CHAP. I.

COmmunitie of life, and Ciuill Societie, begin­ning first in particular Families, vnder Oeco­nomique rule (repre­senting what is now a common-welth) had, in its state, the Husband, Father and Master, as King. Hence many Co­lonies; which, whither­soeuer deduced, were Cities, Townes, Villages, or such like. In them, deserued Honor added to the eminencie of some fit mans Vertue, made him by publique consent, or some by his own am­bition violently got to be what euery of them were in pro­portion to their owne Families; that is, ouer the common state, and as for the common good, King. Thus came first Cities to be gouerned by Kings, as now whole Nations are. And in the Heroique times (before the Olympiads, when most of the Grecian fables are supposed) such, as shewed themselues first publique benefactors to the Multitude, either by inuention of Arts, Martiall prowesse, encreasing of Traffique, bettering or enlarging the Coun­trie, or such like, were (saith Aristotle) by seuerall Nations, constituted Kings ouer them, and, by generall consent, left lines of hereditarie succession. So that naturally, all men, in Oeconomique rule, being equally free and equally possest of superioritie, in those Ancient propagations of mankind, [Page 3] euen out of nature it selfe, and that inbred sociablenesse, which euery man hath as his character of Ciuilitie, a Popu­lar state first rais'd it selfe, which, by its owne iudgement, afterward was conuerted into a Monarchie; both by imita­tion of as well the subordinat as Supreme Rule, wherevn­der the whole Systeme of the world is gouerned, as taking also example from vnreasonable creatures; in whom, be­cause the libertie of discourse was wanting, Nature it selfe had placed that instinct of chusing alwaies One for their Prince or Leader. Hardly was any so Idolatrous that could not vpon mature consideration (as Theophil. Antioch. ad Au­tolyc. lib. 3. Orpheus did in his last Will and Testament) confesse a vnitie of Nature in that multiplicitie of Names, which fabulously they applied to the Deitie, and acknowledge that Apuleius de Mundo. & id­ipsum autor libri qui eo nomine Ari­stotelis falsò nuncupatur. quod est in trir [...]mi gu­bernator, in curru rector, praecentor in choris, lex in vrbe, dux in exercitu, Hoc est in mundo Deus, which was long since af­firmed, by such, as knew not how to worship the true God, yet were resolued of his vnitie. Hereto are according di­uers and frequent testimonies, of the ancient Gentiles, di­sperst both in Macrob. Sa­turn. 1. Iustin. Martyr. [...]. Lactantius de fals. relig. cap. 5. alij. prophane and holy Writers. Hence they could not but thinke, that the imperfections of the giddie­headed multitudes gouernment would be much repaired, if they subiected themselues to some eminent One, as they saw themselues, and what els was to be in regard of the vn­seen Creator. In a Trism [...]gist. in [...]. Idem ferè a­pud E [...]phant. Pythagoric. Stob. [...]. 48. Tract attributed to Hermes (whom some dare affirm ancienter then Moses; and the Egyptians accounted as a God) Isis is personated thus instructing Ho­rus: Whereas, my sonne, there are foure places in the Vniuerse subiect to an immutable law and command; that is, the supreme Heauen, the [...]. Orbes, the Aire, and the whole Earth. Aboue, my sonne, in the supreme heauens the Gods (vnderstand An­gels and ministring spirits) haue their habitation; who, as all things els, are ruled by the Maker of all things. In the Orbes, the Starres are; gouerned by their great enlightner the Sunne. In the Aire are soules, ouer whom the Moone hath command. In the Earth are Men and other liuing creatures, [Page 4] whose Gouernor is Hee that for the time is King. The very patterne of a royall State, you see, deriued out of the worlds fabrique and its particular subiections; al­though I importune you not to credit the supposed anti­quitie of the author, nor his whole assertion, being, in part, impious. And confirmation of the fitnes of this vnity in go­uernment, they had from Senec. Ep. 91. irrationall creatures: mongst whom that one Kind specially, which is commended, in both profane and holy authoritie, to man, for its exemplary qualities, hath herein preeminence. That of Bees. All ho­nor, assist, and obey One:

as the diuine Virgil of them. And the Grecians haue a proper word for the King of Bees, whom they call [...]; and, by translation, Callimachus calls Iupiter [...]. Neither is in a humane Monarchie what hath not in their Com­mon-welth some most remarquable proportion, if that curious searcher of Nature, our Arist. [...]. lib. 9 cap. 40. Philosopher deceiue not. Hence, as Cyprian. tract. 4. de Idol. van. some, mongst other arguments proue this ae­ternall vnitie in the true Deitie, so those, who first tried the inconueniencies of popular rule, saw that in their gouern­ment likewise should be some One selected Monarch; vn­der whose arbitrarie rule their happie quiet might be pre­serued. I know the vsuall assertion, that makes the first of those three kindes of States a Monarchie. Great Philoso­phers dare affirm so, and Principio rerum (saith Iustin) gen­tium nationum (que) imperium pènes Reges erat: quos, ad fastigi­um huius maiestatis, non ambitio popularis, sed spectata inter bonos moderatio prouehebat. But that cannot, in my vnder­standing, be conceiued as truth, otherwise then with a presupposition of a Democracie, out of which, as is related, [Page 5] a Monarchie might haue originall: no more then can bee imagined how an Aristocracie should be before the Mul­titude; out of which, such, as make in their lesse number the Optimacie, must be chosen. Aristotles Commenters, Bodin, Machiauel on Liuy, diuers others disput [...] this point: But, out of Machiauel, satisfaction may be easily re­ceiued, as is here deliuered. And so must that be vnderstood of In Boeoticerū initio. Pausanias: All Greece was anciently vnder Kings, and no Demo­cracies. [...]. Not that the States were first Kingdomes, but anciently so, and not vnder popular go­uernment, as in later time they were. Well I allow, that a Family, being in nature before a publique societie or common-welth, was as an exemplary Monarchie, and, in that regard, a Monarchie is ancienter then any State: but as it is applied to a common societie of many families and to what we we now call a Kingdome, it cannot but presup­pose a popular State or Democracie. The first Monarch of a Nation, we read of, is that Nimrod (nephew to Cham) the mightie hunter before the Lord. His Kingdome was in Ba­bylon, Erec, Accad, and Calna in the land of Sinaghr, which is called vsually Senaar; by which name also the Babylonian Monarchie was known. For, where Gen. 14. com. 1 Moses speaks of Am­raphel K. of Sinaghr, the Paraphrase of Onkelos hath expres­ly K. of Babel. His time was about M. DCC. XX. from the Creation. Iosephus calls him Nabrodes, and makes him first author of the building of that Tower of confusion of Tongues. In profane storie you find not his name, vnlesse, with common error, you make him Ninus, in whom Tro­gus, Ctesias and from him Diodore with other begin the As­syrian or Babylonian (for to this purpose I admit them as the same and one) Monarchie. If likelyhood would well en­dure it in Storie, it might not be hard to make Nimrod and Ninus one name. Greater changes are in words of Ori­entall language exprest in European characters. Their Ie­hezkel is Ezechiel, Ruben Rubel, Mosche Moses, Nun Na­ue, Esarhaddon A [...]bazarith, and in Arabique propagated [Page 6] from Ebrew, our Hispalis is Siuill in Spaine. To shew also how differently they expresse our Names, in the liues of the foure Euangelists, publisht by P. Kirstenius in Ara­bique, Uespasian, and Domitian are called Asubasianuusu, and Damthianuusu, and Nerua is Neirune Alshaghir, that is, according to them, little Nero. Such like more occurre in ancient and later Storie very frequent, in so much that scarce any communitie oftimes appeares; as in Cyaxares and Assuerus or Achaswerush; which name is Xerxes also, and Oxyares. But the first Babylonian Monarch is not cal­led Ninus, but Belus. And his sonne is, by consent of best authorities, Ninus. It follows then that Nimrod was father to Ninus. Iustin indeed deliuers, Primus omnium Ni­nux Rex Assyriorum veterem & quasi auitum gentibus mo­rem nouâ Imperij eupiditate mutauit. But regard the te­stimonie of those which out of the more ancient authors haue transcribed their Chronologies, as Iulius African, Cedren, and others, and Ninus will appeare clearly the son of Nimrod, that is, of Belus, the first of that State. And although erroniously in Historians for the most part Ni­nus be the root of Chronologique calculation, whereupon Iustin expressely affirmes that this first Monarchie remai­ned in the same bloud Constantinus Manasses hallu­cinatus hunc numerum à Belo auspica­tur. M. CCC. yeares, and then en­ded in Sardanapalus (otherwise called Tonosconcoleros or Conosconcoleros) and was by Arbaces then transferred to the Medes, so that if you reckon back from the beginning of Arbaces (Arbactus and Pharnaces he is also written) that number of yeers, you shall fall neer exactly vpon the be­ginning of Ninus according to some, and that most curi­ous, Chronologie: yet withall, take the yeers of Belus his raigne being, as some will, LV. but as August. de Ciu. Dei. lib. 16. cap. 17. & 56. anni ad hanc rem sunt apud Glycam ex a­lijs antiquio­ribus. Annal. part. 2. others LXV. (which seems lest distant from truth) and adde them to the M. CCC. and then take the whole number out of the yeer of the world, which was at Sardanapalus his death, the residue wil fall neer the first yeer of the Chaldaean Epecha (placed in the beginning of that Empire) then which, what can more [Page 7] properly designe out Nimrods beginning, being about LXV. before Ninus? which is well enough confirmed also by that number of M. CCC. LX. deliuered by Diodor. Si­cul. Bibliothec. 3. vnde pro [...] le­ge apud Aga­thiem. hist. 2. [...], vbi is de hac re. Ctesias for the continuance of this Monarchie, as also by De Ciu. Dei lib. 12. cap. 10. S. Au­gustine. Regnum (saith he) Assyriorum in Epistola Alexan­dri (he meanes an Cyprian. de Idol. van. & ip­se Aug de Ciu. Dei 8. cap. 5. huius memi­runt. Epistle of Alexander to his mother O­lympias) quin (que) millia excedit annorum. In Graeca vero histo­ria mille fermè & trecentos habent ab ipsius Beli principatu: quem regem & ille Aegyptius (that was one, from whom Alexander had his instruction) in eiusdem regni ponit exor­dio. By this supputation, Nimrods Kingdom began some LXII. yeares after the Floud, that is, M. DCC. XVIII. from the Creation. Howsoeuer (if Belus were he, as is most probable, and that Belus raigned LXV. yeers onely, which is the greatest account) the common error of those which place Nimrod and Abraham together seems intollerable. Witnesse holy Writ, which affirmes that in Pelegs dayes the earth was diuided, by dispersion of the people. That diuision was immediatly after Babel built, and by most likely coniecture the same yeer that Peleg was borne; for Moses relating his name to be Peleg, addes for in his daies the earth was diuided; as if, according to the Iewish cu­stome, hee had had his name imposed presently vpon his Peleg [...] est diuidi [...]. Gen. 10. 25. birth, by reason of that Diuision. And how could his name be by reason of the Diuision, before it? And, it is question­les, that Peleg was borne CI. yeers after the Floud, which falls (by this calculation) into the XXXIX. of Nimrod. But Abraham plainly was borne CXCI. years after Peleg; how then could Nimrod and Abraham be coetaneall? I know, the accounts of diuers ancient writers are in this point of the continuance of this Empire (out of which as à posterio­ri, the beginning is found) much differing both among themselues, and from what is before deliuered, as those which occurre in V. Lips. ad 1. Vell. Paterculi & (si placet) Thalum ap. La­ctant. Instit. 1. cap. 23. Paterculus, Eusebius, Orosius and others; and some Grecians haue made Nimrods beginning to bee Cedrenus, Glycas, alij. DC. XXX. yeers from the Floud, others more, against ap­parant [Page 8] truth of Scripture: others of later times placing him diuersly. But I see none so neer most probable coniecture as the learned Christopher Heluicus, whose laboriously composed and most vsefull Historicall Theatre, in this and other of this nature, affoords instructing helpes. And, whereas the fabulous traditions of some Europeans make Semyramis the autor of Babylon; it was deliuered, for most false, long since by Ioseph. 1. ad Appionem. Berosus (he was Belus his Priest in Ba­bylon) and some Q. Curt. lib. 5. ancients of this part of the world also, haue iustly followed him, attributing it to Belus, which e­uen holy writ proues to be the work of Nimrod. So some will haue Ninus the builder of Nineueh (which profane Storie also calls Ninus) whereas vpon good reason out of greatest authoritie Nimrod was he that built it. In Genes. x. Hee went out of the land (he means Shinaghr) into As­syria and built Nineueh. But I know the vsuall translation hath it otherwise, that, out of the land went Assur and built Nineueh. But, Assur is not, before that time, as a proper name of a man, spoken of in holy Writ, neither in that pas­sage is there a declaring of Sems posteritie (in which Assur was) but of Chams onely. And the holy tongue endures either of the interpretations, as hath been by the learned heretofore obserued. It may possibly be, that its name was from Ninus successor and sonne to Nimrod. For in that Nation the first Citie built was titled according to the name of the builders sonne, as appeares in the Storie of Came and Enoch. The Ebrew orthography of it is [...] composed, as it were, of Nin and Neueh, which may well signifie the Habitation or Citie of Nin, being easily (accor­ding to the European course) turned to Ninus. And Iose­phus Archoeolog. Iu­daic. 9. in hist. Ionae. expressely calls it, [...] & [...], which words without difficultie giue the same sense with the Ebrew. All this is in a manner confirmed by an ancient and most lear­ned D Hieronym. Tradit. Ebraicis. Father, deliuering that the Assyrians, ex nomine Nini Beli filij Ninum condiderunt, vrbem magnam, quam Ebraei appellant Niniuen. Which is as if hee had said Nimrod had [Page 9] done it. For what were the Assyrians but his subiects? The first Empire then began in Asia vnder Nimrod (the same with Belus, called also Arbelus or Arbylus) King o­uer the Babylonian and Assyrian territories chiefly, hauing in them his two Cities royall, but extending his power o­uer the greatest part of the inhabited & neighboring coun­try. Why he was called Belus, is no wonder. Take it not as a name proper to him while hee liued. But referre it to an effect of Idolatrous application after his death. For, whether adoration of Statues began in Sherugs daies (as is vsually deliuered out of Euseb. in [...]. Epiph. in prolegomcnis. ancient authoritie) or when­soeuer; it is certaine by all probabilitie, that sacred Statues were first such as had been made in memorie of some best beloued and most honored great men or of their fathers, ancestors, children, wiues, or deerest friends being Hinc idolū dictum est (si Diophanti fi­des apud Ful­gent. Mytholo­gic. 1.) [...], quasi, spe­cies doloris. Quod sane linguae sanct [...] optimé conuc­nit, in quâ [...]. i. Dolores simula­chia dicuntur. Psal. 106. 38. & 39. & alibi. Originatio autem idolola­triae ad hunc modum doce­tur. [...]. cap. 14 ab Epiphanio in prol [...]gom. & Iul. Firmico de er­rore Profan. Religionum, alijs v. si placet, & Ciceronem de consolatione. dead. To these were, at length, by flatterie of seruants and syco­phants of such as had erected the Statues, giuen diuine worship and ceremonies with suffumigations, crownes of flowers, and other rites which to the dead, of later time, by the Gentiles haue been vsed: beeing at first inuented by them for such as they stiled Gods. And, as the ceremonies due to their Deities, so, as a consequent, grew the names of them also at last to be applied to those whom the Statues had first honored. Now, it is not vnknown to any that the Babylonians held their greatest God to be Bel, which is the same with the Phoenician and Punique Baal (the difference proceeds only out of the Ebrew and [...] Chaldae­is; Ebraicè au [...]em i. Puni­cè [...] dictus est. Elementū n. [...] Chaldaeis saepiùs excidit, & à Gramma­ticis obseruatur. D [...]minum vero interpretatur. Chaldean dialects) and was first vnderstood for the Sunne, whom they called Sanchoniathon apud Euseb. Pa­rasc. Euangelic. [...]. Baal-samaim, that is, the Lord of Heauen (and in substance, euen by Idolatrous origination, was the same with Iupiter Olympius, Pan, Apollo and the rest of their greater Gods, dif­fering in name only, as Baal-pheor, Baalzebub, Molo [...]h and the rest did in Palestine) whence, it seemes, the Lacedemo­nians had their [...] for the Sunne, as Hesychius is author, [Page 10] and perhaps the Phrygians and Thurians Scholiast. ad Aeschyli Persas & Hesych. in [...]. their word [...] for a King, and the Western parts their Belenus, Beli­nus, [...], as Herodian calls him, or Scalig. Auson. lect. 1. cap. 9. Abellio, as an old in­scription found in Guienne. For all these names that A­pollo hath, which the Gaules and Britons worshipt, and to whom the Druids sacrificed at the cutting down of their Mistletoe, expressing him, in their language, Plin. hist. Nat. 16. cap. 44. Omnia sanans, which euery. Schoole-boy knowes also to bee proper to Paean the same with Phoebus. And, that Belin is no other then Apollo, is both proued out of an old Ausonius in profess. Burde­gal. Poet of Gaule, calling his Priest Phoebitius;

as also from a Append. Di­oscorid. cap. 652. testimonie, deliuering that the herb called Apollinaris (some take it for Henbane) is the same which the Gaules named Bilinumtia, being at this day Vulcan. ad Glossar. Latino Graec. in Spaine titled Velenno, as from one originall; both hauing the steps of Belin; which also in British (as our most learned Anti­quarie, and light of Britain, Camden Clarenceulx obserues) with Melin and Felin (the difference of orthographie pro­ceeding from the tongues idiotism) signifies yellow, a co­lour, as all men know, euen proper in attribute to Apollo. And most likely it is that the Topique God of the Nor­thern parts of this Kingdom, called in ancient Camden in Cumbria. monu­ments Belatucadre, had hence part of his name. Neither is the most superstitious regard which those Eastern people had to the Sunne in particular, vnknown to any, which hath obserued the R. Leui Benger­som. & RR. Cim­chi & Irachi, Equis & Qua­drigis, dum so­lem Orientem adorabant, ab introitu Tem­pli vs (que) ad ca­meram Na­thanmalech, solenni pompâ vectos fuisse Adnotant. Ve­rum & videsis Sext. Pompei­um Verb. Octo­ber de Rho­dijs. nec Rab­binis hic ad­sentior. Horses and Chariots dedicated to his Deitie by the Idolatrous Iewes, and mentioned in II. Reg. XXIII. or those Sunne-images ( [...] De ijs opti­mè (vt de om­nibus) Ios. Scalig. ad Catull. Epig. 91. sed Rabbi Solomon, figuras ad Solis imaginem fictas fuisse, est malè Commentus ad loc. designatum.) in II. Parali­pom. XXXIV. 4. or the adoration of the Morning in Ezech. [Page 11] VIII. 16. or such like, deriued from the Babylonians, Persi­ans, and others; whence the Persian period of CXX. Solar yeers, and the product of that multiplied by XII, that is, CI [...]. CCCC. XL. their great period vsed before their Iezdi­gerd, as also the Sunnes reuolution in Astrologicall directi­ons, are, and haue been of ancient time by them called Sal chodai, i. the yeer of God (as the most noble Scaliger teaches mee) as if the Sunne were the chiefest Deity; whom they stiled also Mithra from their word [...] Ios. Scalig de Emendat. lib. 5. [...] which inter­prets the same with Baal or Beli. a Lord or Gouernor; their significant name for the Sunne being both [...]. Coreshed (whereupon Ctesias, and some following him, deliuered that Cyrus in Persian was the Sunne) and quod & in ve­tust. Glossis A­rabicis. Aphethaab. Neither was it strange that they, being ignorant of the true God, so worshiped the Sunne, when as euen the grea­test Aristot. de Sap. secund. Ae­gypt. lib. II. c. 4. Masters of Philosophie had not a better meanes to designe out their first Mouer and Maker, or the Sonne of what is Good (as diuine De Repub. lib. 6. Plato expressely) then by the name of Light, or the Sunne. Nor is it hard to beleeue that the chiefe Deitie of the Gaules and our Britons should haue its origination from the so farre distant Eastern nations. For beside the reasons of coniecture, there hath bin found in Apud Conse­ranos in No­uempopuloniâ extat. Gaule a stone thus consecrated;

Where questionles is the very name (differing in termina­tion only) of the Goddesse Astarte or Ashtaroth, whom they called [...] dicta Philoni Bibliensi iuxta Phaenicum i­diotismum. [...] verò Megastheni, se­cundum Chal­daeorum for­mam. Belihsamaim, that is, the Lady of Heauen, the Moon. The same is confirmed also out of diuers inscrip­tions conceiued DEAE SYRIAE, & DIS SYRIS both in Italy and this Island anciently found. But (to re­turne [Page 12] to the reason of that name in Nimrod) when court flattery amongst them grew so seruile, that nothing, but the most obsequious respect that possibly might be, and the highest honor that imagination could inuent, was thought worthy of the first autor and progenitor of their royall line, which their obsequious basenes would not any longer endure to be accounted mortal, they gaue the title of their God to his statue, & their sacrifices, & ceremonies; they made his Sepulchrall monument his Temple; and at length so confounded their God Bel & first King Bel into one, that they admitted no difference. Thus came also the Phoenician Belus; thus the Cretan Iupiter (whom the Stephan. [...] veró ridiculum il­lud etymon a­pud eum. Sanè nonne Marnas [...] loqui­tur? i. Dominus, vt cum Belo quadret. Gre­cians make the same with Marnas the God of the Gazae­ans in Palestine) to be both a God and a dead man, in ridi­culous confusion. For they gloried alwaies of his buriall and Epitaph on his Tomb, which they shewed for his and their antiquitie, thus;

Indeed it may be Englished, Iupiters Tomb; but the worne out place should haue Scholiast. ad Callimach. hymn. 1. been supplied thus:

that is, the Tomb of Minos the King; for so I rather English it, then Minos Iupiters sonne. Although, I know, his Epi­taph there, is deliuered very differently by Lactant. de fals. relig. cap. II (de cuius ms. consulas. I. Obsopaeum in Sibyllin. orac. 8.) & Porphyr. up, Cyrill. ad­uers. Iulian. l. 10 others, yet it is certain that the Cretans are most fit examples herein to shew what the Babylonians did. Where, by the way, note that this false tradition among them, was the ground of that true imputation wherewith Epimenides, an ancient Poet and Priest (cited by S. Paule to Titus) brands them, and, after him, Callimachus.

i. The Cretans alwaies are liers; and, to that Acrostich som­what altered, Getullic. Epig. 3. cap. 22. aliam de hoc Cre­tensium op­probrio histo­riam habes ap. Ptolem. Hephae­stionem. one expressely, long since, ioined that mis­vnderstood Epitaph:

But, this turning of Kings into Gods, receiue elegantly de­liuered by Tractat. 4. S. Cyprian. Reges (saith he) olim fuerunt, qui ob regalem memoriam coli apudsuos postmodum etiam in morte coeperunt: inde illis instituta Templa; inde ad defunctorum vultus per imaginem detinendos expressa simulachra. Nam & immolabant hostias, & dies festos, dando honores, celebrabant. Inde posteris facta sunt sacra, quae primitùs fuerunt assumpta solatia. And euen in this sort, came the ancient Martyrs of the Christian Church to be accounted by some euen as Gods; the error proceeding D. Hieronym. Epist. adu. Vigi­lantium: & ad Riparium. D. August. lib. 8. de Ciu. Dei. cap. 27. from the solemnities vsed at their Shrines to the true God, in honor only of their con­stant profession. And, you see it grew vsuall in later times among other nations, to make euery Emperor almost, a God after his death, and some in their liues; with appli­cation to them, of names known proper to ancient Dei­ties. Some also haue giuen the name of Saturn to this Nimrod; and who knows not how vsually Belus is titled by interpretation Saturn, as others call him Iupiter? For those names, as they signified Gods, are with the rest of that nature in an inextricable confusion. The Assyrians (saith Cedren, out of some ancient author) made him a God, and placed him among the Starres; calling him Orion. Indeed Orions qualitie well agrees with Nimrods attribute, of be­ing a [...]. mightie hunter. The fabulous traditions of the Gre­cians suppose Orion a hunter, both liuing and dead; and Vlysses Odyss. [...]. in his return from hell reports as much. Which is as plainly iustified by the Astronomicall description of him. For he is not without his Dog there by him (which they call Procyon, and the Arabians Celebalatzaijr i. the les­ser dog, known also by the name of Algomeiza, and a­mong the Damosc. in vita Isidori ap. Phot. in Myrio­bib. Cod. 242. Egyptians, was this referred also to Orion) nei­ther is the dog without his game, hauing a hare before him. And, among other names, in Arabique he is called Algebar i, mightie or strong, the word coming from the Ebrew root [Page 14] vsed by Moses in describing Nimrod. Beside these, the old Astronomie supposed him also the chiefe Leader of all the Southern constellations. And as, in their Northern de­scriptions, they began at the lesser Bear or Cynosura (whose position and motion the Phaenicians obserued for their Sea-direction, as the Greeks did Helice or the greater Bear) so, of their Southern Images, Orion was alwaies first.

saith Manilius, following this course I speake of, as Ara­tus had directly before him; both being Theon. in Schol. ad Ara­tum. iustified by an al­lusion in Odyss. [...]. Homer, speaking of the Bear:

as if he had said, that she had, as the Princesse of the North, obserued and lookt at Orion Prince of the South: without which interpretation, how will you vnderstand Homer?

saith Manil. A­stron. 1. another by imitation. There being also twixt those two Constellations such an agreement in Longi­tude, that one great circle, drawn through the Poles, cuts them both, to make, as it were, a lineall and direct regard twixt them. They are both (if you respect Cy­nosura's starres next the Pole) between L. and LX. de­grees. But doubtles this application of Nimrod to O­rion proceeded rather from Grecian vanitie. And those Eastern people had another name for Orion, if Interpreters deceiue not, which in Amos. 5. 8. Iob 10. 9. & 38. 31. perquàm variae autem sunt de [...] opiniones, & a­pud Iudaeos. vti videre est in Baal Aruch. praeter R R. adi si vis Hug. Grotium ad I­magines Arati. Holy Writ, turne [...] Orion; and in such things the Assyrians and Iewes had most communi­tie. But, of our first Monarch, thus much. Yet it is not to be doubted but that before him and the Floud there were, among his ancestors, some Monarchique States, but not of any large extension perhaps. To what other end was Cain's building of Enosha (the first Citie in the world) but for his own supremacie among the Citizens? But the [Page 15] large and supreme Gouernment of a Nation, is that which must giue the honor of a King, as we now take it. The sup­position of that age of Kings in the Heroique times, or golden world is most idle, as it is deliuer'd especially in Fa­bles and Philosophie. What Hesiod, Ouid, Virgil, and other haue of that kind, children know. Et Officium erat (saith Senec. Ep. 91. a Philosopher) imperare, non regnū. Nec erat cuiquā aut animꝰ in iniuriā aut causa: cum benè imperanti benè pareretur, nihil (que) Rexmaiꝰ minari malè parentibꝰ posset, quàm vt abirent è regno. And, the like, or rather what was neerer to perfection is largely and in example deliuered by In Uiro Ci [...]i­l, & in Minoe. Plato, who (had hee read Moses, as some think he had; for long before his time was the Aristobul. (ap. Euseb. de Prepar. Euan­gelic. 13.) in E­pist. ad Ptol. Phi­ladelphum. Pentateuch turned into Greek) would not, I think, haue giuen that indulgence to fabulous relations. Nothing is more ridiculous to truth then those Golden ages, when also Populus nullis legibus (as Iustins words are) tenebatur; but arbitria Principum pro legibus erant. Can wee beleeu that in Humaniue this could at all continue? Inbred cor­ruption neuer endured it. The absolute power of the one, and the vnlimited libertie of the other, were euen incom­patible, vnlesse they be referred to some short time in the beginning of States, when, by necessitie, no lawes were but only the Arbitrement of Princes, as ff. de Orig. Iur. l. 1. §. 2. Pomponius speakes of Rome. Yet, I know, it is obserued that Homer, writing of the Heroique times, hath not Ioseph. adu. Appion. 2. & de hac re Plu­tarch. lib. de Ho­mcro. the word [...], i. a pre­scribed law, but only [...], i. an arbitrary rule. And I won­der, how learned men durst make such vse of that Obserua­tion. Read Plato's Minos, and there you shall haue Talus his lawes in Crete written in Brasse. And Talus is made co­etaneall with Rhadamanth sonne to Iupiter, whose time al­though vncertain, yet must be farre ancienter then any Greek testimony. Nay, and Homer himselfe hath Odyss. [...]. [...], and In Hymn. ad Apollinem. eius [...]n. authorem sunt qui faciūt Cynaethum. Scholiast. ad Pindar. Nem. 2. [...]. the law of Musique, which Singers and Players were strictly bound to; and [...] absolutely are songs so called, Aristot. Pro­blem. sect. 19. §. 28. [...], i. because they vsed to sing their lawes be­fore [Page 16] inuention of Letters, lest they should forget them, as, in Aristotles time, the Agathyrsians did. And, were not Letters in vse in the Heroique times? If no other autoritie were, yet Proetus his priuie Iliad. [...]. letters, to the King of Lycia, for Bellerophon's death, would iustifie it. Its well known also, that [...] is no stranger in Hesi­od, beeing both Suidas in He­siod. v. Lips. ad Paterculi hist. 1. Kinsman and neerly coetaneall with Homer; nay, as som think, before him. Which were it true, how vain were that Obseruation of Homers not hauing it? The Greeks also haue (some Apollon. Ar­gonautic. 3. of them) left writen, that Prometheus King of Thessaly (Deucalions sonne) was the man

that first built Cities and Temples, and was the first King on Earth. Others of them tell of Lycosura Pausan. lib. 8. in Arcadie to be the first Citie erected vnder heauen. Nay, some of later Constant Ma­nasses in Anna­libus. times, and Christians, haue trans­lated the title of the first Monarchie into Egypt, as if they had not read holy Writ, but rather followed Trogus hist. 1. them, which tell vs that Uexoris King of Egypt, and Tanaus King of Scythia, preceded the Assyrian Monarchie. In­deed the storie of Abraham iustifies great Antiquitie in the Egyptian Pharaoh's; and in Europe, that Aegia­leus K. of the Sicyonians rightly challengeth perhaps as much. But, wee can relie for truth herein only vpon Moses; and must slight both those fabulous reports of Grecians and others, as also what occurres in the frag­ments of the true Berosus, Hestiaeus, Alex. Polyhistor, A­diaben, Iulius African and the like, touching who raig­ned before Nimrod and the Floud. For, the Chaldeans (from whom some of these had their originall relations) pretended that they had a true storie remaining in Ba­bylon of [...] [...]. Alex. Polyhist. ap. Euseb. in [...]. CL. M. yeers (Diodore and Cicero speak [Page 17] of a farre greater number, but this is enough) in which they reckoned discents of Kings, part whereof yet remain's incapable of likelyhood in some of those autors. As them, for this point, so much more haue we here neglected those Annians and counterfeits, Archilo­chus, Xenophon, Berosus,

as, the noble Du Bartas of them.

CHAP. II.

BY King and Emperor, haue been, and still are most supreme Princes titled. Yet so, that, for continued Maiesty, and note of powerfull Rule, in both those af­fections of State, Peace, and Warre, the first was, of an­cient time, the greater; and that of Emperor ( [...] i. Imperator, or [...] i. the Generall of an Armie) was for any which had to him committed supremacie in Martiall dscipline, although but for some particular hoast. In the Roman storie, occurres frequent testimo­nie of it. And thence came it that Iulius Caesar, being Dictator, and a Generall, after he had gotten euen the Monarchie of Rome, wrote himselfe in his Edicts and [Page 19] Coins AΥTOKPATΩP, & DICTATOR PERPETVO & IMPERATOR, the first and last of which titles, continued in his successors. But it is obseruable to this purpose, that by neither of those were the yeers of their Empire reckoned, but a long time by their Tribunitian Power (beginning in O­ctauian) whence they were as sacred against all vio­lence and wrongs. Amongst many, one Coin thus in­scribed shewes it. IMP. CAESAR AVGVST. PON. MAX. TR. POT. XVI. COS. XI. IMP. XIIII. which was made in the XVI. yeer from the States giuing him that inuiolable title. The number ad­ded to IMP. beeing only so often increased in his and others Coins, as they had by themselues or their Ge­neralls performed some Dio Cassius hist. 53. great matter in the Warres. In the infancie of their Empire they abstained purpose­ly from the name of Rex or King, being a word grown odious to Roman libertie after Brutus his pluck­ing it out of Tarquin's hands. In solemne memorie wher­of they yeerly celebrated on the VII. kl. of March (the XXIII. of our Februarie) their feast Regifugium. As al­so they prouided that no concurse for Marchandise in the Citie should euer happen vpon the Nones of any month (Seruius Tullius his birth day, they knew was in thè Nones, but not of what month, and therefore they prouided it) Macrob. Sa­turnal. 1. cap. 13 Veriti ne quid Nundinis collecta Vniuersitas, ob regis desiderium, nouaret. And to palliat som part of his ambitions I. Caesar himselfe beeing saluted King by the multitude, but, withall perceiuing it very distastfull to the State, by the Tribun's pulling off the white fil­let from his Lawrell, answerd, Caesarem se non Regem es­se; refusing vtterly also, and consecrating the Diadem, which Antony would haue often put on his head, to Iupiter. For the same reason, did Octauian abstain from the name of Romulus which yet he much affected. A­like was the dissimulation of the next Tiberius, vnder [Page 20] whom were eadem magistratuum vocabula (as Tacitus his words are) which were before, but the sum and sway of things was ingrost and cunningly kept vnder One, differing in name rather then nature, from a King, as hee well obserued that subscribed Iulius his statue with

The more proper name of them and their Greatnes, was Princeps and Principatus; and, one of their own Tranquill. in Calig. cap. 22. Writers, of Caligula thus. Nec multum abfuit quin sta­tim Diadema sumeret speciém (que) Principatus in Regni for­mam conuerteret. For these royall habiliments; they were at length vsed by In Epitome: sed videsis cap. vlt. huius libri plura de hac re. Aurelian (about CC LXX. after Christ.) Iste (saith Victor of him) primus, apud Romanos, Diadema capiti innexuit: gemmis (que), & auratâ omni ve­ste, quod adhuc ferè incognitum Romanis moribus videba­tur, vsus est. Yet nor hee, nor others long after him, vsed the title of King in their Letters, Commissions, Embassages, nor otherwise but alwaies [...]. Imperator. Emperor. Which expressely is deliuerd by Synes. [...]. one liuing vnder Arcadius, in CCCC. of Christ, shewing also that it was then vsual in others writings and speeches of them, to haue them stiled Kings. [...] (saith he to the Emperor) [...]. i. Wee thinke you worthy of the Name, and so call you V. Lamprid. in vita Alexād. Seueri & ver­sus ibidem de lepore.Kings, and write you so. But you, whether you know so much or not, yet agreeing to custom, haue seemed to dislike so swelling a Title. And indeed, the autors of the Augustan Storie, before that time, haue Regnum, for the State of Rome; The dislike of Rex gro­wing out of fashion, as specially appears in the chu­sing of Regillianus Generall in Illyricum to bee Empe­ror, as it were on a suddain iest, when one had deriued [Page 21] his name in declining Rex, Regis, Regi, Regillianus, the acclamations presently Trebell. Poll. in 30. Tyrannis. following Ergo potest nos re­gere; Ergo potest Rex esse. This was about Gallien's time, some CCLX. after our Sauiour. Vlpian (a great Lawier vnder Alexander Seuerus) calls it D. de Const. Princip. l. 1. Lex Regia, which transferd the peoples power to the Emperor. And the Grecians called them Athenagor. in inscript. Apolog. & alij passim. [...] i. Kings, as, by their own men, they haue been in middle times often titled; and by the Ebrews. The learned Druse Praeteritor. lib. 9. notes that hee had a book, inscribed [...] i. the Ro­man Kings, being the liues of the Emperors. And in Luke III. where the originall is in the XV. [...], i. of the Empire of Tiberius, the Syriaque turns it, of the [...] Reign or Kingdom. Paules appeale, according to the Act. Apost. ex Arabic. per Fr. Iunium c. 45 Arabique, is Regem Caesarem ego appello, agreeable to the Emperors [...] titles, in the liues of the foure Euan­gelists, in that language, Nor could the Constantinopo­litan Emperors find greater titles for themselues or fit­ter, then King. If you regard how others vnder them applied the name, examples are famil [...]ar in the Concil. Ephe­sin. & ibi Cyril­lus. He si [...]ius (qui sub Ana­stasio floruit) in Constantino­poleos descript. Procopius, alij. Acts of their Councells, Histories, and such like. If how they themselues, read the titles of Iustinians Nouells (which they call Authentiques) and in them it will appear, that the names of [...] and [...] were indiffe­rent, although the Latin Translation hath him alwayes by name of Imperator. The same is iustified by Theo­philus his Greek translation of the Institutions. And that great Volum of Lawes, published by their Empe­ror Leo (about DCCCC.) comprehending a collection out of the Digests, Code Nouells, and other Imperialls, was titled Harmenopul. in praefat. ad [...]. & Cu­iac. Obseruat. 6. cap. 9. de ijs plura. [...], as if you should say, the Kings [figure] Lawes, wher [...] an Epitome is now Synopsis [...], à Le­unclauio edita. only left; and, in that, the Laitne Lib. 2. tit. 6. vbi. l. 31. ff. de leg. & Sen. & alibi. Princeps or Imperator is often turned into [...]. Which, their supposed Coat also, of la­ter time, being foure Betaes, iustifies. The Betaes are Bodin. de Rep. 1. cap. 9. interpreted as the sigles of [...]. [Page 22] [...], i. the King of Kings reigning ouer Kings. So that at length the name of Emperor and King grew to bee as one, although the Romans so much (for remem­brance of their libertie) at first distinguisht them. But in the deuided Empires, vpon new occasions, came much affected differences of these names. The Western Emperors, in regard that the States of the Gothes, Lombards, and Franks which had ouerrun and possest much part of the Empire, were called Kingdoms, and their Heads, Kings, rather desired the name of Empe­ror, as a note, in account, of greater maiestie. After the translation of the Empire from Constantinople to the French, the Eastern Princes continuing still their name of [...], which they supposed the greater title, and were, at first not much against the allowing of it to the Western Emperors, as appears in the Embassa­dors, of Michael Curopalata to Charles the great, who for confirmation of a league, came to him at Aix & scriptum pacti (as my Auonym. in Annal Franc. ann. 812. & Vit. Caroli Magni. Author saies) ab eo in Ecclesia suscipientes more suo, id est, Graecâ linguá laudes ei dixe­runt, Imperatorem & Basileum appellantes. Which was a name afterward (although meer Greek) bestowed on Charles his successors by their Monks, preferring it far before the Latin Rex. One Abbo Floriac. de Obsid. Lu­tet. 1. of them thus, of Charles surnamed Crassus;

