MOst writers accord, that Mahomet which name in the Arabique signi­fies Indignation or Fu­rie, was the sonne of Abdalla a Marchant in Mecca, a City in Ara­bia [Page 2] Faelix; his mother a Jew, and himselfe in Anno Dom. 571. borne Posthumus. At the se­cond yeere of his age his mother deceased, a poore woman that la­bored for her living bred him up; at 16 yeers of age he became a Mar­chants bondman, his Master, pleased with his wit and dexterity, made him his Factor: He dead, Mahomet being [Page 3] then twenty five yeeres old, married his Mistris and untill the thirty eighth yeere of his age, he industriously follow­ed his trade of Mar­chandize, avoiding no personall travel (as well in the kingdoms of AE­gypt, Syria and Persia, as elswhere) where pro­fit might arise. Being then satisfied with wealth, & given to ease, he began to think on his [Page 4] Soule, whereof in his travels he had not been negligent, having been curious to understand the Religions of the Jews and Christians; which compared with the Idolatrie wherein he was originally tray­ned thirty yeeres) did worke in him assurance that Paganisme was the way to perdition, but to whether of these to in­cline, he stood doubt­full. [Page 5] At last falling in company with two Christian Artificers, inhabitants in Mecca, by conversation with them (who read the old and new Testament un­to him, for himselfe was unlettered) he approved Christianisme for the best, and was of opini­on that thereby, only, a man might attaine unto Salvation, and accor­dingly he framed his [Page 6] life, which bred admira­tion in them that knew him, and gave him a greater reputation than he did expect.

But this hasty spring was quickly blasted; for the Devill, taking ad­vantage upon his weak­nes, enflamed his heart with pride, w^ch wrought in him a desire to be e­steemed a Prophet thinking all other attri­butes of Religion and [Page 7] sanctity to be but vile and base: To aspire unto that opinion he embraced a solitary life, retyring to a Cave in the Mountains, where he lived free from the ordinary conversation of men; repaired seldom to his own home, and his speeches (mixt with gravity and holynesse teaching good life, and beating downe Idola­try) moved, not only [Page 8] such as saw him to ad­mire, but the rest also (that heard by other mens eares) held him to be a Saint. To increase this opinion of sancti­mony, of the falling sicknesse (wherewith he was afflicted) he made good use; for, he gave it out (when he fell into his fitts incident to that disease) that he confer­red with the Angell Gabriell, by whom the [Page 9] pleasure of God was re­vealed unto him, and that his Trances pro­ceeded through the weaknesse of his earthly Carcase that was asto­nished at the divine presence of the heaven­ly Ambassador.

Grown now famous he thought it necessary to divulge into the world some works in wrighting, whereby his name might encrease: [Page 10] His best help was a Jew scribe, who for want of a better scholler he en­tertained; but shortly after, his Master the Divell (the Church of Christ then laboring with the sicknes of ma­ny Haeresies) procured the acquaintance of a Christian called Sergius born in Alexandria, by profession a Monke, and by infection a Ne­storian, wittie, eloquent [Page 11] and learned, who ha­ving mist of some Ec­clesiasticall preferment which in his opinion he had deserved) full of despight and revenge, in a divelifh discontent, sought as well to raise a scandall upon the Chri­stian Religion, as upon the professors thereof; the readiest way to kin­dle this fire, he found to be Mahomet; who (as is already said) had won [Page 12] some extraordinary o­pinion of sanctity. Af­ter some conference be­tween them, the Jew for insufficiency was dis­charged. Sergius being fully informed how Mahomet had hitherto proceeded, made him to understaud how weakly and grossly he had er­red in fundamental points, necessary for the advancement of a new Religion; and cunning­ly [Page 13] shewed him, not only the meanes how to smoothe his past errors without scandall, but to compose a new treatise, collected out of the old and new Testament (with devised additions that should give credit to his Doctrine and humor the hearers) which being divulged amongst the Idolatrous people (who were easi­ly caught) spread the [Page 14] poyson it contained o­ver all the Arrabies, but the wiser sort fea­ring (as they had cause) that the setling of a new Religion, might also draw with it a new forme of government; opposed themselves a­gainst it, calling Maho­met an Imposter, repro­ving his hypocrisie, and taxing his sensualitie and drunkennesse (of both which hee was [Page 15] guilty) and sent to ap­prehend him; whereof Mahomet from some of his frends in Mecca ha­ving notice left his Cave, and fled to the Desarts [the sixteenth of July 622 from which flight the Turks begin their computation A­thegira] unto whom divers Novelists resor­ted; as also such as the Estates had banished for approving his late [...] [Page 14] [...] [Page 15] [Page 16] coyned trash: This swarme of Wasps be­ing stirred, nothing but revenge could ease their hearts; Mahomet wil­lingly taking the ad­vantage there offered, enlarged his thoughts, holding it now lesse dif­ficill for him to obtaine a kingdom, then the ti­tle of a Prophet which he had obtained.

To make a smoothe way to his enterprise, [Page 17] by underhand meanes, he exasperated the hea­dy Novelists (whereof there were many of wealth and estimation) to be sensible of their banishment, and to re­paire their wrongs by force; himselfe recoun­ted unto them Revela­tions which assured him that God was dis­pleased with the Mec­cans, for the rigorous persecuting of him and [Page 18] his Sectuaries; that God willed to chastize their Tyranny; of victorie he was assured, and who­soever of them died in that holy Warre, his Soule should presently ascend to Heaven: with these and such like mo­tives the giddy people encouraged and sedu­ced, elected Mahomet to be their Chiefe, who (ordayning Officers & Captaines, and recei­ving [Page 19] an Oath of fideli­ty as well from them, as from their troops) mar­ched to the City of Al­medina, and tooke it by force: This first good fortune wrought the effect he desired, for in­stantly by his Army, he was saluted Calipha; which, interpreted, is King, and because his creation hapned upon a Friday, that day was ordayned by him to [Page 20] be their Sabbaoth.

His next conquest was the City of Mecca where he triumphed in the blood of his neigh­bour Citizens, which was not spared; and proclaimed death to all those that did not em­brace his Doctrine.

The Princes and great men in Arabia (opposite unto him) as­sembled all their forces. Mahomet, being too [Page 21] weake was overthrown wounded, and fled to Mecca; yet in the end the warre continuing) he prevailed, and redu­ced the three Arabies under his subjection. Grown great and glori­ous with his victories, and at that time the Emperor of Constan­tinople and King of Persia being men of weake and tame Spi­rits, he invaded their [Page 22] Dominions, and with a conquering sword tri­umphed over Syria, the City of Jerusalem, the kingdome of Mesopo­tamia and Persia, the great City of Babylon with other Eastern Provinces; of all which as of the Arabies, he styled himselfe King being now grown elde [...] by his inordinate life, in the state of his body then in yeeres, which [Page 23] exceded not fifty seven, full of glory, as well in regard of his large Em­pire, as in opinion of sanctity, in being estee­med a Prophet, and weary with warre, with a fained holynesse (un­der which maske he in­tended to take his ease) sequestred himself from publique affaires, com­mitting the govern­ment of his estates to the Lievetenants with­in [Page 24] in three yeeres follow­ing, which was in Anno Domini 631, the sixtith yeere of his Age, and the tenth of his Reign he died: Upon his death-bed he commen­ded unto his principal Commanders, the care and use of his fantasti­call Law, assuring them that it was agreeable to the will of God, and that so long as they and their posterity should hold [Page 25] and maintaine it, they should flourish.

