THE Two most worthy and Notable HISTORIES which re­maine vnmained to Posterity: (viz:) The Conspiracie of CATELINE, vnderta­ken against the gouernment of the Senate of ROME, AND The VVarre which Iugurth for many yeares maintained against the same State.

Both written by C.C. Salustius.

Historia est testis Temporum: Lux veritatis: Magistra vitae: Nuncia vetustatis.

Printed at London for Iohn Iaggard, dwelling in Fleetstreet betweene the two Temple gates, at the Signe of the Hand and Starre, 1608.

TO THE RIGHT WORTHY and valorous, Sir Thomas Summerset, Mai­ster of the Horsse to the Queenes most excellent Maiesty.

SIR, hauing no fitter occasion to manifest my du­ty to your Worthinesse (though I haue often wisht matter more expressiue both of my loue & zeale) I haue aduentured rather to tempt your acceptance in this small presentment, worthy (no man will denie) in its proper Ornament, of an Honourable Patronage: Then by perpetuall neglect to incur the imputation of Ingra­titude, a vice amongest the Heathen punishable, amongest Christians, contemptible. Herein therefore (right Generous) let me in lieu of all my friends, make confession of your many and extraordinary fauours, from time to time vouchsafed vs. In acknowledgment wherof, sithence we want power to de­serue, yet giue vs leaue with thankfull overtures to remember. Protesting, that if you daigne to accept of this vnpolisht Tran­slation, partly divulged vnder the shadow of your protection, for the pleasure of your vacant howers, but especially for the generall good of all English Gentlemen, when, eyther Time or better iudgment, shall furnish me with a more desertfull proiect, to prostitute it soly to the approbation of your most iudicious censure. Thus far presuming, that if it passe your allowance, I will aduenture neither to feare the discourtesy of the Cinicke, nor the sole-conceit of the Curious. In assurance whereof, being constantly warranted by the generous carry­age of your Heroycall disposition, I esteeme it as rich in value as I account it happy in acceptance, hauing in it nothing so worthy as your fauour, wherevnto I wholie refer it.

Yours faithfully deuoted, Tho. Heywood.

Of the choise of History, by way of Preface, dedica­ted to the Courteous Reader, vpon occasion of the frequent Translations of these latter times.

THe chiefest occasion that moued the Scythians so peremptorily to distast Learning and Antiquities, was for that they saw the wals painted, and the Libraries of the Greekes and Romans stuffed,Bodin. with the records of their owne Atchieuements, but the memorable astions of other Nations, either ouer-slipped, or satyrically disgraced. For all other Nations (the Haebrewes excepted) committed nothing to writing con­cerning their Fortunes. And surely (I know not vpon what grounds.) It is a generall fault amongst al Martiall men; to pen nothing of their owne exploites: And those who haue somewhat inv [...]ed their minds to learning, for their excessiue delight therein, can hardly be drawn at any time to alter their stu­dies. By which peruersenesse of eithers error, those Nations which haue bin famous for their Military valour, haue vtterly lost their ancient reputation, after their imbracement of Letters and learning.

The best reasons that I can giue, are either to be grounded vpon desire of case, or else vpon their pro­ficiency in the precepts of Nature and Diuinity; which not only abhorre the effusion of blood, but withal depose their former infusion of Barbarisme and cruelty; as in experience wee haue seene it come to passe, first by the Greekes and Latines, and afterwards by succeeding Nations. The people of Asia, were euer accounted good Orators and pen-men, but the Lacedemonians rude and rough fellowes, vtterly vnlearned: and yet by war and Conquest, at home and abroad, acquired worthy purchases, and had their fortunes eternized to the world; not by themselues, but by strangers: Whereas the memora­ble Actions, wars and Conquests of the Celts, the Germans, the Arabians and Turks, are either buried in obliuion, or at least Ballated in one sheet of paper, and that (for the most part) by their enemies. Better fortune had the Graecians in setting forth the battell of Salamme or Marathon. For by the ample discourses thereof, a man would imagine that a more honourable piece of seruice was neuer atchi­ued in any age. But as Alexander sitting in Darius his chaire of Estate, pleasantly told the Ambas­sadors of Greece, aggrauating the danger of the present rebellion of all the Greeke Citties, that those wars seemed vnto him but as conflicts of Mice and Rats. In like sort those easie warres that Alexander managed against the effeminate Asians a [...]d Persians (to which C [...]to spared not to giue the epithites of Woomanish, and Caesar, Contemptible) hold no comparis [...] with the bloudie in counters of the Celts, the Germans, the Turkes and Tartars, as may easilie be gathered by those who are disposed to call to mind their ouerthrowe giuen and taken, and finally written by each others enemies.

Wherefore to make a iudicious coniecture of the goodnesse of Histories, wee ought to remember the wise counsell of Aristotle, not onely in our choose, but also in our reading, That an Author ought not to be accepted with an ouer-weening credulity, nor reiected with peremptorie incredulity. For if we credit al, in all writers, we cannot choose but oftentimes swallow things false, for true, and so commit grosse errors in dispatches of importance: So againe, if we should presentli [...] condemne an Historie, as of no credit, we should reape no profit, in counteruaile of time therein consu­med. Yet let euery Author beare his owne blame, whereof if they that haue stuffed their m [...]numents of memory with fabulous impostures, be guiltie in one s [...]rt, in no lesse fault are the Turkes, who can say nothing of their discent or Originall, neither will suffer any writing thereof to be commended to posterity; beleeuing, that no Historiographer can write truely vpon report, much lesse will they, who were either in action, or in place ouer the action; euery man being bewitched to tell a smooth tale [...]o his owne credit: Or suppose, he be of an vnpartial spirit, yet either the feare of great p [...]rsonages, or passi­on, or mony, will preuaricate his integrity. But what should discourage succeeding Ages, that they should feare to write freely of their Equals? Surely in these times, it is not probable that amongst such variety of Authors, no one should be found, whose workes were not void of affection, of corruption, of enuy, of passion. Let the iudicious Reader therefore, between these extreames (of lightnesse and Cri­tique [Page] rashnesse) take the middle course, so shal he cul out of euerie good Author singuler purity. Nei­ther let him censure the worke, before he fully vnderstand the depth and sufficiencie of the Author. But indeede this should be the care of the state, to looke into the argument and method of Books before they come to the Presse, least by the vulgar censuring of some deficient labours, others of more suffi­ciency be dishartned from publishing their writings. For in this choise of Authors, which euery student ought to propose vnto himselfe, I would not haue euery one to be his own iudge (for censure is a gifte of art and experience) but to moderate his opinion by coherence, comparisons, & infallible reasons, which if they be not allowed by the maior partie, let him neuer be ashamed to change his determination. For as those which will spend their verdicts vpon Pictures, their dimensions, lineaments & colours (wherin the skilfullest eie is often cozened and deceiued) ought not to bee ignoraunt of Symmetry, to giue true iudgement: So is it necessarie for him that will distinguish betweene the sufficiency and insufficiencie of Historie, not onelie to bee well read in the Arts, but also much conuersant in humaine occur­rances.

Of Writers in this kind there are three sorts, the first whereof being wel qualified by nature, but bet­ter by learning, haue bin called vnto Magistracie. The second sort haue wanted learning, and yet proued verie sufficient by the adiuncts of Nature and experience: and the letter being somewhat hel­ped by Nature, and wanting experimentall imploiment, haue notwithstanding by their industrie and integritie in their collection of Historie, euen equalled those who haue spent the greatest portions of their daies in the Counsell-house of Princes. Of euery one of these you shall find infinite variety, & so much the greater, by how much euerie one sauoureth of more or lesse integrity, learning and experience. The best are those which are best seene in all these, and free from passion. I adde passion, because it is harde for an vpright conscience discoursing of an euill subiect, to abstaine from hard language; or on the o­ther side, to attribute vnto good actions a moderate commendation. For the inserting medestly in praise of the good, and dispraise of the wicked, hath giuen no smal ocasion for the amplifying of Historie. Whereof [...]f good Authors ought to be noted, what shall we say of Euill?

No slight consideration must therefore be taken, whether our Historiographer hath written of him­selfe, or of others; of Fellow-Citizens or Strangers; of Friends or Enemies; of Militarie discipline or Ciuill Gouernement; of his Equals or Inferiours; and lastly, of his owne time, or of sore-passed ages. For iudgement in this imployment, Secretaries, Priuy-Counsellors, and Presidents in Courtes of Iu­stice are verie sufficient: (for by these three the state is ballanced) but more sufficient is he [...] who alone sitteth at the Helm; but most of al he, that adioyneth much reading of Law and Historie to dailie expe­rience. To the perfection whereof two things are most requisite; Bookes and Trauaile; without the former, whereof, the difficile management of imployment (in any kind) is hardly attained to, and the date of mans life is ouer [...]short to compasse it by trauaile and wandering obseruation, as of olde time did Licurgus, Solon and Vlisses.

The last of whom Homer pronounced wise, For that he had seene the maners of many peo­ple, and the customes of diuers Citties. In these daies many dote vpon sight of strange countries, the Natures of liuing Creatures and plants, the Fabrickes of Palaces and Pyramides, with the ouer­worne sculptures of Ancient coines, but the misteries of publicke Gouernment, and their alterations, they neuer regard.

Next vnto Bookes of humanitie, and experiments of Trauaile, I commend insight in Lawe. For those that are to determine suits and contentions (saith Arcadius) knowe all sortes of misdemeanors; and not misdemeanors onely, but their contraries, without the indifferent apprehen­sion whereof, the one and the other cannot be pried into and preuented. For in discerning between good and euil, consisteth the fulnesse of human wisedome.

Whereuppon wee are to gather, that of all sorts of Historiographers those are worst to bee liked of, which with impure handes (as the Prouerbe is) presume to write of History, being both vnexperienced in affaires of importance, and veterly vnlearned. Of these is my chiefest Caue at in choise of Historie.

[Page]The next to beware of, is a rayling or a passionate Writer (for you shall not find all Authors free from this humor) and him suspect of flattery, by praising himselfe, his fauourites and Country men, and bitterly taunting his opposites, or enemies. But when you meet with an Authour, who giueth his enemy his due commendation, read him with trust and beleefe; and the rather, if he bee a stranger to both parties: esteeme him as litigious persons do of Vmpiers in Abitrementes, voyd of partiality. For it is aparant that Dionisius Hallicarnasseus (a man of no eminent place in Gouernment) wrote the History of the Romans with better faith and more vprightnesse, then Fabius, Salust, or Cato, men aduanced to wealth and honour in their Common-weales. For Polibius a Graecian in many places doth tax Fabius & Philenus of falshood, the one a Roman the other a Carthaginian, and both writing vpon the Punicke warres; the one giuing all the ho­nour to the Romans, the other to the Carthaginians. These are the words of Polibius. Phile­nus avoucheth that the Carthaginians behaued themselues valiantly, and the Romans baselie and cowardly. But Fabius by the censure of Polibius was a man of approued honesty, & wise­dom, to whom the proiects of the Romans, nor the counterplots of the enemy were hidden, or vn­reuealed Yet both Orator like were very wary to say or do any thing to their own irreputations. But let not any thinke, that in an History he can discharge both the part of an Orator & Historiogra­pher. For I cannot allow of those writings which in praises and flattery are copious, in reprehension of vices, briefe and penurious; this maxime being most iustifiable, that euen the man of best dis­cretion and vprightnesse, committeth manifold errors. Wherein Equinard and Acciolus haue so magnified Carolus Magnus, Eusebius Constancie, Nebrensis Ferdinand, Iouius Cos­mo Medices, Phillostratus Apollonius, Procopius Bellisarius, Staphilus, and Leua, Charles the fift, that heerein they haue rather merited the sirnames of Orators, then of Histo­riographers. And therefore let the iudicious Censurer suspend his iudgement not by the scale of Friends and Countreymen, but by the verdict of enemies also. Against Phillip Comines, in praising of Lewes the XI. let him oppose Meir; and not Meir onely, but Paulus Aemilius; be­cause the one is excessiue in commending, the other as farre gone in discommending; the third in a meane. Meir tearmeth him periurious and fratricide, whose desire was aboue al things, without regard of the Lawes of God or man, to become sole Tyrant of the state. The same Author calleth Comines himselfe, Traitor and Fugitiue. And therefore in these altera­tions, I wish neither of them to be belieued, because the one was highly aduanced and inriched, by the King, the other a professed enemy, and had his p [...]n deeplier dipped in gall, then was seeming for an Historiographer. Aemilius was neither friende nor foe (for he was of Verona) and wrote grauely and modestly in these words. The Duke (saith he) did enuy the King, accusing him with the death of his Brother, to haue corrupted his Brothers children, and to work them to poison their Father. Hee affirmes nothing rashly, he omitted not repugnant reports. They wrote in the life of Lewes; this man an hundred yeares after, impossible at that tim [...] to bee possessed with expectancy of grace, feare, or enuy. So Tacitus did avowe the actions of Tiberius, Claudius, Caius, and Nero, reported in their life times to be full of flattery through feare, and after they were dead, as full of despight, and both false. And therefore it was his first prot [...]stati­on, that he would write them without Enuie or Flattery, as in a time of more securitie. For hee wrote an hundred yeares after their deaths, and peraduenture had read the saying of Aristotle, that New Histories were as fabulous and distatiue as those of deepest Antiquity.

Surely those tha [...] will write of the present, can hardlie write truly, but they must touch the credi [...] and reputation of some men. And therefore Cicero in his Catalogue of all the best Orators, re­membred not one liuing, least they which by chance or negligence were forgotten or omitted (as him­selfe speaketh) should conceiue displeasure. Who would then seeke for truth amongst Authors conuersing with such times, Wherein to write what a man would not, was accounted dis­honest: to write what he would, dangerous.

The best course is therefore without all fear to dedicate our Papers to posterity, or if any think so well of his workes, that he will publish them in his life time, let his History consist of times past, [Page] collected out of the best Cōmentaries publicke, priuate, and Ancient; As did Lyuy, Tranquillus, Tacitus, Arrian, and Dionisius Hallicarnasseus, all, most approued Authors: and the last of most credite, because he wrote of another state, not of his owne, and sawe all mens Commentaries, and secrets of state by publique permission.

Polibius.In this ranke also, are Polibius, Plutarch, Metasthenes, Ammianus, Polidor, Ctesias, Aemilius, Aluaresius, and Lodowick Roman.

But of those which haue nothing in thē but reports, ek toon aloon akroamatoon as Polibius spea­keth, and haue not seene publicke Registers, let them be of no Authority. For the better Authors to in­duce better beleefe, avouched their authorities from publique remembrances, as Ammianus, vvho brought to light the Originall of the Galles from their Publicke Monuments. So likewise Arri­ans writeth in his preface, That he read the Commentaries of King Ptholomy, an eiewitnesse of the Acts of Alexander, neuer before set forth. Appian had the like Fortune with the papers of Augustus. Metasthenes and Ctesias with the Libraries of the Persians. Diodorus with the Arcana of the Egiptians. Onasicratus and Aristobulus the Lieutenant of Alexander avow those things which they sawe with their eyes in Egipt and India. Not that I dare avouch that the truth of History is to be sought for in the Commentaries of Kinges, for they are giuen to speake largely of their owne praises, but to make vse of those Obseruations which are little or nothing interessed in their praise or disgrace; as the Computations of times, the largenesse and scituation of Prouinces, the Gouernment of Citties, the ages of Princes, their raignes and succes­sions, and in especial, their Policies; wherein the end of reading all in all consisteth. For as Metas­thenes affirmeth, All men that writ of Princes are not to be beleeued, but especially the Priests, to whose fidelity and custody the publicke Annals were incredited. Such a one was Berosus, who collected the raignes of the Assyrians out of the Annals of his predecessors. This Metasthenes.

Secondly, if a History haue such and so many witnesses as cannot be contested, it hath the greater ap­parancie of truth, yea in seeming incredulities, especiallie if it suffer examination and triall. For vvho would beleeue that the Roman Senate at the motion of a Clowne, who dreamed that Iupiter called vnto him in his sleepe, and willed him to admonish the Senate that they should renew the plaies, because he that lead the dance in the former shawes had daunced falsie. The Senate assented. One man perchance in relating this triuiall accident would not be beleeued, but heerein Plutarch, Lyuy, Dionisius, Valerius and Pliny, do all agree; who in so vniforme a consent of the Senate and people could not re­late a falshood.

But methinkes I heare one say, the latter was deceiued by the error of the former; and so each after other. Surely and so it may be, not onely in the Historie of humanitie, but also of Nature: For the olde world reported, that Swan [...] approching their ends, would sweetlie sing their Funerall farewels; a tra­dition not onely receiued from the times of Eschilus by Poets and Painters, but likewise by the chiefest of the Phylosophers, Plato, Aristotle, Chrisippus, Philostratus, Cicero and Seneca. And yet Pliny, and after him Athenaeus report vppon proofe, that it is but a Fable, and so to this day it yet remaineth.

But as for naturall Historie the validitie thereof, whereof we meane not to discourse, it soone experi­mented, which in humaine (for their infinite confusions) can neuer be examined. As for example; Many good Writers, and not one, or two, but almost twentie wrote that the Duke of Orliance was beheaded for Treason, and that at Paris: and yet it was apparant, that XXX. yeares after his imprisonment in England, he returned into France, and there peaceably died. For which rashnesse my Countrey-man G. Bellay doth sharpely reprehend those Historiographers, who will audaci [...]uslie commit to publique beliefe the flying reports of fame and the vulgar. Of this fault Strabo taxed Possidonius, Erastos­thenes & Metrodorus. They deliuered for true history (saith he) the reports of the most inconstant people. But Possidonius vsed the Authoritie of C. Pompey, so that I thinke hee could write nothing vnaduisedly.

Therefore when Authors disagree amongst themselues, I take it the safest course to beleeue the latest, [Page] at leastwise if their reasons co-here necessarily, and their Arguments are strong [...]o proue what they say. For such is the Nature and obscurity of truth, that vnlesse it be raked from auncient and fundamentall Originals, it will hardly appeare like it selfe, but best then, when the reports, the flatteries and passions of the vulgar are buried with their bodies.

As to Religion, because the Controuersies betweene the professions and professors thereof, are so ir­reconciable, I woulde not aduise a man to seeke out the Opinions of the Heathen among the Iewish Writers, nor of the Iewes amongst the Christians, nor that of the Christians amongst the Moores or Mahumetans, but to read the Authors of euerie sect and Religion by themselues, to weigh the cre­dit of the writer, and the validitie of the thing written, and how they agree or disagree amongest them­selues. So much (concerning this Argument) as hath beene set foorth by diuers Authors, I will rather blanch with the imputation of mistaking and ignorance in Antiquities, then with the foul Title of vn­truth; euen as the old Graecians dealt with the Romans and the Celts, and the Romaines with the Caldeans and Iewes, ea [...]h one being ignorant in the Antiquities of either Nation.

In reading the disgraces of an enemy, let our assertion bee suspended vntill we haue examined the worth of the writer; for an aduersaries report is not rashly to bee reiected, nor at first sight imbraced; but heerein let vs imitate Caligula, who commanded the History of Caesar written by Cassius and Labienus, and condemned by the Senate, to be published; saying, That it was profitable for the state, to haue the Actions of euery man, vnderstood by all men. Yet for my part, if the te­stimony of the one or the other concerning Caesar, were [...]ow extant, I would not altogether admit them to beliefe; no nor build confidence on Caesar himselfe, when he writeth, that the Pompeyans made no conscience of Diuine and humaine thinges, and le [...]t no Sacriligious violence vnattempted, whereas he himselfe without any feare of Religion or deity, sacked all the Temples of the Gaules, and broake vp the Treasurie of the Holy Sanctuary, which Pompey and his faction feared and refused to violate. But the reason that moued Caesar to disperse these scandals on Pompey, was to make his enemy odi­ous, that so he might pretend a iust cause of war, when to a good man no excuse can seem reasonable to wage warre against his Countrey.

As concerning his Commentaries, most men receiue them with approoued allowance, and no maruel, when a Generall was forbidden by the Law Porcia to giue in to the Tribunes of the Treasury, a false report what number of enemies he had slaine. Wherein if he failed, he was to be depriued of his General­ship, and denied his triumphall Ceremony; which rather then Caesar would giue ouer, hee would not sticke to account that lawfull which made best for his purpose, how vnlawfull soeuer. Which law, though he had not kept inviolably, yet the feare of infamy so awed his ambition, that hauing many enemies, hee knew they would not haue failed to indict him of falshood, especially being resolued to publish his books in his own life time. An instance whereof is to be seene in Cicero his Anti-Cato, though he wrote saith Tacitus) as persons accused are accustomed to behaue themselues before Iudges.

This therefore that we haue spoken touching the writings of Enemies, is to be receiued, except in cases of corruption and transfugation. Such a one was Froysard, who whether he sto [...]d m [...]re beholding to the English, Note the Author [...] was a Frenchman. or the English to him, many make question, he himselfe publickly acknoledging their bounty and munificence. Such another was Aretine, who would glorie that hee was well rewarded by th [...]se whom he praised; yea, though he did it against his conscience: Yet thus much wil I say for the [...], that it is not to be doubted, but that hee wrote truly, being either in action, or at least s [...]ending the best part of his life amongst militarie men: the fault that I finde is, for that he altogether [...]g [...]t the due de­serts of his owne Nation, which I thinke no vncorrupted passion can do. For Polibius (accounted a most true Author) when he came to discourse of his Countreymen, could not so moderate his p [...]n, b [...]t needes it must breake out into most bitter invectiues against Philarchus, for extenuating the valour and forti­tude of the Megalopolitans in their warre against Aristomachus. The same humour (if I bee not deceiued) prouoked Plutarch to write against Herodatus wherein he inu [...]yeth at nothing s [...] sharpe­ly as at those things which hee wrote concerning the Boetians and Che [...]ronesians. But who can refraine laughter that readeth Sabellicus his comparisons of the Venetians wa [...]res with those of the Romans? Euen Donatus Gianotus, his Fellow-Cittizen could not indure them. [Page] With this disease (if it may be tearmed a disease, with an honest fallacy to maintaine the reputation of our Countrymen) almost all Historiographers are troubled. And therefore had I rather read Caesar discour­sing of the manners of the Galles, Tacitus of the Germans, Polibius of the Romans, and Am­mianus of the Frankes, for that they were strangers, vnaduanced, vncorrupted, & were wel acquain­ted with the Originals of those things, whereof they presumed to write.

The next doubt that troubleth my mind, is whether an Historiographer, ought to praise, dispraise, shew his opinion; Or leaue all to the iudgement of his Reader. For either partie I will lay downe the best alle­ga [...]ons I can, and so leaue it to discretion.

Historie ought to be nothing but a representation of truth, and as it were a Map of mens actions, sette forth in the publicke view of all commers to bee examined; And therefore the predesca [...]ting opinion of the writer cannot but bring much discredite to the Action, in that hee presumeth to prepossesse the minds of Artists with imaginarie assertions, seeming to teach those, who knew better then himse [...]fe what belongeth to such affaires, to the wiser sort, who will not he deceiued (for that he cometh to Counsel be­fore he be called) he seemeth verie suspitious.

No lesse guiltie of another sault are many Historiographers, who in the midst of their discourses, fall off from their entended Narrations, to play the Orators or Rethoritians, so deluding the expectations, & con­founding the memories of their readers. Such a one was Timaeus, condemned for both; and for his di­gradation from History to Satyrisme, vulgarly termed Istitimaios and slanderer. For sithence there is nothing more difficile, then to Iudge truely, who would not be aggreeued to heare an Historiographer, hauing nothing to do in Counsell or matter of state, to breath out his assertion of the chiefest commanders in the Republicke? Or what can be more foolish then to listen to a fellow who neuer saw f [...]ld, reasoning of the victories and ouersights of Generals and their Armies. Such a malepart part plaid he (I silence his name) that wrote the wars betweene Henry and Charles the Emperour, by playing the iudge on both sides. He loded the King (or rather ouer-loded with such grosse flatterie and praises, that his Maiestie could not endure to heare them but with loathing; Charles hee condemned as a most wicked and Co­wardlie Captaine, omitting no words of reproach which his wit could imagine. Alas good man! lit­tle considered he, that his reproaches redounded to the discredit of his owne partaking, to whome it could not be imputed a dishonour to contend with such a Prince; more dishonourable to bee by him ouerthrowne: but most dishonourable to contract affinity. Well, by this his ouersight he lost the cre­dite of an Historiographer, and was by the consent of all good men condemned for an vniust iudge. No l [...]sse onerseene was Iouius in his rash and odious comparisons of the liues of Selimus and Isma­el the Sophi; of Charles the fift, Pope Paule, and diuers other great Princes.

Against these I oppose Xenophon, Thucidides, Tranquillus, Caesar, Guicciardin, and Sleydan, who seldome, and that wisely, and vpon occasions intermix their Opinions. Truly Cae­sar for military discipline, being all praise-woorthie, and a profound Artist in state-gouernement, though without reprehension he might speake his mind in warlike Controuersies, and that withou [...] imputation of ignorance, yet when hee did it, it was done with discretion and modestie. For when some about him affirmed, that P. Scilla might haue perfected his victory, if hee had pursued the troopes of Pompey, Caesar made answere, That he allowed of his proceedings: For (saith he) the Office of a Generall and Lieutenant are different; the one is to manage accor­ding to Commission, the other as occasions shall importune. Again, in the battel of Phar­salia when Pompey commanded his souldiers to standfast, and not to remoue; to receiue the enemy, & not to charge: To do the like (saith Caesar) I see not by any reason how it should stand to our aduantage, because Nature hath infused into euery man a certaine alacrity & cou­rage of minde ready to quarrell: Thus a good General ought to cherrish, not to pull backward. Heere Caesar contended with Pompey not in armes onely, but in counsell also.

Many are the examples which may iustifie this policy of Caesars, as the victory of Epaminon­das against the Lacedemonians, and therefore what can bee more distastiue then to heare another Phormio, who neuer saw field, to giue a peremptorie censure of such Personages, and their Fortunes; or a Schoole-man to talke of the amendment of the Lawes of Lycurgus and Solon, being the wisest ma­gistrats [Page] that euer bore office; which when Aristotle had done, he ran into the dislike of many men for it; of Polibius sparingly, of Plutarch more f [...]eely; how iudiciously I say not; but generally affirme, that to speak [...] of things we assuredly know not, is an argument of Leuity; Peremptori [...]y to iudge, app [...]rantly dangerou [...]. Viues the Schoolemaister of Charles blameth Comines for the same fault of leui [...]y, because he often digresseth from his History; then from the liues and fortunes of Princes, and lastly f [...]lleth into discourse of an happy life, after, the fashion of Phylosophers.

This notwithstanding; Comines was a man that spent his whole time eith [...]r in place of gouern­ment, or in th [...] wars, or in famous Embassies, and so did not Viues. So that in my fancy, if any mā might censure, su [...]ely he might. But admit his reprehension iustifiable, then would I aduise an Hi­storiograph [...]r to resolue either to determine modestly, or for altogether to h [...]lde his peace, but that the authority of Polibius doth draw me to a contrary opinion For, the reason wherfore he blameth Philarchus, was for that he Silenced due desarts: yea, and affirmeth the chiefest vse of An­nals to be, to inflame the good to progression by the example of their likes, and to de [...]r the wicked by d [...]slike of former courses. Which reason both Tacitus and Procopius allow of, besides that ma­ny graue Authors at end of their discourses haue vsed the president; & amongst the number, A­gathias (a wonder to me) doth compare a bare Relation, to an old-wiues tale; but his au­thority doth not so weigh with me, that therby I can be induced to cōsent; especially, since by the most graue censis of Cicero Caesar who went beyond al other Historiographers in this kind of cōmen­dation, That his history was naked, simple, & true, & without all Ornament of Art laid open to euery mans censure. Of like nature is the history of Xenophon, which he annexed to Thucidides, wherein he interlaceth no Opinion of his owne maketh no digression, neither vseth any Ornaments of Oration. And to th [...]ir opinions, that suppose the praises of ve [...]tue, & the display of vices to be the fruit of History, I answere, that it may more truely and properly bee handled by Philosophers (to whose element it pertaineth) then by Historiographers. He disgraced Nero suf­ficiently, that penned his butchering of most honest persons, His schoolemaister, his two wiues, his Brother Britannicus, & finally his mother. Al these, without further addit on of words, Tranquillius writeth purely and plainly: But Appian after he hath shewed howe Methridates slew his Mother, his brother, his three young sons, and so many daughters; addeth, A man bloo­dy and mercilesse against al sorts of people. He rein he no lesse detracted from the credite of his former discourse, then Iouius, who for his long Oration, bitter and full of despight, against the Tyranies of Selimus Prince of the Turkes, seem [...]th vnto me to haue laid vpon his credit a pe [...]pe­tuall disg [...]ace, for that it had b [...]n sufficient to haue simply related the murder of three Bassaes, of great integri [...]y and neare alliance, two Brethren, fiue Nephewes, and his aged Father; & not aft [...]r the maner of Orators (verie imp [...]oper for an Historiographer) to run out into impertinent discour­ses, which peraduenture the Reader may conster to be false or suspicious. And this vnder correcti­on of those, who think nothing more vnprofitable, then a bare R [...]lation: for my part I dislike not cē ­sures vpon great Potentates and thei [...] fortunes, so the censur [...]rs be men of iudgment & sufficiency. For discoursing of City gouernment Dionisius Halicarnasseus, Plutarch, Liuy, Zonaras, Dio and Appian are commended. For the Art mil [...]tary, Caesar, Paterculus, Ammianus, Frossard, Hiricius, Bellay: For both, Xenophon, Polibius, Thucidides, Tacitus, Comines, & Guic­ciardin: For policies and Cour [...]ship, Tranquillus, Lampridius, Spartianus, Sleydan & Ma­chiauel. For maners of people & description of Countries, Diodorus, Mela, Strabo, Leo Afer, Boemus Aluaresius: For religion, Philo, Iosippus, Eusebius, Theodoret, Socrates, Sozo­men, Nicephorus, Calistus, Orosius, Sidonius, Gregorius Turonensis, Abasurspergensis, Gulielmus Bish. of Turi, Antonius Florentinus, and the writers of the Magdeburg Historie.

But wisely spake the Ancients, Ne sutor vltra crepidam, in which sence I would not haue a Polibius to discourse of Religion, Nor a Eusebius of the Art military. Thus much in general of the duty of Historiographers, now of the choise of the best of these: for to hope for better were mad­nesse; to wish it, vanity. And as for those who Poetize vnto themselues the Idea of an absolute Hi­storiograph [...]r: such a one as neuer hath bin, nor euer wil be, I say they might haue spent their times [Page] and studies to better purpose. For who maketh question, but that an Historiographer ought to bee a man of grauity, integritie, seuerity, of good intelligence, eloquent, and fully insighted into the offices of publique and priuat Gouernment; I thinke none but fooles will fall in love with an Hi [...]ory, which hath nothing in it saue eloquent words, fained Orations, & merry digres [...]ions; verily supposing, that he that writeth but to please the care, cannot but neglect the truth, wherof Thucidides, Plutarch and Diodorus accuse Herodotus; and yet Cicero (to me [...] wonder) tearmeth him the Parent of History, whō all Antiquity accuseth of falsity. And therefore let him be as we find him, whom al Authors so vniuersally condemne, but not vtterly reiect. For besides his eloquent sale, and the sweet dialect of the Ionique phrase, we shall find in him many remembrances of Antiquity: and to speake freelie, in his latter bookes diuers things most truly reported.

Therefore wit to be deceiued in our choise, let those be imbraced, who are by all allowed, especially in those times wherein they liued, and were Actors in the affaires. Of which ranke in my iudgement, are Thucidides, Thucidides Salust, Xenophon, Comines, Guicciardin, Caesar, and Sleydan. Neither is it materiall that the Athenians accused Thucidides, of affectionate partiality towards the Lace­demonians: for heereby being an Athenian and not a Lacedemonian, they added to his credit. And besides, the man had bin imployed in diuers Imbassies & commands in the Peloponesian war; was rich, nobly discended, had to do in all affaires of state, maintained Intelligenc [...]rs, and lastly wrote of their actions, who then liued, and that in n [...] free state: who would call such an Author, or such an, Historie, into suspition. Neither did his fauour towards the Lacedemonians so drowne the remem­brance of his owne Countreymen, but that he gaue them their due praises. And although he were by thē cast into banishment, when he wrote his History, yet he not onely cleared his onely aduersarie and ex­ile worker Pericles from publicke obloquy, but being dead thought him so praise-worthy for his poli­ticke, gouernment, that he doubted not to prophesie, but that with his death the state would fall into a present declination: yet Diodorus sticketh not secretly to carpe at the method of his Orations, as doth Trogus Pompeius (witnes Iustine) against Lyuy & Salust: saying, That they exceeded the bounds of History, by inserting their direct and indirect Orations. For (as Cicero saith) nothing can be more pleasing in History then simple and significant breuity.

But if we should go about to extract from Liuy al his Orations, we should leaue him but smal frag­ments; which reason, Caligula pretended for defacing his portraiture, and remouing his writings out of all Libraries; which in truth to me seemeth in some sort tollerable, for that he himselfe protesteth in his o [...]e and fortifieth booke, that hee determined to write nothing but the Romaine Histo­rie.

Salust.Of Salust we can define nothing, because all his workes are almsot lost: by those which remaine, wee cann [...]t denie, but that he was a most sincere Author, and deepe Statist. For he tooke paines to trauaile into Affricke to be truelie informed of his Bellum Iugurthinum. And surelie he wrote freelie: for what could be more freche spoken, then to c [...]rsine the man [...]fold sufficiencie of the whole Roman peo­ple then liuing, to consist in one onely Caesar and Cato? So Thucidides attributed to Pericles his true and most deserued commendations: So did Sleydan his, to King Francis; to the Duke of Saxony, his; to Belay, and Alasco, theirs, reiecting all odious comparisons. But if an Authour will needs discend into a bitter straine, then let him proue his assertions with pertinent Argumentes; for otherwise the world will grow into suspition that he hat [...] written but vpon heare-say. Which course Guicciardin, Plutarch, Machiauel, and Tacitus, haue followed, whereby they haue most clearelie laid open the secre [...]est proiects and policies of diuers Princes. As for Sleydan hee vvas King Francis his interpreter,Sleydan and often imployed in Embassies by his Commonwealth [...] and being a D [...]uine his chiefe scope was to write of Religion, the controuersies wherof as likewise the Orati­ons (direct and indirect) hee included in as briefe a method as possi [...]y he coul [...]: which to manie men seeme tedious; but to a spirit desirous to read antiquities, and [...] of importance, nothing should be so taken. For in our Authors [...]sard, & Carter you shal find a masse of leuitie, but withall many [...] [Page] case to be reiected; which you shall not find in Emilius, who freely confesseth that he hath witting he ouerpassed those things, which other men haue written. Of the same mold are the histories of Leo Afer, Aluarasius. M. Gazus, which speake to all accidents, weighty, indifferent, triuiall; therewith to satiate the itching eares of the curious. But this shall you seldome finde amongst the Greeke or Latine writers, who onely proposed to discourse of the actions of warre or peace, vnlesse some memorable accident intervened; as with Liuie, The burning of the Capitoll in the sociall warre; with Tacitus, That furi­ous fire which consumed twelue wards of the Citty.

As for Prodegies, not the basest, but euen the most famous writers haue noted them, though flatlie incredible; as Caesar himselfe; That in the ciuill warre, the statue did sweat at Traley: a man other­wise neither fearing God, nor much regarding honesty. Herein Liuie most religiously (I had rather say superstitiouslie) exceeded all others. For ye shal read of nothing so frequēt, as how Oxen spoke, Vines burnt, Statues sweated, Stars fell from heauen; how God appeared to Hanniball: that a childe of six moneths olde, proclaimed a Triumph, and such like. These writers, Polibius tearmed Tragoedos, & not im­properly: because they could not fetch Anniball out of Purgatory, they woulde bring downe the Gods on the stage by deuises. But Polibius was an Atheist, and wrote verie vnreuerently of religion; the others are more charitably to be censured. For it were better to be superstitious, then irreligious, and more tolle­rable to adore some God, then to acknowledge no deitie.

In other mens praises Liuie is also somewhat too prolix; for when he preferreth P. Sempronius before all others his Fellow-Citizens (wherein he offreth an apparant wrong to the residue) he reporteth him To haue all the perfections that Nature or Fortune could possibly bestow vpon Humani­ty. Nor heere ending, he proceedeth to amplifie particulers, as his discent, his wealth, his eloquence, his complexion, his age, his Noble spirite, and militarie knowledge. Next him, hee eleuateth Furius Ca­millus to the Heauens; Africanus higher; so that I see no man hath cause to wonder, why Augu­stus gaue him the Epethi [...]e of Pompeianus, seeing he was excessiue euen aboue exc [...]sse in the praises of that Man. But in reprehension he was modest and graue; as in the contention between Marcus Li­uius and C. Claudius for the censorship, wherein the one most spightfully inveied against the other; It is an vnseemely contention (saith he) where both parties depart the place with equal shipwracke of reputation. And in another place speaking of the ancient reuerence of the Plebei­ans towards the Patricij: That modesty and carriage (saith he) which you shall now see in one, was in those times common to the Vniuersall multitude. The like modesty he vseth of Caluinus Companus: What! shall I tearme him wicked? No, but a Reprobate in the highest degree, who maketh choise to Tyranize, rather by his owne fall, then to behold the prosperity of his country.

This Author is not onely of one vaine through his whole worke, but euer like himselfe, of an vnder­standing capacity, graue, spare in commending, bitter in reprehension, and like a politicke Law-maker and good Commander wrote worthily of Military and ciuill gouernment, with the Office of an Historio­grapher. His histories intreat almost of al Nations which were of any reputation in his time, or somwhat before, (viz) from the CXXIIII. Olimpiad: that is, from the worlds Creation 3680. to the year three thousand seauen hundred, sixtie six, but of fortie Bookes which he wrote, foure and thirtie are lost. And as he was an excellent Historiographer, so was hee a verie good Phylosopher: for in the treatie of peace with the Carthaginians, he forewarneth the Princes and Gouernors of the state, to enter into speciall considerations, whether those with whom they were to confederate, were compelled thereto by necessity, or with desire of alliance. His sixt Booke a [...]oundeth with the like obseruations, wh [...]re­in he discourseth at large of the ciuill and militarie policie of the Romans. For the Topography of coun­tries and places none of the Auncients came neere him. The blind ignorance of times and former Histo­riographers, who put many fabulous Narrations vpon the Romans, he often reprehendeth: as this one most shamefull out of T: Liuius and Appian, who report, That Camillu [...] defeated the Legions of the Galles, with such an Vniuersall slaughter, that no one was left aliue, to make re­port of the taking of the Citty.

Of the like error laboured Iustine, Callimachus, and his Scholiasts, in their vntrue suggestion, [Page] That Brennus hauing wasted Italy, led his Army into Greece, where it vtterly perished by lightning from Heauen, for sacking the Temple of Apollo at Delphi, whereas Polibi­us proueth by forceable arguments, and conclusions of necessity, That after the foresaid army had burned the Citty, they trauelled as farre as Hellespont, where being allured by the sci­tuation of the Countrey, they seated themselues about Bizantium, and ouerthrowing the Thracians, possessed the Monarchy vntill the times of Clayaru. Which can be no strange matter, considering that not long ago they tooke Bizantium with their Captaine Baldwin, and for a long time gouerned the Empire of the Graecians.

In our daies Iouius imitated Polibius as concerning the Generall Historie of his time, saue heerein is the difference, that Polibius was either an Actor or Commander, or had the pervsall of the publicke records: Iouius reported many things vpon heare-say, and at aduenture. Polibius was trained in the military discipline and offices of state, Iouius in neither. Polibius was a Noble man in his Countrey, Iouius a Plebeian: Polibius a Generall, Iouius a Physition. The one reporteth, that hee had trauailed thorough the greatest part of Europe, the Coast of Affricke, and Asia the lesse, to learne the customes of those different people. And to his own glorie: That he sate in the Va­tican seauen and thirty yeares, was of Counsell to Scipio African, and his continuall as­sociate in warre: Whereas the other, altogether kept company with Bishops: And beeing asked why he coyned false reports, and smothered true? he answered, For my friends sakes: saying, That if those that be now aliue will not beleeue me, I am sure, those that come after, will affoord mee, and my fauourites, expected commendations. Gorraeus of Paris hath dedicated this censure to Eternity: That the rales of Amadis are as true and probable, as the writings of Iouius: Had he fabled for the good of the state (which Xenophon and Plato do tollerate in Magistrates) it had bin passable: but by lying to slatter, is vnseemely for all sorts, but most vile in an Historiographer. For as Bessarius the Cardinall when hee saw verie many whose liues were questionable, canonized at Rome through blind deuotion, saide; hee doubted whether all were true which was related of the ancient Saints: so fabulous Historiographers are often an occasion, that those of desart are called into suspition.

If he would haue imitated Polibius, he should haue bin mindfull of his owne position set down in the Preface of his Histories: That he that swarueth from the truth of his proiect, pulleth out the eye of a most beautifull creature. How well he obserued this admonition, we wil not make tri­all, by him, who tearmed him an Author of Tales, neither by Sleydan, nor Brutus Vene­tus (who often blame him for vntruths) because the one was of a contrarie religion, the other per­aduenture excepted vnto for imputation of Tirrany, but by Guicciardine the Parent of History and an Author without all exception. Whose relations if you please to compare with those of Io­uius, you shall find them to agree as square proportions do with round, especial [...]y in their Orations, Epistles, Treaties, and Compositions: all which Iouius mouldeth out of his owne braine, but with such confusio [...] of method, that euen by the censure of Alciat (his only Trumpet) the vnskil­fullest souldiers haue turned their tongues to Scholasticall declamations against him. I w [...]ll ouer­passe the fond adhortation of Charles the Emperour vnto him, Expedire te, inquit I [...]ui. cala­mes oportet &c. As also His conference and Complaints with Iouius, which vnto my ap­prehension seeme as true, as that Mulcasses should slay aboue two hundred Lyons; six hundred thousand of small Cattle to be pillaged out of the Territory of Brixium [...] and two hundred thousand of the greater sort to be driuen [...]ut of France, according to his re­port. The like he setteth downe concerning the Empires of the Persians, the Abessines, and the Turkes, which whither they were true or false he could neuer vnderstand vpon rumors & reports; and as for the Counsels of Princes, their speeches, their Letters, their instructions, or publick mo­numents, he neue [...] saw them, and yet notwithstanding he presumeth to write as con [...]idently, as if he had bin interessed in the [...]usinesse.

Whereupon it is not to be doubted, but what hee might haue written truely, hee would not; as the affaires of Italy; what he would, he could not, as the estates of forraine Princes. Neuer­thelesse hee protesteth that if he were compared with any of the Writers of his owne time, hee could [...] [Page] not but take it vnkindly. Which rash protestation (in my fancie) he broched by the president of Arria­nus, who thought himselfe by so much superiour to any Historiographer whatsoeuer, that writ the life of Alexander, by how much Alexander excelled all other Emperours.Arrianus Surely this Arrianus was a man learned & wise, as apeareth by his Cōmentaries vpon Epictetus; and moreouer ioyned experience to his reading, insomuch that Adrian Augustus for his singuler sufficiency, preferred him to the Con­sulship, hauing run through all other inferiour offices, yea euen in the integritie of the state. I will silence his eloquence and Attique phrase, which was so pure, that he was called a second Xenophon. Indeed if Iouius were in any tittle to be compared to Arrian, then had hee cause to take it in euill part to bee matched with others; which by his fauour I meane to do it, not for that I will affirme that those thinges which he wrote were vntrue and barren, but that for euer he shall carrie this eare-marke of falshoode, that where euer he writeth truely, he shall be accounted but a suspected Author; yea, with this one note, more satyricall, and of far greater indignity, That by prostituting his Labors to sale, his lies yeilded him better profit, then other men could gaine by speaking of the trueth. And so I will leaue him, and returne to the Ancients, whom I will compare with our Moderne, and betweene Themselues, as the lot falleth.

The first man I meet withall is Dionisius Halicarnasseus, Dionisius who besides his modest method of speech and his Attique dialect; wrote the Antiquities of the Romans from the Original of their Cities foun­dation with such integrity, as no Graecian or Latine hath at any time done the like. For whereas the Latines neglected things triuiall, as Sacrifices, Playes, Triumphs, Ensignes of Magistracies, the ge­nerall gouernment of the state, Subsidies, Auguries, Parliaments, and the difficile diuision of the people into wards and Tribes; Lastly, the potencie of the Senat, the priuiledges of the Commons, the Autho­ritie of Magistrates, and the power of the people, be in my iudgement hath best performed them of anie man liuing. And to make them the more easie to bee vnderstood, hee hath compared the customes of the Greeks with the Lawes of the Latines, deriuing the priuiledges of Clyents which Romulus institu­ted (and which Caesar noteth to be common amongst the Gals) from the Athenians and Thessali­ans; The Roman Dictator to be of equall power to the Haumoste of the Lacedemonians, to the Archon of the Thessalians and the Aesynmet of the Mytilens: yea, had it not hin for this mans labours, the Lawes of Romulus, Numa and Seruius, together with the Original discent of the Ro­mans, had bin long since buried in forgetfulnesse, through the pride of the Romans, who accounted & omitted these remembrances as base & vulgar (A fault almost common with al Authors) as if they were as well knowne to strangers, as to Natiues.

The like diligence almost vsed Plutarch in his Roman Antiquities;Plutarch what censure is to be giuen of him, I thinke euerie man knoweth. For seeing he was the Schoole-maister of that excellent Prince Tra­ian, an ancient Courtier, and at last Gouernour of Istria, there is no question to be made, but he ioyned practise and experience to his great wisedome. Hee wrote the Historie of the two most famous people of the world, not methodically and in order, but abruptly, and by way of Comparison. All that I admire in him is his so free opinion in al matters, that to me he seemeth rather a censurer of Princes, then an Hi­storiographer; yet with this submission to his worth, that if any man may be thought a fit Vmpire in bu­sinesse of such weight, I hold him to be Plutarch, or no man. For vvhat could be vnknovvne to a man of so high a reach, so deepe a iudgement? Which are verie remarqueable in his most graue disputati­ons of a Republicke, and his profound Philosophie. The Originall occasions of wars, their openings, their progressions, ouerthrowes, and victories, he handleth like an excellent Commander. And sometimes he discendeth to matters of meanest moment, euen of houshold affaires; as is that remembraunce of Cato the Censor, who of purpose set enmitie betweene his seruants, Least by their ouermuch licentious­nesse, they should busie their braines about proiects of farre worse consequence. The like he remēbreth of Pericles, who accustomed to sell to the vtmost aduantage the reuenues of his domaines, and to buy by the penny his daily prouision. Oftentimes hee relateth thinges incredible and meerely fabulous, but he vseth the worde Phasi, to forewarne rash beleefe. As in the life of Licurgus, he writeth, That a Lacedemonian Lad suffered the Rack euen to death, ra­ther then he would reueale the theft of a Fox: And that Agesilaus was amerced by the Ephori for populer dependancy.

[Page]That he sometimes committed an ouer-sight in the Antiquity of the Romans, for that, being a Graecian, and not perfectly vnderstanding the Latine tongue, (as himselfe confesseth in the life of Demosthenes) he is to be borne withall. As where he writeth, that in Iudgements Gracchus by the Law Sempronia equalled the Gentlemen with the Senators, when as by the same Law that pre­rogatiue was taken from the Senate, and absolutely transferred to the Gentlemen; as Velleius, Ap­pian, Asconius, Tacitus and Florus testifie: It is apparant that he mistook Legem liuiam pro Sempronia, and Gracchus for Drusus. The like fault he committed in valewing the Drach­ma with the Roman Denarius, and the Mina with Libra in the liues of Fabius and Anthony, which Budeus f [...]llowing, soone slipped into error; As hee could not choose, the quoti­ent being false. &c.

DioFor Dio who can make question of his excellency and sufficiency, beeing a man that spent his whole time in affaires of the state, and running through all the degrees of Office, was twice chosen Consull, and after that Proconsull; wherein he gouerned the Prouinces worthily, & no doubt ioyned experience to his great learning. He it was, that collected the order of their Dyets, their Magistracies, the course of their proceeding [...] in law, the inauguration of their Princes, and the policies of their state. Yet seemeth he to striue of purpose, to maintaine the factions of Caesar and Anthony, against Pompey and Cicero. And those prodegies which hapned in the borders of the Marconra­ni he attributeth to Arnulphus the Egiptian, & not to the Christians, whereat Turtullian, Eu­sebius, Orosius, Iustine, Paulus Diaconus, and Marcus Aurelius himselfe contested, in his letters to the Senat. Many are of opinion that Diodorus was matcheable vnto him;Diodorus many, that he deserueth precedencie; for my part I see no such reason, either for phrase (thē which, nothing could be penned more vulgar) or for method of History. That whereof he meaneth to relate, he disposeth of truely, orderly and bri [...]fely, in the beginning of euery booke: The proofe whereof you may find in his first booke, wherein he diuideth his whole worke into fortie Bookes, and in six, includeth all the former time before the Troian war; The eleuen following beginning at the Troian warre, end with the death of Alexander; the last four and twenty, discend to the wars of the Gals. The which com­putation amounteth to about one thousand one hundred and thirty yeares, besides the reports before the Troian war, which the Ancients deemed fabulous. From whence, to the return of the Heracli­dae (according to the account of Apollodorus) he numbreth XC. yeares: from thence to the first Olimpiad CCCXXVIII. from the first Olimpiad, to the war of the Gals DCCXXX. Likewise, he only of al the Ancient, adi [...]ynd vnto his history the times wherin the most eminent Philosophers, Poets, and Historiographers flourished. As in his fourteenth Book, he witness [...]th, that Ctesias began his history at Ninus, Lysiades being Archon. He also collected together six bookes of this Author concerning the Empire of the Assyrians, and as many of the Persians, for the most part generallie discenting from Herodotus. Whose Authorities Plutarch, Pausanias, Athenaeus, and almost all the Greeke Authors do also follow. To vs is nothing remaining but an Epitome.

Thucidides Thucidides (he saith) began his history (Charites being Archon, Q. Furius, and M. Pa­pirius Consuls, (viz.) from the restoring of the Heraclidae to the taking of Perinthus.