Which is an essay also of that ages vnhappie affecta­tion of Greek patchs, frequent in many of that kind. But, when Basilius Macedo a Constantinopolitan Em­peror A. DCCC. LXXI, had receiued Letters from Pope Hadrian the II. wherein Lewes the 11. then Emperor of the West, was called Basileus, or Imperator; hee caused that Honora­ry title to bee Ms. hist. Lon­gobard. ap. Ba­ron. Tom. 10. A. 871. & Goldast. in Constit. Impe­rial. tom. 1. scratcht out of the letters, and, con­cerning [Page 23] his challenge to it as his own solely, dispatcht an Embassage to Lewes. This, Lewes answers by one Autprand Rempert, and, out of his Letters the effect of both may be discouered. He first tells Basilius that hee knows no reason of his dislikes towards him Nisi fortè super Imperatoris nomine velit haec cuncta sentiri. Verum apud nos (saith the Western Emperor) multa le­cta sunt, multa quidem indefessè leguntur; nunquam ta­men inuenimus terminos positos, aut, formas, aut praecepta prolata, neminem appellandum BASLEA nisi eum quem in vrbe Constantinopoli Imperij tenere gubernacula contigisset, cum, gentium singularum monimentis interim postpositis, sacrae nobis affluentèr historiae monstrent, pluri­mos fuisse Basileos.—Et noli vel nobis quòd dicimur inui­dere, vel tibi singularitèr vsurpare, quod non solum nobiscū sed & cum pluribus Praepositis aliarum Gentium possides.—Sed nec hoc admiratione caret quod asseris Arabum Principem Apomazar (potius Ach­met) Onirocri­tic. cap. 18. & historici Ori­entales. verum Protosymboli Vezirazes siue Vezirum pri­mos magis denotant. con­sulas licet Le­un [...]lau. Pan­dect. Turcic. cap. 14. & nos de hoc voca­bulo mox plu­ra. Protosymbolum dici, cum in voluminibus nostris nihil tale reperiatur, & vestri Codices modo Lego Archi­con. [...]. Architon, modo Regem vel also quolibet vocabulo nuncupent. Verum nos omnibus literis sacras S. preferimus, quae, Dauid, non Proto­symbolos, sed Reges Arabium & Sabae perspicue confiten­tur. Cbaganum verò, non Praelatum Auarum, non Caza­rorum aut Northmannorum nuncupari reperimus, ne (que) Prin­cipem Bulgarûm, sed Regem vel Dominum Bulgarûm. Ve­rum iccircò ab ijs & ab omnibus Basilei debitum voca­bulum adimis, vt hoc tibi soli non tam Propriè quam vio­lenter inflectas. Then hee proceeds (for, of those other titles more anon) with the Translation of the Empire from Constantinople to the Fra [...]ks, ob ignominiam Graeco­rum, who were not able any longer to defend the Church: and, whereas Basilius would haue him titled only Rex (or Riga, as the Grecians had barbarously made that word in their fourth cafe) hee addes fur­ther, that the true interpretation, of their Basileus, was in that word Riga; as indeed, children know it is. Nei­ther [Page 24] was it giuen or taken as any dishonor when Bald­win Earle of Flanders, Lewes Earle of Blois Arnold. Alb. Lubecens. Slauo­rum hist. 6. c. 19. and diuers other wrote to Otho IV. Emperor, with this inscription; Excellentissimo Domino Othoni Dei gratia Romanorū Re­gi & semper Augusto. Vpon Gloss. Grae­ [...]obarbar. I. Meursij. lesse ground then those Imperiall Letters, it hath been obserued that the Ea­stern Emperors did, in contempt, stile the Western Re­ges only; allowing their Basileus to none, but them­selues and the King of Bulgarie, who had also I. Curopalat. in Tzimisce apud Meurs. his Crown of Gold, his Tiar of Silk, and Red Shoes, for his royall, beeing also imperiall, habiliments. And so Georgius Logotheta, publisht last Spring Mart by Theo­dore Douz, alwayes names the King of Bulgarie [...], but the King of Hungarie and Sicily [...] and [...], and the Prince of Achaia only [...]. But, vnder fauor, I think it proceeded not so much from contempt, as vse, bred amongst them, to call, forrein dignities, by the names of the Princes Country, to which they were applied: as appears in Sultan, Ameras, Amermumnes, and Mumnes, Chagan (the same with Chan) and the like copiously mentioned by Simocatta, Anna Comnena, Codin, Apomazar (or Achmet) Cantaeuzen, and the more obuious Orientall autors. And, they neuer agreeing willingly to that Translati­on from them, but supposing themselues as Emperors of new Rome (for so Constantinople was called) to bee as the legitimat successors of that maiestique Title Lord of the World. [...] (wherewith Antoninus long before blazo­ned Volus. Maeti­an. ff. ad leg. Rhod. l. 9. himselfe to Eudaemon) could hardly but endeuor such distinction of names, that, One might be peculi­ar to their own Greatnes. Which, how could they better do, then by keeping their own to themselues (that is, Basileus) and giuing other Princes the lan­guage of euerie one's own Territorie? And the Princes of Sicily receiued of Constantine the Great (take it on my Niceph. Gre­goras hist. 7. autors credit) Rex for an hereditary Title. Indeed, [Page 25] that Basilius had more reason to take hereof greater care, being the first of them, after the Translation to Charles the Great, that was likely to haue regained his Predecessors glorie. And therefore his Bishops in that VIII. Generall Councell at Constantinople did also nomen imperiale (as one Anastas. de vit. Pontific. in Hadr. 2. saies of the VVestern part) nostro Caesari penitùs inuidere; to which affected Great­nes an old Annal. in­cert. auct. sub anno 876. Edit. à Pitbaeo. eadé autem Sigeber­tus. autor alludes, speaking of Charles the Bald King of France; that Omnem consuetudinem Regum Fran­corum contemnens Graecas Glorias optimas arbitrabatur. Et vt maiorem mentis suae elationem ostenderet, ablato Regis nomine, se Imperatorem & Augustum omnium Regum, Cis mare consistentium, appellari praecepit. But in later times, the difference was lesse respected; which is plainly seen in those Letters of Otho Frisin­gens. de gest. Frederic. lib. 1. cap. 24. Calo-loannes to Conrad III. thus inscribed: Toannes in Christo Deo Fidelis Rex, Por­phyrogenitus, sublimis, Fortis, Augustus, Comnenos, & Impe­rator Romanorum ad Nobiliss. Fratrem & Amicum Impe­rij mei. And answered by Conrad, calling himselfe Ro­manorum Imperator Augustus, and Calo-Ioannes, illustris & Gloriosus, Rex Graecorum. VVhence also it is eui­dent, that, Rex was not a name of contempt at Con­stantinople. For then would not Conrad haue called Iohn by that name. Neither, for that point, is aduantage to bee taken of the word Rex in the Eastern Empe­rors stile. For, it is most likely that his Greek (out of which I suppose, my autor had it translated) was their [...]. Some of the German Epistolae Hen­rici IV. Emperors also (as it seems) thought not Rex alone vnfit for themselues in prescribed titles of their Letters to other Princes. And on the other side, those of other. Nations haue iustly taken to themselues Imperator. Our ancient Edgar in his Charters, called himselfe Albionis & Anglorum Basileus; and, Pat. 1. Ed. 4. part. 6. memb. 23. Et, Totius Albionis Mo­narcha & Ba­sileus, saepius in Diplomatibus Monast. Crow­landensi consig­natis. in one to Oswald Bishop of Worcester: Cuncta­rum Nationum, quae infra Britanniam includuntur, Impera­tor & Dominus; which one of his successors long since [Page 26] as rightly challenged. For, when Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury, hauing incurred William the second's displeasure, durst yet aduenture to ask leaue of him to go to receiue his Pall of P P. Urban 1 1. when Rome was euen bleeding of her wounds taken in that great Schism about Wibert Archbishop of Rauenna, whom Hen. IV. taking vpon him the imperiall supre­macie, would haue inuested in the Popedome; the King, at the very name of the Pope, was extremely mou'd; and thus was his reason. Dicebat (saith Mat­thew Paris) Imperator sui officij esse quem vellet Papam eligere, nec erat alterius Apostolicum etiam nominare. Rex Willielmus allegauit eandem rationem, quod nullus Archie­piscopus vel Episcopus, regni sui Curiae Romanae vel Papae subesset, praecipuè cum ipse omnes libertates haberet in Re­gno suo quas Imperator vendicabat in Imperio; which withall shews how false that of Bertold of In ap. ad Herm. Contract. ann. 1084. Circ. M. C. L. Constance is, slandering William the first with slauish submission of England to the See of Rome. So when Alfonso the VII, King of Castile, had gotten most of Spains territo­ries vnder him, rediens (saith the Roderic. To­letan. lib. cap. 7. Storie) Legionem, imposuit sihi Imperij Diadema, & vocatus fuit deinceps Imperator. Which notwithstanding is against the flat­tering rules of the Imperiall and barbarous Bartol. ad Con. ff. §. Om­ [...]em. Ciuilians, who, of the German Emperors, haue durst deliuer, that Ratione Protectionis & Iurisdictionis, Imperator est Do­minus Mundi, quia tenetur totum mundum defendere & protegere, sed Particularium rerum non Dominus sed Prin­ceps. As if that weaker Greatnes extended in any of their times beyond Italy and Germany (For, that long since spoken of the Roman Empire, that it was Lamprid. in Alex. Seuero. Impe­rium quod tenet Imperium, long since also failed) And, in those countries, hath not been so gelded, that scarce any King is, but hath his power neerer to his name. The Tramontan Doctors haue been of another opinion, as they had reason liuing in other States. They [Page 27] allow the Chassan. Catal. Glor. Mundi part. 5. consid. 27 Vide, si placet, Alciat. de Sing. Certam. cap. 32. Emperor to haue supremacie, but not ouer the King of France, nor Spain; they might well adde, nor of England, Scotland, Danemark or the like, which by prescription of time, regaining of right, or Conquest are (as the other) in no kind subiect or subordinat to any, but God. And therefore, by an act P [...]rl. 5. Iacob. 3. cap. 30. of Par­liament of Scotland, it was long since ordained, Sen our souerain Lord hes full iurisdiction and Free Em­pire within this Realme, that his hienesse may make No­tares and Tabelliones, quahis instruments sall haue full faith in all causes and contractes, within the Realme: And in time to come that na Notar be maid, or to be maid, be the Emperours authoritie, haue faith in contractes ciuill within the Realme, lesse then hee be examined be the Or­dinar and apprieued by the Kings hienesse. Which act, it seems, had it not been for the Imperialls there in vse, according Bald-in Feud. quis dicatur Dux. Et Wesen­bech. in Paratit. ff. De fide in­strument. to which, Publique Notaries are to bee made only by the Emperor, his Palatines, or such like, need not to haue been made. For what might not a King (absolute in regard of any, superior) do, which the Emperor could? And, in England that constitution of Publique Notaries Regist. Orig. fol. 114. b. in breu. de Decep­tione. was long since without scruple, or any Act for it. Therefore, as the name of Emperor was (notwithstanding some particular differences) law­fully giuen as well to him of the East, as of the West, and allowed so by the VVestern Act. 8. Synod. Oecumenic. Dist. 63. c. Hadrianus vide verò Ca­pitis 5. extre­mum; vbi Foe­dus, quod ice­runt Rodulph. 11. & Achme­tes Turcarum Imperator. part; in like form it is or may be without difficultie applied to, or vsed by any which is truly a King. The Dukes of Moscouy an­ciently had no other title then Weliki Knesi i. in Russi­an, Great Dukes. But Basilius that gouerned there a­bout M. D. XX. (Grandfather to the last Theodor) took to himselfe the name of King or Emperor i. Czar, not deriued from Caesar (which interpreters mistaking, wrot him Emperor; and thence is it that wee now vsually call him Emperor of Russia, because Caesar is grown as it were proper only to an Emperor) but a meer Russian [Page 28] word, they vsing Kessar expressely and anciently for the Emperor of Germany, different from Czar. Yet this ti­tle hee vsed not to all Princes. In his Letters to the Emperor, the Pope, the King of Swethland and Dane, the Gouernors of Prussia and Liuonia, and to the Great Turke, hee vsed it, but not to the Polonian. Neuter n: (saith my Sigismund. Com. Rer. Mos­couitic. & Ga guin. Moschou. cap. 5. Impera­tor totius Rus­siae in titulo di­ctus, apud I. Fa­brum in Epist. ad Ferd. Archi­ducem. autor) horum alterius literas nouo titulo au­ctas accipere dignatur. They are neighbours, and therfore the more suspect each other. But that Basilius held himselfe rather the better man being compard with the Emperor, Nomen suum & titulum Imperatorio semper praepo­nens, siue loqueretur siue scriberet. With his precedence, I medle not. But I see not reason why he might not vse either the name of King or Emperor out of his own autority, as well as the Emperor. Neither needed he haue writen to the Pope for the name of King, as some affirm hee did; But Sigismund beleeus it not, because he was euer an enemie to the Pope, and the best title he could find for him was neuer aboue Do­ctor. For that of King in Letters to the Polack, this Basilus his sonne (saith Gaguin) vsed it to him, that is, Iohn Basiliuitz, sed a Polono nunquam (saith he) nisi MA­GNI DVCIS titulo honoratur. Other Lit Reg. Eli­zab. ap. Hakluit. part. 1. pag. 339. Princes giue him somtimes the title of Emperor, somtimes Great Duke and King. But you shall very often meet with the name of King giuen to those which were in Clientela Imperatoris, as, of old, the Princes constituted by the Ro­mans, in Parthia, Armenia, Arabia, Persia, Iury, and other parts of the world. For they had (as Tacitus In vit. Agri­colae. saies) instrumenta seruitutis & Reges. And in later times the Emperor created Kings, as other titles. Frederique Bar­barossa in M. CLVIII. made Radeuic. lib. 1 cap. 13. verum titulo Regio à Philippo Anti-Caesare dona­tus est Primis­laus M. C. XCIX. Arnol­dus Lubecensis Slauor lib. 6. cap. 2. Ladislaus, Duke of Bo­hemia, King of the same Territorie. For, that which Otto de S. Blasio hath of it, vnder M. C. LXXXVI. is to bee referred to that time. And other such examples are. These may bee and are called Kings, and had in [Page 29] them (potestatem gladij) power of life and death as, in the ceremonie of their inuestiture, is exprest, which was by deliuering a sword. Est n. consuetudo Curiae (writes an Otto Frisin­gens de Frede­ric. 1. lib. 2. cap. 5 vbi librarioum fortean Typo­graphi incuriâ Sueuus & Guu­to perperàm leguntur. ancient Bishop) vt regna per Gladium, Prouinciae per Vexillum à Principe tradantur vel recipiantur. Petrus ve­rò, accepto ab ipsius manu regno, fidelitate & hominio ei obligabatur. Ita coronâ Regni per manum Principis sibi impositâ, in die sancto Pentecostes, ipse coronatus gladium Regis sub corona incedentis portau [...]t. Hee means, by this Peter, Sueno IV. King of Danemark (for he was known by both those names) twixt whom and his cozen Cnuto was great controuersie, for the Kingdom, determined thus by the Emperor at Martinesburg in Saxonie. The mention of the like made in Otto de S. Blasio, must be vnderstood of Waldemar I. who receiued both this and Swethland of the Emperor at Bisonçe. And King Harold, before that, when Helmold. bist. Slauor. 1. cap. 9. the Danish Nation was first Christned, receiued it of Otho the great. Now it acknowledges no superior. But so many as haue, or do, as feudataries to other Princes, are excluded out of their ranke which before are indifferently titled Kings or Emperors. The K. of Bohemia (when it was in ano­ther hand, from the Empire) although he were crownd and annointed, yet, being in a manner the Emperors Aur. Bull. Caroli 4. cap. 8. Subiect, wanted perfit Supremacie for it; as also, they of Sicily when they had inuestiture from the Pope, they of Cyprus being anciently as Tenants (yet crow­ned) to Arnold. Lube­cens. Chron. Slau. lib. 5. cap. 2 both Empires, and such like; euen as much almost as that Perseus, who, when L. Aemilius Paulus had spoiled him of his Kingdom of Macedon, and compelled to flight, yet was so ambitious of his former title, that he made the inscription of his letters to Aemilius thus: Liu. Decad. 5. lib. 5. Rex Perseus, Consuli Paulo S. it being, at that time, vnder Aemilius and the State of Romes arbitrement, whether euer he should be King a­gain or no. Wherefore Aemilius would not so much [Page 30] as giue answer to his Messengers, vntill they had brought him letters inscribed with a meaner title. As, on the other side, when Edward III. besieged Tournay, and sent letters of chalenge to a single combat, to the then pretended French K. he would not call him King, but only, Philip of Valois, whereupon hee had this answer: Ex ms. vet. sed Latinè li­teras habet Th. Walsing. sub ann. 1340. Philip per la grace de Dieu Roy de France, a Edward Roy D'Engleterre. Nous auons vous letres apportes a no­stre Court enuoyetz de par vous au Philip de Valois, en quels letters estoient contenuz ascun requestes que vous fezistes au dit Philip de Valois. Et pur ceo que les dits letters ne veignant pas a nous, & que les dits requestes ne est [...]yent pas faits a nous, come appiert clerement per le tenure des letters, nous ne vous en fesons nul response. You know that Martial. Epig. 18. lib. 2. vpon Maximus

Therefore did Francis the first of France much dislike, that, Charles the v. should Bodin. de Re­pub. 1. cap. 9. call himself King of Naples and Sicily, enioying them as the Popes Vassal, or Te­nant. And, when PP. Pius IV. would haue made Cos­mo de Medici Duke of Florence, of the same State King, the neighbour Princes endured it not, and the Empe­ror Maximilian II. answered directly to the French Kings Embassador about it, Non habet Italia Regem ni­si Caesarem. And in that Heptarchie of our Saxons, vsu­ally six of the Kings were but as subiects to the su­preme, whom they called Anglorum Ethelwerd. l. 3 c. 2. Beda hist. ec­cles. 2. cap. 5. Circa DCCC. XX Rex Primus, or such like, which was as well giuen to others (the first, that had it, being Aella King of Sussex) as to that Eg­bert, whose glorie and greatnes consisted rather in the swallowing vp of the other subiect Kingdoms into his own Rule, and in the new naming of the Heptarchie England in one word (for hee in Parliamento, saith my [Page 31] Ex Instrum. lib. Hospital. S. Leonardi Ebor­ms. Idem ferè in Alred. Rht­uallensis Vitâ S Edwardi. Verùm ab An­glorum ad­uentu ita di­ctam scribit 10. S [...]risburiensis Policratic. 6. cap. 16. alij ab Hengisto, vt Hector Boet. Scot. hist. 7. & 10. Gower Epig. in Confess. A­mantis, & Har­ding [...]s. autor, apud Wintoniam mutauit nomen Regni, de consen­su populi sui, & iussit illud de caetero vocari Angliam.) then in beeing of larger Dominion then any was be­fore him. Those inferior Kings are like in some pro­portion to those of Man, who haue had it alwayes by a tenure from their soueraigns, the Kings of England, especially euer since Henrie IV., possessing it by the for­feiture of the Lord Scrop, inuested Henry Percy Earle of Northumberland in it, in fee simple, to hold it per seruitium portandi diebus Coronationis nostrae (as the Pa­tent Pat. 1. Hen. 4. Rot. 2. & Th. Walsingbam. speaks) & haeredum nostrorum ad sinistrum hume­rum nostrum & sinistros humeros haeredum nostrorum per seipsum aut sufficientem & honorificum deputatum suum, illum Gladium nudum, quo cincti eramus quando in parte de Holdernesse applicuinus, vocatum I ancaster Sword. It hath been since, by Escheat, in the Crown, and was be­stowed on the noble Family of the Stanley's, by the same K. Henrie, and in their Camdenus. Posteritie, being Earles of Derby, it continues. So was Henrie of Beuchamp Earle of Warwick, by Henry VI. crowned K. of the Isle of Wight; and in him also that title ended. But all these are litle otherwise Kings, then Dukes or Earles are. They bear the name, but not the true marks of Royall maie­stie; rather to be stiled Reguli then Reges, being sub­iects in respect of those whose Maiesties they were bound to obserue, and obey. For me thinks it looks like false Latine, where our Henry II. grants Roderico Transactio inter Hen. 1 [...]. & Roderic. apud Roger. de Houe­den. ligio homini suo, Regi Conactae (in Ireland) that hee shall haue his territorie paying a certain tribute, & quam­diù ei fideliter seruiet, vt sit Rex sub eo Paratus ad ser­uitium suum sicut homo suus. Yet in grants Claus. R. Ioh. 6. memb. 18. 17. Ioh. Chart. memb. 3. 6. Hen. 3. Chart. memb. 2. in Arce Lon­dinens. made by K. Iohn and Henry III. to the Kings of Conaght, and Tesmond, the like title of Rex is; which is obserued al­so by the learned S^r Iohn Dauis Knight his Maiesties Attorny Generall for Ireland; as also that in the Pipe Rolls of Hen. III. his time, yet remaining in Bremig­hams [Page 32] Tower in the Castle of Dublin, somtime Oneale Rex (vpon accounts) sometime Oneale Regulus occurs. And when Reginald K. of Man had done his homage as a tenant to Chronic. Man­nae. K. Iohn, and likewise to Henry III. yet thus Henry III. speakes in his Pat. 3. Hen. 3. memb. 1. Letters of him. Sciatis quod dilectus & fidelis noster Reginaldus Rex de Man venit ad fidem & seruitium nostrum, & nobis homagium fecit. Et ideo vobis mandamus, quod in terram ipsius Reginaldi Regis de Man, saluo & secure veniatis, & negotia ibidem expectatis, quamdiu fuerit ad fidem & seruitium nostrum. T. Domino P. Wintoniensi Episcopo, apud Nouum Templum Londini XXIII. die septemb. anno &c. III. These kind of titles misgiuen or mistaken was the cause of that great Attribute, of King of Kings, vsed by some supreme Monarchs. It first was in the first of the foure Em­pires. Nabuchodonosor Daniel cap. 2. [...] Ebraicè [...] quo nomine Romanum Imperatorem vetustiss. Rab­binis dictum notat. CL. V. & literarum (dum vixit) praeses IS. Ca­saubonus ad Trebel. Pollio­nis Valerianos. is so stiled in holy Writ, beeing then King of Babylon. And, it seemes, in Moses, as much is signified; whence hee, reciting the warres of diuers petit Kings, beginnes, Genes. 14. And it came to passe in the dayes of Amraphel K. of Shinaghr (i. of Babylon) that the other Kings did thus and thus. Keeping his note of time, vn­der his name, which was King of those Kings. And af­ter the translation of the Empire to the Persians, Arta­xerxes Mnemon in his commission to Ezra, for restitu­tion of Ierusalem and the Temple, thus Ezra cap. 7. salutes him. Artaxerxes (or Arthahastha, as in the Originall) King of Kings to Ezra the Priest. And on the great Cyrus his Tomb was for an Epitaph writen in Persian characters, if you beleeu Eustath. ad Dionys. [...]. & Strab. Geo­graph. 15. the autors,

which title also that conquering Diodor. Bibli­oth. α. Sesoosis K. of Egypt (the same with Sesostris in Herodotus) attributed to himself in his erected columnes of Victorie. The like had Artaxerxes Longimanus of Persia in Hippocrat. in Epistolis. letters to and [Page 33] from him, who is in them also stiled [...]. the great King. This of Great King was vsed in the first Empire, as you read it in the storie of Iudith cap. III. Thus saith the Great King, Lord of all the earth. But that whole relation seems rather a holy Poem then a Storie, as, by comparing of Times, in it and authentique writ, appears. Neither is any such matter known among the Ebrewes but from Europe: although they haue her name in Brought. in Concent. another report of some CL. before Christ, which hath scarce any communitie in matter with this. For better authoritie, take this of the Esa. cap. 36. 4 [...] Prophet: So saith the Great King, the King of Assur. The same, ap­plied to the Persian, hath Herodotus, Xenophon, Iosephus, the Apocrypha of Esther, and Aeschylus. And the bare Scholiast. A­ristophan. in A [...]. name of [...] i. The King, without addition, is specially vsed for the Persian, whence the nation is Dionys. Afer. in [...]. sti­led also— [...]. So that both those titles were common to both those Emperors (of the two first Empires) but not that ceremony of Supre­macie (which by the way I note; because it falls mongst things here treated of in storie) of demanding a portion of Earth and Water, by their Heralds, of such Princes or People as should acknowledge themselues vnder their subiection. That is often spoken of as done by the Persian, and a speciall example of it is in Darius Herodot in Melpom. Let­ters to Indathyrsus King of the Scythians, where he first inuites him to the fiield, but, if he would not, then, [...] THN [...], i. bringing to your soueraign as gifts, Water and Earth, come to a parley; and, one of Xerxes his Embassadors, that came to demand Polyb. hist. [...]. in orat. Lucisci. & de hoc mo­re, Plutarch. in Themistocle. Earth and Water of the state of La­cedaemon, to satisfie him, was thrust into a Well, & Earth cast in vpon him. But referred to the Assyrians I find it not, except only in Iudith cap. II. where the King com­mands Olophernes that hee should bid all the Western Nations [...] i. prepare me Earth [Page 34] and Water. But I ghesse, the composer of the storie, in a later age, was bold hither to transferre it, as a fit form of command for his supposed Nabuchodonosor: Although I know, a most Drus. Obser­uat. 12. cap. 20. learned man of this time, makes it in­different to both Empires, grounding himselfe on that of Iudith, which indeed, without speciall regard to pro­fane storie, cannot be vnderstood. Nor is this custom altogether a stranger doubtles to that which Hist. Nat. 22. cap. 4. Pliny speaks of; Summum (saith hee) apud antiquos signum Victoriae erat, Herbam porrigere Victos, hoc est, terrâ & al­trice ipsâ humo, & humatione etiam cedere: quem morem etiam nnnc durare apud Germanos scio. Whence came the phrase Herbam dare, or porrigere for yeelding, appli­ed Nonius & Festus. most of all to such as lost in Games of running, leaping, wrastling, and such like. In Agonibus (saith In Antiquita­tib. apud Serui­um in Aeneid. 8. Var­ro) herbam in modum palmae dat aliquis ei cum quo con­tendere non cupit, & fatetur esse meliorem. And the ta­king vp of fish amongst water out of a Well was in­terpreted as a promise of the Dominion Semus ap. A­then. Dipnosoph. 8. of the Sea, to the Athenians in their sacrifices in Delos; as also, when William the Norman first landing at Hastings in Sussex, fell down, stumbling as he came out of his Ship: Te­nes Malmesbur. de gest. Reg. 3. Angliam Comes (said one of his Knights) Rex fu­turus; and, espying that Hist. Nor­manic. ap. Camd. in Reliquijs. he had brought vp Sand and Earth in his hand, added; Yea and you haue taken Li­uerie and Seisin of the Country. But, this somwhat out of the way. That of King of Kings hath been vsed by other States beside any of those Empires. After the Persians, their neighbours the Parthians had it. Regem etiam Regum & exercitatione venandi & conuictu Me­gistanûm abstinuisse, quod apud Parthos iustitij instar est, Is the report of In Caligul. cap. 5. Vid. Treb. Poll. in Valeria­no. & ibi Ca­saubon. Sueton vpon the death of Tiberius. whence, it seems, it was left long after to Const. Por­phyrogenit. de administr. Rom. Imp. cap. 44. the Prince of Armenia, stiled [...], i. Trebellius Poll. in Valeri­an. Princeps Principum. the Prince of Princes, as the elder Valerian was expressely titled in letters of an Eastern King. Of the Egyptian Sesostris, [Page 35] before. How the Western Emperors affected it, I re­member not: only, as you know, the iest, of Maximi­lian, was, that whereas others were Reges Hominum, hee was Rex Regum, because his subiects would do what they list. Its found among the titles of our Soueraigns Ancestors, when vnder them they had Kings for sub­iects. In a Charter made to the Abbey of Malmesbury, in DCCCC. LXXIV. you may read: Ego Edgarus totius Albionis Basileus, necnon maritimorum seu Insulanorum Regum circumhabitantium. And in Pat. 1. Ed. 4. part. 6. memb. 23 Pro Pr. & Con­uentu Wigorn. another DCCCC. LXIV. the subscription is: [...] Ego Edgar Basileus An­glorum & Imperator Regum Gentium. Note the Maie­stie of his title, well iustified by his own conquests. Ille cum ingenti Classe (saith Florence of Worcester) septentri­onali Britanniâ circumnauigatâ, ad Legionum Vrbem (vn­derstand Chester; not Leicester, as some idly) appulit. Cui Subreguli eius octo Kinathus scilicet Rex Scotorum, Mal­colmus Rex Cumbriae, Maccus plurimarum Rex Insula­rum (this Maccus is, in Malmesbury, called Maccusius Archipirata; I suppose him then a King of Ireland, Man, or some adiacent Isles) & alij quin (que) Dufnallus, Siffrethus, Hudwallus, Inchillus, (all Kings of Wales) vt mandarat, occurrerunt, & quod sibi fideles, terra & mari, co­operatores esse vellent, iurauerunt. Cum quibus die qua­dam scapham ascendit, illis (que) ad remos locatis, ipse clauum gubernaculi arripiens, per cursum fluminis Deae, peritè guber­nauit, glorying afterward to his Nobilitie, tunc demùm quém (que) suorum successorum se gloriari posse Regem Anglo­rum fore, cum tot Regibus sibi obsequentibus potiretur pom­pâ talium Non Bonorū: vt in vulgat. Cod. Florent. Wigorn. pag. 359 honorum. The like almost being before in his vncle Athelstan, who (as Malmesburies words are) Ludwalum Regem Omnium Wallensium (I read Occiden­talium Wallensiam, as Florence of Worcester and Roger of Houeden peswade; and that Ludwal was Howel Dha.) & Constantinum Regem Scotorum cedere Regnis compulit. Quos in. non multò post miseratione infractus in anti­quum [Page 36] statum sub se regnaturos constituit, gloriosius esse pro­nuncians Regem facere quam Regem esse; not much dif­fering from that Martel of France, on whose Tomb was Hierom. Big­non, De l'excell. des Roys. liure 3. written;

imitated in more true verse thus:

For that of Athelstan, because some slight the report and endure V. Buchanan. Rer. Scotic. 6. Reg. 75. not vsuall autorities hereof, you may see the concent of Ethelwerd, Houeden, Florence of Worcester, Marian the Scot (which for good part, is very Florence of Worcester; his common Chronicle, publisht, beeing but a Defloration composd by Robert of Lorrain Bi­shop of Hereford vnder Hen. [...].) Huntingdon and other ancients. But those commanding honors in Edgar, ad­ded enough also to the allowance of the title of Em­peror, which, you see, he vsed. Others by making our So­ueraigns as successors (in this part) to Constantine the great, confirm it. Its the more to be regarded comming from a great Lawier and a Palatine Basing stoch. hist. 2. not. 20. Doctor, who commenting vpon a piece of that fabulous Oracle of Diana giuen to Brute,

makes it fulfilled in Constantine, and cites S. Gregorie writing to K. Ethelbert of Kent, & eum quasi Constan­tini Magni successorem alioquentem. I confesse, his Geni­us must haue better vnderstanding of S. Gregorie then mine, or els there is no such matter to be collected in [Page 37] him. You may see his Gregor. lib. 9. Epist. 59. & 60. Epistles. But hee may not be blam'd for insisting vpon Constantines birth here. Its most likely that, in Britain, he was born. Liberauit ille (saith Panegyric. dixerint licet & v. Panegyric. Facerem. one to him, speaking of his father Constantius) Britannias seruitute, tu etiam nobiles, illîc Oriendo, fecisti: which Testimony I preferre before Nicephorus Callistus, affirming his birth at Drepanum in Bithynia; or Mathes. lib. 1. Iu­lius Firmicus, that saies, at Tarsus; or Cedren, that writes, in Dacia. I doubt not, but the Panegyrist could as well know, as any of them, and better, saue only Firmi­cus, whose passage thereof may well be thought corrup­ted. The other two being of much later time. Lipsius here De Magnit. Rom. 4. cap. 11. erroneously follows Callistus, and one Leuinaeus, a new Scholiast vpon the Panegyriques, after him. His mother was De hâc He­roinâ, post ali­os innumeros, consulas Luit­prand. Ticinen. hist. 1. cap. 8. vbi legendum, Britannica ma­ter, non Ritan­nica, vt in pro­cusorum non­nullis. Helen (shee is honourd in the Church to this day, in the Feast of Hir Inuention of the Crosse) a British woman, and, as is supposed, daughter to King Coil. But for his birth in this Isle you shall haue imperiall autoritie of which, as vsed to this purpose, I dare challenge the maidenhead. Con­stantine Porphyrogennetes (hee was Emperor of Constan­tinople about DCCC. XX.) aduising his sonne Romanus that hee should by no means marrie a stranger, because all Nations dissonant from the gouernment and man­ners of the Empire, by a law, of Constantine the Great, establisht in S. Sophies Church, were prohibited the heigth of that Honor, excepted only the Franks, addes reason of the excption [...] (i. Constantine the Great) [...], because Con­stantine was born amongst them: which could aime at no other country but Britain. For where, in Europe, hath any man supposed him born, but here, or in Dacia? And the barbarousnes of Dacia in those times could not admit the exception, by all likelyhood. And who knows not that familiar vse of Franks for Western Eu­ropeans, among the Constantinopolitans of later times? [Page 38] The tradition then acknowledged by his successors, preserued mongst vs, and appearing in such monuments of ancient times cannot easily be impugned. And, for men of this age, Our light of Britain, most learned Camden Clarenceulx, and that great Chronologer Car­dinal Baronius are confident on this part. Hereto take an antique Robert. Glo­cestrens. ms. hist. metricâ. rime spoken as to King Arthur:

But none of these so really iustifie the supreme title of Emperor in our Soueraigns, as their own immemorial­ly possest Right. Remember what I haue before of William II. and obserue that vnreasonable and most vniust request of the Emperor Lewes of Bauiere to our Edward III. in their mutuall salutations of State at Cologne. The Emperor thought much quod Rex Angliae (saith Walsingham) non se submisit ad oscula pedum suo­rum. Cui responsum fuit quod Rex Angliae Rex erat in­unctus, & habet vitam & membrum in Potestate sua, & idcircò non debet se submittere tantum sicut Rex alius. Which I the rather cite in regard of that vse among som of the Roman Emperors to be honord by a Kisse to their Feet. For, whereas it was vsuall either to kisse Cicer. in Verr. act. 5. de Her­culis statua. & Lucret. lib. 1. sae­pè salutantum &c. the Images of their false Gods, or adoring to stand somwhat off before them, solemnly mouing their right hands to their lips, kissing the Apuleius Mi­les. 4. & Plin. hist. 28. cap. 2. alij. & videsis 1. Reg cap. 19. 18. & Iob. 31. com. 26. & 27. forefinger ioined with the thumb, and turning about their bodies on the fame hand (of which form, a good relique is in the Court­salutations vsed in most places at this day, as learned P. Pithaeus Aduers. 1. cap. 7. & Lips. Elect. 2. cap. 6. men haue obserued) it grew also, by custom, that Princes beeing next to Deities, and, by some accoun­ted as Deities, had the like done to them, in acknow­ledgment [Page 39] of Greatnes. Nay, it was not wanting to som of the Roman Generalls, before the Empire began, as the Storie of Cato Minor proues, whose Hands the Army, in speciall honor of him at his departure, kist, beeing a fauour which few Plutarch. in Cat. Min. de hac re vide eum in Bruto, vbi de coniuratis in Caesarem. of his place in those daies receiued among the Romans. But, for kissing the mouth (to omit that of Samuel to Saul in his annoin­ting) its apparant that in the Iulian Empire it was very vsuall at first. Oscula cottidiana (saith Sueton, of Ti­berius) prohibuit edicto. Yet his Edict against them, so took not the vse away, but that it was frequent, after him, in their salutations. The reading of Martial alone tells euery man enough of that. But, when som of his successors could not content themselues with the name of Man, but would be call'd Iupiter, be suppos'd carnal­ly to lie with Uenus and the Moon, and with infinit such like fanatique conceits seemed to themselues Di­uine, they were not satisfied with that vsuall custom, but thought him much to wrong their maiestie which in kissing presumed aboue their Feet, although some permitted their Hands, and Knees to the better rank. Examples of the Feet and Hands are in Dio Cass. hist. 59. Caligula (and in him first) and of the Knees, Feet, and Hands in the yonger Maximin; yet his father, the elder Maximin although a tyrannicall and most wicked Prince, would Capitolin. in Maximino Iuniore. suffer none to his Feet; Dij prohibeant (were his words) vt quisquam ingenuorum pedibus meis osculum figat. But Diocletian (as Pomponius Laetus writes) consti­tuted by Edict, vti omnes, sine generis discrimine, prostrati pedes exoscularentur: quibus etiam venerationem quandam adhibuit exornans calciamenta auro, gemmis, & margaritis. As the Bishop of Rome doth for those which kisse his Foot; being in a crimson Basingst [...]ch. hist. Brit. 6. not. 9 veluet shooe with a gol­den crosse on it. A ceremony anciently vsed to other Casaubon. Ex­ercit. 14. §. 4. in Baronium. Bishops and great Prelats as well as the Pope. But, of this custom to the Emperors, Et Tenu êre (saith Lipsius) [Page 40] superbum, ne dicam impium hunc morem (quid n. homo, in­fra hominem, hominem abijcis?) Principes aliquot secuti, sed non è bonis. And of one of their best Princes, A­lexander Seuerus, is deliuered, Lampridius in eius vita. that Salutabatur nomine, hoc est, Aue Alexander. Siquis caput flexisset, aut blandi­us aliquid dixisset vti adulator, vel abijciebatur, si loci eius qualitas pateretur, vel ridebatur ingenti cachinno, si eius dignitas grauiori subiacere non posset iniuriae. That, to the Knee, was of later time in the Helmold. hist. Sclauor. 2. cap. 15. edit. Rei­neccij. v. Cantacu­zen. hist. 1. c. 16. Eastern Empire, which Conrad III. extremely dislikt at his enterview with Emanuel Comnenus, neither would he, for honor to the Person he did beare (being Emperor of the West) so much as permit the Emperor Emanuel to sit and re­ceiue a kisse of salutation from him standing. Where­upon the matter was compos'd by their Counsellors on both sides, so, that in Equis se viderent, & ita ex parilitate Conuenientes sedendo se & osculando salutarēt. Nei­ther would Muleasses, King of Tunis, kisse Pope Paul III. his Foot, but Knee only. Kissing the Hand is yet vsuall by Inferiors, or by those which giue token of their seruiceable loue to Great Persons; as it was an­ciently Arrian. in E­pictet. 1. cap. 19. Senec. Ep. 119. alibi. also. And some reason for it may be collect­ed out of that in Pliny. Inest (saith Hist. 11. c. 45. he) in alijs par­tibus quaedam religio, sicut Dextra Osculis auersa appeti­tur, fide porrigitur. It hath been, it seems, deriued out of Asia into Europe. When the old Persians meet (saith mine Herodot. in Clio. autor) you may know whether they he Equall or not. For in Salutation they kisse each other, but if one bee somwhat inferior they kisse only the cheeks: but if the one be farre more ignoble ( [...] Hâc fere phrasi vtitur D. Matth. cap. 4. com. 9. at (que) idē est quod Cur­tio lib. 8. pro­cumbere. [...]) he falls down and adores the other. Where, note by the way, the word [...] i. adoro. And as Adoro hath its de­riuation from putting the hand to the mouth, quòd ad ora siue ad os manum (or rather digitum Vide verò Hesychium in [...]. salutarem, whence the forefinger had that name à salutando) ad­mouemus, which, against other idle Etymons, will be iu­stified, [Page 41] so [...] is truly interpreted in Adosculor (if the composition bee lawfull) or Adoro; both signifying to honor by kissing the hand. Qui n. adorant (saith S. Defens. contra Ruffin. lib. 1. Hie­rom) solent deosculari manum & capita submittere—& Hebraei, iuxta linguae suae proprietatem, deosculationem pro veneratione ponunt; whereupon hee turns [...] in Psalm. 11. Adorate filium, which others make Osculamim fi­liū. And, that in this sense, Adorare is alone taken, this pas­sage in Historiar. 1. verum etiam adorare & [...] nō ­nunquam pro corpus humi prosternere an­tiquitus acci­pitur, vt videre est in Esth. Apoc cap. 13. com. 20. Aemilio Probo in Conone, alibi. Tacitus will enough explane. Nec deerat Otho pro­tendens manus adorare vulgum, iacere oscula, & omnia serui­litèr pro Dominatione. But, the Falling down, added to the Adoration, was the greatest and the Persian honor vsed to­wards their Potentats & Kings. Thence haue you adorari more Persarum & [...]. Which is exprest by Euripides thus personating Phrygius, to Orestes,

And Ipse (saith Lampridius of Alexand. Seuorus) adorari se vetuit (that is with the Diuine respect of kissing the hand) quum iam caepisset Heliogabalus adorari, Regum more Persa­rum. Another of Trebellius Pollio in 30. Ty­rannis videsis Theophil Ad Au­tolic. lib. 1. de a­dorando Cae­sare. Zenobia: Adorata est more Regū Persarū. Whence, Seneca De Beneficijs 2. cap. 12. speaking of Caligula's offring his foot to kisse, saies, he was homo natus in hoc, vt mores liberae Ciuitatis Persicâ seruitute mutaret. But, in Alexanders turning the Grecian libertie into this seruitude, Q. Curtiꝰ expresses it by venerari procumbre, & humi corpus prosternere. And ther­of saith Iustin, Retentus est à Macedonibus mos salutandi Re­gis, explosa adoratione. Wheras plainly Adoration, & Saluta­tion with a kisse of the hand, is all one in the right sense of the word. How much the greatest kind of adoratiō is vsed to the Great Duke of Moscouy, the King of Calecut, the great Chan, the Turk, and such more you may easily see in Relatiōs of their States. How the Iewish Nation auoided it, the story of Haman & Mordechai discouers. And you may remember Pet. Vict. Hist. septenarie liure. 1. Philip II. of Spain his answer to the Embassa­dors of Germany, reprouing him because he wold haue eue­ry [Page 42] man speak to him kneeling. He excused it, only lest, he being so short, his taller subiects should be aboue him. But among the Persians Xenoph. Cyro­paed. 1. & 5. & in Agesilao. also it was in vse to Kisse at their Farewells, as likewise among the Gen. 31. 28. Iewes. And som think that it was, as an honor, in the Roman state, to their women whom their Plutarch. pro­blem. Rom. 6. v. cum de virt. Mulier. Plin. lib. 14. cap. 12. a­lios. kinsmen only (not o­thers indifferently as the vse was betwixt Men) kist at their salutations, although diuers other reasons are deliuered for that matter. And when Eumaeus, in the fields, first saw his yong maister Telemachus, newly come home,

he met him, he kist his head, his eyes and both his hands. And when the Argonautiques came to Chirons Den to see Achilles, Chiron entertaind them, and

kist euery one of them. Where, and in other examples, it appears that a kisse giuen and taken, was accounted as a speaking and mutuall signe of obsequious v. si vis, C. de Domestic. l. 1. & ibid. DD. vbi ad osculum admitti, honos maximus. or peace­full loue, according to the qualitie of the Persons re­ceiuing and giuing. And in Greek [...] is both to loue and to kisse, as it is also to this purpose obserued, I remember, somewhere in Xenophon. So I vnderstand Laban's kissing of Iacob, and Esan's also, although a Ie­wish Rabbi Ianna ap. Buxtorf. Thesaur. Gram. 1. cap. 5. fable supposes, that he fell on Iacob to bite him, and that Iacobs neck presently became as hard as mar­ble, and so resisted his teeth. In like manner vnderstand that of the D. Luc. 7. com. 45. Euangelist, Thou gauest me no kisse, but shee from the time I came to her, ceased not from kissing my feet; and sufficient analogie is twixt this kind, and the [Page 43] Holy Kisse, or Kisse of Charity, in the Primitiue Church which is spoken of in the holy Epistles, and, with which Christians after Tertullian. lib. de Orat. & Ori­gen. lib. 10. in E­pist. ad Rom. c. 16. their solemn prayers, vsed to salute each other. In the storie also of Thomas of Canterbu­rie vnder our Henry I [...] soft (as elswhere) occurres, the receiuing him in Osculo Pacis. It hath been vsed to the Feet in Homages done vpon inuestitures, as you may Ms. vet. apud. Camd. & vide G. Gemiticens. lib. 2. cap. 17. De fide data, osculo libato, & porrectâ dextrâ vide Suid. in [...]. see in that of Rollo or Robert, first Duke of Normandie, receiuing the Dutchy from Charles the sim­ple, and such more. Hence at this day it so farre con­tinues, that when the Tenant doth Homage to his Lord or King, he is, among other ceremonies, to kisse him, whereupon in time of Henry VI. a great plague Rot. Parl. 18. Hen. 6. artic. 5 [...]. being about London, a peticion was put vp in Parli­ament, desiring the King for his owne preseruation To ordain and grant (so are the words of the Roll) by the autoritie of this present Parliament, that eueriche of your said lieges, in the doing of their said Homage, may omit the said Kissing of you, and be excused thereof, at your will (the Homage being of the same force as though they kissed you) and haue their letters of doing of their Ho­mage, the kissing of you omitted notwithstanding; and the subscription is Le Roy le voet, as the vsuall words of his consent are. And for the subiects to kisse their King; I read, R. Abenezra ap. Drus. Obseru. 2. cap. 16. it was vsuall in India, whereas on the other side those of Numidia, more gentis suae, nulli morta­lium osculum ferebant. Which my Ualer. Max. l b. 2. cap. 6. autor commends in them, and giues this his reason, Quicquid n. in excelso fastigio positum est, humili & trita consuetudine, quo sit venerabilius, vacuum esse conuenit. But, of Kissing, too much. It must be then concluded, that to such Princes as haue their own right next vnder God (as our So­ueraigns, and diuers other) may well be challenged, with respect to what they Rule, any Title, that the Em­perors haue had to expresse them as Monarchs or great Potentats; those other Kings hauing their Monarchies [Page 44] (regarding the particular libertie of euery ones Country as in supreme and sure right [...] Aristot. Poli­tic. 3. cap. 10. [...] i. by reason of their lawfull succession, as any Empe­ror possibly could haue. The Latin, Greek, and the chief Eastern tongues for KING are before menti­oned. In the Prouinciall languages or Romances (as the French and Spanish are called) Il Re, Roy, & Re are plainly from Rex. But the Dutch, Danish, and English word Coning, Konig, or King (which is but a contra­ction of the first) is of a particular notation, and by originall of its own. It signifies Mightie or Potent: not so much Wise or Valiant as some will. Who sees it not in our common word, Can, for Posse? So that Coning or King is literally Dynastes. Hence some will haue our word Queen (for the Kings wife) as contra­cted of Konigin or Cunigine, which would be strange in her, if it be interpreted Stout or Valiant words rare­ly applied to that Sex. I rather ghesse it from Quen, which by pronunciation became Queen. Quen inter­prets a Companion, and is the same with Comes. Take for it, this testimony out of an old Siperis de Vineaux chez, Claud. Fau­chet en l'orig. dez Dign. 2. c. 5. Romaunt:

And, who knows not, that, in our French statutes our Queens are ordinarily calld Le compagnon nostre seigni­or le Roy, or Companie as it is in Britton, and somtimes in Latine Consors nostra? And, in the Ciuill law, the Em­presses are Consortes Augusti. Agreeing with this ex­actly is the old Dutch, wherein Vulcan. in specim. ling. sep­tent. pag. 65. & 66. Gomman and Quena are Man and Wife. A word somwhat neer, among our ancient Britons, signified King or some such like; I meane Cuno, beeing so often in their and the Gaulish Kings names, as, in Cunobelin, Cuneglas, Cyngetorix, Cune­dage, [Page 45] Congolitan, which occurre in Caesar, Tacitus, Dio, Polybius, and others; and Cynoc in British (so, most learned Camden teaches mee) is Chief or Principall. But their speciall word for King is Brennin or Uhrennin. In old Indian [...] was a King, if you beleeu some Io. Tzetz. in Chiliad. & Mes. [...]. in [...]. Grammarians thence deriuing Dionysius (that is Bac­chus) from [...]. But, I remember, the Phoe­nix Scalig. ani­maduers. in Eu-Euseb. pag. 41. of learned men slights it as a toy of Daring grammaticasters, as questionles he might well. In the Ionique, [...]; whence Lycophron calls Iupiter [...]; and Is. Tzetz. ad Lycropron. Hipponax, [...]. The Lybians, if you credit Scholiast. Pin­dar. Pythionic. [...] & Herodot. [...]. autoritie, vsed for him the word [...]. In the holy tongue of the Aegyptians [...] exprest this Title, as Manetho a­pud Ioseph. adu. App. 1. some say. In Ethiopian, Negush; In Turkish and Persian, Padescha. In Slauonique ⁿ Cral, and, the Queen, Cralna, which the Polonians call Crol, and Crol­na. Whence the later Greeks haue Georg. Acro­polit. Chron. Con­stant. & ad il­lum Theodorus Douza. [...] and [...], for the King of Seruia and Hungarie, and [...], and [...] for Queen.

CHAP. III.

For increase of Titulary Maiestie, other attributes were anciently giuen to Supreme Princes, which you may call Essentiall names, as the other before spoken of. These were chiefly Domini and Dij, Lords and Gods: which, by participation, were communicated also to their Magistrats, and, priuat mens Greatnes. That Sesosis King Diodor. Sicul. Piblioth. a. of Egypt, on his columnes, inscribed, with King of Kings, Lord of Lords, to himself. [...]; a title too high for humanitie, and pro­per D. Paul. ad Tit. c. 6. com. 25. indeed to the Great and Almightie King of Hea­uen. [Page 47] The Roman Octauian vtterly refusd the name of Dominus, or Lord. Domini Appellationem (saith Sue­ton) vt maledictum & opprobrium semper exhorruit. Cum spectante eo ludos, pronunciatum esset in Mimo O DO­MINVM AEQVVMET BONVM: & vniversi quasi de ipso dictum exultantes comprobassent: & Statim manu vultú (que) indecoras adulationes repressit, & insequen­ti die, grauissme corripuit edicto, DOMINVM QVE se posthac appellari, ne à liberis quidem aut nepotibus suis, vel serio vel ioco passus est: at (que) haiusmodi blanditias e­tiam inter ipsos prohibuit. For it was vsuall (especially somwhat after Augustus) to salute ordinarily each o­ther with the flattering language of Lord and King, as diuers places of Martial make apparant. Take this one Martial. E­pig. 68. lib. 2. idē. l. 1. Epig. 113. l. 4. Epig. 84. &c. to Olus;

Tiberius would not endure this Title neither, not so much as in common salutation. Whereupon that No­ble Tacit. Annal. Historian and Statesman obserues, vnde Augusta & lubrica oratio, sub Principe, qui libertatem metuebat, adulationē oderat. And, of Domitian, sings one Papinius Syl­uar. I. in K. Decemb. of his time.

which yet must bee either referd to meer flattery or dissimulation; or els to the infancie of his Empire. For, by his expresse command the Titles of his Letters and such like were Sipeton. in Do­mit. cap. 13. Dominus & Deus noster sic fieri iubet. After this Domitian, the first that enduid the Title was [Page 48] Diocletian. He se primus omnium Caligulam post (saith Aurelius Victor) Domitianúm (que), Dominum palam dici pas­sus, & adorari se, apellari (que) vti Deum. That Apostata Iu­lian after his counterfeited fashion In Misopo­gone. prohibited it also. But howsoeuer in publique salutations it might be so much auoided by both good and bad Princes before Diocletian, it is certain, the attribute was to diuers be­fore him. Festus Lieutenant of Iury in the point of S. Paules Act. Apost. 25. com. 26. [...]. appeale, calls Claudius absolutely Lord. Eudamon in his petition to Antonuius Moetian. ff. ad leg. Rhod. [...]. &, Rogo Domine Im­perator, eidem. ff. de his quae in testam. delentur. l. 3. calls him [...] i. Lord Emperor, and the Emperor in his answer stiles himself Lord of the World; as is before obserued. And, in a golden Adolph. Occo pag. 537. Coin, of the Great and Religious Constantine, stampt with his picture sitting, and his Cour-tgard about him, this inscription is FELICI­TAS PERPETVA AVGEAT REM DOMIN. NOSTR. Whereby, and the like our most iudicious Camden. Brit. Antiqnary obserud, that hee first in Monies and Publique Titles was inscribed Dominus Noster. In the X. of Coecilius his Epistles, Traian is for the most part called Domine: although his Panegy­rique, to him, hath Principis sedem obtines, ne sit Domino locus. And Rerum Domini they were after called:

saith one Sidon. Apol­linar. Panegyric. ad Maioran. liuing when the Western Empire was euen at the last gasp. Neither these onely but Herus also was giuen them, as the most learned Casaubori ob­serues on Sueton's Octauius. For later times, frequent testimonie occurres in the Imperiall story. And the Greek Constitutions and other Monuments of the Constantinopolitan Emperors, commonly giue them the name of [...] i. Lords, for which in their later cor­rupted idiom you shall oft haue [...], somtimes Quomodo, ex isthoc cor­rupto vocabu­bulo, errores, apud Latino­rum quosdam aeui Barbari, irrepserunt, videsis in No­tis Theodori Douzae ad Georg. Logothe­tae Chronic. [...] [Page 49] & [...]. The like is and hath been in euery Kingdom of our Europe, as also in the Mahumedan state, where they haue the name of Ameras, Amir, or Amera (ap­plied to their great Sultan) which truely (as that of Sultan doth) may expresse Dominus or Lord, deriu'd perhaps into their Arabique from the Caldee [...] i. a Lord, whom that kind of excommunication 1. ad Corinth. 16. 22. Mara­natha i. the Lord commeth (otherwise to the same pur­pose call'd Semtha or Sematha, as it were Aliter alij, & Elias Thisb. in [...]. v. Drus. Praeterit. 4 ad D. Ich. cap. 9. [...]) hath its origination. But, of Amers, and Sultans more in their place. As some of the Emperors refus'd this name, either because it seemd a relatiue to seruus i. a bond slaue, or in respect that it suppos'd (if ill interpre­ted) the subiect and his substance in the propertie of the Emperor (for, in a Vlpian. ff. de S. C. Silaniane l. 1. §. 1. Lawyer of the Empire, wee read, Domini appellatione continetur qui habet Preprieta­tem etsi vsus fructus alienus fit; & Augustus, that so much refused it, could yet bee very well contented to be made a God while he yet liued.) So an old Iewish sect, mou'd in point of conscience with error, would by no mean's acknowledge it to any Earthly Prince, affirming, it was only proper to the Monarch of Hea­uen; God himselfe. The author of this sect was Ioseph. [...]. 18. cap. 2. Iudas of Galilee vnder Tiberius. He and his followers so per­uersly stood for this nominall part of libertie (being, in other points, meer Pharisees) that no Torments could extort their confession of this Honorary title to to the Emperor. This Iudas is mentioned in the Act. Apost. cap. 5. com. 37. New Testament. Their Heresie thus generally is spoken of by diuers receiuing it from Iosephus. But I Consulas de hoc Iuda Car­dinal. Baronium Annal. Tom. 1. & Casauben. Exercit. 2. §. 19. cannot be easily perswaded that they meerly stood on the word Lord, Dominus, [...] i. Rab or [...] i. Adon, which signifie to this purpose neere alike. For what is more common in their and our text of the old Testament, then the name of Adon or Lord, giuen to farre mea­ner men then Princes? Thus shall you say (the words [Page 50] of ^u Iacob) to my Lord [ [...]] Esau. And in their sa­lutations and addrest speeches, by both Testaments it appeares, that, Master, Lord, or Sir (exprest in the words which wee haue remembred) are familiar. I ghesse, they superstitiously did it rather out of that dreadfull respect, which the Iewes alwaies had to the Tetragrammaton name of the Almightie, that is, [...] (now commonly exprest Iehouah) which none euer durst openly, nor any Rabbi Moses in More Ne­buch. part. 1. cap. 60. verum expendas Nu­mer. 6. com. 23. & seq. might but the high Priest som­times pronounce, and that only in the feast of Recon­ciliations celebrated on the tenth of their month Tisri (as it was instituted Leuitic. XXIII. com. 27. and on­ly in the Sanctuary in his Benediction. And alwaies when it occur'd in reading, they spake Adonai i. Lord, for it, vnlesse Adonai went before or followed it in the text, and then they read it Elohim i. God, and vpon this difference pointed it (when they had their Points) ei­ther with the Points of Adonai or Elohim. It will so appeare in infinit examples, where our idiom hath the Lord God, the Latine Dominus Deus, and the Greeke [...]. Whereupon with a respect only to the translations, a most learned and ancient Tertullian ad­uers. Hermogen. qui sanè & Dominum ap­pellari noluit Imperatorem, nisi (vt inquit ille) more cō ­muni. Apologe­tic. cap. 34. Father ob­serues: Deus quidem quod erat semper Statim nominat; In principio fecit Deus coelum & terram. Ac deinceps quan­diu faciebat quorum Dominus futurus erat, Deus solum­modò ponit. Et dixit Deus, & fecit Deus, & vidit De­us, & nusquam adhuc Dominus. At vbi vniuersa perfe­cit, ipsúm (que) vel maximè Hominem, qui propriè Dominum intellecturus erat, Dominus cognominatur. For indeed it is true that vntill Genes. 11. com. 4. after the Creation perfit, the Tetragrammaton is not added to Elohim, but there first occurres [...] which they read A­donai Elohim i. The Lord God. As also from the Ebrew [...], the Psal. 20 A­rabic. Arabique vses for it, Alrabbu i. Lord or Prince. Considering then their Iewish superstitions, and how curious in ceremonies, syllables, titles, words defectiue [Page 51] either in point or letter, they were, you may with pro­babilitie coniecture that here was the ground of that Galilaean sect: thinking it not fit, perhaps, to stile any Mortall by that Honorary title, by any other then which the greatest, Dreadfull, and [...] & [...], & in­effabile passim dictum. v. Apo­calyps. 19. com. 12. vnspeakable name of the CREATOR was neuer openly expressed. Manifestè dixerunt sapientes (saith More Ne­buch. part 1. cap. 60. Rambam) quod istud nomen separatum (that is Semhammephoras i. nomen explicatum aut separatum, as they vsually call the Tetra­grammaton) quod est quatuor literarum ipsum solummodo est significatiuum substantiae Creatoris, sine participatione cuiuslibet alterius rei. And [...] (saith a later Cantacuzen. Apolog. [...]. ad­uers. Mahomet. Grecian) [...], i. indefinitly or ab­solutely the name of Lord is only due to God, but Man hath it [...] i. With some particular ad­dition of Person or place, In regard of which hee is so Titled. But now, and from ancient time, without scruple, not Kings only, but their Nobles & sub­iects are vsually saluted and written with the attribute of Lord or Dominus. Yet not so much as it is a rela­tiue to interest of Property (much lesse to seruitude) but in a notion whereby it interprets a Superior, Ru­ler, or Gouernor. For we see that in Italian, French, and Spanish it is turned Signior, Seignior, & Sennor, which are words in Dominij ac principatus significatione vsurpa­to, & nimirum (as one Marian. hist. Hisp. 5. cap. 11. & in Constit. Feud. 1. Tit. 27. Seniores pro Dominis; vti & iure nostro. saies) seniores imperare equum est, vnde consequenti tempore tum in monimentis Hespaniae tum in Conciliorum actis, praesertim quae Caroli Magni aetate in Gallia habita sunt, Domini ac Principes Senio­res nuncupari caeperunt. So the Iewish Sanedrim were called [...] Seniores, or Elders, and Abrahams chiefe ser­uant, [...] Gen. 24. com. 2. the elder of his house. And the Arabians Mahumed Ben-Dauid in Alagsarumit. & ibid. P. Kirsten. haue their title of [...] Alsheich, Shah or Shach, i. Senior or Elder for men, it seems, of the better Condition: and the Epistles of S. Iohn, publisht by that learned linguist, Mr. Bedwell, out of an ancient Arabique copie, haue that [Page 52] word for [...] i. The Elder. It is attributed to their Princes and great Lords: Schachi apellatio (saith Pandect. Tur­cic. cap. 81. Leunclauius) vel Regum vel magnorum est Principum, praesertim apud Persas: sicut apud Hispanos Doni voca­bulum in usu est. The present Sophi is called Schah A­bas i. Lord or Signior Abas. So Thamas and others before him haue been titled. It is the same with Saa ( [...]) occurring in som Greek Agathias hist. 4. cui Vararanes Rex [...] Persicè dictus i. [...]. passages of the Persi­an State, and hath like signification with them (so the incomparable Ioseph Scaliger Canon. Isagog. lib. 3. instructs) as Monsieur or Seignior are with Europaeans, or Domnus mongst Wri­ters of middle times, which is vsed often in Cassiodore and such more, corrupted from Dominus, and is in dif­ferent copies frequently so writen. Of Pipin K. of France, saith Landulph. Sagax. Miscell. hist. 22. one of them, Primus erat in omnium dis­positione rerum gentis Francorum, quibus videlicet olim moris erat Domnum i. Regem secundum genus principari. And the Empresse by Oppian in his Cynegeticon to An­toninus, is, in like form, corruptly stiled [...], and [...] CEB. is often in Coins of Seuerus, which remains almost yet in the Italian Donna i. Lady or Mistresse. But whether the Spanish Don haue hence its original, or from Adonai perhaps deriu'd through the Maurish Arabique into Spain, I doubt. The com­munitie of the ancient African with Ebrew or Phoeni­cian is known to the learned, as also that, the Prouincial Spanish is exceedingly mixt with that African Arabique which the Maures vse; and I haue read the censure of a most iudicious linguist, that the fourth part, at least, of it, is Maurish Arabique, which hath its chief root in Punique or Ebrew. Now, the Punique or Phoenician Salutation was with the word Donni (doubtles from Adon or Adoni) as appears, if no more autoritie were, in Plautus his Poenulus;

[Page 53] Where note by the way, you must read Auo or Hauo Donni i. Viue, or Salue Domine from [...], which is Viue, and remains almost in the Latine Haue vsed in saluta­rion; and by corruption its likely they pronounc't it Haudoni (as in some copies it is) whence that Antholog. lib. 3. cap. 25. Epi­gram vpon Meleager, expressing the seuerall formes of Salutations or Farewells of the Syrians or Ebrewes, Phoe­nicians and Greeks,

is corrected by the diuine In not ad Beros. & alior. fragmenta. Scaliger, reading, for [...], made of Audoni or Hauo donni. Obserue withall the agreement of the Phoenician and Punique salutations with the Roman and later Grecian. Of the Romans somwhat, in that kind, is before. And, I remem­ber, Seneca somwhere notes that such, whose names oc­curd not, were vsually called Domini; for the later Grecians, the Epigram of Pallada Antholog. [...]. cap. [...]. shall serue, where he saies that, if his friend receiue any thing of him, he presently stiles him [...] Domine frater, but if nothing, then frater only, but saith hee

i. I will none of the DOMINE, for I haue nothing to be­stow. The conceit failing, if you strip it out of its own tongue. As men Domini, so were women after XIV. yeers of Epictet. En­chirid. cap. 62. age called Dominae, Ladies or Dames; and in the Ciuill Law, ff. de leg. & fi­deic. 3. l. 41. Peto a [...]te Domina vxor, and ff. de annuis leg. l. Titia 19. §. 1. Domina sanctissima are words vsed by Husbands, in their last Wills and Testaments to their wiues; and in one place is found Iulia. ff. de legat. 3. l. Pater. 19. §. 4. Domina without respect to Hus­band or other, whereupon a great Lawyer Cuiac. Obser­uat. 3 cap. 18. & videsis Authen­tic. 74. cap. 4. notes [Page 54] Matronae dicuntur etiam Dominae, non respectu maritorum duntaxat, quo modo ipsi quo (que) mariti ab vxoribus Domini appellantur, sed etiam per se. So is that noble Lady, to whom the II. Epistle of S. [...]. Iohn is directed. And the Constantinopolitan Empresse Irene, wife to Alexius Comnenus, is, in their Anna Com­nen. Alexiados 3. storie, called, simply [...]. And Iohn Bishop of Euchaita hath an Epigram [...]; the like occurring often in later Writers of those parts. With vs anciently, marriageable women were called Dominae. One of the inquities [...]ract. lib. de Corona cap. 1. & in Rot. placit. Hen. 3. de Itine­re, saepius. & Roger. de Houe­d n in Rich. 1. sol. 445. in Eire was, De Dominabus quae sunt & esse debent de Donatio­ne Domini Regis, siue sint maritatae siue non. There being another article, de valectis & puellis qui sunt & esse de­bent in custodia Dominij Regis, which was touching women within the age of XXI. yeers. For the Law seems, that their Idem lib. de acq. rer. dom. 2. cap. 37. §. 3. Wardships so long then continued; and that was their plenaria aetas. But those Dominae were chiefly such, as were out of Ward for their lands, yet in the Kings bestowing. For the ancient law, here, was, that although after XXI. yeers, the Lord had not to do with the marriage of his male Ward, yet, for fe­male heires the Lords were to prouide marriages at any age, and as often as they were to marrie; and, al­though the ancestors were yet liuing, yet must their consents haue been had; the reason being giuen, in respect that the seruices must be done by the husband, Glanuil. lib. 7 cap. 12. ne de inimico suo vel alio modo minùs idonea persona Homagium de feodo suo cogatur Dominus recipere. But this law was alterd into what it now is, for common persons, by the Statut of Westm. 1. cap. 22. vide, si de hijs velis, Ioan. Briton. lib. 3. cap. 67. III. Ed. I. And, for the King, by XXXIX. Hen. VI. And in our old English Poets, Dames (i. Dominae) is often for Women in gene­rall, as a speciall honor for that Sex; being not out of vse with vs at this day, nor with the French; as al­so among the Italians, Donne for them, is familiar. How Dominus was vsually wont to bee the title of euerie [Page 55] Curat, added to his Christen name, and is now famili­ar for Sir to euery Batcheler of Art in the Schools, all men know, and may therein obserue the most different notions and vses made of it. Ciuilians will haue it so proper to their profession, that all their Doctors must bee stiled by it. Nec debent ab alijs (saith Lucas de Ad Cod. tit. de Professor ib. L. vnica. Penna) quantumcun (que) Maximis, in eornm literis appel­lari Fratres sed Domini. Contrarium facientes puniendi sunt. You cannot but here look for somwhat concer­ning Our Soueraigns ancestors their Title of Dominus, Signior, or Lord of Ireland, which continued vntill Hen. VIII. For this, you must know that their title to Ireland is deriud from Henry II. although long before, I mean in K. Edgars time, good part of it was vnder the English Crown. Edgars own words, in a Charter dated the VI. of his raign, and DCCCC. LXIV of Christ, are Inspeximus Pat. 1. Ed. 4. part. 6. memb. 23 Mihi concessit Propitia Diuinitas cum Anglorum imperio omnia regna Insularum Oceani cum suis ferocissi­mis Regibus, vs (que) Norwegiam, maximám (que) partem Hiber­niae, cum sua nobilissima Ciuitate Dublinâ, Anglorum regno subiugare; quos etiam omnes meis imperijs colla subdare, Dei fauente gratia, coegi. But this continued not in his successors. Afterward the Isles grew too full of Petit Kings, som of them conuerting their Gouernment into intollerable Tyrannie, which, others not induring, made such a deuided State in it, that occasion, to inuade them, might thence soon be taken by their neighbors. Hereon a desire, of the whole dominion of the Isle, possest our Henry II. for which (so were the times and seruile opinions, then) hee sent Embassadors to Pope Adrian the IV. (this Adrian was his naturall sub­iect, born at Langley in Hertfordshire, and had to name Camden. in Cattieuchlan. before he was Pope, Nicholas Breakspeare) entreating vt sibi liceret (as the words of Matthew Paris are) Hi­berniae Insulam hostilitèr intrare, & terram subiugare at (que) homines illos Bestiales ad Fidem & viam deducere veri­tatis, [Page 56] extirpatis ibi plantarijs vitiorum; and it was gran­ted by a Bull, among other things, thus speaking, & il­lius Terrae Populus Te recipiat & sicut DOMINVM veneretur, iure ecclesiarum illibato & integro permanente, & saluâ B. Petro de singulis Domibus annuâ vnius De­narij pensione. Sanè omnes Insulas, quibus Sol Iustitiae Christus illuxit & quae documenta Fidei Christianae susce­perunt, ad ius S. Petri & Sacrosanctae R. Ecclesiae (quod tua etiam Nobilitas Recognoscit) non ost dubium pertinere; VVhich notwithstanding, hee and all his Cardinals would neuer haue been able to proue. Iohn of Saris­burie (cited ordinarily, as he was, Iohn Bishop of Char­tres) had chief place in this Embassage, beeing a man most deerly respected by the Bishop of Rome. His Metalogic. 4. cap. 42. report, of this matter, is: Ad preces mees, Illustri Regi Anglorum Henrico secundo concessit (speaking of the Pope) & dedit Hyberniam iure hereditario possidendam; sicut literae ipsius Testantur in hodiernum diem. Nam omnes Insulae de iure antiquo ex Donatione Constantini, qui eam fundauit & Dotauit, dicuntur ad Romanam Ecclesiam pertinere. By the way, for that of Constantin's Donati­on (a vext question) if you read Vlrich Hutten, Valla, the Cardinall of Cusa, Hierom Catthalan, and others of that kind against this Donation, but especially that Bodin. de Re­pub. 1. cap. 9. Consulas Di­phona Othonis Imp. editam in­ter Epistolas PP. Syluest. 2. pag. 73. note out of the Vatican, where it, being written in gol­den letters by one Ioannes Cognomento Digitorum, is subscribed with this

you will scarce beleeu it for a truth, no more then Eugubin's translation of it into Greek (for it was ex­tant only in Latine till that imposture) to bee legiti­mat. But Iohn of Sarisbury goes on. Annulum quo (que) per me transmisit aureum, smaragdo optimo decoratum quo fieret inuestitura iuris ingerenda Locus de­prauatus forte l. ingrediendae Hberniae. Hibernia. Idém (que) ad­huc [Page 57] Annulus in l. Curiali. curali archio publico custodiri missus est. All this was about II. Hen. II. But nothing was exe­cuted. Som yeers after, Dermut Mac Morrogh K. of Lemster, beeing distrest by the K. of Connacht and O­rereck M. C. LV. K. of Meth (whose wife he had, but not against hir will, dishonord) requested aid of the English, and had it; and was chiefly restord by the valour of R. Strongbow Earle of Penbroke. The Earles Greatnes in litle time, within the Isle, grew suspicious to K. Henry. To auoid that, he acknowledged the Dominion of his Conquest in the King, who som XVII. yeers, after the Popes Bull, entred the Isle with an armie, subdued good part of it, and had homage of those petit Princes, which retained, as afore, so after this acknowledgment, the name of Kings. Yet they were not Ordinati. so­lennitate alicuius Ordinis (as the Apud D. Io. Dauies, Regiū, apud Hiber­nos, Procura­torem. Black book of Christ-Church in Dublin speaks) nec Vnctionis sacramen­to, nec Iure haereditario, vel aliquâ proprietatis successione, sed vi & armis quilibet regnum suum obtinuit. This K. Henry, it seems, following the syllables of the Bull, and his successors hence titled themselues Lords of Ireland, in their stile putting it before Duke of Guienne. And, in the Annals of Ireland, you read: Ioannes filius Regis Domi­nus Hiberniae de Dono patris, venit in Hiberniam anno aetatis suae duodecimo (which was the XIII. yeer from the first entrance of Hen. II.) and in Ex Synod. 1. & 2. Cassiliens. & Armach. ap. Camd. De Pa­uonum pennis in texendis Co­ronis Consulas Paschal. de Co­ron. lib. 10. c. 13. confirmation of his title Pope Vrban III. sent him a crown of Peacocks feathers: As likewise Hen. III. made Prince Pat. 52. Hen. 3. memb. 9. Edward (afterward Ed. I. Lord of Ireland. How King Iohn had obedience of most of the Princes there, and establisht English Laws, Officers, and such more notes of supreme Maiestie, Matthew Paris may best instruct you. Plainly, although some succeeding Princes wrote themselues but only Lords of Ireland, yet their Dominion was meerly Royall. They had their Iustices, or Custodes, or Lord Lieutenants or Deputies (as at this day they are [Page 58] called) of Ireland, which were, as Viceroy's, by Patent, with most large Power delegat in the very rights roy­all: then whom, no Lieutenants in Christendome (as our most iudicious Antiquary obserues) comes neerer Kinglike State. And. Richard II. being himself but in Title Dominus, yet created Pat. 9. Rich. 2 Robert of Vere (being then Earle of Oxford) Duke of Ireland, with Commission to execnte most inseparable prerogatiues royall. Which had been ridiculous if in substance hee had not been as a most perfect King of it. But, in later time, vnder Henry VIII. in a Stat. Hibern. 33. Hen. 8. cap. 1 Parliament held at Dublin (Sir An­thony Senitleger then Lord Deputie) Forasmuch as the King our most gracious dread Soueraign Lord, and his Graces most noble progenitors Kings of England, haue been Lords of this land of Ireland, hauing all manner Kingly Iurisdiction, Power, Preheminences, and authoritie Royall, belonging or appertaining to the Royall estate of maiestie of a King, By the name of LORD OF IRE­LAND; where the Kings maiestie and his most noble Progenitors iustly and rightfully were, and of right oft to bee Kings of Ireland, and so to be reputed, taken, named & called (it being further added, that through want of vse of the iust title and name, diuers attempts of diso­bedience had been in the Irishry) it was enacted, that the Kings Highnesse, his heirs und successors, haue the name, stile, title, and honor of King of this land of Ireland, with all manner honors, preheminences prerogatiues, dignities and other things whatsoeuer they bee, to the Maiesty and State of a King Imperiall appertaining or belonging. And that his Maiesty bee from henceforth, his heires and successors, named, called, accepted, reputed, and taken to bee Kings of this land of Ireland, to haue, hold and enioy the said stile, title, maiestie and honors of K. of Ireland, with all manner preheminences, prerogatiue, dignities, and all the premisses vnto the Kings highnesse his heirs and suc­cessors for euer, as vnited and knit to the Imperiall [Page 59] Crowne of the Realme of England. Thus much Pope Paul IV. afterward confirmd to K. Philip and Mary with de Potestatis plenitudine, Apostolica autoritate, Regnum Hiberniae perpetuò erigimus. And in the stile of their Parliaments it was henceforth calld Regnum or Realm, being before only Terra Hiherniae: Of which, enough. In origination of our English name Lord, whereby we and the Scots stile all such as are of the Greater No­bilitie i. Barons, as also Bishops, its not easie to satisfie you. In our ancient Saxon it was writen hlaforde, and was a relatiue to þeow and ðeow man i. a Seruant or Bondslaue and Tenant, not any Title or Dignitie. To talk of Allodium or Allodius, to this purpose, as some do, is more then idle. It would be neerer our present pronunciation if you drew it from Lars or Lartes (for so also is the first case vsed by Lartes To­lumnius Phi­lippic. 9. Cicero) an old Tus­can word signifying Prince, or such like, as a Ios. Scalig. ad Propert. 4. great man deliuers by coniecture, whence you haue Lartem Porsenam and Lartem Tolumnium in Liuy, Plutarch, and Halicarnasseus; and Aremoricus Lars, in Ausonius. But Lar Lartis (saith an old Tit. Prob. Epit. de Nom. Rat. Roman) praenomen est sump­tum à Laribus; Tuscum autem creditum est praenomen es­se. It were not much stranger, at first sight, to suppose this Lar or Lartes to be hether transferd, then that Lar should yet remain (as I haue seen somwhere noted) a word, for a chief house, about Bayeux in France. And many worse etymolegies make their authors proud of them. But I know you cannot but laugh at this, and I will so, with you; touching it only as ther is such communitie of name twixt it and our present idiom, or rater twixt the Scottish Lairds, a degree next be­neath Knights among them. It was afterward pro­nounced. Lauerd and Louerd, as you shall see among other testimonies, in this, beeing a metricall translation of the first Psalme, transcribd out of the whole Psalter so turnd and fairly writen (about Edward II. his time, [Page 60] as the Character perswades) which I haue. Some wic­ked hand, by cutting the first Capitall, left it thus In Bibliothecâ Bodleianâ Ox­onij exemplar Psalmorū huic nostro per simile & coaetaneum, nec tamen man­cum (ni fallat memoria) extat. imperfect.