This false Prophet and usurping Prince, pretended paternally to discend from the Patri­arch Abraham by his eldest Sonne Ismael, and to avoyd the infamie of an unlawfull bed his suc­cessors affirmed that Is­mael was the Sonne of Sara, not of the bond-woman Agar whereup­on the Arabians (which [Page 26] is the undoubted name of that people) are by some writers (of Ismael) called Ismalites, & by o­thers (of Agar) Agarens. And (of Sara) Sarazens, but in this latter time they are distinguished by the name of Arabi­ans Moores, and Maho­metans, the first is pro­per only to those which inhabit in Arabia: the Mores are the progeny of such Arabians as af­ter [Page 27] their Conquests sea­ted themselves in that part of Affrica, the Ma­nometans is the generall name of all nations that professe Mahomet, as Turks, Tartars, Persi­ans, &c.

Of the successors of Mahomet until the yeere of our Lord 673, the writers vary in opinion both in name, and num­ber of the Caliphaes and in the yeeres of their [Page 28] reignes: the reason that begat their errors pro­ceeded from the dissen­tion that happened (a­bout the succession) a­mongst Mahomet's kins­men, evermore anti-Ca­liphaes starting up with pretended titles in op­position to him that had the Diadem; whereof some were murthered and others deposed, so as the writers either out of ignorance (not able [Page 29] to discerne the truth, or wilfully partiall) have erred. Notwithstanding their civill tumults they kept Mahomet's Domi­nions, and inherited his fortunes, for every of them added somwhat to his Monarchie, where by they became fearfull to the world, and potent in Asia, Affrica, and Europe.

The fourth Calipha (agreed upon by Hist­oriographers) [Page 30] was callded Hozman or Azman hus­band to Mahomet's daughter, who percei­ving (that in this up­start Religion) Schisms and diversities of opini­ons began to rise, by the helpe of his wifes mo­ther recovered Maho­met's papers wherein his law was written, which hee caused to be digested into one volume conta­ning foure books divi­ded [Page 31] into 206 Chapters, and called it the Alco­ran, commanding the same to be published, & upon paine of death to be observed by his sub­jects. Hee was a great Conqueror, and wan much upon the Christi­ans: but this discourse treateth not of his par­ticular actions, or of his successors (untill the reigne of Abilqualet Ia­cob Myramamolin sur­named [Page 32] Almanzor (which interpreted is the defen­dor of the law of God) sonne to Abilqualet Ca­lipha of the Arabians, who seeing his sonnes a­bilitie to govern, him­selfe (by reason of yeres exceeding 70, unable to mannage publique a­ffaires) in the yeere of Christ 675. resigned his Scepter unto him: Without comparison hee was the greatest [Page 33] Monarch then living upon the earth. The seat of his Empire (as his predecessors accust­omed) was at Zarvall in Arabia Foelix, from east to west his domini­ons were bounded with the river Indus in Asia, and the Atlantick seas which in length exceed­ed the Roman Empire. The conquests he made were admirable, all which in this collection [Page 34] are omitted untill the 37 yeere of his reigne in which he attempted the conquest of Spaine, a­breviated out of two Arabique writers tran­slated into Spanish in anno. 1606. Both the Authors living in his time, the one a Cap­taine in that war, and the other for 20 yeeres together of Almanzors chamber, and after his death a Provinciall Go­vernor [Page 35] in Arabia Foe­lix.

