The tvvo most vvorthy and notable histories which remaine vnmained to posterity (viz:) the conspiracie of Cateline, vndertaken against the gouernment of the Senate of Rome, and the vvarre which Iugurth for many yeares maintained against the same state. Both written by C.C. Salustius. Bellum Catilinae. English Sallust, 86-34 B.C. 1609 Approx. 495 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 103 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A11366 STC 21625 ESTC S116620 99851836 99851836 17128

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Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A11366) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 17128) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 725:9) The tvvo most vvorthy and notable histories which remaine vnmained to posterity (viz:) the conspiracie of Cateline, vndertaken against the gouernment of the Senate of Rome, and the vvarre which Iugurth for many yeares maintained against the same state. Both written by C.C. Salustius. Bellum Catilinae. English Sallust, 86-34 B.C. Sallust, 86-34 B.C. Bellum Jugurthinum. English. aut Heywood, Thomas, d. 1641. [28], 60, [6], 8, 7-110, [2] p. [By William Jaggard] for Iohn Iaggard, dwelling in Fleetstreet betweene the two Temple gates, at the signe of the Hand and Starre, Printed at London : 1608 [i.e. 1609] A translation of "Catilina" and "Bellum Jugurthinum". Translator's dedication signed: Tho. Heywood. Printer's name from STC. "C.C. Salustius his history of the Warre of Iugurth" has separate pagination and title page dated "anno MDCIX"; register is continuous. The first leaf is blank. With a final errata leaf. Variant: 2H1 is a cancel. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery.

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eng Catiline, ca. 108-62 B.C. Jugurthine War, 111-105 B.C. -- Early works to 1800. Rome -- History -- Conspiracy of Catiline, 65-62 B.C. -- Early works to 1800. 2002-05 Assigned for keying and markup 2002-06 Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-07 Sampled and proofread 2002-07 Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-08 Batch review (QC) and XML conversion

THE Two most worthy and Notable HISTORIES which remaine vnmained to Posterity: (viz:) The Conspiracie of CATELINE, vndertaken against the gouernment of the Senate of ROME, AND The VVarre which Iugurth for many yeares maintained against the same State.

Both written by C.C. Salustius.

Historia est testis Temporum: Lux veritatis: Magistra vitae: Nuncia vetustatis.

Printed at London for Iohn Iaggard, dwelling in Fleetstreet betweene the two Temple gates, at the Signe of the Hand and Starre, 1608.

TO THE RIGHT WORTHY and valorous, Sir Thomas Summerset, Maister of the Horsse to the Queenes most excellent Maiesty.

SIR, hauing no fitter occasion to manifest my duty to your Worthinesse (though I haue often wisht matter more expressiue both of my loue & zeale) I haue aduentured rather to tempt your acceptance in this small presentment, worthy (no man will denie) in its proper Ornament, of an Honourable Patronage: Then by perpetuall neglect to incur the imputation of Ingratitude, a vice amongest the Heathen punishable, amongest Christians, contemptible. Herein therefore (right Generous) let me in lieu of all my friends, make confession of your many and extraordinary fauours, from time to time vouchsafed vs. In acknowledgment wherof, sithence we want power to deserue, yet giue vs leaue with thankfull overtures to remember. Protesting, that if you daigne to accept of this vnpolisht Translation, partly divulged vnder the shadow of your protection, for the pleasure of your vacant howers, but especially for the generall good of all English Gentlemen, when, eyther Time or better iudgment, shall furnish me with a more desertfull proiect, to prostitute it soly to the approbation of your most iudicious censure. Thus far presuming, that if it passe your allowance, I will aduenture neither to feare the discourtesy of the Cinicke, nor the sole-conceit of the Curious. In assurance whereof, being constantly warranted by the generous carryage of your Heroycall disposition, I esteeme it as rich in value as I account it happy in acceptance, hauing in it nothing so worthy as your fauour, wherevnto I wholie refer it.

Yours faithfully deuoted, Tho. Heywood.
Of the choise of History, by way of Preface, dedicated to the Courteous Reader, vpon occasion of the frequent Translations of these latter times.

THe chiefest occasion that moued the Scythians so peremptorily to distast Learning and Antiquities, was for that they saw the wals painted, and the Libraries of the Greekes and Romans stuffed, Bodin. with the records of their owne Atchieuements, but the memorable astions of other Nations, either ouer-slipped, or satyrically disgraced. For all other Nations (the Haebrewes excepted) committed nothing to writing concerning their Fortunes. And surely (I know not vpon what grounds.) It is a generall fault amongst al Martiall men; to pen nothing of their owne exploites: And those who haue somewhat inv ed their minds to learning, for their excessiue delight therein, can hardly be drawn at any time to alter their studies. By which peruersenesse of eithers error, those Nations which haue bin famous for their Military valour, haue vtterly lost their ancient reputation, after their imbracement of Letters and learning.

The best reasons that I can giue, are either to be grounded vpon desire of case, or else vpon their proficiency in the precepts of Nature and Diuinity; which not only abhorre the effusion of blood, but withal depose their former infusion of Barbarisme and cruelty; as in experience wee haue seene it come to passe, first by the Greekes and Latines, and afterwards by succeeding Nations. The people of Asia, were euer accounted good Orators and pen-men, but the Lacedemonians rude and rough fellowes, vtterly vnlearned: and yet by war and Conquest, at home and abroad, acquired worthy purchases, and had their fortunes eternized to the world; not by themselues, but by strangers: Whereas the memorable Actions, wars and Conquests of the Celts, the Germans, the Arabians and Turks, are either buried in obliuion, or at least Ballated in one sheet of paper, and that (for the most part) by their enemies. Better fortune had the Graecians in setting forth the battell of Salamme or Marathon. For by the ample discourses thereof, a man would imagine that a more honourable piece of seruice was neuer atchiued in any age. But as Alexander sitting in Darius his chaire of Estate, pleasantly told the Ambassadors of Greece, aggrauating the danger of the present rebellion of all the Greeke Citties, that those wars seemed vnto him but as conflicts of Mice and Rats. In like sort those easie warres that Alexander managed against the effeminate Asians a d Persians (to which C to spared not to giue the epithites of Woomanish, and Caesar, Contemptible) hold no comparis •• with the bloudie in counters of the Celts, the Germans, the Turkes and Tartars, as may easilie be gathered by those who are disposed to call to mind their ouerthrowe giuen and taken, and finally written by each others enemies.

Wherefore to make a iudicious coniecture of the goodnesse of Histories, wee ought to remember the wise counsell of Aristotle, not onely in our choose, but also in our reading, That an Author ought not to be accepted with an ouer-weening credulity, nor reiected with peremptorie incredulity. For if we credit al, in all writers, we cannot choose but oftentimes swallow things false, for true, and so commit grosse errors in dispatches of importance: So againe, if we should presentli condemne an Historie, as of no credit, we should reape no profit, in counteruaile of time therein consumed. Yet let euery Author beare his owne blame, whereof if they that haue stuffed their m numents of memory with fabulous impostures, be guiltie in one s rt, in no lesse fault are the Turkes, who can say nothing of their discent or Originall, neither will suffer any writing thereof to be commended to posterity; beleeuing, that no Historiographer can write truely vpon report, much lesse will they, who were either in action, or in place ouer the action; euery man being bewitched to tell a smooth tale o his owne credit: Or suppose, he be of an vnpartial spirit, yet either the feare of great p rsonages, or passion, or mony, will preuaricate his integrity. But what should discourage succeeding Ages, that they should feare to write freely of their Equals? Surely in these times, it is not probable that amongst such variety of Authors, no one should be found, whose workes were not void of affection, of corruption, of enuy, of passion. Let the iudicious Reader therefore, between these extreames (of lightnesse and Critique rashnesse) take the middle course, so shal he cul out of euerie good Author singuler purity. Neither let him censure the worke, before he fully vnderstand the depth and sufficiencie of the Author. But indeede this should be the care of the state, to looke into the argument and method of Books before they come to the Presse, least by the vulgar censuring of some deficient labours, others of more sufficiency be dishartned from publishing their writings. For in this choise of Authors, which euery student ought to propose vnto himselfe, I would not haue euery one to be his own iudge (for censure is a gifte of art and experience) but to moderate his opinion by coherence, comparisons, & infallible reasons, which if they be not allowed by the maior partie, let him neuer be ashamed to change his determination. For as those which will spend their verdicts vpon Pictures, their dimensions, lineaments & colours (wherin the skilfullest eie is often cozened and deceiued) ought not to bee ignoraunt of Symmetry, to giue true iudgement: So is it necessarie for him that will distinguish betweene the sufficiency and insufficiencie of Historie, not onelie to bee well read in the Arts, but also much conuersant in humaine occurrances.

Of Writers in this kind there are three sorts, the first whereof being wel qualified by nature, but better by learning, haue bin called vnto Magistracie. The second sort haue wanted learning, and yet proued verie sufficient by the adiuncts of Nature and experience: and the letter being somewhat helped by Nature, and wanting experimentall imploiment, haue notwithstanding by their industrie and integritie in their collection of Historie, euen equalled those who haue spent the greatest portions of their daies in the Counsell-house of Princes. Of euery one of these you shall find infinite variety, & so much the greater, by how much euerie one sauoureth of more or lesse integrity, learning and experience. The best are those which are best seene in all these, and free from passion. I adde passion, because it is harde for an vpright conscience discoursing of an euill subiect, to abstaine from hard language; or on the other side, to attribute vnto good actions a moderate commendation. For the inserting medestly in praise of the good, and dispraise of the wicked, hath giuen no smal ocasion for the amplifying of Historie. Whereof f good Authors ought to be noted, what shall we say of Euill?

No slight consideration must therefore be taken, whether our Historiographer hath written of himselfe, or of others; of Fellow-Citizens or Strangers; of Friends or Enemies; of Militarie discipline or Ciuill Gouernement; of his Equals or Inferiours; and lastly, of his owne time, or of sore-passed ages. For iudgement in this imployment, Secretaries, Priuy-Counsellors, and Presidents in Courtes of Iustice are verie sufficient: (for by these three the state is ballanced) but more sufficient is he who alone sitteth at the Helm; but most of al he, that adioyneth much reading of Law and Historie to dailie experience. To the perfection whereof two things are most requisite; Bookes and Trauaile; without the former, whereof, the difficile management of imployment (in any kind) is hardly attained to, and the date of mans life is ouer short to compasse it by trauaile and wandering obseruation, as of olde time did Licurgus, Solon and Vlisses.

The last of whom Homer pronounced wise, For that he had seene the maners of many people, and the customes of diuers Citties. In these daies many dote vpon sight of strange countries, the Natures of liuing Creatures and plants, the Fabrickes of Palaces and Pyramides, with the ouerworne sculptures of Ancient coines, but the misteries of publicke Gouernment, and their alterations, they neuer regard.

Next vnto Bookes of humanitie, and experiments of Trauaile, I commend insight in Lawe. For those that are to determine suits and contentions (saith Arcadius) knowe all sortes of misdemeanors; and not misdemeanors onely, but their contraries, without the indifferent apprehension whereof, the one and the other cannot be pried into and preuented. For in discerning between good and euil, consisteth the fulnesse of human wisedome.

Whereuppon wee are to gather, that of all sorts of Historiographers those are worst to bee liked of, which with impure handes (as the Prouerbe is) presume to write of History, being both vnexperienced in affaires of importance, and veterly vnlearned. Of these is my chiefest Caue at in choise of Historie.

The next to beware of, is a rayling or a passionate Writer (for you shall not find all Authors free from this humor) and him suspect of flattery, by praising himselfe, his fauourites and Country men, and bitterly taunting his opposites, or enemies. But when you meet with an Authour, who giueth his enemy his due commendation, read him with trust and beleefe; and the rather, if he bee a stranger to both parties: esteeme him as litigious persons do of Vmpiers in Abitrementes, voyd of partiality. For it is aparant that Dionisius Hallicarnasseus (a man of no eminent place in Gouernment) wrote the History of the Romans with better faith and more vprightnesse, then Fabius, Salust, or Cato, men aduanced to wealth and honour in their Common-weales. For Polibius a Graecian in many places doth tax Fabius & Philenus of falshood, the one a Roman the other a Carthaginian, and both writing vpon the Punicke warres; the one giuing all the honour to the Romans, the other to the Carthaginians. These are the words of Polibius. Philenus avoucheth that the Carthaginians behaued themselues valiantly, and the Romans baselie and cowardly. But Fabius by the censure of Polibius was a man of approued honesty, & wisedom, to whom the proiects of the Romans, nor the counterplots of the enemy were hidden, or vnreuealed Yet both Orator like were very wary to say or do any thing to their own irreputations. But let not any thinke, that in an History he can discharge both the part of an Orator & Historiographer. For I cannot allow of those writings which in praises and flattery are copious, in reprehension of vices, briefe and penurious; this maxime being most iustifiable, that euen the man of best discretion and vprightnesse, committeth manifold errors. Wherein Equinard and Acciolus haue so magnified Carolus Magnus, Eusebius Constancie, Nebrensis Ferdinand, Iouius Cosmo Medices, Phillostratus Apollonius, Procopius Bellisarius, Staphilus, and Leua, Charles the fift, that heerein they haue rather merited the sirnames of Orators, then of Historiographers. And therefore let the iudicious Censurer suspend his iudgement not by the scale of Friends and Countreymen, but by the verdict of enemies also. Against Phillip Comines, in praising of Lewes the XI. let him oppose Meir; and not Meir onely, but Paulus Aemilius; because the one is excessiue in commending, the other as farre gone in discommending; the third in a meane. Meir tearmeth him periurious and fratricide, whose desire was aboue al things, without regard of the Lawes of God or man, to become sole Tyrant of the state. The same Author calleth Comines himselfe, Traitor and Fugitiue. And therefore in these alterations, I wish neither of them to be belieued, because the one was highly aduanced and inriched, by the King, the other a professed enemy, and had his p n deeplier dipped in gall, then was seeming for an Historiographer. Aemilius was neither friende nor foe (for he was of Verona) and wrote grauely and modestly in these words. The Duke (saith he) did enuy the King, accusing him with the death of his Brother, to haue corrupted his Brothers children, and to work them to poison their Father. Hee affirmes nothing rashly, he omitted not repugnant reports. They wrote in the life of Lewes; this man an hundred yeares after, impossible at that tim to bee possessed with expectancy of grace, feare, or enuy. So Tacitus did avowe the actions of Tiberius, Claudius, Caius, and Nero, reported in their life times to be full of flattery through feare, and after they were dead, as full of despight, and both false. And therefore it was his first prot station, that he would write them without Enuie or Flattery, as in a time of more securitie. For hee wrote an hundred yeares after their deaths, and peraduenture had read the saying of Aristotle, that New Histories were as fabulous and distatiue as those of deepest Antiquity.

Surely those tha will write of the present, can hardlie write truly, but they must touch the credi and reputation of some men. And therefore Cicero in his Catalogue of all the best Orators, remembred not one liuing, least they which by chance or negligence were forgotten or omitted (as himselfe speaketh) should conceiue displeasure. Who would then seeke for truth amongst Authors conuersing with such times, Wherein to write what a man would not, was accounted dishonest: to write what he would, dangerous.

The best course is therefore without all fear to dedicate our Papers to posterity, or if any think so well of his workes, that he will publish them in his life time, let his History consist of times past, collected out of the best Cōmentaries publicke, priuate, and Ancient; As did Lyuy, Tranquillus, Tacitus, Arrian, and Dionisius Hallicarnasseus, all, most approued Authors: and the last of most credite, because he wrote of another state, not of his owne, and sawe all mens Commentaries, and secrets of state by publique permission.

Polibius.In this ranke also, are Polibius, Plutarch, Metasthenes, Ammianus, Polidor, Ctesias, Aemilius, Aluaresius, and Lodowick Roman.

But of those which haue nothing in thē but reports, ek toon aloon akroamatoon as Polibius speaketh, and haue not seene publicke Registers, let them be of no Authority. For the better Authors to induce better beleefe, avouched their authorities from publique remembrances, as Ammianus, vvho brought to light the Originall of the Galles from their Publicke Monuments. So likewise Arrians writeth in his preface, That he read the Commentaries of King Ptholomy, an eiewitnesse of the Acts of Alexander, neuer before set forth. Appian had the like Fortune with the papers of Augustus. Metasthenes and Ctesias with the Libraries of the Persians. Diodorus with the Arcana of the Egiptians. Onasicratus and Aristobulus the Lieutenant of Alexander avow those things which they sawe with their eyes in Egipt and India. Not that I dare avouch that the truth of History is to be sought for in the Commentaries of Kinges, for they are giuen to speake largely of their owne praises, but to make vse of those Obseruations which are little or nothing interessed in their praise or disgrace; as the Computations of times, the largenesse and scituation of Prouinces, the Gouernment of Citties, the ages of Princes, their raignes and successions, and in especial, their Policies; wherein the end of reading all in all consisteth. For as Metasthenes affirmeth, All men that writ of Princes are not to be beleeued, but especially the Priests, to whose fidelity and custody the publicke Annals were incredited. Such a one was Berosus, who collected the raignes of the Assyrians out of the Annals of his predecessors. This Metasthenes.

Secondly, if a History haue such and so many witnesses as cannot be contested, it hath the greater apparancie of truth, yea in seeming incredulities, especiallie if it suffer examination and triall. For vvho would beleeue that the Roman Senate at the motion of a Clowne, who dreamed that Iupiter called vnto him in his sleepe, and willed him to admonish the Senate that they should renew the plaies, because he that lead the dance in the former shawes had daunced falsie. The Senate assented. One man perchance in relating this triuiall accident would not be beleeued, but heerein Plutarch, Lyuy, Dionisius, Valerius and Pliny, do all agree; who in so vniforme a consent of the Senate and people could not relate a falshood.

But methinkes I heare one say, the latter was deceiued by the error of the former; and so each after other. Surely and so it may be, not onely in the Historie of humanitie, but also of Nature: For the olde world reported, that Swan approching their ends, would sweetlie sing their Funerall farewels; a tradition not onely receiued from the times of Eschilus by Poets and Painters, but likewise by the chiefest of the Phylosophers, Plato, Aristotle, Chrisippus, Philostratus, Cicero and Seneca. And yet Pliny, and after him Athenaeus report vppon proofe, that it is but a Fable, and so to this day it yet remaineth.

But as for naturall Historie the validitie thereof, whereof we meane not to discourse, it soone experimented, which in humaine (for their infinite confusions) can neuer be examined. As for example; Many good Writers, and not one, or two, but almost twentie wrote that the Duke of Orliance was beheaded for Treason, and that at Paris: and yet it was apparant, that XXX. yeares after his imprisonment in England, he returned into France, and there peaceably died. For which rashnesse my Countrey-man G. Bellay doth sharpely reprehend those Historiographers, who will audaci uslie commit to publique beliefe the flying reports of fame and the vulgar. Of this fault Strabo taxed Possidonius, Erastosthenes & Metrodorus. They deliuered for true history (saith he) the reports of the most inconstant people. But Possidonius vsed the Authoritie of C. Pompey, so that I thinke hee could write nothing vnaduisedly.

Therefore when Authors disagree amongst themselues, I take it the safest course to beleeue the latest, at leastwise if their reasons co-here necessarily, and their Arguments are strong o proue what they say. For such is the Nature and obscurity of truth, that vnlesse it be raked from auncient and fundamentall Originals, it will hardly appeare like it selfe, but best then, when the reports, the flatteries and passions of the vulgar are buried with their bodies.

As to Religion, because the Controuersies betweene the professions and professors thereof, are so irreconciable, I woulde not aduise a man to seeke out the Opinions of the Heathen among the Iewish Writers, nor of the Iewes amongst the Christians, nor that of the Christians amongst the Moores or Mahumetans, but to read the Authors of euerie sect and Religion by themselues, to weigh the credit of the writer, and the validitie of the thing written, and how they agree or disagree amongest themselues. So much (concerning this Argument) as hath beene set foorth by diuers Authors, I will rather blanch with the imputation of mistaking and ignorance in Antiquities, then with the foul Title of vntruth; euen as the old Graecians dealt with the Romans and the Celts, and the Romaines with the Caldeans and Iewes, ea h one being ignorant in the Antiquities of either Nation.

In reading the disgraces of an enemy, let our assertion bee suspended vntill we haue examined the worth of the writer; for an aduersaries report is not rashly to bee reiected, nor at first sight imbraced; but heerein let vs imitate Caligula, who commanded the History of Caesar written by Cassius and Labienus, and condemned by the Senate, to be published; saying, That it was profitable for the state, to haue the Actions of euery man, vnderstood by all men. Yet for my part, if the testimony of the one or the other concerning Caesar, were ow extant, I would not altogether admit them to beliefe; no nor build confidence on Caesar himselfe, when he writeth, that the Pompeyans made no conscience of Diuine and humaine thinges, and le t no Sacriligious violence vnattempted, whereas he himselfe without any feare of Religion or deity, sacked all the Temples of the Gaules, and broake vp the Treasurie of the Holy Sanctuary, which Pompey and his faction feared and refused to violate. But the reason that moued Caesar to disperse these scandals on Pompey, was to make his enemy odious, that so he might pretend a iust cause of war, when to a good man no excuse can seem reasonable to wage warre against his Countrey.

As concerning his Commentaries, most men receiue them with approoued allowance, and no maruel, when a Generall was forbidden by the Law Porcia to giue in to the Tribunes of the Treasury, a false report what number of enemies he had slaine. Wherein if he failed, he was to be depriued of his Generalship, and denied his triumphall Ceremony; which rather then Caesar would giue ouer, hee would not sticke to account that lawfull which made best for his purpose, how vnlawfull soeuer. Which law, though he had not kept inviolably, yet the feare of infamy so awed his ambition, that hauing many enemies, hee knew they would not haue failed to indict him of falshood, especially being resolued to publish his books in his own life time. An instance whereof is to be seene in Cicero his Anti-Cato, though he wrote saith Tacitus) as persons accused are accustomed to behaue themselues before Iudges.

This therefore that we haue spoken touching the writings of Enemies, is to be receiued, except in cases of corruption and transfugation. Such a one was Froysard, who whether he sto d m re beholding to the English, Note the Author 〈◊〉 was a Frenchman. or the English to him, many make question, he himselfe publickly acknoledging their bounty and munificence. Such another was Aretine, who would glorie that hee was well rewarded by th se whom he praised; yea, though he did it against his conscience: Yet thus much wil I say for the 〈◊〉 , that it is not to be doubted, but that hee wrote truly, being either in action, or at least s ending the best part of his life amongst militarie men: the fault that I finde is, for that he altogether ••• g t the due deserts of his owne Nation, which I thinke no vncorrupted passion can do. For Polibius (accounted a most true Author) when he came to discourse of his Countreymen, could not so moderate his p n, b t needes it must breake out into most bitter invectiues against Philarchus, for extenuating the valour and fortitude of the Megalopolitans in their warre against Aristomachus. The same humour (if I bee not deceiued) prouoked Plutarch to write against Herodatus wherein he inu yeth at nothing s sharpely as at those things which hee wrote concerning the Boetians and Che ronesians. But who can refraine laughter that readeth Sabellicus his comparisons of the Venetians wa res with those of the Romans? Euen Donatus Gianotus, his Fellow-Cittizen could not indure them. With this disease (if it may be tearmed a disease, with an honest fallacy to maintaine the reputation of our Countrymen) almost all Historiographers are troubled. And therefore had I rather read Caesar discoursing of the manners of the Galles, Tacitus of the Germans, Polibius of the Romans, and Ammianus of the Frankes, for that they were strangers, vnaduanced, vncorrupted, & were wel acquainted with the Originals of those things, whereof they presumed to write.

The next doubt that troubleth my mind, is whether an Historiographer, ought to praise, dispraise, shew his opinion; Or leaue all to the iudgement of his Reader. For either partie I will lay downe the best allega •• ons I can, and so leaue it to discretion.

Historie ought to be nothing but a representation of truth, and as it were a Map of mens actions, sette forth in the publicke view of all commers to bee examined; And therefore the predesca ting opinion of the writer cannot but bring much discredite to the Action, in that hee presumeth to prepossesse the minds of Artists with imaginarie assertions, seeming to teach those, who knew better then himse fe what belongeth to such affaires, to the wiser sort, who will not he deceiued (for that he cometh to Counsel before he be called) he seemeth verie suspitious.

No lesse guiltie of another sault are many Historiographers, who in the midst of their discourses, fall off from their entended Narrations, to play the Orators or Rethoritians, so deluding the expectations, & confounding the memories of their readers. Such a one was Timaeus, condemned for both; and for his digradation from History to Satyrisme, vulgarly termed Istitimaios and slanderer. For sithence there is nothing more difficile, then to Iudge truely, who would not be aggreeued to heare an Historiographer, hauing nothing to do in Counsell or matter of state, to breath out his assertion of the chiefest commanders in the Republicke? Or what can be more foolish then to listen to a fellow who neuer saw f •• ld, reasoning of the victories and ouersights of Generals and their Armies. Such a malepart part plaid he (I silence his name) that wrote the wars betweene Henry and Charles the Emperour, by playing the iudge on both sides. He loded the King (or rather ouer-loded with such grosse flatterie and praises, that his Maiestie could not endure to heare them but with loathing; Charles hee condemned as a most wicked and Cowardlie Captaine, omitting no words of reproach which his wit could imagine. Alas good man! little considered he, that his reproaches redounded to the discredit of his owne partaking, to whome it could not be imputed a dishonour to contend with such a Prince; more dishonourable to bee by him ouerthrowne: but most dishonourable to contract affinity. Well, by this his ouersight he lost the credite of an Historiographer, and was by the consent of all good men condemned for an vniust iudge. No l sse onerseene was Iouius in his rash and odious comparisons of the liues of Selimus and Ismael the Sophi; of Charles the fift, Pope Paule, and diuers other great Princes.

Against these I oppose Xenophon, Thucidides, Tranquillus, Caesar, Guicciardin, and Sleydan, who seldome, and that wisely, and vpon occasions intermix their Opinions. Truly Caesar for military discipline, being all praise-woorthie, and a profound Artist in state-gouernement, though without reprehension he might speake his mind in warlike Controuersies, and that withou imputation of ignorance, yet when hee did it, it was done with discretion and modestie. For when some about him affirmed, that P. Scilla might haue perfected his victory, if hee had pursued the troopes of Pompey, Caesar made answere, That he allowed of his proceedings: For (saith he) the Office of a Generall and Lieutenant are different; the one is to manage according to Commission, the other as occasions shall importune. Again, in the battel of Pharsalia when Pompey commanded his souldiers to standfast, and not to remoue; to receiue the enemy, & not to charge: To do the like (saith Caesar) I see not by any reason how it should stand to our aduantage, because Nature hath infused into euery man a certaine alacrity & courage of minde ready to quarrell: Thus a good General ought to cherrish, not to pull backward. Heere Caesar contended with Pompey not in armes onely, but in counsell also.

Many are the examples which may iustifie this policy of Caesars, as the victory of Epaminondas against the Lacedemonians, and therefore what can bee more distastiue then to heare another Phormio, who neuer saw field, to giue a peremptorie censure of such Personages, and their Fortunes; or a Schoole-man to talke of the amendment of the Lawes of Lycurgus and Solon, being the wisest magistrats that euer bore office; which when Aristotle had done, he ran into the dislike of many men for it; of Polibius sparingly, of Plutarch more f eely; how iudiciously I say not; but generally affirme, that to speak of things we assuredly know not, is an argument of Leuity; Peremptori y to iudge, app rantly dangerou . Viues the Schoolemaister of Charles blameth Comines for the same fault of leui y, because he often digresseth from his History; then from the liues and fortunes of Princes, and lastly f lleth into discourse of an happy life, after, the fashion of Phylosophers.

This notwithstanding; Comines was a man that spent his whole time eith r in place of gouernment, or in th wars, or in famous Embassies, and so did not Viues. So that in my fancy, if any mā might censure, su ely he might. But admit his reprehension iustifiable, then would I aduise an Historiograph r to resolue either to determine modestly, or for altogether to h lde his peace, but that the authority of Polibius doth draw me to a contrary opinion For, the reason wherfore he blameth Philarchus, was for that he Silenced due desarts: yea, and affirmeth the chiefest vse of Annals to be, to inflame the good to progression by the example of their likes, and to de •• r the wicked by d slike of former courses. Which reason both Tacitus and Procopius allow of, besides that many graue Authors at end of their discourses haue vsed the president; & amongst the number, Agathias (a wonder to me) doth compare a bare Relation, to an old-wiues tale; but his authority doth not so weigh with me, that therby I can be induced to cōsent; especially, since by the most graue censis of Cicero Caesar who went beyond al other Historiographers in this kind of cōmendation, That his history was naked, simple, & true, & without all Ornament of Art laid open to euery mans censure. Of like nature is the history of Xenophon, which he annexed to Thucidides, wherein he interlaceth no Opinion of his owne maketh no digression, neither vseth any Ornaments of Oration. And to th ir opinions, that suppose the praises of ve tue, & the display of vices to be the fruit of History, I answere, that it may more truely and properly bee handled by Philosophers (to whose element it pertaineth) then by Historiographers. He disgraced Nero sufficiently, that penned his butchering of most honest persons, His schoolemaister, his two wiues, his Brother Britannicus, & finally his mother. Al these, without further addit on of words, Tranquillius writeth purely and plainly: But Appian after he hath shewed howe Methridates slew his Mother, his brother, his three young sons, and so many daughters; addeth, A man bloody and mercilesse against al sorts of people. He rein he no lesse detracted from the credite of his former discourse, then Iouius, who for his long Oration, bitter and full of despight, against the Tyranies of Selimus Prince of the Turkes, seem th vnto me to haue laid vpon his credit a pe petuall disg ace, for that it had b n sufficient to haue simply related the murder of three Bassaes, of great integri y and neare alliance, two Brethren, fiue Nephewes, and his aged Father; & not aft r the maner of Orators (verie imp oper for an Historiographer) to run out into impertinent discourses, which peraduenture the Reader may conster to be false or suspicious. And this vnder correction of those, who think nothing more vnprofitable, then a bare R lation: for my part I dislike not cē sures vpon great Potentates and thei fortunes, so the censur rs be men of iudgment & sufficiency. For discoursing of City gouernment Dionisius Halicarnasseus, Plutarch, Liuy, Zonaras, Dio and Appian are commended. For the Art mil tary, Caesar, Paterculus, Ammianus, Frossard, Hiricius, Bellay: For both, Xenophon, Polibius, Thucidides, Tacitus, Comines, & Guicciardin: For policies and Cour ship, Tranquillus, Lampridius, Spartianus, Sleydan & Machiauel. For maners of people & description of Countries, Diodorus, Mela, Strabo, Leo Afer, Boemus Aluaresius: For religion, Philo, Iosippus, Eusebius, Theodoret, Socrates, Sozomen, Nicephorus, Calistus, Orosius, Sidonius, Gregorius Turonensis, Abasurspergensis, Gulielmus Bish. of Turi, Antonius Florentinus, and the writers of the Magdeburg Historie.

But wisely spake the Ancients, Ne sutor vltra crepidam, in which sence I would not haue a Polibius to discourse of Religion, Nor a Eusebius of the Art military. Thus much in general of the duty of Historiographers, now of the choise of the best of these: for to hope for better were madnesse; to wish it, vanity. And as for those who Poetize vnto themselues the Idea of an absolute Historiograph r: such a one as neuer hath bin, nor euer wil be, I say they might haue spent their times and studies to better purpose. For who maketh question, but that an Historiographer ought to bee a man of grauity, integritie, seuerity, of good intelligence, eloquent, and fully insighted into the offices of publique and priuat Gouernment; I thinke none but fooles will fall in love with an Hi •• ory, which hath nothing in it saue eloquent words, fained Orations, & merry digres ions; verily supposing, that he that writeth but to please the care, cannot but neglect the truth, wherof Thucidides, Plutarch and Diodorus accuse Herodotus; and yet Cicero (to me wonder) tearmeth him the Parent of History, whō all Antiquity accuseth of falsity. And therefore let him be as we find him, whom al Authors so vniuersally condemne, but not vtterly reiect. For besides his eloquent sale, and the sweet dialect of the Ionique phrase, we shall find in him many remembrances of Antiquity: and to speake freelie, in his latter bookes diuers things most truly reported.

Therefore wit to be deceiued in our choise, let those be imbraced, who are by all allowed, especially in those times wherein they liued, and were Actors in the affaires. Of which ranke in my iudgement, are Thucidides, Thucidides Salust, Xenophon, Comines, Guicciardin, Caesar, and Sleydan. Neither is it materiall that the Athenians accused Thucidides, of affectionate partiality towards the Lacedemonians: for heereby being an Athenian and not a Lacedemonian, they added to his credit. And besides, the man had bin imployed in diuers Imbassies & commands in the Peloponesian war; was rich, nobly discended, had to do in all affaires of state, maintained Intelligenc rs, and lastly wrote of their actions, who then liued, and that in n free state: who would call such an Author, or such an, Historie, into suspition. Neither did his fauour towards the Lacedemonians so drowne the remembrance of his owne Countreymen, but that he gaue them their due praises. And although he were by thē cast into banishment, when he wrote his History, yet he not onely cleared his onely aduersarie and exile worker Pericles from publicke obloquy, but being dead thought him so praise-worthy for his politicke, gouernment, that he doubted not to prophesie, but that with his death the state would fall into a present declination: yet Diodorus sticketh not secretly to carpe at the method of his Orations, as doth Trogus Pompeius (witnes Iustine) against Lyuy & Salust: saying, That they exceeded the bounds of History, by inserting their direct and indirect Orations. For (as Cicero saith) nothing can be more pleasing in History then simple and significant breuity.

But if we should go about to extract from Liuy al his Orations, we should leaue him but smal fragments; which reason, Caligula pretended for defacing his portraiture, and remouing his writings out of all Libraries; which in truth to me seemeth in some sort tollerable, for that he himselfe protesteth in his o e and fortifieth booke, that hee determined to write nothing but the Romaine Historie.

Salust.Of Salust we can define nothing, because all his workes are almsot lost: by those which remaine, wee cann t denie, but that he was a most sincere Author, and deepe Statist. For he tooke paines to trauaile into Affricke to be truelie informed of his Bellum Iugurthinum. And surelie he wrote freelie: for what could be more freche spoken, then to c rsine the man fold sufficiencie of the whole Roman people then liuing, to consist in one onely Caesar and Cato? So Thucidides attributed to Pericles his true and most deserued commendations: So did Sleydan his, to King Francis; to the Duke of Saxony, his; to Belay, and Alasco, theirs, reiecting all odious comparisons. But if an Authour will needs discend into a bitter straine, then let him proue his assertions with pertinent Argumentes; for otherwise the world will grow into suspition that he hat written but vpon heare-say. Which course Guicciardin, Plutarch, Machiauel, and Tacitus, haue followed, whereby they haue most clearelie laid open the secre est proiects and policies of diuers Princes. As for Sleydan hee vvas King Francis his interpreter,Sleydan and often imployed in Embassies by his Commonwealth and being a D uine his chiefe scope was to write of Religion, the controuersies wherof as likewise the Orations (direct and indirect) hee included in as briefe a method as possi •• y he coul : which to manie men seeme tedious; but to a spirit desirous to read antiquities, and 〈…〉 of importance, nothing should be so taken. For in our Authors 〈…〉 sard, & Carter you shal find a masse of leuitie, but withall many 〈…〉 case to be reiected; which you shall not find in Emilius, who freely confesseth that he hath witting he ouerpassed those things, which other men haue written. Of the same mold are the histories of Leo Afer, Aluarasius. M. Gazus, which speake to all accidents, weighty, indifferent, triuiall; therewith to satiate the itching eares of the curious. But this shall you seldome finde amongst the Greeke or Latine writers, who onely proposed to discourse of the actions of warre or peace, vnlesse some memorable accident intervened; as with Liuie, The burning of the Capitoll in the sociall warre; with Tacitus, That furious fire which consumed twelue wards of the Citty.

As for Prodegies, not the basest, but euen the most famous writers haue noted them, though flatlie incredible; as Caesar himselfe; That in the ciuill warre, the statue did sweat at Traley: a man otherwise neither fearing God, nor much regarding honesty. Herein Liuie most religiously (I had rather say superstitiouslie) exceeded all others. For ye shal read of nothing so frequēt, as how Oxen spoke, Vines burnt, Statues sweated, Stars fell from heauen; how God appeared to Hanniball: that a childe of six moneths olde, proclaimed a Triumph, and such like. These writers, Polibius tearmed Tragoedos, & not improperly: because they could not fetch Anniball out of Purgatory, they woulde bring downe the Gods on the stage by deuises. But Polibius was an Atheist, and wrote verie vnreuerently of religion; the others are more charitably to be censured. For it were better to be superstitious, then irreligious, and more tollerable to adore some God, then to acknowledge no deitie.

In other mens praises Liuie is also somewhat too prolix; for when he preferreth P. Sempronius before all others his Fellow-Citizens (wherein he offreth an apparant wrong to the residue) he reporteth him To haue all the perfections that Nature or Fortune could possibly bestow vpon Humanity. Nor heere ending, he proceedeth to amplifie particulers, as his discent, his wealth, his eloquence, his complexion, his age, his Noble spirite, and militarie knowledge. Next him, hee eleuateth Furius Camillus to the Heauens; Africanus higher; so that I see no man hath cause to wonder, why Augustus gaue him the Epethi e of Pompeianus, seeing he was excessiue euen aboue exc sse in the praises of that Man. But in reprehension he was modest and graue; as in the contention between Marcus Liuius and C. Claudius for the censorship, wherein the one most spightfully inveied against the other; It is an vnseemely contention (saith he) where both parties depart the place with equal shipwracke of reputation. And in another place speaking of the ancient reuerence of the Plebeians towards the Patricij: That modesty and carriage (saith he) which you shall now see in one, was in those times common to the Vniuersall multitude. The like modesty he vseth of Caluinus Companus: What! shall I tearme him wicked? No, but a Reprobate in the highest degree, who maketh choise to Tyranize, rather by his owne fall, then to behold the prosperity of his country.

This Author is not onely of one vaine through his whole worke, but euer like himselfe, of an vnderstanding capacity, graue, spare in commending, bitter in reprehension, and like a politicke Law-maker and good Commander wrote worthily of Military and ciuill gouernment, with the Office of an Historiographer. His histories intreat almost of al Nations which were of any reputation in his time, or somwhat before, (viz) from the CXXIIII. Olimpiad: that is, from the worlds Creation 3680. to the year three thousand seauen hundred, sixtie six, but of fortie Bookes which he wrote, foure and thirtie are lost. And as he was an excellent Historiographer, so was hee a verie good Phylosopher: for in the treatie of peace with the Carthaginians, he forewarneth the Princes and Gouernors of the state, to enter into speciall considerations, whether those with whom they were to confederate, were compelled thereto by necessity, or with desire of alliance. His sixt Booke a oundeth with the like obseruations, wh rein he discourseth at large of the ciuill and militarie policie of the Romans. For the Topography of countries and places none of the Auncients came neere him. The blind ignorance of times and former Historiographers, who put many fabulous Narrations vpon the Romans, he often reprehendeth: as this one most shamefull out of T: Liuius and Appian, who report, That Camillu defeated the Legions of the Galles, with such an Vniuersall slaughter, that no one was left aliue, to make report of the taking of the Citty.

Of the like error laboured Iustine, Callimachus, and his Scholiasts, in their vntrue suggestion, That Brennus hauing wasted Italy, led his Army into Greece, where it vtterly perished by lightning from Heauen, for sacking the Temple of Apollo at Delphi, whereas Polibius proueth by forceable arguments, and conclusions of necessity, That after the foresaid army had burned the Citty, they trauelled as farre as Hellespont, where being allured by the scituation of the Countrey, they seated themselues about Bizantium, and ouerthrowing the Thracians, possessed the Monarchy vntill the times of Clayaru. Which can be no strange matter, considering that not long ago they tooke Bizantium with their Captaine Baldwin, and for a long time gouerned the Empire of the Graecians.

In our daies Iouius imitated Polibius as concerning the Generall Historie of his time, saue heerein is the difference, that Polibius was either an Actor or Commander, or had the pervsall of the publicke records: Iouius reported many things vpon heare-say, and at aduenture. Polibius was trained in the military discipline and offices of state, Iouius in neither. Polibius was a Noble man in his Countrey, Iouius a Plebeian: Polibius a Generall, Iouius a Physition. The one reporteth, that hee had trauailed thorough the greatest part of Europe, the Coast of Affricke, and Asia the lesse, to learne the customes of those different people. And to his own glorie: That he sate in the Vatican seauen and thirty yeares, was of Counsell to Scipio African, and his continuall associate in warre: Whereas the other, altogether kept company with Bishops: And beeing asked why he coyned false reports, and smothered true? he answered, For my friends sakes: saying, That if those that be now aliue will not beleeue me, I am sure, those that come after, will affoord mee, and my fauourites, expected commendations. Gorraeus of Paris hath dedicated this censure to Eternity: That the rales of Amadis are as true and probable, as the writings of Iouius: Had he fabled for the good of the state (which Xenophon and Plato do tollerate in Magistrates) it had bin passable: but by lying to slatter, is vnseemely for all sorts, but most vile in an Historiographer. For as Bessarius the Cardinall when hee saw verie many whose liues were questionable, canonized at Rome through blind deuotion, saide; hee doubted whether all were true which was related of the ancient Saints: so fabulous Historiographers are often an occasion, that those of desart are called into suspition.

If he would haue imitated Polibius, he should haue bin mindfull of his owne position set down in the Preface of his Histories: That he that swarueth from the truth of his proiect, pulleth out the eye of a most beautifull creature. How well he obserued this admonition, we wil not make triall, by him, who tearmed him an Author of Tales, neither by Sleydan, nor Brutus Venetus (who often blame him for vntruths) because the one was of a contrarie religion, the other peraduenture excepted vnto for imputation of Tirrany, but by Guicciardine the Parent of History and an Author without all exception. Whose relations if you please to compare with those of Iouius, you shall find them to agree as square proportions do with round, especial y in their Orations, Epistles, Treaties, and Compositions: all which Iouius mouldeth out of his owne braine, but with such confusio of method, that euen by the censure of Alciat (his only Trumpet) the vnskilfullest souldiers haue turned their tongues to Scholasticall declamations against him. I w ll ouerpasse the fond adhortation of Charles the Emperour vnto him, Expedire te, inquit I ui. calames oportet &c. As also His conference and Complaints with Iouius, which vnto my apprehension seeme as true, as that Mulcasses should slay aboue two hundred Lyons; six hundred thousand of small Cattle to be pillaged out of the Territory of Brixium and two hundred thousand of the greater sort to be driuen ut of France, according to his report. The like he setteth downe concerning the Empires of the Persians, the Abessines, and the Turkes, which whither they were true or false he could neuer vnderstand vpon rumors & reports; and as for the Counsels of Princes, their speeches, their Letters, their instructions, or publick monuments, he neue saw them, and yet notwithstanding he presumeth to write as con idently, as if he had bin interessed in the usinesse.

Whereupon it is not to be doubted, but what hee might haue written truely, hee would not; as the affaires of Italy; what he would, he could not, as the estates of forraine Princes. Neuerthelesse hee protesteth that if he were compared with any of the Writers of his owne time, hee could not but take it vnkindly. Which rash protestation (in my fancie) he broched by the president of Arrianus, who thought himselfe by so much superiour to any Historiographer whatsoeuer, that writ the life of Alexander, by how much Alexander excelled all other Emperours.Arrianus Surely this Arrianus was a man learned & wise, as apeareth by his Cōmentaries vpon Epictetus; and moreouer ioyned experience to his reading, insomuch that Adrian Augustus for his singuler sufficiency, preferred him to the Consulship, hauing run through all other inferiour offices, yea euen in the integritie of the state. I will silence his eloquence and Attique phrase, which was so pure, that he was called a second Xenophon. Indeed if Iouius were in any tittle to be compared to Arrian, then had hee cause to take it in euill part to bee matched with others; which by his fauour I meane to do it, not for that I will affirme that those thinges which he wrote were vntrue and barren, but that for euer he shall carrie this eare-marke of falshoode, that where euer he writeth truely, he shall be accounted but a suspected Author; yea, with this one note, more satyricall, and of far greater indignity, That by prostituting his Labors to sale, his lies yeilded him better profit, then other men could gaine by speaking of the trueth. And so I will leaue him, and returne to the Ancients, whom I will compare with our Moderne, and betweene Themselues, as the lot falleth.

The first man I meet withall is Dionisius Halicarnasseus, Dionisius who besides his modest method of speech and his Attique dialect; wrote the Antiquities of the Romans from the Original of their Cities foundation with such integrity, as no Graecian or Latine hath at any time done the like. For whereas the Latines neglected things triuiall, as Sacrifices, Playes, Triumphs, Ensignes of Magistracies, the generall gouernment of the state, Subsidies, Auguries, Parliaments, and the difficile diuision of the people into wards and Tribes; Lastly, the potencie of the Senat, the priuiledges of the Commons, the Authoritie of Magistrates, and the power of the people, be in my iudgement hath best performed them of anie man liuing. And to make them the more easie to bee vnderstood, hee hath compared the customes of the Greeks with the Lawes of the Latines, deriuing the priuiledges of Clyents which Romulus instituted (and which Caesar noteth to be common amongst the Gals) from the Athenians and Thessalians; The Roman Dictator to be of equall power to the Haumoste of the Lacedemonians, to the Archon of the Thessalians and the Aesynmet of the Mytilens: yea, had it not hin for this mans labours, the Lawes of Romulus, Numa and Seruius, together with the Original discent of the Romans, had bin long since buried in forgetfulnesse, through the pride of the Romans, who accounted & omitted these remembrances as base & vulgar (A fault almost common with al Authors) as if they were as well knowne to strangers, as to Natiues.

The like diligence almost vsed Plutarch in his Roman Antiquities;Plutarch what censure is to be giuen of him, I thinke euerie man knoweth. For seeing he was the Schoole-maister of that excellent Prince Traian, an ancient Courtier, and at last Gouernour of Istria, there is no question to be made, but he ioyned practise and experience to his great wisedome. Hee wrote the Historie of the two most famous people of the world, not methodically and in order, but abruptly, and by way of Comparison. All that I admire in him is his so free opinion in al matters, that to me he seemeth rather a censurer of Princes, then an Historiographer; yet with this submission to his worth, that if any man may be thought a fit Vmpire in businesse of such weight, I hold him to be Plutarch, or no man. For vvhat could be vnknovvne to a man of so high a reach, so deepe a iudgement? Which are verie remarqueable in his most graue disputations of a Republicke, and his profound Philosophie. The Originall occasions of wars, their openings, their progressions, ouerthrowes, and victories, he handleth like an excellent Commander. And sometimes he discendeth to matters of meanest moment, euen of houshold affaires; as is that remembraunce of Cato the Censor, who of purpose set enmitie betweene his seruants, Least by their ouermuch licentiousnesse, they should busie their braines about proiects of farre worse consequence. The like he remēbreth of Pericles, who accustomed to sell to the vtmost aduantage the reuenues of his domaines, and to buy by the penny his daily prouision. Oftentimes hee relateth thinges incredible and meerely fabulous, but he vseth the worde Phasi, to forewarne rash beleefe. As in the life of Licurgus, he writeth, That a Lacedemonian Lad suffered the Rack euen to death, rather then he would reueale the theft of a Fox: And that Agesilaus was amerced by the Ephori for populer dependancy.

That he sometimes committed an ouer-sight in the Antiquity of the Romans, for that, being a Graecian, and not perfectly vnderstanding the Latine tongue, (as himselfe confesseth in the life of Demosthenes) he is to be borne withall. As where he writeth, that in Iudgements Gracchus by the Law Sempronia equalled the Gentlemen with the Senators, when as by the same Law that prerogatiue was taken from the Senate, and absolutely transferred to the Gentlemen; as Velleius, Appian, Asconius, Tacitus and Florus testifie: It is apparant that he mistook Legem liuiam pro Sempronia, and Gracchus for Drusus. The like fault he committed in valewing the Drachma with the Roman Denarius, and the Mina with Libra in the liues of Fabius and Anthony, which Budeus f llowing, soone slipped into error; As hee could not choose, the quotient being false. &c.