and in the xv. Psalme,

[Page 61] The more willingly I inserted them also, that by this occasion you might tast an essay of our Ancestors neatnes in their holy meeters, which, howsoeuer aboun­ding with libertie and the character of their times, yet haue, I confesse, my admiration. Lauerd and Louerd indifferently occurre in old Robert of Glocester. But note, in the more ancient English, Saxon, or Dutch, not hlaforde is vsd for Dominus, where Dominus is attri­buted to the Almighty, But vsually Drihten or Truch­tin, being the same words varied, as Legib. Alu­redi. Drihten waes spraeen ðaes words to Moyse i. The Lord spake these words to Moises. And Vulcan. in Specim. Ling. Giwihit si Truchtin Gat Israelo i. Blessed be the Lord God of Israel; and, in our Ladies Magnificat Mikkilso min Sela truchtin. i. My soule doth magnifie the Lord. Now sith this Truchtin seems to haue somwhat of Truth or Faith in it, and that Loof or Loef, in old Saxon or Dutch, signifies Faith also, as one of that Country, I. Goropius Hieroglyphic. 8. phantastiquely rauisht with the word to other purposes, tells me, could I as­sume liberty, as he doth in deriuation, I might with ca­sting about, frame the nature of Feuds, or Patronage, which consist in mutuall faith twixt the tenant or cli­ent, and Lord or Patron, out of the word. But I will not, nor dare I. One Verstegan. cap. 10. deriues it from hlafe-afford, as if it were essentiall to the name, that he which bears it should be a lafe, lofe, or Breadgiuer, and so Lady from hlafe-die i. a Bread seruer or diuider, referring his conceit to ancient (now worn out) hospitality. That satisfies mee not; if it do you, then will you lesse impute to my ignorance, that I haue not here fur­nisht my self with any probable origination. In these and the like, where I see no better ground, for certain­ty of coniecture, I abstain from further inquiry. By reason of this word Lord, which particularly applied wee make My Lord, diuers outlandish writers call our Noblemen Milords and Milortes; the ridiculous vse [Page 62] proceeding from their ignorance of our language. Its no where so frequent as in the Epistles of that Spa­niard Anthony Perez to the late Earle of Essex. Tou­ching the name of Dominus, Lord and Signior, hither­to. That of Dij or Gods plurally, attributed to Great Princes, none that hath read the old Testament can not but know. Yet good Cyrill. aduers. Iulian. lib. 8. autority makes in most of those passages, to be rather noted the generall dignity of Mankind, then titular supremacie of Princes. It were hard to endure such impious flatterie, as to giue them the name as it is truly significant; as the dissembling and vnconstant Samaritans did to Antiochus Epiphanes, Ioseph. Archaeo­log. 12. cap. 7. & lib. 19. cap. 7. de Herode. stiling him, in their Epistles, God, who pad indeed to his vtmost, profaned the holy Temple of the true God, most cruelly handled the Iewes, and in Diodor. Sicul. in excerpt. apud Photium. contempt of their law and Diuinitie, compeld them eat Hogs flesh against their institution, and with the liquor straind, wherein it was boiled, daubd and abusd as many of their Bibles, as his wickednes could light on. So the base-minded Iewes, with acclamations, affirmd Herod A­grippa no longer Man but a Deitie; a touch whereof S. Act. Apost. 12. com. 22. Luke hath. The Persian Kings title challenged as much to him in Amm. Mar­cellin. hist. 17. that: Rex Regum Sapor, Particeps syderum, Frater Solis & Lunae, Constantio Caesari Fratri meo salutem plurimam dico. And that Rutilian Mezen­tius commanded Cato in Orig. ap. Macrob. Sat. 3. cap. 5. his subiects to offer to him all such sacrifices as they had destinat to the Gods, thin­king indeed that no Deitie was aboue himselfe, whence he is titled Contemptor Diuûm in Virgil. To these, like may be added of the Roman Emperors, made or ac­counted Gods in their life time (for of their [...] after their death, nothing belongs here to vs) as Augustus, and diuers worse after him; and that of Be­lus Is. Tzetz. ad Lycophron. & Io. Tzetz. Chili­ad. 139. remembred in the first chapter; with much such more among the Grecians, where [...] or [...] signified both Gods and Kings. And Alexander, you know, wold [Page 63] needs bee Iupiter Hammons sonne, and so had his pi­cture made with Rammes horns like Iupiter Hammons Statue; as scorning mortall progenitors. But, for all these and the like, a most learned and ancient Tertullian. Apologetic. c. 33. Father thus; Non Deum Imperatorem dicam, vel quia mentiri nescio, vel quia illum deri [...]ere non audeo, vel quia nec ip­se se Deum volet dici, si homo sit. Interest Homini Deo cedere. Satis habeat appellari Imperator. Grande & hoc nomen est, quod à Deo Traditur. Negat illum Imperato­rem qui Deum dicit. Nisi homo sit, non est Imperator. And in their Trium [...]hs, a solemn admonition alwayes was to the Emperor, Memento te Hominem esse, which great Aelian. [...]. 9. c. 15. Philip of Macedon had euery morning re­membred to him before he admitted any, but him on­ly whose office this was, to his presence. And Ter­tullian speaking of those passages where mortalls are stiled Gods, addes Aduers. Mar­cion. lib. 1. that also ipsa idola Gentium Dei vulgò; sed Deus nemo ea re, qua Deus, dicitur. But, as the supremacie of Princes and their Gouernment is delegat from the Highest, their iudgements being also called His, so in a generall name are they titled Gods euen by God himself, because here on earth they should (for their power) be his Sthenid. Pytha­goric. apud Sto­baeum Serm. 48 de ea re plura. Imitators. And in Artemidor. Onirocritic. 4. cap. 71. Onirocriticisme, dreams of superior Deities were re­ferd to such as had rule and command. It beeing at this day among the Moschouitique Christians, in vse to account their Great Duke rather a God then a Man. This respect, added to an obsequious impietie, caused, as well in the Christian as Heathenish times and States, the subiect, to continue that ill custom of Swearing by their Harmenopul. [...]. l. 1. tit. 7. Princes. And if by them, they did forsweare in a suit (For if out of a sudden heat, they were pardoned) the punishment, for periury was inflicted, that was Fu­stigatio i. (as if you should say) bastinadoing (the Greek Lawiers calld it [...]) and whilst the officers beat him, they vsed this formall admonition; [...] [Page 64] ff. de Iureiur. L. si duo §. 6. [...], i. Take heed how you swear. But if the periu­ry were committed gainst God and his name, no pu­nishment followed by their customs, because they supposd God would sufficiently reuenge the Ita Veteres existimâsse vl­tioném (que), dum in viuis existe­rent periuri, expectasse Confirmat il­lud Horatij Carm. 2. Od. 8. abuse of his Deitie, expressing it thus: I [...] (saith Constantine Harmenopulus) [...]; although it were certain by their Canon Law that Church penances, but no other infliction was Can. 64. Basil. Harmenopul. Epit. sect. 5. tit. 3. pro­uided for the periurd: as also, if, in any suit, the partie had forsworn vpon the holy Euangelists, his tongue was cut out. This Harmenopulus whom I cite was a Iudge in Thessalonica (now called Saloniche) vnder E­manuel Comnenus, about M. CXLIII. after Christ, as is Marquhard. Freher. Chrono­log. ad Ius Grae­co Romanum. coniectured. But all this (touching swearing by the Prince or Emperor, and his Genius) had its originall out of Paganisme. For, that punishment of Fustigation was, it seems, Vlpian. ff. de Iureiur. l. 13. §. 6 instituted by Antoninus and Commodus, when it was vsuall to sweare per Genium Principis, and per Principis Const. Alex. Seueri C. de reb. credit. l. 2. vide­sis Cuiac. Ob­seru. 2. cap. 19. Venerationem, as it is in a rescript of Alex­ander Seuerus, vnder whom the learned Apologetic, cap. 28. Tertullian vp­braids the Romans with; Citius deni (que) apud Vos per omnes Deos, quàm per vnum Genium Caesaris peieratur. And Athalarique the Goth, in a profession of future good gouernment, to the Romans: Cassiodor. Variar. hist. 8. Epist. 3. Ecce Traiani vestri clarum seculis reparatum exemplum. Iurat vobis, per quem iuratis nec potest ab illo quisquam falli, quo inuocato non licet impunè mentiri. Take, withall, that of Epist. 2. lib. 1. Horace speaking to Augustus:

which well fits with the name of those Maiestique Pa­uillions, vnder which the Emperors sate vsually. They called Vt notauit Casaubon. ad Suetonij Nero­nem. cap. 12. them [...], as if you should say, Litle hea­uens. And for the Christian times, agreeing, with what is already shew'd, was that forme of their Militiae sa­cramentum, [Page 65] the soldiers oath; Iurant autem (saith my author, liuing about CCC. LXX. from our Sauior) Per Deum & Christum & S. Sanctum & per Maiestatem Im­peratoris, g Vegetius de Re. Militar. 2. cap. 5. sub Va­lentiniano & Gratiano. quae, secundum Deum, generi humano diligenda est & colenda. Nam Imperatori, cum Augusti nomen ac­cepit, tanquam presenti & corporali Deo, fidelis est pre­standa deuotio, & impendendus peruigil famulatus. Deo enim vel priuatus, vel militans seruit, cum fideliter eum diligit, qui Deo regnat autore. This vse was anciently, among the Egyptians as is apparant by Iosephs swea­ring, by the life of Pharaoh. And, in later daies, a Rab­bin, that liu'd Abr. Aben Ezra in Decalog. about M. C. LXX. affirmes, that if a man had sworn in his time in Aegypt (it was then gouern'd by Caliph's) [...] i. by the Kings head, and had forsworn, he was subiect to capitall punish­ment, neither could he redeem the guilt for his weight in Gold. And when Shach Ismael, the first Sophi, got the Persian Empire, no oath Leuncl. Mu­sulmanic. hist. lib. 16. amongst them was so great, as to sweare by his head. Thus it appeares, how, both mongst Christians, Mahumedans and Heathen, a certaine Sanctitas Regum (as Sueton. in Iu­lio cap. 6. Iulius Caesar cals it) was specially regarded. Whence, it seem's, the frequencie of hauing a Deity's name in the Kings, was so familiar amongst the ancients. The Tyrian or Phoenician Princes had vsually the names of Beleastartus, Abdastartus, Itho­baal, and many such like ocurring in the fragments of Menander, and other annals of those parts; from their Deity Baal and Astaroth, which Holy writ speakes of. Nebo Isai. cap. 46. com. 1. vbi Lxx. [...]. a Babylonian Idole was a part of Nebu­chadonezar, Nabopollassar, Nabonitus, their Kings. In Neriglosser, is Nergal the Deitie of the Cuthaeans, which the R. Salomon Iarchi ad. 2. Reg. 17. [...]. n. interpretari potes, fontem, tumulum, forte & Sphaeram Ig­nis. & cum Ma­gorum (vnde Cuthaej) [...] con­feras. Iews idly say was a Cocke, but, without any great scruple, will be proou'd to bee the Sunne, or some perpetuall fire, honor'd with respect to the sunne, and in the names of the Iewish Kings is vsu­ally one of the names of the true God, as you see in A­haziahu, [Page 66] Amaziah, Azariah, and diuers such more. Among the Egyptians, Busiris, Petosiris, Osiris, Kings, all of them hauing the greatest Deitie of that people in their names. That is Siris or Seiris, which was the same with Nilus: For in Isai. cap. 23. com. 3. [...]irem. ca. 2. com. 18. Holy writ it is call'd [...] (which by the Ethiopian Idiom, is pronounced Sihri, saith the noble Scaliger) signifying black, according as the Greeks stil'd it Odyss. [...]. [...], and, with them, the Latins Melas Festus in eo vocab. alij. of the same interpretation; and, from that Eastern word, questionlesse came the Greek [...] for it,

saith Dionysius Afer. Where, his Commenter Eustathi­us hath other, but friuolous, Etymologies of it. The fashion in Britain anciently, is touched where wee speake of Belin in the first Chapter. But indeed the composition out of these names of Deities were not only proper to Kings. Their Great men and more ho­norable subiects, had oft times the like; as you see in Ierem. cap. 39 vers. 3. & cap. 52. 30. Neregal, Samgarnebo, and Nabuzardan, with such more, & in Daniel, whom the Babylonian King named Beltishatzar Daniel cap. 4. com. 7. according to the name of his God. Nei­ther was that swearing by their names proper only to them. I remember Cosmas Patriarch of Constantinople, in the controuersie twixt him and Eustratius, about the Coronation of Irene Empresse and wife to Alexius Comnen, Anna Com­nena Alexiad. 3. sweares by himself [...] i. By Cos­mas. But, that of Diuine names among them, as it was communicated to Nobility, so very likely was not ex­tended to the Vulgar, or ignoble. For wee see often a speciall regard had among the ancients, that Prince­ly names should not be borne by base Persons. One cause, why Domitian put to death Metius Pomposianus, was for that he had giuen his slaues the names of Ma­go and Hannibal; that of Hannibal hauing plainely in [Page 67] its composition (as Asdrubal, Adherbal, and the like) the Phoenician or Punique God Baal. In the Scripture you haue the very name, but inuerted; Baal-Hanan in Gen. cap. XXXVI. As on the other side one of Alexanders chief requests to the high Priest of the Iewes, they say, was, that hee Abrah. Ben-Dauid in Cabald might so much be honord, as to haue his name imposd on euery of the Priests children that yeer born. Although it be certain that slaues somtimes had the names of greatest Kings. And in Athens Agell. lib. 9. cap. 2. the names of Harmodius and Aristogiton were not suffered to bee giuen to any bond-man. The Turkes Georgieuitz de Cerem. Turcar. haue their seuerall names vsually proper for their Sultans, Beglars and slaues, if my author deceiue not. But for that of giuing a King the title of GOD (without respect only to his delegat power and substitution) you may note Anaxarchus his iest vpon Alexander preten­ding himself a God, and lying dangerously sick: [...] (said Aelian. Var. hist. 9. cap. 37. Anaxarchus) [...]; i. the hope of our God lies now in a spoon­full of Potion. And when Hermodotus in his Poems Plutarch. lib. de Isid. & Osiri­de. stiled Antigonus the sonne of Phoebus, and a God, the King well answerd his flatterie: But (saith hee) the Groom of my close stoole denies me to be so. Astrologers approper certain starres to Kings only, and great men, in their significations, and some of them place those Regiae Stellae, Firmicus Mathes. 6. cap. 1 as they call them, in the dodecatemories only of Taurus, Leo, Scorpio, and Aquarius; others o­therwise. They haue deliuerd also, that euery King Apud Canta­cuzen. Apolog. aduers. Maho­met. α. hath a singular starre for the Ruler of his Royall life, common persons hauing only the mixtures of se­uerall influences, according to their Genethliaque fi­gures. I note it here as it touches their accession of speciall and a kind of holy honor to Princes. Regard it at your pleasure; if you will, but as I, then read it for a Relation, but also laugh at it.

CHAP: IV.

HItherto of such Titles as are Essentiall to Maiesty. There are also, which are particular for seuerall [Page 69] States, and meerly Accidentall. Of them, in the first rank, stand those which proceeded from the first autors of Empires or Monarchies. To none, is vnknown the continuance of Caesar in the German Emperors Title, deriud through the Franks and Romans from their C. Iulius Caesar first Emperor. But not first which bare that name, as som Glycas, Ety­mologic. mag. Cedrenus, alij Graeco­rum. Necnon Ebraei vt vide­re est in Eliâ Thisbit. in [...] ignorantly haue deliuerd. Nor had he it, because he was cut out of his Mothers belly. It may be true which Pliny Hist. nat. 7. cap. 9. sayes, that primus Caesar à caso matris vtero dictus, qua de causa & Caesones appel­lati. But others were so calld before him; and, from the Punique or Maurish word Coesar, interpreting an Elephant, most Ap. Ael. Spar­tiā. in Ael. Vero Seru Honorat. ad 1. Aeneidos. Const. Manass. in Annalit us. learned men haue anciently deriud it quod auus eius in Africa, manu propriâ, occidit Elephan­tem. Others at Rome deducing it from Caesaries, quod cum magnis crinibus (as Spartians words are) sit vtero parentis effusus; others quòd oculis caesijs & vltra huma­num morem viguerit. Vnderstand them, of him which first bare the name. I like that from the Elephant. A­nalogie will hardly endure any of the rest. And in an old Coin stampt on the one side with DIVVS IV­LIVS, the other hath S. P. Q. R. and an Elephant: which although som referre to the Plaies and fights of Ele­phants, Plin. hist. 8. cap. 7. shewd by the fauor and cost of Iulius, yet perhaps it hath allusion to that African originall. But, how it could be Punique is not so well iustified: The Punique being but a slip or branch propagated from the Ebrew, wherein (as that admired, and great Presi­dent of the Muses the most learned Casaubon hath al­so noted) not Caesar, but [...] signifies an Elephant (as also in Arabique) which, by transposition of letters, is e­uen the same with the Greek and Latin Elephas. Hee therefore thinks the word was Maurish, as Spartian af­firms it was. But, vnder fauour, was not the old Mau­rish the same with Punique or Ebrew? Good autority Procopius de Bell. Vandalic. 2. tells vs that in the Tingitana Mauritania (where the [Page 70] now Barbarie is) at Tingis, were two white columnes of Stone erected anciently with an inscription in Phoe­nician letters (they were, som say, very neer the Ionique or Greek, and Terpsichore. & de hijs vi­deas Ios. Scalig. ad Eusebium pag. 102. Herodotus expressely affirms so, which had seen both kinds) to this effect: We are fled from the presence of Iosuah Ben-Nun the spoyler. Then which, what can more apparantly shew the Maures at first to haue had their immediat originall out of Canaan where Ebrew was the language? And take then this anno­tation of the noble Casaubon in another Animaduers. in Tranquill. 1. place. In Targum Ionathanis (saith he) [...] extat, notione affine, pro Scuto vel clypeo. Et fortasse inde est quod, Punicâ lin­guà, Elephas Caesar dicebatur quasi Tutamen & praesidium Legionum. But also speciall reason is giuen for the deriuation, from beeing cut out of his mother. Read this of Seruius Ad Aeneidos 10. Honoratus; Omnes qui secto matris ventre procreantur, ideo Apollini consecrati sunt, quia De­us Medicinae est per quam, lucem sortiuntur. Vnde Aes­culapius eius fictus est filius. Ita n. eum esse procreatum supradiximus. Caesarum etiam familia ideo Apollinis sacra retinebat, quia, qui primus de eorum familia fuit, exsecto ma­tris ventre natus est. A too daring conceit, and tasting ill of Grammaticall arrogance! But, whencesoeuer the name is, its taken as the most honorable in the Impe­riall Title; and Iustinian expressely of it, in his Letters [...]. to one Iohn, his Lieutenant of the East, [...], i. We are graced with this note of Imperiall Maiesty, more then with any other. And the Germans at this day vse the word Keyser (from Caesar) for the Emperor generally. From Iulius, his Nephew Octauius had this name left to him by Testament: In ima cera (saith Sueton) Caium Octauium in familiam nomén (que) adoptauit. Afterward this Octauius in the Senat was honord with the Title of Au­gustus [...]; as Dio's words are, i. as if he had been somwhat more then Humane. And [Page 71] non tantum nouo (so Sueton speaks) sed etiam ampliore cognomine: quòd loca quo (que) religiosa, &, in quibus augu­ratò quid consecratur, Augusta dicantur, ab auctu vel ab auium gestu gustuue; and, for the word, cites that of Ennius

Some xv. yeers, after Iulius slaine, on Censorin. de Die Natali cap. 21. Se VII. & Vipsan. Agripp III. Coss. the XVI. Kl. of February, that is the XVII. day of Ianuary, vpon motion of L. Munacius Plancus, this Title was giuen him, and thence is the Epocha of the Anni Augustorum (as they call it) to bee accounted. The Greeks turn Au­gustus, [...], i. Venerable. Certainly it came from Au­geo, beeing a word proper in Sacrifice; as Augere Ho­stias, which the learned Casaubon remembers. I adde also that in just like forme the Greeks had their [...]. Isthmiac. Od. 4 Pindar hath [...]: as if he had said Augemus hostias, or inferias. And, in Sextus Pompeius, Augustus is interpreted Sanctus. For, things sacrificed haue venera­ble respect towards them, and diuers Inscriptions to Gods and Goddesses are extant with Augusto or Au­gustae. The name hath been applied to others then on­ly the Roman Emperors: some Testimony Guilielmus Nothus Augu­stus dictus. 10. Bodin. de Rep. 2. cap. 2. hath gi­uen it to our William the first. And the French had their Philippus Augustus; in the description of whose life, an Rigord. in prooem. ad Vit. Philippi Aug. Ancient thus salutes his Reader. Miramini, quod, in prima fronte huius operis, voco Regem AVGVSTVM. Augustos n. vocare consueuerunt scriptores Caesares, qui Remp, augmentabant, ab augeo auges dictos. Vnde iste me­ritó dictus est Augustus ab auctâ Republica. Adiecit enim Regno suo totam Viromandiam (i. the territorie, about S. Quintins) quam praedecessores sui multo tempore amiserant, & multas alias terras; redditus etiam regni plurimùm aug­mentauit. This Philip raigned about M. CIXXX. Fre­derique Barbarossa then Emperor. And long before this Philip, their first Christian King had it. Ludouicus Rex [Page 72] (saith Sigebert; so he calls K. Chlouis) ab Anastasie Imperatore Codicillos de Consulatu & Coronam auream eum Gemmis & Tunicam blatteam accepit, & ex ea die Consul & AVGVSTVS dictus est. These two of Caesar and Augustus continued in their successors, and do at this day. The Romans had another kind of multiplying surnames to their Emperors, by denomina­ting them so often from Countries or Prouinces, as they had done som braue Imperiall act in composing, ordering, or vanquishing any of them. Examples of it are euery where. Thence hath Iustinian such a Title with Alemanicus, Gotticus, Francicus, Germanicus, Anticus, Alanicus, Vandalicus, Africanus. Question not, but they had of these, oftimes by their Countries flat­terie more then desert. Appellatus est Commodus (they are Lampridius words) etiam BRITANNICVS ab adulatoribus, quum Britanni etiam Imperatorem contra eum deligere voluerunt. If the denomination were subiect to a ridiculous interpretation, som of them abstaind from it. As when Aurelian had the day of the Carpi (a people vpon the Riuer Donaw in the now Hungarie) and heard that the Senat would needs name him Car­picus, hee presently writes to Flau. Vopis­cus. them Superest P. C. vt me etiam Carpisculum vocetis. For indeed, Carpisculus interpreted a kind of shooe, which made him dislike the Equiuoque. Although on the other side the wic­ked Caracalla was proud of his title Germanicus, AEl. Spartia­nus. not only as it respected his German victories, but withall as it alluded to the murdering of his brother, signified by Germanus: affirming, that if he had conquerd the Lucani hee would haue been calld Lucanicus; as ri­diculous a denomination, as Lucanica, signifying a kind of Hogs-pudding, whence the Romans calld such as were great eaters Amm. Marcel­lin. hist. 28. Lu­canicus cum Pordaca &c. Lucanici. The Egyptian Kings in holy writ vntill Salomons time are all calld Phara­oh's. It was no proper name, but only a title which e­uery [Page 73] one of them had. For, in prophane story, you haue other particular names for them. Him vnder whom Ioseph was prisoner, som make Themosis; others, in er­rors of Chronologie, supposing Themosis to be the Pha­raoh drownd in the red Sea, and that, his fathers name q Manethon. apud Ioseph. adu. App. [...]. was Alisfragmuthosis. But later and more curious computation places the Israelites comming out of E­gypt vnder Armais Pharaoh; and Cedren vnder Petisson. He which took Sara is called Ioseph. Halo­seos 6. cap. 11. Nechias; and, in the Egyptian Annals of Manethon partly preserud in Io­sephus and Iulius African, enough such more occurre. After Salomons time they are remembred with the like in holy Writ; as in Pharaoh 2. Reg. cap. 23. Necho, Pharaoh Ierem. cap. 44. Cho­phra (the same perhaps which Herodotus calls Apries) and 2. Paralip. c. 11 Shisac the same with Sesostris, Sesoosis, or Sesoncho­sis. But the reason of that difference, vpon anothers credit (I will not warrant it) thus take. Hence is it (I interpret to you Iosephus Archaelog. lib. 8. cap. 2. his words) that Herodotus Halicarnasseus, when he tells of CCCXXX. Egyptian Kings succeeding after Menis that built Memphis, speaks not of their names, because they were all called Pharaohs. For [...]. when after them a Woman had the Crown, hee names her Nicaulé, because that of Pharaoh was only for Masles, not for feminin capacitie; wherfore it was requisit to giue her a speciall name. And I haue found in the stories of my own Country (remember he was a Iew) that after Pharaoh, Solomons Father 1. Reg. cap. 3. com. 1. in law, none of the Egyptian Kings were called any more by this name (vnderstand, by Pharaoh, without addition) and that, after him, that Wo­man came to Solomon, shee then being Queen of Egypt and Ethiop. For hir beeing Queen of Ethiop and E­gypt, it will perhaps be more hardly iustifiable, then the supposition of that Queen whom Herodotus remembers to bee coetaneall with Solomon. The Queen of Saba, me thinks, might best be referd to the Sabaeans in A­rabia Foelix. But, for that point, see specially Luis de [Page 74] Vretta his Ethiopique historie, in Spanish, lately pub­lisht; and our next chapter. Neither is Herodotus his [...] habet Herodotus Se­sostreos succes­sorem in quo sanè [...] Vesti­gia. Queen namd Nicaulé, but Nitocris. And, I am much deeciud, if that Moeris, which he remembers there in his Euterpe, bee not one of those CCC. XXX. whose names he rather omits, because of their want of memo­rable acts, then for Iosephus his reason, as the storie ea­sily perswades. The Ebrews write the name [...]; and deriuations are of it, but none worth trusting to. Som think it signified a King in the Egyptian idiom. [...], saith Iosephus, i. Pha­rao among the Egyptians signifies a King. So affirms African, others. And in Apomazars (rather Achmets) Onirocritiques, out of Egyptian monuments, that name often occurres, signifying plainly a King generally. Af­ter the Grecian Monarchie deuided among Alexanders great Courtiers, Ptolemy the sonne of Lagus took E­gypt and Afrique, and, from him, his successors were all calld Ptolemies with som other addition; as Ptole­my Philadelphus, Euergetes, Philopator, and such like: which gaue occasion of a foolish error in som, sup­posing, through communitie of name, that Ptolemy, the autor of the Quadripartit, was one of the Egyptian Kings, and Philadelphus; which Haly Aben Rodoan confutes against Albumazar and others. Indeed, hee was an E­gyptian of Pelusium, but liud vnder the Roman Empe­rors, which Haly thence proues because his hypotheses of the starres places in his Almagest, are of that time. Its certain, he was vnder the first Antonin, and a pri­uat man; but, as foolishly, calld Pheludianus in the translation of Haly, in steed of Pelusiacus. According to this continuance of a name in succession, are in a manner those Patronymiques of Achemenidae in the Persian Kings, Aleuadae in the Thessalian, Cecropidae in the Athenian, from Achemenes, Aleuas, Cecrops. So were the Danish Kings anciently titled Skioldungs from their [Page 75] great King Skiold. The French had their Merouings, the old Kentish Kingdom here its Oiscings, from Me­rouee and Oisca. But as to the Egyptians, Ptolemy, so a­mong the Amalekits, Agag was a name for euery Moses Ge­rundensis ap. Munster. ad Num. cap. 24. v. 1. Sam. cap. 15. 8. of their Kings, deriued into them from Agag the sonne of Amalek. For where in holy Writ, is found Haman the sonne of Hammadetha the Agagite, Iosephus calls him the Amalekite, and the Targ. 2. Esth. cap. 3. 1. Chaldé Targum [...] i. of the Posterity of Agag sonne of A­malec, which withall conuinces a peece of Apocrypha, where Haman is calld a Macedonian, in the letters of b Apoc. Esth. cap. 16. com. 8. Artaxerxes. Vnlesse you take it that Artaxerxes (A­hasuerush) liuing Eastward in Susa of Persia might call the more Western, but farre distant, parts of Asia, by the name of Macedon, as the Grecians did the Western Europaeans, Celts, and as the Constantinopolitans now doe, Franks or Latins, whereas those names in truth are of much narrower comprehension. If Artaxerxes let­ters had been writen after Alexanders conquests, that interpretation might haue been permitted the better. For since his time its well known that the Western Asia and Greece or Macedon are names confounded. The author of the first of the Macchabees cap. 1. saies that Alexander ouercame Darius King of the Medes & Persians, [...]. and raigned first in his steed in Greece. All men know, Darius raigned not in any Europaean Greece, therfore Asia may be vnderstood. For after Alexanders Domi­nion there, being a Greek, and his leauing it to Greci­ans or Macedonians (to this purpose, twixt them, is no difference) it became denominated from the Rulers Country. And hence may that in S. Marke cap. VIII. be best vnderstood: where a woman is affirmd to be [...] i. a Graecian a Syrophoenician; as if the Euangelist had said, of the Western part of Asia, a Syrophoenician. And in the I. Drus. ad Hasmon. cap. 1. & Praeterit. 2. Ebrew storie of later times [Page 76] [...] i. Greece is often vsed for Syria. Yet how this later vse can salue that of Esthers Apocrypha I conceiue not, vnlesse it be supposd that it being written in a newer age, the words of the time were inserted. The place rather may be thought corrupted: But this, out of the way. The Parthian Princes were from Arsaces, their first great Monarch, titled by his name with som other proper to euery particular. Cuius memoriae (saith Historiar. lib. 41. Iu­stin) hunc honorem Parthi tribuerunt vt omnes exinde Re­ges suos Arsacis nomine nuncupent. The Alban Kings in Italy had euery of them the addition of Sylulus, as you see in the Roman story. And the old Indian Kings Strabo Geo­graph. 15. & 12. had to their proper name alwaies added Palibothra, which was their chief City. Most of the Bithynian Kings were called Nicomedes. And, in steed of Caesar, it was purposd by Ataulph King of the Alexand. ab Alex. Genial. Dier. 1. cap. 2. Westgothes in Italy, that, posterity should call the Roman Emperors, by his name, Ataulphs; and after their King Flauius Antharis, all the succeeding Kings had that Paul. Warn­fred. de gest. Lon­gobard. 3. cap. 16 Fore-name. Vpon that of Lycophron,

Isaac Tzetzes notes that from this Cleta (an Amazon) all the Queens which raigned there afterward bare hir name. He means the City Cleta in the inferior Ca­labria. And the Princes of the Hagaren Ios. Scalig. Emendat. Temp. lib. 2. vide 2. Machab. cap. 5. Com. 8. Arabians had the common name of Areta. Of this kind, more may in ancientest story, be obseru'd. In later times the Con­stantinopolitan Emperors much affected to giue their children and themselues the great name of Constantine, not as imposd, but as an addition to the proper. Of a Constitution Circa Ann. DCXX. of Heraclius, thus begins the Preface. In the name of the Lord Iesus Christ, our God. Hera­clius and Heraclius [...]. Heraclius the Son is stiled New Constantine, being taken in as a partner of the Empire by his Father. And in the Monasterie [Page 77] of Suluna at Constantinople, is painted Michael Palaeologus and his Empresse Theodora, with three inscriptions, the one beeing (as Leunclaw Pandect. Tur­cic. cap. 51. remembers it, in Latine) thus conceiued:

And the Turks vse to call all those Constantinopolitan Emperors Constantins, as their name; but also Teggiur­lar in derision (Teggiur signifying a Lord of som small territorie) not thinking them in their later times wor­thy the name of Emperor. But this of Constantin was no otherwise then the Romans vsd the name of An­tonin. Ita n. nomen Antoninorum (saith Caracallâ. Spartian) inole­uerat vt velli ex animis hominum non posset: quòd omni­um pectora velut Augusti nomen obsederat. And Diadumeno, & Capitolin. in Opilio Macrino de hoc nomi­ne. Lam­pridius to the same purpose: Fuit tam amabile illis tem­poribus nomen Antoninorum, vt, qui eo nomine non niteretur, mereri non videatur imperium. Whereupon, it seems, was Seuerus his purpose Spartian. in Geta. grounded, that all his succes­sors should haue been calld Antonins as they were Augusti. And when Alexander Seuerus was by those turbulent acclamations vrged to the name of Antonin, he earnestly and often refused it, lest the very name might breed in them expectation of what hee should not in his Empire perform. It was a surname of the Arrian Family, and first in Pius when his grandfather (T. Arrius Antoninus) on his mothers side adopted him. But, when they had giuen him the surname of Pius, it grew to be his name thus: T. Antoninus Pins. Others in continued succession after bare it, and with affecta­tion, either in Forename, Name, or Surname, vntill the Maximins, and, as some of the old Writers would, till [Page 78] the Gordians; all deriuing the honor of it from Pius and Marcus. The Princes or Despots of Seruia, the Turkes call Lazars, from Lazar or Eleazar Bulk (these two being both one name) which first got that terri­torie vpon Donaw from Calchondyl. de reb. Turcic. lib. 6. & Leunclau. Pandect. Tur­cic. cap. 46. & 54 Lazarus ille vixit, A. M. CCC. XC. Stephen King of Bulgarie. As also somtimes Bulcoglar, i. the sonnes or posterity of Bulk, which the Seruians expresse, according to their Slauonique, Bulcouitz. So from Crates, the Bulgarian Princes were Crateuitz, as in like analogie, the Dalma­tian Cernonitz; the Albanian, Karolouitz, deriuing their title out of the French Carolin stock. But most of these proceed from the autors of the family or pre­decessors, and are rather Honorable from that priuat beginning, then notes of publique Maiestie. Therefore haue I briefly run them ouer, and come to such at­tributes which expressely interpret in particular Princes highest Honor or Greatnes. The French Kings haue anciently, as still, been known by that addition of Most Christian. When it began in them is vncertain. Som fetch it from Rome to Charlemaine. But so it should rather haue remaind in the Empire. Som referrè it to the Councell of Orleance, held, vnder K. Lewes or Clo­uis their first Christian King, about the yeer D. But there are no other words, to that purpose, then Domino Tom. 2. Concil. Aurel. 1. cap. 2. Suo, Catholico Ecclesiae Filio, Clodoueo gloriosissimo Regi, Omnes Sacerdotes quos ad Concilium venire iussistis. In-Indeed in S. Remigius or Remy's Flodoard. hist. Remens. 1. c. 18. Papam, hunc titulū, in Fer­dinandum v. Castellae Regem, transferre, in animohabuisse memorat, ex Comi [...]aeo, Mariana hist. Hispanic. lib. 26. cap. 12. Testament (he was first Archbishop of Rhemes) that Clouis is calld Christianis­simus Ludouicus, and was the first Christian K. of Great note and Empire, although this corner of the world, our Britain, aboue CCC. yeers before him had K. Lucius which was in Europe absolutely the first Christian K. that storie makes mention of, vnlesse, you think, Tiberi­us was so, because he somwhat inclin'd to Christianity, and perhaps had embraced it, had the Senat well likt it. Of him, see Tertullian and others since. To the [Page 79] French, diuers bulls of the Pope haue been anciently sent, stiling him with that title. And for the credit of that Nation in this kind, one that liu'd Agathias Hi­stor. [...]. aboue M. yeers since, affirms of them then that [...] i. they are all Christians and most Orthodoxall. He is also called the Eldest sonne of the Church, Filz aisné de l'esglise, which came to him, it seems, from that his predecessors were Emperors. For the Emperor Camden. in Reliq. was accounted Maior Fi­lius Ecclesiae, the K. of France, Filius Minor, and of Eng­land, Filius Tertius and Adoptiuus. Of these and par­ticular messages to him, in proof hereof, and such like, his own subiects Du Haillan, Hierom Bignon, Claudé Fau­chet, Du Tillet and others haue more. But it is also cer­tain that in letters from Rome our Soueraigns haue been titled with Christianissimus, which, it seems, was before custom had establisht it as proper to the French. The English Monarchs haue had, euer since Henry VIII. the title of Defender of the Faith. Hee in those awa­king times twixt Romanists and Lutherans, wrote a vo­lume against Luther in defence of Pardons, the Papacy and the supposed VII. Sacraments. Of this work the Originall is yet Francisc. Swert. in Delicijs Orb. Christ. remayning in the Vatican at Rome, and, with his own hand, thus inscribd.

whereupon saith Sleidan, Pontifex honorificum regi cog­nomen tribuit, Defensorem appellans Ecclesiae, which is the same with Defender of the Faith: And one, in his Io. Faber. O­rat habit. Londi­ni ad Reg. & Proceres. speech to Henry VIII. about holy Warres to bee vndertaken against Mahumedans, hath in, non frustra, diuino inspirante spiritu, hunc & talem titulum quem Rex nullus habet, adeptus es, vt Christianae Fideae Defensor [Page 80] scribaris, tenearis, & sis. It was giuen him about the XII. yeer of his raigne. Catholique is as a Surname to the Spanish King; which Pope Alexander VI. gaue as an inheritance to Ferdinand V. King of Castile and Ar­ragon. Obserue the Iesuit Mariana's relation. Ab A­lexandro Pontifice, saith he, Ferdinandus puellae pater (he was father to Ioan wife of Philip Archduke of Austira) CATHOLICI Cognomentum accepti in posteros cum regno trànsfusum stabili possessione. Honorum titulos Prin­cipibus diuidere Pontificibus Romanis datur. Erat in more vt in literis Apostolicis adscriberetur, REX CASTELLAe ILLVSTRI; Ergo deinde nouâ indulgentia adscribi placuit, REGI HISPANIARVM CATHOLICO, non sine Obtre­ctatione & invidia Regis Lusitani, quando Ferdinandꝰ imperio vniuersam Hispaniā non obtineret; eius tum non exiguâ parte penes Reges alios. Here then according to him was the beginning of it, as a title properly denominating and hereditarie, although Alfonso (sonne in law to Pelagi­us by marriage of his daughter Ormisinda) and Reca­red or Richard, Kings of West-gothique bloud, there long before enioyed it: the first, as a surname for his religi­on, and Martiall performance against the Maures, the other by acclamation in the III. Councell of Toledo. And in the old Roman Prouinciall, a Catalogue of Kings, is, expressing Rex Castellae, Rex Legionis, Rex Portugalensis, Rex Aragoniae, with diuers others of o­ther Territories, and then REX CATHOLICVS by that generall name. The Prouinciall was writen (I am sure my Copie was) before Alexander VI. yet I cannot vn­derstand who is there ment by Catholicus, except their King of Astures, whose Dynastie was ioynd about M. XX. with Castile. For Castile, Leon, Portugal, and Aragon are reckon'd beside, and that Alfonso about DCCXXX: had the Asturian Kingdom, and to him, most refer the originall of Catholicus. Diuers of the Constantino­politan Emperors were wont to haue, as part of their [Page 81] title Porphyrogenetes or Porphyrogenetus; for although there be one of them known by the speciall name of Constantine Porphyrogenetus: that is, hee which held part of his Empire with Alexander, about DCCCC. X. and was sonne to Leo VI. and whose admonitions of State, Constitutions, and Themata are yet extant and pub­lisht; yet plainly that was no name proper to him in particular. For he himself calls other De admini­strando Rom. Imp. cap. 45. Fi­lium item Ro­manum in libri titulo hoc no­mine com­pellat. [...]. And Basilius his Nouels are yet extant, being before them the same name. So E­manuel Comnenus in his inscription, to the Western Emperor Conrad III. vses it. And, in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, is a Ms. written some L. yeers since by a Cretan Scribe in Paris, a worke of one Iohn Camaterus about Iudiciary Astrologie, with this inscip­tion; [...] Quid sit [...] haùt inter do­ctos satis con­stat. Maximae sanè dignitatis Officium fuisse liquet, & à Ma­gno Conto­staulo secun­dū: tametsi le cum eius igno­tum tradit Georg. Codinus; ad quem con­sulas Fr. Iuniū. Sed Gregentij verba, Meursio citata, perpen­das, & Cancella­rium fuisse for­tè non iniuriâ dixeris. Si de Loco testimo­nium quaeris, adi Iuris Grae [...]o-Romani lib. 2. p. 184. v. Radeuic. de gest. Frederic. 1. lib. 1. cap. 47. [...]. Who this Camaterus was, or to what Emperor he wrote I confesse I cannot tell: but it appears hee took this title so fit that, vsing only but the name of Emperor besides, he thought it Tittle sufficient for his dedicati­on. Yet you must not take it as solely proper to the Emperors. To diuers of the neerer bloud imperiall its found attributed. Iohn Palaeologus, nephew to Androni­cus, first Emperor of that both name and family, is cal­led Curopalat. de Offic. Constant. the sonne of Porphyrogenetes. So Constantius, sonne to Constantine Ducas hath it in the Lady Anna Com­nena hir Alexias. This Lady Anne was daughter to A­lexius Comnenus the Emperor, and wrote hir fathers acts and affairs of Warre and State, in the later and corrupted idiom of the Greeks. Hir copies being very corrupt and maimed. She is also in the title of hir book stiled Anna Porphyrogennetes. Thomas, brother to their last Emperor Constantin surnamd Dragasis, in a confir­mation Turco-Graec. lib. 4. Ep. 50. of a sale of lands, subscribes himself with it. [Page 72] More examples occurre in George Phranzes, and others. The reason of the name, learned men haue mist. But it is plain, in truth, that it comes from a Palace, built (as Luitprand. Hist. 1. cap. 2. some say, by Constantine the Great) chiefly to this end, that there the Empresses should be deliuerd and keep the solemnities of Childbirth. The Lady Anne whom I rememberd shall iustifie it. She speaking of Robert Guiscards death (hee is alwayes calld, in her storie, Rompert) and her fathers Triumph, wherein hee returnd to Constantinople: saies that there he found Irene the Empresse, her mother, in trauell in a house ancient­ly appointed for the Empresses childbirth. [...] (saith Alexiados l. 6. shee) [...], i. They call that house, from ancient time, Porphyra whence the name of the Porphyrogeniti Latinè in Porphyra geniti. came into the world. With her herein, expressely agree Constantin Manasses, and Luitprand; and a place in Anastasius touching Constantin VII. de­priud of his eyes by his ambitious mother Irene. In­cluserunt cum (are the words) in domo Pupureâ, in qua & natus est. Hereto I doubt not but speciall allusion is in that of a Greek Io. Euchai­tens. in Hypom­neum. [...]. Poet, although a Bishop, yet writing in a courtly form of Flatterie, to Zoe, Empresse and wife to Coustantin Monomachus about M. L. of Christ:

and so, Anna Comnena calls her selfe [...], for she was born in that Palace. Briefly [...], or [...], in Purpura natus, i. born in the place so called are all one, and assumd by such as were there born. Neither is any question to be made of this reason of the name, although Pontanus (who for the Orientall story hath well deserud) still leaues it as a doubt; not vnderstanding Nicetas Hist. 5. Tme­mat. 6. Ponta­nus verò ad Phranz. l. 1. c. 6. de hac re du­bitat, & Uulca­nius ad The­mata Constan­tini quod mi­ror. Diù verò est cum doctis­simus Cuiacius rem doctè teti­gerit Obseru. 6. cap. 9. Cho­niates, [Page 73] where he speaks of the Empresses being neer her time of deliuery, and addes that [...], [...]. the Palace Porphyra was prepard to receiue the Birth. But Pontanus turns Porphyra by purpura, as if it were for Purple cloth, in such a sense Claudian de Nupt. Honorij & Mariae. as in that

which I the rather cite because out of it, the reason perhaps of the imposition of that name on the Pa­lace, may be had. If the Emperors issues at the birth were receiued in Purple cloth (as it seems they were; others Ceion. Posthum in Epistola a­pud Iul. Capito­lin. in Clod. Albi­no Filius mihi natus est, ita Candidus sta­tim toto cor­pore, vt lintea­men, quo ex­ceptus est, vin­ceret. children in other colours) what could bee more proper in translation, then to giue the name of that speciall kind, wherein at the first instance of their infancie, they were receiud, to the place appointed only for that receipt? And howeuer it be supposd that the Phoenician Hercules first finding out the pleasing colour of Purple by the Dye of his Dogs mouth, that had bitten the fish whence it is, gratified his Sweet-heart with it; yet a tradition is mongst the Grecians, that he presented it to the King of Phoenicia, who by edict prohibited all but Mich. Glycas Annal. par. 2. cap. de Turris extructione. himself to weare the colour, whence the beginning of it as proper to Greatnes (our Scarlet g Iul. Pollux. Onomastic. 1. c. 3 being now its successor) is deriued. In the Preface to Camaterus his Astrologie;

Where in like sense as in the other testimonies, a com­pound is made of Porphyra. The Princes, Dukes, or Kings of Moscouy were calld, they say, anciently white Kings, or white Princes. Credo autem (saith Sigismund) vt Persam nunc propter rubea tegumenta capitis Kissilpassa, id est ru­beum [Page 84] caput vocant: ita illos propter alba tegumenta, Albos appellari. But I remember Muscouy is calld Rus­sia Alba, and Poland Russia Nigra; there may be the names originall. But Gaguin giues the reason, quod in­colae omnium Regionum ipsius imperio subiectarum, vestibus albis & pileis plerun (que) vtantur.

CHAP. V.

OVt of Europe wee come into Afrique and Asia where also, the Grand Signior, notwithstanding his Court and residence at Constantinople is fittest to be placed. But first, of that Ethiopian Emperor or Prince of the Abyssins, which is commonly titled Prester John, and, in Latine, Presbyter Ioannes, as if it were Priest Iohn. But, by testimonie of Zaga Zabo an Ethiopian Embassador to the last Emanuel K. of Portugal, the name is corrupted from Precious Gian. For his Ethiopique thus expresses it. [...] [...] i. Gian Belul, quod sonat (saith the translation publisht by Damian à Goes) Io­annes Belul, hoc est Ioannes preciosus, siue altus; Et in [Page 76] Chaldaica lingua, Ioannes Encoe: id, si interpreteris, etiam Ioannis Preciosi siue alti significatum habet, so that Gian Belul is of their true Ethiopian tongue, which they vse in common speech, not that which is spoken and writen in their Liturgies and holy exercises, and known, mongst them, by the name of Chaldè; but, more specially, stiled [...] Giaein i. Libertie, quod nimirùm (as the noble Scaliger yeelds the reason) eâ solâ vte­rentur Arabes illi victores, qui Aethiopiam insiderunt. For he most learnedly (as in all things els) deriues them thither from the Abasens in Arabia, whence Sept. Seue­rus had his denomination of Arabicus, as in one of his Hub. Goltz. Thes. pag. 129. Coins appears, inscribd with [...], of whom mention is made by Ap. Stephan. [...]. in [...]. Vranius, an old author of Ara­bique affairs, placing them in Arabia foelix, which hap­pily salues their deriuing themselues from Melech son to Salomon (as they fable) by Zaga Zabo ap. Damian. à Goes. Maqueda the Queen of the South. For, where v. Psal. 72. Com. 10. Saba is, were those Abassenes, whence the Latines haue their Sabaei and Tura Sabaea. Thus, mee thinks, those things concurre as it were to make vp on both sides that truth, at which learned men haue been very purblind. And, by likelyhood how should they fitter haue a speciall tongue for their wri­tings and holy ceremonies vtterly differing from their vulgar, then by being transplanted out of some other Nation, and bringing it thither with them? there bee­ing in it also a mixture of Ebrew, Chaldê, & Arabique; but it is, by them, calld Chaldè, whereupon Zaga Za­bo saith that Helen one of their Empresses wrote two books of Diuinitie in Chaldé, and tells vs furthermore that their Prince is not properly stiled Emperor of the Abassins but of the Ethiopians. The Arabians cal them Terra Hha­bas, Ethiopia. Ben [...]min. Tude­lens, Itinerar. pag. 101. Elhabasen from the same reason, as we Abassins; but they are known to themselues only by the name of Ithiopiawians. Of this Belul Gian, is made that Beldigi­an, by which, Luis de Vretta a Spanish Frier saies, they [Page 77] call their Emperor. But Bodin notes in his margine to his 1. de Rep. cap. IX. that his name is Iochabellul i. gem­ma pretiosa, as he saies. I cannot but preferre the testi­mony of Zaga Zabo an Ethiopian Priest, which in this could not deceiue. But plainly as the name of Pres­byter Ioannes is idly applied to him, so it had its cause vpon another mistaking. For, in the trauails of such as first discouerd to any purpose those Eastern States (as they were of later time) is mention Pol. Venet, l. 1. cap. 51. & seq. Ioh. de Pla­no Carpini. c. 5. & Will, de Ru­bruquis. Itine­rar. made of one Vncham or Vnchan a great Monarch in those parts where now the G [...]eat Cham or Chan of Cathay hath his Dominion; and him, they call Presbyter Ioan­nes; and write that one Cinchis, whom they fained to haue been begotten on a poore widow by the Sunne beames, as chosen King among the Tartars rebelling a­gainst this Vncham, ouercame him; and, from this Cin­chis the Tartarian Monarchie hath its originall. And some more particulars of it you haue in the life of S. Lewes of France, written by De Ionuille, a noble Baron of France, that was with him in the holy warres. Hee calls him in his French Prebstre Iehan. This relation is of about M. C. XC. and hath made the readers con­found the corrupted names of both Princes, twixt whom, too great distance was to haue the one deriud from the other. And some Aloys. Cada­must. Nauigat. cap. 60. & Lud. Vartomann. Nauigat. 2. cap. 15. vide, si pla­cet, Gerardi Mercatoris Geographiam. trauellers into those parts, haue expressely deliuerd them both as one. But the Diuine Scaliger teaches, that, the Asiatique Vncham and his predecessors were calld [...] Prestigiani, that is, in Persian, Apostolique, and so had the name of Padescha Prestigiani, i. Apostolique King, because of his Religion (being a Kind of Christian, as Beldigian is al­so) which, in Ethiopique-Chaldé must be exprest by Ne­gush Chawariawi. Doubtles the community of sound twixt Prestigiani, Presbyter, and Precious Gian was a great cause of this error, which, vntill the Portugalls further acquaintance with the Ethiopians, alwayes pos­sest [Page 88] Europe. But I wonder how the learned Mun­ster was so much in this matter deceiud, that hee sup­poses the Ebrew Epistle printed in his Cosmographie, beginning [...] i. Ego Pristijuan, to be as sent from the Ethiopian Emperor; especially sith hee took notice of both the Asiatique and African Prince abusd in the name of Presbyter Ioannes. The Prestigians affirming in it, that Thomas the Apostle was buried in his country, makes plain enough that it came from the Eastern parts, if not counterfeited. The title likewise is much differing from what the Beldigian vses I will onely adde one example out of Beldigian Dauid his Letters to Damian. à Goes. Pope Clement VII. in Latine thus: In Nomine Dei &c. Has literas is ego Rex mitto, cuius nomen Leones Venerantur & Dei gratia vo­cor Athani Tinghil (that is, the Frankincense of the Virgin) Filius Regis Dauid, filius Solemonis, filius de ma­nu Mariae, Filius Nau per carnem, filius Sanctorum Pe­tri & Pauli per gratiam, Pax sit tibi iuste Domine, &c. The like is in diuers Letters thence to the Kings of Portugall. But, for that name of Cham in the Tartari­an Empire, it signifies Lord or Prince, and that Cinchis, or Cangius, Cingis, or Tzingis (for by these names he is known) was calld Cinchis Cham his sonne and succes­sor Hoccota Cham, or rather Chahan or Chan; although a Matth. à Mic­how de Sarmat. Asian. lib. 1. c. 8. Polonian, which seemd to haue much knowledge in that his neighboring country, long since deliuerd thus: Imperator eorum (Tartarorum) Ir Tli Ki lingua ipsorum, hoc est, liber homo dicitur. Dicitur & Vlu Cham quod sonat Magnus Dominus, siue Magnus Impe­rator. Vlu n. magnus, Cham vero Dominus & Imperator est. Eundem aliqui magnum Dog. Impe­rator Canis di­ctus est, vbi (que) Odorico in I­tinerario, & I. de Plano Carpi­ni. Canem dixerunt, & male interpretati sunt, quia Vlu Cham non significat magnum Canem: Cham etenim cum aspiratione Dominum & Im­peratorem: Et Cam, sine aspiratione, cruorem & nunquam canem sermone Tartarorum designat. For the translation [Page 89] of Haithon Ar [...] floruit Mona­chus sub A. 1290. C [...]r [...]h [...]nus item dictus, & Antonius. Haithon the Armenian out of French into Latine by Salconi, A. M. CCC. VII. hath vsually Can not Cham. And the Turkish, which is but Tartarian, interprets Prince by Chan, not Cham; and Chanoglan, with them, is the Sonne of the Prince or Lord. Yet in Chambalu i. the Court of the Tartar, the m is well permitted, be­cause of pronunciation. The Turks also call this Em­peror Vlu Chan in the same signification as à Michow hath written, neither do their Grand Signiors abstain from this title of Chan. Amurad or Morad the III. vsd it ordinarily thus: Sultan Murad Chan bin Sultan Selim Chan elmuzaferu daima i. Lord Murath Prince, sonne to Lord Selim Prince, alwaies Victorious. Where note, with Pandect. Tur­cic. cap. 3. & hist. Musulma­nic. 2. Leunclaw, the agreement of their Alwaies victorious with semper Augustus, semper innictus. In their Ottomanique line is one Carachan (Kara Han in R. Zaccuth) sonne of Cutlugeck, which had hence, that last part of his name. And in those great Epist. Petr. Arch. Russiae ap. Matth. Paris pag. 875. irruptions of the Tartars, about the beginning of the Othomanique Empire, occurre the names of Great Princes, Tartar Chan, Thesyr Chan, Chuis Chan, and such more. But a­mongst them diuers are m [...]printed with Than for Chan, and one is called Chiarthan, which I doubt not but should be Chiar or Car Chan. So in Friossart, you haue Lamorabaquin, plainly for Almurath Chan, and, in De Ionuille, Barbaquan Verùm & Aggeres Mili­tares, idioma­te illo Opien­tali, Barbicanae dictae (vnde forsan illud nomen.) Al­bert Aquens. hist. Hicrosolym. 6. cap. 10. Emperor of Persia, whose last termination is perhaps this Chan. Constantin De administ. Rom. Imper. cap. 40. Por­phyrogenetus speaking of som Turks which anciently planted themselues in the Eastern part of Europe, [...]ies, that ouer them as Iudges were two Princes calld Gy­las and Carchan. But, saith hee, Gylas and Carchan are not [...] i. not proper names, but Dignities. What Gylas is, I confesse, I haue not yet learnd, but my author affirms that it is [...] i. greater then Carchan. Vnlesse perhaps in bold deri­uation it might be fetcht from the Turkish word Giul est Rosa Turcicè. Megi­ser. Lexic. Tur­cico-Latin. Gu­zel [Page 90] i. Faire. For why might not one ghesse, that Gylas may com from som such an etymon seeing that Carchan is Cara-chan i. Black Prince or Lord in that language, as all agree. Faire, as well as Black might denominat. Yet, of it, I dare put no assertion. There was a large Terri­torie whence those Turks came, calld Will. de Ru­bruq. in Itinera­rio. Cara-Cathay i. Black Cathay. But I cannot, out of that, see reason for the name of Cara-Chan. Why might not it interpret praefectus Vrbis? a place of high note in the old Roman State. For in that Sarmatian or Scythian (mixt with Turkish) language which held largest Territories in A­sia, Car, or Carm (as, in our British, Caer, and in Ebrew Kiriath) signified a Citie, if you beleeu the testimony of a later Io. Tzetzes Chiliad 8. cap. 224. floruit sub Eman. Com­neno circa 1170. Grecian, telling vs that Maeotis (the now Mar delle Zabache) is calld in Scythian, Carpaluc i. the City of Fishes, and thus expressing it in his Politique verse:

i. Karm, in Scythian, is a Citie, and Palue, Fishes. Indeed the Turks at this day call a Citie Scheher, which is neer Car. But, this conceit hardly holds. You know Pliny Hist. Nat. 6. cap. 7. teaches that the Scythians calld it, Temerinda, quod significat (saith he) matrem Maris; and at this day the Turks name the Mare Maggiore (the old Pontus Euxi­nus) next to the Mare delle Zabache, Caradinizi i. the black Sea, which perhaps, being so in Tzetzes his time, may help iustifie the name of Carpaluc, in or neer Delle Za­bach. But in these and the like, till I can truly instruct my self, I remain a Sceptique. Howsoeuer, that name of Carchan was of great dignitie also, but not supreme among the Persians. For I imagine their title of Carderiga corrupted (as it falls out) in our Western idioms, to be the same. Cardarigas (saith an Landulph. Sagax Hist. 17. ancient) non est nomen Proprium, sed Dignitas maxima apud Per­sas, speaking of the self same, which Theophilact Simo­catta [Page 91] (he liud vnder Heraclius A. DC. XXX.) names [...] Cardarigan. [...] (saith Maurician. hist. [...]. cap. [...]. he) [...]. i. This is a dignity of the Parthians (you may with him here confound Par­thians and Persians.) And the Persians loue to be calld by their Dignities, in some sort disdaining those names im­posd on them at their Births. He vses Cardarigan in the first case, which is neer Charchan, and perhaps ill turnd into Chardarigas by the Iesuit Pontan. I ghesse the self same to be that Officiall Dignitie of Chanaranges, re­memberd in De bello Per­sic. [...]. Procopius; and the Armenian that was in the Roman Camp vnder Narses, Iustinians Lieute­nant, cald Agathias hist. Tom. [...]. & [...]. [...] Chanaranges, may well bee sup­posd to haue had that name only according to Simo­catta's relation of the Persian custom: And what is (Zamergan [...] or [...]) that greatest Prince of the Hunns in Iustinians time but Zamer or Zaber Chan? Plainly Chaganus or Chaianus occurring in Si­mocatta, Landulphus Sagax, Cedren, Callistus, and others, is nothing but Chan. So is that Princeps Hunnorum Capcanus in the life of Monach. En­golism. vit. Carol. Magni. Charlemain. But I wonder at that in Frier William de Rubruiquis, where he saith, Can nomen dignitatis, quod idem est qui Diuinator. Omnes Di­uinatores vocant Can. Vnde Principes dicuntur Can quia penes eos spectat regimen populi per Diuinationem. Vnlesse you read Dominatores & Dominationem, I vnderstand not why hee saies so. Hee was in those parts A. Chr. M. CC, LIII. But questionles, Cedren well knew the signification of Chan in writing, that the Emperor Theo­philus [...] Georg. Ce­dren. pag 433. [...] 1. receiud an Embassage from the Chagan or Chan of Chazaria: as if hee had said the King or Prince of Chazaria. This Chazaria or Gazaria, is that which the ancients call Taurica Chersonesus, almost inisled by the Seas Delle Zabache and Maggiore. For the Asiatique Sarmatians [Page 92] or Scythians which Simocat. Mau­ric. hist. 7. cap. 8. & Agathias. lib. 5. anciently vnder Iustinian planted themselues about the Riuer Donaw, and in this Cherso­nesse, calld their Prince, as in their own country lan­guage, a King or Lord was stiled. And Chersonesus Taurica hodié (que) (saith Leunclaw) habet suos Chahanes. The word is rather Tartarian, then Slauonique, although, I see, great men say it is Windish, that is, Slauonique. But those tongues are much mixt, doubtles with each o­ther. Those ancient Tartars, and the Northern Scythi­ans by them, in that large Tract from the East of Asia euen to the Riuer Don (anciently calld Tanais) had long before the Tartarian Empire of Tzingis, their Em­perors honord with that title of Vlu Chan, which per­haps is but corrupted in him they call Vmchan. For a­boue M. yeers since, one of most large territorie in those parts, thus inscribes his letters to Maurice the Roman Emperor. [...]. i. To the Emperor of the Romans the Vlu Chan (or Great Chan) Lord of se­uen Nations and Ruler of the seuen Climats of the World. So my autor Theophil. Si­mocat. hist. [...]. expresses it in Greek, but by all likely­hood the originall calld him, as they do now the Em­peror there, Vlu Chan. In the Scaligeran family or De la Scala, deriud from the house of Verona (being by origi­nall Gotthique) one of the line is calld Canis, which, they say, had from Ios. Scalig. de vita Iulij, in Epist. ad Ian. Douzam. this word vsd in Slauonique its beginning. In the Great Chans Seale (as Frier Iohn de Plano Carpini, that was sent Embassador into those parts by P P. Innocent IV. in M. CC. XLVI. affirms) was wri­ten this interpreted. Deus in Caelo & Cuine Cham su­per Terram; Dei Fortitudo. Omnium Hominum Impera­toris sigillum. And his Ap. Vincent. in Epecul. lib. 32. cap. 28. title was vsually Dei Fortitudo, omnium hominum Imperator. And Simocatta remembers more anciently a Prince of those parts which they v [Page 93] sed to call Et Nicephor. Callist. hist. Ec­clesiast. lib. 18. cap. 30. Taisan, that is (take it vpon his credit) the sonne of God. In Turkish or Tartarian, I think Tan­geroglan is the same. But of Cham, Chan, or Chahan thus much. Diuers of the titles vsd in the Northern A­frique, and vnder the Grand Signior, are the same; the Princes there being either out of one root and na­tion, or, at least deriuing themselues so. In the begin­ning of the Mahumedan Empire in Bagded and Da­mascus, Mahumed's successors were calld Chaliphs. This Bagded is not Babylon (as many erroniosly think) but the old Geograph. Arabs ap. Sca­lig. Can Isagog. lib. 3. & Plin. lib. 5. cap. 26. Seleucia seated neer the confluence of Eu­phrates and Tygris, new built by Abugepher Almant­zor Chaliph there, about DCC. LX. after our Sauiours birth; and, by the Doctrine of Triangles, if Ptolemy deliuer their Longituds and Latituds right, making Babylon Longitud LXXIX. Latitud XXXV. and Seleu­cia Long. LXXIX, Scrup. XX. Lat. XXXV. Scrup. XL. then is the old Babylon and this Bagded distant about XLIV. English miles; if you put nee [...]e LX. of our miles to euery Degree of Latitude. But Beniamin Ben-Iona, who saw and obserud them both, saies they are di­stant but XXX. miles. Whil'st the Chaliphat remaind vndeuided, this was the suprem and sole title of him which as successor to Mahumed, had Dominion ouer Syria, Assyria, Arabia, Aegypt, Afrique and Persia; Afterward about the yeer of Christ DCCC. LXVIII. Syria and Egypt was taken from the Chaliph of Bagded, by Abrah. Zac­cuth in Chronic. Caeterùm de primo Apud Aegyptios Cha­lipha Consulē ­dus Will. Arch. Tyrius Hist. Ec­ctes. 19. cap. 19. & 20. & Iacob. de Vitriaco lib. 1. cap. 8. Achmad Ben-Tolon, assuming to him­self the dignity of Caliph of Egypt, The chief Caliph's Amirs also and Lieutenants, constituted in Africa, reuolting tooke the Name: and those which in Spain about Iustinian. Rhinotmetus his time, planted themselues, as it seems, likewise. Between M. CC. XL. and IX. The Caliphat in Bagded and Egypt ended. That of Bagded ended in Musthaitzem, when those numerous Theophan. ap. Constant. Por­phyrog. cap. 21. armies of Tartars (out of whom the Turkes are) ouer­ran [Page 94] most part of Asia. And the Mamaluchs (that is, a kind of Equestris Ordo, or Militarie Tenants or ser­uants of State; as the Ianizaries in Turky or the Ti­mariots.) got the supremacie in Egypt. An old Monk speaking of the Tartars Matth. Paris pag. 1278. victories ouer the Saracens, Arabians, and the rest of Asia vnder the Caliphat, saies facti (que) sunt eisdem Tartaris multitudo Gentium in Tribu­tum, Soldani videlicet, Admirabiles, & Principes, etiam Caliphi. Where he comprehends three of their speciall titles (although somwhat mistaking in one) and there­fore the rather I added his words. But the meaning of this of Caliph is, out of its interpretation, Successor or Vicar, although Megiser in his Turcico-Latin Dictiona­ry, turnes it Princeps. Chalipha (saith the Canon. Isagg. lib. 3. great Scali­ger) est Vicarius, & ita vocari Vicarios Praefecti Praetorij nihil impediret, si quidem Arabicè appellandi essent. Sed quum Naib idem sit quod Chalipha tamen Pontifices soli dicti sunt Chaliphae, Legati autem & vice Principum Prouincias regentes vocantur Naibin, vt Naib Essam, Legatus Syriae. And, hoc nomine (saith Beniamin Ben-Iona, who, during the Chaliphat at Bagded, was there) Caeteris omnibus Ismaelitis Regibus (so Arias translates him) suspiciendus venerabilis (que) habetur: Praeest n. omni­bus illis vt summus quidam omninum Pontifex. The name then as it signified successor, in supremacie was proper to the Sultan or chief Emperor, and as it respected Mahumed; withall it was communicated, it seems, to subiects, that were Mahumeds Priests. For in Cantacu­zen's orations against the Alcoran, hee speakes of one of their Doctors, which being dead was found with a Crucifix about him, by reason whereof the Mahume­dans would not bury him where they vsed to lay [...] i. their Chaliphs, and said that the Doctor was [...] i. a Caliph by dignitie, which I interpret a Priest or Vicar among them. But perhaps Cantacuzen means the Caliph of the Egyptian State, [Page 95] vnder the Mameluchs (for that was in his time) which indeed should by right haue had the Sultans place, but at the inauguration of a new Sultan the Chaliphs mongst them vsd for fashions sake to make a solemn and imaginarie sale or resignation of the Chaliphat (that is the true right of being Emperor) to that Sultan, who of the Mameluchs, or by their autority was to succeed. By Legat. Baby­lonicae lib. 3. Peter Martyr its thus exprest: A summo eorum Pon­tifice Mammetes confirmatur. Habent n. & ipsi snmmum Pontificem, ad quem huius imperij machina, si Aegyptij ho­mines essent, pertineret, (for the Mameluchs were origi­nally Christians Apostataes; first taken vp as the Iani­zaries) Ius suum, vt caeteri consueuere, Mammeti Cairi Regiam tenenti, M. Pounds in our monie. trium millium auri drachmarum pretio Pontifex vendidit. Is CALIFFAS dicitur. E tribunali, Soldano stanti pedibus, vitae necis (que) liberam potestatem prae­stat. Ipse descendit seipsum spoliat, Soldanum Imperaturum induit: abit priuatus, permanet in imperio Mammetes. He speaks of the inauguration of one of their Sultans, Ma­homet or Mahumed whom he cals Mammetes. Yet the Chaliph there retaind his name still, and continued af­terward as high Priest to the Sultan. For Martin à Baumgarten speaking of the presence of their Sultan, and stately attendance of XX. M. Mameluchs, saies that not farre from the Sultan or Soldan, sedebat loco depres­siore Papa eius, quem ipsi CALIPHA Nominant. And mongst the Persians at this day some inferior Cartwright. Peregrinat. Priests are calld Caliphs, subiect to their great Mustadeini. And to one of them the inauguration of the Sophi (hereto­fore in Cafe, now in Casbin or Hispaan) belongs, as mongst the Mameluchs it did to the Aegyptian Sultan. And a like form of an imaginarie Caliphat at Bagded since the Tartarian state began, as that of Egypt or Cair was, is reported by Writers Pandect. Tur­cic. cap. 237. of those parts. Yet both in regard of the Spirituall succession (if that word may be allowd mongst those wicked impostures) as well as [Page 96] of the Temporall, the supreme Sultans bare it, whervp­on Roderic. To­letan. lib 7. cap. 10. Matth. Pa­ris pag. 170. Robert. Mona­chus. Hist. Hiero­solym. 6. alij. old Writers interpret Chalipha by Papa expresly, knowing they had both challenged the title of Su­preme Vicar. And the Persian Sophi also hath as Vicar or successor to Ali the disposition of all his Churchmen, as if he himself were ecclesiasticall. And an­ciently the Caliph of Bagded is Seig. de Io­nuille Chroniq. de S. Loys, chapit. 74. stiled L'Apostole des Sar­razins. And, although the Othomanique be not of Ma­humed but meere Turkish, yet the Sultans of it haue v­sed the title of Caliph; so expresly affirms Leunclaw of Amurad III. whose Letters to Rodulph 11. hee had seen contain it, and Osmanicis (saith he, vsing that word for the Othomaniques) persuasum est principem suum esse Caliphen huius seculi. It was discontinued in the two Selguccian Hist. Musul­uanic. 1. Families, but by the Oguzian, whence the present Othomanique is, renewd; and vsed, and in the ve­ry infancie of their rule was affected by them. Its iu­stified by this imperfect title of Orchan Giazi (sonne to the first Othoman) his Letters to the States of the Adam Myri­muth. Chronic. Angl. Ms. Saracens in Afrique and Spain, for their innasion of the Christian Spain, writen about M. CCC. XL. and translated by a Captiue Saracen into Latin, and thence into Spa­nish, and afterward into French, & sent in certain Let­ters of State intelligence to our K. Edward III. I will not alter a letter otherwise then my Ms. author di­rects me. De moy GOLDIFA, vn ley EXERIF, SAV­DAN, seignior sages fort & puissant Seignior de la me­sen de Mek du seint hautesse & en la sue saint vertu fesant Iustices hauts & basses, constreignant sur toux con­streignants, seignior du Railm di Turky & de Percye, re­tenour des terres de Hermenye, seignior de la [...] Dobble & de les dobbles de la mere meruailouse, per ceinor de les feb­les ore auutz en laseint ley Mahomet, seignior de la fort espee de Elias & de Dauid que tua—my book instructs me no further, but is here torn. But without doubt, that Goldifa is but Chalipha. How easily the difference [Page 97] comes, any man may see. I haue faithfully transcribd it, but confesse, I vnderstand not all the words in it. The matter is apparant. The word Chaliph is deriud into Arabique from the Ebrew [...] which, with diffe­rence of dialect is the same in Syriaque, and properly signifies vice or [...]. For, where in S. Matthew cap. 11. it is rememberd that Archelaus reigned [...] i. in stead of Herod, the Syriaque hath [...] Che­alaph Herodes. In Arabisme it is [...] Chaliph i. (saith Raphalengius) Successor, Vicarius. Imperator. And the Persian Sophi hath vsd this title. The first, Schach Ismael, on one side of his Coins had stampt Ismael Ca­liph Millah i. Ismael the successor or Vicar of God. Why in those letters, he is calld Un ley exarif, I wholly conceiue not. But plainly that of Exarif is the title of Xeriph or Sheriph, which is somtimes put in their stiles. Notum (saith the painfull and learned Pandect. cap. 3. Leunclaw) quan­to sint apud Mahumetanos in honore qui recta linea tam a Propheta Mahumete, quod ab Ali Mahumetis genero, descendunt, aut se fingunt descendere. Hi Turcis Tartaris­que SEITHI vulgo dicuntur, Arabibus autem SERI­PHAE: quos maximâ sane veneratione at (que) obseruantia quum prosequantur, etiam ipsi Sultani SERIPHARVM Idem est quod Iariffe in Litt. Im­peratoris Ma­roci, Hispa­nicè editis ab Hackluito Tom. 2. part. 2. pag. 118. & 119. adpellatione velut Augustiores se reddere volunt. The word interprets High or Noble. The late publisht Le­xicon thus: [...] Sheriphun. Celsus, llustris, incly­tus, nobilis, Augustus. But, to make Seriph equiualent in analogie with Syncellus, which was the next degree in Constantinople to the Patriarch, and to haue like regard to Chaliph (as some haue done) is but, I think a piece of Graecian vanitie. The name Saudan is there, what els­where is often Soldan, but should be prorounced Sul­tan. And the Grand Signior is somtimes stiled Sultan Olem i. Lord of the World. But Sultan is vsually in his stile, and signifies only Dominus most properly. [...] in Eccles. cap. 8. com. 4 est po­tentia, siue Do­miniū â [...] i. Dominari. & Com. 8. [...] Potens, siue Dominus. [...] Sultan i. Rector or Dominus. And, as in [Page 98] Rome, the Salutations were by Domine, so in Turkey they say Sellam aleich Sultanu i. Peace be to you Sir, as Georgiuitz deliuers. The word occurres in Writers both Greek and Latine of later times, very often. The Latins haue it Saladinus somtimes. In Letters from Selim the II. to the state of Venice, sent about M. D. LXX. of Christ, and written in most barbarous Crus. Turco-Graec. lib. 4. E­pist. 60. Greek, thus is he stiled: [...] with a large reckoning vp of Prouinces and Dominions, [...]. i. Sultan Selim Prince of Constantinople, New Rome &c. Lord and King of what is comprehended in our sight vnder the Sunne. That Aphentes is but a cor­rupted word from [...], which the later Grecians call [...] i. a Lord or such like; their custom being vsuall in proper names and diuers other words, to make the termination in [...]. In Letters lately sent from Achmet the now Grand Signior, to the States of the Low Countries, he is only stiled Sultan Achmet Cham; as the English Copie speaks, and in their Coins the attribute of Honor is Sultan only. But most commonly their Titles were wont to bee exceeding copious of attributes, with which or the like they now vse to ouer-load those Princes to whom they write; whereof in the end of this Chapter, more. To Selim the first his statue, in his sonne Solymans Bed­chamber was added Lonicer. Chronic. Tom. 1. lib. 1. an inscription, thus exprest in Latine, Soldanus Selimus Ottomanus, Rex Regum, Dominus Omnium Dominorum, Princeps omnium Principum, Filius & Nepos Dei. But Sultan is not proper solely to the Grand Signior. As most of the other names, and the like in other States, it is communicated. Hee stiles himself somtime Amir also, i. a Lord or Prince. In Arabisme [...]. I know this is oft giuen most anciently to Chaliphs and Lieutenants, and such like, and is at this day to others. Of Vide supra pag. 49. Et cap. vlt. lib. secun­di. Amirs more anon. But it [Page 99] being put with the maiestique addition of Great, only signifies the Grand Signior. A Persian and a Mahume­dan, Sampsat. Sphach. Musul­man. Epist. ad Melet. Mona­chum. liuing neer the beginning of the Ottomanique Em­pire, calls all Turkey i. The Coun­try of the Great Amir. [...]. And [...] alone is found in the Lady Anne hir Alexias, Phranzes and such more; and Cedren, speaking of A­bubachar the first successor of Mahumed, saies that [...] i. He was Amir 11. yeers and a half, and then died. At this name, Matthew Paris ghest in his Admirabiles, other in their Admiralli, Ammiralli, and the like, which the autors of the holy warres are full of, & Admiraulx, as De Ionuille alwayes cals them. But the most ancient and proper title they vsd is with addition thus: Amir-elmumunin i. Rex Orthodoxorum, or Fidelium, which the Arabique thus expresses: [...], in the same sound and sense. And Mahumed in the Alcoran is often calld the chief of the Beleeuers. And where Beniamin Ben-Iona speaks of the Chaliph of Bagded, whom he calls Amir Almu­manin Alghabassi, it must bee vnderstood that none of all that was his proper name. And that of Alghabassi ( [...]) is only one of the Abassilar Family, which is famous among the Chaliphs. Therefore, vnder fa­uour, Arias his interpretation of Alghabassi was little to the purpose, or rather against the Autors purpose. An old Writer Rigord. in vit. Philipp. Augusti. idem Iacobus de Vitriaco lib. 1. cap. 9. & Ma­rin. Sanut Tors. lib. 3. part. 3. cap. 5. qui tamen vtri (que) hoc Chaliphis A­fricanis ma­ximè Tribuūt. of France long since well interpreted it. Hemiromomelin (saith he) i. Rex Credentium. But the same author not long after in the self same Treatise is much to blame, when he writes, Rex quidam Saracenus, qui dicebatur Mumilinus, quod, lingua eorum, sonat Rex Regum. For plainly Mumilinus was but corrupted from this we speak of, as also Amiromomenius which often occurres in Roderique of Toledo his Spanish storie, and the like other ancients of the Ho­ly Warre. This the middle Grecians call [...] (for so is it neerest the right) although somtimes its [Page 100] in the self same autor, [...]. Lately (saith Ap. Constant. Porphyrog. de adm. Rom. imp. cap. 25. Theo­phanes a Chronologer of middle times in Greece) the Amir of Persia or Chorasan became an absolute Prince, by reason of the declining state of the Amermumnes of Bagded (whose Lieuetenant he had been) [...]. i. and calld himself Amermoumnes, and wore the Alcoran about his neck with little plates (so I inter­pret it) like a chain, and supposd himselfe descended from ALEM. Where note that all the Mahumedan Princes reuolting from the See of the first and chief Chaliphat which was at Bagded, referre themselues to Alem or Ali Mahumeds sonne in law. So did those in Aegypt, and Afrique: where, they were cald Phatemits from Phateme, Mahumeds daughter maried to Alem. And this hanging the Alcoran about his neck, was a very Emblem of his assumed name; the Orthodoxall religi­on of them (if among them any religion may be said to be) hauing its chief root in the Alcoran, although beside they respect the Peutateuch, which they call The wri­tings of Moses. Vide Iac. de Vi­triaco li. 1. cap. 6. & Oliuer. Scho­lastic. de Captio­ne Damiatae. Mussalkittabi, (out of which diuers relations, but most absurdly connext, are inserted in their Alcoran) and the new Testament also; affirming that our Saui­our was a great Prophet, and that he promisd in it to send his Prophet Mahumed (O blasphemy!) but the Christians (the Gaurlar in their language) [...], as my author Cantacuzen. Apolog. [...]. 4. Sampsat. Pers. in Epist. Meletio. & Alcoran. A­zoar. 71. saies, i. in spight haue taken that out of the Gospel, wherein they, say b Doctr. Mac­humet. Mahumeds name was once written, as likewise on the right hand of the Throne of the Almighty. But there, they say he is calld Achmet, and in Paradise Abualtra­zim, and on earth only Mahumed. And in their Dates, somtimes they vse the yeer of Iesus, as they call it, as well as of their Hegir est [...], siue persecutio, at (que) in hac re dict­um, quasi re­ligionis gratiâ fugisset Mahu­med. Hegira i. Mahumed's flight out of Mecha in DCXXII. of our Sauiour. So I haue seen [Page 101] letters to the late Queen Elizabeth of most happy me­mory, dated DCCCC. XCVIII, of Mahumed, and M. D. X C. of Iesus. And in a letter in Italian from the Sultan Anurad's chief wife to Q. Elizabeth, the Ap. Hackluit. part. 2. pag. 311. yeer of M. 11. Del Propheta i. of Mahumed, and di Iesu M. D. XCIV. So in the Waser. de An­tiq. Nummis. lib. 2. League twixt Rodulph II. and Amurad III. Remember, they vse Lunar yeers, as the old Arabians did, and that their Epocha is in Iuly, otherwise you may doubt of the concurrence of those numbers. And the Almumens, that is true Mahume­dans are (beside their generall profession) so superstiti­ously addicted to that foppish volume (the Alcoran) that in euery action almost they vndertake of great or slight nature, they vse the formall beginning of the Suareths or Azoars i. the chapters of it. Of those Azoars, are in their books CXIV. only; the translations amongst vs, being deuided into CXXIV. but, after the VI. (which is in the Latine the XVI.) agreeing in that point, with the Originall. Euery of those Azoars be­gin with Besemi Allahi alrrhehmeni alrrhehimi i. In nomine Arab. vero qui Christo nomen dede­runt, libros su­os à Nomine Dei Patris, Filij & S. S. semper auspicantur. Vti Manuscrip ti codices ve­terum Mona­chorum, Assit Principio Sancta Maria meo, plerum (que) fronte gerunt. Dei Misericordis Miserantis, which they solemnly speak. And the King of Morrocco puts it in the beginning of his letters most commonly, as those examples which I haue seen, iustifie. In omni operis principio (saith Georgiuitz in the person of a Turkish Mahumedan) vbi (que) vtimur nos Mu­sulmani istis Bi sem n. in numero omitti­tur, vt quod ad contextum so­lummodò adhi­betur. tribus verbis; Cum assedimus mensae vt edamus haec praemittimus verba: cum abluimus manus, euntes ad orationem, & caetera membra corporis. Insuper peracta lotione ter repetendo haec tria verba, aquâ asper­gimus capita, dicendo Bi sem Allahe elrahmane Elraoa­him. Georgeuitz so expresses it, and makes the last word signifie spiritus eorum, wherein he was much de­ceiu'd, although indeed Raohaim might in our chara­cters and pronunciation be vnderstood so, and the A­rabique in this passage might endure to haue it so by [Page 102] vs written. But in the Originall, its apparant, no such construction can be. For the titles of the Azoars, which I saw first in a most neat and anciently written Alcoran, remaining in that famous Bodleian Library in Oxford, are thus in Arabisme [...] where any man which hath tasted these kind of Letters, may see that the last word hath a Ra­dicall (Mim) which is not in Ruach, signifying a Spirit. The three words haue ouer the Aliphs their point Va­shlu, which some Arabians superstitiously obserue, as a token denoting that so many words concurring as haue that point, are to bee pronounced with one breath, which, they say, must be don although a man stifle him­self about it. But this, by the way. This Amerelmumenin is plainly interpreted in that of the Tartar Haoloh (so som call him) to the last Chaliph in Bagded, rememberd by Haithon the Armenian. Tunc dixit Haolonus Calipho: Tu diceris Doctor Omnium Credentium, in falsa secta Mahumeti. One of our Matth. Paris in pag. 324. A. M. cc. XIII. Reg. Ioh. XVI. Monks calls the King of Marocco, and those parts, Admiralius Murmelius, stumb­ling at his name. It may be not vnpleasing to read the whole place where it is. Misit ergo nuncios (he means our K. Iohn) secretissimos cum festinatione summa, vide­licet Thomam Herdintonum, & Radulphum filium Ni­colai milites, & Robertum de Londino Clericum ad Admira ium Murmelium, Regem magnum Africae, Marro­chiae, & Hispaniae quem vulgus Miramomelinum vocat (it was the better word of the two) significans eidem quod se & regnum suum libentèr redderet eidem & dederet, & deditum tencret ab ipso si placeret ei, sub tributo. Necnon & legem Christianam quam vanam censuit, relinquens, le­gi Mahometi fidelitèr adhaereret. A strange designe! but the Amir there told the Embassadors, that hee lately had been reading S. Paules Epistles, where hee found many things which likt him; only this, he much dis­likt S. Paule, for that he followd not that Religion vn­der [Page 103] which he was born. And of that also in K. Iohns request, he took a very ill conceit, affirming that if he had been without a religion, of all other he would soonest haue embraced Christianitie, but that euery man should liue in that Law and Religion vnder which hee was born. And so discharged them. To this day the successors of that Emperor in Fesse and Marocco keep the addi­tion of Amirelmumenin, as the Diuine Canon. Isa­gogic. lib. 3. Scaliger, who was wont to interpret their Letters to the Vnited Pro­uinces, instructs vs; which is also to be seen in som of Mully Hamets Letters, translated into Spanish, and Ha [...]kluit Tom. 2. part. 2. pag. 118. pub­lisht. The Grand Signior rather hath in later Barth. Geor­gouitz. cap. 3. times v­sed the title of Padischah Musulmin i. Great King of the Musulmans. Padischah is, in Turkish and Persian, great King; and they call the German Emperor Urum Pa­dischah, the French King Frank Padischah. Quare (saith my autor) non attribuitur inferioris conditionis Magna­tibus nisi Imperatoribus & Regibus. A professor of Tur­kish, turns Musulman by circumcisus. But the word is plainly Arabique [...] Musulmin, plurally, i. (as Mumenin) Orthodoxi, Fideles, or qui sincerè credunt, as the learned Raphalengius interprets it. Hence is it made singular in Musulmanus and [...]: often occuring, specially in Sphachanes the Persian, and the Emperor Can­tacuzen's works; whence they haue their Verb [...] i. to turn Turk or prosesse that Religion. The Amurad so titled himself in Letters to the King of Poland, & so haue I seen him writen in Letters to our Q. Elizabeth. But the greatest attribute which they vsd since the taking of Constantinople (thereby hauing seated themselues in an Empire of greater note then worth in the later times) is Huncher, Hunchier, or Condichiar ap. Spandugi­num. Hunggiar, as Leunclaw writes it; Id propriè (saith he) titulo nostrorum Augusto­rum respondere volunt, quo se imperatores Caesares appellant. And there haue been letters sent from this Lit. Elizab. Reg. Dat. 1579. apud Hackluit. part. 2. pag. 138. Et saepius Cae­sarea Maiestas nostra occurrit in Foedere icto inter Dn. Elizab. R. & Turcarum Im­peratorem, quod videsis apud eundem pag. 141. 94. v. pag. 158. & in Literis Musta­phae Chausij, A­murades dici­tur Augustiss [...] mu Caesar. pag. 171. State in Latine, calling the Grand Signior (Amurad III.) Augu­stissime [Page 104] & inuictissime Caesar. Which his own countrey men by their Interpreters haue also giuen him. And in Sinan Bassa's Letters to Q. Elizabeth of happy memo­ry, Caesarea Celsitudo is often for Sultan Amurad. The first that vsd this Hunggiar was Mahumed II. which took Constantinople; and, after him, his sonne Baiazeth and Selim imitated him. Whereupon, saith my autor, Ismael Schah the Persian Sophi, both in dishonor of the Grand Signiors, as also to vpbraid their superstitious abstinence from Swines flesh (for that Iewish ceremonie was wont to be of so great moment and regard amongst them, that, when they took a solemn oath for confirmation of any league or the like; to the two execrations, first that they might be as much dishonord as he that for his sins goes in pilgrimage to Mahumed, bare-headed, secondly as he that had cast off his wife, and taken her again, they added this third, that if they stood not to the Couenants of State, ilz fussent dishonorez & deshontez, come le Sara­zin que mange le chair de Pourceau, as De Ionuille that was amongst them with S. Lewes, speaks) Ismael, saith he, for that reason was wont to keep a very fat Hog and still call him by the name of that Turk which then raigned, thus: Hunggiar Baiazeth, or Hunggiar Selim. This Ismael was the first Persian King, that bare the now famous name of SOPHI. And its origi­ginall thus take. Besides the foure associats of Ma­humed (Abubaker, Omer, Othman, and Ali) which presently after him were the propagators of his sensles traditi­ons, there are other ancient Doctors forsooth of that Church (they call them Imamlar) as Cantacu­zeno sunt alia nomina, corum qui Mahumedis Doctrinā dilata­runt, at (que) vti P [...]tres aut sum­m [...] Doctores prae­fuerunt Orat. [...]. Ebuhanifem, I­mam Malichim, Imam Schoaffim, Imam Achmet, and o­thers; all which foure the Persians deadly hate, nor admit they of their doctrine. Neither will they allow of any traditions from Abubaker, Omer, or Othman; they are altogether for Ali, to whom, they say, the An­gel Gabriel should haue giuen the Alcoran, but by [Page 105] error, in stead of him he tooke it to Mahomet, and that Ali should haue been the generall Chaliph, but that the other three, by aid from som which ill bare themselues in that holy state, cosend him of it. A controuersie worth examining! Not a book or monu­ment of the doctrine of either of those three, but when they find it, they burn it. This Sect from Ali was dedu­ced into Persiae by the doctrine of one Schach Sophi, who deriud himself from Ali, and liud about M. CCC. LXX. But an African Lib. Elfacni. ap. Leon. Afric. hist. 3. Atqui memineris hîc quae habet Will. Tyrius hist. Hierosol. lib. 1. cap. 4. & lib. 19. cap. 20. de Sun­ni & Schia (vt impressi Co­dices loquun­tur) at (que) eum insuper de Ali consulas, quin & Ionuillanum in Vit. S. Ludo­uici cap. 30. & 57. & mira sa­ne est inter Scriptores de hoc pseudo­propheta, ac de eius sequa­cibus discre­pantia. quam hic occuratius euncleare non est operae pre­tium. expressely affirms that in Ma­humedisme were anciently LXXII. Sects, and now but two; that is, the Persian, which he calls Imamia (namd from the doctrine, it seems, deliuerd by Imamlar i. Priests or Doctors, and Ali was specially namd Imam) and Le­shari which those of Afrique, Turkie, Egypt, Spain and Arabia follow. What his Leshari is, I know not, vn­les those which follow Aser Ben Cheter (of whom Cantacuzen speaks, as of one of their speciall ancient Doctors) be thereby vnderstood But all of that Ali­an Sect are so hated by the Othomaniques, rhat their Turkish Muftis (that is their Patriarchs or Archbishops) haue deliuerd, that its more meritorious, in Mahume­disme, to kill one Persian then threescore and ten Chri­stians. From that Schach Sophi through diuers descents came one Haidar (Prince of Erdebill) liuing about M. D. of the only Sauior, and taught his ancestors new dogmaticalls, shewing withall the Othomanique heresies. Vpon the new doctrine (as it happens) great conflux was to the new Doctor, who grew so farre into opi­nion, which creats greatnes, that Vsun Chasan then King of Persia, gaue him in marriage his daughter Martha, descended out of the Greek house of the Commnens Kings of Trapezond. By Martha, Haidar had a sonne namd Ismael. Vsun Chasan left his sonne Iacupheg, or Sultan Iacup (as hee is calld) his successor. Iacup be­gan much to suspect his brother in law Haidar's sonne, [Page 106] and his multitude of followers. To preuent further dan­ger put him to death. His nephew Ismael hardly e­scapt him, but fled with his mother to his fathers friend, one Pircul a Lord of great rank about the Caspian Sea (The Turks call it Culzum Denizi i. the close or shut Sea; its vsually in our Charts Mar de Bachu) and there had his education according to his fathers Religion. Sultan Iacup the King was poisoned by his wife; Aluan or Almut (as some call him) succee­ding. Ismael now, pretended the challenge of his fa­thers estate, place, and his own inheritance inuaded part of Persia; had the day against Aluan; slew him; put his brother and successor Amurad Chan to flight; and vpon his death got the Persian Empire to himself. To him beeing thus one of their Sophilar (a Sect comming from that Scach Sophi) and descended from both Ali und the Schach Sophi, first autor of the Sect, ab Osmanidis (saith my Leunclau. Pandect. Turcic. cap. 81. & 188. Circa A. D. M. D. XX. Nec tn: Pandectis acquiescas nisi optimi Viri e­tiam Historiā Musulmanni­cam inspicias lib. 16. autor) SOPHI cognomentum, & KISELIS BASSAE per ignominiam fuit inditum, a SOPHI Arabica voce quae Lanam signisicat. Quippe cum Mahumetani & presertim Osmanici, more veteri, Tulipanto lineo subtilissimi operis caput inuoluant, noua ist­haec Sophilariorum religio praecipit inter alia, ne caput fa­stu quodam lineis eiusmodi spiris ornetur: sed vt tegu­menta Capitum è Lana, non magni re pretij, conficiantur. Et qnia laneum hoc tegumentum capitis, quo praeter aliorum Mahumetanorum morem, hi nunc vtuntur, plicas habet du­odecim, & Arabica vox Enasser (I think he should ra­ther haue said Etzenaser) duodecim significat, etiam ali­ud nomen Enasserlariorum consequuti sunt, ac si Graeco vocabulo dicas Dodecaptychos, aut Latino Duodecim­plices. Quod deinque tegmen eiusmodi rubro duntaxat colore tinctum gestare soleant, Kisselbassilarij quoque dicti sunt, veluti Capita rubra: The Persians being before cal­led by the Turks Azemlar, and their Territory Aiem or Azeim. Thus came this Schah Ismael and his suc­cessors [Page 107] to bee calld Sophi and Kessel bassae also. Thus hee; and in the deriuation from Wooll diuers follow him. But, saies most iudicious De Emendat. Temp. lib. 5. Scaliger, Quod quidam SOPHI a flocco lanae dictum volunt, hoc leuius est ipso flocco lanae. Hee therefore deriues it from [...] Tzaophi i. Pure, elect, holy, one of a reformd Religion; which they professe against the Othomaniques, with like hate as the Samaritans had against the Iewes. I am easily perswaded to bee of Scaligers mind for the reason of the name. But the whole story of Ismael is diuersly deliuerd. Leunclaw differing in his Musulmanique story from what he had in his Pandects deliuerd of it; thin­king withall that the Alian or Sophilar's heresie is not from that Ali which was Mahumeds sonne in law, but from Ali Abasides, whose Genealogie you may see in him. Deijs, alij eadem affir­mant. Sed an Sophilarij Ma­humedem ex­crantur? mini­mè certè Is­maelis n. Num­mi inscriptio erat, Mahumed Resul Allahe i. Nuntius Dei. Leuncl. Musul­manic. lib. 16. In De Ionuille his life of S. Lewes Ali is called alwaies Hely, and vncle to Mahumed; and his followers, Beduins which accounted all Mahumedans (saith hee) miscreants. But the name of Sophi had its originall in that Shach Sophi, who, I doubt, had some other proper name; for, Sophi by all likelyhood was giuen him with regard to his reformd profession, as the word in­terprets, yet Ismael dici­tur [...] Hist. Politic. Constan­tinop. à Zygo­mal. tran­script. Haidar (who I ghesse is calld Erdebil or Arduelles, as Iouius or Surius writ him, but from the place Erdebil Arduille or Ardobille where hee and, his ancestors were Schachs) may be affirmd the author of the Sect, as it is now Royall amongst them, because in his time began the King to oppose it, which oppositi­on was there cause of Ismaels following greatnes. What Ramusius, Minadoi, Iouius, Osorius, Tarik Mirkond, and most other haue of this matter at large, you may find compendiously deliuerd in that Late work, com­posd by great industry out of infinit Reading, by my learned and kind friend M^r. Purchas. Their variable discourses of this point fit not this place. That deriua­tion, from Tzoaphi, plainly howeuer continues. But its [Page 108] said that in Persia they call not the King the Sophi, but vsually the Schach i. the Lord, or the Signior. It may well be so: for indeed euery man is truly there a Sophi, if not a Mahumedan herotique; that is eyther of Shach Sophi his Sect, as he should be, or of the O­thomanique Religion. But why it should bee abstaind from amongst them as disgracefull (which som Ap. Hackluit. Nauig. Part. 1. fol. 397. affirm, because Sophi signifies there a Begger) I conceiue not, no more then why the King of Spain or France should dislike the title of Catholique or most Christian. Its certain (according to our pronunciation) it signifies both Wooll, and also Choise, pure or reformd. But Tzod­ki, not Tzophi in their learned tongue, is a Begger. And our famous Q Elizabeth wrote to A. Chr. M. D. LXI. 3. Eli­zabethae. Schach Tamas their Emperor with this title, Potentissimo & inuictissimo Prin­cipi Magno Sophi Persarum Medorum, Parthorum, Hir­canorum &c. in Letters copied into Ebrew, and Italian, and so sent; although in some others to him, it bee omitted. Its idle to fetch it from [...], as som haue done. Yet verbally it may bee deduced to vs from Magus (which interprets [...]) if you can beleeu that the old Persian Kings were calld Magi, as a Title pro­per to their Maiestie; which some ignorantly haue thought as truth, supposing the Magi i. the wisemen of the East in S. Matthew to be Chaldaei Re­ges dicti Clau­diano in Epi­grammatis v. Psalm. 72. Com. 10. Caeterum, quo sensu Re­ges dici pos­sint, docebit V. Cl. Is. Ca­saubon. Exer­cit. 2. § 10. in Ann. Baronij. Kings, and that of old Persia. There are at this day which would proue it and labour at it. They cite Apuleius Apolog. 1. his words: Quip­pe inter prima Regalia docetur (Magia:) nec vlli te­merè inter Persas concessum est Magum esse, haud magis quam regnare. Hee speakes of instructing the Kings children, which was done by the Plato in Al­cibiade. nec ali­tèr intelligo Ciceronem lib. 1. de Diuinat. Nec quisquam Rex Persarum po­test esse, qui non ante Ma­gorum disci­plinam scien­tiámque per­ceperat. v. Plin. lib. 30. cap. 2. Magi, and in their profession. But, is euery one with vs, that a Priest reads Diuinity to, a Priest therefore? Nay, it seems the Persian Kings neuer had that name or title after the death of Prexaspes and Smerdis (so Herodotus calls them, Ctesias and Iustin otherwise) which were Magi. [Page 109] For, in honor of those which freed the Persians from their vsurpt autoritie, an annuall feast was instituted by the State called [...] i. the slaughter of the Magi, in which, [...] Herodot. in Thalia. [...] i. it was not lawfull for any of the Magi to be seen abroad; but they all kept their houses. Could this haue been, if the Kings had been then Magi? And vntill Artaxares got the Kingdome (about C C. XXX. after Christ vn­der Alexander Seuerus) from Artabanus, the Magi con­tinued as contemned of the Great ones, and the [...] was still celebrated. But Artaxares (so my Agathias hi­stor. 6. au­thor calls him) had before hee was King, been a Ma­gus or Priest of that kind among them. And so after­ward, as it happens, till the time of Othman Ben-Ophen successor of Iezdigird, the Magi were againe in great honor, but by no means can they bee found to haue raigned about our Sauiours Birth. This Othman (which others call otherwise) began in the yeer of Saluation DC. XXXII. Indeed, for another reason, both they and their nation might haue been calld so, if proper names may be translated. For from A Elam ( [...]) the sonne of Seth, the old Ioseph. Ar­chaeol. [...]. cap. 7. corrigendi eti­am Codices il­li qui 1. Maccab cap. 6. com. 1. habent, [...]. Ely­mais n. ipsa Regio Susianae adiacens. Lege igitur [...] &c. atque ita Iose­phus (ni fallor) Archoeol. 12. cap. 13. emendan­dus. Vrbs verò illa sanè oppi­dum Charax, in Elymaide ab Alexandro conditum, vt videtur, de quo Plin. lib. 6. cap. 27. Vide Ptolem. Geo­graph. 6. cap. 3. Stephan. Bizant. in [...]. & Elymaeos Susianam inhabitare ait Marcian. Heracleot. [...]. verū & consulendus Beniamin. Tudelens. Itinerar. pag. 78. Persians were, and thence are the Ae­lamits; Aelam is Doctus, Sagax, Magus, [...], as euery man may know from S. Luke. But Elymas (saith the Text) the Sorcerer (for so is his name by interpretati­on) withstood them. [...]; and thence, saies Glycas, as his translation is, Persas Magos appellari lin­gua ipis Vernacula constat. But Magus or Aelam is not so much a Sorcerer as a Naturall Philosopher, or a searcher into curiosities; not of necessity implying in it any vnlawfull Art, although ignorant ages haue vsd to take all for Diuellish inuention and practise with Spirits, which they vnderstood not, as the example was in our Frier Roger Bacon: whose works of abstruse [Page 110] learning, lying in the Franciscans Library at Oxford, were by lubberly Friers and Schollers there (vnder the mistie time of our great Grandfathers) vtterly despai­ring that euer their lazines could vnderstand thē, very lear­nedly, to the perpetuall security of their wits quiet, fast­ned with long nailes to the deskboards; where, being consecrat to the vse of Wormes and Mothes, they were consumd. I know the Ebrew of S. Matthew (but not authentique) hath, for the Magi, [...]: which is taken for Sorcerers (as we now vse that word) Wit­ches, and such like. I rather vnderstand them Astrolo­gers (Astrologie in it selfe, not abusd: being a most honorable art) to whom it pleasd the Lord to permit such knowledge of that Means of Saluation, to Man­kind, signified, for this purpose (as some will) in Ba­laam's prophesie Numer. cap. 24. Comm. 17. of the Starre arising out of Iacob. But, that Ismael is vsually calld Ismael Schah, Shah or Shach, by the Grecians Hist. Politic. à Th. Zygomal. ad Crus. missa. [...]. Schah is nothing but an addition of greatnesse to the name, as Lord or Don or Monsieur (whereof, somwhat is Pag. 51. & 52. before) and truly interprets Signior; it is written (with the particle Al) [...] Verùm A­brahae Zaccuth Scribitur [...]. Scheich i. Senex, which might easily be confounded in our Characters with Leunclaw's word Sheiches for a Priest; but that is (as I ghesse) in all different characters, to be written Keshish rather, which in reading of his excellent works of the Musulmani­que Empire, must be specially obserued. Keshish Raphaleng in Lexic. Arabic. sig­nifies an old Priest, which, I confesse, Sheich may do also; but then I conceiue not his difference in the wri­ting of it. You may see his Onomasticon Et Pandect. Turc. cap. 34. at the end of the Musulmanique storie. This Schah or Shah, is often vsd as an addition to Persian greatnesse. Cosso­rassath, in Haithon the Armenian, is thought to bee corrupted from Cosroes Shach. And an Egyptian Sultan is rememberd in old De Ionuille by the name of Scece­dun, filz du Seic qui vault a tant adire en leur langa­ge [Page 111] Comme filz de Vieil, where note he makes Shach to signifie Old (as it doth) not only Lord. And that Soli­manus filius Solimani Veteris, or Senioris Baldric. Hist. Hierosylom. lib. 2 Robert. Monach. lib. 3. alij eius­dem farinae. in som au­tors of the Holy Warres, I doubt not but might well be turnd Soliman the Sonne of Soliman Shach. But it is not proper to suprem Princes (but by speciall excellen­cie) no more then our word, Lord; as the noble Mon­sieur de Thou well takes it, affirming Thuan. Hi. stor. lib. 18. that it is alone applied often to such as haue small Dominions, and are as Reguli, or the like. Some interpret it Linschot. lib. 1 cap 27. out of the application, King, but the neerest to exact truth is that which we haue before out of Scaliger, with whom Theodore Spandugn Apud Crusi­um in Hist. Con­stantin. pag. 66. agrees expresly. And in the title of Muhamed Ben-Dauid's Alagsarumith, hee is calld [...]. siue senex. Alsheich (being this very word [...] Sa, Saa, Schah or Schach) as by an attribute of dignitie. It is written often Shaugh, Xa, and also Cheque. Out of Achmet's Onirocritiques, the great Scaliger Canon. Isagog. 3. cites [...] i. Saa Nisan King of the Persians. And here, saith he, est aliud nomen multis Principibus Persa­rum commune, NISA. id eorum lingua est HASTA. And Senigar Saa filius Saa Regum omnium Persarum Imperator, is in Beniamin Ben-Iona, and Vararanes a Persian King, is calld Agathias. hist. 4. [...] from his being before Lord or Gouernor of Cerma. About M. LXX. after Christ the Persian King is in Abraham Zaccuth namd Sultan Melich Sa (the same which a Greek calls Chrysococces ap. Scaliger. vbi supra. Idem est, nifallor, Malicsach apud Leon. African. hist. 3. [...]) after whose death, he saies, the Chaliph of Bag­ded, Mutkadi Ben Kain, at this Sultans wiues request, permitted his sonne Mahumed to raigne, which I the rather also note, because Bodin De Repub. 1. cap. 9. affirmes that the Cha­liphs permitted not the name of Dominus to any, but themselues hauing, at first, supremacie ouer all those parts, and speaks of a Text in the Alcoran against it, which I could neuer meet with. There may be some such thing perhaps in some other of those Zunas i. [Page 112] Counsells or Laws, which were after Mahumed, com­posd by the Chaliphs commandment at Damascus. But doubtles no better word for Dominus can bee then Sultan, by which here this Prince of Persia, vnder the Chaliphat is stiled. This Sultan is calld Ignat. Patri­arch. Antioch. ad Scalig. quem Consulas de hoc Imperato­re lib. 4. de E­mend. Sultan Gelal eddin Melic Sa (but his proper name was Albu Ersa­lan) from whom the Persians haue their annuall account, whose root is A. Chr. M. LXXIX. in the XIIII. of our March, and is calld the Ver. Nouus dies: si verbum interpreteris. Neuruz of Gelal Sultan Me­lic (saith Scaliger) est Rex, Sa vel Scha Persis est nomen attributum Regibus. Gelal is Maiestie in Arabique, and so he turns Melic Sa Gelal eddin, into Melic Sa Ma­iestas Religionis. From this word Edin, is the name A­ladin in the Oth [...]anique race, which as Leunclaw saies, signifieth Diuine; but he allows not Reineccius conie­cturing that all the Turkish Sultans had the name of Aladin as a surname or title of Honor. From Scah in the Persian title, they haue money called Schahlar, as the Turks haue Sultanlar, which we call Sultanins. Of Schah, is Padischa a compound, whereof, before. The Persian titles more ancient, are already elswhere toucht. As a corollary, take here another of them in the middle times; [...] Theophylact. Simocatta hist. 4. cap. 8. [...] &c. i. Chosroes King of Kings, Lord of Potentates, Lord of Nations, Prince of Peace, Sauiour of Men, Among Gods a good and eternall Man, but, a­mong Men, a most Famous God. Most glorious Conque­ror, Rising with the Sunne, Giuing eyes to the Night, No­ble by Birth, a King that hates warre, well deseruing, ha­uing the Nonnè Au­sonios 1. Italos innuit? Asonae vnder Pay, and keeping the Kingdom for the Persians. To Baram a Generall among the Persi­ans, and our friend. Baram hauing before writen to Chosroes in almost alike fashioned stile. It was about D C. of Christ, vnder the Emperor Maurice. It the rather is obseruable, because both African and Asiatique Princes do yet, euen as Chosroes, somtimes load themselues and [Page 113] other Princes to whom they Ex literis Amuratis III. ad Sereniss. E­lizab. Reg. A: 1579. datis constat. quae sunt apud Hackluit. Itine­rar. part. 2. pag. 137. write with strange, and doubtles by their Secretaries hardly inuented attri­butes. But in that league of M. DC. VI. twixt Rodulph II. and the present Grand Signior Achmet, it was mongst other things concluded, That the Mercur. Gal­lo-Belgic. Tom. 5. lib. 4. Emperor and the Great Sultan in all their Letters, Instruments, and Embassages should not stile themselues by any other additions, but by the names of Welbeloued Father and Sonne, to wit, the Emperor calling the Great Sultan his sonne, and the Great Sultan the Emperor (in respect of his yeers) his father. And that in the beginning of their Letters they might both take vpon them the name of Emperor respectiuely.

CHAP. VI.