Theopōpus Theopompus began at the first year of Phillip King of Macedon, Calimedes being Archō, in the hundred & fiue Olimpiad (C. Genutius & L. Aemilius being Consuls. And for that which Diodorus reprehendeth in Theopomp, for the same may another reprehend Diodore. Of eight and fiftie Bookes (saith he) since are suspitious; So saith Viues, of sorty of Diodors, we haue scarse twelue remaining, fiue whereof are stuffed with such idle matter, That nothing was euer writ­ten more fabulous. And whereas he protesteth, to write an vniuersall Historie, he onely discour­seth of the Greekes; and that with such prolixity (that both forgetting his Laconique breuitie, and his obiection of tediousnesse against Thucidides) he spendeth more Paper in reciting the Ora­tion of one Gilippus a Lacedemonian, than in the whole history of the warres managed through Italy in three hundred yeares. His long digression vpon the Pestilence at Athens, and the coniec­tures thereof, who can indure? His exposition vpon the Lunary yeare is as absurd, whereby men were accounted to haue liued one thousand and two hundred yeares, as though euen in those Ages many of the Patriarchs did not exceed that limitation.

[Page]He avoweth, that he spent thirty yeares in trauell, and writing his Historie: which if it bee true, then can I not but maruell why he wrote the affaires of Italy, the next, adioyning Countrey so slenderly, considering be liued in the times of the Romans highest prosperity (viz:) in Caesars Dictator-ship. For if you compare him to Lyuy or Dionisius, you shall find them varying almost in all places, but especially in their computation of their Fasti and Olimpiads, wherein hee is most incertaine. Which peraduenture might be occasioned through his defect in the Latine tongue, apparantly manifest in wri­ting euery where Phouriō for Furius, as if the Orthography had bin alone. And as [...]o [...] writing An­cus Horatius for Marcus, Sp. Manius for Melius, Lactuca for Luctatius, Trigemmus, for Tricostus, I could haue imputed the error to the mistaking of the Printer, were not they Persons of Consular rank, Decemvirs and Tribunes, in the Catalogue of whom he somtimes ouer-leapeth three, sometimes foure, &c.

But these mistakings are easily holpen by the studious labours of Charles Sigonius, and Onu­phrius Panuinius, both worthily deseruing the Epithites of learning for their exquities searches of the Roman Antiquities.

Wherein Cornelius Tacitus hath likewise plaid the part of [...]o lesse commendable an Author.Tacitus For although he wrote the gests but of one Age, (viz:) from Tiberius to Ne [...]ua, yet omitted he neyther things of weightiest, indifferent, or of meanest consequence. In his fourth booke, though he protested to write neither of battailes, nor of taking of Citties, nor ouerthrowes of A [...]mies, nor the contentions be­tweene the people and the Nobility; concluding it to be a worke thought inglorious, yet profitable. And by and by after (saith) we will annex cruell edicts, daily arraignments, hippocriticall friendships, de­struction of Innocents, and the causes of these misfortunes. Yet describeth hee most fully, all the warres which happened in those times, wherein he was either a Commander or Actor. After the battaile of Actium no man penned the Art of Warre and pleading, in a larger method then he. For he spent the greatest part of his time in military seruices, and imployments of the Cittie, and being chosen Procon­sull, he obtained the lower Germany: at which time he so perfectly and truely set downe the manners, Lawes and Customes of that Nation, that at this day the Germans do attribute their Antiquities to one onely Tacitus. And to his greater glory, that Tacitus Augustus, who f [...]r his excellent wisedome was created Emperour by the Vniuersal consent of the Lords and the Legions, deriued his discent from this our Author, and fill [...]d all Libraries with as manie of his workes as were remaining vnperished. In method of discourse he is maruellous short, sententious, and full of wisedome: as appeareth for a tast by th [...]se few insuing sentences.

What could be pronounced with more breuity and more bitternesse, [...] to say of Sei [...]nus? That no man could stand in his good grace [...] vnlesse [...]ee made his way thereto by villanie. What of Poppea? That shee put no difference betweene married men and Adulterers, but there setled her fancy, where she saw most profit arising. The Bl [...]ck [...]shnesse, the incon­tinenci [...] & drunk [...]nnes of Vitellius, he inueyeth against most bitterly; but indeed nothing could be spo­kē bitter inough against such a person; who besides the manifold imperfections of his nature perswaded the Lords to establish the Lawe of incest, and Married the Vncle to his Sisters daughter. One day walking amongst the dead bodies of slaughtered Cittizens, when he saw euerie man to loath that intollerable st [...]nch: Ob! saith he, The dead enemy sauoureth sweete, but the Cittizen swee­ter.

If you will haue his opinion of Lawes and Gouernment, what could bee more grauely spoken, them to say [...] That euery great Magistrate ought to be acquainted with somewhat that was e­uill, thereof to make vse to the common good. Plato differed not much from this asserti­on; They may as well go about to cut off all Hydrates heads (saith he) as to take away al Imperfections from Lawes.

If you desire to looke into the method of pleading, the Office of a Senator, or the Antiquities, not of the Romans onely, but of many other Nations, you shall no where find so plentifull a Haruest. What should I say? Onely this, that for men of eminency, Magistrates and Iudges, no Historiographer, can be read with like profit.

[Page]And therefore it grieueth me, that some sew haue censured him with reprehension, whome I would not stand to refute, were not their Authorities of good credit. As Alciat, who was so vnad­uised as to call his truely praise-worthy History, Thorny, or ouer-growne with Briars, in that Epi­stle which he wrote to Iouius.

The next are those, who cannot relish him for his hard phrase, but they are such, who had rather be alwaies plodding vpon easie and trifling studies, then erect their spirits to be perfect in those graue relations, which states-men and Princes haue ante-acted, to future profit and example. As for Al­ciat, I see not, why he should contemne an Author so generally allowed, and himselfe notwithstan­ding boast of his owne eloquence, vnlesse for that Decius blotting his name out of the Roll of the Lawyers, notwithstanding called him Ceceronian; as Ierom writeth, that he was scourged before the Tribunall of Christ, for that he wrote like a Ciceronian, not like a Christian. Howeuer Ierom did suffer, su [...]e I am Tacitus doth suffer his hard censure without desert. But let this passe for a iest, Budaeus with no lesse bitternesse, tearmeth him of all writers the wickedest, because be wrote opro­briously against the Christians, which was the reason indeed (as I think) that moued Turtullian to call him Lier; Orosius Flatterer.

But as Marcellus answered the younger Cato, that a light woman did euer euill in doing light, but not euill in taking her hire being once light: So Tacitus, in that he was not a Christian, did euilly; but wrote not euilly against Christians, being (as he was) an Heathen. I for my part shoulde haue censured him wicked, if whatsoeuer Religion he adored, he had not laboured to maintaine it with the ouerthrow of the opposite; especially when he saw the Christians and Iewes, as Sorcerers and men defamed f [...]r Adulteries and other heynous crimes daily drawne to execution; what Histori [...]grapher could haue moderated his pen?

For ignorance, if any Author may be excused, then surely may Tacitus, for fetching Iudaeos, from Ida a Mountaine in Creet, Quasi Idaeos; As well as Nicholaus Damascenus for dri­uing Hierosolyna quasi Ierosoula, pera for Iera sulein. Well, if he des [...]rue so heauie a cen­sure for this fault, what shall we determine of Vlpian, who wrote seauen Bookes De torquendis Christianis, and those not to teach knowledge, but to deuise exquisite torments.

Trāquillus Tranquillus must likewise vndergo the very same censure, where he discourseth of the Christians, and yet hath it bin his good hap for the residue of his Historie to carrie this report amongst the iudici­ous, That neuer was any thing better written by any Historiographer. Some men are dis­pleased for his recitall of hase and triuiall matters; but such should remember, that amongst the acti­ons and speeches of Princes, nothing ought to seeme light, nothing vnworthie obseruation, beecause they liue in the eye of the multitude, and according to their presidents the world will be conformable. That he tooke too much paines in perticuler penning the incontinencies of Princes, which Tacitus o­mi [...]ted, I will not excuse him.

But in this ouer-sight Lampridius did excell him. For he relateth so many bes [...]iall sorts of plea­sures deuised by Heliogabalus, and those in such open tearmes, that he seemeth to haue [...]enned thē rather for Imitation, then Narration. Both of them serued in the priuy Counsels of Princes, but espe­cially Tranquillus, who was Secretarie to Adrian, and depriued thereof, for being more familiar with the Emperors wife, then the custome of Court-like modestie could endure. The residue that wrote the liues of the succeeding Emperors, as Dio, Spartianus, Capitolinus, Herodianus, Trebel­lius, Vopiscus, Entropius, Lampridius, Volcatius, Ammianus, Pomponius Laetus, O­rosius and Sextus Aurelius, were not so highlie imployed in the state, as was Lampridius, which Vopiscus doth freely confesse, calling him a most refined Author, and truly. For these are his words: Hee was a man neither proude of his place, nor giuen to vice, nor swayed by passi­on.

He writeth, that Caligula in the beginning of his raigne was as compleat a Prince, both for giftes of minde and bodie, as none more compleat, but afterward proued so vnsatiate a licentia [...] in all sortes of vices, that no monster in Nature could be comparable vnto him, So likewise he relateth the excel­lent [Page] first fiue yeares of Nero; and then discourseth, how Claudius was of so blockish a spirit, that euen the basest at the Barre would call him Foole, sitting vpon the seat of iudgement: and lastlie, amplyfieth that notable Iudgement of the Emperour, before whom a woman being brought, which would not acknowledge her owne childe, with Arguments inforced on both sides so strong and doubt­full, that hardly any man could tell what to determine; by commanding the woman to marrie the young man, she confessed the truth. What could haue bin more wisely decided by Salomon him­self, the Maister of wisedome?

The like industry for truth was not in Herodian, Herodian though he had the meanes, but for that which he wrote, he is often noted of error by Spartianus and Capitolinus.

Moreouer, in Tranquillus you shall find many good instructions of the Roman Antiquities, their ancient customes, their lawes, their statutes, and such Edicts of the Senate, as no where shal you meet with the like. The royali [...]es and prerogatiues of their Princes onely he and Tacitus recorded.

The man whom we may match with Tranquillus, in my opinion is Velleius Paterculus, Velleius Paterculus who besid [...]s his great learning, bore Offices of Honour both in the field & Citty. His sweet and elegant phrase I will not speake to, but avow his method of breuity and perspicuity (if wee had his whole workes) in relating the Roman Antiquities from vtmost memory to be such, as therein second to no man he ought to be iudged. His Orations in the praises of Men of Marke, are excellent and wor­thy himselfe, as you may read in his Encomions of Pompey, Caesar, Cicero, which were not writ­ten as pertinent to the scope of his history, but by way of preface to the vnderstanding of his history.

Wherein G. Bellay vic [...]roy of Naples, Bellay in a litle Booke of his, concerning the antiquities of the Galles hath imitated his method, and hath left an excellent president for future Historiographers to behold and follow. He wrote likewise in Latine and French the exped [...]tion of Charles the fifte into Prouince; a workful of wit and wisedome: as he could not otherwise do, being quicke of con­ceit, w [...]ll learned, and fully experimented in affaires of state: wherin he spent his whole time, either imployed in Counsell, in Ambassies, or in command of Armies: his vacant houres he dedicated to the Muses. Insomuch, that amongst the French Nobility, this glorie ought onely to be his; That he was the first man which gaue weapons to Learning, and Learning to weapons. But be­cause no man shal accuse one being his Countrymā (for he was of Anioy) of flattery [...] let him belieue that Sleydan ha [...]h spent much more paper in his commendation; vpon whom, when he had said al he could to his highest praise, he giue this testimony; That he was not only worthy to be called, Gal­licae nobilitatis Decus. Wherefore let him march in ranke with Polibus, Thucidides, Xeno­phon, Caesar, & Tacitus, [...]or that he examined with an vnstaind pen the reasons of accidēts, their beginnings, their ripen [...]ngs, their ends; and with them their policies, their actions, their Orations. For the Obi [...]ct [...]ō that he wrote but litle, that is not material in choise of history, since euery man may iudge a Lyon by his claw. Next copious Guicciardin presenteth himself,Guicciar­din whom I would haue said, had wrote in Imvation of the former, had they not bin liuing at one time. And although he neuer trauelled fur­ther then Italy, neither was matchable to Bellay in militarie imployments, yet notwithstanding by the generall verdict of many grauemen, he is adiudged to ante-cede all modern Historiographers, if not the Ancient. For whatsoeuer falleth within compasse of question, he it neuer so intricate, there sheweth he an admirable finenesse of wit in discoursing vpon accidents, euery where interlacnig graue sentences to good purpose: As in one place, he couertly taxeth the French of improuidence, for inuading Prouinces like tempests, but keeping and maintaining them like faint-harted Cowardes: giuing them to vnderstand, that militarie acquisitions were not onelie vnprofitable vnto them, but likewise burdensome and full of losse. A saying worthie so graue an Author, and fit to be thought vpon by all intruding Prin­ces. In another place he glanceth at the ouer-weening conceits of the Venetians in th [...]se words. The Venetians (saith he) all Italy being in a flaming fire, sat still, and without mouing ex­pected the issue of the warre, and their portion of prey, as if no man durst to haue of­fended their Wisedomes. But a temporizer ought to be superior in force, or els to run the same course that the strongest doth. The which reprehensions haue in them no gall, no ob­loquy; neither vsed hee to praise or dispraise any man before hee were deade, and that [Page] without affection or flattery. As was manifest in Pope Leo, by whose fauours he parchased great wealth, Honour, and aduancement. For he elected him Generall of the Ecclesiasticall forces, & chief Commander through his whole Territories: And yet he giueth him this censure, That hee was a Prince indowed with many Vertues, and as many vices. And of all writers he alone rela­teth his incons [...]ancie, in confederating first against King Francis, and after playing the Foxe with Charles the Emperour; That when by his helpe he had throwne the French out of Italy, he mought the easiler haue dealt with the Spanish. Againe, what could be more truely spoken of Ferdinand, That coloured all his vnsatiable desires, with pretences of Religion, and the common good. Another argument of his integrity and vnpassionate disposition, was his refutation of Paulus Iouius his Oration de morbo gallico, in fauour of the French: with whom hee had good cause to haue bin offended, for the hard siege they gaue him at Placentia, wherein himselfe and his whole for­tunes were ingaged, had he not valiantly defended the place. Reason it is (saith he) to disburden the French of the infamy of this disease, when as the Spanish broug [...]t it into Italy frō the westerne Islands. Such was his loue, such his care, to write nothing but truth! and therefore he either setteth downe nothing at aduenture, or what he setteth downe, hee proueth with reasons of ne­cessity. For it is reported that he had the transcripts of all Letters, Decrees, Confederacies, Treaties, and Orations; and therefore boldly vsed these words. Such a one spake in this manner: or where he was doubtfull, Such a one spake to this or like purpose; wherein hee is altogether different from Iouius, who as he deuised a great part of his History, so coined he out of his owne braine (as schol­lers vse to do their Schoolasticall declamations) all his Orations. A presumption most mani [...]es [...]ly appea­ring by the Oration of Baylon, which Guicciardine extracted out of the Originall copie, and rela­teth cleane contrary to Iouius.

Besides, be was so diligent a searcher of Actions, persons, places, and counsels, that he seemed to haue trauelled, through all the Citties, Borrough [...], Castles, and riuers of Italy, and (which is most effectu­all to haue perused their publique Records.

What euer was reported by the vulgar, bee neuer omitted; but noted it as he found it; As in the battle of Maurit where the French defeated the Swizzers; wherein he could not auouch certainely what numbers were slaine, Because (saith he) some spake vpon enuy, some vpon sauour, and others vpon heare-say: many reported XIIII. thousand, as many ten thousand: Some eight thousand, and others but three thousand. His historie of Italy containeth the tearme of for [...]ie yeare [...]; what was without the b [...]unds thereof, he toucheth sparingly and in measure. The wars of the Turkes and Persians, though his intelligence was much better then Iouius, hee wittingly le [...] passe, least by affirming things of doubtfull certaintie, he should incurre suspition; yet, that th [...]y should not altogether he in ignorance, h [...]r [...]in inhreth th [...]m lightlie, in this maner: It was reported that Se­limus inuaded Syria and Egipt.

Some men note him of prolixity: but those, who either vpon loue or occasion, are desirous to read affaires of state, and the vicissitude of wordlie occurrants, let them neuer grow w [...]a [...]ie of that faul [...]; because no part of the vniuersall earth, presented more nouelties, more alterarations, then Italy alone did in those times. And how easie a matter it was for him to write truelie, who by the generall suffragies of the Italian Nation, was indowed with singuler wisedome, learning, integritie, and experience, who know­eth not? For without doubt, sithence some men wrote one thing, some another, and euerie one after his owne fancie, we cannot but make reckoning, that it proceeded from diuine prouidence, amongest such a rapsodie of pen-men, to find one whose credite soared so high, as vtterlie to ecclipse, if not to extinguish, not onelie the blind lights of vulgar fellowes, but also the impostures of Iouius and Bembus.

BonibusFor although Benibus were a man of good place, eloquent, and long imployed in the Generall affairs of Italy, yet surelie wee must say, that he wrote manie things in fauour of his Cittizens otherwise then truth, or else suffer Guicciardine to be conuinced of manie an vntruth. Of which disputable imputa­tion, let this one president sway for either. After the French had vtterly broken the Venetians at Fornoue, and as the report went, had purchased their way by the sword, Bembus concludeth, that they neither ouerthr [...]vv, nor were ouerthrown, but disgraceth their returne into Fraunce, by the re­proachfull [Page] name of a flight. Which Guicciardine more Soldier-like relateth in this manner: If it may be accounted victory, to bring our desires to their wished ends, then surely the French were victors, because they vndertooke the battell to no other end, but to bring the King in safety into France, which they performed. And therefore, sithence they rowted their enemies, whereof some fell by the sword, and others were drowned in the riuer Tarus, who would demand other tokens of victory? In the battell of Rauenna, Bembus likewise dissembleth the truth; the honour of which dai [...]s iourney no man hetherto denyed the French. For (saith he) of common souldiers and Horsemen, there were on both sides aboue eighteene thousand slaine; each party suffered like losse, but each party inioy­ed not like fortune.

Wherefore in that he tearmeth the Venetians the Bulwarke of Italy, & the Ornament of the Christian, Common-wealth, magnifying their Iustice, their faith, their greatnesse and power; yea, and the incredible pompe and strength of euery Venetian gally against the Turke, together with the Religion, modesty, and piety of euery priuate Cittizen, I say, I can affirme nothing more true, then that hee plaide the part of a good Cittizen, and not of a good Historiographer. That euerie where he tannteth the French, for their inconstancie and breach of oath with the Venetians and Alfonsus Auila, that humour more discommendeth himselfe, then his enemy. For, if it be infa­mous by the Lawe of armes, for a souldier to reuile an aduerse Nation, how much more disgrace­full is this humour in an Historiographer, especially if in that, wherof he accuseth another, he him­selse be guiltie. As without doubt, they were of that accusation, which Guicciardin layeth vppon the Venetians for breach of the league. Whom he accuseth not with suspitions of double dealing, but flatly affirmeth, That they receiued into their Cittie Avila, euen then Triumphing ouer the French, and their sworne enemie. And that more is, did what they could to in­clude him in the league, the King of France being most vnwilling thereto. That there­fore which hee writeth Oratour-like of the vnfaithfulnesse of the French, may goe as currant as his relation, That during the Venetian warre in Apulia, such Armies of Crowes and Vultures combated in the Aire, that twelue Carts were numbred to bee loden vvith their dead bodies. Of which report Bembus speaketh not doubtfully, but with much confi­dence.

By his owne Testimony [...] he was threescore yeares old, wh [...]n he b [...]gan to writ his Historie, at which age, hee cou'd hard'y endure to take that pa [...]ne [...], which we do exp [...]ct man Historiographer. His owne words are: I am weary to set downe the matters of smallest moment in that warre. And againe, Who can endure to read all without tediousnesse? Th [...]se are meer­ly the phrases of Ora [...]ors, as was also the Oration of Lauredan against Mimus [...]uouring of the same affectation; wherein hee stood so precisely vpon th [...] purity of a wo [...]d, that fi [...] were not true Grammer, he would refuse it, were it neuer so significant. The Emperour of Turkes he woulde stile King of Thrace, being scarcely the twentieth part of his Kingdome: and the Duke of Mil­laine, King: If he did it for phrase sake [...] in my Opinion he did worse for se [...]c [...] sake.

But Procopius was farre vnlike Bembus:Procopius for it should seeme, that he neither neglected, or vnderstood not the method of History, nor the elegancie of the Greek tongue, but related the bare accident with diligent obseruation of thinges of small moment. And for that he alwaies accompa­nied Bellisarius in Action, was of his Counsell, imployed in diuers Embassies, and indifferent wel learned, I make no doubt to ranke him with the best. And againe, I could not but allow him the cre­dit of a most true Authour, because he setteth downe the Letters, the Counsels, the leagues, and Orations in diuers and different stile of speeches (infallable arguments of true relations) but that he remembreth his Bellisarius somewhat more often, then modesty may warrant, and that manie times very foolishly.

And yet no where so foolish, as where he excuseth the murder of Constantianus, maister of the Horse to Iustinian the Emperour, procured by Bellisarius, and would haue the worlde be­leeue, That the destinies and not his Maister had decreed, that Constantianus should die [Page] in that manner, His coniectures of the thirty Hogges and the Statue of Theodorus, I reckon as childish; As also his dimension of Thule to be twice as great as Brittaine, being indeed not so, by halfe. But his report, that Vesuvius, scituated on this side Naples, should disgorge ashes, which with the wind were carried as farre as Bizantium, passeth all beliefe, being prodigies altogether sauouring of Graecian leuity, wherein the Heathen Historiographers, are not onely to be taxed, but likewise, the Ecclesiasticall.

Nicephorus Nicephorus Calistus is stuffed with like Fables, and Zonoras, otherwise an allowable Au­thor, with Nicephorus Gregoras, are of the same straine, and now and then Eusebus Caesarien­sis: As where with eagernesse of protestation, he affirmeth that he saw, a plant grow of his owne ac­cord at the base of a piller. Whereupon a brazen Statue of Christmas erected, and by the woman cured of her issue of blood dedicated to our SAVIOVR three hundred yeares before. Which as soone as by growth it had touched the extreamest hem of the Statues ingrauen garment, it proued to cure al ma­ner of diseases.

The like estimate ought to be had of the workes of Antoninus, Adonis, Saxo Grāmaticus, Sigis­bert, Phriculphus, Nauclerus, Marianus, Merlin, Vrspergensis, Annonius, Turpin, Guaguin, and such like old Annales; which notwithstanding we cannot vtterly want, & of these too, some are better then other. For although Gregory Turenensis, Antonius Florentine, Gu­lielmus Bishop of Tire, and Abbas Vrspengēsis, relate many prodigious miracles, yet amongst them shall you find verie profitable and good obseruations, especially for those times, which as a man may say, were ouer whelmed with Barbarisme. For they were men long and much imployed in affaires of state and publicke Counsels; And therefore it may wel beseeme vs amongst their Garbish, to cut out their best annotations, as men doe Golde out of Rockes and Rubbish; especially where better are not to bee had.

As, for the Historie of the Tartars, if you wil not credit Paulus Venetus and Hayton, then must you al most beleeue no man.P. Venetus Haiton And that which they wrote, is but little, and full of Fables; but of the two, Hayton is the truer. P. Venetus writeth, that the Caspian Sea is alwaies without Fish, except on fasting daies: that Quinzay containeth in circuit seauenty miles, and hath twelue thousand bridges, vnder which, For their concauitie, Ships vnder saile may passe, and repasse. The Acts, Customes, Lawes, and Religion of the Tartars you must vnderstand where you can.

The state of Aethiopia F. Aluarus hath written with better integritie and more warinesse, being since confirmed by Straungers,F: Aluarus good Authors, and late Trauellers, and with great delight to bee per­vsed.

The late Histories of the Gothes, Saxons, Neruians, Sarmatians or Polonians and Danes, Zēglerus, Cromerus, Crantzius & Olaus haue published; al except Olaus very probable Au­thors, who now and then telleth wouders: whereof manie, by the Testimony of Authors and good wit­nesses may induce perswasion; as the metamorphosing of men into Wolues, once set downe by the Au­thoritie of Herodotus, Pomponius Mela, and the Ancients, and nowe againe verified by the Moderne. Which Gaspar Pencer, a man of great Learning, well aduised, and one that had tra­uelled through most partes of Europe, did signifie vnto me, that hee heard it crediblie reported by the Inhabitantes to bee true. Which whether it bee a secret of Nature, as is storied of Parrhasius, or an influence of Diuine punnishment, as it is recorded of Nabuchadnezar, I cannot yet resolue.

Leo AferAfter Aluaresius followeth Leo Afer, and for similitude of subiect, I will compare him to Pom­ponius, Strabo, and Pausanias, whome I will hence-forward tearme Geographistorici, for their Geographicall method of Historie. Strabo lightly toucheth the kingdomes and Common­weales of the whole world, Pausanias onely the Prouinces of Greece, but so exactly describeth their greatnesse, their declinings, the inhabitants, the Citties, Castles, Riuers, Hilles, Springs, Temples, and statues, that by al mens opinions in that kind, be challengeth precedency. So Leo Afer, by birth a Moor, by habitation a Spaniard, first a Mahumetan and afterward a Christian, after he had Trauailed [Page] almost the better part of Affricke, Asia the lesse, and a good portion of Europe, was taken Prisoner by Pirats, and presented to Pope Leo. During the tearme of which captiuity, be translated into the Itali­an tongue these remembrances, which with infinite toile, hee had gathered in the Arabian language concerning Affrica, the customes, lawes, and diuers people thereof, with the scituation and description of the whole Region. The art military he seldome toucheth, but the ouerthrowes of their Kings, giuen and taken, he briesely relateth, without Orations or ornament of stile, Geographically, not Historically, and yet with pleasing delight of noueltie, he cōfineth his vnwilling Reader to studious perseuerance. He thrusteth vpon vs no great impossibilities, vnlesse it be the admirable docility of the Egiptian Asse, of which himselfe was an eye-witnesse. Likewise, that the tailes of certaine Sheepe of Egipt, shoulde weigh some fiftie pound, some one hundred and twe [...]tie pound: It is the report also of Bellonius, Hie­ronimus, and Cardanus. At a word, bee onely of all men hath discouered that Nation, which lay buried in ignorance and Barbarisme a thousand yeares before his time.

Next after him approcheth F. Leandrus and S. Munster; the former described Italy, the other all Germany as liuely to viewe, as if it were in Maps or Tables, adioyning thereto the History of the various fashions and maners of the people. But Munster had done well, if he had turned his Cosmo­graphiam into Germanographiam, being indeed nothing else to speak on, saue a particuler descrip­tion of Germany and Heluetia, their scituations, people, and discent.

But as our Geographistorici mingled Topography with story:Xenophon so our Philosophistorici beu­tified their Narrations of Action with precepts of wisedome. In which kind, great is the praise of Xe­nophon, yea, the greater, in that he had no president to imitate (as Velleius witnesseth of Homer) nor none that shall be able to imitate him. Nearest approacheth Plutarch, then Laertius, and thirdly Philo Iudaeus, betweene whom and Plato the Ancients in my iudgement gaue a most true censure.

Equall vnto these is Iosippus; Iosippus or if inferior in secrets of Philosophy, farre superiour in the sear­ches of Antiquitie. At which Ierom doth wonder, that such exquisit knowledge of the Graecian dis­cents, should be [...]ound in a man of the Irish Nation. But the reason thereof is apparant in his Bookes a­gainst Appion the Grammarian, wherin he so verisieth the writings of Moses (though sufficient-full of credit themselues) by the authorities of the Graecians, the Persians, the Egiptians & Caldae­ans, that nothing can be read with more profit, by those who are desirous to studio Antiquities. The Ages of the old world related by Moses, he confirmed by the Testimonies of twelue Historiographers, t [...] take away all scandall of incredulity. The Auncestry, saith, Religion, learning and integritie of his Countrey-men, He not onely preferreth before all Nations, thereby to reuiue the ecclipsed honor there­of, but also doth his vtmost to redeeme from obliuion and opposition, things of vndoubted veritie. For by his writings, the Fables of Herodotus, Diodorus, and Iustine, are easily to be refuted.

After him, Hegesippus a Iew, Hegesippus wrote fine Bookes of the Iewish wars, which Ambrose by re­port turned into Latine. But Iosippus wrote better and truer, because hee was both in Action and command, and being prisoner to Vespahtian and Titus: Notwithstanding by their fauours purcha­sed the freedome of the Cit [...]ie, and the Honour of a Statue. For in him were inuested these good parts of an Historiographer, which we haue mentioned before, (viz:) great learning, vnpassionate integrity, & experience of affaires. His integritie is apparant in this; That being a Iew, he gaue notwithstanding a graue, ve [...]e [...]ent, and La [...]dible Testimonie of Christ; whereas our Ecclesiasticall writers discoursing vp­on the aduersaries of our Religion, are so farre transported with Enuie, that they not onelie conceal their deserued commendations, but also disgrace them with most opprobrius and vndecent railings. Wherof, let Iulian the Apostata be the plaintife, who though he were worthie both of blame & punishment, yet for th [...]se things which be performed with good commendation and honour, he ought not to be silenced by an Historiographer:Ammianus wherein our writers haue generally faulted: And certes, should rather haue imi­tated Ammianus Marcellinus his method and ardent desire of deliuering in Vtramque partem. nothing but truth: who after he had committed the neuer-dying vertues of Princes to memory, then pro­ceeded to display their vices, as euerie good Author ought to do. And the accusations which he laid vpon Iulian, were, that he mingled old Heathnish superstitions with the vnspotted & simple (for those be his words) religion of the Christians: that he bereft them of all helps of lear­ning, & cruely commanded the Countes Palatines of Constantius to be murdred. [Page] These were his vices; His excellent vertues, as his temperance, his fortitude, his continency, his fauour to wisedome, and his Iustice aboue opinion, he proueth by action and witnesse. As in this one example for many. When Delphidius Gallus (a most sharpe Orator) [...]ad accused Numeri­us President of Narbon in France, then lying at Paris, and was vrged to bring forth his proofes and witnesses: Most mighty Caesar (saith he) what man will euer be found guilty, if his bare deniall be sufficient to cleare him? To whom Caesar answered, And what man shall euer depart innocent, if one mans accusation should suffice to condemne him?

This Ammianus was a Graecian, a Knight, and a follower of Vrsicinus, maister of the horse in all the warres almost, which in those times were managed by the Romans in Europ, or Asia. His workes remaine whole, and digested into eighteen Bookes, beginning at the thirtieth yeare of the Emperor Constantius, and ending with Valeus. The o [...]her thirteene are easie to be ad­ded out of other mens writings. He had begun at Nerua where Tacitus ended, and whom of all men he resolued to obserue and imitate. Onely heerein is the difference, that Tacitus (according to the times) had a speciall regard of the Roman el [...]gance, but Ammianus vsed Italian phrases and som [...]imes neither Latine nor Romaine, but plaine Greeke. He much and often digresseth from the maine history, a disease whereunto euen the greatest Authors are much inclined; and whereof Possidonius doth grieuously complaine against Cicero. But Ammianus regarding the matter more then the phrase, salueth that Octiection against himselfe in this manner. In that (saith he) the text seemeth tedious, it profiteth our vnderstanding to the ful: for who­soeuer affecteth ouermuch breuity, where things of doubtfull knowledge are related, seeketh after ease, but ripeneth not his iudgement.

Wherefore amongst such diuers and different variety of Authors, it is most necessarie, for eue­ry man to make a true and aduised choise of that learning whereunto his study standeth most adic­ted, least in this small and short leisure of life, he seeme not to haue read much, and y [...]t in points of amb [...]guity cannot determine with himsel [...]e vpon what to resolue.

As if he be throughly perswaded of Polidor for the affaires of England, (although he be suspi­tious to the Scots and French) of Rhenanus for the Historie of Germany, and Aemilius for the state of France, then shall he need to take no great paines in Beda, Guagun, Gacus, Saxo, and such l [...]ke, who handled the said Histories without method or order: and no maruel; for as those Times afforded great plenty of writers, so their credits and reputations quickly vanished. Plutarch reckoneth vp three hundred that wrote the battaile of Marathon: And of thirty that committed to print the affaires of Italy, one onely mans credit and good method, haue quite put the residue to the horne.

In these times the world swarmeth with such as commit to writing things of base and vulgar Ar­gument, whereas in times of greatest antiquity wee had almost none. And therefore because it were a labour infinite, to peruse euery mans papers, let the Iudicious Reader, out of manie, make choise of the better, by the assistance of these directions, (or by better of his owne, if he can) which we haue heere before described.

Thus much for choise of History, which I avow not so positiuely to haue published, but that therin I am content to leaue euery man to his free election.

FINIS.
THE CONSPIRACIE of C …

THE CONSPIRACIE of Cateline,
The Proëme.

written by C. Crispus Salustius.

CHAP. 1.

BY howe much Nature hath crea­ted Man the worthiest of all liuing Creatures, by so much, the rather ought Pli. Omni homi­ni id faciendum est, quo se aliquā ­do vixi [...]e testetur he by Vertuous exercises to Dedicate to eternity, some Re­cord of his proficiency, and not to die in Scilence or Obliuion, like the Beasts of the field, whom God hath fashioned onely of a Seruile condition, Paululum ad­modum sentiens praeterita, aut fu­tura. fit for no proiect, but to feede the belly. Our sufficiency consi­steth aswell of a Soule, as of a Body; yea, more bountifully assisted by the Essence of the One, then any way aduanced by the faculties of the Other. For of the First, we partici­pate with the Goddes; The Second, we inioy in no fuller a measure, then euery other Base Creature. Whereupon [...] [Page 12] dare be bolde to affirme, that it is more commendable to Labour in quest of glory by Sen. In omnia pr [...]mittendus est animus, cogitan­dum (que), non quid sole [...], sed quicquid potest sier [...]. Learning and good Artes, (considering the shortnesse of our daies bound, as I saide, to leaue somewhat behind vs to the eternizing of our re­membrance) then to purchase Fame by the dependancies of Valour and Fortitude. For Riches and Strength of Body are fleeting and determinable: Vertue is onely permanent, and out-liueth Time.

But it hath beene much questioned amongst diuers sorts of men, whether Alterum indi­get auxilio alteri­us, corpus auxilio animi, & animus auxilio corporis. strength or Policy, in the Art Military, hath best ballanced the affaires: The conclusion whereof hath bin, that Before Resolution, it is the wisest course to ad­vise slowly, but after mature aduice, to proceede roundly. Wherby it should seem, that the one, without the assistāce of the other, can affoord no true safety. And therefore in Auncient time, Vt Trismegistus & Ptolomeus. the Kings (for that was the first attribute of Honour in this worlde) did some, take delight in the contemplation of Wisedome, and the Vertues of the mind; others in exercises of Actiuity and strength of bo­die. For as yet the Vnde aurea se­cula feruntur sub Saturno fuisse. Ambitious desire of Soueraignty, had not inthralled mens mindes to Couetize: euery one passed his time with content of his priuate fortunes.

But after that Cyrus in Asia, and the Lacedemonians with the Athenians in Greece, began to force Cities, and to sub­due Nations, then the loue of Soueraignty became a iust Title for Warre and invasion, and the largest Empire was inrolled for the most Honourable conquest. Euen then, by dangers and occurrances, experience gaue proofe, that Policy bore no small sway in Martial exploits.

But if the carriages of Kings and Princes bore like mo­deration in times of peace, as they affoord in Tempests of Warre, surely the estates of Kingdomes, and the affayres of this world would longer flourish, and be better gouer­ned. And then should we neither behold Vsurpatiōs, nor mixture of Nations, nor confusion of Languages: for it is doubtlesse true, that Kingdomes are safest maintained by those meanes, by which they were at first acquired. But where as Sloth is entertained insteed of Labor; Lust, in lieu of [Page 13] Chastity,Hinc Cat [...]n [...]m (a [...]nt) cen [...]uisse de Carthagine non de [...]enda, vt inde inuentus Romana teneretur in mili­tia. Iuven. Nunc patimur longae pa­cis mala: saeuior armis Luxuria incubuit. and Pride maketh scorne of Aequity, there of necessity must our hard Fortunes participate of our man­ners and behauiours. And so it commonly falleth out, that all Empires at first (in themselues Valiant and vertuous) haue degenerated and declined. For let men assure them­selues, that Whether they imploy their Times in Husbandry, Traffique, or gorgeous Buildinges, Perpetuity consisteth in Plaut. Omnia as­sunt bona, quem penes est virtus. Vertue. For as concerning those part [...]s of men, whose mind is their belly; their delight, sleep; their body (against common sence) their Coyance; their Nobler part, agree­uance; vtterly vnlearned, and worse nurtured, spending their daies as Ideots, and Qui transeunt non transigunt. Strangers; of these, I say, I put no distinction betweene their liuing soules, and their dead Carkases, for thatInglorij sunt & vin [...] & mortui. with their bodies their remembraunce is buried. But the man that either spendeth his time in publicke Office, in atchieuement of Honour, or aduance­ment of his name by the inuention of some good & pro­fitable Art, him will I affirme truely to liue, and essential­ly to participate of a reasonable soule.

But in this mixture and vniuerse of humors, Nature hath laide out to diuers men, diuersity of courses: as to meditate the prosperity and welfare of the state, is excee­ding commendable; no lesse praise-worthy is it, to speake well, and to plead iudiciously; and to inuest posterity with the Titles of Honor in merit of our good carriages, either in Peace or Warre, is no lesse allowable: neither they that haue beene Actors, nor they that haue beene the Re­gisters of others honourable actions, are to be denied or defrauded of their Lawrell Girlands.

And in my Iudgement, although the like commenda­tion were to be bestowed vppon the Historiographer, as may seeme deserued due to the Actor, yet thus much dare I affirm, that it is a most difficult task, by writing to repre­sent the Actions of great Personages. First, for that words and stile ought to equalize their deeds. Secondly, for that many men are of opinion, that the reprehension of faults proceedeth from Spleene or Enuy; whereas in recitall of the Vertues and generous passages of good men, euery [Page 14] one according to his slender capacity, opinionating the facility of performance, giueth the beliefe, but what is more, or goeth beyond his incredulous vnderstanding, he reputeth false, and therefore fabulous.

Now I being a young man amongst others, was taken from my Booke, and thrust into the worlde, wherein I found many things were opposite to my disposition. For, insteed of modesty, abstinence, and frugall Liberality, I found all places accustomed Vbi prisci Ro­mani abstinebant à gradu altiore, quam digni vide­bantur, nunc per largitionem omnia inuadebant. to Impudence, Bribery, & Auarice. Which although my very soule did loath, as a Virgin vndefiled with these contagious abuses, yet by reason of my tender yeares (as it could not otherwise fall out) in the very context of so many fretting and inticing frailties, I could not escape the humour of Ambition. For beeing spotlesse in all other Vanities, the same desire of preferment which had atached others with boldnes & am­bition, Dociles imitan­dis turpibus et pra­ui [...] omnes sumus. seized also vpon me, & therfore as soone as I had quit my mind from cares & dangers, & thereupon had re­solued to spend my future daies far from the imployments of the state, yet at last I resolued with my self that it was but a base conceit, either to trifle out my times of leysure, in Vno modo otio­sus dicitur, qui pe­nitus cessat, alio modo, qui in pub­lico munere non est licet in re priuata multum laboret. Sloth and Clownish Ignorance; or to weare out the better powers of my body in toylesome Husbandry, in disports of hunting, or any such seruile pleasures.

Whereuppon retyring my selfe to my Booke, from whence ydle ambition had once almost withdrawne me, I haue resolutely set mee downe, briefely to relate the glorious actions of the Roman people, and that with the greater courage, because my pen is free from hope, from feare, or any other the partialities of the commonwealth. My subiect shall be, The Conspiracie of Cateline, wherin, I vow all possible Breuity. My reasons are, the Memorie of the Action, the Greatnesse of the Danger, the Foulenesse of the Fact, and the Strangenesse of the Plot. And first I will begin with the manners and disposition of the Agent.

CHAP. 2.

1. The Linage, Life, and Conditions of Cateline. His Mo­tiues to ingagement.

THis L. Cateline was descen­ded of Honourable Paren­tage, a man of an able bo­dy, and no lesse adorned with Gentleman-like qua­lities, but of an euil and fro­ward disposition. From his youth addicted to ciuil dis­sentions, to Quarrelling, to Cheting and discord: these were meerely the humours of his youth. His body could well invre it selfe to vndergo Want, Watching, & cold, more then humane. Bold of Spirit, Subtle, Waywarde, a deepe dissembler, greedy of another mans Thrift, Pro­digall of his owne: Talkatiue enough, voide of wisedom, of an high minde, accompanied with desires vnfatigable, incredible, too too ambitious.

After the Tyranny ofSilla recuperata Rep. Et oppressis Marianis, pulcher­mam victoriā cru­delitate maxima inquinauit. Octo millia deditorum in via publica tru­cidauit, tabulam proscriptionis po­suit, vrbem & totā Italiam caedibus repleuit. Silla, his proud mind could take no rest, for Meditating, how he likewise might vsurpe vp­on on the state; neither cared he how, or by what meanes he had it, so he were sole-Lord in possession. His haughty spi­rit was euery day more trobled then other: his Pouerty & guilty Conscience, did daily solicite progression, and both these, were seconded by those his inclinations, whereof we first related. Besides, the depraued and corrupted ma­ners of the state did animate his Nature, on which Ryot, and Auarice, two the worst and most opposite vices, did continually hammer.

And now (sithence we are fallen into Relation of the corruption of the state) the course of the History doth call vpon me, somewhat to remember the times of Antiquity [Page 16] and in few words to relate, how our Auncestors mana­ged the state in Peace and in Warre, De e [...]ins immen­sitate sic Liuius. Quae ab exigui [...] profecta imitijs, eò creuerit. vt [...]am magnitudin [...] labo­ret suâ. how glorious they bequeathed it, how in processe of time it drooped, and of a most faire, good, and beautifull Empire, it degenerated vnto a most base, most vile, and most ignominious Tyra­nie.

CHAP. 3.

The Originall and declination of the Roman Empire. The commendation of those Auncestours, who erected and en­larged it. A taxation of the present times.

THe first inhabitants and builders of the City of Rome (Varia & incer­ta d [...] ciuitatum conditoribus est opinio. by report) were the Troains, who vnder the conduct of Aeneas, wandered as fugitiues about the world, in no place claiming any true propriety of inhabitation. With them descended the Aborigines, Saluages, liuing without Lawe, without Gouernment, Free, and Resolute. But after they had incircled themselues within the compasse of a Wall, it were almost an incredible relation to report, how lo­uingly they agreed, considring their difference in discent, their diuersity in Dialect, and contrariety of fashions. Yet after, their estate grew respectiue by increase of Inhabi­tants, by Ciuility and augmentation of Territory (a com­mon accident in worldly affaires) factions & discontents arose from superfluity. The Princes and the bordering na­tions inuaded them, few friendes were found to assist them: in respect of the dāger they were content to Tem­porize. But the Romans prouident in peace, and valourous in Warre, neglected no Opportunity, prepared armor, incouraged one another, carried the warre into the ene­mies Countrey, reposed their liberty, the safety of their [Page 17] Countrey, and the welfare of their Parents, in the valor of their armes: Yea, after they had diuerted the Terror of war by their valiancy, they assisted their alies and compa­nions in armes, multiplying their leagues & associations, rather by giuing, then receiuing of gratuities. Such po­wer hath Lawfull acquisition to adde greatnesse vnto Em­perie.

To those, who by reason of their years, were vnseruice­able in body, yet very sufficiēt for aduice & counsel, were committed the cares of the Citty and ciuill affayres; and these, in respect of their age, or simpathy of their charges, were tearmed Fathers.

But after, that sole-Soueraignty (which at first was or­dained for protection of Liberty, and augmentation of Territory) degenerated into Pride, and haereditary Ti­tles: by change of that custome, they transferred the Go­uernement of one, to the annuall Election of two Con­suls. By this forme of limited pollicy, they verily beleeued that they had vtterly suppressed the minds of mankinde, from dreaming vpon the imaginary humors of licentious Soueraignty. But then, more then before, began euerie man to estimate his owne worth, and to hammer his head on high disseigns. For absolute Princes are alwaies more iealous of the good, then of the badde, because another mans Vertue (as they take it) is a diminution of their re­spectiuenesse, and therefore dangerous.

But it is incredible to report, in howe short a time, the Citty, hauing obtained this forme of Liberty in Gouern­ment, increased and prospered; so infinite a desire of glo­ry, had possessed the minds of al sorts. For now the youth, by yeares enabled to the Trauels of Warfare, and by vse invred, accounted it no labour to learne to manage their weapons in the open fielde, with a diuersity of their de­lights, from Whores and Ordinaries, to gallant Furni­tures of seruice, & riding of warlike Horses. To such cou­rages, no labor was vnwelcome, no place inaccessable, or vnassaultable; no nor the armed enemy, dreadfull or vn­matchable. Valor was resolute, & at all times victorious [Page 8] Their emulation was glorious: Euery mans strife was, who should first attach the enemy; giue the Scalado: eue­ry one thrust forward, to effect such and such a peece of seruice, in the eye of his Generall: These exploits they ac­counted Riches, Reputation, and true Nobility. The eu­logies & Reports of the people best fitted their humors; of their Purses they were liberall; desirous of glory aboue measure; content with competency.

Were it not that I should weary your eares too iniuri­ously with this tedious digression, I could point you out, in what places, euen with Vt in Arme­nia, vbi Lucullus Tigranem fudi [...], & filium eius captivum in tri­um [...]hum duxit. a handfull of men, the Roman people roured huge battallions of their enemies, & forced Vt Carthaginē nouam, et Nu­mantiā in Hispa­nia. Cities, by Nature impregnable. But surely Vir. Incestans, fragilis, persida, lubrica. Fortune, blind Fortune, wil haue praedominancy in all our affayrs. In all actions she it is, that aduanceth and debaseth all our proiects, more like a Tyrannesse (according to wil) then a Goddesse relying vpon merit.

The fortunes of the Athenians in my Iudgement, were very honourable and illustrious; yet sure, somewhat infe­riour to report: but by reason of the Inter quos prae­cipua Thucidy­des. excellent Wittes, which thence descended, their acts were famoused throgh the whole world, to the vtmost of commendation: yea, so farre forth was the vertue of the Actor, strained to repu­tation, as possibly those excellent wittes could deliniate it by writing. But with the Romans it fared farre otherwise; for neuer had they the good hap of such diuersity of pen­men, because the wisest and most sufficientest spirits, were most imployed in the affaires of the state. The sufficiency of the wise man, was no priuiledge to exempt him from the emploiment of his body; Euery one of the better sort delighted to do, and not to say, desiring rather to heare his owne praises recorded from the mouth of a stranger, then himselfe Minstrel-like, to be the Chaunter of another mans glory.

Liuius. Nulla vnquam resp. nec maior, nec sancti­or: nec in quam tam serò auaritia, Luxuria (que) immi­grauerant: nec vbi tantus ac tam diu pauper [...]ati ac parsimoniae honos fuerit. Whereupon it came to passe, that Law and discipline were strictly reuerenced both in Citty and Campe. Their concord and vnity were admirable, their Couetousnesse scarce perceiuable. Aequity they imbraced more for loue, [Page 9] then for fear of punishment: as for their Brawls, Ielousies, & Discontents, them they wreaked vpon their enemies. Their mutual contentions were one with another, in quest of Vertue; their sacrifices Prince-like, their home-fare Parsimonious; in friendship constant. Thus by Courage in Warre, and Iustice in Peace, they aduanced and aug­mented themselues and their stare. Whereof these two Politicall experiments do fully assure me; the first for that in Warre they more seuerely punished those that fought properously with the enemy, either against, or without, the commaund of the Generall, or retired from the pur­suit more slowly, then they ought; then those, who either forsooke their colours, or being beaten from their Stati­ons, durst aduenture to flie. Secondly, in Peace, they wrought more by curtesie then feare, rather winking at wrongs, then willing to reuenge. Artes quibus im­perium paratur, sunt prudentia, consilium, attentio, Temperantia, con­tinentia, abstinē ­tia, parsimonia, for­titudo, labor, vigi­lia, industria, iu­stitia, fides, libera­litas, religio. Thus by valor and Iu­stice the state florished: mighty Kings were by War sub­dued; the barbarous Nations, & many potent Cōmon­weales by force dispoiled; yea, Carthage, the Corriuall of the Roman Empire vtterly ruinated: All Seas were freed of Pyrates, all Lands cleared of Enemies.

Now began Fortune to frown, to bring in confusion, to raise vp innouation. To those couragious spirits, which but yesterday made light of labour, of dangers, and of dif­ficult aduentures, disvse of armes, and purchase of riches, (the delights of forren Nations) are now becom Giues to inthrall their valors, and the cause of all insuing miseries: Where after followed the immoderate scraping of mo­ney, with the ambitious desire of superiority. To speake truely, these were the fatall bellowes to kindle the fire of our future misfortunes. For auarice, first taught vs to vio­late our faiths, to scorne honesty, and all other iust pro­ceedings, inuesting vs in lieu thereof, with Pride, Cruel­ty, Irreligion, and vnconscionable sales of euery thing vendible. Ambition withal, made vs false and brazen-fa­ced, to retaine one sence in our minds, and vtter another with our tongues: to estimate friendship and hatred, not by true merit, but by profit: and finally to fashion our fa­ces [Page 10] to the world, and our consciences to hell. These abu­ses and impostures grew vp by Iuven. Nemo re­pente fuit turpis [...]i­mus. leisure, and were some­times punished.

But after that the contagion grew strong and violent, the state was presently chaunged: and that forme of Go­uernment, which whilom was most iust and excellent, be­came most cruell and intollerable. At first ambition, the neerest counterfet of vertue, raged more then Auarice. For as wel the worthy, as the vnworthy, did striue to purchase Glory, preferment, and offices. But the one, paced the right path, the other by reason of his insufficiency, practi­sed by cunning and indirect bribery.

Auarice is an immoderate desire of riches, which neuer any wise man hunted after: being so incorporated with vnseene poisons, that it corrupteth the body, and altereth the mind [...] The loue whereof is boundlesse, & insatiable, neither asswaged with surplusage, nor diminished by want.