DioFor Dio who can make question of his excellency and sufficiency, beeing a man that spent his whole time in affaires of the state, and running through all the degrees of Office, was twice chosen Consull, and after that Proconsull; wherein he gouerned the Prouinces worthily, & no doubt ioyned experience to his great learning. He it was, that collected the order of their Dyets, their Magistracies, the course of their proceeding in law, the inauguration of their Princes, and the policies of their state. Yet seemeth he to striue of purpose, to maintaine the factions of Caesar and Anthony, against Pompey and Cicero. And those prodegies which hapned in the borders of the Marconrani he attributeth to Arnulphus the Egiptian, & not to the Christians, whereat Turtullian, Eusebius, Orosius, Iustine, Paulus Diaconus, and Marcus Aurelius himselfe contested, in his letters to the Senat. Many are of opinion that Diodorus was matcheable vnto him;Diodorus many, that he deserueth precedencie; for my part I see no such reason, either for phrase (thē which, nothing could be penned more vulgar) or for method of History. That whereof he meaneth to relate, he disposeth of truely, orderly and bri fely, in the beginning of euery booke: The proofe whereof you may find in his first booke, wherein he diuideth his whole worke into fortie Bookes, and in six, includeth all the former time before the Troian war; The eleuen following beginning at the Troian warre, end with the death of Alexander; the last four and twenty, discend to the wars of the Gals. The which computation amounteth to about one thousand one hundred and thirty yeares, besides the reports before the Troian war, which the Ancients deemed fabulous. From whence, to the return of the Heraclidae (according to the account of Apollodorus) he numbreth XC. yeares: from thence to the first Olimpiad CCCXXVIII. from the first Olimpiad, to the war of the Gals DCCXXX. Likewise, he only of al the Ancient, adi ynd vnto his history the times wherin the most eminent Philosophers, Poets, and Historiographers flourished. As in his fourteenth Book, he witness th, that Ctesias began his history at Ninus, Lysiades being Archon. He also collected together six bookes of this Author concerning the Empire of the Assyrians, and as many of the Persians, for the most part generallie discenting from Herodotus. Whose Authorities Plutarch, Pausanias, Athenaeus, and almost all the Greeke Authors do also follow. To vs is nothing remaining but an Epitome.

Thucidides Thucidides (he saith) began his history (Charites being Archon, Q. Furius, and M. Papirius Consuls, (viz.) from the restoring of the Heraclidae to the taking of Perinthus.

Theopōpus Theopompus began at the first year of Phillip King of Macedon, Calimedes being Archō, in the hundred & fiue Olimpiad (C. Genutius & L. Aemilius being Consuls. And for that which Diodorus reprehendeth in Theopomp, for the same may another reprehend Diodore. Of eight and fiftie Bookes (saith he) since are suspitious; So saith Viues, of sorty of Diodors, we haue scarse twelue remaining, fiue whereof are stuffed with such idle matter, That nothing was euer written more fabulous. And whereas he protesteth, to write an vniuersall Historie, he onely discourseth of the Greekes; and that with such prolixity (that both forgetting his Laconique breuitie, and his obiection of tediousnesse against Thucidides) he spendeth more Paper in reciting the Oration of one Gilippus a Lacedemonian, than in the whole history of the warres managed through Italy in three hundred yeares. His long digression vpon the Pestilence at Athens, and the coniectures thereof, who can indure? His exposition vpon the Lunary yeare is as absurd, whereby men were accounted to haue liued one thousand and two hundred yeares, as though euen in those Ages many of the Patriarchs did not exceed that limitation.

He avoweth, that he spent thirty yeares in trauell, and writing his Historie: which if it bee true, then can I not but maruell why he wrote the affaires of Italy, the next, adioyning Countrey so slenderly, considering be liued in the times of the Romans highest prosperity (viz:) in Caesars Dictator-ship. For if you compare him to Lyuy or Dionisius, you shall find them varying almost in all places, but especially in their computation of their Fasti and Olimpiads, wherein hee is most incertaine. Which peraduenture might be occasioned through his defect in the Latine tongue, apparantly manifest in writing euery where Phouriō for Furius, as if the Orthography had bin alone. And as o writing Ancus Horatius for Marcus, Sp. Manius for Melius, Lactuca for Luctatius, Trigemmus, for Tricostus, I could haue imputed the error to the mistaking of the Printer, were not they Persons of Consular rank, Decemvirs and Tribunes, in the Catalogue of whom he somtimes ouer-leapeth three, sometimes foure, &c.

But these mistakings are easily holpen by the studious labours of Charles Sigonius, and Onuphrius Panuinius, both worthily deseruing the Epithites of learning for their exquities searches of the Roman Antiquities.

Wherein Cornelius Tacitus hath likewise plaid the part of o lesse commendable an Author.Tacitus For although he wrote the gests but of one Age, (viz:) from Tiberius to Ne ua, yet omitted he neyther things of weightiest, indifferent, or of meanest consequence. In his fourth booke, though he protested to write neither of battailes, nor of taking of Citties, nor ouerthrowes of A mies, nor the contentions betweene the people and the Nobility; concluding it to be a worke thought inglorious, yet profitable. And by and by after (saith) we will annex cruell edicts, daily arraignments, hippocriticall friendships, destruction of Innocents, and the causes of these misfortunes. Yet describeth hee most fully, all the warres which happened in those times, wherein he was either a Commander or Actor. After the battaile of Actium no man penned the Art of Warre and pleading, in a larger method then he. For he spent the greatest part of his time in military seruices, and imployments of the Cittie, and being chosen Proconsull, he obtained the lower Germany: at which time he so perfectly and truely set downe the manners, Lawes and Customes of that Nation, that at this day the Germans do attribute their Antiquities to one onely Tacitus. And to his greater glory, that Tacitus Augustus, who f r his excellent wisedome was created Emperour by the Vniuersal consent of the Lords and the Legions, deriued his discent from this our Author, and fill d all Libraries with as manie of his workes as were remaining vnperished. In method of discourse he is maruellous short, sententious, and full of wisedome: as appeareth for a tast by th se few insuing sentences.

What could be pronounced with more breuity and more bitternesse, 〈◊〉 to say of Sei nus? That no man could stand in his good grace vnlesse ee made his way thereto by villanie. What of Poppea? That shee put no difference betweene married men and Adulterers, but there setled her fancy, where she saw most profit arising. The Bl ck shnesse, the incontinenci & drunk nnes of Vitellius, he inueyeth against most bitterly; but indeed nothing could be spokē bitter inough against such a person; who besides the manifold imperfections of his nature perswaded the Lords to establish the Lawe of incest, and Married the Vncle to his Sisters daughter. One day walking amongst the dead bodies of slaughtered Cittizens, when he saw euerie man to loath that intollerable st nch: Ob! saith he, The dead enemy sauoureth sweete, but the Cittizen sweeter.

If you will haue his opinion of Lawes and Gouernment, what could bee more grauely spoken, them to say That euery great Magistrate ought to be acquainted with somewhat that was euill, thereof to make vse to the common good. Plato differed not much from this assertion; They may as well go about to cut off all Hydrates heads (saith he) as to take away al Imperfections from Lawes.

If you desire to looke into the method of pleading, the Office of a Senator, or the Antiquities, not of the Romans onely, but of many other Nations, you shall no where find so plentifull a Haruest. What should I say? Onely this, that for men of eminency, Magistrates and Iudges, no Historiographer, can be read with like profit.

And therefore it grieueth me, that some sew haue censured him with reprehension, whome I would not stand to refute, were not their Authorities of good credit. As Alciat, who was so vnaduised as to call his truely praise-worthy History, Thorny, or ouer-growne with Briars, in that Epistle which he wrote to Iouius.

The next are those, who cannot relish him for his hard phrase, but they are such, who had rather be alwaies plodding vpon easie and trifling studies, then erect their spirits to be perfect in those graue relations, which states-men and Princes haue ante-acted, to future profit and example. As for Alciat, I see not, why he should contemne an Author so generally allowed, and himselfe notwithstanding boast of his owne eloquence, vnlesse for that Decius blotting his name out of the Roll of the Lawyers, notwithstanding called him Ceceronian; as Ierom writeth, that he was scourged before the Tribunall of Christ, for that he wrote like a Ciceronian, not like a Christian. Howeuer Ierom did suffer, su e I am Tacitus doth suffer his hard censure without desert. But let this passe for a iest, Budaeus with no lesse bitternesse, tearmeth him of all writers the wickedest, because be wrote oprobriously against the Christians, which was the reason indeed (as I think) that moued Turtullian to call him Lier; Orosius Flatterer.

But as Marcellus answered the younger Cato, that a light woman did euer euill in doing light, but not euill in taking her hire being once light: So Tacitus, in that he was not a Christian, did euilly; but wrote not euilly against Christians, being (as he was) an Heathen. I for my part shoulde haue censured him wicked, if whatsoeuer Religion he adored, he had not laboured to maintaine it with the ouerthrow of the opposite; especially when he saw the Christians and Iewes, as Sorcerers and men defamed f r Adulteries and other heynous crimes daily drawne to execution; what Histori grapher could haue moderated his pen?

For ignorance, if any Author may be excused, then surely may Tacitus, for fetching Iudaeos, from Ida a Mountaine in Creet, Quasi Idaeos; As well as Nicholaus Damascenus for driuing Hierosolyna quasi Ierosoula, pera for Iera sulein. Well, if he des rue so heauie a censure for this fault, what shall we determine of Vlpian, who wrote seauen Bookes De torquendis Christianis, and those not to teach knowledge, but to deuise exquisite torments.

Trāquillus Tranquillus must likewise vndergo the very same censure, where he discourseth of the Christians, and yet hath it bin his good hap for the residue of his Historie to carrie this report amongst the iudicious, That neuer was any thing better written by any Historiographer. Some men are displeased for his recitall of hase and triuiall matters; but such should remember, that amongst the actions and speeches of Princes, nothing ought to seeme light, nothing vnworthie obseruation, beecause they liue in the eye of the multitude, and according to their presidents the world will be conformable. That he tooke too much paines in perticuler penning the incontinencies of Princes, which Tacitus omi ted, I will not excuse him.

But in this ouer-sight Lampridius did excell him. For he relateth so many bes iall sorts of pleasures deuised by Heliogabalus, and those in such open tearmes, that he seemeth to haue enned thē rather for Imitation, then Narration. Both of them serued in the priuy Counsels of Princes, but especially Tranquillus, who was Secretarie to Adrian, and depriued thereof, for being more familiar with the Emperors wife, then the custome of Court-like modestie could endure. The residue that wrote the liues of the succeeding Emperors, as Dio, Spartianus, Capitolinus, Herodianus, Trebellius, Vopiscus, Entropius, Lampridius, Volcatius, Ammianus, Pomponius Laetus, Orosius and Sextus Aurelius, were not so highlie imployed in the state, as was Lampridius, which Vopiscus doth freely confesse, calling him a most refined Author, and truly. For these are his words: Hee was a man neither proude of his place, nor giuen to vice, nor swayed by passion.

He writeth, that Caligula in the beginning of his raigne was as compleat a Prince, both for giftes of minde and bodie, as none more compleat, but afterward proued so vnsatiate a licentia in all sortes of vices, that no monster in Nature could be comparable vnto him, So likewise he relateth the excellent first fiue yeares of Nero; and then discourseth, how Claudius was of so blockish a spirit, that euen the basest at the Barre would call him Foole, sitting vpon the seat of iudgement: and lastlie, amplyfieth that notable Iudgement of the Emperour, before whom a woman being brought, which would not acknowledge her owne childe, with Arguments inforced on both sides so strong and doubtfull, that hardly any man could tell what to determine; by commanding the woman to marrie the young man, she confessed the truth. What could haue bin more wisely decided by Salomon himself, the Maister of wisedome?

The like industry for truth was not in Herodian, Herodian though he had the meanes, but for that which he wrote, he is often noted of error by Spartianus and Capitolinus.

Moreouer, in Tranquillus you shall find many good instructions of the Roman Antiquities, their ancient customes, their lawes, their statutes, and such Edicts of the Senate, as no where shal you meet with the like. The royali es and prerogatiues of their Princes onely he and Tacitus recorded.

The man whom we may match with Tranquillus, in my opinion is Velleius Paterculus, Velleius Paterculus who besid s his great learning, bore Offices of Honour both in the field & Citty. His sweet and elegant phrase I will not speake to, but avow his method of breuity and perspicuity (if wee had his whole workes) in relating the Roman Antiquities from vtmost memory to be such, as therein second to no man he ought to be iudged. His Orations in the praises of Men of Marke, are excellent and worthy himselfe, as you may read in his Encomions of Pompey, Caesar, Cicero, which were not written as pertinent to the scope of his history, but by way of preface to the vnderstanding of his history.

Wherein G. Bellay vic roy of Naples, Bellay in a litle Booke of his, concerning the antiquities of the Galles hath imitated his method, and hath left an excellent president for future Historiographers to behold and follow. He wrote likewise in Latine and French the exped tion of Charles the fifte into Prouince; a workful of wit and wisedome: as he could not otherwise do, being quicke of conceit, w ll learned, and fully experimented in affaires of state: wherin he spent his whole time, either imployed in Counsell, in Ambassies, or in command of Armies: his vacant houres he dedicated to the Muses. Insomuch, that amongst the French Nobility, this glorie ought onely to be his; That he was the first man which gaue weapons to Learning, and Learning to weapons. But because no man shal accuse one being his Countrymā (for he was of Anioy) of flattery let him belieue that Sleydan ha h spent much more paper in his commendation; vpon whom, when he had said al he could to his highest praise, he giue this testimony; That he was not only worthy to be called, Gallicae nobilitatis Decus. Wherefore let him march in ranke with Polibus, Thucidides, Xenophon, Caesar, & Tacitus, or that he examined with an vnstaind pen the reasons of accidēts, their beginnings, their ripen ngs, their ends; and with them their policies, their actions, their Orations. For the Obi ct ō that he wrote but litle, that is not material in choise of history, since euery man may iudge a Lyon by his claw. Next copious Guicciardin presenteth himself,Guicciardin whom I would haue said, had wrote in Imvation of the former, had they not bin liuing at one time. And although he neuer trauelled further then Italy, neither was matchable to Bellay in militarie imployments, yet notwithstanding by the generall verdict of many grauemen, he is adiudged to ante-cede all modern Historiographers, if not the Ancient. For whatsoeuer falleth within compasse of question, he it neuer so intricate, there sheweth he an admirable finenesse of wit in discoursing vpon accidents, euery where interlacnig graue sentences to good purpose: As in one place, he couertly taxeth the French of improuidence, for inuading Prouinces like tempests, but keeping and maintaining them like faint-harted Cowardes: giuing them to vnderstand, that militarie acquisitions were not onelie vnprofitable vnto them, but likewise burdensome and full of losse. A saying worthie so graue an Author, and fit to be thought vpon by all intruding Princes. In another place he glanceth at the ouer-weening conceits of the Venetians in th se words. The Venetians (saith he) all Italy being in a flaming fire, sat still, and without mouing expected the issue of the warre, and their portion of prey, as if no man durst to haue offended their Wisedomes. But a temporizer ought to be superior in force, or els to run the same course that the strongest doth. The which reprehensions haue in them no gall, no obloquy; neither vsed hee to praise or dispraise any man before hee were deade, and that without affection or flattery. As was manifest in Pope Leo, by whose fauours he parchased great wealth, Honour, and aduancement. For he elected him Generall of the Ecclesiasticall forces, & chief Commander through his whole Territories: And yet he giueth him this censure, That hee was a Prince indowed with many Vertues, and as many vices. And of all writers he alone relateth his incons ancie, in confederating first against King Francis, and after playing the Foxe with Charles the Emperour; That when by his helpe he had throwne the French out of Italy, he mought the easiler haue dealt with the Spanish. Againe, what could be more truely spoken of Ferdinand, That coloured all his vnsatiable desires, with pretences of Religion, and the common good. Another argument of his integrity and vnpassionate disposition, was his refutation of Paulus Iouius his Oration de morbo gallico, in fauour of the French: with whom hee had good cause to haue bin offended, for the hard siege they gaue him at Placentia, wherein himselfe and his whole fortunes were ingaged, had he not valiantly defended the place. Reason it is (saith he) to disburden the French of the infamy of this disease, when as the Spanish broug t it into Italy frō the westerne Islands. Such was his loue, such his care, to write nothing but truth! and therefore he either setteth downe nothing at aduenture, or what he setteth downe, hee proueth with reasons of necessity. For it is reported that he had the transcripts of all Letters, Decrees, Confederacies, Treaties, and Orations; and therefore boldly vsed these words. Such a one spake in this manner: or where he was doubtfull, Such a one spake to this or like purpose; wherein hee is altogether different from Iouius, who as he deuised a great part of his History, so coined he out of his owne braine (as schollers vse to do their Schoolasticall declamations) all his Orations. A presumption most mani es ly appearing by the Oration of Baylon, which Guicciardine extracted out of the Originall copie, and relateth cleane contrary to Iouius.

Besides, be was so diligent a searcher of Actions, persons, places, and counsels, that he seemed to haue trauelled, through all the Citties, Borrough , Castles, and riuers of Italy, and (which is most effectuall to haue perused their publique Records.

What euer was reported by the vulgar, bee neuer omitted; but noted it as he found it; As in the battle of Maurit where the French defeated the Swizzers; wherein he could not auouch certainely what numbers were slaine, Because (saith he) some spake vpon enuy, some vpon sauour, and others vpon heare-say: many reported XIIII. thousand, as many ten thousand: Some eight thousand, and others but three thousand. His historie of Italy containeth the tearme of for ie yeare ; what was without the b unds thereof, he toucheth sparingly and in measure. The wars of the Turkes and Persians, though his intelligence was much better then Iouius, hee wittingly le passe, least by affirming things of doubtfull certaintie, he should incurre suspition; yet, that th y should not altogether he in ignorance, h r in inhreth th m lightlie, in this maner: It was reported that Selimus inuaded Syria and Egipt.

Some men note him of prolixity: but those, who either vpon loue or occasion, are desirous to read affaires of state, and the vicissitude of wordlie occurrants, let them neuer grow w a ie of that faul ; because no part of the vniuersall earth, presented more nouelties, more alterarations, then Italy alone did in those times. And how easie a matter it was for him to write truelie, who by the generall suffragies of the Italian Nation, was indowed with singuler wisedome, learning, integritie, and experience, who knoweth not? For without doubt, sithence some men wrote one thing, some another, and euerie one after his owne fancie, we cannot but make reckoning, that it proceeded from diuine prouidence, amongest such a rapsodie of pen-men, to find one whose credite soared so high, as vtterlie to ecclipse, if not to extinguish, not onelie the blind lights of vulgar fellowes, but also the impostures of Iouius and Bembus.

BonibusFor although Benibus were a man of good place, eloquent, and long imployed in the Generall affairs of Italy, yet surelie wee must say, that he wrote manie things in fauour of his Cittizens otherwise then truth, or else suffer Guicciardine to be conuinced of manie an vntruth. Of which disputable imputation, let this one president sway for either. After the French had vtterly broken the Venetians at Fornoue, and as the report went, had purchased their way by the sword, Bembus concludeth, that they neither ouerthr vv, nor were ouerthrown, but disgraceth their returne into Fraunce, by the reproachfull name of a flight. Which Guicciardine more Soldier-like relateth in this manner: If it may be accounted victory, to bring our desires to their wished ends, then surely the French were victors, because they vndertooke the battell to no other end, but to bring the King in safety into France, which they performed. And therefore, sithence they rowted their enemies, whereof some fell by the sword, and others were drowned in the riuer Tarus, who would demand other tokens of victory? In the battell of Rauenna, Bembus likewise dissembleth the truth; the honour of which dai s iourney no man hetherto denyed the French. For (saith he) of common souldiers and Horsemen, there were on both sides aboue eighteene thousand slaine; each party suffered like losse, but each party inioyed not like fortune.

Wherefore in that he tearmeth the Venetians the Bulwarke of Italy, & the Ornament of the Christian, Common-wealth, magnifying their Iustice, their faith, their greatnesse and power; yea, and the incredible pompe and strength of euery Venetian gally against the Turke, together with the Religion, modesty, and piety of euery priuate Cittizen, I say, I can affirme nothing more true, then that hee plaide the part of a good Cittizen, and not of a good Historiographer. That euerie where he tannteth the French, for their inconstancie and breach of oath with the Venetians and Alfonsus Auila, that humour more discommendeth himselfe, then his enemy. For, if it be infamous by the Lawe of armes, for a souldier to reuile an aduerse Nation, how much more disgracefull is this humour in an Historiographer, especially if in that, wherof he accuseth another, he himselse be guiltie. As without doubt, they were of that accusation, which Guicciardin layeth vppon the Venetians for breach of the league. Whom he accuseth not with suspitions of double dealing, but flatly affirmeth, That they receiued into their Cittie Avila, euen then Triumphing ouer the French, and their sworne enemie. And that more is, did what they could to include him in the league, the King of France being most vnwilling thereto. That therefore which hee writeth Oratour-like of the vnfaithfulnesse of the French, may goe as currant as his relation, That during the Venetian warre in Apulia, such Armies of Crowes and Vultures combated in the Aire, that twelue Carts were numbred to bee loden vvith their dead bodies. Of which report Bembus speaketh not doubtfully, but with much confidence.

By his owne Testimony he was threescore yeares old, wh n he b gan to writ his Historie, at which age, hee cou'd hard'y endure to take that pa ne , which we do exp ct man Historiographer. His owne words are: I am weary to set downe the matters of smallest moment in that warre. And againe, Who can endure to read all without tediousnesse? Th se are meerly the phrases of Ora ors, as was also the Oration of Lauredan against Mimus •• uouring of the same affectation; wherein hee stood so precisely vpon th purity of a wo d, that fi were not true Grammer, he would refuse it, were it neuer so significant. The Emperour of Turkes he woulde stile King of Thrace, being scarcely the twentieth part of his Kingdome: and the Duke of Millaine, King: If he did it for phrase sake in my Opinion he did worse for se c sake.

But Procopius was farre vnlike Bembus:Procopius for it should seeme, that he neither neglected, or vnderstood not the method of History, nor the elegancie of the Greek tongue, but related the bare accident with diligent obseruation of thinges of small moment. And for that he alwaies accompanied Bellisarius in Action, was of his Counsell, imployed in diuers Embassies, and indifferent wel learned, I make no doubt to ranke him with the best. And againe, I could not but allow him the credit of a most true Authour, because he setteth downe the Letters, the Counsels, the leagues, and Orations in diuers and different stile of speeches (infallable arguments of true relations) but that he remembreth his Bellisarius somewhat more often, then modesty may warrant, and that manie times very foolishly.

And yet no where so foolish, as where he excuseth the murder of Constantianus, maister of the Horse to Iustinian the Emperour, procured by Bellisarius, and would haue the worlde beleeue, That the destinies and not his Maister had decreed, that Constantianus should die in that manner, His coniectures of the thirty Hogges and the Statue of Theodorus, I reckon as childish; As also his dimension of Thule to be twice as great as Brittaine, being indeed not so, by halfe. But his report, that Vesuvius, scituated on this side Naples, should disgorge ashes, which with the wind were carried as farre as Bizantium, passeth all beliefe, being prodigies altogether sauouring of Graecian leuity, wherein the Heathen Historiographers, are not onely to be taxed, but likewise, the Ecclesiasticall.

Nicephorus Nicephorus Calistus is stuffed with like Fables, and Zonoras, otherwise an allowable Author, with Nicephorus Gregoras, are of the same straine, and now and then Eusebus Caesariensis: As where with eagernesse of protestation, he affirmeth that he saw, a plant grow of his owne accord at the base of a piller. Whereupon a brazen Statue of Christmas erected, and by the woman cured of her issue of blood dedicated to our SAVIOVR three hundred yeares before. Which as soone as by growth it had touched the extreamest hem of the Statues ingrauen garment, it proued to cure al maner of diseases.

The like estimate ought to be had of the workes of Antoninus, Adonis, Saxo Grāmaticus, Sigisbert, Phriculphus, Nauclerus, Marianus, Merlin, Vrspergensis, Annonius, Turpin, Guaguin, and such like old Annales; which notwithstanding we cannot vtterly want, & of these too, some are better then other. For although Gregory Turenensis, Antonius Florentine, Gulielmus Bishop of Tire, and Abbas Vrspengēsis, relate many prodigious miracles, yet amongst them shall you find verie profitable and good obseruations, especially for those times, which as a man may say, were ouer whelmed with Barbarisme. For they were men long and much imployed in affaires of state and publicke Counsels; And therefore it may wel beseeme vs amongst their Garbish, to cut out their best annotations, as men doe Golde out of Rockes and Rubbish; especially where better are not to bee had.

As, for the Historie of the Tartars, if you wil not credit Paulus Venetus and Hayton, then must you al most beleeue no man.P. Venetus Haiton And that which they wrote, is but little, and full of Fables; but of the two, Hayton is the truer. P. Venetus writeth, that the Caspian Sea is alwaies without Fish, except on fasting daies: that Quinzay containeth in circuit seauenty miles, and hath twelue thousand bridges, vnder which, For their concauitie, Ships vnder saile may passe, and repasse. The Acts, Customes, Lawes, and Religion of the Tartars you must vnderstand where you can.

The state of Aethiopia F. Aluarus hath written with better integritie and more warinesse, being since confirmed by Straungers,F: Aluarus good Authors, and late Trauellers, and with great delight to bee pervsed.

The late Histories of the Gothes, Saxons, Neruians, Sarmatians or Polonians and Danes, Zēglerus, Cromerus, Crantzius & Olaus haue published; al except Olaus very probable Authors, who now and then telleth wouders: whereof manie, by the Testimony of Authors and good witnesses may induce perswasion; as the metamorphosing of men into Wolues, once set downe by the Authoritie of Herodotus, Pomponius Mela, and the Ancients, and nowe againe verified by the Moderne. Which Gaspar Pencer, a man of great Learning, well aduised, and one that had trauelled through most partes of Europe, did signifie vnto me, that hee heard it crediblie reported by the Inhabitantes to bee true. Which whether it bee a secret of Nature, as is storied of Parrhasius, or an influence of Diuine punnishment, as it is recorded of Nabuchadnezar, I cannot yet resolue.

Leo AferAfter Aluaresius followeth Leo Afer, and for similitude of subiect, I will compare him to Pomponius, Strabo, and Pausanias, whome I will hence-forward tearme Geographistorici, for their Geographicall method of Historie. Strabo lightly toucheth the kingdomes and Commonweales of the whole world, Pausanias onely the Prouinces of Greece, but so exactly describeth their greatnesse, their declinings, the inhabitants, the Citties, Castles, Riuers, Hilles, Springs, Temples, and statues, that by al mens opinions in that kind, be challengeth precedency. So Leo Afer, by birth a Moor, by habitation a Spaniard, first a Mahumetan and afterward a Christian, after he had Trauailed almost the better part of Affricke, Asia the lesse, and a good portion of Europe, was taken Prisoner by Pirats, and presented to Pope Leo. During the tearme of which captiuity, be translated into the Italian tongue these remembrances, which with infinite toile, hee had gathered in the Arabian language concerning Affrica, the customes, lawes, and diuers people thereof, with the scituation and description of the whole Region. The art military he seldome toucheth, but the ouerthrowes of their Kings, giuen and taken, he briesely relateth, without Orations or ornament of stile, Geographically, not Historically, and yet with pleasing delight of noueltie, he cōfineth his vnwilling Reader to studious perseuerance. He thrusteth vpon vs no great impossibilities, vnlesse it be the admirable docility of the Egiptian Asse, of which himselfe was an eye-witnesse. Likewise, that the tailes of certaine Sheepe of Egipt, shoulde weigh some fiftie pound, some one hundred and twe tie pound: It is the report also of Bellonius, Hieronimus, and Cardanus. At a word, bee onely of all men hath discouered that Nation, which lay buried in ignorance and Barbarisme a thousand yeares before his time.

Next after him approcheth F. Leandrus and S. Munster; the former described Italy, the other all Germany as liuely to viewe, as if it were in Maps or Tables, adioyning thereto the History of the various fashions and maners of the people. But Munster had done well, if he had turned his Cosmographiam into Germanographiam, being indeed nothing else to speak on, saue a particuler description of Germany and Heluetia, their scituations, people, and discent.

But as our Geographistorici mingled Topography with story:Xenophon so our Philosophistorici beutified their Narrations of Action with precepts of wisedome. In which kind, great is the praise of Xenophon, yea, the greater, in that he had no president to imitate (as Velleius witnesseth of Homer) nor none that shall be able to imitate him. Nearest approacheth Plutarch, then Laertius, and thirdly Philo Iudaeus, betweene whom and Plato the Ancients in my iudgement gaue a most true censure.

Equall vnto these is Iosippus; Iosippus or if inferior in secrets of Philosophy, farre superiour in the searches of Antiquitie. At which Ierom doth wonder, that such exquisit knowledge of the Graecian discents, should be ound in a man of the Irish Nation. But the reason thereof is apparant in his Bookes against Appion the Grammarian, wherin he so verisieth the writings of Moses (though sufficient-full of credit themselues) by the authorities of the Graecians, the Persians, the Egiptians & Caldaeans, that nothing can be read with more profit, by those who are desirous to studio Antiquities. The Ages of the old world related by Moses, he confirmed by the Testimonies of twelue Historiographers, t take away all scandall of incredulity. The Auncestry, saith, Religion, learning and integritie of his Countrey-men, He not onely preferreth before all Nations, thereby to reuiue the ecclipsed honor thereof, but also doth his vtmost to redeeme from obliuion and opposition, things of vndoubted veritie. For by his writings, the Fables of Herodotus, Diodorus, and Iustine, are easily to be refuted.

After him, Hegesippus a Iew, Hegesippus wrote fine Bookes of the Iewish wars, which Ambrose by report turned into Latine. But Iosippus wrote better and truer, because hee was both in Action and command, and being prisoner to Vespahtian and Titus: Notwithstanding by their fauours purchased the freedome of the Cit ie, and the Honour of a Statue. For in him were inuested these good parts of an Historiographer, which we haue mentioned before, (viz:) great learning, vnpassionate integrity, & experience of affaires. His integritie is apparant in this; That being a Iew, he gaue notwithstanding a graue, ve e ent, and La dible Testimonie of Christ; whereas our Ecclesiasticall writers discoursing vpon the aduersaries of our Religion, are so farre transported with Enuie, that they not onelie conceal their deserued commendations, but also disgrace them with most opprobrius and vndecent railings. Wherof, let Iulian the Apostata be the plaintife, who though he were worthie both of blame & punishment, yet for th se things which be performed with good commendation and honour, he ought not to be silenced by an Historiographer:Ammianus wherein our writers haue generally faulted: And certes, should rather haue imitated Ammianus Marcellinus his method and ardent desire of deliuering in Vtramque partem. nothing but truth: who after he had committed the neuer-dying vertues of Princes to memory, then proceeded to display their vices, as euerie good Author ought to do. And the accusations which he laid vpon Iulian, were, that he mingled old Heathnish superstitions with the vnspotted & simple (for those be his words) religion of the Christians: that he bereft them of all helps of learning, & cruely commanded the Countes Palatines of Constantius to be murdred. These were his vices; His excellent vertues, as his temperance, his fortitude, his continency, his fauour to wisedome, and his Iustice aboue opinion, he proueth by action and witnesse. As in this one example for many. When Delphidius Gallus (a most sharpe Orator) ad accused Numerius President of Narbon in France, then lying at Paris, and was vrged to bring forth his proofes and witnesses: Most mighty Caesar (saith he) what man will euer be found guilty, if his bare deniall be sufficient to cleare him? To whom Caesar answered, And what man shall euer depart innocent, if one mans accusation should suffice to condemne him?

This Ammianus was a Graecian, a Knight, and a follower of Vrsicinus, maister of the horse in all the warres almost, which in those times were managed by the Romans in Europ, or Asia. His workes remaine whole, and digested into eighteen Bookes, beginning at the thirtieth yeare of the Emperor Constantius, and ending with Valeus. The o her thirteene are easie to be added out of other mens writings. He had begun at Nerua where Tacitus ended, and whom of all men he resolued to obserue and imitate. Onely heerein is the difference, that Tacitus (according to the times) had a speciall regard of the Roman el gance, but Ammianus vsed Italian phrases and som •• imes neither Latine nor Romaine, but plaine Greeke. He much and often digresseth from the maine history, a disease whereunto euen the greatest Authors are much inclined; and whereof Possidonius doth grieuously complaine against Cicero. But Ammianus regarding the matter more then the phrase, salueth that Octiection against himselfe in this manner. In that (saith he) the text seemeth tedious, it profiteth our vnderstanding to the ful: for whosoeuer affecteth ouermuch breuity, where things of doubtfull knowledge are related, seeketh after ease, but ripeneth not his iudgement.

Wherefore amongst such diuers and different variety of Authors, it is most necessarie, for euery man to make a true and aduised choise of that learning whereunto his study standeth most adicted, least in this small and short leisure of life, he seeme not to haue read much, and y t in points of amb guity cannot determine with himsel e vpon what to resolue.

As if he be throughly perswaded of Polidor for the affaires of England, (although he be suspitious to the Scots and French) of Rhenanus for the Historie of Germany, and Aemilius for the state of France, then shall he need to take no great paines in Beda, Guagun, Gacus, Saxo, and such l ke, who handled the said Histories without method or order: and no maruel; for as those Times afforded great plenty of writers, so their credits and reputations quickly vanished. Plutarch reckoneth vp three hundred that wrote the battaile of Marathon: And of thirty that committed to print the affaires of Italy, one onely mans credit and good method, haue quite put the residue to the horne.

In these times the world swarmeth with such as commit to writing things of base and vulgar Argument, whereas in times of greatest antiquity wee had almost none. And therefore because it were a labour infinite, to peruse euery mans papers, let the Iudicious Reader, out of manie, make choise of the better, by the assistance of these directions, (or by better of his owne, if he can) which we haue heere before described.

Thus much for choise of History, which I avow not so positiuely to haue published, but that therin I am content to leaue euery man to his free election.

FINIS.
THE CONSPIRACIE of Cateline, written by C. Crispus Salustius. The Proëme.
CHAP. 1.

BY howe much Nature hath created Man the worthiest of all liuing Creatures, by so much, the rather ought Pli. Omni homini id faciendum est, quo se aliquā do vixi •• e testetur he by Vertuous exercises to Dedicate to eternity, some Record of his proficiency, and not to die in Scilence or Obliuion, like the Beasts of the field, whom God hath fashioned onely of a Seruile condition, Paululum admodum sentiens praeterita, aut futura. fit for no proiect, but to feede the belly. Our sufficiency consisteth aswell of a Soule, as of a Body; yea, more bountifully assisted by the Essence of the One, then any way aduanced by the faculties of the Other. For of the First, we participate with the Goddes; The Second, we inioy in no fuller a measure, then euery other Base Creature. Whereupon dare be bolde to affirme, that it is more commendable to Labour in quest of glory by Sen. In omnia pr mittendus est animus, cogitandum que , non quid sole , sed quicquid potest sier . Learning and good Artes, (considering the shortnesse of our daies bound, as I saide, to leaue somewhat behind vs to the eternizing of our remembrance) then to purchase Fame by the dependancies of Valour and Fortitude. For Riches and Strength of Body are fleeting and determinable: Vertue is onely permanent, and out-liueth Time.

But it hath beene much questioned amongst diuers sorts of men, whether Alterum indiget auxilio alterius, corpus auxilio animi, & animus auxilio corporis. strength or Policy, in the Art Military, hath best ballanced the affaires: The conclusion whereof hath bin, that Before Resolution, it is the wisest course to advise slowly, but after mature aduice, to proceede roundly. Wherby it should seem, that the one, without the assistāce of the other, can affoord no true safety. And therefore in Auncient time, Vt Trismegistus & Ptolomeus. the Kings (for that was the first attribute of Honour in this worlde) did some, take delight in the contemplation of Wisedome, and the Vertues of the mind; others in exercises of Actiuity and strength of bodie. For as yet the Vnde aurea secula feruntur sub Saturno fuisse. Ambitious desire of Soueraignty, had not inthralled mens mindes to Couetize: euery one passed his time with content of his priuate fortunes.

But after that Cyrus in Asia, and the Lacedemonians with the Athenians in Greece, began to force Cities, and to subdue Nations, then the loue of Soueraignty became a iust Title for Warre and invasion, and the largest Empire was inrolled for the most Honourable conquest. Euen then, by dangers and occurrances, experience gaue proofe, that Policy bore no small sway in Martial exploits.

But if the carriages of Kings and Princes bore like moderation in times of peace, as they affoord in Tempests of Warre, surely the estates of Kingdomes, and the affayres of this world would longer flourish, and be better gouerned. And then should we neither behold Vsurpatiōs, nor mixture of Nations, nor confusion of Languages: for it is doubtlesse true, that Kingdomes are safest maintained by those meanes, by which they were at first acquired. But where as Sloth is entertained insteed of Labor; Lust, in lieu of Chastity, Hinc Cat n m (a •• nt) cen uisse de Carthagine non de enda, vt inde inuentus Romana teneretur in militia. Iuven. Nunc patimur longae pacis mala: saeuior armis Luxuria incubuit. and Pride maketh scorne of Aequity, there of necessity must our hard Fortunes participate of our manners and behauiours. And so it commonly falleth out, that all Empires at first (in themselues Valiant and vertuous) haue degenerated and declined. For let men assure themselues, that Whether they imploy their Times in Husbandry, Traffique, or gorgeous Buildinges, Perpetuity consisteth in Plaut. Omnia assunt bona, quem penes est virtus. Vertue. For as concerning those part s of men, whose mind is their belly; their delight, sleep; their body (against common sence) their Coyance; their Nobler part, agreeuance; vtterly vnlearned, and worse nurtured, spending their daies as Ideots, and Qui transeunt non transigunt. Strangers; of these, I say, I put no distinction betweene their liuing soules, and their dead Carkases, for that Inglorij sunt & vin & mortui. with their bodies their remembraunce is buried. But the man that either spendeth his time in publicke Office, in atchieuement of Honour, or aduancement of his name by the inuention of some good & profitable Art, him will I affirme truely to liue, and essentially to participate of a reasonable soule.

But in this mixture and vniuerse of humors, Nature hath laide out to diuers men, diuersity of courses: as to meditate the prosperity and welfare of the state, is exceeding commendable; no lesse praise-worthy is it, to speake well, and to plead iudiciously; and to inuest posterity with the Titles of Honor in merit of our good carriages, either in Peace or Warre, is no lesse allowable: neither they that haue beene Actors, nor they that haue beene the Registers of others honourable actions, are to be denied or defrauded of their Lawrell Girlands.

And in my Iudgement, although the like commendation were to be bestowed vppon the Historiographer, as may seeme deserued due to the Actor, yet thus much dare I affirm, that it is a most difficult task, by writing to represent the Actions of great Personages. First, for that words and stile ought to equalize their deeds. Secondly, for that many men are of opinion, that the reprehension of faults proceedeth from Spleene or Enuy; whereas in recitall of the Vertues and generous passages of good men, euery one according to his slender capacity, opinionating the facility of performance, giueth the beliefe, but what is more, or goeth beyond his incredulous vnderstanding, he reputeth false, and therefore fabulous.

Now I being a young man amongst others, was taken from my Booke, and thrust into the worlde, wherein I found many things were opposite to my disposition. For, insteed of modesty, abstinence, and frugall Liberality, I found all places accustomed Vbi prisci Romani abstinebant à gradu altiore, quam digni videbantur, nunc per largitionem omnia inuadebant. to Impudence, Bribery, & Auarice. Which although my very soule did loath, as a Virgin vndefiled with these contagious abuses, yet by reason of my tender yeares (as it could not otherwise fall out) in the very context of so many fretting and inticing frailties, I could not escape the humour of Ambition. For beeing spotlesse in all other Vanities, the same desire of preferment which had atached others with boldnes & ambition, Dociles imitandis turpibus et praui omnes sumus. seized also vpon me, & therfore as soone as I had quit my mind from cares & dangers, & thereupon had resolued to spend my future daies far from the imployments of the state, yet at last I resolued with my self that it was but a base conceit, either to trifle out my times of leysure, in Vno modo otiosus dicitur, qui penitus cessat, alio modo, qui in publico munere non est licet in re priuata multum laboret. Sloth and Clownish Ignorance; or to weare out the better powers of my body in toylesome Husbandry, in disports of hunting, or any such seruile pleasures.

Whereuppon retyring my selfe to my Booke, from whence ydle ambition had once almost withdrawne me, I haue resolutely set mee downe, briefely to relate the glorious actions of the Roman people, and that with the greater courage, because my pen is free from hope, from feare, or any other the partialities of the commonwealth. My subiect shall be, The Conspiracie of Cateline, wherin, I vow all possible Breuity. My reasons are, the Memorie of the Action, the Greatnesse of the Danger, the Foulenesse of the Fact, and the Strangenesse of the Plot. And first I will begin with the manners and disposition of the Agent.

CHAP. 2.

1. The Linage, Life, and Conditions of Cateline. His Motiues to ingagement.

THis L. Cateline was descended of Honourable Parentage, a man of an able body, and no lesse adorned with Gentleman-like qualities, but of an euil and froward disposition. From his youth addicted to ciuil dissentions, to Quarrelling, to Cheting and discord: these were meerely the humours of his youth. His body could well invre it selfe to vndergo Want, Watching, & cold, more then humane. Bold of Spirit, Subtle, Waywarde, a deepe dissembler, greedy of another mans Thrift, Prodigall of his owne: Talkatiue enough, voide of wisedom, of an high minde, accompanied with desires vnfatigable, incredible, too too ambitious.

After the Tyranny ofSilla recuperata Rep. Et oppressis Marianis, pulchermam victoriā crudelitate maxima inquinauit. Octo millia deditorum in via publica trucidauit, tabulam proscriptionis posuit, vrbem & totā Italiam caedibus repleuit. Silla, his proud mind could take no rest, for Meditating, how he likewise might vsurpe vpon on the state; neither cared he how, or by what meanes he had it, so he were sole-Lord in possession. His haughty spirit was euery day more trobled then other: his Pouerty & guilty Conscience, did daily solicite progression, and both these, were seconded by those his inclinations, whereof we first related. Besides, the depraued and corrupted maners of the state did animate his Nature, on which Ryot, and Auarice, two the worst and most opposite vices, did continually hammer.

And now (sithence we are fallen into Relation of the corruption of the state) the course of the History doth call vpon me, somewhat to remember the times of Antiquity and in few words to relate, how our Auncestors managed the state in Peace and in Warre, De e ins immensitate sic Liuius. Quae ab exigui profecta imitijs, eò creuerit. vt am magnitudin laboret suâ. how glorious they bequeathed it, how in processe of time it drooped, and of a most faire, good, and beautifull Empire, it degenerated vnto a most base, most vile, and most ignominious Tyranie.

CHAP. 3.

The Originall and declination of the Roman Empire. The commendation of those Auncestours, who erected and enlarged it. A taxation of the present times.

THe first inhabitants and builders of the City of Rome ( Varia & incerta d ciuitatum conditoribus est opinio. by report) were the Troains, who vnder the conduct of Aeneas, wandered as fugitiues about the world, in no place claiming any true propriety of inhabitation. With them descended the Aborigines, Saluages, liuing without Lawe, without Gouernment, Free, and Resolute. But after they had incircled themselues within the compasse of a Wall, it were almost an incredible relation to report, how louingly they agreed, considring their difference in discent, their diuersity in Dialect, and contrariety of fashions. Yet after, their estate grew respectiue by increase of Inhabitants, by Ciuility and augmentation of Territory (a common accident in worldly affaires) factions & discontents arose from superfluity. The Princes and the bordering nations inuaded them, few friendes were found to assist them: in respect of the dāger they were content to Temporize. But the Romans prouident in peace, and valourous in Warre, neglected no Opportunity, prepared armor, incouraged one another, carried the warre into the enemies Countrey, reposed their liberty, the safety of their Countrey, and the welfare of their Parents, in the valor of their armes: Yea, after they had diuerted the Terror of war by their valiancy, they assisted their alies and companions in armes, multiplying their leagues & associations, rather by giuing, then receiuing of gratuities. Such power hath Lawfull acquisition to adde greatnesse vnto Emperie.

To those, who by reason of their years, were vnseruiceable in body, yet very sufficiēt for aduice & counsel, were committed the cares of the Citty and ciuill affayres; and these, in respect of their age, or simpathy of their charges, were tearmed Fathers.

But after, that sole-Soueraignty (which at first was ordained for protection of Liberty, and augmentation of Territory) degenerated into Pride, and haereditary Titles: by change of that custome, they transferred the Gouernement of one, to the annuall Election of two Consuls. By this forme of limited pollicy, they verily beleeued that they had vtterly suppressed the minds of mankinde, from dreaming vpon the imaginary humors of licentious Soueraignty. But then, more then before, began euerie man to estimate his owne worth, and to hammer his head on high disseigns. For absolute Princes are alwaies more iealous of the good, then of the badde, because another mans Vertue (as they take it) is a diminution of their respectiuenesse, and therefore dangerous.

But it is incredible to report, in howe short a time, the Citty, hauing obtained this forme of Liberty in Gouernment, increased and prospered; so infinite a desire of glory, had possessed the minds of al sorts. For now the youth, by yeares enabled to the Trauels of Warfare, and by vse invred, accounted it no labour to learne to manage their weapons in the open fielde, with a diuersity of their delights, from Whores and Ordinaries, to gallant Furnitures of seruice, & riding of warlike Horses. To such courages, no labor was vnwelcome, no place inaccessable, or vnassaultable; no nor the armed enemy, dreadfull or vnmatchable. Valor was resolute, & at all times victorious Their emulation was glorious: Euery mans strife was, who should first attach the enemy; giue the Scalado: euery one thrust forward, to effect such and such a peece of seruice, in the eye of his Generall: These exploits they accounted Riches, Reputation, and true Nobility. The eulogies & Reports of the people best fitted their humors; of their Purses they were liberall; desirous of glory aboue measure; content with competency.

Were it not that I should weary your eares too iniuriously with this tedious digression, I could point you out, in what places, euen with Vt in Armenia, vbi Lucullus Tigranem fudi , & filium eius captivum in trium hum duxit. a handfull of men, the Roman people roured huge battallions of their enemies, & forced Vt Carthaginē nouam, et Numantiā in Hispania. Cities, by Nature impregnable. But surely Vir. Incestans, fragilis, persida, lubrica. Fortune, blind Fortune, wil haue praedominancy in all our affayrs. In all actions she it is, that aduanceth and debaseth all our proiects, more like a Tyrannesse (according to wil) then a Goddesse relying vpon merit.

The fortunes of the Athenians in my Iudgement, were very honourable and illustrious; yet sure, somewhat inferiour to report: but by reason of the Inter quos praecipua Thucidydes. excellent Wittes, which thence descended, their acts were famoused throgh the whole world, to the vtmost of commendation: yea, so farre forth was the vertue of the Actor, strained to reputation, as possibly those excellent wittes could deliniate it by writing. But with the Romans it fared farre otherwise; for neuer had they the good hap of such diuersity of penmen, because the wisest and most sufficientest spirits, were most imployed in the affaires of the state. The sufficiency of the wise man, was no priuiledge to exempt him from the emploiment of his body; Euery one of the better sort delighted to do, and not to say, desiring rather to heare his owne praises recorded from the mouth of a stranger, then himselfe Minstrel-like, to be the Chaunter of another mans glory.

Liuius. Nulla vnquam resp. nec maior, nec sanctior: nec in quam tam serò auaritia, Luxuria que immigrauerant: nec vbi tantus ac tam diu pauper ati ac parsimoniae honos fuerit. Whereupon it came to passe, that Law and discipline were strictly reuerenced both in Citty and Campe. Their concord and vnity were admirable, their Couetousnesse scarce perceiuable. Aequity they imbraced more for loue, then for fear of punishment: as for their Brawls, Ielousies, & Discontents, them they wreaked vpon their enemies. Their mutual contentions were one with another, in quest of Vertue; their sacrifices Prince-like, their home-fare Parsimonious; in friendship constant. Thus by Courage in Warre, and Iustice in Peace, they aduanced and augmented themselues and their stare. Whereof these two Politicall experiments do fully assure me; the first for that in Warre they more seuerely punished those that fought properously with the enemy, either against, or without, the commaund of the Generall, or retired from the pursuit more slowly, then they ought; then those, who either forsooke their colours, or being beaten from their Stations, durst aduenture to flie. Secondly, in Peace, they wrought more by curtesie then feare, rather winking at wrongs, then willing to reuenge. Artes quibus imperium paratur, sunt prudentia, consilium, attentio, Temperantia, continentia, abstinē tia, parsimonia, fortitudo, labor, vigilia, industria, iustitia, fides, liberalitas, religio. Thus by valor and Iustice the state florished: mighty Kings were by War subdued; the barbarous Nations, & many potent Cōmonweales by force dispoiled; yea, Carthage, the Corriuall of the Roman Empire vtterly ruinated: All Seas were freed of Pyrates, all Lands cleared of Enemies.

Now began Fortune to frown, to bring in confusion, to raise vp innouation. To those couragious spirits, which but yesterday made light of labour, of dangers, and of difficult aduentures, disvse of armes, and purchase of riches, (the delights of forren Nations) are now becom Giues to inthrall their valors, and the cause of all insuing miseries: Where after followed the immoderate scraping of money, with the ambitious desire of superiority. To speake truely, these were the fatall bellowes to kindle the fire of our future misfortunes. For auarice, first taught vs to violate our faiths, to scorne honesty, and all other iust proceedings, inuesting vs in lieu thereof, with Pride, Cruelty, Irreligion, and vnconscionable sales of euery thing vendible. Ambition withal, made vs false and brazen-faced, to retaine one sence in our minds, and vtter another with our tongues: to estimate friendship and hatred, not by true merit, but by profit: and finally to fashion our faces to the world, and our consciences to hell. These abuses and impostures grew vp by Iuven. Nemo repente fuit turpis imus. leisure, and were sometimes punished.