OTher appendants of Maiestie are, which giue a speciall form to the expressing of Titles. Speaking in the Plurall Number is one obseruable. As, We com­mand: in the Person of One being a Monarch. Its cer­tain that among ancient Latins the plurall Number often was for a singular Person in common language. and (against rules of Grammar) ioind with a singular word. Not with Accius, Naeuius, or Plautus only, but in later. Catullus hath Insperanti Nobis; and Tibullus, to his false Mistresse:

But these, not to our purpose. You shall as often find the Persian and Greek Emperors in Esther, Ezra, the Macchabees, Hippocrates his Epistles and such more, to vse the singular as Plurall: Somtimes is a mixture of Both: as in that of Ptolemy Philopator to his Egypti­ans Lib. 3. Mac­chab. [...]. i. I am well my self and so are Our affaires. The Iewes say that in their language for the plurality of Virtues and Po­wer ( [...]) supposd in a superior, they vse the Plurall number to or of one Man. Their Adoni is plurall, yet often vsd as singular. Euery tongue (saith one of Aben-Ezra in Genes. cap 1. them) hath its property. As it is honorable in the Italian (so vsually [...] is interpreted; but questionles [...] was in­differently, at first, vsed by them for any strangers or Gentils Elias Thisbit. in [...], omnes linguas, praeter Ebraeam, ita di­ctas scribit. Country where their Religion was not, ha­uing its being out of the sigles for [...] i. Cul­tus alienus siue extraneus, or Idolatrie, which they com­monly expresse by [...] in abbreuiature, and somtimes [...], for secundum cultum extraneum) as its honorable in the Italian for an inferior to speak to a Great man by [Page 115] the plurall number: so in the Arabique (the Ismaelitish he calls it) it is honorable for a Great man, as a King, to speake in the plurall. So likewise in the holy tongue it is honorable to speake of a Potentat Plurally, as Adonim & Baalim. For they say [...], i. Domini durus, and also [...] i. Et accepit Domini eius. And vpon this conceit do they interpret the plurall of Elohim ioind with a singular Verb, which most of our Men take for a mysticall expressing the Holy Trinity. Their Grammarians make it an Enallage of Number, chiefly to expresse excellencie in the Persons, to whom its re­ferd. With this, well agrees that which is obseru'd vp­on Iuno's ruminating on Aeneas his too good fortune;

Rex est (saith Ex Ms. Fuld. excerpt. & Ser­uio Danielis inter alia additum. Seruius) & mirè Aeneam noluit nomi­nare. Honorantur n: Minores à Maioribus si suo nomine fuerint nominati. Contrà, Contumelia est si Maiores à Mi­noribus suo nomine nominentur. For the speaking to them, in the singular Number, is very proportionat to their proper names. The vse of this for the Plurall, is known common at this day, but not propèr to supreme Princes. In our Law-annalls, a 29. Ed. 3. fol. 44. Quare impedit being brought by the King for the Prebendary of Oxgate, in the Diocesse of London, the Writ was Praecipite Mi­chaeli de Northumbergam, against which the Serieants except, as against False Latine. But, saies Thorp, False Latine it is not, for it is a word of the plurall number, and therefore is of greater reuerence; and this is a com­mon Fashion for the King to send to a man by the word, VO BIS. But, saies the Counsell on the other side, a man hath not seen such reuerence made to a Sherife. And afterward, the Writ was lookt on by the Iudges, and they saw it was Praecipite, and at the end Habeatis ibi [Page 116] nomina Sammonitorum &c. Whereupon it was adiudg­ed to abate. They held, it seems, the plurall Number not to be formally applied to any, but, at least, of the grea­ter Nobilitie. That of adding DEI GRATIA in stiles, Apud Orteli­um in Theatro. is now more proper to supremacie. The Earldom of Flanders, hath diuers prerogatiues, among which, one is that its Prince may write himself Dei gratia Comes Flandriae, which is a part of Royaltie. Et sunt alia ple­rá (que) leuissima (are the words of a great Bodin. 1. de Repub. cap. 10. Politician) quae Principum propria ducunt, vel ad Decus vel ad Dignita­tem, vt Rescriptis addere DEI GRATIA; The vse whereof, as he reports, Lewes XI. Prohibited Francis then Duke of Bretagne, as a forme proper to a Kings Title, and so a French Lawier Rebuff. ad Constit. Reg. Tom. 2. vt Be­nefic. ante vac. art. 2. expresly affirms it. Yet Fer­dinand brother to Charles v. and Archduke of Austria hath it in In Edit. Fre­heriana Sigis­mundi Baronis de Herbestein. his Letters to the Emperor. And the Duke of Saxony vses it, being a Prince of the Empire, and ac­knowledging to it a kind of supremacie, as Others like him. His Andr. Kni­chen. in Comm. Iuris Saxon. Duc. Sax. cap. 1. Chancelors words are these; Cum illud non fiat in despectum Domini concedentis, sed ad Amplifican­dam Maiestatem eius & dignitatis concessae tuitionem re­ctè immemoriabili interstitio Principes nostri saepè dicta locu­tione (he means DEI GRATIA) vsi sunt & etiamnum v­tuntur. Neither do I conceiue, why Princes that want not the substance, but as it were the name of a King only, should of necessitie abstain from it. In more an­cient times it is familiar in the stiles of farre meaner Persons then supreme Princes. Rex Venerabili in Chri­sto Patri I. eadem Gratia Dunelmensi Episcopo; and Guilielmo eadem Gratia Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi, are a­mongst Fitzh. Nat. [...]r. fol. 132. & 2. E. our Writs. And, in the Epistles of Iohn of Sarisbury, is Rogerus Dei Gratia Eboracensis Archiepis­copus & Apostolicae sedis Legatus Uenerabili Fratri H. Dei gratia Dunelmensi Episcopo. And from Iohn of Sa­risbury himself, Venerabili D. & Patri Carissimo Willi­elmo Dei Gratia Senonensi Archiepiscopo. The like is of­ten [Page 117] in the Epistles of Fulbert Bishop of Chartres, Gil­bert of Vendosme, Anselm, and such more of the old times. So B. de Blancesfort Epist. Regum & Principum Edit. in Tom. 2. Orient. Hist. pag. 1176. Master of the Temple vses it in his Letters to S. Lewes K. of France. Its frequent in the Chronic. Richerspergens. sub ann. M. CL. & seqq. Charters of the Archbishop of Saltzburg, and other Church-men of meaner note in those times. And in a Leiger book of the Abbey of Malmesbury I haue seen Iohannes Dei Gratia Abbas Malmesburiensis & e­iusdem loci conuentus salutem in Domino. All these shew that heretofore those curious differences of Prouiden­tia or Clementia Dei, which are now vsd by Bishops and inferior Princes, were not so distinguisht from Dei Gratia, as later times (whose beginning I know not) haue made them. To expresse them by ABSTRACTS from the Concret of their qualitie, is Ordinary. As Maie­stie, Highnes, Grace, &c. But the Forme is not proper to them; it being vsuall in old autors with such Sub­stantiues to designe out the subiect denominated of the Adiectiue; as

for Scipio and Laelius, which are but as Cicer. lib. 3. Fam. Epist. 7. Appietas and Lentulitas, For the induidualite, as it were, of Appius and Lentulus, or Patauinitas Asinius Pol­lio apud Quin­tilian. lib. 8. cap. 1. for Liuies stile. In like forme [...], and [...] are familiar for Hercules and Telemachus. And wanton Catullus, com­paring a heauie fellow, vnworthily blest with a Deli­cacie in his marriage bed, to a log, hath this Ithyphallique:

such more often occurre, and, especially, in Epistles of later times, written with Probitas, serenitas, Sanctitas tua, and the like; where, by the way, you may remem­ber that of Philip le Beau of France Mart. Polon. Chronic. to Pope Boni­face the VIII. Sciat tua maxima Fatuitas, Nos, in Tem­poralibus, [Page 118] Alicui non subesse. The occasion Rolewinck in Fascicul. Temp. sub anno 1294. was from this most arrogant Pope his calling himselfe Dominus Totius Mundi tam in Temporalibus quam in Spiritualibus. And for Bishops, its noted in old Annals, that Leude­rique Adam Bre­mens. hist. Eccles. cap. 20. Bishop of Breme (about DCCCXL.) was a proud fellow, because he would somtimes title himself Custos, somtimes Pastor Bremensis Ecclesiae. Whereupon, (saies Metropol. lib. 1. cap. 32. Crantzius) Uide Temporum simplicitatem quod non paterentur PASTORIS Vocabulum. Quid facerent, si ritum nostrae aetatis ambitiosum cernerent, vbi ex ore E­piscopi insonare audirent, Nostra gratia, Nostra Pontifi­calis Dignitas, & reliqua his etiam gloriosiora. But in this kind som abstracts are proper notes of Soueraign­tie: as Maiestie which is now competent to none but supreme Princes; And that, in substance, very anciently. For, in Rome, the highest power of Gouernment be­ing in the People (not the multitude but the whole Com­mon-welth) as, in an absolute Monarchy and [...], in the Monarch; the word Maiestie was proper to them. As Authoritas in Senatu, Potestas in Plebe, Im­perium in Magistratibus, So Maiestas was in Populo, which Orat. pro. C. Rabirio. Cicero with others, will iustifie. And Maiesta­tis Crimen (saith ff. ad leg. Iul. Maiest. l. 1. §. 1. Vlpian) illud est, quod aduersus Pop. Rom. vel aduersus securitatem eius Commititur, which well agrees, with what was in that State before the Emperors. Intentio est (as for an example De Inuenti­one lib. 2. §. 10. Et Orat. Partit. §. 50. Tully faines) Maiestatem minuisti, quod Tribunum Plebis de Templo de­duxisti. And Maiestas est Magnitudo quaedam Populi Rom. in eius potestate & iure retinendo. But when the summe of all things was transferd into the Emperors from the People, the Crimen Maiestatis became chiefely against them and their State. Lex Iulia Maiestatis (so Instit. tit. de Public. Iudicijs. §. 3. Iu­stinian) in eos qui contra Imperatorem vel Remp. aliquid moliti sunt; suum vigorem extendit. And then, towards the declining times, they tooke to themselues Perennitas nostra, Eternitas C. Theodos. tit. de Fabricens. l. 3. Nostra, Numen Nostrum, Tranquillitas [Page 119] Nostra, Screnitas Nostra Maiestas C. tit. de Si­lentiarijs l. 1. & de Agēt. l. Nulli. Nostra, and such like often occurring in the two Codes of Theodosius, and Iustinian. But long before that, although not with the first person, yet it was attributed to them. Sueton re­porting that Augustus after the ciuill warres would not himself, nor suffer his neer kindred to call his souldi­ers Commilitones, but Milites, giues the reason; because he did think it ambitiosius, quàm aut ratio militaris, aut temporum quies, aut sua Domús (que) suae Maiestas postularet. And in Claudius he speaks of leuior Maiestati Princi­pali titulus. And, one Plin. in Pane­gyric. Traiano dicto. that liu'd in Sueton's time vnder Traian, to Traian. Huius (he means Crimen Maiestatis) tu metum penitùs sustulisti, contentus Magnitudine, qua nul­li magis caruerunt quam qui sibi Maiestatem vindicabant. I know, Trebellius In Gallicnis. Pollio seems to make against this. He, speaking of Gallien's brother Valerian slain about Millan, and of the doubt whether he had been a Cae­sar or not, adds; Constat de Genere, non satis tamen con­stat de Dignitate, vel, vt caeperunt alij loqui de MAIE­STATE. As if Maiestie had then been a word first vsd for Dignitie. But as the most learned Casanbon obserues, that must be vnderstood of the Greater Ro­man Dignities beside the Empire. So that then first Court-flatterie began to stile the Dignities of the Em­perors fauorits and such as were of higher Note, with Maiestie. For plainly to the Emperors, as you see, it was not before vnusuall. And, vntill this time of Tre­bellius, it may be well affirmd proper only to suprema­cie amongst them. Let it not moue, that Maiestas in another sense, was common to others, as Maiestas Pu­eritiae, and Maiestas Matronarum obserud in Liuy and Plinie. That was in a regard of their priuat Quality, not publique Dignitie; and in a sense of that nature hath Valerius Maximus the last chapter of his 11. book titled de Maiestate. Est quasi (saith he) priuata censura Maiestas Clarorum Virorum, sine Tribunalium fastigio, sine [Page 120] Apparitorum ministerio, potens in sua amplitudine obtinen­da—quam rectè quis dixerit longum & beatum honorem esse sine honore. But, this Maiestie, publiquely applied, was an expressing of Power and high place, not admi­ration only of qualitie. So it may be well seen in that of a noble Graecian, deliuering Polyb. [...]. in Foedere Ae­tolorum. the Maiesty of the Pope of Rome by [...], i. the Empire and Power of the People of Rome. And this Publique Maiestie was after the dimminution of the Peoples libertie, conueyed solely to the Emperor; and (howsoeuer that new application in Pollio's time, was) the Ciuilians since haue referd the proper Crimen Ma­iestatis only to the Wesenbech. in Paratit. & ff. ad leg. Iul. Ma­iestatis vide & Gothofred. ad dict. tit. & ad C. eodem, l. 5. Emperor. So, at this day, they do by the Imperialls alone, as in France and with vs, in respect of our Soueraigns only. But, by their leaue, its not easily conceiud how Crimen Maiestatis must not bee referd to Princes acknowledging indeed the Emperors supremacie, But withall hauing all Regall and Imperiall right in their Dominions; as diuers of the German Princes haue: although they abstain from this abstract in their titles, as, of the Dukes of Saxonie, Ba­uier, Sauoy, Lorraine, Ferrara, Florence, Mantoua, and such accounting themselues as absolute as any that haue but the Name of Duke, Bodin De Repub. 1. cap. 10. affi [...]ms; and that they are Celsitudinis verbo contenti, aut Serenitatis, quam sibi Dux Venetorum tribuit. But this title of Serenitas, Excellentia, Sublimitas, and the De his con­sulas licet G. Panciroll. ad Notit. Dignitat. cap. 3. v [...]iid genus pluria. like many are anciently giuen by Emperors to their Lieutenants and others indistinctly, as you may see in the Codes, Nouells, and Epistles of Cassiodore. Its among the Greeks [...] Harmenopul. [...]. 5. cap. 9. [...] i. Nostra Serenitas. So Schol. ad Con­stantin. Tom. [...]. [...], i Serenissima Maiestas Sacrato­rum Imperatt. Nostrorum. If, at least, [...] be Maie­stas. Its hard to find a better word interpreting it. But indeed, as Casaubon obserues, Greek hath not an ex­presse word for Maiestie. Som haue Glossar. Vet. Graeco-lat. v. 2. Petri cap. 1. com. 16. [...]. turned [...], [Page 121] Maiestas and Magnitudo, but it properly signifies the last, not so well the first, which comes plainly from a Comparatiue. Maiestas ita (que) (are Casaubons words) si verbi proprietatem spectamus, Numinis est solius: quod omnibus ijs, quae magna dici possunt, est maius. Usurpatio est cum Principibus maiestas tribuitur. But obserue their tradition of the Godesse Maiestie. They fained that at first there was no distinction of Place or Pre­cedence among the Gods, but that the meanest would somtimes sit in Saturns own Throne. And this, they say, Ouid. Fastor. 5. continued

As Maiestie was there bred of Honor and Rēuerence, so proportionatly mongst men, and thence the word ap­plied to the supreme of Men. But also they vsd Nu­men Imperatoris, and Oracula Augusti, for Edicta, and [...] for [...], as if you should say diuinitùs sancimus for statuimus. And before this great commu­nicating of Maiesty, the Emperors Paul. ff. de le­gat. 2. l. 87. §. Lucius & Scoe­uola ff. lib. 40. tit. [...]1. l. 3. had the attribute of Sanctissimus, and such like. These beginning vnder Heathenisme, continued after Christianitie. Whence, when they speak of the Crimen Maiestatis, they Athaliat. tit. [...]. 66. & Glossar. Vet. & Sanctitas Regum ap. Iul. cas. in Tranq. vse [...] or [...], which may be interpreted, a iudgment or accusation touching what is committed a­gainst a thing sanctified or sacred. But I think [...] will be most proper, in substance, for Maiestie; al­though George Codin translated hath alwaies Regnum for his [...]: Vnder fauour, not without error. They had also their Codin. & Meurs. Gloss. Graeco. Barb. in [...]. [...] i. sacred Maiestie: which was proper only to the Emperor, and that when others [Page 122] spake to him; he himself in modestie omitting Sacred, and speaking only [...]. But Maiestie exprest in this word was communicated also to the Despote, Se­bastocrator, and Caesar. The Despot was the heire or successor apparant of the Constantinopolitan Empire (vn­derstand, of the times since Alexius Comnenus, though before him it were a generall name, as My Lord) the Sebastocrator the second from him in dignitie, and next the Caesar, Protosebastus and so forth. But, to our pur­pose, receiue this out of their Curopalat. [...]. quem tamen, absque Iunij Restitutione locorum, ne legas. traditions. Before the Emperor they calld the Despote, My Lord ( [...]) and Maiestie was applied to him: the Sebastocrator, My Lord ( [...]) Sebastocrator: the Caesar, my Lord Cae­sar, in those words as the other; and to both these al­so was Maiestie ( [...]) applied. But if any other Great men about the Court ( [...]) had occa­sion to vse the Despot's name to the Emperor, they thus; My Lord ( [...]) Your sonne the Despote. If they speaking among themselus mention'd him then: [...] i. Our Lord the Despote. For in later Greek [...] is Our, either corruptep from their ancient own, or induced by Tartarian or Turkish, wherein Babamus is our Father. If a great man spake to the De­spote, he might either call him My Lord the Despote (with the word last remembred) or, for greater honor, Our Lord the Despote. If any of the Despot's seruants or followers, vsd his masters name to the Emperor, hee might not call him [...], or [...] (which I interpret to be in fashion the same with Our, My Lord, when we speake indifferently of any Noble­man) but [...] i. My Lord and Master, your sonne the Despote. For so I thinke, [...] is best here translated. If a man spake to any of their other Great men ( [...]) hee neuer vsd [...], but [...]. On the other side [...] was neuer vsd to the Despote, but [...]. Neither could they [Page 123] render reason for all those, but because vse and cu­stome had brought them to it. Neither hath the Gram­maticall difference of [...] and [...]: any thing to do here. For our Kingdome; Maiestie (saith the lear­ned Author of the Remains) came hither in time of Henry the Eight, as Sacred Maiestie lately in our me­mory. Vnderstand him, as it was commonly in vse, and properly to the King applied. For in the Epistles of Iohn of Sarisbury, is Maiestas tua, diuers times to Henry Fitz-lempresse, vnder whom hee liu'd, and the same is there vsd also to Pope Adrian. Grace mongst vs began in time of Henry IV. and Excellent grace, as you read in the Remains, vnder Henry the Sixt. High and mighty Prince vnder Edward the fourth. But, a­bout those times it was not solely proper to the King, as it seems by the Concord (touching the title of the Crowne) twixt Henry the sixt, and Richard Duke of Yorke, made in XXXIX. Henry VI. in Parliament at West­minster, with this title, Betwixt the most High and most mighty Prince, Henry the fixt, King of England and of France, and Lord of Ireland, on the one partie, and the right High and mightie Prince Richard Plantagenet Duke of Yorke, on the other partie; and the Duke of Glocester vnder Henry the Parl. 3. Hen. 6. art. 1. & 26. sixt, is calld High and mightie Prince and the Duke of Excester, Hault and Puissant Prince. Anciently how our Soueraigns were, in this kind tit­led, may be obserud, vpon these examples. Au Tres­noble & tréshonorable Prince & son trescher Seignior si luy pleist Monsieur Edward per la grace de Dieu Roy d' Engleterre, Signior D'irland, & Duc D' Aquitaine le sone Henry Percy reuerence & honeurs: In a letter Rot. 25. Ed. 1. in Arce Lon­dini de Rebus Scotiam tan­gentibus memb. 4. 6. & saepius. to Edward 1. writen from Dunwich; and the like, in diuers other Records, is. And there the Barons of the Ex­chequer send to the King with Nous maund à vostre hautesse, &c. But also in times later then Edward 1. ti­tles and notes of Greatnes being not in that distincti­on [Page 124] or Curiositie as now, som such as are with vs mean, were competent to highest Princes. I remember, I once saw a Petition by a Bishop to Henry v. subscribd with Your Worships Beadsman. About the same time a trea­tise writen of the order of the Coronation, hath thus: After this the King shall be clothed agen with other clothes, and Worshipfully shall go to the Auter of Seynte Edwardes shryne; and the King is there calld Worshipfull Prince. So the Monk of Bury, Dan Lid­gat speaking of Henry the fifts commanding him to writ the Troian Warre, saith

Hee vsually calls him Most worthy, or worthy, or No­ble Prince, and Soueraign Lord. And plainly worship is but an abstract from worthy, and signifies, as estimation, properly. to wuruld wurþscipe sy he þegen lage wyrþe i. To worlds worship (i. in worldly estimation) hee shall be in equall degree with a Thane, saies a Canon of Canutus his laws, speaking of a Priest that liud free from incontinencie: and in those so ancient times it was a generall title, but according to the person qualified. In an old Saxon Ap. Lambard. in Peramb. Kant. tradition of their Nobilitie; Then were the wisest of the people weorþscipeswyrða aelc be his maðe Eorl & Ceorl, ꝧegn & ꝧeoden i. worshipworthy, euery one in his Dignitie, the Earle and Cheorl, Thane, & Vnderthane. So in later times Dukes and Earles haue had Worshipfull and Right worshipfull applied to them. An Epitaph Camden. Brit. Edit. Anglic. Idiomatis. & in Reliquijs. is at Warwick in S. Maries Church there, in part, thus.

And his daughter the Countesse of Shrewsbury was buried in S. Faith's vnder Paules, with

But now euery Gentleman of better (rather richer) Rank is saluted Worshipfull. And, on the other side, what now is one of our particular Notes of Maiestie, not giuen to any but the supreme, I mean Soueraign Lord or Lady, hath been anciently bestowed on others. The preface and dedication of Alexanders life, writen vnder Henry VI. by a Dominican Frier thus speaks,

What, that hater of Monarchs, Buchanan hath in his malicious dislike of giuing titles and attributes of great honor to Princes, I omit, and leaue him to his error, conuinced by the generall consent and allowance of Antiquitie. But, touching these, it hath been Christoph. Becman. Schedi­asm. Philologic. questioned, which is the more both elegant and honorable to speak in the Concret or Abstract. That is, whether to say Serenissime Princeps à te peto, or A Serenitate Vestrâ [Page 126] peto. And some haue thought the first forme the best, because in that the Accidents and Subiects are toge­ther exprest, in the other the Accidents only being the note of Honor. But howsoeuer for elegancie, it seems the Abstract tastes as if it were more honorable. For that quality denominats, and, from it inherent in the Person, is the Honor giuen. Now, as it is inherent, and not predicated of the Person, its best exprest for its own Essence; Neither is it otherwise (as Logique teaches) properly in any Predicament. As Album, al­though in a formall signification of the thing designd, it expresse a Certain Ens per se, yet as the formall and materiall or connotatiue signification, of it, is, it's Aristot. Meta­phys. 7. cap. 6. text. 21. Ens per accidens, id est, aggregatum quid ex ijs quae diuersis Praedicamentis ponuntur. And Albedo is the Ens per se. Then, where the quality is, neerest to its own single essence, exprest, that is in the Abstract, it seems, the Person is with somwhat more honor saluted, then if it were only connotatiuè as they call it. For, Vir excel­lentissime doth but connotatiuè, or by way of consequent speak excellentia; as indeed in euery Concret, but in like form and by an accidentall consequence, is both the [...]cident and the substance. But this is a most friuo­lous disquisition, which I had not spoken to, if I had not seen it questiond. I adde out of the Spanish Prag­matica, publisht vnder Philip II. against the multipli­citie of Titles giuen both to the King and other great Men, in the yeer [...]. D. LXXXVI. the VIII. of October, at S. Lawrence; that the King there would haue no other title in the beginning of any Letter to him, but Senor; in the subscription only his name that wrote it; in the end of the Letter, only God preserue your Catholique Maiestie; and the superscription, To the King our Lord. The petitions to the Counsells, Chan­ceries, and Tribunals, might be titled with Most mighty Lord, but no more. The signing of Letters, scedules, and [Page 127] such like should bee only with By the King our Lord. Diuers other particulars are in it, touching these kind of Titles to Other Great men, which in their more due place shall succeed.

CHAP. VII.

OF Nominall attributes, thus much. You may call other Reall Ceremonies, which consist either in A­ction, or Ensigns. In Action; as chiefly that of AN­NOINTING at the inauguration. For Annointing, receiue this out of the ancient Ordo Roman. de Diuin. Offi­eijs. form of doing it. Tunc Dominus Metropolitanus (suppose other concurring ce­remonies, at a coronation, past) vngat de Oleo sanctifi­cato Caput, Pectus, & scapulas, ambás (que) Compages Bra­chiorum ipsius, ita dicendo. VNGO te in Regem de O­leo sanctificato in Nomine Patris & filij & spiritus sancti. Et dicant, Amen. Pax Tibi, & cum spiritu Tuo. Deinde vngat sibi manus de Oleo sanct [...]ficato, ita dicendo: VN­GANTVR manus istae de Oleo sanctificato, vnde vncti fue [...]unt Reges & Prophetae, & sicut v [...]xit Samuel Dauid [Page 129] in Regem, vt sis Benedictus, & constitutus Rex in Regno isto super populum istum. quem Dominus Deus tuus de­dit tibi ad Regendum ac gubernandum. As its here ex­prest, euery man must needs referre the Originall of Annointing to the Decret. tit de sacra Unctione. Iewes; which continued (som say) mongst them from their first Saul vntill Hircanus, from whom the Kingdom was transferrd by Augustus to Herod. And by this they Cedren. pag. 149. v. Casaub. Exercit. 1. §. 2. & 3. Adu, Ba­ronium. interpret that of Daniel; The Annointed shall be taken away, after the end of his weeks. But there were certain Interregna twixt Saul and Hircanus, of which, howsoeuer the annointing was, regard in this assertion must be taken. From this An­nointing, could not but a most honoring regard come to the Prince, mongst those specially which by effusion of Oile made consecrations to the Almighty. Iacob e­rected the stone he had slept on in Luz, poured Genes cap. 28. com. 18. Oile on the top of it, and calld it Beth-el i. the house of God. Whence the Gentiles, by all likelyhood, had their Damascius in vita I sidori ap. Photium. & Scalig ad Eu­seb. de Baetulo consulendi. Baetulus; and perhaps deriud their annointing of stones, whereupon Apuleius reckons Lapis vnguine de­libutus among his sacred obiects. And Arnobius his Aduers. Gent. lib. 1. Lubricatum lapidem & ex oliui vnguine sordidatum, wherein was comprehended both their Bounds and Marks of Territories, which vnguento velaminibús (que) & Coronis Coronabant (as Siculus Flaccus his words are) and also Minut. Fae­lix in Octauio. Videsis Pithoeū Adu. 2. cap. 14. their other sacred Triuiall Statues. And Theophrastus, in his Character of Superstition, remembers for a part, the pouring of Oile vpon annointed stones or statues in the high waies. Hence the old Christians also by example (saith Quest. 83. in Genesim. Theodoret) vsd to annoint the Shrines of their Martyrs, and Chancells. The Iewish Priests Exod. cap. 39. com. 7. consecration was with Oile. And often oc­curres the name of the Lords Annointed. In our Eu­rope, how sacred a Materiall it was anciently accounted, appears to euery one that hath but heard of Extreme Vnction, and the like. But of Christian Princes, the old [Page 130] Prouinciall of Rome thus: De Regibus Catholicorum & Christianorum. Et sunt quidam Coronandi & quidam non. Tamen illi qui Coronantur debent inungi; & Tales ha­bent priuilegium ab antiquo & de Consuetudine; alio mo­do non debent Coronari nec inungi sine istis, & si faciunt ipsi, abutuntur indebitè. Et sic incipiunt Nomina Regum Christianorum Fidelium hoc modo.

• Rex Hierosolymitanus Coronatur & inungitur.
• Rex Francorum
  Christianissi­mus, quod non­nullis recenti­oribus in hoc loco catalogi citatum habes, exemplari meo Ms. deest.
  Coronatur & inungitur.
• Rex Anglorum Coronatur & inungitur.
• Rex Ceciliae (Siciliae) Coronatur & inungitur.
• Rex Castellae Non
• Rex Legionis Non
  • isti sunt coniuncti.
• Rex Portugalensis Non.
• Rex Aragoniae Non.
• Rex Nouargiae (Noruagiae, it seems) Non.
• Rex Nauarrae Non.
• Rex Danorum Non.
• Rex Boemiae Non.
• Rex Vngariae Non.
• Rex
  Armeniae apud Rebuf­fum.
  Armaniae Non.
• Rex Sorbiae (perhaps Seruiae) Non.
• Rex Cypri Non.
• Rex Sardiniae Non.
• Rex
  Vide suprâ pag. 80.
  Catholicus Non.
• Rex Comagiae (its likly, it should be
  Consulas pagin. 57.
  Cona­ctiae) Non.
• Rex Nimianiae (Momoniae, it seems) Non.
• Rex Vltoniae Non.
• Rex Collen Non.
  *

Et sciatis quod hodiè Non sunt plures Reges Christiano­rum, nisi de Nouo Crearentur. So are the words of my Ms. Copie, anciently writen, which supposes, you see, but foure Kings honord with Vnction, the Hierosolymitan, [Page 131] the French, English, and Sicilian, and the two Emperors of the East and West. In the Coronation of him of the Cantacuzen. bist. 1. cap. 12. & Curopalat. [...] O' [...]. East, the Patriarch, at the instant of making a Crosse with the Oile on his head, crying aloud, [...], i. Holy, and then [...], i. Worthy. Which was, it seems, the reason why the Constantinopolitans cried Gunther. bist. Constantino­polit. id est A [...] [...] [...] i. san­ctus Rex Mar­chio. Aijos Phasileos Marchio at the taking of the Empire by Baldwin Earle of Flanders, when they thought verily that Boniface Marquesse of Montferrat should haue been their Emperor. The Marquesse being then with the Earle. There is a Prouinciall Apud Rebuf­fum in Praxi Beneficiorum part. 3. Extat. printed, wherein others are reckond that are not here, and some o­mitted that mine hath. And after Rex Bohemiae follows in that, In Ibernia. Catholicus. Rex Coloniensis. Comachiae. Rex Minauiae Menae, Cathelinae. Ibi hodie non sunt Re­ges, sed Tota Hibernia est sub Rege Angliae. What Ca­tholicus doth there I vnderstand not, nor what in my Copy, vnlesse you interpret it as I haue, with doubt, coniecturd where I speak of the King of Astures. The corruption of Names is such, that you may well think, the credit of the Monument, often changed and tran­scribed, hath been long of the decaying hand. But time (and that long since) hath brought the ceremony to euery crownd Christian King, although withall he be a kind of subiect, as the King of Bohemia; who when he was a meere Prince of the Empire, was crownd and Aurea Bull. Carol. 4. cap. 4. annointed. The French would needs challenge Propri­etie of Annointing to their Soueraigns before other Princes. They talk of Oile descended from heauen in a vessell kept at Rheims, wherewith their Kings haue euer bin annointed, and refer it to a miracle in the Bap­tisme of King Chlouis or Lewes I. about D. of Christ. Of it, one of their Poets, when Apollo was from home, speaking of Guil. Brito Philippeid. 1. the Coronation of Philip Augustus;

But no good autority will iustifie this. Is it likely that Gregory of Tours so much giuen to the Relation of Miracles, would haue omitted it? One more Du Hailan des aff. du Fr. liure 1. Idem ferè Tillius. iudici­ous, and not flattering the idle traditions of his own Nation, denies (and not alone) that there were any de la primiere lignee, oinct ny sacre à Rheims, ny ailleurs (that is, of the Merouingian line, which cotinued till about DCCC. of Christ. But its expressely remembred in sto­ry that Pipin, the first of the Carolin stock was an­nointed) mais de la second & troisiesme la plus part ont esté sacrez & oincts en auters lieus q' à Rheims, quoy que les Archeuesques de Rheims debattent ce droit appertenir à eux & à leux esglise. By the second and third line he means the Carolin, and Capetan; the Carolin suc­ceeded the Merouingian. And I wonder why Hierom Bignon De l' excell. des Roys liure. 4. a French Antiquary, now liuing, taks it so cleer, that their Royall vnction began in Chlouis. We could giue better autority for the Kings of this Ile, of neer M. years since, and much more according to Vixit Gildas A. Cnr. 470. Si fides habenda Autori vitae eius in Biblioth. Floriac. some. Gildas speaking of the errors in Religion, and neglect of all Goodnes among the old Britons, addes, Et Galfrid. Monumentens. lib. 9. cap. 3. ex epistola Gild. hoc memorat. Ungebantur Reges, non per Deum sed qui caeteris cru­deliores extarent, & paulò post ab Vnctoribus, non pro Veri examinatione, trucidabantur, alijs electis trucioribus. But I will not be confident that it proues Vnction in those times. The Phrase might be vsd by him, as at this [Page 133] day an Hereditary King after his Ancestors death, is said to be Rex or Imperator salutatus: which alludes only to the old Roman forme of salutation in making their Emperor; as we say also in Imperium euectus est, deriu'd from that Custome of taking the design'd Em­perors vp on Shields in the Camp. The first of our Kings annointed, that best of ancient autority speaks of, is Alured. He, in the life of his father Ethelulph, being sent to Rome, was there in Confirmation made Pope Leo IV. his godsonne, and specially annointed as a future King. So the consent of Asserius Meneuensis, Ethelwerd, Malmesbury, and the rest of our old Monks, iustifies. But with what discretion or honestie should the Pope annoint a child of v. yeers old, as a King, in hope of succession, while his father was liuing, and three elder brothers also, Ethelbald, Ethelbert, and E­thelred? I rather incline to beleeu that the Chrism vsd in Confirmation, and only perhaps to that pur­pose, by the Pope, was, afterward by English Monks, not without sufficient cause admiring this braue Prince when hecame to the Crowne, taken also as a designing Omen of his following greatnesse, and, that so they might speak the best and largest of what the Pope did, and thereby giue a speciall honor to their King, sup­posd for an Vnction in Regem. But howsoeuer, you may see what was thought of it by this old Rob. Gloce­strensis. honest rythme.

None of this excludes Vnction before, but only wils him the first annointed by the Pope. But we need not much blame the French Tradition of their Heauenly oile. Our English haue as good a Tale. That Our La­dy gaue Thomas Becket Archb. of Canterbury, being in banishment vnder Hen. II. a Golden Eagle full of pre­cious Ointment, inclosd in a stone vessell, commanding him to preserue it, and foretelling quod Reges Anglo­rum qui vngerentur hoc vnguento pugiles essent Ecclesiae, & Benigni & terram amissam à parentibus pacificè recu­perarent, donec Aquilam cum Ampulla haberent. He com­mitted it to safegard in a Monasterie at Poiters, where Henry the first Duke of Lancaster, vnder Edward the Third in the warres of France, had it deliuered to him, by a Holy man (they say) which found it by Reuela­tion. The Duke gaue it the Black Prince. He sent it to the Tower, there to be safely kept in a chest strong­ly hoop't with Iron, where Rich: II. sonne to the Black Prince, in searching for his fathers Iewels, lighted on it, and much desired to bee annointed with it. But the Archbishop answered him, sibi sufficere quòd semel per manus suas sacram suscepit in Coronatione pristina Vnctionem, quae habere non debuit iterationem. The King notwithstanding caried it with him into Ireland, purposing, perhaps, there to haue been annointed with it, but, in his returne, at Chester he deliuer'd it to the Archbishop, confessing, that he did resolue it was de­creed, he should not be annointed with it, and so in­deed it fell out. For, after him deposd, Henry IV. was honor'd with this supposd diuine Ointment in his Co­ronation. Then need not the French argue their Kings Honor from the Celestiall Vnction,

[Page 135] as Brito saies; Heers as good and Diuine an Ointment for the English. But I think, Reader, if you can Iudge, you beleeue both alike, I relate this of our Lady, as I find it; And credit it as I do the stories of Numa's being instructed by Egeria, Minos or Talus by Iupiter, or indeed like the storie of that Vitreus Ordinationis liber, giuen by an Angel to Saint Columba for the forme of Adamann. Scot. Vit. S. Co­lumb. lib. 2. making Aidan King of Scots, about the yeer DC. and such more. Pretence of Holinesse and Particulars re­ceiu'd from Saints or Angels wrought much, mongst the Multitude, in establishing State Greatnesse. Exam­ples are obuious. For more Particulars in Vnction of Princes, I send you to the diuers publisht Coronations. Inunguntur Reges (saith Thomas Epist. id Hen. 2. ap. Matth. Paris. Becket of Canterbury) in Capite, etiam pectore & brachijs, quod significat Glo­riam, Sanctitatem, & Fortitudinem. And it was long since said in 33. Ed. 3. tit. Aide de Roy. 103. our Law, and applied to our Kings, that Reges, Sancto Oleo Vncti, sunt Spiritualis Iurisdictionis Capaces. Neither is this annointing much disproportio­nat to that which Alex. ab Alex. Genial. Dier. 1. cap. 27. is deliuerd of a kind of initiating the old Persian Kings, at their inauguration, with ce­remonies of Religion. Of Ensigns externall, the chief are, CROWN or DIADEM, SCEPTER, GLOBE and CROSSE; with other more particu­lar to some only, which by the way we shall also en­ough touch. Quis omnino Regum (saith Tertullian vpon Aduers. Iu­daeos. cap. 11. that in Esay cap. 9. 5.) insigne Potestatis suae humero prae­fert, & non aut capite Diadema, aut in manu Sceptrum, aut aliquam propriae Uestis notam? So you must read it, not aliqua proprietate vsus noua, as the Publisht Books (before Pammelius his Edition) are in that place. I wonder how Beatus Rhenanus, and Francis de La barre could not see it. Compare it with the like words of the same Autor in his III. against Marcion cap. 19. and you shall see most plaine reason for the correction. For CROWNES; To speak of them and all their seue­rall [Page 136] ancient vses, were to stragle exceedingly out of the purpose. So different are they, and farre from the pre­sent matter. If you desire to know how they had place in Bankets and feasts, among Louers, in sacrifices and solemnities of Gentilisme, rewarding deeds both Mar­tiall and Mercuriall, with such varieties, Read the large discourses of them in Athenaeus, Pliny, Tertullian in his De Corona Militis, Clemens Alexandrinus, Agellius, es­pecially the diligent and learned Paschalius. The anci­entest mention of a Crown is in Moses, speaking of the High Priests accoultrements, with his golden Triple [...] Exod. cap. 28. & 39. Ioseph. Archaeol. 3. cap. 8. Crown, more particularly describd by Iosephus. Tra­dition among the Gentiles makes Bacchus the first in­uentor of a Crown or Diadem. Hee, they say, first made him one of Iuy (the same perhaps which hee gaue Ariadne) and by example of his Maenades and Mimallons wearing such in his Orgia, Other Priests and Sacrificers Crownd themselues with Herbs and Plants, dedicated to their seuerall Deities. Antiquitùs (saith Hist. Nat. lib. 16. cap. 4. & lib. 7. cap. 56. Pliny) nulla nisi Deo dabatur. Ob id Homerus Coronas Gen­tium Dijs tri­butas habes a­pud Ierem. in Epist. Baruchi. prophetiae sub­nexá. Caelo tantum eas, & Praelio vniuerso tribuit. Viritim ve­rò ne in certamine quidem vlli. Ferunt (que) primum omnium Liberum Patrem imposuisse Capiti suo ex edera. Posteà Deorum honori sacrificantes sumpsere, victimis simul coro­natis. Nouissimè & in sacris certaminibus vsurpatae, in quibus hodié (que) non Victori dant, sed Patriam ab eo Coro­nari pronuntiatur. Inde natum vt etiam Triumphaturis conferrentur in Templis dicandae, mox vt & ludis darentur. But in all these the honor was chiefly refer'd to som Deity, not to the Person crown'd. And those set by Louers on the Posts of their Mistresses dore, or els where, were not so much to hirselfe as to Cupid or hir Genius.