But after that L. Silla by armes had freed the state, by the defeature of Marius; from these good and prosperous beginnings, proceeded disastrous conclusions. For Appia: scribit illum 40. Senato­res, equites mille et sexcentos ad mor­tem condemnasse. hee, to make the army, suffered his followers to spoile, to rob, to defeat one of his house, another of his possessions: the victors sword knew no meane, no modesty: Prius 80. pro­scripsit: vno inter­iecto die ducentos & viginti alios adiecit: tertio, non pauciores adi [...]ixit: dixitque se de nouo proscripturum eos quorum tunc esset oblitus. abhomina­ble and cruell, were the executions which they inflicted vpon their fellow Citizens. Vnto these abuses the armie which Silla himselfe ledde into Asia, gaue no small furthe­rance. For hee, to assure the dependancies of his men of Warre, contrary to the custome of his predecessors, be­haued himselfe too popularly and riotously, amongest them. Their pleasant incampings, & voluptuous townes of Garrison, had ouer-wrought their fierce courages with ydlenesse. In this place, was the first ouerthrow of the Roman armies; for heere, they learned to Wench, to drinke healths, and to growe into fancying of Scutchi­ons, Pictures, and inchased vtensils: yea, and to purloine publickly and priuately, to Pillage Temples, and to put no conscience betweene sacred and prophane Robberies. [Page 11] These were the souldiers, which after their purchase of victory, pillaged their fellow Cittizens and Countrymen with all extremities. Certainely, prosperity blindeth the Iudgement of the wise; who then woulde expect, that these men, being most dissolutely disciplined, coulde vse their victory with moderation?

Iuve. Qvando­quidem inter nos sanctissima diui­tiarum, &c. After that the Rich man was reputed for honorable, and that Worship, Superiority, & Attendance, depended vpon wealth, then began vertue to play bankcrupt; Po­uerty to be disgracefull, and free Language to be accoun­ted malicious frowardnesse. Whereby it came to passe, that youth by superfluity, grew Luxurious, proud, & yet penurious; giuen to Extortion, yet prodigall: Of their owne estates vnthrifty, of another mans extreame coue­tous; of modesty and ciuill behauiour, exceeding neglec­tiue: in diuine and human offices, indifferent: in discre­tion and moderation, carelesse.

In compare of these times, wonder it were to beholde our auncient edifices and Villages, builte in fashion of Citties, with the magnificence of those Temples, which our most religious auncestors erected: Truely, Per se, aut per stemmata maiorū. they a­dorned Religious habitations with deuotion: their pri­uate Mansions with fame: neither bereft they the con­quered Enemy of any thing, saue his apparant Viz: arma, na­ues, equos. Interdū maeni [...] diruebant Tributaria facta est Carthago, prius quam deleta. meanes of rebellion. On the contrary, these wretches, the basest of men, ransacked their companions, and that most shamelessely, of all those their necessaries, which (the o­ther) most worthy victors, euen spared to their enemies; accounting it a disparagement to valor, & a point of hey­nous iniury, to doe all that, that the conqueror might do.

But to what purpose, shoulde I talke of those abuses, which no man will beleeue, except hee were an Eye-wit­nesse: either of mountaines leuelled, or Vt fecerat Lu­cullus Neapoli. vnde Flor. Contracta pisces equora sentiūt, iac­tis altum molibus. seas made firme foundations, by the abilities of priuate purses? Wherein, if I might sit iudge, I could not but laugh at their follies, for that euery one made more hast then other, indiscreetly to lauish that out, which honestly to make vse of, was good and lawfull.

[Page 12]Moreouer, the loue of Women, of Gaming, and cu­riosity, had made no lesse a breach into their vicious humours: the men behaued themselues like women, and women Casta fuit, quā nemo rogauit. made open prostitution of their reputation. Their trauels, by Sea and by Land, were onely to see, not to obserue: giuing themselues to sleepe, before Nature refected it: and to satisfie their appetites, before that ey­ther hunger, wearinesse, Thirst, or colde, attached their bodies. Then, how could it be preuented, but that youth Iuve. Vnde ha­be [...], nem [...] q [...]rat: sed [...]p [...]rtet h [...]bere must fling out, when ability is wanting? A mind thus af­fected, can not want fit proiectes of pleasures, to the ac­complishment whereof, it regards not what it gets, nor how it spends [...]

CHAP. 4.

1. Catelines pollicies in entertainment of lewd Company. 2. The causes which hastened the Conspiracy, and gaue the fiercest motiues of Resolution.

IN this so flourishing, so popu­lous, and corrupted a state, Ca­teline gaue entertainment (a dis­seigne soone effected) to all the wickedest and disolutest gallants of the City, retaining them neer about his person, as if they had bin the guards of his bodie. For whatsoeuer vnchast companion, Adulterer, or Swagerer, had discipated his Patrimony, by lauish Liberality, by Surfeting, or Letchery: whosoeuer stood ingaged in bonds, Facinora redi­mabantur, tunc pecunia, quia (vt visum est) ante Sillam non licebat interficere ci [...]es Romanos, nisi in quibusdam crimi­nibus. so that his meanes were not a­ble to purchase his freedome: all sortes of Murderers, Church-robbers, such as stood convicted by Iudgments, or, for feare of Iudgement, durst not shewe their faces be­fore the seate of Iustice: those, whose tongues had beene polluted with periury, or had their handes tainted with [Page 13] ciuill bloodshed: And last of all, whomsoeuer the remorse of a crying conscience afflicted, Pouerty oppressed, or a guiltly soule redargued of offence, these were the friends, fauorites and followers of Cateline. Ea est in amici­tia calamitas maxima, quòd Amor praecedat iudicium. But if it hapned, that any true Gentleman, innocent of these misbehauiours, chanced into his company, by daily vse and example, he became in a trice, fellow and fashionable to the residue of his Consorts. His especiall proiect was, to affect the ac­quaintance of the younger sort, because hee knewe their minds to be soonest and readiest wrought to any impres­sion. And therefore by obseruation of euery mans humor, Te. Quod pl [...] ­riqu [...] faciū [...] ado­lescentuli, vt ani­mum ad aliquod stud [...]um adiun­gant, aut equos alere, aut can [...]s ad venandum. some he would acquaint with beautifull Harlots, vppon othersome he would bestow Dogges of pleasure, & vpon others galant horses, sparing for no cost, no importunacy, first to ingage their allegiances, and afterwardes to make vse of their loyalties.

2. I am not ignorant, that Historici est nihil af [...]irmare quod compertum & ex­plora [...]um non ha­beat. many men were of opinion, that the youth which frequented the house of Cateline a­bandoned their bodies to vnchast deuices, but this sur­mise arose vpon other grounds, then were knowne to the vulgar. For it was long sithence, that Cateline beeing a young man, had frequently defiled his body with a No­ble Virgin, a Nunne of Vesta; and against the Lawes and all Conscience, had committed very many such like inormities: and at last, being ouertaken in the Loue of Au­relia Oristella, (a Lady for no good part commendable, but a beautifull visage) it was for certainty reported, that, because she stood squeamish of marriage, in regarde shee feared what might happen, when his child, and her sonne in law, should come to yeares, he made away the boy, & by this scaelestious match, left his house Issuelesse. Which one only proiect, to my vnderstanding, was the principal and violentest motiue, to hasten on the Treason. For who knoweth not, that a Conscience accused of murder, hatefull to Gods and men, can neither take rest by day, nor by night, but is alwaies tormented with the appeale of its owne guiltinesse. And thereupon his complexion changed, his eye grewe dull, his pace variable, sometimes quick, sometimes slow; [Page 14] surely his face bewrayed his troubled conscience. Then, in deeper manner (then before) he meditated, to engage his youthfull followers in hainous offences, teaching them to play knights of the Post, to forge bils and conueyances, & to make no reckoning of Faith, Fortunes, or Daungers. When hee perceiued them thus carelesse and shamelesse, he proceeded to points of higher doctrine: and that was, that if a present occasion of ill doing presented not it selfe at hande, that nethelesse, they shoulde not desist to cir­cumvent the good as well as the bad [...] no, not if their liues lay in hazard; for feare forsooth, least disvse, should bring their hands out of temper, or their mindes to forgetfulnes of actuating euill: training them vp to deceit and cruelty, in purchase of small game, rather then to sit out and doe nothing.

CHAP. 5.

1. Cateline resolueth to seize on the state. 2. His reasons. 3. What sorts of men are to bee noted prime-actors in Rebel­lion.

1 ASsiduity begat constancy: & therefore Cateline now firm­ly relying vpon the faith and assistance of these his confe­derates, and already hauing ingaged his credit thorough all countries, as deeply, as possible his assurance coulde stretch vnto; and withal, not vnpolitickly obseruing, that the remaines of Sillas army, by liuing more riotuously then the rapines of their late victory could warrant them (whereof a fresh memory yet boiled in their stomackes) did itch after a seconde ciuill Warre, roundly resolueth with himselfe, to become maister of the state.

[Page 15]2. In Italy no Army was on foot. G. Pompeius Contra Tigranē & Methridatem. mana­ged the warre in forreigne countries. His hopes, in stan­ding for the Consul-ship, were not fewest. The Senate was secure; All men in peace, all places deuoted to good Correspondency. Fitter opportunities could not fortune haue heaped into Catelines bosome: He tooke holde, and therefore about the Kalends of Iune, L. Caesar, and C. Fi­gulus being Consulles, hee sendeth for euery man aparr, some he intreateth, others hee comforteth, and opposeth to their considerations their own strength) compared it with the weaknesse of the state vnprouided; and lastly, for­getteth not to insinuate the massinesse of reward, which attended vppon their purchase of victory.

3. After this priuate discourse, he findeth a time to call a generall Counsel, of all those, whom either for Nobility, for deepenesse of interest in the plot, or desperate disposi­tions, he durst best intrust.

Of the Order of Senators, appeared P. Lentulus Sura, P. Antronius, L. Cassius Longinus, C. Cethegus, P. and Serui­us, the sonnes of Silla Seruius, L: Vergunteius, Q. Anntus, M. Porcius Lecca, Lucius Bestia, Q. Curius. Of the order of Knights, M: Fuluius the Noble, L: Statilius, P: Gaui­nius Capito, C: Cornelius. Besides these, many of the Colo­nies and infranchised Cities, men of good esteeme in their Countries; yea, and some great personages (but in more secret maner) were a Counsell in the action, whom ney­ther want nor any other necessity drew in, but meere am­bition, to share for their fortunes.

Moreouer, the maior part of the youth, and those espe­cially of the Gentry, were glad of the proiect, and fauored the plot; such I meane, whose humors desired to spende gallantly, or to liue wantonly, affecting incertainties for certainties, and bloodshed rather then peace.

Some liued in those daies, who durst affirme, that M: Licinius Crassus was not altogether a stranger vnto that as­sembly, for that G: Pompeius his corriuall and aduersarie, was then preferred to be Lord Generall of the Army, a­gainst whose credite and greatnesse hee cared not whose [Page 16] enuy, or what power he prouoked: nothing mistrusting if the conspiracy prospered, but that he would find means to become their leader.

Before this aduenture, a former conspiracy had been on foot against the state, wherein Cateline had likewise beene an Actor, whereof (before I proceede further) I will dis­course with all truth to my vtmost power.

CHAP. 6.

1. Cateline in suing for the Consulship, is denied. 2. His first Treason discouered. 3. Piso is sent into Spaine. 4. The reasons: his death.

1. LTullus, and Marcus Lepidus bee­ing Consuls, P. Antronius and P. Silla Consuls elect, were accused of bribery, Quod per ambi­tum, aut alia via sinistra ad magi­stratus pervenisse conuinc [...]bantur, et poenas dabaut, & à magistratu abire cogebantur. and therfore fined & disgraced. Not long after, Cateline being in office, was also attainted for extortion, and prohibited to stand for the Consulship, for that according to Law hee could not trauers the accusation, and giue in his Quicum (que) ma­gistra [...]um p [...]tebat, nomen suum im­mune dare oporte­bat. name blamelesse within his ti [...]e limitted.

At the same time liued G. Piso, a young Gentleman, dis­cended of Honourable parentage, but exceeding wilde, poore, and factious. Penury and euill education set his thoughts on working to innouation.

2. About the Nones of December; Cateline, this yong Gentleman, and Antronius, laid their heads together, in the Capitoll to murder the two Consuls, L: Torquatos and L. Cotta: vppon the Kalends of Ianuary, and then, Correptis facibus they two seizing on the Ensignes of honor and office, to poast away this Piso with an Army, for the retaining of both S. superiorem, & inferiorem. Spaines to their vses. Which complot being discouered, they deferred the second resolution of the murder vntill [Page 17] the Nones of February. Then, they intended not the de­struction of the two Consuls onely, but the destructi­on also of many of the Nobility. Wherein if Cateline had not made too much hast to Court, to haue giuen his com­plices the watch-word, without doubt, that day had pro­ued the bloudiest season, that euer the Citty of Rome had beheld, sithence the laying of her first foundations. The N [...]ndum conve­neran [...], cum signū d [...]et. slow approach of the Conspirators, broke the neck of the intended enterprize.

3 Notwithstanding Piso was sent Lord President into the hether-Spaine, Viciniorē Italiae. not without the conniuance of Marcus Crassus, for that, he stood assured, that Piso was no small aduersary vnto the greatnesse of C: Pompeius.

4. Neither yet could the Lords of the Senate be taxed of improuidence, for intrusting the prouince to such a companion; for it was their pollicy to remoue so corrupt a member farre from the more sounder and vitall parts of the Commonweale; partly, for that they mistrusted, that many good men, might houer vnder the wing of his pre­ferment; and partly, for that the power of Pompey, and his credit with the army, were (with reason) growne verie suspitious vnto the state. But this very Piso, in the midst of his iourney, was slaine, by those horsemen ouer whom he commanded.

Some gaue out, that the Barbarians could not disgest Minus est, im [...]e­ratorem iniustum esse, quam superbū: Minus, superbum esse, quā crudelemhis iniust, imperious, and cruell gouernment; Others, that those horsemen being the ancient followers of Pompey, & his faithfull seruitors, committed the murder not without his priuity: affirming, that the Spaniards neuer committed so execrable an homicide, & yet had indured many more seuere Lieutenants. For our parts, we will leaue it, as we found it, and so end the Relation of this first Treason.

CHAP. 7.

1. Cateline exhorteth his complices to perseuerance. 2. They require the conditions of the warre. 3. He giueth them sa­tisfaction.

1 CAteline, assoone as he perceiued that those his complices (whom wee nominated before,) were now assembled, althogh he had often dealt in particular with e­uery one of them, yet supposing it a point of no small regarde, to deale with them in general, now or neuer to settle their resoluti­ons, retired himself into the remotest roome of his house: from whence, all strangers excluded, thus and thus he be­gan his Oration.

Vnlesse my very soule were fully perswaded of your valors and constancies, it were impossible to hope that any Fortunate successe should second these our attempts, and those strong hopes of Liberty and power, whereof we account our selues in better part of possession, were idle, and to no purpose; neither I, for my part, would shew my selfe so vaine conceited, as tho­rough cowardi [...]e, or any giddy straine of a running wit, to let slip certainties in hope of incertaine aduentures. But for that, in many, and most important daungers, I haue alwaies founde you valourous and faithfull; aswell, in those regards, hath my courage dared to aduenture, vpon this worthy and most hono­rable action, as also for that it is now past dispute, that we are all alike ingaged, and must of necessity all drinke of one Cup, be it good or euill. And therefore, in general, to be all of one opinion, is the strongest bond of faith & friendship. What my resolutions are, you haue heretofore heard my priuate dis­courses, but euery day bringeth into my mind a new perplexi­ty, with a desire to vnderstand, what course we shall run, vn­lesse [Page 19] we our selues should now be resolute to purchase our own pardons. For sithence the Soueraignty hath diuolued, vnder the power and oppression of some few great men; Kinges and Tetrachs haue bin gladde to protest themselues their vassals: people and Nations haue paide them contribution; but as for the residue of vs the Nobility, how valorous, how good, howe Noble or ignoble soeuer, we are accounted of but as the vul­gar: depriued of Honor, and subiected to those, vnto whom, if right might take place, wee ought to be Lords, and to giue the Law. What should I say? All graces, offices, honour, and wealth, they assume vnto thēselues, or at least al lieth at their dispose: To vs, is naught afforded, saue daunger, denials, ex­tents & misery: which disgraces, (ô you my most valiant com­panions) I pray you relate, how long shall we suffer? Is it not more befitting our generous spirits, to die resolutely, then alwaies to leade a miserable and base life, subiect to the scorne of an vnderlings pride?

By the faith which I owe vnto God and the worlde, the victory is ours already in possession: youth is on our side, our hearts as couragious; with our enemies, all things are growne feeble and timorous, through age and abundance, we shall one­ly but take care for the onset, time it selfe will second the pro­gresse.

Fellowes in Armes, what mortall creature, that hath but a scantling of human courage, can endure, to see these men to wallowe in wealth, lauishly disbursed in Inning of Seas, & leuelling of mountaines, and our selues to want euen neces­saries of life? They, to be Lords of two or more goodly pallaces, we scarce to possesse one roofe, wherewithall to couer our Na­kednesse? These are they, that haue naught to doe with their wealth, saue to bestow it on Pictures, Images, & imbossed fur­nitures: Old fashions are odious, yet pull they down their new Fabricks, and erect others more pleasing to their fancies. By all direct and indirect meanes they procure mony, & oppresse, and nethelesse their extreame expence is no diminution of their estates. But with vs, at home rageth pouerty, abroade waite executions: our credites are desperat, our hopes worse: What then, I beseech ye remaineth vs, saue a tormented con­science, [Page 20] worst of miseries?

Courage my Companions: Loe, that, that Liberty, which so long you haue expected, and so often implored, now calleth on your valours. And not it alone, for besides, you haue wealth, a iust cause, and honor on your sides. These are your Trophies of victory: Fortune wil haue it so. Let the quality of the Ac­tion, the opportunity of time, the greatnesse of the danger, & the inestimable spoiles of War, moue ye, more then my speech; be it at your choise, to vse me as your leader, or as a priuate souldier. I will neuer faile ye in Counsell or Action. And vn­lesse my Genius deceiue me, I hope being Consul, to performe what I haue spoken, vnlesse your spirits bee so basely deiected, that you had rather liue in subiection, then commaund with Honour.

2. Notwithstanding the pithy and perswasiue deliuerie of this Oration, those of the complot, which were in grea­test distresse, and least confirmed in hopes, and yet belee­ued, that plentifull aduancements could not but attende them vpon the trouble of the State; began to demande, that Cateline should giue them satisfaction, What should be the condition of the War: what their rewards: what hopes in­duced him; what assistance they should relie vpon.

3. Whereupon, hee protested generall acquitances, Peior est condi­tio proscrortarum, quam exulum nam in exilio sunt tu [...], illi nusquam. proscriptions of the richer sort, Magistracies, Priesthoods, Pillage, and all other Reprisals, which the Liberty of war is accustomed to share vnto the pleasure of the victor. Hea [...] quantum ad praemia.

Quantum ad auxilia. For his Assistance, hee shewed them, that Piso in the hether Spaine, and P. Sitius Nucerinus in Mauritania, led sufficient sorces, both ingaged in the plot, and both priuie of his counsels.

His Hopes were, that Quantum ad spem. Alij, Antronium, participem prioris coniurationes. C. Antonius would stand for the Consulship, and that he made no question, but to become his fellow in office; a man of his familiar and inwarde ac­quaintance, on all sides oppressed with necessities, and with him, in their Consulship, he would not faile to open the warre.

This done, hee began maliciously to slander all honest men, & by name to praise euery Varlet of his own crew: [Page 21] one hee put in minde of his pouerty, another of his lon­ging, some of the danger and disgrace incident, and ma­ny Speram consimile exitum Belli. of Sillas victory; at what time it was lawfull to make pillage of any thing that Lust could seize vpon.

Heerewith, obseruing their generall alacrity, he reque­sted them to haue an especiall regard to satisfie his expec­tation, and so dismissed the assembly.

CHAP. 8.

1. Cateline administreth an Oath of secrecy. The maner, & reason. 2. Q. Curius described.

1. IN those daies liued some, who reported, that Cateline hauing finisht his speech in ministring the oth of confedracie to these his creatures, began a carouse of wine brewed with humane blood. Whereof, when eue­ry party after diuers execrati­ons, had pledged him after the maner of solemn Sacrifices, then began he to lay open the very depth of his proiects, & to conceale nothing, to the intent, that euery one being alike guilty of others ingage­ment, they should perseuere the more constant each con­federate to other.

Many againe, did account these, and many such like re­ports, as false and fabulous, deuised by them, who by ag­grauating the heynous offences of the traitours, did ende­uour to extenuate the scandall afterwards imputed vpon Cicero, Q [...]ia iussit Ro­manos c [...]ues inter­fici sine Lege. by reason of the seuere punishment, inflicted vp­on the offenders. Et sic seruatur fides Historiae, cu­ius prima lex est, vt sit vera. In regard of the greatnesse of the Am­biguity, we know not well what to affirme.

In the conspiracy was one Quintus Curius, by birth a Gentleman, but wholly addicted to dishonest courses & villanies, whom the Censors for his infamous life had de­posed [Page 22] from the Senate. Nothing inferior to this mans vanity, was his rash and peremptory carriage: he coulde neither silence what he heard of other, nor bury in obli­uion his priuat offences: taking no regard of his speech, or action.

He had long bin acquainted with Fuluia, an honoura­ble Lady, to whome after hee perceiued that hee was but coldly welcome, (for that his present pouerty coulde not answere her his former liberality) hee resolued with him­selfe to set al vpō boasts; somtime to promise mountains, sometime to menace her, and rather then faile, somtime to vse her more rudely, then hee had beene accustomed. But Fuluia agreeued with these his insolencies, and vnder­standing the cause, how the common wealth stood indan­gered, vowed no secresie, but onely supressing the name of the reporter, reuealed vnto many of her acquaintance, where, and what, she heard of the conspiracie of Cate­line.

This sudden report first wrought the minds of most men to inuest M.T. Cicero, with the honour of the Consulship: for before the greater part of the Nobility, stomacked his preferment, yea they were of opinion, that the place had bin polluted, if he (though deseruedly) being no Gentle­man by discent, had managed that high place of dignitie. But vppon the approach of the storme, enuy, and Pride, lay buried in silence.

Whereupon the day of election being come, M. Tul­lius and C. Antonius were saluted Consuls; which verie creation did at first breake the hearts of the Conspirators. But the rashnes of Cateline was neuer the more asswaged: euery day he went more forward then other; he prepared armor, and distributed it in places of greatest importance throughout Italy: he tooke vp as much mony as the cre­dite of his friends, or his owne assurance could procure, causing it to bee conueyed to one Manlius at Fesule, who afterward acted a principal part in the rebellion.

It was reported, that at that time he laboured men of al fashions, yea and some women, who after their commo­dities [Page 23] were of no worth, by reason that age had put a peri­od to their fees, but not to their riot, were become deepe­ly indebted.

By these, Cateline stood in good hopes to drew in the slaues of the Citty, to fire the Towne, to vnite their hus­bands to the action, or otherwise, to murder them.

Amongest these was Sempronia, a Woman that had committed many virile outrages, aboue the creation of her sex. In birth and beauty commendable, in marriage and issue fortunate, well seene in the Greeke and Latine languages, and more curious-cunning in musicke & dan­cing, then well might stand with the reputation of hone­sty. Adorned she was vvith many other qualities, but such, as vvere rather to be reckoned prouokements vnto Luxu­ric, (yet more familiar vnto her dispositon) then either sa­uoured of decency, or modest behauiour. It vvere harde to say, vvhether she vvere most prodigall, of her purse, or her honesty: so hot of constitution, that shee woulde sooner graunt, then stay the asking of a question: bee­wraying the confidence of those that trusted her, and per­fidiouslie dealing with those that credited her: Guil­ty of murder, and spent by Luxury, the fore-runner of po­uertie, without hope of recouery. Quicke Witted, a Ver­sifier, frolicke, discoursiue vppon any vaine, mo­dest, amorous, or swaggering; wholy gi­uen to iests and pleasaunt conceits.

CHAP. 9.

1. Cateline practiseth the death of Cicero. 2. Beeing disap­pointed, he resolueth to set all vppon hazzard. 3. Cicero preserued by the intelligence of Fuluia. 4. Manlius inga­geth the people of Hetruria.

Dictis Cons. quos limuerat, creatis.1. AFfaires beeing thus orde­red, Cateline notwithstan­ding his former repulse, re­solueth yet once again for the next yeare to stand for the Consulship: wherein, if he sped, hee doubted not but to make vse of Antoni­us at his pleasure. Neither heere gaue hee ends to his discontents, but by all meanes sought the destruction of Cicero, a man as vigilant and as polliticke as himselfe, to countermine his deuices; by great promises from the be­ginning of his Consulship, continually working with Ful­uia, to procure Q. Curius, to lay open the deepest plot of the Conspiracie vnto her. And besides that, had firmely seized on the faith of Antonius his fellow in office (by the assurance and exchange of the gouernement of the Vnde pl [...] lucri, qua ex vrbe Cons. obeuene [...]at, melius inde inopiae suae confulere. pro­uince) in no point to wauer for the good of his Minus commodi ex prouincia, quā ex factione Cate­linae consequi non potuit. country: Ne videretur e­tiam regnum asse­ctare, aut seditio­nem fouere. secretly and circumspectly causing his friends and follo­wers to be respectiue of his safety.

2. The day of election being come, and that neyther his suite succeeded, nor his malices against the Ambos, postquā viderat A [...]t [...]n i [...] contra remp. nu [...] sentire. Consulles preuailed, perceiuing that what he had politickely deter­mined, was as cunningly frustrated; foorth-with, hee resolueth vpon the two extreames; Warre, and Hazard, and thereupon setteth vp his rest.

Wherupon, he dispatcheth C. Manlius vnto Fesulae & the Countrey thereabouts. One Septinius Camertes hee [Page 25] sendeth into the borders of the Piceni, and C. Iulius he po­steth to Apulia, and finally giueth instructions to others of his Complices, euery man to betake himselfe vnto those quarters, wherin he thoght his ability could afford the best meanes for his purpose. At Rome he giueth orders for his weightiest proiects: some he cōmandeth to lie in wait for the Consuls; som to prepare wild-fires; & others, to disperse their armed followers in places of best oportunity: he him­selfe standeth vpon his guard. These he commandeth and entreateth, to be ready at an instant, to be vigilant, to spare no pains, by night nor by day, to haue an eie vpon all oc­casions; & finally, not to be deiected by the vnacustomed trauailes of watching & labor. At length, revoluing in his mind, that his care of execution, had bin nothing inferior to his directions, and yet of many, not one seconded ex­pectation; once again he summoneth the chief of the con­spiracy by M. Porcius Lecca: When, being assembled, he findeth himselfe much agreeued at their backwardnes; she­weth them, how for his part he hath dispatched Manlius to those troops, whō long before he had prepared for armes: how he quartered others through the fittest places of the Citie, vpon the first watch-word ready to enter into Acti­on: & that now his chiefest desire was to take his iourney towards the Army, if Cicero were dispatched, the only ob­stacle to all their proiects. At this speech, his Auditory be­ing at their wits ends, and obiecting many difficulties; at last C. Cornelius & L. Vargunteius, the one a Knight, the o­ther a Senator, vndertook the performance; deuising, a little after Twilight, with their armed seruants, by way of dutie, to go visit the Consull at his own house, whereinto beeing admitted, they protested suddenly to murder him being vnprouided, & least of al suspecting any such intenti­on. 3. Quintus Curius, no sooner vnderstood, vnto what e­minent danger the life of the Consull stood exposed, but as swiftly hee flieth vnto Fuluia, and reuealeth vnto her the intended execution. Vpon intelligence whereof the trai­tors receiuing a denial of entrāce, this their most heinous intention of murder sorted likewise to no conclusion.

4. Mean while notwithstanding, Manlius acteth his part in Hetruria, & stirreth vp the Commons, desirous inough [Page 26] of themselues of innouation, in remembrance of their po­uerty & hard vsage; for that in the vsurpation of Silla, they had bin pillaged of al they had, lāds, goods, & necessaries. And besides, that the prouince swarmed with theeues & outlawes, wherof many of thē were of the Colonies of Silla, to whom riot & Luxury had left nothing of their late rich & extortious booties remaining. Cicero being possessed of these inteligences, & hauing his thoghts trobled with am­biguous resolutions, for that neither by his priuate possibi­lities he could lōger secure the city frō danger, nor be tru­ly instructed what forces Manlius had leuied, nor who should be his abettor: he referred the determining of the busines to the wisedoms of the Lords of the Senat, infor­cing his informations & inducemēts vpon the general ru­mors & reports of the people. They againe (as in times of wonted dangers) giue the Consuls authority to prouide, that the state through their defaults suffred no damage, acor­ding to the anciēt customs of the Roman people. This ver­bal forme of authority, cōmitted to theDictatoris edic­tum promunine semper obseruutum soueraigne magi­strate by the Senat, hath at al times bin very powerful: for hereby, hath he sufficiēt warrant, to leuy an army, to make war,Abs quo non lice­bat prouoiare, aut ad alium iudicem appellare. to assesse confederats, Lord chief Iustice in peace, L. general of the war; otherwise, without the especial permis­sion of the people, no Consull might be suffred to exercise the meanest of these roialties. Som few daies after L [...]seuius a Senator, shewed forth certain letters at the counsel table which he receiued frō Fesulae, & imported, that C. Manlius had bin in armes with no cōtemptible forces, before the 6. day of the Kalends of Nou. Besides (no strange thing in like cases) one discoursed of wōders, another of prodigies, som talked of Conuenticles, others of secret prouisions of furni­tures: som reported that the slaues wer vp in Capua, others in Apulia. Wherupon by an act of Senat, Q: Martius is dis­patched to Fesulae, & Q. Metellus Creticus into Apulia & the bordering countries. These two hauing born the office of L. generals, had beene denied their deserued triumphs through the city, by the malicious calumnies of som such, to whom it was familiar to set sutes of al natures, to open sales. The two Praetors, Q. Pompeius Rufus, and Q. Metellus Celer, had their commissions, the one for Capua, the other [Page 27] for the Piceni, with authority likewise, for that time, & the diuersion of this daunger, to inroll an Army. Moreouer, proclamation was made, that if any man could giue-in true information of this Conspiracy, intended against the safety and Maiesty of the state, that he should be well and honestly rewarded: A Slaue, to receiue liberty, and one 250 poundes. hundred Sesterces: A free man his pardon, and two hun­dred thousand Sesterces. And lastly, they made a decree, that in Capua, and the residue of the suspected burroughs, euery housholder should entertain the companies Ne tumultum mouerent vt antea sub Spartico fac­tum est. of the Fencers, euery man in proportion, according to his abili­ty. At Rome, thorough the whole City, the Bourgers kept watch and ward, vnder the command of inferior officers. At which nouelties the Citty stood amazed, & the coun­tenance of the inhabitants deiected. Insteed of iollity and retchlesnesse, of which, assiduity of ease and security, had in a manner promised perpetuity, forthwith entered all kinds of passions and distemperature: one made speed to prouide for his priuate safety, another trembled & had no power to resolue vpō any course: Som doubted their wel­fare in their owne houses, and others could not determine in whom to repose any answerable confidence. The times they could not terme peaceable, neither doubted they the warre: and therefore feare measured out euery man his danger, according to his owne apprehension. The womē, to whom, in regard of the long prosperity of the state, the rumors of war were inacustomed, bewailed their fortunes, stretched their hands towards heauen, cōpassionated their litle ones, instanced the Gods, feared al things, and vtterly forgetful of their yesterdaies pride & nicities, now distru­sted the safety of themselues and their country. Notwith­standing, the cruel and vnrelenting mind of Cateline stood resolute, yea, thogh his eie were his witnes of oposition & preuention, & that himself had bin in examination before L. Paulus vpon the statute Qua accusati coniurationis, sta­tim respondere & se purgare coge­bantur. Plautia. At last, either to set a good face on the matter, or to answere the obiected accu­sation, as a man touched in honour, hee entreth the Se­nate. When, M. Tullie the Consull, either fearing his presence, or being mooued at his shamelesse impudency, [Page 28] made an excellent and profitable Oration, which after­wards he put forth in writing.

Assoone as he had taken his place, being by Nature of a prepared disposition to dissimulation, with a submissiue countenance, and a sutable low voice, he began to request the Lords, not rashly to beleeue whatsoeuer his ill-willers suggested against a man of his Ranke: That from his A­dolency hee had behaued himselfe so, as in Honour they could not but make good constructions of his carriage: That they could not but wrong his calling, (sithence both himselfe and his Auncestors had wel deserued of the state) once to immagine that he would practise the destruction thereof, when such a one forsooth, M. Tullius Cicero, an vpstart and a stranger, should labour to preserue it.

In the highest of which his calumnious expostulations, the whole Senate interrupted him, protesting him a Trai­tour and Quia patria cha­rior quam parens nobis debet esse, ideo Catelina inpatriā coniura [...]us, hic paricida dicitur. parricide to his Countrey. Then all inraged, (quoth he) Sithence I am violently ouer-borne by the furie of mine enemies, nothing but ruine shall put an end to this quar­rell. And thereupon, leauing the Court, he retired to his house. Where, reuoluing with himselfe, that neither the intended murder of the Consull sorted to purpose, neither that the fiering of the City could be effected, by reason of the stronge watches: foreseeing now, that but one onely course, and that of bad the best was left him, which was, to reenforce his army, & to take vp whatsoeuer warlike prouision was necessary for his people, before the state had leuied their armed Legions; at midnight in the com­pany of a few, he taketh his iourney towards the campe of Manlius: before his departure, intreating and commaun­ding Cethegus, Lentulus, and the most desperate of the crewe, by all meanes possible to containe the faction in strength and vigour, to hasten the death of the Consull, to be resolute, for slaughter fire, and the like miseries of war; for within a day or two he would not faile to approch the Citty with a powerfull army.

These were the passages at Rome: from the Campe C. Manlius had sent certain Agents of his rout vnto Q. Mar­tius, with these Ouertures.

CHAP. 10.

1. The Letters of Manlius to the Generall. 2. His answere. 3. Catelines colourable excuse of his iourny. 4. His letter to the contrary.

I Call God and Man (most Woorthy Generall) to witnes, that we haue taken Armes neither against our Country, neither to the perrill of any priuate subiect, but onelie to free our needy and mis [...]rabe car­casses from iniuries from violence, and the oppression of Vsurers: the most of vs not daring to shewe our faces in our owne Countrey, and all of vs in generall without credit or releefe. In which estate, it was not lawful for any of vs (according to the freedome of our Ancestors) to prosecute the clemencie of our auntient Lawes: neither (hauing forfet­ted our Patrimonies) to keep our bodies from imprisonment; so rigorously hath the Vsurer and the Praetor oppressed vs.

In former times, the compassion of our Elders, hath often ac­quited the disabilities of the Romaine people by actes of Parliament: And euen but S. recentissime. yesterday in our remembraunce, by the generall applause of all good men, order hath bin taken, by reason of the excessiue interest, to pay the principall out of the publicke Treasury: yea, the very Comminaltie, either seduced by desire of superiority, or vnderhand armed by the Ambition of Great men, hath often disvnited it selfe from the Vnion of the Fathers: but we (neither Ambitious of Em­pery, nor desirous of Riches) the motiues of all Warres & dis­courtesies amongst mortall Creatures, request onely Liberty, the want whereof, no honest man can tollerate, but with the losse of his deerest life.

Wherefore, vpon our bended knees we intreat your worthi­nesse, together with the Lordes of the Senate, to prouide for [Page 30] our miseries, and to restore vs to that aduantage of Lawe, of the which the partiality of the Praetor hath defrauded vs: not inforcing vs iniuriously to that desperate extremity, wherin we can but onely study howe to satiate our insatiable swordes with execution of deepest reuenge.Vna sal [...] miseris nullam sperare sa­lutem.

2. To these Q. Martius made no other aunswere, but that, if they expected fauour from the Lords of the Se­nate, they should not implore it in armed manner, but sub­missiuely to trauell to Rome, where they might be assured, to finde such clemency and curtesie before the Lordes of the Senate, and the Roman people, as neuer any man ye [...] importuned their mercy, that departed away at any time vnpardoned.

3. But Cateline from diuers stages in his iournyVt i [...]cautos oppri­meret. dispat­cheth away Letters to many of the Consulare dignity, and to euery gentleman of quality; besides, intimating therby, that (since he was not of power to make his party good, against the faction of his Aduersaries, who most falsly and malliciously had suggested many slaunderous accusations against him) hee was contented to yeilde to time, and to choose Vrbem, antiquis­simo fad [...]re Ro­manis coniunctam Massilia for the place of his voluntary exile; not for that, forsooth, he was any way guilty of so heinous an imputation, but for the good and welfare of the state; least by his presence, peraduenture some seditious partiality might arise in the state.

Contrary vnto these Q. Catulus read other Letters be­fore the Lords of the Senat, which (as he affirmed) were dated vnto him vnder the name of Cateline. The Transcript whereof follo­weth.

L. Cateline to Q. Catulus health.

4. THy assured constancie, by triall experimented, and in my most weighty daun­gers neuer omitted, hath cōfidently waranted these my commendations vnto thine vnspotted loyaltie. For what reasons, I listed not, to frame my defence in that new Counsel, I am now determined to yeelde you satisfaction; & that, not out of a guilty conscience, which vpon mine honour I protest to be true, but being first prouoked by iniurious disgraces; for that being denied the rewardes of my labours and deserts, I could not obtaine the place of digni­ty duely diuolued to me, according vnto my wonted custome. I haue now taken vpon me the publicke defence of the oppres­sed people; not for that, out of mine owne reuenewes I coulde not satisfie my owne debts, since the onely liberality of Aure­lia Oristilla and her daughter, was not onely sufficient to dis­charge my selfe and my sureties; but for that I obserued men of no worth to be preferred to places of honor, and my selfe vp­on false suggestions, too iniuriously reiected. Vpon these terms I make no question, but to be able to preserue the remainder of my reputation. I was determined to haue written more at large, but I was informed, that warrant, were out to attach me. I not onely commend, but also intrust vnto thy loyalty Oristilla: Defend her from wrong, (I beseech thee,) euen for the loue of thy deerest children, Farewell.

CHAP. 11.

1. Cateline commeth to the camp of Manlius. 2. The estate of Rome and the bordering Countreyes after his depar­ture.

1. BVt Cateline hauing made some small stay with C. Flaminius in the country Ciuitas munici­palis in Hetruria. of Aretium, and leauing the City (before pre­pared) well fortified, departeth towards the campe of Manlius, accompanied with the Fasces, and other the Ensignes of Ho­nour. Vppon intelligence whereof at Rome, the Senate proclaimeth Cateline and Manlius Traitours. To the resi­due of their partakers they limit a day, by which, if they surceased their armes, Quod prudentia S. factum est, vt sine periculo reip. principes coniura­tionis punirentur. all offences past were pardoned, except to those, who by name were condemned of Trea­son.

The Consuls themselus were commanded to leuy for­ces: Caius Antonius with al expedition to pursue Cateline, & Cicero to guard the Citty.

2. At that time, in my iudgement, the condition of the Roman people appeared most miserable: Vnto whome, notwithstanding that all places from East to West were subiected by Armes, and that at home they wallowed in ease and riches (the onely two contents which all flesh af­fecteth:) yet fostered they within their owne bowels a viperous consort of fellow-Cittizens, who rather then they woulde surcease the obstinacie of their priuate Hu­mours, cared not what became of themselues and their countrey. For, after the two proclamations, divulged by authority from the Senate, it was not knowne that anie one man of such a multitude, neither for lucre of the pro­posed reward, reuealed any part of the conspiracy, neither [Page 33] vpon assurance of pardon, sought to flie from the partie. So desperat a contagiō of reuolt, like to a Pestilential Fea­uer had possessed the minds of the greater part of the peo­ple; and worse then that, the zeale of those, who were guilty of the proiect, was not onely estranged, but the V­niuersal body of the Commons in affectatiō of nouelties, did as farforth as they durst, allow of the busines. But this could be tearmed no new accident; for in all Common­weales, you shall euer finde some (who haue little to lose) to mallice their betters, to speake well of the wicked, to mislike the present, to affect nouelties, and in contempt of their owne Fortunes, to desire change. In tumults and vprores they take least care for their liuings; how euer the world goes, they can be no loosers.

But the Comminalties of Citties were led vpon other respects and diuersity of occasions: First, all those who were infamous for life and behauiour; secondly, such as had wasted their stockes; And lastly, those that durst not shew their heads for some notorious offences, (these I say) flocked into Rome, as into a common receptacle.

In the next ranke followed such as had not yet forgot­ten Sillas victory; some of their companions they beheld raised from the degree of common souldiers, to the honor of Senators: Others, so aduanced in wealth, that thereby they were now inabled to maintaine a bountifull Table, and to weare rich apparrell. If the matter were once again triable by Armes, euery one hoped to share in like For­tune. As for those strong and youthfull bodies, whose hāds could scarcely find them a liuing by the day labour of the plough, (and in that respect had their fingers itching to be dealing in priuate and publicke rewards) were soon inticed to preferre the idle games of the citty, before the thriftlesse [...]oile of the country: such were the hopes both of these & the former; the publicke spoile was the mark they al shot at. So that (as before) it is no new matter, to see the poo­rest, basest, and worst-bred sort of people, to expect spoile and their owne inrichment, by the generall confusion of the state.

[Page 34]Yet remained they whose parents the victory of Silla had proscribed, defrauded of their goodes, and disinfran­chised of their freedoms; These, as the residue, liued like­wise in hope to purchase some better fortune by the euent of this warre.

Lastly, whosoeuer was of any other faction, saue that of the Senate, did rather in his hart wish more welfare to the league, then good to the state. Thus forepassed corrup­tions, after many yeares, began again to returne into the Citty.

For after the Tribunitiall authority (G. Pompeius & M. Crassus being Consuls) was restored, certaine young men (whose blood was hot, and their courages violent) prefer­red to soueraigne iurisdiction, began, by Sub praetentu bo­ni publici. Sic Virg. Coniugium vocat: hoc pretexit nomi­ [...] culpam. &c. accusing the Lords of the Senate, first, to subborne the Commons, and afterwards, by bribes and promises to prouoke them to fu­rie.

Thus they gate them a name, and were mighty in the state. Against these men (vnder the protection of the Se­nat,) the Maior part of the Nobility stoutly opposed, to retaine their pristinate greatnesse. For to speake truth in a word, after these times, whomsoeuer ambition perswaded to trouble the state, he would be sure to colour his pretext with an honest title; as som, The defence of Liberty, others The reuerent authority of the Senat.

Euery one pretended the common good, whilst hee tooke most care to raise his priuate estate, and that with­out all modesty or measure: In contention, either side v­sed their victories without any indifferency.

But after that C: Pompeius had his Commissions for the Warre at Sea, and against Methridates, the Plebeian power fainted & the Greatnes of a few increased,Contra pirata [...], quos intra Qua­drag [...]ssimos di [...] subegit. who im­mediately seized vpon Magistracies, Prouinces, and all other offices: Fearelesse of Competitors, Honourable in Titles, and growne old without any touch of aduersitie. The inferiour sort they terrified with exemplarie pun­nishments, the better to keepe them in awe of their Su­periority.

[Page 35]But vpon the first budding of innouation, their prestinat prerogatiues brought passed sorances to remembraunce. Wherein, if in his first attempt, Cateline had had the bet­ter, or at least had departed vpon equall termes, without contradiction, a miserable mis-fortune and calamity had befallen the Common-wealth. For assuredly, the Conque­rors should not long haue triumphed of their victorie, a stronger party Sic Augustus t [...]umphabit de Antonia & Lepido. being prepared & determined to bereaue the weake, weary, and wounded conspiratour of his new purchased command and victory. There were many men besides, that knew nothing of the conspiracie, and yet in the beginning associated Cateline. Amongest these, was Fuluius, the sonne of a Senatour, whom being retired, the father nethelesse commanded to execution.

CHAP. 12.

1. Lentulus in the absence of Cateline, to his vtmost streng­theneth the faction. 2. Vmbrenus acquainteth the French Ambassadours with the Plot. 3. Sanga (an Intelligen­cer) cunningly procureth a draught of the confederacie.

1. MEane time Lentulus (acording to his instructions deliuered him by Cateline) soliciteth by himselfe, or his Agents, whō ­soeuer in his immagination conceited either dissolute­nesse of manners or pennurie, an apt instrument to entertain nouelties: and heerein, he not onely practiseth with Citizens, but generally with al sorts of creatures; prouided, that their seruice might any way stand in sted for the warre. Whereupon he dealeth with Vmbrenus to sound the Ambassadors of the Strabo Quorum metropolis erat vi­enna [...]u [...]tas in Delph [...]natu. Allobroges, & if he possibly could, to draw them to the action: which he conceited might with no great difficulty bee effected: [Page 36] first, because he knew them to be deeply indebted, aswell for their state, as for their priuate vses; and secondly, for that the French Nation by nature is inclinable to listen to innouation.

This Vmbrenus, for that he had Traffiqued in Fraunce, did know, and was knowne vnto most of the principal go­uernours of the Citties, so that immediately after meeting with the Legates in the common Hall, hee began to que­stion them of the estate of their citty, and (in a manner condoling their hard aduenture) beganne to aske them, what remedy they expected to cure such, so great and in­sufferable greeuances.

For answere whereunto, when hee obserued, that by their complaints they taxed the Magistrates of Auarice, and accused the Senate, as neglectiue of their redresse, & that they hoped for no release but by death:Q. d. mori vltima lina rerum. Why then my Maisters (quoth he) if you will but shewe your selues men, I will teach you, how you shall easily acquit your selues of these euils. The Allobroges no sooner herd him to vse these spee­ches, but they importune Vmbrenus, that hee would take compassion of their miseries, protesting no commaunde to be so difficult or dangerous, but they would attempt it with earnest resolution, so as the performāce might make satisfaction for the debts of their citty.

Heereupon he conducteth them to the house of Decius Brutus, adioyning to the Towne-house, a man not alto­gether vnacquainted with the complot, by reason of his wife Sempronia: but at this time out of towne.

Heere, to adde further credite to his speeches, hee sen­deth for Gabinius. In his presence he relateth the full pro­iect of the Conspiracie, and nominateth the associates, and amongst them he interproseth the names of many of all degrees; yea, Innocents, the readier to giue courage and assurance to the mis-informed Legates: Then taking his leaue with promisse of his vtmost seruice, he dismissed them home.

The Allobroges stood long doubtfull, vppon what to re­solue: On one side, their great debts, their inclination to [Page 37] warre, and the hope of rich spoiles presented secrecy: but on the other side, a stronger party, a safer course, & more assured rewards (in lieu of vncertaine hopes) perswaded discouery.

In middest of which their ambiguous reuolutions, at last, by good hap the consideration of the cōmonwealth fortunately preuailed.

3. And so with speed they fully discouered what they had heard, vnto Q. Fabius Sanga, a man vnto whose ser­uice the Citty had stood much beholden. And Cicero vn­derstanding by Sanga, how farre foorth matters had pas­sed, commaundeth the Agents to dissemble an extraor­dinary affection to the plot; to take a more strict occasi­on of acquaintance with the residue; to protest good li­king and Constancy, and by all means so to diue into the secretest of the businesse, that, when time shoulde serue, they might be able to giue in a most cleare euidence.

CHAP. 13.

1. Metellus and Murena preuent the Conspirators in their Lieutenantships. 2. The wicked and desperate conclusions of Traitors.

AT this very instaunt diuers commotions were afoot, in the further and hether Gallia, in the Countrey of Piceni, a­mongst the Bruttans, and in Apulia. For those, whom Ca [...]teline had at first dismissed & dispersed, now like mad men without forecast or conside­ration, began to make night-assemblies, to dispose of armour and weapons, to hasten their dispatches, to disquiet all places, and that with more shew of feare, then appearance of daunger. Of this rout [Page 38] Quintus Metellus Celer the Praetor, by authority from the Lords of the Senate, had committed diuers to prison vp­on examination: The like did Caius Murena, Lieutenant of the hether Gallia.

2. But at Rome, Lentulus had plotted with the chiefest of the Conspiracy, that as soone as intelligence came, that Cateline had openly shewed himselfe in armes in the Ter­ritory of Fesulae, that forthwith L. Bestia being Tribune of the people, should in the midst of their vnited forces, in a set and premeditated Oration, disgracefully complain vp­on the actions of Cicero, and by iniurious imputation, maintaine the Originall of this most vnkind war, to haue first proceeded from the mallice of this most worthy Con­sull. This was the precedent Watch-word, whereby the residue of the Conspirators the night next insuing, should euery man dispose of his imposed charge: which was said to bee thus ordered. That Statilius and Gabinius with a strong retinue, had in command to fire the City in twelue such places of oportunity, as should by concourse of peo­ple thereunto, giue best and easiest meanes of accesse to dispatch their other intended executions, vppon the Con­sull and his associates. That, Cethegus should attend his gate, and charge him resolutely with his forces. That no man should be vnimployed but rather, then any villanie should be left vnattempted, they wrought with the chil­dren of their acquaintance, (the greatest number whereof were of the Nobility) to slay their owne parents: that so, all places being in confusion, and all persons amazed with fire and slaughter, they might without opposition, troope towards Cateline.

Amidst these conclusions and executions, Cethegus in­cessantly taxeth the cowardice of his Companions, cō ­plaining that betweene their doubts and delaies, oppor­tunity to doe great matters, ouerslipped their fortunes: that now beeing so deepely ingaged, it were more then time to do,Lucan Tolle moras nocuit semper dif­ferre parati [...]. and not to talke: that himselfe, if some fewe would assist, (though the general fainted,) would giue the onset on the whole Court. The man by nature was fierce, [Page 39] sudden, and quicke in execution, resoluing with himselfe that all good fortune attended expedition.

CHAP. 14.

1. The Allobroges prosecute according to Ciceroes direc­tions. 2. The proiect succeedeth. 3. Lentulus arraig­ned.

BVt the Allobroges, by the instruc­tions of Cicero, intreat Gabinius to assemble his nominated compa­nions, At what time they require an oth of Lentulus, Cethegus, Sta­tilius and Cassius, which they would vnder Seale present vnto their Countrey-men; for other­wise, it were not likely, that with­out credence they would inconsiderately enter into so dangerous an Action. All of them, saue Cassius, mistru­sting no deceit, held it reasonable: He craueth absence, & promiseth speedy returne, but in truth departeth the citty somewhat before the Allobroges.

At their departure, Lentulus sendeth in their companie one Titus Vulturcius of Croton, with instructions to take Cateline in their way homeward, & with him face to face by reciprocal oths, to confirm this their new ingagement. By him he also dateth his Letters to Cateline, the Tenour whereof, is as followeth:

Who I am, you shall vnderstand by the messenger, that I send vnto you. S. v [...]de tutò re­gredi nequeas. Forget not vpon what tearmes your welfare now dependeth, and remember to play the man: Consider the nature of your besinesse, and scorne not to implore assistaunce of any man; yea, of the meanest.