But after that the contagion grew strong and violent, the state was presently chaunged: and that forme of Gouernment, which whilom was most iust and excellent, became most cruell and intollerable. At first ambition, the neerest counterfet of vertue, raged more then Auarice. For as wel the worthy, as the vnworthy, did striue to purchase Glory, preferment, and offices. But the one, paced the right path, the other by reason of his insufficiency, practised by cunning and indirect bribery.

Auarice is an immoderate desire of riches, which neuer any wise man hunted after: being so incorporated with vnseene poisons, that it corrupteth the body, and altereth the mind The loue whereof is boundlesse, & insatiable, neither asswaged with surplusage, nor diminished by want.

But after that L. Silla by armes had freed the state, by the defeature of Marius; from these good and prosperous beginnings, proceeded disastrous conclusions. For Appia: scribit illum 40. Senatores, equites mille et sexcentos ad mortem condemnasse. hee, to make the army, suffered his followers to spoile, to rob, to defeat one of his house, another of his possessions: the victors sword knew no meane, no modesty: Prius 80. proscripsit: vno interiecto die ducentos & viginti alios adiecit: tertio, non pauciores adi ixit: dixitque se de nouo proscripturum eos quorum tunc esset oblitus. abhominable and cruell, were the executions which they inflicted vpon their fellow Citizens. Vnto these abuses the armie which Silla himselfe ledde into Asia, gaue no small furtherance. For hee, to assure the dependancies of his men of Warre, contrary to the custome of his predecessors, behaued himselfe too popularly and riotously, amongest them. Their pleasant incampings, & voluptuous townes of Garrison, had ouer-wrought their fierce courages with ydlenesse. In this place, was the first ouerthrow of the Roman armies; for heere, they learned to Wench, to drinke healths, and to growe into fancying of Scutchions, Pictures, and inchased vtensils: yea, and to purloine publickly and priuately, to Pillage Temples, and to put no conscience betweene sacred and prophane Robberies. These were the souldiers, which after their purchase of victory, pillaged their fellow Cittizens and Countrymen with all extremities. Certainely, prosperity blindeth the Iudgement of the wise; who then woulde expect, that these men, being most dissolutely disciplined, coulde vse their victory with moderation?

Iuve. Qvandoquidem inter nos sanctissima diuitiarum, &c. After that the Rich man was reputed for honorable, and that Worship, Superiority, & Attendance, depended vpon wealth, then began vertue to play bankcrupt; Pouerty to be disgracefull, and free Language to be accounted malicious frowardnesse. Whereby it came to passe, that youth by superfluity, grew Luxurious, proud, & yet penurious; giuen to Extortion, yet prodigall: Of their owne estates vnthrifty, of another mans extreame couetous; of modesty and ciuill behauiour, exceeding neglectiue: in diuine and human offices, indifferent: in discretion and moderation, carelesse.

In compare of these times, wonder it were to beholde our auncient edifices and Villages, builte in fashion of Citties, with the magnificence of those Temples, which our most religious auncestors erected: Truely, Per se, aut per stemmata maiorū. they adorned Religious habitations with deuotion: their priuate Mansions with fame: neither bereft they the conquered Enemy of any thing, saue his apparant Viz: arma, naues, equos. Interdū maeni diruebant Tributaria facta est Carthago, prius quam deleta. meanes of rebellion. On the contrary, these wretches, the basest of men, ransacked their companions, and that most shamelessely, of all those their necessaries, which (the other) most worthy victors, euen spared to their enemies; accounting it a disparagement to valor, & a point of heynous iniury, to doe all that, that the conqueror might do.

But to what purpose, shoulde I talke of those abuses, which no man will beleeue, except hee were an Eye-witnesse: either of mountaines leuelled, or Vt fecerat Lucullus Neapoli. vnde Flor. Contracta pisces equora sentiūt, iactis altum molibus. seas made firme foundations, by the abilities of priuate purses? Wherein, if I might sit iudge, I could not but laugh at their follies, for that euery one made more hast then other, indiscreetly to lauish that out, which honestly to make vse of, was good and lawfull.

Moreouer, the loue of Women, of Gaming, and curiosity, had made no lesse a breach into their vicious humours: the men behaued themselues like women, and women Casta fuit, quā nemo rogauit. made open prostitution of their reputation. Their trauels, by Sea and by Land, were onely to see, not to obserue: giuing themselues to sleepe, before Nature refected it: and to satisfie their appetites, before that eyther hunger, wearinesse, Thirst, or colde, attached their bodies. Then, how could it be preuented, but that youth Iuve. Vnde habe , nem q •• rat: sed p rtet h bere must fling out, when ability is wanting? A mind thus affected, can not want fit proiectes of pleasures, to the accomplishment whereof, it regards not what it gets, nor how it spends

CHAP. 4.

1. Catelines pollicies in entertainment of lewd Company. 2. The causes which hastened the Conspiracy, and gaue the fiercest motiues of Resolution.

IN this so flourishing, so populous, and corrupted a state, Cateline gaue entertainment (a disseigne soone effected) to all the wickedest and disolutest gallants of the City, retaining them neer about his person, as if they had bin the guards of his bodie. For whatsoeuer vnchast companion, Adulterer, or Swagerer, had discipated his Patrimony, by lauish Liberality, by Surfeting, or Letchery: whosoeuer stood ingaged in bonds, Facinora redimabantur, tunc pecunia, quia (vt visum est) ante Sillam non licebat interficere ci es Romanos, nisi in quibusdam criminibus. so that his meanes were not able to purchase his freedome: all sortes of Murderers, Church-robbers, such as stood convicted by Iudgments, or, for feare of Iudgement, durst not shewe their faces before the seate of Iustice: those, whose tongues had beene polluted with periury, or had their handes tainted with ciuill bloodshed: And last of all, whomsoeuer the remorse of a crying conscience afflicted, Pouerty oppressed, or a guiltly soule redargued of offence, these were the friends, fauorites and followers of Cateline. Ea est in amicitia calamitas maxima, quòd Amor praecedat iudicium. But if it hapned, that any true Gentleman, innocent of these misbehauiours, chanced into his company, by daily vse and example, he became in a trice, fellow and fashionable to the residue of his Consorts. His especiall proiect was, to affect the acquaintance of the younger sort, because hee knewe their minds to be soonest and readiest wrought to any impression. And therefore by obseruation of euery mans humor, Te. Quod pl riqu faciū adolescentuli, vt animum ad aliquod stud um adiungant, aut equos alere, aut can s ad venandum. some he would acquaint with beautifull Harlots, vppon othersome he would bestow Dogges of pleasure, & vpon others galant horses, sparing for no cost, no importunacy, first to ingage their allegiances, and afterwardes to make vse of their loyalties.

2. I am not ignorant, that Historici est nihil af irmare quod compertum & explora um non habeat. many men were of opinion, that the youth which frequented the house of Cateline abandoned their bodies to vnchast deuices, but this surmise arose vpon other grounds, then were knowne to the vulgar. For it was long sithence, that Cateline beeing a young man, had frequently defiled his body with a Noble Virgin, a Nunne of Vesta; and against the Lawes and all Conscience, had committed very many such like inormities: and at last, being ouertaken in the Loue of Aurelia Oristella, (a Lady for no good part commendable, but a beautifull visage) it was for certainty reported, that, because she stood squeamish of marriage, in regarde shee feared what might happen, when his child, and her sonne in law, should come to yeares, he made away the boy, & by this scaelestious match, left his house Issuelesse. Which one only proiect, to my vnderstanding, was the principal and violentest motiue, to hasten on the Treason. For who knoweth not, that a Conscience accused of murder, hatefull to Gods and men, can neither take rest by day, nor by night, but is alwaies tormented with the appeale of its owne guiltinesse. And thereupon his complexion changed, his eye grewe dull, his pace variable, sometimes quick, sometimes slow; surely his face bewrayed his troubled conscience. Then, in deeper manner (then before) he meditated, to engage his youthfull followers in hainous offences, teaching them to play knights of the Post, to forge bils and conueyances, & to make no reckoning of Faith, Fortunes, or Daungers. When hee perceiued them thus carelesse and shamelesse, he proceeded to points of higher doctrine: and that was, that if a present occasion of ill doing presented not it selfe at hande, that nethelesse, they shoulde not desist to circumvent the good as well as the bad no, not if their liues lay in hazard; for feare forsooth, least disvse, should bring their hands out of temper, or their mindes to forgetfulnes of actuating euill: training them vp to deceit and cruelty, in purchase of small game, rather then to sit out and doe nothing.

CHAP. 5.

1. Cateline resolueth to seize on the state. 2. His reasons. 3. What sorts of men are to bee noted prime-actors in Rebellion.

1 ASsiduity begat constancy: & therefore Cateline now firmly relying vpon the faith and assistance of these his confederates, and already hauing ingaged his credit thorough all countries, as deeply, as possible his assurance coulde stretch vnto; and withal, not vnpolitickly obseruing, that the remaines of Sillas army, by liuing more riotuously then the rapines of their late victory could warrant them (whereof a fresh memory yet boiled in their stomackes) did itch after a seconde ciuill Warre, roundly resolueth with himselfe, to become maister of the state.

2. In Italy no Army was on foot. G. Pompeius Contra Tigranē & Methridatem. managed the warre in forreigne countries. His hopes, in standing for the Consul-ship, were not fewest. The Senate was secure; All men in peace, all places deuoted to good Correspondency. Fitter opportunities could not fortune haue heaped into Catelines bosome: He tooke holde, and therefore about the Kalends of Iune, L. Caesar, and C. Figulus being Consulles, hee sendeth for euery man aparr, some he intreateth, others hee comforteth, and opposeth to their considerations their own strength) compared it with the weaknesse of the state vnprouided; and lastly, forgetteth not to insinuate the massinesse of reward, which attended vppon their purchase of victory.

3. After this priuate discourse, he findeth a time to call a generall Counsel, of all those, whom either for Nobility, for deepenesse of interest in the plot, or desperate dispositions, he durst best intrust.

Of the Order of Senators, appeared P. Lentulus Sura, P. Antronius, L. Cassius Longinus, C. Cethegus, P. and Seruius, the sonnes of Silla Seruius, L: Vergunteius, Q. Anntus, M. Porcius Lecca, Lucius Bestia, Q. Curius. Of the order of Knights, M: Fuluius the Noble, L: Statilius, P: Gauinius Capito, C: Cornelius. Besides these, many of the Colonies and infranchised Cities, men of good esteeme in their Countries; yea, and some great personages (but in more secret maner) were a Counsell in the action, whom neyther want nor any other necessity drew in, but meere ambition, to share for their fortunes.

Moreouer, the maior part of the youth, and those especially of the Gentry, were glad of the proiect, and fauored the plot; such I meane, whose humors desired to spende gallantly, or to liue wantonly, affecting incertainties for certainties, and bloodshed rather then peace.

Some liued in those daies, who durst affirme, that M: Licinius Crassus was not altogether a stranger vnto that assembly, for that G: Pompeius his corriuall and aduersarie, was then preferred to be Lord Generall of the Army, against whose credite and greatnesse hee cared not whose enuy, or what power he prouoked: nothing mistrusting if the conspiracy prospered, but that he would find means to become their leader.

Before this aduenture, a former conspiracy had been on foot against the state, wherein Cateline had likewise beene an Actor, whereof (before I proceede further) I will discourse with all truth to my vtmost power.

CHAP. 6.

1. Cateline in suing for the Consulship, is denied. 2. His first Treason discouered. 3. Piso is sent into Spaine. 4. The reasons: his death.

1. LTullus, and Marcus Lepidus beeing Consuls, P. Antronius and P. Silla Consuls elect, were accused of bribery, Quod per ambitum, aut alia via sinistra ad magistratus pervenisse conuinc bantur, et poenas dabaut, & à magistratu abire cogebantur. and therfore fined & disgraced. Not long after, Cateline being in office, was also attainted for extortion, and prohibited to stand for the Consulship, for that according to Law hee could not trauers the accusation, and giue in his Quicum que magistra um p tebat, nomen suum immune dare oportebat. name blamelesse within his ti e limitted.

At the same time liued G. Piso, a young Gentleman, discended of Honourable parentage, but exceeding wilde, poore, and factious. Penury and euill education set his thoughts on working to innouation.

2. About the Nones of December; Cateline, this yong Gentleman, and Antronius, laid their heads together, in the Capitoll to murder the two Consuls, L: Torquatos and L. Cotta: vppon the Kalends of Ianuary, and then, Correptis facibus they two seizing on the Ensignes of honor and office, to poast away this Piso with an Army, for the retaining of both S. superiorem, & inferiorem. Spaines to their vses. Which complot being discouered, they deferred the second resolution of the murder vntill the Nones of February. Then, they intended not the destruction of the two Consuls onely, but the destruction also of many of the Nobility. Wherein if Cateline had not made too much hast to Court, to haue giuen his complices the watch-word, without doubt, that day had proued the bloudiest season, that euer the Citty of Rome had beheld, sithence the laying of her first foundations. The N ndum conveneran , cum signū d •• et. slow approach of the Conspirators, broke the neck of the intended enterprize.

3 Notwithstanding Piso was sent Lord President into the hether-Spaine, Viciniorē Italiae. not without the conniuance of Marcus Crassus, for that, he stood assured, that Piso was no small aduersary vnto the greatnesse of C: Pompeius.

4. Neither yet could the Lords of the Senate be taxed of improuidence, for intrusting the prouince to such a companion; for it was their pollicy to remoue so corrupt a member farre from the more sounder and vitall parts of the Commonweale; partly, for that they mistrusted, that many good men, might houer vnder the wing of his preferment; and partly, for that the power of Pompey, and his credit with the army, were (with reason) growne verie suspitious vnto the state. But this very Piso, in the midst of his iourney, was slaine, by those horsemen ouer whom he commanded.

Some gaue out, that the Barbarians could not disgest Minus est, im eratorem iniustum esse, quam superbū: Minus, superbum esse, quā crudelem his iniust, imperious, and cruell gouernment; Others, that those horsemen being the ancient followers of Pompey, & his faithfull seruitors, committed the murder not without his priuity: affirming, that the Spaniards neuer committed so execrable an homicide, & yet had indured many more seuere Lieutenants. For our parts, we will leaue it, as we found it, and so end the Relation of this first Treason.

CHAP. 7.

1. Cateline exhorteth his complices to perseuerance. 2. They require the conditions of the warre. 3. He giueth them satisfaction.

1 CAteline, assoone as he perceiued that those his complices (whom wee nominated before,) were now assembled, althogh he had often dealt in particular with euery one of them, yet supposing it a point of no small regarde, to deale with them in general, now or neuer to settle their resolutions, retired himself into the remotest roome of his house: from whence, all strangers excluded, thus and thus he began his Oration.

Vnlesse my very soule were fully perswaded of your valors and constancies, it were impossible to hope that any Fortunate successe should second these our attempts, and those strong hopes of Liberty and power, whereof we account our selues in better part of possession, were idle, and to no purpose; neither I, for my part, would shew my selfe so vaine conceited, as thorough cowardi e, or any giddy straine of a running wit, to let slip certainties in hope of incertaine aduentures. But for that, in many, and most important daungers, I haue alwaies founde you valourous and faithfull; aswell, in those regards, hath my courage dared to aduenture, vpon this worthy and most honorable action, as also for that it is now past dispute, that we are all alike ingaged, and must of necessity all drinke of one Cup, be it good or euill. And therefore, in general, to be all of one opinion, is the strongest bond of faith & friendship. What my resolutions are, you haue heretofore heard my priuate discourses, but euery day bringeth into my mind a new perplexity, with a desire to vnderstand, what course we shall run, vnlesse we our selues should now be resolute to purchase our own pardons. For sithence the Soueraignty hath diuolued, vnder the power and oppression of some few great men; Kinges and Tetrachs haue bin gladde to protest themselues their vassals: people and Nations haue paide them contribution; but as for the residue of vs the Nobility, how valorous, how good, howe Noble or ignoble soeuer, we are accounted of but as the vulgar: depriued of Honor, and subiected to those, vnto whom, if right might take place, wee ought to be Lords, and to giue the Law. What should I say? All graces, offices, honour, and wealth, they assume vnto thēselues, or at least al lieth at their dispose: To vs, is naught afforded, saue daunger, denials, extents & misery: which disgraces, (ô you my most valiant companions) I pray you relate, how long shall we suffer? Is it not more befitting our generous spirits, to die resolutely, then alwaies to leade a miserable and base life, subiect to the scorne of an vnderlings pride?

By the faith which I owe vnto God and the worlde, the victory is ours already in possession: youth is on our side, our hearts as couragious; with our enemies, all things are growne feeble and timorous, through age and abundance, we shall onely but take care for the onset, time it selfe will second the progresse.

Fellowes in Armes, what mortall creature, that hath but a scantling of human courage, can endure, to see these men to wallowe in wealth, lauishly disbursed in Inning of Seas, & leuelling of mountaines, and our selues to want euen necessaries of life? They, to be Lords of two or more goodly pallaces, we scarce to possesse one roofe, wherewithall to couer our Nakednesse? These are they, that haue naught to doe with their wealth, saue to bestow it on Pictures, Images, & imbossed furnitures: Old fashions are odious, yet pull they down their new Fabricks, and erect others more pleasing to their fancies. By all direct and indirect meanes they procure mony, & oppresse, and nethelesse their extreame expence is no diminution of their estates. But with vs, at home rageth pouerty, abroade waite executions: our credites are desperat, our hopes worse: What then, I beseech ye remaineth vs, saue a tormented conscience, worst of miseries?

Courage my Companions: Loe, that, that Liberty, which so long you haue expected, and so often implored, now calleth on your valours. And not it alone, for besides, you haue wealth, a iust cause, and honor on your sides. These are your Trophies of victory: Fortune wil haue it so. Let the quality of the Action, the opportunity of time, the greatnesse of the danger, & the inestimable spoiles of War, moue ye, more then my speech; be it at your choise, to vse me as your leader, or as a priuate souldier. I will neuer faile ye in Counsell or Action. And vnlesse my Genius deceiue me, I hope being Consul, to performe what I haue spoken, vnlesse your spirits bee so basely deiected, that you had rather liue in subiection, then commaund with Honour.

2. Notwithstanding the pithy and perswasiue deliuerie of this Oration, those of the complot, which were in greatest distresse, and least confirmed in hopes, and yet beleeued, that plentifull aduancements could not but attende them vpon the trouble of the State; began to demande, that Cateline should giue them satisfaction, What should be the condition of the War: what their rewards: what hopes induced him; what assistance they should relie vpon.

3. Whereupon, hee protested generall acquitances, Peior est conditio proscrortarum, quam exulum nam in exilio sunt tu •• , illi nusquam. proscriptions of the richer sort, Magistracies, Priesthoods, Pillage, and all other Reprisals, which the Liberty of war is accustomed to share vnto the pleasure of the victor. Hea quantum ad praemia.

Quantum ad auxilia. For his Assistance, hee shewed them, that Piso in the hether Spaine, and P. Sitius Nucerinus in Mauritania, led sufficient sorces, both ingaged in the plot, and both priuie of his counsels.

His Hopes were, that

Quantum ad spem.

Alij, Antronium, participem prioris coniurationes.

C. Antonius would stand for the Consulship, and that he made no question, but to become his fellow in office; a man of his familiar and inwarde acquaintance, on all sides oppressed with necessities, and with him, in their Consulship, he would not faile to open the warre.

This done, hee began maliciously to slander all honest men, & by name to praise euery Varlet of his own crew: one hee put in minde of his pouerty, another of his longing, some of the danger and disgrace incident, and many Speram consimile exitum Belli. of Sillas victory; at what time it was lawfull to make pillage of any thing that Lust could seize vpon.

Heerewith, obseruing their generall alacrity, he requested them to haue an especiall regard to satisfie his expectation, and so dismissed the assembly.

CHAP. 8.

1. Cateline administreth an Oath of secrecy. The maner, & reason. 2. Q. Curius described.

1. IN those daies liued some, who reported, that Cateline hauing finisht his speech in ministring the oth of confedracie to these his creatures, began a carouse of wine brewed with humane blood. Whereof, when euery party after diuers execrations, had pledged him after the maner of solemn Sacrifices, then began he to lay open the very depth of his proiects, & to conceale nothing, to the intent, that euery one being alike guilty of others ingagement, they should perseuere the more constant each confederate to other.

Many againe, did account these, and many such like reports, as false and fabulous, deuised by them, who by aggrauating the heynous offences of the traitours, did endeuour to extenuate the scandall afterwards imputed vpon Cicero, Q ia iussit Romanos c ues interfici sine Lege. by reason of the seuere punishment, inflicted vpon the offenders. Et sic seruatur fides Historiae, cuius prima lex est, vt sit vera. In regard of the greatnesse of the Ambiguity, we know not well what to affirme.

In the conspiracy was one Quintus Curius, by birth a Gentleman, but wholly addicted to dishonest courses & villanies, whom the Censors for his infamous life had deposed from the Senate. Nothing inferior to this mans vanity, was his rash and peremptory carriage: he coulde neither silence what he heard of other, nor bury in obliuion his priuat offences: taking no regard of his speech, or action.

He had long bin acquainted with Fuluia, an honourable Lady, to whome after hee perceiued that hee was but coldly welcome, (for that his present pouerty coulde not answere her his former liberality) hee resolued with himselfe to set al vpō boasts; somtime to promise mountains, sometime to menace her, and rather then faile, somtime to vse her more rudely, then hee had beene accustomed. But Fuluia agreeued with these his insolencies, and vnderstanding the cause, how the common wealth stood indangered, vowed no secresie, but onely supressing the name of the reporter, reuealed vnto many of her acquaintance, where, and what, she heard of the conspiracie of Cateline.

This sudden report first wrought the minds of most men to inuest M.T. Cicero, with the honour of the Consulship: for before the greater part of the Nobility, stomacked his preferment, yea they were of opinion, that the place had bin polluted, if he (though deseruedly) being no Gentleman by discent, had managed that high place of dignitie. But vppon the approach of the storme, enuy, and Pride, lay buried in silence.

Whereupon the day of election being come, M. Tullius and C. Antonius were saluted Consuls; which verie creation did at first breake the hearts of the Conspirators. But the rashnes of Cateline was neuer the more asswaged: euery day he went more forward then other; he prepared armor, and distributed it in places of greatest importance throughout Italy: he tooke vp as much mony as the credite of his friends, or his owne assurance could procure, causing it to bee conueyed to one Manlius at Fesule, who afterward acted a principal part in the rebellion.

It was reported, that at that time he laboured men of al fashions, yea and some women, who after their commodities were of no worth, by reason that age had put a period to their fees, but not to their riot, were become deepely indebted.

By these, Cateline stood in good hopes to drew in the slaues of the Citty, to fire the Towne, to vnite their husbands to the action, or otherwise, to murder them.

Amongest these was Sempronia, a Woman that had committed many virile outrages, aboue the creation of her sex. In birth and beauty commendable, in marriage and issue fortunate, well seene in the Greeke and Latine languages, and more curious-cunning in musicke & dancing, then well might stand with the reputation of honesty. Adorned she was vvith many other qualities, but such, as vvere rather to be reckoned prouokements vnto Luxuric, (yet more familiar vnto her dispositon) then either sauoured of decency, or modest behauiour. It vvere harde to say, vvhether she vvere most prodigall, of her purse, or her honesty: so hot of constitution, that shee woulde sooner graunt, then stay the asking of a question: beewraying the confidence of those that trusted her, and perfidiouslie dealing with those that credited her: Guilty of murder, and spent by Luxury, the fore-runner of pouertie, without hope of recouery. Quicke Witted, a Versifier, frolicke, discoursiue vppon any vaine, modest, amorous, or swaggering; wholy giuen to iests and pleasaunt conceits.

CHAP. 9.

1. Cateline practiseth the death of Cicero. 2. Beeing disappointed, he resolueth to set all vppon hazzard. 3. Cicero preserued by the intelligence of Fuluia. 4. Manlius ingageth the people of Hetruria.

Dictis Cons. quos limuerat, creatis. 1. AFfaires beeing thus ordered, Cateline notwithstanding his former repulse, resolueth yet once again for the next yeare to stand for the Consulship: wherein, if he sped, hee doubted not but to make vse of Antonius at his pleasure. Neither heere gaue hee ends to his discontents, but by all meanes sought the destruction of Cicero, a man as vigilant and as polliticke as himselfe, to countermine his deuices; by great promises from the beginning of his Consulship, continually working with Fuluia, to procure Q. Curius, to lay open the deepest plot of the Conspiracie vnto her. And besides that, had firmely seized on the faith of Antonius his fellow in office (by the assurance and exchange of the gouernement of the Vnde pl •• lucri, qua ex vrbe Cons. obeuene at, melius inde inopiae suae confulere. prouince) in no point to wauer for the good of his Minus commodi ex prouincia, quā ex factione Catelinae consequi non potuit. country: Ne videretur etiam regnum assectare, aut seditionem fouere. secretly and circumspectly causing his friends and followers to be respectiue of his safety.

2. The day of election being come, and that neyther his suite succeeded, nor his malices against the Ambos, postquā viderat A t n i contra remp. nu ••• sentire. Consulles preuailed, perceiuing that what he had politickely determined, was as cunningly frustrated; foorth-with, hee resolueth vpon the two extreames; Warre, and Hazard, and thereupon setteth vp his rest.

Wherupon, he dispatcheth C. Manlius vnto Fesulae & the Countrey thereabouts. One Septinius Camertes hee sendeth into the borders of the Piceni, and C. Iulius he posteth to Apulia, and finally giueth instructions to others of his Complices, euery man to betake himselfe vnto those quarters, wherin he thoght his ability could afford the best meanes for his purpose. At Rome he giueth orders for his weightiest proiects: some he cōmandeth to lie in wait for the Consuls; som to prepare wild-fires; & others, to disperse their armed followers in places of best oportunity: he himselfe standeth vpon his guard. These he commandeth and entreateth, to be ready at an instant, to be vigilant, to spare no pains, by night nor by day, to haue an eie vpon all occasions; & finally, not to be deiected by the vnacustomed trauailes of watching & labor. At length, revoluing in his mind, that his care of execution, had bin nothing inferior to his directions, and yet of many, not one seconded expectation; once again he summoneth the chief of the conspiracy by M. Porcius Lecca: When, being assembled, he findeth himselfe much agreeued at their backwardnes; sheweth them, how for his part he hath dispatched Manlius to those troops, whō long before he had prepared for armes: how he quartered others through the fittest places of the Citie, vpon the first watch-word ready to enter into Action: & that now his chiefest desire was to take his iourney towards the Army, if Cicero were dispatched, the only obstacle to all their proiects. At this speech, his Auditory being at their wits ends, and obiecting many difficulties; at last C. Cornelius & L. Vargunteius, the one a Knight, the other a Senator, vndertook the performance; deuising, a little after Twilight, with their armed seruants, by way of dutie, to go visit the Consull at his own house, whereinto beeing admitted, they protested suddenly to murder him being vnprouided, & least of al suspecting any such intention. 3. Quintus Curius, no sooner vnderstood, vnto what eminent danger the life of the Consull stood exposed, but as swiftly hee flieth vnto Fuluia, and reuealeth vnto her the intended execution. Vpon intelligence whereof the traitors receiuing a denial of entrāce, this their most heinous intention of murder sorted likewise to no conclusion.

4. Mean while notwithstanding, Manlius acteth his part in Hetruria, & stirreth vp the Commons, desirous inough of themselues of innouation, in remembrance of their pouerty & hard vsage; for that in the vsurpation of Silla, they had bin pillaged of al they had, lāds, goods, & necessaries. And besides, that the prouince swarmed with theeues & outlawes, wherof many of thē were of the Colonies of Silla, to whom riot & Luxury had left nothing of their late rich & extortious booties remaining. Cicero being possessed of these inteligences, & hauing his thoghts trobled with ambiguous resolutions, for that neither by his priuate possibilities he could lōger secure the city frō danger, nor be truly instructed what forces Manlius had leuied, nor who should be his abettor: he referred the determining of the busines to the wisedoms of the Lords of the Senat, inforcing his informations & inducemēts vpon the general rumors & reports of the people. They againe (as in times of wonted dangers) giue the Consuls authority to prouide, that the state through their defaults suffred no damage, acording to the anciēt customs of the Roman people. This verbal forme of authority, cōmitted to the Dictatoris edictum promunine semper obseruutum soueraigne magistrate by the Senat, hath at al times bin very powerful: for hereby, hath he sufficiēt warrant, to leuy an army, to make war, Abs quo non licebat prouoiare, aut ad alium iudicem appellare. to assesse confederats, Lord chief Iustice in peace, L. general of the war; otherwise, without the especial permission of the people, no Consull might be suffred to exercise the meanest of these roialties. Som few daies after L seuius a Senator, shewed forth certain letters at the counsel table which he receiued frō Fesulae, & imported, that C. Manlius had bin in armes with no cōtemptible forces, before the 6. day of the Kalends of Nou. Besides (no strange thing in like cases) one discoursed of wōders, another of prodigies, som talked of Conuenticles, others of secret prouisions of furnitures: som reported that the slaues wer vp in Capua, others in Apulia. Wherupon by an act of Senat, Q: Martius is dispatched to Fesulae, & Q. Metellus Creticus into Apulia & the bordering countries. These two hauing born the office of L. generals, had beene denied their deserued triumphs through the city, by the malicious calumnies of som such, to whom it was familiar to set sutes of al natures, to open sales. The two Praetors, Q. Pompeius Rufus, and Q. Metellus Celer, had their commissions, the one for Capua, the other for the Piceni, with authority likewise, for that time, & the diuersion of this daunger, to inroll an Army. Moreouer, proclamation was made, that if any man could giue-in true information of this Conspiracy, intended against the safety and Maiesty of the state, that he should be well and honestly rewarded: A Slaue, to receiue liberty, and one 250 poundes. hundred Sesterces: A free man his pardon, and two hundred thousand Sesterces. And lastly, they made a decree, that in Capua, and the residue of the suspected burroughs, euery housholder should entertain the companies Ne tumultum mouerent vt antea sub Spartico factum est. of the Fencers, euery man in proportion, according to his ability. At Rome, thorough the whole City, the Bourgers kept watch and ward, vnder the command of inferior officers. At which nouelties the Citty stood amazed, & the countenance of the inhabitants deiected. Insteed of iollity and retchlesnesse, of which, assiduity of ease and security, had in a manner promised perpetuity, forthwith entered all kinds of passions and distemperature: one made speed to prouide for his priuate safety, another trembled & had no power to resolue vpō any course: Som doubted their welfare in their owne houses, and others could not determine in whom to repose any answerable confidence. The times they could not terme peaceable, neither doubted they the warre: and therefore feare measured out euery man his danger, according to his owne apprehension. The womē, to whom, in regard of the long prosperity of the state, the rumors of war were inacustomed, bewailed their fortunes, stretched their hands towards heauen, cōpassionated their litle ones, instanced the Gods, feared al things, and vtterly forgetful of their yesterdaies pride & nicities, now distrusted the safety of themselues and their country. Notwithstanding, the cruel and vnrelenting mind of Cateline stood resolute, yea, thogh his eie were his witnes of oposition & preuention, & that himself had bin in examination before L. Paulus vpon the statute Qua accusati coniurationis, statim respondere & se purgare cogebantur. Plautia. At last, either to set a good face on the matter, or to answere the obiected accusation, as a man touched in honour, hee entreth the Senate. When, M. Tullie the Consull, either fearing his presence, or being mooued at his shamelesse impudency, made an excellent and profitable Oration, which afterwards he put forth in writing.

Assoone as he had taken his place, being by Nature of a prepared disposition to dissimulation, with a submissiue countenance, and a sutable low voice, he began to request the Lords, not rashly to beleeue whatsoeuer his ill-willers suggested against a man of his Ranke: That from his Adolency hee had behaued himselfe so, as in Honour they could not but make good constructions of his carriage: That they could not but wrong his calling, (sithence both himselfe and his Auncestors had wel deserued of the state) once to immagine that he would practise the destruction thereof, when such a one forsooth, M. Tullius Cicero, an vpstart and a stranger, should labour to preserue it.

In the highest of which his calumnious expostulations, the whole Senate interrupted him, protesting him a Traitour and Quia patria charior quam parens nobis debet esse, ideo Catelina inpatriā coniura us, hic paricida dicitur. parricide to his Countrey. Then all inraged, (quoth he) Sithence I am violently ouer-borne by the furie of mine enemies, nothing but ruine shall put an end to this quarrell. And thereupon, leauing the Court, he retired to his house. Where, reuoluing with himselfe, that neither the intended murder of the Consull sorted to purpose, neither that the fiering of the City could be effected, by reason of the stronge watches: foreseeing now, that but one onely course, and that of bad the best was left him, which was, to reenforce his army, & to take vp whatsoeuer warlike prouision was necessary for his people, before the state had leuied their armed Legions; at midnight in the company of a few, he taketh his iourney towards the campe of Manlius: before his departure, intreating and commaunding Cethegus, Lentulus, and the most desperate of the crewe, by all meanes possible to containe the faction in strength and vigour, to hasten the death of the Consull, to be resolute, for slaughter fire, and the like miseries of war; for within a day or two he would not faile to approch the Citty with a powerfull army.

These were the passages at Rome: from the Campe C. Manlius had sent certain Agents of his rout vnto Q. Martius, with these Ouertures.

CHAP. 10.

1. The Letters of Manlius to the Generall. 2. His answere. 3. Catelines colourable excuse of his iourny. 4. His letter to the contrary.

I Call God and Man (most Woorthy Generall) to witnes, that we haue taken Armes neither against our Country, neither to the perrill of any priuate subiect, but onelie to free our needy and mis rabe carcasses from iniuries from violence, and the oppression of Vsurers: the most of vs not daring to shewe our faces in our owne Countrey, and all of vs in generall without credit or releefe. In which estate, it was not lawful for any of vs (according to the freedome of our Ancestors) to prosecute the clemencie of our auntient Lawes: neither (hauing forfetted our Patrimonies) to keep our bodies from imprisonment; so rigorously hath the Vsurer and the Praetor oppressed vs.

In former times, the compassion of our Elders, hath often acquited the disabilities of the Romaine people by actes of Parliament: And euen but S. recentissime. yesterday in our remembraunce, by the generall applause of all good men, order hath bin taken, by reason of the excessiue interest, to pay the principall out of the publicke Treasury: yea, the very Comminaltie, either seduced by desire of superiority, or vnderhand armed by the Ambition of Great men, hath often disvnited it selfe from the Vnion of the Fathers: but we (neither Ambitious of Empery, nor desirous of Riches) the motiues of all Warres & discourtesies amongst mortall Creatures, request onely Liberty, the want whereof, no honest man can tollerate, but with the losse of his deerest life.

Wherefore, vpon our bended knees we intreat your worthinesse, together with the Lordes of the Senate, to prouide for our miseries, and to restore vs to that aduantage of Lawe, of the which the partiality of the Praetor hath defrauded vs: not inforcing vs iniuriously to that desperate extremity, wherin we can but onely study howe to satiate our insatiable swordes with execution of deepest reuenge.Vna sal •• miseris nullam sperare salutem.

2. To these Q. Martius made no other aunswere, but that, if they expected fauour from the Lords of the Senate, they should not implore it in armed manner, but submissiuely to trauell to Rome, where they might be assured, to finde such clemency and curtesie before the Lordes of the Senate, and the Roman people, as neuer any man ye importuned their mercy, that departed away at any time vnpardoned.

3. But Cateline from diuers stages in his iourny Vt i cautos opprimeret. dispatcheth away Letters to many of the Consulare dignity, and to euery gentleman of quality; besides, intimating therby, that (since he was not of power to make his party good, against the faction of his Aduersaries, who most falsly and malliciously had suggested many slaunderous accusations against him) hee was contented to yeilde to time, and to choose Vrbem, antiquissimo fad re Romanis coniunctam Massilia for the place of his voluntary exile; not for that, forsooth, he was any way guilty of so heinous an imputation, but for the good and welfare of the state; least by his presence, peraduenture some seditious partiality might arise in the state.

Contrary vnto these Q. Catulus read other Letters before the Lords of the Senat, which (as he affirmed) were dated vnto him vnder the name of Cateline. The Transcript whereof followeth.

L. Cateline to Q. Catulus health.

4. THy assured constancie, by triall experimented, and in my most weighty daungers neuer omitted, hath cōfidently waranted these my commendations vnto thine vnspotted loyaltie. For what reasons, I listed not, to frame my defence in that new Counsel, I am now determined to yeelde you satisfaction; & that, not out of a guilty conscience, which vpon mine honour I protest to be true, but being first prouoked by iniurious disgraces; for that being denied the rewardes of my labours and deserts, I could not obtaine the place of dignity duely diuolued to me, according vnto my wonted custome. I haue now taken vpon me the publicke defence of the oppressed people; not for that, out of mine owne reuenewes I coulde not satisfie my owne debts, since the onely liberality of Aurelia Oristilla and her daughter, was not onely sufficient to discharge my selfe and my sureties; but for that I obserued men of no worth to be preferred to places of honor, and my selfe vpon false suggestions, too iniuriously reiected. Vpon these terms I make no question, but to be able to preserue the remainder of my reputation. I was determined to haue written more at large, but I was informed, that warrant, were out to attach me. I not onely commend, but also intrust vnto thy loyalty Oristilla: Defend her from wrong, (I beseech thee,) euen for the loue of thy deerest children, Farewell.

CHAP. 11.

1. Cateline commeth to the camp of Manlius. 2. The estate of Rome and the bordering Countreyes after his departure.

1. BVt Cateline hauing made some small stay with C. Flaminius in the country Ciuitas municipalis in Hetruria. of Aretium, and leauing the City (before prepared) well fortified, departeth towards the campe of Manlius, accompanied with the Fasces, and other the Ensignes of Honour. Vppon intelligence whereof at Rome, the Senate proclaimeth Cateline and Manlius Traitours. To the residue of their partakers they limit a day, by which, if they surceased their armes, Quod prudentia S. factum est, vt sine periculo reip. principes coniurationis punirentur. all offences past were pardoned, except to those, who by name were condemned of Treason.

The Consuls themselus were commanded to leuy forces: Caius Antonius with al expedition to pursue Cateline, & Cicero to guard the Citty.

2. At that time, in my iudgement, the condition of the Roman people appeared most miserable: Vnto whome, notwithstanding that all places from East to West were subiected by Armes, and that at home they wallowed in ease and riches (the onely two contents which all flesh affecteth:) yet fostered they within their owne bowels a viperous consort of fellow-Cittizens, who rather then they woulde surcease the obstinacie of their priuate Humours, cared not what became of themselues and their countrey. For, after the two proclamations, divulged by authority from the Senate, it was not knowne that anie one man of such a multitude, neither for lucre of the proposed reward, reuealed any part of the conspiracy, neither vpon assurance of pardon, sought to flie from the partie. So desperat a contagiō of reuolt, like to a Pestilential Feauer had possessed the minds of the greater part of the people; and worse then that, the zeale of those, who were guilty of the proiect, was not onely estranged, but the Vniuersal body of the Commons in affectatiō of nouelties, did as farforth as they durst, allow of the busines. But this could be tearmed no new accident; for in all Commonweales, you shall euer finde some (who haue little to lose) to mallice their betters, to speake well of the wicked, to mislike the present, to affect nouelties, and in contempt of their owne Fortunes, to desire change. In tumults and vprores they take least care for their liuings; how euer the world goes, they can be no loosers.

But the Comminalties of Citties were led vpon other respects and diuersity of occasions: First, all those who were infamous for life and behauiour; secondly, such as had wasted their stockes; And lastly, those that durst not shew their heads for some notorious offences, (these I say) flocked into Rome, as into a common receptacle.

In the next ranke followed such as had not yet forgotten Sillas victory; some of their companions they beheld raised from the degree of common souldiers, to the honor of Senators: Others, so aduanced in wealth, that thereby they were now inabled to maintaine a bountifull Table, and to weare rich apparrell. If the matter were once again triable by Armes, euery one hoped to share in like Fortune. As for those strong and youthfull bodies, whose hāds could scarcely find them a liuing by the day labour of the plough, (and in that respect had their fingers itching to be dealing in priuate and publicke rewards) were soon inticed to preferre the idle games of the citty, before the thriftlesse oile of the country: such were the hopes both of these & the former; the publicke spoile was the mark they al shot at. So that (as before) it is no new matter, to see the poorest, basest, and worst-bred sort of people, to expect spoile and their owne inrichment, by the generall confusion of the state.

Yet remained they whose parents the victory of Silla had proscribed, defrauded of their goodes, and disinfranchised of their freedoms; These, as the residue, liued likewise in hope to purchase some better fortune by the euent of this warre.

Lastly, whosoeuer was of any other faction, saue that of the Senate, did rather in his hart wish more welfare to the league, then good to the state. Thus forepassed corruptions, after many yeares, began again to returne into the Citty.

For after the Tribunitiall authority (G. Pompeius & M. Crassus being Consuls) was restored, certaine young men (whose blood was hot, and their courages violent) preferred to soueraigne iurisdiction, began, by Sub praetentu boni publici. Sic Virg. Coniugium vocat: hoc pretexit nomi •• culpam. &c. accusing the Lords of the Senate, first, to subborne the Commons, and afterwards, by bribes and promises to prouoke them to furie.

Thus they gate them a name, and were mighty in the state. Against these men (vnder the protection of the Senat,) the Maior part of the Nobility stoutly opposed, to retaine their pristinate greatnesse. For to speake truth in a word, after these times, whomsoeuer ambition perswaded to trouble the state, he would be sure to colour his pretext with an honest title; as som, The defence of Liberty, others The reuerent authority of the Senat.

Euery one pretended the common good, whilst hee tooke most care to raise his priuate estate, and that without all modesty or measure: In contention, either side vsed their victories without any indifferency.

But after that C: Pompeius had his Commissions for the Warre at Sea, and against Methridates, the Plebeian power fainted & the Greatnes of a few increased, Contra pirata , quos intra Quadrag ssimos di •• subegit. who immediately seized vpon Magistracies, Prouinces, and all other offices: Fearelesse of Competitors, Honourable in Titles, and growne old without any touch of aduersitie. The inferiour sort they terrified with exemplarie punnishments, the better to keepe them in awe of their Superiority.

But vpon the first budding of innouation, their prestinat prerogatiues brought passed sorances to remembraunce. Wherein, if in his first attempt, Cateline had had the better, or at least had departed vpon equall termes, without contradiction, a miserable mis-fortune and calamity had befallen the Common-wealth. For assuredly, the Conquerors should not long haue triumphed of their victorie, a stronger party Sic Augustus t •• umphabit de Antonia & Lepido. being prepared & determined to bereaue the weake, weary, and wounded conspiratour of his new purchased command and victory. There were many men besides, that knew nothing of the conspiracie, and yet in the beginning associated Cateline. Amongest these, was Fuluius, the sonne of a Senatour, whom being retired, the father nethelesse commanded to execution.

CHAP. 12.

1. Lentulus in the absence of Cateline, to his vtmost strengtheneth the faction. 2. Vmbrenus acquainteth the French Ambassadours with the Plot. 3. Sanga (an Intelligencer) cunningly procureth a draught of the confederacie.

1. MEane time Lentulus (acording to his instructions deliuered him by Cateline) soliciteth by himselfe, or his Agents, whō soeuer in his immagination conceited either dissolutenesse of manners or pennurie, an apt instrument to entertain nouelties: and heerein, he not onely practiseth with Citizens, but generally with al sorts of creatures; prouided, that their seruice might any way stand in sted for the warre. Whereupon he dealeth with Vmbrenus to sound the Ambassadors of the Strabo Quorum metropolis erat vienna •• u tas in Delph natu. Allobroges, & if he possibly could, to draw them to the action: which he conceited might with no great difficulty bee effected: first, because he knew them to be deeply indebted, aswell for their state, as for their priuate vses; and secondly, for that the French Nation by nature is inclinable to listen to innouation.

This Vmbrenus, for that he had Traffiqued in Fraunce, did know, and was knowne vnto most of the principal gouernours of the Citties, so that immediately after meeting with the Legates in the common Hall, hee began to question them of the estate of their citty, and (in a manner condoling their hard aduenture) beganne to aske them, what remedy they expected to cure such, so great and insufferable greeuances.

For answere whereunto, when hee obserued, that by their complaints they taxed the Magistrates of Auarice, and accused the Senate, as neglectiue of their redresse, & that they hoped for no release but by death: Q. d. mori vltima lina rerum. Why then my Maisters (quoth he) if you will but shewe your selues men, I will teach you, how you shall easily acquit your selues of these euils. The Allobroges no sooner herd him to vse these speeches, but they importune Vmbrenus, that hee would take compassion of their miseries, protesting no commaunde to be so difficult or dangerous, but they would attempt it with earnest resolution, so as the performāce might make satisfaction for the debts of their citty.

Heereupon he conducteth them to the house of Decius Brutus, adioyning to the Towne-house, a man not altogether vnacquainted with the complot, by reason of his wife Sempronia: but at this time out of towne.

Heere, to adde further credite to his speeches, hee sendeth for Gabinius. In his presence he relateth the full proiect of the Conspiracie, and nominateth the associates, and amongst them he interproseth the names of many of all degrees; yea, Innocents, the readier to giue courage and assurance to the mis-informed Legates: Then taking his leaue with promisse of his vtmost seruice, he dismissed them home.

The Allobroges stood long doubtfull, vppon what to resolue: On one side, their great debts, their inclination to warre, and the hope of rich spoiles presented secrecy: but on the other side, a stronger party, a safer course, & more assured rewards (in lieu of vncertaine hopes) perswaded discouery.

In middest of which their ambiguous reuolutions, at last, by good hap the consideration of the cōmonwealth fortunately preuailed.

3. And so with speed they fully discouered what they had heard, vnto Q. Fabius Sanga, a man vnto whose seruice the Citty had stood much beholden. And Cicero vnderstanding by Sanga, how farre foorth matters had passed, commaundeth the Agents to dissemble an extraordinary affection to the plot; to take a more strict occasion of acquaintance with the residue; to protest good liking and Constancy, and by all means so to diue into the secretest of the businesse, that, when time shoulde serue, they might be able to giue in a most cleare euidence.

CHAP. 13.

1. Metellus and Murena preuent the Conspirators in their Lieutenantships. 2. The wicked and desperate conclusions of Traitors.

AT this very instaunt diuers commotions were afoot, in the further and hether Gallia, in the Countrey of Piceni, amongst the Bruttans, and in Apulia. For those, whom Ca teline had at first dismissed & dispersed, now like mad men without forecast or consideration, began to make night-assemblies, to dispose of armour and weapons, to hasten their dispatches, to disquiet all places, and that with more shew of feare, then appearance of daunger. Of this rout Quintus Metellus Celer the Praetor, by authority from the Lords of the Senate, had committed diuers to prison vpon examination: The like did Caius Murena, Lieutenant of the hether Gallia.

2. But at Rome, Lentulus had plotted with the chiefest of the Conspiracy, that as soone as intelligence came, that Cateline had openly shewed himselfe in armes in the Territory of Fesulae, that forthwith L. Bestia being Tribune of the people, should in the midst of their vnited forces, in a set and premeditated Oration, disgracefully complain vpon the actions of Cicero, and by iniurious imputation, maintaine the Originall of this most vnkind war, to haue first proceeded from the mallice of this most worthy Consull. This was the precedent Watch-word, whereby the residue of the Conspirators the night next insuing, should euery man dispose of his imposed charge: which was said to bee thus ordered. That Statilius and Gabinius with a strong retinue, had in command to fire the City in twelue such places of oportunity, as should by concourse of people thereunto, giue best and easiest meanes of accesse to dispatch their other intended executions, vppon the Consull and his associates. That, Cethegus should attend his gate, and charge him resolutely with his forces. That no man should be vnimployed but rather, then any villanie should be left vnattempted, they wrought with the children of their acquaintance, (the greatest number whereof were of the Nobility) to slay their owne parents: that so, all places being in confusion, and all persons amazed with fire and slaughter, they might without opposition, troope towards Cateline.

Amidst these conclusions and executions, Cethegus incessantly taxeth the cowardice of his Companions, cō plaining that betweene their doubts and delaies, opportunity to doe great matters, ouerslipped their fortunes: that now beeing so deepely ingaged, it were more then time to do,Lucan Tolle moras nocuit semper differre parati . and not to talke: that himselfe, if some fewe would assist, (though the general fainted,) would giue the onset on the whole Court. The man by nature was fierce, sudden, and quicke in execution, resoluing with himselfe that all good fortune attended expedition.

CHAP. 14.

1. The Allobroges prosecute according to Ciceroes directions. 2. The proiect succeedeth. 3. Lentulus arraigned.

BVt the Allobroges, by the instructions of Cicero, intreat Gabinius to assemble his nominated companions, At what time they require an oth of Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius and Cassius, which they would vnder Seale present vnto their Countrey-men; for otherwise, it were not likely, that without credence they would inconsiderately enter into so dangerous an Action. All of them, saue Cassius, mistrusting no deceit, held it reasonable: He craueth absence, & promiseth speedy returne, but in truth departeth the citty somewhat before the Allobroges.

At their departure, Lentulus sendeth in their companie one Titus Vulturcius of Croton, with instructions to take Cateline in their way homeward, & with him face to face by reciprocal oths, to confirm this their new ingagement. By him he also dateth his Letters to Cateline, the Tenour whereof, is as followeth:

Who I am, you shall vnderstand by the messenger, that I send vnto you. S. v de tutò regredi nequeas. Forget not vpon what tearmes your welfare now dependeth, and remember to play the man: Consider the nature of your besinesse, and scorne not to implore assistaunce of any man; yea, of the meanest.

Then he insinuateth by word of mouth, that sithence he is proclaimed Traitor by authority from the Senat, he should seriously debate vpon what confidence hee should forsake or abandon the seruice of the Slaues: that in the Citty, his directions were at point of execution, & therefore, that hee should not faile to make all his approaches with all possible celerity.

All matters being thus ordred, and Cicero fully instructed by the Agents, he commaundeth L. Valerius Flaccus, and C. Promptinius Praetors, vpon the appointed night of the departure of the Allobroges, to set a secret and strong watch on the Miluian bridge, authorizing them to attach whomsoeuer they found trauelling more then their owne company: and therewithal maketh them priuy, for whose sake, and vppon what considerations he inioyneth them this charge; other occurrances he committed to time and their discretions, and so dismissed them with their limited forces: they againe without tumult, dispose of their watches, and secretly, according to their charge beset the bridge on all sides.

Assoone as the Agents with Vulturtius approached the place, and the vsuall question on both sides demaunded, the Galles presently apprehending the meaning, foorthwith yeelded their bodies to the Officers: But Vulturtius, at first incorageth his company, draweth his sword, & defendeth himself against the multitude: but afterward finding himselfe forsaken of the Agents, he began to capitulate with Promptinius (his auncient acquaintance) vppon pointes of good vsage; but after that growing fearefull, and distrusting his life, he yeelded simply to the Praetors, as to a professed enemy, which businesse is no sooner thus ended, but word thereof is forthwith carried to the Consull.

Him infinit cares and infinit ioyes do ioyntly possesse: he reioyced vpon true grounds, for that the suspition of the Conspiracy was now made euident, and thereby the Common-wealth as good as already deliuered: he grew pensiue, for that, he could not resolue what course to take, such men, of such ranke and quality being appeached of so heynous a Treason. He well foresaw, that punnishment would procure him scandall; and Pardon, his Countries ruine.

But taking courage vnto him, he commaundeth Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius & Q. Ceparius also (who was euen now booted and spurd for his iourny into Apulia, there to moue the bond-slaues) to apeare before him. All saue Ceparius, obey without excuse: hee, by chaunce being abroad, and hearing of the aduenture, flyeth. The Consull hand in hand leadeth Lentulus (for that hee had bin Praetor) into the Senate. The residue he willeth vnder safe custody to appeare in the Temple of Concored: whether hee summoneth the Senate, and there before a general assembly of the Lords, presenteth Vulturtius with the Agents. Then commandeth hee Flaccus to open the Packet, which vpon the way hee tooke from the Allobroges, which being read, Vulturtius was demaunded: first, the cause of his iourney, and who gaue him those letters: and lastly, who was of Counsell with him in the businesse.

At first, he began to excuse and conceale many points touching the Conspiracy: at last, vppon promise of pardon by publique oath, he discloseth all things as they had passed; protesting that he as a companion was sent for but a few daies before, and that hee could say no more, then could the Agents, but onely, that he had heard from the mouth of Gabinius, that P. Antonius, Seruïus Silla, and L. Vargunteius, with many more were priuie to the Conspiracy. The Galles affirmed as much.

3. The Lords accused Lentulus, (who stoode sliffe in deniall) that besides these Letters, he had bin often heard to vouch certaine verses out of the Sibels: that The Soueraignty of Rome, was destined vnto three Cornelij, whereof Cinna and Silla were two, himselfe the third, whome fate would haue to be sole-Lord of the Citty. Moreouer, since the burning of the Capitoll, that this was the twentieth yeare, which the prodigies of the Aruspices prognosticated a yeare of blood and ciuill discord.

Whereupon, the Letters beeing read, and euery man confessing and acknowledging his seale, the Lords passed sentence, that Lentulus should be degraded, and together with the residue, committed to honourable custody: Lentulus to P. Lentulus Spinther: then Aedile, Cethegus, to Q Cornificius: Statilius to C. Caesar: Gabinius to M. Crassus: and Ceparius (by pursute lately taken) to Gn. Terentius a Senator.

CHAP. 15.

1. The Humour of the Commons in cases of daunger. 2. M. Crassus is accused: how cleared. 3. Caesar accused: the causes.

THe Virg. Sinditur incertum studia in coutraria vulgar. Commons constant, in inconstancie, & who at first in their inherent dispositions to nouelties, wished well to the war, now assoon as the plot was discouered, with chaunge of opinions, chaunged likewise their prayers into curses against Cateline and his Counsels, extolling Cicero to the heauens, and as people newly redeemed into liberty, made publicke demonstrations of ioy and iollity; amplifying the conceits of their happinesse in this, that wheras all forraine Warres, are managed rather for spoyle then ruine: the resolution of fire was cruell, mercilesse, & most miserable, because it neither spared the beauty of their houses, Quibus quotidie vtebantur. neither the daily necessaries of their bodies therein contained.

After this, one L. Tarquinius was brought before the Lords of the Counsell, being taken (as men sayed) in his iourney toward Cateline. Who vppon assurance of the publicke faith, protesting to reueale what hee knew, touching the conspiracy, in a maner reuealed the same things which Vulturtius before had discouered, concerning the preparation of wild-fire, the slaughter of Innocents, and the iourney of the conspirators: but withall, that hee was sent by Marke Crassus, to wish Cateline not to be any thing troubled at the aprehension of Lentulus, Cethegus, & the residue of the Conspirators, but the rather to redouble his hast of approach towards the citty, both to reuiue the declining courages of those that fainted, as also, to worke deliuerance to those that were in durance.

But after that Tarquinius had appeached Crassus, so Noble a Personage, so rich, and so powerfull; some at no hand would beleeue it: but othersom, though they thoght it to bee true, yet considring the times, Ob d bita & cōme ••• priuata. their priuate ingagements, and the greatnesse of the man (rather to bee winked at, then any way exasperated) gaue a generall censure, that the accusation was false; and so prayed the matter to be adiourned to another season. Whereuppon, by the approbation of Cicero, the more part of the Lords decreed, that the information of Tarquinius was false, that he should be committed vnto prison, without allowance of making his further Purgation, vnlesse he would disclose by whose counsell and aduice, he had bin seduced, to frame so notorious and false a scandall.

Some were of opinion, that this accusation was first deuised by P: Antonius, of pollicy (by ingaging Crassus as a companion in danger) to protect the residue as copartners of like fauour.

Others reported, that Tarquinius was sent abroade by Cicero, to deter Crassus from entertaining his accustomed defence of euil causes, to the disquiet of the state. And, I my selfe haue hearde Crassus avouch, that this was a tricke of Cicero, to bring him into vtter defamation and scandall.

3. At the same time Q. Catulus and Gn: Piso, exceedingly laboured Cicero, falsely to appeach Caesar, either by the Allobroges, or any other witnesse; but they could neuer effect it, neither by intreaty, by flattery, nor bribery: both these persons, at that time did deadly hate him, Piso for that Plena curia he had beene condemned in damages for an vniust punishment inflicted vppon a certaine Transpadan. Catulus tooke it to heart, for that, being an old man, and borne the most Honourable Offices in the state, nowe in his suite for the Pontificacy, hee should bee opposed and displanted by Caesar, a young man. But the matter was excusable, for that his priuate Liberality, had procured him publicke friendes, and by that meanes, infinite debts.

But being vtterly vnable to worke the Consull vnto so heynous a proiect; by priuate conference, and false suggestions, inforced what they hearde Vulturtius and the Allobroges report, they prouoked euery mans euill opinion against him; so farforth, that many Roman knightes, which kept watch & ward before the Temple of Concord, either moued at the greatnesse of the danger, or inflamed by the Noblenesse of their minds, to manifest their loues to their Countrey, drew their irefull swords against Caesar as he arose from the Senate.

CHAP. 16.

1. The condemnation of the Traytors. 2. Caesars Oration.

THese matters beeing thus debated in the Senate house, & the Lords as yet in Counsell about the bestowing of rewards vpon the Allobroges & Vulturtius, with approbation of their testimonies, the freed men (with some fewe well-willers) of Lentulus, diuersly solicited the Slaues & tradesmen of the Citty to rescue the Prisoner: Others of his familiars, inquired after the Ring-leaders of the Rascalitie, who in such times were accustomed for money to disturb the peace of the Citty.

But Cethegus by Messengers, desired his acquaintance, his choisest freed men, and his readiest followers, now or neuer to be resolute, and in troop with their naked swords to make way for his rescue.

The Consull hauing vnderstanding of these designements, disposeth the Warders as time and place aduised, and assembling the Senate, demanded of the Lords, what order they pleased to take with those who were already attached and remained in prison. A full counsell had already declared them guilty of Treason.

Thereupon D: Iunius Sillanus (Consull elect) beeing first asked his opinion, what he would aduise concerning the Prisoners, as likewise howe the residue, in case they could bee apprehended, L. Cassius, P. Furius, P. Vmbrenus & Q. Annius. should bee censured; gaue sentence, that they should all suffer punishment. And afterward (being moued at the speech of Caesar) he protested that hee would singly auouch the sentence, with Tiberius Nero. As touching the Marshalling of secret companies, hee thought it fit to adiourne it to further deliberation: But Caesar, whose turne was nowe to speake, by request of the Consull, vsed this or the like Oration.

HOnorable Fathers, it befitteth all men, who are to consult of doubtfull cases, Sic Maro: N que lie aut dolu t miseran i opem, aut inuidet habenti. to be free from hatred, friendship, passion, and pitty: where these contrarieties happen, the Iudgement can hardly make distinction betweene truth and falshood: neyther liueth the man, which can flatter his affection, and iudge vprightly. Our inclinations followe our fancies: if Liberty possesse them, then Will predonominateth & Reason is of no regard. Honorable Lords, my memory is yet very fresh, torelate what Kings, and what Nations, being seduced by wrath or pitty,Vt Caesero ipsi postea ontigit, qui per clementiam illis pepercit, à quibus postea interfectus est. haue run vnfortunate courses: But it is a greater pleasure vnto me, to relate how our predecessors gouerned their affaires orderly and iudiciously, by subiecting the fury of their passions, to the mild perswasions of Reason.

In the Macedonian warre, which we managed with King Perseus, the stately and populer Citty of the Rhodians, (famoused by our assistance) became enemy and reuolted from vs. The warre beeing ended, the question arose, in what manner the Rhodians should bee punished. Our Auncestors, least the world should giue out, that they made wars, rather for wealth then in reuenge of iniuries, freely pardoned their follies, So likewise, in all the Punique warres, when the Carthaginians both in times of peace & truces, had committed many outrages, Sub quibus classem Romanam inuaserunt, & quos caeperet, virgis caeciderunt, & tamen legati ad Scipionē missi, intacti ab eo ad S natum suno remissi, & inde incolumes & iudemnes Carthaginem sunt reuersi. our forefathers neuer gaue out Letters of reprisall, but alwaies studied rather what became their greatnesse, then what seuerity of Law or armes, required.

Honourable Lords, as I take it, this should be your case, let not the offences of P. Lentulus and his associates, more preuaile with your passions, then becommeth the greatnesse of your callings: neither, let wrath be saide to esclipse your Honourable reports. For, if a sufficient punnishment can be deuised to equalize their defaults, I cannot but approue this newe Counsell: But if the quality of the offence exceed all immagination, then my opinion is, that they be punished according to the prescript forme of our ancient Lawes.

Many, who before mee haue spoken their minds, haue laide out in very eloquent and rhethoricall tearms, the miserable estate of the commonwealth, the cruelty of Warre, the fortune of the conquered: agrauating their discourses wth the rauishment of Virgins, the tearing of children from the bosomes of their parents, the abusing of Matrons, the robbing of Temples, the Pillaging of houses; withall, not forgetting to moue compassion, and passion, by recitall of woundes, fieringes, armes, slaughtred carcasses, & bloudy Funerals: Good God! to what end tended these their Orations, but to enflame your displeasures against the offenders? As if any speech, could exasperate that dull spirit, whom the least remembrance of so heynous a Treason (of it self) could not irritate. A Suppositiō impossible. Priuate iniuries take deepest impression, yea with som men deeper then reason should Warrant.

But Honourable Lords, in diuers men, diuers sorts of offences are tollerable. To those that liue in inferiour callinges, if thorough passion they commit an ouersight, few obserue it: their eminences outshine not their fortunes: But the errours of great personages and men of quality, the whole Commonwealth doth forthwith take into examinatiō. And this I speak, to prooue that highest Fortunes haue meanest priuiledges to offend, neither ought they to be induced by fauour, nor moued by hatred, Iune. Omne animi vitium tantò conspectius in se crimē habet, quanto maior qui peccat habetur. and least of all, to be guided by anger. That which the Vulgar terme Anger in meane men, with greater Persons is censured to be pride and cruelty.

Verily, (Honorable Fathers,) I am of this opinion, that no punishment, can bee aunswerable to the quality of their offences: but the Natures of most men are giuen to remember the last ends of their familiars, and forgetting the fact, they comment on the punishment, if it neuer so little exeeede moderation.

I cannot but acknowledge, that whatsoeuer the good and resolute D. Sillanus hath spoken, hath proceeded from zeale to his Country: and in this weighty businesse, I confesse, his integrity and modesty to be such, that thereunto, his Nature hath neither bin induced by flattery, neither ouerwrought by partiality. Neither can I iustly say, that his censure any way sauoureth of cruelty: for what can be tearmed cruell, that Iustice can inflict vpon such offenders. But surely, the president is not vsuall in our Common-wealth; and therefore, either feare, or priuat iniury hath ouerwrought thee, (ô Decius Sillanus Consull elect) to giue thy consent to this new forme of punishment.

Offeare, it were idle to discourse, sithence such strong assistance is in armes, by the especial prouidence of this our worthy Consull. As touching the punshment, I can speake trueth as the case now standeth: That to men in distresse and misery, death is the end of sorrow, life a torment: Death dissolueth al mortal misfortunes: Beyond, there is no remembrance of griefe, nor place for ioy.

By the immortall Gods, I wonder, that in giuing your sentence, you did not giue direction, that first, they should bee whipped with rods! was it for that the Law Portia did forbid it? Or that you had regarde to some other, late Law? Why? The Lawes do impose banishment, not death; but vppon a condemned Cittizen? Or was it, because you esteemed whipping to be a more greeuous punnishment, then beheading? If so, then what can be bitter or ouer-greeuous against men convicted of so heinous a Conspiracy? But if you ouer-slipped the direction for stripes, as of a punishment too too gentle, how cometh it to passe then, that in the losse, you make a conscience of equity, when in the greater, you proceede without doub or scruple?

But why should any man be offended at that which is by Law decreed against Traitors to their Country? Time, alterations, and fortune, so powerfull amongst mortall Creatures, wil ratifie that nothing hath happened vnto these men beyond their deserts.

Many euill conclusions haue arisen from good Principles: as where the Helme hath bin intrusted to indiscreet and insufficient Pilots, these newe Presidents, haue beene commonly transferred from worthy and well-minded Cittizens, to base and incapable Ministers. So, the Lacedemonians hauing ouerthrowne the Athenians, committed the administration of their Common-wealth, to thirty Gouernors: At first; they attached the most notorious offendors, men generally hated, and executed them without Processe. The people applauded and commended the course, but by little and litle Liberty swarned into Lust: The Innocent and Nocent were condemned at their pleasures: the vulgar were terrified, and so the Citty oppressed with seruitude, now miserably smarted for her foolish ouersights.

In our daies, when the victorious Silla, commaunded Damasippes, and his damned crew, who had no meanes to liue, but vpon the generall spoile, to be worthily slaine; who commended not his iudgement? Euery man cryed, it was Nobly done to free the Common-wealth of such mercilesse, thriftles, and seditious Rascals: but what followed, this was the Originall of a cruell massacre: For, as any of his followers affected the mansion, the Lordshippe, yea, at last the plate or apparrell of any of the Comminalty, his course was, to do his endeuour to inroll him in the number of the Proscripts.

Honourable Lords, I speak not this, for that I suspect the like in Marcus Tullius, no nor in these times, but in this huge and populous Citty, it is not vnknowne to you, that many and variable humours lie lurking continually.

And so, at some other time, and some other being Consull, with an Army at commaunde, a false report may happen to passe for truth; when, vpon this president, if the Consull by Commission from the Senate, should vnsheath his sworde, what end I pray you, should the state expect of this rash determination? Who shall limit his power? Who shall moderate his armes?

Honourable Lords, our predecessors, were neuer to seeke of Counsell nor Courage, neither did Pride preuaricate their minds from following another mans aduice, so it were profitable. To forge armes, and warlike furnitures they learned from the Samnits. The Ensignes of Magistracy, (for the most part) they borrowed from the Thuscanes: yea, whatsoeuer they sawe fitting amongst their allies, or Enemies, they tooke great care to bring the vse thereof into the Citty. They admired Vertue in al men, they enuied it in none: but in those times, in imitation of the Greekes, they punished a Cittizen with stripes, a condemned man, with death.

But in processe of time, as the common-wealth beganne to grow great by the multitude of inhabitants, iealousies incresed, innocency was circūvented, & such like enormities were daily committed. For remedy whereof, the Law Porcia, and diuers other wholesom statutes were enacted; by which banishment was prouided in cases of condemnation.

These Authorities (Honourable Fathers) in my Opinion should be Motiues exceeding perswasiue, to alter or frustrate these your new determinations. Beleeue it, the valours and wisedome of those men, who from so slender foundations haue established so great, so glorious an Empire, could not bee, but much more eminent in them, then in vs, who can hardly maintaine that, which they most prouidently bequeathed vs. Howe then Sir? Will you haue the Prisoners discharged, and the troopes of Cateline re-enforced? No surely. But my censure is, that their goods be forfeyted, and their bodies sequestred vnder safe custody in the best and strongest Townes of our Associats. With this Prouiso, that no one of them hereafter be so bold, as to dare to motion meanes of redemption, before the Lords of the Senat, neither to mediate his pardon with the people. Him that violateth this Ordinance, let the Senat proclaime him Traytour to the State, and enemy to all loyall Subiects.

When this Oration was ended, each man looked vpon other; some assented, euery mans minde was diuersly distracted.

But at last Marcus Cato, being commaunded to speake his opinion; thus began his Oration.

Catoes Oration.

Honorable Lords, reuoluing with my selfe, the Nature of this weighty businesse: the goodly Arguments (I must bee plaine) which other men haue thereuppon framed, are of no validity with mee to mooue approbation. For, in my iudgment, they haue but onely spent time in discoursing, what punnishment were fitting for men intending the ruine of their Countrey, the vndoing of their parents, the spoile of priuate houses, and the ouerthrowe of Religion.

But Noble Lordes, this storme calleth vnto vs for a speedy preuention, not a lingering Consultation. Offences already committed may be punnished at leasure; but it will be too late to talke of Iustice, when remedy is past, and offendors growne puissant. If the Citty bee gained, what power (I beseech you) remaineth to the Conquered?

For the loue of the immortall Gods, let mee intreat you all, to whom beautifull houses, goodly reuenewes, pictures, and costly hangings are more in admiration, then the Common-good; if you haue any desire longer to be Lordes of these vanities (of what esteeme soeuer) if it be but to continue the meanes of these your delightes, now at the last pinch assume your courages, and let a true remorse of the generall Welfare wholy possesse your irresolute opiniōs. It is no time now to take order for impositions, or to talke of the iniuries of our Associats; Our liues and Liberties at this instant are questionable. Honourable Lordes, I haue often spoken my minde freely in this thrice-Honorable assembly; I haue made sundry motions touching the Ryots and Couetousnesse of this state, procuring to my selfe no small hatred thereby: but I, who could neuer flatter mine owne imperfections, could lesse indure the insolencie of Others. And though you gaue but small credit to my sayings, and nothelesse the Common wealth slorished; yet (beleeue it) Prosperity onely excused your remisnesse.

I speake not this, as if time now serued to dilate, whether we are degenerated in manners or no: Neither how great, or how glorious the Roman Empire is, or hath bin: But whether this greatnesse, this glory (be they more, be they lesse) are like to continue ours, or we enforced to part stakes with our enemies. I know some of you by your silences, woulde interrupt mee, with Mercy and Mildness ! But alas: we haue long agon lost the true Etimologies of those words: for, now adaies, to be prodigall of another mans goods is to bee bountifull doing to do deeds vnlawfull, vnseemely, &c, is to be valourous. In such extreames doth the 〈◊〉 now stand. Well, let vs tolerate their abuses, because they are inueterate, and time hath made them fashionable; let men be wastfull of that which is none of their owne: Let vs be mercifull vnto Theeues and robbers of our publique treasure: yet, I pray you, let them not likewise bee prodigals of our blouds, and we, by foolish pitty extended to a few desperats, vndoo millions of honest Cittizens. I confesse that C. Caesar hath shewed great learning before this Honourable Court, in his distinctions of life and death: supposing (as I conceit) that the receiued Opinions of hell are false; or that, euill doers seperated from the good, and destinated to places obscure, vile, stinking, vncleane and full of horror: And so drawing towards an end, he woulde haue their goods forfeited, and their bodies committed to safe custody in the Borroughes of our associates, fearing (belike) that if they remained in Rome, they might happen to be rescued either by popular commotions, or waged multitudes: as though forsooth all euill disposed persons resided onely in Rome, & none lay dispersed throughout the townes of Italy. Surely wise men know, that rash & violent attempts are easiest affected, where least meanes of opposition are feared: And therefore, if his feares arise vpon such like surmises, his plot is ridiculous: Or, if he onely in so vniuersall an apprehension of feare, feare nothing at all; because I am so much the rather induced to bee fearefull both of mine owne safety, and of yours also. Therefore (Honourable Lords) whensoeuer it shall bee your pleasures to ratifie your Iudgement against Lentulus, & his associats, beleeue it with constancy, that then you vndo Cateline, and disperse his confederates: the sooner ye doe it, the sooner you breake them: Delay is dangerous; it hopeth it resolueth. Neuer let it enter your Opinions, that by armes our forefathers augmented our Patrimonies: For, if that were true, then at this day would it proue farre more glorious, in that, time hath giuen vs, not onely aduantage, but also surplusage of Allies, of Cittizens, of warlike furnitures, and Horsses of seruice: No, no, my Lords, of those vertues, which made them so powerfull, and so fortunate, wee haue not one left vs; Thrift in Priuate, Iustice in Publicke; free Language in Parliament; Liues spotlesse, Mindes vnpassionate. In lieu whereof wee possesse Ryot and Auarice: In times of Seruice, pretensed pouertie: to serue our owne turnes, aboundance and plentie. We admire Riches, and embrace Sloth: betweene Vertue and Vice we put no difference: Ambition incrocheth, where desert onely should haue preheminence. And no maruell! for euerie one of vs holde Counsels apart: At home wee vvorke for our priuat interests: heere we speake for Meed or fauour. So on all sides the Common-vvealth wringeth: But no more of these greeuances.

Our fellow-Cittizens, and those discended of most Noble families, haue conspired the inuasion of their Countrey! They haue done their vtmost in the quarrell, to ingage the French, a Nation alwaies in deadlie hatred of the Roman name. The Captaine of the Warre, in person braueth you at your gates: and yet, you stand looking one vppon another; doubtfull and irresolute what to do, with those whom you haue apprehended within your wals. Shall I enforme you? Then thus: They are young Gentlemen, deceiued thorough foolish Ambition: Let them find fauor: yea, let them depart armed; without doubt, this your lenity, and pittie, vppon the next occasions, shall turne you to miserie.

The maine is bitter, ful of horror, but you feare it not! Yes iwis, and that extreamelie: why then like cowards and men of basest would stand you still, straining curtesie who shal march formost? Well, I know the reasons. Now, as in former times, in most iminent dangers you trust that the immortall Goddes vvill turne all to the best. Fooles that vvee are! To think that the Gods will be won by Womanish vovves and idle Sacrifices, without watching, without pains-taking, and good Counsel. Where these stand ioyntly imployed, al things come to happie ends. At Sloth and Cowardice the heauenly powers are off nded.

In the daies of our Ancestors, A.M. Torquatus adiudged his sonne to death, for that against the commaund of his generall, he had happilie fought vvith his enemie. And he, (most vvorthie young Gentleman) accordinglie suffered the punishment of rash valour: And do you now aske, what shall be done vnto these most mercilesse Traitors?

Sir, their fore-passed life merriteth some mittigation. Bee it so: Deale fauourably with Lentulus for the honour of his house, if he at any time fauoured his owne good name, his calling, Gods, or men. Let the adolescencie of Cethegus, be a Motiue of mercy, if this be not the second rebellion wherein hee hath beene interessed.

What should I say for Gabinius, S atilius, Ceparius?

If they had bin men of any moderation, they woulde neuer haue ingaged their estates in such dangerous complots against their country.

Honourable Lords, if I could discerne any meane hopes, I could be vvell content to see you moderatelie beaten vvith your ovvne negligences, for that you regard not good Counsel. But since we are beleaguered on euerie side: Cateline houereth ouer our heads with an armed power: his associates are within our wals, euen in the heart of our Cittie, and nothing can be dispatched in Counsell with secrecie: (weightie inducements of speedie resolution) For these reasons, and for that (most Honourable Fathers) the Common-wealth hath runne into apparant danger, by the practises of these Traiterous Cittizens, alreadie convicted by the Testimonies of T. Vulturtius and the Allobroges: & themselues haue confessed their intentions to kill, to burn, and to commit manie other lamentable and vnspeakeable outrages against the Citty, and this state. My censure is, that More maiorū, punishment bee inflicted vpon them, as vpon Traitors condemned of high Treason, by their owne confession.

Cato being set downe, the Consuls, with the greater part of the Senate, approued his sentence, and highly praised his courage. And while one accuseth the other of faint & remisse courage, Cato obtaineth the atributes of Great, and Excellent. According to his censure they passe a Decree.

And because these two, M. Cato, and C. Caesar (men of excellent parts, but of diuers Natures) liued in my time, I thinke it not admisse, to adde vnto this my discourse, a Comparison of their liues and actions.

A Comparison of M. Cato, and Ca. Caesar.

IN discent, in yeares, and eloquence they were almost equall: in greatnesse of mind and populer commendation alike, but diuersly. Caesar affected the Sir-name of Great, by Largesse & Bountie. Cato by Integritie of life. Caesar became famous for his curtesie and gentlenesse; Cato for his sterne carriage and seuerity. Caesar grew popular by giuing, by forgiuing, by releeuing: Cato by contraries. The one profest refuge to the oppressed: the other, inexorable to offenders. The one was praised for affability: the other for grauity. Caesars chiefest felicity was, to labor, to watch, to prefer the uits of his fauourites, to be careles of his own, to deny nothing worth giuing: of cōmand, of Soldiery, of difficult wars (wherein valor and good conduct shewed the man) very desirous: But Catoes studies were modesty, graue carriage, and aboue all, seuerity. With the rich, he contended not for Riches, neither with the factious, for followers; but with the valourous, by imitation: with the modest, in Conscience, and with the good man, in abstinence. He coueted to be, not to seem. The lesse he sought praise, the more it followed him. Thus much for this:

CHAP. 17.

1. The counsel resolued to follow Catoes opinion: commaund their sentence to be executed vpon the Offenders.

AFter the Senate (as I told you before) had resolued to followe Catoes opinion, the Consull letting no time slip, to preuent al disturbances, made euery thing ready against night, which now drew on apace. He commaunded the three executioners to prepare themselues: he disposeth the warders, and leadeth Lentulus to prison: So are the residue by the Shirifs. In the prison is a dungeon called Tullianum, into which, after a man is a little entered, vpon the left side, is a roome scarce twelue foote high, walled rounde about, and ouerhead vaulted with a stone Arch, exceeding darke, vnsauorie, and able to amaze any mans sences. Into this place was Lentulus commaunded, where the executioner did forthwith strangle him. So this Noble Gentleman discended of the ancient house of the Cornelij, and once Consul, ended his life according to his deserts: so did Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius, and Ceparius, after the same manner.

CHAP. 18.

1. Cateline ioyneth with Manlius, and supplying his Legions with men of better condition, casseth the slaues: 2. He vnderstandeth the discouerie of the Plot, and how his friendes fared at Rome: 3. He flieth.

AS these thinges thus passed at Rome, Cateline by vniting his forces with Manlius, maketh two Companies, with winges proportionable to his numbers. And as his companies increased, either of voluntaries, or of such as were sent vnto the campe from the confederats, hee diuided them equally betwixt the Legions, and so at length supplyed their defects, which in the beginning wer not aboue two thousand strong. The fourth parts of his people were not souldier-like armed, Vt in quolibet tumulin et seditione fie •• sole . euery man tooke what came next to hand; some Darts, som Lances; others very sharpe and keene Bore-speares.

And now hearing of the approaches of Anthony, Virg. Hic torre armatus e usto, Stipitis 〈◊〉 grauidi nodis, &c. hee iournieth by the mountaines; somtimes bending towards the Citty, sometimes towardes France, cunningly avoyding all occasions of hazard, vppon assurance, that if his Complices had once brought their determinations to execution in the Citty, that forthwith his forces woulde bee strongly reenforced. Ignanum & infidele hominū genus Vpon which his imagination hee casseth the slaues; of which sort of people, no small numbers trusting to the report of the strength of the confederacie had in the beginning flocked vnto him, knowing in his conscience, that to communicate his cause, and the good estate of the citty, to slaues and fugitiues, could not but with reason impaire the credit of the action.

3. By this time newes arriued at the camp, how the conspiracy was detected, the Noblemen executed, & their followers (whom either the giddy Loue of warre, or the hopes of spoile had animated) were dispersed and discouraged. Whereupon, Cateline without expectation of further assistance, with his present forces, by long marches and the rough mountaines, taketh his way towards Pistoia, of purpo e, by by-waies secretly to haue fled into Gallia Transalna. But Quintus Metellus Celer, who lay about Picenum with three Legions, by circumstances of casualties, iudging of euents, and vnderstanding by certaine fugitiues, what way the Rebels tooke, dislodged, and pitched his Campe at the foo e of those hilles, by which Cateline must of necessity discend, to passe into Gallia. Anthony (for that he followed the flying enemy by beaten and vsuall Highwaies) soonest arriued: which when Cateline perceiued, as also, how he was incircled by the vast Mountaines, & the enemies Caualry, so that hee could no waies flie, and to expect further succours was bootlesse; he there resolued to hazard the fortune of the battaile. To his Souldiers he made this Oration.

CHAP. 19.

1. Catelines Oration to his followers. 2. The description of the battaile.

COmpanions in Armes, full well I know that wordes enflame not Noble hearts, neither that a cowardlie and base Souldier, is any whit animated by his Generals speeches. For, what portion of courage Nature hath implanted in a valourous brest, such vvill it shew it selfe in times of triall. But the minde, that is neither incited by Honour, nor made resolute by danger, will neuer be moued by generous speeches: for feare anticipateth hearing.

But (Noble souldiers) I haue called you to this assemblie, partlie to giue you a few instructions, partlie to acquaint you with my determinations. It is not vnknown to you, what mischiefes the cowardice and irresolution of Lentulus hath heaped both vpon himselfe and vs; and by our daily expectation of succours from the Citty, we haue lost the opportunity of passing into Gallia. In what estate we stand thereby, you may all coniecture.

Two Armies pursue vs; One, from the Citty, another from Gallia. To stay long in these desarts (howe endurable soeuer your courages may perswade you) pouerty of all necessaries, & want of food, will forbid vs; and ye , the way to giue remedie to these miseries, must nethlesse be wrought by your swordes. Wherefore, I intreat you, to take courage and comfort, that as I shall lead you to the charge, so you would remember, that you carrie in your right handes your fortunes, your honours, your Glorie, your Country, and your Pardons.

If the day be ours, we are made for euer: we shall soone get food in abundance, to sustaine our hungry carcasses; Townes and Colonies shall be assigned vs; but if we yeeld to base feare, we shall finde all thinges contrary: Neither place, nor friende will protect him, whom his owne sword cannot succour. Besides, their case and ours is not alike: Our quarrell is for the good of our Countrey, for the general defence of Liberty for the safegard of our liues: Theirs, for the pleasures and greatnesse of a few priuate persons. Wherefore, let the insinesse of the quarrell, stirre vp our greater resolution, by th remembrance of our auncient valours.

Time was, wee mought haue spent the remainder of our daies in disgracefull banishment, and many of you might still haue liued in Rome, vppon expectation of (I know not what fortunes) hauing nothing of your owne (but Beggery to trust vnto: but because such men as we are, cannot but scorne such base courses, we haue made choice of this; which, if you meane to make good, then shew deeds correspondent. None but the Conquerour can conuert warre into peace, and to thinke to find safety in flight, by forsaking your Armes, or abandoning your naked bodies to your enemies, were a point of madnesse beyond extreame. In a set battaile, no danger is comparable to feare; Resolution is vnconquerable.

(Valiant Companions) euen the opinion of your woorthes, your former exploits, and your yeares fit for warre, warrant my conceits of good fortune.

I will silence necessities, true motiues to make Cowardes couragious: the streights of the Mountaines forbid our Enemies to inclose vs; and therefore, if our destinies be to die, set your liues at a deare rate: die not vnreuenged, neither suffer your selues to be taken Prisoners, afterwards to be cut in pieces rather like Dogges, then men of seruice. Leaue nothing to your enemies to boast of, saue a Lamentable and bloudie victorie.

2. After a little pausing, he commandeth to sound to the charge, and Marshalling his battallions in very seemely order, approcheth the place of encounter. Where being arriued, hee causeth euery man to dismisse his horse, that the daunger being alike, their hopes and constancie should be equall; yea, himselfe on foote, rangeth his people, as the Nature of the place and his numbers would permit.

The plaine was fortified on the left hand with Mountaines; on the right, with a steepe rocke: Betweene these he brought the vauntgard consisting of eight Cohortes: the Areregard he commaunded to march more close, and in it he placed the chiefe and choisest Centurions.

The Mercinaries and best armed, made the first rankes of the battell: Caius Manlius, marched on the right hand, a certaine Fesulan on the left: Himselfe with his fellow-Cittizens, all free men borne, and the aides of the Colonies, stood next vnto the standard of the Eagle, the same, they say, that C. Marius displaied in the Cimbrian warre.

On the other side, C. Antonius being sicke of the Gout, could not be at the combate, and therefore made M. Petreyus his Lieutenant Generall. Of old souldiers (pressed out for the suddennesse of the businesse) he made the voward; the residue he placed behind for succor and aduantage. Then gallopping through the rankes, calling vpon euery Captaine by name, he coniureth, he commandeth, he intreateth, that that day they would shewe themselues men, and call to remembrance that they were to fight but against a rable of vnarmed fugitiues, for their Countrey, their children, their Religion. This Martiall man had bin aboue thirty yeares Tribune, and either as Generall, Lieutenant, or Colonell had borne the Offices in many fortunate battailes, wherein he knew the insufficiency of his followers, and their valiant exploits; by repitition whereof, he doubled their courages.

All places thus ordered, hee soundeth the signall, hee marcheth somewhat forward, and then maketh a stand: the like doth Cateline. Then the battailes aproching within shot, they runne fiercely to the shocke, with diuers clamors, and deadly hatred. The shot being spent, they fall to their swords. The old Soldiers disdaining to be foiled, go resolutely to the charge,

Laus optimi imperatoris.

Resolue I cannot whether he, A better Chiefe, or Souldier be.

and are as valiantly receiued, both dooing their vtmost. At last, Cateline comming in with his light armed followers, into the head of the battalions, refresheth the weary, planteth fresh soldiers in the places of the wounded, hath an eye vppon all chances, giueth and taketh many strokes: & finally, performeth the part of a valiant souldier, and an excellent Commander.

Petreyus, assoone as hee pereciued the station of Cateline, imagining that there his people should bee forcst trauelled; without more ado, chargeth into the midst of his enemies with the Pretorian Cohort, speedily disordereth their rankes, and slayeth as many as make resistance. Then turneth he head vpon the winges, and at the first shocke slayeth Manlius and Fesulanus.

When Cateline saw this miserable spectacle, his armie defeated, and few left about him; calling to mind the Honour of his house, and his auncient dignity, thrusteth into the thickest of his enemies, and there valiantly fighting, was slaine.

The battaile beeing ended, what valour and courage had bin in Catelines people, was plainely to be discerned. For what parcell of ground any one made choice of, to stand on in fight, the same being slaine, his slaughtered carcasse couered. Onely a few, violently ouerborn by the fresh charge of the Pretorian cohort, lay somewhat farther remoued; yet al with their deaths-wounds vpon the foreparts of their bodies.

The bodie of Cateline was at length found dead amongst the slaughter of his slaine enemies, not yet altogether breathlesse, but in countenance shewing some tokens of his liuing fiercenesse.

At a word, not one free Cittizen was taken aliue, either in fight or flight; neither partie made spare of their owne bloods: So farre forth, that the victory prooued neyther ioyfull, nor vnbloody to the Roman people. For the brauest men were either slaine in fight, or dangerously wounded. Of many, that went out of their Tents, whether to gaze vpon the place of the battaile, or to rifle the dead bodies of their Adversaries: some found their friends, some their Hosts, some their Kinsmen, and amongst them many of their knowne enemies. Insomuch, that the whole Campe was replenished with diuersitie of humors; of ioy, of heauinesse, of Triumph, of Mourning.

FINIS.

C. C. SALVSTIVS his History of the Warre of IVGVRTH.

Printed at London Anno MDCIX.

A Breuiat of the Historie.

Now the Realm of Tu is in Barbary. NVMIDIA, contayneth that part of Affrick, wherein Massinissa the faithfull friend and confederate of the Roman people, sometime raigned. This Massinissa had three Sonnes; Micipsa, Manastaball and Gulussa. Manastaball and Gulussa died; by whose death the Kingdome entirely descended to Micipsa. Micipsa had issue, Adherbal and Hiempsal; Iugurth, he fostered as the Sonne of his Brother Manastabal, for that his Grand-father Massinissa had left him vnaduanced, as his base Grand-Childe begotten on the body of a Concubine. The man was ambitious, well qualified, of a ready wit, and great spirit, elder then Adherbal or Hiempsal. In iealousie whereof, Micipsa, fearing that if he should die during the minority of his children, that their Cousin Iugurth might happen ambiciously to vsurpe the Kingdome, resolued to oppose him to daungerous aduentures, in hope by these meanes to see him miscarry.

About the same time it happened, that the Romans, vnder the conduct of Scipio, besieged Numantia in Spaine, wherevnto Micipsa sent certaine Regiments of Horse and foote, vnder the commaund of his Kinsman Iugurth, their Generall; making full accoūt in this iourney, to heare newes answerable to his plotted desseignements, but Fortune had otherwise decreed: for in this war, the reputation of Iugurth more and more increased; yea, he made so many faire proofes of his valour in this Action, that Scipio not only commended him in a publicke Oration, but (the warre ended, and Numantia razed) he inuested him with many military honors; by his Letters commending his seruice to Micipsa, in very worthy and honourable tearmes, which bred so sodaine an alteration in the King, that whereas before, he fully minded his destruction, hee now wisheth and intendeth nothing so much as his welfare and aduancement; adopteth him his Sonne, and shortly after dying, left him Co-heire with his Children, throughout his whole estates and dominions. After whose disease, the three Roytelets, Adherbal, Hiempsal and Iugurth, deuising with themselues about the portion of the Kingdome, Iugurth trayterously slayeth Hiempsal, the younger of the twaine, and casting in his haughty mind, how by the death of the other, he might become sole Lord of the whole, firmely resolueth to leuy an Army, wherwith he giueth the ouerthrow to the elder Brother Adherbal. Who after this defeature, flyeth to Rome, and there aggrauating his Brothers death, his owne banishment, and Iugurths treasons, beseecheth aid of the Lordes of the Senate. The Lords accord, and send tenne Commissioners into Affricke, to make diuision of the Kingdome betweene them: who had no sooner ended the businesse, and turned their backes, but Iugurth entertayned his former practises, and a new inuadeth his Brothers portion with warre and slaughter. To represse this his insolency, Adherbal of meere necessitie is driuen to leuy an Army, and to march against Iugurth, but is againe ouerthrowne, and with a few Horsemen in his company forced to fly vnto Cirtha, whether Iugurth aduaunceth his forces, and besiegeth the Citty. Hereof Adherbal by Letters certifieth the Lordes of the Senate, giuing them to vnderstand, vppon what desperate tearmes his estate depended, how hee was depriued of his kingdome by Iugurth, and forced by warre and famine to vndergoe such vtmost extremities, that long time he was not able to make good the place of his refuge, euen the sanctuary of his life: That his aduersary little regarded the censures of the Senat: finally, that they would vouchsafe to send him potent and speedy succours. Vpon the opening of these Letters many gaue their opinions, in fauour of the distressed estate of Adherbal, but others corrupted by the Numidian, aduised rather to send Commissioners vnto Iugurth, with authority to commaund him in the name of the Lordes and people of Rome, to abstaine from farther violence. Iugurth gaue these Commissioners during their imployment in Affricke, faire language and faithfull protestations, but after their departure fell a fresh to his former proiects. Wherupon, the besieged, desire Adherbal to pitty the estates of so many innocent people in the Towne, that seeing he could not otherwise prouide for his safety, that he would yeelde the place vpon assurance of his life onely. Which being granted, and the towne surrendred, without respect of Oth or kindred, Iugurth falsifieth his Faith, and cruelly murdereth his innocent Brother. The newes whereof much disquieted the Lordes of the Senate, and therefore they posted away Lucius Calphurnius Bestia (the Consull) with an Army into Affricke, to giue stop to his further proceedinges: but he being corrupted by Iugurth, in stead of punishing the Traitor, concluded a most dishonorable peace. Wherewith the Lordes of the Senat being much more moued then before, dispatched away Albinius the Consull, with order and authority to represse the Traytors insolencies: but him Iugurth so long deluded with promises and counterfeit demonstrations of submission and conformity, that the yeare beeing spent, without doing any thing, he was inforced to leaue all as he found it, and to hasten to Rome against the day of election, nominating his brother Aulus Lieutenant of the Army & Prouince. This man, either on a foolish opinion to reap the glory of finishing this warre, or vppon auarice to fill his priuate Coffers, in Ianuary, in the depth of Winter, leadeth the Army into the open field. Iugurth quickly finding the insufficiency of this new Generall, pretending feare and cowardize, trayneth his enemy into woody and mountanous Countries; yea, and to colour his subtilty, sendeth his humble petition to the Roman Generall, with offers of submission and satisfaction. The faster he fled, the more eager was Aulus in pursuit, vntill Iugurth taking the benefit of time, and the aduantage of the place, found easie meanes to rout the whole Romain Army. The day following, they fell to composition: First, that the Roman Prisoners should be dismissed Sub iugum: Secondly, the whole army within ten daies cleerly to depart the bounds of Numidia. This daunted the people, for the present, but gathering againe their spirits (notwithstanding the composition of Aulus, and his peoples ouerthrow) they dimitted Numidia to Metellus (the Consull) for his Prouince. This excellent Commaunder finding the Army corrupted by the remisse carriage of his Predecessors, first restored the Ancient discipline, & then by hazarding a set-battell with Iugurth, put him to the worse. After him, Marius (Consull elect) succeeded in this Prouince of Numidia, who persecuting the war with courage and good Fortune, vtterly vndid the Numidian, and getting him into his possession by policy, led him through Rome as a Captiue, before his Triumphall Chariot.

C. C. SALVSTIVS his History of the Warre of IVGVRTH.
The Proëme.

FAlse and friuolous is this generall complaint of Mankind: That Nature hath not onely endowed vs with weake bodies, and those of short continuance; but also hath subi cted thē more to the influence of Fortune then to the predominance of Vertue. Clamantes vt poeta. Fortuna immeritos auget honoribus: Iustos illa viros pauperie grauat: Indignos eadem diuitij beat, &c. For, vpon mature aduice, if we coulde call our indowments into consideration, we should find no Planet to bee of like operation, or greater efficacy to preferment. To the atchieument whereof, we may more truly lay to blame vpon our want of industry, then eyther vppon the shortnesse of life, or indigence of meanes. For without doubt, the Animum rectum, bonum quid aliud voces, quàm deam in humano corpore hospitem. Mind is Lord and Monarch of Mortality: which whensoeuer it resolueth to climbe the aduenturous passage of Aduancement by the path of Sen. Neminem dedignatur, qui modò se dignum illâ iudicaueri . Vertue, it shall finde it selfe aboundantly furnished with sufficiency, and fauours powerfull and eminent; without any way being beholding to the inconstancy of that disgracefull Goddesse; for that shee hath neither meanes to giue, nor power to bereaue vs of our good reputation, of our industrie, no nor of the least of any of our vertuous inclinations. But when we enthrall these so powerfull instincts to sloth, base motions, and bodilie pleasures; and therein haue worne out our strong bodies, our irrecouerable youth, and excellent wits: then is it Error, and no iust complaint to accuse Nature of weaknesse & infirmity, our selues being the workers of our own woe by pretence of impotencie and difficulty.

But had we the like alacrity, to ayme at the fairest obiects, as we haue inclination to affect the basest courses, and those of no worth, yet full of hazards; we should be as ready to resist fortune, as fortune were Nullum numen habe , si sit prudentia, &c. able to crosse our intendments: yea we should share so farre forth with glory and greatnesse, that in despight of Obliuion our names after death should participate of eternity.

For as wee are compacted of Soule and body: so all our thoughts, words, and actions; follow some the frailties of the flesh, som the vertues of the Soule. And therefore by the infallible law of Nature, beauteous faces, immeasurable riches, and strongest bodies, shall in short time decline and perish: All things that haue a beginning, must of necessitie haue an ending: somtime falling before they are blossomed; but how euer, wayning before they are fully come to perfection. But the gifts of a vertuous mind are subiect to no such limitations; they are, as the Soule, Immortall, Time-scorners, the guids of life; resisting all things, commanding all things, containing all things, yet vncommaunded and vncontained of any.

Which high and Soueraigne Prerogatiues make me the more to wonder, to see men spend the whole date of their dayes, Dum seruitur libidini facta est consuetudo: & dum consuetudini non resistitur, facta est necessitas. in Reuelling, Ryot and Idlenesse, suffering their wits, (the richest Ornament of humane bodies) for want of courage and imployment, to rest base and vulgar, especially sithence the mind affordeth such store and diuersity of means to rise to aduancement.

But it should seem, that men thus qualified in these daies, affect not Offices, Superiority, & imployment in the state, because vertue is neither countenanced, nor those who haue attained preferment by indirect courses, the freer from Cum non iustis sufragijs ius obtinuerint. Disgrace, nor accounted more honest. For although by their supereminence they haue iurisdiction ouer their country and parents, and may punish offences, yet is the President distastfull, In Magistratibus neque salus nec requ es, nisi benè vtentibus. for that all Hoc est, regi per Magistratus non electo liberis suffragijs. innouation irritateth Discontents, Ielousies, Quarrels, and Scandall. Whereas on the other side againe, to gape after a thankelesse Office, and to reape for our labours nothing but Enuy, is as extreame a part of madnesse; vnlesse it bee for him, whome a preiudicate and factions Vt fecère aliqui in fauorem Caesaris, Pōpeij et Augusti. humour of power possesseth, thereby to gratifie the ambition, abuses, and partialities of a few great personages.