In the yeere of our redemption 712. Don Roderigo in the right of Don Sancho his elder brothers Soone (then in minoritie) swayed the Spanish Monarchie, ha­ving so faire a Jewell in his possession, and un­willing to loose kingly power (after so long use of it) his impostumed heart swolne with Am­bition, [Page 36] poysned in the center, restles and care full; he only held and ap­proved such Counsel (without respect of con­science or honor) as might worke his end. The way to fixe the Crown to his head (which while his Ne­phew lived sat loose) was to deprive him of his life. Anagilda (mo­ther to Don Sancho) fea­ring what shee suspected [Page 37] and suspecting no lesse then there was cause, had a watchfull eye over her sonne; as much afflicted how to avoyd harme, as Don Roderigo was per­plexed how to contrive it. The first project was to poyson him at a ban­quet, but the mothers care prevented the inno­cents danger, that fail­ing hee corrupted one Ataulpho his Favorite to kill him; Ataulpho [Page 38] not prodigall of his life, which he knew to be in danger, both in hot and cold blood after a mur­ther, perswaded Don Roderigo to frame some coulourable accusations against him, and once in prison hee might at lea­sure without any perill, act what he listed. Ataul­pho was presently sent with commission to ap­prehend Don Sancho, then resident in Cordo­va, [Page 39] promise of reward gave him wings in his post, at midnight the Prince was taken in his bed, carried out of the towne and committed to guard. Anagilda though greived beyond expression with the acci­dent, yet being a Ladie of great spirit, armed such servants and friends as shee had; pursued A­taulpho besiedged the Castle where hee and [Page 40] her sonne were; tooke it by force, him prisoner: slewe the rest, and reco­vered the Prince, which done, trussing up her treasure and jewels with a small trayne of her servants, shee fled to a port town appertaining to the Earle Don Iu­lian; but fearing that no part of Spaine would be able to protect her a­gainst Regal authoritie, shee resolved to passe in­to [Page 41] Affrica; at her depar­ture shee wrote unto the King: the messenger was Ataulpho: his reward, life and libertie: yet with losse of nose and eares, as a marke of infamie due unto him for underta­king the execution of a wicked act. The King Roderigo not thinking it possible (in the im­ployment against his Nephewe) to meet with crosse accidents, knewe [Page 42] not how with discreti­on to governe his con­ceived joyes, for such was his opinion of A­taulphoes wit, and confi­dence in his love, that h [...] assured himselfe the de­signe was effected; bu [...] as reckoning made with­out an hoste is subject to a reare accompt: so this Prince out of his win­dow seeing Ataulpho en­tering into his gates dis­membred of nose and [Page 43] ears, stood both amused and amazed, but when Ataulpho had recounted unto him his mis-for­tunes, and that the Prince and his mother were out of his reach, his passion so far mastered his reason, as that he see­med mad: and like to one in a frenzie; tooke the letter, and read it by snatches; pointing no­thing truely: and under­standing no whit what [Page 44] hee read. The content [...] were taxations of hi [...] Loyaltie towards hi [...] soveraigne Lord, hi [...] Nephewe. That he had malitiously out of ambi­tion and selfe love, unna­turally sought his de­struction, she put him in mind what an unwor­thie thing it was for a man of courage and spi­rit to make war upon a woman and an infant willed him to call his [Page 45] conscience to account, to repent his sinnefull en­terprise, to content him­selfe with his owne e­state, and to restore the Kingdom to the right heire, but if their admo­nitions were like Corne in stony ground, or as words in the ayre fruit­nes, her confidence then was that God, as well for the justnes of the cause which she pursued, as to punish his wickednesse, [Page 46] would give her meane and strength to chastize him: If hee would knowe a briefe relation of his attempt against his Nephewe, shee will led him to read the sto­rie in Ataulphoes face, where it was ingraven. This letter the demon­strative characters of scorne, and revenge fea­red upon the nose and eares of Ataulpho toge­ther with the report of [Page 47] his successes, increased his furie, but passion be­ing over: hee sent for the Carle Don Iulian Lord of Algazira to knowe of him the Queens in­tentions whereof hee could not be ignorant having bene her hoast. Hee assured him that she was gone into Affrica to demand succour and raise war in Spaine. Don Roderigo to prevent this growing storme im­ployed [Page 48] tht Earle. (fur­nished and laoden with Instructions, Present and Jewels) to Mur Leivetenant in the Mo­roccoes for the great Calipha Almanzor to confirme amitie, and to disswade him from ayd­ing the fugitive Queene which Negotiation (ac­cording to the trust re­posed) hee faithfully discharged; but before his ambassage had recei­ved [Page 49] answere, the Queene and her Sonne the Prince sickned & dyed at Tunger: whereof Don Roderigo being in­form'd lost no time to so­lemnize his coronation, the Crowne (by his Nephews death) being when his right, but yet his conscience accusing him of his wickednesse, hee feared revenge from those that were faithfull unto his Nephew [...] for [Page 50] prevention whereof some hee displaced from their goverments, other [...] were imprisoned, and many under colour o [...] Justice executed. For hi [...] further securitie he disar­med his subjects; such Castles and strength [...] as hee was jealous o [...] were raced, other fortified and cōmited to the trust of his owne creatures, which done he thought he might [Page 51] (parler ensire) give lawes and take his pleasure, which hee spared not sensually to follow in enticing and forcing (without respect of qua­lities) mens wives and daughters. Yet being desirous of lawfull issue to set up his seat, hee tooke to wife a stranger which happened unto him by a strange acci­dent. At that time there lived in the Easterne [Page 52] part of Affrica a Moore King called Mahomet Abnebedin whose only daughter and heir [...] Zabra, with other young Ladies her attendants (wantonly disposed to be sea-sicke) the weather inviting them to it: put to the sea; but this faire calme was suddainely clouded with a storme, and such a continued fret ensued, as that for safetie of [Page 53] their lives, they were enforced to spoone be­fore the winde; which continuing for many dayes together, at last cast them upon the coast of Spaine, where with difficultie (sicke and weather-beaten) they arriued at a place called Caba de Gata, taken prisoners and sent to Don Roderigo, who after a fewe daies in­chanted with her beau­tie, [Page 54] became her prisoner. The young Ladie, though a Mahometan borne, yet to better the condition of a Captive dispensed with her Re­ligion: was Baptized and solemnly married unto him. Those of her traine of either sex that would turne Christians remained with her; the rest were honorably sent home. The Moore King hearing of his [Page 55] daughters fortune (as if he had bene strucken with a thunderbolt) in­stantly died. Unto whom Almanzor the great Calipha succeeded as his next Cousin. Don Roderigo wallowing in his pleasures, and in them never satisfied, was shortly after surpri­zed with a new love, which proved his de­struction: the Earle don Iulian al this while was [Page 56] resident in Affrica ne­gotiating for his ma­ster, with Mura Alman­zors Leivetenant in the Moroccoes, to accom­pany the young Queene his daughter Florinda was sent for; the King pursued her love, which being not able to obtaine by con­sent, hee performed by violence. The young Ladie full of disdaine and mallice by letters [Page 57] to her father complain­ed her mis-fortunes, praying him to take re­venge of her wrong. Don Iulian sensible of his daughters dishonor (which reflected up­on him) hastned his re­turne, and like a wise man smoothely cover­ing his wounds gave the King a good ac­compt of his Ambas­sage; but yet so involved with doubts, as that his [Page 58] returne into Affrica was resolved necessarie. At his departure hee entreated the King to permit Florinda for a few moneths to re­paire to her mother, for in her the comfort of her life consisted, which the King with seeming willingnes unwillingly granted: When the Earle had recovered his own house, hee sent for his frends and kins­men, [Page 59] related unto them the particular wrong done to his daughter and the dishonor cast upon their family, wherein they were all interessed: he besought their advise and ayde. At last it was concluded hee should goe into Af­frica to incite Muza Almanzors Leivetenant to invade Spaine, and they all protested never to lay down Arms un­till [Page 60] their honors by re­venge were repaired. Don Iulian presently imbarqued for Affrica himselfe, his wife, daughter, his whole fa­milie, his moveable goods of price, where being safely arrived (ac­cording to his qualitie) he was entertained by Mura, to whom hee related the rape of his daughter, and the disho­nor cast upon their fa­milie, [Page 61] promising him if hee might be assisted in the revenge to assure unto his maister Alman­zor the conquest of Spaine. Though the proposition pleased Mura, yet in a matter of that weight, he durst not passe his promise untill Almanzors plea­sure was signified; and therfore advised don Iulian to goe into Ara­bia, and hee would give [Page 62] him Lettes of credit which hee doubted not would expedite his de­sires: The Earle with a favorable passage landed in Syria and so over land with in a fewe daies post, presented himselfe to Almanzor, who being a wise Prince rich, strong in men, and satisfied with Don Iu­lian's Letter, which in all likely-hood pro­mised a good event, [Page 63] yet hee thought it wis­dome at the first with a small charge to make triall, before hee were too far plunged in war, and concluding upon this Counsell he dismis­sed the Earle laden with rewards, honorable usage, and an answere to Muza, which being by him received he victu­alled and embarqued 6000 foote and a few horse: Cōmitted to the [Page 64] charge of Tarif Abinzi­oc [alias Tarif Abonzar­ca] born in Syria in the Citie Damasco; but to follow the advise of don Iulian in whose wis­dome his hope was ex­posed with these troups they landed at a place named by the Moores Jabalsgath, by interpre­tation the Mountaine of Conquest, and since corruptly called Gi­bralter, they were no [Page 65] sooner landed, but don Iulian's confederats, joy­ned with them, burnt and harrazed the Coun­trie, slewe all those whom they thought loyall to don Roderigo and rich in spoile, and prisoners reimbarqued, for Affrica. Don Rode­rigo hearing the relati­ons of this first attempt, and fearing a greater tempest, began to re­pent him of his sensuall [Page 66] life, and especially of his violating Florinda, who had moved re­venge in her Father; whose wisdom, power and valour, was to be feared, as also his tyran­ny exercised upon the dependants of his Ne­phew; which had made him hatefull to his peo­ple; his praecipitate Councels in defacing Castles and strong pla­ces; the disarming of [Page 67] his Subjects, and the too prodigall waste of his Treasure, all which presented unto him im­minent calamities irre­parable: Yet these de­signes of terror, did not so much amaze him, as he neglected to prepare for a warre, wherein no meanes was ommitted to prepare strength, trea­sure and victuals, for a necessary defence; Mu­za, Tarif and Iulian, ha­ving [Page 68] their spirits raised by their fortunes, re­solved the prosecution of the Conquest, but wanting authority to proceede, Tarif and Iu­lian (joyned in Com­mission) were dispatch­ed to Almanzor, who received them with great honor, and being perswaded by demon­strative reasons how facile it was to perform that enterprize, he ap­plauded [Page 69] the project, and hastning them away, made election of Tarif to be the Generall for the warre, authentical­ly firmed under his hand and seale, dated at his Pallace at Zarvall in Arabia Foelix, the two and twentith day of December 713/92: al­so presently by Com­mission he raised troops in the Levant, to the number of 30000 well [Page 70] armed, which he com­mitted to the leading of Hira, a Greeke Rene­gado his favorite: He likewise wrote to the king of Tunis his kins­man for forces, who lea­vied of his own Sub­jects 30000 foot & 3000 horse, sending with them for their chiefe his second sonne Maho­met Gilhaimre. These forces aforesaid were leavied in the Moneths [Page 71] of June and August, in Anno 714/93 and safely ar­rived in the Moroccoes where Muza for their reliefe quartered them upon the Countrey, un­till he heard from Tarif and Iulian, who with 6000 foote and 300 horse, Christians and Moors, were passed in­to Spaine to seise upon some port, to assure their landing. The place they made choyse of; [Page 72] was (in favor of the generall) called Tariff [before called Ca [...]teya] and since cor­ruptly Tarifa.