Then he insinuateth by word of mouth, that sithence he is proclaimed Traitor by authority from the Senat, he should seriously debate vpon what confidence hee should [Page 40] forsake or abandon the seruice of the Slaues: that in the Citty, his directions were at point of execution, & there­fore, that hee should not faile to make all his approaches with all possible celerity.

All matters being thus ordred, and Cicero fully instruc­ted by the Agents, he commaundeth L. Valerius Flaccus, and C. Promptinius Praetors, vpon the appointed night of the departure of the Allobroges, to set a secret and strong watch on the Miluian bridge, authorizing them to attach whomsoeuer they found trauelling more then their owne company: and therewithal maketh them priuy, for whose sake, and vppon what considerations he inioyneth them this charge; other occurrances he committed to time and their discretions, and so dismissed them with their limited forces: they againe without tumult, dispose of their wat­ches, and secretly, according to their charge beset the bridge on all sides.

Assoone as the Agents with Vulturtius approached the place, and the vsuall question on both sides demaunded, the Galles presently apprehending the meaning, foorth­with yeelded their bodies to the Officers: But Vulturtius, at first incorageth his company, draweth his sword, & de­fendeth himself against the multitude: but afterward fin­ding himselfe forsaken of the Agents, he began to capitu­late with Promptinius (his auncient acquaintance) vppon pointes of good vsage; but after that growing fearefull, and distrusting his life, he yeelded simply to the Praetors, as to a professed enemy, which businesse is no sooner thus ended, but word thereof is forthwith carried to the Con­sull.

Him infinit cares and infinit ioyes do ioyntly possesse: he reioyced vpon true grounds, for that the suspition of the Conspiracy was now made euident, and thereby the Common-wealth as good as already deliuered: he grew pensiue, for that, he could not resolue what course to take, such men, of such ranke and quality being appeached of so heynous a Treason. He well foresaw, that punnishment would procure him scandall; and Pardon, his Countries ruine.

[Page 41]But taking courage vnto him, he commaundeth Lentu­lus, Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius & Q. Ceparius also (who was euen now booted and spurd for his iourny into Apu­lia, there to moue the bond-slaues) to apeare before him. All saue Ceparius, obey without excuse: hee, by chaunce being abroad, and hearing of the aduenture, flyeth. The Consull hand in hand leadeth Lentulus (for that hee had bin Praetor) into the Senate. The residue he willeth vn­der safe custody to appeare in the Temple of Concored: whether hee summoneth the Senate, and there before a general assembly of the Lords, presenteth Vulturtius with the Agents. Then commandeth hee Flaccus to open the Packet, which vpon the way hee tooke from the Allobro­ges, which being read, Vulturtius was demaunded: first, the cause of his iourney, and who gaue him those letters: and lastly, who was of Counsell with him in the busi­nesse.

At first, he began to excuse and conceale many points touching the Conspiracy: at last, vppon promise of par­don by publique oath, he discloseth all things as they had passed; protesting that he as a companion was sent for but a few daies before, and that hee could say no more, then could the Agents, but onely, that he had heard from the mouth of Gabinius, that P. Antonius, Seruïus Silla, and L. Vargunteius, with many more were priuie to the Con­spiracy. The Galles affirmed as much.

3. The Lords accused Lentulus, (who stoode sliffe in deniall) that besides these Letters, he had bin often heard to vouch certaine verses out of the Sibels: that The Soue­raignty of Rome, was destined vnto three Cornelij, whereof Cinna and Silla were two, himselfe the third, whome fate would haue to be sole-Lord of the Citty. Moreouer, since the burning of the Capitoll, that this was the twentieth yeare, which the prodigies of the Aruspices prognosti­cated a yeare of blood and ciuill discord.

Whereupon, the Letters beeing read, and euery man confessing and acknowledging his seale, the Lords passed sentence, that Lentulus should be degraded, and together [Page 42] with the residue, committed to honourable custody: Len­tulus to P. Lentulus Spinther: then Aedile, Cethegus, to Q Cornificius: Statilius to C. Caesar: Gabinius to M. Crassus: and Ceparius (by pursute lately taken) to Gn. Terentius a Se­nator.

CHAP. 15.

1. The Humour of the Commons in cases of daunger. 2. M. Crassus is accused: how cleared. 3. Caesar accused: the causes.

THe Virg. Sinditur incertum studia in coutraria vulgar. Commons constant, in inconstancie, & who at first in their inherent dis­positions to nouelties, wi­shed well to the war, now assoon as the plot was dis­couered, with chaunge of opinions, chaunged like­wise their prayers into cur­ses against Cateline and his Counsels, extolling Cicero to the heauens, and as people newly redeemed into liber­ty, made publicke demonstrations of ioy and iollity; am­plifying the conceits of their happinesse in this, that wher­as all forraine Warres, are managed rather for spoyle then ruine: the resolution of fire was cruell, mercilesse, & most miserable, because it neither spared the beauty of their houses, Quibus quotidie vtebantur. neither the daily necessaries of their bodies therein contained.

After this, one L. Tarquinius was brought before the Lords of the Counsell, being taken (as men sayed) in his iourney toward Cateline. Who vppon assurance of the publicke faith, protesting to reueale what hee knew, tou­ching the conspiracy, in a maner reuealed the same things which Vulturtius before had discouered, concerning the [Page 43] preparation of wild-fire, the slaughter of Innocents, and the iourney of the conspirators: but withall, that hee was sent by Marke Crassus, to wish Cateline not to be any thing troubled at the aprehension of Lentulus, Cethegus, & the residue of the Conspirators, but the rather to redouble his hast of approach towards the citty, both to reuiue the de­clining courages of those that fainted, as also, to worke de­liuerance to those that were in durance.

But after that Tarquinius had appeached Crassus, so Noble a Personage, so rich, and so powerfull; some at no hand would beleeue it: but othersom, though they thoght it to bee true, yet considring the times, Ob d [...]bita & cōme [...] priuata. their priuate in­gagements, and the greatnesse of the man (rather to bee winked at, then any way exasperated) gaue a generall cen­sure, that the accusation was false; and so prayed the mat­ter to be adiourned to another season. Whereuppon, by the approbation of Cicero, the more part of the Lords de­creed, that the information of Tarquinius was false, that he should be committed vnto prison, without allowance of making his further Purgation, vnlesse he would disclose by whose counsell and aduice, he had bin seduced, to frame so notorious and false a scandall.

Some were of opinion, that this accusation was first de­uised by P: Antonius, of pollicy (by ingaging Crassus as a companion in danger) to protect the residue as copartners of like fauour.

Others reported, that Tarquinius was sent abroade by Cicero, to deter Crassus from entertaining his accustomed defence of euil causes, to the disquiet of the state. And, I my selfe haue hearde Crassus avouch, that this was a tricke of Cicero, to bring him into vtter defamation and scandall.

3. At the same time Q. Catulus and Gn: Piso, exceedingly laboured Cicero, falsely to appeach Caesar, either by the Al­lobroges, or any other witnesse; but they could neuer effect it, neither by intreaty, by flattery, nor bribery: both these persons, at that time did deadly hate him, Piso for that Ple­na [Page 44] curia he had beene condemned in damages for an vn­iust punishment inflicted vppon a certaine Transpadan. Catulus tooke it to heart, for that, being an old man, and borne the most Honourable Offices in the state, nowe in his suite for the Pontificacy, hee should bee opposed and displanted by Caesar, a young man. But the matter was excusable, for that his priuate Liberality, had procu­red him publicke friendes, and by that meanes, infinite debts.

But being vtterly vnable to worke the Consull vnto so heynous a proiect; by priuate conference, and false sug­gestions, inforced what they hearde Vulturtius and the Allobroges report, they prouoked euery mans euill opini­on against him; so farforth, that many Roman knightes, which kept watch & ward before the Temple of Concord, either moued at the greatnesse of the danger, or inflamed by the Noblenesse of their minds, to manifest their loues to their Countrey, drew their irefull swords against Caesar as he arose from the Senate.

CHAP. 16.

1. The condemnation of the Traytors. 2. Caesars Oration.

THese matters beeing thus de­bated in the Senate house, & the Lords as yet in Counsell about the bestowing of re­wards vpon the Allobroges & Vulturtius, with approbation of their testimonies, the freed men (with some fewe well-willers) of Lentulus, diuersly solicited the Slaues & trades­men of the Citty to rescue the Prisoner: Others of his fa­miliars, inquired after the Ring-leaders of the Rascalitie, [Page 45] who in such times were accustomed for money to disturb the peace of the Citty.

But Cethegus by Messengers, desired his acquaintance, his choisest freed men, and his readiest followers, now or neuer to be resolute, and in troop with their naked swords to make way for his rescue.

The Consull hauing vnderstanding of these designe­ments, disposeth the Warders as time and place aduised, and assembling the Senate, demanded of the Lords, what order they pleased to take with those who were already at­tached and remained in prison. A full counsell had alrea­dy declared them guilty of Treason.

Thereupon D: Iunius Sillanus (Consull elect) beeing first asked his opinion, what he would aduise concerning the Prisoners, as likewise howe the residue, in case they could bee apprehended,L. Cassius, P. Fu­rius, P. Vmbrenus & Q. Annius. should bee censured; gaue sentence, that they should all suffer punishment. And af­terward (being moued at the speech of Caesar) he protested that hee would singly auouch the sentence, with Tiberius Nero. As touching the Marshalling of secret companies, hee thought it fit to adiourne it to further deliberation: But Caesar, whose turne was nowe to speake, by request of the Consull, vsed this or the like Oration.

HOnorable Fathers, it befitteth all men, who are to con­sult of doubtfull cases, Sic Maro: N [...]que [...]lie aut do­lu [...]t miseran [...] i [...]o­pem, aut inuidet habenti. to be free from hatred, friend­ship, passion, and pitty: where these contrarieties hap­pen, the Iudgement can hardly make distinction betweene truth and falshood: neyther liueth the man, which can flatter his affection, and iudge vprightly. Our inclinations followe our fancies: if Liberty possesse them, then Will predonomina­teth & Reason is of no regard. Honorable Lords, my memory is yet very fresh, torelate what Kings, and what Nations, be­ing seduced by wrath or pitty,Vt Caesero ipsi po­stea [...]ontigit, qui per clementiam illis pepercit, à quibus postea interfectus est. haue run vnfortunate courses: But it is a greater pleasure vnto me, to relate how our prede­cessors gouerned their affaires orderly and iudiciously, by sub­iecting the fury of their passions, to the mild perswasions of Reason.

[Page 46]In the Macedonian warre, which we managed with King Perseus, the stately and populer Citty of the Rhodians, (fa­moused by our assistance) became enemy and reuolted from vs. The warre beeing ended, the question arose, in what manner the Rhodians should bee punished. Our Auncestors, least the world should giue out, that they made wars, rather for wealth then in reuenge of iniuries, freely pardoned their follies, So likewise, in all the Punique warres, when the Carthagini­ans both in times of peace & truces, had committed many out­rages, Sub quibus clas­sem Romanam in­uaserunt, & quos caeperet, virgis caeciderunt, & tamen legati ad Scipionē missi, intacti ab eo ad S [...]natum suno remissi, & inde in­columes & iudem­nes Carthaginem sunt reuersi. our forefathers neuer gaue out Letters of reprisall, but alwaies studied rather what became their greatnesse, then what seuerity of Law or armes, required.

Honourable Lords, as I take it, this should be your case, let not the offences of P. Lentulus and his associates, more pre­uaile with your passions, then becommeth the greatnesse of your callings: neither, let wrath be saide to esclipse your Ho­nourable reports. For, if a sufficient punnishment can be deui­sed to equalize their defaults, I cannot but approue this newe Counsell: But if the quality of the offence exceed all immagi­nation, then my opinion is, that they be punished according to the prescript forme of our ancient Lawes.

Many, who before mee haue spoken their minds, haue laide out in very eloquent and rhethoricall tearms, the miserable e­state of the commonwealth, the cruelty of Warre, the fortune of the conquered: agrauating their discourses wth the rauish­ment of Virgins, the tearing of children from the bosomes of their parents, the abusing of Matrons, the robbing of Temples, the Pillaging of houses; withall, not forgetting to moue com­passion, and passion, by recitall of woundes, fieringes, armes, slaughtred carcasses, & bloudy Funerals: Good God! to what end tended these their Orations, but to enflame your displea­sures against the offenders? As if any speech, could exasperate that dull spirit, whom the least remembrance of so heynous a Treason (of it self) could not irritate. A Suppositiō impossible. Priuate iniuries take deepest impression, yea with som men deeper then reason should Warrant.

But Honourable Lords, in diuers men, diuers sorts of offen­ces are tollerable. To those that liue in inferiour callinges, if [Page 47] thorough passion they commit an ouersight, few obserue it: their eminences outshine not their fortunes: But the errours of great personages and men of quality, the whole Common­wealth doth forthwith take into examinatiō. And this I speak, to prooue that highest Fortunes haue meanest priuiledges to offend, neither ought they to be induced by fauour, nor moued by hatred,Iune. Omne animi vitium tantò con­spectius in se crimē habet, quanto ma­ior qui peccat ha­betur. and least of all, to be guided by anger. That which the Vulgar terme Anger in meane men, with greater Persons is censured to be pride and cruelty.

Verily, (Honorable Fathers,) I am of this opinion, that no punishment, can bee aunswerable to the quality of their offen­ces: but the Natures of most men are giuen to remember the last ends of their familiars, and forgetting the fact, they com­ment on the punishment, if it neuer so little exeeede mode­ration.

I cannot but acknowledge, that whatsoeuer the good and resolute D. Sillanus hath spoken, hath proceeded from zeale to his Country: and in this weighty businesse, I confesse, his integrity and modesty to be such, that thereunto, his Nature hath neither bin induced by flattery, neither ouerwrought by partiality. Neither can I iustly say, that his censure any way sauoureth of cruelty: for what can be tearmed cruell, that Iu­stice can inflict vpon such offenders. But surely, the president is not vsuall in our Common-wealth; and therefore, either feare, or priuat iniury hath ouerwrought thee, (ô Decius Sil­lanus Consull elect) to giue thy consent to this new forme of punishment.

Offeare, it were idle to discourse, sithence such strong as­sistance is in armes, by the especial prouidence of this our wor­thy Consull. As touching the punshment, I can speake trueth as the case now standeth: That to men in distresse and mi­sery, death is the end of sorrow, life a torment: Death dis­solueth al mortal misfortunes: Beyond, there is no remem­brance of griefe, nor place for ioy.

By the immortall Gods, I wonder, that in giuing your sen­tence, you did not giue direction, that first, they should bee whipped with rods! was it for that the Law Portia did forbid it? Or that you had regarde to some other, late Law? Why? [Page 48] The Lawes do impose banishment, not death; but vppon a con­demned Cittizen? Or was it, because you esteemed whipping to be a more greeuous punnishment, then beheading? If so, then what can be bitter or ouer-greeuous against men convic­ted of so heinous a Conspiracy? But if you ouer-slipped the di­rection for stripes, as of a punishment too too gentle, how co­meth it to passe then, that in the losse, you make a conscience of equity, when in the greater, you proceede without doub [...] or scruple?

But why should any man be offended at that which is by Law decreed against Traitors to their Country? Time, altera­tions, and fortune, so powerfull amongst mortall Creatures, wil ratifie that nothing hath happened vnto these men beyond their deserts.

Many euill conclusions haue arisen from good Principles: as where the Helme hath bin intrusted to indiscreet and insuf­ficient Pilots, these newe Presidents, haue beene commonly transferred from worthy and well-minded Cittizens, to base and incapable Ministers. So, the Lacedemonians hauing o­uerthrowne the Athenians, committed the administration of their Common-wealth, to thirty Gouernors: At first; they at­tached the most notorious offendors, men generally hated, and executed them without Processe. The people applauded and commended the course, but by little and litle Liberty swarned into Lust: The Innocent and Nocent were condemned at their pleasures: the vulgar were terrified, and so the Citty op­pressed with seruitude, now miserably smarted for her foolish ouersights.

In our daies, when the victorious Silla, commaunded Da­masippes, and his damned crew, who had no meanes to liue, but vpon the generall spoile, to be worthily slaine; who com­mended not his iudgement? Euery man cryed, it was Nobly done to free the Common-wealth of such mercilesse, thriftles, and seditious Rascals: but what followed, this was the Origi­nall of a cruell massacre: For, as any of his followers affected the mansion, the Lordshippe, yea, at last the plate or apparrell of any of the Comminalty, his course was, to do his endeuour to inroll him in the number of the Proscripts.

[Page 49]Honourable Lords, I speak not this, for that I suspect the like in Marcus Tullius, no nor in these times, but in this huge and populous Citty, it is not vnknowne to you, that many and variable humours lie lurking continually.

And so, at some other time, and some other being Con­sull, with an Army at commaunde, a false report may happen to passe for truth; when, vpon this president, if the Consull by Commission from the Senate, should vnsheath his sworde, what end I pray you, should the state expect of this rash deter­mination? Who shall limit his power? Who shall moderate his armes?

Honourable Lords, our predecessors, were neuer to seeke of Counsell nor Courage, neither did Pride preuaricate their minds from following another mans aduice, so it were pro­fitable. To forge armes, and warlike furnitures they lear­ned from the Samnits. The Ensignes of Magistracy, (for the most part) they borrowed from the Thuscanes: yea, whatsoe­uer they sawe fitting amongst their allies, or Enemies, they tooke great care to bring the vse thereof into the Citty. They admired Vertue in al men, they enuied it in none: but in those times, in imitation of the Greekes, they punished a Cittizen with stripes, a condemned man, with death.

But in processe of time, as the common-wealth beganne to grow great by the multitude of inhabitants, iealousies incre­sed, innocency was circūvented, & such like enormities were daily committed. For remedy whereof, the Law Porcia, and diuers other wholesom statutes were enacted; by which banish­ment was prouided in cases of condemnation.

These Authorities (Honourable Fathers) in my Opinion should be Motiues exceeding perswasiue, to alter or frustrate these your new determinations. Beleeue it, the valours and wisedome of those men, who from so slender foundations haue established so great, so glorious an Empire, could not bee, but much more eminent in them, then in vs, who can hardly main­taine that, which they most prouidently bequeathed vs. Howe then Sir? Will you haue the Prisoners discharged, and the troopes of Cateline re-enforced? No surely. But my censure is, that their goods be forfeyted, and their bodies sequestred [Page 50] vnder safe custody in the best and strongest Townes of our As­sociats. With this Prouiso, that no one of them hereafter be so bold, as to dare to motion meanes of redemption, before the Lords of the Senat, neither to mediate his pardon with the peo­ple. Him that violateth this Ordinance, let the Senat pro­claime him Traytour to the State, and enemy to all loyall Sub­iects.

When this Oration was ended, each man looked vp­on other; some assented, euery mans minde was diuersly distracted.

But at last Marcus Cato, being commaunded to speake his opinion; thus began his Oration.

Catoes Oration.

Honorable Lords, reuoluing with my selfe, the Nature of this weighty businesse: the goodly Arguments (I must bee plaine) which other men haue thereuppon framed, are of no validity with mee to mooue approbation. For, in my iudgment, they haue but onely spent time in discoursing, what punnishment were fitting for men intending the ruine of their Countrey, the vndoing of their parents, the spoile of priuate houses, and the ouerthrowe of Religion.

But Noble Lordes, this storme calleth vnto vs for a speedy preuention, not a lingering Consultation. Offences already committed may be punnished at leasure; but it will be too late to talke of Iustice, when remedy is past, and offendors growne puissant. If the Citty bee gained, what power (I beseech you) remaineth to the Conquered?

For the loue of the immortall Gods, let mee intreat you all, to whom beautifull houses, goodly reuenewes, pictures, and costly hangings are more in admiration, then the Common-good; if you haue any desire longer to be Lordes of these vani­ties (of what esteeme soeuer) if it be but to continue the meanes of these your delightes, now at the last pinch assume your courages, and let a true remorse of the generall Welfare wholy possesse your irresolute opiniōs. It is no time now to take order for impositions, or to talke of the iniuries of our Associats; [Page 51] Our liues and Liberties at this instant are questionable. Honourable Lordes, I haue often spo­ken my minde freely in this thrice-Honorable assembly; I haue made sundry motions tou­ching the Ryots and Couetousnesse of this state, procuring to my selfe no small hatred there­by: but I, who could neuer flatter mine owne imperfections, could lesse indure the insolencie of Others. And though you gaue but small credit to my sayings, and nothelesse the Common wealth slorished; yet (beleeue it) Prosperity onely excused your remisnesse.

I speake not this, as if time now serued to dilate, whether we are degenerated in manners or no: Neither how great, or how glorious the Roman Empire is, or hath bin: But whether this greatnesse, this glory (be they more, be they lesse) are like to continue ours, or we enforced to part stakes with our enemies. I know some of you by your silences, woulde interrupt mee, with Mercy and Mildness [...]! But alas: we haue long agon lost the true Etimologies of those words: for, now adaies, to be prodigall of another mans goods is to bee bountifull doing to do deeds vnlawfull, vnseemely, &c, is to be valourous. In such extreames doth the [...] now stand. Well, let vs tolerate their abuses, because they are inueterate, and time hath made them fashionable; let men be wastfull of that which is none of their owne: Let vs be mercifull vnto Theeues and robbers of our publique treasure: yet, I pray you, let them not likewise bee prodi­gals of our blouds, and we, by foolish pitty extended to a few desperats, vndoo millions of honest Cittizens. I confesse that C. Caesar hath shewed great learning before this Honourable Court, in his distinctions of life and death: supposing (as I conceit) that the receiued Opinions of hell are false; or that, euill doers seperated from the good, and destinated to places obscure, vile, stinking, vncleane and full of horror: And so drawing towards an end, he woulde haue their goods forfeited, and their bodies committed to safe custody in the Borroughes of our associates, fearing (belike) that if they remained in Rome, they might happen to be rescued either by po­pular commotions, or waged multitudes: as though forsooth all euill disposed persons resided onely in Rome, & none lay dispersed throughout the townes of Italy. Surely wise men know, that rash & violent attempts are easiest affected, where least meanes of opposition are feared: And therefore, if his feares arise vpon such like surmises, his plot is ridiculous: Or, if he onely in so vniuersall an apprehension of feare, feare nothing at all; because I am so much the rather induced to bee fearefull both of mine owne safety, and of yours also. Therefore (Honourable Lords) whensoeuer it shall bee your pleasures to ratifie your Iudgement against Lentulus, & his associats, beleeue it with constancy, that then you vndo Cateline, and disperse his confede­rates: the sooner ye doe it, the sooner you breake them: Delay is dangerous; it hopeth it resol­ueth. Neuer let it enter your Opinions, that by armes our forefathers augmented our Patri­monies: For, if that were true, then at this day would it proue farre more glorious, in that, time hath giuen vs, not onely aduantage, but also surplusage of Allies, of Cittizens, of war­like furnitures, and Horsses of seruice: No, no, my Lords, of those vertues, which made them so powerfull, and so fortunate, wee haue not one left vs; Thrift in Priuate, Iustice in Publicke; free Language in Parliament; Liues spotlesse, Mindes vn­passionate. In lieu whereof wee possesse Ryot and Auarice: In times of Seruice, preten­sed [Page 52] pouertie: to serue our owne turnes, aboundance and plen­tie. We admire Riches, and embrace Sloth: betweene Vertue and Vice we put no difference: Ambition incrocheth, where desert onely should haue preheminence. And no maruell! for euerie one of vs holde Counsels apart: At home wee vvorke for our priuat interests: heere we speake for Meed or fauour. So on all sides the Common-vvealth wringeth: But no more of these greeuances.

Our fellow-Cittizens, and those discended of most Noble families, haue conspired the inuasion of their Countrey! They haue done their vtmost in the quarrell, to ingage the French, a Nation alwaies in deadlie hatred of the Roman name. The Captaine of the Warre, in person braueth you at your gates: and yet, you stand looking one vppon another; doubtfull and irresolute what to do, with those whom you haue apprehended within your wals. Shall I enforme you? Then thus: They are young Gentlemen, deceiued thorough foolish Ambition: Let them find fauor: yea, let them depart armed; without doubt, this your lenity, and pittie, vppon the next occasions, shall turne you to miserie.

The maine is bitter, ful of horror, but you feare it not! Yes iwis, and that extreamelie: why then like cowards and men of basest would stand you still, straining curtesie who shal march formost? Well, I know the reasons. Now, as in former times, in most iminent dangers you trust that the immortall Goddes vvill turne all to the best. Fooles that vvee are! To think that the Gods will be won by Womanish vovves and idle Sa­crifices, without watching, without pains-taking, and good Counsel. Where these stand ioyntly imployed, al things come to happie ends. At Sloth and Cowardice the heauenly pow­ers are off [...]nded.

In the daies of our Ancestors, A.M. Torquatus adiudged his sonne to death, for that against the commaund of his gene­rall, he had happilie fought vvith his enemie. And he, (most vvorthie young Gentleman) accordinglie suffered the punish­ment of rash valour: And do you now aske, what shall be done vnto these most mercilesse Traitors?

Sir, their fore-passed life merriteth some mittigation. Bee it so: Deale fauourably with Lentulus for the honour of his [Page 53] house, if he at any time fauoured his owne good name, his cal­ling, Gods, or men. Let the adolescencie of Cethegus, be a Mo­tiue of mercy, if this be not the second rebellion wherein hee hath beene interessed.

What should I say for Gabinius, S [...]atilius, Ceparius?

If they had bin men of any moderation, they woulde neuer haue ingaged their estates in such dangerous complots against their country.

Honourable Lords, if I could discerne any meane hopes, I could be vvell content to see you moderatelie beaten vvith your ovvne negligences, for that you regard not good Coun­sel. But since we are beleaguered on euerie side: Cateline ho­uereth ouer our heads with an armed power: his associates are within our wals, euen in the heart of our Cittie, and nothing can be dispatched in Counsell with secrecie: (weightie induce­ments of speedie resolution) For these reasons, and for that (most Honourable Fathers) the Common-wealth hath runne into apparant danger, by the practises of these Traiterous Cit­tizens, alreadie convicted by the Testimonies of T. Vultur­tius and the Allobroges: & themselues haue confessed their intentions to kill, to burn, and to commit manie other lamen­table and vnspeakeable outrages against the Citty, and this state. My censure is, that More maiorū, punishment bee in­flicted vpon them, as vpon Traitors condemned of high Trea­son, by their owne confession.

Cato being set downe, the Consuls, with the greater part of the Senate, approued his sentence, and highly prai­sed his courage. And while one accuseth the other of faint & remisse courage, Cato obtaineth the atributes of Great, and Excellent. According to his censure they passe a De­cree.

And because these two, M. Cato, and C. Caesar (men of excellent parts, but of diuers Natures) liued in my time, I thinke it not admisse, to adde vnto this my discourse, a Comparison of their liues and actions.

A Comparison of M. Cato, and Ca. Caesar.

IN discent, in yeares, and eloquence they were almost equall: in greatnesse of mind and popu­ler commendation alike, but diuersly. Caesar affected the Sir-name of Great, by Largesse & Bountie. Cato by Integritie of life. Caesar became famous for his curtesie and gentlenesse; Cato for his sterne carri­age and seuerity. Caesar grew popular by giuing, by forgi­uing, by releeuing: Cato by contraries. The one profest refuge to the oppressed: the other, inexorable to offen­ders. The one was praised for affability: the other for gra­uity. Caesars chiefest felicity was, to labor, to watch, to pre­fer the [...]uits of his fauourites, to be careles of his own, to deny nothing worth giuing: of cōmand, of Soldiery, of difficult wars (wherein valor and good conduct shewed the man) very desirous: But Catoes studies were modesty, graue carriage, and aboue all, seuerity. With the rich, he contended not for Riches, neither with the factious, for followers; but with the valourous, by imitation: with the modest, in Conscience, and with the good man, in absti­nence. He coueted to be, not to seem. The lesse he sought praise, the more it followed him. Thus much for this:

CHAP. 17.

1. The counsel resolued to follow Catoes opinion: commaund their sentence to be executed vpon the Offenders.

AFter the Senate (as I told you before) had resolued to followe Catoes opinion, the Consull letting no time slip, to preuent al disturbances, made euery thing ready a­gainst night, which now drew on apace. He commaunded the three executioners to prepare themselues: he disposeth the warders, and lea­deth Lentulus to prison: So are the residue by the Shirifs. In the prison is a dungeon called Tullianum, into which, after a man is a little entered, vpon the left side, is a roome scarce twelue foote high, walled rounde about, and ouer­head vaulted with a stone Arch, exceeding darke, vnsauo­rie, [Page 55] and able to amaze any mans sences. Into this place was Lentulus commaunded, where the executioner did forthwith strangle him. So this Noble Gentleman discen­ded of the ancient house of the Cornelij, and once Consul, ended his life according to his deserts: so did Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius, and Ceparius, after the same manner.

CHAP. 18.

1. Cateline ioyneth with Manlius, and supplying his Legions with men of better condition, casseth the slaues: 2. He vn­derstandeth the discouerie of the Plot, and how his friendes fared at Rome: 3. He flieth.

AS these thinges thus passed at Rome, Cateline by vni­ting his forces with Manlius, maketh two Compa­nies, with winges proportionable to his numbers. And as his companies increased, either of voluntaries, or of such as were sent vnto the campe from the confederats, hee diuided them equally betwixt the Legions, and so at length supplyed their defects, which in the beginning wer not aboue two thousand strong. The fourth parts of his people were not souldier-like armed,Vt in quolibet tu­mulin et seditione fie [...] sole [...]. euery man tooke what came next to hand; some Darts, som Lances; others very sharpe and keene Bore-speares.

And now hearing of the approaches of Anthony, Virg. Hic torre ar­matus e [...]usto, Sti­pitis [...] grauidi nodis, &c. hee iournieth by the mountaines; somtimes bending towards the Citty, sometimes towardes France, cunningly avoy­ding all occasions of hazard, vppon assurance, that if his Complices had once brought their determinations to ex­ecution in the Citty, that forthwith his forces woulde bee strongly reenforced.Ignanum & infi­dele hominū genus Vpon which his imagination hee cas­seth the slaues; of which sort of people, no small numbers trusting to the report of the strength of the confederacie [...] had in the beginning flocked vnto him, knowing in his conscience, that to communicate his cause, and the good estate of the citty, to slaues and fugitiues, could not but with reason impaire the credit of the action.

3. By this time newes arriued at the camp, how the con­spiracy was detected, the Noblemen executed, & their fol­lowers [Page 56] (whom either the giddy Loue of warre, or the hopes of spoile had animated) were dispersed and discouraged. Whereupon, Cateline without expectation of further as­sistance, with his present forces, by long marches and the rough mountaines, taketh his way towards Pistoia, of pur­po [...]e, by by-waies secretly to haue fled into Gallia Transal­na. But Quintus Metellus Celer, who lay about Picenum with three Legions, by circumstances of casualties, iud­ging of euents, and vnderstanding by certaine fugitiues, what way the Rebels tooke, dislodged, and pitched his Campe at the foo [...]e of those hilles, by which Cateline must of necessity discend, to passe into Gallia. Anthony (for that he followed the flying enemy by beaten and vsuall High­waies) soonest arriued: which when Cateline perceiued, as also, how he was incircled by the vast Mountaines, & the enemies Caualry, so that hee could no waies flie, and to expect further succours was bootlesse; he there resolued to hazard the fortune of the battaile. To his Souldiers he made this Oration.

CHAP. 19.

1. Catelines Oration to his followers. 2. The description of the battaile.

COmpanions in Armes, full well I know that wordes enflame not Noble hearts, neither that a cowardlie and base Soul­dier, is any whit animated by his Gene­rals speeches. For, what portion of cou­rage Nature hath implanted in a valou­rous brest, such vvill it shew it selfe in times of triall. But the minde, that is neither incited by Honour, nor made resolute by danger, will neuer be moued by generous speeches: for feare anticipateth hearing.

But (Noble souldiers) I haue called you to this assemblie, partlie to giue you a few instructions, partlie to acquaint you [Page 57] with my determinations. It is not vnknown to you, what mis­chiefes the cowardice and irresolution of Lentulus hath hea­ped both vpon himselfe and vs; and by our daily expectation of succours from the Citty, we haue lost the opportunity of pas­sing into Gallia. In what estate we stand thereby, you may all coniecture.

Two Armies pursue vs; One, from the Citty, another from Gallia. To stay long in these desarts (howe endurable soeuer your courages may perswade you) pouerty of all necessaries, & want of food, will forbid vs; and ye [...], the way to giue remedie to these miseries, must nethlesse be wrought by your swordes. Wherefore, I intreat you, to take courage and comfort, that as I shall lead you to the charge, so you would remember, that you carrie in your right handes your fortunes, your honours, your Glorie, your Country, and your Pardons.

If the day be ours, we are made for euer: we shall soone get food in abundance, to sustaine our hungry carcasses; Townes and Colonies shall be assigned vs; but if we yeeld to base feare, we shall finde all thinges contrary: Neither place, nor friende will protect him, whom his owne sword cannot succour. Besides, their case and ours is not alike: Our quarrell is for the good of our Countrey, for the general defence of Liberty [...] for the safegard of our liues: Theirs, for the pleasures and great­nesse of a few priuate persons. Wherefore, let the insinesse of the quarrell, stirre vp our greater resolution, by th [...] remem­brance of our auncient valours.

Time was, wee mought haue spent the remainder of our daies in disgracefull banishment, and many of you might still haue liued in Rome, vppon expectation of (I know not what fortunes) hauing nothing of your owne (but Beggery to trust vnto: but because such men as we are, cannot but scorne such base courses, we haue made choice of this; which, if you meane to make good, then shew deeds correspondent. None but the Conquerour can conuert warre into peace, and to thinke to find safety in flight, by forsaking your Armes, or abandoning your naked bodies to your enemies, were a point of madnesse beyond extreame. In a set battaile, no danger is comparable to feare; Resolution is vnconquerable.

(Valiant Companions) euen the opinion of your woorthes, [Page 58] your former exploits, and your yeares fit for warre, warrant my conceits of good fortune.

I will silence necessities, true motiues to make Cowardes couragious: the streights of the Mountaines forbid our Ene­mies to inclose vs; and therefore, if our destinies be to die, set your liues at a deare rate: die not vnreuenged, neither suffer your selues to be taken Prisoners, afterwards to be cut in pie­ces rather like Dogges, then men of seruice. Leaue nothing to your enemies to boast of, saue a Lamentable and bloudie vic­torie.

2. After a little pausing, he commandeth to sound to the charge, and Marshalling his battallions in very seeme­ly order, approcheth the place of encounter. Where be­ing arriued, hee causeth euery man to dismisse his horse, that the daunger being alike, their hopes and constancie should be equall; yea, himselfe on foote, rangeth his peo­ple, as the Nature of the place and his numbers would permit.

The plaine was fortified on the left hand with Moun­taines; on the right, with a steepe rocke: Betweene these he brought the vauntgard consisting of eight Cohortes: the Areregard he commaunded to march more close, and in it he placed the chiefe and choisest Centurions.

The Mercinaries and best armed, made the first rankes of the battell: Caius Manlius, marched on the right hand, a certaine Fesulan on the left: Himselfe with his fellow-Cittizens, all free men borne, and the aides of the Colo­nies, stood next vnto the standard of the Eagle, the same, they say, that C. Marius displaied in the Cimbrian warre.

On the other side, C. Antonius being sicke of the Gout, could not be at the combate, and therefore made M. Pe­treyus his Lieutenant Generall. Of old souldiers (pressed out for the suddennesse of the businesse) he made the vo­ward; the residue he placed behind for succor and aduan­tage. Then gallopping through the rankes, calling vpon euery Captaine by name, he coniureth, he commandeth, he intreateth, that that day they would shewe themselues men, and call to remembrance that they were to fight but against a rable of vnarmed fugitiues, for their Countrey, [Page 59] their children, their Religion. This Martiall man had bin aboue thirty yeares Tribune, and either as Generall, Lieu­tenant, or Colonell had borne the Offices in many fortu­nate battailes, wherein he knew the insufficiency of his fol­lowers, and their valiant exploits; by repitition whereof, he doubled their courages.

All places thus ordered, hee soundeth the signall, hee marcheth somewhat forward, and then maketh a stand: the like doth Cateline. Then the battailes aproching with­in shot, they runne fiercely to the shocke, with diuers cla­mors, and deadly hatred. The shot being spent, they fall to their swords. The old Soldiers disdaining to be foiled, go resolutely to the charge,Laus optimi impe­ratoris. Resolue I cannot whether he, A better Chiefe, or Souldier be. and are as valiantly receiued, both dooing their vtmost. At last, Cateline comming in with his light armed followers, into the head of the bat­talions, refresheth the weary, planteth fresh soldiers in the places of the wounded, hath an eye vppon all chances, gi­ueth and taketh many strokes: & finally, performeth the part of a valiant souldier, and an excellent Commander.

Petreyus, assoone as hee pereciued the station of Cate­line, imagining that there his people should bee forcst tra­uelled; without more ado, chargeth into the midst of his enemies with the Pretorian Cohort, speedily disordereth their rankes, and slayeth as many as make resistance. Then turneth he head vpon the winges, and at the first shocke slayeth Manlius and Fesulanus.

When Cateline saw this miserable spectacle, his armie defeated, and few left about him; calling to mind the Ho­nour of his house, and his auncient dignity, thrusteth into the thickest of his enemies, and there valiantly fighting, was slaine.

The battaile beeing ended, what valour and courage had bin in Catelines people, was plainely to be discerned. For what parcell of ground any one made choice of, to stand on in fight, the same being slaine, his slaughtered carcasse couered. Onely a few, violently ouerborn by the fresh charge of the Pretorian cohort, lay somewhat farther remoued; yet al with their deaths-wounds vpon the fore­parts of their bodies.

[Page 60]The bodie of Cateline was at length found dead amongst the slaughter of his slaine enemies, not yet altogether breathlesse, but in countenance shewing some tokens of his liuing fiercenesse.

At a word, not one free Cittizen was taken aliue, either in fight or flight; neither partie made spare of their owne bloods: So farre forth, that the victory prooued neyther ioyfull, nor vnbloody to the Roman people. For the bra­uest men were either slaine in fight, or dangerously woun­ded. Of many, that went out of their Tents, whether to gaze vpon the place of the battaile, or to rifle the dead bo­dies of their Adversaries: some found their friends, some their Hosts, some their Kinsmen, and amongst them ma­ny of their knowne enemies. Insomuch, that the whole Campe was replenished with diuersitie of humors; of ioy, of heauinesse, of Triumph, of Mourning.

FINIS.
C. C. SALVSTIVS his …

C. C. SALVSTIVS his History of the Warre of IVGVRTH.

Printed at London Anno MDCIX.

A Breuiat of the Historie.

Now the Realm of Tu­ [...]is in Barbary. NVMIDIA, contayneth that part of Affrick, wherein Massinissa the faith­full friend and confederate of the Ro­man people, sometime raigned. This Massinissa had three Sonnes; Micip­sa, Manastaball and Gulussa. Ma­nastaball and Gulussa died; by whose death the Kingdome entirely descen­ded to Micipsa. Micipsa had issue, Adherbal and Hiempsal; Iugurth, he fostered as the Sonne of his Brother Manastabal, for that his Grand-father Massinissa had left him vnaduanced, as his base Grand-Childe begotten on the body of a Concubine. The man was ambitious, well qualified, of a ready wit, and great spirit, elder then Adherbal or Hiempsal. In iealousie whereof, Micipsa, fearing that if he should die during the mino­rity of his children, that their Cousin Iugurth might happen am­biciously to vsurpe the Kingdome, resolued to oppose him to daungerous aduentures, in hope by these meanes to see him miscarry.

About the same time it happened, that the Romans, vnder the conduct of Scipio, besieged Numantia in Spaine, where­vnto Micipsa sent certaine Regiments of Horse and foote, vn­der the commaund of his Kinsman Iugurth, their Generall; making full accoūt in this iourney, to heare newes answerable to his plotted desseignements, but Fortune had otherwise decreed: for in this war, the reputation of Iugurth more and more in­creased; yea, he made so many faire proofes of his valour in this Action, that Scipio not only commended him in a publicke Ora­tion, but (the warre ended, and Numantia razed) he inuested him with many military honors; by his Letters commending his seruice to Micipsa, in very worthy and honourable tearmes, [Page] which bred so sodaine an alteration in the King, that whereas before, he fully minded his destruction, hee now wisheth and in­tendeth nothing so much as his welfare and aduancement; adop­teth him his Sonne, and shortly after dying, left him Co-heire with his Children, throughout his whole estates and dominions. After whose disease, the three Roytelets, Adherbal, Hiemp­sal and Iugurth, deuising with themselues about the portion of the Kingdome, Iugurth trayterously slayeth Hiempsal, the younger of the twaine, and casting in his haughty mind, how by the death of the other, he might become sole Lord of the whole, firmely resolueth to leuy an Army, wherwith he giueth the ouer­throw to the elder Brother Adherbal. Who after this defeature, flyeth to Rome, and there aggrauating his Brothers death, his owne banishment, and Iugurths treasons, beseecheth aid of the Lordes of the Senate. The Lords accord, and send tenne Com­missioners into Affricke, to make diuision of the Kingdome be­tweene them: who had no sooner ended the businesse, and tur­ned their backes, but Iugurth entertayned his former practises, and a new inuadeth his Brothers portion with warre and slaugh­ter. To represse this his insolency, Adherbal of meere necessitie is driuen to leuy an Army, and to march against Iugurth, but is againe ouerthrowne, and with a few Horsemen in his company forced to fly vnto Cirtha, whether Iugurth aduaunceth his for­ces, and besiegeth the Citty. Hereof Adherbal by Letters cer­tifieth the Lordes of the Senate, giuing them to vnderstand, vppon what desperate tearmes his estate depended, how hee was depriued of his kingdome by Iugurth, and forced by warre and famine to vndergoe such vtmost extremities, that long time he was not able to make good the place of his refuge, euen the sanctuary of his life: That his aduersary little regarded the censures of the Senat: finally, that they would vouchsafe to send him potent and speedy succours. Vpon the opening of these Let­ters many gaue their opinions, in fauour of the distressed estate of Adherbal, but others corrupted by the Numidian, aduised rather to send Commissioners vnto Iugurth, with authority to commaund him in the name of the Lordes and people of Rome, to abstaine from farther violence. Iugurth gaue these Com­missioners during their imployment in Affricke, faire language and faithfull protestations, but after their departure fell a [Page] fresh to his former proiects. Wherupon, the besieged, desire Ad­herbal to pitty the estates of so many innocent people in the Towne, that seeing he could not otherwise prouide for his safe­ty, that he would yeelde the place vpon assurance of his life one­ly. Which being granted, and the towne surrendred, without re­spect of Oth or kindred, Iugurth falsifieth his Faith, and cruelly murdereth his innocent Brother. The newes whereof much dis­quieted the Lordes of the Senate, and therefore they posted away Lucius Calphurnius Bestia (the Consull) with an Ar­my into Affricke, to giue stop to his further proceedinges: but he being corrupted by Iugurth, in stead of punishing the Traitor, concluded a most dishonorable peace. Wherewith the Lordes of the Senat being much more moued then before, dispatched away Albinius the Consull, with order and authority to represse the Traytors insolencies: but him Iugurth so long deluded with promises and counterfeit demonstrations of submission and con­formity, that the yeare beeing spent, without doing any thing, he was inforced to leaue all as he found it, and to hasten to Rome against the day of election, nominating his brother Aulus Lieu­tenant of the Army & Prouince. This man, either on a foolish opinion to reap the glory of finishing this warre, or vppon aua­rice to fill his priuate Coffers, in Ianuary, in the depth of Win­ter, leadeth the Army into the open field. Iugurth quickly fin­ding the insufficiency of this new Generall, pretending feare and cowardize, trayneth his enemy into woody and mountanous Countries; yea, and to colour his subtilty, sendeth his humble pe­tition to the Roman Generall, with offers of submission and sa­tisfaction. The faster he fled, the more eager was Aulus in pur­suit, vntill Iugurth taking the benefit of time, and the aduan­tage of the place, found easie meanes to rout the whole Romain Army. The day following, they fell to composition: First, that the Roman Prisoners should be dismissed Sub iugum: Second­ly, the whole army within ten daies cleerly to depart the bounds of Numidia. This daunted the people, for the present, but ga­thering againe their spirits (notwithstanding the composition of Aulus, and his peoples ouerthrow) they dimitted Numidia to Metellus (the Consull) for his Prouince. This excellent Com­maunder finding the Army corrupted by the remisse carriage of [Page] his Predecessors, first restored the Ancient discipline, & then by hazarding a set-battell with Iugurth, put him to the worse. After him, Marius (Consull elect) succeeded in this Pro­uince of Numidia, who persecuting the war with courage and good Fortune, vtterly vndid the Numidian, and getting him into his possession by policy, led him through Rome as a Captiue, before his Tri­umphall Chariot.

C. C. SALVSTIVS his History of the Warre of IVGVRTH.

The Proëme.

FAlse and friuolous is this generall complaint of Mankind: That Na­ture hath not onely endowed vs with weake bodies, and those of short con­tinuance; but also hath subi [...]cted thē more to the influence of Fortune then to the predominance of Vertue. Clamantes vt poeta. Fortuna immeritos auget honoribus: Iustos illa viros pauperie grauat: Indignos eadem diuitij [...] be­at, &c. For, vpon mature aduice, if we coulde call our indowments into consideration, we should find no Planet to bee of like operation, or greater efficacy to prefer­ment. To the atchieument whereof, we may more truly lay to blame vpon our want of industry, then eyther vppon the shortnesse of life, or indigence of meanes. For without doubt, the Animum rectum, bonum quid aliud vo­ces, quàm deam in humano cor­pore hospitem. Mind is Lord and Monarch of Mortality: which whensoeuer it resolueth to climbe the aduenturous passage of Aduancement by the path of Sen. Neminem dedignatur, qui modò se dignum illâ iudicaueri [...]. Vertue, it shall finde it selfe aboundantly furnished with sufficiency, and fauours power­full and eminent; without any way being beholding to the inconstancy of that disgracefull Goddesse; for that shee hath neither meanes to giue, nor power to bereaue vs of our good reputation, of our industrie, no nor of the least [Page 2] of any of our vertuous inclinations. But when we enthrall these so powerfull instincts to sloth, base motions, and bo­dilie pleasures; and therein haue worne out our strong bo­dies, our irrecouerable youth, and excellent wits: then is it Error, and no iust complaint to accuse Nature of weaknesse & infirmity, our selues being the workers of our own woe by pretence of impotencie and difficulty.

But had we the like alacrity, to ayme at the fairest obiects, as we haue inclination to affect the basest courses, and those of no worth, yet full of hazards; we should be as ready to re­sist fortune, as fortune were Nullum numen habe [...], si sit pru­dentia, &c. able to crosse our intendments: yea we should share so farre forth with glory and greatnesse, that in despight of Obliuion our names after death should participate of eternity.

For as wee are compacted of Soule and body: so all our thoughts, words, and actions; follow some the frailties of the flesh, som the vertues of the Soule. And therefore by the infallible law of Nature, beauteous faces, immeasurable riches, and strongest bodies, shall in short time decline and perish: All things that haue a beginning, must of necessitie haue an ending: somtime falling before they are blossomed; but how euer, wayning before they are fully come to perfe­ction. But the gifts of a vertuous mind are subiect to no such limitations; they are, as the Soule, Immortall, Time-scor­ners, the guids of life; resisting all things, commanding all things, containing all things, yet vncommaunded and vn­contained of any.

Which high and Soueraigne Prerogatiues make me the more to wonder, to see men spend the whole date of their dayes, Dum seruitur libidini facta est consuetudo: & dum consuetudini non resistitur, fa­cta est necessitas. in Reuelling, Ryot and Idlenesse, suffering their wits, (the richest Ornament of humane bodies) for want of cou­rage and imployment, to rest base and vulgar, especially si­thence the mind affordeth such store and diuersity of means to rise to aduancement.

But it should seem, that men thus qualified in these daies, affect not Offices, Superiority, & imployment in the state, because vertue is neither countenanced, nor those who haue attained preferment by indirect courses, the freer from Cum non iu­stis sufragijs ius obtinuerint. Disgrace, nor accounted more honest. For although by their [Page 1] supereminence they haue iurisdiction ouer their country and parents, and may punish offences, yet is the President distastfull,In Magistratibus neque salus nec re­qu [...]es, nisi benè vtentibus. for that all Hoc est, regi per Magistra­tus non electo [...] liberis suffra­gijs. innouation irritateth Discontents, Ielousies, Quarrels, and Scandall. Whereas on the other side againe, to gape after a thankelesse Office, and to reape for our labours nothing but Enuy, is as extreame a part of madnesse; vnlesse it bee for him, whome a preiudicate and factions Vt fecère ali­qui in fauorem Caesaris, Pōpeij et Augusti. humour of power possesseth, thereby to gratifie the ambition, abuses, and partialities of a few great per­sonages.

But to come to my purpose: of all taskes that the minde can vndertake, I hold none to be of greater vse, then Historia est testis tem porū, lux veritatis, magistra vitae, nuncia vetusta­tis. Hi­story: of whose excellency, because many famous men haue worthily discoursed thereof, I will forbeare to speake, least some seuere censurer, should tax me of affectation for prai­sing the profession wherein (I confesse) I take most delight: Yea, and I am in perfect beleefe, that othersome (for that I was once determined to spend the remainder of my daies in vacancy from State-Affayres) wil not stick to write vpon the forhead of these my laborious and profitable studies, the Ti­tles of Quia absque magno labore (sed non sine Arte) videtur seribi Historia. Sloth. But my best hope is, they wil proue only such, who onely account it a worke of industry to complement with the people; or by making good cheere, to captiuate mens fauours: Who, if it please them to remember in what times I was chosen to Office, and what men at the same times were put by, with the insufficiences of such, as after­wardes were chosen into Parliament, they cannot but ac­knowledge that I Sapientis est mutiare propo­situm, sires mu­tentur. changed my mind vppon due considera­tions, and not vpon any inclination to Sloth: and that the common-wealth is likely to reape more profit by my times of leysure, then by the continuall imployments of some o­ther. For, I haue often heard Q. Maximus, P. Scipio, & others our honorable Predecessors report, that the intentiue con­templation of the Vnde dici so­let picturas et coelaturas illite­ratorum esse li­bros. Medalls of their Auncestors, hath often inflamed their minds to Emulation: not that the painting, or the liueles protraiture had any such influences in thē, but that the recording of their glorious actions, did disperse such a Bout-feau of imitation in their spirits, that it could neuer bee extinguished, vntill they had equalized their highest Vertues.