But to come to my purpose: of all taskes that the minde can vndertake, I hold none to be of greater vse, then Historia est testis tem porū, lux veritatis, magistra vitae, nuncia vetustatis. History: of whose excellency, because many famous men haue worthily discoursed thereof, I will forbeare to speake, least some seuere censurer, should tax me of affectation for praising the profession wherein (I confesse) I take most delight: Yea, and I am in perfect beleefe, that othersome (for that I was once determined to spend the remainder of my daies in vacancy from State-Affayres) wil not stick to write vpon the forhead of these my laborious and profitable studies, the Titles of Quia absque magno labore (sed non sine Arte) videtur seribi Historia. Sloth. But my best hope is, they wil proue only such, who onely account it a worke of industry to complement with the people; or by making good cheere, to captiuate mens fauours: Who, if it please them to remember in what times I was chosen to Office, and what men at the same times were put by, with the insufficiences of such, as afterwardes were chosen into Parliament, they cannot but acknowledge that I Sapientis est mutiare propositum, sires mutentur. changed my mind vppon due considerations, and not vpon any inclination to Sloth: and that the common-wealth is likely to reape more profit by my times of leysure, then by the continuall imployments of some other. For, I haue often heard Q. Maximus, P. Scipio, & others our honorable Predecessors report, that the intentiue contemplation of the Vnde dici solet picturas et coelaturas illiteratorum esse libros. Medalls of their Auncestors, hath often inflamed their minds to Emulation: not that the painting, or the liueles protraiture had any such influences in thē, but that the recording of their glorious actions, did disperse such a Bout-feau of imitation in their spirits, that it could neuer bee extinguished, vntill they had equalized their highest Vertues.

But in these times of corruption, what man liueth, that contendeth not with his fore-fathers in acquisition of riches & expence, but neyther in honesty, nor industry? Euen vpstarts, who in the olde world were accustomed to enter the ranke of Nobility, Quorum maiores nunquam fuere in to Magistrat . by worth and sufficiency; in these daies, lay their plots for preferment by sinister endeuours, and not by vertuous courses: As if the Praetership, Consul-ship, and such like offices, were in themselues simply Noble, and not graced by their worths who manage such places. Tet. Qui ista bona vocant, perin e sunt atqua qui illis vtuntur. Thus haue I giuen my pen her liberty, confessing, that the corrupt and degenerate manners of the Citty, hath made it forgetfull of duty; for recompence whereof, I will now betake me to my taske.

CHAP. 1.

1. Reasons inducing the Authour to write this History. 2. Massinissa entreth aliance with the Romans. 3. The vexation and cares of Misipsa his Sonne and successour. 4. The commendation and qualities of Iugurth. 5. His fortunes.

IN this Booke, my purpose is, to write the Warre which the Romane people vndertooke against Iugurth King of Numidia: First, because it was weighty, cruell, and doubtfull: Secondly, for that about this time, the people avowed their first discontents against the surquedrie of the Roman Nobility: a contention whereby al Diuine and humaine lawes were wrapped in confusion; & afterward proceeded into such raging fits of succeeding madnesse, that Italy was almost wasted, before their ciuill warres ended.

But for the Readers better vnderstanding and more satisfaction; before I enter into the maine of the History, I will first begin with matter of more ancient discourse.

In the second Punique warres, wherein Hanniball the Carthaginian Captaine, had after their manifold good fortunes almost laide desolate the Italian Prouinces, and wasted their forces: Masinissa king of Numidia, was receiued by Scipio (afterwards for subduing Affrica, Surnamed Affricanus) into the Romane alliance. A man for Military prowesse and valor much renowned, and whom, after the ouerthrow of the Carthaginians and the taking of Sciphax (a Lord of a spacious kingdom in Affricke) the Romane people in reward of his good and loyal seruice, frankly inuested with those cities and prouinces, which by force he had gained from Sciphax. By this meanes, the friendship of Masinissa, continued profitable and constant: Quia tam parùm durauit successorū regnum, vt non regnass v deātur. but hee finished his life no sooner then his Empire tooke ending. Manastaball and Gulussa, his Brethren, being dead, the kingdom diuolued vnto Micipsa, as sole-heyre. He had two Sonnes Adherbal and Hiempsal. Iugurth, the sonne of his Brother Manastabal, whom (being base borne) Masinissa had left in priuate estate, he brought vp in his owne house with like allowance as hee proportioned to his owne children; who comming vnto mans estate, grewe strong of body, comely of feature, and quicke of apprehension: not giuing himselfe to ryot or wantonesse, but according to the custom of that Nation, addicted to riding, to cast Dartes, or to runne matches with his Compeeres: wherin although he alwaies carried the prize from the residue, yet was he neuerthelesse generally beloued.

Thus spent he his youth, sometime in rowsing the Lyon and other wilde Beasts, wherein he would be sure to be the man, that should giue the first stroke. In these disports, he would do most; and beeing ended, speake least to himselfe. Of which Princely carriages, although in the beginning Micipsa reioyced, esteeming his Vertues as an Ornament of his Court, yet reuoluing his old age and the minority of his Children, with the popular applause, which he obserued euery day more then other, to increase by the youth and towardly disposition of Iugurth, beeing much disquieted in mind, he began to forecast many casualties in his thoughts. The fraile Nature of man thirsty of soueraignety, and headstrong to execute the deseigns of ambition, did present him his first feares. The second, arose from the consideration of his owne yeares, and the nonage of his children, the oportunity whereof only, were of maruailous efficacy to transport men or meane discents and aspiring spirits to hopes of high places; the last scruple that possessed his imaginations, was the populer loue and dependancie of the Numidians: from whom, if by some polliticke plot, hee should make away so worthy a subiect by immature death, hee stood farre more doubtfull of ensuing warres and vprores.

Being confounded in these passions, and well weighing that a Man in so Gracious acceptance of the people for his ready seruice, and loue to martiall Aduentures, Quae res bellic sae genti maximae admirations est. could not with safety be wronged neither by law nor subtil e; resolued to oppose him to dangers, therein to vndergoe the fate of his fortunes. And thereupon Micipsa createth him Lorde Generall of those horse and foot, which were sent for Sp in in ssistaunce of the Romane people: hoping either by rash valour, or some blow from the enemy, to heare news of his kinsmans death. The euent crossed expectation For Iugurth as he was of a quick & apprehensiue wit, obseruing the Nature of Scipio his Generall, and the behauiour of the enemy, with especiall care and performance, modestly obeying the commands and wils of the Officers, did oftentimes oppose against and preuent many eminent dangers: insomuch that in short time the Name of Iugurth onely grew famous thorough the Army, highly beloued of our people, most dreadfull to the Numantines. vnde dicit Seruius Quibus sanguis calodus, vt Afr •• , maior est prudētia, sed minor audacia in bello: Contra quibus frigidu : vt Teulonibus. And to giue him his due, a thing not often seene; the man was valiant in action, & wise in counsel (for the most part;) the first, assisted by prouidence begetteth feare; the second, inforced by boldnes produceth rashnesse. Which his good parts the Generall taking in notice, intrusted vnto Iugurth almost all his difficult deseigns, inrold him in the rank of his friends, & euery day grace him with extraordinary fauors; and not without desert; for whatsoeeuer he aduised, Sen. Diuitiae apud sapientum in seruitute sūt apud stultum in imperio. he performd with honor. To these his good parts were also adioyned Bounty, and dexterity of conceit, Qualities that brought him in liking and familiar acquaintance with the better sort of the Romane Gentry.

At that very instant, many both ancient and new vpstart Gentlemen, serued in our Army, vnto whom bribes were more in esteeme then vpright or honorable cariage: whose humors being factious, and at Court in credit with their followers, more admired for their discents, then worthes; These were they, that by proposing high dignities first inflamed the mind of Iugurth, perswading him that if Micipsa were once dead, he might easily become sole-Lord of Numidia; That he worthily deserued a Crown, That in Rome al things were saleable for money.

5. Numantia now razed, P. Scipio determined to dismisse his Auxiliaries, & to make his return to Rome: Coronis et Insignitus victoribus. at what time after he had graced Iugurth with due Trophies of desert, & honourably commended him by word of mouth, he ledde him into his imperiall Pauillion, where he giueth him these secret Instructions: Rather in publicke then priuate to shewe his affections towards the Romane people: not to be bountifull to particulars: That friendship bought of a few, was more vncertaine then that which is entertained by many. That if he proceeded as he began, that glory and honour would attent him aboue expectation: But if he made more hast then good speede, that both riches and himselfe would headlong run vnto destruction. This was all the Generall spake, and so dismissed him, committing to his deliuerance certaine Letters subscribed to Micipsa: the Tenor wherof was as followeth.

The valor of your kinsman Iugurth, hath deserued no small commendation in the warre of Numantia: which newes I know assuredly will be welcome vnto you. His deserts deserue no lesse of vs, we will do our vtmost to worke the like acceptance with the people and the Lords of the Senate. I salute you for our auncient friendship. And in the word of truth, I re-send you a Gentleman worthy of your fauours, and the discent of his Grandfather Massinissa.

As soone as the king vnderstoode by Letters from the Generall, that Fame had bin no lyer, partly moued by the report of his kinsmans excellency, and partly by his good carriage, he changed his mind, and seeking to win the man by grace and fauours, forthwith adopteth him his son, and by testament maketh him co-heire with the residue of his children. Then growing old with yeares, and perceiuing by sicknes and course of nature, that hee had no long time to liue, he is reported to haue thus discoursed with Iugurth, in the presence of his friends, kins-folke, and sonnes, Adherbal and Hempsal.

OIugurth: It is well knowne, that after the death of thy Father, euen in thine Infancy, I receiued thee into the Tutelage of my House, left as thou wert to the worlde, without meanes or possibilities of aduancement: expecting no lesse content from thy loyalty, in requitall of those Honours which I haue bestowed vpon thee, then I hoped from the Loues of mine owne Children, for the benefite of their Births. Wherein I haue beene nothing deceiued. For, to silence many thy famous and former exploits, I confesse that thy late employment and returne from Numantia, hath perfected the honourable Testimonies of vs, and our Nation: Thy valour, of fautors, hath made the Roman people most constant friends vnto vs, and in Spaine thou hast reuiued the remembrance of our deceased Progenitors:Mas inissae, qui claruit sub Hasdrubaie. Aboue all (a worke most difficult) thy Vertues haue ouertopped Enuy.

And now, for that I perceiue that my life draweth towardes an end, I admonish and adiure thee by this right hand, and the allegiance which thou owest to thy countrey,Quam ad tunc tenuit. that thou estrange not thy loue and seruice from these thy kinsmen, whom by fauor and adoption I haue created thy Brethren: neither couet thou, in gouernment to admit of strangers, rather then of those who are allied vnto thee in blood and parentage. Loyall friends, not the armed Souldier, nor the Richest Treasure, are the surest guards of Kingdomes: True friendship which thou canst neither allure by practise, nor buy with gold, is purchased by respect & fidelity. And who I pray thee, should be more indeered, then one Brother to another? Or what stranger shall that man find confident, who proueth a Traytour to his owne blood? Surely if you continue vertuous, I bequeath you a strong Kingdome, if yee turne euill, a weake Patrimony. By Vnity small thinges are multiplyed: by Dissention, the greatest kingdomes are ruinated.

Beleeue me Iugurth, it is thy Office (for that thou art eldest in yeares and experience) to take care that nothing happen contrary to these my latest Counsels: for in all controuersies, the man that is most powerfull (though hee receiue an iniury) yet will it be supposed, that he hath giuen it, because he is best able to do it.

Againe (you my sonnes,) see that you Honour and aduance this your worthy Kinsman: Imitate and out-strippe hins in vertue, least it be said by me, that I haue adopted brauer Children, then I haue begotten.

Although Iugurth conceited that the King spake not this from his heart, hauing his mind busied vpon farre higher & different cogitations; yet for the present, he gaue courteous and gracious language. Within a fewe dates after Micipsa dyed.

CHAP. 2.

1. The Roytelets assemble about partition of the Kingdome. 2. Hiempsal disgraceth Iugurth. 3. His reuenge. 4. And preparation to warre. 5. His course after victory. 6. Adherbals Accusation. 7. Iugurths excuse. 8. Order taken to content both Parties. 9. The yssue.

AFter the three Roytelets, according to the custome of their Auncestors, had Royally interred the body of Micipsa, they apointed a time of meeting ther to take order for their further affaires. Where Hiempsal (the youngest of three, but by Nature the proudest) now, as before time, scorning the base discent of Iugurth, by his mother, tooke place vpon the right hand of Adherbal, that Iugurth might not sit in the midst; which amongst the Numidians is accounted the most Honourable place. Neither could he by his Brothers earnest importunity, without apparant discontent, be perswaded to remoue on the other hand.

Where, amongst many particulars proposed of gouernement, Iugurth affirmed, that whatsoeuer Micipsa had decreed, fiue yeares before his death, ought to be of no validity: for that, by reason of his aged years, during those times, his sences had failed him. Wherewithall Hyempsal was well pleased: for within the space of these three yeares last past, (quoth hee) you were adopted as co-heire into the Kingdome. Which words tooke deeper impression in the heart of Iugurth, then any man present would haue suspected.

3 This disgrace, from this time forwarde prouoked Iugurth, (irresolute betweene wrath and feare) to study and plot in his minde how to surprize Hyempsal by Treason; Which determination working but to slow effects, and his inraged passion nothing the lesse by time asswaged, he now resolueth to dispatch it vpon any occasion.

At their first meeting (shewed you before) to auoide all causes of contention, they tooke Order to diuide the Treasure, and to limit out euery man the bounds of his portion. A time certaine is set downe to perfect both these Decrees, but with order, to haue the diuision of the money first dispatched.

Whereuppon the Roytelets seuerally remoue to places neerely adioyning to that place where the Treasures were stored. Hiempsal tooke vp his lodging, by great chaunce, in his house, who was Captaine of the Guard to Iugurth, a man very inward and gracious with his maister.

Him (by fortune thus making a fit Instrument for Treason) Iugurth solliciteth, by massie promises corrupteth, & without deniall importuneth to forge and deliuer him the counterfeit keyes of his house, for the true keyes were nightly carried vp into Hiempsals Chamber. The remainder, as occasion serued, himselfe with his armed retinue would take order to dispose of.

The Numidian speedily executeth his masters commands, and according to his instructions at night, giueth entrance vnto Iugurths Souldiers: who were no sooner in possession of the house, but they disperse themselues, some to seeke the King, some to murder Hiempsals seruants, & others to make good their entrance, in case any person made resistance. This done, they left no secret place vnransaked; they broke vp Presses, and diued into euery blind corner, confounding all places with noise and vprore; and at last, lighted vppon Hiempsal, hidden in the lodging of a poore Maide-seruant, whether the sudden apprehension of feare and ignorance of the place, in the beginning of the tumult, had frighted him to flye vnto. The Murderers, as they had in commaund, strike off his head, and present it to Iugurth. The fame whereof in a trice flyeth ouer all Affrique.

4. Adherbal, and the Subiects of Micipsa, stand astonished at the report of so haynous a treacherie: The people in generall fall to partes-taking: The greater number continue constant to Adherbal, the men of Warre follow Iugurth. Whereupon, without further delay, he raysest the strongest forces he can, hee seizeth vppon Townes, some by force, and some by faite speeches: hee vniteth them to his former portion, and casteth in his mind how to become sole-Lord of Numidia.

Adherbal, notwithstāding that he had sent his messengers to Rome, to informe the Lordes of the Senat of the death of his Brother, and his particuler misfortunes; yet seeing himselfe well accompanied with armed troopes, he doubteth not the aduenture of his welfare, vpon the hazard of a battell. But comming vnto tryall, his army was defeated, & himselfe glad to flye into his owne prouince; from whence he tooke his way towards Rome.

5 Now Iugurth being Maister of his desires, & peaceable Lord of al Numidia, reuoluing in his mind the future scandall of this heynous murther, saw none, of whom he should need to stand in feare of, but the Roman people: To mitigate whose wrath, no hopes remained, but such, as Mony and the auarice of the Nobilitie afforded. Wherfore to preuent stormes on that side, hee within a few dayes after dispatcheth his Ambassadors towards Rome, plentifully loaden with Gold and Siluer: giuing them instructions: First, to present his ancient acquaintance: Secondly, to drawe in New; And lastly, to bee sparing towardes no man, so hee were in place to countenance his practises. So ariuing at Rome, according to the direction of their Lord, they saluted their Patrons, and the greatest of authority in the Senate with rich presents. A sudden alteration followed: the greater part of the gentrie which but euen now, were most violently carryed in passion against Iugurth, forthwith became a Protector and fauorer of his cause. Some in hope, and others vpon resceipt, priuately laboured euery Lorde of the Senate, to lay no heauy or vnsupportable pressure vpon Iugurth.

This done, the Embassadors are confirmed, and a day of hearing set downe for both parties: wherein Adherbal thus layed open his cause.

Adherbals Oration.

6 HOnourable Lords, my Father vpon his death-bed gaue me in charge, that I should carry my selfe, but as Lieutenant of the kingdome of Numidia. It was his last will, that the Soueraignty should remaine at your deuotions.

Moreouer, he commanded me, to do you my vtmost seruice in times of peace and warre, as also to make no other account of your fidelities, then of the loyalties of so many friendes and Kinsmen; which precepts (said he) if you obserue, By the security of their friendships, you shall neuer bee to seeke of an Army, of Riches, and the protection of a Kingdome. These rules had I no sooner planted in my mind, with determination of obedience, but Iugurth, the most impious man, that breatheth vppon the circuite of the earth, in despight of your imperiall prerogatiues, hath vtterly disabled me the Nephew of Masinissa, yea friend and confederate of the Roman people,Suadet Senatum vt sibi suppetias ferri iubeat. to accomplish these duties, by him, being expulsed from my kingdome and Natiue Country.

Yet (Honourable Lords:) such is my estate, that I had rather implore your assistaunce to these my present miseries, in remorse of mine owne calamities, then in respect of any my Auncestors deserts: rather wishing that these fauours were due vnto me by the Roman people for mine owne sake (thogh I had no occasion to vse them) or if I had, that my selfe might onely remaine their debter.

But for that a good conscience (for it selfes sake) is smally regarded, and fortune hath not shewed like fauours to mee as she hath to Iugurth; Honourable Lords, my selfe haue made choice to make my resort to your fauorable protections, wherein, my onely griefe is, that miserie hath inforced mee, first, to bee burdensome, before I haue bin profitable to your state.

Other Kings haue bin admitted into your friendship, either after their ouerthrowes, or at best, haue requested it, doubtfull and desperate pinches; but our house ventured their alliance in the hottest of the Carthaginian wars, at what times their singular good willes, were rather to bee accepted, then their forces valued. The issues of such men (and me the Nephew of Masinissa) suffer not (Honourable Lordes) to implore ayd in vaine, but rather, if there were no other reasons of satisfaction, then my distressed fortunes (who whilome was a King, happy in discent, famous in renowne, and powerfull in substāce, now base, miserable, needy, & begging assistāce of another;) yet let the Maiesty of the Roman Empire prohibit iniuries, and restraine a wicked varlet to vsurpe vpon another mans right,Honestum, quia id pater & a us meriti sunt. wrongfully. For (Honourable Lords) I am dispoiled of that inheritance which the Roman people allotted my Auncestors, and whereof my Father and Grand-father stoode seized ioyntly with you, after the expulsion of Sciphax and the Carthaginians.

These your Noble donatiues (Honourable Lords) are iniuriously taken from me, & you in my disgraces shamefully dishonored. Wretch that I am! O father Micipsa, howe are thy fauours requited! Shall the man whom thou broughtest in to be coheire of thy kingdome, and of mecre fauour aduancst to equall dignity with thy children, become the chiefe instrumēt to destroy thy Progeny? What! shall our house neuer see quiet daies? Shall wee alwaies conuerse with blood, warre, and banishment?

As long as the Carthaginians, flourished, wee indured the greeuances of all hostility without complaint: then our enemies lay vpon our backes, your aide was farre remote, and therefore our hopes resided in our owne valours; wee knewe what to trust to. But after that Affrique was disburdened of that plague, euery man reioyned in the security of peace, beecause no enemy remained,Vtile, quia socius Rom •• imperii permaner t. but him perhaps whom you might haue giuen in commaundement to be defied.

But behold contrary to expectation, this Iugurth, bewraying his insufferable presumption, his bloody Conscience, and his ambitious spirite, in the slaughter of my brother and his owne kinsman, did make his kingdome the first purchase of his wicked disposition: His second proiects were, to circumvent mee by like Treason; which when hee could not effect, nethlesse, by force and warre, hee hath now dispoiled me, (mistrusting no such violence) of mine inheritance, of my birthright, and (as you can witnesse) inforced me to vndergoe the miserable casualties of want and beggerie, beeing in euerie place more secure, then in mine owne kingdome.

Of your assistance (my Lords) I make this construction, that (as I haue often heard my Father say) those who with integrity regard your friendship, took much paines in obtaining their sutes,B. Pater & avu . but of all people liuing, their estate is securest. Our family neuer failed in the one; in all your wars their assistance hath bin at your seruice: now lieth it in your power to requite me with the other.

S. ab infidiis Iugurthae.Honourable Lords, Our Father left vs two brethren, the third, this Iugurth, By his bountie hee supposed to haue left likewise a Brother deuoted to our good; but the one hee hath alreadie slaine; my selfe, the other, hath hardlie escaped his blood-thirstie crueltie. In this distresse what shall I doe? Infortunate that I am! to what especiall friend shall I turne my complaints? The assistance of my kinsmen, lieth buried with their bodies, in the graue: my Father is departed this world: (the decree of Nature) my brother slaughtered by the treason of this his Kinsman, a murder most vnnaturall: the remainder of my affinity, consanguinity, friends, and followers, hee hath by diuers practises oppressed: some hee hath put to ransome; some he hath dispatched at the Gallowes; and others he hath cast before the hungry iawes of rauenous beastes. A few (yet beholding vnto him for their liues) he hath imprisoned in darke dungeons, there to spend the date of their dayes in sighes and laments; a life far more intollerable then death it selfe.

Thus honourable Lords, if I had neither lost some part of my people, neither had cause to complaine of the reuolt of others: yet, if any misfortune should haue against expectation befallen me, I would haue implored the protection of your fauours, vnto whom, for the maiestie of your Empire, euery Subiests right or wrong ought to bee regardfull. But being (as I am) a banished man from my natiue soile, from mine owne House, alone, and in extreamity, whether shall I goe? VVhom shall I appeale vnto? Vnto our Neighbour Common-Weales, or Kings? My Lords, they all hate vs in regard of your alliance. In those places, on no side can I turn my visage, but I shall behold many hostile remembrances of our Auncestors seruice. Can they then take compassion of him, who was once their capitoll enemy? No my Lordes: Micipsa taught vs to crouch to no men, but to the Roman people: yea, to defie strange leagues and alliances. Your friendships were Bulwarkes impregnable to secure vs.

If fortune should frowne vppon this Empire, then I know our estate were also desperate: but by your owne prowesse, and the fauours of the Gods, your Common-weale flourisheth in wealth and increase; prosperity tryumpheth in your Citties, and loyaltie in your Prouinces: blessings which make easie the reliefe of your associate.

VVhereof I despaire not, but onely feare, least the priuate insinuation of Iugurth (of whom you haue yet made small triall) peruert the iudgement of some, whom (as I heare) with tooth and naile he seuerally laboureth to worke, to corrupt, to inueigle, not to passe any decree in his absence, without hearing his answers: obiecting that my complaints are false, my flight dissimulation, and that I might haue stayed with security in any kingdom, if it had so beene my pleasure. O! I would to God, I might but liue to see the same man, who hath by his impious treacherie, inwrapped me in this conflict of miseries, in like case dissembling: that these humane Controuersies might at some one time or other be referred, either to your decisions, or to the iustice of the immortall Gods: That so, being now proud and famosed for his villanies, and as a man exposed to all calamities, he might suffer the deserued reward of his impieties committed against our Father; of murther inflicted vppon our Brother; and of Treason, the source of my miseries.

Deerest Brother, although thy death were vntimelie, and thou of life bereaued by him, whom of all men liuing it worst beseemed, yet am I of opinion, that this thy misfortune, is rather to be ioyed at, thē lamented. For with thy life, thou lost but thy kingdom: of flight, of banishment, of pouerty, & al such afflictions,Sic Virg. terq quaterque be ti, Queis ante ora patrum, Troia sub montibus altis, Contigi oppetere. which oppresse my very soule, thou art insensible. But I vnhappy mā, throwne headlong out of my Patrimony into an Ocean of miseries, wander the world as a spectacle of humaine change, vncertaine what course to run. Shall I reuenge thy wrongs; Alas! I am not of power. Shall I doe good to our Country? Ah! My life and death slandeth at the deuotion of others, for death I wish, It were an honourable period to my misfortunes, rather then by affecting of longer life, to make shew; that in loue thereof, beeing quite spent with miseries, I liued content to brooke his insolent iniuries.

But as I am, I haue neither pleasure to liue, nor meanes to die without impeachment of mine honour. And therefore, (thrice-Honourable Lords) I adiure you, by your children & parents,Sueto. Ne que me, ne que liber •• meos chariores habebo quam, &c. yea, by the maiesty of the Roman Empire, to put redresse to my miserable estate, to preuent these wronges, and not to suffer this your kingdome of Numidia to bee ruinated by Treason, and the blood of our family.

After the King had made an end of his speech, the Agents of Iugurth, more confident in their gold, then the goodnesse of their cause, Callidè tacent ꝙ iussu Iugurthae. made this short reply. That Hyempsall was slaine by certaine Numidians for his crueltie. That Adherbal had begun the warre vnprouoked: and being ouercome, Quia natura s rox & superbus re vera erat. fell to complaints, hauing no further means to prosecute his enuy. That Iugurth humbly petitioned, the Lords of the Counsell would be pleased to make no other construction of his vpright carriage, Vnde laudatissimus redierat. then of such as he shewed in their seruice at Numantia: neither yet to preferre the words of his enemie, Iugurthae mores Scipioni imperatori, popul que Romano iampridem no i essent. before his deeds. Which ended, both parties are commanded to depart the Court.

Whereupon the Lords demaund opinions. The fauourites of Iugurth, and with them, the maior part of the Senate, traduced by gifts, made small account of Adherbals complaints. The deserts of Iugurth they aduanced with fauour, commendation, allowance, and thankes, no lesse outstriuing by all meanes possible to extenuate so apparant a treason and villany committed by a Stranger; then if they had bin pleading in a righteous cause, to reap glory and commendation.

But in opposition; some fewe, to whom right and indifferencie, were more respectiue then rewards, gaue sentence with Adherbal. That he was to be succoured, and the murder of Hyempsal to be seuerely punished. Amongst thē of especiall note was Emilius Scaurus, a Gentleman, stout of courage, factious, and ambitious of rule, honour, and riches, but close and cunning of carriage. This man, after he had obserued the infamous, & abhominable bribery of Iugurth, fearing (as in like cases happeneth) that free speech against the abuses of corrupted greatnesse, might procure enuie, contained his humors from their accustomed Liberty.

8. Notwithstanding, in Senate the greater part preuailed: Meed and fauour ouerswayed Equity; and an order recorded, that ten Commissioners should be sent into the prouince of Micipsa, to make a diuision thereof betweene Adherbal and Iugurth.

The president of this Embassie was L. Opinius, a man Honourable by birth, and great in Senate, who beeing Consull, after the deaths of C. Graccus, and M. Flaccus, made sharp and cruell vse of that victory which the Nobility gained against the Commons. Him, at Rome, his professed aduersary Iugurth, notwithstāding entertaineth with especiall curtesie.

9. By Largesse and promises hee likewise suborneth him, to set more by profit, then fame, faith or reputation; he attempteth the residue by like cunning: Some he worketh, a few made more Conscience of Honesty, then of Money.

In the diuision of the kingdome, the portion thereof, that bordereth Mauritania, populous, and firtill, is assigned to Iugurth: the other part (fairer in shew then profit) but beautified with hauens, and adorned with costly buildings, was giuen to Adherbal.

CHAP. 2.

1. The description of Affricke. 2. The first inhabitants.

ORder calleth vpon mee briefely to discourse of the scituation of Affrique, as also to shew what Nations liued with vs in warre, or amity. But as for those places & countries, which either for their extream rough mountaines, or vast deserts, lie vnfrequented, I wil but point at randon: the residue I will discourse of in shortest maner.

In the diuision of the Terrestriall Globe, some attribute vnto Affrick a third part: othersome, speaking onely of Asia and Europe, containe Affrique in Europe. Westward it boundeth vpon the Mediterranean and Ocean seas: Eastward vpon those steepe mountaines, which the inhabitants tearme Catabathmon. The sea is stormy, the shores without hauens, the soile firtill of grain, plentifull for Catell, but vnapt for trees. It hath few springs, and litle rain: The people are heathfull of body, swift of foote, and indurable of labour. Many, who come not to vntimelie deaths, by the sword or wild beasts, would outliue the accustomed course of mans age, if nature failed not; for it is sildome heard that any die by sicknesse: yet is the whole land stored with infinite swarmes of venemous wormes, and beasts of prey.

But what people possessed the Pauca ci itates, •• rint Origin m. Country in the beginning: who afterwards arriued, or how they becam mingled one with another, though diuersity of opinions possesse priuate fancies, yet as we are letten to vnderstand by the interpretation of those Punique bookes, which were said to be Hiempsals, we will as briefly as we may, relate as the case standeth what the Natiues report for truth in this matter. Let euery man giue credite, as he pleaseth to fancie it.

2 The Getuli and Libians, an vnciuill and barbarous people, feeding vpon raw flesh, and the fruits of the Earth (as Beastes) did first inhabit this Countrey. They were neyther gouerned by Nature, neither by Law, nor superiority: wilde, stragling, without leader, and there resting, where night ouertooke them. But after that Hercules (saith the Affricans) dyed in Spaine, his Army composed of diuers Nations, hauing lost their Captaine, in short time disbanded, by reason of the disagreement, and ambition of their Leaders. Of these companies the Medes, Persians, and Armenians, beeing transported into Affrique by shipping, seized vppon the Sea-coastes of the Mediterranean. The Persians tooke vp their Seates more inward toward the Ocean, and turning the Keeles of their Boats vpwards, vsed them, in liew of better buildinges: for neyther the soile affoorded Timber, neyther was it lawfull to buy or barter for any in Spaine. Further Traffique, the Great Sea & ignorance of forreine languages, prohibited.

In processe of time, by intermariages with the Getuli, they became one Nation, and for their wandering from place to place, to prooue the goodnesse of pasturage for their Cattaile, they tearmed themselues A Graeca voce vemein, i. pascers: vnde d rmatur dictio, Nomades, i. vagab ndi pascentes. Numidae. Euen vnto this day, those vpland buildinges of the Numidians, which they tearme Mapalia, Cottages, are a kind of building edgelong on the top, and broad-wasted below, in a manner resembling the bottomes of ouerwhelmed Shipping.

Vnto the Medes and Armenians, arriued the Libians, for they conuersed more neerer the Affrican Sea. The Getuli liued more neere the Sunne, almost vnder the Tropique; and by reason of the small distance of Sea between Spaine and them, they built Townes in short time, and gaue themselues to Traffique and Nauigation. By assiduity the Libians corrupted their Names, and of Medi in their barbarous languages, called them Mauri.

The fortunes of the Persians in short time flourished: whereupon vnder the name of Numidae, in regard of their multitudes, taking leaue of their Parents, they seated thē selue, in the Territories next adioyning to Carthage, and after their own names Numidia.

After some continuance of Numidae Carthagiu •• sium, & Carthaginensis Numidarum. time, the one Nation making vse of the other, they inforced their neighbours either for loue or feare to subiection. They became famous, & augmented their glories in greater measure, then those that were nearer seated towardes d our Seas. For the Lybians were not so warlike as the Getuli. So for the most part, the lower part of Affrica was wholy possessed by the Numidians, and the Viclis victorum nomen inditur. victor imposed his owne name vpon the conquered people and country.

Againe, the Phaeniceans, some to diminish their homebred multitudes, and some of the Comminalty desirous of aduancement, and other some, in loue of nouelties, arriued vpon the Sea-costs, and there built Hippon, Adrumetum, Leptis and many other Citties, which in short time grew admirable famous; many whereof in future ages at some seasons, gaue great assistance, and at all times continued an honour to their first and ancient Countrimen.

I holde it more wisedome to silence the Originall of Cum eius Origo & fama factarū, ingentem deposcat historiam. Carthage, then to write thereof sparingly, because time calleth me to make hast of another discourse.

Neere vnto Cathabathmon (the frontier betweene Affricke and Egipt) in the higher sea, first appeareth Ciren, Colonia Thereon, the two Duo arenosa loca in mari. Sirtes, betweene them Leptis, and then Arae philenorum: Heere endeth the Carthaginian Dominion towardes Egipt: Beyond, are some Citties of the Punique iurisdiction; the residue, the Numidians possesse as farre as Mauritania. The Moores lie nearest Spaine. Beyonde the Numidians (men say) that the Getuli liue, some in homely Cottages, some, more rudely, to wander as Vagarants. Beyond them, the Ethiopians, and beyond them againe, all places to be scorched with extreamity of heat.

CHAP. 3.

1. The estate of Affrique in the beginning of these warres. 2 Iugurths cunning carriage. 3. He prouoketh his Brother to fight, and routeth his Army.

1. IN this warre, the Roman people did gouerne many of the Punique Townes, and al those Territories, which were lately conquered from the Carthaginians, by their Lieutenantes: A great part of the Getuli and the Numidians, (as far as the flood Mulucha) were Subiect to Iugurth: King Bochus was Lorde of the Moores, by report onely knowne to the Romaines; otherwaies, neuer heard of either in times of war, or treaties of peace. Thus haue I spoken enough to purpose, as concerning the scituation of Affricke, and the people who inhabit it.

2. The diuision of the kingdome beeing determined, the Commissioners returned, and Iugurth contrary to his owne feares, hauing obtained a reward for his Treason, began to call vnto mind, how he had heard his friends at Numantia report, That all things were vendible at Rome. Vpon assurance whereof, concurring with the late protestations of his corrupted fauourites, being incouraged, he resolued to make a proofe vpon the kingdome of Adherbal. The inuader was violent, and valourous: the invaded, peaceable; No souldier; Of a frolicke disposition; Disgistiue of iniuries; Fearefull, rather then to be feared.

Whereupon, Iugurth taketh the occasion, and vpon the sodaine strongly inuadeth his frontiers, maketh booty of men and Cattle, fiereth villages, & sheweth himselfe in warlike aray with his horsmen before many good towns. This Brauado performed, he retireth with his people into his owne kingdome, coniecturing, that Adherbal coulde not but take this hostile outrage to heart, and in like measure cry quittance: which if he did, then was his desires satisfied, for this would he pretend to bee the cause of the quarrell.

But Adherbal, for that hee knew himselfe inferiour in forces, and reposed greater confidence in the friendship of the Roman people, then in his Numidians, dispatcheth Messengers to Iugurth, to complaine of these outrages. Who although they reported nothing backe again, saue contumelious Language, yet sat he still, with full resolution to suffer all manner of disgraces, rather then to begin the War, because to his losse he had lately felt the smart thereof. The ambition of Iugurth neuer the more relented, he had already in conceit swallowed the whol kingdome: And thereupon, not now, as before, he maketh a cursory and pillaging iourny into the Country, Lucan. Nulla fides regni soci s, omnis qu po e •• as impatiens consortis erit. but marcheth souldier-like in the middest of his armed battalions, and layeth an open claime to the Crowne of al Numidia. As he goeth, he wasteth Cities, and depopulateth Villages, taketh prizes, incorageth his followers, and danteth his enemies.

3 Adherbal perceiuing no meane courses auaileable, but that he must either fight, or flye, vpon very necessity leuieth forces, and resolueth to seeke Iugurth. They had not marched many dayes, but both Armies approacheth neare vnto Cirtha, a Town scituated not far from the sea. This happened towards the Euening, no fit time to darraigne a battaile. But about mid-night, after the going downe of the Moone, vpon a signall giuen, the souldiers of Iugurth giue a Camisado vpon the campe of Adherbal, some they slay halfe awakened in their beds, others running to their armes, they put to flight, and cut in peeces. Adherbal with some fewe horsemen posteth vnto Cirtha, where, if a strong troope of Citizens had not forced the pursuing Numidians to retire frō the wals, without doubt one day had decided the quarell of a kingdome, Iugurth layeth his siege round about the Towne, prepareth vines, raiseth Towers, and beginneth a breach with all sorts of Engines; yea, and to frustrate the arriuall of the Ambassadors, who as he heard say, were sent from Adherball towardes Rome, before the day of battell, hee hasteneth the siedge with all possible diligence.

CHAP. 4.

1. Ambassadors are the second time sent into Affrica with sharper Instructions. 2. Iugurths cunning and fayning excuses. 3. After the Ambassadors departure, he againe besiedgeth his Brother.

ASsoone Nihil decenter in hac e gevi ur: copo si r ex •• ci u , nō legat , ne lli ebebant ad in u iā vindicandam. as the Senate had vnderstanding of their differences, they dispatched three young Gentlemen into Affrique, with Commaundement, to goe personally to both the Kings, and in the name of the Senate & Roman people, by word of mouth to say vnto them; That It was their will and pleasure, that they should both lay downe their Armes. In so doing, they should performe a worke Digrum se atu, quē •• cis 〈◊〉 esse d cuit et dig ii •• li , qui inter se tam propinqui essent. woorthy theyr Friendes and themselues.

The Ambassadors make the more hast towardes Affrique, for that the newes was in Rome before their departure, that the Princes had fought, and that Cirtha was besiedged. But that rumor was sparingly verified.

2. Iugurth hauing vnderstood the Tenor of their Ambassy protested, That nothing could bee of greater worth, or more deere vnto him, then the authority of the Senat: that such had beene his carriage from his youth, that the loue of al good men had voluntarily befallen him: that he had been gracious vnto P. Sci io, that worthy Gentleman, for his vertues, not for peruersenesse: And lastly, That for these qualities, and not for want of Issue, Micipsa had adopted him into the Kingdome. So that, by how much the more he had shewed himselfe a good man in ciuill behauiour, and a valiant Captaine Captaine in seruice, by so much the lesse could his great spirit brooke to pocket vp a wrong. Inferring, that Adherbal had laide waight traiterously to murder him; vpon discouery whereof, Magna ingenia agrè serūt iniurias hee had but taken the course of preuention: which if the Roman people gain said, they neither vsed him according to his calling, nor affoorded him Iustice; to forbid him to apply those remedies which the Law s. vim vi repelle. of Nations and nature prouided. Finally, he protesteth, that in good time he wold send his Agents to Rome, to giue ample satisfaction to all parties: and so taketh his leaue. License of reply Adherbal could not obtaine

3 Now, Iugurth coniecturing about what time the Ambassadors might take shipping to depart, returneth againe to Cirtha, and for that the Scituation thereof was impregnable by nature to be forced, he inuesteth it round with a trench and a ditch, he errecteth Towers, & manneth them: Night and day he proffereth assaults, & worketh Stratagems: Sometime he loadeth the defendantes with Mountaines of faire words, and other times he adiureth all terrible punishments: his owne people he prayeth to be resolute, and for his owne part, is negligent in nothing that might put life to the enterprize.

Adherbal now perceiuing vpon what desperate terms his safety consisted, that the enemy pressed harde vppon him, no hope of raising the siedge; as also, that for want of meat and munition the war could not bee prolonged, of those, that fled with him in company into Cirtha, hee maketh choise of two lusty and trusty companions, inducing thence by great promises and his miserable estate, by night to faine flight into the enemies trenches, from them to passe to the sea-side, and so to take passage for Rome. Within a fewe dayes these Numidians execute their maisters command: Adherbals Letters are deliuered in the Senate, the Tenour whereof, was as followeth.

It is not my default (Honourable Lords) that I thus often trouble your Honors with petitions, the violence of Iugurth is the motiue: Him, so incompatible a thirst of my bloud possesseth, that neither your prescripts, nor the remembrance of heauen, can turne his mind vnto consideration of duty. My life aboue all earthly things he aymeth at:Cuius vlt. •• nt , sed a no g a •• ur. Fiue moneths are now past, sithence I (your friend and confederate) haue indured his siedge: the fauours of my father Micipsa are forgotten; your Iniunctions, no defence: I cannot resolue you, whether warre or hunger do most torment me.Pa um creditur m s •• is. My hard fortunes doe diswade me to write more concerning this Iugurth: I haue already made triall, that miserable men find small credence: Only this I dare assure you, that he affecteth somewhat else, besides my life: you know he cannot bereaue me of my kingdome, & neth lesse stand in your good grace,d. grauius ferret remit t re regnum meum, quam anncitiam vestram. which he would make choise of to lose, who doubteth? He hath already slaine my brother Hiempsal, and dispoiled me of my fathers kingdome: These are my priuate iniuries, they concerne not you. But now he vsurpeth vpon the whole; the Man, who you haue made Lord Gouernour of Numidia, he besiedgeth, and how he hath scorned the behests of your Ambassadors, my perils plead publication. What one remedy is left, but your assistance; yet such, as were of power to raise him from this siedge? Surely I could wish, that these my present lines, as also my former complaints in Senat, were causlesse, so that my misery might win you to credit. But sithence the destinies haue reserued me to this houre, wherein I am made a laughing stock and matter of triumph, to the disloialty of Iugurth, I do not now thinke vpon death, nor the diuersion of miseries, but onely pray that I might share in his punishments, so I were sure to participate of his fortunes. As for the kingdome of Numidia (which I confesse is yours) prouide for it, as you thinke best; let me intreat you thus much, for the maiesty of your Empire, and our plighted faiths in friendship, onely to deliuer my body from the tyranny of this impious conspirator: And this, as you tender the remembrance of my Grand-father Massinissa.

CHAP. 5.

1. Ambassadors of greater quality are againe sent into Affrique. 2. Remisly they leaue things as they find them. 3. Cirtha is forced. 4. Adherbal slayne.

VPon the reading of these Letters, some of the Lords were very hot, to haue an Army forthwith leuied for Affrique: affirming, that they were in honour ingaged to send present succors to Adherbal, and at leysure to consult vpon Iugurths contempt, for disobeying the order of the Ambassadors: But on the contrary, his fauourites with much ado bestird them, to dash this decree. Thus (as in like cases) priuate fauour peruerted publicke honesty.

Notwithstanding, least they should seeme to doe nothing, they hast in Ambassage grauer personages, men of great place and quality againe into Affricke; amongest whom, was M: Scanus, of Consulare dignity, & powerful in Senate; of whom we told you before. These men, for that Iugurth had incurred the Qua legatis non parnisset. generall hatred, and the Numidians also with no lesse importunity did solicite, a speedy departure, in three daies space were got a shippebord, and with a faire passage arriued at Vtica: whence, in hast they posted away their Letters to Iugurth, with intimation, tha he should (all excuses and delayes set apart) vpon sight thereof, retire into his owne prouince: not forgetting likewise to acquaint him, how they were especially sent vnto him from the Lords of the Senate.

2 Iugurth hearing that such eminent persons, and of such authority in Rome, were imployed, to crosse his disseignes; at first, somewhat perplexed betweene feare and perseuerance, stood diuersly distracted what to determin. He feared the displeasure of the Senate for his contempt towards the former Ambassadors: but lastly, the blinde humour of Ambition ouermastred his sences: And so an vngracious Counsel, forced out of a rash resolue, preuailed to the worst.

Whereupon, giuing a generall assault to the Towne, he laboured his vtmost, to become maister thereof: confidently hoping, that by drawing his enemies forces to to diuers defences, either the sworde, or policy, would cast vpon him the Trophy of victory. Which not succeeding; neither his proiects of circumventing Adherbal, (before he should come to Negotiation with the Ambassadors) sorting to effect, fearing by longer stay further to exasperate Scaurus his anger, whom hee much feared; in the company of some few horsemen hee retired into his owne Prouince: where being giuen to vnderstand in the name of the Senate, in what heynous measure, they took his contumacy, in not desisting from the siege of Cirtha, and what greeuous punnishment they threatned, after much debating on both sides, the Ambassadors retired towards Rome Quia alses in •• p i ratiou s, & causas friuolas adduceret Iugurtha. without accomplishing any agreement to purpose.

3 After newes heereof was brought vnto Cirtha, the Cirthae pro presidio imbositi, post diuisionem regni. Italians, vppon whose Vertue the safety of the Towne consisted, perswaded themselues, that if they motioned a composition and yeelded the place, they (in regarde of the Roman name) should bee sure to finde good dealing, moue Adherbal to giue his consent to yeelde himselfe & the Towne to Iugurth, with conditions of security for his life; All other the Controuersies to be referred vnto the good pleasure of the Senate.

Adherbal though hee had rather haue vndergone any extreamity then trusted Iugurths oath, yet because it lay in their powers to constraine him, how obstinat soeuer, yeilded to accept of whatsoeuer Articles the Italians did thinke meetest.

4 The first sacrifice that Iugurth offereth, after some cruell tortures, Inermibus, verefim le est, pepercit, an tamen Italicis, non constat. is his brothers blood: the second, a promiscuous slaughter of the young Numidians and Marchants, as any one hapned to meete with his armed enemie.

CHAP. 6.

1. The Humour of the Lords, the opposition of Memmius, the subtility of Iugurth 2. The Romans first preparation to warre. 3. frustrated by Iugurth.

AFter intelligence heerof was certified at Rome, and the matter began to be expostulated in Senate, the olde fauourites of the King, sometime by interuption, and sometime by faire speeches, intermingled with foule, found occasions by protraction of time to adde hopes of mittigation of the offence. And if C. Memmius In proximum annum. Tribune elect of the people, a man of an vndaunted spirit, and much offended at the insolencies of the Gentry, had not preferred an information to the people against Iugurth, howe matters were carried, (viz:) that by a few factious Cittizens the offender was likely to bee pardoned; without doubt all displeasure had bin forgotten by procrastination of consultations: Of so great moment were fauour and Mony.

2 But the popular feare awakeneth the Drousie spirits of the Lordes of the Senate, to recall to their memories the inexcusable management of this foul fact. By the Lawe Sempronia, Numidia and Italy, are the appointed prouinces for the future Consuls: P. Scipio Nasica, and L. Calphurnius Bestia are nominated. The lot of Numidia fell vpon Calphurnius; of Italy, vpon Scipio. Wages and al other ammonitions necessary for warre are proportioned for the Army of Affricke: Iugurth, contrary to immagination (being beyond doubt perswaded that all thinges would to contentment be managed at Rome for money) by message hearing heereof, sendeth his own sonne with two of his trustiest Counsellors in Ambassage to the Senate. To these he giueth in strict charge (as he had done at the death of Hyempsal) to worke vppon all creatures with money.

After their arriuall at Rome, the Senate was demanded by Bestia, if it were their pleasures that Iugurths Messengers should bee suffered to enter within their walles. For answere, they replyed, that vnlesse he would personallie appeare before the Counsell Table, and there simply surrender himselfe and his kingdome; that his Legats within ten daies next immediately following, should get them packing out of the confines of Italy; at perill. The Consull acquainteth the Numidians with the decree of the Counsell: acordingly they departed without satisfaction to any thing they demanded.

Meane time Calphurnius, mustreth his army, entertaineth gentlemen, and amongst them some factious spirits, whose greatnesse he made account should be his protection, against errors and calumnies: of these Scaurus made one, of whose carriage and behauiour wee haue alreadie related.

The Consull by nature was qualified with many good parts, both of minde and body, if Auarice onely had not blemished their purities: Indurable of labour, quicke of apprehension, reasonable circumspect, an indifferent soldiour, and valourous in daungers and suddaine enterprizes.

By this time the legions were arriued at Oppidū Calabriae Rhegium, from thence they set saile for Sicill, and so to Affrique.

3. In the beginning of his first arriuall, being wel prouided of necessaries, he made sharpe warre vppon Numidia, tooke Prisoners, and some Citties by strong hande. But after he had once talked with the bribing Messengers of Iugurth, who made the sharpenesse of the present war the colour of their Ambassage, the mind of Calphurnius, distempred with the Lethargy of Auarice, relented Scaurus was taken to be the Prime-moter & Minister of al his Counsels: who although in the beginning he had opposed with no small integrite against Iugurths faction, notwithstanding at last, the Massi minerall of Gold, from Good and Virtuous, gaue him the imputation of wicked and Impious.

The next Stratagem that Iugurth bribed for, was only a surcease from Arms: Vpon hopes that time by rewards or fauour would produce some milder fortune.

But lastly, when he heard that Scaurus was put in ioynt-Commissioner to take order in the businesse, his former hopes were redoubled, to recouer an assured peace, and thereupon grew resolute personally, to fall to composition concerning all Controuersies.

Hereupon (for good-meanings-sake) Sextus the Treasurer, is sent as a pleadge to Vacca, Iugurths Towne, but vnder pretence of receiuing the corne which Calphurnius had commaunded the Messengers Vt vulti ne, iub tisne cum Iugurtha bellum componatur. in open audience to prouide, for that the treaty of truce was to be prolonged, according to Iugurths delay in capitulating.

Whereupon the King (according to promise) maketh his appearance in the Campe, where speaking some few wordes before the Councell, in extenuation of the harsh construction which men made of his offence, he desireth to be receiued to mercy: what hee had more to say, hee communicateth with Bestia and Scaurus in secret.

And so the day following, a generall opinion beeing Ne quid sinistri vulgus suspicaretur. demaunded, according to the Law Satyra, hee yeeldeth, and is receiued, with condition set downe by the Counsell, that he should pay thirty Elephants, a proportion of Cattell, like number of Horses, and no small quantity of Siluer; which were accordingly deliuered vnto the Treasurer. This done, Calphurnius iournyeth towards Rome, to procure allowance of the decreed truce from the Senate, leauing good directions, both in Numidia, and our army, for obseruation of the peace.

CHAP. 7.

1. The Commons repine at the peace concluded with Iugurth. 2. Incited by C. Memmius.

BVt after that same had made report of the occurrances of this warre, and how it was managed, at Rome in euery place, and in all companies, euery mans head was busied with the behauiour of the Consull. The commons, as a woman with Childe, laboured with enuy; The Lords could not resolue whether they should ratifie or disanull, so dishonourable a composition concluded by a Consull. The greatnesse of Scaurus, who was reported to be the Author and chiefe Counsellour of this businesse, to Bestia, peruerted all right and Iustice.

2 But C. Memnius, of whose free forme of speech, and distast of the Gentry, we haue already spoken, obseruing the timorousnesse and procrastination of the Senate, in his Orations ceased not to incourage the people to reuenge the disgrace: hee aduized them not to set light by their Priuiledges of Liberty: hee aggrauated the cruell, proud, and manifold insolencies of the Nobility: finally, his whole Orations tended to no other scope, but to irritate the corages of the vulgar. And because in those times, his eloquence was famous and much spoken of in Rome, amongest many, I thinke it not amisse, to acquaint you with the Transcript of one, & especially with that which he made after the returne of Bestia. Thus it was.

C. Memmius his Oration.

FEllow Cittizens, many are the perturbations of my mind, which do accounsell me to forsake you, if my zeale to the common cause preuailed not aboue all other passions: that is to say, the powerfull greatnesse of the faction, your slauish patience, and the suppression of Iustice: but the griefe, that most curbeth me, is, to see that Innocency is sooner rewarded with perrill, than graced by desart.

Howe these fifteene yeares last past, you haue liued as a scorne to the Pride of a few; how basely without reuenge, and in dangers you haue for saken your T. Gracchus. C. Gracchus. M. Fuluius.Protectors, it greeueth me to record. But how commeth it to passe, that as yet your minds are corrupted with the same sloth and cowardice, that beeing now interessed in like defence of Iustice against your aduersaries, you rouze not vp your courages, and become awful vnto those (as is meet) who with might & main striue to dominere ouer you? Well, let the reasons bee what they will, notwithstanding, my minde strongly perswadeth me to enterprize some course of indifferency, against this the pride of the Gentry, Surely, I will not be afraid to make publike profession of that liberty, which by discent accrued vnto mee from my cradle. But whether I shall lose my labour, or speake to purpose, the issue lieth in your election, worshipfull Citizens.

Yet is it not my meaning, that by Discesionem in montem acrū, aut Auentinum. violence, as your predecessors did, you should seeke redresse of iniuries: For at this time, there is neither need of Armes, nor disvnion; no, let Faction run headlong after the accustomed manner, to its own destruction.

Probat exemplis After the death of Tiberius Graccus (who as men report aymed at the Monarchy) many cruell informations were preferred against the Commons. After the slaughter of C. Graccus and M: Fuluius, diuers of your Tres fuere ordines Romanorum, s. Senatorius, equester, plebeius.ranke were executed in prison: To both pressures, s. Portia quae vetat in Ciuem animaduertere poena sanguinis. not law, but licentious satiety put ending.

But be it, that to restore the people to their auncient priuiledges, were for the good of the Common-wealth; or, that the redresse of those enormities which cannot be reformed without the effusion of bloud, were iustifiable: yet haue you presidents of former ages, that your auncestors (as it were with silence) disdained to see the Exchequer pillaged, or Kinges or forren Nations to bestow pensions vpon priuate gentlemen. By meanes whereof, although superiority and infinite wealth accompanied their greatnesse, yet made they small account to escape vnpunished for their misdemeanors.

In these daies, equity, your prerogatiues, and all diuine & humaue royalties are yeelded vp to such your enemies, who are neither weary nor ashamed to commit the like, if not worse, insolencies: In the open streets their cariage is Prince-like, & some there are, who do nothing but boast of their Sacerdoties, their Consulships and triumphes, as if they had obtained them by reprisall, and not deserued them in honor.

Slaues bought with money, can hardly brook the imperious commands of proud maysters, and can you (Roman citizens) borne in freedome, tollerate so vile a seruitude with patiēce? And I pray you, what kind of men are these, which sway thus in the State? surely, the worst of all other: Bloudy in action, vnsatiable in auarice, the greatest offenders, and the proudest companions? with whom faith, piety, honesty and dishonesty are mercinary. Some whereof had laide violent hands vppon your Tribunes, some preferred forged indictments, & others accounted it a strong piece of policy, to haue trussed you vp at the Gallowes. The worser the pressure committed against you, the Quia maximè tim r tur. securer the party: Beleeue it, your remissenesse hath quitted all their feares of daring to do euil: so that now: their desires, their hatreds, and feares are one and alike. Haec. optima am •••• a 〈◊〉 bono . Indeede, amongst good men, those are the seales of truest frendshippe; amongst euill men the stratagems of faction.

But if like care of Liberty had possessed your courages, as Ambition of superiority hath inflamed their spirits, assuredly, the Common-wealth should not, as now lie disgraced, nor your presentments to aduancement bin imployed vppon men most audacious, but most vpon the meritorious.

q. d. vobis imitandi.Your Auncestors falling to disvnion, by armes in the quarrell of Lawes and Reformation of Officers, twice seized vppon Vnum ex septē collibus Romae. Auentine, and will not you once do your vtmost to redeeme your hereditary Liberty? Yea and with so much the greater courage, by how much it is the greater disgrace, rather to loose that which by vertue hath to your handes bin gained formerly, then to haue sate still, and done nothing at all.

Some man will say, Sir, what is then your opinion: That you call for redresse against those that haue wronged the state, not vnciuilly, nor by strong hand; for this were more dishonourable to you the Actors, then to them the sufferers: but to proceed by information & the confession of Iugurth himselfe: who, if he bee your Prisoner indeede, it were but reason, that he should obey your behests.

Which if he contemne, the matter is aunswered, you may soone guesse, what manner of peace and surrendry this is, by which Iugurth is now at Libertie, vnpunished; the great men plentifully inriched, and the common wealth a looser and dishonoured.

This is my opinion, vnles peraduenture, you are not yet wearie of their predominancie, and those times doe better please you then the present, wherein Kingdomes, Prouinces, Lawes, decrees, Iudgements, warres, treaties, and finally, all Offices, in Church and Common-wealth are at the dispose of a few.

And so it seemeth to me: that you whose forces no enuy is able to confront, as being sole Commanders of infinite Nations, are notwithstanding content to haue well escaped with the safeties of your bare liues. For which of you dare make refusall of his imposed seruitude?s extens per pan ••• potent •• . s. Iugurtha.

For mine owne part although I am fully perswaded, that that most wicked man escaped, against all conscience vnpunnished for his villanies, yet with a right good will could I giue my consent, that you shoulde pardon his most faulty inconnivences (because they are s. Calphurnia, S a io 〈◊〉 similibus Citizens) but that this president of foolish pitty might happen to a future mischiefe. For with them it will be soone forgotten (such is their vnconscionable impudency) that they escaped punnishment for their misdemeanors, vnlesse future occasions of committing the like, bee henceforth quite bereaued them.

As for your selues, you shall ramaine in perpetuall suspence, eyther to become slaues, or to maintaine your liberty by force of Armes. For I pray you, what hope of good meaning or concord can you assure vnto your selues, when they wil be grands, you free: They will commit wrongs, you will seeke to redresse them: they will vse your associats as enemies, your enemies as associats. Can there be any security or true friendship in such diuersity of humors? Vpon premeditation of all which contrarieties, I cannot but admonish and intreat you, not to let passe so presumptuous a scandall vnexamined.

The pillaging of the publike treasure is not now questioned, nor monies by extortion drawne from our confederates complained of. These enormities though (vile & odious) vse maketh them familiar. But in our case, the maiesty of the Senat is betraied to a most cruell enemy, your Priuiledges broken, and the common cause set to sale here at home, and in forren Countries: Which abuses vnlesse they bee examined, and exemplary seuerity inflicted vpon the offenders; what remains, but that hereafter we content our selues to liue in allegiance to those, who haue committed the fault?Nom n invisum Romanis. For to dare vppon confidence of impunity, is no lesse than to vsurpe vpon the title of a Kingdome.

Worshipfull Citizens, mistake me not; I woulde not haue you to tollerate euill rather then good, in your fellow Citizens, but my aduice is, that you preuent it in the good, by not pardoning it in the bad. For the good of the state, it were better in this point, to be vnmindfull of a benefite, then to tollerate a mischiefe. A good man is only made more secure by conniuēce, an euill man more lewd. If wrongs were not, counsell were needlesse.

CHAP. 8.

1 Cassius is sent to Iugurth. 2 The misdemeanour of the Officers of the Army in Affrique. 3 Memmius obiecteth against Iugurth. 4 Countenanced by Bebius.

BY reiteration of these and such like speeches, Memmius perswadeth the people to send L: Cassius the Praetor to Iugurth, with Cōmission, vppon reciprocall pleighting of publicke fayth, to bring him vnto Rome; to the intent that by his euidence, the offences of Scaurus, and the residue, accused of subornation, might be publiquely examined.

Matters being thus managed at Rome, the Colonels and Captaines of the Army left behinde by Bestia, imitating the examples of their Generall, perpetrated many heynous and dishonourable enormities: Some, for mony re-sold the Elephants to Iugurth: Some made Merchandize of Fugitiues, and others went a boot-haling into the confederate countries: a generall contagion of Auarice (like a pestilentiall Feuer) had impoisoned their spirits in generall.

. A plebisci •• . The Decree ratified, and the whole Nobility daunted, at the motion of Memmius, Cassius is commanded to repaire vnto Iugurth: findeth him fearefull, and his conscience accusing his cause, for that he had yeilded himselfe vnto the Roman people: which Cassius perceiuing, notwithstanding perswadeth and incourageth him to make triall of clemency, rather then of obstinacy. Moreouer, he interposeth his priuate faith, which Iugurth accepted with as great confidence as if it had beene the Publique: In those times, such was the repute of Cassius.

Iugurth (contrary to the customes of Kings) attired in most base apparell, accompanied Cassius to Rome: where being arriued, although his minde was nothing deiected in regard of comfort receiued from those his patrons (by whose greatnesse and conniuence he had already waded through the scandals before spoken of) yet, by bribery he prepareth to preoccupy C: Bebius the other Tribune of the people; by whose opposition (gained) he made ful acount against iust obiections, or iniurious accusations, to bee strongly guarded.

Qu rum auxilio fretus, ea scelera perpetrare ausus est. 3 C: Memmius, summoneth the assembly (a party most malicious against Iugurth:) Some giue aduice to commit him to prison; Others, to punish him as a professed enemy more maiorum, vnlesse he would disclose his accouncellers and countenancers in the Action. Quia contra ius gentium esset, fide publica interposita supplicium sumi de eo qui sponte sua venerat. But Memmius more respecting the publicke honour, then priuate furie, by milde perswasions lenifieth their fiercenesse, asswageth their swolne courages, and lastly protesteth, that for his part, hee will preserue the publicke faith ingaged, in highest purity. After silence proclaimed: and Iugurth at the barre: he thus began to expostulate. He made a recitall of his offences practised at Rome, and committed in Numidia; hee published his impieties against his Father and brethrene: by whose counsell, and by the corruption of what Ministers, he was incouraged to execution.

Of the particulars whereof, although the Roman people were fully instructed, yet their desire was, to haue them giuen in euidence out of his own mouth. If he spake truth, vpon the faith and clemency of the Roman people, the greater would be his hopes: but if he consealed them, it would proue dangerous to his fauourites, and desperat to himselfe, and his future fortunes. 4. Assoone as Memmius had ended his speech, & Iugurth commanded to reply, C. Bebius the other Tribune, whō (as we told you before) Iugurth had corrupted, inioyned him to silence, wherat the present Commons being vehemently moued began to be clamorous, to bend the browe, to threaten force, and to make vse of al those insolencies, which a popular passion for the instant accounselleth. Notwithstanding, impudency preuailed: and the people standing there but for Ciphers, at last departed: Iugurth, Bestia, and the residue (which the information concerned and terrified) began now to take courage.

CHAP. 9.

1. Massiua incited by Albinus, studieth to become King of Numidia. 2. Iugurth procureth his death. And returneth into Affrique.

AT the same season a certaine Numidian, called Massiua, the sonne of Gulussa, the Nephew of Massinissa, vpon the dissention of the Kinges, taking party against Iugurth, after the yeelding vppe of Cirtha and the murder of Adherbal, retired to Rome. This mā, Sp. Albinus (who the yeare ensuing after Bestia was Consul with Q. Minutius Ruffus) for that he was of the blood of Masinissa, accounselled to become humble suter vnto the Lords of the Senate, for the kingdome of Numidia; and the rather, for that a general enuy did prosecute Iugurth for his manifold impieties. The old couetous Consull, was farre more desirous to bee in action, & to manage armes, rather then to end his daies in peace and quiet. Numidia by lot fell to Albinus: Macedonia to Minutius.

2 Massiua no sooner made open profession of his determination, but Iugurth in his mind reuoluing the instability and weake assistance of his Patrons (of whom, one was attached in conscience, another mindfull of his good name, and all affraide of the people) commandeth Bomilchar, his inward and trustiest friend, for money (his ordinary refuge) to procure some Ruffians to murder the Numidian. But how? Ne si res palam fiat, contra fidem publicam fecisse iudicatur. in most secret and insuspicious manner: if it could not be cleanly so effected, then to dispatch it any wayes; Siue lam, siue palam. no matter howe: Bomilchar swift to shedde blood, obeyeth, and procureth fellowes, Crafts-maisters in such like seruice, to watch, first, his gooing abroad, and comming home; secondly, the places of his resort, and lastly his times of abode. Vpon the next oportunity, he conducteth these his Mercinarie murderers to lie in waight. One of the crew, thus resolued for blood, more rash then Quia non pros •• xerat sibi de fuga. aduised, incountreth Massina, and runneth him through. The varlet is apprehended, and at the instances of many, but especially of Albinus the Consull, is dealt with to appeach his Abettors.

Vpon confession, it is thought best that Bomilchar bee rather brought to his triall vppon equity, then dismis ed without punishment by the law of Nations, Quia Iugurtha venit Romam fide publica interposuta, sic quod iure gentium liceret ei impune cum uit redire. because he acompanied Iugurth to Rome, vnder the protection of the publicke faith. As for Iugurth himselfe (of all men best acquainted with the drift of this murder) he neuer giueth ouer to deny and contest the fact, before he clearely perceiued, that enuy ouerswayed grac and Gold.

Whereupon being put to his plunge, although in the former information he had deliuered fifty of his friendes for Vat, dictus est, qui iniudicio sp •• et pro alio. pledges, yet being more in loue with a kingdome, then carefull for the redemption of his sureties, he conueyeth Bomilcar secretly into Numidia, mistrusting that the feare of his appearance should disquiet the residue of his associates, if punishment were executed vppon him. Within a few daies after hee himselfe followed, beeing commanded by the Senate to depart out of Italy. As he went out of Rome, it is reported, that without word speaking he often looked behinde him: and at last brake out into these speeches, Farewell faire Citty, exposed to sale & suddaine ruine, if thou couldst find an able Chapman.

CHAP. 10.

1. Albinus hasteneth into Affrick. 2. deluded by Iugurth. 3. Aulus is left Lieutenant of the Army. 4. routed by Iugurth.

THe warre is renewed, and Albinus taking order for victuales, wages, and all other ammonitions necessary for all Souldiers, hasteneth their transportation into Affrique. Himselfe followeth with speede, in hope eyther by Armes or composition to finish this Warre, before the time of Elections, which now grew on apace.

2. Iugurth on the contrary, drew all thinges out at length, somtime pretending one excuse of delay, & sometimes another. Hee protesteth composition, and againe falleth off, by interlacing of feares and doubtes. Now hee retireth, and presently (not to discourage his fellowes) he maketh a stand, and dareth his enemy: and so sometime by seeming to accept the battell, and sometimes by motioning treaties of accord, at all times hee deludeth the expectations of the Consull.

Some were of opinion, that Albinus was no Stranger, to these driftes of Iugurth, for considering his hast, they could not be brought to beleeue, but the Warre was prolonged more by the default of the Consull, then by the cunning of Iugurth. Well, the season was spent to no purpose, and the day of Elections at hand, Whereupon Albinus retired to Rome, leauing his Brother Aulus Lieutenant in his stead. At Rome the Tribunitiall contentions did infinitely disquiet the state of the Common-wealth. P. Lucullus and L. Annius Tribunes of the people, obstinately stood against their Collegues, for further continuance of their offices. This difference proroged the elections for a whole yeare.

This Iterim set Aulus (who as before wee tolde you, was left Lieutenant in Affrique) on a fire, eyther to finish the Warre, or by the terrour of his Army, to extort some Masses of Money from Iugurth. And therefore in Ianuary he bringeth his Souldiers out of their winter Garisons into the field, and by great iournies in euery sharp season, he presenteth his forces before Suthul, the place where Iugurth had bestowed his Treasure. Which, although in regard of the season, & the strong scituation of the place, it should neither bee forced nor beseeged, (for a slimy plaine, now become by the Winter Waters, a meere marish, incirled the Wall built vpon the vtmost clife of a ragged Rocke) yet for countenance-sake, eyther to astonish the k. or bewitched with blind hopes of gaining the town, without delay he omitted nothing to further his intention. Iugurth taking hold of the vanity and insufficiency of the man, cunningly to drawe him to further pointes of madnesse, sendeth out certaine Messengers to offer his submission, and withall at the same instant, faining feare and flight, leadeth his Army into woody & vnfrequented places. This offer of a conceited cōposition, so bewitched Aulus, that needes will hee leaue Suthul, and pursue his false-flying enemy into vnknowne Countries: vppon what reason, I cannot coniecture, vnlesse in such a place his ouersights might proue lesse subiect to disclosure. Qula exercitus nesciret quid agere ur. All the way of his march, Iugurth ceased not day nor night, by certaine crafty espyals to sound the souldiers: and to corrupt the Captaines and Centurions of bands, eyther to reuolt, or in the day of the fight, vpon a signall giuen, to forsake their stations.

4 Which, when hee had brought to passe according to desire, about midnight he incompasseth the campe of Aulus with his troopes of Numidians. Quia nox erat, & siluae vlcinae. The souldiers were amazed at this so inexpected an alarum: some betooke them to their weapons, some to hide their heades: Some incouraged the fearefull, others stood quiuering, as men at their wits ends, for that the enemy pressed hard vppon all places. The sky was ouercast with cloudes and darkenesse, and the danger alike doubtful: Vtinque periculosum erat nescient bus regionem. finally, the hardiest could not resolue, whether the safest course consisted in flight, or fight. Of those which were before corrupted, one Cohort of Ligurians, with two companies of Thracians, and a fewe common souldiers reuolted to the King. In like manner the Centurion primiple of the third Legion, qaue entrance to the enemy, by that quarter which was assigned him to defend: vpon that side all the Numidians thrust in. Quia interea multi saeluti cōsulucre. The flight on our part was shamefull; some retired to the next hil without any weapons. Night and the rifling of our Tents, gaue vs some aduantage to the preiudice of their victory: but the next day Iugurth calleth vnto Albinus; Although (saith hee) I now beseech thee, distressed by warre and famine, with mine Army, yet being mindfull of humane casualties, I will capitulate with these, that (your liues saued) you shall all passe i. sub bastā trāsuersam inter duas has a erectas, patibulum representans. sub iugum, and within ten daies after, cleerly depart Numidia. These conditions, although they were Quia poena capituli digna, vt ipsis cecidit, quia S mitibus sub ugum missi fuere. hard and dishonorable, yet because, deniall was death, the composition was accepted and ratified, according to the Kings pleasure.

CHAP. 11.

1 The Romans re-enforce their Armie. 2. The Tribune preferreth a bill against bribery.

1 ASsoone as the newes arriued at Rome, feare and sadnesse possessed the Citty. Some were pensiue for the honour of the Empire; Others not acustomed to heare of the variable euents of warre, mistrusted no lesse thē the losse of their Quia Adherbal praemonuerat, quod Iugurtha altiùs animum intēderet. liberty. All were offended at Aulus, and specially those, that hadde beene brought vp in seruice, for that he preferred a dishonourable composition, before a valourous aduenture of his life. Which the Consull Albinus well obseruing, and fearing that his brothers misaduenture would proue his disgrace and procure him enuy, propounded the question in Senate, concerning the validity of the Treaty; mean while, not foreslowing to leuy new supplies, and to pray in ayd the Italians and their associates. In this they vsed all possible celerity.

The Lords (it was but reason) decreed, that no treaty could be ratified without the approbation of the Senate and the people.

The Consul being forbidden by the Tribunes to transport these supplies, within a few daies after ariueth in Afrique. For the relicks of the Army, according to the articles, being retired out of Numidia, did nowe winter in the Prouince.

Vpon his first arriuall, although his mind were good, both to prosecute Iugurth, as also to redeeme his brothers vpon his first arriual, although his mind were good, both to prosecute Iugurth, as also to redeeme his Brothers disgrace by reuenge, yet vpon notice that the souldiers, besides their reuolt, fratris. Deteriores sumus omnes licentia. were corrupted by loose gouernment, and licenciousnesse, arising from superfluity, he changed his mind, and resolued to do no more for that yeare.

2 Mean time at Rome, C. Manlius Limetanus, Tribune of the people, preferred a bil for inquisition against those, by whose countenance Iugurth presumed to contemne the Decrees of the Senate: who they were that redeliuered the Elephants and fugitiues: and likewise who they were, that either in their Ambassages, Messages, or Generalships had beene corrupted by bribery: or lastly had without warrant capitulated with the enemy, of peace or warre. To this bill, some for that in their consciences they knew themselues guilty, and others in regarde of the generall enuy, misdoubting danger, for that with safety they could not make open resistance, made answere, that both this bill, and all others of like nature pleased them. But vnder hand by their friendes, especially the Latines and the Italians, Quod aut alia negotia interrogabant: aut ad plebem & tribunes plebis instabant, ne in tanta Commosions, talis ogatio promulgaretur. they procured meanes of euasion. But with what obstinacy the Commons perseuered, and in what riotous manner they commanded the Inquisition, more in hate of the Gentry (against whome these malicious seuerities were pretended) then in true zeale to the common cause it is a thing incredible to relate. Such, and so violent was the peruersnesse of both parties. Whereupon euery man being daunted, Marcus Scaurus the fore-recited procurator of Bestia, betweene the insultinges of the people, and the frights of the Gentry (the City also quaking for fear) amongst, the three informers, petitioned by the bill of Manlius, procured himselfe to bee the third in Commission.

Howsoeuer, the Inquisition was so bitterly and violently vrged by the clamors & lincentiousnesse of the people at this assembly, that looke what insolency the Nobility in former times in their potencies, exercised vpon the people; the people at this time were nothing behind in requitall of the like outrage towards the Gentry.

CHAP. 12.

A disgression of the Author vpon the cause of the corruption and declination of the Roman Empire.

THis bandying of parties by the people, and the partiality of the Gentry, with the accustomary assiduity of corrupt passages, tooke their first originall in Rome not many yeares sithence, from the disuse of warre, and enioyment of those vanities (wealth and idlenesse) which all mortall men do most seeke after. For before the razing of Carthage, the Senate and Roman people ruled the state with indifferencie, in quiet and mutuall modesty: Seruabat cas as humilis fortuna Latinas contentions of Superiority and greatnesse were not heard of amongest fellow-Cittizens: forrayne feares retained the citty within bounds of mediocrity. Quondam, nec vitus contingi parua sinebat

As feare vanished, so those vanities (which accompany prosperity) wantonnesse and pride approched: Tec •• labor, somnique breues. Insomuch that in aduerse times, the fruition of peace and idlenesse was most bitter and burdensom to them. For the Nobility conuerted the institution of their superiority into arrogancy, and the Cominalty, their priuiledges into libertie. Each party made shift for themselues, to vsurpe, to rauine, to bandy. There were but two factions; the Commonwealth, which consisted in medio, was wronged on both sides: whereof the Nobility interessed by faction, preuailed most, the strength of the Commons disiointed & dispersed in multitudes, could do little.

The people were kept low by pouerty and imploimēts in seruice: The spoiles of warre the Generals shared vnto themselues and their fauourites, whilst in the meane time the parents and infants of the souldiers, were disseized of their inheritances, as they hapned to lie adioyning neere the confines of some great personage. Thus auarice incorporated with Greatnes, laide claime, & made prize of all things without meane in al places, vntil it ran headlong into desperate ruine. For after, Some of the Nobility were found to affect true glory before vsurped power, the Citty began to be disquieted, and ciuill dissention as dust carried with a whirlewind, inuaded mens sancies. Tiberius and C. Gracchus (whose Ancestors had done many good seruices to the state, both in the Punique, and other wars) were the first, that endeuoured to restore the people to liberty, & to cal the offences of some few into question. The Nobility being guilty, & therefore fearful, sometimes sound meanes to frustrate the deuises of the Tribunes by their associats, and the Latines, and sometimes by the Roman Knightes, whom the hope of equality had exempted frō siding with the vulgar. First they slue Tiberius, & with in few yeares after C. Gracchus, with M. Fuluius Flaccus: the one colourably, for moouing sedition; the other, for producing the Law of sending forth Colonies. To speak vprightly, the Gracchi were too too violent in their desires of preuailing: for it is a wiser course, to yeeld in a good cause, rather then to wreck our iniuries in an euill measure. Vpon this victory, the Nobility according to their pleasures & particulars, either massacred or banished many Quiae ex populalaribus nullus eis faueret. mortall creatures, for future ages procuring vnto themselues, more fear then power. A proiect which hath ruinated many great cities, wherin the one hath studied by all Per fas et nefas. means to ouer-master the other, and after victory, to proceede with cruelty. Let this suffice for the partialities and state of the Citty, the multiplicity whereof, if I should addresse my selfe in particular to remember, time rather then Copy would faile my indeuours. Wherefore I will retire my pen to purpose.

CHAP. 13.

1. Metellus is made Lord Generall of the Army in Affrique. 2. He reformeth the Army. The description of a worthy Generall.

1 AFter the composition of Aulus, and the foule discomfiture of our people, Q. Metellus, and M. Sillanus Consuls elect, cast lots for the Prouinces. Numidia fell to Metellus, a man of action; who although he tooke part against the proceedinges of the poeple, yet neyther partie could blemish his honour or good report. At his first entry into Office, he set order in al businesses which concerned his colleague, as well as himselfe, and afterward wholly bent his minde to the disposing of the present warre.

Whereupon growing into despaire of the old Army, he presseth and inrolleth new souldiers, desireth aid on al hands, prepareth armour, weapons, horse, and all other warlike necessaries, with plentifull prouision of victuals and all things else, which he knew would bee otherwise wanting in a variable warre, subiect to the penury of accustomed supplies. To make vp which his proportions (by the good leaue of the Senate) the associates, the Italians and forraigne kinges, of their owne free wils, adioyned their aydes. So did euery Citty, euen to emulation.

So hauing all things in a readinesse, and prepared to his owne content, he departeth towards Numidia, with the generall applause of the Citty, partly mooued therevnto by hopes of his good carriage and honourable disposition; partly for his inuincible neglect of extorsiue riches; but most of all, for that, by the Auarice of our former Gouernors, our forces had bin broken and dishartned, and the enemies encreased and encouraged in Numidia.

At his arriual in Affricke Sp: Albinus the Pronconsull resigneth the Army, but vndisciplind, out of heart, neyther endurable of daunger nor labor: braue in tongue, slow in action: Driuing preyes out of their friends countries, it selfe, a prey to the spoiling enemy: vtterly destitute of obedience and modest carriage: So farre out of Order, that the new Generall became more pensiue to reclaime them from this inured absurdities, then any way hopefull either to receiue assistaunce or good seruice by their tumultuary multitudes.

Notwithstanding, although the delayes of the Per discensionem inpeditae. Summer Elections had deceiued his intentions, and although he knew that the peoples ears itched with expectation of good newes, yet stood he resolued not to begin the war, before he had trained his souldiers to their ancient discipline.

For Albinus beeing terrified at the disasterous ouerthrowe of his Brother and the Army, during so much of the Summer season as hee spent in the Prouince, had set vp his rest, not to dislodge; but billeted his soldiers in (as it were) standing campes without any remooue, vntill stinch, or want of forrage inforced him thereto. And then neither, according vnto military discipline, hee set forth Sentinels, but suffered euery man to forsake his Ensigne at his owne pleasure: Water carriers base groomes were loosely permitted to accompany the horsemen aswel by day as by night without conduct accustomed to forrage the Countries, to pillage the Villages, to driue Troopes of Prisoners, and heards of Cattle; and then to barter them with Marchants forraine for Wines, & such like trifles.

Lastly, they were not ashamed to sell their publick allowance, and yet to buy euery daies bread: whatsoeuer disgraces, the scandals of Sloth and Ryot could either impose, or possibly deuise against profession of souldiery, al these, and more were really to bee found in this our Armie.

Admidst all these difficulties, I find Metellus to bee a man no lesse sufficient, then wise and politicke in warlike accidents; iudicially was his desire of reformation mixed with seuerity.

2 By his first proclamation he prohibited all motiues to idlenesse (viz:) That no man in the campe shoulde bring bread to sell, or flesh ready sodden: that no grooms should follow the Army, neither, that the common souldier should haue a slaue or a Beast in campe or in march. To what remained, by discretion he limited measure. This done, by interchangeable dislodgings hee made daily remoues, and intrenched his campe with a Pallisado and a ditch, nethl sse he releeued the watch continually; and himselfe with the Officers would goe the round. In his marches he would sometimes shew himselfe in the heade of his battallions, sometime in the Arereward, but oftner in the midst.

He would suffer no man to straggle out of order. The Ensignes, he would be sure, should be strongly accompanied. The souldier must carry both his Armes and prouant. Thus rather by prohibiting & forwarning of Offences, then by exemplary punishment, in short time he brought his Souldiers to perfect discipline.

CHAP. 14.

Metellus reiecteth the messengers of Iugurth. 2. The stratagems of a slie Enemie Metellus taxeth in Vacca.

1. IVgurth by his espyals comming to notice of Metellus his courses, as also vnderstanding what was the repute of his integrity at Rome; began to take his owne weakenesse into distrust, & in truth now labored a finall composition: Which to mediate, hee sent certaine Messengers vnto the Consul with these Ouertures; That hee would simply yeelde, with reseruation of his owne and his Childrens liues: what euer he held deere in the world besides, he would frankely referre it to the good pleasures of the Roman people.

But experienee had taught the Roman General, that the Numidians were a perfidious Nation, of a variable disposition, and euermore enclined to Nouelty. And therefore he sounde h euery one of the Messengers apart, and vppon good coniectures, finding naught but plaine dealing; he maketh thē great promises to betray Iugurth aliue or dead, but especially aliue (if possibly they could) into his hands: with the remainder of his determinations, concerning the Kings message, he aquainteth them in open audience.

Vpon these tearmes he beginneth his first march into the enemies Countrey with his army aswel prepared to charge as to receiue the chargi g enemy.

2 Heere, contrary to the face of warre, the cottages were replenished with people, the fieldes with Cattle & husbandmen: The Kings officers of the Townes and villages, in honourable semblance welcommed the Consull, offered to giue him corne, and to furnish him with carriages: yea, and with good will to accomplish whatsoeuer was giuen them in command. For al these faire shewes, Metellus was nothing the more carelesse; hee marched in such order, as if the enemy had beene at hand; he sent out his vaunt-currers on euery side, far & wide, all the messages of surrendry he tooke for mockage, and vsed them but as stratagems of pollicy to the plotting of mischiefe.

And therfore he himselfe marched in the voward with the readiest Cohort, accompanied with a choice band of Slinges and Archers: C. Marius his Lieutenant ledde the Rereward with the horsmen. Vpon both sides he equally deuided the Auxiliary horse, vnder the conduct of the Tribunes of the Legions, and the captains of the Cohorts; that beeing intermingled with the light harnessed footemen, they might be ready at all assaies to repulse the enemies Chiualry. For Iugurth was so subtle, and so wel acquainted with the Scituation of places, and the Art of soldiery, that it was hard to resolue, whether he were more to be doubted absent or present, intreating of peace, or menacing of warre.

3 Not farre out of the way by which Metellus shoulde march, lay Vacca, the principal and best frequented Mart-towne of the Numidian kingdome, and the staple of the Italian Nation. Here into the Consull made proofe either to put a garison, or vppon denial to force the place, if opportunity seemed to aduise him thereto. And therefore he commanded the inhabitants to prouide him corne, and other such necessaries, which the wantes of war required: supposing (as experience made proofe) that the credite of the Marchants, and the place fit for the stowage of his prouision, woulde become very aduantagious to his future preparations. Amidst these deuises, Iugurth by submissiue messengers, and with far more earnestnesse then before, beseecheth peace, offring vnto Metellus an absolute surrendry of al, except his owne life, and his childrens.

These as the former, the Consull motiueth, & dismisseth to betray their master, and neither granteth, nor denieth the petitioned Articles: holding the King in susspence by delayes, in expectation of they yssue of the Messengers promises.

Iugurth comparing the deeds of Metellus with the reports of his Messengers, found himselfe now ouerreached in his owne deuises; that peace in words were pretended, but in effect the Warre was most rigorously prosecuted: A good Towne was alienated; the Country discouered: and the good wils of the people anticipated. Vppon the necessitous considerations whereof hee was constrained to betake himselfe to the resolue of Warre.

CHAP. 15.

Iugurth resolueth for warre: The description of an excellent fought battell.

THen by espyals discouering what waies his enemies tooke, of all sorts of people he leuyeth as great forces, as possibly hee could, in good hope to do good by the oportunity of the s. Aptus insidiis. place: and so by wayes and vnknowne passages hee ouertaketh the Army of Metellus. In that part of Numidia, which vppon the diuision fell vnto the share of Adherbal, sourthwarde riseth the Riuer Muthul. From thence, a famous Mountaine almost one thousand and twenty paces distant of equall extension shewed it selfe. It was by Nature barren, vnmanned, and dispeopled: but from the middest arose an exceeding high Hillocke, beset with Oliues, Mirtils, and such like diuersity of such trees, as are accustomed to grow in drie and sandy Countries. The middest of the adioyning plaine for want of water lay desert: the remnant, as much as lay neere the Riuer, beset with bushes and shrubs, was frequented by men & Cattle: vpon this hill, thus diuersly scituated in the midst thereof Iugurth sheweth his Army thinly marshalled, and maketh Bomilchar Gouernour ouer this remainder of his foo men and the Elephants: and so leaueth him with instructions how to dispose of his people.

Himselfe with the whole body of his Chiualry and his choisest footmen approacheth neare vnto the mountain. And then turning to his people, he goeth from one company to another, Seuerally admonishing & intreating them to beare in memory their ancient prowesse, and by being victors free their kingdome from the Auarice of the Romaines. Then he put them in mind, how they were but to deal with those fellowes, whom heeretofore they had routed, and inforced to passe sub iugum. Sub s r cam ab hactis, ad summā ignominiam, vt ante. That they had but onely made change of their Captaine, not of their Cowardice: That, as their Geeneral, he had had an eye and care vpon al accidents, as became him; That he had taken the aduantage of the higher ground. That he had intermingled the trained men with raw nouices so that they neede not to be affraide, that few should bee ouermatched with many, neither that vndisciplined Souldiers should cope with their betters, and therefore they should stand resolute and intentiue to charge their enemies, assoone as the signal were sounded. This day (quoth he) you shal either put end to your trauailes by victory, or for euer heereafter begin the Tragedy of your miseries.

Lastly, he adresseth his speech to those, whom either he had aduanced by reward or Office vnto military honours, and praieth them, man by man to bee mindful of his fauours, and they to say the like vnto their followers. From words he applyeth to diuersity of humors: some hee promiseth, some he threatneth, others hee emboldneth, and generally encourageth all sorts by one meanes or other.

All this while Metellus marching downe the hill, and ignorant of this the enemies approach, was with his army fully discouered to Iugurth. At first the vnvsuall apparition begat doubt, what the matter should signifie: for the Numidians and the horse were couched amongest the bushes, yet not fully hidde by the lownesse of the bowes. Notwithstanding the truce continued a while vncertain, both by the Nature of the place, and the enemies cunning, for they hadde obscured all their military ensignes: But at length vpon further discouery, the Ambush was discerned, and the battaile ordered.

The Battallion which by his first direction marched intire vpon the right hand, being now neerest aduanced towards the enemy, he changeth, and diuideth it into three partes, in reliefe each of other. Betweene euery band hee placeth his Archers and Slings, and rangeth his Caualrie vpon the head of the battaile. Then for shortnes of time, not permitted to vse many wordes of incouragement, he bringeth his Army into the plaine without alteration of order, saue that in the first ranks the souldiers turned their faces. Nam à latere erant à dex ra. At his approch, when he perceiueth that the Numidians lay quiet and stirred not from the hill, he dispatched Colonell Rutilius with the readiest Footemen, and some horse towards the Riuer, to preuent the enemies commodious encamping; vpon coniecture, that by light skirmishes and often alarms, Iugurth would do his worst to stay their dislodge; but if he found no profe by force, then he would try to weary the souldier by heare and thirst. After Rutilius followed the Generall, slowly descending the hill, as the nature of the place would giue leaue. Marius guided the rereward, himselfe marched with the horsmen of the left wing; Eò quod à dextro latere erant hostes those in the battaile made the vant-guard.

Iugurth obseruing that the tayle of the enemies Army had passed his formost ranks, maketh hast to take that part of the hill from whence Metellus had descended, with a troope of some two thousand footemen, fearing least the departed enemy would thither returne againe for refuge, and fortifie. This done, he suddenly giueth the signall to charge. Some of the Numidians beginne with the hindermost, and cut them in peeces, whilest others of their companions charge in in flanck, somtime vpon the left side, & sometime vppon the right. They shew themselues euery where with their menacing weapons: They presse hard in, and in all places make triall to disorder the Roman ranks.

Those of best courage, who not able to indure these Branadoes, offered to answer the insulting Numidian, were deluded by the vncertaine fight of the enemy. For they were wounded a farre off, and found no meanes of reuenge by striking or aduancing to ioyne. For the horsmen were instructed before by Iugurth, that when any troopes of Romans pursued them in flight, they shold not retire in thick cōpanies, or in one intire body, but that one troop should fly this way, another that, & far assunder: that so finding themselues superiour in number, they might attach either vpon their sides, or at their backes, some seperated or dismounted companions, in case they were not able to make their party good with the whole troop. But if they found that the h •• was more aduantagious for their retraite then the plaines, to those places the Numidian horses were also accustomed, to make quicke way through the bushes. But these thickits and rough passages prohibited the pursute of the Romans.

The whole businesse seemed long doubtfull, variable, bloudy, and lamentable: some fled, others pursued, neyther the Ensignes were followed, nor order kept: euery man, as daunger attached him, there receiued the charge and made his best resistance. Corslets, Weapons, Horses, Men, Friends and Enemies lay intermingled in one another gore: in the medly, counsell and command were of no vse: fortune gouerned all.

By this time a great part of the day was spent, and yet the victory vncertaine: All sortes languished with labour and heat. But Metellus perceiuing that the Numidians began somewhat to faint, by some and some he gathered his scattered Troopes into one Battallion: hee relyeth the rankes, and faceth the aduerse footmen with foure Legionary cohorts. These, Metellus finding after their toylesome labour breathing themselues in the higher grounds, Generally beseecheth and intreateth not to forsake their fellow Souldiers, neyther to suffer their enimies, already as good as defeated, to wrest the victory out of their possessions: hee telleth them, that they haue neither Campe nor fortified place to retire vnto. The safety of their liues consisted onely in their Swords.

Neither all this while was Iugurth ydle: he visited euery place, he entreated, he re-enforced: yea, euen himselfe with certaine choise companions prooued an onset vpon euery quarter. He releeued the wearied, h e charged the wauering, & fighting a far off, in proper person he repulsed the bands which fought most couragious. Thus these two excellent Generals behaued themselues: in sufficiencies equal, in forces vnequal. In souldiery Metellus had the aduantage, s. vbi pugnatū est. the place was discōmodious except in goodnesse of souldiery, Iugurth had the better in all points. But the Romans vnderstanding that they had neither place of refuge, neither that the enemy would bee brought at any hand to fight in grosse, for that it now grew late, acording to the generals, behest seized vpō the hil where the enimy fought. The Numidians hauing lost their footing, disbanded, & fled, few perished: a swift paire of heels, & a country vnknowne to the Romans, saued many mans carkasse. During the time of this medly, Bomilchar who as we told you before, was by Iugurth made Gouernour of the Elephants & certain foot companies, assoone as he perceiued that Rutilius was past him, by little & little aduanceth his souldiers into the plain. And as the Colonell without noise (as was requisit) hastneth toward the riuer, whereunto by command he was formerly dispatched, Bomilcar ordereth his bat el, without sending forth of any espials to discouer how the enemy proceeded in either of both places. But assoone as he had intelligence, that Rutilius was arriued, & without feare incamped, as also he heard the reports of the cries from the campe of Iugurth (as a signal that the battell was begun, vpon mistrust left the Colonell, being likewise aduertised of the cause, & manner) should arise, and so succour his distressed companions; the battallion (which vpon distrust of their valor, he had first closd, ranged by Art, he now extendeth in breadth, the readier to giue stoppage to the enemies iourny. Thus marcheth Bo milchar towards the camp of Rutilius. Vpon a sodaine the Romans perceiue a huge rising of dust: the Country thick of bushes, hindered their perfect discouery. At first, they supposed it to be the sand raised by winde, but after they saw continuance, and that as the army came forward, the nearer the smoke approched, vpon true knowledge of the cause, they betake them to their weapons, and according to commandement, they stand armed before the gates of their campe. By this time they attached one another, and both parties eagerly ioyne with vsuall clamours. The Numidians stood fast as long as they sawe hope in their Elephants, but assoone as they perceiued, that they could not performe their Offices, for the thicknesse of the branches of Trees, but were ouerthrowne and incompassed, they betooke them to flight, and casting away the r Armes, what by the nearenesse of the hill, and what by the darkenesse of the night (now at hand) many escaped in safety: Foure Elephants were taken, the residue in number forty were all slaine.

This businesse thus dispatched, the Souldiers though weary and faint with their iourney, with inclosing of the Campe, and the late fight, yet, for that Metellus delayed his comming beyond opinion, in the same order & equipage, wh rewith they lately fought, they march out to meet him. For the subtile aproch of the Numidians would neither suffer remisnesse, nor giue leisure to trifle.

At their first approach about midnight, by the noyse which they made, being taken for enemies, some began to feare, others to cry to Armes: and surely a great mischance had happened by improuidence, if the horsemen, sent out on both sides, had not discouered the error. Now in stead of feare, the ioy is generall. The souldiers merrily call one to another, they tell and are told of their aduentures: each party praiseth his own valour to the heauens. So, so stand mortall affaires: In prosperity the coward shareth of glory: in aduersity the best onely vndergoe the scandall.

Metellus stayeth foure dayes in this place to cure the wounded. According to warlike discipline he rewarded those that had well deserued in the battaile. In an Oration hee praiseth euery mans action, and giueth thankes: He exhorteth them to retaine the like courage against future brunts, which will proue more easie. For by this victory hazard is ended; the remainder is but matter of prey. Then he dispatcheth fugitiues and fit spies into the enemies Countrey, to learne what course Iugurth tooke: whether he conuersed with a few, or retained the face of an Army, and howe hee carried himselfe now after the losse of this victory.

But Iugurth had retired himselfe into Wooddy and strong scituated places: and there had leuied an Army, in number farre exceeding the first, but base and cowardly, fitter for the plough then the field.

This so fell out vpon occasion, that no man of the Numidian Nation followed the King in his flight, saue onely his owne Horse-men. In such cases euery one retir th, whither himselfe pleaseth. Neyther is it accounted any Souldierlike disgarce, for that it is and hath beene the custome of the Countrey.

Vpon which aduertisements Metellus perceiuing that the Kings courage nothing relented, and that if the warre were renued, it stood in Iugurths pleasure, how it should be managed.

Moreouer, that hee was to fight against an vnequall enemy, to whom it was lesse losse to be ouerthrowne, then to Conquer: determined to make no more experimentes by fights and raunged battailions, but to carry the War in another fashion:

Accordingly, he marcheth vnto the wealthyest places of Numidia, he wasteth the Country, and forceth and fiereth many Castles and Townes, some without Garrison, some stuffed with Souldiers pressed hand ouer-head: Hee sleyeth the youth, and giueth all in prey to the Souldiers mercy. The people being terrified with these extreamities yeelded, gaue pledges, and in plentifull manner supplyed Corne, & all oth r necessaries. Wheresoeuer a Garrison was thought needfull, there one was thrust in.

These passages danted the King more then an infortunate battell. For, whereas before, flight was his safety, now was he constrayned to follow. And hee that of late could not make good the place for fight of his owne chusing, Inimicum deuasi antem. is now compelled to defend himselfe at perill in another mans Countrey.

Notwithstanding, hee taketh counsell from Necessity his best Counsellour: he commaundeth his people to stay his returne in the foresaide places: himselfe vndiscerned with some chosen Horsmen, by bywaie and nightly iournies followeth Metellus; at a sudden he assaulteth the Roman forragers: slayeth some vnarmed: taketh many prisoners, and not one returneth vnwounded. This doone, before reliefe could be ministred, as they had in cōmand, they retired into the fastnesse of the adioyning Mountaines.

CHAP. 14.

1. The ioy of the Cittie for the good newes of Affrique. 2. The vnquiet spirit of Iugurth.

GReat was the ioy in Rome, first for the good fortune of Metellus: secondly, for that hee had reduced the army to its ancient discipline. That notwithstanding the disaduantage of place, he had nethlesse ouerthrowne the enemy by pure valour: that he kept the field, and lastly, that Iugurth late grown insolent by the Cowardice of Aulus, was now constrained to protect his life by flight, and in deserts.

Heereupon the Senate decreeth an humble thanksgigiuing to the immortall Gods for these prosperous successes. The Citty which before stood quaking & pensiue in euent of the warre, now maketh festiual, and extolleth Metellus to the ski s.

Metellus againe with greater intension laboureth an absolute victory: he maketh hast on al hands, & taketh care not to be taken tardy in any place. He caleth to mind that Eunie is the companion of Glorie: & therfore by how much the more his reputation was augmented, by so much the more were his cares encreased: the reason, wherefore after the ambushes of Iug rth, he would not suffer the Army to forrage at Liberty. When the Cohorts wanted Corne or stouer, he stood Sentinell with all the Horsse: Himselfe ledde the Army, Marius the residue. The countrey now suffered more wast by fire, then by d iuing of preyes. They pitched their campe in two places, not farre assunder: if assistance were needfull, all were readie; but when they meant to spread the terror of their Armes, by procuring of flight or feare, they made their remoues of greater distance.

All this while, Iugurth followeth by the Mountaines: watcheth for times and places of aduantage, and where vpon likelyhood he thinketh that the enemy will resort, he destroyeth the o rage, and impoysoneth those fewe waters, which nature had bestowed vppon those sandy places. Somet me he sheweth himselfe to Metellus, sometime to Marius, sometime he maketh a Brauado to charge in troope, and for hwith retireth againe into the Mountaine. He commeth out againe, and now threatne h one, then another: he neither extendeth battel, nor can away with rest, his onely proiect was to hinder his enemies des eignes.

CHAP. 17.

1. Metellus besiegeth Zama. 2. Iugurth almost recouered Sicca. 3. Repulsed by Marius. 4. Distresseth the Roman campe. 5 Relieued by Marius.

THe Romaine Generall perceiuing that neither by policy hee coulde weary his enemy, neither by iniuries prouoke him to fight; vndertaketh to besiege a great City, beeing the chiefe fortresse of defence in that part of the kingdom called Zama: supposing (for he weight of the businesse) that Iugurth would not forslow to releeue his distressed Subiects: and there he meant to fight with him.

But Iugurth by certaine fugitiues hauing learned the intent of the Consull, by great iournie, preuenteth him: He encourageth the inhabitants to defend their walles valiantly, and giueth them these fugitiues in assistance. Of his whole army he accounted these the strongest party, for that he was sure they could not deceiue him. Moreouer he promiseth to relieue them in person in conueniēt time. And so hauing composed the businesse he came for, he retireth againe vnto his desart abode: where hee had made no long tariance, but he getteth vnderstanding, that Marius was vpon his iourney, commanded Sicca to prouide wh at with a few Cohorts. This Citty was the first that forsooke the king after his ouerthrow.