Don Roderigo, watchfull to withstand their landing, described an army to the field of 30000 foote, and 5000 horse cōmanded by his faithfull servant dis­membred Ataulpho. In the first encounter Tar­if was beaten and rout­ed, [Page 73] much blood drawn, & armes lost. The next morning an old woman willingly taken) was brought to Tarif by his Sentinels; having kissed his feet; Sir said she be­leeve what I shal tel you for I am the messenger of good news. When was a child. I heard my Father who was let­ [...]ered often read in a [...]ooke (much esteemed by him) That this [Page 74] Kingdome should be Conquered by the Moores; Their captaine should have on his right shoulder an hairy Moale as big as a pease: That his right arme should be longer then his left and standing upright hee might easily touch his knee, if you (said shee) have these marks then God hath ordained this conquest for you My humble suite is, that [Page 75] my poore family, and my selfe may have your safeguard, that in our bodies and goods wee may receive no preju­dice; Tarif glad to heare this discription of him­selfe (for hee had these signes which shee nam­ed) to satisfie don Iulian and the whole armie put off his cloaths; they found it true, and the poore woman went joy­full away, obtaining her [Page 76] suite. The armie encou­raged by this passage were greedy to fight, and Tarif no lesse confi­dent (to hold them by necessitie valiant) burne all his ships a Pinnace excepted, which he pre­served to send relations of his successe to Mura. The next day they joy­ned battail, the Christi­ans were defeated: A­taulpho (expressing as much wisdome and va­lor [Page 77] as could be required in a Generall) slaine; Tarif and don Iulian were both wounded, one in the Arme the other in the leg. Of this victo­ry they sent advertise­ment to Mura, and de­sired him to hasten a­way the supplies which came from Ara­bia, and Tunis. On the other side don Roderigo (making his Rende­vous at Cordova) drew [Page 78] to an head 80000 foote, and 10000 horse: the Vantguard of his troopes (which consist­ed of 50000 foot and 3000 horse) hee assigned to his Cousen don Orpas (Archbishop of Sivill) to confront the enemy. In the meane time sup­plies from the Moroe­coes arived, & Tarif's army by poole was 60000 foote and 10000 horse strong; Orpas in hope to [Page 79] win honor, began to skirmish which procu­red the joyning of their forces; Night tooke up the quarrell almost with equall losse. The night following the Moores gave a Canvasado upon don Orpas, the Christians to a man were all slaine and taken prisoners, and their Generall presented alive to Tarif; Mura (as hee was glad for the ge­nerall cause of these [Page 80] good successes, yet e­mulating Tarif) raised in his government an army of 25000 foote; 6000 horse and volun­tiers infinite accomoda­ted with all provisions meet for a war; and lea­ving his brother Ismael to govern in his absence hee passed into Spaine, and being joyned to Tarif's troops they mustered 180000 foote; and 40000 horse.

[Page 81] Don Roderigo seeing his enemies forces so hugely increased, and two of his armies defea­ted resolved to sett up his rest, and in person to hazard his fortune. His armie upon an exact muster appeared to be 130000 foot and 25000 horse: for his Leivete­nant Generall he nomi­nated don Almeriq; a man of known vallor; and his Cabinet Coun­sellor. [Page 82] Unto his troopes (to raise up their weake spirits) hee made a speech. They promised in defence of him, and their Countrie to do the offices of faithfull sub­jects and Patriotts, which don with alacritie they marched towards the enemy, but with this ill passage, for don Ruero the kings Standard bea­rer fell suddainly dead from his horse and brake [Page 83] the staffe; which wrought effects of feare in many, not long after these puissant Armies lodged close together. The first three daies from morning to night (with much but equall losse) they skirmished. The day folowing be­ing the third of October 714/94 the most of their troopes on either side were drawn forth; the Moores lost 10000 [Page 84] foote, and 300 horse, the Christians 3000 foote and 800 horse, together with don Almeriq; their Leivetenant Generall, after one daies rest they sought againe from noone til night; in which on either part much blood was drawn, and Mahomet the King of Tunis sonne and don Iu­lian, grievously woun­ded.

The next day with [Page 85] equall desire of revenge they encountred, but stormy weather parted the quarrell not without great slaughter.

The wednesday fol­lowing their forces joy­ned, the Christians were broken and routed; and few escaped the edge of the sword. But don Ro­derigo by the goodnes of his horse escaped. Tarif prosecuting the victorie marched to Cordova, [Page 86] and with out resistance tooke it; but in his heart not satisfied because the King was fled, hee pro­claimed that whosoever would bring his person to him, either alive, or dead should be honored, and rewarded according to his owne content. Hope of gaine provo­ked divers (aswel Chri­stians as Moores and Renegadoes) to make search for him; and a [Page 87] man cloathed like the King, and for the king was presented to Tarif, but in examination it appeared it was a shep­hard, with whom the king (his horse being ty­red) changed his gar­ments; but what that man was, or whether he went he knew not; after that he was nevermore heard of: and of his issue no mention is made by any writers, but of one [Page 88] daughter named Donna Eligona a Ladie of in­comparable beautie who was a sucking in­fant when her Father died. Of her a few words by way of digression is not impertinent. Shee was fostered by one Cra­tilo (her fathers servant) and as his child a­mongst his children nourished, with whom shee lived concealed un­till shee was 24 yeeres [Page 89] old, Cratilo would have married her to his sonne but shee disdained the match. A Nephew of Cratilo's (being passio­nately in love with her) maliced his Cousen, and to breake the match (which still hee feared) hee discovered the con­cealed Ladie to Abdali­ces, Generall in Spaine for the Monarch of the Arabians that then was, who fell in love with his [Page 90] Captive and tooke he [...] to wife permitting her the exercise of her own Religion. Not long af­ter hee rebelled, and in his wives right proclai­med himselfe King of Spaine, his Captaine and Leivetenants fea­ring that his love to his wife would make him to turne Christian slew him in his house, the Queene frighted with the murther being great [Page 91] with child fell in labor and died. In her the issue of don Roderigo the last King of the Gothish blood in Spaine fayled. The Queene Zabra, Don Roderigo's wife, was taken in her Pallace at Cordova, whom Tar­if used with al humanity and left her in the Custo­die of Mahomet prince of Tunis (not yet reco­vered of his late hurts) and for his assistance a [Page 92] Moore named Habdil­bar. Then dividing his armie into two parts, the one himselfe toward the Citie of Granada and Mura with the o­ther marched into An­daluzia, but before he departed from Cordova he erected Mahometan, Mosquetos, leaving cer­tain churches for Christi­an service. The Prince of Tunis carefully tended his faire charge: but [Page 93] in seeking to keep her, [...]ost himselfe: his first at­tempt was to perswade her (being born a great Princesse and neere in blood to Almanzor) to returne againe to the Mahometan law, which [...]f she would doe, he was sure that Almanzor would restore her king­dome unto her, and if shee could cast her love upon him, hee would labor to merrit it, and [Page 94] be her faithfull servant. The Ladie like a strong sort with stood his a­ssults, and all his pay­ments were denyalls, for she was resolved nei­ther to returne to her [...]omit, nor to be his mi­stris. His love increasing shee prevailed with him to receive baptisme: and that done she yeelded to be his wife; both which were secretly so­lemnized by a Christian Priest.

[Page 95]Not many daies af­ter Sisiberta one of the Ladies which was taken with the Queene (when by tempest shee was driven into Spaine) and with her had received baptisme, for the loved a yong Moore, renoun­ced Christianitie, and betrayed the late mar­riage (wherewith she was trusted) unto Hab­dilbar. Tarif being by him advertized of the [Page 96] accident, commanded him to imprison the married couple and the Priest; but because the King of Tunis was great Prince, hee durst not proceede against them as hee desired, be­fore the King had been advertized of his sonnes acts, which at large in writing (well testified) hee sent unto him. The King enraged returned his expresse pleasure to [Page 97] behead him unlesse hee would imbrace the Ma­hometan law. But these yong Princes neither repenting their baptis­me, nor fearing the sen­tence of death (like con­stant Martyrs with the Priest that married them) were executed & their bodies cast into a ditch; but afterwards by stealth in the night buried by Christians.

The two Generals, [Page 98] Tarif and Mura with Conquering swords, by force and Composition (in South Spaine) bare all before them (the Cittie of Hispalis now Sevill only excepted) which they forbare my approach fearing the plague, wherewith it was visited; their troops over travailed and spent with long Marches (or­dinarie duties whereto Armies in the field are [Page 99] subject) and want of Cloathes, required rest; which moved the Generalls to retreite to the Randevous at Cordo­va, where after supplies of provision made, and the soldiers refresh't, they concluded to joyn their forces, and to in­vade Castile, in which Province their Armie found small resistance, the weaker places sent submission before sum­moning, [Page 98] the stronge [...] yeelding upon Compo­sition, so that in a māne [...] they might say as Caesar Veni, Vidi, Vici, with this prosperous success they marched over the mountaines Pyrene untill they came upon the French ground; their desires led them further, but the great Almanzor's Commissi­ons listed them within Spaine, which Counsai­led [Page 99] their retreite through Arragon: Va­ [...]entia, aud Murcia: lea­ [...]ing, every where, as they marched (in pla­ces fit to be held) suffici­ent garrisons, with the [...]est they returned to Cordova.

In all those Conquests Don Iulian accompani­ed the Generalls and for reward of the good ser­vice he, and his kinsmen and followrs had done, [...] [Page 98] [...] [Page 99] [Page 102] Tarif (authorized b [...] Almanzor) did not only possesse them of the lands they had, but gave them larger bounds, l [...]censed them to depar [...] to their dwellings, and attend their husbandrie. For by the war the Countrie was meerly wasted. Then his care was, how to hold that hee had gotten; the way to keep it was to plans Collonies, the want he [Page 103] found was women, to supply that defect (the women of Arabia and Affrica being unwilling to com into Spaine) hee proclamed the same im­munities to the Christi­an-men and women (if they would adore Ma­homet) as the Moores had. The poore Span­yards generally afflicted with miserie, to repaire their own fortunes; se­cure their lives, and [Page 102] gaine their free-dom; in multitudes took hold of the Proclamation; forsook their Religion gave their daughters to the Moors in marriage; and labored the ground: the leading Deare were two Archbishops Con­sins to Don Roderigo, one called Don Torifo, the other Don Orpas, be­fore mentioned, both of them forsaking Christ, and assuming Mahomet for their God.

[Page 103]Yet the Mountanous Countries of the Astu­rias and Biscayans had not felt the invadors force, into them for sa­fetie many principall men and some of the blood royall had put themselves.

To subdue that rem­nant of people, Tarif sent an armie of six thousand under the co­mand of Abrahen a Tar­tar, and directions to the [Page 106] Garrisons adjoyning (as occasion offered) to assist him, and with him hee also sent the two Renegado Bishops.

The Christians (now Mountaniers) elected a yong gentleman of the blood royall, called Don Pelago to be their King unto whom they gave obedience, and in him al their hopes remained. When Abrahen was entred the Mountaines, [Page 107] hee sent the Renegado Prelats with large pro­mises of reward to per­swade them to render. When they came to Don Pelago's presence and had delivered their message, hee bound them in ropes, and from the top of an high rock they were tumbled where they ended their wretched daies, and the same night the Tartar (trusting to the Credit [Page 106] of the Renegado Priests) negligent and carelesse. Don Pelago gave a Canvasado upon his camp, slew most of his men, and retyred to his strength. Abraheu with a few fled to Tole­do where after for shame and greife hee died.

Tarif at his unfortu­nate successe was much troubled, and by reason of his many garrisons [Page 107] not able to put an army into the feild to prose­cute the war) only strengthned the fronti­er, untill hee received new directions from Almanzor. But before his dispatches was made he received, from Don Pelago, a letter sent by a Moore prisoner, where­in hee made known un­to him his lawfull suc­cession (by the death of don Roderigo) to the [Page 110] kingdome of Spaine, and although God in his Justice had punished him for his offences; yet in the same God he was confident not only to be defended from his force; but enabled to re­cover his right, and as for the two holy Am­bassadors (the Apostate Priests and his kins-men who were sent by him to perswade him to deny Christ and render [Page 111] subjection) hee gave him notice of their de­served deaths, and con­cluded, before he would be guilie to his own dishonor, in submitting himselfe to an Heathen, or renounce the faith wherin he was Baptiz'd he would die if he had then a thousand lives; Dated in the ninth of July 715/94. As Tarif was sorie to understand his resolution, so was [Page 110] hee extreame glad to heare that Don Roderi­go was dead, whereof untill then hee had not assurance, and in post dispatched a Packet to Almanzor giving him accompt of his Con­quest, how that all Spaine (the Mountains of Biscay and the Astu­rias, into which a few Chistians were sled, and the Cittie of Sivilla not yet free from the plague [Page 111] excepted, were reduced to his obedience. Nevertheles because his garri­sons were many, & the Mountaines by their natural strength almost in accessible, hee humbly besought supplies not doubting but to yeeld him contentment in his charge. Lastly he recommended unto his favor the good service of don Iulian and of Habdilbar, who in the [Page 114] stead of the Prince of Tunis hee had made Governor of Cordova, being in his opinion the meetest place for the Royall seat. Almanzor though well pleased with Tarif's relation, yet for his better infor­mation returned his pleasure by the same post, Commanding him to make his present and personall repaire to his Court, to substitute [Page 115] in his absence Habdilbar (Governor of Cordo­va) Leivetenant Gene­rall of Spaine, and to re­quire Mura to returne to his goverment of the Moroccoes, which had need of his presence. In this meane while Don Iulian attended his domestick affaires at his towne of Villa Vi­ciosa, now called Mala­ga, which being put in some good order, hee [Page 114] sent into Affrica for his wife, and daughter, who during the war remai­ned in Tangier. But Florinda, heart broken and comfortlesse, trans­ported with passion be­yond her strength, ha­ving locked a doore be­hind her, ascended to the top of the highest Turret in her fathers Castle, then calling for her Governesse, shee prayed her to entreat [Page 115] her parents to come forth, unto whome she desired to say somthing before shee died. This stragicall summons being by them obeyed she cursed the day of her birth aswell in respect of the dishonor done to her, as to be the cause of the slaughter of so many Christians, the extin­guishing of Religion and the utter subversion of so flourishing a King­dome [Page 118] shee accused her father for his over-sharp revenge, and her selfe shee censured unwor­thie of life in being the cause of such irreparable mischeifs, after her prayers to God, her re­quest to her father was, that from thence forth that town should be no more called Villa Vici­osa, but Malacho (which signifieth Por­que mala) in memorie [Page 119] of her that there ended her life, being the most unfortunate ill woman that ever lived; and there with all; not giv­ing eare to the perswa­sions, and teares of her aged parents, shee cast her selfe head-long to the ground, and dyed.

The third day follow­ing don Iulian oppres­sed with griefe fell in­stantly mad and killed himselfe with his punni­niard. [Page 118] The old Ladie for some longer time work­out a miserable life, ea­ten with a Canker, rot­ting living, infamous and odious to all that beheld her. For want of heirs don Iulian's lands fell by Escheate to Al­manzor.

Tarif being imbar­qued for Arabia: Mura in his government and Habdilbar setled in his Leivetenacie of Spaine. [Page 121] Mura fearing that Ta­rif would rob him of his honor due unto him, and ascribe unto him­selfe the Conquest of Spaine, he sent his bro­ther Ismael to make par­ticular relation to Al­manzor of his merrit, and also in a letter he remembred his own actions, his opinion how Spaine ought to be governed, what for­ces were meet to finish [Page 122] the war, described the kingdome, praysed Tar­if, and advised Alman­zor himselfe to come in person to take the po­session of his Conquest Although that Tarif had fully instructed his master in all things that concerned Spaine, ye [...] Ismael was welcome t [...] Almanzor, who was ne­ver wearied to heare re­lations of his good suc­cesses gave satisfaction [Page 123] to Mura by Letter, and stayed Ismael imploying him in Aprill 715/94 in an Ambassage to the King of Tunis aswell to condole with him the necessary death of his sonne (who was execu­ted in Spaine) as to crave his daughter Omalhair in marriage for his eldest sonne Abilqualit.

In July following Is­mael returned with an­swered agreeable to Al­mamzor's [Page 124] heart, for re­ward of which service hee was made Aquaz [...] de los Reges Moros which is agreeable in power with the Presi­dent of Castile.

For the peopling of Spaine with Moores Almanzor published proclamations through out his dominions in Affrica, that such sub­jects of his as would passe thither with the [Page 125] families should have [...]ands apportioned unto them at easie rents, pri­viledged with liberties, and exemptions; upon knowledge whereof five thousand families of Moores and Jewes were planted in Spaine, where by in a small time the Kingdome was so well replenish't, as that little signe of war appeared.

The plague being ceased in Sivill Habdil­bar [Page 126] the Governor (with an armie of 12000 foote and 1000 horse) sate downe before it. But the defendants vallor made him weary of the enter­prise, and with the losse of much time two thou­sand foot, and two hun­dred horse, he returned to Cordova. After some rest and new provisions made, Habdilbar asha­med of the late soome hee had received, and [Page 127] fearing Almanzor's dis­pleasure, matched the second time from Cor­dova to Sivill, his armie cōsisting of fifteen thou­sand foote, and fifteen hundred horse. But the Christians not failing in courage bravely re­sisted, daily falling upon the enimies quarters.

After fortie five daies siege, news was brought to Habdilbar that El­hardaly a Moore gover­nor [Page 128] of the Province and Cittie of Valentia was revolted from his obe­dience, with a purpose to usurpe to himselfe the title of the King of Spaine; as hee was sorie for this news, so was he glad of so good an ex­cuse to rise from before Sivill, having received more losse then former­ly he had done.

Towards this Re­bell Habdilbar with ten [Page 129] thousand foot, and eight hundred horse) marched from Cordova streng­thening his armie with certaine troops raised by the Governor of Murcia. The rebell in the first encounter was defeated, taken, and be­headed, the Cittie of Valencia (for the Cit­tizens offences) sacked, and Mahomet Abenbu­car made Governor of that province.

[Page 130]Althongh Tarif by the spoiles he had got­ten in Spaine, was estee­med the richest subject in Almanzor's Domini­ons, and there with in Common opinion hee might rest satisfied, yet he like a gratefull Prince to a well deserving ser­vant held himselfe bound in honor to lay upon him some visible marke of favor where upon hee made him Go­vernor [Page 131] and Leivetenant Generall of all his King­doms.

The time now drew on for the Consumma­ting of the intended marriage between the yong Prince Abilqualit and the King of Tunis daughter. Tarif, with a fleet of fortie saile, was sent to fetch her; The King of Tunis, as he had reason to think him­selfe much honored to [Page 132] matched his daughter with the great Alman­zor's Heir, so he forgot not to demonstrate his affection by the rich Presents hee sent to the Calipha, and by the rewards hee gave Tarif.

The Princes being arived at the Court, and the marriage So­lemnized, Almanzor, broken with age and in­firmities, having lived Sixtie three yeeres, and [Page 133] reigned fortie two, hee resigned his Scepter to his sonne Abilqualit, the third day of October in in the yeere after our Redemption 716/95 and when all the ceremonies incident to the Resig­nation and Assumpti­on of a Crowne were past, hee retyred to asumptuous Monasterie built by himselfe in the Mountaines, for fortie eight Monasticall men, [Page 134] Governed by a Mora­bits which signifies an Hermit, where with an infirme bodie (Lan­guishing for the space of seaven yeeres in continuall devotions) hee di­ed.

Hee that should write at large the storie of this Prince, discourse his glo­rious actions as they merrit, set downe his virtues, and anatomize al that was good in him, [Page 135] should undertake a taske of great labor; for had he been a Christian, his equal could hardly been found, but his better im­possible, wherefore not to bury so great worth in oblivion it is not im­pertinent briefely to say somwhat of him. In his tender yeeres the hearts of all men began to ad­mire and affect him, as­wel for his person which in beautie, and form ex­celled [Page 136] the children of his age, as for the goodnesse of his disposition, and sharpnes of wit, which was admirable, as his yeeres increased so did his perfections, all vir­tues striving which should be predominant in him, which produced feare and love in his sub­jects hearts evenly bal­lanced towards him. His stature was tall, and seemly, his gesture grave [Page 137] and pleasant; the thoughts of his heart were not discovered in his brow, his limbs strōg and active, valiant, liber­all, devot, wise and lear­ned; being reproved by the king his father for giving a way to the poore in one day by handfulls of Gold the some of 20260. pounds [22 Arrobas and 13 pounds of Gold] for an instruction, told him [Page 138] that a poore King was as a dead man among the living, hee replyed, that Avarice in a prince was base and contempti­ble, that Kings in imi­tation of the Creator (by whose power they rule and reigne) ought to give to the well deser­ving, & needie; heaps of treasure could not adde one day to his life; and being dead nothing but a poore winding sheet [Page 139] remained, which was not snfficient to arme him against the wrath of God, unto whom at the latter day hee must render an accompt of his Actions.

To the King his fa­ther a rich Semitary of great price being presen­ted, the handle whereof was a rich Emrald the Pommell a ballast [or a stone called a Balis] Rubie, the guard and [Page 140] scabberd of beaten gold set with pretious stone, and the blade a Damas­kin [the blade most ex­cellent damsked] of excellent temper; for the rarenesse of so pretious a Jewell shewed it to di­vers of his great men, who admired the per­fections they saw, but found fault that the weapon was somewhat too short; whereat the yong Prince smiled, saying, [Page 141] they were deceived, for the shortnes of a good sword in the hands of a valiant man that dares come up close to his e­nimie was so far from defect, as it brought ad­vantage with it: the king pleased to see in so ten­der yeeres so bold a spi­rit in his son, fastned the sword to his side, saying that he only did mer­rit to weare it that found no fault with it: Before [Page 142] he was 21 yeeres old, he wrote divers bookes of the Mathematiques, Astrologie, art of War, Philosophie, pollicie of state, and a large com­ment upon Aristotles works [three books of Philosophy upon the tents of Arist: in forme of a Cōment] he could perfectly write and speake eleaven severall Languages, expressing his minde, and answe­ring [Page 143] Ambassadors in them with out the help of a Truchman, his fa­ther being old, joying in his sons perfections, upon the tenth of Janu­ary 654 resigned his Scepter to him, which addition of greatnes bred no other Alterati­on in him, then a greater desire to increase in goodnes, his Ambition striving no lesse to be re­puted virtuous then to [Page 144] keepe and enlarge his Dominions, his aparell ordinarily was plaine; but on festivall daies no prince more sumptuous At his meat, which for the most part was pri­vat, he seldome had a­bove two dishes, and that but once a day, two servants to attend him, and never dranke in gold, or silver cup though of them his of­ficers were royally sto­red, [Page 145] Surfetters, and Cor­morants he compared to beasts voyd of rea­son. Towards the Eve­ning his Major Domo had accesse to his pre­sence to inform him of the disorders in his house, if any were; which instantly were reformed: For relief of poore suitors, meat was daily provided to suf­fice 200 persons; and a place in his house assig­ned [Page 146] for them to resort unto, winter or summer, except he were sick; he was readie before Sun­rise, yet never slept in the day for a preservati­on of health; he bathed often in his Listine. He was never known to make a Ly, nor to his knowledg spake an un­truth, he termed Lyers disciples of the Divell, the plague of the world, betrayers of truth, [Page 147] destroyers of Conversa­tion, and the right hand of iniquitie, no man that lyed unto him escaped unpunished but recei­ved his punishment an­swerable to the weight of his Ly, the least was onblik disgrace, but lies of moment he Chasti­zed with whipping, cut­ting of tongues, banish­ment, disabling to be witnes, and in some case life was taken, which [Page 148] rigor bred terror in wicked dispositions, and restrained false informa­tion, and unnecessarie suits, the dayes of the weeke he designed in their order to their pro­per distributions, and e­very of them (when ur­gent occasion inforced not the contrary) were daily observed.

The Friday which is the Arabians Sabbath he spent in devotion, [Page 149] never missing his houres in the Mosquetaes, his progression thither was solemne, attended by his cheife Alcaydes, Counsellors, and offi­cers, and the guards of horse, and foot; when prayer was ended, not far from the Mosque­tas, set in his royall seat, he remayned a good space to receive petiti­ons, the poorest not be­ing debarred his pre­sence; [Page 150] before hee depar­ted, an officer, or cryed with a loud voyce gave notice to the suitors to attend the next morning at the Court of Justice where they should re­ceive answer.