[Page 2]But in these times of corruption, what man liueth, that contendeth not with his fore-fathers in acquisition of riches & expence, but neyther in honesty, nor industry? Euen vp­starts, who in the olde world were accustomed to enter the ranke of Nobility,Quorum maiores nunquam fuere in to Magistrat [...]. by worth and sufficiency; in these daies, lay their plots for preferment by sinister endeuours, and not by vertuous courses: As if the Praetership, Consul-ship, and such like offices, were in themselues simply Noble, and not graced by their worths who manage such places.Tet. Qui ista bona vocant, perin [...]e sunt atqua qui illis vtuntur. Thus haue I giuen my pen her liberty, confessing, that the corrupt and degenerate manners of the Citty, hath made it forgetfull of duty; for recompence whereof, I will now betake me to my taske.

CHAP. 1.

1. Reasons inducing the Authour to write this History. 2. Mas­sinissa entreth aliance with the Romans. 3. The vexation and cares of Misipsa his Sonne and successour. 4. The com­mendation and qualities of Iugurth. 5. His fortunes.

IN this Booke, my purpose is, to write the Warre which the Ro­mane people vndertooke against Iugurth King of Numidia: First, be­cause it was weighty, cruell, and doubtfull: Secondly, for that a­bout this time, the people avowed their first discontents against the surquedrie of the Roman Nobility: a contention whereby al Diuine and humaine lawes were wrapped in confusion; & afterward proceeded into such raging fits of succeeding madnesse, that Italy was almost wasted, before their ciuill warres ended.

But for the Readers better vnderstanding and more satis­faction; before I enter into the maine of the History, I will first begin with matter of more ancient discourse.

In the second Punique warres, wherein Hanniball the Car­thaginian Captaine, had after their manifold good fortunes [Page 5] almost laide desolate the Italian Prouinces, and wasted their forces: Masinissa king of Numidia, was receiued by Scipio (afterwards for subduing Affrica, Surnamed Affrica­nus) into the Romane alliance. A man for Military prowesse and valor much renowned, and whom, after the ouerthrow of the Carthaginians and the taking of Sciphax (a Lord of a spacious kingdom in Affricke) the Romane people in reward of his good and loyal seruice, frankly inuested with those ci­ties and prouinces, which by force he had gained from Sci­phax. By this meanes, the friendship of Masinissa, continued profitable and constant:Quia tam parùm durauit successorū regnum, vt non regnass [...] v [...]deātur. but hee finished his life no sooner then his Empire tooke ending. Manastaball and Gulussa, his Brethren, being dead, the kingdom diuolued vnto Micipsa, as sole-heyre. He had two Sonnes Adherbal and Hiempsal. Iugurth, the sonne of his Brother Manastabal, whom (being base borne) Masinissa had left in priuate estate, he brought vp in his owne house with like allowance as hee proportio­ned to his owne children; who comming vnto mans estate, grewe strong of body, comely of feature, and quicke of ap­prehension: not giuing himselfe to ryot or wantonesse, but according to the custom of that Nation, addicted to riding, to cast Dartes, or to runne matches with his Compeeres: wherin although he alwaies carried the prize from the resi­due, yet was he neuerthelesse generally beloued.

Thus spent he his youth, sometime in rowsing the Lyon and other wilde Beasts, wherein he would be sure to be the man, that should giue the first stroke. In these disports, he would do most; and beeing ended, speake least to himselfe. Of which Princely carriages, although in the beginning Mi­cipsa reioyced, esteeming his Vertues as an Ornament of his Court, yet reuoluing his old age and the minority of his Children, with the popular applause, which he obserued e­uery day more then other, to increase by the youth and to­wardly disposition of Iugurth, beeing much disquieted in mind, he began to forecast many casualties in his thoughts. The fraile Nature of man thirsty of soueraignety, and head­strong to execute the deseigns of ambition, did present him his first feares. The second, arose from the consideration of his owne yeares, and the nonage of his children, the oportu­nity [Page 6] whereof only, were of maruailous efficacy to transport men or meane discents and aspiring spirits to hopes of high places; the last scruple that possessed his imaginations, was the populer loue and dependancie of the Numidians: from whom, if by some polliticke plot, hee should make away so worthy a subiect by immature death, hee stood farre more doubtfull of ensuing warres and vprores.

Being confounded in these passions, and well weighing that a Man in so Gracious acceptance of the people for his ready seruice, and loue to martiall Aduentures,Quae res bellic [...]sae genti maximae ad­mirations est. could not with safety be wronged neither by law nor subtil [...]e; resol­ued to oppose him to dangers, therein to vndergoe the fate of his fortunes. And thereupon Micipsa createth him Lorde Generall of those horse and foot, which were sent for Sp [...]in in [...]ssistaunce of the Romane people: hoping either by rash valour, or some blow from the enemy, to heare news of his kinsmans death. The euent crossed expectation For Iugurth as he was of a quick & apprehensiue wit, obseruing the Na­ture of Scipio his Generall, and the behauiour of the enemy, with especiall care and performance, modestly obeying the commands and wils of the Officers, did oftentimes oppose against and preuent many eminent dangers: insomuch that in short time the Name of Iugurth onely grew famous tho­rough the Army, highly beloued of our people, most dread­full to the Numantines. vnde dicit Seruius Quibus sanguis calodus, vt Afr [...], maior est prudētia, sed minor audacia in bello: Contra quibus frigidu [...]: vt Teulonibus. And to giue him his due, a thing not often seene; the man was valiant in action, & wise in coun­sel (for the most part;) the first, assisted by prouidence beget­teth feare; the second, inforced by boldnes produceth rash­nesse. Which his good parts the Generall taking in notice, intrusted vnto Iugurth almost all his difficult deseigns, inrold him in the rank of his friends, & euery day grace [...] him with extraordinary fauors; and not without desert; for whatsoe­euer he aduised,Sen. Diuitiae apud sapientum in seruitute sūt apud stultum in imperio. he performd with honor. To these his good parts were also adioyned Bounty, and dexterity of con­ceit, Qualities that brought him in liking and familiar ac­quaintance with the better sort of the Romane Gentry.

At that very instant, many both ancient and new vpstart Gentlemen, serued in our Army, vnto whom bribes were more in esteeme then vpright or honorable cariage: whose [Page 7] humors being factious, and at Court in credit with their followers, more admired for their discents, then worthes; These were they, that by proposing high dignities first in­flamed the mind of Iugurth, perswading him that if Micipsa were once dead, he might easily become sole-Lord of Nu­midia; That he worthily deserued a Crown, That in Rome al things were saleable for money.

5. Numantia now razed, P. Scipio determined to dismisse his Auxiliaries, & to make his return to Rome: Coronis et In­signitus victo­ribus. at what time after he had graced Iugurth with due Trophies of desert, & honourably commended him by word of mouth, he ledde him into his imperiall Pauillion, where he giueth him these secret Instructions: Rather in publicke then priuate to shewe his affections towards the Romane people: not to be bountifull to particulars: That friendship bought of a few, was more vn­certaine then that which is entertained by many. That if he pro­ceeded as he began, that glory and honour would attent him a­boue expectation: But if he made more hast then good speede, that both riches and himselfe would headlong run vnto destruc­tion. This was all the Generall spake, and so dismissed him, committing to his deliuerance certaine Letters subscribed to Micipsa: the Tenor wherof was as followeth.

The valor of your kinsman Iugurth, hath deserued no small commendation in the warre of Numantia: which newes I know assuredly will be welcome vnto you. His deserts deserue no lesse of vs, we will do our vtmost to worke the like acceptance with the people and the Lords of the Senate. I salute you for our aun­cient friendship. And in the word of truth, I re-send you a Gen­tleman worthy of your fauours, and the discent of his Grandfa­ther Massinissa.

As soone as the king vnderstoode by Letters from the Generall, that Fame had bin no lyer, partly moued by the report of his kinsmans excellency, and partly by his good carriage, he changed his mind, and seeking to win the man by grace and fauours, forthwith adopteth him his son, and by testament maketh him co-heire with the residue of his children. Then growing old with yeares, and perceiuing by sicknes and course of nature, that hee had no long time to liue, he is reported to haue thus discoursed with Iugurth, in [Page 8] the presence of his friends, kins-folke, and sonnes, Adherbal and Hempsal.

OIugurth: It is well knowne, that after the death of thy Father, euen in thine Infancy, I receiued thee into the Tu­telage of my House, left as thou wert to the worlde, without meanes or possibilities of aduancement: expecting no lesse con­tent from thy loyalty, in requitall of those Honours which I haue bestowed vpon thee, then I hoped from the Loues of mine owne Children, for the benefite of their Births. Wherein I haue beene nothing deceiued. For, to silence many thy famous and former exploits, I confesse that thy late employment and returne from Numantia, hath perfected the honourable Testimonies of vs, and our Nation: Thy valour, of fautors, hath made the Roman people most constant friends vnto vs, and in Spaine thou hast reuiued the remembrance of our deceased Progenitors:Mas [...]inissae, qui claruit sub Has­drubaie. Aboue all (a worke most difficult) thy Vertues haue ouertopped Enuy.

And now, for that I perceiue that my life draweth towardes an end, I admonish and adiure thee by this right hand, and the allegiance which thou owest to thy countrey,Quam ad tunc tenuit. that thou estrange not thy loue and seruice from these thy kinsmen, whom by fauor and adoption I haue created thy Brethren: neither couet thou, in gouernment to admit of strangers, rather then of those who are allied vnto thee in blood and parentage. Loyall friends, not the armed Souldier, nor the Richest Treasure, are the surest guards of Kingdomes: True friendship which thou canst neither allure by practise, nor buy with gold, is purchased by respect & fidelity. And who I pray thee, should be more indeered, then one Brother to another? Or what stranger shall that man find confi­dent, who proueth a Traytour to his owne blood? Surely if you continue vertuous, I bequeath you a strong Kingdome, if yee turne euill, a weake Patrimony. By Vnity small thinges are multiplyed: by Dissention, the greatest kingdomes are rui­nated.

Beleeue me Iugurth, it is thy Office (for that thou art eldest in yeares and experience) to take care that nothing happen con­trary to these my latest Counsels: for in all controuersies, the man that is most powerfull (though hee receiue an iniury) yet will it be supposed, that he hath giuen it, because he is best able to do it.

[Page 7]Againe (you my sonnes,) see that you Honour and aduance this your worthy Kinsman: Imitate and out-strippe hins in ver­tue, least it be said by me, that I haue adopted brauer Children, then I haue begotten.

Although Iugurth conceited that the King spake not this from his heart, hauing his mind busied vpon farre higher & different cogitations; yet for the present, he gaue courteous and gracious language. Within a fewe dates after Micipsa dyed.

CHAP. 2.

1. The Roytelets assemble about partition of the Kingdome. 2. Hiempsal disgraceth Iugurth. 3. His reuenge. 4. And preparation to warre. 5. His course after victory. 6. Ad­herbals Accusation. 7. Iugurths excuse. 8. Order taken to content both Parties. 9. The yssue.

AFter the three Roytelets, accor­ding to the custome of their Auncestors, had Royally inter­red the body of Micipsa, they a­pointed a time of meeting ther to take order for their further affaires. Where Hiempsal (the youngest of three, but by Na­ture the proudest) now, as be­fore time, scorning the base dis­cent of Iugurth, by his mother, tooke place vpon the right hand of Adherbal, that Iugurth might not sit in the midst; which amongst the Numidians is accounted the most Ho­nourable place. Neither could he by his Brothers earnest importunity, without apparant discontent, be perswaded to remoue on the other hand.

Where, amongst many particulars proposed of gouerne­ment, Iugurth affirmed, that whatsoeuer Micipsa had de­creed, fiue yeares before his death, ought to be of no validi­ty: for that, by reason of his aged years, during those times, [Page 8] his sences had failed him. Wherewithall Hyempsal was well pleased: for within the space of these three yeares last past, (quoth hee) you were adopted as co-heire into the King­dome. Which words tooke deeper impression in the heart of Iugurth, then any man present would haue suspected.

3 This disgrace, from this time forwarde prouoked Iugurth, (irresolute betweene wrath and feare) to study and plot in his minde how to surprize Hyempsal by Treason; Which determination working but to slow effects, and his inraged passion nothing the lesse by time asswaged, he now resolueth to dispatch it vpon any occasion.

At their first meeting (shewed you before) to auoide all causes of contention, they tooke Order to diuide the Trea­sure, and to limit out euery man the bounds of his portion. A time certaine is set downe to perfect both these Decrees, but with order, to haue the diuision of the money first dis­patched.

Whereuppon the Roytelets seuerally remoue to places neerely adioyning to that place where the Treasures were stored. Hiempsal tooke vp his lodging, by great chaunce, in his house, who was Captaine of the Guard to Iugurth, a man very inward and gracious with his maister.

Him (by fortune thus making a fit Instrument for Trea­son) Iugurth solliciteth, by massie promises corrupteth, & without deniall importuneth to forge and deliuer him the counterfeit keyes of his house, for the true keyes were night­ly carried vp into Hiempsals Chamber. The remainder, as occasion serued, himselfe with his armed retinue would take order to dispose of.

The Numidian speedily executeth his masters commands, and according to his instructions at night, giueth entrance vnto Iugurths Souldiers: who were no sooner in possession of the house, but they disperse themselues, some to seeke the King, some to murder Hiempsals seruants, & others to make good their entrance, in case any person made resistance. This done, they left no secret place vnransaked; they broke vp Presses, and diued into euery blind corner, confounding all places with noise and vprore; and at last, lighted vppon Hiempsal, hidden in the lodging of a poore Maide-seruant, [Page 9] whether the sudden apprehension of feare and ignorance of the place, in the beginning of the tumult, had frighted him to flye vnto. The Murderers, as they had in com­maund, strike off his head, and present it to Iugurth. The fame whereof in a trice flyeth ouer all Affrique.

4. Adherbal, and the Subiects of Micipsa, stand asto­nished at the report of so haynous a treacherie: The peo­ple in generall fall to partes-taking: The greater number continue constant to Adherbal, the men of Warre follow Iugurth. Whereupon, without further delay, he raysest the strongest forces he can, hee seizeth vppon Townes, some by force, and some by faite speeches: hee vniteth them to his former portion, and casteth in his mind how to become sole-Lord of Numidia.

Adherbal, notwithstāding that he had sent his messengers to Rome, to informe the Lordes of the Senat of the death of his Brother, and his particuler misfortunes; yet seeing himselfe well accompanied with armed troopes, he doub­teth not the aduenture of his welfare, vpon the hazard of a battell. But comming vnto tryall, his army was defea­ted, & himselfe glad to flye into his owne prouince; from whence he tooke his way towards Rome.

5 Now Iugurth being Maister of his desires, & peace­able Lord of al Numidia, reuoluing in his mind the future scandall of this heynous murther, saw none, of whom he should need to stand in feare of, but the Roman people: To mitigate whose wrath, no hopes remained, but such, as Mony and the auarice of the Nobilitie afforded. Wher­fore to preuent stormes on that side, hee within a few dayes after dispatcheth his Ambassadors towards Rome, plentifully loaden with Gold and Siluer: giuing them in­structions: First, to present his ancient acquaintance: Se­condly, to drawe in New; And lastly, to bee sparing to­wardes no man, so hee were in place to countenance his practises. So ariuing at Rome, according to the direction of their Lord, they saluted their Patrons, and the greatest of authority in the Senate with rich presents. A sudden alteration followed: the greater part of the gentrie which but euen now, were most violently carryed in passion a­gainst [Page 10] Iugurth, forthwith became a Protector and fauo­rer of his cause. Some in hope, and others vpon resceipt, priuately laboured euery Lorde of the Senate, to lay no heauy or vnsupportable pressure vpon Iugurth.

This done, the Embassadors are confirmed, and a day of hearing set downe for both parties: wherein Adherbal thus layed open his cause.

Adherbals Oration.

6 HOnourable Lords, my Father vpon his death-bed gaue me in charge, that I should carry my selfe, but as Lieu­tenant of the kingdome of Numidia. It was his last will, that the Soueraignty should remaine at your deuotions.

Moreouer, he commanded me, to do you my vtmost seruice in times of peace and warre, as also to make no other account of your fidelities, then of the loyalties of so many friendes and Kinsmen; which precepts (said he) if you obserue, By the se­curity of their friendships, you shall neuer bee to seeke of an Army, of Riches, and the protection of a Kingdome. These rules had I no sooner planted in my mind, with deter­mination of obedience, but Iugurth, the most impious man, that breatheth vppon the circuite of the earth, in despight of your imperiall prerogatiues, hath vtterly disabled me the Ne­phew of Masinissa, yea friend and confederate of the Roman people,Suadet Senatum vt sibi suppetias ferri iubeat. to accomplish these duties, by him, being expulsed from my kingdome and Natiue Country.

Yet (Honourable Lords:) such is my estate, that I had ra­ther implore your assistaunce to these my present miseries, in remorse of mine owne calamities, then in respect of any my Auncestors deserts: rather wishing that these fauours were due vnto me by the Roman people for mine owne sake (thogh I had no occasion to vse them) or if I had, that my selfe might onely remaine their debter.

But for that a good conscience (for it selfes sake) is smally regarded, and fortune hath not shewed like fauours to mee as she hath to Iugurth; Honourable Lords, my selfe haue made choice to make my resort to your fauorable protections, where­in, my onely griefe is, that miserie hath inforced mee, [Page 11] first, to bee burdensome, before I haue bin profitable to your state.

Other Kings haue bin admitted into your friendship, either after their ouerthrowes, or at best, haue requested it, doubt­full and desperate pinches; but our house ventured their alli­ance in the hottest of the Carthaginian wars, at what times their singular good willes, were rather to bee accepted, then their forces valued. The issues of such men (and me the Nephew of Masinissa) suffer not (Honourable Lordes) to im­plore ayd in vaine, but rather, if there were no other reasons of satisfaction, then my distressed fortunes (who whilome was a King, happy in discent, famous in renowne, and powerfull in substāce, now base, miserable, needy, & begging assistāce of an­other;) yet let the Maiesty of the Roman Empire prohibit in­iuries, and restraine a wicked varlet to vsurpe vpon another mans right,Honestum, quia id pater & a [...]us me­riti sunt. wrongfully. For (Honourable Lords) I am dispoi­led of that inheritance which the Roman people allotted my Auncestors, and whereof my Father and Grand-father stoode seized ioyntly with you, after the expulsion of Sciphax and the Carthaginians.

These your Noble donatiues (Honourable Lords) are iniu­riously taken from me, & you in my disgraces shamefully dis­honored. Wretch that I am! O father Micipsa, howe are thy fauours requited! Shall the man whom thou broughtest in to be coheire of thy kingdome, and of mecre fauour aduancst to equall dignity with thy children, become the chiefe instrumēt to destroy thy Progeny? What! shall our house neuer see quiet daies? Shall wee alwaies conuerse with blood, warre, and ba­nishment?

As long as the Carthaginians, flourished, wee indured the greeuances of all hostility without complaint: then our ene­mies lay vpon our backes, your aide was farre remote, and therefore our hopes resided in our owne valours; wee knewe what to trust to. But after that Affrique was disburdened of that plague, euery man reioyned in the security of peace, bee­cause no enemy remained,Vtile, quia socius Rom [...] imperii permaner [...]t. but him perhaps whom you might haue giuen in commaundement to be defied.

But behold contrary to expectation, this Iugurth, bewray­ing his insufferable presumption, his bloody Conscience, and [Page 12] his ambitious spirite, in the slaughter of my brother and his owne kinsman, did make his kingdome the first purchase of his wicked disposition: His second proiects were, to circum­vent mee by like Treason; which when hee could not effect, nethlesse, by force and warre, hee hath now dispoiled me, (mi­strusting no such violence) of mine inheritance, of my birth­right, and (as you can witnesse) inforced me to vndergoe the miserable casualties of want and beggerie, beeing in euerie place more secure, then in mine owne kingdome.

Of your assistance (my Lords) I make this construction, that (as I haue often heard my Father say) those who with integri­ty regard your friendship, took much paines in obtaining their sutes,B. Pater & avu [...]. but of all people liuing, their estate is securest. Our family neuer failed in the one; in all your wars their assistance hath bin at your seruice: now lieth it in your power to requite me with the other.

S. ab infidiis Iu­gurthae.Honourable Lords, Our Father left vs two brethren, the third, this Iugurth, By his bountie hee supposed to haue left likewise a Brother deuoted to our good; but the one hee hath alreadie slaine; my selfe, the other, hath hardlie escaped his blood-thirstie crueltie. In this distresse what shall I doe? In­fortunate that I am! to what especiall friend shall I turne my complaints? The assistance of my kinsmen, lieth buried with their bodies, in the graue: my Father is departed this world: (the decree of Nature) my brother slaughtered by the treason of this his Kinsman, a murder most vnnaturall: the remain­der of my affinity, consanguinity, friends, and followers, hee hath by diuers practises oppressed: some hee hath put to ran­some; some he hath dispatched at the Gallowes; and others he hath cast before the hungry iawes of rauenous beastes. A few (yet beholding vnto him for their liues) he hath impriso­ned in darke dungeons, there to spend the date of their dayes in sighes and laments; a life far more intollerable then death it selfe.

Thus honourable Lords, if I had neither lost some part of my people, neither had cause to complaine of the reuolt of others: yet, if any misfortune should haue against expectation befal­len me, I would haue implored the protection of your fauours, vnto whom, for the maiestie of your Empire, euery Subiests [Page 13] right or wrong ought to bee regardfull. But being (as I am) a banished man from my natiue soile, from mine owne House, alone, and in extreamity, whether shall I goe? VVhom shall I appeale vnto? Vnto our Neighbour Common-Weales, or Kings? My Lords, they all hate vs in regard of your alliance. In those places, on no side can I turn my visage, but I shall behold many hostile remembrances of our Auncestors seruice. Can they then take compassion of him, who was once their capitoll enemy? No my Lordes: Micipsa taught vs to crouch to no men, but to the Roman people: yea, to defie strange leagues and alliances. Your friendships were Bulwarkes impregnable to secure vs.

If fortune should frowne vppon this Empire, then I know our estate were also desperate: but by your owne prowesse, and the fauours of the Gods, your Common-weale flourisheth in wealth and increase; prosperity tryumpheth in your Citties, and loyaltie in your Prouinces: blessings which make easie the reliefe of your associate.

VVhereof I despaire not, but onely feare, least the priuate insinuation of Iugurth (of whom you haue yet made small tri­all) peruert the iudgement of some, whom (as I heare) with tooth and naile he seuerally laboureth to worke, to corrupt, to inueigle, not to passe any decree in his absence, without hea­ring his answers: obiecting that my complaints are false, my flight dissimulation, and that I might haue stayed with secu­rity in any kingdom, if it had so beene my pleasure. O! I would to God, I might but liue to see the same man, who hath by his impious treacherie, inwrapped me in this conflict of miseries, in like case dissembling: that these humane Controuersies might at some one time or other be referred, either to your de­cisions, or to the iustice of the immortall Gods: That so, being now proud and famosed for his villanies, and as a man expo­sed to all calamities, he might suffer the deserued reward of his impieties committed against our Father; of murther in­flicted vppon our Brother; and of Treason, the source of my miseries.

Deerest Brother, although thy death were vntimelie, and thou of life bereaued by him, whom of all men liuing it worst beseemed, yet am I of opinion, that this thy misfortune, is [Page 14] rather to be ioyed at, thē lamented. For with thy life, thou lost but thy kingdom: of flight, of banishment, of pouerty, & al such afflictions,Sic Virg. [...] terq [...] quaterque be [...]ti, Queis ante ora patrum, Troia sub montibus altis, Contigi [...] oppetere. which oppresse my very soule, thou art insensible. But I vnhappy mā, throwne headlong out of my Patrimony in­to an Ocean of miseries, wander the world as a spectacle of hu­maine change, vncertaine what course to run. Shall I reuenge thy wrongs; Alas! I am not of power. Shall I doe good to our Country? Ah! My life and death slandeth at the deuotion of others, for death I wish, It were an honourable period to my misfortunes, rather then by affecting of longer life, to make shew; that in loue thereof, beeing quite spent with miseries, I liued content to brooke his insolent iniuries.

But as I am, I haue neither pleasure to liue, nor meanes to die without impeachment of mine honour. And therefore, (thrice-Honourable Lords) I adiure you, by your children & parents,Sueto. Ne (que) me, ne (que) libe­r [...] meos chariores habebo quam, &c. yea, by the maiesty of the Roman Empire, to put re­dresse to my miserable estate, to preuent these wronges, and not to suffer this your kingdome of Numidia to bee ruinated by Treason, and the blood of our family.

After the King had made an end of his speech, the A­gents of Iugurth, more confident in their gold, then the goodnesse of their cause,Callidè tacent ꝙ iussu Iugurthae. made this short reply. That Hy­empsall was slaine by certaine Numidians for his crueltie. That Adherbal had begun the warre vnprouoked: and being ouercome, Quia natura s [...] ­rox & superbus re vera erat. fell to complaints, hauing no further means to pro­secute his enuy. That Iugurth humbly petitioned, the Lords of the Counsell would be pleased to make no other constructi­on of his vpright carriage, Vnde laudatissi­mus redierat. then of such as he shewed in their seruice at Numantia: neither yet to preferre the words of his enemie, Iugurthae mores Scipioni imperato­ri, popul [...] (que) Roma­no iampridem no [...]i essent. before his deeds. Which ended, both parties are commanded to depart the Court.

Whereupon the Lords demaund opinions. The fa­uourites of Iugurth, and with them, the maior part of the Senate, traduced by gifts, made small account of Adher­bals complaints. The deserts of Iugurth they aduanced with fauour, commendation, allowance, and thankes, no lesse outstriuing by all meanes possible to extenuate so ap­parant a treason and villany committed by a Stranger; then if they had bin pleading in a righteous cause, to reap [Page 15] glory and commendation.

But in opposition; some fewe, to whom right and in­differencie, were more respectiue then rewards, gaue sen­tence with Adherbal. That he was to be succoured, and the murder of Hyempsal to be seuerely punished. Amongst thē of especiall note was Emilius Scaurus, a Gentleman, stout of courage, factious, and ambitious of rule, honour, and riches, but close and cunning of carriage. This man, after he had obserued the infamous, & abhominable bribery of Iugurth, fearing (as in like cases happeneth) that free speech against the abuses of corrupted greatnesse, might procure enuie, contained his humors from their accusto­med Liberty.

8. Notwithstanding, in Senate the greater part pre­uailed: Meed and fauour ouerswayed Equity; and an or­der recorded, that ten Commissioners should be sent into the prouince of Micipsa, to make a diuision thereof be­tweene Adherbal and Iugurth.

The president of this Embassie was L. Opinius, a man Honourable by birth, and great in Senate, who beeing Consull, after the deaths of C. Graccus, and M. Flaccus, made sharp and cruell vse of that victory which the No­bility gained against the Commons. Him, at Rome, his professed aduersary Iugurth, notwithstāding entertaineth with especiall curtesie.

9. By Largesse and promises hee likewise suborneth him, to set more by profit, then fame, faith or reputation; he attempteth the residue by like cunning: Some he wor­keth, a few made more Conscience of Honesty, then of Money.

In the diuision of the kingdome, the portion thereof, that bordereth Mauritania, populous, and firtill, is assig­ned to Iugurth: the other part (fairer in shew then profit) but beautified with hauens, and adorned with costly buil­dings, was giuen to Adherbal.

CHAP. 2.

1. The description of Affricke. 2. The first inhabitants.

ORder calleth vpon mee briefely to discourse of the scituation of Af­frique, as also to shew what Nati­ons liued with vs in warre, or ami­ty. But as for those places & coun­tries, which either for their extream rough mountaines, or vast deserts, lie vnfrequented, I wil but point at randon: the residue I will discourse of in shortest maner.

In the diuision of the Terrestriall Globe, some attribute vnto Affrick a third part: othersome, speaking onely of Asia and Europe, containe Affrique in Europe. Westward it boundeth vpon the Mediterranean and Ocean seas: East­ward vpon those steepe mountaines, which the inhabi­tants tearme Catabathmon. The sea is stormy, the shores without hauens, the soile firtill of grain, plentifull for Ca­tell, but vnapt for trees. It hath few springs, and litle rain: The people are heathfull of body, swift of foote, and in­durable of labour. Many, who come not to vntimelie deaths, by the sword or wild beasts, would outliue the ac­customed course of mans age, if nature failed not; for it is sildome heard that any die by sicknesse: yet is the whole land stored with infinite swarmes of venemous wormes, and beasts of prey.

But what people possessed the Pauca ci [...]itates, [...]rint Origin [...]m. Country in the begin­ning: who afterwards arriued, or how they becam min­gled one with another, though diuersity of opinions pos­sesse priuate fancies, yet as we are letten to vnderstand by the interpretation of those Punique bookes, which were said to be Hiempsals, we will as briefly as we may, relate as the case standeth what the Natiues report for truth in this matter. Let euery man giue credite, as he pleaseth to fan­cie it.

[Page 17]2 The Getuli and Libians, an vnciuill and barbarous peo­ple, feeding vpon raw flesh, and the fruits of the Earth (as Beastes) did first inhabit this Countrey. They were ney­ther gouerned by Nature, neither by Law, nor superiori­ty: wilde, stragling, without leader, and there resting, where night ouertooke them. But after that Hercules (saith the Affricans) dyed in Spaine, his Army composed of di­uers Nations, hauing lost their Captaine, in short time disbanded, by reason of the disagreement, and ambition of their Leaders. Of these companies the Medes, Persians, and Armenians, beeing transported into Affrique by ship­ping, seized vppon the Sea-coastes of the Mediterranean. The Persians tooke vp their Seates more inward toward the Ocean, and turning the Keeles of their Boats vpwards, vsed them, in liew of better buildinges: for neyther the soile affoorded Timber, neyther was it lawfull to buy or barter for any in Spaine. Further Traffique, the Great Sea & ignorance of forreine languages, prohibited.

In processe of time, by intermariages with the Getuli, they became one Nation, and for their wandering from place to place, to prooue the goodnesse of pasturage for their Cattaile, they tearmed themselues A Graeca voce vemein, i. pascers: vnde d [...]rmatur di­ctio, Nomades, i. vagab [...]ndi pascen­tes. Numidae. Euen vnto this day, those vpland buildinges of the Numidians, which they tearme Mapalia, Cottages, are a kind of buil­ding edgelong on the top, and broad-wasted below, in a manner resembling the bottomes of ouerwhelmed Ship­ping.

Vnto the Medes and Armenians, arriued the Libians, for they conuersed more neerer the Affrican Sea. The Ge­tuli liued more neere the Sunne, almost vnder the Tro­pique; and by reason of the small distance of Sea between Spaine and them, they built Townes in short time, and gaue themselues to Traffique and Nauigation. By assi­duity the Libians corrupted their Names, and of Medi in their barbarous languages, called them Mauri.

The fortunes of the Persians in short time flourished: whereupon vnder the name of Numidae, in regard of their multitudes, taking leaue of their Parents, they seated thē ­selue, in the Territories next adioyning to Carthage, and [Page 18] after their own names Numidia.

After some continuance ofNumidae Car­thagiu [...] sium, & Carthaginensis Numidarum. time, the one Nation making vse of the other, they inforced their neigh­bours either for loue or feare to subiection. They be­came famous, & augmented their glories in greater mea­sure, then those that were nearer seated towardes d our Seas. For the Lybians were not so warlike as the Getuli. So for the most part, the lower part of Affrica was wholy possessed by the Numidians, and the Viclis victorum nomen inditur. victor imposed his owne name vpon the conquered people and country.

Againe, the Phaeniceans, some to diminish their home­bred multitudes, and some of the Comminalty desirous of aduancement, and other some, in loue of nouelties, ar­riued vpon the Sea-costs, and there built Hippon, Adrume­tum, Leptis and many other Citties, which in short time grew admirable famous; many whereof in future ages at some seasons, gaue great assistance, and at all times conti­nued an honour to their first and ancient Countrimen.

I holde it more wisedome to silence the Originall ofCum eius Origo & fama factarū, ingentem deposcat historiam. Carthage, then to write thereof sparingly, because time calleth me to make hast of another discourse.

Neere vnto Cathabathmon (the frontier betweene Af­fricke and Egipt) in the higher sea, first appeareth Ciren, Colonia Thereon, the two Duo arenosa loca in mari. Sirtes, betweene them Leptis, and then Arae philenorum: Heere endeth the Carthaginian Dominion towardes Egipt: Beyond, are some Citties of the Punique iurisdiction; the residue, the Numidians pos­sesse as farre as Mauritania. The Moores lie nearest Spaine. Beyonde the Numidians (men say) that the Getuli liue, some in homely Cottages, some, more rudely, to wander as Vagarants. Beyond them, the Ethiopians, and beyond them againe, all places to be scorched with extreamity of heat.

CHAP. 3.

1. The estate of Affrique in the beginning of these warres. 2 Iugurths cunning carriage. 3. He prouoketh his Brother to fight, and routeth his Army.

1. IN this warre, the Roman peo­ple did gouerne many of the Punique Townes, and al those Territories, which were lately conquered from the Carthagi­nians, by their Lieutenantes: A great part of the Getuli and the Numidians, (as far as the flood Mulucha) were Subiect to Iugurth: King Bochus was Lorde of the Moores, by re­port onely knowne to the Romaines; otherwaies, neuer heard of either in times of war, or treaties of peace. Thus haue I spoken enough to purpose, as concerning the sci­tuation of Affricke, and the people who inhabit it.

2. The diuision of the kingdome beeing determined, the Commissioners returned, and Iugurth contrary to his owne feares, hauing obtained a reward for his Treason, began to call vnto mind, how he had heard his friends at Numantia report, That all things were vendible at Rome. Vpon assurance whereof, concurring with the late pro­testations of his corrupted fauourites, being incouraged, he resolued to make a proofe vpon the kingdome of Ad­herbal. The inuader was violent, and valourous: the in­vaded, peaceable; No souldier; Of a frolicke disposition; Disgistiue of iniuries; Fearefull, rather then to be feared.

Whereupon, Iugurth taketh the occasion, and vpon the sodaine strongly inuadeth his frontiers, maketh booty of men and Cattle, fiereth villages, & sheweth himselfe in warlike aray with his horsmen before many good towns. This Brauado performed, he retireth with his people into his owne kingdome, coniecturing, that Adherbal coulde [Page 20] not but take this hostile outrage to heart, and in like mea­sure cry quittance: which if he did, then was his desires sa­tisfied, for this would he pretend to bee the cause of the quarrell.

But Adherbal, for that hee knew himselfe inferiour in forces, and reposed greater confidence in the friendship of the Roman people, then in his Numidians, dispatcheth Messengers to Iugurth, to complaine of these outrages. Who although they reported nothing backe again, saue contumelious Language, yet sat he still, with full resolu­tion to suffer all manner of disgraces, rather then to begin the War, because to his losse he had lately felt the smart thereof. The ambition of Iugurth neuer the more relen­ted, he had already in conceit swallowed the whol king­dome: And thereupon, not now, as before, he maketh a cursory and pillaging iourny into the Country,Lucan. Nulla fides regni soci [...]s, omnis qu [...] po [...]e [...]as impa­tiens consortis erit. but mar­cheth souldier-like in the middest of his armed battalions, and layeth an open claime to the Crowne of al Numidia. As he goeth, he wasteth Cities, and depopulateth Villa­ges, taketh prizes, incorageth his followers, and danteth his enemies.

3 Adherbal perceiuing no meane courses auaileable, but that he must either fight, or flye, vpon very necessity leuieth forces, and resolueth to seeke Iugurth. They had not marched many dayes, but both Armies approacheth neare vnto Cirtha, a Town scituated not far from the sea. This happened towards the Euening, no fit time to dar­raigne a battaile. But about mid-night, after the going downe of the Moone, vpon a signall giuen, the souldiers of Iugurth giue a Camisado vpon the campe of Adherbal, some they slay halfe awakened in their beds, others run­ning to their armes, they put to flight, and cut in peeces. Adherbal with some fewe horsemen posteth vnto Cirtha, where, if a strong troope of Citizens had not forced the pursuing Numidians to retire frō the wals, without doubt one day had decided the quarell of a kingdome, Iugurth layeth his siege round about the Towne, prepareth vines, raiseth Towers, and beginneth a breach with all sorts of Engines; yea, and to frustrate the arriuall of the Ambas­sadors, [Page 21] who as he heard say, were sent from Adherball to­wardes Rome, before the day of battell, hee hasteneth the siedge with all possible diligence.

CHAP. 4.

1. Ambassadors are the second time sent into Affrica with sharper Instructions. 2. Iugurths cunning and fayning excuses. 3. After the Ambassadors departure, he againe besiedgeth his Brother.

ASsoone Nihil decenter in hac [...]e gevi [...]ur: co­po [...]si [...]r ex [...]ci [...]u [...], nō legat [...], ne [...]lli [...]e­bebant ad in [...]u [...]iā vindicandam. as the Senate had vn­derstanding of their differences, they dispatched three young Gentlemen into Affrique, with Commaundement, to goe perso­nally to both the Kings, and in the name of the Senate & Roman people, by word of mouth to say vnto them; That It was their will and pleasure, that they should both lay downe their Armes. In so doing, they should performe a worke Digrum se [...]atu, quē [...]cis [...] esse d [...]cuit et dig [...]ii [...]li [...], qui inter se tam propinqui es­sent. woorthy theyr Friendes and them­selues.

The Ambassadors make the more hast towardes Af­frique, for that the newes was in Rome before their depar­ture, that the Princes had fought, and that Cirtha was be­siedged. But that rumor was sparingly verified.

2. Iugurth hauing vnderstood the Tenor of their Am­bassy protested, That nothing could bee of greater worth, or more deere vnto him, then the authority of the Senat: that such had beene his carriage from his youth, that the loue of al good men had voluntarily befallen him: that he had been gra­cious vnto P. Sci [...]io, that worthy Gentleman, for his ver­tues, not for peruersenesse: And lastly, That for these quali­ties, and not for want of Issue, Micipsa had adopted him into the Kingdome. So that, by how much the more he had shewed himselfe a good man in ciuill behauiour, and a valiant Cap­taine [Page 22] Captaine in seruice, by so much the lesse could his great spirit brooke to pocket vp a wrong. Inferring, that Adherbal had laide waight traiterously to murder him; vpon discouery whereof,Magna ingenia agrè serūt iniurias hee had but taken the course of preuention: which if the Roman people gain said, they neither vsed him according to his calling, nor affoorded him Iustice; to for­bid him to apply those remedies which the Law s. vim vi repelle. of Na­tions and nature prouided. Finally, he protesteth, that in good time he wold send his Agents to Rome, to giue am­ple satisfaction to all parties: and so taketh his leaue. Li­cense of reply Adherbal could not obtaine [...]

3 Now, Iugurth coniecturing about what time the Ambassadors might take shipping to depart, returneth againe to Cirtha, and for that the Scituation thereof was impregnable by nature to be forced, he inuesteth it round with a trench and a ditch, he errecteth Towers, & man­neth them: Night and day he proffereth assaults, & wor­keth Stratagems: Sometime he loadeth the defendantes with Mountaines of faire words, and other times he ad­iureth all terrible punishments: his owne people he pray­eth to be resolute, and for his owne part, is negligent in nothing that might put life to the enterprize.

Adherbal now perceiuing vpon what desperate terms his safety consisted, that the enemy pressed harde vppon him, no hope of raising the siedge; as also, that for want of meat and munition the war could not bee prolonged, of those, that fled with him in company into Cirtha, hee maketh choise of two lusty and trusty companions, indu­cing thence by great promises and his miserable estate, by night to faine flight into the enemies trenches, from them to passe to the sea-side, and so to take passage for Rome. Within a fewe dayes these Numidians execute their maisters command: Adherbals Letters are deliue­red in the Senate, the Tenour whereof, was as follow­eth.

It is not my default (Honourable Lords) that I thus often trouble your Honors with petitions, the violence of Iugurth is the motiue: Him, so incompatible a thirst of my bloud pos­sesseth, that neither your prescripts, nor the remembrance of [Page 23] heauen, can turne his mind vnto consideration of duty. My life aboue all earthly things he aymeth at:Cuius vlt. [...] [...]nt [...], sed [...]a no g [...]a [...]ur. Fiue moneths are now past, sithence I (your friend and confederate) haue indured his siedge: the fauours of my father Micipsa are forgotten; your Iniunctions, no defence: I cannot resolue you, whether warre or hunger do most torment me.Pa [...]um creditur m [...]s [...]is. My hard fortunes doe diswade me to write more concerning this Iugurth: I haue already made triall, that miserable men find small credence: Only this I dare assure you, that he affecteth somewhat else, besides my life: you know he cannot bereaue me of my kingdome, & neth lesse stand in your good grace,d. grauius ferret remit t [...]re regnum meum, quam ann­citiam vestram. which he would make choise of to lose, who doubteth? He hath already slaine my brother Hi­empsal, and dispoiled me of my fathers kingdome: These are my priuate iniuries, they concerne not you. But now he vsur­peth vpon the whole; the Man, who you haue made Lord Go­uernour of Numidia, he besiedgeth, and how he hath scorned the behests of your Ambassadors, my perils plead publication. What one remedy is left, but your assistance; yet such, as were of power to raise him from this siedge? Surely I could wish, that these my present lines, as also my former complaints in Senat, were causlesse, so that my misery might win you to credit. But sithence the destinies haue reserued me to this houre, wherein I am made a laughing stock and matter of triumph, to the dis­loialty of Iugurth, I do not now thinke vpon death, nor the di­uersion of miseries, but onely pray that I might share in his pu­nishments, so I were sure to participate of his fortunes. As for the kingdome of Numidia (which I confesse is yours) prouide for it, as you thinke best; let me intreat you thus much, for the maiesty of your Empire, and our plighted faiths in friendship, onely to deliuer my body from the tyranny of this impious con­spirator: And this, as you tender the remembrance of my Grand-father Massinissa.

CHAP. 5.

1. Ambassadors of greater quality are againe sent into Af­frique. 2. Remisly they leaue things as they find them. 3. Cirtha is forced. 4. Adherbal slayne.

[Page 24] VPon the reading of these Letters, some of the Lords were very hot, to haue an Army forthwith leui­ed for Affrique: affirming, that they were in honour ingaged to send present succors to Adherbal, and at leysure to consult vpon Iu­gurths contempt, for disobeying the order of the Ambassadors: But on the contrary, his fauourites with much ado bestird them, to dash this de­cree. Thus (as in like cases) priuate fauour peruerted pub­licke honesty.

Notwithstanding, least they should seeme to doe no­thing, they hast in Ambassage grauer personages, men of great place and quality againe into Affricke; amongest whom, was M: Scanus, of Consulare dignity, & powerful in Senate; of whom we told you before. These men, for that Iugurth had incurred the Qua legatis non parnisset. generall hatred, and the Numidians also with no lesse importunity did solicite, a speedy departure, in three daies space were got a shippe­bord, and with a faire passage arriued at Vtica: whence, in hast they posted away their Letters to Iugurth, with intimation, tha [...] he should (all excuses and delayes set a­part) vpon sight thereof, retire into his owne prouince: not forgetting likewise to acquaint him, how they were especially sent vnto him from the Lords of the Senate.

2 Iugurth hearing that such eminent persons, and of such authority in Rome, were imployed, to crosse his dis­seignes; at first, somewhat perplexed betweene feare and perseuerance, stood diuersly distracted what to determin. He feared the displeasure of the Senate for his contempt towards the former Ambassadors: but lastly, the blinde humour of Ambition ouermastred his sences: And so an vngracious Counsel, forced out of a rash resolue, preuai­led to the worst.

Whereupon, giuing a generall assault to the Towne, he laboured his vtmost, to become maister thereof: con­fidently hoping, that by drawing his enemies forces to [Page 25] to diuers defences, either the sworde, or policy, would cast vpon him the Trophy of victory. Which not suc­ceeding; neither his proiects of circumventing Adherbal, (before he should come to Negotiation with the Ambas­sadors) sorting to effect, fearing by longer stay further to exasperate Scaurus his anger, whom hee much feared; in the company of some few horsemen hee retired into his owne Prouince: where being giuen to vnderstand in the name of the Senate, in what heynous measure, they took his contumacy, in not desisting from the siege of Cirtha, and what greeuous punnishment they threatned, after much debating on both sides, the Ambassadors retired towards Rome Quia [...]alses in­ [...]p [...]i ratiou [...]s, & causas friuolas adduceret Iugur­tha. without accomplishing any agreement to purpose.

3 After newes heereof was brought vnto Cirtha, the Cirthae pro presi­dio imbositi, post diuisionem regni. Italians, vppon whose Vertue the safety of the Towne consisted, perswaded themselues, that if they motioned a composition and yeelded the place, they (in regarde of the Roman name) should bee sure to finde good dealing, moue Adherbal to giue his consent to yeelde himselfe & the Towne to Iugurth, with conditions of security for his life; All other the Controuersies to be referred vnto the good pleasure of the Senate.

Adherbal though hee had rather haue vndergone any extreamity then trusted Iugurths oath, yet because it lay in their powers to constraine him, how obstinat soeuer, yeilded to accept of whatsoeuer Articles the Italians did thinke meetest.

4 The first sacrifice that Iugurth offereth, after some cruell tortures,Inermibus, verefi­m [...]le est, pepercit, an tamen Italicis, non constat. is his brothers blood: the second, a pro­miscuous slaughter of the young Numidians and Mar­chants, as any one hapned to meete with his armed ene­mie.

CHAP. 6.

1. The Humour of the Lords, the opposition of Memmius, the subtility of Iugurth 2. The Romans first preparation to warre. 3. frustrated by Iugurth.

[Page 26] AFter intelligence heerof was cer­tified at Rome, and the matter began to be expostulated in Se­nate, the olde fauourites of the King, sometime by interuption, and sometime by faire speeches, intermingled with foule, found occasions by protraction of time to adde hopes of mittigation of the offence. And if C. Memmius In proximum annum. Tribune elect of the people, a man of an vndaunted spirit, and much offended at the insolencies of the Gentry, had not preferred an in­formation to the people against Iugurth, howe matters were carried, (viz:) that by a few factious Cittizens the offender was likely to bee pardoned; without doubt all displeasure had bin forgotten by procrastination of con­sultations: Of so great moment were fauour and Mony.

2 But the popular feare awakeneth the Drousie spi­rits of the Lordes of the Senate, to recall to their memo­ries the inexcusable management of this foul fact. By the Lawe Sempronia, Numidia and Italy, are the appointed prouinces for the future Consuls: P. Scipio Nasica, and L. Calphurnius Bestia are nominated. The lot of Numidia fell vpon Calphurnius; of Italy, vpon Scipio. Wages and al o­ther ammonitions necessary for warre are proportioned for the Army of Affricke: Iugurth, contrary to immagi­nation (being beyond doubt perswaded that all thinges would to contentment be managed at Rome for money) by message hearing heereof, sendeth his own sonne with two of his trustiest Counsellors in Ambassage to the Se­nate. To these he giueth in strict charge (as he had done at the death of Hyempsal) to worke vppon all creatures with money.

After their arriuall at Rome, the Senate was demanded by Bestia, if it were their pleasures that Iugurths Messen­gers should bee suffered to enter within their walles. For answere, they replyed, that vnlesse he would personallie appeare before the Counsell Table, and there simply sur­render [Page 27] himselfe and his kingdome; that his Legats with­in ten daies next immediately following, should get them packing out of the confines of Italy; at perill. The Con­sull acquainteth the Numidians with the decree of the Counsell: acordingly they departed without satisfaction to any thing they demanded.

Meane time Calphurnius, mustreth his army, entertai­neth gentlemen, and amongst them some factious spirits, whose greatnesse he made account should be his protec­tion, against errors and calumnies: of these Scaurus made one, of whose carriage and behauiour wee haue alreadie related.

The Consull by nature was qualified with many good parts, both of minde and body, if Auarice onely had not blemished their purities: Indurable of labour, quicke of apprehension, reasonable circumspect, an indifferent sol­diour, and valourous in daungers and suddaine enter­prizes.

By this time the legions were arriued at Oppidū Calabriae Rhegium, from thence they set saile for Sicill, and so to Affrique.

3. In the beginning of his first arriuall, being wel pro­uided of necessaries, he made sharpe warre vppon Numi­dia, tooke Prisoners, and some Citties by strong hande. But after he had once talked with the bribing Messengers of Iugurth, who made the sharpenesse of the present war the colour of their Ambassage, the mind of Calphurnius, distempred with the Lethargy of Auarice, relented [...] Scau­rus was taken to be the Prime-moter & Minister of al his Counsels: who although in the beginning he had oppo­sed with no small integrite against Iugurths faction, not­withstanding at last, the Massi [...] minerall of Gold, from Good and Virtuous, gaue him the imputation of wicked and Impious.

The next Stratagem that Iugurth bribed for, was only a surcease from Arms: Vpon hopes that time by rewards or fauour would produce some milder fortune.

But lastly, when he heard that Scaurus was put in ioynt-Commissioner to take order in the businesse, his former hopes were redoubled, to recouer an assured peace, and [Page 28] thereupon grew resolute personally, to fall to composition concerning all Controuersies.

Hereupon (for good-meanings-sake) Sextus the Trea­surer, is sent as a pleadge to Vacca, Iugurths Towne, but vnder pretence of receiuing the corne which Calphurnius had commaunded the Messengers Vt vulti [...]ne, iu­b [...]tisne cum Iu­gurtha bellum componatur. in open audience to prouide, for that the treaty of truce was to be prolonged, according to Iugurths delay in capitulating.

Whereupon the King (according to promise) maketh his appearance in the Campe, where speaking some few wordes before the Councell, in extenuation of the harsh construction which men made of his offence, he desireth to be receiued to mercy: what hee had more to say, hee communicateth with Bestia and Scaurus in secret.

And so the day following, a generall opinion beeing Ne quid sinistri vulgus suspicare­tur. demaunded, according to the Law Satyra, hee yeeldeth, and is receiued, with condition set downe by the Coun­sell, that he should pay thirty Elephants, a proportion of Cattell, like number of Horses, and no small quantity of Siluer; which were accordingly deliuered vnto the Trea­surer. This done, Calphurnius iournyeth towards Rome, to procure allowance of the decreed truce from the Senate, leauing good directions, both in Numidia, and our army, for obseruation of the peace.

CHAP. 7.