2 Hether he commeth by night with his choice horsmen: he chargeth the Romans in their very entring out of the gates; and at the same instant, incourageth the Siccē ses to assault the cohorts on their backs. Hee c yeth out, that now fortune hath offered them a notable occasion by some famous deede to blot out their former defection, which if they would performe, that he should bee able to spend the remainder of his life in the kingdome, and they in liberty, without feare and danger. 3 Surely, if Marius had not brought on the ensignes, and made way through the midst of his enemies, without doubt all, or the greatest part of the Siccenses, had changed their allegiance: so mutable is the faith of a Numidian.

The Iugurthines being a while sustained by the King, when they saw, that neuertheles their enimies with more eager courage pressed vpon them, with the losse of some few, prouide for flight. Marius commeth safe to Zama.

The Towne was scituated in a plaine, stronger fortified by mans industry then Art, in want of no necessary prouision, but ful stored both with men and armour. According to time and place Metellus hauing all things in readinesse, e uironeth the walles with his Army: he commandeth the Colonels euery man to take care of his charge, and vpon a signe giuen, a great and generall clamour is raised. This nothing terrifieth the Numidians, they stand fast and prepared without tumult. The assault is begun: The Romans do the vtmost of their endeuors: Some a far off fight with stones and missile engines, some inuade and sap the wall. Some set vp scaling Ladders, and desire to bring the fight to handy-strokes.

On the contrary the Townsmen tumble down Massy stones, sharp piles and long darts, with flaming firebrands besmeared with pitch and sulphure vpon those that stand nearest: such was their violence, that those which stoode farthest off had not the best courages; for these dartes discharged from Engines, or shot from hand, had wounded many. The valiant and cowardes were in like danger, but not in like repute. 4. The game going thus at Zama, behold on a sodaine Iugurth assaulteth the Roman campe with a strong company. They that had the custody thereof lay carelesse, expecting nothing lesse then battell. Iugurth entreth: and our people standing amased at the sodennesse of the euent, for fashion sake, aske counsel one of another what is to be done. Some fly, some betake them to armes, the greatest part are either slaine or wounded: of the whole rable not aboue forty being mindfull of the Roman name, casting themselues in a ring, recouered a place somewhat higher then their enemies, and could not by much ado he driuen to forsake their standing. Th shot that was sent them, they resent againe: being but few, the seldomer their weapons fell frustrate amongst many.

If the Numidians drew nigh, then they made proofes of their valour, by slaughter, ouerthrowes and repulses.

Metellus in the hottest of his businesse, heareth a clamour at his backe: whereuppon turning his horse, hee perceiued that the flight maketh towardes him: a token, that they were of his friends. In all hast he commaundeth the horse to make towards the campe, and forthwith dispatcheth C. Marius with the cohorts of the associates, beseeching him with teares in his eyes, that hee would not suffer any disgrace now to attaint the victorious Armie, neither that he would suffer the enemy to escape without reuenge. Marius executeth his generals commaund with speed. Iugurth being somewhat hindered by the fortification of the camp, with the losse of many of his followers, escaped into his solitary strong places. Some of his people leaped headlong ouer the trenches; others in streit places making more hast, then good speed, were actors of their owne ruines.

Metellus leaning the Towne vntaken, assoon as night approached, returned with the Army into the camp. The next day before his going to the siege, he commaundeth the whole Caualry to watch and ward before the gates of the Camp vpon that side, whereon the enemies approch was feared. The gates, and adioyning Bulwarks he quartered to the Tribunes; and then comming before the Towne, as the day before, he attempteth the wall.

Iugurth againe vndiscouered, and on the soddaine invadeth our people: they that stood nearest were somwhat daunted, the residue came quickly in to succors. Neither could the Numidians haue long held out, but that by the mixture of their footmen with their horse, they had giuen a great checke to the Romans at the first on set. By whose assistance; they vsed not now (as in accustomed fight of horse) first to charge, and then to retire, but in ful cariere to affront any that came, so to intangle and disorder the Army. Thus with these ready and trained footmen, they had almost routed their enemies.

This very instant Zama, was strongly pressed the Colonels and Tribunes discharged their duties most valiantly: other hopes they expected none, but such as their own prowesse could affoord each other.

In like manner the Townesmen resisted as valiantly: they fought stoutly, and prepared for all euents.

One party was more violent to wound another, then carefull to defend their owne bodies. The cry was mixt with contrary encouragements, with contrary, ioyes and contrary sorrowes. The noise of Weapons ascended the Aire, and no spare of shot was made on either side. Those vpon the wals, assoon as the heat of the fight a litle slaked took leisure to behold the horse fight of Iugurth: As the Iugurthines either prospered or had the worse, so might a man perceiue in their faces, courage or feares: and as they could either be seen or heard by their fellowes, some they taught, some they incouraged, made signes with their hands, and like moueable gestures with their bodies as men are constrained to doe in auoiding, or weilding their missile weapons.

Which being made knowne to Marius, (for vpon that quarter lay his charge) he began of purpose to slaken the assault, and to dissemble a distrust of preuailing, permitting the Numidians at pleasure to behold the Kinges encounter.

Whilst the Zamenses stood thus earnestly gazing vpon their fellowes, vppon the sodaine Marius attempteth the wall with great violence: the souldiers by Scalado had almost gained the curtaine. The Townesmen run to defence: stones, fireworkes, and shot, fly thicke and threefold. The Romans at first receiued them valiantly, but after that one or two ladders were broken & ouerthrown, those that stood vpon them were pittifully brused. The residue as well as they could retired, some sound, the greater part wounded. And thus night parted the fray.

CHAP. 18.

1 Metellus riseth from Zama. 2 Wintereth his army. 3 turneth force into pollicy. 4 Iugurth yeeldeth, flyeth off againe.

MEtellus perceiued that hee spent time and men to no purpose, that the Town was impregnable, that Iugurth could not bee forced to fight but by ambushes, & in places of his owne choise, and lastly, that Summer was spent, he arose from Zama, and into those towns which had reuolted from Iugurth (being by nature or art any way fortified) he thrust in sufficient garrisons.

2 The residue of his Troops he led into the prouince, there to spend the Winter in garrison. Being there, as others had done, he suffered them not to spend their times in sloth and lazinesse: but sithence he could not preuaile by force, he worketh the Kings frends by policy, and prepareth to make vse of theyr trayterous mindes in stead of fight.

3 Acquaintance is the Anuile, on which this proiect must be hammered Bomilchar the man. This was he, that had accompanyed Iugurth to Rome, and after giuing in of sureties, had notwithstanding secretly made an escape in feare of processe, for the death of Massiua. Him hee meaneth to make proofe of by faire words and golden promises.

First he soundeth, and secretly eff cteth a priuate conference, and then vpon oth, hee auoweth to procure him pardon, and performance of all other promises from the Lords of the Senat, if he would vndertake to deliuer him Iugurth aliue, or dead.

The Numidian, being partly of a perfidious disposition, and partly misdoubting, that if the Romans and his Lord Iugurth fell into tearmes of peace, himselfe by the Articles of agreement, might happen to bee demaunded, and deliuered to punishment, was quickly perswaded.

Vpon the first occasion, Bomilchar finding Iugurth troubled and perplexed for his euill fortune, commeth vnto him, and with teares in his eyes, mouth and beseecheth him, that he would now at length looke vppon the compassiona e estate of himselfe, his Children, and the whole Kingdome of Numidia, which had so well deserued at his hands. He fayleth not to put him in mind, that in al fights they had carryed away the worst, that the Countrey lay wasted, that much people were either slaine, or carryed away Prisoners: that the wealth of the Kingdome was exhausted. By this time (sayth hee) you haue made tryall inough what your Souldiers can doe, what your fortunes can promise: I could wish you to aduise, lest your hopes vppon aelayes fayle you not, the Numidians take some course to prouide for themselues.

By these and like reasons, he insinuateth with the kings humours, to fa l to composition. Messengers are sent to shewe the Generall, that Iugurth is ready to performe whatsoeuer is commaunded that without capitulation he will simply yeeld himselfe and his kingdome to his discretion.

4 The Generall speedily causeth all the Gentlemen of Senators ranke to bee sent for out of their wintering places, with them others whom he thinketh meet, he goeth to counsell: according to ancient custome by an order set downe by the Counsell, Iugurth is commanded by Messengets, to bring in two hundred thousand waight of siluer, all his Elephants, and a proportion of horse and munition. Which beeing perfomed with expedition, the Consull likewise commandeth the fugitiues to be brought bound before him. According to commaund the greater part are so presented: vpon the first motion of the composition; some few departed into Mauritania toward king Bocchus.

5 Thus Iugurth, being bereaued of his Armes, men and mony, is summoned to Tisidium to performe the Articles; when againe he beganne to repent him of his bargaine and by the sting of his owne conscience to growe suspitious of deserued punishment.

His doubts wore out many daies, somtime he recounted, that in the irkesomnesse of aduerse fortune, all miseries were lighter then the pressures of warre, at another time, his mind was perplexed to thinke vpon the hard estate of those, who from a kingdome, were deiected to seruitude. At last, being not yet furnished with many and great meanes of assistants vncashiered, he beginneth the warre afresh.

At Rome the Lordes going to Counsell, concerning the prouinces, Numidia is againe decreed to Metellus.

CHAP. 17.

Marius affecteth the Consulship: his politicke proceeding.

IN these times, by chance C: Marius offered Sacrifice to the gods at Vtica. The Auruspex declared that the signes portended great and wonderful euents. These the fauours of the Gods he laid vp in his minde, and other times making like triall of his fortunes, he alwaies found the tokens answerable.

An immeasurable desire of attaining the Consulship, had long ago possessed the man: to the atchiuing whereof, besides the discent of his house, he had good giftes at will: Industrious, honest, a great souldier, high minded, Parsimonious in priuate, a contemner of wealth & pleasure in publicke; onely greedy of glory.

Notwithstanding his birth, and his bringing vp at Arpinas in his Childhood (where he first learnt to vndergoe the labour of war) he spent his youth in seruice for wages, & not in learning the Greek toong, or City-complements. And thus by being conuersant among virtuous exercises, his experience in short time grew vp to be absolute.

At his first standing for a amilitary Tribuneship before the people, (when many knowing him not by face, at length knew his name) he easily caried it with the general suffrage of all the Tribes. By this step he ascended from one to another, so sufficiently managing his carriage in office, that he was by all men censured woorthy of a better, then the present he inioyed: yet durst not so woorthy a personage make sute for the Consulship before his time. Qu , ab aruspice ad altiora petonda animad verteretur Afterwarde his ambition was bounded by no limit.

Euen in these times the Nobility, conferred the Consulship either by partiality or succession: the Comminalty, all other inferior offices. No new man, how sufficient soeuer, Quia non ex patribus ortus. nor any growne honorable by desert, were thoght worthy of that honourable calling; yea the place was censured to be discredited, if any such person attained it. But after Marius grew confident, that the southsaiers prophesies concurred with the imagination of his thoghts, he desireth dismission of Metellus, s. Metellus. with intentiō to go for Rome there to make suite for the Consular dignity. The man althogh he were virtuous, honorable, & indowed with many excellent qualities yet were they accompanied with disdaine and pride. Influences generall to all Nobility: who at first beeing mooued at the nouelty, Quia nouus homo, & municipalis. tooke occasion to wonder at the enterprise, & by way of friendship to disswade him not to begin so vnlawfull a suite, neither to rack his thoghts aboue his fortunes. Al things wer not to be desired of all men: and your place (quoth he) is a sufficient recompence for your deserts. Lastly, he wished him to bee well aduised, before he motioned a request of so high a nature before the Roman people, from whom by Law, nothing but a iust repulse was to be expected.

When these, nor many like speeches, could direct the mind of Marius, Metellus answered: that as soone as the common cause would admit permission, he would yeilde to his request.

Againe, being at sundry times after importunate to be gone, it is reported, that, he wished him not to make ouer much hast. For (quoth he) there is no time past for you nor my Sonne to stand for the Consulship. The Gentleman serued at the same time in his fathers Pauilion, beeing about twenty yeares old.

This quip, partly in regard of the place affected, and partly for the deniall of departure, extreamly exasperated the minde of Marius against his General. Ambition and wrath (two the worst Counsellors) wholy possessed him, all his deeds and words now tended to popularity. The souldiers vnder his Regiment liued more loosely then accustomed: to the Marchantes of Vtica he would sometimes scandall the warre, and sometime bost of himselfe; That, if he were Gouernour but of halfe such an Army, within few daies he would present Iugurth in chaines: That, the Generall prolonged the Warre of purpose: That the man was of no worth, but onely desirous too too long to retain the command of proud soueraignty. All which imputations seemed to them the more credible, for that by the continuance of warre their traffique was hindered. For to a mind set vpon couetousnesse nothing seemeth to be performed with sufficient dispatch.

Moreouer in our Army conuersed one Gauda a Numidian, the sonne of Manastabel, and Nephew of Massinissa, a sickly man, and thereby somewhat crasie of mind, whom Micipsa had declared second heire of the kingdome. This man had requested of Metellus, first that he woulde giue him leaue according to the custome of Kinges, to set his chaire next to the Generals seat; secondly, that hee would appoint him a troope of Roman horsemen to guard his body. Metellus denied both: the Honor, for that it represented that maiestie, which the Romans termed, and hated, Kingly: and the Guard, for that it was disgracefull, to deliuer a band of Roman horse for the safegard of a Numidian.

To this Numidian perplexed in mind, Marius addresseth his speech; and aduiseth him to bee reuenged on the Consul, according to his instructions. He incourageth the man (weake God wot by sicknesse,) with pleasing courtshippe; calleth him King, Honorable, and the Nephew of Masinissa; and that shortly he should be inuested in the kingdome of Numidia, if Iugurth were once slaine or taken. Which should the sooner come to passe, if fortune so fauoured him, that he his friend, might once bee sent as Consull to manage the warre. By this Stratagem he worketh Gauda, the Roman horsemen, the soldiers, the marchants, and diuerse others gulled with shaddowes of peace; to write their scandalous letters to their friends at Rome, against Metellus: ma y, with this conclusion, That they should require Marius for General. Thus was the Consulshippe labored in his behalfe, by the suffrage of many an honest and vpright man, yea (& as lucke serued that very season) the nobility being curbed by the law Manlia, Ad magistratū re malè g st a nobilibus. new men were nominated by the Pleibeians. And so all things fell out happily for Marius.

CHAP. 20.

Iugurth falleth to his old prastises, and recouereth Vacca, to the great confusion and disgrace of the Romans.

AFter Iugurth had falsified his promise of personall submission, he openeth the war, he prepareth all necessaries with admirable diligence, he slaketh no time, he traineth his soldiers, & soundeth the reuolted cities by bribes & menacies. Those which yet remained at his deuotion, he fortifieth, and renueth or buyeth armours, weapons, and the like ammonitions, as by the former treaty of peace he had diminished.

Hee allureth the Romaine slaues, and tempteth the Garrisons with ready money: Finally, hee leauieth no course vnthought on, nor vnproued. Nowe the Vaccenses (into whose citty Metellus vpon the first motion of the treaty, had thrust in a garison) being ouercom by the kings faire intreaties, and to speake truth, the better sort in mind neuer estranged from his seruice, began a conspiracie. As for the vulgar (a frequent accident, especially among the Numidians) being by nature of a variable disposition, seditious, quarrelsome, desirous of nouelties, and contemners of peace and ciuility, they were soone drawne in for company. The match is made, & the third day following proclaimed the feastiuall throughout all Affricke. Vppon the day they present sports and daunces, without any appearance or imagination of feare, but watching their best opportunities, they inuite the Centurions, the Tribunes, and the Gouernor of the Towne T. Turpilius Sillanus, some to one house, some to another. In the midst of their metriment they murder them all, except Turpilius: this done, in a trice they set vpon the disarmed & stragling soldiers, obseruing then no military discipline because of the day. The common people, whereof some were made before hand by the Nobility, other some vpon a naturall inclination to inconstancies, seconded their leaders. To those that knew nothing of the plot and combination, noueltie and the tumult a foot gaue matter of consent & good liking. The Romans stood amazd at the sodennes of the vprore, & not knowing what course of safety to take, were in an extreame extasie. To fly vnto the town castle, where their colours & shields were remaining, was to run vpon their deaths, a garison of enemies already in possessiō, had shut the gates, & denied retrait. Boyes and women cast stones, & such like stuffe vpon their heads in abundance from the toppes of houses. No man could preuent these vncertaine blowes, no nor the valiantest soldier come to be reuenged on this weake and cowardly rable: so that good and euill, cowards & valiant souldiers in this medly died like deaths in great numbers. Of al the Italians, Turpilius the Gouernour escaped alone vntouched through all the barborous Numidians and their closed gates.

Whether it so happened by the fauour of his hoast, by ransome, or by chance, wee neuer could discouer: onely thus much, a man may say; that Turpilius shewed himselfe a base and inconstant fellow, in preferring at such a pinch disgracefull life before a bed of fame.

CHAP. 21.

1. Vacca recouered. 2. Turpilius beheadded.

MEtellus beeing giuen to vnderstand of the regaining of Vacca, was somwhat mooued at the accident, Ne signum virili animo indignum ostenderet. and retired out of sight. But vppon the digestion of wrath and griefe, at last he hasteneth with extraordinary diligence to take reuenge vppon so disloyall a treason. By Sunne-set he taketh the fielde with the Legion, with which he wintered, and as many light Horse-men Numidians, as he possibly could rayse.

The next day, about the third howre, hee arriued in a cortaine plaine, incircled about with indifferent heigh Banks. Here, to his Souldiers growne weary by their long march, and refusing to passe further, hee discouereth his intention: That Vacca was not aboue a mile distant; That they were obliged in duety to vndergoe the remainder of the iourney with patience, if it were but to inflict deserued punnishment vpon Traytors, for the miserable death of such their loyall and valiant fellow-Cittizens.

So by these speeches, as also by permission of prey, hauing regained their courages, in the fore-front he plac th his Horsemen, and commandeth his Foot-men to march close, without discouering their ensignes.

The people of Vacca obserued, that the company approached theyr Towne; at first (as indeede it was) suspected Metellus, and shut their Gates: But afterwards, for that they neither wasted; and those that came first to view were their Countrey-men, the Numidians, changing opinion, they supposed it to bee Iugurth, and needs would issue to congratulate their friends and fellowes.

Vpon signal giuen, the horse-men and foot beate back the vulgar people towards the Citie: some sieze vpon the gates, and some vpon the bulwarkes. Thus wrath & hope of spoile can make wearied bodies forget lazines.

The Vaccenses had only two dayes to reioyce for their Treason: The Citie being greate and rich, was sacked, and punished. Turpilius the gouernor, the sole man (as we told you) that escaped, Non ex vrbe qua •• m lex Port a v •• bat ad supplicium posci. vt ante Caesar. was called before the Generall to answer the reuolt: Praefectū decet per vigilem esse, nemini credere sed arcē semper tenere. He made some excuses, but was condemned to be whipped with rods, and then to be beheaded. For hee was a Citizen of Italie.

CHAP. 22.

The treason of Bomilchar discouered, and the party executed.

ABout this time Bomilchar, by whose sollicitation Iugurth had condiscēded vnto the composition, nowe disauowed for pretexts of feare, began to grow ielous of the King, and the King of him. Bomilchar deuiseth newe occasions: practiseth to put his intended promise to Metellus in execution night and day, wearieth his mind vpon the proiect: and at last vpon mature deliberation, associateth one Nabdalsa a welthy Gentleman, and one welbeloued of his conntreymen, into the conspiracy. His place was commonly to march somwhat disioyned from the Kings troopes, and to execute those directions which Iugurth, either for wearines, or vpon imploiment of other weighty affaires, could not himselfe attend. By these imploiments the man attained to wealth and reputation.

They both by ioint consent agree vpon the day: the execution they referre to time and opportunity. Nabdalsa retireth to his charge by commaundement appointed to affront the winter garrisons of the Romans, so to awe them from wasting the adioyning territory without impediment.

At leisure, the gentlemen by reuoluing the foulnesse of the fact, kept not time: To speake truth, feare disswaded performance. Bomilchar in like manner beeing desirous of dispatch, and perplexed at the irresolution of his associate, Consilium de iudicio faciendo. least peraduenture by reuealing the olde Treason, he might affect newe pardon, by trusty Messengers conueyeth Letters vnto him; wherein hee taxeth him of base feare and carelesnesse: that he should remember his oath to the Gods by whom he had sworne; and lastly, to bee very circumspect least the rewardes of Metellus by his default turned not to their destruction. He failed not in a manner to prophesie, that the destruction of Iugurth was at hand, the question onely rested in this, whether it should be finished by their Vertue, or the Generals good fortune, and therefore he wished him to take counsell with his pillow, whether hee had rather receiue a reward, or vndergo a shamefull death.

Vpon the arriuall of these Letters, by great aduenture Nabdalsa being wearied with trauell and exercise, was cast vpon his bed: where after he had wel weighed the words of Bomilchar, first care, and then sleepe (the oppressors of perplexed consciences) attached his sences. His Secretary (a Numidian,) trusty and gracious vnto his master, and partaker of all his counsels (excepting this last) hearing of the deliuery of certaine Letters, as at ormer times, supposing that his seruice was expected, entered the tent: where finding his Lord sleeping and the letter carelesly laid vpon his pillow, he took and read it. He posteth to the King.

Nabdalsa awaking, missing the Letter, and by swifte messengers vnderstanding from point to point how matters were carried, first commaundeth to pursue his Secretary, but in vaine. Whereupon he himselfe in person goeth vnto Iugurth, craueth pardon, and protesteth that what he had prepared and resolued to disclose, his seruant had preuented. With teares hee craueth reconcilement, and in recompence of his former seruice, hee beseecheth him not to bury the suspition of so foule a treason in further remembrance.

The king contrary to his acustomed humor, beningly answereth; that Bomilchar and many other (whome hee knew were guilty of the conspiracy) had suffered death: and that not to exasperate any further dislike vppon this occasion, Animus Tiranni nunquam quietus he had taken truce with his indignation.

After this disaster, no day, no night could affoord Iugurth any rest: place, men, and time, were suspitious vnto him. He feared his subiects and enemies alike. He looked strangely vppon all men, Omnes timet et timetur ab omnibus and started at euery noise, contrary to the honour of a King: By night hee tooke vp his lodging, sometime in one place, somtime in another. And sometime being disquieted in his sleepe, hee would rise, lay hold on his sword, and disquiet all others. This feare resembled frenzy.

CHAP. 23.

Marius in despight of the Nobility, is elected Consull by the people.

MEtelus being giuen to vnderstand by certaine fugiti es of the death of Bomilchar, and the discouery of the complot, prepareth & hasteneth all warlike prouisions, with as speedy diligence, as hee did in the beginning at his first setting forth.

Hee likewise dismisseth Marius, whom for his vntoward and crosse behauiour he now enuied, supposing his seruice would smally sted him.

The common people at Rome, De Mario, quod accuss s e Metellum, de Metello, quòd in crimen itacetur. by the aforesaide Letters vnderstanding what fame gaue out, concerning the Generall and Marius, where glad to heare the reports of either.

Nobility, which but lately aduāced the credit of Metellus, now procured him enuy: a vulgar discent, to Marius gained infinite fauor: yet this by the way partialities towards both counterpoised the ballance; Vertues or vices were neuer questioned. Seditious Magistrats put fewell to the popular fire. In all their orations they brand Metellus with desert of death: Marius they extoll as fast aboue desert.

Of the vulgar, being thus generally incensed, the Mechaniques and husband-men (whose wealth and credit consisted in their manuel labours) forsake their trades to countenance Marius, preferring his welfare before their thrift: whereat the gentry stood so amased, that after many a bitter controuersie, they were glad to conferre the consular dignity vpon this new man Marius. Quia maiores nū quam obtinuerant.

Then arose L. Manlius Mancinus, and petitioned the people whom they did please to make choise off, for Generall in the warre against Iugurth: with one voice they answered, Marius; although the Senat but a while before had appointed Numidia for Metellus his prouince: But the faction was too weake, it preuailed nothing.

CHAP. 24.

1. Iugurth after his discomfiture, wholly relieth vpon the fastnes of the desarts. 2. Flyeth to Thala. 3. Metellus foloweth, and forceth Thala. 4. The resolute Tragedy of the Fugitiues.

BY this time Iugurth hauing lost the hearts of his friends (some of whom he had slaine, & some for feare were fled to the Romans, & others to King Bocchus) began to be extremely disquieted with doubts and ielousies. Warre he could make none without sufficient commanders: and to make triall of new, sithence the old proue so perfidious, was a choice ful of danger. Neither the plot, the Counsel, nor the presence of any man could please him. His iornies and remoues he chāged euery day, somtimes towards the enimie somtime towards the desarts: to day he was of opinion, that flight was his safest refuge: tomorrow, armes. The like ielouzie he fostered of the sufficiency, and loyalty of his people. Thus vpon what side soeuer hee resolued, all things fell out preposterous.

Admidst these contrarieties of his perplexed conscience, the enemies Army sheweth it selfe on a suddaine. The Numidians, according as the shortnesse of the time permitted, and Iugurth instructed, stand ready to receiue the charge. The battaile is begun, and well maintained in that part where Iugurth commanded: As for the residue of his followers, at their first approach they tooke theyr heeles, and fled. Of Ensignes, weapons, and Prisoners, the Romans took few: for commonly in al fights, the Numidians repose greater confidence in their feete, then honour in their Armes.

2 After the rout, Romani, qui eum derilinquere non audebant. the first stage that Iugurth (now more then at any time before, mistrusting the successe of the action) breathed at, with the fugitiues & part of the horsemen, were the Deserts; the second, Thala; a great and wealthy Borrough, the chamber of his Treasure, and the wardrobe of his childrens furniture.

Whereof when Metellus was aduertised, although he knewe that the nearest riuer was fifty miles distant from the Towne, and the territory adiacent was waterlesse and barren, and dispeopled: yet such were his hopes to finish the warre, if hee might become Lorde of the place, that without further temporizing, he resolueth to ouercome all difficulties: yea rather then to desist; to wrastle his vtmost against Nature.

3 In dispatch whereof, he commandeth all his beasts of carriage to be laden with baggage, saue ten daies sustenance for horse and man. He maketh the greatest prouision he can for bottles and caske: Doth as much for tame Cattle throughout the Villages, and vppon their backes' layeth Vessailes of all contents: most of them were made of wood, taken out of the Numidian cottages. To the borderers, after the flight, he inioyneth subiection, and to furnish him with water from the nearest riuers. The Randeuow of deliuery he proscribeth: and burdeneth not his owne Cattle, vntil he came to the Riuer nearest the town, whereof we spake but now.

Now is Metellus vpon his march towards Thala, when arriuing at the place, where he had commanded the Numidians to attend him with water; by that time hee had pitched and fortified his campe, so violent a storme of raine is reported to haue fallen from the heauens, that it yeelded water enough, and to spare, for him and his people. Victuals were as plentifull aboue expectation, for that (as it commonly falleth out) in alterations of State, Principium feruet medium caelet, & tepet imum. euery man proueth extraordinary officious.

The souldiers reputed of the chance, as of a diuine Omen: and vpon confidence that the Gods were carefull of their fortunes, they doubled their courages.

The next day (contrary to all imagination of Iugurth) they arriue at Thala: the Townesmen, who till nowe beleeued that they had bin out of gunshot by their inaccessible scituation, stood astonished of so vnlookt for an accident, but with all, make neuer the lesse preparation to maintaine warre; the Romans do the like.

But the King verily beleeuing, that nothing was impossible to Metellus, as the onely man, who by industrie had ouercome Armes, Engines, time, places, & Nature her selfe, the Conquerors of all other creatures; with his children and an infinite masse of money flyeth out of the Town by night. Afterward staying in no one place aboue a day and a night, vpon cunning hee gaue out that his affaires vrged for expedition, but truth was, that he hoped by continuall and speedy chaunge of abode, to preuent Treason, which he feared extreamely: for who knoweth not that negligence inciteth ill counsel to make vse of opportunity.

Metellus perceiuing in what sort the Townesmen prepared for his welcome; and that the Town likewise was fortified by Art and Nature, incircleth the walles with a ditch and a rampart. Then commandeth he his souldiers, as the soile would giue them leaue, to raise their Vines against the fittest places, and vpon them a mount, and vpon the mount, Towers: and quartereth out the works to the defence of his Pioners.

4 The Townesmen labour as fast to frustrate these deuises: on either side nothing could be better performed to conquer, to defend. The Romans almost out of heart by infinite labour, and daily conflicts, the fortieth day after their first ariuall, gained only the towne, the Fugitiues consumed the treasure. For after they perceiued, that the Ram played vppon the wall, and that with them there was no way but one, gold, siluer, and what euer mortall people account precious, they stowed in the kings pallace: and then loading their sences with wine and good cheere, they fiered it, themselues, and the Pallace.

Thus, the punishment which the conquered expected at their enemies hand, they wreaked voluntarily vppon their owne carcases.

CHAP. 25.

1 Metellus succoureth Leptis. 2 A digression vpon occasion of the strange death of two Carthaginean brethren.

1 AS Thala was in saccage, certain Ambassadors from Leptis arriued before Metellus, intreating him to send a President with som cōpanies into their town, for that one Amilchar, a Noble man of the Cit y, went about to alienat the allegiances of the inhabitantes from the Romans. From this his insolencie, neither the authority of the Magistrate, nor the terrour of the laws, could deterre him: vnlesse they made hast, the safety of the Towne with the loyalty of the Roman associates, was greatly to be doubted of.

From the beginning of the Iugurthian warre, the people of Leptis entred a league of confederacy with the Consull Bestia; and after him, they sent to Rome to perfect the Articles. After the confirmation whereof, they alwaies remained loyall confederats to the Roman people, yea and performed their vtmost seruices to Bestia, Albinus and Metellus.

In regard whereof, at the first motion, they obtained their request of Metellus, who presently dispatched away foure Ligurian cohorts with C. Annius their Captaine.

The towne was first built by the Sidonians, whoe (as report goeth) arriued there by shippinge, being bannished their countrey for their ciuill dissentions.

It is scituated betweene two sandes, and seemeth to deriue its name from the place. For vppon the vtmost bounds of Affrica two baies extend themselues, in hugenes vnequall, in condition equall; sometime as the winde standeth, Nauigable, at an other time dry and passable. For as the Sea prooueth high and tempestuous, so doe the waues driue the sands, the people & the rockie stones. Thus the vse of the place dependeth vpon the casualites of the stormes.

The language of the people is changed by the proximitie of the Numidians, but their lawes and religion remaine meerely Sidonian, which they haue retained the better vncorrupted, for that they liued farre remote from the Court; many vaste & desart countries lying between them and the inhabited partes of Numidia.

2. And now sithence the affaires of the Leptitans hath drawen my pen into these Regions, I thinke the worthy and memorable exploit of two Carthaginians there happening worth relation. The very place enforceth me to write of the accident.

At what time, the Carthaginians were Lords ouer the greater part of Affrique, the Cyrenians were also a state rich and powerfull. The vacable Countrey betweene them was sandye, by colour or nature nothing discernable; no riuer, no mountaine distinguished their borders. This indifferencie was cause of long wars to both parties, wherein after they had wasted their Legions, sunk & torne their nauies, and almost ruinated both their estates, fearing least a third party taking the aduantage, should prey aswell vpon the conqueror as the conquered, by a mutuall truce they fel to agrement, each party to send their ambassadors from home vpon a day prefixed: looke where both chanced to meete, there should bee the bondes of each others territory.

Two brethren named Phileni were sent from Carthage: The Carthaginians made all possible hast; the Lirenians iornied slowly: whether to attribute the cause to negligenc , or chance, I cannot resolue. For in these deserts the eies and faces of trauellers are no lesse molested with tempests of lands, raised by the windes vpon these leuell, barrain, & vast plaines, then are the Marriners without compasse in outragious gustes at Sea. These for want of true kenning might bee impediments to their speed.

Which when the Cirenians perceiued, and for their negligence feared vpon their returne to be punished, they cauilled at the Carthaginians, charging thē, that they had departed from home, before the time appointed. The matter became litigious: The Cirenians, were content to accept of any condition, rather then to returne with imputation of priuate disgrace. The Carthaginians aduow to refuse no condition, so it were iust and reasonable. The Cirenians make this ouerture: That eyther the Carthaginians should suffer themselues to be buried aliue in the place, which they desired to make the limit of their State: or else to suffer them (the Cirenians) vpon like tea mes, to passe further on to the end of their intended voyage. The Phileni accepted the match, & sacrificed their liues to the honor of their Country, and there made choice to be buried. To these Brethren, the Carthaginians in that very place erected two alters: at home they recorded their memories with other ceremonies. Now returne I to my matter.

CHAP. 26.

Iugurth flyeth to King Bocchus, and procureth him to make Warre against the Romans.

AFter the losse of Thala, Iugurth supposing that no place could affoord him sufficient security, against the good conduct of Metellus; with small attendance, he resolueth to passe ouer the vast deserts, to the Getuli; a people rude and barbarous; who before that time, had neuer heard of the Roman name. Of these, he allureth a tumultuary multitude; by little and little invreth them to discipline; to follow their Ensignes, to hearken to their commanders, and finally to obserue all other points of souldiery.

Secondly, by present entertainment, and farre greater promises, he procureth the fauourites of King Bocchus, to bee a meanes to his Maiesty in fauour of so distressed a neighbour, to begin the warre against the Romans.

His sure was the sooner and easier harkened vnto, vpon occasion, that in the beginning of this Warre, the King had sent his Ambassadors to Rome, to desire their loue & friendship.

Which Ouerture most aduantagious for the time, some few men blinde, through Auarice; and accustomed to make all suites saleable, in the beginning frustrated.

Honesta, et inhonesta. Moreouer, Iugurth had married the daughter of Bocchus: but that bonde is little accounted of amongest the Moores and Numidians; for that euery man, according to his ability, may haue as many wiues as him list: some ten, some more; Kinges most of all: who hauing theyr minds thus distracted by variety, reckon no one for their lawfull spouse, but account all alike, vile and contemptible.

Both kings, both Armies, make their enterview in an appointed place with equal goodliking: There they plight reciprocall oaths, and Iugurth the more to exasperate the mind of Bocchus by his Oration, Tearmeth the Romaines to be an iniust people, of insatiable Auarice, a common enemy to al men: That, the same reasons vpon which they grounded the pretence of warre against Iugurth, and many other Nations, the same they would inforce for good, against Bocchus, (viz:) their Ambition of Soueraignty. Quam calida vtitur inductione a •• ibus temporibus: praeterito, per Carthaginenses. a praesenti per se, a utur , per Bocchū nisi prospexerit. In which their imperious humors, they account all kings their enemies, at this instant, Himselfe; a litle before, the Carthaginians, and king Perses, yea, and heereafter euery one as hee groweth by wealth or greatnesse to be a mote in their eyes.

After these speeches, they take their iourney towardes Cirtha, for that Quintus Metellus had made that City the seat of the Warre, and therein had bestowed his spoiles, his Prisoners, and the baggage of the Army. His reasons were, first, that if he forced the place, the spoile would proue exceeding profitable; secondly, if Metellus should offer to succour the besieged, then was he sure, both Armies should not part without blowes. For his pollicies did onely aime by celerity to ingage Bocchus, least by delay (the King not yet vtterly despairing of peace) might change his minde, and accept of any conditions, rather then of warre.

The Generall vnderstanding of these Combinations, accepteth not rashly of euery proffer of fight & place, ad placitum hostis as oftentimes he had accustomed to do after hee had once ouerthrowne Iugurth, but fortifying his campe not farre from Cirtha, maketh prooffe of the enemies courage, accounting it more safe (seeing hee had to doe with a newcome Nation) after some triall of the Moorish valour, to fight at pleasure to his best aduantage.

By this time he receiueth aduertisement, that at Rome Numidia is fallen by lot to Marius, that hee had attained the Consulship, he had learned long before. The newes whereof so moued him beyond all meane and measure, that he could not forbeare teares, neither (being so worthy a personage, adorned with all other vertues) moderat his tongue, or beare this crosse with manlike behauiour: for which, some scandalized him with pride: others excused him, with replie, that his generous Nature was onely agreeued at the disgrace; for that the victory now already as good as gained, . Authori. was iniuriously wrested out of his hands. To vs, it is sufficiently knowne, that the honour of Marius, more then any conceit of disgrace, disquieted his mind: for if the prouince had befallen to any man besides, he could haue brooked it with requisite patience.

But howeuer, Metellus stomacking his successor, and acounting it a fond part by indangering himselfe to pleasure another, sendeth Ambassadors to intreat Bocchus, that without cause hee would not shew himselfe an enemie to the Roman people: that at this present he had faire opportunity to renue his suite of alliance, and friendshippe, which at any hand were to be preferred before war. Yea although his abilities might in a manner promise assurance, yet were it not wisdom, to hazard certainties for incertainiies. The beginning of all wars were plausible, but their ends distastfull. They are in no one mans power to begin and end, at pleasure. Euen Cowards may take Armes when they please; lay them down, they cannot, but by sufferance of the victor. And therefore he aduised him, to bethinke himselfe of his owne, & his kingdoms, safety, rather then to intangle his flourishing and prosperous estate with the desperate courses of Iugurth.

Heereunto the King gaue a very curteous reply; That his desire was onely peace: but withall took compassion on the hard estate of Iugurth. If like Ouerture might bee offered him, without doubt, they should soone compound all controuersies. The Generall returneth this aunswere to Bocchus; That something he allowed, something he refused. So, in this maner by sending and resending of Messages, time wasted, & by the cautellous conniuency of Metellus the Warre was protracted, and nothing set forward.

CHAP. 27.

Marius by the meere fauour of the people is declared Consull against the minds of the Nobility. And sent into Affrique. His demeanour in the seruice.

MArius (as we told you before) by the tumultuous and most affectionate assistance of the people, being created Consull, and Numidia also alotted him for his prouince. If before hee were seuere against the Nobility, now was hee much more fierce and incompatible: somtimes wronging them in particular, sometimes in generall. He would often boast, that he carried the Consulship as a spotle from his conquered enemies; many times breathing out high words concerning his owne worth, and to their disgrace. Well, his first cares he turneth to preparations for warre; he requireth new supplies for the Legions; & calleth vnto the populer estates, vnto kings, & alies, fo aids. In Italy, hee sendeth for euery valiant gentleman, most, before knowne vnto him for their sufficiency, few by report; and amongst them, by rece, non imp •• io. faire words and promises he constraineth the Cum ob senium essent requie & 〈◊〉 donati. cashiered seruitors to goe along likewise: Neither durst the Senate, although they misliked the president, withstand him in any thinge. But with right good will they decreed him supplies, in hope that by forcing the vulgar to seruice, Quando legio es explebantur, supplementum dicitur he should either be deceiued in their vse, or wholy lose their affections: but the winding vp of all fell out far otherwise; so ardent a desire had possessed most men, to accompany Marius, with hopes that they should returne victors, loden with rich spoyles, and military honors.

To these suppositions, the Oration of Marius had added no smal incouragement: for after that all allowances were decreed him, which he could or would demand, he inrolled his souldiors; and aswell to insinuate with the vulgar, as to nettle the Nobility (his accustomed humour) he calleth an assembly of the people: Before whom he reasoned to this, or like purpose.

Marius Oration.

I Know worthy Romans, that the behauiours of most men far differ in the request and execution of honourable offices. They pretend at first an exterior habite of industry, temperance and humility: But confirmed in authority, passe their time in pride, arrogance and idlenesse. For my part I am of a contrary opinion: for by how much the vniuersall body of this Common wealth is of greater consequence, then either a Consulship, or the dignity of a Praetor: by so much the more ought that to be respectiuely gouerned, then this so earnestly desired. Nor am I ignorant, how burdensome a charge I haue with your exceeding fauour vndertaken: as namely, to wage warre, and that, without exhausting your Treasury. To compell euen those to beare Armes, vnto whom you would by no meanes be offensiue: and in a word, to manage the whole affaires of your estate, as well domesticall as forren: The performance whereof, resting amongst so many turbulent, enuious and thwarting spirites, Deare Cittizens is a burthen beyond imagination, greeuous.

Moreouer, whereas the abuses of other magistrats, are perchance countenāced with their titles of Ancient Nobility, the prowesse of their Auncestors, power of their allies, or multitude of their retinue: my hope and assurance resteth on my self alone; which I must necessarily maintaine by Vertue and Innocency. For other means are vnprofitable. Againe, I know wel, that the eyes of all men are fixed vpon me; that good and iust men loue me, as one whose deeds haue tended to the aduancement of this Common-wealth; but the Greatest watch opportunity to disgrace me; My vttermost endeuors are therefore now to be imployed, that both your expectation may bee satisfied, and they frustrated. I haue hetherto from mine infancie voluntarily accustomed my selfe to labour, and exposed my youth to perill: Wherefore being now honoured with so large a recompence, I am not determined to forgo those courses, which before I vndertooke vnrewarded. Temperance and Authority seldome concurre in those, whom Ambition onely furnisheth with apparances and shadowes of honesty; but in me that haue alwaies beene conuersant in the best actions, a familiar custom of doing well is become naturall.

By your Commission I am to war with Iugurth: The Nobilitie heereat repine: be therefore well aduised, whether it be meet to alter your determination, or not: and from out this confused heape of Gentry, to commit the direction of these & such like businesses, to some one or other of auncient race, and many glorious discents, but no experience to the end, that thorough ignorance and weaknesse hee may tremble vnder the waight of so great a charge; and be enforced to entertain any meane fellowe to instruct him in his Office. By which it often falleth out, that he whom you haue made a Commander, shall himselfe be subiect to the command of another.

I know there are many that euen after they are made Consuls, begin first to peruse the monuments of their predecessors, and to read the military preceptes of the Graecian discipline. But these preposterously peruert all order; since the knowledge how to gouerne ought to precede the practise of gouernment: Now therefore (worthy Romaines) compare me, scarse yet a Gentleman with their presumptuous and proud arrogancie: what they haue either heard or read, I haue partly seene, partly put in execution, and what they from written volumes haue gathered, I haue abroad in warfare purchased by experience. Bee you then Iudges, whether is of greater valew: deedes or wordes? The obscurity of my birth is to them contemptible: to me, their Cowardice: they vpbraid me, with fortune, I them, with dishonesty. It is true, we are all sprung from one and the same Vniuersall Nature, yet the most valiant ought to be reputed the most generous and Noble. If the Fathers of Albinus or Calphurnius Bestia, were now to be demanded, whether they had rather haue had children like me, or those. What should we conceit, would haue bin their answere? doubtles to haue had the woorthiest. So that by Embas •• ng mee, they likewise traduce the worth of their own Ancestors, whose first Nobility like mine was Originally deriued from their owne vertues. They enuy my promotion, let them likewise enuy my labours, mine innocency and my daungers, for by these was I first raised. But men transported with Pride and selfe-conceite so liue, as if they disdained your dignities, and yet so desire thē, as if they were men of a most sincere & vncorrupted integrity. But their hopes beguil them, & vainly they expect the fruition of a most manifest Contrariety, the pleasure of sloth, and the meed of Vertue. Moreouer, in publick assemblies, either before you or the Senate, their Orations are for the most part ful fraught with the glorie of their forefathers, imagining that something may be added to their owne worths by the Narration of their exploites; when contrarily, by howe much the more their Vertues surmounted others, by so much the more base are these their degenerate and sluggish off-spring. For noble Ancestry is as a light shining on posteritie, which exposeth all their actions, whether good or bad to the interpretation & suruey of the worlde. In these matters albeit I am needy, yet, which is far more rich & honorable, I may iustly boast of mine ovvne deeds. But behold their partialitie; they allovv me not that respect for mine ovvne vertues, which themselues (vniust vsurpers) arrogate for other mens And vvhy' My Galleries are not beset with statues, my Gentilitie is yet but sprouting, which truly in me is more worthy to haue begun, then in them to haue defaced what was hereditary.

I doubt not but if they were to answer me, you should finde them abounding with adornate elegancy of speeche, and well composed Orations: yet since they neuer cease, to vomit the poison of their toongs, both against you (worthy Romans) & my selfe, for these dignities bestowed vpon me, I list no lōger to refraine, least modesty and silence argue a guilty consciēce: For mine owne part, their slaunders hurt me not, since necessity shall compell them to speak the truth, when as the vprightnesse of my life and conuersation shall confute their falsehoodes.

But, insomuch as they haue taxed your Counsels and Decrees, in authorizing me, for the dispatch of so great a businesse, be ye therefore thorowly aduised, whether ye shall euer haue cause to repent your selues of this appointment. I confesse, I am not able to alleadge (as witnesses of my desert) eyther a long drawne pedigree, tryumphall Chariots, or the Consulships of my progenitors; But if need were, of Speares, Ensignes, Barbes for Horses, and other such like rewardes & ornaments of Chiualry: to which, if ye also adde, a body mangled with scarres and woundes, I could produce aboundance. These are my Atchieuments; This my Nobility, not lineallie descending by course of inheritance, but with industry, sweat, and the expence of much bloud, atchiued.

My speeches are not well featured, I want Eloquence, but I reguard it not: my vertue is sufficient to shew it selfe: onely there shamefull actions require the couerture of glosing phrases. I vnderstand not the Grecians, nor am I able to spel their characters! In truth I desire it not: sithence the knowledge thereof hath towards the purchase of vertue, so little auailed her professors. But in that which more aduantageth our estate; To assaile the Enemy, to chase their Garrisons, to bee affrighted onely with infamy, to lie hard, and finally with equall patience to endure Heate, Colde, Hunger, thirst and trauayle; herein I am expert: with these rudiments will I instruct my souldiors, without eyther austere vsage towardes them, or daintinesse in my selfe, nor by their labours ayming onely at the aduauncement of mine owne peculiar credite or reputation.

These rules are profitable, & establish a right ciuill gouernment; but whereas effeminate men, are themselues couched and nuzled in soft delicacie, yet rigorously intreat their souldiers, they are rather maisters than Captaines. Their worthie Auncestors of famous memory, haue onely by those meanes before recited; enobled both themselues and their Countries, whom whilst we endeuour to trace in those steppes of honour, these their succeeding issues, vnlike in conditions, onely confident in the merits of their ancestors, contemn our proceedings, as reputing all Offices of command due onely to their birthes, nothing to deserts. But (proud men) they are farre deceiued: for albeit their fathers gaue them wealth, left them Crestes, & their vndying memories, yet vertue, which may neither be giuen or taken, they were vnable to bequeath vnto them. Amongst these men I am esteemed barbarous and vnciuill, because I affect not their neat fashion of banquetting, maintaine not a stage player, or some ridiculous Zannie; keep not a more exquisite Cooke, and such like: All which I am wel pleased to acknowledge. For I haue oftē heard my father, & other honest men say, that curiosity is meete for a woman, but labour for a man, and that vnto generous and heroycall minds, renowne is more valewable then wealth, and Armes a more beseeming Ornament, then houshold furniture.

But let them proceed: That which pleaseth them, that which they so highly fancy, let them alwaies followe. Let them Lust, Drinke, Feast, and ryot, and hauing thus spent their youth, so likewise let their old age be as dissolute; deuoted to banquets bellycheare, & most beastly sensuality: As for sweat, industry and toile, let them be shared amongst vs, vnto whom th y are farre more delectable, then all their choise varietie of Iunkets.

But alas it will not be, for these vnwoorthy, and vile people, thus tainted with villany, thus dishonested with basenes, are yet most forward to assume vnto thēselues those rewards, which are onely proper to the wel-deseruing: such (most vniustly) is the propriety of those vices, Sloth and Luxury, that they endamage onely the Commonwealth, not their professors.

So then, hauing as farre forth, as my modestie, though not the heynousnesse of their abuses, might permit me, briefely answered vnto your Nobility, I will now speake a few words touching our present imployment. And first, deare Romans, bee ye all confident in the affaires of Numidia: for yee haue now remoued those Obstacles which before were aduantages vnto Iugurth; Pride, Auarice, and Ignorance, Moreouer ye haue there an Army that know wel the Country: But in truth I esteeme them more valiaunt then fortunate; For the most part of them haue bin cut off by the Auarice and inconsiderate rashnesse of their Commanders. Wherefore all yee, whose able bodies may brooke the warres, nowe enforce your selues with me, that our ioynt endeuours may labour in the defence of our Common-wealth: nor let your conrage droope, either for the miseries of other men, or foolish Pride of their Captaines, my selfe will be your guid, and in all your Marches, and in euerie battell, will be both a Counsellor and a Companion vnto you, my Gouernment equally extending to you as to my selfe, without regard of difference: so that heauens assisting our enterprise, we shall not faile of speedie victorie, faire honour, and wealthy booties. Which albeit they may rest doubtfull and remote, yet it becommeth good men, euen in regard of common honestie to assist their Countrie. Sloth neuer purchased immortalitie, neither do fathers pray that their children might liue for euer, but liue honestly. More I woulde say, if wordes could encourage Cowards: To the valourous I haue spoken sufficient.

