THE Workes of Caius Crispus Salustius

Contayning the Con­spiracie of Cateline The Warre of Iugurth. V Bookes of Historicall fragments.

II Orations to Caesar for the Institution of a Com̄on wealth And one against Cicero▪

Cicero. Cateline.

Cedant arma togae.

Are to be sould at the Eagle and Chi [...]d in Brittaines Burse by Tho. Walkley

Vis expers consilij expers.

R Vaughan fecit 1629.

TO THE right Honourable the Lord Marquis of Hamilton, William Crosse wisheth all temporall, and spirituall happinesse.

RIght Honoura­ble, the con­templation of your Worth reflected from the circumstance of report and action, toge­ther [Page] with that respect, which I owe vnto that Illustrious Family, with â Branch whereof you haue contracted alliance, haue inuited me to ten­der this Translation of Salust to your Noble hand, vnto which no vulgar thing ought to bee presented. If this Romane Master-peece be clothed in an English habit, without losse of his primitiue elegancie, the Renderer may boldly claime this praise, that olet lucernam, his worke [Page] smelles of the Lampe. Thus desiring the God of all power to blesse You, and your most Honoura­ble Lady, with a nume­rous and hopefull Issue, with a long and prospe­rous life, and after that, with eternall happinesse, I [...]nd, and remaine,

Your Honours most deuoted seruant, William Crosse.

TO HIS FRIEND Mr. CROSSE, vpon his translation of SALVST.

CRosse, thou hast taught Salust our English tongue,
Nay to write to vs in a polisht stile;
A Master-piece became a penne so stronge▪
For few but thou these two could reconcile:
'Twas Natiue loue d [...]rst such a Geniu [...] [...]aise▪
To tell Romes vertue in our sluggish [...]ayes.
In this thy Mappe the weakest eye may see▪
The trust of Friends, the force of gold and fate,
The curious w [...]bbes of humane policie,
How they supply, but not support a State;
Glorious foundations cemented with blood,
Though n [...]r so deepely laid, proue seldome good.
See heere the horrid plots of faithlesse Kings,
Whose iealous feares ne'r wanted Instrument,
That durst attempt, protect such impious things:
See Rome, Heauens scourge, and yet not innocent,
Call'd to reuenge by Iustice, and by fate
Her selfe to raise, all else to ruinate.
If this well rendred please; then thanke his braines,
Who hath inricht thee with his studious paines.
Francis Wortley Knight Baronet.
VVHen I behold thy Muse in Romane tire,
Or in the Belgian compleate armature:
I cannot chuse but wonder at that fire,
Which doth informe a pen, a stile so pure,
The monuments whereof time, chance, and fate,
Shall disinabled be to ruinate.
F. D. Knight.
VVHat in thy labour may I most approue,
And shew as well my iudgement as my loue?
Shall I commend thy wise election
Of such a subi [...]ct? which in right is one
Of Romes best Histories and rendred here
May please the best, the wisest, shar▪ est eare.
Or shall I praise thy faith in rendring,
Thine elegance in cloathing euery thing,
Or ioyne them all in one, since [...]ere I see,
They all in this translation doe agree?
A noble subiect fit to bee begun,
Is faithfully, and elegantly done.
Thomas May Esquire.
IF rendring of graue Salusts knotty phrase,
Into smooth English without any losse
Of Latine sa [...]t, deserue Phaebaean bayes,
Then thou mayst iustly claime the laurell Crosse,
To wreath thy learned temples, for thy merit
This guerdon from the Muses shall inherit,
When after ages shall professe and say,
Such are the workes, which li [...]e another day.
Iames Saul Barrester of Graies Inne.

To the Reader.

GEntle Reader, when thou seest this long Errata, thinke not rashly of the worke, nor printing▪ since errors in both can hardly be auoided by the most carefull. Thus I end, and remaine,

Thine if thou be thy owne in censure, WILLIAM CROSSE.


FOr stire read stile, p. 5. for plant read plow, p. 17. For disease read disuse, p. 49. For thereupon read thereunto, p. 50. For seruing read suing, p. 51. For Camertaine read Ca­mertine, p. 81. For designed read designe, p 85. For chap. 4. and 13. read 9. and 10. For be fortified read fortified, p. 103. For branches read bundles, p. 104. For Deputy Lieutenant read Lieutenant, p. 122. For Cathegus in all places read Cethegus. For which, read on which, p. 129. For tyranny read the tyranny, p. 193. For let read set, p. 220. For doth an end read doth put an end, p. 232. For his Prouince read the Prouince, p. 242. After Ancestors read me­rits, p. 246. For Libsians read Libians, p. 266. For raised and assured, read raiseth and assureth, p. 284. For these Italians, read the Italians, p. 293. For substites read substitures, p. 299.

For some read fame, p. 304. For submit vp read submit, p. 362. For Met [...]llus read Rutilius p. 383. for and chase read and chase them, p. 405. Be­twixt passage and Metellus read hauing lost many, he retired himselfe into places of strength, p. 406. For Lieutenant of a Legion read Lieutenant, p. 407. For descent read desert, p. 448. For fathered read farthered, p. 456. For Jugurths read Bocchus, p. 469. For of higher read higher, p. 491. For rouneth read roundeth, p. 540. For Barbarian read Balearian p. 5 [...]9. For sup­titious read suspitious, p. 562. For Ariobarzuris read A [...]iobarzanes, p. 630. For wasted read is wasted, p. 652. For rozud read rouzed, p. 666. For rauing read roauing, p. 677. For venals read venall, p. 686. For conti [...]ueth read con­temneth, p. [...]88. For Iudicatures in all places read Iudgements.

The life of Salust, collected out of Petrus Crinitus & other approued Authors.

CAius Crispus Sa­lustius; (accor­ding to the re­port of the Ro­mane Annals) was borne at Amiternum, in the Sabine territorie, the same yeere that Atheis was taken and spoiled by Syllaes Souldiers. He [Page 2] was descended of the noble Salustian Family, which for a long continuance of time retained the splendour of her ancient dignitie. It is held for certaine; that hee had his first education in the Citty of Rome, and that from his tender yeeres, the bent of his endeauours was wholy sixt vpon the studies of ingenious Arts. But hap­pening to liue in those vn­fortunate times, wherein the corrupted manners of the State bended towards faction and popular siding, and both vertue and lear­ning wanting their due re­wards: his disposition be­ing depraued in a Citty so much vnciuilized (as Salust himselfe confesseth) was [Page 3] easily vanquished by volup­tuous allurements. So that being called to the affaires of the State, as soone as his age was capable of imploy­ment, he suffred many sad misfortunes, through the iniquitie of the times and factious people: for as then the Common-wealth was much turmoiled, being ouerset with Syllaes party.

It is manifest that Salust had a ready wit, and that he was well verst in all kind of litterature, but his spe­ciall way was in writing of History. He had for his Tutour, amongst others fa­mous for learning, one At­teius Praetextalus, surnamed Philologus, by whom hee was instructed (as Sueto­nius [Page 4] Tranquillus reports) in the rules of writing well and methodically. He was much taken with M. Catoes stile, out of whose Com­mentaries, he culled forth many selected Sentences, which he kept as a Breuiate for his proper vse. Concer­ning his workes, Catilines conspiracie, and his Iugur­thine warre, are the two master-peeces of those that are exstant. Besides these, he wrote the History of Marius and Sylla, vnto which he annexed the at­chieuements of Pompeie in the Mithridaticke warre; this work he finished & di­uided into sundry Tomes, the reliques whereof as yet remaine to posterity, and [Page 5] like the parcels of a broken picture, expresse the Au­thours grauitie and dili­gence. He applyed himselfe so studiously vnto the wri­ting of the Punicke Histo­ry, that for that purpose alone, he trauailed into the African Regions, to finde out the truth with more as­surance; which industrious diligence of his is much commended by Autenus Rufus. Gellius a Roman borne (who for his Criti­cisme was held the Aristar­chus of ancient learning) de­liuers thus much of Salusts stite. His elegancie, (saith he) eloquence of speech, and affectation of noueltie were accompanied with much enuy. In so much that [Page 6] diuers able wits, who were his Contemporaries, did reprehend and detract his writings. But this aspersion proceeded either from ignorance or a preiudicate malice, Gellius iudgement being cleere in this point, that he was a strict obseruer of the proprietie of the La­tine Language.

Titus Liuius was so vniust to Salust, by the testimony of Annaeus Seneca, that he ac­cused him for intrenching vpon Theucidides, and for vsurping many parcels of his History, which he trans­lated out of the Greeke, and applyed for himselfe, with a borrowed elegancy. Neither doth Asinius Pollio spare the brand of his cen­sure, [Page 7] but layes diuers im­putations vpon Salusts workes; especially because with too forced an affecta­tiō he traced the steps of the ancient writers. Quintilian a man of a most solid iudge­ment affirmes, that in the censure of learned and vn­prepossessed Readers, no­thing can be added to Sa­lusts speech and briefe deli­uerie. Neither was he scru­pulous to parallell Salust with Thucidides, the Father and Prince of the Grecian Historiographers, as he did Titus Liuius with Herodotus.

In respect of our Au­thours vnusuall Dialect, it came to passe, that many imitated, but few attained to his perfection: for his [Page 8] phrase is pithie, chaste, and innocent; so that not with­out cause, it is termed by some, A diuine Breuitie. In regard whereof, A [...]untius, who wrote the History of the Carthaginian warre, honoured him with his strictest imitation, as be­ing a Paterne that had nothing defectiue, nothing superfluous.

He had these friends re­nowned for their wit, and learning: Cor: Nepos, Messa­la, and Nigidius Figulus, the last of whom dyed in exile. Hee honoured Iulius Caesar with much respect, by whose meanes he was inue­sted with the dignity of a Prouinciall Lord Deputy. This incited Lenaeus the [Page 9] Grāmarian Pompeies freed­man, to compose certaine inuectiue Satyres against Sallust, in which bitter and virulent Poem, he calls him a glutton, leacher, varlet, and debaucht person, a mō ­ster of contrarieties, both in his life and writings, and an illiterate theefe of Catoes fragments. The mortall ha­tred and vnreconciled op­position betwixt him and Mar. Cicero, is a subiect so well knowne to the world, that it needs no farther cō ­memoration [...], their inue­ctiue Orations bearing wit­nesse against both of them, that they more then seemed to neglect their owne, whilest they detracted from each others credit. But [Page 10] most certaine it is, that Sa­lusts manners were so cor­rupt, & his youthfull incli­nation so prone to Riot, that hee sold his Patri­mony in his fathers life­time, at a low and vnder­ualued rate: a fault which amongst others, was obie­cted against him by his ad­uersaries. Hee had often beene honoured with pu­blicke imployments, and amongst the rest, hee had beene Treasurour and Tri­bune, but hee was so wed­ded to his desires, that these dignities procured him more enuy then glo­ry.

He was a great Fauorite of Ca. Caesar, who preferred him to a Pretourship in the [Page 11] inland Countries of Africk; by which Office he was so inriched, that returning to Rome, hee purchased the village of Tiburte, toge­ther with those richand de­lightfull Gardens, which lye in the same territorie, neere to the Pomegra­nate-tree. He married Te­rentia, Ciceroes wife, after her diuorcement from her former husband, who re­married afterwards (Sa­lust being dead) with Mes­sala Coruinus, a man much reuowned for eloquence: hee liued vntill hee was three score yeeres old, and deceased not long after Cesaers death, that Coun­trie giuing him his sepul­ture, which gaue him his [Page 12] natiuitie. This Panegyri­call Disticke was published of him at Rome after his death.

Hic-erit, vt perhibent docto­rum corda virorum,

Crispus Romanâ primus in historiâ.

Here by consent of learned mens decree,

Shall Crispus chiefe, mongst Romes Historians be.

CHAP. 1.
Catilines Conspiracie.
The Proeme or Introduction to Catilines conspiracie.

ALL men, who desire to excell other liuing creatures, ought to striue with their chiefest inde­iour, that they passe nor ouer this life in obscuritie: like beasts, whom nature hath framed prone, and slaues to their bellies. But all our sufficiency resides both in the soule and body▪ we vse the sway of the soule, the seruice more o [...] the body: the one of them makes vs to communicate [Page 14] with the gods, that other with beasts. From whence it seemes to me the dire­ctest course to pursue glo­ry, rather with the abilities of wit, then those of strength, and since the life it selfe, which we enioy, is short, to extend our memo­ries to the greatest length. For the renowne of riches and beautie is fleeting and fraile; vertue is accounted illustrious and eternall.

Yet hath it beene for a long time, a great con­trouersie amongst mortals whether Militarie Affaires were more managed by the strength of the body, then the vertue of the mind. For first of all, counsell before you begin, and after consultation [Page 15] had, mature execution is most needfull. Thus both of them being incompleat by them­selues, they stand in need of each others helpe.

Therefore the Kings of the first times, (for that title of command was the first on earth) differing in their wayes, some of them exerci­sed the mind, others the bo­dy: Yea, then the life of man was not troubled with coue­tuous desires: euery mans owne pleased sufficiently.

But after that Cyrus in Asia, the Lacedemonians, and Athenians in Greece surprised Citties, & conquered Nations, then the desire of rule became the ground of warre, the largest Empire being reputed the greatest [Page 16] glory: then at length it was found by danger & experi­ments, that wisedome in war was of most preualēce.

But if the vertue of mind in Kings and Emperours, were as powerfull in peace, as it is in warre; humane af­faires would be more Ieuell & constant: neither should you see this transferred thi­ther, nor all things chan­ged and confounded toge­ther. For rule is easily preser­ued by those Arts, by which it was gotten at first. But where­as for industrie, sloth, for moderation and equity, lust and pride haue entred themselues: Fortune toge­ther with manners suffers alteration. Thus dominion is generally translated from [Page 17] him that is least good, to him who excels in goodnes. Whether men plant, saile, or build, all successe depends vpon vertue.

Yet many mortals giuen ouer to sloth and gluttony, being vnlearned and vncul­tiued, haue passed ouer this life like Pilgrims, to whom, euen against nature, the soule was a burden. Their life & death I esteeme alike, because both of them are silenced.

But truely, he at length to me seemes to liue, and to enioy his soule, who be­ing bent vpon some imploi­ment, seekes the reputa­tion of any greate exploit, or ingenuous science. But in the great variety of [Page 18] things, nature to diuers shewes different wayes. It is glorious to doe well for the Republicke, neither is it improper to speake well for it; you may be renow­ned either by peace or war; and of those who haue done, and of those who haue wrote other mens doings many are praised. And in my iudgement, al­though a proportionable glory doth not attend the doer and writer of things; yet it is very difficult to re­late actions forepast: first, because the deedes ought to carry proportiō with the words: Secondly, because most men, what faults, you reprehend, thinke you speake out of maleuolence [Page 19] and enuy. When you dis­course of the large vertue and glory of good men, what any man thinkes easie to be atchieued by himselfe, he receiues with good ap­probation: if it bee aboue that, he esteemes their re­ports fained for counter­feites.

But I being a young man at first, was (as many men are) thrust from my study into publicke affaires, and there I suffered many cala­mities, for in steed of ho­nestie, abstinence, and ver­tue, boldnesse, bribery, and auarice flourished, which vices, although my soule detested, being a stranger to euill courses, yet amongst such a conflu­ence [Page 20] of them, my tender age being corrupted, was inthralled by ambition: and me, although I kept distance from other crimes, the same desire of glory, like others troubled, toge­ther with infamy and enuy.

Thereupon, as soone as my minde, after many mi­series and dangers, tooke some repose, and that I had resolued to spend the remainder of my time farre from the Commonwealth: it was not my determina­tion to waste this commo­dious vacancy in sloth and idlenesse, neither to weare out my yeeres, being bent vpon tillage, hunting, and seruile imployments: but from what purpose and stu­die [Page 21] wicked ambition had detained me, thither retur­ning, I decreed to write the exploits of the Romane people, succinctly, and as they seemed worthy of re­membrance: the sooner, for that my mind was free from hope, feare, and State-fa­ctions.

Therefore of Catilines conspiracie, as truely as I can, in few words, I meane to treate; for that action I esteeme most memorable, for the noueltie of the crime and danger. Of which mans conditions, some particu­lars are first to be vnfolded, before I begin the Dis­course it selfe.

CHAP. 2.
Catilines life, linage, and condition.

LVcius Catiline was des­cended of a Noble fa­milie, his abilities both of body and mind were great, but his disposition was euill and corrupt, from the age of a stripling, intestine broyles, murthers, ra­pines, and ciuill dis­cords were his pleasures, & in these he exercised his ri­per youth: his body was patient of hunger, cold, and watching, beyond the reach of humane beliefe. His mind was daring, sub­tile and various▪ He could [...] [Page 33] pline was strictly obserued, both in the Citty and Campe. There was an vni­forme concord without the least blemish of couetous­nesse equity and goodnesse were maintained amongst them, more by the instinct of nature, then by the writ­ten Tables.

Their strifes, discordes, angers, and enmities, they wraked vpon their enemies: Citizens contended with Citizens in the emulation of vertue: they were magni­ficent in diuine ceremonies, frugall in domesticke ex­pences, faithfull to their friends. By these two cour­ses of courage in warfare, and equity after peace, was concluded, they prouided [Page 34] for their owne and the pu­blicke safety. Of these par­ticulars, I haue this espe­ciall proofe; because in the time of warre, more seue­rity was for the most part exercised against those, who ingaged sight without command, or retired too slowly, the retreate being sounded, then vpon such as forsooke their Ensignes, or fled, being beaten from their appointed stations. But in the time of peace, they swayed the Gouern­ment more by bounty then terrour, being willing to forgiue, rather then re­uenge iniuries. Thus as soone as industrie, and iu­stice had inlarged the State, mighty Kings were con­quered [Page 35] by their Armes fierce Nations, and multi­tudes of people were sub­dued by their Forces; yea, Carthage, emulous of the Roman Empire, was ra­zed without hope of re­couery; all Seas and Lands gaue way to their Armies.

Then fortune began to frowne, and to blend all things with confusion. Those men who had suf­fred without disturbance la­bours, dangers, hard and harsh fortunes, to them ease and wealth, things to be wished for of others, became a burden and cala­mitie. Then first the desire of money, and after that, of Soueraignety began to in­crease: these proued the [Page 36] materials of all mischiefes: for auarice subuerted faith, honesty, and o­ther good practises: insteed of them it taught pride, cruelty, irreligion, and bribery, with all ambi­tion made many men hol­low-hearted, they reserued one thing in their breasts, expressed another with promptnesse of language. They valued amity and en­mity not by desert, but by profit, and more affected a good shew then sub­stauce. These abuses at first, crept foreward by degrees, being sometimes subiect to punishment: after, when the contagion spred it selfe like a pestilence, the face of the Citty was changed, and [Page 37] the forme of Gouernment which was most iust and ex­cellent, grew to be tyran­nous and vnsufferable.

But first of all, ambition (which vice is vertues next counterfeit) exercised mens affections, more then co­uetousnesse, for glory, ho­nour, and dominion, are desired indifferently by the good and euill: but the first of these takes the direct way, the other, because he wants fit meanes, pursues their inquest with deceit and false-hood.

Couetousnesse hath with it an immoderate desire of riches, which neuer any wise man did affect: she as if infected with viru­lent humours, effeminates [Page 38] both mens bodies and minds, she is alwayes vnli­mited, and vnsatiable, not lessened with plenty, nor penury.

Now, after that Locius Sylla had recouered by Armes, the sway of the Re­publicke, from good be­ginnings, ill euents atten­ded him, for all men gaue themselues to rapine and pillage: this man longed for a house, that other for a field: the victours knew neither meane nor mode­stie: barbarous and bloody executions were inflicted vpon their fellow Citizens. This mischiefe was furthe­red by another, because that Sylla, to the intent hee might oblige the Army to [Page 39] his seruice, which he com­manded in Asia, had con­trary to the discipline of his Ancestours, entertained them with too much luxu­ry and freedome. Places of pleasure, and voluptuous allurements, had easily mollified in this time of va­cancy, the fierce courage of his Souldiers. There first the Romane Armie learned to whore, to ca­rowse, and to fancy scut­cheons, pictures, and in­chased vtensils: these they purloyned priuatly and pu­blickly; withall they pilla­ged the Temples, and pol­luted all diuine and pro­fane ordinances: so that these were the Souldiers, who after they had gotten [Page 40] the victory, left nothing to bee possessed by the van­quished. Prosperitie for cer­taine, cloyes the mindes of wise men, much lesse could those men, whose conditions were dissolute, moderate them­selues after the victorie.

From thence foreward riches were accounted honourable, and these were courted by Domination, glory and and power. Then the edge of vertue was aba­ted, pouerty was thought a disgrace, and innocency was esteemed a sin. There­fore by the causall meanes of riches, ryot, auarice, and pride, corrupted the youth, who made large spoiles and expences, being carelesse of their owne [Page 41] estates, yet couetous after other mens. They confoun­ded promiscuously, shame and modesty together, with the Lawes of God & man: they were neither mode­rate, nor prouident in their actions.

It is a subiect worth the obseruation, when you shall behold houses and priuate dwellings, inlar­ged with buildings in the manner of Citties, to sur­uay therewithall the Tem­ples of the Gods, which our most religious Predeces­sours erected. But these they beautified with piety, as they did their owne houses with glory. Neither did they take any thing from the conquered, but [Page 42] the liberty of doing wrong. But these debaucht persons tooke most iniuriously from their associates, these proprieties, which those valiant Conquerours spa­red to their enemies; as though the doing of iniury were a true argument of command. But why should I recount those abuses, which are not credible to any that haue not seene them, as the leuelling of mountaines, and the dam­ming vp of seas at priuate mens charges; who made wealth the scorne of their folly, because they were lewd, and lauish of that, the honest fruition whereof had beene lawfull?

Besides, their lusts, ryots, [Page 43] and other lewde practices, were not inferiour to their former crimes: men inured themselues to feminine suf­ferances, and women pu­blikly prostituted their ho­nours. To please their pa­lates, both lands and seas were searcht from farre: they went to sleepe before naturall desire vrged it. They could not brooke hunger, thirst, cold, nor wearinesse, but did antici­pate all of them with luxu­ry. These motiues incited the youth to dangerous at­tempts, as soone as their properstore was exhausted. A mind infected with this va­riety of vices, could hardly re­straine the inuasion of lusts. By meanes whereof the wayes [Page 44] of getting and spending were affected with more profusion.

CHAP. 4.
Catilines wayes, by which he drawes in Associates, the causes which forwarded the Conspiracie; and gaue the strongest meanes of resolu­tion.

IN this so great, and so depraued a State, Cati­line entertained (a matter which was easily compas­sed) a rabble of most wic­ked and dangerous per­sons, as if they had beene guardians of his body: for whatsoeuer Ruffian, Lea­cher, or Glutton, had wa­sted [Page 45] his Patrimonie, with gaming, banqueting, or whoring; whosoeuer was deepely ingaged in debt, for redeeming some pu­nishable offence: besides all parricides, Church-rob­bers, conuicted persons, and such as did feare con­uiction: moreouer, all such whose hands and tongues got them maintenance by their periuries, and ciuill blood-sheddings, and lastly all those, whom wicked­nesse, want, or a guilty con­science did exasperate, be­came Catilines bosome-friends and familiars. But if any man innocent of these crimes fell casually into his neere acquaintance, by dai­ly vse and allurements, hee [Page 46] became suitable and like to them. He desired most of all the familiaritie of young men, because their effemi­nate spirits, and tender yeeres, were soonest caught with his wiles. And as euery mans disposition did incline according to his age, he procured whores for some, bought dogs and horses for others. Neither did he spare cost nor mode­stie in seeking to assure their seruice and fidelity.

I know, there were some who were of this opinion, that the youth which fre­quented Catilines house, abandoned themselues to vnmanly lusts. But this re­port was confirmed rather by the circumstance of [Page 47] other presumptions, then by the certaintie of any mans knowledge. Now for Catiline himselfe, he had in his youth committed many notorious whoredomes; as with a Noble virgin, and with a Vestall Nume, & had aggrauated this with other crimes as hainous, contra­ry to all law and equitie.

At length being taken with the loue of Aurelia Ore­stilla, (a woman in whom no good man commended any thing but beautie) be­cause shee seemed scrupu­lous to marry, as being fearefull of his sonne, who was growne to full yeeres, it is held for certaine, that by [...]ioidiall murther he left his house emptie, for her [Page 48] wicked nuptials, which ac­cident (as it seemes to me) was the chiefest cause that forwarded the Conspira­cie. For his polluted mind being hatefull to God and man, could take no rest slee­ping nor waking, but was alwayes perplexed with a guiltie conscience: There­upon his complexion grew pale, his eyes hollow, and his pace variable, sometimes swift, and sometimes slow; distraction being wholy sea­ted in his face and counte­nance. Then he instructed the youth whom he had brought to his lure (as hath beene formerly declared) in crimes various and hai­nous, by rules of different prescriptions. Out of these [Page 49] he furnished his friends with false witnesses and sureties, of whose credit, fortunes, and dangers he made the lowest estima­tion that could be. After­wards hauing bankerup­ted their honour & hone­sty, he enioined them actions worse then the former. And that was, if occasion did not minister a present meanes of ill doing, to circumuent & murther the innocent, as well as the nocent: being resolued to be mischie­uous and cruell for bare thankes onely, rather then disease should make their hands and spirits vn­actiue.

CHAP. 5.
Catilines resolution confir­med by diuers induce­ments, what kind of men he did choose for his asso­ciates.

CAtiline being confi­dent in these friends and Confederates con­spired to vsurpe vpon the Common-wealth: being vrged thereupon through the greatnesse of mens debts, which were gene­rall in all Prouinces and because Syllaes Souldiers hauing spent lauishly their owne perquisites, and being mindefull of their former rapines and [Page 51] victories, did wish for no­thing more then a Ciuill warre. There was as then no Army resident in Italy. Pompeie the great was in­gaged farre off in forraine seruice: his hopes were not meane in seruing for the Cons [...]lship. The Se­nate was not sufficiently carefull, all things were established in tranquillity and safety, which occur­rences serued opportune­ly for Catiline.

Therefore about the Calends of Iune L. Caesar, & Caius [...]igulus being Cō ­suls, he first sp [...]ke withall the Conspiratours apart; perswaded some, and sounded others; then he remonstrates their owne [Page 52] strength, the weake pro­uisions of the State, and the great rewardes depen­ding on the action. Thus hauing sifted all things to his hearts desire, he con­uents all those together, whose necessities were most pressing, and coura­ges most daring. There met in this assemblie of the Senatorian order, P. Lentulus Sura, P. Antronius; L. Cassius Longinus, C. Ce­thegus, Pub. & Ser. Sylle, the sonnes of Seruius, L. Var­gunteius. Q. Annius, M. Por­cius Lecca, Lucius Bestia, Quintus Curius. Besides there came these Knights M. Fuluius, the Nobler, L. Statilius, P. Gabinius Capito, C. Cornelius. And [Page 53] with these, there ioyned themselues diuers others out of the Colonies and infranchised Citties, be­ing men much honoured both at home and abroad: yea there were many more partakers of this counsell in secret, whom ambitious hopes did ra­ther inuite, then want or any other necessity. More­ouer, the greatest part of the youth, and those spe­cially that were Noble, did fauour Catilines de­signes, I meane such, who being accustomed to liue idly in pompe and plea­sure, preferred casualties, before certainties, and warre before peace.

There were some also, [Page 54] liuing in those times, who did beleeue that M. Lici­nus Crassus was not igno­rant of this counsell: be­cause his aduersarie [...]nei­us Pompeius did com­maund a great Armie, whose power he was wil­ling that any growing op­posite should ouer-top and withall he was confi­dent, that if the conspira­cie did succeed, that hee should easily inuest him­selfe with the principall command. But before this there were others, who conspired, in which list Catiline was one. Of which subiect I meane to treate, as punctually as I can.

CHAP. 6.
Catiline is prohibited from suing for the Consull-ship, Piso is sent Treasurer into Spaine, he is slaine by his owne Souldiers.

LV. Tullus, and Mar. Lepidus being Con­suls, Pu. Antronius and Pu. Sylla Consuls elect, be­ing indited vpon the Lawes of canuasing for Of­fices, suffred punishment. Not long after, Catiline being attainted for extor­tion of moneies, in his prouince, was prohibited to sue for the Consull­ship, because he could not cleere himselfe within a [Page 56] prefixed time. There li­ued then at Rome one Cu. Piso, a young man nobly descended, of a most da­ring spirit, poore, and factious: want and an euill disposition, did in­cite him to disturbe the Common-wealth.

Catiline and Antronius, hauing communicated their counsels with this Piso about the Nones of December, they resolued to murther the two Con­suls, L. Torquatus, and L. Cotta in the Capitoll, on the Kalends of Ianuary. And then hauing seazed on the Consular En­signes, they two were to dispatch Piso with an Ar­mie to take possession of [Page 57] both the Spaines. But this plot being discouered, they deferred the execu­tion of the murther vntill the Nones of Febr [...]ary. Then they intended not onely to kill the Consuls, but diuers others of the Senators. So that if Cati­line had not too soone gi­uen the signall at Court to his Confederates, ne­uer since the building of Rome, such an outrage had beene committed; for because the conspira­tours did not meete ar­med in full numbers, that anticipation dissolued the plot.

After this, Piso was sent Treasurer into the hither Spaine, for the Praetour [Page 58] Crassus labouring in the suite, because he knewe him to be a mortall ene­my to C. Pompeius. Neither did the Senate vnwilling­ly obtrude him to this place, being desirous to remoue this dangerous person farre from the neere imployments of State. The sooner, be­cause many good men made him their Prote­ctour, and euen then Pom­peies greatnesse became fearefull. But this Piso was slaine, as he marched into the Prouince, by the Spanish Horse-men ouer whom he commanded. There were some which reported, that these Bar­barians could not indure [Page 59] his vn [...]ust, proud, and ty­rannous gouernment. O­thers againe did affirme, that these Horse-men ha­uing beene Pompeies an­cient and faithfull serui­tours, attempted this vpon Piso with his con­sent: the Spaniards being otherwise vnaccustomed to commit offences of that nature, yet they had beene formerly subiect to many as rigorous Comman­ders. But we will leaue this matter doubtfull, as wee found it.

CHAP. 7.
Catilines Oration to his Confederates. They de­mand the conditions of the warre, in which point he giues them satisfaction.

CAtiline perceiuing his Complices to be assembled (of whom wee haue made mention here­tofore) although he had treated with them seueral­ly about sundry matters, yet supposing that it did much conduce to his ends, to encourage them altogether, he retires in­to the secretest roome of his house, and there all those who were not of the [Page 61] complot being remoued, he began this, or the like Oration.

Vnlesse your valour and fidelitie were sufficiently knowne vnto me, the op­portunitie would be of no importance, and this great hope of comman­ding all, would euen rust in our hands. Neither should I through want of imploiment, or any other various conceite, entertaine casuall aduen­tures for certainties. But since I haue knowne you valiant, and faithfull to me me, in many and great occurrences, I am there­by incouraged to vnder­take this most high and [Page 62] honorable e [...]terprise: the sooner also, because I vn­derstand your resolutions are conformable to mine in the election of good & euill, for to concurre ioyntly, in willing or not willing, that is the fir­mest friendship that can be, what I haue formerly conceiued in my mind, all of you haue heard before this in priuate confe­rences. But now my cou­rage is euery day more & more inflamed, when I consider the conditions that shall attend our liues, except we our selues vin­dicate our liberties; for sithence the Common-wealth is fallen into the power and preeminence [Page 63] of some few great men; Kings and Tetrachs haue beene their tributaries, Peoples & Nations haue payd them pensions; but as for the rest of vs, how valiant or good, how no­ble or ignoble, wee haue beene ranked amongst the vulgar, liuing without respect, without authori­ty; obnoxious vnto those, to whom, if the Weale publicke tooke place, we should be the subiects of terrour. Hence it is, that all fauour, power, honour and riches, are become theirs, or at least theirs, on whom they please to conferre them. But to vs, they haue left repulses, dangers, iudgements; and [Page 64] pouerty: which grieuan­ces, how long will ye suf­fer, O you my most va­liant friends? Is it not more honorable to dye vertuously, then to pro­tracte a miserable and des­pised life with infamy, af­ter it hath beene made the scorn of other mens pride?

But assuredly, by that faith which I owe to God and man, the victorie is seated in our hands: wee haue youth for our ad­uantage, and hearts full of courage; contrariwise through age and aboun­dance of wealth, all abi­lities are decayed in them. It remaines onely for vs to begin; as for the rest, time will accomplish. [Page 65] Can any man liuing, whose disposition is man­ly, indure to see these men abounde with riches, which they lauish out in damming vp the seas, and leuelling of mountaines, and that we should want meanes for our present necessities? That they should possesse two or three houses, and that we should want a roofe for our heads, so that where­as they buy pictures, skutcheous and imbossed furniture; whereas they neglect the old, demolish the new, raise vp other edifices in their places, and last of all, by all meanes get and con­sume money; yet cannot [Page 66] they by their lauishnesse bring their fortunes to an ebbe. But we haue pouer­ty at home, debts abroad, our estates are lowe, our hopes are more desperate. Finally, what haue wee left, but the miseries of a perplexed mind? There­fore rowze vp your selues, behold that, that liberty (I say) which you haue so long wished for, toge­ther with riches, renowne and glory, are now repre­sented vnto you, fortune hath proposed all these re­wards for the Conque­rours. The subiect, time, dangers, wants, and mag­nificent spoiles of the warre, haue more reason to incourage you, then my [Page 67] speech; for my selfe, vse me as your Generall, or Fellow-souldier: neither my body nor mind shall faile you. These things (as I conceiue) I shall be able to performe by your coassistance in the time of my Consul-ship; except my iudgement deceiues me, and that you had ra­ther serue then command.

After the Conspira­tours had heard this dis­course; those whose wants were most abundant, but whose fortunes and hopes were quite forlorne (al­though the disturbance of the publcke peace, see­med to them a sufficient reward,) yet did they for [Page 68] the most part require, that Catiline would propose the conditions of the war, as also what rewards they should haue for their ser­uice, what aydes and hopes they were to ex­pect.

Vpon this motion Cati­line promiseth them new Lawes, proscriptions of the Rich, Magistracies, Priest-hoods, spoiles, and all other priuiledges, which war and the Con­querours insolency, are wont to inflict. Moreouer he tells them, that Piso was in the hether Spaine, and that Pub. Sitius Nuce­rinus was in Mauritania with an Army, both of them being partakers of [Page 69] his Counsell. That Ca. An­tonius also did sue for the Cōsull-ship, whom he did desire to haue for his Col­league, as being a man of his familiar acquaintance, and one likewise pressed with all kind of necessi­ties: with him being Con­sull, he meant to open the beginning of this en­terprise. Besides, he in­ueyes with scandalous speeches against the good Patriots, & praiseth euery man by name of his owne Confederates; hee doth admonish one of his wants, another of his de­sires, some of the danger and disgrace, diuers o­thers of Sillaes victorie, who by the aduantage [Page 70] thereof, had got much pillage. After this when he had obserued a gene­rall alacrity in their spi­rits, he exhortes them to be carefull of his request, and so dismisseth the as­sembly.

CHAP. 8.
Catiline ministreth an oath to his Confederates, Cu­rius bewrayes the Conspi­racie, to his Concubine Fulura.

THere liued some in those times, who re­ported, that Catiline ha­uing finished his speech, when he rendred th [...] oath [Page 71] to the partakers of his Conspiracie, that he mi­nistred to them round, bowles of wine brewed with humane blood. And when all of them had car­rowsed of it with execra­tions, according to the custome of solemne Sa­crifices, he reuealed the depth of his Counsels: and to this end, they say, he did it, that being con­scious alike of one ano­thers ingagements, in so great a crime, they might be more faithfull amongst themselues, yet many men thought these and sundry others reports, to be purposely fained by them, who thought to extenuate the enuy, which [Page 72] was afterwards raised against Cicero, by aggra­uating the hainousnesse of their offence, who had formerly suffered for it. But in regard of the diffi­cultie, wee know no cer­taintie of this matter.

There was one Qu. Cu­rius of this Conspiracie, a man of no obscure pa­rentage; but otherwise debauched with all kind of lewdnesse and villany, whom the Censours, in regard of the scandall, had remoued out of the Se­nate. This man had no lesse vanity then bold­nesse, he could not be si­lent of what he heard, nor conceale his owne delin­quencies. Neither was he [Page 73] regardfull of what he said or did. There had beene an ancient League of whoredome betwixt him and Fuluia, a noble Dame, vnto whom when he was lesse welcome then be­fore, (because his pouer­ty disinabled his bounty,) he presently vaunting of him selfe, began to pro­mise her seas and moun­taines. Then he menaced her with his drawne sword, to make her yeeld vnto his pleasure: and fi­nally vsed her with more insolency, then hee was formerly wont to doe. But Fuluia hauing drawne the knowledge of the cause, from the insolent demeanour of Curius, [Page 74] would not conceale from the State, such a dange­rous secret: but the Au­thour being vnmentio­ned, she disclosed to di­uers, what particulars she had heard, and after what manner concerning the Conspiracie of Catiline.

This occasion, first wrought the mindes of men to conferre the Con­sular dignity on Mar. Tul. Cicero. For before the greatest part of the Nobi­lity did swell with enuy against him, and thought that the honour of the Consul-ship would bee blemished, if a new vp­start (although well de­seruing) shold be inuested in the dignitie. But dan­ger [Page 75] making his approch, iniustice, & pride became disrespected. Where­vpon the assembly, for the election being met, Mar. Tullius, and Ca. Antonius were declared Consuls, which Act did vnioynt the Confederates de­signes: yet was not Cati­lines fury any thing re­mitted: but euery day he meditated new mis­chiefes: he disposed armes throughout Italy in con­uenient places, he con­ueyed money taken vp vpon his owne, or his friends credit, to one Manlius at Fesulae, who af­terwards proued a prin­cipall party in the rebel­lion. He is said to haue [Page 76] wrought about this sea­son, men of all conditions to his faction: yea and some women also, who in the prime of their youth, hauing made large profit, by prostituting their bodies; afterwards when their age had put a period to their lucre, but not to their luxury, were deepely ingaged in other mens debts. By these she-Agents, Cat [...]line was con­fident to procure the Ro­mane slaues to fire the Ci­tie, to draw [...] their hus­bands into the Conspira­cy, or otherwise to mur­ther them.

In this list, there was one Sempronia, who had often committed many [Page 77] masculine exploits: this woman was fortunate in her birth, beauty, hus­band, and children: she was learned in the Greek and Latine languages: she could sing and dance more elegantly, then was fitting for a modest ma­trone; she had sundrie o­ther qualities, which ser­ued as instruments for her luxurie. But vnto her all things were dearer, then the repute of Honour, and honestie. It were dif­ficult for you to define, whether she were more lauish of her coyne or credit: so itchingly, lust­full, that she would oft­ner court men, then stay their courting: before this [Page 78] she had dealt perfidious­ly, had abiured her debts, had beene conscious of murther, and precipita­ted her selfe into Riot, and want, yet was not her wit despicable: she could compose verses, breake iests, discourse of any subject, whether modest, loose, or abusiue; she was altogether made of mirth and iollity.

CHAP. 4.
Catiline resolues the death of Cicero, but is preuen­ted by Fuluiaes intelli­gence. Manlius raiseth a rebellion in Hetruria.

THese prouisions be­ing made, Catiline re­solues [Page 79] notwithstanding all opposition, to sue for the Consul-ship the next yeere, hoping if he were elected, that hee should be able to deale with An­tonius according to his pleasure. Neither was hee quiet in the meane time, but sought to intrappe Cicero by all possible meanes, who wanted nei­ther fraud nor subtletie, to assure himselfe against his plots, for from the be­ginning of his Consull­ship, he had dealt with Fuluia, by promising her largely, that Qu. Curius (of whom we haue spo­ken before) should be­wray to him the depth of Catilines Counsels. His [Page 80] Colleague Antonius hee had likewise obliged by the exchange of his Pro­uince, that he should not entertaine any thoughts of innouation against the Commonwealth. Besides he had Guardes of his friends and Clients atten­ding in secret vpon his person.

The day of election be­ing now come, and Cati­lines suite and plot against the Consull, wanting both successe, he resolues to make open warre, and to hazard all extremities; because those attempts which he made in Couert, proued vaine and with­out successe. Vpon this he dispatcheth C. Menlius to [Page 81] Fesulae, and to the adia­cent parts of Hetruria. He sends Septimius a certaine Camertaine into the Pice­nian territorie, as he did C. Iulius into Apulia, and others into other places, where hee thought they could best opportune his purpose. In the meane time hee proiects many things at Rome, he lyes in waite for the Consull; prepares Incendiaries, sur­prizeth places of aduan­tage with his armed fol­lowers; he himselfe stāding vpon his garde in armes. Againe, hee commands some, and perswades o­thers to be prouident and ready to bee forward and vigilant at all seasons, [Page 82] being neither tired with watching not labour. At length, when as nothing succeeded in his seuerall vndertakings, hee sum­mons againe late in the night the principals of the Conspiracie, by his A­gent M. Portius Lecca, and there hauing complained much of their slacknesse, he sheweth, that hee for his part, had already sent Manlius to those troupes, which he had formerly prouided for this warre; that others were disperst into other conuenient places, to lay the founda­tion of the warre: that his chiefe desire was to visit the Army; conditionally that Cicero were first slaine; [Page 83] he being the greatest obsta­cle of all his proceedings.

Vpon this the residue be­ing terrified & wauering, Cornelius a Roman Knight, and with him L. Vargunte­ius [...] Senatour, hauing pro­mised their best assistance, determined forthwith to visit Cicero the same night, vnder the colour of saluta­tion, & to kil him suddain­ly in his own house, being vnprouided for defence. Curius no sooner vnder­stood the greatnesse of the danger impēdant ouer the Consull, but opportunely by Fului [...], he discloseth the intended plot to Cicero; v­pon which intelligence they being restrained at the gate, this attēpt of theirs [Page 84] was then frustrated.

In this intercourse of time, Manlius sollicited the Commons in Hetruria, being of themselues de­sirous of innouation through their pouerty, and former greeuances of wrong, for that during Syllaes tyrannicall gouern­ment, they had lost all their lands and mouables. Besides these, he drew to his party, Theeues of all sorts, with diuers male­contents of the Syllan Co­lonies, to whom lust and and luxury had left no re­mainder of their former rapines. When these oc­currences were related to Cicero, he was much trou­bled with the doubtful­nesse [Page 85] of the danger, be­cause that neither by his counsell could he free the Cittie from further tre­chery; neither could hee be sufficiently informed, of what numbers Manlius Army consisted, nor what was the scope of his designed. Therefore he re­ferres the matter to the Senate, being now ru­moured euery where by the vulgar report.

They againe, (as it is vsuall in times of most danger) did forthwith decree, that the Consuls should endeuour them­selues to the vtmost, that the Republicke suffred no detriment. That power is granted by the Senate, [Page 86] vnto the chiefest Magi­strate after the Romane custome: by which he is inabled to wage warre, to leuie at his discretion, both allies and Citizens: withall, to command in chiefe, both at home and abroad. Otherwise, with­out the peoples authori­sing, none of these priui­ledges are permitted to the Consuls. Some fewe dayes after, Lu. Seruius, a Senatour, recited certaine letters, which he said, were brought vnto him from Fesulae, by Quin. Fa­bius. In these thus it was written: That C. Manlius had taken Armes with great numbers, before the sixth day of the Kalends of Nouem­ber. [Page 87] Vpon this (as it is vsu­all in such euents) some spake of portentuous signes and prodigies. O­thers discoursed or vnlaw­full assemblies, of trans­portation of Armes, and of a seruile commotion in Capua, and Apulta.

Whereupon by the Decree of the Senate, Quin. Martius Rex, was sent into Fesulae, and Quin. Metellus Creticus into Apu­lia and the neighbouring Regions. Both these ha­uing beene Generals of the field, were hindred from triumphing, by the calumniation of some few, vnto whom all suites, whether good or bad, were wont to be venall. [Page 88] But as for the Praetours, Qu. Pompeius Rufus was commissioned to goe to Capua, and Quintus Metel­lus Celer, for the Picenian territory, and these had power by permission to raise an Armie, as the oc­casion and case required. Moreouer, if any man could reueale any thing concerning this Conspi­racie (intended against the safety of the State) it was decreed he should haue a large reward; a seruant his freedome, and a hundred Sesterties: [...] free-man impunity of the fact, and two hundred Sesterties. They decreed besides, that the families of the Sword-players, [Page 89] should be billetted in Ca­pua, and other infranchi­sed Townes, according to the ability of the inha­bitants; that watch and ward should bee kept at Rome, and that the infe­riour Magistrates should haue the command there­of. With these nouelties the Citty was amazed, and the face of it was changed; in stead of mirth and frollicknesse, which diuturnall ease had produced, forthwith there followed a gene­rall sadnesse. This man speedes to preuent, that man trembles, neither place nor person could as­sure their di [...]idence. Nei­ther had they open war, [Page 90] nor certaine peace: euery man esteemed the dan­gers according to, his owne fearefull apprehen­sion. Besides this, the weaker sexe, to whom (in regard of the maiestie of the State) the terrour of warre was vnusuall, did bewaile their hard for­tunes, they lifted vp their suppliant hands to hea­uen, commiserated their little children, prayed fre­quently, and feared the worst in all things, so that their pride and pleasures being neglected, they be­gan to distrust themselues, and their Countries safe­tie.

Amidst these distur­bances, Catilines fierce [Page 91] mind still prosecuted the same courses, yea, al­though gardes were pro­uided, and that hee was examined by Lu. Paulus, vpon the breach of the Plautian Lawe. At last for palliations sake, and vn­der the pretence of pur­ging himselfe, as though he had beene prouoked thither by iniurious dea­ling, he makes his appea­rance in the Senate, vpon this the Consull M. Tul­lius, whether fearing his presence, or incensed with anger, made a pithy and profitable Oration for the good of the Com­mon-wealth, which after­wards he published in writing. But as soone as [Page 92] he was set downe, Catiline being one that could rea­dily counterfeit al shapes, began to petition the Fa­thers with a deiected countenance, and sup­plaint voyce, that they would not without iust cause, giue credit to any thing that might be sus­pected against him. That he being extracted from such noble a family, had so demeaned his conuersa­tion from his youth vp­ward; that onely, that which was good, had been harboured in his hopes: neither should they con­ceiue thus of him, that he being a Patrician borne, (who together with his Ancestours, had merited [Page 93] well of the Roman peo­ple) could not subsist without the ruine of the Common-wealth: when as, forsooth, M. Tullius a petty Inmate in the Cit­ty of Rome, must bee thought to preserue the same.

When he superadded other scandals to these, all the house husht at his speech, calling him Trai­tour & parricide publick­ly. Then all inraged hee replies, because being cir­cumuented I am ouer­borne by mine enemies, nothing but ruine shall determine my reuenge. Thereupon, from the Court hee poasteth to his owne dwelling house: [Page 94] there pondering many things seriously with him­selfe, as that his plots a­gainst the Co [...]sull did not succeed, and that his In­telligencers assured him, that the Citty by reason of the Guardes, was secu­red from firing: he thin­king it the best expedient, to reinforce his Army, before more Legions were inrolled, and to an­ticipate all aduantages, which might be vsefull for him in the warre, he takes his iourney late in the night towards Manlius Camp, with some few persons in his retenue. But before this he had charged Cethegus, Lentu­lus and others, whose [Page 95] courage he knewe to be most actiue, that by all meanes possible they should assure the strength of the faction, that they should hasten their trea­cheries designed against the Consull, and dispose before-hand slaughter, fi­rings, and other mis­chiefes incident to warre: as for himselfe, he would martch speedily to the Citty with an Army of sufficient force.

Whilst these things wer acted at Rome, C. Manlius sends certaine Agents of his owne retinue vnto Q. Martius ex, with this message following:

We call both gods and [Page 96] men to witnes (most noble Generall) that wee haue not taken Armes against our Countrie, nor that we might heape danger vpon other men: but one­ly to secure our bodies from violence, who being wretched and wanting through the oppression and cruelty of vsurious creditours, haue for the most part lost our Coun­trie, as all of vs haue our Fame and fortunes. Nei­ther is it permitted to any of vs to take the benefit of the Lawe (according to the custome of our An­cestours) nor to keepe our bodies free, our Patrimo­nies being forfeited. So great hath beene the ri­gour [Page 97] of the Vsurers and Praetour. Our Predeces­sours oftentimes taking compassion of the Plebe [...] an Romanes, by publicke Decrees releeued their pouerty; and of late, euen in our memories, in re­gard of them excessiue debts, it was agreed vp­on by the consent of all good men, that they should be paid out of the common stocke.

Oftentimes hath the very Commonalty disivnited themselues from the Fa­thers; either induced by the desire of superiority, or otherwise armed through the pride of the Magistrates. But we af­fect neither rule nor Ri­ches, [Page 98] by whose causing all warres and quar­rels arise amongst mor­tals: we onely desire liber­ty, which no free nature can indure to lose, ex­cept it be with the losse of life. We importune both thee and the Senate, that you would releeue vs, your miserable fellow Ci­tizens, and restore vnto vs the benefit of the Law, from which the iniustice of the Praetour seekes, to debarre vs; not imposing vpon vs the last of all ex­tremities, that we should seeke the meanes, by which we should die, ha­uing first fully reuenged our deaths.

To these demands [Page 99] Q. Martius replied, that they would request any fauour from the Senate, they should surcease from Armes, and goe to Rome in the nature of sup­pliants; that there both the Senate and people were of such clemencie and compassion, that ne­uer any man required their helpe in vaine.

But Catilene being vpon his iourney, wrote to di­uers of the Confular or­der, and to sundry other persons of quality. His letters imported, that he was wronged by false as­persions, that because he could not resist the power­fulnesse of his enemies, [Page 98] [...] [Page 99] [...] [Page 100] he gaue way to his hard fortune, that he would goe to Marselles to liue in exile: not because he was conscious to himselfe of so hainous a crime, but that the State might re­maine vndisturbed, and that no sedition might proceed from his quar­rell, farre contrarie to the tenure of these. Q. Cat [...]lus did reade others letters in the Senate, which he a­uouched to be deliuered vnto him in Catilines name: The Copie of them is here vnderwritten.

Lu. Catiline to Qu. Catu­lus, wisheth health.

Thy remarkable con­stancy, [Page 101] confirmed by ex­perience, which hath come acceptably to me in my greatest dangers, war­rants confidence to these my commendations. For what cause I did not re­solue to vndertake my owne defence in that new Counsell, I meane to giue thee satisfaction, yet not out of the guiltinesse of any crime. This (so God helpe mee) you may re­ceiue for a truth: being prouoked with iniuries and disgraces, withall de­priued of the fruite of my labour and industrie, be­cause I failed in obtaining the Consular dignity, I haue vndertaken, accor­ding to my custome, the [Page 102] protection of distressed men. Not because I was vnsufficient to satisfie my debts vpon my owne cre­dit, and out of my owne Reuenues: since vpon other mens credit, the meere liberality of Aure­lia Orestilla was able to discharge them all, out of her owne and her daughters store. But for that I saw vnworthy per­sons dignified with ho­nour, and my selfe reie­cted vpon false suspitions: for this cause I haue pro­secuted these hopes of preseruing the remainder of my reputation, they be­ing honest enough for my present fortune. Being willing to write more, it [Page 103] is related to me, that pro­uisions are made to force me. Now I commend Orestilla to thee, and deli­uer her to thy trust. De­fend her from wrong, be­ing coniured by the loue of thy children. Farewell.

CHAP. 11.
Catiline arriues in Man­lius Campe. Orders are giuen out for his pursuite.

BVt Catiline himselfe, hauing stayed some few dayes with C. Flami­nius in the Reatine territo­ry, whilst he be fortified that Citty with Armes, being before sollicited to [Page 104] his party, he speedes from thence to Manlius Campe, with the branches of rods, and other Ensignes of the Consular cōmand. These things were no sooner knowne at Rome, but the Senate proclaimes Catiline and Manlius. Traitours; to all besides them, a prefixed day is limitted, before which time it might be lawfull for them to lay downe their Armes, without any faudulent re­seruation, excepting such, who were condemned of capitall offences. More­ouer it was decreed, that the Consuls should make a newe Leuy, that Anto­nius should pursue Catiline with an Army volant, and [Page 105] that Cicero should guarde the Citty.

At that time the face of the Roman Empire see­med most miserable vnto me; for although al places were subiected by their Armes, from the rising of the Sunne to the setting thereof, and that they wallowed at home in ease and wealth, (things which mans nature doth most affect) yet did the Citty nourish some ill members, who were ob­stinately bent to [...] themselues, and the Re­publike: For after two Decrees of the Senate pu­blished, there was not one man of to great a mul­titude, so farre moued [Page 106] with the promised re­ward, that he would dis­couer any thing concer­ning the conspiracie, nei­ther was there any fugi­tiue knowne to flie from Catilines Campe, so great was the violence of this malady, which like a pe­stilent contagion had dis­perst it selfe almost through the generality. Neither were their minds alienated alone, who were knowing of this complot, but euen the whole body of the Commonalty, be­ing desirous of innoua­tion, did approue Cati­lines vndertakings, and this seemes to be done accor­ding to custome; for al­wayes in a Common-wealth, [Page 107] those men whose fortunes are low, enuy the good, magnifie the bad, mislike antiquities, wish for nouelties, and in disdaine of their pro­per estates, they desire a generall alteration, fee­ding themselues securely with troubles and tu­mults; because their po­uerty could hardly bee damnified.

But as for the Plebeians of the City, they precipi­tated themselues into this action through sundry motiues. First of all, those who most exceeded in lewdnesse and petulancy; then, those who had shamefully wasted their Patrimonies: and lastly, [Page 108] all snch, whom some notorious offence or out­rage, had expelled from their owue dwellings, the confluence of these repai­red to Rome, as if it had beene a sinke of receite. Besides, many others be­ing mindefull of Syllaes vi­ctorie, because they had seene some common Souldiers made Sena­tours, and others so inri­ched, that in dyet and ap­parell, they liued after a Royall manner, hoped to reape such fruites by the victory, if that were pur­chased by their Armes. Moreouer, the Peazant youth, who by the hire of their hands had got their liuings in the fields; be­ing [Page 109] allured with the hope of priuate and publicke largesses, had preferred the Citties ease, before the thriftlesse Country la­bour. These and all others of this kind; did feed on the publike cala­mity. It being a matter not much to be wondred at, that penurious persons, of euill conditions, and aspiring mindes, should equally neglect them­selues and the Common-wealth. Moreouer, such as had their parents proscri­bed, their goods confisca­ted, and the priuiledge of their liberties intrenched vpon by the rigour of Syl­laes victory, did attend the euent of this warre, [Page 110] with a resolution answe­rable to the former. A­gaine, whosoeuer were of any faction, except of the Senatorian, did rather desire the trouble then the tranquillity of the State. This mischiefe, after many forepassed yeeres, made his reuerse againe into the Citty.

For after the Tribuni­tiall power was restored, Cn. Pompeius, and M. Cras­sus being Consuls; cer­taine young men hauing gotten the soueraigne au­thority (whose yeeres and spirits were disposed to vi­olence) they began by tra­ducing the Senate to exa­sperate the common peo­ple, and then to ingage [Page 111] them further by their large gifts and promises: by which popular cour­ses they themselues be­came renowned and powerfull. Against these Innouatours, the greatest part of the Nobility op­posed themselues, with the strongest meanes that they could, vnder the pre­tence of maintaining the Senate, but indeed for the support of their owne greatnesse. For (that I may briefly deliuer the truth) whosoeuer in these times disturbed the pu­blicke peace, counterfei­ting the care of the Com­mon-wealth, vnder the fauour of honest names; as to be protectours of the [Page 112] peoples priuiledges, or aduancers of the Senates authority, all of them stroue to inlarge their owne power. Neither was there any meane nor modesty in their conten­tious courses, and being victorious, they were euer vnmercifull.

But after that Cn. Pom­peius was sent vnto the ma­ritime and Mithrida [...]icke warres, the Plebeian fa­ction declined, all great­nesse being ingrossed by some few. These intrested themselues with Magi­stracies, Prouinces, and all other dignities. Then they spent their time in se­curity, flourishing with­out any mans disturbance.

[Page 113] As for the rest, they terri­fied them with their seue­rity, the meanes by which they thought to rule the people best, in this their vsurped Magistracy. But as soone as the first hope of innouation presented it selfe, the former quar­rell inflamed their cou­rages: so that if Catiline had beene superiour in the first Battell, or had fallen off vpon equall termes, for certaine a mi­serable slaughter and cala­mity had oppressed the Romane State: for those who had vanquished, should not long haue in­ioyed the benefit of the victory; but a stronger party would haue extor­ted [Page 114] from them, being weary and wounded, their acquired Empire and li­berty.

There were many men besides not listed in the Conspiracy, who with the first went forth to Ca­tiline. Amongst these, there was one A. Fuluius the sonne of a Senator, who being fetcht backe, as hee was vpon his iour­ney, was slaine by his fa­thers command.

CHAP. 12.
Lentulus strengthneth his party at Rome. Vmbre­nus acquaints the Am­bassadours of the Allo­broges with the plot. Sanga gets a draught of it.

DVring the time of these occurences, Lentulus sollicited at Rome, either by him-selfe or his Agents, (according as Catiline had giuen or­der) all those, whom for their conditions, or for­tune, he thought fit instru­ments for his purpose. Neither did he deale with the Cittizens alone, but [Page 116] with all sorts of men that were seruiceable for the warres. To this end hee giues instructions to P. Vmbrenus, that he should found the Ambassadours of the Allobroges, and draw them, if he could, into the society of this action: thinking that they would easily be perswa­ded to ioyne, as being in priuate and publicke much indebted: and be­sides, the nation of the Gaules is by nature in clined to Armes.

Vmbrenus, by reason he had negotiated in Gaule, did know, and was knowne vnto most of their principall Citizens. Therefore as soone as he [Page 117] saw the Ambassadours in the Common-hall, ha­uing made some few de­mands, concerning the State of their Citty, and seeming to deplore her wrerched case, he began to inquire, what end they did expect of these their great greeuances. When he perceiued, that they complayned by way of reply, of the couetous­nesse of the Magistrates, and blamed the Senate, because they could haue no redresse from them, and that they expected no remedy for their miseries, but by death onely. Why then (saith he) if you will shew your selues men, I will put you into a course, [Page 118] by which you may shunne all these inconueniences. As soone as he had deli­uered these words, the Allobroges being possest with great hopes, impor­tune Vmbrenus to take compassion on them: for there was nothing so dreadfull nor difficult, but they would vndertake to doe it willingly, so that the performance of it would free their Citty from her debts. Thence he brings them into the house of D. Brutus, as be­ing neere to the Com­mon-hall, and by meanes of Sempronia no stranger vnto the plot. And Brutus was as then absent from Rome.

[Page 119] Besides, that his speech might carry the more au­thority, he sends for Ga­linius. Hee being present, Vmbrenus discloseth the conspiracy at large. Hee names the confederates, and with them many men of sundry degrees, being altogether innocent; and this he did, to giue fur­ther incouragement to the Ambassadours. Then he dismisseth them home, after they had promised their best assistance. But as for the Allobroges, they stucke long vpon doubt­full resolutions. On the one side stood their debts, their inclination to war, and the large rewards expected from the victo­ry. [Page 120] On the other side they beheld a stronger party, safe courses, and certaine rewards, for vncertaine hopes. They pondering these things in their minds, the fortune of the Republicke at length pre­uailed. And so they de­liuered vnto Q. Fabius Sanga, (a man whose pa­tronage their Citty much vsed) a full draught of the Conspiracy, according as they had heard it related. Cicero, informed of this se­cret by Sanga, commands the Ambassadours, that they should deepely counterfeit thir affections to the designe, that they should visit the rest of the Conspiratours, should [Page 121] promise largely, and in­deuour to the vtmost, to detect all the Compli­ces.

CHAP. 13.
Metellus and Murena ap­prehend diuers of the Conspiratours. Lentulus and Cethegus dispose themselnes for action.

NEere about this sea­son, there were sun­dry tumults stirring in the hither and further Gaule, as also in the Picemian, Brutian, and [...] ter [...]i­tories. For those whom Catiline had before sent out, vncounsellably like [Page 122] mad men, shuffled all their businesses together: with their night counsels, with their carriage of Armes and weapons, with their posting to and fro, and disquieting of all places, they had caused more feare then danger. Of this number, the Prae­tour Q. Metellus Celer had committed diuers to pri­son, they being found guilty vpon the examina­tion of their Confede­rates. The like did C. Mu­raena in the hither Gaule, he being Deputy Lieute­nant of that Prouince. But at Rome Lentulus had determined with other principall Conspiratours, (great Forces being pro­uided [Page 123] for that purpose) that when Catiline should aduance with his Army into the Fesulan Tract, Lu. Bestia, Tribune of the peo­ple, should reprehend Ci­ceroes actions in a publicke Oration, and should im­pose the enuy of this dan­gerous warre vpon the well-deseruing Consull. And that this seruing for a signall, all the rest of the Conspiratours were to execute their seuerall charges the next night following. The diuision whereof was said to be in this manner. Statilius and Gabinius being strongly ac­companied, were to fire at once twelue conue­nient places of the Citty; [Page 124] in the tumult whereof they might facilitate their meanes of passage to the Consul & the rest, against whom their plots were in­tended Cathegus was to be­set Ciceroes gate, and to as­saile him forcibly: others were to doe the like to o­thers. Besides, the sons of sundry families (most of whom were of the Nobi­lity) had orders giuen to massacre their owne pa­rents, and in the generall terrour of fire and slaugh­ter to make their escape to Catiline.

In the passage of these preparations & designes, Cathegus still blames the cowardise of his compa­nions; telling them, that [Page 125] by their doubts & dilato­ry courses, they neglected faire opportunities: that in a danger of that nature it was more behoofefull to doe, then deliberate. That himselfe, if some few would assist, would not faile to set vpon the Court, although the rest fainted in courage. This man was by nature violent, and prompt of hand: hee esteemed ce­lerity for the spirit of a­ction.

CHAP. 14.
The Allobroges follow Ci­ceroes instructions. His proiect succeedeth, Lentu­lus is arraigned.

NOw the Allobroges (according to Cice­roes directions) meet by Gabinius procuremēt with the other Conspiratours: they demaund an oath of Lentulus, Cathegus, Sta­tilius, and Cassius, the tenure whereof being sub­signed, they might present to their Cittizens: for otherwise they would hardly be drawne into a businesse of that conse­quence. All the rest with­out [Page 127] suspition did condes­cend: onely Cassius pro­miseth to repaire thither speedily, and remoues from the Citty somewhat before the Ambassadours. Lentulus sends one Titus Vulturtius of Crotona, to ac­company them: to the in­tent, that the Allobroges before they returned home, might confirme this League with Catiline, by faith giuen and taken interchangeably. He de­liuers letters to Vulturtius for Catiline: the copy whereof is as followeth.

Who I am, you may vnderstand by this Mes­senger, which I haue sent vnto you: see that you [Page 128] thinke vpon the great ex­tremity you are in, and remember to play the men, consider what your affaires require, and im­plore ayde of all, yea, euen of the meanest.

Besides, he giues instru­ctions to him by word of mouth, that since he was adiudged a Traitor by the Lords of the Senate, he should be well aduised in reiecting the seruice of the slaues in the Citty; all his commands were vpon the point of execu­tion, that he should not faile to approach neerer with expedition.

These affaires standing thus, on the night ap­pointed [Page 129] which they were to depart, Cicero being in­structed by the Ambassa­dours, he giues order to the Praetours L. Valerius Flaccus, and C. Pomptinus, to apprehend (by way of ambushment) all the reti­nue of the Allobroges on the Miluian bridge. Then he opens the whole cir­cumstance of the busi­nesse, for which they were imployed: as for the rest, he wished them to pro­ceed as occasion should require. These military men following their in­structions, and hauing disposed the Guardes without tumult, did co­uertly beset the Miluian bridge. After the Ambas­sadours, [Page 130] together with Vulturtius were comme to that place, a confused noise was raised on both sides: the Gaules knowing the plot before-hand, forthwith rendred them­selues to the Praetours. Vulturtius hauing first in­couraged the residue, de­fends himselfe with his sword against the multi­tude; at length seeing himselfe forsaken of the Ambassadours, hauing first required many things of Pomptinus concerning his safety, (for that the other was a man well knowne vnto him) hee yeelds at last, growing fearefull and diffident of life, vnto the discretion of [Page 131] the Praetours, as if it had beene to his profest ene­mies.

This businesse being thus effected, all the pas­sages thereof were speedi­ly signified to the Con­sull. But him a mighty care and ioyfulnesse pos­sesseth together. He re­ioyceth, for that the Cit­ty was freed from dan­gers: besides he was care­full, such Cittizens being detected of so hainous a crime, what might be most requisite for him to doe. Their punishment would be a burthen to him, their impunity, the Republickes ruine. At length hauing confirmed his mind, he comman­deth [Page 132] Lentulus, Cathegus, Statilius, Gabinius, and Ce­parius of Terracina, to be summoned before him. The last of whom was ready to take his iourney into Apulia, for raising of a seruile commotion there. All the rest appeare without delay: onely Ce­parius, being gone abroad, and the disconery being knowne vnto him, was al­ready fled from the Cit­ty. The Consull leading Lentulus by the hand, in regard he was Praetour, brought him into the Se­nate house: the rest he commands to come with their Keepers into the Temple of Concord. Thi­ther he summons the Sena­tours, [Page 133] and in a frequent assembly of that Order, he brings in Vulturtius with the Ambassadours. Hee bids [...]laccus the Praetour, to produce the Boxe with the packet of letters, which he had formerly taken from them. Vultur­tius being examined vpon Interrogatories, concer­ning his Iourney, his let­ters, and last of all about his Intentions, what they were, and for what end; at first, he faineth all ex­cuses that could be, he dissembleth his know­ledge of the Conspiracie; afterwards being com­manded to confesse vpon the assurance of the pu­blicke faith, he tells them, [Page 134] that he knew nothing more then did the Am­bassadours: only he had heard frequently from Ga­binius, that P. Antronius, Seruius Sylla, and L. Var­guntius were of the Con­spiracie: the Gaules con­fessed the same. The Lords taxed Lentulus dis­sembling deepely, besides the letters, with speeches which he was wont to vt­ter out of the Sibilline bookes; as that the Em­pire of Rome was porten­ded to three Cornelij; Cinna, and Sylla, were gone be­fore, himselfe was the third, who was destined to rule the Citty. More­ouer this was the twen­tieth yeere from the bur­ning [Page 135] of the Capitoll, of which the Sooth-sayers out of the prodigies had often foretold, that it should proue bloody by Ciuill warre.

Vpon this, the letters being read, when all of them acknowledged their owne seales, the Senate decreed that Lentulus re­signing his Magistracy, should with the rest bee kept vnder free custody. Therefore Lentulus was committed to P. Lentulus Sphinther, (who was then Aedile) Cathegus to Q. Cor­nificius, Statilius, to C. Ce­sar, Gabinius, to M. Crassus, Ceparius, (for hee was a little before retra­cted from his flight) [Page 136] to Cn. Terencius a Sena­tour.

CHAP. 15.
The Commons measuring all things by the euent, detest the Conspiracie.

IN the meane time, the Commons, the Con­spiracy being detected, (who at the first, longing after innouatiō too much fauoured the warre) re­tracting their opinions detested Catilines coun­sells; they extolled Cicero euen to the skies, and like men freed from bon­dage, gaue themselues to ioye and frollicknesse: [Page 137] for that they esteemed other outrages of warre to be bent more vpon pil­lage then ruine, but the execution of fire was held cruell, extreme, and most hurfull to them, all whose wealth serued but for quotidian vse, and their bodies sustenance.

After this, one Lucius Tarquinus was brought be­fore the Lords of the Se­nate, being fetcht backe (as they said) as he was vpon his iourney towards Catiline. When this man promised to discouer the Conspiracy, if the pu­blicke faith were assured vnto him: being com­manded by the Consull to deliuer what he knew, [Page 138] he confesseth almost the same in effect vnto the Lords of the Senate, that Vulturtius did: about the preparation of fire, the slaughter of the good, and the Rebels expedi­tion. Moreouer, that he was sent by M. Crassus to tell Catiline, that he shonld not be terrified with the apprehension of Lentu­lus, Cethegus and other Con­spiratours; but should the rather make speed in his iourney, towards the Citty, to the intent he might reuiue the cou­rage of the residue, and that their deliuery from danger might be the soo­ner accomplished.

But as soone as Tarqui­nius [Page 139] had appeached Cras­sus, a man of noble des­cent, great wealth, and much power, some thought it a matter incre­dible, others, although they esteemed it for a truth, yet because the powerfulnesse of such a man, seemed fitter to be reconciled, then exaspera­ted at such a season, (most of them also being inga­ged to Crassus for priuate respects) they cryed out all together that the accu­ser lyed, and required, that there might be a re­ference of this matter. Whereupon by the ad­uice of Cicero, a frequent Senate decreed, that Tar­quinius accusation seemed [Page 140] false, that he should be kept in bonds, neither should he haue any further power granted to himselfe, except he would reueale him, by whose suggestion he had forged this noto­rious scandall. There were some in those times, who thought this accusa­tion, to be first deuised by P. An [...]ronius, of pur­pose, that Crassus being appeached, his power might portect the rest through the Community of the danger: others re­ported, that Tarquinus was suborned by Cicero; lest Crassus, according to his custome, should di­sturbe the Common­wealth, by vndertaking [Page 141] the protection of wicked persons. I heard Crassus himselfe afterwards pu­blish, that this great dis­grace was imposed vpon him by Cicero. yet at the same time Q. Catulus, and Cn. Piso could not per­swade Cicero, either with request or reward, that by the Allobroges, or any o­ther accuser, C. Cesar should be wrongfully questioned: for both these were at mortall en­mity with him: Piso for that he was ouerthrowne in Iudgement, for the ex­tortion of money in his Prouince, vpon the vn­iust punishment of a cer­taine Transpadan: Catulus was offended about his [Page 142] suite for the Pontificacy, because in his old age, ha­uing borne many honora­ble Offices, he receiued the repulse from Cesar, being but a yong man. Besides, the occasion seemed op­portune, for that he by his great liberality in pri­uate, and by his excessiue largesses in publicke, did owe great summes of mo­ney. But when as they could not drawe the Con­full to such a crime, they themselues by solliciting seuerally, and by faining such things as they were to say, they had heard from Vulturtius, and the Allobroges, had procured him much enuy: in so­much, that some Romane [Page 143] Knights, who with their Armes had the Guard about the Temple of Concord, either moued with the greatnesse of the danger, or the forward­nesse of their minds, so to make their zeale to the Common-wealth to ap­peare more cleerely, threatened Cesar with their swords, as he went forth of the Senate.

CHAP. 16.
The Traitours are condem­ned. Caesars Oration.

VVHilest these things passed thus in the Senate, and [Page 144] that rewards were de­creed for the Ambassa­dours of the Allobroges, and T. Vulturtius, their in­formation being general­ly allowed. the freed-men and some few of Lentulus dependants, taking their iourneies seuerally, solli­cited the day-labourers and slaues in the villages, for his rescue. Others sub­orned the Ring-leaders of the multitude, who for bribes were wont to di­sturbe the Common­wealth. As for Cathegus, he requires by messengers his domesticks and freed­men, (choice fellowes and exercised in bold­nesse) that trouping to­gether they would make [...] [Page 149] them with impunity. Likewise in all the Punicke warres, when the Cartha­ginians in the times of Peace and Truce, did of­ten commit many grie­uous outrages, they did neuer for this occasion re­quite them with the like: they rather pursued that, which was worthy of themselues, then that, which with Iustice might haue beene inflicted vpon them. This also ye ought to prouide for (C. F.) that the Treason of B. Len­tulus and the rest, doe not preuaile more with you, then your owne dignity; neither ought you to be more carefull of reuenge then reputation: for if an [Page 144] [...] [Page 149] [...] [Page 150] equall punishment can be found out for their offen­ces, I, allow this new counsell: but if the hai­nousnesse of the crime ex­ceedes all imagination, I thinke it expedient to take those courses, which are prescribed by the Lawes.

Most of them, who be­fore me haue deliuered their minds, haue lamēted the state of the Common­wealth, in eloquent and high language: they haue related, what the cruel­ty of the warre might be, what miseries might be fall the vanquished: as virgins, and boyes to be rauished, children to be pulled from their parents [Page 151] imbracements, mothers of families to be defiled at the victours pleasure, Temples and houses to be spoiled, murther and fire to range freely; and last­ly all places to be filled with Armes, Carkeises, blood shed and mour­ning. But by the immor­tall gods, to what end tended their speech? was it to make you offended with the Conspiracy? as though, forsooth, hee could be prouoked with words, whom so high & hainous a crime could not moue: The supposi­tion is vntrue: for no mortall man lessens the estimation of his owne wrongs, yea many men [Page 152] interpret it too rigorous­ly.

But in diuers men the licence of this is different (ye conscript Fathers) for those who liue lowe in an obscure calling, if through anger they haue committed any errour, few men take notice of it, their fame and fortune be­ing both alike. As for those, who being inuested with great commands, spend their time in high imployments, their a­ctions are manifested to all mens knowledge. So that in the greatest for­tune, the priuiledge of offending is least: neither doth it beseeme those who haue it, to be partiall [Page 153] in fauour or hatred, much lesse to be angry: for that which is termed anger in others, in men of com­mand is called pride, and cruelty.

I thinke verily (ye C. F.) that their offence ex­ceeds all punishment: but most men remember the next occurrences, so that in wicked mens censures forgetting the crime, they dispute of the punish­ment, if that seeme neuer so little too rigorous. I know for certaine, that whatsoeuer D. Sillanus a valiant and resolute man hath said, that it procee­ded from his zeale to the Common-wealth: neither hath he in so impor­tant [Page 154] a matter exercised his priuate amity or hatred: I haue knowne the condi­tions and modesty of the man to be such: as for his Sentence it seemes nor cruell) to mee (for what cruelty can be inflicted vpon such male factours?) but vnusuall it is in our forme of gouernment: for questionlesse, feare or wrong haue inforced thee (O Sillanus) being Consull Elect, to decree this new kind of punish­ment. It were superfluous to discourse of feare, since by the present diligence of our most worthy Con­sull so many strong Aydes are now in Armes. Of the punishment I can truely [Page 155] say that, which the case requireth. That death to men in anguish and mise­ry, is no torment, but the period of calamities: It dissolues all the terrours of mortality, beyond that, there is no place for griefe or gladnesse.

But by the immortall gods, why did you not adde to the Sentence, that first of all they should be scourged with roddes? was it because the Portia [...] Law forbids it? but other Lawes also impose exile, not death vpon condem­ned Cittizens: or was it because scourging is more grieuous then be­heading? If it be so, what censure can be too bitter, [Page 156] and cruell, against per­sons conuicted of so hai­nous a fact? But if because the punishment is gentler then that, how then should it be conuenient to obserue the Law in small matters, when you neglect it in the greater? But should any man re­prehend that, which is decreed against Traitours to the Common-wealth? Time, occasion, and for­tune will determine, whose swaye moderates all Nations, that whatso­euer may befall them, shall befall deseruedly.

Besides, I would haue you to consider (ye Con­script Fathers) what you may decree against o­thers [Page 157] All euill examples proceeded from good be­ginnings: but when the Gouernment is diuolued to men not knowing, or not good enough, this new example is transfer­red from worthy and ca­pable persons, to those that are vnworthy and vncapable. The Lacede­monians, the Athenians being vanquished, ap­pointed thirty men to go­uerne that State. These at first began to put to death euery man that was most wicked and general­ly, hated, although hee were vncondemned. The people applauded this course, and said it was vr­ged from their deserts. [Page 158] after, when this liberty by degrees increased, they murthered at their plea­sure both the good and bad, and terrified the rest with feare. Thus the Citty being oppressed with seruitude, suffred grieuously for her incon­siderate ioy.

When as in our me­mory Sylla the Conque­rour commanded Dama­sippus and others of the like condition to be slain, that were growne great by the publicke calamity, who did not commend this act of his? They re­ported, that these wicked and factious men [...], who had troubled the State with their seditions, where [Page 159] iustly put to death. But this was the beginning of a great massacre: for when any man affected the house, farme, vtensill, or apparell of another, he indeuoured to list him in the number of the proscri­bed. So that those, who formerly reioyced at Da masippus death, were drag­ged not long after to the same blocke: neither was there first an end of slaughtering, before that Sylla had inriched all his partakers. I feare not this in M. Tullius, nor in these times: yet in this great Citty, there are many and various humours. At ano­ther time, another man being Consull, who hath [Page 160] also an Army to com­mand, a falshood may be misinterpreted for a truth. When from this prece­dent, by the Decree of the Senate, the Consull shall vnsheath his sword, who shall then prescribe an end, or moderate the execution of it?

Our Predecessours (ye Conscript Fathers) neuer wanted counsell, nor cou­rage; neither did pride hinder them from imita­ting forreine institutions, if they were honest. They borrowed their Armes and military weapons from the Samnites, their Ensignes of Magistracy from the Tuscans. Lastly, whatsoeuer seemed con­uenient, [Page 161] were it in vse with their Allies or ene­mies, they practised it at home with exceeding in­dustry. They were more willing to imitate then enuy the good. But in that time, following the custome of Greece, they punished Cittizens with stripes, vpon the con­demned they executed ca­pitall punishment. After this, when the Common-wealth grew strong, and factions were of force through the multitude of Citizens, the innocent were circumuented, and other like abuses began to be committed. Then the Portian Law, and other Lawes were enacted, by [Page 162] the benefit whereof, ba­nishment was permitted to the condemned. I thinke this to be a suffi­cient cause (ye Conscript Fathers) for which wee should not imbrace any new resolution: for cer­taine there was more ver­tue and wisdome in them, who from such meane foundations haue establi­shed so glorious an Em­pire, then in vs, who doe hardly retaine their law­full acquisitions.

Is it therefore my plea­sure to haue them dismis­sed, and Catilines Army to be thus reinforced? no­thing lesse: but this is my censure: That their goods should be cōfiscated, thē ­selues [Page 163] be kept in bonds in the infranchised (Townes of best ability, and that no man shall make any re­ference for them to the Senate, nor mediate with the people: he that shall doe otherwise, the Se­nate should adiudge him to vndertake against the Common-wealth, and the publicke safety.

After Caesar had finish­ed his speech, some assen­ted to it by Voting, o­thers otherwise amongst themselues. M. Portius Ca­to being required to deli­uer his mind, he vttered this or the like Oration:

My mind farre differs [Page 164] in it selfe (ye Conscript Fathers) when I consider our occasions and dan­gers, and when I ballance with my selfe some mens opinions: they to me seeme to haue argued about their punishment, who haue sought to bring warre vpon their Cōntry, Parents, Temples, and Families. But the occasi­on doth admonish vs, ra­ther to bee cautelous of them, then to consult, what is to bee decreed a­gainst them. For other crimes you may then pu­nish, when they are com­mitted: except you pro­uide that this doth not happē, being hap'ned you implore Iustice in vaine. [Page 165] The Citty being taken, no power remaines to the conquered.

But by the immortall gods I appeale to you, who haue alwayes esteem­ed your Houses, Farmes, Skutcheons, and Pictures, more then the Common-wealth, if you will retaine those things, which you so much imbrace, of what condition so euer they be; if you will giue full scope to your pleasures; rouze vp your selues at length, and vndertake for the Re­publicke. Our tributes are not questioned, nor the wrongs of our Con­federates, our liberties and liues are become doubtfull. Often haue I [Page 166] spoken at large (ye Con­script Fathers) in this As­sembly, and haue fre­quently complained of the luxury and auarice of our Cittizens; for which cause I haue many ene­mies: I that could neuer fauour any offence in my selfe, or my owne soule, did hardly remit faults to the lust of others. But although you meanely re­garded my words, yet the State stood firme; prosperity bore out our negligence. But now it is not questioned, whether we liue in a good condi­tion or bad; neither how great and glorious is the Empire of the Romane people; but whether these, [Page 167] whatsoeuer they be, shall be intirely ours, or ours together with our ene­mies. Here will any man name to me lenity and mercy? we haue for cer­taine lost already the pro­per appellatiōs of things: for the donation of other mens goods is termed li­berality: a mischieuous daring fortitude. To such extremities is the State now reduced. Well, let them be (since such are the customes) liberall out of their friends for­tunes; let them be merci­full to the Robbers of the publicke Treasure, yet let not them lauishly giue our blood; and whilst they spare some few wic­ked, [Page 168] seeke to ruine all good Patriots.

Well, and learnedly hath C. Caesar discoursed not long since in this As­sembly concerning life, and death; as I conceiue, thinking those things to be false, which are repor­ted of the infernall pla­ces, that the euill in a Re­gion remote from the good, haue loathsome, rude, filthy, and fearefull habitations. Therefore hath he censured, that their goods should be confiscated, that them­selues should be kept pri­soners in the infranchised Townes: forsooth, lest being at Rome they might be forcibly freed, either [Page 169] by their fellow Conspira­tours, or by the suborned multitude: as though wicked & lewd men were onely in the Citty, and not throughout all Italy, or that boldnesse could not there doe most, where the meanes to de­fend are weakest. Vaine therefore is this counsell, if he doubt any danger from them: but if hee a­lone feares, not in a ge­nerall feare, by so much the more it conce [...]nes me to be fearefull both for my selfe and you. Where­fore when you shall deter­mine of Lentulus, and the rest: hold it for a certain­ty, that you haue decreed of all the Conspiratours. [Page 170] By how much the more you shall be carefull in this, by so much their spirits will be the more deiected: but if they shall see you to faint neuer so little, all of them will forthwith insult with more fiercenesse.

Doe not thinke that our Ancestours, made from a small one this Re­publicke great by Armes: if it were so, we should inioy it more flourishing by farre; in that wee a­bound more then they in Allies, Cittizens, Ar­mour and horses. No, there were other aduan­tages, which made them great, and are wanting to vs: industry at home, [Page 171] Iustice abroad, a Iudge­ment free in Counsell; neither obnoxious to er­rour or passion. In lieu of these we haue entertained luxury and auarice, with sordidnesse in the pu­blicke, and aboundance in our priuate expences. We commend Riches, follow sloth: there is no distinction made between good and euill men: am­bition vsurpeth all the re­wards of vertue. Neither is it strange, since all of you for your selues, hold your Counsels a part, since at home you are slaues to your pleasures, here to money or fauour; so that wrong is inforced vpon the neglected Com­mon-wealth. [Page 172] But these things I omit.

Cittizens most nobly descended, haue conspi­red to ruine their Coun­try, they inuite the Gaules (a Nation most aduerse to the Romane name) vn­to the warre: the Cap­taine of the Rebels with his Army houers ouer your heads: you protract time, and euen now you doubt what to doe with these Traitours, being ap­prehended within the walls. I thinke you pitty them: being young men, forsooth, they haue offen­ded through ambition, and therefore you may dismisse them armed. But assuredly this meekenesse [Page 173] and mercy, if they shall once take Armes, will turne to your calamity.

For certaine the case is dangerous, yet you feare it not: yes verily, no­thing more. But through sloth and softnesse of spi­rit, expecting one ano­ther, you make delayes; relying belike on the im­mortall gods, who haue preserued this Common-wealth in many and most great dāgers. Not by vowes, nor womanish prayers the suc­cour of the gods is procured, through vigilancy, action, and good counsell, all designes succeed well. Whereas you abandon your selues to sloth and idlenesse, you implore the gods in vaine: they by this [Page 174] are offended and angred.

Amongst our Prede­cessours A. Manlius Tor­quatus in the Gallicke war, commanded his son to be slaine, because against command he had fought with an enemy; and thus this braue young man suf­fered mortall punishment for his immoderate va­lour. Doe you delaye, what you shall decree of these most cruell parri­cides? Perchance their former life mitigates this offence. But spare Lentu­lus dignity, if euer he spa­red his modesty, reputa­tion, the gods or men: pardon the youthfulnesse of Cethegus, if this be not the second time, that he [Page 175] hath made warre against his Country. For of Ga­binius, Statilius, and Cepa­rius, what shall I speake? vnto whom if any thing had euer beene respe­ctiue, they would neuer haue entertained such counsels against the State.

Last of all (yee Con­script Fathers) if indeed there could bee any suf­france of this mischiefe, I could well indure, that you should be corrected by the euent it selfe: but euery where wee are cir­cumuented: Catiline with his Army braues vs to our teeth: other Traitours are within the walls, and in the bosome of the Cit­ty. Nothing can be pre­pared [Page 176] nor counselled with secrecie: for which cause, the more expedi­tion is to be made▪ where­fore thus I censure: That since by the mischieuous counsell of some wicked Cittizens, the Common-wealth hath bin brought into the greatest dangers, and these men are conui­cted by the deposition of Ti. Vulturtius, and the Am­bassadours of the Allo­broges; and haue confes­sed, that they intended slaughter, fire, and other outrages, horrid and hainous against their Cit­tizens and Country; that vpon them confessing, as men apparantly guilty, punishment should be in­flicted [Page 177] according to the custome of our Aunce­stours.

After Cato was set downe, all those who had beene Consuls, and a great part of the Senate besides, commended his Sentence, and euen to the Heauens extoll his vertue: some of them bla­ming others, call them dastards: Cato is reputed great and excellent.

CHAP. 17.
A digression of the Authour, occasioned from the pre­misses, with a true descrip­tion and comparison of M. Cato, and C. Cae­sar.

BVt vnto me reading and hearing many things, which the Ro­mane people in peace and warre; on the land and sea, haue atchieued braue­ly; it seemed good to consider, what meanes had supported such great enterprises. I knew that with small Forces, they haue oftentimes incoun­tred great Armies of [Page 179] their enemies: I knew that with contemptible numbers, they haue war­red against mighty Kings, besides they haue fre­quently suffred the vio­lence of fortune. The Greekes in eloquence, the Gaules in military re­nowne excelled the Ro­manes. Yet vnto me pon­dering many things it ap­peareth plainely, that the remarkable vertue of a fewe Cittizens brought all these things to passe; and so it befell, that po­uerty ouercame riches, the few the multitude.

But after, when the Citty was corrupted with Riot and sloth, the Common-wealth againe [Page 180] through her proper great­nesse sustained the vices of her Generals and Ma­gistrates; & as though she had lately brought forth all her Patriots, there was not any man found at Rome for a long season of eminent vertue.

But in my memory, there liued two men of much vertue, yet of dif­ferent conditions, M. Cato, and C. Caesar, whom, because the occasion pre­sents it selfe, I doe not resolue to passe ouer in si­lence, but will deliuer their liues and manners, as farre as my wit will ina­ble me.

Therefore the paren­tage, yeeres and elo­quence [Page 181] of these men were almost equall, their great­nesse of mind and glory were alike, but other things they pursued o­therwise: Caesar for his be­nefits and munificence, was reputed great, Cato for the integrity of his life: the one was renow­ned for his meekenesse and mercy; to this man, seuerity added dignity. Caesar by giuing, relee­uing and pardoning, Ca­to by parsimony got re­nowne. The one of them was a Sanctuary to the oppressed, the other, the ruine of malefactours. This mans facility, that mans constancy was com­mended. Last of all, Cae­sar [Page 182] was resolued in mind to labour, watch, to be intentiue on his friends affaires, with neglect of his owne: to deny no­thing that was worth the giuing; he desired exces­siuely a great command, Army, and new warres, where his vertue might ex­presse it selfe. But Catoes study was modesty seeme­linesse, and aboue all, se­uerity. He did not striue with the rich man in ri­ches, nor with the fa­ctious man in faction, but with the valiant in va­lour, with the modest in modesty, and with the in­nocent in abstinence. He had rather be, then seeme good: so that, by how [Page 183] much the lesse he pursued glory, by so much the more he purchased it.

CHAP. 18.
The Senate resoluing to fol­low Catoes counsell, commandes execution to be done vpon the Trai­tours.

AFter the Senate (as I haue said) con­descended to Catoes opi­nion, the Consull thin­king it the best expedient, to anticipate the next night; lest any thing might be innouated in the meane time, hee com­mands the Triumuirs to [Page 184] prepare prouisions need­full for the execution: he himselfe, the Guardes be­ing disposed, conducts Lentulus vnto the prison, the like is done to the rest by the Praetours. There is a place in the prison cal­led Tullianum, as soone as you are ascended a lit­tle towards the left hand, it stands about twelue foot deep in the ground, the walls fortifie it round about, and aboue, a vault bound together with stone Arches: but the as­pect of it is filthy & feare­full through darkenesse, stench and neglect of cleansing. Lentulus being brought thither, the Exe­cutioners for capitall [Page 185] crimes, to whom this was inioyned, strangled him with a halter. Thus this man being a Patrician, of the most Noble Corn [...]lian Family, hauing born Con­sular command in Rome, found out a death worthy of his conditions and a­ctions: the like punish­ment was taken vpon Ce­thegus, Statilius, Gabinius, and Ceparius.

CHAP. 19.
Catiline ioyneth his Forces with Manlius. He deuides his Army into two Legions. Being pursued by Anto­nius, he takes the Moun­taines.

VVHilest these things passe [Page 186] at Rome Catiline out of all the Forces, which him­selfe brought, and Man­lius had, ordaines two Legions, hee makes his Cohorts compleat for the number of Souldiers, and as any of the Volun­tiers, or of the Confede­rates came into the Cāp, he distributed them equal­ly, and in a short space, had filled vp his Legions to the iust numbers; whereas at the first, hee had no more then two thousand. But of all this multitude; there was a­bout a fourth part furni­shed with military armes, the rest as chance ar­med each one, carried Iauelines, Lances, or [Page 187] sharpe-pointed staues.

But after Antonius ap­proached with his Army, Catiline marched through the monntaines, hee re­moued his Tents, some­times towards the Citty, sometimes towards Gaule, hee presented no oc­casion of fighting to the enemies. Hee did hope that forthwith he should haue great Forces, if his associates at Rome could effect their designes. In the meane time he cassie­reth the slaues, (of whom at first great numbers re­paired vnto him) relying on the Aydes of the Con­federacy. Besides, it see­med vnexpedient for his ends, to communicate [Page 188] the cause of Cittizens with fugitiue slaues. But when a Messenger came to the Campe, with ti­dings, that the Conspi­racy was detected at Rome, that vpon Lentu­lus, Cethegus, and the rest, (whom wee haue before remembred) punishment was inflicted: the most part of those, whom hope of pillage, or the desire of innouation had allured to the warre, stole away se­cretly: the residue Catiline leades through the rough mountaines, with large marches, into the Pisto­rian territory, of purpose that by Deuious wayes he might vnperceiued flie into Gaule. But Q. Me­tellus [Page 189] Celer commanded with three Legions in the Picenian tract, who thought that Catiline through the difficulty of his affaires, did meditate that meanes of escape, which we haue formerly rehearsed.

Therefore as soone as he was informed of his iourney by the fugitiues, he remoues his Camp in haste, and sits downe vn­der the very foot of the mountaines, whereas the others descent was flying into Gaule. Neither yet was Antonius farre off; as following with a great Ar­my, through more euen wayes, those that were wholly disposed for [Page 190] flight. But Catiline after he saw himselfe inclosed with the mountaines, and Forces of his enemies: that in the Citty things were aduerse: that there was neither hope of flight, nor aide: thinking it the best course in this case, to hazzard the fortune of warre, he resolues to fight with Antonius vpon the first occasion: therefore an assembly being called, he makes this Oration.

CHAP. 20.
Catilines Oration to the Re­bels. A description of the battaile.

I Haue found by expe­rience, fellow Soul­diers, [Page 191] that words infuse not valour into men, nor that an Army becomes strenuous from dastardly, nor valiant from fearefull, by the Oration of a Gene­rall. How much courage is seated in each mans soule, either by nature or custome, so much mani­fests it selfe in war. whom neither glory nor danger excite, him you may per­swade in vaine: the feare of the mind hinders at­tention. But I haue called you together, with intent, to admonish some few things, and withall that I might vnfold the reasons of my counsell. You know full well (my Soul­diers) what mischiefe the [Page 192] solution and cowardice of Lentulus brought to him­selfe and vs, and by what meanes, (whilst I expe­cted Aydes from the Cit­ty,) I was hindred from going into Gaule. But now you perceiue all, as well as my selfe, in what extremity our affaires are: two Armies of our ene­mies debarre vs; one from the Citty, the other from Gaule: to stay longer here, if our resolution could beare it, the want of corne and other neces­saries prohibites; where­soeuer we meane to goe, the way must be opened by the sword.

Therefore be of a va­liant and prepared mind, [Page 193] and when you shall begin the battel, remember that you carry in your right hands riches, renowne, and glory, with your li­berty and Country be­sides. If we ouercome, all things will be secured to vs; aboundant prouisions, the priuiledged Townes and Colonies will disco­uer: but if we shrinke for feare, these will all proue our enemies. Neither will any place or friend shelter him, whom his armes shall not protect. Besides, (my Souldiers) the same necessity is not impendent ouer vs and them: wee contend for Country, li­berty, and life: they are at leisure to fight for ty­ranny [Page 194] of some few. For which cause fall on more couragiously, being mind­full of your ancient ver­tue.

It had beene lawfull for vs, to haue protracted our liues in exile with the most disgrace that could be: some of you at Rome, hauing lost your owne, might haue expected o­ther mens riches. Because these courses seemed base and vnsufferable for men, you resolued to pursue these other. If you will re­linquish these, there is need of courage. No man, except the Conquerour, hath changed warre for peace. For to seeke safety by flight, when you shall [Page 195] diuert your armes from your enemies, by which the body is defended, that is madnesse indeed. Al­wayes in a battle, their danger is greatest, who feare most: courage is ac­counted for a wall.

When I consider you (my Souldiers) and when I esteeme your braue actes, a great hope of vi­ctory doth possesse me: your resolution, age, and vertue, perswade me, be­sides the necessity, which also makes the cowards valiant. For that the mul­titude of our enemies may not inclose vs, the fastnesse of the place for­bids: but if fortune shall enuy your valour, beware [Page 196] that you lose not your liues vnreuenged, nor that being taken, you be slaine like beasts, rather then fighting like men, to leaue a bloody & mourn­full victory vnto the ene­mies.

As soone as he had spo­ken thus, pausing a little, he commaunds the warlike instruments to sound, and drawes out his Troupes in order vnto a conue­nient place: then all the horses being remoued, to the intent, that the dan­ger being made equall, courage might be ampli­fied in his Souldiers, hee himselfe on foot arangeth his Army, as the place, and his numbers requi­red. [Page 197] For whereas the plaine was seated between mountaines on the left hand, and on the right hand it was rough with rockes: he placeth eight Cohorts in front; his other Troups he imbattailes for succour in a more close order. Out of these hee drawes all the Centuri­ons, and the selected men that had serued out their yeeres, besides euery one of the common Souldiers, that was best armed, into the Van of the Vanguard. Hee commands C. Man­lius to take charge in the right wing, and a cer­taine Fesilan in the left; he himselfe with the freed­men and those of the Co­lonies [Page 198] tooke vp his station before the Standard of the Eagle, which Marius was said to haue in his Ar­my in the Cimbrian war.

But on the other side, C. Antonius, because be­ing lame of his feet, he could not be present at the battle, commits the whole charge of his Army to M. Petreius his Lieute­nant. Hee imbatailes the old Cohortes which were inrolled because of this tumult, in the Frount, after them he disposeth the rest of his Forces for aydes of reserue. He him­selfe riding round about on horse-backe, naming euery Commander seue­rally, coniures, perswades, [Page 199] and intreates, that they would remember, how that they were to fight against vnarmed Theeues, for their Country, chil­dren, Temples, and Fa­milies. This Martiall man, because for more then thirty yeeres, he had been with great glory, either Tribune, Prouost Mar­shall, Lieutenant, or Pre­tour in the Army, knew most of the Souldiers, and their valiant exploits: by rehearsing these, he in­flamed their courages.

But as soone as Petreius, all things being thus or­dered, had giuen the signall by sound of Trum­pet, he commands the Cohorts to aduance a lit­tle, [Page 200] the enemies. Army doth the like. After they came to that distance, from whence the light armed skirmishers might begin the battle, they incounter one another with a migh­ty noyse, and hatefull signes: they leaue their Piles, and try the matter at swords point. The Vete­ranes mindefull of their ancient vertue, presse them hardly at hand fight, the others resist without feare, on both sides they fought with much fierce­nesse.

In the meane time, Ca­tiline with the readiest Souldiers is ingag'd in the point of the Van-garde: he succours the distressed, [Page 201] sends in fresh supplies for the wounded, prouides for all euents: he himselfe fights brauely, and char­geth the enemy often: he performes together all the Offices of a valiant Soul­dier, and worthy Gene­rall.

Petreius, as soone as hee saw Catiline, contrary to his expectation, to make a forcible impression, he brings on the Praetorian Cohort vpon the middest of his enemies, and kills them being disordered, resisting here and there: then he assailes the rest on both sides, in flancke, Manlius & the Fesulan fall with the first.

After that Catiline saw [Page 202] his Troupes broken, and himselfe with some few remaining; being minde. full of his parentage and former dignity, he runnes amongst the thickest of his enemies, and fighting there is slaine. But the bat­tle being ended, then might you discerne, how much courage; & strength of spirit had bin in Catilines Army. For almost the same place, which each man maintained fighting, the same his soule being de­parted; he couered with his body. But some few, through the middest of whom the Proetorian Co­hort broke, made a stand differently in diuers pla­ces; yet all of them fell by [Page 203] faire wounds. As for Cati­line, he was found amongst the carkeises of his foes, far from his owne men, breathing as yet his last; and that fiercenesse of mind, which he possessed liuing, he retained then in his countenance.

Lastly of all that num­ber, neither in the fight nor flight was any free Cittizen taken priso­ner. Thus all of them alike spared their owne, and their enemies liues. Nei­ther yet did the Army of the Roman people obtaine a ioyfull and vnbloody vi­ctory. For euery man that was most valiant, was ei­ther slaine, or went from the field grieuously woun­ded. [Page 204] But many who issu­ed out of the Campe for view or pillage, tur­ning vp the enemies car­keises, found some a friend, others a guest or a neere kinsman, yea there were those who knew their very foes. Thus various­ly gladnesse and griefe, mirth & mourning, were moued throughout all the Army.

The end of Catilines Conspiracie.

THE VVARRE OF IVGVRTH: Rendred into English by William Crosse, Master of Artes, of Saint Mary-hall, in Oxford.


LONDON, Printed for Tho. Walkley, and are to be sold at the Eagle and Childe, in Britaines. Bursse. 1629.

To the right Honora­ble the Lord Harbert of Castle Island, William Crosse wisheth the fulnesse of temporall and eternall hap­pinesse.

RIght Honourable, your gracious, though vndeser­ued favours, in­courage me to present this piece of the Iugurthine war, to your most Noble hand, and able Iudgement. The Royall pen of Queene Elizabeth, hath beene formerly Verst in this Translation, but this being like to herselfe, and too good for the world, was neuer pu­blished. The subiect is high, copious, and full of variety: such are the sallies of the Au­thours [Page] wit, such his expressions of language: both which are so well suited together, that without any Hyperbole or ex­cesse of speech, I may bold­ly say, if there be any diffe­rence: Materiam superabat opus, the Worke-man-ship exceeds the matter. If this Worke may passe to publicke view, thrugh the fauour of your Patronage, the Labourer thinks his indeuours recom­penced with a faire Haruest, and will for euer remaine

Your Honours de­uoted Seruant, William Crosse.

The Proeme or Introduction.

FAlsely man­kinde com­plaines of his nature, that being feeble, and of short continuance, it is ruled more by for­tune then vertue. For by a contrary estimation, you can find nothing more great nor excellent; and rather to nature, humane industry is wanting, then time or abilitie. But the guide and ruler of mans life is the minde: which when it pursues glory by the way of ver­tue, it becommes abun­dantly able, powerfull [Page 210] and illustrious. Neither stāds it in need of fortune: for because honesty, in­dustry, and other good Arts, she can neither giue nor take from any man. But if seduced with euill desires, it inclines lewdly to slouth, and bodily pleasures, vsing perni­cious lust for a season; when through idlenesse, strong the time and wit are decayed, in vaine is na­tures infirmity accused. All Authours impute their faults to the occasions.

But if men had as much regard of goodnesse, as with earnestnesse they pursue things impertinent, profitlesse, yea exceeding dangerous, neither should [Page 211] they be more gouerned, then gouerne chaunces: and should proceed to that pitch of greatnesse, whereas for mortals they should be eternized with glory.

For as mankind is com­posed of body and soule, so all our actions and in­deauours follow some the disposition of the body, some of the soule. There­fore a faire face, great ri­ches, corporall strength, and all other things of this kind, fade away in a short time, but the glorious monuments of wit, like as the soule, are immortall: Finally, for the indow­ments of the body, and fortune, as there is a be­ginning, [Page 212] so there is an end: and all of them being borne, dye, and increased, waxe old. The mind is vn­corrupted, eternall, the gouernour of mankind, it doeth and possesseth all things, neither is it selfe possessed.

By how much the more their wickednesse is to be wondred at, who being addicted to carnall de­lights, waste their time in slouth and riot; but the wit, then which there is nothing better, nor grea­ter in humane nature, they suffer to rust, through idlenesse and want of ma­nuring; when especially there are so many and so different Arts of the [Page 213] minde, by which the chiefest renowne is pro­cured.

But amongst these, Ma­gistracies, commands, and all care of publicke im­ployments seeme not fit to be desired of me at this present: for that neither honour is giuen to vertue, nor they, who by falshood haue got any power, were thereby the more secured or honested: For by vio­lence to rule your Countrie, and parents, although you can, and may reforme abuses; yet is it vnseasonable: when espe­cially all alterations doe for­boade murder, flight, and o­ther hostilities. But to la­bour in vaine, and to pur­chase nothing else but ha­tred [Page 214] for our paines, is a part of extreme follie; vnlesse perchance in such a man, whom a dishonest and hurtfull desire doth inforce to prostitute his honour and freedome vn­to the power of some few.

Now, amongst other imployments exercised by the wit, the memory of things done, serues for most speciall vse; of whose worth, because many men haue treated, I resolue to passe it ouer; withall, lest any man might thinke me to commend my owne study. And I doe beleeue there will be some, who, for that I haue decreed, to spend my remaining [Page 215] yeeres far from the Com­mon-wealth, will impose the name of idlenesse on this my so great and pro­fitable worke: such verily, to whom it seemes a chiefe point of industry to salute the common peo­ple, and by feasting to procure fauour: who if they did but throughly consider, in what times I obtained the Magistracy, and what men could not attaine it then: and after, what persons came to be Senators; truely they would coniecture, that ra­ther deseruedly then out of slouth, I had altred my determination: and that more profit would re­dound to the Common-wealth [Page 216] wealth out of my retire­ments, then other mens imployments.

For I haue often heard Qu. Maximus, P. Scipio, with many other famous men of this Citty, vsually say, when they beheld the statues of their Ance­stours, that their minds were most vehemently in­flamed to vertue. Certain­ly, not that waxe nor fi­gure had such efficacy in it: but through the me­mory of things former­ly done, this flame was kindled in these braue mens brests, neither could it be first allayed be­fore their owne worthi­nesse had equallized the others renowne & glory.

[Page 217] But contrariwise who amongst you all is of this condition, but would ra­ther contend with his An­cestours in wealth and ex­pence, then in goodnesse, or industry? yea, vpstarts, who by vertue were wont to vsher home nobility, by stealth, nay, plaine rob­bery rather, aduance themselues to commands and honours: as though, the Praetourship, Consul­ship, and other like dig­nities were in them­selues worthy and ma­gnificent; and were not esteemed according to their vertue which man­nage them. But I haue ranged too freely and too farre, whilst the [Page 218] manners of the Citty greeue and irke me. Now I returne to the matter in hand.

CHAP. 1.
Micipsa sends his nephew Massinissa to Numantia: he behaues himselfe wor­thily in that seruice. He is accepted and made coheire with his sons. Micipsa dieth.

I Am writing the warre, which with Iugurth King of the Numidians, the Romane people wa­ged: first, because it was great and cruell, and doubtfull for the victory. Secondly, because then the pride of the Nobility was first opposed: which contention confounded all diuine and humane re­spects: [Page 220] and proceeded to that height of madnesse, that to these ciuill broiles, warre, and the wasting of Italy must set a period. But before I begin to treate of this subiect, let me repeate some fewe things more ancient, that so to your knowledge, all the sequele may appeare more plaine and manifest.

In the second Punicke warre, in which Hannibal the Carthaginian Cap­taine, had after the great­nesse of the Romane name, much wasted the wealth of Italy; Massinissa King of the Numidians, being receiued into friendship by P. Scipio, (whose sur­name from his vertue, was [Page 221] afterwards the African,) atchieued many glorious exploits of warre: in re­gard whereof, the Car­thaginians being vanqui­shed, and Siphax taken, (whose Empire was great in Africke, and of large extent) the people of Rome gaue for a dona­tiue to the King, whatso­euer Citties, and territo­ries they had got in this conquest: for which cause Massinissaes friend-ship re­mained firme and faithfull vnto vs. But his life and Empire ended together.

After him his son Mici­psa obtained the King­dome alone, Mastanabal, and Gulussa his brethren being dead of sickenesse. [Page 222] He begot Adherbal and Hiempsal, and brought vp Iugurth the sonne of his brother Mastanabal, (whom because borne of a Con­cubine, Massinissa had left priuate) with the same education that he did his owne children. who as­soone as hee came to ripe yeeres, excelling with strength, and comelinesse of countenance, but most of all with an able wit, he gaue not himselfe ouer to the corruptions of luxurie and slouth; but (as the cu­stome of that Nation is) to riding, darting, and in race matches to con­tend with his equals; and though hee out-went all men in glory, yet was hee [Page 223] deare to them all: Besides he spent most of his time in hunting: he would as­saile the Lion, and other wild beasts, first, or with the first: he did the most, and spake least of him­selfe.

For which causes, al­though Micipsa reioyced at the beginning, as dee­ming that Iugurths vertue would be an honour to his Kingdome: yet when he considered, that this young man, (he himselfe being old, and his chil­dren little,) improued himselfe more and more; being much moued with the occasion, hee pon­dered many things in his mind. The nature of men [Page 224] being couetous of com­mand, and prone to ful­fill their owne desires; be­sides, the opportunity of his owne and his chil­drens age, (which also for hope of gaine, alters the course of temperate men) afforded him matter of terrour; as likewise did the Numidians affections wholy bent vpon Iugurth; from whom he was doubt­full, that some sedition or warre would proceed, if he should treacherously kill so worthy a person.

Being inuironed with these difficulties, when he saw that neither by force nor fraude, he could op­presse a man so popularly beloued, he resolues, for [Page 225] that Iugurth was valiant of hand, and desirous of mi­litary glory, to expose him to dangers, and that way to try his fortunes. Thereupon in the Nu­mantine warre, when as Micipsa was to send Aydes of Horse and Foote vnto the people of Rome: ho­ping that either by the o­stentation of his valour, or the enemies furie he would be soone slaine, he giues him the chiefe com­mand ouer those Numi­dians, which he sent in­to Spaine. But the euent of this was farre otherwise then he expected: For Iu­gurth, as he was of an actiue and sharpe conceite, when he found out the disposi­tion [Page 226] of Pu. Scipio, Generall as then for the Romanes, and withall, the enemies behauiour: by much la­bour and much care, be­sides by obeying mode­stly, and incountring dangers willlingly, hee came to that renoune in a short time, that to our men he was very deare, to the Numantines very dreadfull: and for cer­taine (which is a thing most difficult) he was va­liant in battle, and wise in counsell; one of which commonly out of proui­dence begets feare, the other out of boldnesse be­gets temerity.

Therefore the Generall performed for the most [Page 227] part all difficult affaires by Iugurth, he rankt him amongst his friends, and honoured him euery day more then other; as one whose counsell and vnder­taking neuer failed. To these were adioined mu­nificence of mind, and dexterity of wit, by which qualities he aduantaged himselfe with the familiar friendship of many Ro­manes.

At that time sundry vp­starts, and Noblemen serued in our Armie, who preferred riches, be­fore that which was good and decent: being fa­ctious and powerfull at home, more popular a­mongst their companions, [Page 228] then honest in themselues: who by promises had kin­dled great hopes in Iu­gurth, that when King Mi­cipsa once dyed, he alone should inioy the King­dome of Numidia: in him there was a large portion of vertue: at Rome all things were to be sold.

But after that, when Numantia being de­stroyed, P. Scipio resolued to dismisse his Aydes, and to returne home him­selfe, he brought Iugurth (with intent to reward and honour him) before the assembly, into the Praetorian Tent: And there in secret gaue him these admonitions: that he should rather publick­ly [Page 229] then priuately obserue the friendship of the Ro­man people, that he should not accustome himselfe to particular largesses: those fauours would be bought dangerously from some few, in which many were interessed: if he would be constant to his owne courses, renowne and the Kingdome would come to him freely: but if hee should proceed with too much haste, he and his mo­ney would be ruined to­gether.

Hauing spoken thus, he dismissed him with letters, which hee was to deliuer vnto Micispa. The contents of them were these.

The valour of thy Iu­gurth [Page 230] in the Numantine warre, hath beene most remarkable: which for certaine I know reioyceth thee: hee is for his merits deare to vs; that hee may be so to the Senate and people of Rome, we shall endeuour with all our power: I am sincerely thankfull to thee for our friendship. Behold, you haue a man wor­thy of your selfe, and his grandfather Massinissa.

Therefore the King, as soone as hee saw those things confirmed by the Generals letters, which he had formerly heard by a common fame, mo­ued with the worth and [Page 231] respect of the man, resolues to winne Iugurth with his bounty: thereupon he a­dopted him, & by his testa­ment ordained him coheire with his sonnes: But he himselfe after some few yeeres, being spent with sickenesse and old age, when he perceiued his end of life to approach, was said to haue had these words with Iugurth, his friends, and kinsmen, and his sonnes being present.

I entertained thee into my Kingdome (O Iugurth) being a child left without hope, without fortunes; conceiuing that I should be as much indeared to thee for my benefits, as if I had beene thy naturall [Page 232] father: neither hath this opinion deceiued me. For to omitte others of thy great and glorious ex­ploits, returning lately from Numantia, thou hast honoured both me and my Kingdome with glo­ry; and by thy vertue hast made the Romans of Con­federates, most intimate friends. The name of our family is renewed in Spaine: finally, which is a thing most difficult a­mongst mortals, with glo­ry thou hast vanquished enuy.

Now because nature doth an end to my life, I doe warne and con­iure thee by this right hand, and the Kingdomes [Page 233] allegeance, that thou wilt regard louingly these my children, who are thy kinsmen by birth, thy bre­thren by the benefit of my adoption; nor that thou wouldst rather adioyne strangers vnto thee, then retaine them conioyned in blood. Not Armies, nor trea­sure are the safeguards of a Kingdome, but friends: whom thou canst neither force by Armes, nor get with gold: by good offices & fidelity they are procured. But who can be more a friend then a bro­ther to a brother? or what strāger shall you find faith­full, when you shall be an enemie to your owne flesh and blood? Surely I leaue you a Kingdome strong, if [Page 234] you be good; weake, if you be wicked: for by concord small things increase, bydiscord the greatest are dissolued.

Besides it becomes thee, (O Iugurth) since thou art their elder in yeeres, and wisedome, to foresee, that nothing fall out otherwise then well. For in euery con­trouersie, he that is most power­full, although he receiues the wrong, yet because hee is most able, hee is thought to doe it. But as for you Adherbal, and Hiempsal, loue and ob­serue this so worthy a man imitate his vertue, and in­deauour to the vtmost, that I may not seeme to haue adopted better chil­dren, then I haue begotten.

To this Iugurth, although [Page 235] he knew the King dissem­bled in his speech, and his owne thoughts were farre otherwise, answered re­spectiuely for the present: within some few dayes Micipsa dies.

CHAP. 2.
The three Kings assemble about the partition of the Kingdome. Iugurth is dis­graced. by Hiempsal: his reuenge and victory.

AFter they, according to the manner of Kings, had performed his obsequies magnificently, the Princes met all toge­ther, that they might con­sult amongst themselues [Page 236] of their affaires. But Hi­empsal, who was the yong­est of them all, being proud by nature, and for­merly despising Iugurths ig­nobilitie, because on the mothers side, his descent was meane, sate downe on the right hand of Adherbal, left Iugurth should be the middlemost of the three, which is accounted the place of honour amongst the Numidians. Yet at length being importuned by his brother to yeeld it to the elder, he was hard­ly remooued from thence to the other side.

There when many things were discussed for the ad­ministration of the King­dome, Iugurth amongst o­ther [Page 237] assertions maintaines, that all their consultations and decrees for fiue yeeres last past ought to be nulli­fied: for during all that time, Micipsa being-spent with age, was scarce sound in mind. Then Hiempsal answered, that this pleased him: for that he himselfe within these last three yeeres came by adoption to be coheire of the King­dome: which speech sunke deeper into Iugurths brest, then any man thought. Therefore from that time being perplexed with an­ger and feare, he labours, prepares, and onely plots the meanes, by which Hi­empsal might be treache­rously surprised. The pro­ceedings [Page 238] whereof being slowe, and his fierce mind vnappeased, he resolues howsoeuer to execute his purpose.

In the first assembly be­fore mentioned, it was a­greed vpon by the Kings, in regard of their dissensi­on, that the treasures should be deuided, and that the bounds of each ones Dominion should be limited. Thereupon a time for both [...]hese is pre­fixed, but the mony was to be soonest distributed: The Kings in the meane time remoued seuerally into places adioyning neere to the treasures. But Hiemp­sal by chance tooke vp his lodging in ones house in [Page 239] the towne of Thermida, who being chiefest Serge­ant at Armes to Iugurth, was much beloued and e­steemed of him: whom being offered for an instru­ment by fortune, he loades with promises, and per­swades: that vnder the co­lour of visiting his house, he should forge false keyes for the gates, for the true ones were deliuered to Hiempsal: Moreouer, when occasion should serue, he himselfe would come with sufficient Forces.

The Numidian speedi­ly executeth his com­mands: and as he was in­structed, brings in Iugurths Souldiers by night: they dispersing themselues, seek [Page 240] the King: they kill some sleeping, others incoun­tring them: they search the secretest places, breake vp the barred doores, and confound all things with noise and tumult: when in the meane time Hiempsal is found out, being hid in the cottage of a woman seruant, whither at the first being frighted, and ignorant of the place, he was fled. The Numidians, as they were commanded, brought his head to Iu­gurth.

Now the fame of so great an outrage is quick­ly divulged throughout all Africke: a sudden feare surpriseth Adherbal and all those, who had beene vn­der [Page 241] Micipsaes gouern­ment. The Numidians are diuided into two parts: the most follow Adherbal, but that other the best men of warre. whereupon Iugurth leuyeth the greatest Forces that he could▪ the Citties, part­ly by force, and partly by voluntary surrender he adioines to his owne Do­minions: and makes pre­parations to subiect all Numidia [...]

B [...]t Adherbal, although he had sent Ambassadours to Rome, which were to informe the Senate of his brothers murthers, and his owne estate, yet trusting in the multitude of his Souldiers, he prouides a [Page 242] tryall by Armes: when the matter came to debate­ment, being ouercome he flies out of the battell in­to his Prouince, and from thence hee poasteth to Rome. Then Iugurth his designes being compas­sed, after he got the Soue­raignety of all Numidia, considering at leisure the fact by him committed, he much feared the peo­ple of Rome; nor against their indignation could he assure any hope, except it were from the auarice of the Nobility, and his owne money. Therefore some few dayes after, he sends his Ambassadours to Rome with much gold and siluer, to whom hee [Page 245] gaue in charge; that first with gifts they should sa­tisfie his old friends: then they should procure new: finally, that they should not delaye to corrupt with bribes, whomsoeuer they could.

But as soone as the Am­bassadours were arriued at Rome, and according to their Kings command had sent rich presents vn­to their Patrons and o­thers, whose authority as then was most powerfull in Senate: such an altera­tion forthwith insued, that Iugurth from their highest displeasure, was re­ceiued into the grace and fauour of the Nobility: Part of whom being in­duced [Page 242] with hopes, part with rewards, laboured by suing to the Senatours seuerally, that no rigo­rous Decree might passe against him. Thereupon as soone as the Ambassa­dours were fully confir­med, an Audience in Se­nate, vpon an appointed day is granted to both parties: Then Adherbal (as we haue heard) spake after this manner.

CHAP. 3.
Adherbals Oration to the Senate. The reply of Iu­gurths Ambassadours.

YE Fathers Conscript, Micipsa my father in­ioyned [Page 245] me, that I should thinke the deputed Go­uernment of the King­dome of Numidia to be onely mine; that the right and Soueraignty was in­tirely yours: withall that I should striue to the vt­most both in peace and [...]arre, to be most seruicea­ [...] vnto you: That I [...] esteeme you in the place of kinsmen and Allies. If I did thus, I should possesse by your friendship Armies, ri­ches, and the fortresses of my Kingdome▪ Which precepts of my fa [...]then, whilst obserued, Iugurth a man of all; whom the earth beares, the most wicked, hath thrust out me [Page 246] Massenissaes nephew, and your Confederate and friend, as it were by inheritance, out of my Kingdome, and all my for­tunes.

And since (ye Fathers Conscript) I was to arriue at this point of misery, I would that rather for my owne, then my Ance­stours, I could claim [...] [...] ­sistance from you; But es­pecially, that good offices might be due to me from the Romane people, of which I stood not any wayes necessitated; next to this I would, if they were to be wisht for, that I might vse them as debts of duty. But because good­nesse is hardly safe in it­selfe, [Page 247] neither was I assu­red, what Iugurths demea­nour would be, I fled to you for refuge (ye Fathers Conscript) vnto whom, which is the greatest mise­ry to me, I am compelled to be a burthen, before I could be vsefull.

Other Kings either sub­dued by warre, haue beene by you admitted into friendship, or else in their doubtfull, affaires, haue required your alliance. Our Family contracted friendship with the peo­ple of Rome in the Car­thaginian warre, at what time their faith was more to be valued, then their fortune, whose off-spring, me and Massinissaes ne­phew [Page 248] doe not suffer (ye Fathers Conscript) to implore your Ayde in vaine. If I had no other cause to require it besides my wretched fortune: in that, being not long since a King powerfull in li­nage, renowne and for­ces; now deformed with troubles, and poore, I doe expect other mens helpes: yet had it concerned the Maiesty of the Romane people to repell this iniu­ry, and not to suffer any mans Kingdome to be in­larged by villany.

But I am expelled out of those territories which the Romane people gaue to my Ancestours; from whence my father and [Page 249] grandfather, ioyntly with you, chased Siphat and the Carthaginians: Your benefits are wrested from me (ye Fathers Conscript) you in my wrong are des­pised. Ay me wretched man. To this issue, (Mi­cipsa my father) are thy benefits come; that whom thou hast made equall with thy children, and partaker of the King­dome, he should be the chiefe suppresser of thy progeny? neuer therefore shall our Family rest? shall we alwayes conuerse with blood, armes, and flights?

Whilst the Carthagi­nians flourished in safety, all grieuances▪ we iustly [Page 250] suffered. The enemy on each side: you our friends were farre off, all hope lay in our armes. But af­ter that plague was rid out of Africke, we exerci­sed peace securely; as vn­to whom there was no foe, except perchaunce such a one, whom you would inioyne. But be­hold Iugurth aduancing himselfe with vnsufferable boldnesse, pride, and vil­lany (my brother and the same his kinsman being slaine) first, made his Kingdome the reward of his wickednesse: after, when he could not cir­cumuent me with the same wiles, expecting no­thing lesse then warre or [Page 251] violence; in your Empire, as you see, he hath made mee liue in exile from my house and Country, being poore, and ouerwhelmed with miseries; so that any where my abode may be safer, then within my owne Kingdome.

I thought so (ye Con­script Fathers) as I had heard my father relate; that they who should ob­serue your friendship stri­ctly, vndertooke a labo­rious taske, but that of all men they were the safest. What lay in our families power, it performed, to assist you in al your wars; it lyes in your hands (ye Conscript Fathers) to safeguard vs at your lei­sure. [Page 252] Our father left: vs two brethren, this third Iugurth he thought by his benefits to allye vnto vs: one of the two is slaine, the other hath hardly escaped his impious hands.

What shall I doe? or whither, wretch that I am, shall I addresse my selfe? all supports of al­liance are lost: my Fa­ther by the decree of na­ture is deceased: a kins­man, whom it least besee­med, hath villanously murthered my brother: the rest of my Confede­rates, friends, and kinsmen, this or that mischiefe hath seuerally oppressed. Those whom Iugurth hath atta­ched, some haue beene [Page 253] crucified, others haue beene exposed to wild beasts: a few whose soules are onely left, being shut vp in darkenesse with an­guish and griefe, leade a life more grieuous then death.

If all those proprieties, which I haue either lost, or from being vsefull, are become hurtfull, remai­ned intire: yet if any vn­expected calamity hap­ned, I should implore you (ye Fathers Con­script) to whom for the Maiesty of your Empire, all right and wrong ought to be regardfull. But now being banished from my house and Country, or [...]orne, and wanting an ho­nest [Page 252] [...] [Page 253] [...] [Page 254] accommodations, whither shall I goe? or to whom shall I appeale? vn­to the Nations and Kings, all of whom hate our fa­mily in regard of your friendship? what, can I goe to any place where there are not many hostile mo­numents of my Ance­stours? will any commise­rate vs, who was euer an enemy to you? finally, Massinissa taught vs thus (ye Fathers Conscript) that we should obserue none but the people of Rome, that we should contract no new Confe­deracies and Leagues, that in your friendship wee should haue sufficient as­surance. If the fortune of [Page 255] your state suffred altera­tion, we must perish with you.

By your owne vertue, and the fauour of the gods you are mighty & power­full; all things are prospe­rous and obedient vnto you: so that you may with more ease releeue the wrongs of your Confede­rates. Onely this I feare, that Iugurths priuate insi­nuation (as yet not well discouered) may peruert some mens iudgements, who, as I heare, doe with all their power labour, sue, and sollicite you seuerally, that you would not decree any thing of him being absent, and his cause vn­heard, pretending that [Page 256] I disguise my speech, and counterfeit flight, who if I list, might remaine in my Kingdome. But would to God I might see him, by whose vnnaturall treason, I am throwne into these miseries, dissembling af­ter the same manner: and that this care of humane affaires might be tooke by you, or by the immortall gods, that he, who is nowe growne proud, and honoured for his villanies, being tortured with all kind of mischiefes, might for his impiety towards my father, for the mur­mer of my brother, and for my calamities, [...]ender sufficient punishment.

Already (brother most [Page 257] deare to my soule) al­though thy life hath been taken from thee vntimely, and by ill beseeming meanes, yet I thinke this, thy fortune to be rather reioyced at then lamen­ted: for not a Kingdome, but flight, exile, want, and all other miseries, which vexe me, thou hast lost together with thy life. But I vnhappy man, pre­cipitated into such mis­fortunes, and beaten out of my fathers Kingdome, doe represent a spectacle of mans estate: vnresol­ued what to doe, whether I shall persecute thy wrongs, being my selfe destitute of helpe, or pro­uide for my Kingdomes [Page 258] good, the power of whose life and death lyes at the mercy of others. Would to God to dye, were an end proper for my for­tunes; that I might not seeme to liue despised, if tired with troubles, I yeel­ded to iniury.

Now, because I haue no pleasure to liue, nor power to dye without dis­grace (ye Fathers Con­script) coniured by your selues, by your children, your parents and the Ma­iestie of the Romane peo­ple, releeue me a man di­stressed, preuent my wrong, and suffer not the Kingdome of Numidia, which is yours, to be pol­luted with Treason and [Page 259] the blood of our family.

After the King had fini­shed his speech, Iugurths Ambassadours more con­fident in their gifts, then goodnesse of cause, answere briefly: that Hiempsal for his cruelty was slaine by the Numi­dians: that Adherbal of his owne accord making war, being ouercome complai­ned, because he was dis­inabled to doe wrong; that Iugurth requested the Senate, that they would take him for no other, then he was knowne at Numantia: nor that they would value his enemies words before his deeds.

Vpon this, both of [Page 260] them depart the Court, foorthwith the Senate takes counsell: the Pa­trones of the Ambassa­dours, besides a great par­ty corrupted with fauour, vilified Adherbal in their speeches: with praises they magnifie Iugurths vertue [...] with counte­nance, words, and all other meanes, they stroue to defend another mans treason and wickednesse, as if it had concerned their owne honour.

But oppositely some few, to whom goodnesse and equity, were dearer then riches, gaue sen­tence, that Adherbal was to be succoured, and Hiempsals death was seuere­ly [Page 261] to be punished. But of them all, most earnest was Aemilius Scaurus, a Noble man, of an actiue spirit, factious, couetous of rule, and honour; yet one that could cunningly pal­liate his vices. He hauing obserued the Kings noto­rious and impudent bri­bery, fearing (as it falls out in like cases) that with too much liberty of lan­guage, he might procure enuy, he restrained his mind from that wonted humour. Notwithstan­ding in Senate that part preuailed, which before right preferred reward or fauour. A Decree is made, that ten Delegates should diuide the Kingdome [Page 262] which Micipsa held, be­tweene Iugurth and Ad­herbal. The chiefe of this Ambassie, was Lu. Opi­mius, a man much estee­med, and powerfull in Senate, because being Con­sull, when as C. Graccus, and Mar. Fuluius were slaine, he did rigorously prosecute the reuenge of the Nobility against the Commons. Him Iugurth, although he had formerly beene his friend at Rome, entertained with great re­spect: by giuing and pro­mising much he wrought so, that before reputa­tion, loyaltie, nay all his owne fortunes, he prefer­red the Kings profit. The rest of the Delegates he [Page 263] attempted with the like practice: to some fewe, faith was more respected then money.

In the diuision, that part of Numidia, which bordereth Mauritania, be­ing more opulent in soyle and people, is assigned vnto Iugurth: that other, (more commended for shew then profit, as ha­uing more Harbours, and fairer houses,) fell to Ad­herbals lot.

CHAP. 4.
Africke described as was then knowne to the Romanes. Her first Inhabitants.

THe occasion seemes to require, that I [Page 264] should briefly deliuer the situation of Africke, and touch the conditions of those Nations, with whom we haue had warre or peace. But what places and people haue beene scarce frequented, through the skortching heate, mountaines, and desarts, of them I will relate no­thing for [...] certaine: the re­sidue [...] I will in few words vnsold.

In the diuision of the terrestriall Globe, most men allow Africke for a third part: some fewe would haue onely Asia & Europe: but Africke in Europe. Her borders on the West are the Ocean, and Mediterranean seas; [Page 265] on the East a spacious breadth of declining land, which place the Inhabi­tants call Carabathmon. The sea is rough without hauens: the soile is fertill of graine, fit for Cattell, scant of trees. In the Aire and earth, there is scarci­ty of water. The people are healthfull of body, swift of foot, patient of labour Old age dissolues most of them, except per­chance, such who perish by the sword or wild beasts. For seldome sicke­nesse kills any. Besides there are many creatures of venemous kinds.

But what people inha­bited Africke at first, and who afterward arriued, [Page 266] and how they were inter­mingled one with ano­ther, although it differs from the common report; yet as it hath beene inter­preted vnto vs out of the Punicke bookes, which were said to be King Hiempsals, and as the na­tiues of that Country thinke to be, I will dis­course in briefe. But the credit of it shall be requi­red of the Authours.

In the beginning, the Getulians and Libians in­habited Africke, a rough and barbarous people: whose food was the flesh of wild beasts, and such fruites of the earth, as Cattell eate. These men were gouerned neither [Page 267] by customes, Lawes, nor Magistrates: wandring disperst, they lodged there where night infor­ced. But after that Hercu­les dyed in Spaine (as the Africans doe coniecture,) his Army being composed of sundry Nations (ha­uing lost their Captaine, and many of the Leaders affecting the chiefe com­mand) disbanded shortly after. Of this number the Medes, Persains, and Ar­menians transported into Affricke by shipping, sea­zed vpon the Regions confining on the Medi­terranean sea; the Per­sians were inmost from the Ocean; and they dwelt in the Hulles of their [Page 268] ships turned vpside down, in lieu of Cottages: for neither the soyle afforded materials for building, neither had they meanes to buy or barter any from the Spaniards. The great Sea, and an vnknowne lan­guage prohibited all com­merce.

These by degrees, mar­rying with the Getulians, intermingled themselues with them; and because trying the goodnesse of the pasture, they wandred from one place to ano­ther, they called them­selues Numidae. Now euen to this day, the hou­ses of the Peazart Numi­dians, which they terme Mapalia, being very large, [Page 269] and couered with croo­ked tiles, doe resemble the bottomes of ships.

Vnto the Medes and Armenians, the Lybians adioyned themselues, for they liued next the Afri­can Sea; the Getulians more neere the Sunne, not farre from the skort­ching heat, and these soo­nest inhabited Townes: For being diuided from Spaine by a narrow sea, they resolued to trafficke one with another. The Lybians not long after corrupted their names, calling them in their bar­barous language, Mauri, for Medi.

But the estate of the Persians soone flourished; [Page 270] and after that the Nomo-Numidians, because of multitude forsaking their parents, possessed that ter­ritory, which lying next to Carthage is named Numidia. Then relying on each others support, they inforced their neigh­bours, either by Armes, or the terrour of them, vnto subiection: they got a name and renowne: those especially which were seated neerest to the Mediterranean sea. Be­cause the Lybians were lesse warlike then the Ge­tulians: besides, for that all nether Africke is pos­sessed by the Numidians; all the vanquished were incorporated into the [Page 271] name and Nation of the Conquerours.

Afterwards the Phaeni­cians, some for lessening the multitude at home, some through the desire of rule hauing sollicited the Commons, and others longing after nouelties, built Hippon, Adrume­tum, Leptis, and other Cities on the sea-coast; and these in short time be­ing much augmented, be­came partly a safe guard, partly an honour vnto their first Progenitours.

For to be silent of Car­thage, I hold it more per­tinent, then to speake of spa­ringly, since time warnes me to speede to another discourse.

[Page 272] Neere therefore vnto Catabathmon, which is the frountier diuiding Aegypt from Africke, in the lower sea, first of all appeareth Cirene a Colo­ny of the Thereans; then the two Syrtes, and be­tweene them Leptis: last of all the A [...]tars of the Philenian brethren, which place towards Ae­gypt the Carthaginians had for a border of their Empire: beyond are some Punicke Citties: the rest of those Regions the Nu­midians possesse, as farre as Mauritania. The Moores are next to Spaine. Aboue Numidia we haue heard the Ge [...]u­lians are liuing partly in [Page 273] Cottages, others of them wandring more wildly. Behind them are the Ae­thiopians, then the Coun­tries skortched with the Solar heate.

CHAP. 5.
The estate of the African af­faires, when these Warres began. Iugurth ingageth Adherbal to fight, and de­feateth his Army.

THerefore in the Iu­gurthine warre, the Romane people gouerned most part of the Punicke Townes, and the territo­ries of the Carthaginians last conquered, by their [Page 274] Magistrates. A great part of the Gerulians, and the Numidians as farre as the riuer Mulucha, were vnder Iugurths rule: All the Moores King Bocchus commanded, but by re­port, being wholy igno­rant of the Roman people, and neuer before knowne to vs by any occasion of warre or peace. Of Africk, and her Inhabitants e­nough is spoken for the present vse.

After that the King­dome being diuided, the Delegates were departed from Africke; and Iugurth contrary to his owne feare, sawe that he had obtained the rewards of his vil­lany; besides deeming [Page 275] as he had heard, from his friends at Numantia, that all things at Rome were venall: and withall being inflamed with their promises, whom before he had loaded with gifts, he bends his thoughts wholly vpon Adherbals Kingdome. He himselfe was fierce and warlike, but that other whom he inua­ded, was peaceable, no Souldier, of a soft dispo­sition, a fit subiect for wrong, more fearing, then to be feared.

Whereupon, Iugurth on the suddaine doth inuade his Frountiers with a strong Army: hee takes many men prisoners, with Cat­tell [Page 276] and other booty; he burnes houses, & in hostile manner surprizeth many places with his Cauallery. Then he retires with all his Troupes into his owne Kingdome; conie­cturing that Adherbal pro­uoked with indignation, would forcibly reuenge these wrongs, and that would be a sufficient pre­tence for warre.

But he, for that he e­steemed himselfe no match for the other in Armes, and because he re­lyed more on the friend­ship of the Romane peo­ple, then on the Numi­dians; he sends Ambassa­dours to Iugurth, to com­plaine of these iniuries [Page 277] who although they retur­ned a reproachfull an­swer, yet first to suffer all things was he resolued, then to vndertake the warre, because being formerly tryed, it had sor­ted to his losse. Neither for that was Iugurths am­bition any whit lessened, as one who in his conceit had swallowed the others whole Kingdome: where­fore not as before with a predatory Troupe, but with a mighty Army le­uied, he began to make warre, and openly clai­med the whole Kingdom of Numidia.

Then whersoeuer he mar­ched, he wasted the Citties & fields: he driueth preyes; [Page 278] in his owne men he am­plifieth courage, in his enemies terrour.

Adherbal, when he per­ceiued his affaires brought to this issue, that he must either relinquish his King­dome, or retaine it by Armes, out of meere ne­cessity he raiseth Forces, and aduanceth to meet Iugurth: vpon this not far from the sea, neere to the towne of Cirtha, both Armies incamped: and because the day was then closing, they did not be­gin the battell. But as soone as more then mid­night was past, the light being then obs [...]nre, the Iugurth [...]e Souldiers, a signall being giuen, as­sailed [Page 279] the enemies Camp: some halfe sleeping, o­thers taking armes they chase and defeate: Adher­bal with some few Horse­men escapes to Cirtha: and except great numbers of Cittizens had from the walls, stayed the pursuing Numidians, in one day the warre betweene these two Kings had beene be­gun and ended.

Thereupon Iugurth be­leaguers the Towne: with vine workes, Towers and all other warlike engines hee indeuours to take it: making all possible speed to anticipate the returne of the Ambassadours, who before the battel fought, he heard were sent to Rome [Page 280] by Adberbal. But after the Senate was informed of this warre, three young men are dispatched for A­fricke, who should goe to both the Kings, and deli­uer this message by word of mouth, That the Senate and people of Rome, did will and require them to lay downe their Armes: thus to doe, was an act worthy of themselues, and them their friends.

CHAP. 6.
Three young men dispatched from Rome vnto the two Kings, arriue in Africke. Iugurths deepe dissimula­tion. After their depar­ture he reinuesteth Cirtha.

THe Ambassadours came with more speed into Africke, be­cause at Rome, whilst they were preparing to goe, they heard of the battel fought, and the besieging of Cirtha. But that rumour was fauoura­ble.

Iugurth hauing vnder­stood the tenour of their message, answered: That [Page 282] to himselfe not any thing was more esteemed, nor dearer then the authority of the Senate: that from his youth vpward he had so indeuoured himselfe, that he might get the ap­probation of all good men: that for his vertue, not his ill deeds, he was gracious to P. Scipio, that man of men: for the same respects, he was adopted by Micipsa into the King­dome, not for any want of Issue. Besides, by how much the more he had done things well and brauely, by so much the lesse could his spirit dis­gest wrongs. That Adher­bal had treacherously laid waite for his life, which [Page 283] as soone as he discoue­ [...]ed, he had but preuen­ [...]ed his villany: that the people of Rome should not deale according to [...]ustice nor honesty, if [...]hey should debarre him from the Law of Nations. Finally, that for the set­ [...]ing of all his affaires, he would speedily send Am­bassadours to Rome: Thus both of them seuer themselues. Licence of speaking with Adherbal was not graunted.

Iugurth, as soone as he thought they were de­parted from Africke, for that in regard of its natu­rall situation, he could not force Cirtha by Armes: hee enuirones [Page 284] the walls with a Ditch and Rampier: he raised Towers, and assured them with strong guards; more ouer, day and night he [...] makes triall of his fortune either by force or fraude he presents to those who defended the walls, some times rewards, some times terrour: by incouraging his owne men he doth raise their valour he is wholly bent vpon all needfull preparations.

When Adherbal vnderstood that all his fortunes were reduced vnto a des­perate extremity, that the enemy was implacable, that there was no hope of Aide, that for want of necessary meanes the wars [Page 285] could not be prolonged: of them, which with him fled to Cirtha, he selected two of a most actiue dis­position; them by large promises, and commise­ration of his estate, he in­duceth, that through the enemies workes they should make an escape to the neerest sea, and from thence to Rome. The Nu­midians in some few daies performe his commands: The letters of Adherbal were recited in the Se­nate: whose tenour was this:

Not through my owne default (ye Fathers Con­script) doe I send so of­ten to petition you: the [Page 286] violence of Iugurth, doth inforce it: whom so stronge a desire of mur­thering me hath possessed, that he hath neither you, nor the immortall gods in his mind; he doth more thirst for my blood, then for all things else. Where­fore now this fifth mo­neth, I being a Confede­rate and friend of the Ro­mane people, am besie­ged by force of Armes: neither the benefits of my father Micip [...]a, nor your Decrees are auailable: whether with sword or fa­mine he doth most presse me, I am vncertaine. To write more of this Iugurth, my fortune doth disswade me: I haue already tryed, [Page 287] that small credit is giuen to miserable men. But yet I doe sufficiently con­ceiue, that he aymeth at some thing aboue that which I am, neither doth he hope at once for your friendship and my King­dome: whether he pro­ [...]ects any thing more hai­nous, there is no man but knowes.

For at first, he murthe­red Hiempsal my brother: then he droue me out of my fathers Kingdome. What iniuries were sole­ly ours, did nothing per­taine to you. But now hee vsurpeth my Kingdome by Armes: me whom you haue appointed to rule ouer the Numidians, he [Page 288] keepes shut vp, and besie­ged. How much he va­lued your Ambassadours speeches, my dangers de­clare. What remedy is left, but your power, by which he may be remo­ued? for verily I could wish, that those things, which I now write, and those of which I haue for­merly complained in Se­nate, were all false, rather then my misery should giue credit to my words.

But because I was borne for this purpose, that I should be the scoffe of Iu­gurths vilanies, I doe not now deprecate death and miseries, but only my ene­mies tyranny, and bodily to ments. For the King­dome [Page 289] of Numidia which is yours, prouide as you please: deliuer me out of his impious hands, by the Maiesty of your Empire, by the faith of your friend­ship, if any remembrance abides with you of my grand-father Massinissa.

CHAP. 7.
Ambassadours of greater qua­lity are commissioned to goe for Africke. They are slacke in their charge. Cir­tha yeelds vpon composi­tion. Adherbal is slaine.

THese letters being read, some were of [Page 290] opinion, that an Army was to be sent into Africk, and Adherbal was to be forthwith succoured: that they should aduise them­selues concerning Iugurth, because he had disobeyed the Ambassadours. But the very same fauourers of the King laboured with all their power, that no such Decree should passe. Thus the publicke good (as it oftentimes falls out) was ouercome by priuate fa­uour. Yet were there sent into Afticke other Noble men, elder then the first, who had vndergone most honourable charges: a­mongst whom was M. Scaurus, (of whom wee haue formerly spoken) [Page 291] one who had beene Con­sull, and was as then Pre­sident of the Senate. These, because the foule­nesse of the fact was sub­iect to much hatred, and withall being importuned by the Numidians, imbar­ked themselues the third day following; then lan­ding not long after at Vti­ca, they dispatched let­ters to Iugurth importing, that with all, possible speed, he should come to them into the Prouince.

He as soone as he vn­derstood, that men of ho­nour, whose authority he heard was powerfull at Rome, came purposely to crosse his proceedings; being at first much per­plexed, [Page 292] he was diuersly distracted with feare and desire. He feared the dis­pleasure of the Senate, if he shewed himselfe diso­bedient to the Ambassa­dours: againe his mind being blinded with ambi­tion, did violently trans­port him towards the in­tended treason: yet euill counsell preuailed ouer his head-strong disposi­tion.

Thereupon his Army hauing surrounded Cir­tha, he endeuours to force it to the vtmost of his power, being very hopefull, that the ene­mies Troupes being thus diuided, he should by as­sault, or stratagem, [Page 293] find out some way of vi­ctory for himselfe: which falling out otherwise, and being vnable to effect, what he intended, about the surprizing of Adherbal, before he visited the Am­bassadours; lest by fur­ther delayes he might of­fend Scaurus, whō he much feared, with a few Horse­men hee comes into the Prouince. And although to the orders of the Senate heauy comminations were added, in case he should not desist from the siege, yet after much talke in vaine, they departed with­out any further effect.

After these things were related at Cirtha, these Italians (by whose valour [Page 294] the walls were defended) being confident, that vpon a surrender made, they should in regard of the Maiesty of the Ro­mane name, be dismissed without any further hurt, doe perswade Adherbal, that he should yeeld him­selfe and the towne to Iu­gurth: onely he should condition with him for his life, that as for the rest, the Senate would be care­full. But he, although he deemed all things safer then Iugurths faith, yet be­cause they had power in themselues to force him, if he should be refractory, he makes a surrender. Thereupon Iugurth hauing first tortur'd Adherbal, puts [Page 295] him to death; then hee murthers all the Numi­dian youth, and mar­chants promiscuously, as any man incountred his armed Souldiers.

After which massacre was published at Rome, and the matter began to be debated in Senate, the very same ministers of the King, by interposing themselues, and protra­cting time, now by fa­uour, then againe by their cauils, did mitigate the foulenes of the fact: so that except C. Memius Tribune of the people elect, (being a man of courage, and much offended with the power of the Nobility) had fully informed the [Page 296] people of Rome, that a plot was layd, for procu­ring Iugurths pardon, by some few of his faction, without question all the hatred of this his offence, had vanished into no­thing, through their di­latory consultations. So powerfully wrought the Kings fauour and mo­ney.

But as soone as the Se­nate, through the con­science of their owne er­rour, grew fearefull of the people: by the Sempro­nian Law, Numidia and Italy were decreed for Prouinces to the future Cousuls. P. Scipio Nasica, L. Bestia Calpurnius, were declared Consuls: to Cal­purnius [Page 297] Numidia, to Sci­pio Italy fell by lot. forth­with an Army is inrolled to be transported into Africke: paye and all o­ther prouisions requisite for the warre are appoin­ted.

But Iugurth, contrary to his expectation, being in­formed of this by a mes­senger; for because he was fully perswaded that all things were venall at Rome: he sends his sonne, and with him two of his familiar friends Ambassa­dours to the Senate, and giues them in charge, as he had done to those, whom he had sent after Hiempsal was slaine, that they should corrupt whomsoeuer [Page 298] they could with money. who when they were come to Rome, the Senates aduice was demā ­ded of Bestia whether it were their pleasures, that Iugurths Ambassadours should be receiued into the Citty: and then the Lords decreed, that ex­cept they came to surren­der the Kingdome, and Iugurth himselfe, they should depart out of Italy within tenne dayes next following. The Consull out of the Decree of the Senate, commands this to be reported to the Nu­midians: Thus they re­turne home without any successe in their suite.

CHAP. 8.
Calpurnius is sent with an Army into Affricke. He is corrupted by Iugurth.

IN the meane time Cal­purnius, an Army being leuyed, substitutes vnder himselfe some Noble men, giuen to faction, by whose authority he hopes to for­tifie his owne faultes: a­mongst whom was Scau­rus, of whose nature and condition wee haue for­merly spoken. For in this our Consull, there were many good indowmēts of body and mind, all which Auarice choaked. He was patient of labour, of a [Page 300] sharpe wit, prouident enough, no ill Souldier, most firme against dan­gers and deceits.

But the Legions pas­sing thro [...]gh Italy to Rhe­gium, and from thence into Sicily, were finally transported from Sicily into Africke. Thereupon Calpurnius, hauing first made prouision of victu­als, inuaded Numidia fiercely: many men, and some Cities hee tooke there by plaine force. But as soone as Iugurth by his Ambassadours, began to tempt him with bribes, and to remonstrate the dif­ficulty of the warre, which he now waged, his weake mind was soone corrup­ted [Page 301] through Auarice.

Besides Scaurus is enter­tained for a Partner, and Administratour of all his counsels: who al­though from the very be­ginning he had eagerly opposed the King, when most of the faction were wrought to his hand; yet by a mighty masse of mo­ney he was withdrawne from being good and ho­nest, to be as bad as the worst. But Iugurth onely at first purchased a cessa­tion from armes thinking that in the intercourse thereof, he should com­passe something at Rome either by bribes or fauour: after when he heard that Scaurus was made a party [Page 302] in his cause, he hauing great hopes of procuring peace, resolued to me­diate with them perso­nally for a finall a­greement. But in this meane time Sextus the Treasurer was sent by the Consull for an hostage in­to Vacca, a towne of Iu­gurths: the colour of this mission was the receite of corne that Calpurnius had publikely imposed on the Ambassadours; because through the delay of their surrender the truce was prolonged.

Thereupon the King ac­cording to appointment, comes into the Camp: and hauing deliuered some few words, the [Page 303] Counsell being present, concerning the hatred of his fact, and withall, that he might be receiued to mercy: the rest he com­municates with Bestia and Scaurus in secret, then the rest of their opinions being demanded by a promis­cuous voting, he is recei­ued vpon termes of com­position. But as it was or­dered before the Coun­sell, thirty Elephants, much Cattell and Horses, with no small summes of money are deliuered to the Treasurer. Calpurnius goes to Rome for the ele­ction of Magistrates: in Numidia, and our Army peace was obser­ued.

[Page 304] When some had diuul­ged the passage and the manner of these African affaires: at Rome in all places, and all assemblies, the Consuls demeanour was much spoken of: the Commons were deepely incensed: the Fathers were much troubled: whether they should approue a crime of such a high condi­tion, or nullifie the Cōsuls Decree. And chiefly the power of Scaurus, because he was reported to be au­thour of this to Bestia and his confederate, hindred them from courses of equity and conueniency.

But Caius Memnius, (of the freedome of whose na­ture, and hatred of the [Page 305] Nobilities greatnesse, we haue formerly spoken) betweene the doubts and delayes of the Senate, ex­horteth the people in his Orations to reuenge: he doth admonish them, that they should not for­sake the Common-wealth, nor their owne liberty: he represents many insolent and cruell outrages of the Nobility: being wholly bent to exasperate the mindes of the Commons. But because Memnius elo­quence in those times was much spoken of, and re­nowned at Rome, I thought it expedient, to render in writing one of his Orations amongst so many: and especially, I [Page 306] will relate that, which he vttered in the assembly af­ter Bestiaes returne, in these or the like words.

CHAP. 9.
The Eloquent Oration of C. Memmius to the people of Rome.

YEE men of Rome, many reasons dis­swade me from you, if the care of the Republicke did not surmount them all: as the strength of the Faction, your patience, & want of Iustice; but spe­cially that Innocence hath more danger, then Ho­nour: for it greeues me [Page 307] verily to relate, how these fifteene yeeres, you haue beene the scoffe of some few mens pride, how poorely and vnreuenged your protectours peri­shed: so that through slouth and cowardice your spirits are tainted: who not euen now, rouze vp your selues against these obnoxious enemies; but withall ye feare those, whose terrour ye ought to bee: yet howsoeuer these things stand, my mind is perforce re­solued to oppose the power of the Faction. Surely I will make an ex­perience of that liberty, which descended to me from my father; but whe­ther [Page 308] I shal do this in vaine or to the purpose, it lye in your hands, O ye Ro­manes!

Neither doe I perswade you, which our Ance­stours haue often done that you should incounter iniuries with Armes there is no need of force, nor of disunion: requisite it is, that they should runne headlong in their owne courses. Tiberius Graccus being slaine, (whom they reported to ayme at the Kingdom) grie­uous informations were preferred against the Cō ­monalty of Rome. Besides after the murther of C. Graccus, and M. Fuluius, many men of your ranke [Page 309] were slaine in prison. Of both these massacres, not law, but their lust limited the period.

But verily it shall be making way to the King­dome, to restore the Com­mons to their owne: what­soeuer reuenge cannot be exercised without ciuill blood, let it be thought rightfully done.

In these former yeeres you were secretly offen­ded, that the Treasury should be pillaged, that Kings and Free-states should bee tributaries to some few Noble men: that with them should remaine the highest honour, and greatest weath: yet to haue committed these so [Page 310] great outrages without impunity, they haue made it a matter of small ac­count. Therefore at lēgth the Lawes, your Maiesty, all diuine, and humane priuiledges are betrayed vnto your enemies: nei­ther are they, who haue done thus, either ashamed or greeued: but they braue it in pompe euen to your teeth: some vanting their Priesthoodes, and Consul­ships, othersome their Triumphs: as though for­sooth they had these for markes of honour, not of rapine.

Slaues bought with mo­ny doe not well disgest the vniust commaunds of their Masters: doe you [Page 311] (O yee Romans) borne to command, with patience suffer seruitude? But who are those, who haue vsur­ped vpon the Common-wealth? The worst of men, whose hands are bloody, whose Auarice is infinite, being most no­cent, and withall most in­solent: by whom faith, ho­nour, and religion, finally all things honest & disho­nest are accounted lawfull sales. One part of them for killing the Tribunes of the people: others for wrongfull examinations, the most part for murde­rous plots against you, challenge protections for themselues. Thus, by how much euery man hath [Page 312] done worst, by so much the more is he safe. The terrour of this they haue transferred from their owne wickednesse to your cowardice. All of whom it hath combined in one to desire, hate, and feare alike. But this amongst good men is friendship, amongst euill faction.

But if you had so great a care of liberty, as they are ambitious to rule, without doubt the Com­mon-wealth should not, as it is now; bee wasted; and your benefits should be bestowed vpon the best, not the boldest. Your An­cestours for procuring their right, and establish­ing their greatnesse, twice [Page 313] disuniting themselues, in warrelike manner posses­sed mount Auentine: will not you for the liberty, which yee haue receiued from them, striue with your best indeauours? and by so much the more ea­gerly, by how much it is a greater dishonour, to lose acquisitions, then to acquire nothing at all.

Some man will say, What therefore is to bee done? doe you giue sen­tence to take reuenge vp­on them, who haue betray­ed the Common-wealth to the enemie? not by the hand, nor by violence, which is more vnworthy for you to doe, then for them to suffer? but by the [Page 314] examination and confessi­on of Iugurth himselfe, who if he surrenders himselfe, no doubt but he will obey your commands: but if he contemnes them, then shall you make a true con­iecture, what manner of peace, or surrender that may be; by which to Iu­gurth impunity of his vil­lanies, to some fewe great men the greatest riches, to the Cōmon-wealth dam­mage and dishonour doth redound.

Except perchance as yet the same pleasure of their tiranny doth possesse you: and those former times delight you more then these, in which King­domes, Prouinces, lawes, [Page 315] rights, iudgements, wars, and peace; finally all di­uine and human rights were in the power of some fewe. But yee, that is, the Romane people, being vn­uanquished by your ene­mies, and the rulers of all Nations, thought it enough for your selues to liue: for seruitude which of you durst to refuse?

And though I thinke it most loathsome to a man, to suffer wrong without reuenge, yet could I en­dure with patience, that you should pardon these notorious malefactours, because they are Cit [...]i­zens; if this mercy would not [...]urne to your ruine. For with them it workes [Page 316] small effects, (how much importunity soeuer they haue,) that they haue of­fended without punish­ment, except a farther li­berty of ill doing be taken from them: and with you an euerlasting vexation shall remaine, when you consider that you must either serue, or maintaine your liberty by Armes.

For of faith and con­cord, what hopes are there? They would Lord it, you would bee free: they would doe wrong, you would restraine it: last of all your Alies they vse like enemies, and your enemies like Alies. Can peace and friendship [Page 317] dwell together in such dif­ferent affections?

For which cause I doe ad­monish and perswade you, that yee doe not without impunity sleight so great an offence. This is no rob­bery of the Common trea­sure: neither perforce are moneyes extorted from our Confederates: which crimes, although they are grieuous, yet through cu­stome, now they are estee­med nothing. To a most mercilesse enemy, the au­thority of the Senate is betrayed, your Soue­raignety is betrayed. In peace and warre the Com­mon-wealth hath beene set to sale. Which abuses except they be questio­ned, [Page 318] except punishment be inflicted vpon the of­fenders; what will remaine further, but that we must liue slaues to them who haue done these things. For with impunitie to doe what you list, that is to be a King.

Neither doe I (ye Ro­manes) perswade you, that at this time ye should rather wish your Cittizēs to doe amisse, then well; but that by pardoning the wicked, you doe not seeke to ruine the good. Besides, in a Common-wealth, it is better policy by farre, to be vnmindfull of a bene­fit, then of an offence. A good man onely growes more slowe, when you neglect him: [Page 319] a wicked man farre worse: More-ouer if iniuries cease, you shall haue no need of helpe.

By the frequent de­liuery of these, and such like speeches, C. Memmius perswaded the people of Rome, that L. Cassius who was then Praetour, should bee sent to Iugurth: and vpon the assurance of the publicke faith, should conduct him to Rome, that more plainely by the Kings confession, the delinquencies of Scau­rus, and of the rest, whom bribes had suborned, might appeare to all men.

CHAP. 10.
Cassius the Praetour is sent into Africke. He brings Iugurth to Rome. Bomil­car by the Kings command murthers his nephew Mas­siua. Vpon this Iugurth returnes into Africke; & renewes the warre.

VVHilst these af­faires passe thus at Rome, those who being deputed by Bestia, commanded the Army in Numidia, following their Generalls custome, com­mitted many, and most insolent outrages. There were some, who being corrupted with gold, re­deliuered [Page 321] the Elephants to Iugurth: others sold fugitiues: others made predatory excursions vp­on those, who had former­ly made their peace.

But Cassius the Praetour, (C. Memmius his demaund being reported, and all the Nobility being much terrified) passeth ouer to Iugurth: and perswades him being fearefull, and distrusting his owne estate out of the guilt of con­science, that whereas he had yeelded himselfe to the people of Rome, hee would not make tryall of their force, rather then of their clemency.

Priuately besides, he in­terposeth his owne faith, [Page 322] which the other esteemed no lesse then the publike: such at that time was Cas­sius reputation.

Thereupon Iugurth, con­trary to his royall dignity, comes to Rome in a most wretched habit. And al­though in him there was great confidence of spirit, (being incouraged by all those, by whose power or villany, he had mannaged all his former enterprises) he subornes with a mighty reward C. Baebius Tribune of the people, by whose impudence he might for­tifie himselfe against all right, and wrongfull pro­ceedings.

But C. Memmius, an as­sembly being called; (al­though [Page 323] the Commons were much offended with the King, and some of them commanded him to be cast into bonds, others, that except he appeached his Confederates, punish­ment should be taken of him as of an enemy, ac­cording to the custome of their Ancestours:) re­garding dignity more then anger, pacified the tu­mult, and appeased their mindes: finally he gaue his assurance, that the pu­blicke faith should in it selfe remaine inuiolable. Afterwards, when they began to be silent, Iugurth being produced, Memmius speakes. He relates his at­tempts at Rome and Nu­midia: [Page 324] he declares his vil­lanies against his father and brethren: by whose coassistance and ministery he did these things, al­though the Romane peo­ple knew full well, yet from him they would haue them manifested more plainely. If hee reuealed the truth, great hope was reposed for him, in the faith and clemencie of the people of Rome: but if he should conceale it, hee should not for all that saue his complices, but would ruine himselfe and his owne hopes.

Vpon this, when Mem­mius had made an end of speaking, and Iugurth was commanded to make his [Page 325] answer: C. Bebius Tribune of the people, (whom we haue formerly said to haue beene corrupted with mo­ny) bids the King to be si­lent: and although the multitude which was pre­sent in the assembly, being much incensed, terrified him with their clamour, countenance, frequent ve­hemency, and all other expressions, in the doing whereof anger delights: yet impudence ouercame. Thus the people being made a mockingstocke, departed out of the assem­bly. To Iugurth, Bestiae, and the rest, whom that exami­nation trouble, their minds became more inso­lent.

[Page 326] There was at that time a certaine Numidian at Rome, Massiua by name, the sonne of Gulussa, the nephew of Massinissa: who because in the dissention of the Kings, he had beene opposite to Iugurth; Cirtha being surrendred, and Ad­herbal slaine, escaping by flight, he forsooke Africke. This man Spurius Albinus perswades, (who the next yeere after Bestia, was Consull together with Q. Minutius Rufus) because he was a descendent from Massinissa, that he should prosecute Iugurth with ha­tred and terrour: that the Kingdome of Numidia he should craue of the Se­nate. The Consull was de­sirous [Page 327] to manage the war, he had rather all things should be disturbed, then confirmed. To him Nu­midia, to Minutius Mace­donia befell for Prouinces.

In which businesse when Massiua began to stir, and Iugurth was not sufficiently protected by his friends: because some of them a guiltie conscience, others infamy, and feare of mind did hinder: he commands Bomilcar, one who was neerest, and faithfullest vnto him, that for reward, (the meanes by which he had accomplished many things) hee should pro­cure some insidiously to murther Massiua; and to doe it with great secrecy; [Page 328] but if this plot did not succeede, he should how­souer kill this Numidian.

Bomilcar speedily exe­cutes his masters com­mands: and by men, exercised in such feates, he discouers his iourneies, and out-goings; finally all the circumstance of times, and places. Then as soone as occasion required, he layes his snares for him. Vpō this, one of them who were prepared for the murther, something vn­aduisedly assaults Massiua, and kills him: but being taken in the very act, ma­ny men exhorting him, but chiefly the Consull Albinus, he makes a free confession▪ Bomilcar is [Page 329] found guilty rather by the prescription of honesty and equity, then by the Lawe of Nations: as being one of his retinue, who came to Rome vnder the assurance of the publike faith.

But Iugurth being dete­cted of so hainous a crime, did not first omit to striue against the truth, before he perceiued, that the ha­tred of the fact did exceed both his fauour and mony. Therefore although in the former treaty he had giuen fifty of his friends for ho­stages: yet regarding more his Kingdome, then them, he dismisseth priuily Bo­milcar into Numidia, doubting, that the rest [Page 330] of his Cōfederates would be fearefull to obey him, if vpon this man punish­ment should haue beene inflicted. He himselfe also within some few dayes takes his iourney thither, being commanded by the Senate to depart from Italy. But after hee was gone forth of Rome, of­ten silently looking backe vnto it, at length he said: That the Citty was to be sold, and would quickly be lost, if it could but find a Chapman.

In the meane time Al­binus, the warre being re­newed hasteth to trans­port into Africke victuals, pay, and all other pro­uisions, which might be [Page 331] vsefull for the Soul­diers: and forthwith hee himselfe followes; of purpose, that be­fore the Assembly, for the election of new Magi­strates, (which time was not farre off) hee might by Armes, surrender, or some other meanes finish the warre. But Iugurth con­trariwise drawes out all his proceedings in length, hee pretends now these, then those causes of de­lay: hee promiseth to yeeld, and then faineth fearefulnesse: to him pur­suing he giues way, and forthwith, lest his owne men should grow diffi­dent, he pursues: thus sometimes by protracting [Page 332] the time of warre, some­times that of peace, he de­ludeth the Consull: so that there were some, who thought as then, that Al­binus was not altogether ignorant of the Kings Counsell: neither could they well conceiue, how from so much haste at first, the warre should now be prolonged, more through negligence, then cunning.

CHAP. 11.
Albinus goes to Rome, lea­uing his brother Aulus to command the Army. He is beaten by Iugurth, and makes a dishonorable peace with him.

BVt when as time pas­sing away, the dayes appointed for the election of Magistrates did ap­proach, Albinus leauing his brother Aulus Proprae­tour in the Campe, de­parted to Rome. At that time the Common-wealth was grieuously troubled with the Tribunitiall tu­mults of the Citty; P. Lucullus, and L. Annius [Page 334] Tribunes of the people, their Colleagues opposing them, laboured to cōtinue in their Office: which dis­sension hindred the Co­mitiall meetings for all that yeere.

Through this delay Au­lus growing full of hope, (whō we haue said to haue bin left Propraetour in the Camp) either to finish the warre, or to procure money by the terrour of his Army, calls forth his Souldiers in the month of Ianuary out of their Winter Garrisons: and with great marches, the season being cold, he ar­riues at the Towne of Su­thul, where the Kings treasures were. Which [Page 335] Peece, although through the vnseasonablenesse of the time, and the aduan­tage of situation, it could neither be surprised nor besieged (for round about the wall seated in the steepe extremity of a mountaine, a slimy plaine with winter waters had caused a marish) yet ei­ther that by his fained pre­tence, he might terrifie the King, or being blin­ded with the desire of gai­ning the towne for the treasures sake, he raiseth Vine-workes, casteth vp a Trench, and hasteneth al prouisions, which might be vsefull for this enter­prise.

But Iugurth hauing per­ceiued [Page 336] the vanity and vn­skilfulnesse of the Proprae­tour, out of cunning hee confirmeth his folly: he sends Ambassadours in suppliant mannner: he himselfe, as though hee shunned him, through fo­rests and by-wayes leades his Army: Finally, he in­gaged Aulus, through the hope of agreement, that Suthul being disas­sieged, he pursued him, as one that fled into vn­knowne Regions: thus his errours were the more cō ­cealed. In the meane time by crafty emissaries, day and nigbt he assayes the Army, some of the Cen­turions and Captaines of Horse-troups he subornes, [Page 337] to flie ouer vnto him; o­thers, that vpon a signall giuen, they should quitte their stations.

Which things being ordered according to his mind, late in the night at vnawares, he enuiro­neth Aulus Camp, with a multitude of Numidians. The Romane Souldiers being terrified with the vnusuall tumult, some of them tooke Armes: some of them hid themselues: others confirmed the fear­full [...] others feared: the Aire was obscured with night and cloudes: the danger was doubtfull: fi­nally, whether to flie, or stay, it were more safe, it was vncertaine.

[Page 338] But of that number, (which we haue mentio­ned a little before, to haue beene corrupted) one Co­hort of Ligurians, with two Troupes of Thracian Horse-men, and some few common Souldiers reuolted vnto the King: and the eldest Centurion of the Piles of the third Legion, through that worke, which he had vn­dertooke to defend, gaue meanes of entrance vnto the enemy: through which all the Numidians made an irruption. Our men with a dishonourable flight, most of them ha­uing cast away their Armes, seazed on the next hillocke. Night, and the [Page 339] spoile of the Camp, arre­sted the Enemies from making, further vse of the victory.

Then Iugurth the next day vpon an emparlance deliuered these words to Aulus: That although hee held him together with his Army, inclosed with sword and famine, yet that being mindfull of humane chances; if hee would make a League with him, hee would dis­misse them all in safety, passing vnder the yoake: withall that within tenne dayes hee should depart out of Numidia.

Which conditions al­though they were grie­ [...]ous, and full of disho­nour; [Page 340] yet for that they wauered through the feare of death, peace was concluded according to the Kings pleasure. But as soone as these [...]idings were knowne at Rome, feare and griefe inuaded the Citty: some greeued for the glory of the Em­pire: others vnacquain­ted with warlicke euents, feared their liberty: with Aulus all men were offen­ded: especially those, who had beene often honou­red in warre; because that being armed, he procured his safety, rather by dis­grace, then by fighting manfully.

For these considera­tions, the Confull Albi­nus, [Page 341] mistrusting hatred and danger, in regard of his brothers fault, de­mands, counsell of the Senate concerning the League: and yet in the meane while he inrolles Supplyes for the Army: he sends for A [...]des from the Confederates and La­tine Nation: briefely hee forwards his affaires by all meanes possible.

The Senate decreed thus, as it was fit they should, that without their and the peoples order, no League could be establi­shed. The Con [...]ull being hindred by the Tribunes of the people, from trans­porting the forces, which hee had raised; within [Page 342] some few dayes passeth in­to Africke. For all the Ar­my, as it was agreed vpon, being drawne out of Nu­midia, wintred in the Prouince.

CHAP. 12.
The Consull is disinabled to prosecute the warre. Ma­milius, one of the Tribunes, preferres a Request against them, whom Iugurth had corrupted. The factions of the C [...]ttie described.

AFter he arriued there; although he was re­soluted in mind to perse­cute Iugurth, and to salue the hatred conceiued a­gainst [Page 343] his brother: yet ta­king a suruey of his Soul­diers, whom besides their flight, for want of disci­pline, liberty and loose­nesse had corrupted; hee conceiued from the neces­sity of his affaires, that hee could enterprize no­thing.

In the meane while at Rome C. Mamilius Lime­tanus Tribune of the peo­ple, makes this Request to the Commons: that a complaint should be pre­ferred against those, by whose counsell Iugurth had slighted the Decrees of the Senate: as also against them, who in their Am­bassages, or military char­ges, had receiued money [Page 344] from him; who had rede­liuered the Elephants, and fugitiues; withall, that in warre or peace, had made any Contracts with the enemies. To crosse this Request, some con­scious to themselues others out of the enmity of the factions, fearing danger (because openly they could not deny, but must confesse that these & such like proceedings did please them) prepared im­pedimēts, couertly by their friends, but specially by their ministers of the La­tine Nation, and Italian Allyes.

Yet how earnest the Cōmous were, incredible it is to bee related, as also [Page 345] with what violence they cōmanded, decreed & de­sired the preferring of this Request, more for the ha­tred of the Nobility, a­gainst whom these mis­chiefes were contriued, then for the care of the Republicke such eager­nesse was amongst the fa­ctions. Whereupō others being strucken with feare, M. Scaurus (whom wee haue formerly reported to haue beene: Bestiaes. Depu­ty) amidst this insultation of the Commons; and the flight of his owne party; (the Citty euen as then trembling) had brought to passe, that whereas by the Mamdian▪ Request, three Commissioners for [Page 346] inquiry were demanded, he himselfe might be cho­sen for one of that num­ber! But the examination being prosecuted with ri­gour and violence, by meanes of the clamour and earnestnesse of the people; as formely the Nobility had done: so now the Cō ­monalty grew insolent from their prosperous af­faires.

Moreouer the cu­stome of popular fidings, and factions of the Senate, as well as of all euill Arts besides, sprung vp at Rome some few yeeres since, out of idlenesse; & the ab [...]undance of those things, which mortall men esteeme chiefest. For [Page 347] before Carthage was ra­zed, the people and Se­nate of Rome, peaceably and modesty swayed the Common-wealth. Nei­ther was there any con­trouersie of glory and Soueraignety amongst the Citizens: hostile feare re­tained the Citty in good courses.

But as soone as that ter­rour was remoued from their minds; those plea­sures which prosperity [...]ayes together with wan­tonnesse and pride, forth­with entred. Thus after they had attained that ease, which they wished for in aduersity, it became more grieuous and hurt­full. For the Noble-men [Page 348] began to conuert their dig­nity, the Common people their liberty vnto licenci­ousnesse. They sway: they force: they take by violēce. Thus all were diuided into two parties: the Common-wealth, which was the meane, was rent in sunder. But the Nobility was most strong in faction: the pow­er of the Commons be­ing loose and dispersed amongst the multitude, was of vnequall force.

By the arbitration of some few, all affaires were mannaged, both Ciuill, and Military: in their power were the Treasury, Prouinces, Magistracies, honours, and Triumphes, the people were oppressed [Page 349] with warfare and pouerty: the Generalls with a few others, shared the spoiles violently. In the meane time the parents or little children of the Souldiers, as any of them were neighbours to one more mighty, were thrust out of their habitations. Thus a­uarice ioyned with power, inuaded, polluted, and wasted all things, without meane or modesty; hol­ding nothing in regard, nor reurence, vntill it had throwne it selfe head-long into ruine. For as soone as there were some found out amongst the Nobili­ty, who preferred true glory before [...]ust autho­rity: the Citty was in tu­mult, [Page 350] and Ciuill dissen­tion, as if the world had beene in vproare, began to arise.

For after that Tiberius, and C. Graccus, (whose Ancestours in the Punick and other warres, had ad­ded much to the Repub­licke,) vindicated the Plebeian liberty, and the abuses of some few, be­gan to be manifest: the Nobility being guilty, & therefore fearefull, some­times by the Confede­rates, and Latine Nation, sometimes by the Roman Gentry, whom the hope of the faction had remo­ued from the Commons, sought to crosse the actiōs of the Grac [...]hi: and first of [Page 351] all they put to the sword Tiberius, then after some few yeeres Ca [...]s, taking the same courses, (the one a Tribune of the people; the other a Triumuir, for drawing out of Colonies) together with [...] Flaccus▪ And verily the minds of the Gracchi, through the desire of vi­ctory, were not moderate enough: But for a good men better it is to bee ouercome; then by indirect meanes to o­uercome an iniury.

Thereupon the Nobili­ty, making vse of the vi­ctory according to their pleasure, ruined many men by the sword, or ba­nishment: & from thence forward they inlarged [Page 352] more their owne feare, then their authority: which cause hath subuer­ted mighty Common-wealths: whilst some co­uet by what meanes soe­uer to vanquish others, & ouer rigorously to exer­cise reuenge vpon the van­quished. B [...]t I should vndertake to discourse particularly, and accor­ding to their greatnesse▪ of the indeauours of the fa­ctions, and of all the cu­stomes of the Citty, time would faile mee sooner then matter wherefore I returne to my first pur­pose

CHAP. 13.
Metellus the new Consull is sent into Africke. He re­formes the discipline of the Army.

AFter the League made by Aulus, and the shamefull flight of our Army, Metellus and Sila­nus Consuls elect, parted Prouinces amongst them­selues: to Metellus Numi­dia befell, who being an austere man, and withall opposite to the faction of the people, yet was he of a leuell and vnblemished credit. He, as soone as he had tooke the inuestiture of his Office, establishing [Page 354] all other affaires ioyntly with his Colleague, ben­ded his mind wholly vpon the warre, which he was to mannage. Therewithall being diffident of the old Army, he inrolleth Soul­diers, and sendeth for Aydes from all places: he prepareth armes, wea­pons, horses, and other military instrumēts: with­all, abundance of victuals, and all prouisions besides, which in a doubtfull and penurious warre are wont to be vsefull. Finally, for the accomplishment of this, the Senate with au­thority, the Confede­rates, the Latine Nation, and Kings, with sending succours vndemanded, the [Page 355] City with its vttermost fur­therance endeuoured.

Therefore all proui­sions being made and set­led according to his de­sire, he goes into Numi­dia, with much hope con­ceiued of him by the Ro­man Cittizens; as well for his owne braue abilities, as also for that hee carried a minde inuincible against riches: and through the auarice of Magistrates, our Forces had been formerly defeated in Numidia, and those of the enemies had beene augmented.

But as soone, as he came into Africk, the Army was deliuer'd ouer vnto him by S. Albinus the Procōsull, be­ing slothfull, vnwarlick, im­patient [Page 356] of danger, and la­bour, more ready of tongue then hand, dri­uing preyes from their Alyes, and it selfe being the enemies prey, wan­ting discipline, and mo­dest behauiour. Thus to this new Generall, more trouble did arise from their euill cōditions, then ayde or comfort from such a number of Soul­diers. For all this Metellus resolued, (although the prorogation of the Co­mitiall meetings had wa­sted the Summer season, and that hee coniectured the Cittizens minds to be wholly bent vpon the ex­pectation of the euent) not first to make an assay [Page 357] of warre, before he had inforced according to the ancient discipline, his men of warre to exercise themselues.

For Albinus being terri­fied with the defeat of his brother Aulus, and the Ar­my, after he had taken a resolution not to goe forth of the Prouince; for so much of the Summer, as belonged to his com­mand, he quartered his Souldiers for the most part in standing Camps; except when nastinesse or want of forrage compel­led him to change pla­ces.

But watches were not set according to the mi­litary custome: euery man [Page 358] as listed, absented him­selfe from his Colours, the drudges of the Army intermingled with the Souldiers daily, & nightly made excursions: and wandring disorderly, wa­sted the fields, forced the villages, and contending one with another, made boote of slaues and Cat­tell, which they bartered with the marchants for wine by them brought, and other such like com­modities: besides, they sold their ammunition corne, and bought bread daily: finally, whatsoeuer blemishes proceeding frō sloth and luxury can be spoken of, or imagined, were all in that Army, and [Page 359] more besides then these.

But in this difficulty I find Metellus to haue shew­ed himselfe an able & wise man, no lesse then he did in actions of hostility; with such temperance he car­ried himselfe betwixt am­bition and cruelty. For by his first Edict, he bani­shed all the helpes of sloth, so that no man was to sell in the Camp bread, or any other meate ready dressed: the drud­ges were not to followe the Army: the common Souldier being incamped or marching, was to haue no slaue nor beast of car­riage: to other abuses by Arte he prescribed a reme­die.

[Page 360] Besides, with crosse mar­ches he remoued his Cāp euery day: no other-wise, then if the enemies had beene present, he fortified it with Ditch and Ram­pier: he disposed the wat­ches often, and he him­selfe rounded them with the Lieutenants. More­ouer, vpon a march, hee was sometimes in person present with the Van­guard, sometimes with them of the Reare, and of­ten with those of the mid­dle ward; of purpose, that no Souldier should stirre out of his Order: but that they should aduance in one body together with their ensignes, and carry their owne victuals and [Page 361] Armes. Thus more by ta­king away the liberty of of­fending, then by punishing offences, he in a short space confirmed the Ar­my.

In the meane time, Iu­gurth, as soone as he vnder­stood by his Intelligencers of Metellus proceedings; and withall being certi­fied from Rome of his in­tegrity, grew distrustfull of his owne estate, and then at length laboured to make a reall surrender. Thereupon he sends Am­bassadours to the Con­sull by way of petition, who should request one­ly life for himselfe and his children, all other things they should submit [Page 362] vp to the Romane peo­ple.

But by former experi­ments, it was well known to Metellus, that the Nu­midian Nation was faith­lesse, inconstant, and de­sirous of innouation. Therefore he visiteth the Ambassadours seuerally, one by one: and sounding them by degrees, after he knew they were fit for his turne, hee perswadeth them by many promises to deliuer aboue all things Iugurth aliue, or at least­wise slaine, into his hands: but in publicke, those things which he thought fitting hee commandeth them to report to the King.

CHAP. 14.
Metellus marcheth into Numidia. He surpriseth Vacca. Hee sendeth Am­bassadours to treate of peace.

VPon this, he himselfe within some few dayes after, marched in­to Numidia with a well appointed and spleenefull Army: where contrary to the apparance of warre, the Cottages were full of Inhabitants: Cattell and Husband-men were fre­quent in the fields: out of the townes, and Country houses, the Kings Officers came forth to meet him: [Page 364] being ready to puruey Corne, to bring victuals, and finally, to doe what­soeuer they were com­manded. Neuerthelesse, Metellus, no otherwise then if the enemy had bin present, aduanceth with his Army strongly guar­ded, he discouereth all places farre and nigh, he beleeueth those shewes of surrender to be ostenta­tiue, and deuised to be­tray him.

Therefore he himselfe with the light-armed Co­horts, and a selected com­pany of Slingers, and Ar­chers, marched in the head of the Vanguard: in the Reare C. Martus his Lieutenāt had the charge [Page 365] with the Cauallery: vpon both flankes he distribu­ted the auxiliary Horse-men, to the Tribunes of Legions, and the Cap­taines of Cohorts: pur­posely, that the skirmi­shers being mixt with these, wheresoeuer they aduanced, they might repulse the Enemies Horsemen: for in Iugurth there was so much cun­ning, and such exact knowledge of places and souldiery, that whether he were more dangerous ab­sent, or present, whether mannaging war or peace, it was held a thing doubtfull.

Seated there was not far from the way, where Metellus iourneyed, a town [Page 366] of the Numidians, na­med Vacca: the most fa­mous Marte of all the Kingdome for commo­dities, which were to bee sold, whereas many of the Italian Nation were wont both to inhabite & trade. Here the Consull as well for tryals sake, as also for that the accom­modations of the place would well beare it, im­posed a Garrison: besides, he gaue orders for the im­porting of graine, and other prouisions vsefull in warre: supposing that which the occasiō did pre­monish, that the conflu­ence of marchants and vi­ctuals would be a meanes to releeue his Army, and [Page 367] that now being prouided of things necessary, it would serue for a place of defence.

During these occur­rences, Iugurth in a more serious manner sendeth his suppliant Ambassa­dours, to intreate for peace: besides his owne and his childrens life, he submitteth all things else to Metellus: whom temp­ted alike, as the former, to disloyalty, the Consull dismissed: the peace, which the King requested, hee neither denyed nor gran­ted; and betweene these delayes hee expected the issue of the Ambassadours promises.

Iugurth, as soone as hee [Page 368] ballanced Metellus words and deedes together, and saw himselfe assayled with his owne sleights; as vnto whom a peace was verball, and promised, but indeed a most cruell warre was meant: a great Citty be­ing alienated; the Coun­try discouered by the ene­mies, and the affections of his Confederates soun­ded: hee resolued to try his fortune by Armes, be­ing inforced thereunto, through the necessity of his affaires.

Thereupon the enemies passage being discouered, he growing hopefull from the opportunity of the place, raiseth as great Forces, as he could, of all [Page 369] sortes, and through vn­known bywayes ouermar­ched Metellus Army.

CHAP. 15.
Iugurth incampeth in a place of aduantage. His Army is discouered by Metellus. A battell is fought betwixt them, wherein Iugurth is defeated.

THere was in that part of Numidia, which Iugurth possessed vpon the diuision, a riuer arising from the South, named Muthul: from which there was distant a mountaine almost twenty thousand paces, of equall tract, ly­ing [Page 370] wast by nature, and for want of human tillage. But as it were from the mid­dest of this a hillocke did arise, of a spacious extent, being couered with Oliue, Mirtles, and other kinds of Trees, which grow in drie and sandy ground. But the plaine seated in the middest was barren, ex­cept the places bordering on the Riuer. These being beset with Groues of Trees, were frequented with Husbandmen and Cattell.

Therefore on that hil­locke, which we haue said to bee thwart-wise exten­ded, Iugurth sate downe, the Fore-front of his Ar­my being extinuated; the [Page 371] command ouer the Ele­phants and some part of the footmen, he gaue to Bo­milear, and instructeth him, what he should doe: hee himselfe neerer to the mountaine, marshalleth his owne Troupes, with all the Cauallery and selected Footemen. Then rounding seuerally all the squadrons and Maniples, he doth ad­monish and coniure them, that being mindfull of their former valour and victory, they would de­fend himselfe, and his Kingdome from the aua­rice of the Romanes: that they should fight with those, whom they had formerly dismissed vnder the yoke: that their Chief­taine, [Page 372] not their courage was changed: all things, which might be required of a Generall, were [...]ore­ [...]lled to their aduantage: they had the higher groūd, that being expert, they might fight with the vn­skilfull; not the fewer with the more, nor vntrained with the better Souldiers. Wherefore they should be prepared and resolute, vpon a signall giuen, to inuade the Romanes. That either that day should con­fi [...]me all their labours, & victories, or be the begin­ning of their greatest cala­mities.

Besides, man by man, as he had aduanced any for some military exploit in [Page 373] meanes or honour, he puts them in mind of his boun­ty, and in a brauery shews them to others: finally, ac­cording to euery mans disposition, by promising, menacing, and prote­sting, he doth encourage them seuerally after a se­uerall manner: when in the meane time Metellus, ignorant of the enemies, as he descended from the mountaine, viewed them with his Army. At first he was doubtfull, what this vncouth shew did meane: (for amongst the vnder­woods, the Numidians and their horses had sea­ted themselues; neither fully hid through the low­nesse of the trees, and yet [Page 374] vncertaine what they might bee: since out of cunning, and the situa­tion of the place, them­selues and their military Ensignes were shadow­ed:) then the Stratagem being forthwith discoue­red, the Army in mar­ching made a stand for a while.

There the orders being altred, in the right flanke which was neerest the ene­my, he arangeth the Ar­my with three Aydes of reserue▪ betweene the Maniples hee distributeth the Slingers, and Ar­chers: all the Horse-men he placeth in the wings: and hauing incouraged his Souldiers briefly for [Page 375] the season, hee drawes downe his Army, as hee had imbattailed it, into the plaine, the frount of the middle-ward being crosse­wise changed.

But when he perceiued the Numidians not to stir, nor to descend from the mountaine; fearing from the season of the yeere, & scarcity of water, that his Army would bee consu­med with thirst, hee sent before vnto the riuer Ru­tilius one of his Lieute­nants, with the light-ar­med Cohorts, and a part of the Cauallery, to anti­cipat [...] a place for incam­ping: thinking that the enemies, with frequent charging, and crosse­fights [Page 376] would retard his passage: and because they reposed no trust in their Armes, would take ad­uantage of the Souldiers thirst and wearinesse. Then he himselfe, as the occasion and place requi­red, in that order as hee descēded from the moun­taine, marcheth forwards by little and little: Ma­rius was behind the mid­dle-ward: the Consull himselfe was with the Horse-men of the left wing, who vpon the march made the maine battell.

But Iugurth, as soone as he saw, that those who had the Van of his Van­guard, had ouer-reached [Page 377] the bringers vp of Metel­lus Reare, with a Guarde of about 2000. Footmen, hee possesseth the moun­taine where Metellus made his descent: lest perchance the enemies falling backe, it might serue them for a retreat, and after for a de­fence. Then suddēly, vpon a signall giuen, he chargeth the enemies. Some of the Numidians kill the hin­der-most: others assa [...]le the right and left flanke: in furious manner they present themselues, and presse forward in all places: they disordered the Rankes of the Romanes. Of whom those who with most resolution had in­countred the enemies, be­ing [Page 378] deluded by this doubt­full kind of fight, were thē ­selues somtimes wounded from a far: neither had they meanes to strike againe, nor to ioyne in hand-fight.

Before this the Horse-men being instructed by Iugurth, wheresoeuer a Troupe of Romanes be­gan to chace, retired not closely nor in one grosse, but in as much distance as they could one from ano­ther. Thus being superiour in nūber, if they could not deterre the enemies from pursuing, they incōpassed them, being dispersed ei­ther from behind, or from the flankes. But if the hil­locke were more oppor­tune for flight then the [Page 379] fields, thither the horses of the Numidians vsed vn­to it, easily passed through the vnder-woods. Our men the roughnesse and the ignorance of the place detained.

But the face of all this conflict was various, vn­certaine, foule and lamen­table: some being scatte­red from their fellowes re­tire: others pursue: neither rankes, nor ensignes they obserue: wheresoeuer the danger attached any man, there he resisteth and put­teth it off: armes, wea­pons, horses, men, ene­mies, and Cittizens, were blended together; no­thing was done by coun­sell, nor command: for­tune [Page 380] swayed all. Therefore most of the day was spent, when then, yea euen then the euent was doubtfull.

At length all men fain­ting with toyle and heate, Metellus, when he saw the Numidians come on more coldly, he rallieth by degrees his Souldiers in­to one body: he restoreth the Rankes, and opposeth foure legionary Cohorts vnto the enemies Foote­bands. O them, a great part being weary, re­sted themselues on the higher grounds. Hee in­treateth, and exhorteth his Souldiers together, that they would not faint, nor suffer these flying ene­mies to ouercome: that [Page 381] they had neither Camp, nor any fortification, whither retiring they might betake themselues: all the hopes they had lay in their Armes.

But neither was Iugurth in the meane time out of action: he circu [...]teth, con­firmeth, reneweth the bat­tell, and himselfe with some chosen men tryeth all things to the vtter­most: he succoureth his owne side, chargeth the wauering enemies, by fighting a farre off he in­gageth their stay, whom he knew to stand firme. After this manner two Generals, men most ex­cellent, contended one with another: themselues [Page 382] being equall, but their helpes vnequall. For Me­tellus was aduantaged by his Souldiers valour, the place was disaduanta­geous: to Iugurth all other things, but Souldiers, ser­ued opportunely. Finally, the Romanes, when they vnderstood, that they had no place of refuge, and that the enemy disingaged himselfe from fight; and that now the euening was come, fell off, as they were commanded, from the opposite hillocke. The place of battell being lost, the Numidians were row­ted and chased: some few were slaine: the most part swiftnesse, and a Country vndiscouered of their ene­mies, [Page 383] preserued from dan­ger.

In the intercourse of this, Bomilcar, (whom we haue heretofore said to haue beene by Iugurth ap­pointed Commander ouer the Elephants, and part of the Foot-bands,) as soone as Metellus had o­uer-reached him, hee drawes out his men by little and little into a peece of euen ground; and whilest the Lieute­nant hastening, marcheth to the riuer, whither hee was fore-sent, with­out tumult, as the occa­sion required, hee imbat­taileth his Army: neither is he slacke to discouer, what the enemies should [Page 384] attempt any where.

After he was aduertised, that Rutilius was sat down, and that now hee was se­cure in mind; withall, that the noise increased from Iugurths fight; fearing lest the Lieutenant, the cause being knowne, should aide his distressed friends, he extendeth his Army with a larger Frount, which, distrusting the va­lour of his Souldiers, hee had skilfully disposed, for the impeaching of the enemies passage; and in this order hee aduanceth towards Rutilius Camp. The Romanes on the sud­den obserue a great rising of dust: For the field be­ing beset with Coppises, [Page 385] did forbid all prospect, and at first they coniectu­red that the sand was stir­red with the wind: after, when they saw that it con­tinued alike & as the Army moued, approached nee­rer: the occasion being discouered, in haste they take Armes, and as they were commanded, stand fast before the Campe. Then as soone as they came within conuenient distance, with hideous noise they incountred one another.

The Numidians stayed so long whilst they expe­cted aide from their Ele­phants: after they sawe them intangled with the boughes of the trees, and [Page 386] being thus disordered to fetch a compasse about, they betake themselues to flight: and casting away their Armes, for the most part got-off in safety, through the fauour of the hillocke, and the night, which was now at hand. Foure Elephants were ta­ken, all the rest, in num­ber forty, were slaine.

But the Romanes, al­though they were faint and weary, through their iourney, the pitching of their Tentes, and the bat­tell, yet for that Metellus stayed longer then opi­nion, being well ordered, and resolued, they march forwards to meete him. For the wilinesse of the [Page 387] Numidians suffred no de­lay, nor slackenesse. And first the night being darke, after they were come with­in neere distance, with the noise, as if it had been of enemies comming on, they raised both feare and tumult amongst them­selues: and through igno­rance a lamētable fact was like to haue bin cōmitted, except the Vantcurrours sent out from both sides, had discouered the mat­ter. Thereupon in stead of feare, gladnesse arose: the Souldiers reioycing call one another to witnesse: they relate, and heare their exploits: euery man extolleth his owne valiant actes, euen to the skies. [Page 388] Truly this is the condition of humane affaires: it is lawfull for cowards to boast in a vi­ctory: moreouer losses detract from the valiant.

Metellus staying foure dayes in the same Camp, he causeth the wounded to be carefully dressed; he rewardeth them, who had well deserued in the bat­tell, according to the mi­litary custome: hee prai­seth, and thanketh them all in a publicke assem­bly: he exhorteth them, that as for the rest, which would bee feasable with ease, they should carry the same resolution, for the victory they had al­ready fought enough, their other labours [Page 389] should bee for pillage.

CHAP. 16.
Metellus sendeth out espials to discouer Iugurths do­ings. The Numidians fall vpon some Romane strag­lers, and beate them. The alarum being taken, they retire to the higher grounds.

FOr all this, the Con­sull in the meane while sent fugitiues, and others fit for the purpose, to espie, where Iugurth was, and what he did, whether he had few about him, or a full Army, and how he behaued himselfe [Page 390] being vanquished. But he was retired into places full of woods, and fortified by nature; where he rai­sed an Army, e [...]ceeding th [...] first in number of men, but vnactiue and weake, better acquainted with the affaires of husbandry, then warre. That happe­ned through this priui­ledge: for that no Numi­dian at all followes the King in his flight, except the Horse-men Royall. Whither euery mans mind leadeth, thither he departeth: neither is that accounted a Souldiers fault: such there customes are.

Wherefore Metellus, when hee saw the King as [Page 391] yet to haue an vndanted mind: that the warre was renewed, which could not be prosecuted, but at the others pleasure; be­sides, that he was disaduan­taged in fight by the ene­mies: they being vanqui­shed with lesse dammage, then his men did van­quish; hee determineth with himselfe, that the warre was not to be man­naged by set battels, nor an aranged Army, but by a different course. There­upon hee goeth vnto the most opulent Countries of Numidia: hee wasteth the fields: he taketh, and burneth many Townes and Castles, being mean­ly fortified, or without [Page 392] Garrisons: he cōmandeth those of military age to be slaine; al other things were to be the Souldiers pray.

Through the terrour of this, many hostages were giuen to the Ro­manes; Corne and other vsefull prouisions were supplyed in abundance: wheresoeuer occasion re­quired, a Garrison was imposed: which occur­rences much more terri­fied the King, then the battell vnluckily fought by his Souldiers. For be­cause he, all whose hope consisted in flight, was compelled to pursue: and he, that was vnable to de­fend his owne, was faine to make warre in anothers [Page 393] territories. yet from his present distresse he taketh that counsell, which see­med best: hee comman­deth the greatest part of his Army, to expect him in the same Quarters: he himselfe with some choice Horse-men followeth Me­tellus: thus being vndisco­uered in his nocturnall & by-way iourneis, he assai­leth on the sudden the Ro­mane straglers. Most of them are slaine vnarmed: many are taken prisoners: not one of them all escap­eth without hurt: and the Numidians, before they could be releeued from the Campe, departed to the next hillockes, according as they had orders.

[Page 394] In the meane time much ioy was conceiued at Rome vpon the know­ledge of Metellus procee­dings: as for that he go­uerned himselfe and his Army according to the discipline of their Ance­stours: that in a place of disaduantage he had van­quished by meere valour; that he possessed the ene­mies Country: that Iugurth bearing himselfe proudly vpon Aulus negligence, he had constrained him to repose the hope of his safety in flight, or in the desarts. Thereupon the Senate, for these things happily done, decreed supplications to the im­mortall gods. The Citty [Page 395] trembling before, as be­ing doubtfull of the euent of the warre, now sola­ced her selfe with ioy. Of Metellus an honorable re­port was spred.

Thereupon by so much the more eagerly he stri­ueth for victory, making all possible speed in the pursuite thereof: yet be­ing cautelous from giuing any opportunity to the enemy; he well knew that enuy attended on glory: thus by how much the more he was renowned, by so much was hee the more carefull: neither af­ter this stratagem of Iu­gurths, did hee pillage any more with his Army dis­banded. When it was [Page 396] needfull to prouide corne or forrage, the Cohorts with the Cauallery made a standing-guard. He him­selfe commanded one part of the Army, Marius the other. But more with fire, then driuing of preyes was the Country wasted. In two seuerall places not farre remote, they did in­camp themselues: when it was requisite to vse force, they ioyned all their for­ces: but for the further dispersing of feare and flight, they tooke vp their Quarters apart from one another.

As then Iugurth follow­ed aloofe ouer the hil­lockes, seeking a conue­nient time, or place for [Page 397] fight: where hee heard, that the enemy approach­ed, hee spoileth the for­rage and Fountaines, of both which there was much scarcity: sometimes he sheweth himselfe to Metellus, sometimes to Marius: he assaileth those who had the Reare in mar­ching, and forthwith reti­reth to the mountaines: againe he menaceth them one after another; he nei­ther ingageth fight, nor suffereth them to rest: hee onely attacheth the Ene­mie in his course of pro­ceeding.

The Romane Generall, when he saw himselfe wea­ried with these wiles, and that the enemies debarred [Page 398] him from the opportunity of fighting, he resolueth to beleaguer Zama▪ a great City, and in that part, where it was seated, one of the bulwarkes of the Kingdome: thinking that Iugurth, as the occasion re­quired, would come to releeue his people, being in distresse, and so a bat­tell would be fought. But he being informed of this by Fugitiues, with great iournies ouer marcheth Metellus, he exhorteth the Cittizens to defend the walles, the fugitiues being added for aydes; which kind of men amongst all the Kings Forces stood most firme vnto him; be­cause they had not credit [Page 399] enough to deceiue. More­ouer he promiseth, that he himselfe would come to their succours in time conuenient.

Things being thus or­dered, he departeth into places most couert, and within a while after get­teth intelligence, that Ma­rius was sent out of the v­suall roade vnto Sicca, to puruey corne with some few Cohorrs. Which towne first of all, after the battell lost, reuolted from the King. Thither with some selected Horse-men he marcheth by night; and the Romans being vp­on the point of issuing, he chargeth them in the very gate: withall he exhorteth [Page 400] those of Sicca alowd, to in­compasse the Cohorts be­hind: that fortune gaue them the opportunity of a braue exploite: if they should performe it, that hereafter hee should du­ring life be secured in his Kingdome, they in their liberty. And except Marius had with haste made the Ensignes to march, and to passe out of the Towne, surely all, or the greatest part of the In­habitants had turned re­uolters. With such incon­stancy the Numidians de­meane themselues.

But the Iugurthine Soul­diers being somewhat comforted by the King; af­ter when their enemies [Page 401] pressed them more forci­bly. Some few being lost, the rest saued themselues by flight.

CHAP. 16.
Marius comming to Zama, Metellus inuesteth it round about with both their Forces, but is in fine repul­sed after two assaults.

MArius arriueth at Zama. That Towne is seated in a Champion field, it was more forti­fied by art then nature, wanting no prouisions re­quisite, being well furni­shed with Armes and Souldiers. Vpon this, Me­tellus, [Page 402] all preparations be­ing made, befitting the time and place, inuested the walls round with his Army; hee command­eth the Lieutenants where each man should take charge. Then vp­on a signall giuen, at once from all parts ariseth a hideous noise. Neither doth this terrifie the Nu­midians: without tumult they remaine angry and ready: the fight is begun. The Romanes (euery one according to his inclina­tion) fight some with Leaden plummets and stones missiuely cast: some giue backe, others fall on; and now they sap the wall, then againe they [Page 403] make an attempt by Scala­do, being desirous to come to hand-fight. To encounter this, the Townesmen tumble down great stones vpon the nee­rest, they throwe Speares, Dartes, and withall bur­ning Torches, with Pitch, and Brimstone.

But not those whose stations were furthest off, the cowardice of minde defended sufficiently: for most of them were woun­ded with Iauelins dischar­ged from Engines or the hand. And in like danger, but vnlike renowne, both the valiant and cowards were.

Whilst they fight thus at Zama, Iugurth suddain­ly [Page 404] assaileth with great numbers the Camp of his enemies; they being slacke in their duties, who had the guard, and expecting nothing lesse then fight, he violently forceth one of the Portes. But our men being terrified with the sudden fright, all of them prouide for them­selues, according to their seuerall dispositions: some fly, others arme: a great number are wounded or slaine: So that of all that multitude, not aboue forty mindfull of the Ro­mane name, trouping to­gether surprized a peece of ground, somewhat higher then the other: neither could they be re­moued [Page 405] thence with their greatest forces, but the weapons missiuely sent, they send backe againe; few against many, lesse missing their aimes. But if the Nu­midians approached nee­rer, there truely they shewed their valour, and with mighty strength they beate, route, and chase.

In the meane time Me­tellus, whilest eagerly hee prosecuteth the assault, heard from behind a cry, and tumult of enemies: then turning about his horse, he obserued that the flight made towards him; which shewed, that it was of his owne people. Thereupon hee sendeth [Page 406] speedily all the Cauallery vnto the Camp, and forth­with after C. Marius with the Cohorts of the Con­federates: and weeping, he coniureth him by his friendship, and by the Common wealth, that he would suffer no disgrace to be fastened vpon his vi­ctorious Army, nor the enemies to depart vnre­uenged. He brie [...]ly execu­tefh his orders. But Iugurth was hindred with the for­tifications of the Camp, when as some threw them­selues head-long ouer the Rampier, others making hast arrested one another in the narrow passage. Me­tellus, the businesse being vneffected, when night [Page 407] was come, returned into the Camp with his Ar­my.

Therefore the next day, before he issued out to the assault; he commandeth all the Cauallery, to at­tend before the Camp, on that part, where the Kings aduenue was: the Ports and the places next adioyning, he distribu­teth to the Tribunes: then he himselfe marcheth to the towne, and as on the former day, assaulteth the wall. In the meane while Iugurth out of couert sud­denly inuadeth our men. Those who were aranged in the fore-frount, being somewhat terrified are dis­ordered: the residue quick­ly [Page 408] come to their succours. Neither could the Numi­dians haue longer resisted, but that their footmen in­termingled with their horse-men had made a great slaughter vpon the first incounter: on whom they relying, did not, as it is vsuall in a battell of horse-men, fall on, and then wheele about, but they charged with their horses, meeting brest to brest, they en­tred, and broke the frount of our Army: so making vse of their ready foot­men, they held the ene­mies for almost vanqui­shed.

In the intercourse of this, they fought at Zama [Page 409] with great violence; where any Lieutenant of a Legion, or Tribune had charge, there they stroue with most courage: neither had any man more hope in anothers helpe, then in him selfe. The like the Townes-men did: they fought or were ready for it in all places: more eagerly they wounded one another, then guar­ded themselues. The noise was confounded with in­couraging, gladnesse and groaning: besides the clashing of Armes pier­ceth the heauens: Missiue weapons fly from both sides. But those who de­fended the walls, when the enemies slackned the [Page 410] fight, intentiuely beheld the horse-battell. Then, as any of Iugurths actions pro­ceed, you might obserue them to be somtimes mer­ry, sometimes fearefull: and as they could be heard, or seene of their fellowes, some of them admonish: others incourage, or signi­fie with their hands, or bend with their bodies. Hither and thither they moue, as they were flying, or discharging weapons.

Which as soone as Ma­rius knew (for hee com­manded in that part) hee proceedeth more slacke­ly, then it was decreed; & counterfeiteth a distrust of the businesse: hee suf­freth the Numidians with­out [Page 411] tumult to view the Kings battell: thus they being fixt vpon the care of their owne side, on the sudden he assaulteth the wall most forcibly: and now the Souldiers quit­ting their scaling ladders, had almost surprized the battlements, when as the Townesmen troope toge­ther: they powre downe stones, fire, and other missiue weapons besides. Our men at first make re­sistance: after when one, and then others of their ladders were broken: and those who stood vpon them were thrown down: the rest in the best manner they could, fewe being vnhurt, the greatest part [Page 412] wounded, make their es­cape. At length night par­ted the fight on both sides.

Metellus, when hee saw that the enterprise wts frustrated: that nei­ther the Towne was ta­ken, nor that Iugurth inga­ged fight, except it were out of ambush, or places by him chosen; and that now the Summer was spent, he departeth from Zama, and in those Cit­ties, which had reuolted from him, and were suf­ficiently fortified with walls or situation, hee placeth Garrisons. The remainder of his Army, he disposeth in the Pro­uince next to Numidia, [Page 413] in regard of wintring there. Neither doth hee afford that time, as o­thers were wont, to rest and riot, but because the warre had but meane pro­ceeding by Armes, he lay­eth snares for the King by his friends, and resol­ueth to vse their perfidi­ousnesse for Armes.

Therefore with many promises he assaieth Bo­milcar who had beene at Rome, and secretly baile being giuen, had escaped Iudgement for killing Massiua; because that hee by meanes of his neerest friendshippe had the best meanes of deceiuing: and first he wrought, that hee should come to him in se­cret [Page 414] vnder the colour of conference: then by gi­uing his faith, that if hee deliuered Iugurth aliue or slaine, he should be assu­red, the Senate would grant him impunity, and whatsoeuer was his owne, he easily perswadeth the Numidian, being as well of a faithlesse disposition, as also fearefull, that if peace were made with the Romanes, he vpon the conditions should be deliuered ouer to punish­ment. He, as soone as the first opportunity serued, visiteth Iugurth, being per­plexed, and bewailing his fortunes: he doth admo­nish, and with teares con­iure him, that at length [Page 415] he would prouide for him­selfe, his children, and the Numidian people, which had best deserued: in all conflicts they had beene foiled, the Coun­try was wasted, many men were taken and slaine, the strength of the King­dome was exhausted: enough oftentimes had they tried already for­tune, and the Souldiers valour: he should beware, lest himselfe protracting time, the Numidians se­cured themselues. With these, and other such like speeches, he moued the King to resolue vpon yeel­ding.

CHAP. 17.
Iugurth sendeth Ambassa­dours to Metellus. Hee yeeldeth himselfe and his Kingdome to the Romane people Afterwards he re­retracteth. A description of Marius.

AMbassadours are sent to the Generall, who should declare that Iugurth would performe his commands, and with­out any composition would surrender himselfe and his Kingdome vnto his trust. Metellus speedily commandeth all those of the Senatorian degree▪ to be sent for, out of their [Page 417] wintring places: of them, and others, whom hee thought fit, hee assem­bleth a Councell. Thus ac­cording to the custome of their Ancestours, by the Decree of the Councell, he demandeth from Iu­gurth by his Ambassa­dours, two hundred thou­sand pounds of siluer, all his Elephants, and a proportion of Horses and Armes. Which being ac­complished without de­lay, he appointed them to bring all their fugitiues bound; a great part of them were brought accor­ding to appointment: some few, as soone as the surrender was made, es­caped vnto King Bocchus [Page 418] into Mauritania. There­vpon Iugurth being dispoi­led of Armes, men, and money, when as he him­selfe was summoned to lay his command vpon Tisidium, he againe be­gan to change his resolu­tion, and from a guilty conscience to feare deser­ued punishment: finally many dayes being spent in doubts, when as now thorugh the irkesomnesse of his aduersity all things seemed better then warre: then againe when he pon­dered with himselfe, how grieuous a downefall it would be from a Kingdom into seruitude; many and great aides being lost, to no purpose, he reneweth [Page 419] the warre againe: and at Rome the Senate, sitting in councell about the Pro­uinces, decreed Numidia to Metellus.

At the same time C. Ma­rius casually at Vtica sacri­ficing to the gods with slaine beasts, the Diuiner told him, that great and wonderfull things were portended: wherefore tru­sting on the gods, hee should execute his de­signes: that hee should haue a frequent triall of fortune: that all things would fall out prospe­rously.

But him formerly a mighty desire of getting the Co [...]s [...]l [...]hip had pos­sessed: for the procuring [Page 420] whereof, setting aside the antiquity of his house, all other helpes serued a­boundantly, as industry, honesty, much knowledge in Souldery, a mind gree­dy of warre, frugall at home, victorious ouer lust and wealth, onely coue­tous of glory. But he be­ing borne and fostred du­ring his child-hood at Ar­pinum, as soone as he was of military age, he exerci­sed himselfe in imploy­ment for a Souldiers pay, not in Grecian eloquence, nor neatnesse of the Citty. Thus amidst these good Artes his mind being vn­corrupted, grew to ma­turity, in a short time.

Therefore when first [Page 421] he requested a Tribune­ship of the people, he be­ing to most men vnknown by face, otherwise well knowne, was proclai­med throughout all the Tribes. Then from that Magistracy, he acquired others by degrees; and alwayes in authority hee carried himselfe after that māner that he shewed him­selfe worthy of a more am­ple one, then that which he exercised. Yet hee being such a man in that eminen­cy of place (for afterwards he was precipitated by ambition) durst not sue for the Consulship. Euen then the Commonalty gaue other Magistracies; the Nobility disposed the [Page 422] Consulship successiuely amongst themselues. No new man was so illustrious nor commendable for his deeds, but he was held vnworthy of that honour, and was as it were disho­nested.

Thereupon, when Ma­rius perceiued, that the Diuiners speeches tended thither, where his ambi­tious mind did inuite him, he demandeth a licence to depart from Metellus in regard of his suite: who although hee had an a­boundant stocke of ver­tue, glory, and other things to be wished for of good men, yet there har­boured within him, a con­temptuous mind, and [Page 423] haughtinesse of spirit, a fault common amongst the Nobility. Wherfore he at first being moued with the strangnesse of the mat­ter, wōdred at his purpose, and as by way of friend­ship, doth admonish, that he would not vndertake such vncouncellable cour­ses, nor carry a mind higher then his fortune: that all things were not to be desired of all men: his present estate ought to content him sufficiently: finally he should beware to request that of the peo­ple of Rome, which might in right be denyed him.

After he had deliuered these and such like words, and Marius resolution was [Page 424] not altered, he giues this answer, that as soone as the publicke imploymēts would giue him leaue, he would doe that which he requested. And vnto him being oftentimes impor­tunate in the same suite, it is reported he should say, that soone enough he with his sonne might sue for the Consulship. Hee as then was a Souldier there in his fathers retinue, be­ing about twenty yeeres of age. Which occasion inflamed Marius; both for the honour which he affe­cted, as also against Me­tellus himselfe. Thus he ra­ged through greedinesse and anger, two of the worst counsellers, neither [Page 425] abstained hee from any speech or action, which might sauour of ambition: the Souldiers, whom hee commanded in the win­tring Garrisons, he vsed with a more gentle com­mand, then before hee had done: to the Mar­chants, of whom there was a great multitude at Vtica, hee spoke reproch­fully, and boastingly of the warre: that should the moity of the Army bee granted to him, in a few dayes he would haue Iu­gurth bound in chaines: that the Generall pro­tracted of purpose, for that being a vaine man, and of a kingly pride, he delighted too much in [Page 426] command: all which im­putations seemed to them the more firme, because through the continuance of the warre they had wa­sted their priuate for­tunes; and to a mind full of desire nothing proceedeth with speed enough.

Moreouer there was in our Army a certaine Nu­midian, Gauda by name, the sonne of Mastanabal, the nephew of Masinissa, whom Micipsa by testa­ment had made his second heire, a man spent with diseases, and by that meanes somewhat crazed in mind. To whom peti­tioning, that after the manner of Kings, hee might place his chaire [Page 427] equally with him, and then, that for his Guard he might haue a Troupe of Roman Gentlemen, Metellus had denyed both: the honour, because it was proper to them, whom the people of Rome intituled Kings: the Guarde, for that it would bee disho­nourable to them, if Ro­man Gentlemen should be attendants on a Numidi­an. Him being disquieted Marius visiteth, and per­swadeth, that hee would seeke to reuenge these disgraces vpon the Gene­rall by his assistance. The man being scarce sound in mind by reason of his diseases, he extolleth him with this fauourable [Page 428] speech: that hee was a King, a great man, that he was to enjoy forthwith the Kingdome of Numi­dia: this would so much the sooner come to passe, if he himselfe might bee sent Consull to this warre.

Therefore both him, and the Romane Gentle­men, both Souldiers and Marchants, some he him­selfe, others the hope of peace procured, that they wrote to their friends at Rome vnworthily of Me­tellus concerning the war, that Marius they required for Generall. Thus for him the Consulship was sued for by many men, with a most honest suffra­gation. [Page 429] Besides the Com­monalty at that time, the Nobility being ouer­throwne by the Mamilian Law, aduanced new men. Thus with Marius all things prospered.

CHAP. 18.
Iugurth soliciteth those of Vacca to rebellion Vpon his perswasion they trecherous­ly kill the Romane Garri­son. The Towne is recoue­red by Metellus, and the rebels are iustly punished.

IN the meane time Iu­gurth, when omitting the surrender, hee renew­ed the warre with great [Page 430] care, he maketh prepara­tions, he hasteneth, and raiseth an Army: the Ci­ties, which reuolted from him, he soliciteth by feare, or ostentation of rewards: he fortifieth his owne Do­minions: armes, weapons, and other necessaries, which hee had neglected in hope of peace, hee re­paireth, or buyeth all of them out-right: he allu­re in the Romane slaues; and tempteth euen those with money, who were billeted in the Garrisons: nothing at all he suffereth vnassaied, nor vndisturbed: he attempteth all things.

Therefore in Vacca, (where Metellus at first, Iu­gurth making his peace, [Page 431] had imposed a Garrison) some principall Citizens being sollicited by the Kings request, neither be­fore alienated in affe­ction, conspired amongst themselues: (for the com­mon people, as it is most­where frequent, especially the Numidians being of a light disposition, sedi­tious, and disagreeing, desire innouation, and are displeased with rest & quietnesse:) then amongst themselues their affaires being settled, vpon the third day following they appoint the execution, because it being holy, & celebrated throughout all Africk, it promised sport and iollity, rather then feare.

[Page 432] But as soone, as the time came, the Centu­rions, military Tribunes, and the Gouernour him­selfe of the Towne, T. Tur­pilius Silanus, were seuerally by seuerall men inuited to their houses: al of them but Turpilius, they kill amidst their bankets: afterwards they assaile the stragling Souldiers, being vnar­med, because it was on such a day, and wanting orders to the contrary. The Commonalty doth the like execution, a part of them being instructed by the Nobility, others being incited with the de­sire of such things; to whom being ignorant of the publicke Acts, and [Page 433] Counsell, the tumult it selfe and innouation plea­sed sufficiently.

The Romane Soul­diers, vpon the sudden fright, vncertaine and vn­knowing what was best to be done, runne trem­bling vnto the Castle of the Towne, where their shields & Ensignes were: a Guard of the enemies prohibiteth their flight vnto the gate before shut vp: besides the women, & boyes from the toppes of the houses threw downe violently stones, and o­ther materials, which the place afforded. Thus the doubtfull danger could not be preuented, neither by the most valiant could [Page 434] resistance be made against the most feeble: the good and bad, the valiant, and cowardly are slaine toge­ther.

In this great difficulty, the Numidians shewing no mercy, and the Towne being euery where beset, Turpilius the Gouernour onely amongst all the Ita­lians escaped vnhurt: whether this happened by the compassion of his hoste, whether by agree­ment, or casualty, wee knowe no certainty: but because to him in this great disaster a dishonou­rable life was preferred be­fore an vnblemished repu­tation, he is reputed vile and detestable.

[Page 435] Metellus, when he vn­derstood what had happe­ned at Vacca, being gree­ued, for a while he retired out of sight. Vpon this, when anger and griefe had wrought together, with great care he haste­neth to reuenge the iniu­ry, he draweth foorth expe­ditely with the setting of the Sun, the Legion, with which he wintred, & as ma­ny Numidian Horse-men as he could: & the next day about the third houre he arriueth at a eertaine plaine, inuironed with groūds something higher. There he informeth his Souldiers har [...]ged with the tediousnesse of the iourney, and now refusing [Page 436] al cōmands; that the Town of Vacca was not distant aboue one thousand paces thence: that it behoued them to indure with pa­tience the remaining la­bour, vntill they tooke re­uenge for their fellow Ci­tizens, men valiant, though most vnfortunate. Moreouer he giueth free leaue of pillage. Thus their minds being incouraged, he commādeth the Horse-men to march on the right flancke, the Foot-men in their closest order; and withall to conceale their ensignes.

As soone as the Vaccen­sians obserued that an Ar­my marched towards them, at first (as it was [Page 437] indeed) they coniectu­ring that it was Metellus, did shut their gates: then when they saw that the fields were not wasted, & that those who had the point of the Van-guarde were Numidian Horse-men, they thinking againe that it was Iu­urth, with great ioy issued forth to meet him. The Horse and Foote hauing a signall suddenly giuen, some of them kill the peo­ple dispersed through the Towne, some hasten to the gates: others surprize the Towres: anger, and the hope of spoile pre­uailed ouer wearinesse. Thus the Vaccensians re­ioyced onely two dayes [Page 438] in their perfidiousnesse: all that great and opulent City became the subiect of pillage or reuenge.

Turpilius the Gouer­nour of the Town, whom we haue formerly said to haue beene the onely man amongst all that escaped in safety, being comman­ded by Metellus to speake for himselfe: after he had made a weake purgation, is condemned, and being scourged, suffred capitall punishment, for he was a Cittizen out of Latium.

CHAP. 19.
Bomilcar seeketh to betray Iugurth. He dealeth for this purpose with Nabdal­sa. He is discouered and put to death.

AT that time Bomilcar, through whose per­swasion Iugurth made the surrender, which for feare he forsooke, being suspe­cted of the King, and sus­pecting him, desireth in­nouation, he laboureth to ruine him by treachery: day and night he vexeth himselfe: finally, hauing tryed all courses, hee adioyneth vnto himselfe Nabdalsa for an associate, [Page 440] a Nobleman famous for his great wealth, and much beloud of his vassals. Who for the most part com­manded an Army apart from the King, and was wont to execute all af­faires, which were left vn­done by Iugurth, being ti­red out, or imployed in greater. By which meanes he purchased renowne and riches.

Thereupon by both their aduices a day is ap­pointed for it: other pre­parations, as the occasion required, were made by them in the meane time. Nabdalsa goeth vnto the Army, which he had quar­tered vpon command a­mongst the wintring Gar­risons [Page 441] of the Romans, tha [...] the Coūtry by that meanes might be secured from the enemies excursions. He be­ing distracted with the greatnesse of the attempt, when as hee came not at the time appointed, and that feare hindred him from progression; Bomil­car pensiue through the desire of executing his de­signe, and withall, be­cause his Confederate was fearefull, lest the first re­solution being neglected, he should entertaine ano­ther, he sendeth letters vn­to him by trusty messen­gers, in which hee bla­meth the softnesse and cowardice of the man; he calleth the Gods to wit­nesse, [Page 442] by whom hee had sworne; he admonisheth, that he would not conuert Metellus rewards into his destruction: that Iugurths ruine was at hand: but whether he should perish by his, or Metellus vertue, that was now to be discus­sed: therefore he should weigh with himselfe, whe­ther hee had rather ac­cept of reward or punish­ment.

But when these letters were deliuered, Nabdalsa by chance, wearied with the exercising of his bo­dy, reposed himselfe on his bed. When hee had conceiued Bomilcars spee­ches, first care, then as it is vsuall with a troubled [Page 443] mind, sleepe attached him: there did belon [...] to him a certaine Numi­dian, a faithfull Agent of his affaires, and much e­steemed of him, who was partaker of all his coun­sels, except of this last, who when he heard, that letters were brought, thin­king that according to cu­stome, there might bee some need of his aduice or industry, he entreth in­to the Pauilion: the other being asleep, he taketh vp the Epistle, being layd vn­aduisedly on his pillow, and readeth the contents of it: then the treason be­ing discouered, he poa­steth forthwith to the King.

[Page 444] Nabdalsa awaking not long after, when as hee missed the Epistle and vn­derstood by some fugi­tiues all the circumstance of the matter; at first he indeuoureth to appre­hend his accuser: but that being lost labour, he go­eth to Iugurth, to mediate his reconcilement, tel­ling him, that, that which he resolued, was preuen­ted by the treachery of his seruant, weeping he doth coniure him by his friend­ship, & by his former faith­full seruices, that he would not hold him suspected of so hainous a crime: to this the King, otherwise then he thought, made this gracious answere: that [Page 445] Bomilcar and sundry o­thers, whom hee knew to be complices of the conspiracy being slaine, he had oppressed his an­ger, lest otherwise some seditiou might grow from that occasion. Neither af­ter this had Iugurth any rest day or night: he was confident of no place, time, nor person, he fea­red alike his subiects and enemies: hee was circum­spect of all dangers, and affrighted with euery noise: nightly he tooke vp seuerall lodgings, vn­fit many times for his dignity Royall: now and then awaking out of sleep, he caused tumult, by beta­king himselfe to his armes: [Page 446] thus with feare as with a frensie, hee was still vex­ed.

CHAP. 20.
Metellus maketh new prepa­rations for the warre. He dismisseth Marius. Hee fighteth with Iugurth, and defeateth his Army. He ta­keth Thala.

THereupon Metellus, as soone as hee was aduertised by fugitiues of Bomilcars misfortune, and the detecting of the con­spiracy; againe, as if it had beene for an intire warre, he maketh and for­wardeth all needfull pre­parations. [Page 447] Marius sollici­ting for his departure, & withall being grown hate­full and offensiue vnto him, he dismisseth home, thinking him to be vnfit for his imployment. And at Rome, the Commons, the letters being made knowne, which were sent concerning Metellus and Marius, heard what they desired of both. To the Generall, his Nobility, which before was an or­nament, became the oc­casion of enuy; to the o­ther, the lownesse of his descent added fauour: but in both these, the ben­ding of the factions car­ried more sway then their owne vertues or vices.

[Page 448] Besides, the seditious Magistrates stirred the Common people, in all the assemblies they ac­cuse Metellus of treason: They commend Marius beyond descent. Finally, the Plebeians were so farre moued, that all the Artificers and Country Peazants, whose fortunes and credit lay in their hands, leauing their la­bour, resorted to Marius, and esteemed their owne necessary trades lesse then his honour. Thus the No­bility being ouerthrowne, after the reuolution of much time the Consul­ship was giuen to a new man: and afterwards the people being demanded [Page 449] by Manlius Mantinus one of their Tribunes, whom they would haue to man­nage the warre against Iu­gurth, frequently they inioyned Marius to vnder­take that charge. Yet the Senate not long before had decreed Numidia to Metellus. That Decree be­came voyde.

In this meane time Iu­gurth hauing lost his friends, most of whom he himselfe had killed, the residue taking their flight, some to the Romanes, o­thers to King Bocchus: when as he considered that warre could not bee waged without coassi­stants, and that it would be dangerous to trye the [Page 450] fidelity of new friends amidst so much perfidious­nesse of the old, hee was tossed with a doubtfull and vncertaine opinion: no designe, counsell, nor person could please him sufficiently: his iour­neyes and commanders he changed daily: some­times he marched towards the enemies, now againe towards the desarts: of­tentimes hee reposed his hope in flight, and forth­wi [...]h in his Armes: hee doubted, which he should least rely on, his subiects valour or loyalty. Thus whatsoeuer hee intended, fell out vnluckily.

But in the midst of these delayes, Metellus sudden­ly [Page 451] sheweth himselfe with his army. The Numidians, as the time would giue leaue, were ordered and aranged by Iugurth. Then forthwith the battell is be­gun. In that part where the King was present in person, they fought for a while: all the rest of his Souldiers were broken and chased vpon the first incounter: the Romanes tooke some Ensignes, Armes, & prisoners. For in all battels, for the most part the Numidians are more beholding to their heeles then hands. In this flight Iugurth now more se­riously distrusting his estate, with the fugitiues and some part of his Ca­uallery, [Page 452] he arriueth first in the desarts, and then at Thala, a great & wealthy Towne, where lay the most part of his treasures, and where his sonnes had much of their educa­tion during their child­hood.

Which things when Metellus knew, although betwixt Thala and the next riuer in the space of fifty miles, all places were dry and waste yet hoping to finish the warre, if hee could gaine that Towne, he vndertaketh to sur­mount all difficulties, and to ouercome nature it selfe. Therefore hee com­mandeth the beasts of bur­then to be vnladed of all [Page 453] the baggage, except of Corne for ten dayes one­ly: in stead whereof, bot­tles and other vessels fit for the cōtaining of water, were appointed for their carriage. Besides he get­teth out of the fields as much tame Catrell, as he could of the greater size, and [...]ladeth on them ves­sels of all sorts, but most part wood denones, taken out of the Numidian cot­tages. Againe, hee com­mandeth the borderers, who after the Kings flight had submitted themselues to Metellus, that euery one of them should carry what water he could: he pre­fixeth a day and place, where they should be rea­dy [Page 454] to attend: he himselfe from the riuer (which we haue heretofore said to be the next water to the town) ladeth his beasts of burthē. Thus furnished hee goeth to Thala. Then being come to the Rendez-vous which he had inioyned to the Numidians, and after the Campe was pi [...]hed and fortified, suddenly so much raine powred downe from the sky, that it was ouer and aboue enough for the Army. Besides they had victuals more then they expected: for that the Numidians, as most men doe vpon a new surrender, stretched their diligence vnto the vtmost. But the Souldiers [Page 455] out of a kind of religion made most vse of the raine: and that added much to their courages: for they thinking thēselues to be the care of the im­mortall gods: the next day following, contrary to Iugurths opinion, they ar­riue at Thala.

The Townesmen, who thought thēselues fortified with the impregnablenesse of the place, being ama­zed with this great and strange accident, neuer­thelesse prouide for the warre: our men doe the like. But the King now deeming nothing to be impossible vnto Metellus, as one who had subdued by his industry all armes, [Page 456] weapons, places, times, nay nature it selfe, com­manding other things: by night he flieth out of the Towne with his chil­dren, and a great part of his treasure: and staying not longer in any one place then a day or night, he gaue out colou­rably, that his businesse caused him to make this hast: but indeed he feared, Treason▪ which he thought to shun by celerity: for such designes are fathered by idlenesse and opportuni­ty.

But Metellus, when he saw the townesmen resol­ued to fight, and that it was a strong Peere, in re­gard of the Workes, [Page 455] and situation, he surroun­deth the walls with a Cir­cumuallation. Then hee commandeth them from that place, which was most fitting for the pur­pose, to bring their vine Engines forwards, and aboue them to raise a Rampier; and Towres be­ing raised vpon the Ram­pier, thus to secure the worke & the labourers. To preuent this, the Townes­men vse all possible di­ligence and preparations: nothing was left vndone by either side. Finally, the Romanes tired out with much labour & fight, after 40. dayes that they came thither, onely got the Towne: all the prey was [Page 456] spoiled by the fugitiues. They, when they saw the walls battered with the Rammes, and their estate growne desperate, carried the gold, siluer, and o­ther things of most ac­count into the Kings Pa­lace: there, being laden with wine, and viands, they burne both that, the house and themselues withall: thus that punish­ment, which they feared from their enemies, they willingly inflicted on selues.

CHAP. 21.
Ambassadours are sent from Lep [...]is to Metellus. A discourse of the Phile­nian brethren.

BVt together with the taking of Thala, Am­bassadours from the Town of Leptis came to Metellus; requesting that he would send thither a Garrison & Gouernour: that one Hi­milear a Noble man of a fa­ctious spirit did affect in­nouation: against whom neither the commands of the Magistrates, nor the Lawes were auailable: if he did not speedily doe it, their owne safety, the [Page 458] Alies of them would bee much indangered. For the Leptitanes long since, from the beginning of the Iugurthine warre, had sent to Bestia the Consull, and afterwards to Rome, to require friendship and Aliance. Then hauing got­ten a grant of this, they alwayes remained true & faithfull, and did per­forme with diligence all the commands of Bestia, Albinus, and Metellus: therefore easily they ob­tained of the Generall, whatsoeuer they reque­sted.

There were sent thither foure Cohorts of Ligu­rians, and C. Annius for Gouernour. That towne [Page 459] was builded by the Sido­nians, whom wee haue heard to come hither in shippes, flying from home because of Ciuill discords. Moreouer it is seated betwixt the two Syrtes, who haue their name imposed from their nature. For there are two Gulfes almost in the far­thest part of Africke of vn­like bignesse, of like con­dition: the parts of which, that are neerest to the shoare, are of an exceeding depth: the others are ca­sually deepe, and at ano­ther season shoaly: for as soone as the sea groweth high, and rageth with the windes, the waues drawe in slime, sand, and migh­ty [Page 460] stones: by this meanes the condition of these pla­ces is altred with the winds; they are called Sir­ [...]es from their extent.

The language of this City is somewhat corrup­ted by marrying with the Numidians; but their Lawes and habit are for the most part Sidonian which they retained with the more facility, because they liued farre from the Kings Dominion. For be­tweene them, and the po­pulous places of Numi­dia, there lay vncultiued and waste grounds. But because wee are arriued in these Regions by meane of the Leptitan affaires, i [...] seemeth worth the rela­tion, [Page 461] to remember the braue and memorable ex­ploite of two Carthagi­nians. The place intima­ted this vnto vs.

At what time the Car­thaginians ruled ouer most of Africke, the Cyrenians also were rich and power­full: the Frontier betwixt them was sandy and vni­forme; there was neither mountaine, nor riuer to distinguish their borders: which cause kept them in a great▪ and vndisconti­nued warre. After their Armies and Fleetes had beene often beaten and chased on both sides, and that they had much im­paired one anothers strength; they fearing that [Page 462] a third party would inuade both the Conquerers & conquered; taking truce, they make an agreemēt, that vpon a day appointed, their Ambassadors should depart from their seuerall homes; at what place they met one another, that should be the common border of both Nations. Vpon this, two brethren being sent from Carthage, whose names were the Phi­leni, made hast in their iour­ney: the Cyrenians went more slowly. Whether this happened by negligence or casualty, I know no­thing at all.

Besides, in those places a tempest no otherwise then in the sea restraineth [Page 463] passage. For when as the wind arising on plaine grounds, and bare of trees, hath raised vp the sand from the earth, that being carried with great violence filleth both the mouth and eyes: thus prospect being hindred, the iourney is staid.

After the Cyrenians saw that they were somewhat the hindermost, and be­cause of their neglect, fea­red punishment at home; they taxed the Carthagi­nians, that departing be­fore their time from their place of habitation, they had disturbed the Treaty; finally they would rather doe any thing then depart vanquished. But when the [Page 464] Carthaginians required any other condition, so it were equall, the Grecians put the Carthaginians to their choice, that either they should bee buried there quicke, whereas they desired borders for their people, or that them­selues vpon the same con­ditions might proceed whither they would. The Philenians allowing the condition, gaue vp them­selues and their liues to the Common-wealth thus were they interred aliue. In that place the Cartha­ginians consecrated Al­tars to the Philenian bre­thren, and other ho­nours were instituted for them in their Country. [Page 465] Now I returne to my pur­pose.

CHAP. 22.
Iugurth draweth the Getu­lians to his party. He solli­citeth King Bocchus. He is aduertised of Marius comming.

IVgurth, when after Tha­la lost, he thought no­thing strong enough to re­sist Metellus, trauailing with some few through vast desarts, he commeth to the Getulians, a fierce and sauage kind of peo­ple, and as then ignorant of the Romane name: hee raiseth a multitude of [Page 466] them into one body, and by degrees doth accu­stome them to keepe their rankes, to followe their Ensignes, to obey com­mand, and to performe other military duties. Be­sides, hee allureth those who were neerest vnto King Bocchus, by great gifts and greater promises, to fauour his cause: with which Assistants, going to the King, hee doth per­swade him, that he should vndertake warre against the Romanes. This by that aduantage became more facill and feasable, for that Bocchus in the be­ginning of this warre, had sent Ambassadours to Rome to desire a League [Page 467] and friendship: which thing being most oppor­tune for the enterprize of the warre, some few hin­dred, blinded with coue­tousnesse, by whom all suites, whether honest or dishonest, were vsually set to sale.

Besides, the daughter of Bocchus was formerly married to Iugurth: but that bond is meanely re­garded by the Moores and Numidians: because that each of them according to their wealth, haue euery man sundry wiues, some 10. others more: but Kings more then so. Thus the mind is distracted with the multitude: none of them is ranked in the place [Page 468] of an equall: they are al­together held despica­ble.

Thereupon, in a place chosen by both parties, the Army meets: then faith being giuen and re­ceiued interchangeably, Iugurth inflameth Bocchus with this speech: That the Romanes were vniust, of vnsatiable auarice, the common enemies of all mankind: that they had the same cause of warre with Bocchus, as with himselfe and all other Nations, euen the desire of rule; vnto whom all Kings were opposites: then he himselfe, a little before the Carthaginians, with King Per­ses, after as euery man see­med most powerfull, so he be­came [Page 469] enemy to the Romanes. These, and such like spee­ches passing, they direct their iourney to the towne of Cirtha: for that Q. Me­tellus had lodged there the prey, prisoners, and bag­gage. Thus Iugurth thought that either the City being taken, it would be a worke worth his labour: or if the Roman Generall came to their succours, they should come to the tryall of a maine battell: for in cun­ming, he made haste onely to disinable Iugurths peace, lest by exercising delayes, hee should desire some o­ther course, rather then warre.

The General, when he had heard of the Confederacy [Page 470] of the Kings, he doth not rashly, neither as he was often accustomed to doe, (Iugurth being vanqui­shed) present in all places free meanes to fight: but not farre from Cirtha his Camp being fortified, he expecteth the Kings: thin­king it best, after he had made some triall of the Moores, (because they came as fresh enemies,) to fight at his best aduan­tage. In the meane time he is certified from Rome by letters, that the Prouince of Numidia was giuen to Marius: for he had heard before, that he was made Consull: with which ti­dings being troubled be­yond al decency, he neither [Page 471] could refraine teares, nor moderate his tongue; the man otherwise being of a most excellent temper, too tenderly tooke this grie­uance: which some constru­ed to bee pride in him: o­thers, a good disposition prouoked with disgrace: many men thought it was, because the victory already gotten, was wrested out of his hands: to vs it is well enough knowne, that hee was more vexed with Marius honour, then with his proper iniury: neither would he haue suffred it with so much anxiety, if the Prouince taken away, had beene assigned to any but Marius.

Therefore being diuer­ted [Page 472] with this griefe, and because it seemed a foo­lish part to take care of anothers charge with his owne danger, hee sends Ambassadours to King Bocchus, to require him, that without cause hee would not become an ene­my to the people of Rome: that he had a faire oppor­tunity of contracting a League and friendship, which would be better then warre. Although he was confident in his owne strength, yet hee ought not to change vncertain­ties for certainties: al warre was vndertaken with ease, but concluded with diffi­culty: not in the same mans power lay the be­ginning [Page 473] & ending of it: it was lawfull for euery man, yea for a coward to begin: it was to be laid aside, whē the Conquerours would: therefore hee should pro­uide for himselfe, and his Kingdome; neither should he cōmixe his flourishing and Iugurths desperate for­tunes together.

To this the King answe­red calmely enough: that himselfe desired peace: but that he tooke compas­sion of Iugurths estate: if the same liberty were granted to him▪ all things would be soone agreed on. Againe the Generall, to incounter Bocchus de­maunds, sendeth other Messengers: he alloweth [Page 474] his propositions in part, others he reiecteth. In this manner by sending and re­sending Messengers from both sides, time passed a­way, and according to Metellus will, the warre was protracted without action.

But Marius (as is aforesaid) being made Consull through the earnestnesse of the Commons, after the people had decreed Numidia for his Prouince, he being heretofore incen­sed against the Nobility, did as then frequently and fiercely presse them: some­times he offended particu­lars, sometimes the gene­rality: he spake publickly, that he got the Consulship [Page 475] as spoiles from them, being vanquished; with other words besides glorious for himselfe, greuous for them. In the meane time, his first care is to prouide things vsefull for the warre: hee requireth a supply for the Legions: he sendeth for aydes from the Nations, Kings, and Confederates: moreouer, he inuiteth all the flowre of Latium, most of them knowne to him in the warres, few by report; and by his sollici­tation he draweth those, who had out-serued their military yeeres, to goe this iourney with him: nei­ther did the Senate, al­though it were aduerse, dare to deny him concer­ning [Page 476] any businesse: but euen with gladnesse gran­ted him a supply, because it was thought the warre was not pleasing to the Commonalty, and Marius should either lose his im­ployment in it, or [...]he loue of the vulgar. But that hope proued vain: so much desire had possessed most men to go with Marius. E­uery man was perswaded, that he should be inriched with the prey; that hee should returne home vi­ctorious, and harboured a­ther thoughts of the same nature: and Marius ha [...]h not a little incouraged them with his speech. For after all things being decreed, which he required, he had [Page 477] an intent to inroll Soul­diers, as well for exhor­tations sake, as also for exasperating the Nobility: according to his custome, he summoneth an Assem­bly of the people: then spake he after this manner.

CHAP. 23.
The Oration of Marius the Consull, to the people of Rome.

I Know, O ye Romanes, that most men doe not by the same Arts sue for Command from you, and after they haue procured it, minister the same: at first they are industrious, sup­pliant [Page 478] and moderate: af­terwards in slouth and pride they consume their time. But otherwise it seemes good to me: for by how much the more the Common-wealth is to be regarded before a Prae­tour-ship, or Consulship, by so much the sooner ought that to be gouer­ned, then these sued for. Neither am I deceiued, what a waighty businesse through your especiall fa­uour I sustaine. To pro­uide for warre, and with­all to spare the Treasury: to drawe them to be Soul­diers, whom you are loth to offend: to care for all things both at home and abroad: and to accom­plish [Page 479] these things amōgst enuious, thwarting and fa­ctious opposites, is a worke (O yee Romanes) more difficult then opi­nion.

Besides, if other men proue delinquents, their ancient Nobility, the va­liant exploits of their An­cestors, the greatnesse of their kinsmen and alies, their multitude of Clients serue for a meanes to pro­tect them. All my hopes re­lye on my selfe, which it is necessary to defend with vertue and innocence: for all other supports are weake.

And this I vnderstand (O ye Romanes) that all mens eyes are cast vpon [Page 480] me: the iust and good men fauour: because that my well doings aduance the Common-wealth: the Nobility seeke an occa­sion to inuade me. By so much the more earnestly I must endeauour, that they may be frustrated, & you not deceiued.

Thus to this age haue I conuersed from my child­hood, that to all labours and dangers I haue beene accustomed. What I did freely before your benefits bestowed, it is not my counsell (O ye Romanes) to neglect, hauing recei­ued a reward for it.

It is a hard matter for such to be temperate in authority, who for ambi­tious [Page 481] ends haue fained themselues honest: to me, who haue passed ouer all my life in the best profes­sions, to doe well from cu­stome it is growne natu­rall. You haue comman­ded me to wage warre with Iugurth; a thing which the nobility hath brooked impatiently. I beseech you weigh with your selues, whether it might proue better to change this your purpose, if you should find out of that cir­cle of the Nobility, some man or other of anciēt des­cent, of many statues and no seruice: that forsooth in so great an action, hee might tremble, ouerha­sten, and take some Ple­beian [Page 482] person for an Adui­ser of his Office. Thus ma­ny times hath it come to passe, that he whom you haue ordained to com­mand in chiefe, was faine to seeke another Generall for himselfe.

But I know (O ye Ro­manes) those, who after they were made Con­suls, did beginne to reade the acts of their Ance­stours, & the military pre­cepts of the Graecians; praeposterous men as they are. For to gourne, then to be made a gouernour, is a thing later in time; first in nature and vse.

Compare now (O yee Romanes) with their pride me, that am a new man, [Page 483] what things they are accu­stomed to heare; and reade, I my selfe haue partly seene, partly acted, what they haue learned in bookes, I haue in military seruice. Now doe you make a coniecture whether deedes or words are of most accompt. They des­pise my nouelty, I their pride. Fortune to me, re­proches to them are obie­cted. Although I thinke that there is one nature & common to all, but euery man that is most valiant to be most noble. And if now it could be demanded of the fathers of Albinus and Bestia, whether they had rather, that I or those were begotten of them, what [Page 484] thinke you, they would answer, but that they would desire the best of men for their children?

But if iustly they des­pise me, let them doe the like to their Ancestours: to whom, euen as to me, from vertue Nobility be­gan. They enuy my ho­nour: therefore let them enuy my labour, inno­cence, and dangers: be­cause by those I got that. But these men corrupted with pride, liue so, as if they contemned your ho­nours: they sue for them in that manner, as if they had liued honestly. No tru­ly, they are deceiued▪ who to­gether expect things most re­pugnant, the pleasure of slouth, [Page 485] and the rewards of vertue.

Besides, when they speake amongst you, or in the Senate, they magni­fie their Ancestours in most of their speeches: by relating their valiant acts, they thinke them­selues the more renow­ned: which is quite con­trary: for by how much their life is the more glo­rious, by so much the more is these mens slouth the more infamous. And truely thus stands the case: The glory of Ancestours is a light to posterity, which suf­freth neither their good, nor euill deedes to lye concealed. Of this I am wanting (O ye Romanes.) But that which is by farre more il­lustrious, [Page 486] I can lawfully speake of my owne ex­ploits.

Now behold how vn­iust they are: what they arrogate to themselues from others vertue, that they grant not to me for my owne: forsooth, be­cause I haue not statues, and because my Nobility is new; which questionles it is better to haue gotten then to deface being once receiued. Verily I am not ignorant, that if they would forthwith answere me, their speech would be very eloquent, and com­posed. But in this your greatest benefit, when as in all places they rent with their calumnies, both me [Page 487] and you▪ it is not my plea­sure to be silent: lest any man should intreprete my modesty to be guilt of conscience▪ For me, in my opinion, no speech can of­fend▪ because if true, it must needs speake well, if false, my life and man­ners confute it. But be­cause your Counsels are accused, who haue impo­sed on me the highest ho­nour and chiefest imploy­ment, againe, consider with your selues, whether you may repent your choice.

I cannot for procuring credit shewe statues nor triumphs, nor the Con­sulships of my Progeni­tours: but if that occasion [Page 488] required, I could shew a Standard, Speares, or­naments of desert, and o­ther military rewards, be­sides s [...]rres in the fore­part of my body. These are my statues, this is my Nobility; not left by in­heritance, as theirs to them, but which I haue acquired with my mani­fold labours, and dan­gers.

My words are not com­posed: I doe meanely re­gard that▪ Vertue sufficient­ly declares it selfe. Art is re­quisite for them, that so with speech they may pal­liate their dishonest acti­ons. Neither haue I lear­ned the Grecian lāguage: I had small pleasure to [Page 489] learne that, because it hath nothing auailed the teachers thereof in the pursuite of vertue: But those other things I haue beene taught, most be­neficiall for the Com­mon-wealth; as to charge the enemy, to stand vpon my guard, to feare no­thing but infamy: to in­dure alike▪ Winter and Summer, to take my re­pose on the ground, at the same time to suffer want & labour. With these pre­cepts I will incourage my Souldiers: neither will I entertaine them with Art, my selfe with plenty, nor make their labour my glo­ry. This is a profitable, this is a ciuill way of com­manding. [Page 490] For when thou thy selfe shalt liue dainti­ly, to inforce thy Army with punishment, that is to be a Lord, not a Gene­rall.

By doing these and such like things, your Ance­stours honoured them­selues and the Republick▪ On whose worth, the No­bility relying, being of different conditions in themselues, vilifie vs emu­lous of them; and cha­lenge all honours from you, not by merit, but as if they were due. Neuer­thelesse these most inso­lent men are much decei­ued. Their Predecessours left all that they could vn­to them, riches, statues▪ [Page 491] and a glorious memory of themselues: they left not vertue: That alone, is neither giuen, nor taken by way of do­nation.

They say that I am sor­did, and rude of condi­tions, because I doe not curiously enough set forth a banket, nor haue euer a Stage-player of my owne, nor a Cooke higher prized, then my Bai­liffe. Which is a pleasure for me to confesse (O yee Romanes.) For I haue learned from my father; and other deuoute per­sons, that neatnesse for women, labour for men is most conuenient: and that it behoueth all good men to possesse more glo­ry [Page 492] then wealth; that armes, not vtensils are an orna­ment.

But therefore what de­lights them, what they esteeme dearely, let them for euer doe: let them whore, & drink: wher they haue wasted their youth, there let them spend their old age, in bankets; gi­uen ouer to the belly, and the obscenest part of the body: sweat, dust, and such like things, let them leaue to vs, vnto whom these are more delightfull then bankets.

But the case is other­wise: For where as these vile men haue dishonou­red themselues with scan­dalous crimes, they seeke [Page 493] to take by violence the re­wards of the vertuous. Thus most vniustly riot, & slouth, the worst of all vices, hinder not those, who haue imbraced them; to the guiltlesse Commō ­wealth they proue mis­chieuous.

Now, because I haue answered them, as much, as my custome, not their faults required, I will speake a few words con­cerning the Common­wealth. First of all (O ye Romanes) hope well of Numidia: what helpes haue hitherto supported Iugurth, you haue remoued them all, auarice, vnskil­fulnesse and pride. Be­sides, the Army there, is [Page 494] knowing of the Country, but truely more valiant, then fortunate: for a great part of it hath beene consumed by the coue­tousnesse or roshn [...]sse of the commanders.

Wherefore you, who are of military age, inde­uour together with me, & vndertake for the Cōmon­wealth. Neither let any man be terrified with the calamity of others, or with the pride of Gene­rals: I may selfe in mar­ching and battell, will be a Counseller and sharer of the danger with you: I will gouerne both my selfe and you in all things alike: & certainly▪ the gods assi­sting the victory, pillage, [Page 495] and praise are all proui­ded for vs: which if they were doubtfull, and farre remoued, yet it be­commeth all good men to assist the Commonwealth. For no man by slouth was made immortall: neither did any father euer wish for his children, that they might be eternall, rather then good, and honest in their liues. More could I speake (O ye Ro­manes) if words added courage to cowards; vnto the valiant I think enough hath beene spoken.

Some such speeches be­ing deliuered, when as Marius saw the minds of the Common people ere­cted, he speedily fraugh­ [...]eth the shippes with vi­ctuals, [Page 496] pay, Armes, and other necessaries. With these he commandeth A. Manlius his Lieutenant to passe ouer. He himselfe in the meane time inrolleth Souldiers, not after the ancient custome, nor out of the classicall numbers, but for the most part Vo­luntiers mustred by the poale. Some reported, that this was done for want of able men; others through the Consuls am­bition: because hee had beene honoured and ad­uāced by such people: And to a man that pursueth great­nesse, he that is most wanting, is most opportune, vnto whom his owne is no care, because it is no­thing worth, & with a price all [Page 497] things are accounted honest.

Thereupon Marius with his numbers something fuller then was decreed, going into Africke, in a few dayes was transpor­ted to Vtica. The Army is deliuered to him by P. Ru­tilius the Lieutenant: for Metellus shunned Marius sight, lest hee should be­hold that, which being hard, his mind abhorred.

But the Consull, the Le­gions and Auxiliary Co­horts being reinforced, marched into a fertill Country and full of pil­lage: all booties taken there, hee giueth to the Souldiers: then he assai­leth the Townes and Ca­stles, which were of small [Page 498] strength in regard of their situation or Garrison, he maketh sundry light skir­mishes in sundry places. In the meane time the new leuyed Souldiers, without feare pre [...]ented themselues to fight: they saw those that fled, to be taken o [...] slaine: euery man that was most valiant, to bee most safe: that by their Armes, their liberty, Country, Parents, and all things else were defended: glory and riches were purchased. Thus in a short space the new and old Souldiers complyed together; and the valour of all became equall.

CHAP. 23.
The Kings retire into the de­sarts. Metellus goeth to Rome. Marius besieged Capsa, and after some dif­ficulties taketh it by force.

BVt the Kings▪ as soone as they vnderstood of Marius comming, depart diuersly into places of dif­ficnlt accesse. Thus it see­med good to Iugurth, ho­ping ere long hee should surprize his enemies strag­gling, and that the Ro­mans, as most men doe, feare being remoued, would carry themselues more loosly and licen­tiously.

[Page 500] Metellus in the mean time going to Rome, i [...] contrary to his expecta [...]tion receiued with much ioy, being esteemed alike of the Fathers and people▪ after their hatred was once allayed.

But Marius readily and wisely attended his owne, and the enemies affaires; hee knew what was expe [...]dient or not for both: he discouered the iourneyes of the Kings: hee preuen­ted their counsels and Stratagems: he suffred no slackenesse with himselfe, nor safety with them. Therefore both the Getu­lians, and Iugurth driuing preyes from our Confede­rates, he often assailing [Page 501] defeated them in their iourneyes, and disarmed the King himselfe, not farre from the Towne of Cirtha: which exploits when he perceiued to be onely glorious, not con­ducing to the finishing of the warre, hee resolueth to besiege the Citties one after another, which in respect of the place or peo­ple, were most aduātageous for the enemy against him­selfe. Thus either Iugurth would be despoiled of his aydes, if he suffred this, or else must come to the tryall of a battell.

For Bocchus had many times sent Messēgers to the Cōsul, shewing that he desi­red the friēdship of the Ro­mane [Page 502] people, that he [...] should feare no act of ho [...]stility from him. Whether he conterfeited this to the intent, that being vnlooked for, he might inuade with more annoyance, or that through the leuity of his disposition, he was wont to change the resolutions of peace and warre, it re­maines vndiscouered. But the Consull, as he had re­solued, marcheth to the Townes, and fortified Castles: some by force, others by terrour, or by promising rewards, he withdraweth from the enemies. And first his vn­dertakings were meane, thinking that Iugurth for defending his own, would [Page 503] come within danger. But when he heard that he was absent a farre off, and im­ployed vpon other af­faires, it seemed high time for him to vndertake things more great and dif­ficult.

There lay amongst the vast desarts, a faire Towne and strong, (called Capsa) whose founder Hercules the Lybian was said to bee. The Citizens were priui­ledged by Iugurth, liuing vnder a gentle command, and for these respects, were held most faithfull: They were fortified a­gainst enemies not onely with walls, armes and Souldiers, but that which is much more, with the [Page 504] roughnesse of the Region: for besides the places next to the Towne, all the rest were wast for want of ma­nuring, skant of water, & infested with Serpents▪ whose violence, as of all other wilde beasts, growes more outragious, by the scarcity of meate. Besides, the nature of Serpents pernicious in it selfe, is more inflamed with thirst, then any thing else.

Of gaining this piece an earnest desire possessed Marius, as well for the vse of the warre, as also for that it seemed a difficult matter; and Metellus had with great glory taken the Towne of Thala, seated and fortified not much vn­like: [Page 505] but that at Thala there were some foun­taines not far from the walls. The Capsians had onely one spring of wa­ter, and that within the Towne, as for the rest, they vsed raine. That in­conuenience both there, and in all Africke, which being far from the sea, lay vncultiued, is suffred with lesse greeuance, because the Numidians for the most part fed on milke, and the flesh of wilde beasts, and neither sought for salt nor other prouoca­tions of gluttony: food serued them against hun­ger and thirst, not for lust nor luxury.

Therefore the Consull, [Page 506] all things being disco­uered, relying as I thinke on the gods (for against so great difficulties hee could not sufficiently pro­uide by counsell: because also he was assailed with want of Corne: for that the Numidians are more addicted to grazing of Cattell then tillage, and whatsoeuer croppe was growne, they had bestow­ed by the Kings command in places of strength: but the fields at that time were dry, and bare of graine, for it was the last of Sum­mer) doth notwithstan­ding as he could, make pre­paration with prouidence enough: he giueth out all the Cattell, which he had [Page 507] formerly gotten by preda­tion, to be driuen by the Auxiliary horse-men: hee commandeth A. Manlius his Lieutenant, with the light-armed Cohorts to goe to the Towne of Li­ [...]is, where he had placed the pay and victuals: him­selfe going to take preyes, meant to be there within a few dayes. Thus his en­terprize being concealed, he marcheth to the riuer Tana.

But as he trauailed, he distributed the Cattell daily by equall propor­tions vnto his Army, throughout the Centuries, and Horse-troupes; and tooke order that bottles might be made of the [Page 508] hides: thus together hee eased the want of Corne, and all men being igno­rant of his purpose, he pre­pared those things, which would be forthwith vse­full. Finally on the sixth day, when they came to the riuer, a great number of bottles was made.

There the Campe being pitched with a slight for­tification, hee comman­deth the Souldiers to eate, and to march out with the setting of the Sunne; that all the baggage being quit­ted, they should with water onely lade them­selues, and the beasts of car­riage. Then when the time came, he issueth forth of the Camp; and hauing tra­uailed [Page 509] all the night, he re­steth: he doth the same on the next: and the third long before day light, he arriueth in a place full of little hilles, not distant aboue two miles from Capsa: and there as co­uertly as he could, he ma­keth a stand with all his Army. But as soone as it was open day, and the Numidians fearing no hostility, came forth of the Towne in great num­bers: he suddenly com­mandeth all the Horse­men, and with these the nimblest Foot-men to march to Capsa with full speed, and to blocke vp the gates: thereupon hee himselfe being intentiue, [Page 510] followeth hastily, neither doth he suffer the Soul­diers to pillage.

Which things when the Townes-men knew; their desperate estate, their mighty feare, the vnexpe­cted mischiefe, together with a great part of their Citizens in the hands of enemies, inforced them to make a surrender. But the Towne was burnt, the Numidian youth were slaine, all the rest were sold: the prey was deuided to Souldiers. This outrage contrary to the Law of Armes, was not done through the auarice or mischieuous disposition of the Consull: but be­cause the place was for Iu­gurth [Page 511] opportune, for vs diffi­cult in regard of accesse: the people were incon­stant, and faithlesse, before neuer subiected by feare nor benefit.

After Marius had fini­shed so high a worke with­out any losse of his owne men, being heretofore great and excellent, hee now began to be accoun­ted greater and excellen­ter: all his vncouncellable actions were interpreted to be vertuous: the Soul­diers being ruled with a modest command, and rich besides, praised him aboue measure: the Nu­midians feared him more then a mortall man▪ Last­ly, all the Confederates [Page 512] and enemies beleeued, that either he had a diuine spirit, or that all euents were portended to him by the appointment of the gods.

CHAP. 24.
Marius taketh other strong places, & amongst the rest, a Castle, where th [...] Kings Treasure lay, which was held impregnable.

BVt the Consull, as soone as this enter­prize was happily finished, marcheth to other Towns: some few he takes, the Nu­midians making resistance; more he burnes, lving de­sert [Page 513] in regard of the Cap­sians miseries; with mour­ning and slaughter all things are filled. Finally hauing gotten many pla­ces, and most of them with an vnbloodyed Army, he vndertaketh another busi­nesse, not of that danger as that of the Capsians, yet no lesse difficult.

For not farre from the riuer of Mulucha, which diuided Iugurths & Bocchus Kingdome, there was a­mongst the other grounds being champion, a rocky mountaine with a Castle of indifferent bignesse, ly­ing very open, exceeding high, with one straight en­trance left vnto it: for all the rest was steepe by na­ture, [Page 514] as if it had beene pur­posely wrought so. This Peece, Marius, because the Kings treasures lay there; resolues to take with his vtmost force: but this en­terprize was better manna­ged by chance, then Counsell; for in the Ca­stle there was a sufficient proportion of Souldiers, Armes, and Corne, besides a Fountaine of water: by meanes of the Bulwarkes, Towres, and other workes, it was scarce assaultable: the way to the Castle was exceeding narrow, hewed out on both sides: the Vine-engines were raised to no purpose, with exceeding danger: for as soone as they aduanced neuer so [Page 515] little, they were spoild with fire or stones: the Souldiers could neither stand fast before the workes, through the vn­euennesse of the place: nor doe their dutie amongst the Vine-engines, without indangering themselues: al the best men were woun­ded or slaine: amongst the rest, feare increased.

But Marius much time and labour being spent, anxiously pondered in his minde, whether he should desist from this enterprize, because it had succeeded ill, or should expect for­tune, which he had often prosperously vsed. Vpon this, when he had medita­ted doubtfully many dayes [Page 516] and nights, by chance a certaine Ligurian, a com­mon Souldier of the auxi­liary Cohorts, going out of the Campe to water, not farre from the side of the Castle, which was opposite to them that fought, obser­ued Snailes creeping a­mongst the Rockes: of them when he had sought to get one or two, and af­terwards more; through the desire of gathering, he ascended by degrees al­most to the top of the mountaine: where when he vnderstood the place to be solitary, after the man­ner of mans desire, in the di [...]couery of things vn­knowne, he doth apply his minde vnto it. And by [Page 517] chance a great Holme tree grewe in that place amongst the rockes, now declining a little, then ben­ding, and raised in height, as the nature of all trees is: by whose boughes some­times, sometimes by the eminent rockes the Ligu­rian climbing, suruayeth the plaine of the Castle, for that all the Numidians were intentiue amongst those that fought.

All things being disco­uered, which he thought might be forth-with vse­full, hee goeth backe the same way, not vnaduised­ly as he came vp, but try­ing and viewing all places round about. For this cause he goeth speedily to [Page 518] Marius: he informeth him what hee had done: hee doth perswade him, that on that side, from whence he descended, he would assaile the Castle: he doth promise, that he would be chiefe in the enterprize and danger. Marius sent some of those, who were present with the Ligurian, to informe himselfe better of his promises: of whom, as euery mans disposition serued, so they brought backe word, that it was facill or difficult. Yet the Consuls minde was some­what incouraged.

Therefore out of the number of his Trumpe­ters, and Cornetters, he se­lecteth fiue of the nim­blest, [Page 519] and with these, foure Centurions for their gard, commanding them all to obey the Ligurian, and appointeth the next day for that seruice. But as soone as the time came ordained by command, all things being prepared and disposed, he goeth to the place. But they who com­manded the Centuries, being formerly instructed by their Leader, had chan­ged Armes and attire, be­ing bare on the head and feete, that so their pro­spect and trauaile amongst the rockes, might be the more easie. Vpon their backes were their swords and shields, but they were of the Numidian fashion [Page 520] made of leather for light­nesse sake: and withall, that striking one against ano­ther, they might clash with lesse noise.

Vpon this, the Liguri­an going before, tyed ropes vnto the rockes and rootes, that were eminent through antiquity: with which the Souldiers being eleuated, might get vp with lesse labour: some­times hee raised with his hand, those that were feare­full through the vncouth­nesse of the passage: where­as the ascent was some­thing more rough, he sent them one by one vnarmed before him: then he him­selfe followed with their armes: what places seemed [Page 521] dangerous to climbe, he assayed first: and often as­cending and descending the same way, then forth­with trauersing, he doth imbolden the rest to fol­low. Therupon they being long, and much toyled, came into the Castle being forsaken on that side: be­cause that all the defen­dants as they had done on the former dayes, were present, where they [...]ought against the enemies.

Marius, as soone as hee vnderstood by Messen­gers, what the Ligurian had done; although all the day he had held the Numidians hard in fight, then especially incoura­ging his Souldiers, and he [Page 522] himselfe sallying forth without the Vine-workes, secondeth with a Tortoise Engine raised, and withall terrifieth the enemy from aloofe with Engines of battery, with his archers and slingers. But the Nu­midians, the Roman Vine-workes hauing beene often before ouerthrowne and burned, sheltred not them­selues within the Castle walles, but night and day walked before the wall: they railed against the Ro­manes, and to Marius ob­iected madnesse; to our Souldiers the threatned Iugurths seruitude: in pro­sperity they grew proud.

In the meane time all the Romans and enemies be­ing [Page 523] earnest in fight, with great violence on both sides; these striuing for Glory and Empire, those for safetie, suddenly from behind the military instru­ments sounded: and first of all the women and boyes, who came to see, fled: then euery man, as he was next to the wall, fi­nally, all both armed and vnarmed. As soone as this happened, the Ro­manes fall on by so much the more fiercely, they beate downe, and onely wound most of the ene­mies: then they passe ouer the bodies of the slaine, be­ing greedy of glory, they assault the wall with an e­mulating strife: neither [Page 524] doth pillage arrest any one of them all. Thus casually Marius rashnesse being-corrected, found glory out of an error.

CHAP. 25.
Sylla commeth to the Army with great supplies of Horse-men. His character. The two Kings are discom­fited with both their Ar­mies.

MOreouer, whilest this enterprize was acting, L. Sylla the Trea­surer arriueth in the Camp with great numbers of Horsemen, for the raising of which, out of Latium, and amongst the Confede­rates, [Page 525] he had beene left at Rome. But because the occasion doth admonish vs of so braue a man, it seemeth expedient to speake briefely of his na­ture and manners: and L. Sisenna, who hath prosecu­ted it most exactly and di­ligently, amongst all those who haue treated of that subiect, seemeth to me not to haue spoken with free­dome enough.

Therefore Sylla was a Nobleman of a Patrician race, his Family being al­most extinguish'd through the slouth of his Ance­stours, he was learned a­like, and that most lear­nedly in the Greeke and Latine tongue, he was of [Page 526] a haughty mind, greedy of pleasures, but more greedy of honour: in va­cant times hee was luxu­rious, yet pleasure ne­uer hindred him from his businesse, excepting that concerning his wife, which might bee more honestly interpreted: he was eloquent, crafty and facill in friendship: to shaddow his affaires, the height of his wit was incredible: hee was a giuer of many things, but most specially of mony: and to him being the hap­piest of all men, before the ciuill victory, Fortune was neuer aboue his industry: and many men doubted whether he were more va­liant [Page 527] or fortunate: for those things, which hee did afterwards, I am vncer­taine, whether I should be more ashamed or greeued to relate.

Therefore Sylla, as hath beene formerly said, after he came into Africke, and Marius Campe with the Cauallery, being before raw and vnexperienced in warre, became the most ablest of all men in a short time. Besides, he saluted the Souldiers curteously: he gaue to many vpon re­quest, to others out o [...] his owne freedome▪ he recei­ued henefits vnwillingly, but the repayed them soo­ner then money lent, hee required that of no man: [Page 528] he rather indeuoured this, that most men might be his debtours. He communi­cated his pastimes, and serious affaires euen with the meanest: in the works, in marching, and at the watches, he was most of­ten present: neither in the meane time, which wic­ked ambition is wont to doe, did he wound the re­putation of the Consull, or of any good man: one­ly he suffred none to goe before him in Counsell▪ nor execution: about most he got the prece­dence. By these courses and Arts, he became in a short space most deare to Marius and the Souldiers.

But Iugurth, after he ha [...] [Page 529] lost the Towne of Capsa, with other places of strength commodious for himselfe, and withall a great masse of mony, he sendeth Messengers vnto King Bocchus, that hee should come with all speed into Numidia, that the season serued to giue battell: whom when hee heard to make delayes, and doubtfully to pro­tract the meanes both of warre and peace: againe, as before, hee corrupteth those that were next vnto him, with gifts: and hee promiseth vnto the Moore himselfe a third part of Numidia, if either the Romanes were driuen out of Africke, or the war were [Page 530] cōpounded, his owne Do­minions remaining intire.

Bocchus allured with this reward, goeth ouer to Iugurth with a great multi­tude. Thus both their Ar­mies being ioyned, they set vpon Marius now mar­ching into his winter Gar­risons, scarce a tenth part of the day being left: thinking that the night, which was now at hand, would be a safegard to thē being vāquished, & if they should vanquish would be no impediment, because they knew the ground: and to the Romanes both for­tunes would proue more disaduātagous in the dark▪

Therefore as soone as the Consull was informed [Page 531] by many of the enemies comming, the enemies themselues were also come: and before the army could be imbattayled, or the bag­gage, gathered together; fi­nally, before it could re­ceiue any signall or com­mād, the Moorish & Getu­liā horse-men, not in front, nor in any forme of battel, but in a disorderly troupe, as chance gaue thē meanes to ioyne, fell on vpon our men. All of whom trem­bling with sudden feare, but yet mindfull of their valour, did either take Armes, or defended others from the enemies, as they tooke them. One part mounted their hor­ses, to issue forth to incoun­ter [Page 532] the foe: the fight was more like to a skirmish of Theeues, then to a battell▪ without Ensignes, with­out rankes, the Horse and Foot were blended toge­ther: some fell: others kil­led: many circumuented those from behind, who sought eagerly against those who opposed them in frount: neither valour nor Armes defended suffi­ciently; for that the ene­mies were more in num­ber, and euery where dis­persed round about: final­ly the old and new Ro­mans, (and in that shewing themselues expert Souldi­ers,) if place, or chance cō [...]ioyned any, they did cast themselues into round bat­talions; [Page 533] & so being equally defended, and ordered on all parts, they sustained the enemies impression.

Neither in this so diffi­cult a businesse was Marius terrified, or deiected in mind any more then be­fore: but with his owne Troupe of Horse, (which he had raised rather out of the most valiāt, then out of those, which were most his familiears) he courseth vp & downe euery where: and some times he succou­reth his owne men being distressed: sometimes he assaileth the enemies with his owne hand, whereas being thickest, they made most resistance. He adui­seth his Souldiers, because [Page 534] all of them being disorde­red, hee could not com­mand.

And now the day was spent, when as yet the Bar­barians grewe nothing slacke: and thinking the night to aduantage them, as the Kings had giuen or­der, they fell on more fiercely. Then Marius ta­keth counsell from the ne­cessity of his affaires: and that he might haue a place of retreate for his owne men, hee surprizeth two hillockes being neere to­gether: in one of which, not large enough for in­camping, there was a goodly fountaine of wa­ter: the other was oppor­tune for vse, because be­ing [Page 535] for the most part high and steepe, it needed little fortifying. Besides, hee commandeth Sylla to stay all night at the water with the Horsemen. He him­selfe reallieth by degrees the disbanded Souldiers into one Grosse, the ene­mies being no lesse disor­dered. Then he withdraw­eth them all with a full march vnto the hillocke.

Thus the Kings infor­ced with the difficulty of the place, are deterred from the fight. But both hillockes being inuironed with the multitude, and not snffering their owne men to depart further, they quartered seuerally. Vpō this, many fires being [Page 536] made, the Barbarians for most part of the night re­ioyce, boast, and make great outcries according to their custome: and the Captaines themselselues were proud, because they fled not; and carried them­selues as if they had beene victorious.

But all these passages were easily discerned by the Romanes, out of the darkenesse, and the higher places; and serued them for a great incouragement. But most of all, Marius being confirmed by the vnskilfulnesse of the ene­my, commandeth the greatest silence to be ob­serued. Not so much as the warlike instruments [Page 537] did sound at the setting of the watches. Then as soon as the light approached, the enemies being now wearied, end not long be­fore attached with sleepe, he commandeth the Trum­pets of the tributary Troupes, with all those of the Cohorts, Horse-Troupes, and Legions, to sound their instruments all together; the Souldiers had orders to raise a great clamour, and to sally out of the gates.

The Moores and Getu­lians being suddenly awa­ked with the strange and hideous noise, could nei­ther flye, nor take armes, nor make, nor prouide any meanes of resistance. [Page 538] Thus all of them with the clashing and clamour, (no man comming to their succours, our men falling on with tumult, terrour and feare) were like mee suprized with an astonishment. Finally, all of them were rowted, and chased: most of their armes, and military En­signes were taken: and more slaine in that battell, then in all the former, for by sleepe and the vncouth terrour, flight was hin­dred.

Thereupon Marius, as he began, marcheth towards his Winter Garrisons, which because of victuals, he resolued to haue in the maritime Townes. Nei­ther [Page 539] yet was hee growne slouthfull, or insolent with his victory, but euen as if hee had beene in the eye of his enemies, he ad­uanceth with his Army marching in square battali­ons. Sylla on the right side tooke charge with the Horse-men, on the left A. Manlius with the dar­ [...]s and slingers, besides the Ligurian Cohorts: for Frontiers and bringers vp, he placed the Tri­bunes with the light-ar­med Maniples. The fugi­tiues, who knew the Country best, discouered the enemies iourney with­all the Consull, as if no man had beene imposed, was prouident for all [Page 540] things: hee was present with all, he [...]praysed, he re­buked those that deser­ued: he himselfe being ar­med and intentiue besides, inforced the Souldiers to their duties: nor other­wise, then if he had beene in the sight of the enemy, doth he dispose his mar­ches, doth he fortifie the Camp, doth he send the Legionary Cohorts to watch at the Gate, the auxiliary Horse-men be­fore the Camp: moreouer he placeth others on the Rampier of the workes, he himselfe rouneth the watches, not so much from the distrust of the performance of [...], which he commanded, as [Page 541] for that the Generals la­bour being made equall with the Souldiers, they might become the more willing.

And verily Marius in that and other times of the Iugurthine warre, inforced the Army more with shame then punishment, which many reported to be done out of ambition; because from his child­hood, he had accounted a customary hardnesse, and other things, which other men call miseries, exerci­ses of pleasure. But yet the Common-wealth, as well as vnder the seuerest com­mand, was well and order­ly gouerned.

Moreouer on the fourth [Page 542] day following, not farre from the Towne of Cir­tha, the skoutes hastily shew themselues: by which signe the enemy is knowne to be neere. But because they retaining diuersly, seuerall men from seuerall parts, & all of them signi­fied the same; the Con­sull doubtfull how to mar­shall his Army, the order of it being nothing alte­red, hee makes a stand in the same place, being pro­uided against all euents.

By this meanes Iugurths hope was frustrated, who had distributed his Ar­my into foure diuisi­ons, thinking that some amongst them all would equally fall on the enemies [Page 543] backs. In the meane time Sylla, whom the enemies first attached, incoura­ging his Souldiers, in Troupe, and with their horses in the closest order, both he and others inuade the Moores. The rest kee­ping their ground, defend their bodies from the dartes, that were cast a­gainst them from the hand; and if any fell in their power, they killed them.

Whilst the Horse-men fight after this manner, Bocchus with the Foot­men, which his sonne Vo­lux brought (and were not in the former fight, be­cause they staid in their iourney) sets vpon the Rereward of the Romanes. [Page 544] Then Marius was amongst the frontiers, because Iu­gurth was there with his greatest Forces. Then the Numidian, Bocchus his comming being knowne, secretly with some few wheeleth about to the Footmen: there in Latine (for hee had learned to speake it at Numantia) he crieth our aloud, that ou [...] men fought in vaine: that Marius not long before was slaine by his owne hand: shewing therewith all his sword imbrued with blood, which in the fight he had bloodied, in killing a footman of our [...] with great dexterity.

Which report as soone as the Souldiers heard▪ [Page 545] they were more terrified with the foulenesse of the fact, then with the credit of the messengers tidings: & therewithall the Barba­rians raised their spirits, and fell on more fiercely vpon the amazed Ro­manes. And now they were vpon the point of fly­ing, when as Sylla hauing discomfited those against whom he went, returning by the flanck, charged the Moores: Bocchus is forth­with put to flight.

But Iugurth, whilst he en­deauours to releeue his owne men, and to retaine the victory, which was al­most gotten, being cir­cumuented by the Horse­men on euery side, all the [Page 546] rest of his retinue being slaine, he alone escapeth by flight amongst his ene­mies weapons. And Ma­rius in the interspace, ha­uing followed the chase of the Horsemen, comes to the succour of his Soul­diers, whom he had heard to haue beene already put to the worst. Finally, the enemies were now rowted in euery place. Then a hor­rible spectacle was seene in the open fields: they follow: they flie: they are slaine: they are taken: men and horses are ouer­throwne together: many hauing receiued wounds, could neither fly, nor take rest: sometimes they stroue to rise, and forh­with [Page 547] fell downe: last of all, as farre as the eye could discerne, all places were couered with weapons, armes, and carkeises, and amongst them the earth was polluted with blood.

CHAP. 26.
Marius commeth to Cirtha. Bocchus mediates for a Treatie of Peace. L. Sylla and A. Manlius are sent Ambassadours vnto him.

FRom that place, the Consull being victo­rious, without all per­aduenture came to the Towne of Cirtha, whi­ther at first hee intended [Page 548] his iourney. Thither after the fifth day, on which the Barbarians had fought the second time with ill [...]uccesse, Ambassadours from Bocchus arriued, who requested of Marius in the words of the King, that he would send two of his faithfullest friends vnto him: that hee would treat with them about things commodious for himselfe, and the people of Rome. He forthwith commands L. Sylla, & A. Manlius to go: who although they went as men sent for, yet it was their pleasure to deliuer some words to the King: that so they might, either alter his aduerse disposi­tion, or being desirous of [Page 549] peace, they might inflame him more vehemently. Sylla, to whose eloquence, not age, Manlius gaue place, expressed: himselfe in few words after this manner:

King Bocchus, we must reioyce, since the gods ad­monished thee being so great a person, that at length, thou shouldest desire peace rather then warre: nor shouldest dis­honour thy selfe, being a most excellent man, by confederating with Iugurth the worst of all men; with­all, that thou shouldest take from vs a seuere neces­sity of persecuting they er­rours and his wickednesse. Besides, it seemed good to [Page 550] the Romane people, be­ing poore euen from the very beginning, to pro­cure friends rather then seruants: & they thought it safer to command ouer those who were willing, then those who were in­forced.

But for thee, no friend­ship is more vsefull then ours: first, because we are farre remoued, in which there is least cause of of­fence, and as equall cor­respondency, as if we were neighbours: then, because we haue parents aboun­dantly, of friends neither we nor any man else had euer enough. And would to God this had pleased thee from the beginning: [Page 551] then for certaine thou hadst receiued more be­nefits from the people of Rome, then thou hast suf­fered mischiefes.

But because Fortune gouernes most of humane affaires, whose pleasure forsooth it was, that thou shouldest trye both our force, and fauour: now since thou maist doe it by her leaue, make haste, goe on, as thou hast begunne. Many and opportune meanes thou hast to re­deeme thy errours the more easily with good of­fices. Lastly, let this sinke into thy brest, that the people of Rome were ne­uer ouercome with bene­fits: for in warre, what [Page 552] they are able to doe, thou thy selfe knowest.

To this Bocchus answe­red in few words, excu­sing withall his owne of fence: That he had not taken armes with any hostill inten­tion, but for the safety of his Kingdome: that that part of Numidia, from whence he expelled Iugurth, was made his owne by the right of warre hee could not suffer that to be wasted by Marius: moreouer hauing sent Ambassadours to Rome, hee had receiued a re­pulse of their friendship. But he would omit old grieuances and now, if hee might haue Marius licence, he would sen [...] Ambassadours to the Senate.

Then leaue being gran­ted, the Barbarians mind [Page 553] was altered by his friends; whom Iugurth, fearefull of what was intended, after the knowledge of Sylla [...] and Manlius Ambassage, had corrupted with gifts.

CHAP. 27.
Marius draweth out some Troupesito besiege the Kings Towre. Bocchus some o­ther Ambassadours, of whom three are sent to Rome.

MArius, in the meane time, his Army be­ing quartered in their Winter Garrisons, mar­cheth into the Desarts, with the light-armed Co­horts, [Page 554] and a part of the Cauallery, to besiege the Towre royal, where Iugurth had placed all the fugitiues in Garrison. Then againe, either from the Contem­plation of those things, which had happened to him in two seuerall bat­tels, or being admoni­shed by other friends, whom Iugurth had left vn­corrupted; Bocchus sele­cteth fiue amongst all the number of those that were neerest vnto him, whose fidelity was well knowne, and whose iudgement were mostable. He com­mands them to goe to Ma­rius, and from thence, i [...] it were his pleasure, to Rome: he grants them li­cence [Page 555] to mannage his af­faires, and to compound the warre vpon what termes soeuer.

They trauaile speedily towards the wintring pla­ces of the Romanes: then being surprized and rob­bed in their iourney by Getulian theeues, they re­paire to Sylla being feare­full, and vnseemely clad, whom the Consull, going vpon the expedition, had left for Praetour. He enter­tained them not as vaine enemies, according to their deserts, but daintily and liberally: vpon which occasion the Barbarians both thought the report of the Romanes auarice to be false, and Sylla for his [Page 556] munificence towards thē to be their friend. For euen then giuing was unknowne to many: no man was thought munificent, except willing therewith all: all good things were procured by bounty.

Vpon this they deliner Bocchus chardge to the Treasurer withall they re­quest of him, that hee would be their fauourer and Counseller: they mag­nifie in their speech the Kings Forces, faith great­nesse, and what [...]se be­sides they thought would be vsefull, or beneuolent Then Sylla hauing promi­sed them his best furthe­rance, they being instru­cted, what they should speake to Marius, what to [Page 557] the Senate, stayed therea­bout forty dayes.

After Marius, without effecting the businesse, was returned to Cirtha, as he intended; being certified of the arriuall of the Am­bassadours, he commands both them and Sylla to come to him from Vtica; and with them L. Bellienus Praetour of Vtica, besides all men from all places of the Senatorian Order: with them hee informes himselfe of [...]ugurths Man­dates; in which licence was giuen to the Ambassa­dours to goe to Rome: in the interspace a Truce was required of the Con­sull. These things pleased Marius, and most men be­sides: [Page 558] some few censured more rigorously, as igno­rant of humane affaires, which being fraile and in­constant, doe alwayes change oppositly.

But the Moores hauing all their requests granted, three of them went to Rome with Cn. Octauius Ru­fo, who being Treasurer transported the pay into Africke: two of them re­turne to the King. From these Bocchus heard a­mongst other things, the report of Syllaes bounty and affection. And at Rome to his Ambassa­dours requsting friend­ship and alliance, (after they had confessed the Kiug to haue erred, and [Page 559] to haue fallen into this mischiefe by Iugurths villa­ny) an answere was made after this manner:

That the Senate and people of Rome were mindfull of a benefit and iniury; but yet to Bocchus, because he repen­ted, they gaue a pardon of his offence: aliance and friendship shall bee granted, when he shall deserue it.

Which passages being knowne, Bocchus intreateth Marius by his letters, that he would send Sylla vnto him: by whose arbitration they might prouide for the common affaires. He was sent with a Conuoy of Horsemen, and Foot­men being Barbarian slin­gers: besides there went [Page 560] Archers, & the Pelignian Cohort with their light armes, because of making the more expedition in their iourney: neither were they lesse defended with these, then with o­ther armes, against the enemies Darts, because they are light also.

But on the fifth day, as they iourneyed, Volux the sonne of Bocchus, shewes himselfe suddenly in the openly fields, with no more than a thousand Horse, who marching loosely and disorderly, re­presented to Sylla, & all the rest, both a number grea­ter then truth, and a ho­still terrour besides. There­fore euery man makes rea­dy: [Page 561] they try: they fixe their armes and weapons: their feare was something, but their hope more, as vnto vanquishers, and against those, whom they had often vanquished.

In the meane time the Horsemen sent before to discouer, brought tidings, that all was quiet. Volux comming neere, telleth the Treasurer; that hee was sent by his father Bocchus, to meet and to guard them: then ioyning their Forces, they march that and the next day together, without feare. Afterwards when they had pitched their Tents, and the eue­ning was come, suddenly the Moore trembling with [Page 562] a suptitious countenance poasteth to Sylla: infor­ming him, that it was dis­couered by the skoutes, that Iugurth was not farre off, withall hee doth re­quest and perswade him, that he would secretly fly away with him by night.

He being of a haughty mind, denies that he feares the Numidian so often vanquished: he was suffi­ciently confident of his owne mens valour: yea if certaine destruction were at hand, he would rather stay, then betraying those whom he led, saue by a shamefull flight an vncer­taine life, and subiect to extinguishment by sicke­nesse, perhaps in a short [Page 563] time after. But being war­ned by him to dismarch by night, he approues the counsell: and forthwith he commands the Souldiers to suppe in their Tents, & frequent fires to be made; then in the first watch to issue out with silence.

CHAP. 28.
Sylla being sent Ambassadour to Bocchus, is likely to be surprized by Iugurth. He escapeth. Iugurth is be­trayed by Bocchus to the Romanes.

ANd now all of them being wearyed with that nights iourney, Sylla [Page 564] euen with the rising of the Sunne, measured out the ground for incamping: when as the Moorish Horse-men bring tidings, that Iugurth about the di­stance of two miles off, had taken vp his Quarters iust before them. After which report was heard, then especially terrour in­uadeth our Souldiers: they beleeue that they are betrayed by Volux, and circumuented by his trea­chery. And there were some, who said, that re­uenge was to be taken by the hand, and so great a villany in him was not to passe without punish­ment.

But Sylla, although he [Page 565] were of the same opinion, yet he defends the Moore from iniury: he perswades his owne men, that they would carry a courageous mind: a few valiant men had often fought fortunatly against a multitude: by how much the lesse they spared themselues in fight, by so much the more they would be safer: neither did it beseeme any man, who had ta­ken armes in his hands, to seeke succour from his vnar­med feet, and in the greatest feare of all, to expose the body naked and blind, vnto the ene­mies mercy. Then requi­ring Iupiter the greatest of the gods, that he would be present as a witnesse of Bocchus villany, and trea­chery; he commands Vo­lux, [Page 566] because hee commited actions of hostility, to de­part the Camp.

He weeping intreateth him, not to beleeue these things: nothing was done fraudulently, but rather out of Iugurths cunning; who skowting abroad had discouered his iourney: but because he had not any great Forces; and all his hopes and helpes depen­ded from his father; hee was confident, that hee durst enterprize nothing openly, when as hee his sonne was present for a witnesse: wherefore it see­med the best course to him, to passe in full view through the middest of the enemies Campe: him­selfe, [Page 567] the Moors being sent before, or left there, would stay alone with Sylla.

This counsell, as it was re­quisite in such an exigent, was allowed: & forthwith dismarching, because they came vnexpected, they pas­sed in safety, Iugurth being doubtfull, & sticking vpon delayes. Then within a few dayes, they arriued where they intended to goe.

There conuersed with Bocchus a Numidian called Aspar, much, and fami­liarly: he being premit­ted by Iugurth, (after hee heard that Sylla was sent) as an Agent, and a disco­uerer in policy of Bocchus counsels: besides there was Dabar, the son of Mas­sagrada, [Page 568] of the race of Massinissa, but vnequall by the mothers side, for his father was borne of a Con­cubine; being deare and gracious, with the Moore for many good Arts, with which his mind was in­dued, whom Bocchus ha­uing formerly tryed by many occurrences, to be faithfull to the Romanes, he sendeth him presently with this message to Sylla, that he was ready to doe whatsouer the Romane people would desire: that himselfe should chuse a day, time, and place for imparlance: that he would communicate all his coun­sels with him: neither should he be afraid of lu­gurths [Page 569] Ambassadour; for dealing a freely in their common affaires: other­wise he could not preuent his trecheries.

But I find, that Bocchus more out of a Punicke faith, then for the regard of what he said, detained with the hope of peace, both the Romanes, and the Numidian: and was wont to ponder much with himselfe, whether he should deliuer Iugurth to the Romanes, or Sylla to him. Desire against vs, feare for vs did perswade.

Therefore Sylla answe­reth, that he would speake some few words before Aspar; the rest in secret, none of a very few being [Page 570] present, withall he instru­cteth him, what answers should be made vnto him­selfe.

After, when they were met according to appoint­ment; he sayes that he was sent by the Consull, to de­mand whether he would haue peace or warre. Then the King, according to his instructions, com­mands him to returne af­ter the tenth day; and tells him that as yet he was re­solued on nothing, but on that day would giue him an answer. Then both of them depart to their Tērs. But when most of the night was spent, Sylla is secretly sent for by Boc­chus: onely faithfull inter­preters [Page 571] are admitted by them. Besides Dabar an in­termessenger, a deuout man, sweares sincerely to them both. Then the King thus begins:

I neuer thought, it would come to passe, that I being the greatest King in all this Land, and of all that I know the most opu­lent, should owe a courte­sie to a priuate man. And verily Sylla, before I knew thee, to many men vpon request, to others freely I haue giuen reliefe; I my selfe wanted nothing: I reioyce, that I am difina­bled in this, which others are wont to greeue at. It shall be precious to me, [Page 572] that I sometimes haue wanted thy friendship, then which I esteeme no­thing dearer in my mind: of this so farre thou maist make a tryall: armes, men, and money, finally what­soeuer pleaseth thee, take and vse: and while thou liuest, thou shalt neuer thinke the courtesie requi­ted, with me it shall re­maine intire: moreouer, if I may know it, thou shalt desire nothing in vaine. For as I thinke, it is lesse dis­honour for a King to be ouer­come by armes, then by muni­ficence.

But concerning your Commonwealth, whose Agent thou art hither [Page 573] sent, heare this in a few words. I neuer made war with the people of Rome, nor euer was willing that warre should be made: with armes against armed men I defended my bor­ders: I passe ouer this. Since it is your pleasure, wage warre with Iugurth, as you will: I will not goe beyond the riuer Mulu­cha, which was the Fron­tier betwixt me and Micip­sa, neither will I suffer Iugurth to attempt it. Be­sides, whatsoeuer you shall request, that is wor­thy of me and your selues, you shall not depart with repulse.

To this Sylla replyed [Page 574] briefly for himselfe, for that which concerneth peace, and the common affaires more at large; fi­nally, hee reuealeth this secret to the King, That he must assure him, that the peo­ple of Rome, in regard they had beene victorious in the warre, would not receiue him into fauour: hee must doe something, which might seeme to concerne their profit, more then his owne: hee had a faire opportunitie of this, as hauing Iugurth in his power: whom if hee deliue­red to the Romanes, they should bee much indebted to him: then friendshippe, aliance, and that part of Numidia, which hee re­quested, [Page 575] would freely fall vn­to him.

The King at first refu­sed; alledging, that kin­dred, aliance, and a League besides had pas­sed betwixt them: more­ouer hee feared, lest by the breach of his faith he should alienate the affe­ctions of his subiects; vn­to whom both Iugurth was deare, and the Ro­manes hatefull. At length being often sollicited, he [...]s reconciled, and pro­miseth to doe all things, [...]hat Sylla would require. But for the counterfeiting [...]f peace, of which the Numidian wearie of the warre, was most desi­rous, [Page 576] they framed pre­tences, which seemed ex­pedient. Thus the de­ceite being composed, they depart seuerally.

But the King on the next day calls for Aspar [...] and tells him, that hee vnderstood from Sylla by Dahar, that the warre might be compounded vpon conditions: where­fore hee should demand his Kings intention. Hee being ioyfull, goes to Iu­gurths Campe. Then in structed in all things by him, hee returnes, ha­uing hastened his iour­ney, after eight dayes, vnto Bocchus; and bring tidings, that Iugurth wa [...] [Page 577] willing to doe, whatso­euer was commanded: but hee was diffident of Marius: that heretofore [...]eace being contracted with the Romanes, had [...]eene frustrated: but if [...]chus would haue a [...]hing done conncellable [...]or both, and a peace [...]stablished, hee should [...]deauour, that all par­ [...]es might meet toge­ [...]er, as if they were to [...]eate about it: and [...]ere hee should deliuer [...]lla into his hands: [...]hen hee had such a [...] in his power, then [...] League would bee [...] by order from the [...]nate, and people of [Page 578] Rome: neither would they forsake a Noble­man being in the ene­mies power, not by the default of his own cowar­dise, but for the Com­mon-wealths cause.

The Moore pondering this long with himselfe, at length hee ingageth his promise. But whe­ther he delayed the ex­cution out of cunning, [...] sincerity, wee find lit­tle certainety. But the wills of Kings are for the most part, as vehement, as in­constant, often contrary to themselues.

Afterwards a time and place being appoint­ed, as if it had bee [...] to meet vpon a Trea­ty [Page 579] of peace, Bocchus some­times calls for Sylla, some­times for Iugurths Ambas­sadour: hee intertaineth [...]hem curteously: he pro­miseth the same to both. They were ioyfull alike, [...]nd full of good hope. But on that night, which was the next before the [...]ay appointed for em­ [...]rlance, the Moore, some friends being ad­mitted, and forthwith re­moued his resolution [...]hanging, hee is said to [...]aue deliberated much with himselfe: expressing [...]ariety in his counte­ [...]ance, colour and mo­ [...]on of body, euen as he [...]id in his mind: which [Page 580] signes, hee himselfe be­ing silent, reuealed has inward secrets: yet at length hee command­eth Sylla to bee sent for: and by his aduice he prepareth snares for the Numidian. Then when the day came, and a message was deli­uered vnto him of Iu­gurths approach: with some few friends, and our Treasurer, as if hee went to meet him for ho­nours sake, hee adua [...] ­ceth vnto a little h [...]ll that was easily to bee seene by the Ambusheers. Thither the Numidia [...] comes vnarmed with some few attendants▪ [Page 581] as it was ordered; and suddenly a signall being giuen, hee is inuaded on all sides out of the am­bushments. The rest are slaine: Iugurth is deliuered bound to Sylla, and by him conueyed to Marius.

In the interspace of this, our men fought vnfortu­nately against the Gaules, vnder the conduct of their Generals L. Scipio and M. Manlius: with the terrour whereof all Italy trem­bled, and both they and the Romanes euen to our memory, were of this opi­nion, that all things were prone to their proper ver­tue: with the Gaules they cōtended for safety, not for [Page 582] glory. But after the warre was finished in Numidia, and tidings came, that Iu­gurth was brought bound to Rome, Marius being absent, was chosen Consull; and Gaule was decreed for his Prouince: and he in the Kalends of Ianuary triumphed with great glory being Con­sull. From that time the hopes and helps of the Citty relyed on him.



Englished by WI. CROSSE.


LONDON, Printed for Thomas Walkley, and are to be sold at his shop at the Signe of the Eagle and Child in Brittaines Bursse. 1629.

To the honourable Gentleman, Master Walter Montague, second Sonne to the Earle of Manchester, William Crosse wisheth first the increase, and afterwards the fulnesse of all happinesse.

HOnourable Sir, the knowledge of your Iudgement in the point of Historicall Iudicature, ioyned with the re­membrance of your gracious fa­vours, haue incouraged me to con­secrate those intire Fragments, which are extant in the fiue Bookes of Salusts Histories, to­gether [Page 586] with two Orations to Cae­sar, and one against Cicero, to your learned and Iuditious cen­sure; rendred, as I hope they are, without losse of the Latine salt. If your Noblenesse shall accept this first mite of his thankefull offrings, you shall incourage him to higher attempts, and oblige him to re­maine for euer,

Your deuoted Seruant, William Crosse.

A DESCRIPTION of the Roman Common­wealth in her integrity and declining.

THe Romane State most flourished in power, Ser. Sul­pitius, and M. Marcellus being Consuls. All Gaule on this side the Rheine, and that which lyes betwixt the Ocean and Mediter­rane an Seas being subdued, ex­cept that which was inaccessible, by reason of the Marishes. But with best manners, and greatest concord the Romane people [Page 588] liued betweene the second and last Carthaginian warre.

But discord, auarice, and am­bition, with other mischiefes which are wont to proceed from prosperity, after the destruction of Carthage, were most increa­sed. For the iniuries of the stronger, and for that a disunion of the Commonalty from the Fathers, and other ciuill dissensi­ons had beene euen from the be­ginning. Neither longer, then whilst the Kings being expelled, there was a feare of Tarquine, and a dangerous warre ingaged with Hetruria, were things go­uerned after an vpright and mo­dest course.

Vpon this, the Fathers held the Commonalty vnder a seruile subiection: they determined of life and limbe after a Regall manner, they expelled men out of their possessions, and others being voided, they alone liued in [Page 589] command. With which cruel­ties, but most specially with the burthen of vsury the Commo­nalty being oppressed, when as in the continuall warres they suffred both taxes and military duties, taking Armes, they sur­prized the holy mountaine, and the Auentine: and then they procured for themselues Tri­bunes of the people and other priuiledges. Of the discords and controuersie on both sides, the second Punicke warre made an end.

Afterwards the Punicke feare being remoued, they had leisure to exercise factions. From which time the manners of our Ance­stours were precipitated, not by degrees, as formerly, but like the course of a torrent: so much was the youth corrupted with riot and couetousnesse, that not without cause it might be said, that such men were borne, who [Page 590] could not keepe their owne e­states, nor suffer others to haue any.

Then many troubles, sediti­ons, and last of all ciuill warres did arise: whilst some few mighty men, on whose fauour many relyed, vnder the honest name of the Fathers and Com­monalty affected a tyrannicall command. And they were cal­led good and euill Cittizens, not for their merits towards the Commonwealth, all men being corrupted alike, but as any man was most rich, and stronger in doing wrong, because he main­tained his present vndertakings, he was accounted good.

The Oration of M. Aemilius Le­pidus the Consull, against Lu. Sylla.

YOur clemency, and integri­ty, (O yee Romanes,) by [Page 591] which you are most great, and famous amongst other Nations, minister much cause of feare to me, in the contemplation of L. Syllaes tyranny, lest that either you be circumuented by o­thers, being incredulous of these things, which you esteeme most wicked: especially when all his hope relie on villany and persi­diousnesse: neither can he thinke himselfe otherwise safe, except he growes worse and more de­testable from your feare, by meanes whereof misery may take away the care of your cap­tiued liberty: or if you shall pro­uide against them, you may be more ingaged in defending your selues from dangers, then in re­uenging them. Truely his mini­sters being men of much re­nowne, and no lesse honoured for the excellent examples of their Ancestours (I cannot suf­ficiently wonder at it) bestow [Page 592] their seruice for the reward of his tyranny ouer you: and rather desire them both with iniury, then to liue freely after the vprightest manner: The illustri­ous progeny of the Bruti, Aemi­lij, and Lutatij, borne to ruine that, which their Ancestors got.

For what else was defended from Pyrrhus, Hannibal, Philip, and Antiochus, but liberty, and euery mans proper habitation; that we might be obedient to none, but the Lawes? all which this cruell Romulus detaines, as spoiles from taken strangers; not being glutted with the slaughter of so many Armies, nor with that of the Consuls, and other Princes, whom the fortune of the warre hath consumed: but euen then hee growes more mercilesse, when as prosperity turneth most men from anger vnto compassi­on. But he alone amongst all after the memory of man, hath [Page 593] ordained punishments for those that are to be borne; vnto whom iniury shall bee assured before life: and being as yet protected by his monstrous villany, he doth rage in most wicked man­ner; whilst you out of the feare of a more grieuous feruitude, are terrified from the recouering of liberty.

Something is to be done, and he reincountred (O ye Romans) that your spoiles become not his prey: delayes are not to bee made, neither by vowes are helps to be procured: except perchance you hope, that out of the tediousnesse and shame of his tyranny, he will quit those perquisites with more danger, which he hath vsurped to him­selfe by villany.

But he hath proceeded so far, that he esteemeth nothing glori­ous, but what is safe, and all things to be honest, that tend to [Page 594] the preseruation of his tyrannicall gouernment. Therefore that peace, and quietnesse with li­berty, which many good men haue imbraced before laborious honours, haue no respect with him. At this time we must ei­ther serue or command: feare is either to be had, or caused (O ye Romanes.)

For what remaines further? or what diuine or humane rights are left vnpolluted? the Romane people not long since the rulers of Nations, being despoiled of glory, Empire, and priuiledges, withall growne poore and despi­cable, haue not seruill mainte­nance left. A great number of Alies and Latines made free of the City, for their many & meri­torious acts, are restrained by one man alone; and a few of his mi­nisters haue possessed the ancient seates of the Commonalty, for a reward of their villanies. Lawes, [Page 595] Iudicatures, Treasures, Prouin­ces, and Kings, are in one mans power: finally the liberty of the death and life of Citizens. With­all you haue seene humane sacri­fices, and Sepulchres polluted with ciuill blood.

Is there any thing left remai­ning for men, but to quit thi [...] iniury, and die valiantly? For as much as nature hath certainly appointed the same end for all men, euen for those who are hedg­ed about with Iron: neither doth any man, that wants daring, ex­pect the last necessity, but with a feminine resoluton.

But I am seditious, as Sylla saith, who complaine vpon the rewards of these tumults; and seeke after warre, because I re­quire the priuiledges of peace. Forsooth, as though you could not be otherwise safe, and secu­red inough vnder his gouern­ment, except Vettius▪ Picens, [Page 596] and Cornelius the Scribe shall lauish out other mens law­full acquisitions: except you shall approue all the proscripti­ons of the innocent for their riches: the tortures of illustrious persons; the Citty wasted with fire and slaughters: the goods of miserable Citizens sold, or giuen away; as if they were Cimbrian pillage.

But he obiecteth to me my possessions gotten out of the goods of the proscribed. Which verily is the greatest argument of his wickednesse: that neither I, nor any man else should be sufficiently safe, if wee should doe vprightly. And those things which then I bought out of feare; the price being paid, I restore forthwith to the rightfull ow­ners: neither is it my counsell to suffer any prey to be made of Citizens. Those calamities shalbe sufficient, which in the heate of [Page 597] madnesse we haue indured. Ro­mane Amies fighting one against another, and Armes conuerted from strangers vpon our selues.

Of all mischiefes and repro­ches let there bee an end, Of which Sylla is not so penitent, but that hee glories in his wicked deedes, and if it were lawfull, would follow that course more egerly. Neither, now doe I feare, what you esteeme of him, but how much you dare to doe your selues: lest one expecting ano­ther for chiefe, you may be sur­prized, not by his power, which is weake and broken, but by your owne cowardice, before you could otherwise be surpri­zed, and before he durst appeare so happy.

For besides his debaucht mi­nisters, who desires the same with him? and who would not haue all things changed but the victory? his Souldiers forsooth: [Page 598] whose blood hath beene the price of riches, for Tarrula, and Scir­rus the worst of slaues. Or will those, by whom Fusidius is ad­uanced in gaining of Magi­stracies a base varlet, the shame of all good men?

Therefore the victorious Army maketh me very confi­dent: by whom besides wounds, and labours, nothing hath beene procured but a Tyrant. Except perchance they went about to subuert the Tribunitiall power, founded by our Ancestours, that so they might vsurpe Lawes and Iudicatures vnto themselues: for a faire hire indeed, when as be­ing banished into marishes and woods, they shall vnderstand that their disgrace and hatred re­maine for rewards with some few.

Why therefore doth hee march with such a Troupe, and such anelated mind? because pros­perity [Page 599] supports vice wonderful­ly: which being decayed, hee will be as much despised, as he was feared before; except per­chance he doth this vnder the colour of peace and concord, which names hee hath giuen to his villany and parricide. Nor o­therwise, saith he, can the Ro­mane people haue an end of warre, except the Commonalty be expelled out of their possessi­ons, the worst of all ciuill predation and the right and iudgement of all things remaine with him, which belonged to the people of Rome.

Which if you should inter­pret to be peace and concord, approue then the greatest distur­bances and plagues of the Com­monwealth. Submit to impo­sed lawes: imbrace idlenesse with seruitude: and deliuer o­uer an example to posterity, of circumuenting the Romane peo­ple, [Page 600] with the effusion of their owne blood.

For my selfe, although by this highest command, inough hath beene procured for the name of my Ancestours, for my owne dignity and safety also: yet it was not my resolution to ouer­value my priuate fortunes: and a dangerous liberty seemed bet­ter to me then seruitude? which if you allow, ioyne with me, (O yee Romanes:) and the gods assisting happily, follow Marcus Aemilius the Consull, as Gene­rall and Author for the recoue­ring of your liberty.

The Oration of Lu. Philippus, a­gainst M. Aemilius Lepidus.

MOst of all, I would desire (O ye Romanes) that the Commonwealth were vndistur­bed, or being indangered, it [Page 601] were defended by the fittest A­gents: finally, that naughty de­signes might proue hurtfull to the Counsellers. But contrary­wise, all things are disturbed with seditions, and by them whom it behoued rather to restraine them. Last of all, what the worst and foolishest haue decreed, that must be executed by wise and good men. For warre and Armes, although they are hate­full to you, yet because they please Lepidus, are to be vnder­taken: except perchance it may be any mans counsell to make peace, and suffer warre.

Out alas, yee good gods, which gouerne as yet this Citty, the care of it being neglected, M. Aemilius the worst of all wicked men, of whom it may be deliberated, whether he be more [...]ewde or cowardly, hath an Ar­my on foote for oppressing our Liberty, and hath made himselfe [Page 602] from contemptible, to become terrible: you wauering and re­tracting through the words and verses of the Prophets, rather wish for peace, then defend it: neither are you sensible, that out of the lenity of your de­crees, dignity from your selues, feare from him is detracted. And this happeneth iustly: because out of his rapines he hath gotten a Consulship; for his sedition, a Prouince together with an Ar­my. What should he haue re­ceiued for his well doings, vnto whose villanies you haue giuen such great [...]rewardes?

But forsooth they, who euen to the last, decreed Ambassa­dours, peace, concord, and other conditions of the same nature, procured fauour from him. Yes truely, they being held despica­ble, and vnworthy of the Com­monwealth, are esteemed no bet­ter th [...]n a prey; as requiring [Page 603] peace out of feare, by which they lost it, being once had.

Verily from the beginning, when I saw Etruria to conspire, the proscribed sent for, the Com­monwealth rent in sunder with bribes, I thought it high time to preuent, and followed Catu­lus counsell with some few. But they who extolled the deserts of the Aemilian Family, and by pardoning his offence, would in­crease the Maiestie of the Ro­mane people, did not then see Lepidus drifts: when he had ta­ken priuate Armes for the opres­sing of liberty, by seeking riches or protections seuerally for themselues, euery man corrup­ted the publicke counsell.

But then Lepidus was a theefe with some few Campe-drudges, and Ruffians, amongst whom there was none, that would not haue sold his life for daily hire: now he is a Proconsull with au­thority, [Page 604] not bought, but freely giuen by you, with Lieutenants as yet obeying lawfully: and to him there resort the lewdest men of all degrees, inflamed with pouerty and lust, perplexed with the conscience of their crimes: whose rest is in seditions, whose troubles are in peace. These raise tumult out of tumult, warre out of warre: being once of Sa­turninus, afterwards of Sulpitius, then of Marius and Damasippus, now of Lepidus retinue.

Moreo [...]er Etruria, and all the reliques of the warre are in com­motion: both Spaines are sollici­ted to Armes: Mithridates frontiering vpon our tributaries, by whom we are as yet sustai­ned, expecteth opportunity for the warre: so that besides a [...]it­ting Leader, nothing wants for the subuerting of the Empire.

Which I desire and intreate you (O ye Conscript Fathers) to [Page 605] take into your consideration: and that you would not suffer the li­cence of ill doing to infect the sound, like a pestilent contagion. For whereas rewards attend the wicked, hardly is any man found good for bare thankes onely.

What doe you expect, whilst his Army falling on againe, he shall inuade the Citty with fire and sword? which issue is by far lesse remoued from the present state, then ciuill armes are from peace and concord. Which he hath taken against all diuine and humane rights, not for his owne, nor the pretended wrongs of o­thers, but for the ouerthrowing of Lawes and liberty. For he is vexed and tormented with the desire of mind, and feare of pu­nishment, being restlesse and de­uoyd of counsell, making tryall of this, and that, he feareth peace, he hateth warre; he seeth, that he must fall into wants with his lux­ury [Page 606] and licentiousnesse, and in the meane time abuseth your slack­nesse. Neither am I well resol­ued, whether I shall call this feare, cowardice, or folly; who seeme to wish that the intended euils fall not like lightening on you, but to preuent them, no man doth as much, as indeuour.

And consider (I beseech you) how much the condition of things is altered: before, the pub­licke mischiefe was contriued secretly, the remedies openly; and in that good men were ad­uantaged beyond the wicked. Now peace and concord are di­sturbed openly; they are de­fended secretly. The men, to whom these things are pleasing, are in Armes, you in feare.

What doe you expect fur­ther; except perchance you are ashamed or greeued to doe as you should? Can Lepidus or­ders moue your mindes, who [Page 607] sayth it is his will, that euery mans proprieties should be re­stored to him, when as he detai­neth other mens; that the Lawes of warre should be annihilated, when as he inforceth them by Armes; that the freedome of the City should be confirmed, when as he denyes it to them, from whom it hath beene taken; that the Tribunitiall authority should be restored to the Commons, from which occasion all discords haue beene kindled?

Thou that art the worst, and most impudent of all men, are the pouertie and griefes of the Citty thy care, who hast nothing of thy owne, but what hath been gotten by Armes and iniurie? Thou suest for another Consul­ship, as if thou hadst resigned the first: by warre thou seekest concord, by which it was di­sturbed when it was gotten: thou art a Traitor to vs, hatefull to [Page 608] them, an Enemie to all good men; so that thou art not ashamed of God, nor man, whom thou hast wronged with treachery and periury.

Whom, since thou art such a one, I doe exhort, that thou wouldst continue in thy resoluti­on, and prosecute the warres: and that thy selfe being distur­bed with delaying of tumults, wouldst not detain vs in anguish. Neither the Prouinces, Lawes, nor houshold gods accept thee for a Cittizen. Goe on, as thou hast begun: that suddenly thou mayst finde a deserued punish­ment.

But you (yee Conscript Fa­thers) how long by your delayes will yee suffer the Common­wealth to be vndefended, and will incounter Armes with words? Musters are made a­gainst you; [...]oneyes are pub­lickly and priuately extorted; [Page 609] Garrisons are drawne forth, and imposed; lust commands ouer the Lawes: when you, in the interspace prouide Ambassa­dours and decrees. And beleeue me, by how much the more ear­nestly you shall sue for peace, by so much the warre will be more violent: when he shall vnder­stand, that he is more supported by feare, then by goodnesse and equitie. For that man who saith, that he hateth tumults, and ciuill slaughter, and for that cause de­taines you from arming against armed Lepidus; what vanqui­shed men must indure, he thinkes it fitter you should suffer, when as it lyes in your power to inflict it vpon others. Thus peace is perswaded for him, from you; for you warre, from him.

If these things please; if your mindes are so besotted, that be­ing forgetfull of Cinnaes mis­chiefes, (by whose returne into [Page 610] the Citty, all orders and decency were ouerthrowne) you will ne­uerthelesse submit your selues, your wiues and children to Le­pidus; what need is there of de­crees? what need of Catulus assistance, but that he and other good men must vndertake in vaine the charge of the Repub­licke? Doe, as you will; pro­uide for your selues the patro­nages of Cethegus, and other Traitours, who desire to renew rapines and fierings, and to arme their hands, against their house­hold gods.

But if liberty and warres de­light you more; institute decrees worthy of your name, and giue incouragement to valiant men. A new Army is at hand; and be­sides the Colonies of the old Souldiers, all the Nobility with the ablest Commanders. For­tune followes the best men. Now those succours which are raised, [Page 611] will be dissolued through your negligence.

Wherefore my censure is this, that since Lepidus, out of his owne priuate counsell, contrarie to the authority of this order, leadeth an Army vnto the Citty, composed of most wicked men, and Enemies to the Common­wealth: that Appius Claudius, the Interregent with Q. Catulus the Proconsull, and others who haue orders for it, shall be care­full to gard the Citty, and in­deuour that the Cōmonwealth suffer no detriment.

Collections out of the second booke of SALVSTS Fragments.
The magnificent entertainment of Metellus in Spaine.

BVt Metellus returning after one yeere into the further [Page 612] Spaine, is receiued with great honour, both of men and wo­men, who ran forth to see him from the high wayes and house toppes: when as C. Vrbinus the Treasuror and others knowing his minde, inuited him to supper: they regarded equally the cu­stome of Romanes, and men; the houses being adorned with Ta­pistry, and Ensignes, and with Scaffolds raised for the shew of the Stage-plaiers▪ withall, the ground was strowed with Saf­fron, and other Pageants were showne in the forme of a most magnificent Temple. Moreo­uer, the Image of victory being let downe with a fixt loupe-win­dow, after the counterfeited noise of thunder, imposed a Crowne vpon his head: then with Frankincense supplications were made to him, as to some new-come god. An imbroidred gowne was his vsuall garment, [Page 613] when he sate downe to eate: his bankets were most exquisite; neither were they furnished one­ly out of the whole Prouince, but diuers strange kindes of birds and beasts were fetcht out of Mauritania. By meanes whereof he somewhat obscured his glory, especially amongst the ancient and religious men, who thought these courses to bee proud, vnsufferable, and vnwor­thy of the Romane Empire.

Collections out of the third booke of SALVSTS Historicall Fragments.
The Epistle of Cu. Pompeius to the Senate, being necessitated in the Sertorian warre.

IF against you, my Country and houshold gods, I had as [Page 614] often vndertooke labours and dangers, as from my first youth your mortallest enemies haue beene beaten vnder my conduct, and safety hath beene procured for your selues; you could deter­mine nothing worse against me being absent, then now yee doe (O ye Conscript Fathers) whom being thrust out, contrary to my age, into a most cruell warre, with a most well deseruing Ar­my; you haue, as much, as ly­eth in you, consumed with hun­ger, the wretchedst death of all others.

With this hope did the Ro­man people send forth their chil­dren vnto the warre? Are these rewards for wounds, and blood so often shed for the Common­wealth? Being tyred with wri­ting and sending of Agents, I haue spent all my priuate hopes and fortunes; when in the meane time, for these three yeeres, [Page 615] scarce one yeeres meanes hath beene supplied from you. By the immortall gods, what thinke you, can I make good the Office of the Treasury, or maintaine an Army without corne and pay?

Verily I confesse, that I went to this warre, with more desire, then counsell: because hauing onely receiued the name of com­mand from you, in forty dayes I raised an Army, and remoued the enemie lying vpon the ne [...]ke of Italy, from the Alps into Spain. Through them I discouered an­other passage from that of Han­ [...]ibals, being more opportune for vs. I recouered Gaule, the Py­ [...]enaean, Lacetanian, and Ilerge­ [...]an Regions; and sustained the first assault of conquering S [...]rto­ [...]ius with new Souldiers, and [...]ewer by farre: and spent all the winter in Campe amongst most fierce enemies, not in townes, nor out of my owne ambitious choice.

[Page 616] Besides, what should I re­count batells fought, or winter expeditions, townes rased, o [...] recouered? when as deedes are more to bee regarded the [...] words. The Enemies Camp sur­prized at Sucro, a battell fought at the Riuer Durius, and Caius Herennius, one of their chiefe Captaines, being subdued, toge­ther with the Citty of Valentia, and his Armie, are things suffici­ently knowne vnto you.

For which seruices (O yee thankefull Fathers) yee requite me with want, and famine. So that the same condition attends mine, and the Enemies Army: for pay is giuen to neither. Both of them may come victorious into Italy.

Which I doe admonish, and intreate you to consider, and that you would not inforce me with necessities to prouide priuately for my selfe. The hither Spaine, [Page 617] which is not possessed by the ene­mies, we or Sertorius haue quite wasted; except the greatest Cit­ties, which of themselues are both a charge and burthen to vs. Gaule all this last yeere releeued Metellus Army with pay and Corne; and now hauing had an ill haruest, she her selfe doth hardly subsist. I haue not onely spent my owne estate, but credit also. You remaine as yet: who except you afford succours, in despite of me, and all my premo­nitions, the Army will march from hence, and with it all the warre of Spaine will passe into Italy.

The Oration of M. Lepidus, Tri­bune of the people, vnto the people.

IF you should not well consi­der, O yee Romanes, what [Page 618] difference might be, betwixt the gouernment left vnto vs by our Ancestours, and this seruitude prepared by Sylla; it were re­quisite for me to discourse at large, and shew for what iniu­ries, and how often the armed Commonalty disunited them­selues from the Fathers; and how they procured Tribunes of the people, to vindicate their right. That which remaines now, is one­ly to exhort, and to goe the di­rect way, by which I thinke li­berty may be regained. Neither doth it ouerpasse me, how great supports of the Nobility, I being alone, and impotent, with the vaine shadow of Magistracy onely, must vndertake to re­moue from the gouernment; and how much more securely the wicked liue; then the forelorne innocent.

But besides the good hope conceiued of you, which hath [Page 619] subdued feare, it hath beene my resolution, that the difficulties of contending in the case of liberty, beseeme more a valiant man, then not to haue contended at all: Although all other Magi­strates created for yo [...]r right, haue conuerted all their power and commaunds against you, indu­ced with fauour, hope, or re­wards; and hold it better to of­fend for hire, then to doe well for bare thankes.

Therefore all are inthralled vn­der the tyranny of some few, who vnder a military pretence haue vsurped the Treasury, King­domes, Armies, and Prouinces, and possesse the capitoll out of your spoiles: when in the meane time you the multitude yeeld vp your selues, to be had, and posses­sed by seuerall men, dispoiled of all things, which our Ancestours left: except that now you choose Lords by suffrages, as you did [Page 620] Gouernours in former times.

Therefore all haue put their neckes vnder the same yoake, and forthwith, if you shall recouer your owne, most of them will re­turne to your party. For rare is the resolution, which will defend those things, that please. The rest belong to the stronger.

What, doe you doubt, that any thing can hinder you, proceeding with vnanimity, whom they haue feared being lazie and languish­ing? except perchance Ca. Cotta a Consull of the middle faction, otherwise then out of feare, resto­red certaine priuiledges to the Tribunes of the people; and al­though L. Sicinius was the first, that durst speake of the Tribu­nitiall power, yet was he circum­uēted through your irresolution. Notwithstanding, they first fea­red the enuie of the fact, before you were greeued with the wrong. Which I cannot suffici­ [...]ntly [Page 621] admire (O ye Romanes) or ye knew all hope to be vaine. Sylla being dead, who imposed [...]greeuous seruitude, you belee­ [...]ed your miseries to be at an end. Catulus comes vp farre more [...]ruell. A tumult interceded Bru­ [...]us, and Acmilius Mamercus [...]eing Consuls. Then C. Curio [...]yrannized, euen to the destructi­ [...]n of a guiltlesse Tribune, with [...]hat eagernesse of mind Lucullus [...]his last yeere prosecuted L. Quinctius, you your selues saw: [...]esides what troubles are now [...]ised against me. Which verily would proue frustrate, if they would make an end of their ty­ [...]anny, before you doe of your [...]uitude: especially when in these [...]uill broiles other things are pre­ [...]nded in words, but both facti­ [...]ns contend for rule ouer you.

Therefore other combustions proceeding from licentiousnesse, [...]atred, or auarice, haue beene [Page 622] transitory. One thing onely is permanent, which both factions seeke for: and for euer hereafter is the Tribunitiall authority ta­ken from you: a weapon left by your Ancestours for the defence of liberty. Which I admonish, & intreate you to consider: and that by changing the names of things to shadow your cowardice, you would not call it ease, in stead of seruitude. To inioy which euen now, if wrong shall onercome truth and honesty, it is no condi­tion: it would haue beene, if you had beene altogether quiet. Now obserue thus farre; that except you vanquish, they will restraine you more; Since euery iniurie growes safer by his greatnesse.

What therefore is your cen­sure? Some man will reply, first of all, the custome, which you now imbrace, is to be omitted, of a nimble tongue, and slouthfull spirit, not being mindfull of your [Page 623] liberty without the place of as­sembly. Then that I may not summon you to those virill du­ties, by vertue whereof your Ancestours committing a Patriti­an Magistracy to the Tribunes of the people, procured free suffra­ges from Patritian Authors. Al­though (O ye Romanes) it lyes in your power, that those things, which inioyned you suffer for o­thers, you may doe, and not doe indifferently for your selues.

What doe you expect Iupiter, or some other god for counseller? the great commands of the Con­suls, and decrees of the Fathers, you ratifie by your execution (O ye Romanes) and of your owne accord you make haste to inlarge and support their authority ouer you. Neither doe I perswade you to reuenge iniuries; rather I would haue you imbrace peace: neither desiring discords, as they misinforme, but the end of them, I require our owne by the [Page 624] Law of Nations: and if they shall detaine that forcibly, I doe not giue my censure for armes, or dis­union, but onely that you would not giue your blood any more.

Let them after their owne wayes mannage and hold places of command: let them seeke after triumphs: let them with their sta­tutes persecute Mithridates, Sertorius, and the reliques of the banished. Let danger and labour be remoued, in which there is no share of the gaine: except per­haps by that sudden Law for corne, your offices are amply re­quited. By which not withstand­ing they valued at 5. measures the liberty of all those, who could no longer want this releese. For as by the exiguity death is preuent­ed, their stre [...]gths decay: so that neither such a small proportion frees them from domesticke care; and the slouthfullest persons are frustrated from the meanest hope. Which although it were [Page 625] ample, yet because it representeth the price of slauery, whose folly was it to be deceiued, and to owe, together with iniury, the fa­uour of those things, which be­long to you? For by any other course neither can they worke vpon the generality, nor will in­deuour. Yet ought we to be cautelous of their deceite.

For this cause, all of them to­gether prepare Lenitiues to de­lay you till the comming of Cn. Pompeius: whom when they haue reuerenced with an awfull regard, hauing made their neckes his footstoole, forthwith feare being remoued, they will rent his honour peecemeale. Neitherdoth it ashame these auengers, as they call themselues, of liberty, being so many as they are, that they durst not without one man par­don an iniury, or are not able to defend their right. For certaine it is sufficiently knowne to me. that Pompey; being a youngman, [Page 626] of such eminent glory, had rather be chiefe ouer you with consent, then an associat with them in ty­ranny, and will labour especially to be Author of the Tribunitiall power.

But formerly (O ye Romans) all ye that were Citizens relyed on the patronage of many, all did not depend from one. Neither could any one man giue, or take away things of that nature. There­fore inough hath beene spoken. Neither is the matter shut vp in ignorance.

But I know not, what dulnesse hath possessed you, in that you are neither moued with glory, not wrong; and haue exchanged all things for present slouth: think­ing it liberty enough, because your backs are kept from scour­ging, and you may lawfully go whither you will, by the leaue of your rich Masters; and that the Peazants inioy not the same pri­uiledges. But yet these men are [Page 627] beaten by the enmities of the mighty, and are giuen for a gift to the Magistrates with their Pro­uinces. Thus some few fight, and vanquish: the Commonalty, whatsoeuer happens, is held for vanquished; and will bee more euery day than other; if they with greater care shall main­taine their tyranny, then you shall require your liberty.

A Copie of the Letters sent from Mithridates, King of Pontus, to Arsaces King of Parthia.
King Mithridates to King Arsaces sends greeting.

ALI men, who in their pros­perous affaires are sollicited vnto the society of a warre, ought to consider, whether it may be lawfull for the present to contract peace: then, whether that which [Page 628] is demanded, be sufficiently pious, safe, glorious, or else v [...] ­seemely. Thou mightest inioy a perpetuall peace except the ene­mies were opportune, and withal­most wicked. Thy renowne will become illustrious, if thou shalt suppresse the Romanes. Not o­therwise should I dare to desire thy Aliance; and should vainely hope to blend my euill, and thy good fortunes together.

The storme of a new warre falling vpon Tigranes, and my vnprosperous estate, if thou shalt ballance them truely, will serue for a most speciall incourage­ment. For he being offended, will entertaine Aliance, as thou wilt: fortune to me, after the losse of many things, hath giuen the benefit of aduising well; and that which is to be wished for of men that flourish, I being the weakest, represent an example, by which thou mayest compose thy affaires more orderly.

[Page 629] For this hath beene the onely, and ancient cause with the Ro­manes, of warring with Nations, Kings, and People, the profound desire of rule, and riches: out of which they first ingaged warre with Philip King of the Macedo­nians. Whilst they were pressed by the Carthaginians, counter­feiting friendship, with a guile they diuerted Antiochus com­ming to his succours, by the in­tire graunt of Asia. And forth­with after Philip, Antiochus was despoiled of all the territory on this side Taurus, and of ten thou­sand talents. Then Perses the Sonne of Philip, being receyued into protection by the Samothra­cian gods, after many and various conflicts; they being cunning and inuenters of the trecherie, killed him sleeping, because they had granted him life by compromise.

E [...]menes, of whose friendship they gloriously vaunt, at first they betrayed to Antiochus, as [Page 630] the price of peace. Afterwards they made Attalus, (being Gar­dian onely of a captiued Coun­try,) from a King, to become the miserablest of slaues, by the tax­es and contumelies layd vpon him: and an impious testament being forged, they led his Sonne Aristonicus in triumph, after a hostill manner, because he sought his Fathers Kingdome. They haue besieged Asia: finally, Ni­comedes being dead, they haue surprized all Bithynia; when as the sonne of Nusa, whom they called Queene, was borne with­out all doubt.

For what should I name my selfe? whom being disioyned e­uery where by Kingdomes and Tetrarchies from their Empire, because the report was, that I was rich, and would not serue, they prouoked with warre by Nicomedes, not altogether igno­rant of their villany; as hauing giuen test of those things, which [Page 631] happened afterwards; that onely amongst all men, the Creten­sians and King Ptolomie were free at that season.

But▪ I reuenging my wrongs, expelled Nicomedes out of Bi­thynia, and recouered Asia the spoile of King Antiochus, and freed Greece from a grieuous seruitude. My proceedings Ar­chelaus the basest of my seruants hindred, by betraying my Army; and they, whom cowardice, or mischieuous cunning restrained from Armes, thinking that they should be safe-garded by my la­bours, suffer now most cruell pu­nishments. Ptolomie for a price delayes the day of warre. The Cretensians assaulted once alrea­dy, are to expect no end but ruine.

Truely, when I was informed, that by reason of their owne inte­stine miseries, warre was rather deferred, then peace granted; Tigranes condescending who ap­proues [Page 632] my words too late, thou being farre remoued, and all o­thers obnoxious, for all this I vn­dertooke the warre againe, and defeated Marcus Cotta Ge­nerall of the Romanes at Chalce­don in a Land-battell; at Sea I despoiled him of a most goodly Fleet. Staying at the siege of Cicicus with a great Army, corne failed, no man all about bringing reliefe: withall the win­ter debarred the benefit of the Sea. Thus being constrained without the enemies force to re­turne into my natiue Kingdome, I lost with wrackes at Para and Heraclea the best of my Souldi­ers, together with my Fleetes.

Afterwards my Army being reinforced at Cabira, and sundry battels passing betwixt me, and Lucullus, want inuaded both of vs againe. He had for reliefe the Kingdome of Ariobarzuris, not touched as yet by the warre: I, all the Regions adiacent being [Page 633] wasted, came into Armenia, and the Romanes following not me, but their custome of subuerting all Kingdomes, because in those fastnesses they restrained the mul­titude from fight, they account Tigranes imprudence for a victo­ry.

Now I pray consider, whe­ther after our conquest, thou canst thinke thy selfe more firme for resistance, or that the warre will be at an end? I know for certaine, that thou art abundantly stored with men, Armes, and money: and for this cause thou art desired by vs for the so­ciety of the warre, by them for a prey. Besides, it is the counsell of Tigranes, his Kingdome being in­tire, to finish the warre with lit­tle labour farre from home, by the bodies of our well experien­ced Souldiers: since we can nei­ther vanquish, nor be vanquished without thy danger.

Are you ignorant that the Ro­manes, [Page 634] after the Ocean had limi­ted their Conquests to the west­ward, conuerted their Armes hi­ther? and that they had nothing frō the beginning, which was their own, not so much as their houses, wiues, fields, nor Empire? they were in times past a medley of strangers, without Countrie, without Parents, created for the plague of the world, whom not humane, nor diuine Lawes can restraine, but that they will force and ruine their friends and Alies, whether liuing neere or remote, poore or powerfull; and all that are not their vassalls, but specially Kingdomes they esteeme for enemies. For few desire liberty, the greatest part iust Masters: we are suspected for emulatours, and auengers in future time.

But thou, who hast Seleucia the greatest of Citties, and the Kingdom of Persia renowned for riches, what dost thou expect from them but deceit for the [Page 635] present, and warre afterwards? The Romanes are armed against all men, but most fiercely against those, who being conquered, can yeeld the greatest spoiles: by da­ring and deceiuing, and by raising warres out of warres, they are growne mighty. By this course they will ruine all, or perish: the last of which is not difficult, if thou from Mesopotamia, we from Armenia surround their Army, wanting corne, wanting aydes. Fortune is as yet intire through our defaults. And this fame will follow thee vndertaking the suc­cour of mighty Kings, that thou hast suppressed the robbers of the Nations. Which thing, we warne, & perswade thee to doe; and that thou wouldest not with our de­struction inlarge their onely Em­pire, rather then by our Aliance to be the Conqerour.

Collections out of the fifth booke of SALVSTS Historicall Fragments.
The Oration of Ca. Cotta the Consull, to the people.

MAny dangers (O ye Ro­manes) haue happened to me, both at home, and abroad, many calamities: some of which I haue suffered, others I haue re­pelled by the ayde of the gods, and my owne vertue: in all which neither my minde was wanting to my businesse, nor labour to my resolutions. Aduerse and pros­perous affaires changed wealth, not my wit.

But contrariwise in these mise­ries, all things haue forsaken me: besides, old age greeuous in it selfe, doth redouble my care: to whom being wretched, it is not [Page 637] lawfull in these my last yeeres to hope for an honest death. For if I am a Paricide of you, and being borne for you, haue vilifi­ed my houshold gods, my Country, and this most glorious Empire, what torment is suffici­ent for me in my life, or what pu­nishment after death? when with my wickednesse I haue exceeded all the punishments mentioned in hell.

From my first youth I liued in your eye both a priuate person & Magistrate; those that would, vsed my tongue, counsell, and money: neither did I exercise my eloquence craftily, nor my wit mischieuously: being most co­uetous of priuate fauour, I vnder­tooke great quarrells for the Commonwealth: who being vanquished together with her, when destitute of other helpe, I expected farther miseries; you (O ye Romanes) restored againe to me my Country, and houshold [Page 638] gods, with an exceeding great dignity.

For which benefits I should not seeme sufficiently thankfull, if for them seuerally, which I can­not doe, I should expend my ve­ry soule. For life and death are the rights of nature; that thou mayest liue without disgrace with thy fellow Citizens, thy fame and fortunes being intire, that is nei­ther giuen, nor taken as a do­natiue.

You haue made vs Consuls (O ye Romanes) the Common­wealth being much intangled both at home and abroade: for the Generalls of Spaine re­quire pay, Souldiers, Armes, and corne, and the occasion inforceth it: for after the reuolt of our Confederates, and the flight of Sertorius ouer the mountaines, they can neither come to fight, nor prouide necessaries. Our Armies, in regard of Mithridates great forces, are maintained in [Page 639] Asia and Cilicia: full of enemies is Macedonia: no lesse the mari­time regions of Italy, and the Prouinces: when in the meane time our tributes being small and vncertainely ballanced for the warres, scarce sustaine a part of the charges: thus we saile with a lesse Fleet, then formerly we did, for the Conuoy of victuals.

If these things are contracted by our negligence and fraudu­lent dealing, proceed, and take punishment as you will: but if the common fortune be in fault, wherefore doe you vndertake things vnworthy of your selues, of vs and the Commonwealth? And I, ouer whose age death is impendent, doe pray for it, if by that you can quit any inconueni­ence: neither can any thing more honest this ingenious body, then if it cease to liue for your safety.

Behold I C. Cotta the Consull am here, I doe that which our ancestours haue often done in [Page 640] dangerous warres: I vow and a­bandon my selfe for the Com­mon-wealth: the which to whom you may commit, bee circum­spectiue from hence forwards; for no good man will desire that honour, when as of the fortune of peace and warre transacted an ac­count is to be giuen, or an igno­minious death to be suffred. One­ly reserue this in your mindes, that I was not slain for lewdnesse, or auarice, but for the requitall of your greatest benefits, I gaue vp my soule as a free-wil offring,

Coniured therefore by your selues, and the glory of your an­cestours (O ye Romanes) be pa­tient in aduersities, and prouide for the Common-wealth: much care attends the ch [...]efest com­mand, and many vast labours: which you refuse in vaine, and seeke the plenty of peace: when all Prouinces, Kingdomes, Seas, and Lands, are indangered and harraged with the warres.


The first Oration of the institution of a Common-wealth, directed to C. Caesar.

THe Romane people got for­merly Kingdomes, and Em­pires: it gaue fortune for a dona­tiue, and other things, which are greedily desired by mortals: be­cause, as if it had beene out of meere lust, they were often con­ferred vpon vnworthy persons, neither remained they vncorrup­ted with any. But experience hath taught that to be true, which [Page 642] Appius in his verses saith; That euery man is a forger of his owne fortune: and this is verified espe­cially in thee, who hast so farre outgone others, that men are first wearied with praising thy deeds. then thou art of doing things praise-worthy.

But vertuous acquisitions, like edifices, ought to be preserued with very much industry; lest they be deformed with negligence, or ruined through weakenesse. For no man willingly resignes rule to another, and although hee bee good, and milde, who can doe most; yet be­cause it is lawfull for him to bee wicked, he is feared.

This happeneth, for that many men, who are powerfull in au­thority, counsell peruersly; and thinke themselues by so much the more fortified, by how much those, ouer whom they command, haue beene the more wicked. But this ought to be indeuoured a­gainst; that thou being vertuous [Page 643] and valiant, mayst command o­uer the best. For euery man that is most lewde, with most difficulty suffreth a gouernour.

But this is more laborious for thee, then for all men before thee, to settle an estate gotten by Armes. Thou hast managed a warre more gentle then the peace of others: besides the conque­red are Cittizens. Amongst these difficulties thou must make an euasion, and for euer hereafter the Commonwealth is to be confir­med, not by armes onely, nor a­gainst enemies, but which is grea­ter, and harder by farre, with the profitable Arts of peace.

Therefore the occasion sum­mons hither all, who are much and meanely wise: that euery man should aduise the best he can. And this seemes so to me, that in that manner, as thou shalt settle the victory, all things will suc­ceed. But now, that thou mayest dispose this more readily, and [Page 644] easily, receiue in few words, what my minde tells me.

Thou hast had a warre, O Emperour, with a famous man, of great wealth, greedy of rule, of greater fortune then wise­dome: whom some few haue fol­lowed, being made thy enemies by their owne iniury: withall whom affinity, or any other ali­ance hath incited. For neither was any man partaker of his do­mination, nor if he could haue suffred it, had the whole world beene shaken with warre. The rest of the multitude, rather out of the vulgar custome, then Iudgement, followed him, one after another, as if he had beene the prudenter person.

About that time some men being possessed with hope, by the suggestions of the wicked, of v­surping vpon the Common­wealth, made thy Campe their place of Concourse, hauing first polluted all things with lewd­nesse [Page 645] and luxury; and openly menaced vnto the peaceable, death, rapines, and finally all out­rages, which their depraued na­ture vrged. A great part of whom, after they saw neither debt to be remitted, nor thy selfe to vse Cittizens as thou wouldst enemies, shrunke away from thee: a few stayd, who were likely to haue more security in the Campe, then at Rome. So e­gerly did the Creditours pursue them.

But for the same causes, it is incredible to be spoken what great persons, and how many departed afterwards vnto Pompey, and vsed him all the time of the warre, as a sacred and vnuiolated Sanctuary.

Therefore, because peace and warre must be agitated by thee the Conquerour; this, that thou mayst leaue it ciuilly; that, that it may be most iust and di [...]ur­nall: first of all, thinke with thy [Page 646] selfe, because thou art to com­pose them, what is best to bee done. Verily my opinion is, that all tyrannicall gouernments are more grieuous then lasting; neither can any man be feared by many, but feare from many must reflect on him: that kinde of life wageth a continuall and doubtfull warre: because thou canst neither be as­sured from before, behind, or ei­ther side: thou must liue alwaies in danger and feare.

Contrariwise they, who with bounty, and clemencie haue tem­pred command, all ioyfull and prosperous euents haue attended them; yea their enemies were more iust, then to others their owne Citizens.

But will some say, that I am a corrupter of thy victory, and too much a wel-wisher of the vanquished? forsooth, because those things, which we, and our ancestours haue giuen to for­raigne Nations, enemies by na­ture, [Page 647] I thinke fit to be granted to Cittizens; neither after a barba­rous manner would haue murder with murder, and blood expiated with blood. What hath obliuion defaced those outrages, which not long before this warre were obiected against Pompey, and Syllaes victory? he slew Domi­tius, Carbo, Brutus, with others besides, being not armed, neither according to the law of Armes, but butchered afterwards, being suppliants, with the greatest vil­lany that could be: the Common-people of Rome in a publicke Village were slaughtered after the manner of Cattell.

Out alas, how clandestine were Cittizens funeralls, and how suddaine were their mur­thers in the bosomes of parents and children, with the flight of women, and yonglings, and the spoile of houses? before the vi­ctory gotten by thee, all was full of rigour and cruelty. Vnto [Page 648] which courses the very same men perswade thee: and that for­sooth was the end of both your quarrels, that with mutuall con­sent, iniuries should be done: and that the Commonwealth was not recouered, but taken by thee. And for that cause, the ablest and old­est Souldiers of the Army being cashiered, contended in Armes, some against their brethren, and parents, others against their chil­dren: that from the miseries of others, they might, being the wickedst of all men, procure ex­pences for their gluttony and vn­satiable lust, and might be the re­proaches of the victory: by whose debauchments the praise of good men might bee blemi­shed.

Neither yet doe I thinke, that thou doest ouerpasse, with what manners and modesty each man demeaned himselfe, the victory as yet being doubtfull; and how in the administration of the war, [Page 649] some of them frequented whores and bankets, whose age, if it had beene in peacefull times, could not without obloquy, haue tasted such pleasures. Of the warre inough hath beene spoken.

Of establishing a peace, be­cause both thou, and all thine de­liberate: First, consider this, I be­seech thee, what that is, about which thou consultest: thus good and euill men being disseuered, thou shalt proceed in the open way to truth. I coniecture thus: because all things which are borne, dye; that at what time the fate of dectruction shal approach towards the Citty of Rome; that Citizens against Citizens shall ioyne in battell: thus they being wearied and bloodlesse, will be­come the prey of some King, or Nation. Otherwise, not the whole world, nor all people vni­ted together, can moue or demo­lish this Empire.

Therefore the benefits of con­cord [Page 650] are to be confirmed, and the mischiefes of discord are to be re­moued. This will fall out so, if thou shalt take away the licence of expences, and rapines, not by recalling to the ancient ordinan­ces, which long since in this de­prauation of manners are made a laughing stocke, but if thou shalt perscribe to euery man a limited estate and measure of expences. Because this custome is much practized; that young men thinke it a most glorious action to con­sume their owne, and other mens goods, to deny nothing to their lust, or to others crauing. They esteeme this to bee vertue, and greatnesse of minde; shamefast­nesse and modesty being reputed cowardice.

By this meanes their proud mindes being entred into an euill course, when as wonted meanes are wanting, are spleenefully car­ried sometimes against Alies, then against Cittizens: they disturbe [Page 651] affaires that are settled, and seeke out new fashions for old.

Wherefore for euer hereafter the Vsurer is to be remoued, that euery man may care for his own. This is the true and plaine way, to sway the Magistracy for the profit of the people, not of the creditour; and to shew the greatnesse of spirit in adding, not in taking from the Republicke.

And I know how difficult this will be at first, especially with such, who thought in the victory to liue more licentiously, and freely, not more strictly. For whose safety if thou shalt pro­uide rather then for their lust, thou shalt settle both them, vs, and our Alies in a firme peace. If the youth shall follow the same studies, and Arts, certainely thy renowned fame, together with the Citty of Rome, will be ruined in a short time.

Finally, wisemen for the respect of peace, wage warre, they sustaine [Page 652] labour for the hope of quietnesse: except you confirme this, what difference is there to haue van­quished, or to be vanquished? wherefore coniured by the gods, vndertake the Commonwealth, & passe through all difficulties, as thou art accustomed. For either thou alone canst heale; or farther care is to be omitted by all men.

Neither doth any man inuoke thee to cruell punishments, & se­uere Iudgemēts, by which a City wasted rather, then reformed, but that thou wouldest restraine the youth from euill Arts, & wicked desires. This indeed wil be clemē ­cy: to haue prouided, that Citi­zens may not be expelled out of their Country vndeseruedly; to haue retained them from folly, & deceiteful pleasures; to haue esta­blished peace and concord; not, if thou being obsequious to vices, & suffring offēces, shalt giue way to a present ioy, accōpanied with a mischiefe, which will forthwith insue.

[Page 653] And my courage is most of all erected, with that, which others feare, the difficulty of the busi­nesse. And for that all Lands and Seas are at once to be compo­sed by thee (because such a Spirit as thine cannot touch vpon meane things) for thy great care there remaines a great reward.

Therefore thou must prouide, that the Common people cor­rupted with Largesses, and corne publickly giuen, may be imploy­ed in affaires, proper for them­selues, and by which they may be with-held from publicke mis­chiefe: that the youth apply themselues to honesty, and indu­stry, not to expences, nor riches. This will come to passe thus, if thou shalt cut off the vse and re­putation of money, which is the greatest plague of all others.

For I my selfe, pondering often­times in my minde, by what meanes men of most renowne had found out greatnesse: what [Page 654] things had inlarged people and Nations by Authors of great vn­dertaking; and last of all, for what causes most mighty King­domes and Empires had beene ruined: I found alwaies the same things to be good and euill, and that ail the Conquerors contem­ned riches, and that all the con­quered desired them. Nor other­wise can any man raise vp himselfe, and being mortall attaine things diuine, except the delights of mony and the body being neglected, hee be indulgent to the minde, not gra­tifying a peruerse fauour by flatte­ring, or yeelding to concupiscence; but exercising himselfe in labour, patience, wholesome precepts, and valiant exploits.

For to build vp a house, or village, and to adorne it with Skutcheons, Tapistry, and other workes, and to make all of them a spectacle, rather then thy selfe, that is not to haue riches for an ornament, but for a mans selfe to [Page 655] be a reproach to them. Moreo­uer, they who twice in a day are accustomed to loade their bellies, and not to sleepe one night with­out a whore; when as they haue oppressed the soule with serui­tude, which ought to command; That being afterwards growne dull and lame, vainely they seeke to exercise it. For with impru­dence they precipitate both themselues, and many things be­sides. But these, and many other mischiefes will together end with the reputation of money, if nei-Magistracies, nor other things to be coueted by the vulgar, shall be set to sale.

Besides, prouision must bee made by thee, how Italy and the Prouinces may be better secured: the meanes whereof is not ob­scoure. For the same men make a generall waste by forsaking their owne houses, and by seizing wrongfully on others. Withall, that warrefare, as it hath beene [Page 656] hitherto, be not vniust, nor vne­quall: when some serue out thir­ty payes, others not so much as one: and that corne, which was formerly a reward of slouth, it will be conuenient to distribute vnto them throughout the infran­chised townes, and Colonies, when as they shall returne home after the expiration of their sti­pendary yeeres.

What things are necessary for the Commonwealth, and glorious for thee, I haue deliuered in a few words. It seemes good to me now to speake something of this, that I haue done. Most men haue, or faine themselues to haue wit inough to censure: but to re­prehend other mens doings and say­ings, the disposition of all men is earnestly bent: the mouth seemes not sufficiently open, nor the tongue prompt, which can onely vtter things meditated in the minde: To whose interpretation that I am subiect, it doth not repent [Page 657] mee; it would haue grieued me more to haue kept silence. For whether thou shalt proceede in this, or any other course, surely I shall speake and assist thee to the best of my power. That which remaines, is to wish, that what things shall please thee, the immortall gods may approue, and suffer them to succeed hap­pily.

The second Oration of the, institu­tion of a Commonwealth, to C. Caesar.

I Know how difficult, and dan­gerous a thing it is to giue counsell to a King or Emperour; finally to any man, whose power is seated on high: because they haue both abundance of counsel­lers, neither can any man be cir­cumspectiue, and prudent inough of future euents. Besides, often­times [Page 658] euill counsels succeed more prosperously then good; because fortune swayeth most things ac­cording to her pleasure.

But it was my desire from my first youth, to vndertake the Commonwealth: and in know­ing it, I tooke much, and most speciall care: not to that end alone, that I might be capa­ble of a magistracy, which many haue gotten by euill Arts; but that I might take a suruay of the State, both at home, and a­broad, and how powerfull shee might bee in Armes, men and money.

Therefore by me, as I meditated many things with my selfe, this counsell was approued, to esteeme my owne reputation and modesty after thy dignity, and to hazard any thing, so that any glo­ry might accrue to thee from that. And this I haue not resol­ued rashly, nor because of thy fortune; but for that amongst [Page 659] others, I haue found in thee this one Art, admirable aboue the rest; that thy minde was alwaies greater in aduerse, then prospe­rous fortunes. But this amongst other mortals is most remarka­ble, that men are also first wearied with praising and admiring thy munificence, then thou art in do­ing things meriting glory.

Verily this is my resolution, that nothing can be found out so difficult, which thou doest not readily apprehend. Neither haue I written these things to thee of the Commonwealth, which see­med to concerne it, because I approued my owne wit and counsell more then was fitting: but amongst the labours of war­fare, amongst battailes, victories, and gouernment, I resolued to admonish thee of ciuill affaires.

For if this counsell be lodged in thy brest; that to vindicate thy selfe from the violence of thy ene­mies, thou wouldst by any [Page 660] meanes, opposed against the Con­sull, retaine the fauours of the people, thou must harbour thoughts vnworthy of thy ver­tue. But if that spirit be within thee, which from the beginning hath disturbed the faction of the Nobility, hath restored the Ro­mane Commonalty from a grie­uous seruitude vnto liberty; in thy Praetourship, vnarmed hath broke the Armes of thy enemies; at home and abroad hath atchie­ued so great, and such glorious exploites, that thy very aduersa­ries dare nor complaine of any thing but thy greatnesse: then heare that, which I shall speake of the summe of the Common­wealth, which verily thou shalt finde to be true, or not farre re­moued from truth.

But because [...]n. Pompeius ei­ther out of his corrupt dispositi­on, or that he desired nothing more, then that he might hinder thee, fell into such an errour, that [Page 661] he put weapons into his enemies hands: by what meanes hee troubled the Commonwealth, by the same thou oughtest to re­store it. First of all, he gaue to a few Senatours the chiefe power of moderating, about tributes, expences, and iudgements; the Romane Commonalty, whose power was formerly chiefest, he left together with vs vnder the same conditions of seruitude.

Although the iudgements, as before were restored to the three orders, yet the selfesame factious men sway, giue, and take away, what pleaseth them: they cir­cumuent the innocent: they ad­uanceir their owne Fauourites to honour. Not villany, not scandall, or lewdnesse doth hinder them, from being capable of Magistra­cies: what is commodious, they force, they take by violence: finally, as in a captiued Citty, they vse lust and licence for Lawes.

[Page 662] And verily I should be some­what grieued, if they should ex­ercise a victory gotten by ver­tue, after this their seruile cu­stome. But these vnactiue per­sons, all whose force and valour lyes in the tongue, mannage in­solently a domination thrust into their hands, by fortune, and ano­thers cowardice. For what other sedition, or ciuill dissension hath plucked vp from the roote so many, and such illustrious Fami­lies? or in whose victory euer was the minde so precipitated, and immoderate? Lu. Sylla, vnto whom all things were lawfull in the victory by the Law of warre, although he conceiued that the enemies party was fortified by Sulpitius, yet some few being slaine, he was desirous to retaine the rest with bountie, rather then feare.

But now together with Cato, L. Domitius, and the rest of that faction, forty Senators, and many [Page 663] young men of good hope haue beene slaughtered like sacrifices: when in the meane time this most mischieuous kinde of peo­ple could not be glutted with the blood of so many miserable Citi­zens: not Orphants, not Parents in the cloze of their age, not the mourning of men, the lamentati­on of women could mollifie their barbarous mindes. But doing and speaking worse euery day more then other, they went a­bout to remoue some men out of their dignitie, others out of the Citty.

For what should I speake of thee, whose contumelie these most slothfull men would ex­change for their owne life? In regard that domination is not such a pleasure to them, (although it happened beyond hope) as thy dignity is a griefe: who hold it more acceptable to hazard their owne liberty out of thy calami­tie, then that by thee the Empire [Page 664] of the Romane people, of great should be made greatest.

For which cause thou oughtest to be more and more prouident, how thou mayst establish, and strengthen the State. As for me, what my minde suggesteth, I shall not be doubtfull to speake. In two parts I take this Citty to be diuided, as I haue heard from my Ancestours; into the Fathers, and Commonalty. In former times the chiefest authority was in the Fathers; the greatest power by far was in the Commonalty. Thereupon disunion happened frequently in the Citty: and al­waies the Nobilities strength was lessened, and the right of the peo­ple amplified. But by this meanes the Commonalty liued freely, because no mans power was aboue the Lawes: neither in riches, nor pride, but in a good fame, and valiant exploites, the Noble excelled the ignoble. Euery man of the inferiour ranke, [Page 665] in Armes, or military imploy­ment, wanting no honest accomo­dation, was inough for himselfe, inough for his Country.

But when as being expelled by degrees out of their possessions, slouth and pouerty inforced them to haue vncertaine habitations: they began to couet other mens wealth, and to account their li­berty with the Republicke sala­ble. Thus the people by little, and little, which was the Lord, and ruler of all Nations, fell from his first greatnesse: and for a common command, euery man procured for himselfe a priuate seruitude.

Therefore this multitude be­ing first infected with euill man­ners, then dispersed into sundry Arts, and courses of life, no waies agreeing amongst themselues, seeme not fit men vnto me, to vn­dertake the Commonwealth. But new Citizens being added, a great hope doth possesse me, that [Page 666] all of them will be rozud vp for the cause of liberty: for that both a care will grow in them for re­taining their freedome, as well as in those for quitting their serui­tude. My censure is, that these being commixed, the new with the old, thou shouldst place them in the Colonies: thus both the military estate will be strength­ned, and the Commonalty being detained with good imployments, will cease from committing pub­like euill.

But I am not ignorant, nor im­prudent, when this thing shall be, what insolencie, what outrages of the Nobilitie will follow, when as they shall be incensed, that all things are confounded together, that this seruitude is imposed on ancient Citizens; finally, that of a free State, it will become a Kingdome, when by one mans gift, a mighty multitude shal haue the freedome of the Citty. As for my selfe, this verily is my [Page 667] opinion, That hee commits an euill offence against himselfe, that would procure fauour for himselfe, with the disprofit of the Common-wealth: whereas the publicke good serues also for priuat vse, there to be doubtfull to vndertake, I hold it a point of slacknesse and cowardice.

This was alwayes the counsell of M. Liuius Drusus, in his Tribuneship to striue for the No­bility to the vtmost of his power: neither did he intend to doe any thing else from the beginning, if some factious persons had not suggested it vnto him, vnto whom deceit and malice were dearer then faith. When as they vnder­stood that by one man, the great­est benefit would be communica­ted to many men: and withall euery one of them being consci­ous to himselfe, that he was of an euill and faithlesse disposition, they conceiued of Drusus alike as of themselues. Therefore out [Page 668] of a feare, lest he through so great a fauour should inioy the sole command, contending against that, they disturbed their owne counsels.

For which cause (O Emperor) friends mony, and Aydes are to be procured by thee with greater care and constancie. To suppresse an opposed enemie, it is no difficulty for a valiant man; neither to plot, nor auoid couert dangers, is a thing proper to good men.

Therefore when thou shalt haue brought them into the City, and that by this meanes the Com­monalty shall be renewed in this thou oughtest to exercise thy minde especially, that good man­ners may be had in estimation, that concord may be confirmed betwixt the old and new Citti­zens. But by farre shalt thou procure the greatest of all other benefits for thy Country, Citti­zens, thy selfe, thy children; lastly, for all mankind, if thou [Page 669] shalt either take away the loue of money▪ or lessen it, as farre as oc­casion will serue. Otherwise nei­ther priuate, nor publicke estate, neither at home, nor abroad, will be well gouerned. For whereas the desire of money is once entred, neither discipline, nor good Arts, nor any ingenuitie is polished inough: but the minde more or lesse maturely, yet finally, is ouer­come.

Often haue I heard, what Kings, what Citties, and Nations haue lost great Empires by opulencie, which being poore, they got by vertue. This is not much to be maruelled at. For whereas a good man sees one that is worse to become more renowned and ac­ceptable by his riches; he stormes at first, and agitateth many things in his minde: but whenas euery day more then other, glory ouerballanceth honour, opulency vertue; the minde from truth re­uolts to pleasure. For with glory [Page 670] industry is cherished: when as you shall take away that, vertue in it selfe is rough and vnpleasant. Last of all, where riches are valued, all good things are vilified, faith, ho­nesty, shamefastnesse, and modesty. For to vertue there is one, and that a difficult way: to get money, euery man endeuoureth, as he pleaseth; it is created both out of euill, and good meanes.

For this cause, first of all take away the Authority of money: neither in point of life nor honor, will any man iudge more or lesse from a mans estate, if neither Praetour nor Consull be made out of the regard of wealth, but dignity. Yet in the choice of Magistrates, let the peoples iudgement bee free. To haue Iudges allowed by some few, is an argument of Royalty; to haue them chosen for money, is dishonest. Wherefore it is my will, that all those of the first Classicall order doe iudge, but more in number, [Page 671] then now iudge. Neither did the Rhodians, nor any other Citties euer repent of their iudge­ments, whereas promiscuously the rich, and the poore, as euery mans turne comes, consult alike about the greatest and least af­faires.

But in the creation of Magi­strates, that Law pleaseth me, and that not absurdly, which C. Gracchus diuulged in his Tri­buneship, that out of the fiue Classicall Orders blended toge­ther, at all peraduentures Centu­ries should be called forth. Thus they being coequalled in dignity, and money, one will striue to ex­cell another in vertue. Neither doe I prescribe difficult remedies against riches. For accordingly all things are praised and desired, as the vse of those things is. Wickednesse is exercised for re­wards: when you shall barre that, no man amongst all will be wicked for thankes onely.

[Page 672] Besides auarice is a cruell, fieree, and vnprofitable beast: where it intends, it wasteth Townes, Fieldes, Temples, and Houses: it confounds diuine and humane Lawes: neither Armes, nor walles can hinder her from pe­netrating with her Force: Of fame, modesty, children, Country, and parents, she dispoyleth all mortals. But if thou shalt take away the reputation of money that mighty force of auarice will easily be vanquished by good manners.

And although all men both iust and vniust remember these things to bee thus: yet thou shalt haue no meane controuer­sie with the faction of the Nobi­lity; of whose deceite if thou shalt be cautelous, all things else will succeede with facility. For these men, if they excelled with vertue inough, would rather be emulous, then enuious of good men. Because slouth, and vn­actiuenesse, stupidity, and dul­nesse [Page 673] haue inuaded them; they clamour, they detract, they esteeme another mans good name to be their disgrace.

But what should I make any farther relation, as if it were of an vnknowne subiect? The for­titude of M. Bibulus, and the vertue of his minde hath made the way open to a Consulship: he being a man dull of language, rather euill, then cunning of wit. What may this man dare, vnto whom the Consulship, the great­est of all other commands, be­came the greatest dishonour? what is L. Domitius, a person of much ability, no member of whom is free from lewdnesse, or villany? his tongue is vaine, his hands bloody, his feete fugitiue: things most dishonest, which cannot be named honestly.

Yet I doe not contemne the onely various, talkatiue, and subtill wit of M. Cato. These are procured by the Grecian [Page 674] discipline. But vertue, vigilancy, and labour are not found amongst the Greekes. For since they haue lost their liberty at home by slouth, thinke you that by their precepts, command may be gotten? The rest of the fa­ction are most vnactiue Noble­men, in whom, as in a statue, there is no addition of worth, be­sides the name. L. Posthumus, and M. Fauonius resemble in my opinion the superfluous bal­last of a Ship, when they seeme to arriue safe at their ends: when any aduerse thing doth happen, the first losse is of them, for that they are of the lowest estima­tion.

Because now, as it seemeth to me, I haue spoken at large of re­newing, and reforming the Commonalty: I will speake of the Senate, what may seeme fit to be done by thee.

After my age, and wit grew ripe, I did not altogether exer­cise [Page 675] my body with Armes, and Horses, but imployed my minde in litterature, because by nature it was firme in the sufferance of labours; and in that course of life, I found out this by frequent rea­ding, and hearing; that all King­domes, Citties, and Nations so long inioyed a prosperous Em­pire, as solid counsels preuailed amongst them: wheresoeuer fa­uour, feare, and pleasure corrup­ted them, not long after, their power was lessened, then, com­mand taken away, last of all, ser­uitude was imposed.

Verily, this is my resolution, that whosoeuer hath a more am­ple, and illustrious place in a Cit­ty then others, hath an especiall care of the Commonwealth: for to the rest, the Citty being safe, onely liberty is assured; those who by vertue haue gotten rich­es, renowne, and honour for themselues, as soone as the State inclining a little, begins to be tur­moiled, [Page 676] their minde is variously troubled with cares and toiles: it either meditates the defence of glory, or liberty, or of priuate meanes: in all places it is present, it hastneth: by how much more it flourished in prosperity, by so much the more in aduersity is it full of anxiety and griefe. There­fore when the Commonalty o­beys the Senate, as the body doth the soule, and doth execute its counsels: it behoueth the Fa­thers to be able in counsell. In the people cunning is superflu­ous. For this cause our Ance­stours, when they were pressed with most dangerous warres, horses, men, and money being lost, they were neuer weary to contend armed for the Empire not the wants of the Treasury not the force of the Enemies, no aduerse fortune could deiect thei [...] mighty Spirits, but that those things, which they had gotten by vertue, they would maintaine to­gether [Page 677] with life. And this was done more by sound counsell, then fortunate fights. In regard that with them there was one Commonwealth; for that they prouided: saction was prepared against forraigne Foes: euery man exercised body, and soule, for his country, not for his owne greatnesse.

But contrariwise, at this time Noblemen, whose mindes slouth and cowardice hath inuaded, be­ing ignorant of labour, of enemies, of warfare, instructed with home­bred faction, rule with pride o­uer all Nations. By this meanes the Fathers, by whose counsell the doubtfull Commonwealth was formerly established, being oppressed, rauing vp and downe, at anothers pleasure are agitated hither and thither. Sometimes they make these, then those de­crees: as the faction and arro­gance of them inclines, who beare rule, so they esteeme good, [Page 678] good and publicke euill.

But if either the liberty of all were equall, or the opinion of it more obscure, the Common­wealth would be farre stronger, and the Nobility lesse potent. But because it is difficult to make the respect of all coe­quall: for that to them the ver­tue of their ancestours left an ac­quired glory, dignity, and clien­tels: the rest of the multitude for the most part being ignorant people, let them in their opinion be frec from feare. Thus it being concealed from themselues, ano­thers power will be dearer to e­uery man.

Libertie is desiderable alike of the good, and bad, of the valiant, and the cowardly. But most men abandon that out of feare. Most foolish mortals, that which is doubt­full in the conflict, how it will hap­pen, out of cowardice, like men vanqushed, they take vpon them­selues. Therefore I thinke by [Page 679] two meanes the Senate may be confirmed: if augmented in number they deliuered their Votes in a written table. The table will serue for an incourage­ment, to make them dare with greater freedome: in the multi­tude there is more assurance, and ampler vse.

For in these times for the most part, some being intagled in pub­licke Iudgements, others in their owne, or their friends affaires, haue not beene present at the Counsels of State: neither did imployment detaine them more, then the proud commands of o­thers. The Noblemen, with some few of the Senatorian order, whom they haue for additions of faction, what things soeuer please them, they reprehend, allow, and decree; them they execute, as their lust inciteth. But as some as the number of Sen [...]tours being increased, the Votes shall be de­liuered in a written table, they [Page 680] will dismisse their former pride, when they must obey those, ouer whom before they commanded most tyrannously.

Perchance (O Emperour) these letters being read, thou wilt decree, what number of Sena­tours it may p [...]ease thee to haue; and after what forme they shall be distributed into many and sundry Offices; and since it is my opinion, that the first Classicall order should deliuer their iudge­ments, what description, and what number is to be of euery kinde: To describe all things generally, had not beene a matter difficult in doing: but first it see­med good to labour about the summe of the Counsell, and to proue that to be true to thee. If thou resoluest to make vse of this way, all other things will succeed promptly. I would that this my counsell were prudent, and of most speciall vse. For wheresoeuer prosperity happeus [Page 681] to thee, there a good fame will betide me.

But this desire doth exercise me more, after what manner and how soone the Commonwealth may be releeued▪ I hold liberty worthier then glory. And I doe request and exhort thee, that thou wouldst not (most famous Em­perour) after the conquest of the Gaules, suffer the highest and in­uincible Empire of the Romane people to be ruined with age, and dissolued by the greatest discord. Verily, if this shall happen, nei­ther day, nor night shall ease thy anguish of minde, but being awa­ked out of sleepe, raging, and ra­uing thou shalt be vexed with a distracted spirit. For it is mani­fest to me for a truth, that the life of all mortals is visited by a diuine power: neither is the good, nor euill deed of any man valued at nothing. But with a different condition re­wards attend the good and bad: in the meane time perchanee they pro­ceed [Page 682] more slowly; euery mans mind giues him hope from his conscience.

But if thy Country, and pa­rents could speake with thee, surely they would say these words vnto thee: O Caesar, we being most valiant men, begot thee in a most goodly City, to be an honour, and succour to vs, a terrour to our enemies. What we had gotten with many la­bours and dangers, we deliuered ouer to thee, being borne toge­ther with thy life, a Country greatest of al on the earth, a house and family most illustrious in that Country, besides good Arts, well gotten riches: finally, all the ho­nestations of peace, and the re­wards of warre.

For these most ample benefits, we desire of thee not lewdnesse, nor villany, but that thou would­est restore our ouerthrowne li­berty; which thing being accom­plished, the fame of thy vertue will flye throughout all Nations. [Page 683] For at this time although thou hast performed glorious exploits, both at home and abroad, yet is thy renowne but equall with ma­ny valiant men: but if thou shalt restore almost from destruction this City amplest in name, and largest in dominion: who will be more famous, who greater then thee on earth? for that if by sicknesse, or fate, it should happen otherwise then well to this Em­pire: who doubts, but that through the whole world, vasta­tion, warres, and slaughters would arise?

But if thou hast an honest de­sire of gratifying thy Country & Parents; hereafter the Common­wealth being restored, thy glory shall be acknowledged aboue all mortals, & the death of thee alone shall be more famous then thy life. For the liuing sometimes for­tune, oftentimes enuy doth molest: as soone as the soule hath giuen way to nature, vertue extolleth her selfe [Page 684] more and more aboue all detraction.

What seemed to me expedient to be done, and what I thought would be vsefull for thee, I haue briefely written Now I request the immortall gods▪ that what course soeuer thou takest this af­faire may succed prosperously to thee, and the Commonwealth.

The Oration of SALVST, against CICERO.

GReeuously, and with an of­fended minde should I suf­fer thy reprochfull speeches, O M. Tullius, if I knew that thou didst vse this thy petulancy more out of iudgement, then a braine­sicke humour. But because in thee I finde neither meane nor modesty; I will answer thee, that if thou hast taken any pleasure in speaking ill, thou mayst loose that by hearing as bad.

[Page 685] Where shall I complaine? whom shall I implore, (O ye Conscript Fathers) that the Cōmonwealth is wasted, and become the subiect of trechery for euery man, that is most audacious? whether a­mongst the Romane people, who are so corrupted with Largesses, that they hold themselues, and their fortunes venals: whether a­mongst you (O ye Conscript Fa­thers) whose authority is growne a laughing stocke for all the worst and wickedst of men; where M. Tullius defends the Lawes and iudgements of the people of Rome, and doth so moderate it this order, as if he were the onely remainder of the family of that most renowned man Scipio the African, and were not an vpstart, au Inmate, not long since natura­lized into this Citty?

Whether or no, M. T. are thy deedes, and words obscure? hast thou not liued so from thy child­hood, that thou thoughtest no [Page 686] thing filthy for thy body, which might please anothers lust? For­sooth didst thou not learne that immoderate eloquence of M. Pi­so, with the losse of thy modesty? Therefore it is not much to bee wondred at, that thou sellest that wickedly, which thou procuredst most lewdly.

But as I thinke, domesticke splendour exalteth thy minde: thy wife is sacrilegious, and stai­ned with periuries. Thy daughter is a Concubine to her mothers preiudice, more pleasing and ob­sequious to thee, then is fit she should be to a father. Thou hast gotten a house with violence, and rapine, fatall for thee, and thine: that indeed thou mightst admo­nish vs how much the Common­wealth is changed, since thou (O thou most wicked man) dwellest in that house, which belonged to M. Crassus a Consular person.

And when these things are so, Cicero saith, he hath beene in the [Page 687] Counsell of the immortall gods, and was sent from thence to this Citty, for a protectour of the Ci­tizens; without giuing him the name of hangman, who accounts the Republicks dāmage his owne glory: as though thy Consulship was not the cause of that conspira­cy, & by that meanes the Cōmon­wealth was disioynted, at what time it had thee for a protectour.

But I coniecture, those things extoll thee more, which after thy Consulship, thou didst aduise with Terentia thy wise about the Commonwealth, when at home yee contriued the iudgements of the Plaution Law: when thou condemnedst some of the Con­spiratours to die, others to pay money: when this man built the Tusculan for thee, that other the Pompeian village another bought a house. But he that could doe nothing, was next to calumniati­on; he either came to assault thy house, or laid in wait for the Se­nate; [Page 688] finally, some thing was found out against him by thee.

Which if I obiect falsely a­gainst thee, giue an account, how much Patrimony thou didst re­ceiue? what hath accrued to thee from pleading? out of what mo­ney thou didst purchase thy house: thou buildedst thy Tuscu­lan and Pompeian, with infinite expence. Otherwise, if thou art silent, to whom can it be doubt­full, that thou gottest that wealth out of the blood, and bowels of the Citizens?

But as I conceiue, this new man of Arpinum, extracted from the family of Caius Marius, imitates his vertue, he continueth the faction of the Nobility, he hath a care of the Romaue people, he is not moued with feare, nor fauour. But is this an argument onely of his amity, and mentall vertue? Yes verily this most inconstant man is suppliant to his Enemies, contumelious to his friends, some­times [Page 689] of this, sometimes of that faction; he is faithfull to no man; a most light Senatour, a mercinary Patron, no part of whose body is free from filthinesse; his tongue is vaine, his hands are rauenous, his throate is vnsatiable, his feete are fugitiue. And he, when as he is such a man, yet hee dares to say:

O happy Rome, me being Con­sull borne!

Happy thee being Consull Ci­cero? Yea rather vnhappy and wretched, which suffredst as then, the most cruell poscription of her Citizens, when as thou, the Com­monwealth being disturbed, didst inforce all good men amazed with terrour, to obey thy Tyran­ny: when all iudgements, all Lawes were swayed by thy lust: when as the Portian Law being remoued, & liberty taken away, thou didst appropriate to thy selfe alone the power of all our liues and deaths.

[Page 690] Thou shalt doe (I prethee Ci­cero) thou shalt accomplish what thou wilt: it is inough for vs, that we haue suffered: but as yet wilt thou loade our eares with thy hatred? as yet wilt thou pro­secute vs with these vnsufferable words?

Armes yeeld to Gownes, Bayes to the tongue giue place.

As though forsooth, gowned, and not armed, thou hadst perfor­med those things, of which thou doest glory; and that there were any difference betwixt thee, and Sylla the dictatour, besides the name of command?

But what should I relate more of thy iusolency? whom Miner­ua hath taught al her Arts, whom the best and greatest Iuputer hath admitted into the Counsell of the gods, whom Italy, being banished, brought backe on her shoulders. I beseech thee▪ O thou Romulus of Arpinū, what place at length ob­ainest thou in the Citty? what [Page 691] [Page 692] [Page] [Page] [Page] [...] [Page 12] [...] [Page 13] [...] [Page 14] [...] [Page 15] [...] [Page 16] [...] [Page 17] [...] [Page 18] [...] [Page 19] [...] [Page 20] [...] [Page 21] [...] [Page 22] [...] [Page 23] counterfeit and dissemble deepely: greedy he was of other mens goods, prodi­gall of his owne, in lust vn­satiable. He had eloquence enough, but little wise­dome. His vast mind did euermore desire things im­moderate, incredible, and ouer difficult.

After the tyrannicall go­uernement of Silla, he had a great desire to vsurpe vp­on the Commonwealth, neither did he care whether it were by right or wrong, so that he might attaine the soueraigne rule. His rest­lesse spirit was daily more and more disquieted through his priuate wants, and guilty conscience, both [Page 24] which increased in him by the meanes before recited: besides, the corrupted mā ­ners of the Citty, serued for incentiues to his ambi­tion, and these were tur­moiled by the worst of op­posite euils, Luxury and Couetousnesse. And now, because wee haue related some thing of the States deprauation, the opportu­nity it selfe seemes to inuite vs vnto the repetition of things forepast, and in them to deliuer the institutions of our Ancestours, both Ciuil and Military, the forme of gouernment, which they vsed in the Cōmonwealth, and the greatnesse with which they left it to poste­rity, and how this glorious [Page 25] Republique, languishing by degrees, did degenerate into a vile & ignominious tyranny.

CHAP. 3.
The beginning and declining of the Roman Empire: the pre­cedent times commended, and the present taxed.

THe Troians (as I haue heard) first built and inhabited the Cittie of Rome, who vnder the con­duct of Aeneas, liuing like fugitiues, wandred vp and downe without any cer­taine place of habitation: with these the Aborigines, or natiues ioyned them­selues, [Page 26] who being a sauage kind of people, liued free without lawes, and disso­lute without gouernment.

After both these were in­uironed with one wall (in­credible it is to be thought on) with what redinesse they complied together, being different in linage, lan­guage and customes. But after their estate grew res­pectiue, and powerfull enough, being inlarged with inhabitants, ciuilitie & territory (an euent most frequēt in humane affaires) enuy did attend on prospe­ritie, so that for this cause alone, the Kings and bor­dering. Nations assailed them with warre; in this some few friends came to [Page 27] their ayde, others being terrified, remoued them­selues from the danger: But the Romans being regard­full of themselues, both in ciuill & militarie exigents, neglected no opportu­nity; they made great pre­parations, incouraged one another, issued forth to en­counter the enemy, repo­sing their liberties, their Countries, and parents safety, in the protection of their Armes After, when their vertue had giuen the repulse to danger they sent aydes to their friends and allies, procuring new confederacies, rather by giuing then receiuing be­nefits. Their gouernment was regular, and the name [Page 28] of it was termed Royall. Certaine selected persons whose bodies were infee­bled with age, as their minds were fort [...]fied with wisedome, did prouide for the Commonwealth: these in regard of their yeeres, or Office, were called Fa­thers.

Afterwards when the Domination Royall, which was first instituted for the maintenance of liberty, and inlargement of territory, did degenerate into pride and absolute soueraigenty, the forme of policie being changed, they erected an annuall Empire vnder the rule of two Consuls. By this course, they thought mens minds could best be [Page 29] strained from insolency. But euen then more then before, euery man began to ouerualue himselfe, and to dispose his endeuours to­wards indirect ends: as well knowing, that Princes jealousies attend more vpon good men then bad, and that the vertue of others administers to them al­wayes an occasion of terrour.

Now it is a matter strange to be rehearsed, how much the Cittie hauing regained her liberty, inlarged her selfe in a short time. So forcibly moued the desire of glory, for now the youth, as soone as they were capa­ble of warlike sufferances, with much exercise learned their military duties, resi­ding for the most part in [Page 30] Tents, and these reposed more delight in the equi­page of their Armes and horses of seruice, then in bankets, and whores. Hence was it, that to such men no labour was vncouth, no place was too difficult for accesse or assault, yea, the armed enemy was not dreadfull: their valour sub­dued all incountring oppo­sites, the controuersie of glory remaining especially amongst themselues. Thus euery man stroue with emu­lation to inuade the enemy, to scale the walles, and to exploit such things in pu­blicke view. This they ac­counted riches, Honour, and true Nobilitie. They were greedy of praise, libe­rall [Page 31] of their coine. They co­ueted glory without mea­sure, wealth with a compe­tency.

Here I could relate, in what places the Roman people haue defeated with small numbers, puissant Ar­mies of their aduersaries, what Citties they haue ta­ken by situation impregna­ble: but I feare, this digres­sion would withdraw me too farre: onely let me as­sure thus much, that For­tune is predominant in all euents: It is she, that illu­strates and obscures our actions being led more by will then reason.

The exploits of the Athe­nians in my opinion were ample and magnificent, yet [Page 32] somewhat inferiour to their report, for by reason of those admirable wits which liued in that State, their actes were celebrated tho­row the world, with excesse of praise: so that their ver­tue was prized in as high an estimate, as the sufficiency of wit could deliuer in lan­guage. But the ancient Ro­manes were necessitated in this, the capablest spirits being the most actiue doers: no man exercised his mind without reference to the body. The best men preferred doing before speaking, and desired ra­ther to haue their owne de­serts praised, then to re­ate other mens exploits, by which meanes disci­pline [Page 33] [...] [Page 34] [...] [Page 35] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page 134] [...] [Page 135] [...] [Page 136] [...] [Page 137] [...] [Page 138] [...] [Page 139] [...] [Page 140] [...] [Page 141] [...] [Page 142] [...] [Page 143] [...] [Page 144] [...] [Page 145] an irruption vnto him with their weapons. The Consull hauing intelli­gence of these prepara­tions, and Guardes being disposed, according as the occasion and time re­quired, he proposeth, (a Senate being called) what their pleasure was to doe with them, who were de­liuered ouer vnto custo­dy; a frequent Senate ha­uing declared them not long before, to haue vn­dertaken treasonably a­gainst the Common­wealth.

Thereupon D. Iunius Sillanus, being first deman­ded his opinion, because at that time he was Con­sull Elect, gaue [...] [Page 146] that condigne punish­ment was to bee taken vpon those who were kept in prison, as also vpon L. Cassius, P. Furius, P. Vmbrenus, and Q. Annius, if they should be apprehen­ded. And being after­wards mooued with Caesars Oration, he pro­tested that hee would punctually concurre in opinion with Tiberius Nero, in that hee had tbought it fit to make a re­ference concerning that particular, and the rein­forcement of the Guards: but Caesar, when it came to his turne, being required his opinion by the Con­sull, deliuered these or the like words:

[Page 147] All men that consult (O ye conscript Fathers) about doubtfull affaires, ought to be free from hatred, friendship, anger, and pitty: for whereas these impediments are, the mind can hardly dis­cerne the truth: neither is there any man, who can serue at once, both his pleasure & profit: where­as you bend your disposi­tion, there it preuailes: If lust hath gotten the pos­session, it predominates, and Reason sways nothing at all. I haue an ample subiect (ye conscript Fa­thers) to discourse, what Kings and Nations haue done vncouncellably, be­ing forced by anger or [Page 148] compassion. But I had ra­ther relate those things, which our Ancestours, contrary to their naturall desires, haue accomplish­ed rightly and orderly. In the Macedonian war, which wee waged with King Perses, the great and goodly Citty of Rhodes, that grew powerfull by the support of the Ro­mane people, became vn­faithfull, and ill-affected to vs. But afterwards the wars being ended, when it was consulted vpon, cōcerning the Rhodians: our Predecessours, lest any man should re­port, they vndertooke the warre more for wealth then wrong, dismissed [Page 149] [...] [Page 150] [...] [Page 151] [...] [Page 152] [...] [Page 153] [...] [Page 154] [...] [Page 155] [...] [Page 156] [...] [Page 157] [...] [Page 158] [...] [Page 159] [...]

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