1. The Commons repine at the peace concluded with Iugurth. 2. Incited by C. Memmius.

BVt after that same had made re­port of the occurrances of this warre, and how it was managed, at Rome in euery place, and in all companies, euery mans head was busied with the behauiour of the Consull. The commons, as a wo­man with Childe, laboured with enuy; The Lords could not resolue whether they should [Page 29] ratifie or disanull, so dishonourable a composition con­cluded by a Consull. The greatnesse of Scaurus, who was reported to be the Author and chiefe Counsellour of this businesse, to Bestia, peruerted all right and Iustice.

2 But C. Memnius, of whose free forme of speech, and distast of the Gentry, we haue already spoken, obseruing the timorousnesse and procrastination of the Senate, in his Orations ceased not to incourage the people to re­uenge the disgrace: hee aduized them not to set light by their Priuiledges of Liberty: hee aggrauated the cruell, proud, and manifold insolencies of the Nobility: finally, his whole Orations tended to no other scope, but to irri­tate the corages of the vulgar. And because in those times, his eloquence was famous and much spoken of in Rome, amongest many, I thinke it not amisse, to acquaint you with the Transcript of one, & especially with that which he made after the returne of Bestia. Thus it was.

C. Memmius his Oration.

FEllow Cittizens, many are the perturbations of my mind, which do accounsell me to forsake you, if my zeale to the common cause preuailed not aboue all other passi­ons: that is to say, the powerfull greatnesse of the faction, your slauish patience, and the suppression of Iustice: but the griefe, that most curbeth me, is, to see that Innocency is soo­ner rewarded with perrill, than graced by desart.

Howe these fifteene yeares last past, you haue liued as a scorne to the Pride of a few; how basely without reuenge, and in dangers you haue for saken your T. Gracchus. C. Gracchus. M. Ful­uius.Protectors, it greeueth me to record. But how commeth it to passe, that as yet your minds are corrupted with the same sloth and cowardice, that beeing now interessed in like defence of Iustice against your aduersa­ries, you rouze not vp your courages, and become awful vnto those (as is meet) who with might & main striue to dominere ouer you? Well, let the reasons bee what they will, notwith­standing, my minde strongly perswadeth me to enterprize some course of indifferency, against this the pride of the Gen­try, [Page 30] Surely, I will not be afraid to make publike profession of that liberty, which by discent accrued vnto mee from my cra­dle. But whether I shall lose my labour, or speake to purpose, the issue lieth in your election, worshipfull Citizens.

Yet is it not my meaning, that by Discesionem in montem acrū, aut Auentinum. violence, as your prede­cessors did, you should seeke redresse of iniuries: For at this time, there is neither need of Armes, nor disvnion; no, let Faction run headlong after the accustomed manner, to its own destruction.

Probat exemplis After the death of Tiberius Graccus (who as men report aymed at the Monarchy) many cruell informations were pre­ferred against the Commons. After the slaughter of C. Grac­cus and M: Fuluius, diuers of your Tres fuere ordi­nes Romanorum, s. Senatorius, e­quester, plebeius.ranke were executed in prison: To both pressures, s. Portia quae vetat in Ciuem animaduertere poena sanguinis. not law, but licentious satiety put ending.

But be it, that to restore the people to their auncient priui­ledges, were for the good of the Common-wealth; or, that the redresse of those enormities which cannot be reformed with­out the effusion of bloud, were iustifiable: yet haue you presi­dents of former ages, that your auncestors (as it were with si­lence) disdained to see the Exchequer pillaged, or Kinges or forren Nations to bestow pensions vpon priuate gentlemen. By meanes whereof, although superiority and infinite wealth accompanied their greatnesse, yet made they small account to escape vnpunished for their misdemeanors.

In these daies, equity, your prerogatiues, and all diuine & humaue royalties are yeelded vp to such your enemies, who are neither weary nor ashamed to commit the like, if not worse, insolencies: In the open streets their cariage is Prince-like, & some there are, who do nothing but boast of their Sacerdoties, their Consulships and triumphes, as if they had obtained them by reprisall, and not deserued them in honor.

Slaues bought with money, can hardly brook the imperious commands of proud maysters, and can you (Roman citizens) borne in freedome, tollerate so vile a seruitude with patiēce? And I pray you, what kind of men are these, which sway thus in the State? surely, the worst of all other: Bloudy in action, vnsatiable in auarice, the greatest offenders, and the proudest companions? with whom faith, piety, honesty and dishonesty [Page 31] are mercinary. Some whereof had laide violent hands vppon your Tribunes, some preferred forged indictments, & others accounted it a strong piece of policy, to haue trussed you vp at the Gallowes. The worser the pressure committed against you, the Quia maximè tim [...]r [...]tur. securer the party: Beleeue it, your remissenesse hath quitted all their feares of daring to do euil: so that now: their desires, their hatreds, and feares are one and alike. Haec. optima a­m [...]a [...] bo­no [...]. Indeede, amongst good men, those are the seales of truest frendshippe; amongst euill men the stratagems of faction.

But if like care of Liberty had possessed your courages, as Ambition of superiority hath inflamed their spirits, assured­ly, the Common-wealth should not, as now lie disgraced, nor your presentments to aduancement bin imployed vppon men most audacious, but most vpon the meritorious.

q. d. vobis imi­tandi.Your Auncestors falling to disvnion, by armes in the quarrell of Lawes and Reformation of Officers, twice sei­zed vppon Vnum ex septē collibus Romae. Auentine, and will not you once do your vtmost to redeeme your hereditary Liberty? Yea and with so much the greater courage, by how much it is the greater disgrace, rather to loose that which by vertue hath to your handes bin gained formerly, then to haue sate still, and done nothing at all.

Some man will say, Sir, what is then your opinion: That you call for redresse against those that haue wronged the state, not vnciuilly, nor by strong hand; for this were more dishonourable to you the Actors, then to them the suf­ferers: but to proceed by information & the confession of Iu­gurth himselfe: who, if he bee your Prisoner indeede, it were but reason, that he should obey your behests.

Which if he contemne, the matter is aunswered, you may soone guesse, what manner of peace and surrendry this is, by which Iugurth is now at Libertie, vnpunished; the great men plentifully inriched, and the common wealth a looser and dis­honoured.

This is my opinion, vnles peraduenture, you are not yet wearie of their predominancie, and those times doe better please you then the present, wherein Kingdomes, Prouinces, Lawes, de­crees, Iudgements, warres, treaties, and finally, all Offices, in Church and Common-wealth are at the dispose of a few.

[Page 32]And so it seemeth to me: that you whose forces no enuy is able to confront, as being sole Commanders of infinite Na­tions, are notwithstanding content to haue well escaped with the safeties of your bare liues. For which of you dare make re­fusall of his imposed seruitude?s [...] extens per pan­ [...] potent [...]. s. Iugurtha.

For mine owne part although I am fully perswaded, that that most wicked man escaped, against all conscience vnpun­nished for his villanies, yet with a right good will could I giue my consent, that you shoulde pardon his most faulty inconni­vences (because they are s. Calphurnia, S [...]a [...]io [...] similibus Citizens) but that this president of foolish pitty might happen to a future mischiefe. For with them it will be soone forgotten (such is their vnconscionable impudency) that they escaped punnishment for their misde­meanors, vnlesse future occasions of committing the like, bee henceforth quite bereaued them.

As for your selues, you shall ramaine in perpetuall suspence, eyther to become slaues, or to maintaine your liberty by force of Armes. For I pray you, what hope of good meaning or con­cord can you assure vnto your selues, when they wil be grands, you free: They will commit wrongs, you will seeke to redresse them: they will vse your associats as enemies, your enemies as associats. Can there be any security or true friendship in such diuersity of humors? Vpon premeditation of all which contra­rieties, I cannot but admonish and intreat you, not to let passe so presumptuous a scandall vnexamined.

The pillaging of the publike treasure is not now questioned, nor monies by extortion drawne from our confederates com­plained of. These enormities though (vile & odious) vse ma­keth them familiar. But in our case, the maiesty of the Senat is betraied to a most cruell enemy, your Priuiledges broken, and the common cause set to sale here at home, and in forren Countries: Which abuses vnlesse they bee examined, and ex­emplary seuerity inflicted vpon the offenders; what remains, but that hereafter we content our selues to liue in allegiance to those, who haue committed the fault?Nom [...]n invisum Romanis. For to dare vppon confidence of impunity, is no lesse than to vsurpe vpon the ti­tle of a Kingdome.

Worshipfull Citizens, mistake me not; I woulde not haue you to tollerate euill rather then good, in your fellow Citizens, [Page 33] but my aduice is, that you preuent it in the good, by not pardo­ning it in the bad. For the good of the state, it were better in this point, to be vnmindfull of a benefite, then to tollerate a mischiefe. A good man is only made more secure by conniuēce, an euill man more lewd. If wrongs were not, counsell were needlesse.

CHAP. 8.

1 Cassius is sent to Iugurth. 2 The misdemeanour of the Officers of the Army in Affrique. 3 Memmius obiec­teth against Iugurth. 4 Countenanced by Bebius.

BY reiteration of these and such like speeches, Memmius perswadeth the people to send L: Cassius the Praetor to Iugurth, with Cōmission, vppon reci­procall pleighting of publicke fayth, to bring him vnto Rome; to the intent that by his euidence, the offences of Scaurus, and the resi­due, accused of subornation, might be publiquely exami­ned.

Matters being thus managed at Rome, the Colonels and Captaines of the Army left behinde by Bestia, imita­ting the examples of their Generall, perpetrated many heynous and dishonourable enormities: Some, for mony re-sold the Elephants to Iugurth: Some made Merchan­dize of Fugitiues, and others went a boot-haling into the confederate countries: a generall contagion of Auarice (like a pestilentiall Feuer) had impoisoned their spirits in generall.

[...]. A plebisci [...]. The Decree ratified, and the whole Nobility daun­ted, at the motion of Memmius, Cassius is commanded to repaire vnto Iugurth: findeth him fearefull, and his con­science accusing his cause, for that he had yeilded himselfe vnto the Roman people: which Cassius perceiuing, not­withstanding perswadeth and incourageth him to make triall of clemency, rather then of obstinacy. Moreouer, he interposeth his priuate faith, which Iugurth accepted with as great confidence as if it had beene the Publique: In [Page 34] those times, such was the repute of Cassius.

Iugurth (contrary to the customes of Kings) attired in most base apparell, accompanied Cassius to Rome: where being arriued, although his minde was nothing deiected in regard of comfort receiued from those his patrons (by whose greatnesse and conniuence he had already waded through the scandals before spoken of) yet, by bribery he prepareth to preoccupy C: Bebius the other Tribune of the people; by whose opposition (gained) he made ful acount against iust obiections, or iniurious accusations, to bee strongly guarded.

Qu [...]rum auxilio fretus, ea scelera perpetrare ausus est.3 C: Memmius, summoneth the assembly (a party most malicious against Iugurth:) Some giue aduice to commit him to prison; Others, to punish him as a professed ene­my more maiorum, vnlesse he would disclose his accoun­cellers and countenancers in the Action.Quia contra ius gentium esset, fide publica interposita supplicium sumi de eo qui sponte sua venerat. But Memmius more respecting the publicke honour, then priuate furie, by milde perswasions lenifieth their fiercenesse, asswa­geth their swolne courages, and lastly protesteth, that for his part, hee will preserue the publicke faith ingaged, in highest purity. After silence proclaimed: and Iugurth at the barre: he thus began to expostulate. He made a reci­tall of his offences practised at Rome, and committed in Numidia; hee published his impieties against his Father and brethrene: by whose counsell, and by the corruption of what Ministers, he was incouraged to execution.

Of the particulars whereof, although the Roman peo­ple were fully instructed, yet their desire was, to haue them giuen in euidence out of his own mouth. If he spake truth, vpon the faith and clemency of the Roman people, the greater would be his hopes: but if he consealed them, it would proue dangerous to his fauourites, and desperat to himselfe, and his future fortunes. 4. Assoone as Mem­mius had ended his speech, & Iugurth commanded to re­ply, C. Bebius the other Tribune, whō (as we told you be­fore) Iugurth had corrupted, inioyned him to silence, wherat the present Commons being vehemently moued began to be clamorous, to bend the browe, to threaten force, and to make vse of al those insolencies, which a po­pular passion for the instant accounselleth. [Page 35] Notwithstanding, impudency preuailed: and the people standing there but for Ciphers, at last departed: Iugurth, Bestia, and the residue (which the information concerned and terrified) began now to take courage.

CHAP. 9.

1. Massiua incited by Albinus, studieth to become King of Numidia. 2. Iugurth procureth his death. And retur­neth into Affrique.

AT the same season a certaine Nu­midian, called Massiua, the sonne of Gulussa, the Nephew of Mas­sinissa, vpon the dissention of the Kinges, taking party against Iu­gurth, after the yeelding vppe of Cirtha and the murder of Adher­bal, retired to Rome. This mā, Sp. Albinus (who the yeare ensuing after Bestia was Consul with Q. Minutius Ruffus) for that he was of the blood of Masinissa, accounselled to become humble suter vnto the Lords of the Senate, for the king­dome of Numidia; and the rather, for that a general en­uy did prosecute Iugurth for his manifold impieties. The old couetous Consull, was farre more desirous to bee in action, & to manage armes, rather then to end his daies in peace and quiet. Numidia by lot fell to Albinus: Mace­donia to Minutius.

2 Massiua no sooner made open profession of his de­termination, but Iugurth in his mind reuoluing the insta­bility and weake assistance of his Patrons (of whom, one was attached in conscience, another mindfull of his good name, and all affraide of the people) commandeth Bomil­char, his inward and trustiest friend, for money (his ordi­nary refuge) to procure some Ruffians to murder the Nu­midian. But how? Ne si res palam fiat, contra fidem publicam fecisse iudicatur. in most secret and insuspicious man­ner: if it could not be cleanly so effected, then to dispatch it any wayes; Siue [...]lam, siue palam. no matter howe: Bomilchar swift to shedde blood, obeyeth, and procureth fellowes, Crafts-maisters [Page 36] in such like seruice, to watch, first, his gooing a­broad, and comming home; secondly, the places of his resort, and lastly his times of abode. Vpon the next opor­tunity, he conducteth these his Mercinarie murderers to lie in waight. One of the crew, thus resolued for blood, more rash then Quia non pro­s [...]xerat sibi de fuga. aduised, incountreth Massina, and run­neth him through. The varlet is apprehended, and at the instances of many, but especially of Albinus the Consull, is dealt with to appeach his Abettors.

Vpon confession, it is thought best that Bomilchar bee rather brought to his triall vppon equity, then dismis [...]ed without punishment by the law of Nations,Quia Iugurtha venit Romam fide publica interposu­ta, sic quod iure gentium liceret ei impune cum [...]uit redire. because he a­companied Iugurth to Rome, vnder the protection of the publicke faith. As for Iugurth himselfe (of all men best acquainted with the drift of this murder) he neuer giueth ouer to deny and contest the fact, before he clearely per­ceiued, that enuy ouerswayed grac [...] and Gold.

Whereupon being put to his plunge, although in the former information he had deliuered fifty of his friendes for Vat, dictus est, qui iniudicio sp [...] et pro alio. pledges, yet being more in loue with a kingdome, then carefull for the redemption of his sureties, he con­ueyeth Bomilcar secretly into Numidia, mistrusting that the feare of his appearance should disquiet the residue of his associates, if punishment were executed vppon him. Within a few daies after hee himselfe followed, beeing commanded by the Senate to depart out of Italy. As he went out of Rome, it is reported, that without word spea­king he often looked behinde him: and at last brake out into these speeches, Farewell faire Citty, exposed to sale & suddaine ruine, if thou couldst find an able Chapman.

CHAP. 10.

1. Albinus hasteneth into Affrick. 2. deluded by Iugurth. 3. Aulus is left Lieutenant of the Army. 4. routed by Iugurth.

THe warre is renewed, and Albinus taking order for victuales, wages, and all other ammonitions necessa­ry [Page 37] for all Souldiers, hasteneth their transportation into Affrique. Himselfe followeth with speede, in hope eyther by Armes or composition to finish this Warre, be­fore the time of Elections, which now grew on apace.

2. Iugurth on the contrary, drew all thinges out at length, somtime pretending one excuse of delay, & some­times another. Hee protesteth composition, and againe falleth off, by interlacing of feares and doubtes. Now hee retireth, and presently (not to discourage his fellowes) he maketh a stand, and dareth his enemy: and so sometime by seeming to accept the battell, and sometimes by moti­oning treaties of accord, at all times hee deludeth the ex­pectations of the Consull.

Some were of opinion, that Albinus was no Stranger, to these driftes of Iugurth, for considering his hast, they could not be brought to beleeue, but the Warre was pro­longed more by the default of the Consull, then by the cunning of Iugurth. Well, the season was spent to no purpose, and the day of Elections at hand, Whereupon Albinus retired to Rome, leauing his Brother Aulus Lieu­tenant in his stead. At Rome the Tribunitiall contentions did infinitely disquiet the state of the Common-wealth. P. Lucullus and L. Annius Tribunes of the people, obsti­nately stood against their Collegues, for further continu­ance of their offices. This difference proroged the elections for a whole yeare.

This Iterim set Aulus (who as before wee tolde you, was left Lieutenant in Affrique) on a fire, eyther to finish the Warre, or by the terrour of his Army, to extort some Masses of Money from Iugurth. And therefore in Ianua­ry he bringeth his Souldiers out of their winter Garisons into the field, and by great iournies in euery sharp season, he presenteth his forces before Suthul, the place where Iugurth had bestowed his Treasure. Which, although in regard of the season, & the strong scituation of the place, it should neither bee forced nor beseeged, (for a slimy plaine, now become by the Winter Waters, a meere ma­rish, incirled the Wall built vpon the vtmost clife of a rag­ged Rocke) yet for countenance-sake, eyther to astonish [Page 38] the k. or bewitched with blind hopes of gaining the town, without delay he omitted nothing to further his intenti­on. Iugurth taking hold of the vanity and insufficiency of the man, cunningly to drawe him to further pointes of madnesse, sendeth out certaine Messengers to offer his submission, and withall at the same instant, faining feare and flight, leadeth his Army into woody & vnfrequented places. This offer of a conceited cōposition, so bewitched Aulus, that needes will hee leaue Suthul, and pursue his false-flying enemy into vnknowne Countries: vppon what reason, I cannot coniecture, vnlesse in such a place his ouersights might proue lesse subiect to disclosure.Qula exercitus nesciret quid age­re [...]ur. All the way of his march, Iugurth ceased not day nor night, by certaine crafty espyals to sound the souldiers: and to corrupt the Captaines and Centurions of bands, eyther to reuolt, or in the day of the fight, vpon a signall giuen, to forsake their stations.

4 Which, when hee had brought to passe according to desire, about midnight he incompasseth the campe of Aulus with his troopes of Numidians. Quia nox erat, & siluae vlcinae. The souldiers were amazed at this so inexpected an alarum: some betooke them to their weapons, some to hide their heades: Some incouraged the fearefull, others stood quiuering, as men at their wits ends, for that the enemy pressed hard vppon all places. The sky was ouercast with cloudes and darke­nesse, and the danger alike doubtful: Vtinque pericu­losum erat nescien­t [...]bus regionem. finally, the hardi­est could not resolue, whether the safest course consisted in flight, or fight. Of those which were before corrupted, one Cohort of Ligurians, with two companies of Thraci­ans, and a fewe common souldiers reuolted to the King. In like manner the Centurion primiple of the third Legi­on, qaue entrance to the enemy, by that quarter which was assigned him to defend: vpon that side all the Numi­dians thrust in.Quia interea mul­ti saeluti cōsulucre. The flight on our part was shamefull; some retired to the next hil without any weapons. Night and the rifling of our Tents, gaue vs some aduantage to the preiudice of their victory: but the next day Iugurth calleth vnto Albinus; Although (saith hee) I now beseech thee, distressed by warre and famine, with mine Army, yet being mindfull of humane casualties, I will capitulate with [Page 39] these, that (your liues saued) you shall all passe i. sub bastā trās­uersam inter duas has [...]a [...] erectas, pa­tibulum represen­tans. sub iugum, and within ten daies after, cleerly depart Numidia. These conditions, although they were Quia poena capi­tuli digna, vt ipsis cecidit, quia S [...]mi­tibus sub [...]ugum missi fuere. hard and dishonorable, yet because, deniall was death, the composition was ac­cepted and ratified, according to the Kings pleasure.

CHAP. 11.

1 The Romans re-enforce their Armie. 2. The Tribune preferreth a bill against bribery.

1 ASsoone as the newes arriued at Rome, feare and sadnesse possessed the Citty. Some were pensiue for the honour of the Empire; Others not a­customed to heare of the va­riable euents of warre, mi­strusted no lesse thē the losse of their Quia Adherbal praemonuerat, quod Iugurtha altiùs animum intēderet. liberty. All were offended at Aulus, and specially those, that hadde beene brought vp in seruice, for that he preferred a dishonoura­ble composition, before a valourous aduenture of his life. Which the Consull Albinus well obseruing, and fearing that his brothers misaduenture would proue his disgrace and procure him enuy, propounded the question in Se­nate, concerning the validity of the Treaty; mean while, not foreslowing to leuy new supplies, and to pray in ayd the Italians and their associates. In this they vsed all pos­sible celerity.

The Lords (it was but reason) decreed, that no treaty could be ratified without the approbation of the Senate and the people.

The Consul being forbidden by the Tribunes to trans­port these supplies, within a few daies after ariueth in A­frique. For the relicks of the Army, according to the ar­ticles, being retired out of Numidia, did nowe winter in the Prouince.

Vpon his first arriuall, although his mind were good, both to prosecute Iugurth, as also to redeeme his brothers [Page 40] vpon his first arriual, although his mind were good, both to prosecute Iugurth, as also to redeeme his Brothers dis­grace by reuenge, yet vpon notice that the souldiers, be­sides their reuolt,fratris. Deteriores sumus omnes licentia. were corrupted by loose gouernment, and licenciousnesse, arising from superfluity, he changed his mind, and resolued to do no more for that yeare.

2 Mean time at Rome, C. Manlius Limetanus, Tribune of the people, preferred a bil for inquisition against those, by whose countenance Iugurth presumed to contemne the Decrees of the Senate: who they were that redeliue­red the Elephants and fugitiues: and likewise who they were, that either in their Ambassages, Messages, or Ge­neralships had beene corrupted by bribery: or lastly had without warrant capitulated with the enemy, of peace or warre. To this bill, some for that in their consciences they knew themselues guilty, and others in regarde of the ge­nerall enuy, misdoubting danger, for that with safety they could not make open resistance, made answere, that both this bill, and all others of like nature pleased them. But vn­der hand by their friendes, especially the Latines and the Italians, Quod aut alia ne­gotia interroga­bant: aut ad ple­bem & tribunes plebis instabant, ne in tanta Commosi­ons, talis [...]ogatio promulgaretur. they procured meanes of euasion. But with what obstinacy the Commons perseuered, and in what riotous manner they commanded the Inquisition, more in hate of the Gentry (against whome these malicious seuerities were pretended) then in true zeale to the common cause it is a thing incredible to relate. Such, and so violent was the peruersnesse of both parties. Whereupon euery man being daunted, Marcus Scaurus the fore-recited procura­tor of Bestia, betweene the insultinges of the people, and the frights of the Gentry (the City also quaking for fear) amongst, the three informers, petitioned by the bill of Manlius, procured himselfe to bee the third in Commis­sion.

Howsoeuer, the Inquisition was so bitterly and vio­lently vrged by the clamors & lincentiousnesse of the peo­ple at this assembly, that looke what insolency the Nobi­lity in former times in their potencies, exercised vpon the people; the people at this time were nothing behind in requitall of the like outrage towards the Gentry.

CHAP. 12.

A disgression of the Author vpon the cause of the corruption and declination of the Roman Empire.

THis bandying of parties by the peo­ple, and the partiality of the Gentry, with the accustomary assiduity of corrupt passages, tooke their first o­riginall in Rome not many yeares si­thence, from the disuse of warre, and enioyment of those vanities (wealth and idlenesse) which all mortall men do most seeke after. For before the razing of Carthage, the Senate and Roman people ruled the state with indifferencie, in quiet and mu­tuall modesty:Seruabat cas [...]as humilis fortuna Latinas contentions of Superiority and greatnesse were not heard of amongest fellow-Cittizens: forrayne feares retained the citty within bounds of mediocrity.Quondam, nec vi­tus contingi parua sinebat

As feare vanished, so those vanities (which accompany prosperity) wantonnesse and pride approched:Tec [...] labor, som­nique breues. Insomuch that in aduerse times, the fruition of peace and idlenesse was most bitter and burdensom to them. For the Nobility conuerted the institution of their superiority into arro­gancy, and the Cominalty, their priuiledges into libertie. Each party made shift for themselues, to vsurpe, to rauine, to bandy. There were but two factions; the Common­wealth, which consisted in medio, was wronged on both sides: whereof the Nobility interessed by faction, preuai­led most, the strength of the Commons disiointed & dis­persed in multitudes, could do little.

The people were kept low by pouerty and imploimēts in seruice: The spoiles of warre the Generals shared vnto themselues and their fauourites, whilst in the meane time the parents and infants of the souldiers, were disseized of their inheritances, as they hapned to lie adioyning neere the confines of some great personage. Thus auarice in­corporated with Greatnes, laide claime, & made prize of all things without meane in al places, vntil it ran head­long into desperate ruine. For after, Some of the Nobi­lity [Page 42] were found to affect true glory before vsurped power, the Citty began to be disquieted, and ciuill dissention as dust carried with a whirlewind, inuaded mens sancies. Ti­berius and C. Gracchus (whose Ancestors had done many good seruices to the state, both in the Punique, and other wars) were the first, that endeuoured to restore the people to liberty, & to cal the offences of some few into question. The Nobility being guilty, & therefore fearful, sometimes sound meanes to frustrate the deuises of the Tribunes by their associats, and the Latines, and sometimes by the Ro­man Knightes, whom the hope of equality had exempted frō siding with the vulgar. First they slue Tiberius, & with in few yeares after C. Gracchus, with M. Fuluius Flaccus: the one colourably, for moouing sedition; the other, for producing the Law of sending forth Colonies. To speak vp­rightly, the Gracchi were too too violent in their desires of preuailing: for it is a wiser course, to yeeld in a good cause, rather then to wreck our iniuries in an euill measure. Vp­on this victory, the Nobility according to their pleasures & particulars, either massacred or banished many Quiae ex popula­laribus nullus eis faueret. mor­tall creatures, for future ages procuring vnto themselues, more fear then power. A proiect which hath ruinated ma­ny great cities, wherin the one hath studied by all Per fas et nefas. means to ouer-master the other, and after victory, to proceede with cruelty. Let this suffice for the partialities and state of the Citty, the multiplicity whereof, if I should addresse my selfe in particular to remember, time rather then Co­py would faile my indeuours. Wherefore I will retire my pen to purpose.

CHAP. 13.

1. Metellus is made Lord Generall of the Army in Affrique. 2. He reformeth the Army. The description of a worthy Ge­nerall.

1 AFter the composition of Aulus, and the foule discomfiture of our people, Q. Me­tellus, and M. Sillanus Consuls elect, cast lots for the Prouinces. Numidia fell to Metellus, a man of action; who although he tooke part against the proceedinges of the poeple, yet neyther partie could blemish his honour or good report. [Page 43] At his first entry into Office, he set order in al businesses which concerned his colleague, as well as himselfe, and afterward wholly bent his minde to the disposing of the present warre.

Whereupon growing into despaire of the old Army, he presseth and inrolleth new souldiers, desireth aid on al hands, prepareth armour, weapons, horse, and all other warlike necessaries, with plentifull prouision of victuals and all things else, which he knew would bee otherwise wanting in a variable warre, subiect to the penury of ac­customed supplies. To make vp which his proportions (by the good leaue of the Senate) the associates, the Ita­lians and forraigne kinges, of their owne free wils, adioy­ned their aydes. So did euery Citty, euen to emulation.

So hauing all things in a readinesse, and prepared to his owne content, he departeth towards Numidia, with the generall applause of the Citty, partly mooued there­vnto by hopes of his good carriage and honourable dis­position; partly for his inuincible neglect of extorsiue ri­ches; but most of all, for that, by the Auarice of our for­mer Gouernors, our forces had bin broken and dishart­ned, and the enemies encreased and encouraged in Nu­midia.

At his arriual in Affricke Sp: Albinus the Pronconsull resigneth the Army, but vndisciplind, out of heart, ney­ther endurable of daunger nor labor: braue in tongue, slow in action: Driuing preyes out of their friends coun­tries, it selfe, a prey to the spoiling enemy: vtterly desti­tute of obedience and modest carriage: So farre out of Order, that the new Generall became more pensiue to re­claime them from this inured absurdities, then any way hopefull either to receiue assistaunce or good seruice by their tumultuary multitudes.

Notwithstanding, although the delayes of the Per discensionem inpeditae. Sum­mer Elections had deceiued his intentions, and although he knew that the peoples ears itched with expectation of good newes, yet stood he resolued not to begin the war, before he had trained his souldiers to their ancient disci­pline.

[Page 44]For Albinus beeing terrified at the disasterous ouer­throwe of his Brother and the Army, during so much of the Summer season as hee spent in the Prouince, had set vp his rest, not to dislodge; but billeted his soldiers in (as it were) standing campes without any remooue, vntill stinch, or want of forrage inforced him thereto. And then neither, according vnto military discipline, hee set forth Sentinels, but suffered euery man to forsake his Ensigne at his owne pleasure: Water carriers base groomes were loosely permitted to accompany the horsemen aswel by day as by night without conduct accustomed to for­rage the Countries, to pillage the Villages, to driue Troopes of Prisoners, and heards of Cattle; and then to barter them with Marchants forraine for Wines, & such like trifles.

Lastly, they were not ashamed to sell their publick al­lowance, and yet to buy euery daies bread: whatsoeuer disgraces, the scandals of Sloth and Ryot could either im­pose, or possibly deuise against profession of souldiery, al these, and more were really to bee found in this our Ar­mie.

Admidst all these difficulties, I find Metellus to bee a man no lesse sufficient, then wise and politicke in warlike accidents; iudicially was his desire of reformation mixed with seuerity.

2 By his first proclamation he prohibited all motiues to idlenesse (viz:) That no man in the campe shoulde bring bread to sell, or flesh ready sodden: that no grooms should follow the Army, neither, that the common soul­dier should haue a slaue or a Beast in campe or in march. To what remained, by discretion he limited measure. This done, by interchangeable dislodgings hee made daily re­moues, and intrenched his campe with a Pallisado and a ditch, nethl [...]sse he releeued the watch continually; and himselfe with the Officers would goe the round. In his marches he would sometimes shew himselfe in the heade of his battallions, sometime in the Arereward, but oftner in the midst.

He would suffer no man to straggle out of order. The [Page 45] Ensignes, he would be sure, should be strongly accompa­nied. The souldier must carry both his Armes and pro­uant. Thus rather by prohibiting & forwarning of Of­fences, then by exemplary punishment, in short time he brought his Souldiers to perfect discipline.

CHAP. 14.

Metellus reiecteth the messengers of Iugurth. 2. The stra­tagems of a slie Enemie Metellus taxeth in Vacca.

1. IVgurth by his espyals com­ming to notice of Metellus his courses, as also vnderstan­ding what was the repute of his integrity at Rome; began to take his owne weakenesse into distrust, & in truth now labored a finall composition: Which to mediate, hee sent certaine Messengers vnto the Consul with these Ouer­tures; That hee would simply yeelde, with reseruation of his owne and his Childrens liues: what euer he held deere in the world besides, he would frankely referre it to the good plea­sures of the Roman people.

But experienee had taught the Roman General, that the Numidians were a perfidious Nation, of a variable disposition, and euermore enclined to Nouelty. And therefore he sounde [...]h euery one of the Messengers apart, and vppon good coniectures, finding naught but plaine dealing; he maketh thē great promises to betray Iugurth aliue or dead, but especially aliue (if possibly they could) into his hands: with the remainder of his determinati­ons, concerning the Kings message, he aquainteth them in open audience.

Vpon these tearmes he beginneth his first march into the enemies Countrey with his army aswel prepared to charge as to receiue the chargi [...]g enemy.

2 Heere, contrary to the face of warre, the cottages [Page 46] were replenished with people, the fieldes with Cattle & husbandmen: The Kings officers of the Townes and vil­lages, in honourable semblance welcommed the Consull, offered to giue him corne, and to furnish him with carri­ages: yea, and with good will to accomplish whatsoeuer was giuen them in command. For al these faire shewes, Metellus was nothing the more carelesse; hee marched in such order, as if the enemy had beene at hand; he sent out his vaunt-currers on euery side, far & wide, all the messa­ges of surrendry he tooke for mockage, and vsed them but as stratagems of pollicy to the plotting of mischiefe.

And therfore he himselfe marched in the voward with the readiest Cohort, accompanied with a choice band of Slinges and Archers: C. Marius his Lieutenant ledde the Rereward with the horsmen. Vpon both sides he equally deuided the Auxiliary horse, vnder the conduct of the Tribunes of the Legions, and the captains of the Cohorts; that beeing intermingled with the light harnessed foote­men, they might be ready at all assaies to repulse the ene­mies Chiualry. For Iugurth was so subtle, and so wel ac­quainted with the Scituation of places, and the Art of sol­diery, that it was hard to resolue, whether he were more to be doubted absent or present, intreating of peace, or me­nacing of warre.

3 Not farre out of the way by which Metellus shoulde march, lay Vacca, the principal and best frequented Mart-towne of the Numidian kingdome, and the staple of the Italian Nation. Here into the Consull made proofe either to put a garison, or vppon denial to force the place, if op­portunity seemed to aduise him thereto. And therefore he commanded the inhabitants to prouide him corne, and other such necessaries, which the wantes of war required: supposing (as experience made proofe) that the credite of the Marchants, and the place fit for the stowage of his pro­uision, woulde become very aduantagious to his future preparations. Amidst these deuises, Iugurth by submis­siue messengers, and with far more earnestnesse then be­fore, beseecheth peace, offring vnto Metellus an absolute surrendry of al, except his owne life, and his childrens.

[Page 47] These as the former, the Consull motiueth, & dismis­seth to betray their master, and neither granteth, nor de­nieth the petitioned Articles: holding the King in sus­spence by delayes, in expectation of they yssue of the Mes­sengers promises.

Iugurth comparing the deeds of Metellus with the re­ports of his Messengers, found himselfe now ouerreached in his owne deuises; that peace in words were pretended, but in effect the Warre was most rigorously prosecuted: A good Towne was alienated; the Country discouered: and the good wils of the people anticipated. Vppon the necessitous considerations whereof hee was constrained to betake himselfe to the resolue of Warre.

CHAP. 15.

Iugurth resolueth for warre: The description of an excellent fought battell.

THen by espyals discouering what waies his enemies tooke, of all sorts of people he leuyeth as great forces, as possibly hee could, in good hope to do good by the oportunity of thes. Aptus insidiis. place: and so by wayes and vnknowne passages hee ouertaketh the Ar­my of Metellus. In that part of Numidia, which vppon the diuision fell vnto the share of Adherbal, sourthwarde riseth the Riuer Muthul. From thence, a famous Mountaine almost one thousand and twenty paces distant of equall extension shewed it selfe. It was by Nature barren, vnmanned, and dispeopled: but from the middest arose an exceeding high Hillocke, beset with Oliues, Mirtils, and such like diuersity of such trees, as are accustomed to grow in drie and sandy Countries. The middest of the adioyning plaine for want of water lay desert: the remnant, as much as lay neere the Riuer, beset with bushes and shrubs, was frequented by men & Cattle: vpon this hill, thus diuersly scituated in the midst [Page 48] thereof Iugurth sheweth his Army thinly marshalled, and maketh Bomilchar Gouernour ouer this remainder of his foo [...]men and the Elephants: and so leaueth him with in­structions how to dispose of his people.

Himselfe with the whole body of his Chiualry and his choisest footmen approacheth neare vnto the mountain. And then turning to his people, he goeth from one com­pany to another, Seuerally admonishing & intreating them to beare in memory their ancient prowesse, and by being vic­tors free their kingdome from the Auarice of the Romaines. Then he put them in mind, how they were but to deal with those fellowes, whom heeretofore they had routed, and infor­ced to passe sub iugum.Sub s [...]r cam ab hactis, ad summā ignominiam, vt ante. That they had but onely made change of their Captaine, not of their Cowardice: That, as their Ge­eneral, he had had an eye and care vpon al accidents, as became him; That he had taken the aduantage of the higher ground. That he had intermingled the trained men with raw nouices so that they neede not to be affraide, that few should bee ouer­matched with many, neither that vndisciplined Souldiers should cope with their betters, and therefore they should stand resolute and intentiue to charge their enemies, assoone as the signal were sounded. This day (quoth he) you shal either put end to your trauailes by victory, or for euer heereafter begin the Tragedy of your miseries.

Lastly, he adresseth his speech to those, whom either he had aduanced by reward or Office vnto military honours, and praieth them, man by man to bee mindful of his fauours, and they to say the like vnto their followers. From words he ap­plyeth to diuersity of humors: some hee promiseth, some he threatneth, others hee emboldneth, and generally en­courageth all sorts by one meanes or other.

All this while Metellus marching downe the hill, and ignorant of this the enemies approach, was with his ar­my fully discouered to Iugurth. At first the vnvsuall appa­rition begat doubt, what the matter should signifie: for the Numidians and the horse were couched amongest the bushes, yet not fully hidde by the lownesse of the bowes. Notwithstanding the truce continued a while vncertain, both by the Nature of the place, and the enemies cun­ning, [Page 49] for they hadde obscured all their military ensignes: But at length vpon further discouery, the Ambush was dis­cerned, and the battaile ordered.

The Battallion which by his first direction marched in­tire vpon the right hand, being now neerest aduanced to­wards the enemy, he changeth, and diuideth it into three partes, in reliefe each of other. Betweene euery band hee placeth his Archers and Slings, and rangeth his Caualrie vpon the head of the battaile. Then for shortnes of time, not permitted to vse many wordes of incouragement, he bringeth his Army into the plaine without alteration of order, saue that in the first ranks the souldiers turned their faces.Nam à latere erant à dex [...]ra. At his approch, when he perceiueth that the Numi­dians lay quiet and stirred not from the hill, he dispatched Colonell Rutilius with the readiest Footemen, and some horse towards the Riuer, to preuent the enemies commo­dious encamping; vpon coniecture, that by light skirmi­shes and often alarms, Iugurth would do his worst to stay their dislodge; but if he found no profe by force, then he would try to weary the souldier by heare and thirst. After Rutilius followed the Generall, slowly descending the hill, as the nature of the place would giue leaue. Marius guided the rereward, himselfe marched with the horsmen of the left wing;Eò quod à dextro latere erant hostes those in the battaile made the vant-guard.

Iugurth obseruing that the tayle of the enemies Army had passed his formost ranks, maketh hast to take that part of the hill from whence Metellus had descended, with a troope of some two thousand footemen, fearing least the departed enemy would thither returne againe for refuge, and fortifie. This done, he suddenly giueth the signall to charge. Some of the Numidians beginne with the hinder­most, and cut them in peeces, whilest others of their com­panions charge in in flanck, somtime vpon the left side, & sometime vppon the right. They shew themselues euery where with their menacing weapons: They presse hard in, and in all places make triall to disorder the Roman ranks.

Those of best courage, who not able to indure these Bra­nadoes, offered to answer the insulting Numidian, were de­luded by the vncertaine fight of the enemy. For they were [Page 50] wounded a farre off, and found no meanes of reuenge by striking or aduancing to ioyne. For the horsmen were in­structed before by Iugurth, that when any troopes of Ro­mans pursued them in flight, they shold not retire in thick cōpanies, or in one intire body, but that one troop should fly this way, another that, & far assunder: that so finding themselues superiour in number, they might attach either vpon their sides, or at their backes, some seperated or dis­mounted companions, in case they were not able to make their party good with the whole troop. But if they found that the h [...] was more aduantagious for their retraite then the plaines, to those places the Numidian horses were also accustomed, to make quicke way through the bushes. But these thickits and rough passages prohibited the pursute of the Romans.

The whole businesse seemed long doubtfull, variable, bloudy, and lamentable: some fled, others pursued, ney­ther the Ensignes were followed, nor order kept: euery man, as daunger attached him, there receiued the charge and made his best resistance. Corslets, Weapons, Horses, Men, Friends and Enemies lay intermingled in one ano­ther gore: in the medly, counsell and command were of no vse: fortune gouerned all.

By this time a great part of the day was spent, and yet the victory vncertaine: All sortes languished with labour and heat. But Metellus perceiuing that the Numidians be­gan somewhat to faint, by some and some he gathered his scattered Troopes into one Battallion: hee relyeth the rankes, and faceth the aduerse footmen with foure Legi­onary cohorts. These, Metellus finding after their toyle­some labour breathing themselues in the higher grounds, Generally beseecheth and intreateth not to forsake their fel­low Souldiers, neyther to suffer their enimies, already as good as defeated, to wrest the victory out of their possessions: hee telleth them, that they haue neither Campe nor fortified place to retire vnto. The safety of their liues consisted onely in their Swords.

Neither all this while was Iugurth ydle: he visited eue­ry place, he entreated, he re-enforced: yea, euen himselfe [Page 51] with certaine choise companions prooued an onset vpon euery quarter. He releeued the wearied, h [...]e charged the wauering, & fighting a far off, in proper person he repul­sed the bands which fought most couragious. Thus these two excellent Generals behaued themselues: in sufficien­cies equal, in forces vnequal. In souldiery Metellus had the aduantage,s. vbi pugnatū est. the place was discōmodious [...] except in good­nesse of souldiery, Iugurth had the better in all points. But the Romans vnderstanding that they had neither place of refuge, neither that the enemy would bee brought at any hand to fight in grosse, for that it now grew late, acording to the generals, behest seized vpō the hil where the enimy fought. The Numidians hauing lost their footing, dis­banded, & fled, few perished: a swift paire of heels, & a coun­try vnknowne to the Romans, saued many mans carkasse. During the time of this medly, Bomilchar who as we told you before, was by Iugurth made Gouernour of the Ele­phants & certain foot companies, assoone as he perceiued that Rutilius was past him, by little & little aduanceth his souldiers into the plain. And as the Colonell without noise (as was requisit) hastneth toward the riuer, whereunto by command he was formerly dispatched, Bomilcar ordereth his bat [...]el, without sending forth of any espials to discouer how the enemy proceeded in either of both places. But assoone as he had intelligence, that Rutilius was arriued, & without feare incamped, as also he heard the reports of the cries from the campe of Iugurth (as a signal that the battell was begun, vpon mistrust left the Colonell, being likewise aduertised of the cause, & manner) should arise, and so succour his distressed companions; the battallion (which vpon distrust of their valor, he had first closd, ran­ged by Art, he now extendeth in breadth, the readier to giue stoppage to the enemies iourny. Thus marcheth Bo [...]milchar towards the camp of Rutilius. Vpon a sodaine the Romans perceiue a huge rising of dust: the Country thick of bushes, hindered their perfect discouery. At first, they supposed it to be the sand raised by winde, but after they saw continuance, and that as the army came forward, the nearer the smoke approched, vpon true knowledge of the [Page 52] cause, they betake them to their weapons, and according to commandement, they stand armed before the gates of their campe. By this time they attached one another, and both parties eagerly ioyne with vsuall clamours. The Nu­midians stood fast as long as they sawe hope in their Ele­phants, but assoone as they perceiued, that they could not performe their Offices, for the thicknesse of the branches of Trees, but were ouerthrowne and incompassed, they betooke them to flight, and casting away the [...]r Armes, what by the nearenesse of the hill, and what by the darke­nesse of the night (now at hand) many escaped in safety: Foure Elephants were taken, the residue in number forty were all slaine.

This businesse thus dispatched, the Souldiers though weary and faint with their iourney, with inclosing of the Campe, and the late fight, yet, for that Metellus delayed his comming beyond opinion, in the same order & equi­page, wh [...]rewith they lately fought, they march out to meet him. For the subtile aproch of the Numidians would neither suffer remisnesse, nor giue leisure to trifle.

At their first approach about midnight, by the noyse which they made, being taken for enemies, some began to feare, others to cry to Armes: and surely a great mis­chance had happened by improuidence, if the horsemen, sent out on both sides, had not discouered the error. Now in stead of feare, the ioy is generall. The souldiers merrily call one to another, they tell and are told of their aduen­tures: each party praiseth his own valour to the heauens. So, so stand mortall affaires: In prosperity the coward sha­reth of glory: in aduersity the best onely vndergoe the scan­dall.

Metellus stayeth foure dayes in this place to cure the wounded. According to warlike discipline he rewarded those that had well deserued in the battaile. In an Orati­on hee praiseth euery mans action, and giueth thankes: He exhorteth them to retaine the like courage against fu­ture brunts, which will proue more easie. For by this vic­tory hazard is ended; the remainder is but matter of prey. Then he dispatcheth fugitiues and fit spies into the ene­mies [Page 53] Countrey, to learne what course Iugurth tooke: whether he conuersed with a few, or retained the face of an Army, and howe hee carried himselfe now after the losse of this victory.

But Iugurth had retired himselfe into Wooddy and strong scituated places: and there had leuied an Army, in number farre exceeding the first, but base and cowardly, fitter for the plough then the field.

This so fell out vpon occasion, that no man of the Nu­midian Nation followed the King in his flight, saue onely his owne Horse-men. In such cases euery one retir [...]th, whither himselfe pleaseth. Neyther is it accounted any Souldierlike disgarce, for that it is and hath beene the cu­stome of the Countrey.

Vpon which aduertisements Metellus perceiuing that the Kings courage nothing relented, and that if the warre were renued, it stood in Iugurths pleasure, how it should be managed.

Moreouer, that hee was to fight against an vnequall e­nemy, to whom it was lesse losse to be ouerthrowne, then to Conquer: determined to make no more experimentes by fights and raunged battailions, but to carry the War in another fashion:

Accordingly, he marcheth vnto the wealthyest places of Numidia, he wasteth the Country, and forceth and fie­reth many Castles and Townes, some without Garrison, some stuffed with Souldiers pressed hand ouer-head: Hee sleyeth the youth, and giueth all in prey to the Souldiers mercy. The people being terrified with these extreamities yeelded, gaue pledges, and in plentifull manner supplyed Corne, & all oth [...]r necessaries. Wheresoeuer a Garrison was thought needfull, there one was thrust in.

These passages danted the King more then an infortu­nate battell. For, whereas before, flight was his safety, now was he constrayned to follow. And hee that of late could not make good the place for fight of his owne chu­sing,Inimicum deua­si antem. is now compelled to defend himselfe at perill in an­other mans Countrey.

Notwithstanding, hee taketh counsell from Necessity [Page 54] his best Counsellour: he commaundeth his people to stay his returne in the foresaide places: himselfe vndiscerned with some chosen Horsmen, by bywaie and nightly iour­nies followeth Metellus; at a sudden he assaulteth the Ro­man forragers: slayeth some vnarmed: taketh many pri­soners, and not one returneth vnwounded. This doone, before reliefe could be ministred, as they had in cōmand, they retired into the fastnesse of the adioyning Moun­taines.

CHAP. 14.

1. The ioy of the Cittie for the good newes of Affrique. 2. The vnquiet spirit of Iugurth.

GReat was the ioy in Rome, first for the good fortune of Metellus: se­condly, for that hee had reduced the army to its ancient discipline. That notwithstanding the disad­uantage of place, he had nethlesse ouerthrowne the enemy by pure valour: that he kept the field, and lastly, that Iugurth late grown in­solent by the Cowardice of Aulus, was now constrained to protect his life by flight, and in deserts.

Heereupon the Senate decreeth an humble thanksgi­giuing to the immortall Gods for these prosperous suc­cesses. The Citty which before stood quaking & pensiue in euent of the warre, now maketh festiual, and extolleth Metellus to the ski [...]s.

Metellus againe with greater intension laboureth an ab­solute victory: he maketh hast on al hands, & taketh care not to be taken tardy in any place. He caleth to mind that Eunie is the companion of Glorie: & therfore by how much the more his reputation was augmented, by so much the more were his cares encreased: the reason, wherefore af­ter the ambushes of Iug [...]rth, he would not suffer the Ar­my to forrage at Liberty. When the Cohorts wanted [Page 55] Corne or stouer, he stood Sentinell with all the Horsse: Himselfe ledde the Army, Marius the residue. The coun­trey now suffered more wast by fire, then by d [...]iuing of preyes. They pitched their campe in two places, not farre assunder: if assistance were needfull, all were readie; but when they meant to spread the terror of their Armes, by procuring of flight or feare, they made their remoues of greater distance.

All this while, Iugurth followeth by the Mountaines: watcheth for times and places of aduantage, and where vpon likelyhood he thinketh that the enemy will resort, he destroyeth the [...]o [...]rage, and impoysoneth those fewe waters, which nature had bestowed vppon those sandy places. Somet [...]me he sheweth himselfe to Metellus, some­time to Marius, sometime he maketh a Brauado to charge in troope, and for [...]hwith retireth againe into the Moun­taine. He commeth out againe, and now threatne [...]h one, then another: he neither extendeth battel, nor can away with rest, his onely proiect was to hinder his enemies des [...]eignes.

CHAP. 17.

1. Metellus besiegeth Zama. 2. Iugurth almost recouered Sicca. 3. Repulsed by Marius. 4. Distresseth the Roman campe. 5 Relieued by Marius.

THe Romaine Generall perceiuing that neither by policy hee coulde weary his enemy, neither by in­iuries prouoke him to fight; vn­dertaketh to besiege a great City, beeing the chiefe fortresse of de­fence in that part of the kingdom called Zama: supposing (for [...]he weight of the businesse) that Iugurth would not forslow to releeue his distressed Subiects: and there he meant to fight with him.

But Iugurth by certaine fugitiues hauing learned the intent of the Consull, by great iournie, preuenteth him: [Page 56] He encourageth the inhabitants to defend their walles va­liantly, and giueth them these fugitiues in assistance. Of his whole army he accounted these the strongest party, for that he was sure they could not deceiue him. Moreouer [...] he promiseth to relieue them in person in conueniēt time. And so hauing composed the businesse he came for, he re­tireth againe vnto his desart abode: where hee had made no long tariance, but he getteth vnderstanding, that Ma­rius was vpon his iourney, commanded Sicca to prouide wh [...]at with a few Cohorts. This Citty was the first that forsooke the king after his ouerthrow.

2 Hether he commeth by night with his choice hors­men: he chargeth the Romans in their very entring out of the gates; and at the same instant, incourageth the Siccē ­ses to assault the cohorts on their backs. Hee c [...]yeth out, that now fortune hath offered them a notable occasion by some famous deede to blot out their former defection, which if they would performe, that he should bee able to spend the remainder of his life in the kingdome, and they in liberty, without feare and danger. 3 Surely, if Marius had not brought on the ensignes, and made way through the midst of his enemies, without doubt all, or the grea­test part of the Siccenses, had changed their allegiance: so mutable is the faith of a Numidian.