[Page 137] Saies Apuleius to his sweet-heart. From the vse of them in Sacrifices and Dances sacred to their Idols, came the name Apion. ap. Athenaeum, Dipnosoph. 15. ex Simonide (cuius ibi cita­ta carmina c­mendatiora, vide apud Is. Casaubon. In dictum locum) & Festus. Corona, anciently writen Chorona, & made Latin from [...] (signifying the same that [...], i. a Crown) which they will from [...] or [...], i. the Dancers or Singers, and number of the solemnizing Sacrificers; whereto questionles Isidor Origin. lib. 19. cap. 30. had respect in his, Nomen Coronae haec ex causa vocatum quod initio circum aras cur­reretur, at (que) ad imaginem circuitus vel Chori est formata. Thus, by ancient autority, that which is in our Idioms Corona or Crown had its originall. But how a Crown (except the Cloth Diadem, whereof presently) by that name was among the Gentiles anciently for a Royall distinction, I conceiu not. The Rewards giuen in the Graecian Games, Roman Warres, and elswhere, shew the contrary. Demosthenes his Crown, about which so much Rhetorique was spent, twixt him and Aeschines, and that of Hippocrates Dogma A­then. inter Hippocrat. Epi­stolas. Vide quod Thueydid. hist. [...]. habet de Brasida aurea Corona donato, & tae­nijs ornato. giuen him at Athens for his hel­ping their Great Plague, and such more seem to do as much. But Hippocrates his was of Gold and in value ( [...]) DCC. L. pounds of our Mony; which plainly was not fit to be worne. But the value, being his reward had this name (as other examples are &) as that Tribute was called [...], which was paid to the Romans and other States by such as gaue [...] as Suidas his words are, i. not ra­ther a Tribute to their Superiors, then a Crown to their Friends. And [...], saith he, [...], i. they call STEPHANICON (CO­RONARIVM) what euer is giuen as a Reward or Bene­fit. And hence is it that in the Embassages of sorrein Nations to Rome, so often occurres for presents, [...]. And a golden Crown was one spe­ciall, among the Rewards giuen by the Romans; their Murall, Castrensis and Nauall were Agell. lib. 5. cap. 6. Polyb. hist. 6. alij. of Gold, and in later time the Triumphall. I know som make the gol­den [Page 138] Crown amongst them and the Graecians also, an old Ensigne Royall. And Dionysius Archaeolog. 3. Halicarnasseus expresly deliuers that the Hetrurians, amongst other Notes of supremacie giuen to Tarquinius Priscus, furnish'd him with a golden Crown. So in Euander's Aeneid. 8. & 12. speech to Ae­neas.

And that Great Poet in another place,

Which the learned Paschalius interprets for a Crown Radiant, and as a note of supremacie. It might seem out of In Oreste. Euripides his words, that mongst the Graecians it was so too. He speaking of Atreus brother to Thyestes saies:

Which is interpreted in the publisht books Cui dans Coronam, destinauit Dea (Fatum, siue Lachesis) Discor­diam, which is well inough iustifi'd by Aresenius the Greek Scholiast on that place interpreting [...] for [...], i. a Crown proper to Kings. And Se­neca In Agamem­none. personates Thyestes with

Vsing in his Tragedies of those times the word Vincula for the Diadem or Crown. And, of Agathocles in Egypt vnder the Ptolemies, Histor. 15. Polybius, as Perott turns him, spea­king [Page 139] of Aristomenes the Protector, hath Vocato ad se A­gathocle Coronam Auream soli ex illis qui praesentes erant imposuerat; id quod solis Regibus fieri solet. But none of these proues what som learned would collect, although the chiefe of these testimonies are indeed omitted by such as haue labourd the question. To that of Haly­carnasseus, may be answered; he, being a Gracian and knowing that in his time the Triumphal Ensignes had mongst them a Gold Crown, and that most of the rest were deriu'd from the Hetrurians, soon thought that thence the Golden Crown also had its originall. But Festus: Triumphales Coronae sunt, quae Imperatori Victori Aureae praeferuntur, quae temporibus antiquis propter pau­pertatem Laureae fuerunt. If they were of Baies ancient­ly, how then were they of Gold? For here Festus must be vnderstood of Baies only in them, without mixture of Gold plates, which in later time was vsed; as also to haue both the Laurell and Gold Crown, as Bullinger well obserus. And, then Dionysius his assertion, that the Crown and other things there mentioned, were such as the Lydian and Persian Kings vs'd, being refer'd to the Crown, is false. For they vs'd a Diadem of cloth as anon we shew. But the relation is better in Florus. Duodecim (saith he of Tarq. Priscus) Tusciae Populos fre­quentibus armis subegit. Inde Fasces, Trabeae, Curules, Annuli, Phalerae, Paludamenta, Praetexta. Inde quod au­reo curru quatuor equis triumphatur. Togae pictae, Tunicae (que) palmatae, omnia deni (que) decora & insignia quibus Imperij dignitas eminet. Where are included, it seems, the Lau­rell and other such, but not as speciall Notes of Roy­alty; rather of particular Triumphs, and communicated dignity. Could the Romans otherwise, so much hating the name of a King, haue tolerated Laurels and such Crowns so soon after their Regifugium as they did? And for that of Tarchon, the Exposition of Seruius Ho­noratus is directly against what others collect. He inter­prets [Page 140] Regni (que) Coronam, by Insigne. Non reuera (are his words) Coronam, quam Tusci Reges nunquam habuerunt; ergo species est pro genere. What can bee more plain? For that of Latinus his Twelue golden Beams on his head, who sees not that they were as a Crest imita­ting the Sunne, whose Nephew Latinus was by Circe? That was no more a note of Royalty in him, then the like of Aetes, King of Colchos, of whom in the Argo­nautiques attributed to Orpheus;

i. his head had a Radiant helme on it; for [...] and [...] is, to the Ancients, an helme, as Corona also to the Seruius Ho­norat. ad Ae­neid. 5. Latins. And was not Aetes sonne to Phoebus, or the Sunne? Both he and Latinus, in memorie of their An­cestors, bare on their helms those beams, as Caesar in his coins did his Grand Dame Venus, as Parthenopaeus did his mother Atalanta, or as Alexander did the Rams hornes of Iupiter, Hammon (his supposd father) whence he is call'd Dhilkarnijn, that is, double horn'd. And in Antiquitie the beams of the Sunne, with a re­ference, it seems to the XII. Signes, were of the same number, as the most learned Virgil expresses. That is iustified out of the old Interpretation of Dreams. One dream'd that he was a Sunne, and had eleuen beams; the successe was, that he became a Generall of an Ar­my, but soon in this Greatnes died, because (as they Artemidor. Onirocrit. 4 c. 51 said) his dream containd not the perfect number of Beams: and the Lady Martian. Ca­pella de Nuptijs Philolog. lib. 2. Philologie, at hir Mariage with Mercurie, saies to Phoebus;

[Page 141] For that of Euripides, me thinks his Scholiast Arseni­us talkes as if hee could not see wood for trees: hee confesses that [...] signify's [...], i. the wooll that goes about the distaffe, circling it as a Crown; for, as well wooll as hempen staffe was so spun. And what then can [...] signify better then Carding. i. Carminans? and, the whole thus interpreted, Cui, lanam carminans, neuit Dea discordiam, Well iustifies the Noble Poets v­sing and continuing the known fiction of the Desti­nies in their spinning out of mens Fortuns. Nay, what could be more proper in the allusion, then to suppose her first card or pull the wooll in peeces, and then make hir web of Discord? And, for that of Seneca, who knows not the common liberty of good Poets, in not keeping themselues to the exact properties of their Tragedies or Comedies age, nor of the place of their Scene? Though it be a great fault, yet it's an ancient one. And worthy Seneca (liuing in a later time, when it was known that a Diadem was a Note Royall) hath not this example alone of that kind. What euer Pe­rot hath, Polybius himselfe proues no such thing: His words are these, [...]. i. hee inuited him to a feast, and, mongst all then present, gaue him only a gol­den Crown, which by custom was allowd only to Kings. Be­cause he had a crown of gold as proper to a King at the feast, it follows not, that therefore it was an or­nament Royall, as it was a Crown, but as it was gold. For children in Philologie know that, at feasts alwaies, they all sate Crownd. This passage discouers that the King had his Crown of gold, and therein Adi, si vis, Lips. ad 1. An­nal. Tacit. Num. 129. & Iustin. lib. 18. de lega­tis Romanis in Aegyptum mis­sis. differ'd from the ordinary Guests. The old Egyptian Kings ho­nor'd their heads with images of chosen Diodor. Sic. Biblioth. C. beasts, not gold Crowns. And if the story of Moses his letting fall Pharaohs Diadem Ioseph. Antiq. Iud. 1. cap. 5. be true, it may be well coniectur'd [Page 142] that it was a fillet, such as the Asiatique Kings had, for otherwise had it been gold, Pharaohs discretion would haue been much desired, for putting it on a sucking childs head, the weight would hardly haue fit­ted the infant. And if Agathocles would haue been like the Macedonian Kings (which the story perswads e­nough that hee would) hee must haue had the cloth Diadem. Briefely, had the Ancient Heroes vsd any Crowns, as Royall Notes, Homer would not haue been silent of it. In his time, saith a learned Clem. Alex. Paedagog. 2. ca. 8. Father, the Grecians had not vse of Crowns. For neither the wooers nor the delicious Phaeaces vsd them. And in Games, at first, the Reward was of such things as were proposd ( [...] Ita, hunc locum optimè (vt omnia) e­mendauit. U. Cl. Is. Casaubo­nus in Suetonij Neronem.) then came in vse ( [...]. i.) a gathering from the spectators, thirdly, followd the casting of Flowers on them ( [...]) and at last ( [...]) the Crown. Yet I beleeu not this whole Assertion. For plainly Homer hath the word [...] and [...], but to other purpo­ses; and therefore, as the learnd haue Casaubon. Animad. in A­then. 1. cap. 16. obseru'd, knew what a Crown (as it was vsd) was. For a word in its proper sense alwaies is in being, before it can be made a metaphore. And in the Heroique times, good autho­ritie expresly tells vs of Crowns in their kind. Hesiod saies that the Horae- [...]. i. Crownd with Spring-flowers Pandora. And Hesiod is thought, by some, ancienter then Homer. But what is more obuious then the Oliue brought out of Northern Scythia by Hercu­les, and planted in the Pantheion at Elis, whereof, the institution was that, all Crowns should bee made for Victors in the Pindar. Olymp. 3. Pausanias E­ [...]ac. ae. & v. Scholiast. ad Eu­rip. Hecubam. Olympians? This they specially called Scholiast. A­ristoph. ad Plu­tum. locus ve­ro ille Aristote­lis, Scholiasti citatus, est in [...]. vnde & legen­dum, [...], non [...] (quod deprauatum a­pud Scholia­stem) vti & Suidas in [...] scripsit. Nec, vtrum è Pantheo an ex Hyperboreis, planta fuerit translata, hîc disputandum est. [...], that is, whose leaues and twigs were fit to make a faire Crown. The fabulous referring of the Originall of Crowns to Bacchus, or Promotheus shew how ancient their vse was. Nonnulli (saith Hygenus, in his Poeticall Astronomy, of Prometheus) Coronam habu­isse dixerunt, vt se victorem impunè peccasse diceret. Ita (que) [Page 143] homines in maxima laetitia dolore (que) Coronas habere constituerunt. Id in exercitationibus & Conuiuijs per­spicere licebit. But to conclude the purposed point, Remember the relation of Diogenes Epicuretus. He requested Alexander to Athenaeus Di­pros. lib. 5. giue him the honor of wearing a golden crown with Vertues picture on it, whose Priest he profest himself; Alexander did so, and Diogenes presently gaue it to his sweet-heart Lysiodos, and shee without exception ware it. The golden crown (especially in some part of Asia, as Causabon obserues) was an ensign of Priest-hood, and in that regard desird by Diogenes professing to be Priest to Vertue. What thought was of it amongst them as it respected Royaltie? These testimonies as well proou that Crowns in both the Roman and Grae­cian state were not anciently notes of a King, as also giue light to answer other like occurring arguments against it. For many are, but all I think of such kind, as those before remembred. Its to be inquird how in other states. If you take a Crown and Diadem as One (which may well be in respect they are both but Vin­cula Capitis, and differ originally because only the Di­adem was of cloth properly, or a fillet of such stuff, and the Crown was of Gold, Baies, Oliue, Oake, Grasse, Parsley, Iuy, and infinit more the like) then may you affirm that first in Alexanders time the Crown or Diadem Royall was vsd in Europe. He, after his Persian victorie, habitum Regum Persarum (saith Iustin) & Diadema insolitum antea Regibus Macedonicis, velut in leges eorum quos vicerat transiret, assumit. And Q. Lib. 6. & 3. Curtius: Purpureum Diadema distinctum albo quale Darius habuerat capiti circumdedit. But whereas heere Curtius saies the Diadem was Purple distinguisht with white, in another place he writs Cydarim Persae Regi­um capitis vocabat insigne: hoc, Caerulea fascia Albo di­stincta circuibat. So that the fillet which was wreathd [Page 144] might haue in it any faire good colour (for so doth Purpureus signifie, as Purpurea Nix in Pedio Albinoua­nus his Elegie to Liuia, and purpurei Rami, for Oaken boughes, in Catullus) but for the King, of necessity it must haue been distinguisht with white, which was a colour in this more proper to Maiestie, it seems, then the right Purple in Robes; although he Longinus a­pud Eunapium in vit. Philoso­phorum. Vid. pag. 83. which nam'd Porphiry in Greek Porphyrius, that is Purpureus, because in Tyrian (Porphyrius was a Tyrian) his name was Me­lic, i. a King, did as if Rex and Agathias, hist. 3. Purpureus had been conuertible. But the Kings of the Lazi (a Scythian peo­ple) might weare no purple but only white Robes. The Cidaris or Cittaris was the same with what o­thers call Suidas in verb. [...]. the Tiara, that is a kind of folded Cap, ending in a Cone, neer like the Eastern Turbants (or Tulipants) and is the same by translation with [...] i. a Cocks comb. Thus is one anciently Aristoph. in [...] fab. personated, speaking of the Cock,

i. therfore to this day (the fiction suppos'd anciently in the first of time, that Birds were Kings ouer men.) The Cock only as the Great King (that is, the Persian) goes attir'd on his head with a Right Tiar or Cyrbasia. Where note also another difference, that as the white fillet, so the standing vp right of the Tiar was proper only to the King, which the Scholiast vpon that place out of Cli­tarchus deliuers. For it was common to the Persians to weare Eustathi. ad Dionys Perieges. Tiaras exue­re, ait Persis fuisse [...]. a Tiar, which in salutation they vsd (as we our hats) to pull off, but all others were it [...], i. folded and inclining forward, as the Scholiast speaks, which agrees with the report of Demaratus his request to Xerxes, vt Sardis Seneca de Be­nefic. 6. cap. 31. Tantundem, Arrian. [...]. 3. maxi­mam [Page 145] Asiae ciuitatem curru vectus intraret, rect [...]m capite Tiaram gerens: id solis datum Regibus. But the white Diadem was proper only to him (except Xenophon Cyrop. ed. 8. some of the neerest bloud Royall) and was not any part of the Tiar, as in what before cited, appeares, as also in that of Darius his fastening his Scepter into the ground, putting on it his Martiall Robe and Tiar, and Polyaenus Stratagem. 7. cap. 8. & Videsis Sueton. lib. 6. cap. 13. de Te­ridatis diade­mate. bin­ding them about with his Diadem, when he praid to Apollo for successe. In Plutarch's Lucullns, one hangs hir selfe with a Diadem, which shews of what nature it was. Therefore, whereas Iustin, Curtius, and Diodore say that Alexander vs'd the Persian Diadem, I wonder why [...]. 4. [...]. Arrian (he wrote about Adrians time) affirms that he tooke the Cidaris, from which, being the same with the Tiara, it seems by Plutarch. in Alexan. others, he generally ab­staind, and ware the white Diadem vpon his Causia: so was the name of the Macedonian Suidas in [...]. Cap or Helmet. Perhaps Arrian took Cidaris for the Diadem, as A­gathias doth, it seems, where he reports that after the death of Uararanes, his wife being with child of a sonne (which the Magi had foretold, and therefore no que­stion was made of it) the Cidaris was put on the womb, as a ceremonie of inaugurating an vnborn King, who afterward was Sapores or Sabores; the words of Aga­thias are [...]. Neither only the Persian, But most of the A­siatique Princes had this kind of fillet or cloth Diadem, as of Mithridates of Plutarch. in Lucullo. Pontus, Tigranes of Armenia, At­talus Idem in A­pophth. Re­gum, vbi de Eumene. of Lydia, and others, is reported. Yet an old coin of one of Attalus his successors, is yet Scalig. Ani­mad. ad Euse­bium, pag. 321 extant with the head circled with a chaplet of some kinde of leaus, and circumscribed thus

which I rather referre to the honoring of som Deity, [Page 146] to whom those leaues were sacred, then any way take it for part of a Royall habit. The Princes of Asia in later times (I mean chiefly the Chaliphs) haue neither had the Diadem or Crown, as Royall. Yet not for the reason which Bodin De Repub. 1. cap. 9. giues, making such difference twixt the later Sultans there and the old Chaliphs: whereas indeed the present Grand Signior reckons himselfe for a true Chaliph, as is before shown; and as other su­prem Princes in Mahumedisme, challenges at his plea­sure all rights of the old Chaliphs. But it seems the Tartars (whence, the Turks) vsd, all of them, Tulipants before their Kingdome establish'd at Bagded, and there­fore their Princes also hauing not before in that kind any distinction, vnlesse in price and greatnes, continued to this day, their first form. But the Saracen Caliphs, before their Othomanique Empire, had (as its probable) the old Tiar or Cidaris richly set with stones, and in it the Diadem. I affirme not absolutely so. But refer you to coniecture from what was in those parts anci­ently so vsuall; and withall take this report of one of those old Chaliphs (call'd by my Beniamin Tu­delens. (Vt ab Aria Montano versus) in Iti­nerario. scripsit circa, 1180. autor Alghabasi Il­haphtzi, which I think to be Mustezi of the Abasin fa­mily:) Vehitur ille mulâ, Regijs vestimentis ex auro & argento contextis indutus, caput Cydari ornatus incompa­rabilis pretij lapidibus splendenti. Super Cydarim verò ni­grum sudarium gestat, quo gestamine saeculi huius verecun­diam profitetur. Whether this Cidaris had a Diadem or no, he expresses not. Of the Othomaniques, its repor­ted, that their first Autor Othoman lies buried at Prusa (chief City in Bithynia) hauing vpon his Tomb, extrin­secus superimpositum Leunclau. Ind. Libitinario. Tulipantum, vetus, non admodum magnum, quod (que) spiras subtiliùs & maiori artificio circum­volutas habet, quam in ijs Tulipantis videamus, quae Turci suis nunc gestare capitibus solent. And this kind of Tuli­pant, they dare say, Ioseph the Patriarch first invented and vsd. The Great Sophi hath at his inauguration a [Page 147] kind of miter horn'd Cartwright in Peregrinat. vid. & Leunclau. Musulmanic. 1. put on by his chief Chaliph, at his inthronization which was wont to be at Caphe neer Babylon, but since the Turkish Emperor won Assyria from him, at Casbin somtime, and somtime at Hispaan it is performd. And its reported that the Egyptian P. Martyr. Le­gat. Babylon. l. 3. Sul­tans (after the Mameluchs had there ended the first Cha­liphat) vsd to weare a ridiculous Tulipant made of som Lx. or more yards of thin stuffe diuersly folded, and so, that VI. Horns stood out of it, wherof foure were about a span length, and twixt them, the other two of a cubit long, like Snailes hornes. But the like also did all their great men of the chiefest Rank weare. Ne (que) enim (saith my Autor) postquam supremum gradum as­cendit (Sultanus) dissonum ab optimatum ornatu, de quo­rum ordine creatus est, habitum sumit. Neither might a­ny vse this hornd Tulipant but the Sultan, the Mart. à Baum­garten Pereg. 1. cap. 17. Cha­liph (or chief Priest) and those Princes which were of highest note. It was negligently done therefore of Bo­din to inferre their not wearing of Crownes, out of a supposd Canon made by the Caliphs, as if the later Princes had not in account been true Chaliphs. Neither doth he better in speaking to this purpose of the Is­raelitique Kings. Its true they had Crowns and of gold, and were annointed. They had those two, as the Priests. But, what other Asiatique Kings vsd the like? As they were a peculiar people to God, so were their Institu­tions, for the most part in euery thing different from their Neighbours. They had Gold, others Cloth. [...] Nobilem Valer. Maxim. lib. 7. cap. 2. §. 5. magis quam foelicem pannum: An ancient King said of the Diadem deliuerd to him; and many other testimonies make it a white cloth fillet.—Cinguntur tempora Vitta Albente—saith Silius De Bell. Pu­nic. 6. Italicus of Mas­sanissa, because he knew it was proper to a King. That alone then being traduced out of Persia by Alexander, gaue the times after him, the name of Diadema, for the most speciall Note of Royalty. Hence is Interpreted that [Page 148] in the Roman story, where a Laurell was set vpon Cae­sars statue wreath'd with a white fillet, or band, and the two Tribunes Marullus and Flauius commanded the fillet to be plukt off, and him, that put it on, to prison, for such wrong to Roman liberty in giuing his statue a Diadem. Antonies Pag. 19. offer is before remembred. And Pompey was suspected as one affecting a Kingdom, for binding himselfe about the thigh with a white fil­let, or Diadem (they vsd then no breeches; but to co­uer a scar he had there receiud, he ware the fillet, as others in Cas [...]on. in Sueton. lib. 2. other times did in steed of Breeches) & ther­of, its related; Ei candida Valer. Maxim. 6. cap. 2. §. 7. fascia crus alligatum haben­ti, Fauonius, Non refert, inquit, qua in parte corporis sit Diadema. Exigui Panni cauillatione regias eius vires exprobrans. For as the Name of King, after their Regi­fugium, so that sole Ornament Royall was extremly ha­ted by them, as these and enough other examples te­stifie; although the Athenian Democratie perhaps Iul. Pollux. Onomastic. lib. 8. cap. 12. not so much fearing it allow'd to their chiefest Magistrates the Nomophylaces this white fillet, for the Ornament of their Dignitie. But the Roman Emperors, a long time daring not aduenture vpon so an apparant diminution of the peoples libertie, vsd only Laurell or Gold Crowns which were neuer thought of or suspected for, nor were Royall. Liberty of bearing a Laurell con­tinually, was first granted to Iulius Caesar, by reason of his baldnes. After Augustus, at euery Imperiall Tri­umph, the Laurell was taken only Xiphilin. in Nerone. Plin. lib. 15. cap. 30. Sueton. in Galba from the Plant of that kind which Liuia Drusilla took from the white Hen brought into her lap by the Eagle, and set at Ad Gallinas, and which was noted to wither away at the end of the Iulian familie in Nero, as the progenie of the Hen did likewise. But the succeeding Emperors vsd not alwaies to beare it. Tiberium Principem (saith Plinie) tonante coelo coronari eâ solitum ferunt, contra fulminum metus. Then alwaies he ware it not. Remem­ber [Page 149] here that Antiquity held the Laurell to be exempt from all danger of Ioues Thunderbolts. Plutarch and Dionysius, say, that Romulus was Crownd with Laurell as in triumph after his victories. If he were, it was not as he was King, but as he triumpht. But if all their Triumphall Ornaments came from the Tuscans, to Tarq. Priscus, how then had Romulus any of them? The truth of those times, I think, as vncertain, as any story what­soeuer. But most probable and according to what is already deliuerd, saith Iustin Historiar. 43. of those Kings, Per ea adhuc Tempora Reges Hastas pro Diademate habebant; quas Graeci Sceptra dixere. Nam & ab origine Rerum pro dijs immortalibus, veteres Hastas coluere, ob cuius religio­nis memoriam adhuc deorum simulachris Hastae adduntur. Which well agrees with their Name Quirinus, and Qui­rites, fetcht from Curis in the Sabin Tongue, signify­ing Hasta, or a Scepter. Curis Sabinè Hasta (saith Fe­stus) vndè Remulus Quirinus qui eam ferebat, est di­ctus. But the first of their Emperors which ware a true Royall Diadem, was Aurelian, Victoris, de hac re, verba superius ha­bes, cap. 2. about CCLXX. after our Sauiour: yet saith Paul Warnfed of Diocletian: that he Ornatum gemmarum vestibus calciamentis (que) indidit. Nam prius Imperij insigne in chlamyde purpurea tantum erat, re­liqua (que) communia. But Traian, Gordian and others before him, were stampt in their coins with Laurels and Ra­diant Crowns of Gold. But of Constantine the Great, [...] (saith Cedren) [...]. i. They say that he first of all the Empe­rors vsd a Diadem. Yet Iustinian speakes of his Impe­riall Crown by the name of Infulae, which is the same as Fascia or Diadema Seruius ad Aeneid. 10. in the proper and first fense. His words C. de quadri­enn. praescript. l. 3. benè. to Florus are these. Quae ergo pro Augu­sto honore & cautela res accipientium, nostra statuit aeter­nitas, haec tam sublimitas Tua, quaem caeteri omnes Iudices nostri obseruare festinent, ex eo tempore valitur, quo nutu diuino Imperiales suscepimus Infulas. But the Infulae [Page 150] were, it seems, those strings or bands, whereby their Crowns made of precious stones, and gold, in diuers fashions were tied on. For (as the Lips. de Cruc. 3. cap. 16. ve­rum & qui Numismata ediderunt haec copiolè often­dunt. pictures of Ze­no, Iustinian, Valentinian, Anastasius, Phocas, Constan­tin, and diuers others, which we haue out of their Coins, discouer) their Crowns, and Diadems were ve­ry different in forme, but all of them tied behind with fillets, as it seems, going round the head as the Crown or Diadem; as it is in that of Heraclius more special­ly; which, being of gold, and raisd with variety of conique plates, and the outmost circle not much dif­fering from our Dukes Crowns, but closd on the top more like what we call Imperiall, is tied together with a kind of Riband behind. Hence is it that George Cu­rapalates said, that what they of late calld [...], was wont to be [...], i. Vinculum, which word they left off, when the fashion of tying it with ribands ended. Their pictures will better instruct you in the seue­rall formes, then my expressing can. But as the A­siatiques anciently, and Macedondan Kings had their cloth fillets, as the Turkish and Mahumetan Princes at this day their rich Miter or Tulipant: so from the beginning of Christianity in European Supreme Kings and Emperors, the Gold Crowns in those various shapes with which they are described, haue bin in vse. And their differences now are of Close, and Archt, and Open, and the like. But what is before transcri­bed out of the Roman Prouinciall, is here to be Re­memberd; and, that the Pope in giuing the Kingdoms of Sardegna Act. Vatican. ap. Bodin. de Rep. 1. cap. 9. and Corsica to the King of Aragon, vsd the words of Per Capam Auream realiter inuestimus. But all Supreme Monarchs, in later times, of right, vse archt Crowns, and as truly Imperiall as the Empe­rors, but differing in composture. For, the Emperors is thus described by Marcell. Cor­cyrens. lib. 1. Ceremon. Sect. 5. & de Imperiali Corona. Pasch. lib. 9. cap. 8. one who saw it. Differt forma Co­ronae Imperialis ab alijs: nam ea sub se Tiaram quandam [Page 151] habet in modum ferè Episcopalis mitrae, humiliorem tamen magis apertam & minùs acutam: estque eius apertura à fronte, non ab aure, & semicirculum habet per ipsam a­perturam aureum, in cuius summitate crux paruula eminet. Eam Tiaram aliae Coronae non habent. And the bearing, or the top of the Arch, in the Emperors, and in our Soueraignes, is a Mound and a Crosse, in that of the French King, a Fleur de lis, on the Popes a Crosse. For hee as a Temporall Prince also bears his Crown vpon grant pretended from Constantine Uidè verò Platinam in Syluest. 1. the Great. The words of the Donation, as it is offerd to the worlds sight, are these: In praesentiarum tradimus primum qui­dem Lateranense nostri Regni palatium, quod omnibus in Orbe Terrarnm Palatijs praefertur & eminet: Deinceps Dia­dema id est Coronam capitis Nostri. But the credit of this Donation is before Pag. 56. toucht. And the Monks haue af­firmed that Sigebert. Gemblac. sub anno 510. the Popes Crown, call'd Regnum, was that which the Emperor Anastasius sent for a present to Chlouis the first Christian King of France, and that Chlouis then bestowd it on the Pope. The generall con­sent mongst Christian Princes in wearing them of gold, proceeded from the Kings of Gods chosen people, who vsing Crowns of gold and precious stones [...] (saith an ancient Clem. Alex Paedagog 2. ca. 8. Father) [...]. i. Being annointed, bare Christ sym­bolically on their, head. He alludes to the Ointment pourd on our Sauiour, and the gold offerd to him as a King. How well then this must fit a Christian Prince, ap­pears plainly. Yet vpon occasion other Crowns haue so metimes by them been worn; and that, Chaplets of leaues, which you see in the example of Frederique Barbarossa, whose Chaplet or Crown of Rue remains yet borne bendwise vpon the Baries of the Dukedom of Saxonie. For, when Bernard sonne of Albert Ur­so, Marquesse of Brandeburg, and brother to Otho, the then Marquesse, and to Sifrid Archbishop of Breme, [Page 152] was made Duke of Saxonie by the Emperor, he desird the Emperor to haue some difference added to his Armes, that so his might be distinguisht from his bro­thers, Tunc imperator (saith Saxon. lib. 4. cap. 37. & lib. 9. cap. 19. Krantzius) vt erat Coro­natus per aestum, Ruteam Coronam iniecit ex obliquo supplicantis Clypeo, which afterward (saith he) was born so on their Coat, being before barry Sable and Or. The Moscouite or Russian Emperor being Christian, and of the Greek Church, and titling himself a King, as is al­ready shewd, wears no Crown of gold or other met­tall, but only a Rich Cap of Paul. Oder­born. vit. Theo­dori. 1. Furple, if my Author de­ceiue not; and for his Ornaments, you shall heare an Sigismund. Li­ber in reb. Mos­couitic. Embassador from the Archduke to Basilius then Em­peror there, thus describing his presence of State. Prin­ceps in loco eminentiore ac illustri, pariete imagine Diui cuiusdam splendente, aperto capite sedebat, habebát que à Dextra in Scamno pileum (Kopack) sinistra verò bacu­lum cum Cruce (Posoch) at (que) peluim cum duobus guttur­nijs, adiuncto imposito (que) mantili. Aiunt Principem cum O­ratori Romanae fidei manum porrigat, credere homini se im­mundo & impuro porrigere, atque ideò co dimisso manus lauare, which, for that speciall custome, the rather I cited. But out of what is here deliuerd, may well bee collected that Victor, or Warnfreds Assertions of Diocle­tian and Aurelian (which others follow also) may stand with that of Cedren touching Constantine, if you so in­terpret Constantins Diadem, that he was the first that in imitation of the Iewish Kings, tooke a Crown of their kind of Vide si placet, Card. Baronium, tom. 3. qui & coniecturae huic nostrae, adamussim, antiquorum numismatum fide nixus astipulatur. Materialls, for a Royall Diadem, before whom the Cloth or Fillet was vsd mongst his neer Predecessors. For it might well be so in him that was so much an Author and Propagator of Christianity in his Empire: And his Nation haue a tradition of a Crown and other habiliments sent him Constant. Por­phyrog. cap. 12. from heauen, the relation whereof I willingly abstaine from, but for this matter, adde that I ghesse, the Iewish Kings had [Page 153] their's Radiant, vpon that of our Sauiours of Thorns. For, since they purposd in their mockeries to imitate in their markes of Royalty, the Crown, Scepter, and Robe of a true King, what in a Crown of Thornes was bet­ter resembled then a Crown Radiant? Neer what the Duke Paschal. de Coronis. l. 9. c. 13. of Florence his is by gift from Pope Pius Quin­tus. More of their formes will appear in fitter place, when we speak of them as they are the ornament Of other, but Inferior Dignities. Some Galfred. Mo­num. lib. 1. & 9. autority is that Dunuallo Molmutius, wore a gold Diadem mongst our old Britons, and that Athelstan, the first of Saxon Kings, I am too suspicious of my Author, to make you beleeu it as a truth and; Ethelwerd that liued in DCCCCL. of Christ, speaking of Edward, successor to Alured, and predecessor to Athelstan, expressely sayes that he was Coronatus stemmate Regali, which was but XL. or L. yeares before Ethelwerds time, who being a Great man, and of the bloud Royall, might easily in that know what he said. The traditions of Scotland are, that vn­til King Achaius, the royal Crown, from their first Ferguse, was of Gold, Militaris valli Hector. Boet. Hist. 2. & 10. Circa An. 800. forma, or plaine; But that hee added to the plain Circular Crown, quatuor li­lia aurea, quatuor cum salutiferae Crucis aureis signis pa­ribus interuallis discretis, lilijs paulo eminentoribus. And to this Achaius is attributed the addition of the Bor­dure fleury about the Scotish Lion, Significans (saith Hector) Francorum opibus, quibuscum foedus inierat, Leo­nem exinde muniendum. Of the Westgoths in Spaine, its expressely deliuerd that the first Roderic. Tolet. lib. 2. cap. 14. & Marian. lib. 5. cap. 13. which Regia [...]signia at (que) instrumentum principale, Trabeam, sceptrum, Diadema gestauit, was Lewigild about DLXXX. of Christ. Nam ante cum (saith Isidore) & habitus & consessus communis vt genti ita & legibus erat. I haue here differd from what Alexander ab Alexandro, Paschalius, and others deliuer of Crowns and Diadems. But I imagine it is easier for me much to iustifie my assertions, then they [Page 154] those of theirs, gainst which mine are here opposd. I appeale to my cited autors: But more proper to Roy­all Maiestie, from all antiquitie, hath the SCEPTER been. Although Homer giue his Kings no Crowns, yet he specially giues them Scepters, and calls them [...]. i. Kings with Scepters. And hee makes Agamemnons only note of supremacie a Scepter, which he saies Vulcan made and gaue Ioue, from whom Mer­cury receiud it, from him Pelops, from whom Atreus, from Atreus, Thyestes, who left it to Iliad. [...]. & rectè [...] apud Apollon. Argon. 4. Agamemnon: