisdi­ction in matters Ecclesiastical.

Stapleton.

THIS parte of M. Fekenhams obiectiō (being the ve­ry last, conteineth vj. authorities: two takē out of the holy scripture, fowre out of the holy Fathers, Gre­gory Nazianzene, Chrysostom, Ignatius and S. Augustine. But in al this saieth M. Horne, there is no one sentēce, that may be drawē by any force to helpe M. Fekenhā his cause. This is a shorte and a bolde asseueration M. Horne: let vs then see by the examinatiō and discussing of your answere, whether that M. Fekenhams allegation be no stronger thē ye imagine. Thus saith thē God to the Prophete Hieremie.Hiere. c. 1. Beholde, I haue put my wordes in thy mowth: beholde this day haue I set thee, ouer the natiōs and ouer kingdoms to plucke vp, to roote out, to destroy, and to throwe downe, to builde, and to plāte. And Ezechiel the prophet crieth out. Wo be vnto the shepherdes of Israell. The weake haue ye not strengthened, the sicke haue ye not healed, neither haue ye bownde vp the brokē, Ezech. 34. nor brought againe that which was driuē away: neither haue ye sowght that which was lost. Gregorie Naziangene speaketh vnto the Emperor in this sort. Wil ye suffer me to deale truely with you? Wil ye receiue the liberty of Gods word, wil ye gladly take yt, that Godds lawe doth subiecte you to our priestlie power, ād to our lawful iudgmēt seates? For certaīly God hath geuē vnto vs a power he hath geuē vs a prīcipality, much more perfect thē is yours. Or doth it seme to agree with iustice, that the spirite should yelde to the fleshe, that earthly things shoulde ouercome [Page] heauenly thinges, and that worldly thinges shoulbe be prefer­red to godly thinges? I knowe that ye are a shepe of my flocke: I know that at the holy aulters, ye do submitte your self vnder the Priestes handes with reuerence. These three authorities M. Horne would remoue out of the way with one simple so­lution: that neither Hieremie, nor Ezechiel, nor Gregorie Nazianzene spake of any other iurisdiction, then of boldlie preaching Gods worde, to the which the Emperour is sub­iecte and owght to obey. And this is the proper iurisdictiō that belongeth to Bishoppes, which yf they diligētly exer­cise, they neade not feare Ezechiel his curses.

But ô Lorde God, what maner of answere is this? Na­melie for one that taketh vppon him, to be him selfe a pa­stour and a prelate of the Churche? Is there no other M. Horne but preaching prelacy in Christes Churche? It is to be wished, that men woulde geue so good, and so attētiue eare to theire spiritual pastours, that by theire earnest prea­ching they woulde reforme them selues. But what yf after many and ernest admonitiōs, the party be neuer a whit the better, but rather endured, either to continewe his vitiouse liuing, or his pestilent and vngodly teaching? Shal not the pastour procede to excommunication? Or yf the party be a spiritual man, to deposition and depriuatiō? Or thinke ye, that all men do amēde by wordes onely? Or thinke ye, that the pastour is excused, yf he procede no farther? No, no M. Horne, your doctrine is insensible, absurde and most repu­gnant to al the examples and practises that we fynde in the Church frō Christes time to our owne, that I euer read or heard of and most euidētly cōfoūded by our prophete Hie­remie. In whose wordes we haue a liuely patterne of the bishoplie office, practised by S. Paule and the Apostles, by [Page 519] general and national councelles: and by an infinite number of holy learned and auncient Bishoppes:1. Cor. 4. &. 5. Galath. 5. Vtinā ab­scindātur qui vos contur­bant. 2. Cor. 10. by S. Paule in the Corinthian, and in Alexāder and Himeneus, of whome we haue spoken before. I would to God, saieth S. Paule, they that disquiet you, were quite cutte of. Heare M. Horne, what he saieth of this authority. Arma militiae nostrae non carnalia sunt, sed potentia Dei ad destructionem munitionum, consilia destruentes, & omnē altitudinem extollentem se aduersus sciē ­tiam Dei, et in captiuitatem redigentes omnem intellectum in obsequium Christi, & in promptu habentes vlcisci omnem ino­bedientiā. The weapons of our warfare (saieth he) are not carnal, but mighty throughe God, to caste downe holdes, casting downe the imaginatiōs and euery highe thing, that is exalted against the knowledge of God, and bringing into captiuity euery thowght to the obedience of Christe: and hauing redie vengeance againste al disobedience. You see how conformable S. Paules saying is to the saying of the prophete. Whose sayinges ye cā not by any good interpre­tation restraine to preaching onely. Whiche thing as yt is euident in S. Paule,Hierem. 1. may also be gathered out of the words of Hieremie. For immediatly after the wordes alleaged by M. Fekenham, these wordes followe. After this, the worde of the Lorde came vnto me, saying: Hieremie, what seest thou? 1. Cor. 4. Quid vul­tis? in vir­ga veniam ad vos, an in chari­tate & spiritu mansuē ­tudinis? And I sayd, I see a rod of an almond tree as Theodosio tran­slateth, or as the 70. haue I see a staf made of a nutte tree: or as our common translation hathe, I see a waking rodde. This is the pastoral rod or staf M. Horne, that prelates doe, and haue euer vsed in excommunicating and deposing persons incorrigible. This is the rod that S. Paule threatned the Co­rinthians withal. What? Saieth he, wil ye that I shal come vnto you with a rodde, or in loue, and in the spirite of meekenes? [Page] The barke of the almon is bitter, but the fruite is most plea­sante. So the pastoral rodde, though for the time it seemeth paineful and greauouse, yet to them, that thereby amende them selues, it bringeth afterwarde great comforte. And therefore it is writen:Psalm 22 Virga tua & baculus tuus, ipsa me cōsola­ta sunt. 1. Cor. 5. In interi­tū carnis, vt spiritus saluus sit in die Do­mini no­stri Iesu Christi. Hierem. 1. Ollam succēsam ego video. Thy rodde and thy staffe haue confor­ted me. And S. Paule saieth, he excommunicated the for­nicatour at Corinth, to the destruction of the fleshe, that the sprite might be saued in the daie of our Lord Iesus. Which be­nefitte they shal enioye, that, by this pastoral rodde, maie be brought to true penance, and to the earnest amendment of theyr wickednes. As contrarie wise they that by this rodde wil not be reformed, but remain stil with Pharao wiful, ob­stinat, and hard hearted, shal really feale that, that the Pro­phet Hieremy sawe by a vision, incontinently after he had seene the rod: that is, a sething pot, prepared to boyle them in hel, that neither by preaching, nor by pastoral staffe will fal to earnest repentance. And not they only, but such Pa­stours also, as either for negligence or feare forslowe to do theyr dewtie: whether it be in the exercising of the pasto­ral word, or els of the pastoral sworde: and suche chiefly as take awaie from them, and deny them theyr pastoral sword. Which heresie tendeth to the vtter destruction of al eccle­sticall power and discipline: which power is (as all other things of the newe testament are) verie plainely shadowed, by the old Testament: Namely by these wordes of God spo­ken by Hieremy, representinge the parson of the Christian Pastour: expressed, as yt were, by the office of an hus­bandman or gardiner: or as Ezechiell expresseth his du­tie, by the office of a Shepherde. As the husbandman doeth not onelie donge and fatte hys grounde: as the gar­diner doeth not onelie water hys garden, but bothe of [Page 520] them rooteth out vnprofitable herbes, weedes, and rootes: And as the shepherd doth not only bring his flocke to good and holsome pastours, but hath his tarre, to tarre them, his staffe to beate awaye the rauenouse beastes and birdes, his knyfe to launce them, and his place to sea­uer and shutte vp the infected from the sownd and whole: Euen so it is not inough for the spiritual gardiner, as it were by Gods worde to water the harde stonie hartes of the sinners, and with the same as it were to fatte the leane and barren harte of man: but he must also, when the case so re­quireth, weed out of Christes gardē, the wilful, and the ob­stinat: as it were brambles, briers, and thistles choking the good groūd, and plāte in their place other good graffes. And must not only with his tōge, as it were with his barkīg dog, but with hys pastorall staffe also dryue awaye the wolfe from the flocke: partly by excommunication, partly by de­priuation. And he must in this part remember, that Christe had his whip also, to whip and scourge thē out of the tēple that prophaned the same. The spiritual pastour hath beside preaching, authority also to bind and lose the sinnes of hys flocke: so that if he lose thē, Christ loseth them: if he bindeth them, Christ also bindeth thē. Of this and of the like autho­rity meaneth Gregory Naziāzene, ād not of bare preaching. This is the power that he speketh of, this is the lauful iudge­mēt seat of the church, this is a prīcipality aboue al worldly princes power. These so ample words go further M. Horne, then preaching, vnlesse men preache also, with theyr hands aswel as with their mouthes. For Naziāzen writeth, that the Emperor with reuerēce submitteth himself vnder the Priestes hands at the holy alters. What? Are aulters holy? What an ho­lie deede haue ye then and your fellowes done M. Horne, [Page] that haue throwen doune all aulters, whiche haue conti­nued euen sithens we were first christened?Contra gentiles quod vnus Deus. And by hauing of the which Chrysostomus proueth, that our Ilelande of Britanie had receiued Christe and his Ghospell? Where­vppon it wil followe, that in taking away of them, ye haue taken away Christes fayth withall: as in dede ye haue for a great parte of the same: as appeareth by your dayly doinges and your wicked articles in your Synagoge of late vnlaw­fully agreed vppon: especially touching the reall presence of Christes body in the Sacrament. For the vnblouddy of­fering of the which to our inestimable comforte the aulters do serue in Christes Catholike Church. To the receiuyng wherof no man can be admitted but by the spiritual Pastor, no not the Emperor him selfe, whom as wel as the poorest man, he may exclude from the same, if he thinke it expe­dient. As appeareth by the storie of the Emperour Theo­dosius, by vs rehersed: which is the thing that Naziāzene also doth here though obscurely signifie: as also absolution to be receyued by the handes of the spiritual Pastour. To enioye the which the greatest Prince in the world submit­teth his head vnder the pastors hands, as appeareth by our authour here,Pro Amb. vide Ni­ceph. li. 12. ca. 41. Pro Aug. hom. 49. ex. 50. homilijs. Tom. 10. and by other auncient Fathers, namely S. Ambrose and S. Augustin. Wherefore ye do very fondly to make this great and high iudgemēt seate nothīg but prechīg. And yet if it were so, M. Fekēhams allegation taketh place, and is sufficient to acquite and discharge him from the othe. For what prīcipality so euer it be, that our author speaketh of, assured we are it is an ecclesiastical authority or princi­pality. We are againe aswel assured, as it here appereth, and ye graunt it also, that this power excelleth any temporall principality. Ergo, we may infer, that the prince is not su­preme head in al causes or things ecclesiastical.

M. Horne. The .176. Diuision. pag. 124. b.

Chrysostome in the homily by you cited condemning the pre­sumptuousnes of the King Ozias, in enterprising to offer incense, vvhich belonged by Gods commaundement only to the Priest, doth compare the obiect or matter of both their Ministeries togeather, affirming, that the Priestly dignity respecting the matter vvhere­about it is exercised, which is heauenly and spiritual, doth farre exceede the other, for the If the matter of the Princely Mini­stery is but earthly and outvvard, as you he [...]e confesse, hovve can the Prince haue su­preme gouerne­ment in matters heauenly and spi­ritual, as the prin­cipal matter of his royal povver? matter thereof is but earthly and outvvarde. His vvordes maketh his meaning plaine: The kingly thron (saith he) hath the administratiō of earthly thīgs and hath not beyonde this power, any further autho­rity. But the throne of the Priest is placed in heauē, ād he hath authority to pronounce of heauēly businesses, who saith these thinges? the King of heauen him self: what so euerye lowse on earth, shalbe lowsed in hea­uen also, what may be compared with this honour? Heauen taketh of the earth principal authority to iudge. For the iudge sitteth in the earthe: the Lorde (Christe) followeth the seruaunt, and what so euer this (seruaunt) iudgeth in the inferiour (partes) that same he (Christ) approueth in Heauen. Therefore the Priest stā ­deth a meane or mediatour betwixt God and mans nature, bringing vnto vs the benefites that come from thense (from Heauen) &c. These vvoordes of Chrysostome if they haue not an VVhy slippe you so then avvay M. Horne, and geue your selfe no in­different interpre­tation vpon his vvordes? indifferent interpretour, that vvil make his vvordes by iuste circumstaunce to serue his meaning, and not to bind his meaning to his bare vvords, vvil make Heauē to (.662.) The .662. vntruthe. For his vvords import no such incō ­uenience, as shall appeare. receiue authority of the earth: vvil proue Christ to be inferiour to the Priest, and the Priest to haue the mediation betvvixt God and man, by meanes vvhereof vve may receiue the Graces that cum­meth from Heauen, vvhich mediation belongeth (.667.) The .667. vntruth. For so much me­diation belongeth also to the Priest through Christ. onely to Christe.

Stapleton.

I commend you M. Horn: This is one of the ho­nestest [Page] partes that you haue plaied in al your answere. You haue truely set forth Chrysostomes words and at large for the former part: I would haue wisshed that ye should haue set in also thre or foure lines more that immediatly doe fol­low: wel I wil supply the residewe, least ye waxe to proude of this litle praise. Therefore the Priest, saith Chrysostomus, standeth a meane or a mediatour betwixt God and mās nature, bringing to vs the benefits that come frōthence (frō heauē) and cayring our petitions thither, reconciling our Lord when he is angrie to both natures, and deliuering vs, when we offend oute of his hands. And therfore God hath subiected the Kinges head vnder the Priests hāds, So S. Paul reasoneth Heb. 7. teachīg vs, that this Prīce (the Priest) is greater then he. For why? that, that is the inferiour taketh blessing of that which is the better. So far Chrysostomus. As ye began liberally and freely, in supplying the former parte of the sentēce of Chrysostomus: So I meruel, that ye breake of so sone, and went not through with it. But yet I haue the lesse meruel, cōsidering that this was not don by chaūce or casualty, but of a set, and a shrewde wily purpose. For yf ye had set out at large the whole as we haue don, ye had de­stroyed your own pelting glose wherwith ye glosed Gre­gory Nazianzene. For Chrysostom writing how the King submitteth his head to the priest, euen as Gregory did, and that the priestes authority is aboue the kīgs authority, mea­neth of an other matter thē preachīg, as it euidētly appereth by his words: ād so may he serue against your folish deuice for a good interpretour, of Gregory Naziāzene. Whom as I may wel take for a good interpretour: So I merueil, what he shal be, that ye wil take for an indifferēt intetpretor of Chry­sostomes sentēce. For by your iudgemēt an indifferēt inter­pretor nedes must we haue, to make his words and his mea­nīg agree: ād yet your self stele close away without any fur­der [Page 522] answer, or any interpretatiō at all geuen, differēt or in­differēt. The sentēce as Chrysost. vttereth it, your weke sto­mack cā in no wise digest. And al the world hitherto this .xi. hōdred yeres ād more, God be thāked, hath digested it wel inough tyl now of late your new Apostles Luther ād Caluī, cā neither abide Chrysostō, that saith, ād most truly,Matt. 16. that the priest is a mediatour betwen God ād vs, nor Christ hīself, who faith to the priest: whose syns ye bind vpō earth, shalbe boūd in heauē also. Here we must nedes haue these new Apostles as indifferēt interpretors, against Chrysostō and Christ hī self: lest that Christes office, to whō this mediatiō belōgeth on­ly, be takē away, by the priest, yea lest Christ be made infe­riour to the priest. Suerly if there were such daūger in the matter, it were high time to loke wel vpō Chrysostom: nei­ther if this surmise were true, shuld he be called by my iudg­mēt any more the goldē mouth Chrysostom.4. Reg. 5. But (God be thāked) there is much more feare then neadeth. Yea al this is but an hipocritical feare and sanctimony, such as the wic­ked Kīg of Israel pretēded, whē he tore and cut his apparel reading the King of Siria his letters, that sent to him Naamā, that he might be cured of his Leprosy. But the Prophet He liseus was neuer a whit offended with those letters. And as Heliseus was a mediatour betwē God ād Naamā for the curing of his bodily leprosy: so is the priest a mediator betwē God ād his people for the curīg of their spiritual leprosy in their soule: without any preiudice or blemish to Christes mediatiō. For Christ is the only mediatour, as both God ād mā, that is, as a meritorius and effectuall mediation, valuable through it self: the priest or prophet is mediator as mā only:Hovve Christ ād hovv the Priest is a media­tour. that is, as a minister ād meanes ōly instrumētal, not effectual: called ād chosen to such office by Grace especial, not of hī selfe, but through his commissiō only effectual or valuable. [Page] And so is Moses, so are others also, called in scripture me­diatours. I would now knowe of this scrupulouse conscien­sed man concerninge the other poynt, whether, in case a prince did appoint any one man in his realme, to geue out his pardon in his name to such as were offendours, and that no man shoulde ones loke to enioy any pardon, but hauing recourse to this his deputy: I say I woulde knowe, whe­ther by thys the prince shoulde be counted inferiour to his subiecte.

But what meane I, to defende that renowmed auncient Father and his golden mouth, against the foolish blast of so lewde an horners mouth? What nede I seeke any defence for the wordes alleaged by M. Fekenham, when that, M. Horne is quite ouerblowen with his owne blast: telling vs by his own allegation, yea truely, and out of the said Chry­sostome, that the king hath the administratiō of earthly things, and beside this power hath no further authority. The matter also of his Ministery, sayth M. Horne, is but earthly and outwarde. Ergo say I for M. Fekenham, the kinge is not su­preame head in all causes Ecclesiasticall, or spiritual. What say I in all causes? Nay not in one cause mere spirituall or Ecclesiasticall: as hauing nothing to doe in any such, but in worldly and earthly causes only. And thus ye see, howe wel theis two fathers, Gregory Nazianzene, ād Iohn Chry­sostome the two greate pillers of the Greke Church, may be easely drawen without any great force, to helpe M. Fe­kenhams cause.

Here nowe by the way, may be noted, that M. Horne, for al his great reading, and for all the want of reading that he fyndeth in M. Fekenham, hath wonderfully ouershotte him selfe, and hath by his ouersight lost a ioly triumphante [Page 523] matter that he might haue had, to haue triumphed vppon M. Fekēham. He might haue sayd, I pray you M. Fekēham: was Iulian the wicked Apostata a sheepe of Christes flock, being a renegate, a panyme, and a most cruel persequutour of the Christians? What? Did he shewe any reuerēce to the holy aulters? Did he reuerently submit his head vnder the priestes hands? This and much like rhetorik might M. Horn yf either his readinge, or his remembraunce woulde haue serued, haue here vttered against M. Fekenham. And to say the truth M. Horn, I must yelde and confesse, that ye haue founde one companion now, yea one Emperour I say, that neither reuerenced aulters, nor the priestes hands, no more then ye doe now. And therfore in dede lo, this obiectiō, yf it had come in time, would haue dressed M. Fekenham. But I trust, seing the faulte is found and amended to your hand, that ye wil fynd no great matter against him: neither could greatly before, being as it semeth his scribes fault, putting in Iulianum, for Valentem.

The .177. Diuision. fol. 125. a.

Novv sith in al these obiections hitherto, ye haue brought foorthe (.668.) The .668. vntruth. most im­pudent, as by that hath bene sayd, vvel appereth. nothinge at al, that eyther made not against your selfe, or that maketh any vvhitte for you, it is more then time yee dravve to Conclusion, and bicause no good Conclusion, can follovve of euil premisses, yee vvere dryuen to conclude, and finishe vp your obiection vvith the like patchinge, vvresting and (.669.) The .669. vntruth. Slaunde­rous. falsifying your Authours, as ye did before: and therefore in the Conclusiō, like to him, that hauing no right to any, claymed all, to obteine somevvhat at the least: Euen so you, to prooue that your Bisshops, and priestes haue al iurisdi­ction Ecclesiastical, alleage a peece of a sentence out of Ignatius, vvhich barely by it self recited, geeueth not onely all that vnto the Bisshoppe, but all thinges belonging to the Church besides, and that no man may do any thing, not so much as tol a bell to seruice or svveepe the Church, but only the Bisshop must dooe all (.670.) The .670. vntruth. Ridicu­lous. alone. VVhich conclusion some of your complices vvould so litle allovve, as those vvhom yee vvuld ouerburden, and yee your self might [Page] go play you, as one that had naught to doo, in any thinge perteining to the Church. But to helpe the matter, and to make Ignatius vvords plain vvith­out absurditie, you muste take vvith you the residue of the sentence that fol­lovveth, vvhich yee leaue out, of The Sacrament of Thankesgeuing, and (.671.) The .671. vntruthe. False trā ­slation. Celebrating the Diuine Seruice, and then it shall easely appeare, that Ignatius talketh of such doīgs of a bishop, as in deede declare his functiō and office, ād yet furthereth no vvhit the Cōclusiō of your obiectiō.

Stapleton.

Ignatius ad Smyr­nenses.The conclusiō of M. Fekenhams obiections being knitte vp with a sentence of Ignatius, that is, that no man shoulde doe any thing in matters ecclesiastical without the bishops consent: M. Horne answereh, that he is fayne to finish vppe his conclusion with patching, wresting, and falsifying his Au­thors. He sayth, that M. Fekenham is like to one, that hauing no right to any, claimeth al, to obtayne somwhat at the least. and being set in his mery mode, he returneth Ignatius sentence by the which M. Fekenham would challenge as he saith al iurisdiction to bisshops, so pretely and pleasantly vpon him, that him selfe might goe play, as one that had nothing to doe in any thing perteyning to the Church, no not so much as to tol a bel to seruice, or sweepe the Church, but that the bisshoppe must do yt all alone. And then sadly falling to a graue exposition of Ignatius, and to take away all absurdity, he byddeth M. Fe­kenham to take the residew of the sentence with him, that he lefte out, of the Sacrament of thanks geuinge, and celebra­ting the diuine seruice: and then he sayth it shall easely ap­peare, that Ignatius furthereth nothing M. Fekenhams cō ­clusion. I like yt well M. Horn, that you, such a feate myn­ser and minisher, such a Macarian parer and pincher of your Authours sentences, and narrations throughe owt your whole booke, do nowe cal for the whole sentence of Igna­tius at M. Fekenhams hands. Your request is so reasonable, that it may not be denied you. Nay you must nedes haue it, [Page 524] and your reader to, and it were for no more, but to shewe him of your good graciouse dealing: who euen there, where you fynd faulte with M. Fekenham, for not taking the resi­dewe of the sentence with him, do your self fondly abuse your reader and Ignatius withall, not daringe ons to recite the whole sentence following. For if you had, you should haue stopped therwith your owne fowle blasphemouse mouth, against the massing and sacrificing priesthod, Prius f. 95 as you call it. And your reader shuld haue sene, that you might as­wel cal Ignatius one of the Apostolical clergie of the Romish Antichrist, for this pointe, as those that you commonly call papists. And seing you charge (but most vntruly) M. Feken­ham, for patching, wresting, and falsifying, to furnishe vp his conclusion withall, let vs see howe worshipfully and howe sowndly you conclude your owne answere. M. Fekenham telleth you of a general rule, out of Ignatius, recitinge his wordes truly, though shortly. You leauing out that which Ignatius sayth in dede,In the preface. fol. 5. in this book▪ [...]. bring vs forth that which he sayeth not. For seing you set forth your interpretation with a di­stinct letter, theis wordes must be taken, as your authours wordes, and not as your owne, according to your promise made at the beginning. Nowe there are no such wordes in the Latin translation, as you reherse, as the formall wordes of Ignatius. In dede he nameth Eucharistia, but the worde Sacrament he hath not, neither theis wordes celebrating the diuine seruice. Neither do you truly expresse the Greke sen­tence. We graunt you neuerthelesse, that it is a sacramēt of thāks geuing: but now we speake not whether it may be so called, but whether your author so calleth it. Againe I aske you, what is the thīg ther that is so excellēt ād thāks worthy, that the whole is called [...]. a thāks geuīg? Suerly it is so called, [Page] because there is present in the said blessed Sacrament, the real body and bloud of Christ, left to his Churche to be of­fred for a remembraunce of his death: and to be most reue­rently to our great and spiritual comfort receiued, as ofte as we are therevnto godly disposed, and worthely prepared. This is the pretiouse dishe that Christ feadeth his Churche withall.

Plutarch. in M. An­tonio.It is writen, that Cleopatra the Quene of Aegyt exce­ded in sumptuouse feasting, and that she put an excellente pearle, and resolued it with vineger, and then dranke it vp. There be that do valew the price of the said pearle at fiftie thousande poundes of our money. But it is an other ma­ner of dishe, and of much higher price that Christ hath left vs, for this oure spiritual banket, euen his owne most pre­ciouse and blessed body: the same I say that died vpon the Crosse for vs. Great cause haue we then to render most humbly to our graciouse good Lorde our moste bounden and dewtifull thankes for such a feaste. And most iust cause haue we M. Horne, to curse your M. Caluin, and all your sacramentary sect, and your late damnable articles, that like most wicked stewardes haue cōueyed away this best dishe, and do feede Gods people, with a peece of bare bread, in stede of Christes most precious body,Vide Theodoret. im­patibilis Dial. 3. Eucharistias & ob­lationes non admit­tunt, quòd non con­fiteantur, Euchari­stian esse carnem seruatoris nostri Ie­su Christi, quae pro peccati, nostris pas­sa est, quā pater sua benigni­tate susci­tauit. bereuing Christes Churche of this most comfortable meate. But herein ye followe your fathers Caluin, Zwin­glius, Wicleff, Berengarius, and such other that the deuil sturred vp against this blessed Sacrament: yea anon after the Apostles time, and in the time of Ignatiꝰ. For he doth write of such heretiks as would not (by the report also of Theodoretus) admitte, the Eucharistia, and the sacrifice: for that they did not cō ­fesse [Page 525] the Eucharistia to be the flesh of our Sauiour Iesu Christe, the which did suffer, for our sinnes, and which the father by his goodnes did resuscitate. See M. Horn the cause why we may wel call this Sacrament, the Sacrament of Eucharistia, that is, of thanks geuing, because there is presente the body of Christ, and offered to. The body of Christ being really pre­sent in the sacrament, and the oblation that the Church ma­keth of the same, ye can not abide M. Horne. Ignatius in this place by M. Fekenham recited, maketh expresse men­tion of the masse, and of this oblation, and as it were ex­pounding the wordes by M. Fekenham rehersed, sayth, that yt is not lawfull neither to offer, nor to make sacrifice, nor to celebrate masse without the bisshop. Propterea non licet sine episcopo ne (que) of­ferre, ne (que) sacrificiū immolare, ne (que) mis­sas celebrare. The like he speaketh other where: doe nothing, sayth he to He­ron the Deacon, without the bisshoppes, for they are priests: they do baptise, they do offerre sacrifice, they gyue holy orders, they put their hands vppon men, thou doest minister to them, as S. Stephen did at Hierusalem to Iames, and to the priests. Ad Heronem. Nihil sine episcopis agas. Sacerdotes enī sunt, tu verò minister sacerdotū, illi bapti­zant, sacra faciunt, ordināt, manus imponunt, tu verò eis mi­nistras, vt Hie [...]osoly­mis S. Stephanus Ia­cobo, & praesbyteris. But M. Horne full true­ly, and full lyke hym selfe, telleth vs a tale of the Sacramente of thankes geuinge, and celebratinge the diuine seruice: and then, that this place doth not one whitte further M. Fekenhams conclusion. But as we haue concluded you euen by Ignatius hym selfe a duble heretike, both for the spoyling vs of the pre­sence of Christes body, and of the oblation of the same: so shal we conclude you a lier, in that you de­ny, that this place maketh any thinge for M. Feken­ham. For lo: thus he argueth.M. Fekenhams ar­gument deducted out of Ignatius.

The priests them selues in matters Ecclesiastical, shuld do nothing belonging to their office without [Page] the will and consent of the bishops. Ergo much lesse the lay men or prince, which are no spirituall men, should medle in matters Ecclesiastical, especially they shuld not change the olde religion, they shuld not abolish the blessed Sacramēts, the prince shoulde not call him selfe supreame head of the Church, the parliament should not annexe all spiritual iuris­diction to the crowne at least without the consent of the bisshops. What say I without the consent? Nay against the full and conformable assent of all the catholyk bishops, and the whole conuocation, offering theire most humble peti­tion, and supplication to the parliament, that there might be no such alteratiō. And yet the parliamēt Law of one realm for the alteration of relligion, yf al the bishops had consen­ted, were not a sufficient discharge in conscience. When ye can wel soyle this argument M. Horn, then I suppose ye shall fynd M. Fekenham somwhat conformable to your re­quest, in the taking of the othe.

Againe M. Fekenhā prayeth you, to take the whole sen­tence with you: and to take the paines but to reade vj. or vij. lynes further, and to consider what you shal fynd there. That is: that no man is more honorable in the Church, then the bisshop, and that we must honour him firste, and the king after him. Of the which sort of sentences his epistles are ful, dire­ctly impugning your newe pretensed supremacy: And now ye neade nothing to feare that, which ye tell vs for a great incōueinence, that if Ignatius sentēce be not wel and wise­ly weighed, the bishop must both toll the bell to seruice, and sweepe the Church al lone. This is but a poore office for a bishop, and al this highe fetche neded nothing, sauing that, after this your long and paineful trauayle takē to con­fute so clerkly, theis fewe obiectiōs of M. Fekē. ye thought good [Page 526] to refresh ād quickē your weary sprites, with this your me­ry sportīg. And yet take ye hede, that it turne not vpō your self M. Horne in very good ernest. For of this once I am as­sured, that if ye measure the matter by the old canōs of the aūciēt Church, you that mainteyn so many heynouse here­sies, if you may haue any office at al in the Church, you cā haue no better, thē to toll the bel to seruice, ād sweepe the Church, or suche like. And yet I doubt, whether you may haue as much as that office, beīg for theis your heresies with bel, boke, ād cādel accursed, ād by the Church besome, that is, by the sentēce of excōmunication so cleane sweeped out of the Church, that as I sayd, I doubt whether by the olde canōs ye may medle with the basest office of al perteyning to the Church. And yet for any yl wil I beare to your per­son, in case ye were a good ād a catholike mā, I could for my part be cōtent, that ye enioyed your bishoprike stil, ād that as amply as did any of the most Catholik prelats before you.

M. Horne. The .178. Diuision. pag. 125. b.

So that your Conclusion being yet as insufficient as the rest, you are fain [...] to adioyne an other peece thereunto: VVherein although yee shevve hovve euil aioygner you bee, to adioyne those tvvo peeces of sentences togeather in one Conclusion, that are of cleane sundry matters, yet in one poynt yee haue made them both agree, that as yee vvrested the one, so ye not only vvrest, but flatly (.672.) The .672. vntruth. Flat false, as shal appeare. falsifie the other, and yet neither of thē both stand you in any steade to helpe your obiection, much lesse to conclude the same. For first, hovv dooth this follovve: S. Augustine saith (say you) of the Doctours of the Church: That they beleeue, I beleeue: that they holde, I holde: that they teache, I teache: that they preache, I preache:yeelde to them, and thou shalt yelde to me (.673.) The .673. vntruth. This is not M Fekenhams Ergo: but your own Ergo, Bisshoppes and Priestes haue povver and authority to make lavves, orders, and Decrees, and to vse all cohibitiue iurisdiction ouer their flockes and cure. Novve if your freendes, that haue beleeued hitherto as you beleeue, haue helde, as you holde, taught as you teache, preached as you preache, and belee­uing [Page] the vpright dealing and conscience, that you pretende, haue yelded vnto you herein, do but a litle examine your (.674.) The .674. vntruth. Slaunde­rous. false dealing vvit [...] those Fa­thers, vvhom you vvould seeme so vvholy to follovve, I thinke they vvould no longer beleeue you, holde vvith you, nor yelde vnto you, but suspect you as a deepe dissembler, or rather abhorre you, as an open sclaunderer and belyer, not only of me, but of the aunciēt Fathers themselues. For first I vvould learne of you, vvhere S. Augustine hath those vvoords, in al his sixe bookes against Iulian, Istis cede, & mihi cedes, if he haue them, shevve vvhere: if he haue them not, then hovve ye follovve S. Augustine? Hovv dare you impudēt­ly say, ye preache and teache that he did, vvhen ye manifestlye (.675.) The 675. vntruthe. Most impudent ād outragiously slaū ­derous, at it shal ap­peare. mangle, alter, peruert, and corrupt the saying that he did teache. In dede for fashions fake ye cite a peece of S. Augustins sen­tence, that they beleue I beleue, &c. but for that vvhich follovveth: istis cede, & me non caedes: yelde to thē, and thou shalt not strike or whippe me: you (.676.) The .676. vntruth. All copies haue those vvordes. M. Fekēham hath not put them in. haue put in these vvordes, istis cede, & mihi non cedes, yelde to them, and thou shalt yelde to me: and yet this corrupting of the sentence maketh it serue no vvhit the more for your purpose, but vttereth your falshood: that belike vvil not spare to corrupt that vvhich maketh flat against you, that thus vse to corrupt this, vvhich maketh neither to nor fro vvith you, nor against me. But as S. Augustine vvriting in the same matter against Iulian, a Dis­ciple of Pelagius, an (.677.) The .677. vntruth. Pelagius vvas no Englishe Monke. English Monke, dealing vvith S. Augustine, as ye haue don vvith me, said to Iuliā: so say, I to you. Ye feine me to say that I say not, to conclud that I cō ­clude not,Lib 3.to graunte that I graunte not, and you cō ­clude to your self that vvhich I deny, Lib. 5. &c. In dede you haue laboured more to finde out those reasons which ye might better vtter against your selfe, than against me. But in such a cause ye should not neede to take such peines, yf you had any shame in you. S. Augustin in these bookes against (678) The .678. and .679. vntruthes. For S. Augustine in the saied bookes is plain for the Popes Primacy, not for the Princes. Iuliā, as in his other against the (679) Donatistes, (as I haue declared before) did attribute vnto them­perours and Princes, the Bisshops and Priestes, such Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction as I haue don. Of the same minde that he vvas herein, [Page 527] vvere also (680)The .680. vntruth. None of those Fa­thers wer of that minde. those Fathers, that he oyteth. VVherfore you vvil novv I trust, according to your promise, yelde and relente: If not to me for stubborne hart: yeat according to your conclusion to S. Augustine, and the auncient Fathers, to beleue herein that they beleeue, to hold that they hold, to teache that they teache, to preache that they preache, and no more to vvringe, maime, slaū ­der and belie them. And than both I and all other faithfull Christians vvill both better beleeue you, and geue God thankes for you.

Stapleton.

M. Fekenham concluding his obiections with Ignatius adioyneth a general protestation of his faith taken out of blessed S. Augustin his bookes against the heretike Iulianus. Thus. That they belieue, I belieue: that they hold, I hold: that they teache, I teache: that they preache, I preach: yeld to thē and thow shalt yelde to me. Here doth M. Horne so reuell a­gainst M. Fekenhā, as he hath not don the like in all his an­swere. First he denieth, that of this place of S. Augustine may any good sequele be gathered, that Bishops may make lawes, or vse al cohibitiue iurisdiction. Then as hauing now M. Fekenham in such a fowle euident faulte, as by no pre­text maye be couered, he thinketh that for this false dea­ling, his owne frendes wil take him, for a deape dissembler, yea rather will abhorre him as an open slaunderer and be­lier of the fathers, as a manifest mangler, alterer, peruerter, and corrupter of S. Augustine. For in stede of istis cede, & me non caedes, yelde to them, and thou shalt strike or whip me, he hath put in: istis cede, & mihi cedes. Yelde to them, and thow shalt yelde to me. And then saith further, that belike M. Fekenham will not sticke to corrupte that which maketh flatte against him, that thus vseth to corrupt that, which maketh neither to nor fro, with him self, nor against him selfe. After this he rolleth in S. Augustines sentences, [Page] and layth them forth against M. Fekēhā, for this his euil dea­ling with him, as S. Augustin doth against Pelagius a Brit­tayn monke. Finally as though now the battel were wōne, and a ful conquest made vpon poore. M. Fekenham, he cal­leth vpon him to yelde and relente. Mary sir this is a terri­ble blaste in dede blowen out of Maister Hornes mouth for his farewell: This is such a blustering tempest sturred vp by our newe Aeolus, that (as it seemeth) M. Fekenham must nedes be ouerblowen with the vehemency of yt. But we will yet seeke out, and see the very foundation, and the original cause of all this broyle. By al likelihodde M. Fekenham hath founde some good apparance of great ad­uantage in corrupting these wordes of S. Augustin. For no man lightly is so doltish, to vse such foule and sluttish shifts, without some cōfort and hope to further his matter by. Ac­cording to the old saying Cui bono. Nay saith M. Horn: The corrupting of the sentence serueth no whit the more for M. Fekenhās purpose. No doth it not M. Horne? and would M. Fekenhā deale so fondly by opē falshod to staine his ho­nesty ād for whippe me, trāslate, yelde to me, without any benefit of his cause? Suerly thē were he worthy (aswel as I loue him) to be twise whipped, once for falshod, ād ons more for folly. Therefore this your accusation euē by your own tale, and by Cui bono, is vtterly incredible.

And yet yf he had so falsly and so folishly demeaned him self, seing it toucheth no part of the substance of the questiō that lieth betwixt you ād him: you playe with him yf not a folish, yet to vehemēt an oratour: ād haue sauced your ora­tory with ouer much gal ād egernes. And for al your blow­ing and blustering, your great hil bringeth forth nothing, but a poore Aesops mouse.

[Page 528]Yet say you, this is a naughty part of him, so manifestly to māgle and to corrupt S. Augustin. Perchaunce good reader thou dost now looke for an answer, and how M. Fekēham may saue his honesty, agaīst this mighty accusatiō. And suer­ly what answer I may best make, I can not redely tel: but this will I tell you in the meane season, that such as vse to play their part very wel otherwise, yet somtimes at the ve­ry last cast, for some folish disorder they are hissed and clap­ped out by the multitude. With what shoting thē, ād clap­ping ought this waynscot faced mā, to be driuen, as it were frō this stage, that hauīg throughout his book plaied so ma­ny foule ād vilanouse parts, for his Valete ād Plaudite, plaieth as euill or a worse part, then he hath plaied in all the resi­dewe of his booke?

There be no moe examples of S. Augustins works prin­ted, that I haue sene, but four: the first printed at Basil, the secōd and third at Paris, the fourth at Liōs: ād al these haue istis cede, & mihi cedes. Yeld to them,An. 1528. in fol. An. 1541. &. 1555. in fol. An. 1563. in 8. Lib primo cont. Iul. Cap. 2. in medio ca­pitis. tom. 7. and thou shalt yeld to me. Only the later editiō of Paris readeth in the text as M. F. readeth, but putteth in the margent, as a diuerse reading, & me non caedes, as M. Horne ful peuishly and wretchedly would make folke beleue it should only be read. What de­testable impudency thē is this, for M. Horn, to crie out vpō M. F. being a poore prisoner, after this outragiouse sort, and for the allegatiō of this place, so sternely ād fiercely to vaūt, saying: How dare ye impudētly say; ye preache ād teache that he did, whē ye manifestly mangle, alter, peruerte, and corrupt the saying that he did teache? And to aske of him where Saint Augustine hath these woordes in all his sixe bookes a­gainst Iulian, istis cede, & mihi cedes? The truth is, thoughe as I sayde, all these copyes haue these woordes in this [Page] order, yet by forgetfulnes M. Fekenham hath not set in the booke. And wil ye see, howe wel the matter is amended by M. Horne? After all this ruffling and blustering he him self, hauing al copies against him, nameth not, either any of theis sixe bokes, or any place, where any boke of S. Augustines should be printed, that shoulde haue any such text of suche tenour as he doth alleage. And yet doth M. Horne (as ye haue hearde) as though it were right true, yea and a synne against the holy Ghost, all to reuile M. Fekenham: and lea­ueth not there: but that, which S. Augustine most truely ob­iected to Pelagius, doth he most vntruely obiect against M. Fekenham: euen as truely, as that the sayd Pelagius was an English monke, who was dead and buried, before the Sa­xons entred Britanny. For Pelagius died in the time (at the least of Theodosius the seconde) and the Saxons entred the realme in the tyme of Marcianus, as witnesseth S. Bede. And before Britanny was commonly called England, Pela­gius was dead at the lest one hundred yeres.Beda. li. [...]. cap. 15. Polid. li. 3. But before it was christened, more then a hundred and a halfe.

But nowe concerninge the matter yt selfe, whether the Coūcels, the fathers, both olde and nowe that you M. Horn haue alleaged, and especially S. Augustine may not truely say to you, that he said to Pelagius: I referre it to the indif­ferent reader. Suerly there is none of them al (as may easely appeare to the diligent reader) but may iustly say to you. M. Horne, ye fayne me to say that, I say not: to conclude, that I conclude not:Aug. li. 3. cōtra [...]ul. to graunt that I graunte not: and you conclude to your self that, which, I denie. Againe. In dede ye haue laboured more to fynd owt those reasons, which ye might better vtter a­gainst your self, Lib. 5. than against me. But in such a case, ye shuld not nede to take suche paynes yf yow had shame in you. Whether I [Page 529] say truely or no in this, I referre thee, good Reader, to my whole answere, and those that wil see it cōpendiously pro­ued, to my preface, and to the Conclusion of the thirde booke.

And here woulde I faine breake of my confutation of M. Hornes answere, to S. Augustines testimony, sauing that he doth otherwise so excedingly belie S. Augustine here, that I may in no wise altogether passe ouer this shamelesse demeanure. You say then M. Horne, that S. Augustin aswel in his bookes against Iulian, as in his bookes against the Dona­tistes, is of your minde towching the ecclesiastical supremacy in Princes, as ye say ye haue declared. And that the Fathers whome S. Augustine citeth against Iuliā, are of the same minde also. Shewe me then good M. Horne, but one authority out of S. Augustine, or any one of the Fathers, whome he re­herseth, which are Cyprianus, Ireneus, Basilius, Hilarius, Lib. 1. cō ­tra Iulia­num. Am­brosius, Hieronymus, and Pope Innocentius with others, ey­ther that the Pope hath not the superiority in matters Ec­clesiastical, or that Princes haue the same. All that hitherto ye haue browght out of S. Augustine, with whose sayinges ye haue filled vp some leaues, reacheth no farther, thē that Princes may by their lawes punishe suche, as be disobediēte to the Churche lawes: for the whiche thing no man doth contende with you. But we woulde fayne see you ones drawe to the question yt selfe, and to shewe some open place of S. Augustine, either for the Princes or againste the Popes supremacy: wherin seing ye haue done nothing,Places out of S. Augu­stine for the popes primacy. we wil assay what we call say for the Popes primacy by S. Augustine.

To auoyde tediousnes we will reherse but a fewe testi­monies, and suche onely, as we haue taken out of his bokes [Page] againste the saide Donatistes,Quis nescit, illum Apostolatus princi­patum cu [...]li [...]et Epi­scopatui praeferendū? De Bapt. contra Do­nat. lib. 2. cap. 1. Epistola. 165. Numerate vel ab ipsa sede Petri: ipsa est petra, quam non vincunt superbae in­ferorum portae. In Psalm. contra partem Donati. Epistola. 157. ad Optatum. Ab innocentio & Sozimo toto orbe Christiano dānati. Epistola. 90.91.92. & 93. Dicta epistola. 91. Patres non humana sed diuina decreuere sententia, vt quic­quid de disiunctis, remotisque prouin­cijs ageretur, non prius ducerent finiē ­dum, nisi ad huius sedis notitiam per­ueniret, vbi tota hu­ius authoritate, iusta quae fuerit pronun­ciatio firmaretur. and Pelagians. Who is it then M. Horne, but S. Augustine that writinge againste the Donatistes, saith that the principality of S. Peters Apostleship is to be preferred, before any other bishoprike? Who is it but S. Augustine, that vseth to bringe againste the Donatistes, the autho­rity of the sea of Rome as a singular and a principal authoritye? Who ys yt but S. Augustine, that writinge againste the saide Donatistes sayeth, the sea of Peter, is the rocke that the proude gates of hel do not ouercome? Let vs now come a litle to the Pela­gians.

Their capitain Pelagius, and an other archehe­retike of theire secte called Caelestius, were condēned by Pope Innocentius and Sozimus, throwgh out at the Christian world. They were also condemned in A­phrike by the bishops there. Yet S. Augustine wri­teth not, that they were condēned by thē through out al the world, as he doth of the said two Popes: because the sentence of the Aphricane Bishoppes bounde the Aphricanes onely: the Popes sentence bounde the whole worlde. And therfore the sayed Bishoppes, after they had condemned those here­tikes, desired Pope Innocentius to confirme their sen­tence: which thing Innocentius did, as appereth by his answere to the foresaide Bishoppes, yet extant in S. Augustines works. Which letters geue a verie ample testimony for the Popes supreamacye: and sheweth amōg other things, that yt was a rule kepte throwgh out al the worlde, that in graue▪ and weighty matters ecclesiastical, and for the determinatiō of mat­ters [Page 530] of faith, Et Epistola. 93. Diligenter ergo et congruè Apostolico consulitis honori, [...]onori inquā, illius, quem praeter illa quae sunt extrinseca, soli­citudo manet omniū Ecclesiarum, super anxijs rebus quae sit tenenda sententia, antiquae scilicet re­gulae formam sequu­ti, quam toto semper ab orbe mecū nostis esse seruatam. August. contra. 2. Epist. Pelag. lib. 1. cap. 1. Quāuis ipse in eo praeemineas cel­siore fas [...]igio speculae pastoralis. Haec ergo ad tuam potissimum dirigere sanctitatem nentam discenda quàm exa­minanda, & num forsan aliquid displi­cuerit emendanda constitui. Lib. [...]. Et si posterior tempore prior loco. August. dict. lib. 1. nothing was wont to be done without the Popes consent and authority. Againe S. Augustine writing against the saide Pelagiās, sendeth his boks to Pope Bonifacius, to examine and amende thē, yf any thing misliked him: and saieth: that the saide Boni­facius had the preeminēce in the pastoral watchtowre. S. Augustine also in this boke against Iulian the Pe­lagian, numbring vp a number of holy and aunciēte Bishoppes, as Ireneus, Cyprianus, Hilarius, and others, saieth: that Pope Innocentius though he were later in time, yet was he before them, for his place and dignity. He doth vrge and presse very muche the saide Iu­lian with the authority of the Apostolicall sea and of the sayde Innocentius. Yea and that for an he­resy, that your Apostle Caluin, and our good new bretherne in Englande, both in theire preachinges and teachinges do mainteine: that is, that children thoughe they be not baptised, shall yet that notwith­standing, enioy the euerlastinge life. These testi­monies do fully declare S. Augustines minde, tou­ching the Popes Supremacy, quite repugnante to the doctrine of this your booke. Wherby yt ap­pereth, that ye litle regarde, howe and after what sorte, ye doe alleadge hym: and that ye doe not alleadge him, for any good matter ye fynde in him, but onely to make an owtwarde shewe and ap­parance, to the vnlearned and vnskilful people, to beguile them wyth smothe talke, and fayre wordes.

The .179. Diuision. pag. 126. b.
M. Fekenham.

After long expectation, and many promises, his L. fi­nal answeare to the sayd obiections, was as hereafter fo­loweth. For as much as I doo perceiue, that you are not to be resolued in this matter, I shal here stay and procede no further with you in the same: and like as you haue bene, so you shalbe vnto me most hartely welcome: You shal lacke nothinge that is in my house to pleasure you: And from hencefoorth I shal leaue to haue any further talke or con­ference with you in these controuersies of Religion. And for all such talke and wryting as hath passed already be­twene vs, I shal perfourme this my promise, both first and last made vnto you, that you shalbe well assured, not to suffer any hurte or dammage thereby.

M. Horne.

You deliuered this obiection vnto me in vvritinge, betvvixt Easter and VVhitsontyde, about the ende of Aprill: vvithin tvvo daies folovving, vvhen I had redde the same, I tould you, that in the collection of your common places, you vvere much abused, for that you had mistaken thē, and obserued no iuste circumstances of the authorities, vvhereby to haue knovven the authours meaning: And so vvee continued in debatinge and reasoning, from time to time, about this matter of Iurisdiction, and others, vntil the beginning of Sep­tember folovving, before vvhich time, your obstinacy grevve so much, that I vvas forced, through your vnorderly behauiour, to restreigne you of your licē ­tious talke, and sequester you from conference vvith any, hauinge so muche before abused your self, and especially in mine absence, and I vvas the rather moued so to d [...]o, for that I perceiued al that I did, vvas but in vaine: as at di­uerse times and often, I repeated that vnto you, obstinatelie bente to the contrarie, meaninge by such stoutenesse to recouer your credite, vvhiche [Page 531] through your inconstancy vvas so empaired amongest your friendes. I sayd, at your first comming, and many times after, you beinge sente by the Ho­nourable Councel, that you vvere vvelcome, vvhich by good proufe, although vtterly vvithout any your good deserte, yee founde true. I did say, that I vvould leaue to haue any further talke or conferēce vvith you, touching mat­ters of Religiō, or any other: but you shuld haue shevved the time and place, vvhere, and vvhen these vvoordes vvere spoken: I spake them the Sonday at after diner, vvhen in your gallorie, I did reprooue you of your disorders, and therefore restraigned you of suche libertie, as before yee had enioyed. The promise made vnto you, not to vtter that vvhich yee should say by vvaie of reasoning, in prieudize of the Q. Maiesties Lavves, I haue hitherto, and yet doo firmelie keepe to you, as you can not iustlie chardge me vvith the contrarie, in anie particuler pointe, and so you haue susteined no hurte or domage therebie.

M. Fekenham.

The perfourming of his promise was as hereafter fo­loweth. First there was a rumour spersed abroade very shortly after by his seruantes, that I had subscribed to certaine articles, tenne in number.

Second, there was by his seruantes a further rumour raised, of my recantation, time and place appointed therof to be at the Parishe Church of VValtham, where his L. did then manure and abide.

Thirdely, his L. did at his open table, and in the praesence of many, chardge me with the change of my Religion nine times, and beinge putte in further remem­brance by one M. Denny who was a Sogener with him, his L. saied, that I had altered and chaunged my Religiō, not onely nine times, but nineteene times, and that I was of no Religion.

[Page]Fourth, his L. did permitte the saied M. Denny at his open table to to much to abuse me. Where the saied M. Dennie did openly and before manie, chardge me with these three crimes following. First, with incontinencie of life, thus saying: That if I had not as many children, as he, he did knowe, that I had deserued to haue so manie. Second, with glottonie, affirming that I was an Epicure. Third and last, with hypocrisie, and that I was a greate dissembler and an hypocrite. The saied M. Dennie being a man to me wholly vnknowen. His L. did shewe him self openly to be so well pleased with these his slaunderouse wordes, that he ministred iust occasion for me to thinke, that his L. had procured the saied M. Dennie therevnto.

Fifth, by so much the more I had good cause to thinke so, for that his L. did immediatly therevpon, viz. within one houre after, in fortifiyng the saied talke, commaunde me to close imprisonment.

Sixth and last, after that he had kept me sixe weekes in close imprisonment, by his L. complaint I am nowe at this present prisoner in the Tower, much contrary to his promise before made.

The premisses being true (lyke as they are all moste true) being to openly commited, and before to many wit­nesses to be denied: your Honour may easily iudge, with what wisedome, discretion, and charitie I haue hene vsed, I being a poore man, the Q. Maiesties prisonner, and to [Page 532] his L. committed (I dare boldly affirme) to be well vsed. It was very straunge to me, to see suche behauiour openly shewed at the table of such a man. Surely for mine owne parte, I was neuer so vsed, neither openly nor priuately at any mans table before in my whole life. My humble sute therefore vnto your Honour is, that proufe and trial may he had of my trueth herein, and what my deseruings hath bene for the whole time of mine abode there. In due search and examination hereof I doubt not but there shal fall out matter betwixt vs, either of much simplicitie and trueth, or els of greate crafte and falsehood: either of ho­nest, vertuouse and godly, or els dishonest, vitiouse and vngodly vsage▪ and either of much light, learning, and knowledge, or els of very grosse ignoraunce, and palpable darkenesse: let it fall and light on the whiche side it shall happe, vppon the triall and examination made, I doubt not, but that your Honour shall haue a full shewe and a sufficient proufe made, of euery thing that hath passed betweene vs. There may be deniall made for a shifte and some short time: but for any long time it may not possibly endure, euery thing being so openly committed and done, so diuerse and manie beyng of knowledge and witnesse thereof.

M. Horne

To this challenge of promise breache, in these syxe pointes: Truely I knovve not of any rumour spredde of you, by any of my seruauntes, or other­vvise [Page] that yee subscribed to any Articles, no yet euer herde any thing hereof, before I savve the same reporte in your booke published: And if any suche ru­mour vvere spredde by any my seruauntes or other, you shoulde haue named him, that he might receiue condigne punishment therefore.

Seconde, as to the further rumour of your Recantation, I say likevvise I vnderstoode nothinge but by your ovvne reporte in your booke, and ther­fore referring the Authour to be punished accordingly, I thinke the punish­ment ought to light vppon your selfe.

Thirdly, as to my chardge of your changinge in Religion .ix. times, yee .xix. times, I saide so, and that (.681.) The .681. vntruth, most eui­dent and Slaunde­rous. truely vppon proufe of your vnconstāt affirming and denying, not so fevve times, as I had good experience oft in you, and can haue vvitnes in the same.

Fourthly, touchinge your abusing by M. Denny, yee misreporte the Gen­tleman, as to any thinge that euer vvas spoken before me. But if any suche vvere, it vvas as I herde say at my retourne home (for I vvas abroade in preachinge vvhan suche scoffinge talke vvas betvvixte you) by occasion of some talke ministred on your parte to M. Denny, partely by vvay of merie talke betvvixt you tvvaine, and partly sturred vp by your vnseemely vvords, and yet none of all these in my hearinge. But in the last daie, vvhan I restraigned your liberty, you did so much before me at my table prouoke the saide gentleman by calling him Epicure, for that he fasted not as ye saied, that I, fearing least M. Denny like a younge man shoulde geue some euill vvordes againe, vvilled him to say nothing, for that I my selfe vvoulde ansvveare the matter for him: Mine ansvveare vvas, that I meruailed vvhy you vvould cal him Epicure: for if you so thought, because he did eate fleashe, and neuer fishe, I saied, he might (.682.) The .682. vntruth. Ioined vvith a grosse er­rour. so vvelfast vvith fleashe, as vvith fishe: but if it vvere for that he vsed not abstinency, I saied in that M. Denny did more then you: for vvhere you had euerie daie in the vveeke your (.683.) The .683. vntruthe slaunde­rous, as al that know M. Feckenhā can vvit­nesse. three meales, fridaie and other, the gentleman vvas conten­ted three daies in a vveeke, vvith one meale a daie, and neuer did eate aboue tvvo. And as it is vntrue, that either M. Denny vvas a man to you vtterly vnknovhen, beinge conuersant togeather in one house a quarter of a yeere before, and in famil [...]ar company, yea sought many times by you to play at the bovvles, to vvalke in the parke, and to be mery togeather: so is it also vntrue, that I hearde you so abused as I coulde or did like therein, [Page 533] and so vntruely dooe you surmise, that I shoulde procure M. Denny, by any meanes to abuse you, as yee malitiousely conceiue of me.

Fiftely, as to the restrainte of your liberty, vvhiche you cal close imprison­ment, to haue ben for these talkes betvvixt M. Denny and you, vvithin one hovvre after: You knovve right vvel, that your restrainte vvas not vppon that occasion, but vppon your seemelie behauiour aboute other matters, vvhereof ye make no mention, least you shoulde haue prooued your self a Lier. After I had in fevve vvoordes calmed the storme that seemed vvoulde arise betvvixt M. Dennie and you, I entred into talke vvith you in matters of Religion, as I vvas vvont to doo dailie before. The talke vvas of venial and mortal sinne: you haue not forgottē the occasion, I am sure: for if you haue in your remembraunce the Monkish (.684.) Iebusites, you cal them Iesuites,The .648. vntruth, slaunde­rous and Ievvish. you may remember, that a crosse that came from them, gaue the occasion of the talke in that matter. I proued that no (.685.) The .685. vntruth. heretical: sinne is so venial as it could be remitted by any ceremonie: yea, there is no sinne but the same (.686.) The .686. vntruth, in like maner plaine hereticall. of it selfe is mortal, and yet venial to be purged by the merites of Christe onelie: and that al sinnes, vvere they neuer so mortal, vvere neuerthelesse venial, sauing al only the sinne againste the holy Ghoste, vvhiche is irremissible. For this my saying, and other pointes vvhich I condēned, ye sel into such a rage, that ye not onely railed against the Bishop of Sarisburie saying; he vvas vt­terlie vnlearned, and that he should neuer be hable to ansvvere M. Har­dinges booke, but also openly called me almoste in plaine termes Heretique, and said, my doctrine whiche I preached (yet ye vvould neuer heare me) was erroneous, filthy, and blasphemous: so filthely your blasphe­mous mouth, coulde raile against (.687.) The .687. vntruth, Your do­ctrine hath no affynite vvith Gods truthe. Gods truthe. VVherupon, I, to staie you, saied alonely that those vvere vnmann [...]rlie vvordes to be spoken at mine ovvne table: and therfore vvould as thā say no more opēly vnto you there, but tolde you that after dinner I vvoulde shevve you more of my minde, betvvixt you and me. And so shortly after dinner, I came vp to you and there calling you into the Gallory of my house, adioining to your chamber, I put you in re­mēbraunce of that vvhiche I had before oftentimes admonished you, of your outragious talke in mine absence, vsed oftentimes opēly at my table, vvhereof I had sondrie times geuē you vvarning, for that the same might breede peril to your selfe, blame to me, and offence to others. And bicause I foūd stil the cō ­tinuāce of that your misorder: yea, to be muche more vehemēt many times in [Page] mine absence than in my presence: Therefore I vvilled you thenceforth to ab­steine from conferring vvith anie man in any vvise at all, addinge that you should haue to your chamber, al things necessary, and vvhat meate you vvold competently appoint for your ovvne diet, vvhich ye had accordinglie. And although I did restraine you from comming to mie table, or to goe so much at large as you had doon: yet had you no other keper than you had before, vvhich vvas your ovvn man: you had a faire Gallory adioyning to your chā ­ber, opening to mie parke, your seruaūt a chamber by him self, next to yours, ye had Leades faire and large, on the vvhich ye might vvalke, and haue pro­spect both ouer the Parkes, Gardeins, and Orchardes. And therevvith thrise in the vveake at the least, vvhiles I laie at VValtham, vvith one by me ap­pointed, you vvalked abroade into the Parkes, Garden, and Orchard: and this you call your close emprisonment. Sixthly, touching my com­plaint to the most honourable of you, vvherby you vvere remitted prisoner againe to the Tovver, vvhat the same vvas, their ho­nours can vvel declare, if their pleasure so be: beinge suer that I haue not broken promise vvith you hitherto, in vttering your opi­niō against the Lavves of the Realm, as I haue before said, vvhich ye shevved at anie time in the priuate conference. And so ye haue not anie cause to challenge me in that behalfe.

To conclude, by the premisses it maie appeare to the honourable as by a tast, vvhat sinceritie there is in you. Againe, that this your quarelling and (.688.) The .688. vntruthe. M. Fekenham hath in no point belyed you in his shedule spread abrode, but vvil stand to al that is cōteyned therin. belying me by spreading this booke, vvas and is chieflie, to recouer your credit vvith those of your faction: vvho as I haue saied, had conceiued doubt of your reuolt, and to confirme them in their grounded (.689.) The .689. vntruthe. The Catholike faith is no errour. errour, and here­vvith to bringe me and other suche as I am, into obloquie and hatred. And lastlie, to impugne and barke against the Q. Maiesties (.690.) The .690. vntruthe slaunderous. Nei­ther M. Fekenham. Nor other Catho­likes doe impugne the Quenes Lavv­full Authority, but onely suche as is novve proued to be vnlavvfully attributed to her Hignes, by such as you are. Lavvfull and due authoritie, vvhich you and your com­plices dailie labour to subuert: vvhich matter I referre to be fur­ther considered, by the graue vvisdome of the moste honoura­ble.

FINIS.

The .14. Chapter, of certaine priuate matters betwene M. Fekē ­ham and M. Horne. And of certaine especial heresies auouched by M. Horne, wherby to conclude, he concludeth himselfe a plaine heretike.

Stapleton.

THis being the last parte of all, standeth moste vppon mutuall accusations: M. Fekenham fynding him selfe greaued, that he should be missused at M. Hornes ta­ble, and there to be noted of incontinencie, gluttonie, and hypocrisie: that rumours should be spread abrode by M. Hornes seruantes of his subscription and recantation: and finally that contrary to M. Hornes promise made to hym, that he should suffer no domage or hurte for any wordes passed betwixt them, he was first restrained of his libertie accustomable by M. Horne, and kepte there close prisoner vj. wekes: and afterward by his procurement remitted to the Towre.

M. Horne on the other side denieth, that euer he was priuie to any such rumour, and complayneth as fast vppon M. Fekenham, and his disorder, as calling M. Deny Epicure at his owne table, and for openly calling him self almost in plaine termes heretike. He putteth M. Fekēham in remem­braunce of certaine talke passed betwene them: as that a man may fast aswell with fleshe, as with fishe: of mortall and deadly synne, and other matters. As for the restraynte of his liberty, he sayth it came vppon his owne disorder: and that in cōplayning vpon him to the Councell, he brake no pro­misse with him. These matters then being such as priuately passed betwene them, I beinge one that neither was then present, nor yet sithence fully vnderstanding any certainty of them, must leaue this to M. Fekenhams owne defence, [Page] when the time shal serue. Sauing that so muche, I can say, that I haue bene credibly enformed, that M. Fekēham doth deny, as wel that he misused M. Deny, as such other things as M. Horne chargeth him withal, and is ready to stand to, and to iustifie al such things as are conteined in this his she­dule if he may be suffred. And suerly among other things, to them that knewe his order and diet, either before his com­ming to prison, either in the towre, when he had the liber­ty of the same, wheras I am credibly enformed, he neuer made three meales, it can not seme credible and likely, that he shuld at Waltham as M. Horne saith, make three meales, aswel friday as other daies.

One thing I am sure of M. Horn, he toke no part of your fleshly breakfasts and suppers, that ye haue had in good store in your house vppon the fridaies and other fasting daies. Which example to be shewed in your house, being a man of such vocation and countenaunce, against the Lawes of the Church and the realme, how it may be allowed, I leaue it to the consideration of others. For I suppose neither your self, nor Maistres Madge, with al your other fleshly compa­ny, are fallen into suche weaknes, feblenes and con­sumption, nor are of so timerouse and scrupulouse a con­science, that either ye neade, or will tarrie for a Licence: I wil not say to be sought at Rome, but nearer hand, at Lon­don.

And what neade this prelate of any other Licence, that can so pretely licence him selfe to fast with flesh aswell as with fishe? For a man may (saieth he) fast aswell with fleshe as with fishe. Wel spoken, and like a good Turk or Iewe: For at a good Christians mouth I neuer heard that rule, nor euer reade it before. In the primitiue Church men fasted in great [Page 535] numbers, both from fish and fleshe: but this prelate least the generation of his spirituall children, should be to much hin­dered, by eating cold fish, hath found a new diuinity, wher­by we may faste with a fatte pigge or capon vppon good fridaie, least for fayntnes we fal vnder the crosse as Christ did. I say, this is a new diuinity. For from the Apostles time hitherto Lent hath euer bene fasted, aswel in our realme, as in al Christendom beside. Wherof nowe almost xiij. hun­dred yeares fithence, our most noble countreman and Em­perour Constantinus, geueth vs a full godly testimony, as­wel for our Ileland of Britany, as for Rome, all Italie, Aegypt, Eus. l. 3. de vita Cōst. Fraunce, Lybia, all Grece, al the countries called Asiana and Pō ­tica Regio, Cilicia, and for al the Churches of the East, West, South, and North: And this lent fast was frō flesh at the lest, as it appeareth euidently,Li. 3. Tom. 2. haeres. 75. Laod. Can. 50. Hier. con­tra Iouin. Epiph. vbi supra. both by Epiphanius aboue xj. hū ­dred yers past, and by a Councel of Laodicea, holdē about that time. Yea they were counted plaine heretiks, that cō ­temned the Lente and other fastinge daies: As the Aerians, Iouinians, and such other.

And nowe haue we a subtile insoluble, that there is no synne, but that the same of it selfe is mortal synne, and yet there is no mortall synne, but that the same is veniall. For he saieth, he proued to M. Fekenham, that there is no synne so venial, as it could be remitted by any ceremonie, yea there is no sinne, but the same of it self is mortal, and yet veniall, to be purged by the merites of Christ onely: and that al synnes, were they neuer so mortal, were neuerthelesse venial, sauing al only the syn against the holy Ghost, which is irremissible. Suerly this is a notable cō ­clusion to lap vp your worthy boke withal. Wherin for al your subtelty, are as many errours and heresies, as are lines. And would God ye would haue shewed as withall, what [Page] godly Father ye haue for your Authour, in these your ab­surde and false propositionis. Well, well, as muche as ye crake, that ye proued this gere to M. Feckenham, I must tel you,M. Horne is asha­med to shevve his do­ctour. VViclef. li. 3. cap. 1. trialog. Solā peccatū finalis impoenitē ­tiae, quod est pecca­tum in spiritum sanctum, propriè est mortale. ye haue not yet proued, nor euer shal proue yt as long as ye liue. And ye dare not for shame, shewe the authour of your doctrine: who is no better then the Archeheretyke Wiclef. Who sayeth there is no synne properly to be cal­led mortal, but the lacke of finall repentance, which is the sinne against the holy Ghost. Or yf ye haue any better au­thour, we woulde gladly see him: and would gladly at your good leasure better vnderstand, how ye could either rydde your selfe from many fowle errours, or from a fowle con­tradiction, in these your so fewe lines.

For first where you say, that no sinne is so venial, as it coulde be remitted by any ceremony: yf you vnderstode what venial sinne were, a man of your vocatiō would be ashamed so to say. And therfore I wil first open your second errour vpon the which this former is grounded. Which is this.

There is (you say) no sinne, but the same of it selfe is mortal, and yet venial, to be purged by the merites of Christe onely. Is this your diuinitie M. Bishop? Nowe forsothe a worthy diuine you shewe your selfe, and more mete to be a parish clarke in Kingy strete in Winchester, then a bishop of that famous See. For how say you M. Horne? Is euery mortal sinne also venial?D. Thomas 1.2. q. 72. Art. 5. And is euery sinne of it selfe mortal? Let vs then see what is mortal sinne, and what is venial. Mortal sinne is cō ­mitted, whē we doe any thing against Gods law, or against the loue we owe to him, or to our neighbour for his sake, with an auersiō or turning away frō God him selfe.Mortall synne. Which Acte forsaking the euerlasting goodnes, and cōuerting our selues to the vnlauful vse of his tēporal creatures, is a dead­ly [Page 536] synne, that is such as deserueth by the law and iustice of God, euerlasting death. Of such mortal synnes excluding from the kingdome of God, you haue in S. Paule diuerse enumerations, bothe to th [...] Corinthians,1. Cor. 6. Galat. 5. and to the Gala­thians: which howe they may be made venial you shal ne­uer shewe: but howe they may be made no sinnes at al that is, howe they may be vtterly forgotten and forgeuen,Vide Con­cil. Tridēt. Sess. 6. ca. 7. & Ses­sion. 14. cap. 3. yt is easy to shewe: forsothe by the merites of Christes passion, as a meritoribus cause: by the mercy and Iustice of God, as by a formal and efficient cause, our own repētaunce going before according to the sacrament of penaunce with al the partes thereof, as by a necessary disposition of the matter apte to receiue this effecte, which is Reconciliation with God after our falle.Veniall synne. Veniall synne is a disordinat affection or passion disordering our dewe loue to God and our dew obedience to his lawe, either by frailty of light motiōs and incitations (against the which we fight not so strongly as we shoulde, neither watche so warely as we ought) or by natural infirmity of the olde corrupted Adam, or by excu­sable ignorāce of the particular factes, in al which we for­sake not God, nor our loue to him and to our neighbour, but are for the time rather letted and hindered, then auer­ted or remoued from our loue and duty to God. This synne is called venial or pardonable, for that the Acte thereof ex­cludeth vs not from the kingdome of heauen, neither ma­keth vs deadly guilty in Gods sight. And the reason is, be­cause such motions of frailty, and such light negligences (without the which this life is not lead) are but a smode­ring heate of the olde fyre of originall sinne cleane quen­ched in the water of baptim: Quenched I say, for any gylti­nesse thereof to remayne, but not quenched vtterly for the [Page] operation and working thereof. The olde Adam worketh still in vs, and rebelleth against the spirite (notwithstanding he was drowned in Baptisme) but the spirite of the newe man in Christ resisteth, and fighteth daily against him. In which fight and combat the best men are sometime veni­ally ouercomed, though not deadly, as most men are.

This is the clere doctrine of S. Augustin, and of al the lear­ned Fathers by him alleaged in his secōd Booke against Iu­liā the Pelagiā: Of S. Ambrose, S. Cypriā, S. Chrysostome, S. Hierom, Gregorie Naziāzene S. Hilarie, S. Basil, S. Ireneus, with certain other, by him, as I saied, alleaged against Iuliā the Pelagiā. And to be short with you herein M. Horn, be­hold one direct ād clere sentēce of S. Austin, cōformable to al those holy Fathers ād Doctours, in which he shortly and clerely cōfuteth your most ignorāt cōfusiō of venial sinne ād of mortal: saying that euery sinne of it self is mortal. For af­ter he had alleged al the forenamed doctours, ād last of al in this place S. Ambrose, cōcerning the remnāts of original sin in vs, which by your doctrine ād Melāchthōs, is deadly and mortal sinne, thus he cōcludeth him self. Ecce quantā nos pu­gnā etc. Lib. 2. cō ­tra Iul. Pelag. To. 7. Fol. 213 [...]. in Fol. Paris. Anno. 55. Behold what a greate fight or cōbat, this valiaūt souldiar of Christ, ād faithful doctor of his Church (he meneth S. Amb.) sheweth vs to haue with sinnes allready dead ād slayne: (he me­neth original sinne in baptism) for howe is (that) sin dead seing that it worketh many things in vs, whē we striue against it? What many things are these, but fond and hurtful desires, which draw the consenters vnto them into destruction: which yet to suffer and not to yeld vnto, is a combat, a conflict and a battail? Nowe betwene whom is this battail▪ but betwene good and euill: not betwen nature and nature (as the Manichees imagined) but betwene nature and synne: synne, I saye, already dead, but yet to be buried, that is, whollly to be healed.

[Page 537] Howe then say we, this sinne is dead in baptisme (as also this mā sayth, S. Ambrose) and howe do we yet confesse, that it dwelleth in our membres, and worketh in vs many desires, we striuing still against it (as also this Ambrose confesseth) but bicause this sinne in respect of the gyltynesse thereof, wherein (before bap­tisme) we were fast tyed, is dead, and yet beinge dead rebelleth, vntyl by perfect buryal it be quite healed. And yet this sinne is not nowe (after baptisme) in such sorte called sinne, as that it made vs guilty (before God) but bicause by the gyltinesse of A­dam it was made (synne) and bicause also by rebelling it dra­weth vs to sin, except the grace of God by Iesus Christ our Lord do helpe vs, that this dead sinne do not so rebelle, that by ouer­coming vs it waxe againe alyue, and reigne (in our mortal bo­dy). In this battail fighting and toyling, as longe as this life is a tentation vpon the earthe, Nō ide [...] sine pecca­to non su­mus. we are not therefore in sinne, Sed in quibus ab illo rebellāte, etsi nō lae­taliter, sed veniali­ter, tamen vincimur, in his cō ­trahimus, vnde quo­tidie dica­mus. Di­mitte no­bis debita nostra. be­cause this which in suche sorte is called synne, worketh in our membres, contrarying the lawe of (our) minde, as longe as we consent not vnto it in the vnlawfull desires and motions of it. For as touching our selues, we should remaine, alwaies without sinne (vntill this euill were (vtterly) healed) if we did neuer consent to the euill. But in such thinges as by the rebellion of this euill, we are ouercomed in, though not deadly, but venially, yet ouercomed, in such thinges I say, we contract or gette that wherby we must daily say: Lorde forgeue vs our trespasses. As (for example) maried folke, when for pleaesure only they excede the measure necessary for generation. As also continent and chaste persons, when they stay in such thoughtes with some de­lectation, not yet determining the wicked deede, ve [...] ge­rentes de­cernentis. or bearinge (the wicked dede) of him that doth determine it, but not a­uerting so diligently as they ought the intention of their minde from suche thoughtes, nor yet riddinge them selues so soone [Page] from the thoughtes (being ones fallē into them) as they ought. Thus farre S. Augustin. These two exāples he geueth of ve­nial sinne. And for these veniall sinnes we muste say daily (saith he) Lord forgeue vs our Trespasses. Accordīg to this do­ctrine he teacheth in an other place, wher he writeth thus. The sonnes of God as longe as they liue in this mortal life, In Enchi­ [...]idio cap. 64. Rom. 8. they fight with their mortalite. And though it be truly saied of thē: As many as are lead with the Spirit of God, those are the sonnes of God, yet they are so stirred with the Spirit of God and doe so profit to Godward as the sonnes of God, that yet as the sonnes of mē, Sap. 9. Crimen. Peccatū. especially by reason of their corruptible bodie molesting thē, they falle back to thē selues ward, with certain humain motiōs, and therefore do sinne. There is a great difference, as we haue largely saied. For though euery Crime (by which terme he cal­leth mortal sinne) be a sinne, 1. Ioan. 1. yet euery sinne is not a Crime. As much to say, euery venial sinne is not mortall or deadly.

Therefore we say in dede, that the life of holie men, as long as they liue in this mortalite, maie be founde without Crime, or deadly sinne. But (venial) sinne if we saie we haue not, we de­ceaue our selues (as the holy Apostle saieth) and Truthe is not in vs. Here againe S. Augustin maketh a clere differēce be­twene the crime or deadly sinne, which maketh vs the son­nes of wrath, ād betwene the venial sinne, with the which we continewe yet the sonnes of God: and the which holie mē in this life neuer lacke. But God forbidde that holy men shoulde neuer lacke deadly and mortal sinne: which vpon M. Hornes doctrine (that euerie synne of it selfe is mortall) must nedes folow. No. No M. Horne, your lewd spirit and the holy Spirit of the lerned fathers are farre wide a sonder.

This you learned of Melanchthon, and he of Luther, the very synke of all your filthie heresies. But howe lear­nedly [Page 538] and pithely this fonde and lewde doctrine of Me­lanchthon, Luthers, and youres was confuted by Doctour Eckius, in the open disputation betwene him and Me­lanchthon at Wormes, you may M. Horne (for you make no deinty, I thinke, to reade heresye bookes) see and reade to your greate cōfusion euen in the very workes of Melanchthon printed at Wittenberge.Tom 4. in Actis vvor maciensi­bus. Fol. 650▪ & sequent. Pag. 656. in fine. Anno. 1564.

Where also you shall finde a Notable place of S. Augu­stine corrupted first by Luther, and then by Melanchthon, so clerely detected and pressed of Doctor Eckius, that Me­lanchthon was fayne in that honourable Assembly openly to recante, and to say. Quod ad me attinet, agnosco male citatum esse. As for my owne part, I confesse it was wrōg­fully alleaged. The place was this. Where S. Augustine wrote: That Concupiscence was taken away by baptisme, non vt non fit, sed vt non imputetur, not that yt shoulde be no more in man after baptism, but that after baptisme it should no more be imputed vnto vs, yf by deliberat consent we yelded not thereto: Luther ād Melāchton mad S. Augustin to say. That sinne was takē away by baptism, not that it cōtine­wed not stil in mā, but that it should no more be imputed to mā. By which feate ād sleight, by turning Cōcupiscēce into sin, they proued both their Imputatiue righteousnes, as that mā was neuer iuste, good, and holy, but only was accepted for such, though he remained stil a sinner ād had sin alwaies in him, and also that the same sinne was in him a deadly and mortall sinne. Which is the thinge that M. Horne here af­firmeth, auouching that euery sinne of yt selfe is mortal.

Which (to make an ende hereof shortly) is as much to say, as euery sicknesse infirmitie or disease is of it self death. For as the body liueth by the soule, so the soule liueth by [Page] God. As the body dieth, when the soule is separated from it, so the soule dieth, when God is gone from it. Which matter S. Augustin most excellently handleth in his notable worke de Ciuitate Dei. Lib. 13. cap. 23. & 24. Lib. 14. Cap. 4. & 9. As therefore not euery disordered affection of the body killeth it out of hande, but the body is longe and much vexed with deseases and infirmites before it dye, yea and as longe as the desease reacheth not to the harte or roote of vital humour where hence the life sprin­geth, as longe as that principle of life is whole and sounde, the body liueth and dieth not: so not euery cōuersion of the soule to the creatures, bredeth a separation of the soule frō the Creatour: but the soule fighteth againste the fleshe, and though in that fight it take a blowe, yea and a wounde to now and thē, yet the sowle recouereth it selfe and yeldeth not wholy to the fleshe, or to any other creature, but clea­ueth stil to God his Creatour, loueth him stil, kepeth his lawe, and so falleth not deadly, neyther synneth mortally, vntyll it geue ouer to vice, and forsaketh God. Which euil men doe, without any fight or combat at al. But good men either not at al, or very seldom and after great fight: and thē are they no more good men or the childrē of God, but are nowe become the children of wrathe, so to perish euerla­stingly, except they repente. This is a greate and a clere di­stinction betwene mortal sinne and venial synne.

Now where you adde, that though euery synne be of yt selfe mortal, yet it is also venial to be purged by the merites of Christ only, yf you take venial for pardonable or remissi­ble, we graūte, euery synne be it neuer so mortall, is in such a sense venial the synne against the holy Ghoste, which is finall impenitēce, alonely excepted. But yf you take venial, as it is an opposite to mortal, as M. Fekenhā toke it, whē he [Page 539] auouched that by a godly ceremony venial synnes may be remitted, and as you must take it, yf you wil cōtrary M. Fe­kenhams assertion, then are you in an other foule errour. For as the venial synne is not mortal (as I haue proued) so neither is any mortal synne venial, as longe as it is mortall. This confounding of degrees in synne, to make all mortall, is a Stoical and Barbarous paradoxe, opening the gate to al dissolutenesse and licentiousnesse: not only cōtrary to truth and lerning, but cōtrary to good life and good maners. And it semeth to agree iumpe with Luthers paradoxe, wherein he taught and defended, That a good worke, be it neuer so wel done, is according to the mercy of God a venial sinne and accor­ding to the Iudgemēt of God a mortal sinne. Roffensis cōtra Ar­ticul. Lu­theri. Art. 31. & 32. Vide & Cōcil. Tri­dent. Sess. 6. Can. 25. Which straunge paradoxe of that fonde fryer beinge lernedly and pithely confuted of our learned and holie countreman the bles­sed Bishoppe of Rochester Doctour Fysher, I remitte the lerned Readers to that place: where also they shall fynde this distinction of mortall and veniall sinne, clerely prosecuted againste the wicked doctrine of Luther there, and against the peuishe assertion of M. Horne here.

Where you adde, by the merites of Christe onely, yf you meane as by the principal effect, and by the vertue wherof only all other workes of men are auaylable and meritori­ous, I graūt you say wel. But yf you say mortal synne is pur­ged by the merites of Christ only, excluding by the worde only, al repentance, contrition of harte, confession of the mouthe, and satisfaction of our owne partes to our ability, I note it for an other foule errour and wicked heresye of Luther your grandsir, whereby to extolle the merites of Christ, you doe ful peuishly exclude al worke of mā, which yet the Scriptures expressely require to concurre with the [Page] merits of Christ, not as of thē selues simply auailable, but as by the merit of Christes passiō, auaylable: ād as the workes of the holy Ghost, geuē vnto vs by Charity poured into our harts, good ād meritorious. Remēbre M. Horn what Christ said to the Pharisees.Rom 5. Oportebat ista facere, & illa nō intermit­tere. Luca. 11. You ought to doe these thīgs, ād not to omit the other things. Put altogether M. Horne. Christes merites purchase heauē to mankind: It is most true. And yet it purchaseth not heauē to the Infidell, to the Iewe; to the heretike, or to the wicked Christiā.Galat. 5. But ōly to such as haue faith that worketh by charity, which charity cōprehēdeth al maner of good works.

You affirme beside against M. Fekenham that no veniall sinne can be remitted by any ceremony. For a short answer to this point (bicause largely this matter is treated by M. Allen in his last booke of the power of priesthod &c.) heare what S. Augustin sayth in his Enchiridio, within few chapters af­ter the wordes lastly recited,In Euchi­ [...]idio c. 71. Delet om­nino haec oratio mi­nima & quotidia­ [...]a pecca­ta. Cap. 72. where he made a distinction betwene crimen and peccatum. Thus he saith. De quotidianis autem breuibus leuibúsque peccatis, sine quibus haec vita non ducitur, quotidiana oratio fidelium satisfacit. As cōcerning the daily, short, and light sinnes, without the which no man li­ueth, the daily prayer of the faithefull doth satisfye. By the daily prayer he meaneth the Pater noster, as in the same chapter he expoundeth him self. Againe in the next chapter he teacheth, that by all kindes of almes dedes (vnder almes dedes comprehending al good workes) such venial sins are forgeuē: Thꝰ he saith after a lōg enumeratiō of good works. Multa ita (que) genera sunt eleemosynarū, quae cū facimꝰ, adiuuamur vt dimittātur nobis nostra peccata. There are therfore many kinds of almes dedes, which whē we doe, we are holpē to haue our sins forgeuē vnto vs. Nowe why are the saying of our daily prayer, ād the doīg of almes dedes, thought of this [Page 540] lerned Father to redeme these smaller sinnes, but bicause as such sins are not cōmitted with a total auersiō frō God the creatour (for so were they mortal, not venial) but by a fraile cōuersiō to the creature, so again euery good motiō to God ward again, expressed by some such vertuous act,D. Thomas par. 3. q. 87. Art. 3. redemeth in the sight of God the former declinīg frō God. This Re­uerēt motiō to Godward as it is expressed by S. Augustin here for exāples fake, in sayīg the Pater noster, ānd in doing of almes dedes, so by the Iudgmēt of the Church, which no true Christē man ought to mystrust, the same is also expres­sed, in kneeling, in knockīg the brest, in kissing of holy reliks, or in any holy ceremony, don for the honour of God ād of his Saīts, which redoūdeth to hī, for whose sake they are honored. By this M. Horn you may shortly vnderstād, in what sense the Catholiks affirme, that by a holy ceremony veni­al sins may be takē away. And thus the Crosse that came frō the Iesuites to M. Feken. came in a good howre. As by the occasiō wherof, you haue discouered vnto you some of your lurking heresies, ād the Catholike faith is somwhat opened (more perhaps thē you wold it wer) to al such as haue grace to harkē thervnto. Your farder assertiō that al mortal syns are also venial, saue ōly the syn agaīst the holy Ghost, is the new scoured heresy of Wiclef, as is before touched. But see you not, that when ye saye there is no mortall sinne, but the sinne against the holy Ghoste, howe contrary you are to your selfe, saying that al sinnes are mortal, and yet againe affirming there is no mortal sinne at all, but one? Whereby ye go very nere to the Pelagians heresie, taking away ori­ginall sinne. For if there be no mortall sinne, but the sinne against the holy Ghoste (that is, lacke of repentance, as Wicleff declareth) then did not Adam cōmitte any mortal [Page] sinne: for he died penitently.Vide Aug. cōtra Iul. per totum. And then, if he cōmitted no deadly sinne in the transgression of Gods cōmaundement: he could not transfunde originall sinne that should kill his posteritie, which was a braunche of the Pelagian heresie.

Neither wil it helpe you to say, that there is no synne, sa­uing lacke of repentaunce, but is purged by the merits of Christ. For the question is not, when we speake of veniall and mortall synne, howe it may be taken away or forge­uen, but what payne and penalty eche of his owne nature deserueth. Venial synne deserueth no other payne, then tē ­poral paine. Mortal sinne deserueth euerlasting paine.

But here is no place, exactly to discusse these matters. And I haue saied this onely, to shew, what a sort of errours and heresies ye wrap vp with the closing of your boke: and that if it were but for theis only, M. Fekenham might haue called you, and that iustly in plaine termes (without any almost) an heretike. As for M. Iewel, if M. Fekenham said (as ye say he sayd) that he should neuer be able to answere M. Doctour Hardings boke, he said nothing but truth: which doth well appere to any indifferent Reader, by the labours of those that haue confuted already the stronger, the grea­ter, and the more important partes of his Reply: and haue alredy discried about one thowsand of manifest errours and lies in him. To what number then, thinke you, will they muster, if a whole confutation of all the remnant should come forthe?

Here would nowe somewhat be saied to your answere, concerning the rumour of M. Fekenhams subscription and recantation: and I suppose if I knewe the whole circūstance of the matter, I might easely confute al your answere ther­in. And yet as straunge as ye make your self to that rumour [Page 533] or any knowledge therof, a man may wel gather, and go no further then your owne booke, that your selfe ministred great occasion of suche rumours: as telling him so often in your answere, of the feare of reuolte that his frendes had in him: with the whiche also you ende your answere.Fol. 2. In tel­ling of him, that he semed to be resolued, Fol. 130. and in a maner fully satisfied at your hands. And that ye made relation thereof to certaine honourable persons: and finally,Fol. 128. that your selfe do plainely here confesse, that ye sayed, that M. Feken­ham had chaunged his Religion nine tymes, yea nintene ty­mes. But these matters I will leaue: as also your vnkinde and vngentle dealing with him: and your complaintes againste him, contrary to your promisse: and will nowe onely put your Reader in remembramce, of the Iesuites, whome ye call monkishe Iebusites, and pray him withall well to consider the order and trade of theire lyues, and doctrine, yea the gloriouse issewe that hath and daylie doth followe thereof, comparing them with the doinges and doctrine of you and your fellowes. And then I doubte not, but he will thinke, that this is nothing but vile and wicked rayling in you, to call them Iebusites,The Ie­suites. and that in comparison to you, and your ghospelling bretherne, they may be counted lyuing angells. Yf the profession of a reli­giouse and a monastical life deserue in them this contume­ly and reproche at your handes, then may ye call S. Basil, S. Hierome, S. Augustine, S. Chrysostome, S. Gregory our Apostle, with Ruffinus, Epiphanius, Paulinus, Cassianus, and a nūber of other auncient and godly Fathers Iebusi­tes to. And see ye not M. Horne, howe this your blasphe­mie doth not redounde to those Fathers onely, but euen to our Sauiour Christe Iesus him selfe, whose name they [Page] beare,See more of this in the For­tresse an­nexed to Vener. Bede. Fol. 73. & seq. and whose steppes they most diligently and most ernestly do followe, aswel by a vertuouse austere lyfe, as by paineful preaching? Which their trauaile our Sauiour Iesus hath so prospered and blessed, that your newe Apostle Lu­ther hath not brought so many Christian soules by his poy­soned heresie to destruction and damnation in Europa: as they haue brought Panyms, Mores, ād Turks many a thou­sand mile from Europa, from Paganisme to the catholike faith, from the which we haue departed and runne awaye hedlong.

Mark the proui­dence of God.Neither can I either to much thinke vpon, or to much, prayse the wonderfull prouidence of God in this behalfe. For euen as a thousand yeares sithence, the Christian Em­pire, and faith beganne to decay in Asia and Afrike by cur­sed Mahomete, caused the decayed faith, againe to springe and take roote in the west parte of the worlde: as namely among vs in England, and afterward among the Germans, the Bulgarians, the Polonians, the Hungarians, the Danes, the Prussians,Parte. 1. Cap. 16. fol. 71. & sequen. the Lituanians, and among a number of other nations, as I haue in the Fortresse annexed to the history of Bede [...]eclared: so nowe in the latter daies the Empire of Constantinople becomming Turkishe, and in our daies a great part of our owne Europa, being (the more pity) caried away with errours and heresies, God hath of his wonderful mercy and goodnes, in mans remembrance, opened and re­ueled to vs, as it were a newe world, of the which ne [...]ther by writing nor otherwise, we euer heard any thing before. And which is a cause of deper and more ample thankes, he hath by his prouidence so ordeyned, that the sayd coūtries beside in Asia and Aph [...]ica are become of plaine and open Idolatours, of Mores and Sarazens, very good Christians: ād [Page 542] that cheifly by the great helpe and trauaile, of these blessed and vertuouse Iesuites, whom you so lewdly cal Iebusites. By whom also God hath shewed such wonders and mira­cles, as the hearing or reading of them, were to any good Christian heart of al things most comfortable. And suerly if a man would deaply and throughly weigh and consider the greatnes of this benefite, he might wel doubt, whether af­ter the creation of the world and the redemption of man­kind by the passion of Christ, there be any one benefitte or worke of God, more wonderful then this: or whether there be anie one state or vocation in Christes Church, after the Apostles, more worthie laude and prayse then these, that you so vilanously call Iebusites. So filthely your blasphe­mous mouth can raile against Gods truth. No no, M. Horn, these be no Iebusites. The Iebusites be the cursed sede of Cham, cursed of Noe their father for dishonouring of him.Genes. 9 Ye, ye are the Iebusites, that the celestiall father with his owne mouth, hath cursed for making his Spowse your mo­ther an idolatrouse strompet and harlet. Whome the bles­sed Iesuites, as good graciouse children, honour and reue­rence Who worthely beare that name also, theire workes being correspondent to theire name, which doth signifie a Sauiour. For they, by their preaching haue saued, and brought from damnation many an hundred thousand of soules, to the euerlasting blisse of heauen, the which God of his goodnes and mercie graunt vnto vs. Amen.

FINIS.
‘Laus Deo, qui dedit velle, & dedit perficere.’

A TABLE OF THE PRINCIPAL MATTERS AND PERSONS IN THIS booke debated, or otherwise contayned. The figure noteth the leafe .a. and .b. the first and second side.

A.
  • ABgarus. 396. b. &. 401. a.
  • Abuses refourmed in Coūcel, 800. yeres past. 237. a.
  • The absurdity of the Act touching the Othe 424 &. 425. Item. 457. & 458.
  • Adrianus the first, Pope. 234. a.
  • Adrian the 4. 286. b.
  • Aeneas Syluius. 356. &. 357.
  • Aethyopians. 304. b. 305. a.
  • Agapetus, Pope. 169.
  • Agatho, Pope. 209. &. 210.
  • Albigenses. 318 a. &. b.
  • Alcuinus. 231. b.
  • Alexander the 3. 287. a. &. b. 288. a. &. b.
  • Almaricus a Frenche heretike. 317. a.
  • Alphegius bishop of Caūterbury. 308. a.
  • Alteration of Religiō in Englād. 453. b.
  • Aluredus or Alphredus a kinge of the Saxons. 292. b.
  • Ambrose for the Clergies Primacy in matters Ecclesiastical. 105. b.
  • The story betvvene S. Ambrose and Theodosius at large. 497. b. &. 498. a.
  • Andronicus Emperour, vvhome M. Horne calleth Emanuel. 77. &. 78.
  • Anselmus a Notable bisshop. 297. b.
  • Anthymus the heretical patriarche of Constantinople deposed by Pope A­gapetus. 169.
  • Antvverpian Lutherans allovve but thee General Councels. 220. a.
  • In armes against the Caluinistes, and in open vvritinge condemninge them. 433. &. 434. a.
  • A notable story of the Aphricane bis­shops. 91. b.
  • Disputations of the Aphricanes. 13. a.
  • The Apologie of England accompteth mariage of priestes heresy. 8. b.
  • The Apologie clippeth the Crede. 63. a.
    • It falsifieth S. Hierom. 107. a.
  • The childish toyes of the Apologie. 151. b
  • A double vntruthe of the Apologie about the Synod of Frāckford. 235. a.
  • A foule lye of the Apologie. 282. a.
  • A fable of the same. 287. b.
  • Double Authority in the Apostles, or­dinary ād extraordinary. 477. a. &. b.
  • The Apostles ordinaunces. 487. a.
  • Appeales to Rome from Constantino­ple. 150. a.
  • Apulia. 289. b. 310. b. &. 311. a.
  • Arcadius the Emperour. 122. b.
  • Arius. 109. &. 110.
  • Armenians. 303. b. &. 304. a.
  • Arnoldus Brixiensis. 303. a. 318. a. &. b.
  • Arnoldus de villa Noua. 302. &. 303.
  • Articles of our Crede. 423.
  • Athanasius calleth the Iudgement of Princes in matters Ecclesiasticall a point of Antichrist. 97.
  • VVhat Appeale he made to Constan­tine. 95.
  • His Iudgement touchinge the Princes Primacy. 94.95.96.
  • [Page]Item. 512. b. 513. &. 514.
  • S. Augustin for the Popes Supremacy abundantly. 529. &. 530.
  • S. Augustin our Apostle. 232. a.
  • Aultars. 520. a. &. b.
B.
  • BAsilius the Emperour. 258.259.260. &. 261.
  • Benedictus the second. 203. a.
  • Bisshops in olde time made vvith the consent of the people. 155. b.
  • Hovve princes depose bisshops. 157.
  • Bisshops only haue voice and doe sub­scribe in Councels. 149. b. &. 474. a.
  • Bisshops deposed for M. Horns vvhor­dom. 164. a. &. 197. a.
  • Bisshops confirmed of the Pope in En­gland before the Conquest. 293. a.
  • Bisshops. See Inuesturinge. The bis­shops office resembled by the shepe­heards. 409. b.
  • Bisshops forbidden to preach, and limi­ted vvhat to preach, in kīg Edvvards the sixt his dayes. 452. b. 453. a. &. b.
  • Spiritual Iurisdiction committed to Bi­shops by Christ, ād so practised vvith out any cōmission from the Prince. 467. & sequentib.
  • Iurisdiction geuen to bishops by Con­stantin. 469. a.
  • By Theodosius and Carolus Magnus. 469. b. &. 470. a.
  • The bisshops Superiority acknovve­leadged by Constantin. 491. a. & seq.
  • By Valentinian. 495. & seq.
  • By Theodosius the elder. 497. & seq.
  • The cruelty of the Bohemheretikes. 5 a
  • Bonifacius the third. 194.
  • Bonifacius the Apostle of the Ger­mains. 230. b. 232. & seq.
  • Braughton. 380. & sequentib.
C.
  • CAluin calleth the Princes Supre­macie, blasphemie. 22. b.
  • His sentence condēneth the Othe. 504. b. 506. b. &. 507.
  • Caluinists and Lutherās at mortal ene­mitie. 432.433.434.
  • Carolomanus. 230. a. &. b.
  • Catholikes no seditious subiectes. 21. a.
  • Their defence for refusinge the Othe. 83. b.
  • A Challenge to M. Horn. 4. b.
  • Chalcedon Councel .137. and fiftene lea­ues folovving.
  • The cause of Committies made in the Chalcedon Councel. 145. b.
  • Charles Martel. 226. & seq.
  • Charles the Great. 48.232. b. 234. b. and 13. leaues follovving.
  • Charles the .4. Emperour. 347. & seq.
  • Magna Charta. 322. a.
  • Chrysostom touching the Spiritual gouernement. 74 410.521. &. 522.
  • Tvvo povvers in the Church. 445. a
  • Clodoueus of Fraunce. 164.
  • Of the Clergies yelding to king Henry the eight. 367. &. 368.
  • Confessio S. Petri: vvhat it meaneth in olde vvriters: 227 b. 228. a. &. b.
  • The Sacrament of Cōfirmation. 476. b.
  • Confirmation of Popes resigned by Le­vvys the first, Emperour. 251. b. &. 252. a.
  • Graunted firste to Charlemaine by the Pope. 252. a.
  • Of that matter, see. 254. a. & b.
  • Conon Pope. 204.
  • Conradus Emperour. 283. b.
  • Constantin the Great. 68.85.86. & seq. 99. a. 401. a. 469. a. 491. & seq.
  • The Circumstance of Cōstantins Iudg­ment in Cecilians cause. 90. b.
  • [Page]Constantin no lavvefull Iudge in the same cause. 92. a.
  • He abhorreth the Primacie in ecclesia­stical causes. 92.
  • Hovve [...]onstantin refused to Iudge in Bishops matters. 103. a. & 491. a. & b.
  • Constantin the .5. Emperour. 200. a.
  • The destructiō of Cōstantinople. 80 b.
  • Constantius the Arrian Emperour re­proued. 111. b.
  • Articles of the late Conuocation. 317. b.
  • Of the Conuocations promise made to king Henrie the eight. 364.
  • VVordes vsed at the Coronation of Princes. 9 [...]. b.
  • Councelles. see Emperours.
  • Councelles kepte before Princes vvere Christened. 467. b. &. 468. a.
  • General Councels abandoned by Acte of Parliament. 54. a. & 426 a.
  • General Councels not to be kept vvith­out the Popes Consent. 137. b.
  • The sixt General Councel. 205. & seq.
  • The seuenth General Councel. 223. a.
  • The eight General Councel. 257. et seq.
  • Cusanu [...]. 117. &. 118. Item. 357.358. &. 359.
D.
  • DAuid. 47. &. 48.
  • Dantes a foule heretike. 334. a. & b
  • Dioscorus Patriarche of Alexandria de­posed by Pope Leo. 150. b.
  • Condemned in Councell vvithout the Emperours knovvledge. 153. a.
  • The fruite of disputations vvith here­tikes. 12. b.
  • The [...]rotestantes in diuers pointes re­semble the Donatistes. 58 & 59.
  • The appeales of the Donatistes. 50. a.
  • The donation of Constantine. 471. a.
  • Durandus. 331. b.
E.
  • The keping of Easter day. 101. b.
  • The principal questions concerning ec­clesiastical regiment. 3. b.
  • Kinge Edvvard the first. 326. & 327.
  • Kinge Edvvarde the third. 344. & seq.
  • Pope Eleutherius the Apostle of the Britaines. 397. a & sequent.
  • Of his letters to kīg Lucius. 399. a. & b.
  • To vvhat ende Emperours confirme the lavves of the Churche. 117 a.
  • Hovve they haue and may deale in Ge­neral Councelles. 117 &. 118.
  • Confirmation of Emperours by the Pope 334 a.
  • Examples of Emperours that haue re­pined againste the See Apostolike. 3 [...]8.330. &. 340.
  • Englande only defendeth the Princes Supremacy. 3. b. 22. b. 134. b.
  • Religion altered in Englande againste the vvil of the vvhole Clergy. 9 a.
  • A nevve maner of electiō in England. 88. b.
  • The Ephesine Councel. 12 [...]. & sequent.
  • Eugenius the .4. Pope. 353 a.
  • A place of Eusebius corrected. 87 b.
  • Eutiches the Archeretike. 131. b. &. 132 a
  • Excommunication belongeth to the Office of Bishops. 152. a. 447. a. &. b. 500. a. &. b.
  • The excommunication of Theodosius. 498. a.
  • Ezechias. 52. b.
F.
  • FAsting. 535.
  • VVhy M. Feckenhā deliuered his Trea­tise to M. Horne. 1. b.
  • VVhy he deliuered the same to some of the Councel. 2. a.
  • A true defence of M Feckenham. 27. a.
  • The cause of his enprisonment in king Edvvards daies. 36. b.
  • Disputatiōs had vvith M. Feckēhā. 37. a.
  • [Page]His reasons falslie compared vvith the Donatistes. 403. a.
  • M Fekenham clered. 429. b. 527. &. 528.
  • His Argumentes ineuitable 506. &. seq.
  • Item. 515. b.
  • Ferrariensis. 369. b. &, 370. a.
  • Rebellion in Flaunders. 17 18 19.20.21.432. & seq.
  • Foxes false Martyrs. 60.61.317. b. 318. b. 326. b.
  • Foxes levvde lies of S. Thomas of Caū ­terburie. 306. b. 307 a. &. b.
  • Foxes falshood. 310. a.
  • His folie. 312.
  • Foxes levvde lies about the storie of king Iohn. 312. b. 314 b.
  • Foxe confuted by his ovvne Authours. 312. b. 313. a.
  • His fructus temporum. 313. b.
  • A short ansvver to all Foxes martiro­loge by Frederike M. Horns supreme head. 319. a.
  • A Synod in Frankeforde against Ima­gebreakers. 234. b.
  • Frederike Barbarossa. 285. & seq.
  • Frederike the second. 315. & sequent.
  • Frederike the third. 355. & seq.
  • Rebellion of Frenche protestants. 16. a.
G.
  • GAlfride of Monemouth a vaine fa­bler. 314 a.
  • D. Gardiner Bisshop of VVinche­ster. 367. b.
  • The falsehood of Gaspar Hedio. 347. b.
  • The rebellion of Germaine Protestants. 15. b.
  • The electours of Germanie appointed by Pope Gregorie the fift. 271. b.
  • Gilbie against the Supremacie of kinge Henrie the eight. 23.
  • His Iudgement against the nevve Re­ligion. 24. b.
  • Good man against Obedience to Supe­riours. 25. b.
  • The ende of temporall Gouernement. 29. a. of spiritual Gouernement. 29. b.
  • The Grecians acknovvleadg the Popes Primacie. 76. b.
  • The vvorthy doinges of S. Gregorie. 189. &. 190.
  • Gregorie Nazianzene for the Clergies superiority. 518. a. &. b. 520.
H.
  • HEnrie the .3. Emperor. 273. b. 274. a
  • Henrie the 4. 278. & seq.
  • Henrie the fift. 282. & seq.
  • Henrie the first, king of Englād. 298. b. 299. &. 300.
  • Henrie the second. 306. a.
  • His penaunce. 309. a.
  • Henrie the third. 321. & seq.
  • Henrie the fift. 354. a.
  • Henrie the eight. 364. & seq.
  • Seditiō the peculiar fruit of heresy. 15. a.
  • The good that heresie vvorketh to the Church. 37. b.
  • Heresie is Idolatrie. 42. a.
  • Heresies the destructions of common vveales. 81. a.
  • A number of olde condemned heresies renevved by protestāts. 57.316. a. & b
  • Hildebrand Pope. 275. & sequent.
  • Hildebrand had the Spirit of Prophe­cie. 277. a.
  • The fourme of hi [...] Election. 279. b.
  • Fiue grosse lies in the booke of Homi­lies touching Images. 76. b. &. 77. a.
  • Honorius Pope. 217. &. 218.
  • M. Horns idle vvandring frō the pur­pose. 4. a. 53. b. 85. b. 289. a. 321. a. 333. a.
  • His tale incredible. 5. a. &. 467. b.
  • His late bragge. 5. a.
  • [Page]The good that heresie vvorketh to the Church. 37. b.
  • Heresie is Idolatrie. 42. a.
  • Heresies the destructions of common vveales. 81. a.
  • A number of olde condemned heresies renevved by Protestants. 57.316. a. &. b
  • Hildebrand Pope. 275. & seq.
  • Hildebrand had the Spirit of Prophe­cie. 277. a.
  • The fourme of his Election. 279. b.
  • Fiue grosse lies in the booke of Homi­lies touching Images. 76. b. & 77. a
  • Honorius Pope. 217. &. 218.
  • M. Hornes idle vvanderinge from the purpose. 4. a. 53. b. 85. b. 289, a. 321. a. 33 [...].
  • His tale incredible. 5. a. & 467. b.
  • His late bragge. 5. a.
  • M. Horne no bisshop at al 7. b. 9. a. & 301. a.
  • M. Horn contrary to him self. 30.39. b. 143. b. 232. a. 247. a. &. b. 442. a. 447. a 539. a.
  • M. Hornes vnskilfulnes. 40. b.
  • M. Horne cōfuted by the Chapters and places that him selfe alleageth. 41. b. 49. a. 51. b. 103. a. 123. b. 129. b. 130. a. & b. 132. a. 140. b. 141. a. 152. a. 158. a. &. b. 259. b. 161. b. 162. a. 164. a. 166. b. 174.282. a. &. b. 184. a. 202. b. 215. a. 221. b. 223. a. 231. a. 238. a. 273. a. 277. b. 286. b. 288. b. 294. a. 299. a. 322. b. 323. b. 330.331 b. 334. a. 337. b. 342. a. 343. b. 347. a. & b. 353. a. 354. a. 356.357. b. 364. b. 375. b. 378 a. 403. a. 411. b.
  • M. Hornes loose kind of reasoning. 202. b. 249. b. 325. a. & b. 327. a. 333. a. 343. b. 352. b. 369. b. 375. a.
  • M. Hornes post hast. 212. b. 213. a
  • Tvvo legerdemaines of M. Horn. 218. b
  • His great provves. 225. b
  • His vvonderful Metamorphosis of S. Peters Keies. 226. & sequent.
  • His rare vvisedome. 255. a. 300. a
  • His confuse vvriting. 268. b
  • His inconstant dealing. 280. a
  • His dissembling of his Authours narra­tion. 282. b. 315. b
  • M. Horne plaieth Cacus parte, nipping his authours. 285. a. 286. a. 288. b 329. a. 330. b. 335. a. 345. b. 350. a. 371. a. &. b. 374. b. 380. a. 396. b. 398. a. 448. a. 514. a.
  • M. Hornes Impudencie. 294. b.
  • M. Horne buildeth vpon the doinges of euill Princes. 397. a. 311. b. 362. a.
  • M. Hornes shamefull Ignorance in grā ­mer. 322. b.
  • M. Horne declared an heretike by his ovvne Supreme heades. 317. a. 331. a.
    • By his ovvne Antipope. 337. b.
  • His meruelous Rhetorike. 384. a
  • M. Hornes false Latin. 480. b.
  • M. Horne depraueth M. Fekenhams ar­gumentes. 396. a. 402.423. b. 451. a. 461. a. 464. a. 487. b.
  • M. Horne driuen to streightes. 414. b. 415. a. 486. a. 506. a.
  • M. Hornes foule shifte. 430. a.
  • He maketh frustrate all Excommu­nications in England these 8. yeres. 446. b.
  • He limiteth the Statute. 451. a. & b.
  • His starting holes. 499. b.
  • M. Hornes Vntruthes arise to the Num­ber of sixe hundred, foure score and ten. Per totum.
  • Hugh Capet the Frenche king. 272. a.
  • Hungarie. 300. b. 301. a.
I
  • The Ievve of Tevvkesburie. 87. b.
  • An after reckoning of certaine of M. [Page] Ievvels vntruthes. 77. a▪ 129. b. 135. a. 244. b. 378. b. 400. b. 407. b. 468. a. &. b
  • M. Ievvels Regester. 214. a.
  • A Copie of M. Ievvels Rhetorike. 142. b 192. b. 246. b. 399. b.
  • M. Ievvel ouerthrovven by his ovvne Charles. 240. b.
  • M. Ievvels hipocrisie. 407. a. 515. a.
  • The Iesuites. 533. a. &. b.
  • Ignatius for the bisshops Superioritie. 525. a. &. b.
  • Image breakers condemned. 223. a. 234. b. 260. b.
  • Inuesturing of bisshops, hovve it came to Princes handes, and hovve it vvas taken from them. 254. a. &. b.
  • Geuen vp by Henrie the .5. 282. b.
  • Graunted by the Pope. 389. b. 325. a.
  • Geuen ouer in Hungarie. 300. b.
  • Iohn the Pope, a Martir. 167. b.
  • Iohn the .22. Pope. 336. a. &. b.
  • King Iohn. 312. & seq.
  • Iosaphat. 50. &. 51.
  • Iosias. 53. a.
  • Iosue. 45. b.
  • Isacius themperour Heraclius his Lieu­tenant. 196. a.
  • Isidorus against the Princes Supreme Gouernement. 365. &. seq.
  • Iustinus the elder. 166. &. 167.
  • Iustinian the first. 169. and .14. leaues after.
  • Iustinian the second. 201. a. &. b.
K.
  • S. Peters keyes. 226. a. & sequentib. 242. a.
  • Miracles done by keyes. 226. a.
  • VVhat the keyes vvere, that vvere sent to Charles Martell. 227. a.
  • Knokes against the lineal succession of Princes. 25. [...]
L.
  • LAnfrancus of Caunterburie. 295. a▪
  • Laie men in reformation of Ec­clesiasticall matters maye not b [...] present. 131. b. 153. a.
  • VVhie thei are present in Councelles. 150. a. 255. b.
  • In vvhat order thei sitte in Councelles. 237. b. 238. a.
  • Gods lavves and the Churche lavves. 486. b. &. 487. a.
  • Legates, see Pope.
  • Leo the Great. 133.
  • Proufes for the Popes primacie out of Leo. 134. b. 135. &. 136.
  • Leo the .3. Pope. 240.241.242.
  • Leo the .9. Pope. 274 a.
  • Levvys the first Emperour. 249.
  • Levvys the fourth, Emperour. 333.334. & seq.
  • S. Levvys of Fraunce. 324. a. &. b.
  • Liberius no Arrian. 112. a.
  • A complainte for defacing of Libraries. 292. a.
  • Licinius the tyran. 297. a.
  • Lotharius Emperour. 283. a.
  • King Lucius of Britannie. 397. & seq.
  • Hovve king Lucius vvas Gods vicar. 400. b.
  • Luther condemneth the Princes Su­premacie in Ecclesiastical causes. 22 a. 508.
  • Lutherans and Caluinistes at mutuall dissension. 432.433.434.
M.
  • The Madgeburgenses denie Princes to be heads of the Church. 22. a.
  • Manfredus. 325 a.
  • [Page]Marsilius Patauinu [...] an heretike. 334. a. & b.
  • Martian the Emperour. 140. b. 147. a. 251. b. 152. b.
  • Martyrdome vvithout any cause of faithe. 308. a.
  • Maximilian the first. 362.
  • Hovve Christ and hovve the Priest is a Mediatour. 522. a. &. b.
  • Melanchthon vvil not haue Princes to iudge of doctrine. 72. b.
  • Sir Thomas Mores Opinion of the Popes Primacie. 38. a.
  • Mortal sinne. 536 a.
  • The statute of Mortmaine. 327. a. & b.
  • Moyses vvas a Priest▪ 43. b.
N.
  • The Nicene Councel. 101. & sequentib.
  • Called by Siluester. 491. b. &. 492. a.
  • Nicolaus the first Pope. 257.
  • Nilus of Thessalonica. 384. a. & b.
  • M. Novvell put to his shiftes by M. Dorman. 45. b.
  • Maister Novvels boyishe Rhetorike. 46. a.
  • M. Novvels maner of reasoning repro­ued of M. Horne. 402. b.
  • Maister Novvels vvitte commended. 481.
  • Maister Novvels vnsauery solution. 507. a.
O.
  • OEcumenius for the Sacrifice. 407.
  • Orders and decrees made by S. Paule beside the vvritē gospel. 485. b. 486. a. 488. b.
  • Origine cursed. 170. a. & b.
  • The Othe. 423. and seuen leaues fo­lovving.
  • The Othe contrarie to an Article of our Crede. 423. b. 24. a. & sequent. 427.
  • The Othe againe. 451.452. and manie leaues follovving.
  • Item fol. 509▪ and .510.
  • Otho the first. 268. & sequent.
  • Otho the fourthe. 311. a. &. b.
  • Oxforde made an vniuersitie. 292. b.
P.
  • PApiste Historians. 203. a. & b.
  • The order of the Parlement aboute the Conqueste. 299. b.
  • Pastours. 409. a. &. b. 417. a.
  • Paterani. 318. b. 319. b.
  • Pelagius no english Monke. 528. b.
  • Penaunce enioined to Theodosius. 498. a. & b.
  • Peterpence paied in Englande. 293. a.
  • Petrus de Corbario. 336. b. 337. a.
  • Petrus Cunerius. 341. b. 342. a.
  • Petrus Bertrandus. 342. a. et b.
  • Petrus de Aliaco. 353. a.
  • Philip le beau, the Frenche Kinge. 329. & sequent.
  • Philip de Valois. 341. & sequent.
  • Philip the first Christian Emperour. 39 [...]. b. & sequent.
  • Phocas. 194.195.
  • Pilgrimage in Charlemaines time. 236. b.
  • Pilgrimage to S. Thomas of Caunter­bury. 309. a.
  • Praier for the dead and to Saintes in Constantines time. 87. a▪
  • [Page]Praier for the dead in Charlemaines time. 236. b.
  • Priestes haue Authoritie to expounde the Scripture. 41. a.
  • Priesthood aboue a kingdome. 73. b. 74. a.
  • Of the vvorde Priest and Priesthood. 405. & seq. 472. a &. b.
  • Princes Supreme Gouernement in Ec­clesiasticall causes condemned of all sortes of Protestants out of England. 21. b. 22. a. &. b. 208. a.
  • Hovve Princes do gouerne in cases of the first Table. 71. b. 72. a.
  • Euill successe of Princes intermedlinge in causes ecclesiastical. 171.
  • Hovve Princes do strenghthen the Lavves of the Churche. 176. b. 179. b.
  • Priuileges graunted to Poules Church in London. 322. a.
  • The vneuen dealing of Protestantes. 4. a.
  • Protestants cōfounded about the mat­ter of succession. 8. a.
  • Protestants like to Arrians. 188. a.
  • VVhy Protestantes can not see the Truth. 247. b.
  • The Protestants Church compared to the schismaticall temple of Samaria. 430. b. 431. a.
  • Polidore foulie falsified by M. Horne. 350. a. &. b.
  • Pope.
    • The Popes Primacie instituted by God. 38. a. 320. a.
    • Acknovvleadged by the late Grecians. 76. b.
    • Confessed by the Emperour Valenti­nian. 81. a▪
    • By Theodosius the first. 115. b. 120. b.
    • By the seconde Generall Councell. 121. a.
    • By S. Hierom. 125. a.
    • Proued out of the third General Coun­cel. 129.130.
    • Proued out of the fourth General Coū ­cel. 149.150.152.153.154. a.
    • Proued out of Synodus Romana, by M. Horne Authorised. 158.159.162.
    • Confessed by Iustinus the Elder. 166.
    • By Iustinian the Emperour. 175.176.
    • Proued by the Councell of Braccara in Spaine, 185, a.
    • By the sixt. Generall Councell. 209. a.
    • By the seuenth Generall Councell, 223. b.
    • By the booke of Carolus that Cal­uin and Maister Ievvell alleageth. 240. b.
    • By the true Charles. 241. a.
    • By the eight Generall Councell. 259. a.
    • By Basilius the Emperour of Grece. 259. b.
    • By Otho the first. 268. a. & b. 273. a.
    • By hughe Capet the Frenche Kinge. 272. a.
    • By Frederike Barbarossa, 286. b.
    • Agnised in Britannie before the Sax­ons. 291. a. &. b. 397. a. &. b.
    • In England before the conquest. 292. &. 293.
    • By VVilliam Conquerour. 294.306. b.
    • By Lanfrancus. 295.
    • By the Armenians. 303. b. 304. a.
    • By the Aethyopians. 304. b. 305. a.
    • [Page]By Kinge Steuen. 306, a.
    • By Kinge Henry the .2. 306.309. a.
    • By Frederike the seconde. 319. b.
    • Practised in Englande in king Henrie the third his time. 321. b.
    • In Fraunce by S. Levvys. 324. b.
    • In Englāde by kinge Edvvard the first. 326. a. & b.
    • By Philip the French Kinge. 330 a. & b.
    • By Durādus M. Hornes Author. 331. b.
    • By Kinge Edvvarde the thirde. 344. b. 345. a.
    • By Charles the .4. Emperour. 346. b. 347. a. & b.
    • By Kinge Richard the secōde. 350.351. a.
    • By Petrus de Aliaco M. Hornes Author. 353. a.
    • By Sigismunde the Emperour. 353. b.
    • By the Courte of Paris. 355. b.
    • By Aeneas Syluius and Cusanus M. Hornes ovvne Authors. 357.358.
    • By Isidorus. 366. b.
    • By Braughtō M. Hornes lavvier. 380. b.
    • By Infidels. 470. b.
    • By the Sardicense Councell. 515. b.
    • By S. Augustine abundantly. 529.530.
    • More of Pope, see in Councelles.
    • A note of good Popes amonge some badde. 263.270. a & b.
    • The Popes Legates in Councelles. 129.151.178. b. 207. a. 208. a. 211. b. 212. a. & b. 224.231. a. 232. b. 234. b. 258. a.
    • Hovve Emperours had to doe vvith the deposition of Popes. 269.
    • Gods Iudgement vpon such Princes as haue most repined against the Pope. 338.339.
    • Al the Popes Authorite sent avvay by shippe. 225. b.
Q.
  • An humble Requeste to the Quene [...] Maiestie 213. b.
  • Quintinus Heduus. 371. & sequent.
R.
  • The Church of Rauenna reconciled to the See of Rome. 199. b. 200. a.
  • To denie the Real presence in the B. Sacrament, heresy by the lavves of the Realme as muche novve, as euer be­fore. 482. b. 483. a.
  • Rebellion of Protestants in Boheme. 15. a.
  • In Germanie. 25. b.
  • In Fraunce. 16. a.
  • In Englande. Ibidem.
  • In Scotlande. Ibidem.
  • In Flaūders. 17.18.19.20.21.432. & seq.
  • Relikes from Rome. 228.229.
  • A briefe Recapitulation of the former three bookes. 384. & sequent.
  • M. Hornes Resolutions. 440. a. & b.
  • Kinge Richarde the secōde. 349. & seq.
  • Robert Grosthead. 323. a.
  • Rome euer had the Primacy. 154. a.
  • Rome Head of al Churches. 194. a. & b. 319. a.
  • More of Rome, see in Pope.
  • The cause of the Romaine calamities .600. yeres past. .264.265.
  • VVhie Lucius sent to Rome for prea­chers. 398. a. & b.
S.
  • SAcrifice denied maketh a vvaie for Antichrist. 408. b.
  • Salomon. 49.
  • Sardicense Councel. 515.516
  • [Page]Scottish protestants rebellious. 16.
  • Seuerinus Pope. 196.
  • Sicilian Princes. 289. b. 310. b 325. a.
  • Sigismunde Emperour. 353. & seq.
  • Siluester called the Nicene Councell. 491. b. 492. a.
  • Siluester the 2. vvas no Coniurer. 280. a. & b.
  • Socrates a missereporter in some thinges. 495. a.
  • Sozomene three times falsified in one sentence by M. Horne. 103. b.
  • Spaine. 185. & sequent. 197. & sequentib. 221. & seq.
  • Matters appertaining to the Spirituall Iurisdiction. 381. b.
  • The Statute of Praerogatiuae Regis. 509. b
  • King Steuen. 305. b.
  • Steuen the 7. and 8. Popes. 263. b. 264. b.
  • Supreme Gouernement in Princes mis­liked of all protestants out of En­gland. 21. b. 22. a. &. b. 508.
  • The definition of a Supreme Gouer­nour. 28. b.
  • Hovve the Prince is Supreme head ouer al persons. 29. a. 32. b.
  • The povver of the Princes svvorde. 412.413.
  • The svvorde of the Church. 413. a. &. b.
T.
  • TElemachus martyr. 308.
  • The olde Testamēta figure of the nevve. 461. b. 462. a.
  • Theodosius the first. 115.116. & sequen. 497. & seque.
  • Theodosius the second. 127.128.129.130. a.
  • Theodorike the Arrian kinge of Italie. 167.
  • Theodorus of Rauenna. 200. b. 201. a.
  • Theodorus of Caunterbury. 429. a.
  • Theodorus Exarchus. 204. a.
  • S. Thomas of Caunterburie. 307.308.309.310.
  • The Toletane Councels condemne M. Hornes Primacie, and diuers other his heresies. 197.198.
  • Totilas the Tyran. 172. b. 173. a..
  • Traditiōs vnvvritē to be regarged. 106.
  • The force of Truthe. 415. a.
  • The Turke muche beholding to Pro­testants. 436. a. & b.
V.
  • Valentinian the Emperour. 113. & seq. 495. & sequent.
  • Venial sinne. 536.537.538.
  • Visitations in Englande, vvhether thei are altogether Scripturelie. 480. a. 482. a.
  • False Latin in M. Hornes visitation at Oxforde. 480. b.
  • The Pope vniuersal bishop. 150. a.
  • Vitalianus Pope. 199. a. & b.
  • Vntruthes of M. Horne six hundred foure score and ten. Per totum.
W.
  • WAldo the heretike. 318.
  • VVebbe of Otterborne. 481. b.
  • VVestminster disputations. 12. a.
  • VVhitingames preface commending Goodmans traiterous Libel. 26. a.
  • VVilfrid of Yorke. 4 [...]9. a.
  • VVilliā Conquero [...]r. 293.294 295.296.
  • VVilliam Rufus. 297.298.
  • VVulstanus Bishop of vvorceter. 292. b
Z.
  • Zacharias Pope. 230. b. 231. a. 232. b. 233. a.
  • Zenon Emperour. 155.156.

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