The Iugurthines being a while sustained by the King, when they saw, that neuertheles their enimies with more eager courage pressed vpon them, with the losse of some few, prouide for flight. Marius commeth safe to Zama.

The Towne was scituated in a plaine, stronger fortified by mans industry then Art, in want of no necessary pro­uision, but ful stored both with men and armour. Accor­ding to time and place Metellus hauing all things in readi­nesse, e [...]uironeth the walles with his Army: he comman­deth the Colonels euery man to take care of his charge, and vpon a signe giuen, a great and generall clamour is raised. This nothing terrifieth the Numidians, they stand fast and prepared without tumult. The assault is begun: The Romans do the vtmost of their endeuors: Some a far off fight with stones and missile engines, some inuade and [Page 57] sap the wall. Some set vp scaling Ladders, and desire to bring the fight to handy-strokes.

On the contrary the Townsmen tumble down Massy stones, sharp piles and long darts, with flaming firebrands besmeared with pitch and sulphure vpon those that stand nearest: such was their violence, that those which stoode farthest off had not the best courages; for these dartes dis­charged from Engines, or shot from hand, had wounded many. The valiant and cowardes were in like danger, but not in like repute. 4. The game going thus at Zama, be­hold on a sodaine Iugurth assaulteth the Roman campe with a strong company. They that had the custody there­of lay carelesse, expecting nothing lesse then battell. Iu­gurth entreth: and our people standing amased at the so­dennesse of the euent, for fashion sake, aske counsel one of another what is to be done. Some fly, some betake them to armes, the greatest part are either slaine or wounded: of the whole rable not aboue forty being mindfull of the Roman name, casting themselues in a ring, recouered a place somewhat higher then their enemies, and could not by much ado he driuen to forsake their standing. Th [...] shot that was sent them, they resent againe: being but few, the seldomer their weapons fell frustrate amongst many.

If the Numidians drew nigh, then they made proofes of their valour, by slaughter, ouerthrowes and repulses.

Metellus in the hottest of his businesse, heareth a cla­mour at his backe: whereuppon turning his horse, hee perceiued that the flight maketh towardes him: a token, that they were of his friends. In all hast he commaundeth the horse to make towards the campe, and forthwith dis­patcheth C. Marius with the cohorts of the associates, be­seeching him with teares in his eyes, that hee would not suffer any disgrace now to attaint the victorious Armie, neither that he would suffer the enemy to escape without reuenge. Marius executeth his generals commaund with speed. Iugurth being somewhat hindered by the fortifica­tion of the camp, with the losse of many of his followers, escaped into his solitary strong places. Some of his people leaped headlong ouer the trenches; others in streit places [Page 58] making more hast, then good speed, were actors of their owne ruines.

Metellus leaning the Towne vntaken, assoon as night approached, returned with the Army into the camp. The next day before his going to the siege, he commaundeth the whole Caualry to watch and ward before the gates of the Camp vpon that side, whereon the enemies approch was feared. The gates, and adioyning Bulwarks he quar­tered to the Tribunes; and then comming before the Towne, as the day before, he attempteth the wall.

Iugurth againe vndiscouered, and on the soddaine in­vadeth our people: they that stood nearest were somwhat daunted, the residue came quickly in to succors. Neither could the Numidians haue long held out, but that by the mixture of their footmen with their horse, they had giuen a great checke to the Romans at the first on set. By whose assistance; they vsed not now (as in accustomed fight of horse) first to charge, and then to retire, but in ful cariere to affront any that came, so to intangle and disorder the Army. Thus with these ready and trained footmen, they had almost routed their enemies.

This very instant Zama, was strongly pressed [...] the Co­lonels and Tribunes discharged their duties most valiantly: other hopes they expected none, but such as their own prowesse could affoord each other.

In like manner the Townesmen resisted as valiantly: they fought stoutly, and prepared for all euents.

One party was more violent to wound another, then carefull to defend their owne bodies. The cry was mixt with contrary encouragements, with contrary, ioyes and contrary sorrowes. The noise of Weapons ascended the Aire, and no spare of shot was made on either side. Those vpon the wals, assoon as the heat of the fight a litle slaked took leisure to behold the horse fight of Iugurth: As the Iugurthines either prospered or had the worse, so might a man perceiue in their faces, courage or feares: and as they could either be seen or heard by their fellowes, some they taught, some they incouraged, made signes with their hands, and like moueable gestures with their bodies [Page 59] as men are constrained to doe in auoiding, or weilding their missile weapons.

Which being made knowne to Marius, (for vpon that quarter lay his charge) he began of purpose to slaken the assault, and to dissemble a distrust of preuailing, permit­ting the Numidians at pleasure to behold the Kinges en­counter.

Whilst the Zamenses stood thus earnestly gazing vp­on their fellowes, vppon the sodaine Marius attempteth the wall with great violence: the souldiers by Scalado had almost gained the curtaine. The Townesmen run to de­fence: stones, fireworkes, and shot, fly thicke and three­fold. The Romans at first receiued them valiantly, but af­ter that one or two ladders were broken & ouerthrown, those that stood vpon them were pittifully brused. The re­sidue as well as they could retired, some sound, the grea­ter part wounded. And thus night parted the fray.

CHAP. 18.

1 Metellus riseth from Zama. 2 Wintereth his army. 3 tur­neth force into pollicy. 4 Iugurth yeeldeth, flyeth off a­gaine.

MEtellus perceiued that hee spent time and men to no purpose, that the Town was impregnable, that Iugurth could not bee forced to fight but by ambushes, & in pla­ces of his owne choise, and lastly, that Summer was spent, he arose from Zama, and into those towns which had reuolted from Iugurth (being by nature or art any way fortified) he thrust in suf­ficient garrisons.

2 The residue of his Troops he led into the prouince, there to spend the Winter in garrison. Being there, as o­thers had done, he suffered them not to spend their times in sloth and lazinesse: but sithence he could not preuaile by force, he worketh the Kings frends by policy, and pre­pareth [Page 60] to make vse of theyr trayterous mindes in stead of fight.

3 Acquaintance is the Anuile, on which this proiect must be hammered Bomilchar the man. This was he, that had accompanyed Iugurth to Rome, and after giuing in of sureties, had notwithstanding secretly made an escape in feare of processe, for the death of Massiua. Him hee mea­neth to make proofe of by faire words and golden promi­ses.

First he soundeth, and secretly eff [...]cteth a priuate con­ference, and then vpon oth, hee auoweth to procure him pardon, and performance of all other promises from the Lords of the Senat, if he would vndertake to deliuer him Iugurth aliue, or dead.

The Numidian, being partly of a perfidious dispositi­on, and partly misdoubting, that if the Romans and his Lord Iugurth fell into tearmes of peace, himselfe by the Articles of agreement, might happen to bee demaunded, and deliuered to punishment, was quickly perswaded.

Vpon the first occasion, Bomilchar finding Iugurth trou­bled and perplexed for his euill fortune, commeth vnto him, and with teares in his eyes, mouth and beseecheth him, that he would now at length looke vppon the com­passiona [...]e estate of himselfe, his Children, and the whole Kingdome of Numidia, which had so well deserued at his hands. He fayleth not to put him in mind, that in al fights they had carryed away the worst, that the Countrey lay wasted, that much people were either slaine, or carryed away Prisoners: that the wealth of the Kingdome was exhausted. By this time (sayth hee) you haue made tryall inough what your Souldiers can doe, what your fortunes can promise: I could wish you to aduise, lest your hopes vppon ae­layes fayle you not, the Numidians take some course to pro­uide for themselues.

By these and like reasons, he insinuateth with the kings humours, to fa [...]l to composition. Messengers are sent to shewe the Generall, that Iugurth is ready to performe whatsoeuer is commaunded [...] that without capitulation he will simply yeeld himselfe and his kingdome to his dis­cretion.

[Page 61]4 The Generall speedily causeth all the Gentlemen of Senators ranke to bee sent for out of their wintering pla­ces, with them others whom he thinketh meet, he goeth to counsell: according to ancient custome by an order set downe by the Counsell, Iugurth is commanded by Mes­sengets, to bring in two hundred thousand waight of sil­uer, all his Elephants, and a proportion of horse and mu­nition. Which beeing perfomed with expedition, the Consull likewise commandeth the fugitiues to be brought bound before him. According to commaund the greater part are so presented: vpon the first motion of the com­position; some few departed into Mauritania toward king Bocchus.

5 Thus Iugurth, being bereaued of his Armes, men and mony, is summoned to Tisidium to performe the Ar­ticles; when againe he beganne to repent him of his bar­gaine and by the sting of his owne conscience to growe suspitious of deserued punishment.

His doubts wore out many daies, somtime he recoun­ted, that in the irkesomnesse of aduerse fortune, all mise­ries were lighter then the pressures of warre, at another time, his mind was perplexed to thinke vpon the hard e­state of those, who from a kingdome, were deiected to seruitude. At last, being not yet furnished with many and great meanes of assistants vncashiered, he beginneth the warre afresh.

At Rome the Lordes going to Counsell, concerning the prouinces, Numidia is againe decreed to Metellus.

CHAP. 17.

Marius affecteth the Consulship: his politicke proceeding.

IN these times, by chance C: Ma­rius offered Sacrifice to the gods at Vtica. The Auruspex declared that the signes portended great and wonderful euents. These the fauours of the Gods he laid vp in his minde, and other times ma­king like triall of his fortunes, he [Page 62] alwaies found the tokens answerable.

An immeasurable desire of attaining the Consulship, had long ago possessed the man: to the atchiuing where­of, besides the discent of his house, he had good giftes at will: Industrious, honest, a great souldier, high minded, Parsimonious in priuate, a contemner of wealth & plea­sure in publicke; onely greedy of glory.

Notwithstanding his birth, and his bringing vp at Ar­pinas in his Childhood (where he first learnt to vndergoe the labour of war) he spent his youth in seruice for wages, & not in learning the Greek toong, or City-complements. And thus by being conuersant among virtuous exercises, his experience in short time grew vp to be absolute.

At his first standing for a amilitary Tribuneship before the people, (when many knowing him not by face, at length knew his name) he easily caried it with the general suffrage of all the Tribes. By this step he ascended from one to an­other, so sufficiently managing his carriage in office, that he was by all men censured woorthy of a better, then the present he inioyed: yet durst not so woorthy a personage make sute for the Consulship before his time.Qu [...], ab aruspice ad altiora petonda animad verteretur Afterwarde his ambition was bounded by no limit.

Euen in these times the Nobility, conferred the Con­sulship either by partiality or succession: the Comminal­ty, all other inferior offices. No new man, how sufficient soeuer,Quia non ex pa­tribus ortus. nor any growne honorable by desert, were thoght worthy of that honourable calling; yea the place was cen­sured to be discredited, if any such person attained it. But after Marius grew confident, that the southsaiers prophe­sies concurred with the imagination of his thoghts, he de­sireth dismission of Metellus, s. Metellus. with intentiō to go for Rome there to make suite for the Consular dignity. The man al­thogh he were virtuous, honorable, & indowed with ma­ny excellent qualities yet were they accompanied with disdaine and pride. Influences generall to all Nobility: who at first beeing mooued at the nouelty,Quia nouus homo, & municipalis. tooke occa­sion to wonder at the enterprise, & by way of friendship to disswade him not to begin so vnlawfull a suite, neither to rack his thoghts aboue his fortunes. Al things wer not to be desired of [Page 63] all men: and your place (quoth he) is a sufficient recom­pence for your deserts. Lastly, he wished him to bee well aduised, before he motioned a request of so high a nature before the Roman people, from whom by Law, nothing but a iust repulse was to be expected.

When these, nor many like speeches, could direct the mind of Marius, Metellus answered: that as soone as the common cause would admit permission, he would yeilde to his request.

Againe, being at sundry times after importunate to be gone, it is reported, that, he wished him not to make ouer much hast. For (quoth he) there is no time past for you nor my Sonne to stand for the Consulship. The Gentleman ser­ued at the same time in his fathers Pauilion, beeing about twenty yeares old.

This quip, partly in regard of the place affected, and partly for the deniall of departure, extreamly exasperated the minde of Marius against his General. Ambition and wrath (two the worst Counsellors) wholy possessed him, all his deeds and words now tended to popularity. The souldiers vnder his Regiment liued more loosely then ac­customed: to the Marchantes of Vtica he would some­times scandall the warre, and sometime bost of himselfe; That, if he were Gouernour but of halfe such an Army, with­in few daies he would present Iugurth in chaines: That, the Generall prolonged the Warre of purpose: That the man was of no worth, but onely desirous too too long to retain the com­mand of proud soueraignty. All which imputations seemed to them the more credible, for that by the continuance of warre their traffique was hindered. For to a mind set vp­on couetousnesse nothing seemeth to be performed with sufficient dispatch.

Moreouer in our Army conuersed one Gauda a Numi­dian, the sonne of Manastabel, and Nephew of Massinissa, a sickly man, and thereby somewhat crasie of mind, whom Micipsa had declared second heire of the kingdome. This man had requested of Metellus, first that he woulde giue him leaue according to the custome of Kinges, to set his chaire next to the Generals seat; secondly, that hee would [Page 64] appoint him a troope of Roman horsemen to guard his bo­dy. Metellus denied both: the Honor, for that it repre­sented that maiestie, which the Romans termed, and hated, Kingly: and the Guard, for that it was disgracefull, to de­liuer a band of Roman horse for the safegard of a Numi­dian.

To this Numidian perplexed in mind, Marius addres­seth his speech; and aduiseth him to bee reuenged on the Consul, according to his instructions. He incourageth the man (weake God wot by sicknesse,) with pleasing court­shippe; calleth him King, Honorable, and the Nephew of Masinissa; and that shortly he should be inuested in the kingdome of Numidia, if Iugurth were once slaine or taken. Which should the sooner come to passe, if for­tune so fauoured him, that he his friend, might once bee sent as Consull to manage the warre. By this Stratagem he worketh Gauda, the Roman horsemen, the soldiers, the marchants, and diuerse others gulled with shad­dowes of peace; to write their scandalous letters to their friends at Rome, against Metellus: ma [...]y, with this conclu­sion, That they should require Marius for General. Thus was the Consulshippe labored in his behalfe, by the suffrage of many an honest and vpright man, yea (& as lucke ser­ued that very season) the nobility being curbed by the law Manlia, Ad magistratū re malè g [...]st [...] a nobi­libus. new men were nominated by the Pleibeians. And so all things fell out happily for Marius.

CHAP. 20.

Iugurth falleth to his old prastises, and recouereth Vacca, to the great confusion and disgrace of the Romans.

AFter Iugurth had falsified his promise of personall submission, he openeth the war, he prepareth all necessaries with admira­ble diligence, he slaketh no time, he trai­neth his soldiers, & soundeth the reuolted cities by bribes & menacies. Those which yet remained at his deuotion, he fortifieth, and renueth or buyeth armours, weapons, and the like ammonitions, [Page 65] as by the former treaty of peace he had diminished.

Hee allureth the Romaine slaues, and tempteth the Garrisons with ready money: Finally, hee leauieth no course vnthought on, nor vnproued. Nowe the Vaccen­ses (into whose citty Metellus vpon the first motion of the treaty, had thrust in a garison) being ouercom by the kings faire intreaties, and to speake truth, the better sort in mind neuer estranged from his seruice, began a conspiracie. As for the vulgar (a frequent accident, especially among the Numidians) being by nature of a variable disposition, sedi­tious, quarrelsome, desirous of nouelties, and contemners of peace and ciuility, they were soone drawne in for com­pany. The match is made, & the third day following pro­claimed the feastiuall throughout all Affricke. Vppon the day they present sports and daunces, without any appea­rance or imagination of feare, but watching their best op­portunities, they inuite the Centurions, the Tribunes, and the Gouernor of the Towne T. Turpilius Sillanus, some to one house, some to another. In the midst of their metri­ment they murder them all, except Turpilius: this done, in a trice they set vpon the disarmed & stragling soldiers, obseruing then no military discipline because of the day. The common people, whereof some were made before hand by the Nobility, other some vpon a naturall inclina­tion to inconstancies, seconded their leaders. To those that knew nothing of the plot and combination, noueltie and the tumult a foot gaue matter of consent & good liking. The Romans stood amazd at the sodennes of the vprore, & not knowing what course of safety to take, were in an extreame extasie. To fly vnto the town castle, where their colours & shields were remaining, was to run vpon their deaths, a garison of enemies already in possessiō, had shut the gates, & denied retrait. Boyes and women cast stones, & such like stuffe vpon their heads in abundance from the toppes of houses. No man could preuent these vncertaine blowes, no nor the valiantest soldier come to be reuenged on this weake and cowardly rable: so that good and euill, cowards & valiant souldiers in this medly died like deaths in great numbers. Of al the Italians, Turpilius the Gouer­nour escaped alone vntouched through all the barbo­rous Numidians and their closed gates.

[Page 66]Whether it so happened by the fauour of his hoast, by ransome, or by chance, wee neuer could discouer: onely thus much, a man may say; that Turpilius shewed him­selfe a base and inconstant fellow, in preferring at such a pinch disgracefull life before a bed of fame.

CHAP. 21.

1. Vacca recouered. 2. Turpilius beheadded.

MEtellus beeing giuen to vnderstand of the regaining of Vacca, was som­what mooued at the accident,Ne signum virili animo indignum ostenderet. and retired out of sight. But vppon the digestion of wrath and griefe, at last he hasteneth with extraordina­ry diligence to take reuenge vppon so disloyall a treason. By Sunne-set he taketh the fielde with the Legion, with which he win­tered, and as many light Horse-men Numidians, as he pos­sibly could rayse.

The next day, about the third howre, hee arriued in a cortaine plaine, incircled about with indifferent heigh Banks. Here, to his Souldiers growne weary by their long march, and refusing to passe further, hee discouereth his intention: That Vacca was not aboue a mile distant; That they were obliged in duety to vndergoe the remainder of the iourney with patience, if it were but to inflict deserued pun­nishment vpon Traytors, for the miserable death of such their loyall and valiant fellow-Cittizens.

So by these speeches, as also by permission of prey, ha­uing regained their courages, in the fore-front he plac [...]th his Horsemen, and commandeth his Foot-men to march close, without discouering their ensignes.

The people of Vacca obserued, that the company approached theyr Towne; at first (as indeede it was) sus­pected Metellus, and shut their Gates: But afterwards, for that they neither wasted; and those that came first to view were their Countrey-men, the Numidians, changing opi­nion, [Page 67] they supposed it to bee Iugurth, and needs would is­sue to congratulate their friends and fellowes.

Vpon signal giuen, the horse-men and foot beate back the vulgar people towards the Citie: some sieze vpon the gates, and some vpon the bulwarkes. Thus wrath & hope of spoile can make wearied bodies forget lazines.

The Vaccenses had only two dayes to reioyce for their Treason: The Citie being greate and rich, was sacked, and punished. Turpilius the gouernor, the sole man (as we told you) that escaped,Non ex vrbe qua­ [...]m lex Port [...]a v­ [...]bat ad suppli­cium posci. vt an­te Caesar. was called before the Generall to answer the reuolt:Praefectū decet per vigilem esse, nemi­ni credere sed arcē semper tenere. He made some excuses, but was condemned to be whipped with rods, and then to be beheaded. For hee was a Citizen of Italie.

CHAP. 22.

The treason of Bomilchar discouered, and the party executed.

ABout this time Bomilchar, by whose sollicita­tion Iugurth had condiscēded vnto the com­position, nowe disauowed for pretexts of feare, began to grow ielous of the King, and the King of him. Bomilchar deuiseth newe occasions: practiseth to put his intended promise to Me­tellus in execution night and day, wearieth his mind vp­on the proiect: and at last vpon mature deliberation, asso­ciateth one Nabdalsa a welthy Gentleman, and one wel­beloued of his conntreymen, into the conspiracy. His place was commonly to march somwhat disioyned from the Kings troopes, and to execute those directions which Iugurth, either for wearines, or vpon imploiment of other weighty affaires, could not himselfe attend. By these im­ploiments the man attained to wealth and reputation.

They both by ioint consent agree vpon the day: the execution they referre to time and opportunity. Nabdalsa retireth to his charge by commaundement appointed to affront the winter garrisons of the Romans, so to awe them from wasting the adioyning territory without impedi­ment.

At leisure, the gentlemen by reuoluing the foulnesse [Page 68] of the fact, kept not time: To speake truth, feare disswa­ded performance. Bomilchar in like manner beeing desi­rous of dispatch, and perplexed at the irresolution of his associate,Consilium de iudi­cio faciendo. least peraduenture by reuealing the olde Trea­son, he might affect newe pardon, by trusty Messengers conueyeth Letters vnto him; wherein hee taxeth him of base feare and carelesnesse: that he should remember his oath to the Gods by whom he had sworne; and lastly, to bee very circumspect least the rewardes of Metellus by his default turned not to their destruction. He failed not in a manner to prophesie, that the destruction of Iugurth was at hand, the question onely rested in this, whe­ther it should be finished by their Vertue, or the Generals good fortune, and therefore he wished him to take coun­sell with his pillow, whether hee had rather receiue a re­ward, or vndergo a shamefull death.

Vpon the arriuall of these Letters, by great aduenture Nabdalsa being wearied with trauell and exercise, was cast vpon his bed: where after he had wel weighed the words of Bomilchar, first care, and then sleepe (the oppressors of perplexed consciences) attached his sences. His Secretary (a Numidian,) trusty and gracious vnto his master, and partaker of all his counsels (excepting this last) hearing of the deliuery of certaine Letters, as at [...]ormer times, supposing that his seruice was expected, entered the tent: where finding his Lord sleeping and the letter care­lesly laid vpon his pillow, he took and read it. He posteth to the King.

Nabdalsa awaking, missing the Letter, and by swifte messengers vnderstanding from point to point how mat­ters were carried, first commaundeth to pursue his Secre­tary, but in vaine. Whereupon he himselfe in person go­eth vnto Iugurth, craueth pardon, and protesteth that what he had prepared and resolued to disclose, his seruant had preuented. With teares hee craueth reconcilement, and in recompence of his former seruice, hee beseecheth him not to bury the suspition of so foule a treason in fur­ther remembrance.

The king contrary to his acustomed humor, beningly [Page 69] answereth; that Bomilchar and many other [...] (whome hee knew were guilty of the conspiracy) had suffered death: and that not to exasperate any further dislike vppon this occasion,Animus Tiranni nunquam quietus he had taken truce with his indignation.

After this disaster, no day, no night could affoord Iu­gurth any rest: place, men, and time, were suspitious vn­to him. He feared his subiects and enemies alike. He loo­ked strangely vppon all men,Omnes timet [...] et ti­metur ab omnibus and started at euery noise, contrary to the honour of a King: By night hee tooke vp his lodging, sometime in one place, somtime in another. And sometime being disquieted in his sleepe, hee would rise, lay hold on his sword, and disquiet all others. This feare resembled frenzy.

CHAP. 23.

Marius in despight of the Nobility, is elected Consull by the people.

MEtelus being giuen to vnderstand by certaine fugiti [...]es of the death of Bomilchar, and the discouery of the complot, prepareth & haste­neth all warlike prouisions, with as speedy diligence, as hee did in the beginning at his first setting forth.

Hee likewise dismisseth Marius, whom for his vntoward and crosse behauiour he now en­uied, supposing his seruice would smally sted him.

The common people at Rome, De Mario, quod accuss [...]s [...]e Metel­lum, de Metello, quòd in crimen [...]itacetur. by the aforesaide Let­ters vnderstanding what fame gaue out, concerning the Generall and Marius, where glad to heare the reports of either.

Nobility, which but lately aduāced the credit of Metellus, now procured him enuy: a vulgar discent, to Marius gai­ned infinite fauor: yet this by the way [...] partialities towards both counterpoised the ballance; Vertues or vices were neuer questioned. Seditious Magistrats put fewell to the [Page 70] popular fire. In all their orations they brand Metellus with desert of death: Marius they extoll as fast aboue desert.

Of the vulgar, being thus generally incensed, the Me­chaniques and husband-men (whose wealth and credit consisted in their manuel labours) forsake their trades to countenance Marius, preferring his welfare before their thrift: whereat the gentry stood so amased, that after ma­ny a bitter controuersie, they were glad to conferre the consular dignity vpon this new man Marius. Quia maiores nū ­quam obtinuerant.

Then arose L. Manlius Mancinus, and petitioned the people whom they did please to make choise off, for Ge­nerall in the warre against Iugurth: with one voice they answered, Marius; although the Senat but a while before had appointed Numidia for Metellus his prouince: But the faction was too weake, it preuailed nothing.

CHAP. 24.

1. Iugurth after his discomfiture, wholly relieth vpon the fast­nes of the desarts. 2. Flyeth to Thala. 3. Metellus foloweth, and forceth Thala. 4. The resolute Tragedy of the Fugitiues.

BY this time Iugurth hauing lost the hearts of his friends (some of whom he had slaine, & some for feare were fled to the Romans, & others to King Bocchus) began to be extremely disquieted with doubts and ielousies. Warre he could make none without suffi­cient commanders: and to make triall of new, sithence the old proue so perfidious, was a choice ful of danger. Neither the plot, the Counsel, nor the presence of any man could please him. His iornies and re­moues he chāged euery day, somtimes towards the enimie somtime towards the desarts: to day he was of opinion, that flight was his safest refuge: tomorrow, armes. The like ielouzie he fostered of the sufficiency, and loyalty of his people. Thus [...] vpon what side soeuer hee resolued, all [Page 71] things fell out preposterous.

Admidst these contrarieties of his perplexed consci­ence, the enemies Army sheweth it selfe on a suddaine. The Numidians, according as the shortnesse of the time permitted, and Iugurth instructed, stand ready to receiue the charge. The battaile is begun, and well maintained in that part where Iugurth commanded: As for the residue of his followers, at their first approach they tooke theyr heeles, and fled. Of Ensignes, weapons, and Prisoners, the Romans took few: for commonly in al fights, the Nu­midians repose greater confidence in their feete, then ho­nour in their Armes.

2 After the rout,Romani, qui eum derilinquere non audebant. the first stage that Iugurth (now more then at any time before, mistrusting the successe of the ac­tion) breathed at, with the fugitiues & part of the horse­men, were the Deserts; the second, Thala; a great and wealthy Borrough, the chamber of his Treasure, and the wardrobe of his childrens furniture.

Whereof when Metellus was aduertised, although he knewe that the nearest riuer was fifty miles distant from the Towne, and the territory adiacent was waterlesse and barren, and dispeopled: yet such were his hopes to finish the warre, if hee might become Lorde of the place, that without further temporizing, he resolueth to ouercome all difficulties: yea rather then to desist; to wrastle his vt­most against Nature.

3 In dispatch whereof, he commandeth all his beasts of carriage to be laden with baggage, saue ten daies suste­nance for horse and man. He maketh the greatest proui­sion he can for bottles and caske: Doth as much for tame Cattle throughout the Villages, and vppon their backes' layeth Vessailes of all contents: most of them were made of wood, taken out of the Numidian cottages. To the borderers, after the flight, he inioyneth subiection, and to furnish him with water from the nearest riuers. The Ran­deuow of deliuery he proscribeth: and burdeneth not his owne Cattle, vntil he came to the Riuer nearest the town, whereof we spake but now.

Now is Metellus vpon his march towards Thala, when [Page 72] arriuing at the place, where he had commanded the Nu­midians to attend him with water; by that time hee had pitched and fortified his campe, so violent a storme of raine is reported to haue fallen from the heauens, that it yeelded water enough, and to spare, for him and his peo­ple. Victuals were as plentifull aboue expectation, for that (as it commonly falleth out) in alterations of State,Principium feruet medium caelet, & tepet imum. euery man proueth extraordinary officious.

The souldiers reputed of the chance, as of a diuine O­men: and vpon confidence that the Gods were carefull of their fortunes, they doubled their courages.

The next day (contrary to all imagination of Iugurth) they arriue at Thala: the Townesmen, who till nowe be­leeued that they had bin out of gunshot by their inacces­sible scituation, stood astonished of so vnlookt for an ac­cident, but with all, make neuer the lesse preparation to maintaine warre; the Romans do the like.

But the King verily beleeuing, that nothing was im­possible to Metellus, as the onely man, who by industrie had ouercome Armes, Engines, time, places, & Nature her selfe, the Conquerors of all other creatures; with his children and an infinite masse of money flyeth out of the Town by night. Afterward staying in no one place aboue a day and a night, vpon cunning hee gaue out that his af­faires vrged for expedition, but truth was, that he hoped by continuall and speedy chaunge of abode, to preuent Treason, which he feared extreamely: for who knoweth not that negligence inciteth ill counsel to make vse of op­portunity.

Metellus perceiuing in what sort the Townesmen pre­pared for his welcome; and that the Town likewise was fortified by Art and Nature, incircleth the walles with a ditch and a rampart. Then commandeth he his souldiers, as the soile would giue them leaue, to raise their Vines a­gainst the fittest places, and vpon them a mount, and vp­on the mount, Towers: and quartereth out the works to the defence of his Pioners.

4 The Townesmen labour as fast to frustrate these deuises: on either side nothing could be better performed [Page 73] to conquer, to defend. The Romans almost out of heart by infinite labour, and daily conflicts, the fortieth day af­ter their first ariuall, gained only the towne, the Fugitiues consumed the treasure. For after they perceiued, that the Ram played vppon the wall, and that with them there was no way but one, gold, siluer, and what euer mortall people account precious, they stowed in the kings pallace: and then loading their sences with wine and good cheere, they fiered it, themselues, and the Pallace.

Thus, the punishment which the conquered expected at their enemies hand, they wreaked voluntarily vppon their owne carcases.

CHAP. 25.

1 Metellus succoureth Leptis. 2 A digression vpon occasion of the strange death of two Carthaginean brethren.

1 AS Thala was in saccage, certain Ambassadors from Leptis arri­ued before Metellus, intreating him to send a President with som cōpanies into their town, for that one Amilchar, a Noble man of the Cit [...]y, went about to alienat the allegiances of the inhabitantes from the Romans. From this his insolencie, neither the authority of the Magistrate, nor the terrour of the laws, could deterre him: vnlesse they made hast, the safety of the Towne with the loyalty of the Roman associ­ates, was greatly to be doubted of.

From the beginning of the Iugurthian warre, the peo­ple of Leptis entred a league of confederacy with the Con­sull Bestia; and after him, they sent to Rome to perfect the Articles. After the confirmation whereof, they alwaies remained loyall confederats to the Roman people, yea and performed their vtmost seruices to Bestia, Albinus and Metellus.

In regard whereof, at the first motion, they obtained their request of Metellus, who presently dispatched away [Page 74] foure Ligurian cohorts with C. Annius their Captaine.

The towne was first built by the Sidonians, whoe (as re­port goeth) arriued there by shippinge, being bannished their countrey for their ciuill dissentions.

It is scituated betweene two sandes, and seemeth to deriue its name from the place. For vppon the vtmost bounds of Affrica two baies extend themselues, in huge­nes vnequall, in condition equall; sometime as the winde standeth, Nauigable, at an other time dry and passable. For as the Sea prooueth high and tempestuous, so doe the waues driue the sands, the people & the rockie stones. Thus the vse of the place dependeth vpon the casualites of the stormes.

The language of the people is changed by the proxi­mitie of the Numidians, but their lawes and religion re­maine meerely Sidonian, which they haue retained the better vncorrupted, for that they liued farre remote from the Court; many vaste & desart countries lying between them and the inhabited partes of Numidia.

2. And now sithence the affaires of the Leptitans hath drawen my pen into these Regions, I thinke the worthy and memorable exploit of two Carthaginians there hap­pening worth relation. The very place enforceth me to write of the accident.

At what time, the Carthaginians were Lords ouer the greater part of Affrique, the Cyrenians were also a state rich and powerfull. The vacable Countrey betweene them was sandye, by colour or nature nothing discernable; no riuer, no mountaine distinguished their borders. This in­differencie was cause of long wars to both parties, where­in after they had wasted their Legions, sunk & torne their nauies, and almost ruinated both their estates, fearing least a third party taking the aduantage, should prey aswell vp­on the conqueror as the conquered, by a mutuall truce they fel to agrement, each party to send their ambassadors from home vpon a day prefixed: looke where both chan­ced to meete, there should bee the bondes of each others territory.

Two brethren named Phileni were sent from Carthage: [Page 75] The Carthaginians made all possible hast; the Lirenians iornied slowly: whether to attribute the cause to negli­genc [...], or chance, I cannot resolue. For in these deserts the eies and faces of trauellers are no lesse molested with tem­pests of lands, raised by the windes vpon these leuell, bar­rain, & vast plaines, then are the Marriners without com­passe in outragious gustes at Sea. These for want of true kenning might bee impediments to their speed.

Which when the Cirenians perceiued, and for their negligence feared vpon their returne to be punished, they cauilled at the Carthaginians, charging thē, that they had departed from home, before the time appointed. The matter became litigious: The Cirenians, were content to accept of any condition, rather then to returne with im­putation of priuate disgrace. The Carthaginians aduow to refuse no condition, so it were iust and reasonable. The Cirenians make this ouerture: That eyther the Carthagini­ans should suffer themselues to be buried aliue in the place, which they desired to make the limit of their State: or else to suffer them (the Cirenians) vpon like tea [...]mes, to passe further on to the end of their intended voyage. The Phi­leni accepted the match, & sacrificed their liues to the ho­nor of their Country, and there made choice to be buried. To these Brethren, the Carthaginians in that very place erected two alters: at home they recorded their memories with other ceremonies. Now returne I to my matter.

CHAP. 26.

Iugurth flyeth to King Bocchus, and procureth him to make Warre against the Romans.

AFter the losse of Thala, Iugurth supposing that no place could affoord him sufficient security, a­gainst the good conduct of Me­tellus; with small attendance, he resolueth to passe ouer the vast deserts, to the Getuli; a people rude and barbarous; who before that time, had neuer heard of the [Page 76] Roman name. Of these, he allureth a tumultuary multi­tude; by little and little invreth them to discipline; to fol­low their Ensignes, to hearken to their commanders, and finally to obserue all other points of souldiery.

Secondly, by present entertainment, and farre greater promises, he procureth the fauourites of King Bocchus, to bee a meanes to his Maiesty in fauour of so distressed a neighbour, to begin the warre against the Romans.

His sure was the sooner and easier harkened vnto, vpon occasion, that in the beginning of this Warre, the King had sent his Ambassadors to Rome, to desire their loue & friendship.

Which Ouerture most aduantagious for the time, some few men blinde, through Auarice; and accustomed to make all suites saleable, in the beginning frustrated.

Honesta, et inho­nesta.Moreouer, Iugurth had married the daughter of Boc­chus: but that bonde is little accounted of amongest the Moores and Numidians; for that euery man, according to his ability, may haue as many wiues as him list: some ten, some more; Kinges most of all: who hauing theyr minds thus distracted by variety, reckon no one for their lawfull spouse, but account all alike, vile and contemp­tible.

Both kings, both Armies, make their enterview in an ap­pointed place with equal goodliking: There they plight reciprocall oaths, and Iugurth the more to exasperate the mind of Bocchus by his Oration, Tearmeth the Romaines to be an iniust people, of insatiable Auarice, a common enemy to al men: That, the same reasons vpon which they grounded the pretence of warre against Iugurth, and many other Nati­ons, the same they would inforce for good, against Bocchus, (viz:) their Ambition of Soueraignty. Quam calida vti­tur inductione a [...]ibus temporibus: [...] praeterito, per Carthaginenses. a praesenti per se, a [...]utur [...], per Bocchū nisi prospexerit. In which their imperi­ous humors, they account all kings their enemies, at this in­stant, Himselfe; a litle before, the Carthaginians, and king Perses, yea, and heereafter euery one as hee groweth by wealth or greatnesse to be a mote in their eyes.

After these speeches, they take their iourney towardes Cirtha, for that Quintus Metellus had made that City the seat of the Warre, and therein had bestowed his spoiles, [Page 77] his Prisoners, and the baggage of the Army. His reasons were, first, that if he forced the place, the spoile would proue exceeding profitable; secondly, if Metellus should offer to succour the besieged, then was he sure, both Ar­mies should not part without blowes. For his pollicies did onely aime by celerity to ingage Bocchus, least by de­lay (the King not yet vtterly despairing of peace) might change his minde, and accept of any conditions, rather then of warre.

The Generall vnderstanding of these Combinations, accepteth not rashly of euery proffer of fight & place,ad placitum hostis as oftentimes he had accustomed to do after hee had once ouerthrowne Iugurth, but fortifying his campe not farre from Cirtha, maketh prooffe of the enemies courage, ac­counting it more safe (seeing hee had to doe with a new­come Nation) after some triall of the Moorish valour, to fight at pleasure to his best aduantage.

By this time he receiueth aduertisement, that at Rome Numidia is fallen by lot to Marius, that hee had attained the Consulship, he had learned long before. The newes whereof so moued him beyond all meane and measure, that he could not forbeare teares, neither (being so wor­thy a personage, adorned with all other vertues) mode­rat his tongue, or beare this crosse with manlike behaui­our: for which, some scandalized him with pride: others excused him, with replie, that his generous Nature was onely agreeued at the disgrace; for that the victory now already as good as gained, [...]. Authori. was iniuriously wrested out of his hands. To vs, it is sufficiently knowne, that the ho­nour of Marius, more then any conceit of disgrace, dis­quieted his mind: for if the prouince had befallen to any man besides, he could haue brooked it with requisite pa­tience.

But howeuer, Metellus stomacking his successor, and acounting it a fond part by indangering himselfe to plea­sure another, sendeth Ambassadors to intreat Bocchus, that without cause hee would not shew himselfe an enemie to the Roman people: that at this present he had faire opportunity to renue his suite of alliance, and friendshippe, which at any [Page 78] hand were to be preferred before war. Yea although his abi­lities might in a manner promise assurance, yet were it not wisdom, to hazard certainties for incertainiies. The beginning of all wars were plausible, but their ends distastfull. They are in no one mans power to begin and end, at pleasure. Euen Co­wards may take Armes when they please; lay them down, they cannot, but by sufferance of the victor. And therefore he ad­uised him, to bethinke himselfe of his owne, & his kingdoms, safety, rather then to intangle his flourishing and prosperous estate with the desperate courses of Iugurth.

Heereunto the King gaue a very curteous reply; That his desire was onely peace: but withall took compassion on the hard estate of Iugurth. If like Ouerture might bee offered him, without doubt, they should soone compound all controuer­sies. The Generall returneth this aunswere to Bocchus; That something he allowed, something he refused. So, in this ma­ner by sending and resending of Messages, time wasted, & by the cautellous conniuency of Metellus the Warre was protracted, and nothing set forward.

CHAP. 27.

Marius by the meere fauour of the people is declared Consull against the minds of the Nobility. And sent into Affrique. His demeanour in the seruice.

MArius (as we told you before) by the tumultuous and most affectionate assistance of the people, be­ing created Consull, and Numidia also alotted him for his prouince. If before hee were seuere against the Nobility, now was hee much more fierce and incompatible: somtimes wronging them in particular, sometimes in ge­nerall. He would often boast, that he carried the Consulship as a spotle from his conquered enemies; many times brea­thing out high words concerning his owne worth, and to their disgrace. Well, his first cares he turneth to prepara­tions for warre; he requireth new supplies for the Legions; & calleth vnto the populer estates, vnto kings, & alies, fo [...]aids. [Page 79] In Italy, hee sendeth for euery valiant gentleman, most, before knowne vnto him for their sufficiency, few by re­port; and amongst them, by [...]rece, non im­p [...]io. faire words and promises he constraineth the Cum ob senium essent requie & [...] donati. cashiered seruitors to goe along like­wise: Neither durst the Senate, although they misliked the president, withstand him in any thinge. But with right good will they decreed him supplies, in hope that by for­cing the vulgar to seruice,Quando legio [...]es explebantur, supplementum dicitur he should either be deceiued in their vse, or wholy lose their affections: but the winding vp of all fell out far otherwise; so ardent a desire had pos­sessed most men, to accompany Marius, with hopes that they should returne victors, loden with rich spoyles, and military honors.

To these suppositions, the Oration of Marius had added no smal incouragement: for after that all allowances were decreed him, which he could or would demand, he inrol­led his souldiors; and aswell to insinuate with the vulgar, as to nettle the Nobility (his accustomed humour) he cal­leth an assembly of the people: Before whom he reasoned to this, or like purpose.

Marius Oration.

I Know worthy Romans, that the behauiours of most men far differ in the request and execution of honourable offi­ces. They pretend at first an exterior habite of industry, temperance and humility: But confirmed in authority, passe their time in pride, arrogance and idlenesse. For my part I am of a contrary opinion: for by how much the vniuersall body of this Common wealth is of greater consequence, then either a Consulship, or the dignity of a Praetor: by so much the more ought that to be respectiuely gouerned, then this so ear­nestly desired. Nor am I ignorant, how burdensome a charge I haue with your exceeding fauour vndertaken: as namely, to wage warre, and that, without exhausting your Treasury. To compell euen those to beare Armes, vnto whom you would by no meanes be offensiue: and in a word, to manage the whole affaires of your estate, as well domesticall as forren: The per­formance whereof, resting amongst so many turbulent, enui­ous [Page 80] and thwarting spirites, Deare Cittizens is a burthen be­yond imagination, greeuous.

Moreouer, whereas the abuses of other magistrats, are per­chance countenāced with their titles of Ancient Nobility, the prowesse of their Auncestors, power of their allies, or multi­tude of their retinue: my hope and assurance resteth on my self alone; which I must necessarily maintaine by Vertue and Inno­cency. For other means are vnprofitable. Againe, I know wel, that the eyes of all men are fixed vpon me; that good and iust men loue me, as one whose deeds haue tended to the aduance­ment of this Common-wealth; but the Greatest watch oppor­tunity to disgrace me; My vttermost endeuors are therefore now to be imployed, that both your expectation may bee satis­fied, and they frustrated. I haue hetherto from mine infancie voluntarily accustomed my selfe to labour, and exposed my youth to perill: Wherefore being now honoured with so large a recompence, I am not determined to forgo those courses, which before I vndertooke vnrewarded. Temperance and Authority seldome concurre in those, whom Ambition onely furnisheth with apparances and shadowes of honesty; but in me that haue alwaies beene conuersant in the best actions, a familiar custom of doing well is become naturall.

By your Commission I am to war with Iugurth: The No­bilitie heereat repine: be therefore well aduised, whether it be meet to alter your determination, or not: and from out this confused heape of Gentry, to commit the direction of these & such like businesses, to some one or other of auncient race, and many glorious discents, but no experience [...] to the end, that tho­rough ignorance and weaknesse hee may tremble vnder the waight of so great a charge; and be enforced to entertain any meane fellowe to instruct him in his Office. By which it often falleth out, that he whom you haue made a Commander, shall himselfe be subiect to the command of another.

I know there are many that euen after they are made Con­suls, begin first to peruse the monuments of their predecessors, and to read the military preceptes of the Graecian discipline. But these preposterously peruert all order; since the knowledge how to gouerne ought to precede the practise of gouernment: Now therefore (worthy Romaines) compare me, scarse yet a [Page 81] Gentleman with their presumptuous and proud arrogancie: what they haue either heard or read, I haue partly seene, partly put in execution, and what they from written volumes haue gathered, I haue abroad in warfare purchased by experience. Bee you then Iudges, whether is of greater valew: deedes or wordes? The obscurity of my birth is to them contemptible: to me, their Cowardice: they vpbraid me, with fortune, I them, with dishonesty. It is true, we are all sprung from one and the same Vniuersall Nature, yet the most valiant ought to be re­puted the most generous and Noble. If the Fathers of Albi­nus or Calphurnius Bestia, were now to be demanded, whe­ther they had rather haue had children like me, or those. What should we conceit, would haue bin their answere? doubtles to haue had the woorthiest. So that by Embas [...]ng mee, they likewise traduce the worth of their own Ancestors, whose first Nobility like mine was Originally deriued from their owne vertues. They enuy my promotion, let them likewise enuy my labours, mine innocency and my daungers, for by these was I first raised. But men transported with Pride and selfe-conceite so liue, as if they disdained your dignities, and yet so desire thē, as if they were men of a most sincere & vncorrupted integri­ty. But their hopes beguil them, & vainly they expect the frui­tion of a most manifest Contrariety, the pleasure of sloth, and the meed of Vertue. Moreouer, in publick assemblies, either be­fore you or the Senate, their Orations are for the most part ful fraught with the glorie of their forefathers, imagining that something may be added to their owne worths by the Narra­tion of their exploites; when contrarily, by howe much the more their Vertues surmounted others, by so much the more base are these their degenerate and sluggish off-spring. For no­ble Ancestry is as a light shining on posteritie, which exposeth all their actions, whether good or bad to the interpretation & suruey of the worlde. In these matters albeit I am needy, yet, which is far more rich & honorable, I may iustly boast of mine ovvne deeds. But behold their partialitie; they allovv me not that respect for mine ovvne vertues, which themselues (vn­iust vsurpers) arrogate for other mens And vvhy' My Galle­ries are not beset with statues, my Gentilitie is yet but sprou­ting, which truly in me is more worthy to haue begun, then in [Page 82] them to haue defaced what was hereditary.

I doubt not but if they were to answer me, you should finde them abounding with adornate elegancy of speeche, and well composed Orations: yet since they neuer cease, to vomit the poison of their toongs, both against you (worthy Romans) & my selfe, for these dignities bestowed vpon me, I list no lōger to refraine, least modesty and silence argue a guilty consciēce: For mine owne part, their slaunders hurt me not, since neces­sity shall compell them to speak the truth, when as the vprightnesse of my life and conuersation shall confute their false­hoodes.

But, insomuch as they haue taxed your Counsels and De­crees, in authorizing me, for the dispatch of so great a busi­nesse, be ye therefore thorowly aduised, whether ye shall euer haue cause to repent your selues of this appointment. I con­fesse, I am not able to alleadge (as witnesses of my desert) ey­ther a long drawne pedigree, tryumphall Chariots, or the Consulships of my progenitors; But if need were, of Speares, Ensignes, Barbes for Horses, and other such like rewardes & ornaments of Chiualry: to which, if ye also adde, a body man­gled with scarres and woundes, I could produce aboundance. These are my Atchieuments; This my Nobility, not lineallie descending by course of inheritance, but with industry, sweat, and the expence of much bloud, atchiued.

My speeches are not well featured, I want Eloquence, but I reguard it not: my vertue is sufficient to shew it selfe: onely there shamefull actions require the couerture of glosing phra­ses. I vnderstand not the Grecians, nor am I able to spel their characters! In truth I desire it not: sithence the knowledge thereof hath towards the purchase of vertue, so little auailed her professors. But in that which more aduantageth our estate; To assaile the Enemy, to chase their Garrisons, to bee affrigh­ted onely with infamy, to lie hard, and finally with equall pa­tience to endure Heate, Colde, Hunger, thirst and trauayle; herein I am expert: with these rudiments will I instruct my souldiors, without eyther austere vsage towardes them, or daintinesse in my selfe, nor by their labours ayming onely at the aduauncement of mine owne peculiar credite or reputa­tion.

[Page 83]These rules are profitable, & establish a right ciuill gouern­ment; but whereas effeminate men, are themselues couched and nuzled in soft delicacie, yet rigorously intreat their soul­diers, they are rather maisters than Captaines. Their worthie Auncestors of famous memory, haue onely by those meanes be­fore recited; enobled both themselues and their Countries, whom whilst we endeuour to trace in those steppes of honour, these their succeeding issues, vnlike in conditions, onely confi­dent in the merits of their ancestors, contemn our proceedings, as reputing all Offices of command due onely to their birthes, nothing to deserts. But (proud men) they are farre deceiued: for albeit their fathers gaue them wealth, left them Crestes, & their vndying memories, yet vertue, which may neither be giuen or taken, they were vnable to bequeath vnto them. A­mongst these men I am esteemed barbarous and vnciuill, be­cause I affect not their neat fashion of banquetting, maintaine not a stage player, or some ridiculous Zannie; keep not a more exquisite Cooke, and such like: All which I am wel pleased to acknowledge. For I haue oftē heard my father, & other honest men say, that curiosity is meete for a woman, but labour for a man, and that vnto generous and heroycall minds, renowne is more valewable then wealth, and Armes a more beseeming Ornament, then houshold furniture.

But let them proceed: That which pleaseth them, that which they so highly fancy, let them alwaies followe. Let them Lust, Drinke, Feast, and ryot, and hauing thus spent their youth, so likewise let their old age be as dissolute; deuoted to banquets [...] bellycheare, & most beastly sensuality: As for sweat, industry and toile, let them be shared amongst vs, vnto whom th [...]y are farre more delectable, then all their choise varietie of Iun­kets.

But alas it will not be, for these vnwoorthy, and vile peo­ple, thus tainted with villany, thus dishonested with basenes, are yet most forward to assume vnto thēselues those rewards, which are onely proper to the wel-deseruing: such (most vn­iustly) is the propriety of those vices, Sloth and Luxury, that they endamage onely the Commonwealth, not their profes­sors.

So then, hauing as farre forth, as my modestie, though [Page 84] not the heynousnesse of their abuses, might permit me, briefe­ly answered vnto your Nobility, I will now speake a few words touching our present imployment. And first, deare Romans, bee ye all confident in the affaires of Numidia: for yee haue now remoued those Obstacles which before were aduantages vnto Iugurth; Pride, Auarice, and Ignorance, Moreouer ye haue there an Army that know wel the Country: But in truth I esteeme them more valiaunt then fortunate; For the most part of them haue bin cut off by the Auarice and inconsiderate rashnesse of their Commanders. Wherefore all yee, whose able bodies may brooke the warres, nowe enforce your selues with me, that our ioynt endeuours may labour in the defence of our Common-wealth: nor let your conrage droope, either for the miseries of other men, or foolish Pride of their Captaines, my selfe will be your guid, and in all your Marches, and in euerie battell, will be both a Counsellor and a Companion vnto you, my Gouernment equally extending to you as to my selfe, with­out regard of difference: so that heauens assisting our enter­prise, we shall not faile of speedie victorie, faire honour, and wealthy booties. Which albeit they may rest doubtfull and re­mote, yet it becommeth good men, euen in regard of common honestie to assist their Countrie. Sloth neuer purchased im­mortalitie, neither do fathers pray that their children might liue for euer, but liue honestly. More I woulde say, if wordes could encourage Cowards: To the valourous I haue spoken suf­ficient.