Marius hauing finished this Oration and heereby perceiuing the minds of the Comminalty erected, forthwith caused ships to be laden, with Victuals, Treasure, munition, and other necessaries. With these hee commaundeth Aulus Manlius his Lieutenant to set forward, mean while himselfe raised men, not according to the ancient custom, nor out of the degrees and rankes of people (as was vsed by his predecessors) but according to euery mans good will and liking; men for the most part (by reason of their pouerty) exempted from contribution to publicke taxations: The which some imputed to the want of other sufficient souldiers, others to the ambition of the Consul, who by such kind of people had been most aduāced & magnified: For to an aspiring spirit, the most needy persons are the most fit instruments, as beeing such that haue no care of their owne, because they haue nothing, and in that regard esteeme all things honest that sauour of profit. Marius therefore accompanied with a greater number then was decreed him, went into Affrica, and in few dayes arriued at Vtica. Where the Army was deliuered vppe vnto him by P. Rutilius the Lieutenant. For Metellus would by no meanes brooke the presence of Marius, vnwilling to see, what in his heart hee could not endure to heare. But the Consull Marius hauing supplyed his Legions & auxiliary Cohorts, or bandes of succour, led his army into a fruitfull Country, stored with rich preyes and boo ies, & bestowed the pillage thereof vpon his soldiers. This done, he assaulted such Castles and Townes, as both for theyr scituation and strength of men, were least able to make defence: In other places likewise he had many battailes & light skirmishes: In the meane while his newe souldiers began to grow hardy, and to enter into fight without any feare of perill, as wel perceiuing, that all such as fled, were either slain or taken captiues: that euery mans assurance of safety rested in his strength and sufficience: that vpon Armes and prowesse their welfare depended: That theyr Liberty, their Country, their Kinred, and whatsouer they had, consisted heerein: and finally, that this was the way to acquire glory and riches. By reason whereof, in short space, both new and old alike grew valourous, and their vertues became equall.

But the two Kings aduertised of the approach of Marius, deuiding their Army; seuerally departed vnto the most vnaccessable and difficult places, which was done by the aduise of Iugurth, hoping by these meanes that the Roman Army, scattering it selfe and stragling abroade, might the more easily be inuaded, and that they like the most part of men, secure & void of feare, would become the more improuident and lesse circumspect.

Metellus in this meane season arriued at Rome: where, contrary to his expectation, he was ioyfully welcommed by the Romans, and after the enuy raised against him, was ouerblowne, was alike held deare vnto the people, & the Senate.

CHAP. 28.

1 Marius in sundry small bikeringes distresseth Iugurth and Bocchus. 2 Altereth the course of the war. 3 And without losse taketh and sacketh Capsa. 4 His praises.

BVt Marius like a prudent and industrious Captaine, had an eie both on his owne Army and his enemies: he wel perceiud what most aduantaged or disaduātaged th'one or other side: he set spies to obserue what waies the kings tooke, & ouerreached all their counsels & stratagems: he suffered nothing to bee slacke or vnprouided on his part, or any thing to remaine safe and secure to the other side. By reason whereof, many times on his way hee charged and defeated Iugurth, & the Getulians as he found them forraging and spoiling our confederates, and not far from the Town of Cirtha forced the King himself to leaue his armes behind him.

But at length perceiuing, that these exploits were only glorious, and no way furthered him to force Iugurth to battaile whereby at one blow he might impose an ende vnto these lingering warres, he determined to besiege all such Townes, as either for strength of men or natural defence, were of greatest importance and succor to the enemy, and contrarily most preiudiciall to the Romans: Imagining, that Iugurth, if he endured this, should bee debarred of his strongest forts & places of refuge, or at least, be heerby prouoked to a pitcht battel. For Bocchus by sundry Messengers had before signified vnto Marius, that for his part he was desirous of amitie and friendship with the Romans, and that he should not feare him as an enemy.

But whether he dissembled heerin, to the end, that surprising the Romans vnawars, he might giue them the greater blowe, or whether through the inconstancy and instability of his mind, it was vsuall with him to change war for peace, it is vncertaine.

But the Consull proceeding in his former resolution, began to assault townes and fortified castels; some whereof he tooke by force, some through fear, & others by promise of reward & bounty: at first he dealt with the smaller sort, supposing that Iugurth would for their defence be drawn to a battaile: but receiuing intelligence, that he was gone far off, and imployed in other affaires, he thought it high time to attempt matters of greater consequence, and more difficulty.

3 There was a Towne large and strong, scituate in the vast and wilde desertes, named Capsa: of which Hercules Lybius was said to be the first founder. The Inhabitants hereof, vnder the gouernment of Iugurth, were gently and peaceably ruled, free from tribute, and in that regard remained most firme and true vnto him.

They were furnished against forraine inuasion, not onely with walles, Armes, and Men, but which was much more, by the difficulty of the place and scituation. For excepting those fieldes that lay neere vnto the Towne, all the Region about, was wilde, desert, and vnmannured; wanting Water, and anoyed with Serpentes, who (as all other wilde beastes) become enraged for want of meate. Moreouer, the mischieuous Nature of those Serpents, is by nothing more then by drought prouoked.

Marius was maruailously enflamed with a desire to take this Towne, as well for the seruice of the Warre, as for that it seemed a very hard and difficult enterprise, and partly for that Metellus had formerly with great applause taken the Towne of Thala, not much vnlike this place, eyther for scituation or defence: Onely the difference was, that not farre from the VValles of Thala were certaine Springes and Fountaines; whereas the Capsians had but one continuall water-spring, and that within their wals: those without vsing no other then rain-water, which both there, and in all other places of Affrique, remote from the Sea, that are wilde and desert, is the more easily endured, for that the Numidians for the most part feede on Mike, and the flesh of sauage beasts; desiring neyther Salt, nor other Sawce to whet there stomackes, as hauing prouision sufficient to appease hunget and thirst, but not for superfluity or daintinesse.

The Consull therefore hauing enquired the truth of these matters; becam confident, I think on the help of the gods. For it was impossible he shuld either in wit or policy haue beene sufficiently prouided to encounter so many difficulties, especially hauing there but small store of Corne (for as much as the Numidians imploy their grounds rather in pasture then tillage) & that quantity which they had, was by the Commandement of their king conueied into their strong holds. Their fields were also dry and barren without fruit, it being then the latter end of Summer: Howbeit, Marius made sufficient prouision as his ocasions required. Hee committed to his auxiliary troopes of horse the conuoy of such Cattle, as formerly he had taken from the enemy, and sent his Lieutenant Aulus Manlius with his lightest armed Cohorts to the Towne of Laris, where he had layed in his souldiers pay, and victuals: alledging that hee himselfe would go a forraging, and within fewe daies meet him there.

Thus concealing his purpose, he led his army toward the Riuer Tanais: and made daily in his iournies equall & ratable distribution of his Cattle amongst his Army, as they were deuided by hundreds, and troopes of thirties, or other small companies. taking order that of the hides of those beasts, should bee made vessels for the cariage of Water: And moreouer (no man knowing his pretence) he prouided such store of Corne and other necessaries as shortly should be requisite for his entended enterprize. In a word, on the sixt day arriuing at the riuer, he had a great number of those vessels made of the hides of beasts: There pitching his Tents slightly fortified, he commaunded his souldiers to take their repast, and be ready to depart by the setting of the Sunne; willing them further to leaue all their baggage behinde, and charge their carriages onelie with water.

At length, when he saw his time, he departed from his Tents, and trauelling, all that night, rested on the morning with his Army: The like he did the second night, and the third night, long before day, hee arriued at a place full of Hillocks, not aboue two miles distant from the Town of Capsa; where, as couertly as he could, he ambushed his army. But the day approching, & a great part of the Numidians not mistrusting any enemy, being issued out of the Towne, Marius suddenly caused all his Horse, and with those, his lightest foot-men to make hast, and seize vpon the gates of the Citty: Immdiately himselfe follow d, giuing expresse charge to his Souldiers to refraine from pillage. Which when the Towns-men perceiued, there estate standing on such dangerous tearms, extreame fear, a mischiefe so vnlooked for, and moreouer, a great part of their fellow-cittizens surprized, and in the power of their enemies, moued thē to yeeld the town to Marius. Foorthwith the Citty was fired, all of the age of fourteene yeares and vpwardes put to the Sword, the rest sold, & the prey deuided amongest the Souldiers. Which iniurious acte, contrary to the Law of armes, was not committed either for auarice, or barbarous cruelty in the Consull, but because the place was most commodious for Iugurth, & almost vnaccessable to the Romans: Moreouer, they were a kind of people inconstant & faithlesse, & in former times could not be contained in obedience, neither through fear or fauor. 4. Marius hauing so speedily finished so great an enterprise, without any losse of his own, albeit he was renowned before, yet now began to be of greater fame and estimation: now al his designes and proiects, as well such as were put in execution through good aduise, as such also, as inconsiderately & by chance were aduentured, were ascribed wholly to his vertue & pollicy: His Souldiers ouer whom he mildely cōmanded, being likewise inriched by these seruices, extolled his name to the heauens, & the Numidians feared him, as if he had bin more then mortall. Finally, as well his companions as his enemies, were of opinion, that hee had either a diuine vnderstanding, or at least, that by the Goddes appointment, the euents of his enterprises were reuealed vnto him.

CHAP. 29.

The fortunate suprising of a strong Castle by a strange aduenture. 2, An honorable testimony of Sillaes worthinesse.

BVt these matters hauing thus fortunately succeeded, the Consull sets forward to other Townes, some few whereof he tooke by force, the Numidians resisting; but the greater number were abandoned and left desolate by reason of the former calamities of the Capsians destroyed by fire, euery place was filled with griefe and slaughter. At length, hauing gained many places, and those for the most part, without losse of any Roman bloud, he vndertooke another exploit, not altogither so toilsome as was that of the Capsians, yet no lesse difficult. Not farre from the Riuer of Mulucha, that deuides the kingdome of Iugurth and Bocchus, there is a rocke or stony mountayne in the midst of a plaine, whereon was scituated a rude castle, large enough, but of an incredible heigth, hauing one only narrow entrance into it: The discent of this rocke was naturally so steepe, as if purposely it had been so built by the hands of workmen; Marius with all his endeuours intended to force this Castle, for that the Kinges treasure lay there, which he effected, (but rather by chaunce than cunning) for in the Castle was sufficient prouision, both of men, munition and corne, as also a spring of water.

Moreouer, the scituation thereof was such, as by no meanes was assaultable, eyther by Mounts, Towers, Turrets, or other warlike Engines, the entry thereinto being very narrow, trauersed and cut on both sides: Our approches also were made to no purpose, and with great perril, for as they came neere the wall, they were beaten downe and destroyed with fire and stones; So as the Souldiers could neither performe their workes for the steepnesse of the place, nor serue without perill in their approches: The valiantest were either slaine or wounded, and feare augmented in the rest.

But Marius after many daies, and much labour, with great perisiuenesse pondered with himselfe, whether hee should for go this enterprize, wherein he seemed to labour in vaine, or attend his fortune, which had oft times prooued succesfull vnto him: These things hauing many daies and nights reuolued in his mind, it fell out that a certaine Ligurian, a common souldior of his auxiliary cohorts, by chance comming to a water not farre from that side of of the Castle, which was opposite to the besiege s, found certaine Periwinckles creeping among the stones: wherof when hee had taken vp first one, then another, and so sought others, was by this desire of gathering more, by little and little brought vp to the toppe of the Mountaine: where seeing the coast cleare and void of people, foorthwith (according to the condition of men) a desire of exploiting great matters entred into his conceit. There grew in the same place a great Holme-tree amongst the stones, being a little bended downe towards the ground, & forthwith winding vpward (as is the Nature of all Vegitalles) and shoottng it selfe on high towards the top of the Castle: by the helpe whereof, the Ligurian somtimes taking holde on the armes thereof, sometimes on the outmost stones of the wall, climbed to the top, where vndisc rued of any, he descried the whole plaine of the Castle, for that the Numidians were then absent, busily imployed in fight against the besiegers. The souldier hauing searched & spyed out all things which he thought needfull, returned the same way hee came, not rashly as hee ascended, but with great regard and Caution. Forthwith he retired to Marius, declaring what hee had done, and aduised him to attempt the Castle on that side, from whence he had discē ded, offering himselfe for a guid, and alledging that there was no hazard or perril in the enterprise. Marius forthwith commanded such as were then present to go with the Ligurian, to try the truth of this information: who returning made diuers reports thereof, euery man according to his fancy, some esteeming it to be an easie, some a difficult enterprise. But the Consull began to be of better cheare, and forthwith out of his number of Trumpiters and Cornets he selected fiue, the most nimble and light amongest them, and withall foure Centuries for their aide and succour: All which he willed to be at the commaund of the Ligurian, vnto whom hee appointed the next day for the execution of this seruice, who at the time limited, according to his commandement, hauing prepared and ordred all things necessary, repaired vnto the said place.

The Centurions by the direction of their guid, changed both their armes and apparrel, and went with their heads and feet bare, to the end that they might the better see about them, and climb with more steadinesse. Their swords as also their Targets (which according to the Numidian fashion were made of Leather, as well for their lightnes, as for that in their clashing together they made the least noise) were fastned at their backs. The Ligurian then climbing vp before the rest, tyed cords vnto such stones, and olde Mores or rootes, as hung out beyond the rest of the wall, that the souldiers taking holde thereon, might the more easily ascend: such as were fearefull thorough the strangenesse of the way, he holpe vp with his handes, and where the ascent was steepest, hee caused them to climbe vnarmed, himselfe following with their armor. Such places as to the eie seemed most dangerous, himselfe chieflie assaved; ascending, descending, and going forwards, encouraging the rest to follow. At length, but late and sore wearied, they became Maisters of the Castle, which on that side was left vnregarded, for that those of the castle, were then, as at other times imployed in fight against their enemies.

Marius hauing by Messengers vnderstood what the Ligurian had done, albeit he had all that day entertained fight with the Numidians, yet then encouraging his souldiers, issued out from his defenses, and with Engines approached the Walles, threatning them also aloofe with slings, Artillery, and other Ordinance. But the Numidians hauing formerly broken downe and burnt the approches of the Romans, contained not themselues within the wals of the Castle, but day and night passed to an fro on the outside thereof, rayling at the Romans and reproching Marius with cowardice; menacing our souldiers to make them bond-slaues vnto Iugurth, and by meanes of theyr good fortune grew fierce and insolent.

But now as the Romans and Numidians were in earnest conflict, each encountring other with great violence, thes fighting for glory and Empire, they for their liues & safeties; the Ligurian on the sudden sounded an allarme at their backs, whereat, first ran away the women and children, that were placed to behold the battell; next, such as were nearest vnto the walles, and lastly the whole company, aswell armed as disarmed, betook themselues to flight: The which so chancing, the Romans began to charge the more furiously; they slew and wounded diuers, and trampling on their dead bodies, enforced themselues to ascend the wall. Thus Fortune still fauoured the ouerweening rashnesse of Marius, & in his owne error, he found glory.

2 These passages thus depending, meane time Lucius Silla the Questor arriued in the Campe, with a great troop of Horse. He had beene left behinde in Rome, to raise an Army of Latines and Allies their confederates; But forsomuch as we are now fallen into discourse of so renowned a man, it will not be amisse to treat somewhat of his Nature and conditions, for hence-forward we shall haue no occasion to speake of his actions: and Lucius Sisenna, who of all others that haue written of him, hath with greatest dilligence, and most faith pursued the History, seemeth to me, not to haue spoken liberally and freely enough of his worthinesse.

Scilla then was nobly descended from the race of a Patrician, but his Gentry was almost extinct and worne out by the sloth of his auncestors. He was alike and excellently learned, both in Greeke and Latine; of a haughty courage, addicted to his pleasures, but more to glory: his vacant howers were spent in Luxury, yet pleasure neuer hindred his affayres: Only he might haue better aduised him selfe in the choice of a more honest wife. He was eloquēt, subtile, sociable, and in dissembling or disguising his intents, the depth of his wit was incredible: He was liberal in guifts, chiefly of his money: and before the ciuill Conquest (albeit he was the most happie of all others) yet fortune neuer exceeded his industry, insomuch as many doubted, whether he was more vertuous or fortunate: But for his latter actions, I am vncertaine whether it wil more shame or grieue me to repeat them.

Then as is before said, when he came with his troope of horse into Affricke, and the campe of Marius (being before a Nouice and vnexperienced in the warres) in a short season with fewe bickerings, became the most cunning & expert leader amongst the Romans. Moreouer, he would kindly entreate his souldiers, giue liberally to such as demanded, as also voluntary to others: he could hardly bee drawne to take any thing; but more ready to returne it with recompence, then to pay a iust debt. He neuer redemanded any thing lent, but rather endeuoured to haue as many as he could, remaine his debtors. His fashion was to discourse both pleasantly and seriously, with the basest and men of meanest ranke, and would very often bee amongst them in their labours, their marches, and theyr watchings, neither in the meane while (as lewd ambition is accustomed) would he with slanders wound the honor and reputation, either of the Consull, or any other. In direction or execution he suffred no man to go beyond him, but heerein himselfe excelled the most part: and by these meanes in a short space, hee became indeared both vnto Marius and the souldiers.

CHAP. 30.

Bocchus ioyneth with Iugurth, assaulteth Marius vpon the sodaine, and is notwithstanding defeated.

BVt to returne where wee left, Iugurth hauing lost the Towne of Capsa, and other fortified places of importance, as also great store of Treasure; dispatched messengers vnto Bocchus, signifying that he should forthwith bring his forces into Numidia; That the season of the year summoned to field.

But hearing that the King made small hast, and stood doubtfull betweene the euents of peace and warre, once againe, as before, he corrupteth with presents the greatest and nearest persons about Bocchus: promising the King for his share, the third part of Numidia, if either the Romans were cleane expulsed Affricke; or the warre compounded without diminution of his Patrimony.

Bocchus being caught with so golden a bait, commeth vnto Iugurth with a worlde of people. When ioyning both their armies (the tenth part of the day yet scarce remaining) they charge Marius, as he iournied towardes his Winter stations: forecasting that the approach of the night, in case they were ouerthrowne, would stand them in great stead; but if they fortuned to haue the bett r, it would proue to them no disaduātage, for that they were well acquainted with the waies: But contrarily, howeuer the world went, Quia iguari essent Locarum. the darke night would prooue very troublesome vnto the Roman Army.

No sooner had the Consull notice of the enemies approach, but the enemy was discouered to followe him at the heeles: And before the battaile could bee ranged, the luggage discharged and secured, the signall giuen, or any order taken; the Moorish and Getulian Horse-men had charged our people: not in order and warlike maner, but by troopes and scattering companies, at aduenture.

The souldiers at first, beeing thus taken vnprouided, stood amazed, but now calling to mind their wonted valour, did eyther betake them to their weapons, or defended others against the insulting enemy, whilst they ran to arme. The horsemen gat to horse, & did what they could to stay the enemies course. The fight rather resembled an incursion, then a battell. The footmen without Ensignes or rankes were mixt amongst the Horse; Some ran away, some were slaine, some making obstinate resistance were circumvented behinde, by the enemy: neither valour nor steele could warrant life, the enemy pressed so fast on with inequality of numbers, and dispersion on all quarters. For remedy whereof, the old and new Roman souldiers instructing one another, had no other shift, then as place or chance directed them, to cast themselues into an Orbe, or circle; whereby being couered and prepared vpon al sides, they inabled themselues to sustaine the enemies fury.

At this hard bargaine, Hinc dignosc tur quanti momenti sit dux validus in exercitu. Marius shewed no more token of a fearefull or deiected spirit, then at another season; but with his owne company, which he had culled (not out of his fauourites and familiars, but of choisest fellowes) hee scoureth vp and downe the field: sometimes releeuing his wearied people, sometimes charging in vpon the thickest troopes of his enemie: sometime giuing his aduice: for command he could not in so generall a confusion. manu, aut alio signo.

The day by this time was well nigh spent, yet the barbarous poeple slackned nothing of their fury, but by the Kings perswasions, relying vppon the aduantages of the night, seemed to presse on with fresher courages.

But Marius, taking Counsel vpon necessity, commandeth his souldiers to retire vnto two hilles nearely adioyning. Vpon the one, hardly of sufficient capacity to pitch their Tents, was a large Fountaine of Water; the other was more aduantagious, by reason of his eminencie, and some naturall fortifications. Vpon that with the Water, he commaundeth Silla with the horsemen to keepe good watch all that night: himselfe by some and some, withdraweth his dispersed souldiers in troopes from amongst their enemies, in no lesse confusion, then themselues. This done, with a ful march he retireth them al vnto the aforesaid hill.

The Kings being discouraged by the difficultie of the place, sound likewise the retrait, and suffer not their souldiers to lodge far from the place, but enuironing the hils with multitudes, confusedly sette them downe. Then making many fires after their barbarous custome, al night long they begin to make merry, to daunce, and with their feet and voyces to stir vp strange noises. The kings themselues grew proud, either for that the Romans coulde not put them to flight, Qui in tenebris sunt, vident q. fiūt in luce, et non ipsi videntur. or for that they accounted the victorie in sure possession. These passages by reason of the darkenesse, and the eminency of the hil, were very discernable to the Romans, and gaue them no small encouragements to hope for victory.

For Marius being very confident, vppon the rawnesse of the enemy, giueth a strict commaund for keeping of silence all the night; so farre forth, as not to sound the trumpet according to custome, at the setting or relieuing of the watch. Then vpon the approach of the dawning (the Enemy being now weary, and not long before ouertaken with sleepe) Marius willeth the Mercinary Trumpeters, and the Drummes of all the Cohorts, winges and Legions, vppon the sodaine to sound, as also the Souldiers violently to rush out of the Ports of the campe, with the greatest clamor that they possibly could raise.

The Moores and Getuli being suddenly awaked with the vnknowne and terrible allarme, had neither stomach to fly, not to fight, nor were able to resolue what to do, or what to preuent: insomuch as the whole rable stood astonished at the noise and clamor, as men frayed out of their wits, not one offering to relieue his fellow, although the Romans fiercely pressed in with tumult, terrour & slaughter. So the whole Army was quickly rowted and disperst; and much armour with many Ensignes taken: yea, more were slaine in this conflict, then in all the former battails. For they were so heauy asleepe, and stood amazed with such an vnvsuall extasie, that they had not so much memory left them, as to prouide for flight.

CHAP. 31.

A President for Commanders not to march carelesse, vppon any termes of security, in the Enemie-countrey.

AFter this defeature, Marius (as hee had determined) iournieth towards his Winter stations, and for the conueniency of prouision, mindeth to billet his companies in the maritime Burroughs. And taking neuer the more ease, nor yet become forgetfull of his affayres, by reason of his late victory, marcheth in a square battell, as if he had beene in the face of his enemy.

Vpon the right hand Silla commanded ouer the horsemen; vpon the left, marched A. Manlius with the Slings, Archers, and the Cohorts of the Lygurians. In front and Reare, he placed the Tribunes, with the readiest and light armed companies. The Fugitiues that best knew the cuntrey, were employed to discouer the enemies march.

The Consull confined to no place, had an eie to all: was present with all: commended the valiant, and blamed the coward. Himselfe rode armed, & at all assayes he ordred the souldiors as he vsed to do in ordinary trauaile: he saw to the fortifieng of the campe, and himselfe in person placed selected Cohorts out of the Legions to ward within the Ports: and without, the auxiliary horsemen.

In the bastils vpon the rampart he would appoint others, & himself go the round; not vpon diffidence that his commands intrusted to others, wold be the insufficienter executed, but that the Souldier seeing his General to share in labor, might vndergo the like with more willing courage.

To speak vprightly, Marius both at this season, and at other times of his War, awed his army more by example, then by seuerity. Which some men attribute to Pride; others by extenuation excused him; That beeing from his Cradle invred to hardnesse, hee tooke delight in that, which others accounted misery: but howsoeuer, surely he discharged his duety with as great honour and glory to the state, as euer did the seuerest Commander of the state.

Vpon the fourth day, the light-mounted vant-currers of Iugurth, shew themselues in troops, not farre from the Towne Cirtha; An alarum is giuen, that the enemy is not far off. Marius sendeth out his Scouts all agree, but differ vpon the side of approch. Whereupon the Consull being incertaine how to prouide, without any alteration of his former imbatteling, being prepared for all aduentures, resolueth in that place to receiue the enemy.

By this forme of sight, the hopes of Iugurth were vtterly frustrated; for by diuiding his battallion into four parts, he made an account, with one half to haue charged in the face, with the other halfe, equally diuided, to haue come vpon the backs of the Romans.

Silla, whom the enemy first attached, vsing some few words to his followers, taking certaine troops vnto him, with their Horses as close ranged as they possibly could, receiueth the Moores; The residue standing fast in theyr places, couer their bodies from the enemies shot, & if any chance to fall within reach, they presently sley him.

VVhilst the Horsemen on this fashion charge, and are charged, Bocchus with the footmen (whom his Son Volux led, and were not at the last rout, for their delay vpon the way) inuadeth the rereward of the Romans.

At that instant Marius chanced to be in the head of the battaile, because Iugurth with a great company layd hard charge thereunto. The Numidian perceiuing that Bocchus had now charged in the reare, priuily retiring with some few horsemen vnto the footmen, crieth out in Latine (the Language he had learned at Numantia) that the Romains resisted in vaine; and that but euen now with his own hands he had slaine the Consul: And therewithall lifted vppe his sword, as yet reeking in blood; which in truth by the slaughter of one of our footmen with sufficient proofe of valiancy, he had so stained in fight. Quàm necessariū sit rebut bellicit intentos, Historias legere, hinc apparet: nam vnius voce mendacis, parū absuerit quin qui victores erant, vincerentur The Romans receiuing the word, were more astonished at the cruelty of the fact, then the relation of the reporter: and the Barbarians doubling their courages, gaue in more lustily to augment the terror. Now stood the footmen wauering, when Silla (returning from the flight of those whom he first charged) chargeth in vpon the flank of the Moores. Bocchus forthwith turneth taile: but Iugurth performing all the parts of a valiant captain in relieuing his distressed followers, by al means laboreth to retaine the aduantage of a victory almost gained; vntill such time, as beeing incircled in the thickest of the horsmen, & his followers on each hand slaine, he himselfe made his escape through the weapons of his enemies. By this time Marius likewise hauing routed the horsmē, runneth to the aide of his people, but by the way receiueth newes of their flight. Thus was the enemy vtterly broken, & a most hideous spectacle presented through the whole field. Graphica descriptio Belli, sugae cedis Some pursued, some fled; some were slaine, some taken: horse & men lay promiscuously mingled in one anothers gore: Many being wounded could neither fly, nor procure helpe: now they striued, presently they fell down and fainted. Surely, as far as sight could view, the field was couered with weapons, armours, & carkasses: the Earth, with blood.

CHAP. 32.

Bocchus relenteth, harkeneth to peace, and againe wauereth.

BY this time the Consull being in full possession of victory, arriueth at Cirtha, the place of his first determined progres. The 5. day after, his second & vnfortunat fight of the Barbarians, Embassadors are hether dispatched from Bocchus: who in the king their masters name of the Generall, that he would vouchsafe to send ouer vnto him two most sufficient Cōmissioners, to treat of those Articles which should concerne their mutuall safety, and welfare. The Generall forthwith commandeth L. Silla and Aulus Manlius to prepare for the iourney.

These Gentlemen, though they came before his presence by Et ideo audituri, quid ipse vellet message, yet they deemed it their fittest course, first to offer parle; vpon intention, that if they found his disposition addicted vnto further hazard, they might take occasion, to lenifie his courage; but if desirous of peace, that then they might proceede, to confirme it with feruencie. Whereupon Silla (vnto whose perswasiue eloquence, not to age, nor due of precedency, Manlius submitted) thus began a short Oration.

Sillas Oration.

Noble King Bocchus, the comfort that we haue taken, to see so worthy a personage, no doubt (not without the speciall direction of heauen) nowe at last, not onely to make choise of peace, rather then War; but also to free himself from the protection of Iugurth, of all men liuing the worst, & Vnde regem attentum faciat, cum admoneat quanti periculi sit cum homine saepius victo commisceri.most miserable: hath in no small measure bin pleasing vnto vs. For heerby thou hast vtterly bereaued vs of an ineuitable necessity, as seuerely to chastice q. d. deceptū ab eo thy errors, as his Treason & disloialtie.

Noble Lord, euen in the infancie of the Roman state, being as then but weake and obscure, our Forefathers made choise to acquire friends, rather then to subdue slaues, holding it a principle in policie, that greater benefittes accrued from free will, then Nullum violentum diuturnum. from forced subiection.

Our fauours can proue to no mortall creature more auaileable, then to your selfe: first, for that wee are farre remote: Qui enim longè absunt oneribus & exactionibus Curiae minus grauantur. wherein consisteth least opportunity of offence: and yet in our bountie may become as indifferent, as if wee vvere nearest neighbours.

Secondly, for that vve abound inviz. Carthaginē se , Macedones, & al os. Subiects: And yet I must confesse, that neither vvee, nor any man liuing, can boast to haue found more friends then he needed.

I would to God your Maiesty had apprehended this in the beginning: then surely by this time, you had not failed to haue reaped farre more pleasures from the Roman people, then hitherto you haue suffered damages.

But because Fortune sitteth Lady Regent of all humane proiects, whose fancy forsooth it hath beene, that you shoulde make tryall aswell of our force, as of our fauour: Now, for that she hath offered Ad gratiam populi Ro: ineundā. the meanes, I beseech you, make hast to embrace it, and giue not ouer, to perfect these your good ouertures.

Tacitè innuit, quòd postea petiturus est s. vt lugurtham tradat. In your power consist many kind offices, by which to good purpose you may redeeme all fore-passed misprisions.

Lastly, closet vp this my counsell with deepest confidence, Tacitè etiā inuitat per a arit ā, sc ens 〈◊〉 ab or ē regui promissam multa fecisse in gratiam Iugurthae That the Roman people were neuer ouer-ballanced in renumeration of thankfull seruices: Rhetoricè in sine promit it, & minatur. what their valour is in war, your selfe can make best report.

The answere of Bocchus.

HErevnto Bocchus in extenuation of his ouersights maketh a short, but a plausible reply: That hee made choice of Armes, not vppon any fancy that might moue him to make triall of warre, but only to secure the kingdome, Intelligendū est, quod antiquam, Iugurtha illi fillā suam daret, motā fuisse lit m de con fraibus regun & partem a Buc ho inuas m, illi pro dote ab Iugurtha concessam, propter Bellum quod Romanis metuebat which now after the expulsion of Iugurth, being by the law of conquest diuolued vnto him, he could not brooke to see harried by Marius. Secondly, he complained of the disgrace, and refusall of his friendship, offred vnto the Romans in former time, by his Ambassadors. But hee was content, now to silence olde greeuances, and promised againe to send his people in embassie to Rome, so it might stand with Marius his good liking.

Wherupon, leaue being granted, the mind of the Barbarian became againe distated, by the mediation of those his followers, whom Iugurth, vppon intelligence of the embassie of Silla and Manlius, and distrust of that, which in truth was s. animum Bocchi à bello diuertere intended, had already corrupted by guiftes and bribery.

CHAP. 33.

Bocchus once againe sendeth Ambassadors to Marius. 2. How intertained by Silla. 3 Sent to Rome, & there answered.

BY this time Marius hauing quartered his souldiers in their Winter Garrisons, with part of his horsemen, and lightest Cohorts, he taketh his iourney towardes the wildernesse, there to besiege the Kings Tower, in safegard whereof, Iugurth hath thrust in al the renegado fugitiues.

1 When againe, Bocchus either vpon mature deliberation of what he had suffered at the handes of the Romans in two pitcht batailes; or accounselled by others of his friends, whose seruices were not obliged to the pensions of Iugurth, resolueth, out of the choise of variety, amongst al his kinsmen, to nominate fiue, vpon whose assured fidelity and tried wisedome, hee durst aduenture to repose his vtmost confidence.

These he dispatcheth to Marius, and from him, if he so please, hee commaundeth to passe for Rome: with ample authority to compound all controuersies; so vppon any tearmes, to put an end to the war; with exquisit diligence they take their way towardes the wintering places of the Romans: but being beset & robbed in their iourny by certaine Getulian Outlawes in fear and base estate, they make their repaire before Silla, whom Marius the Consull (being vpon seruice) had lest for his Lieutenant.

2 According to desert, Silla entertaineth them as gidly headed fellowes, and enemies; but withall, did bountifully supply their hard misfortunes. In regard whereof, the Barbarians quite changed their pristinate conceites of the Roman Auarice, & that more is, acounted Silla, for his bounteous clemency, their especiall good Patron. For in these times few men knew what pensions meant: no man was deemed bountifull, vnlesse it proceeded from meere good-wil. All giftes were accepted as remembraunces of loue and kindnesse.

This done, they make relation of their Imbassie to Silla, and first beseech him in the businesse to stand their good friend and Counsellour. Then they fall into speech vpon the streng h, the integrity, and the maiesty of their Maister, not omitting any title, that might either prooue aduantagious to the capitulation, or moue good liking in the Lieutenant.

Silla made no scruple to satisfie their desires, and after he had giuen them instructions how they shuld cary their affaires before Marius, and how, before the Lordes of the Senat, he stayed them there about the space of forty daies.

3 Marius, without speeding in his entended enterprise, returned to Cirtha: where hauing intelligence of the arriuall of the Embassadors, he commandeth both them and Silla, to dislodge from Vtica, and to repaire vnto Cirtha. The like commaundement is directed vnto L. Bilienus the Praetor, Ex omni parte vbi Inberna egerint. and the residue of the Nobility. In presence of whom he giueth audience to the Moorish Embassadors, & withall, his passe for their iourney to Rome. During the time of which their absence, they intreat the Consull for a surcease from armes.

These passages were well approued by Silla, and some others: a few were of a more seuere opinion; little (God knowes) experimented in human affaires, Sen. si miserum videris, hominē scias. which beeing alwaies casuall and vncertaine, for the most part are counterchanged from better to worse.

All which their petitions being granted, three of them take their iourny towards Rome, in the company of C. Octauius Rufo, the Treasurer at Warres in Affrick. The other two returne backe to the King, who seemed very well to like of the behauiour of the Consull, but especially of the curtesie and affection of Silla.

At Rome after the Legates had submissiuely confessed the errours of their maister, as induced thereunto by the insinuation of Iugurth; the conclusion of their speech was knit vp, with a desire to be receiued into the Roman aliance: Vnto whome it was thus answered; That the Romanes could as well remember to requite curtesies, as to reuenge wrongs: That the King, because hee shewed himselfe sorrowfull for his faults, was receiued into grace: As for friendship and alliance, they were to be vouchsafed onely vpon merit.

CHAP. 34.

1. Silla is sent by Marius to capitulate with Bocchus. 2. Is in honour met vpon the way by Volux, and by him accompanied to his Fathers Court, not without great mistrust of disloyalty.

OF which determinations Bocchus hauing receiued intelligence, by Letters hee requesteth Marius, to send Silla vnto him: with whom he meant to treat a finall composition of all difficulties.

Silla is sent, guarded with a regiment of horse and foot, accompanied with their Slingers and Enginers. In like manner the Archers and the Italian Cohort, with theyr lightest Arms, for speed sake, were commanded to march. And the reason, why they iournied, armed at no stronger proofe on their enemies country, was, for that the weapons of the Barbarians were light and voydable.

2 The fift day of the iourny, Volux the son of Bocchus, vppon the suddaine sheweth himselfe in the open fielde, with a troope at most of one thousand horse: who riding vppon the spurre, and out of order to salute Silla, at first seemed vnto him and the residue, to be more in number, as also to represent a kind of warlike distrust.

Whereupon, euery man began to fall into ranke, to put on his Armour, to draw his Weapon, and to expect the enemy. The feare was indifferent; their hopes better resolued (as befalleth victours) & especially, because the fight was to be mannaged against those whome they had formerly so often vanquished.

But the horsemen being sent out to discouer, brought word of the truth, and so all things were quieted.

Volux approaching, calleth vnto the Quester, and certifieth him, that his father had sent him both to honour & assist him in his iourney. So that day and the next, they both marched in one troope without distrust.

But after they had pitched their Tents, and the day began now to close; the Moore all fearefull, with his colour going and comming, runneth towards Silla, and reporteth that he is assertained by his Discouerers, that Iugurth approached And therefore intreateth; yea, and importunateth him secretly in the dead of the night to make shift for himselfe by speedy flight.

Silla all inraged, advowed that hee nothing feared the Numidian, whom hee had so often heeretofore rowted: That his resolution was setled vpon the valour of his people: yea, if assured destruction lay before his face, That hee would abide by it, rather then betray the liues of so many souldiers committed vnto his conduct by a base and vnsure flight; to make spare of that fraile carcasse, which peraduenture by casualty of sicknes, might soone afterwardes miscarry. But withall, Vt hostes existi marēt eos vigilias agere, & post dec ssum visis ignibus adhuc illie esse followeth his Counsell to dislodge by night: and thereupon, commaundeth the army foorthwith to fall to Supper, to fill the Campe with fires, and at the first watch without noise or tumult to make ready to march.

Now both Silla, and his troopes, beeing thoroughly wearied by this nights iourney, with the rising of the sun pitcheth his Tents: when as the Moorish vant-currers bring worde to the Campe, that Iugurth hath taken vp his lodgings scarse one league before thē. Which news were no sooner divulged, but an vnvsuall feare attached the whol body of our army; mistrusting that they had bin betrayed by Volux, and brought into ambush by his treachery: yea, there were some that advowed, that Death was his meed; and that so manifest and notorious a Treason ought not to be suffered to escape vnpunished.

Although Silla in secret did iumpe in Opinion, yet gaue he commandement that no man sho ld be so hardie as to wrong the Moore: but encorageth his people to cary a valiant conc it of the yssue. Putting them in mind, That a few couragious souldiers haue heretofore happily encountred a tumultuary multitude, and that not seldome. The lesse spare any man made of his carcasse, the better he sped. That it be seemed not the armed hand to expect safety from the vnarmed foot, Abiects armis by turning the naked bodie at all Nō perspiciēs quò s praecipitet. aduentures through rash fear, from the face Vt faciunt fugientes. of the enemy.

Then calling vpon Iupiter Fidelitatis & hospitalitatis conseruatorem. Max. to be a witnesse of the falshood and treachery of Bocchus, he commandeth Volux as an enemy to depart the campe. The yong Gentleman with teares in his eies, beseecheth the Generall not to giue eare to such enuious reportes: protesteth, that nothing was fraudulently contriued: but rather, that he should perswade himselfe, that all proceeded from the subtilty of Iugurth, by whose warie watchfulnesse the course of his iourney was discouered. And the rather, for that he had neither forces sufficient, and all his welfare depended vppon his good carriage towards his father. More, that he would be fully possessed, that Iugurth durst not enterprize any open hostility against the Army, S. Silla. as long as hee his sonne was present as a witnes of the outrage.

And therefore to amoue all mistrust, he supposeth it the best course, to passe in open sight through the middest of Iugurths campe; leauing it to the choise of the Generall whether he will place his Moores in front or in reare: hee himselfe is content without consort, to submit himselfe to Sillaes sole dispose.

The course proposed (as happeneth in like cases) is allowed: and the army forthwith moueth: The suddennes of the accident stroke Iugurth to his wits end, and so they passed in safety; within few daies after they ariued at theyr intended Rende-vow.

CHAP. 35.

The irresolution of a barbarous enemy. Iugurth betraied, & deliuered captiue to Silla.

AT that time there liued in the Court of Bocchus, a certaine Numidian called Aspar, a man in very gracious acceptance with his Maiesty, whom Iugurth (hearing of the sending for of Silla to Court) had imployed as an Ambassadour, closely and cunningly to obserue what passed in counsell. To him was adioyned Dabar, the sonne of Massugrada, a kinsman of Massinissas, but not by the mother. For his mother was begotten on a Concubine. This man for his many good seruices, was in high fauour with Bocchus: and for the experience of his former fidelity, now made choice of to be forthwith sent vnto Silla, to make demonstration, on his maisters behalfe; That Bocchus was ready to performe whatsoeuer the Roman people should command him. That Silla should nominate the day, the place, and time for conference: That hee would hold good corespondēcy vpon all ocasions. That he needed not to take any exceptions against the Ambassador of Iugurth, for that he had bin purposely sent for, Bocchus. the better to compound their common Controuersies. For otherwise (he gaue out) that hee could not preuent the traines of Iugurth.

But I am of Opinion, that with more then a Punique disloyalty, Bocchus entertained the treaty, both with the Romans and the Numidian for other respectes, then those which he publickely pretended. For it did much perplex his mind, whether he shuld deliuer Iugurth to the Romans, or Silla to Iugurth. Hatred to vs ward was a potent enemy; Feare our friend.

Wherupon Silla replied, that he would speak to some few points in the presence of Aspar; the residue priuatly, or at least-wise not in the hearing of many. Coram Aspare. Likewise he maketh report, what answere he expected.

At their next meeting, being at Sillas own apointment, He saith, That being sent from Marius the Consull, hee was arriued in these parts to be ascertained from the Kings owne mouth, whether he were desirous of peace or war.

Whereunto the king (as he had bin aduised) made no other reply, Per hoc consilium spes paces datur Iugurthae, & ocsio Sillae liberius de rebus suis censulendis. but commanded him to make his appearance the tenth day after. That as yet he had not consulted with his Counsell: but vpon that day he would not faile to resolue him. So each party retired to their Pauilions.

About midnight, Silla is secretly sent for by Bocchus: Faithfull trucemen are imployed on both sides, And Dabar the intercurrour, a very honest Gentleman sworne to both their good likings. Which ceremonies performed, the King thus began his Oration.

Bocchus his Oration.

MY mind neuer gaue me, that I in this world so powerful a Prince, (as of all men to my knowledge the most potent,) should at any time haue stoode beholding to a priuate Gentleman. For in the word of a Prince, before I knew thee (O Silla) I haue to some vpon intreaty; vnto others voluntarily, extended supplies; and neuer againe implored the assistance of any.

That the worlde is now changed, whereas Others grieue, I reioyce. The gaine of thy acquaintance, hath with surplusage recompenced my losses: then the which my very soule accounteth nothing more indeared. Heerof make triall: Aske Arms, men, or money; yea, whatsoeuer thy fancy can affect, take it, vse it. During thy life, neuer thinke but I will alwaies reckon my selfe thy debtor: in which account I will perseuer faithfull to the end. In a vvord, I vvill deny thee nothing that to my knowledge may pleasure thee. For my mind assureth me, that it is lesse dishonourable for a King to bee ouercome by Armes, then by Bountie.

As concerning the businesse of your Common-vvealth, whose Procurator you are, take this in briefe.

War against the Roman people I neither leuied, nor suffered others to leuie: I onelie opposed force against force. But I wil cease to beat vpon that straine, because such is your pleasures: At your choise be it, what wars you thinke good to vndertake against Iugurth: I will not passe the Riuer Mulucha, (the bounder betvveene me & Iugurth) neither wil I suffer Iugurth to passe beyond it. If you can thinke vppon anie thing besides, befitting your Honours and mine, spare not to speake; you shal not depart with repulse.

Silla made answere: for his particular, briefely & modestly: for the Peace and the Generall, he argued copiously. And at last he made it known to the King, that the Senate and people of Rome could not take it in good part, to be offred barely that, which by their superiority in Arms, they alone were able to accomplish: s. se discedere ab arm •• , cum victus esset & rebus Iugurtha diffideret. Somewhat else was to be performed, which might produce liuelier arguments that he aff cted the Roman welfare, Nam quòd ab armis desistat, plus esset ad vtilitatem Bocchi iam penevicti, quàm Roma orum. more then his priuate respects; considering the meanes were not farre to seeke, as long as Iugurth was at his dispose: whom if hee would surrender, then should the Romaine people infinitely account themselues bounde vnto him. This good seruice would procure friendship, & aliance, yea and that part of Numidia which he now requested, would then come voluntarily offered vnto him. At first the King denied, pleaded affinity, consanguinity, and lastly the breach of his league. Then pretended he feare, least by the falsifieng of his faith, hee shoulde diuert the loue of his people, vnto whom Iugurth was very gracious, the Romans hatefull: Being ouer-wrought by importunacy, hee yeeldeth, and promiseth to dispatch businesses, according to the counsell of Silla. And so concluding vpon all thinges to serue their owne turnes, they proceed to a counterfeit peace, whereof the Numidian (being weary of the warre) was most desirous. The plot thus layd, they take their leaues.

The day following, the king calleth for Asper, and willeth him to shew his maister, that Dabar had learned from Silla, that the warre might be compounded vpon certaine conditions: And that withall he should prouide to return an answere of his mind.

Aspar gladly taketh his iourney towards the Campe of Iugurth: where being fully instructed of his maisters determinations, by poast at eight daies he returneth to Bocchus: and declareth, that Iugurth is ready to performe all commands, sauing that hee durst not safely trust Marius. For (saith he) I haue often made triall, that peace concluded with the Roman Generals, hath bin of no validity: But, if Bocchus desired to procure an assured and profitable peace for both their best securities, that then he should do his indeuour, to appoint a generall assembly vnder the pretext of peace, and there deliuer Silla into his power. When he had such a personage at his dispose, then might hee stande assured, that by speciall commandement from the Senate and Roman people, the league would be solemnly ratified: Neyther would they suffer a man of his quality (not captiuated by his owne default, but in seruice of the State) to lie in durance vnder the enemies imprisonment.

The Moore stood long perplexed, but at last consented; whether in shew, or earnest, we could neuer learne certenly: but for the most part, as the determinatiōs of kings are soddaine, so are they variable; yea many times repugnant.

After this, at the appointed time and place, vnder the colour of conference, Bocchus sometime sendeth for Silla, sometime for the Ambassadour of Iugurth. Hee sheweth himselfe alike gracious, and maketh to both one self-same promise; whereupon being full of hope, both of them depart with like satisfaction.

But the night preceding, the day appointed for conference, the Moore sent for his friends, and presently changing his mind, dismissing them all, is reported to haue bin infinitely disquieted in spirit. His countenance, his complexion, his bodily motion, and his very sences were maruelously distracted; which his onely carriage, euen in his deepest silence, did bewray in manner of speech, the verie secrets of his hart.

Lastly, he sendeth for Silla, and by his direction layeth the plot to intrap Iugurth. The time being come, and hee ascertained that Iugurth approched, as it were for honors sake, accompanied with a few of his friends and the Questor, he goeth to meet him, and ascendeth an easie Hillock scituated to open viewe of an ambush: Thither likewise Iugurth with some fewe of his followers vnarmed (according to agreement) aduanced: where he was no sooner arriued, but the ambush breaking out on all sides, attach him: His companions are al cut in pieces, himself in bonds is deliuered to Silla; and by him conducted to Marius.

About the same time, our Leaders, Q. Cepio, & C. Manlius fought vnfortunately against the Galles. With the terrour whereof al Italie stood amazed. So that both they & al the Roman posterity, euen vnto our daies, made this account: That all other enterprizes were possible to the Roman vertue; with the Galles only they contended for safety, not for glory.

But after the newes came, that the warre of Numidia was ended, and Iugurth approached to Rome-wardes in chaines, Marius (though absent) was ratified Consull, & Galia alotted him for his prouinee. Vpon the Calendes of Ianuary (being Consul) he performed his Triumph with admirable glory. From that time, the hope and prosperity of the Citty wholy relyed vpon him.

FINIS.
Errata.

FOl. 2. for coyance, read ioyance. fol, 3. for were to be bestowed, read were not, ibid. for context, read center. fol. 5. for vnfatigable, read vnsatiable. fol, 13, for loyalties, read disloyalties. fol, 20, for distresse, read distrust. fol, 28. for, of bad the best was left him which was, read, of badde the best which was left him, was to, &c. for games, read gaines. fol. 44. for inforced, read inforcing. fol, 51 for euill doers separated, read euill doers are seperated. fol, 59, for insufficiencies, read sufficiencies. Bellum Iug.

Fol, 13, in any kingdome, read my kingdome. fol, 15, for bordereth Mauricania, read vpon Mauritania. fol, 22, from them to passe, read, from thence to passe. fol, 35, for which the information concerned, read whom the information concerned fol, 37, for in euery sharpe season, read in a very sharp season. fol, 38. for beseech, read besiege. fol, 59, for constrained, read accustomed. fol, eod, for perceiued read perceiuing. fol, 61, for with them others, read with them and others. fol, eod, for furnished, read vnfurnished. fol, 62. for from one to another, read from one degree to another. fol. 63 for direct, read diuert fol, 66, for obserued, read obseruing. fol, 71, for with baggage, read with no baggage. fol, 73, for pallace, read place. fol. 85, for, or bands of succor, read with bands of succor. fol, 91, for the Ligurian, vnto whom, read, the Ligurian whom.

Caetera, et in annotationibus marginalibus, Tipographi esse credas