Marius hauing finished this Oration and heereby per­ceiuing the minds of the Comminalty erected, forthwith caused ships to be laden, with Victuals, Treasure, muniti­on, and other necessaries. With these hee commaundeth Aulus Manlius his Lieutenant to set forward, mean while himselfe raised men, not according to the ancient custom, nor out of the degrees and rankes of people (as was vsed by his predecessors) but according to euery mans good will and liking; men for the most part (by reason of their pouerty) exempted from contribution to publicke taxati­ons: The which some imputed to the want of other suffi­cient souldiers, others to the ambition of the Consul, who [Page 85] by such kind of people had been most aduāced & magni­fied: For to an aspiring spirit, the most needy persons are the most fit instruments, as beeing such that haue no care of their owne, because they haue nothing, and in that re­gard esteeme all things honest that sauour of profit. Mari­us therefore accompanied with a greater number then was decreed him, went into Affrica, and in few dayes arri­ued at Vtica. Where the Army was deliuered vppe vnto him by P. Rutilius the Lieutenant. For Metellus would by no meanes brooke the presence of Marius, vnwilling to see, what in his heart hee could not endure to heare. But the Consull Marius hauing supplyed his Legions & auxi­liary Cohorts, or bandes of succour, led his army into a fruitfull Country, stored with rich preyes and boo [...]ies, & bestowed the pillage thereof vpon his soldiers. This done, he assaulted such Castles and Townes, as both for theyr scituation and strength of men, were least able to make defence: In other places likewise he had many battailes & light skirmishes: In the meane while his newe souldiers began to grow hardy, and to enter into fight without any feare of perill, as wel perceiuing, that all such as fled, were either slain or taken captiues: that euery mans assurance of safety rested in his strength and sufficience: that vpon Armes and prowesse their welfare depended: That theyr Liberty, their Country, their Kinred, and whatsouer they had, consisted heerein: and finally, that this was the way to acquire glory and riches. By reason whereof, in short space, both new and old alike grew valourous, and their vertues became equall.

But the two Kings aduertised of the approach of Mari­us, deuiding their Army; seuerally departed vnto the most vnaccessable and difficult places, which was done by the aduise of Iugurth, hoping by these meanes that the Roman Army, scattering it selfe and stragling abroade, might the more easily be inuaded, and that they like the most part of men, secure & void of feare, would become the more im­prouident and lesse circumspect.

Metellus in this meane season arriued at Rome: where, contrary to his expectation, he was ioyfully welcommed [Page 86] by the Romans, and after the enuy raised against him, was ouerblowne, was alike held deare vnto the people, & the Senate.

CHAP. 28.

1 Marius in sundry small bikeringes distresseth Iugurth and Bocchus. 2 Altereth the course of the war. 3 And with­out losse taketh and sacketh Capsa. 4 His praises.

BVt Marius like a prudent and industrious Captaine, had an eie both on his owne Army and his enemies: he wel perceiud what most aduantaged or disaduāta­ged th'one or other side: he set spies to obserue what waies the kings tooke, & ouerreached all their counsels & strata­gems: he suffered nothing to bee slacke or vnprouided on his part, or any thing to remaine safe and secure to the o­ther side. By reason whereof, many times on his way hee charged and defeated Iugurth, & the Getulians as he found them forraging and spoiling our confederates, and not far from the Town of Cirtha forced the King himself to leaue his armes behind him.

But at length perceiuing, that these exploits were only glorious, and no way furthered him to force Iugurth to battaile whereby at one blow he might impose an ende vnto these lingering warres, he determined to besiege all such Townes, as either for strength of men or natural de­fence, were of greatest importance and succor to the ene­my, and contrarily most preiudiciall to the Romans: Ima­gining, that Iugurth, if he endured this, should bee debar­red of his strongest forts & places of refuge, or at least, be heerby prouoked to a pitcht battel. For Bocchus by sundry Messengers had before signified vnto Marius, that for his part he was desirous of amitie and friendship with the Ro­mans, and that he should not feare him as an enemy.

But whether he dissembled heerin, to the end, that sur­prising the Romans vnawars, he might giue them the grea­ter blowe, or whether through the inconstancy and insta­bility of his mind, it was vsuall with him to change war for peace, it is vncertaine.

[Page 87]But the Consull proceeding in his former resolution, began to assault townes and fortified castels; some where­of he tooke by force, some through fear, & others by pro­mise of reward & bounty: at first he dealt with the smal­ler sort, supposing that Iugurth would for their defence be drawn to a battaile: but receiuing intelligence, that he was gone far off, and imployed in other affaires, he thought it high time to attempt matters of greater consequence, and more difficulty.

3 There was a Towne large and strong, scituate in the vast and wilde desertes, named Capsa: of which Her­cules Lybius was said to be the first founder. The Inhabi­tants hereof, vnder the gouernment of Iugurth, were gent­ly and peaceably ruled, free from tribute, and in that re­gard remained most firme and true vnto him.

They were furnished against forraine inuasion, not onely with walles, Armes, and Men, but which was much more, by the difficulty of the place and scituation. For ex­cepting those fieldes that lay neere vnto the Towne, all the Region about, was wilde, desert, and vnmannured; wanting Water, and anoyed with Serpentes, who (as all other wilde beastes) become enraged for want of meate. Moreouer, the mischieuous Nature of those Serpents, is by nothing more then by drought prouoked.

Marius was maruailously enflamed with a desire to take this Towne, as well for the seruice of the Warre, as for that it seemed a very hard and difficult enterprise, and partly for that Metellus had formerly with great applause taken the Towne of Thala, not much vnlike this place, ey­ther for scituation or defence: Onely the difference was, that not farre from the VValles of Thala were certaine Springes and Fountaines; whereas the Capsians had but one continuall water-spring, and that within their wals: those without vsing no other then rain-water, which both there, and in all other places of Affrique, remote from the Sea, that are wilde and desert, is the more easily endured, for that the Numidians for the most part feede on Mike, and the flesh of sauage beasts; desiring neyther Salt, nor other Sawce to whet there stomackes, as hauing prouisi­on [Page 88] sufficient to appease hunget and thirst, but not for su­perfluity or daintinesse.

The Consull therefore hauing enquired the truth of these matters; becam confident, I think on the help of the gods. For it was impossible he shuld either in wit or policy haue beene sufficiently prouided to encounter so many difficul­ties, especially hauing there but small store of Corne (for as much as the Numidians imploy their grounds rather in pasture then tillage) & that quantity which they had, was by the Commandement of their king conueied into their strong holds. Their fields were also dry and barren with­out fruit, it being then the latter end of Summer: Howbe­it, Marius made sufficient prouision as his ocasions requi­red. Hee committed to his auxiliary troopes of horse the conuoy of such Cattle, as formerly he had taken from the enemy, and sent his Lieutenant Aulus Manlius with his lightest armed Cohorts to the Towne of Laris, where he had layed in his souldiers pay, and victuals: alledging that hee himselfe would go a forraging, and within fewe daies meet him there.

Thus concealing his purpose, he led his army toward the Riuer Tanais: and made daily in his iournies equall & ratable distribution of his Cattle amongst his Army, as they were deuided by hundreds, and troopes of thirties, or other small companies. taking order that of the hides of those beasts, should bee made vessels for the cariage of Water: And moreouer (no man knowing his pretence) he prouided such store of Corne and other necessaries as shortly should be requisite for his entended enterprize. In a word, on the sixt day arriuing at the riuer, he had a great number of those vessels made of the hides of beasts: There pitching his Tents slightly fortified, he commaunded his souldiers to take their repast, and be ready to depart by the setting of the Sunne; willing them further to leaue all their baggage behinde, and charge their carriages onelie with water.

At length, when he saw his time, he departed from his Tents, and trauelling, all that night, rested on the morning with his Army: The like he did the second night, and the [Page 89] third night, long before day, hee arriued at a place full of Hillocks, not aboue two miles distant from the Town of Capsa; where, as couertly as he could, he ambushed his ar­my. But the day approching, & a great part of the Numi­dians not mistrusting any enemy, being issued out of the Towne, Marius suddenly caused all his Horse, and with those, his lightest foot-men to make hast, and seize vpon the gates of the Citty: Immdiately himselfe follow [...]d, giuing expresse charge to his Souldiers to refraine from pillage. Which when the Towns-men perceiued, there estate standing on such dangerous tearms, extreame fear, a mischiefe so vnlooked for, and moreouer, a great part of their fellow-cittizens surprized, and in the power of their enemies, moued thē to yeeld the town to Marius. Foorth­with the Citty was fired, all of the age of fourteene yeares and vpwardes put to the Sword, the rest sold, & the prey deuided amongest the Souldiers. Which iniurious acte, contrary to the Law of armes, was not committed either for auarice, or barbarous cruelty in the Consull, but be­cause the place was most commodious for Iugurth, & al­most vnaccessable to the Romans: Moreouer, they were a kind of people inconstant & faithlesse, & in former times could not be contained in obedience, neither through fear or fauor. 4. Marius hauing so speedily finished so great an enterprise, without any losse of his own, albeit he was re­nowned before, yet now began to be of greater fame and estimation: now al his designes and proiects, as well such as were put in execution through good aduise, as such al­so, as inconsiderately & by chance were aduentured, were ascribed wholly to his vertue & pollicy: His Souldiers o­uer whom he mildely cōmanded, being likewise inriched by these seruices, extolled his name to the heauens, & the Numidians feared him, as if he had bin more then mortall. Finally, as well his companions as his enemies, were of o­pinion, that hee had either a diuine vnderstanding, or at least, that by the Goddes appointment, the euents of his enterprises were reuealed vnto him.

CHAP. 29.

The fortunate suprising of a strong Castle by a strange aduenture. 2, An honorable testimony of Sillaes worthinesse.

[Page 90]BVt these matters hauing thus fortunately succeeded, the Consull sets forward to other Townes, some few whereof he tooke by force, the Numidians resisting; but the greater number were abandoned and left desolate by reason of the former calamities of the Capsians de­stroyed by fire, euery place was filled with griefe and slaughter. At length, hauing gained many places, and those for the most part, without losse of any Roman bloud, he vndertooke another exploit, not altogither so toilsome as was that of the Capsians, yet no lesse difficult. Not farre from the Riuer of Mulucha, that deuides the kingdome of Iugurth and Bocchus, there is a rocke or stony mountayne in the midst of a plaine, whereon was scituated a rude ca­stle, large enough, but of an incredible heigth, hauing one only narrow entrance into it: The discent of this rocke was naturally so steepe, as if purposely it had been so built by the hands of workmen; Marius with all his endeuours intended to force this Castle, for that the Kinges treasure lay there, which he effected, (but rather by chaunce than cunning) for in the Castle was sufficient prouision, both of men, munition and corne, as also a spring of water.

Moreouer, the scituation thereof was such, as by no meanes was assaultable, eyther by Mounts, Towers, Tur­rets, or other warlike Engines, the entry thereinto being very narrow, trauersed and cut on both sides: Our appro­ches also were made to no purpose, and with great perril, for as they came neere the wall, they were beaten downe and destroyed with fire and stones; So as the Souldiers could neither performe their workes for the steepnesse of the place, nor serue without perill in their approches: The valiantest were either slaine or wounded, and feare aug­mented in the rest.

But Marius after many daies, and much labour, with great perisiuenesse pondered with himselfe, whether hee should for go this enterprize, wherein he seemed to labour in vaine, or attend his fortune, which had oft times proo­ued succesfull vnto him: These things hauing many daies and nights reuolued in his mind, it fell out that a certaine Ligurian, a common souldior of his auxiliary cohorts, by chance comming to a water not farre from that side of [Page 91] of the Castle, which was opposite to the besiege [...]s, found certaine Periwinckles creeping among the stones: wher­of when hee had taken vp first one, then another, and so sought others, was by this desire of gathering more, by lit­tle and little brought vp to the toppe of the Mountaine: where seeing the coast cleare and void of people, foorth­with (according to the condition of men) a desire of ex­ploiting great matters entred into his conceit. There grew in the same place a great Holme-tree amongst the stones, being a little bended downe towards the ground, & forth­with winding vpward (as is the Nature of all Vegitalles) and shoottng it selfe on high towards the top of the Ca­stle: by the helpe whereof, the Ligurian somtimes taking holde on the armes thereof, sometimes on the outmost stones of the wall, climbed to the top, where vndisc [...]rued of any, he descried the whole plaine of the Castle, for that the Numidians were then absent, busily imployed in fight against the besiegers. The souldier hauing searched & spy­ed out all things which he thought needfull, returned the same way hee came, not rashly as hee ascended, but with great regard and Caution. Forthwith he retired to Mari­us, declaring what hee had done, and aduised him to at­tempt the Castle on that side, from whence he had discē ­ded, offering himselfe for a guid, and alledging that there was no hazard or perril in the enterprise. Marius forthwith commanded such as were then present to go with the Li­gurian, to try the truth of this information: who retur­ning made diuers reports thereof, euery man according to his fancy, some esteeming it to be an easie, some a difficult enterprise. But the Consull began to be of better cheare, and forthwith out of his number of Trumpiters and Cor­nets he selected fiue, the most nimble and light amongest them, and withall foure Centuries for their aide and suc­cour: All which he willed to be at the commaund of the Ligurian, vnto whom hee appointed the next day for the execution of this seruice, who at the time limited, accor­ding to his commandement, hauing prepared and ordred all things necessary, repaired vnto the said place.

The Centurions by the direction of their guid, changed [Page 92] both their armes and apparrel, and went with their heads and feet bare, to the end that they might the better see a­bout them, and climb with more steadinesse. Their swords as also their Targets (which according to the Numidian fashion were made of Leather, as well for their lightnes, as for that in their clashing together they made the least noise) were fastned at their backs. The Ligurian then clim­bing vp before the rest, tyed cords vnto such stones, and olde Mores or rootes, as hung out beyond the rest of the wall, that the souldiers taking holde thereon, might the more easily ascend: such as were fearefull thorough the strangenesse of the way, he holpe vp with his handes, and where the ascent was steepest, hee caused them to climbe vnarmed, himselfe following with their armor. Such pla­ces as to the eie seemed most dangerous, himselfe chieflie assaved; ascending, descending, and going forwards, en­couraging the rest to follow. At length, but late and sore wearied, they became Maisters of the Castle, which on that side was left vnregarded, for that those of the castle, were then, as at other times imployed in fight against their enemies.

Marius hauing by Messengers vnderstood what the Ligurian had done, albeit he had all that day entertained fight with the Numidians, yet then encouraging his soul­diers, issued out from his defenses, and with Engines ap­proached the Walles, threatning them also aloofe with slings, Artillery, and other Ordinance. But the Numidi­ans hauing formerly broken downe and burnt the appro­ches of the Romans, contained not themselues within the wals of the Castle, but day and night passed to an fro on the outside thereof, rayling at the Romans and reproching Marius with cowardice; menacing our souldiers to make them bond-slaues vnto Iugurth, and by meanes of theyr good fortune grew fierce and insolent.

But now as the Romans and Numidians were in earnest conflict, each encountring other with great violence, thes fighting for glory and Empire, they for their liues & safe­ties; the Ligurian on the sudden sounded an allarme at their backs, whereat, first ran away the women and children, [Page 93] that were placed to behold the battell; next, such as were nearest vnto the walles, and lastly the whole compa­ny, aswell armed as disarmed, betook themselues to flight: The which so chancing, the Romans began to charge the more furiously; they slew and wounded diuers, and tram­pling on their dead bodies, enforced themselues to ascend the wall. Thus Fortune still fauoured the ouerweening rashnesse of Marius, & in his owne error, he found glory.

2 These passages thus depending, meane time Lucius Silla the Questor arriued in the Campe, with a great troop of Horse. He had beene left behinde in Rome, to raise an Army of Latines and Allies their confederates; But forso­much as we are now fallen into discourse of so renowned a man, it will not be amisse to treat somewhat of his Na­ture and conditions, for hence-forward we shall haue no occasion to speake of his actions: and Lucius Sisenna, who of all others that haue written of him, hath with greatest dilligence, and most faith pursued the History, seemeth to me, not to haue spoken liberally and freely enough of his worthinesse.

Scilla then was nobly descended from the race of a Pa­trician, but his Gentry was almost extinct and worne out by the sloth of his auncestors. He was alike and excellent­ly learned, both in Greeke and Latine; of a haughty cou­rage, addicted to his pleasures, but more to glory: his va­cant howers were spent in Luxury, yet pleasure neuer hin­dred his affayres: Only he might haue better aduised him selfe in the choice of a more honest wife. He was eloquēt, subtile, sociable, and in dissembling or disguising his in­tents, the depth of his wit was incredible: He was liberal in guifts, chiefly of his money: and before the ciuill Con­quest (albeit he was the most happie of all others) yet for­tune neuer exceeded his industry, insomuch as many dou­bted, whether he was more vertuous or fortunate: But for his latter actions, I am vncertaine whether it wil more shame or grieue me to repeat them.

Then as is before said, when he came with his troope of horse into Affricke, and the campe of Marius (being be­fore a Nouice and vnexperienced in the warres) in a short [Page 94] season with fewe bickerings, became the most cunning & expert leader amongst the Romans. Moreouer, he would kindly entreate his souldiers, giue liberally to such as de­manded, as also voluntary to others: he could hardly bee drawne to take any thing; but more ready to returne it with recompence, then to pay a iust debt. He neuer rede­manded any thing lent, but rather endeuoured to haue as many as he could, remaine his debtors. His fashion was to discourse both pleasantly and seriously, with the basest and men of meanest ranke, and would very often bee a­mongst them in their labours, their marches, and theyr watchings, neither in the meane while (as lewd ambition is accustomed) would he with slanders wound the honor and reputation, either of the Consull, or any other. In di­rection or execution he suffred no man to go beyond him, but heerein himselfe excelled the most part: and by these meanes in a short space, hee became indeared both vnto Marius and the souldiers.

CHAP. 30.

Bocchus ioyneth with Iugurth, assaulteth Marius vpon the sodaine, and is notwithstanding defeated.

BVt to returne where wee left, Iugurth hauing lost the Towne of Capsa, and other fortified places of impor­tance, as also great store of Treasure; dispatched mes­sengers vnto Bocchus, signifying that he should forthwith bring his forces into Numidia; That the season of the year summoned to field.

But hearing that the King made small hast, and stood doubtfull betweene the euents of peace and warre, once againe, as before, he corrupteth with presents the greatest and nearest persons about Bocchus: promising the King for his share, the third part of Numidia, if either the Romans were cleane expulsed Affricke; or the warre compounded without diminution of his Patrimony.

Bocchus being caught with so golden a bait, commeth vnto Iugurth with a worlde of people. When ioyning both their armies (the tenth part of the day yet scarce re­maining) [Page 95] they charge Marius, as he iournied towardes his Winter stations: forecasting that the approach of the night, in case they were ouerthrowne, would stand them in great stead; but if they fortuned to haue the bett [...]r, it would proue to them no disaduātage, for that they were well acquainted with the waies: But contrarily, howeuer the world went,Quia iguari essent Locarum. the darke night would prooue very trou­blesome vnto the Roman Army.

No sooner had the Consull notice of the enemies ap­proach, but the enemy was discouered to followe him at the heeles: And before the battaile could bee ranged, the luggage discharged and secured, the signall giuen, or any order taken; the Moorish and Getulian Horse-men had charged our people: not in order and warlike maner, but by troopes and scattering companies, at aduenture.

The souldiers at first, beeing thus taken vnprouided, stood amazed, but now calling to mind their wonted va­lour, did eyther betake them to their weapons, or defen­ded others against the insulting enemy, whilst they ran to arme. The horsemen gat to horse, & did what they could to stay the enemies course. The fight rather resembled an incursion, then a battell. The footmen without Ensignes or rankes were mixt amongst the Horse; Some ran away, some were slaine, some making obstinate resistance were circumvented behinde, by the enemy: neither valour nor steele could warrant life, the enemy pressed so fast on with inequality of numbers, and dispersion on all quarters. For remedy whereof, the old and new Roman souldiers instru­cting one another, had no other shift, then as place or chance directed them, to cast themselues into an Orbe, or circle; whereby being couered and prepared vpon al sides, they inabled themselues to sustaine the enemies fury.

At this hard bargaine,Hinc dignosc [...]tur quanti momenti sit dux validus in exercitu. Marius shewed no more token of a fearefull or deiected spirit, then at another season; but with his owne company, which he had culled (not out of his fauourites and familiars, but of choisest fellowes) hee scoureth vp and downe the field: sometimes releeuing his wearied people, sometimes charging in vpon the thickest troopes of his enemie: sometime giuing his aduice: for [Page 96] command he could not in so generall a confusion. [...] manu, aut alio signo.

The day by this time was well nigh spent, yet the bar­barous poeple slackned nothing of their fury, but by the Kings perswasions, relying vppon the aduantages of the night, seemed to presse on with fresher courages.

But Marius, taking Counsel vpon necessity, comman­deth his souldiers to retire vnto two hilles nearely adioy­ning. Vpon the one, hardly of sufficient capacity to pitch their Tents, was a large Fountaine of Water; the other was more aduantagious, by reason of his eminencie, and some naturall fortifications. Vpon that with the Water, he commaundeth Silla with the horsemen to keepe good watch all that night: himselfe by some and some, with­draweth his dispersed souldiers in troopes from amongst their enemies, in no lesse confusion, then themselues. This done, with a ful march he retireth them al vnto the afore­said hill.

The Kings being discouraged by the difficultie of the place, sound likewise the retrait, and suffer not their soul­diers to lodge far from the place, but enuironing the hils with multitudes, confusedly sette them downe. Then making many fires after their barbarous custome, al night long they begin to make merry, to daunce, and with their feet and voyces to stir vp strange noises. The kings them­selues grew proud, either for that the Romans coulde not put them to flight,Qui in tenebris sunt, vident q. fiūt in luce, et non ipsi videntur. or for that they accounted the victorie in sure possession. These passages by reason of the darke­nesse, and the eminency of the hil, were very discernable to the Romans, and gaue them no small encouragements to hope for victory.

For Marius being very confident, vppon the rawnesse of the enemy, giueth a strict commaund for keeping of si­lence all the night; so farre forth, as not to sound the trum­pet according to custome, at the setting or relieuing of the watch. Then vpon the approach of the dawning (the E­nemy being now weary, and not long before ouertaken with sleepe) Marius willeth the Mercinary Trumpeters, and the Drummes of all the Cohorts, winges and Le­gions, vppon the sodaine to sound, as also the Souldiers [Page 97] violently to rush out of the Ports of the campe, with the greatest clamor that they possibly could raise.

The Moores and Getuli being suddenly awaked with the vnknowne and terrible allarme, had neither stomach to fly, not to fight, nor were able to resolue what to do, or what to preuent: insomuch as the whole rable stood asto­nished at the noise and clamor, as men frayed out of their wits, not one offering to relieue his fellow, although the Romans fiercely pressed in with tumult, terrour & slaugh­ter. So the whole Army was quickly rowted and disperst; and much armour with many Ensignes taken: yea, more were slaine in this conflict, then in all the former battails. For they were so heauy asleepe, and stood amazed with such an vnvsuall extasie, that they had not so much me­mory left them, as to prouide for flight.

CHAP. 31.

A President for Commanders not to march carelesse, vppon any termes of security, in the Enemie-countrey.

AFter this defeature, Marius (as hee had determined) iournieth towards his Winter stations, and for the conueniency of prouision, mindeth to billet his companies in the maritime Burroughs. And taking neuer the more ease, nor yet become forgetfull of his affayres, by reason of his late victory, marcheth in a square battell, as if he had beene in the face of his enemy.

Vpon the right hand Silla commanded ouer the horse­men; vpon the left, marched A. Manlius with the Slings, Archers, and the Cohorts of the Lygurians. In front and Reare, he placed the Tribunes, with the readiest and light armed companies. The Fugitiues that best knew the cun­trey, were employed to discouer the enemies march.

The Consull confined to no place, had an eie to all: was present with all: commended the valiant, and blamed the coward. Himselfe rode armed, & at all assayes he ordred the souldiors as he vsed to do in ordinary trauaile: he saw to the fortifieng of the campe, and himselfe in person pla­ced selected Cohorts out of the Legions to ward within the Ports: and without, the auxiliary horsemen.

[Page 98]In the bastils vpon the rampart he would appoint others, & himself go the round; not vpon diffidence that his com­mands intrusted to others, wold be the insufficienter exe­cuted, but that the Souldier seeing his General to share in labor, might vndergo the like with more willing courage.

To speak vprightly, Marius both at this season, and at other times of his War, awed his army more by example, then by seuerity. Which some men attribute to Pride; o­thers by extenuation excused him; That beeing from his Cradle invred to hardnesse, hee tooke delight in that, which others accounted misery: but howsoeuer, surely he dischar­ged his duety with as great honour and glory to the state, as euer did the seuerest Commander of the state.

Vpon the fourth day, the light-mounted vant-currers of Iugurth, shew themselues in troops, not farre from the Towne Cirtha; An alarum is giuen, that the enemy is not far off. Marius sendeth out his Scouts [...] all agree, but differ vpon the side of approch. Whereupon the Consull being incertaine how to prouide, without any alteration of his former imbatteling, being prepared for all aduentures, re­solueth in that place to receiue the enemy.

By this forme of sight, the hopes of Iugurth were vtter­ly frustrated; for by diuiding his battallion into four parts, he made an account, with one half to haue charged in the face, with the other halfe, equally diuided, to haue come vpon the backs of the Romans.

Silla, whom the enemy first attached, vsing some few words to his followers, taking certaine troops vnto him, with their Horses as close ranged as they possibly could, receiueth the Moores; The residue standing fast in theyr places, couer their bodies from the enemies shot, & if a­ny chance to fall within reach, they presently sley him.

VVhilst the Horsemen on this fashion charge, and are charged, Bocchus with the footmen (whom his Son Volux led, and were not at the last rout, for their delay vpon the way) inuadeth the rereward of the Romans.

At that instant Marius chanced to be in the head of the battaile, because Iugurth with a great company layd hard charge thereunto. The Numidian perceiuing that Bocchus [Page 99] had now charged in the reare, priuily retiring with some few horsemen vnto the footmen, crieth out in Latine (the Language he had learned at Numantia) that the Romains resisted in vaine; and that but euen now with his own hands he had slaine the Consul: And therewithall lifted vppe his sword, as yet reeking in blood; which in truth by the slaughter of one of our footmen with sufficient proofe of valian­cy, he had so stained in fight.Quàm necessariū sit rebut bellicit in­tentos, Historias legere, hinc appa­ret: nam vnius voce mendacis, pa­rū absuerit quin qui victores erant, vincerentur The Romans receiuing the word, were more astonished at the cruelty of the fact, then the relation of the reporter: and the Barbarians doubling their courages, gaue in more lustily to augment the terror. Now stood the footmen wauering, when Silla (returning from the flight of those whom he first charged) chargeth in vpon the flank of the Moores. Bocchus forthwith turneth taile: but Iugurth performing all the parts of a valiant cap­tain in relieuing his distressed followers, by al means laboreth to retaine the aduantage of a victory almost gained; vntill such time, as beeing incircled in the thickest of the horsmen, & his followers on each hand slaine, he himselfe made his escape through the weapons of his enemies. By this time Marius likewise hauing routed the horsmē, run­neth to the aide of his people, but by the way receiueth newes of their flight. Thus was the enemy vtterly broken, & a most hideous spectacle presented through the whole field.Graphica descrip­tio Belli, sugae cedis Some pursued, some fled; some were slaine, some ta­ken: horse & men lay promiscuously mingled in one ano­thers gore: Many being wounded could neither fly, nor procure helpe: now they striued, presently they fell down and fainted. Surely, as far as sight could view, the field was couered with weapons, armours, & carkasses: the Earth, with blood.

CHAP. 32.

Bocchus relenteth, harkeneth to peace, and againe waue­reth.

BY this time the Consull being in full possession of victory, arriueth at Cirtha, the place of his first deter­mined progres. The 5. day after, his second & vnfor­tunat fight of the Barbarians, Embassadors are hether dis­patched from Bocchus: who in the king their masters name [Page 100] of the Generall, that he would vouchsafe to send ouer vn­to him two most sufficient Cōmissioners, to treat of those Articles which should concerne their mutuall safety, and welfare. The Generall forthwith commandeth L. Silla and Aulus Manlius to prepare for the iourney.

These Gentlemen, though they came before his presence by Et ideo audituri, quid ipse vellet message, yet they deemed it their fittest course, first to offer parle; vpon intention, that if they found his disposi­tion addicted vnto further hazard, they might take occa­sion, to lenifie his courage; but if desirous of peace, that then they might proceede, to confirme it with feruencie. Whereupon Silla (vnto whose perswasiue eloquence, not to age, nor due of precedency, Manlius submitted) thus be­gan a short Oration.

Sillas Oration.

Noble King Bocchus, the comfort that we haue taken, to see so worthy a personage, no doubt (not without the speciall direction of heauen) nowe at last, not onely to make choise of peace, rather then War; but also to free himself from the protection of Iugurth, of all men liuing the worst, & Vnde regem at­tentum faciat, cum admoneat quanti periculi sit cum ho­mine saepius victo commisceri.most miserable: hath in no small measure bin pleasing vnto vs. For heerby thou hast vtterly bereaued vs of an ineuitable necessity, as seuerely to chastice q. d. deceptū ab eo thy errors, as his Treason & disloialtie.

Noble Lord, euen in the infancie of the Roman state, be­ing as then but weake and obscure, our Forefathers made choise to acquire friends, rather then to subdue slaues, holding it a principle in policie, that greater benefittes accrued from free will, then Nullum violen­tum diuturnum. from forced subiection.

Our fauours can proue to no mortall creature more auaile­able, then to your selfe: first, for that wee are farre remote: Qui enim longè absunt oneribus & exactionibus Curiae minus grauantur. wherein consisteth least opportunity of offence: and yet in our bountie may become as indifferent, as if wee vvere nearest neighbours.

Secondly, for that vve abound inviz. Carthaginē ­se [...], Macedones, & al [...]os. Subiects: And yet I must confesse, that neither vvee, nor any man liuing, can boast to haue found more friends then he needed.

[Page 101]I would to God your Maiesty had apprehended this in the beginning: then surely by this time, you had not failed to haue reaped farre more pleasures from the Roman people, then hi­therto you haue suffered damages.

But because Fortune sitteth Lady Regent of all humane proiects, whose fancy forsooth it hath beene, that you shoulde make tryall aswell of our force, as of our fauour: Now, for that she hath offered Ad gratiam po­puli Ro: ineundā. the meanes, I beseech you, make hast to em­brace it, and giue not ouer, to perfect these your good ouer­tures.

Tacitè innuit, quòd postea petitu­rus est s. vt lugur­tham tradat. In your power consist many kind offices, by which to good purpose you may redeeme all fore-passed misprisions.

Lastly, closet vp this my counsell with deepest confidence, Tacitè etiā in­uitat per a [...]arit [...]ā, sc [...]ens [...] ab [...]or [...]ē regui promissam multa fecisse in gratiam Iugurthae That the Roman people were neuer ouer-ballanced in renu­meration of thankfull seruices: Rhetoricè in sine promit [...]it, & mi­natur. what their valour is in war, your selfe can make best report.

The answere of Bocchus.

HErevnto Bocchus in extenuation of his ouersights maketh a short, but a plausible reply: That hee made choice of Armes, not vppon any fancy that might moue him to make triall of warre, but only to secure the kingdome, Intelligendū est, quod antiquam, Iugurtha illi fillā suam daret, motā fuisse lit [...]m de con fraibus regun & partem a Buc [...]ho inuas [...]m, illi pro dote ab Iugurtha concessam, propter Bellum quod [...] Ro­manis metuebat which now after the expulsion of Iugurth, being by the law of conquest diuolued vnto him, he could not brooke to see harried by Marius. Secondly, he complained of the disgrace, and refusall of his friendship, offred vnto the Ro­mans in former time, by his Ambassadors. But hee was content, now to silence olde greeuances, and promised a­gaine to send his people in embassie to Rome, so it might stand with Marius his good liking.

Wherupon, leaue being granted, the mind of the Bar­barian became againe distated, by the mediation of those his followers, whom Iugurth, vppon intelligence of the embassie of Silla and Manlius, and distrust of that, which in truth was s. animum Bocchi à bello diuertere intended, had already corrupted by guiftes and bribery.

CHAP. 33.

Bocchus once againe sendeth Ambassadors to Marius. 2. How intertained by Silla. 3 Sent to Rome, & there answered.

[Page 102]BY this time Marius hauing quartered his souldiers in their Winter Garrisons, with part of his horsemen, and lightest Cohorts, he taketh his iourney towardes the wildernesse, there to besiege the Kings Tower, in safegard whereof, Iugurth hath thrust in al the renegado fugitiues.

1 When againe, Bocchus either vpon mature delibe­ration of what he had suffered at the handes of the Romans in two pitcht batailes; or accounselled by others of his friends, whose seruices were not obliged to the pensions of Iugurth, resolueth, out of the choise of variety, amongst al his kinsmen, to nominate fiue, vpon whose assured fidelity and tried wisedome, hee durst aduenture to repose his vt­most confidence.

These he dispatcheth to Marius, and from him, if he so please, hee commaundeth to passe for Rome: with ample authority to compound all controuersies; so vppon any tearmes, to put an end to the war; with exquisit diligence they take their way towardes the wintering places of the Romans: but being beset & robbed in their iourny by cer­taine Getulian Outlawes in fear and base estate, they make their repaire before Silla, whom Marius the Consull (be­ing vpon seruice) had lest for his Lieutenant.

2 According to desert, Silla entertaineth them as gid­ly headed fellowes, and enemies; but withall, did boun­tifully supply their hard misfortunes. In regard whereof, the Barbarians quite changed their pristinate conceites of the Roman Auarice, & that more is, acounted Silla, for his bounteous clemency, their especiall good Patron. For in these times few men knew what pensions meant: no man was deemed bountifull, vnlesse it proceeded from meere good-wil. All giftes were accepted as remembraunces of loue and kindnesse.

This done, they make relation of their Imbassie to Silla, and first beseech him in the businesse to stand their good friend and Counsellour. Then they fall into speech vpon the streng [...]h, the integrity, and the maiesty of their Maister, not omitting any title, that might either prooue aduantagious to the capitulation, or moue good liking in the Lieutenant.

[Page 103] Silla made no scruple to satisfie their desires, and after he had giuen them instructions how they shuld cary their affaires before Marius, and how, before the Lordes of the Senat, he stayed them there about the space of forty daies.

3 Marius, without speeding in his entended enterprise, returned to Cirtha: where hauing intelligence of the arri­uall of the Embassadors, he commandeth both them and Silla, to dislodge from Vtica, and to repaire vnto Cirtha. The like commaundement is directed vnto L. Bilienus the Praetor, Ex omni parte vbi Inberna egerint. and the residue of the Nobility. In presence of whom he giueth audience to the Moorish Embassadors, & withall, his passe for their iourney to Rome. During the time of which their absence, they intreat the Consull for a surcease from armes.

These passages were well approued by Silla, and some others: a few were of a more seuere opinion; little (God knowes) experimented in human affaires,Sen. si miserum vi­deris, hominē scias. which beeing alwaies casuall and vncertaine, for the most part are coun­terchanged from better to worse.

All which their petitions being granted, three of them take their iourny towards Rome, in the company of C. Oc­tauius Rufo, the Treasurer at Warres in Affrick. The other two returne backe to the King, who seemed very well to like of the behauiour of the Consull, but especially of the curtesie and affection of Silla.

At Rome after the Legates had submissiuely confessed the errours of their maister, as induced thereunto by the insinuation of Iugurth; the conclusion of their speech was knit vp, with a desire to be receiued into the Roman aliance: Vnto whome it was thus answered; That the Romanes could as well remember to requite curtesies, as to reuenge wrongs: That the King, because hee shewed himselfe sorrow­full for his faults, was receiued into grace: As for friendship and alliance, they were to be vouchsafed onely vpon merit.

CHAP. 34.

1. Silla is sent by Marius to capitulate with Bocchus. 2. Is in honour met vpon the way by Volux, and by him accompa­nied to his Fathers Court, not without great mistrust of disloyalty.

OF which determinations Bocchus hauing receiued intelligence, by Letters hee requesteth Marius, to send Silla vnto him: with whom he meant to treat a finall composition of all difficulties.

Silla is sent, guarded with a regiment of horse and foot, accompanied with their Slingers and Enginers. In like manner the Archers and the Italian Cohort, with theyr lightest Arms, for speed sake, were commanded to march. And the reason, why they iournied, armed at no stronger proofe on their enemies country, was, for that the weapons of the Barbarians were light and voydable.

2 The fift day of the iourny, Volux the son of Bocchus, vppon the suddaine sheweth himselfe in the open fielde, with a troope at most of one thousand horse: who riding vppon the spurre, and out of order to salute Silla, at first seemed vnto him and the residue, to be more in number, as also to represent a kind of warlike distrust.

Whereupon, euery man began to fall into ranke, to put on his Armour, to draw his Weapon, and to expect the enemy. The feare was indifferent; their hopes better resolued (as befalleth victours) & especially, because the fight was to be mannaged against those whome they had formerly so often vanquished.

But the horsemen being sent out to discouer, brought word of the truth, and so all things were quieted.

Volux approaching, calleth vnto the Quester, and cer­tifieth him, that his father had sent him both to honour & assist him in his iourney. So that day and the next, they both marched in one troope without distrust.

But after they had pitched their Tents, and the day be­gan now to close; the Moore all fearefull, with his colour going and comming, runneth towards Silla, and repor­teth [Page 105] that he is assertained by his Discouerers, that Iugurth approached [...] And therefore intreateth; yea, and importu­nateth him secretly in the dead of the night to make shift for himselfe by speedy flight.

Silla all inraged, advowed that hee nothing feared the Numidian, whom hee had so often heeretofore rowted: That his resolution was setled vpon the valour of his people: yea, if assured destruction lay before his face, That hee would abide by it, rather then betray the liues of so many soul­diers committed vnto his conduct by a base and vnsure flight; to make spare of that fraile carcasse, which peraduenture by casualty of sicknes, might soone afterwardes miscarry. But withall,Vt hostes existi marēt eos vigilias agere, & post de­c [...]ssum visis igni­bus adhuc illie esse followeth his Counsell to dislodge by night: and thereupon, commaundeth the army foorthwith to fall to Supper, to fill the Campe with fires, and at the first watch without noise or tumult to make ready to march.

Now both Silla, and his troopes, beeing thoroughly wearied by this nights iourney, with the rising of the sun pitcheth his Tents: when as the Moorish vant-currers bring worde to the Campe, that Iugurth hath taken vp his lod­gings scarse one league before thē. Which news were no sooner divulged, but an vnvsuall feare attached the whol body of our army; mistrusting that they had bin betrayed by Volux, and brought into ambush by his treachery: yea, there were some that advowed, that Death was his meed; and that so manifest and notorious a Treason ought not to be suffered to escape vnpunished.

Although Silla in secret did iumpe in Opinion, yet gaue he commandement that no man sho [...]ld be so hardie as to wrong the Moore: but encorageth his people to cary a valiant conc [...]it of the yssue. Putting them in mind, That a few couragious souldiers haue heretofore happily encountred a tumultuary multitude, and that not seldome. The lesse spare any man made of his carcasse, the better he sped. That it be see­med not the armed hand to expect safety from the vnarmed foot, Abiects armis by turning the naked bodie at all Nō perspiciēs quò s [...] praecipitet. aduentures through rash fear, from the face Vt faciunt fugi­entes. of the enemy.

Then calling vpon Iupiter Fidelitatis & hospitalitatis conseruatorem. Max. to be a witnesse of the falshood and treachery of Bocchus, he commandeth Volux [Page 106] as an enemy to depart the campe. The yong Gentleman with teares in his eies, beseecheth the Generall not to giue eare to such enuious reportes: protesteth, that nothing was fraudulently contriued: but rather, that he should perswade himselfe, that all proceeded from the subtilty of Iugurth, by whose warie watchfulnesse the course of his iourney was disco­uered. And the rather, for that he had neither forces suffici­ent, and all his welfare depended vppon his good carriage to­wards his father. More, that he would be fully possessed, that Iugurth durst not enterprize any open hostility against the Army, S. Silla. as long as hee his sonne was present as a witnes of the outrage.

And therefore to amoue all mistrust, he supposeth it the best course, to passe in open sight through the middest of Iugurths campe; leauing it to the choise of the Generall whether he will place his Moores in front or in reare: hee himselfe is content without consort, to submit himselfe to Sillaes sole dispose.

The course proposed (as happeneth in like cases) is al­lowed: and the army forthwith moueth: The suddennes of the accident stroke Iugurth to his wits end, and so they passed in safety; within few daies after they ariued at theyr intended Rende-vow.

CHAP. 35.

The irresolution of a barbarous enemy. Iugurth betraied, & deliuered captiue to Silla.

AT that time there liued in the Court of Bocchus, a certaine Numidian called Aspar, a man in very gra­cious acceptance with his Maiesty, whom Iugurth (hearing of the sending for of Silla to Court) had imploy­ed as an Ambassadour, closely and cunningly to obserue what passed in counsell. To him was adioyned Dabar, the sonne of Massugrada, a kinsman of Massinissas, but not by the mother. For his mother was begotten on a Concu­bine. This man for his many good seruices, was in high fa­uour with Bocchus: and for the experience of his former fidelity, now made choice of to be forthwith sent vnto Sil­la, [Page 107] to make demonstration, on his maisters behalfe; That Bocchus was ready to performe whatsoeuer the Roman peo­ple should command him. That Silla should nominate the day, the place, and time for conference: That hee would hold good corespondēcy vpon all ocasions. That he needed not to take any exceptions against the Ambassador of Iugurth, for that he had bin purposely sent for, Bocchus. the better to compound their common Controuersies. For otherwise (he gaue out) that hee could not preuent the traines of Iugurth.

But I am of Opinion, that with more then a Punique disloyalty, Bocchus entertained the treaty, both with the Romans and the Numidian for other respectes, then those which he publickely pretended. For it did much perplex his mind, whether he shuld deliuer Iugurth to the Romans, or Silla to Iugurth. Hatred to vs ward was a potent ene­my; Feare our friend.

Wherupon Silla replied, that he would speak to some few points in the presence of Aspar; the residue priuatly, or at least-wise not in the hearing of many.Coram Aspare. Likewise he maketh report, what answere he expected.

At their next meeting, being at Sillas own apointment, He saith, That being sent from Marius the Consull, hee was arriued in these parts to be ascertained from the Kings owne mouth, whether he were desirous of peace or war.

Whereunto the king (as he had bin aduised) made no other reply,Per hoc consilium spes paces datur Iugurthae, & oc­sio Sillae liberius de rebus suis censu­lendis. but commanded him to make his appearance the tenth day after. That as yet he had not consulted with his Counsell: but vpon that day he would not faile to re­solue him. So each party retired to their Pauilions.

About midnight, Silla is secretly sent for by Bocchus: Faithfull trucemen are imployed on both sides, And Da­bar the intercurrour, a very honest Gentleman sworne to both their good likings. Which ceremonies performed, the King thus began his Oration.

Bocchus his Oration.

MY mind neuer gaue me, that I in this world so power­ful a Prince, (as of all men to my knowledge the most potent,) should at any time haue stoode beholding to [Page 108] a priuate Gentleman. For in the word of a Prince, before I knew thee (O Silla) I haue to some vpon intreaty; vnto others voluntarily, extended supplies; and neuer againe implored the assistance of any.

That the worlde is now changed, whereas Others grieue, I reioyce. The gaine of thy acquaintance, hath with surplusage recompenced my losses: then the which my very soule accoun­teth nothing more indeared. Heerof make triall: Aske Arms, men, or money; yea, whatsoeuer thy fancy can affect, take it, vse it. During thy life, neuer thinke but I will alwaies reckon my selfe thy debtor: in which account I will perseuer faithfull to the end. In a vvord, I vvill deny thee nothing that to my knowledge may pleasure thee. For my mind assureth me, that it is lesse dishonourable for a King to bee ouercome by Armes, then by Bountie.

As concerning the businesse of your Common-vvealth, whose Procurator you are, take this in briefe.

War against the Roman people I neither leuied, nor suffered others to leuie: I onelie opposed force against force. But I wil cease to beat vpon that straine, because such is your plea­sures: At your choise be it, what wars you thinke good to vn­dertake against Iugurth: I will not passe the Riuer Mulu­cha, (the bounder betvveene me & Iugurth) neither wil I suffer Iugurth to passe beyond it. If you can thinke vppon anie thing besides, befitting your Honours and mine, spare not to speake; you shal not depart with repulse.

Silla made answere: for his particular, briefely & mo­destly: for the Peace and the Generall, he argued copious­ly. And at last he made it known to the King, that the Se­nate and people of Rome could not take it in good part, to be offred barely that, which by their superiority in Arms, they alone were able to accomplish:s. se discedere ab arm [...], cum victus esset & rebus Iu­gurtha diffideret. Somewhat else was to be performed, which might produce liuelier arguments that he aff [...]cted the Roman welfare,Nam quòd ab ar­mis desistat, plus esset ad vtilitatem Bocchi iam pene­victi, quàm Ro­ma [...]orum. more then his priuate respects; considering the meanes were not farre to seeke, as long as Iugurth was at his dispose: whom if hee would surrender, then should the Romaine people infinitely ac­count themselues bounde vnto him. This good seruice would procure friendship, & aliance, yea and that part of [Page 109] Numidia which he now requested, would then come vo­luntarily offered vnto him. At first the King denied, plea­ded affinity, consanguinity, and lastly the breach of his league. Then pretended he feare, least by the falsifieng of his faith, hee shoulde diuert the loue of his people, vnto whom Iugurth was very gracious, the Romans hatefull: Being ouer-wrought by importunacy, hee yeeldeth, and promiseth to dispatch businesses, according to the coun­sell of Silla. And so concluding vpon all thinges to serue their owne turnes, they proceed to a counterfeit peace, whereof the Numidian (being weary of the warre) was most desirous. The plot thus layd, they take their leaues.

The day following, the king calleth for Asper, and wil­leth him to shew his maister, that Dabar had learned from Silla, that the warre might be compounded vpon certaine conditions: And that withall he should prouide to return an answere of his mind.

Aspar gladly taketh his iourney towards the Campe of Iugurth: where being fully instructed of his maisters de­terminations, by poast at eight daies he returneth to Boc­chus: and declareth, that Iugurth is ready to performe all commands, sauing that hee durst not safely trust Marius. For (saith he) I haue often made triall, that peace concluded with the Roman Generals, hath bin of no validity: But, if Bocchus desired to procure an assured and profitable peace for both their best securities, that then he should do his in­deuour, to appoint a generall assembly vnder the pretext of peace, and there deliuer Silla into his power. When he had such a personage at his dispose, then might hee stande assured, that by speciall commandement from the Senate and Roman people, the league would be solemnly ratified: Neyther would they suffer a man of his quality (not cap­tiuated by his owne default, but in seruice of the State) to lie in durance vnder the enemies imprisonment.

The Moore stood long perplexed, but at last consented; whether in shew, or earnest, we could neuer learne cer­tenly: but for the most part, as the determinatiōs of kings are soddaine, so are they variable; yea many times repug­nant.

[Page 110]After this, at the appointed time and place, vnder the colour of conference, Bocchus sometime sendeth for Silla, sometime for the Ambassadour of Iugurth. Hee sheweth himselfe alike gracious, and maketh to both one self-same promise; whereupon being full of hope, both of them de­part with like satisfaction.

But the night preceding, the day appointed for confe­rence, the Moore sent for his friends, and presently chan­ging his mind, dismissing them all, is reported to haue bin infinitely disquieted in spirit. His countenance, his com­plexion, his bodily motion, and his very sences were mar­uelously distracted; which his onely carriage, euen in his deepest silence, did bewray in manner of speech, the verie secrets of his hart.

Lastly, he sendeth for Silla, and by his direction layeth the plot to intrap Iugurth. The time being come, and hee ascertained that Iugurth approched, as it were for honors sake, accompanied with a few of his friends and the Que­stor, he goeth to meet him, and ascendeth an easie Hillock scituated to open viewe of an ambush: Thither likewise Iugurth with some fewe of his followers vnarmed (accor­ding to agreement) aduanced: where he was no sooner arriued, but the ambush breaking out on all sides, attach him: His companions are al cut in pieces, himself in bonds is deliuered to Silla; and by him conducted to Marius.

About the same time, our Leaders, Q. Cepio, & C. Man­lius fought vnfortunately against the Galles. With the ter­rour whereof al Italie stood amazed. So that both they & al the Roman posterity, euen vnto our daies, made this ac­count: That all other enterprizes were possible to the Ro­man vertue; with the Galles only they contended for safe­ty, not for glory.

But after the newes came, that the warre of Numidia was ended, and Iugurth approached to Rome-wardes in chaines, Marius (though absent) was ratified Consull, & Galia alotted him for his prouinee. Vpon the Calendes of Ianuary (being Consul) he performed his Triumph with admirable glory. From that time, the hope and prosperity of the Citty wholy relyed vpon him.

FINIS.

Errata.

FOl. 2. for coyance, read ioyance. fol, 3. for were to be be­stowed, read were not, ibid. for context, read center. fol. 5. for vnfatigable, read vnsatiable. fol, 13, for loyalties, read disloyalties. fol, 20, for distresse, read distrust. fol, 28. for, of bad the best was left him which was, read, of badde the best which was left him, was to, &c. for games, read gaines. fol. 44. for inforced, read inforcing. fol, 51 for euill doers separa­ted, read euill doers are seperated. fol, 59, for insufficiencies, read sufficiencies. Bellum Iug.

Fol, 13, in any kingdome, read my kingdome. fol, 15, for bordereth Mauricania, read vpon Mauritania. fol, 22, from them to passe, read, from thence to passe. fol, 35, for which the in­formation concerned, read whom the information concerned fol, 37, for in euery sharpe season, read in a very sharp season. fol, 38. for beseech, read besiege. fol, 59, for constrained, read accustomed. fol, eod, for perceiued read perceiuing. fol, 61, for with them others, read with them and others. fol, eod, for furnished, read vnfurnished. fol, 62. for from one to another, read from one degree to another. fol. 63 for direct, read diuert fol, 66, for obserued, read obseruing. fol, 71, for with bag­gage, read with no baggage. fol, 73, for pallace, read place. fol. 85, for, or bands of succor, read with bands of succor. fol, 91, for the Ligurian, vnto whom, read, the Ligurian whom.

Caetera, et in annotationibus marginalibus, Tipographi esse credas

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