Upon Satterdaies, personally, he sat in Judgment, the cheife Justice produced the pe­titions exhibited the day past, which being read, and the suitors [Page 151] questioned withal, who durst not aver an un­truth, the causes were ordered; where difficulties did arise such were re­ferred to his Councell, but the longest delay ne­ver exceeded fifteen dayes. In cases criminall Sentence at the farthest was pronounced within nine dayes. Suits of debt had the expedition, but where it appeared that the debtor was rather [Page 152] faultie by accident then by his defaults, the king oftentimes out of his own treasurie would pay poore mens debts. His severe punishing of lies, bred the expedition of Justice: for untruths were never suggested, wherof ensued quietnes among his Subjects, and few suits. The like severitie he exercised a­mong theeves, never sparing the lives of the [Page 153] guiltie; wherby in the end his subjects for feare of his Justice were so ter­rified, as if any thing had been lost in the high wayes, or in the streets, the partie that first saw it [this custom was u­sed among the Moores of Granada even to our dayes and seemeth na­turall to them] durst not touch it before he had some witnes to test­ifie that he found it; and [Page 154] that done, placing it in view of the world publi­quely relating where he had it, that the ow­ner might have know­ledg therof.

The Sundaies were assigned to determin Martiall affaires, of that Councell he had but foure, the eldest Coun­cellor presented the dis­patches of the Leivete­nants and generalls that were imployed in ser­vice, [Page 155] and after snfficient debating, the answers were referred to him to be ingrossed: when he resolved to enter into a new War, he advised only with him that shold be Generall of his land-forces, and his Ad­mirall, saying that all o­thers were needles being their offices to obey, and execute. The first day of his consultations was only to heare what they [Page 156] could object against his propositions, the second what men and Muniti­on were needfull, and how to dispose of them; the third, and last was to give directions to of­ficers to put their Coun­cells in execution; He ordained that his Gene­ral by land while he was upon the Sea, should be commanded by the Ad­mirall, and upon the shoare the Admirall to [Page 157] obey the land Generall, hee never bestowed charge, or office upon men of War, although they were of good mer­rit, that sued for them; Places that were voyd, hee conferred upon worthie men recom­mended by his General. Parentage and Allies wrought no partiallitie, in him merrit only pre­vailed, of all his men of war that were of note, [Page 158] he ever kept a List, and caused memorialls to be abstracted of their time spent in the wars, their particular services, pla­ces of byrth, and dwel­lings; He was of opini­on that before all others they were meetest to be preferred to great places as well in peace as war, for they had the strong­est spirits to execute Justice, their experience best knew the humors [Page 159] of all sorts of men, wher­by their judgements were ripened, the mise­ries which themselves had felt, gave them a true feeling of poore mens wants. They which knew how to win, and defend king­doms, in reason should be best able to hold them in obedience: and concluded that valiant men were more sensible of honor, honestie and [Page 160] reputation; and prized those attributs at an higher rate then any o­ther condition of men whatsoever, wherof, of some of those he ever made his election when Offices fell voyd.

The Mondaies were ordained to advise upon the Civill government of his dominions assist­ed only with foure Councellors, the eldest Councellor presented [Page 161] the causes unto him, to whome the dispatches were referred, and the same day he gave pub­lique audience to al that had just cause to com­plaine of Civill Magi­strats: If the informa­tion were false, the in­formers were severely punished, if true, the magistrats were not spa­red, and which of them was but once justly pro­ved to have been cor­rupt, [Page 162] no mediation of friends, or promise of amendment could make his peace, but evermore disabled to beare office.

The Tuesdaies hee as­signed for Hawking, and Hunting, and dy­ned in the fields pub­liquely amongst his Courtires, and huntes­men: after dinner he would sit at his Tent­doore, permitting the poore to resort unto [Page 163] him, and with his own hands bountifully dis­pence his Charitie, but especially to the father­lesse Children, and wid­dows, never refusing to give liberally for God's sake to any per­son, not demanding whether hee were Christian, Moore, Jew, or Gentile. Once it chanced he lost his Company, and meeting with a poore faint Crea­ture, [Page 164] which in his sight with weaknes sunck to the ground, the king a­lighted, set him upon his horse, and walked two leagues by his stir­rop holding the raines, and brought him to a house where he cōman­ded that he should be at­tended, till he was reco­vered; the poore man having knowledg who it was that had done him that service, ama­zed, [Page 165] craved pardon thanking him for his Charity: Thanke not me said Almanzor, but the soveraigne Creator who ordained me to meet you, for I have done but that which was my dutie to the distressed.

The Wednesdaies hee gave himselfe to Musique and rest in his privat lodgings, where also he had Artificrs [Page 166] that wrought in silver, gold, copper and iron, in whose Arts he tooke delight, and with his own hands could per­form Curious works.

Upon the Thursdaies hee conversed only with learned men, hea­ring them dispute, and argue upon such propo­sitions as he offered; when any doubts arised himselfe would turne the bookes, and mode­rate [Page 167] their disputations, that day they din'd with him, and when the questions had been suf­ficiently disputed; he gave them at their de­parture new propofitiōs for them to thinke up­on against the next thursday.

To understand the humor, and disposition of his people, and his officers integritie he would many times goe [Page 168] guised into the Cittie in the habit of a priest, souldier, begger, or Marchant [It is to be noted that in those daies the Arabians used to weare vailes over their faces] speaking freely of the King, and his of­ficers and soothe the company he was in; whereby hee enfor­med himselfe both of his own faults, and theirs, which being dis­covered, [Page 169] held his sub­jects in generall in such awe, as when three, or more were talking toge­ther, it passed for a by­word, Take heed least Almanzor heare you, he was such an enemie to idlenesse, as that he was ever busied in some vir­tuous exercise, and made a law, that all snch persons of what condi­tion soever did not spend their time in some [Page 170] profitable, or laudable Art should be reputed infamous; he built, and finished in his life time five hundred and six principall Mosqui­tas, eightie and two Hospitalls, and as many Colledges for schollers, endowed them with great possessions, every yeere at his own charge he bestowed in marraige one thousand mayden Orphants: the almes he [Page 171] gave was admirable; by land and sea he won 86 battails, in 13 of them, he was personally pre­sent, and in them he took five Kings priso­ners and slew one, the spoile evermore was in­differently divided a­mongst the soldiers, the widdowes, and children of the slaine had their shares reserved for them; in his librarie af­ter his death there was [Page 172] found fiftie five thou­sand seven hundred twentie two volumes of books, [containing in wrighting one thousand two hundred nineteen Quintals of paper, each Quintall being an hun­dred weight] to get that masse together, hee pro­clamed throughout his Dominions, rewards to such as could present books which he had not wherin his bountie ex­ceeded: [Page 173] at last broken with yeeres, and infirmi­ties, and residing in his Monasterie sometimes he would admit his an­tient servants to visit him. His discourses for the most part were ei­ther heavenly contem­plations, or of his sonne, desiring above all earth­ly joyes to heare that he were a good, and a just king; his sicknes increa­sing he sent him admo­nitorie [Page 174] Letters advi­sing him not to presume upon his regall estate which was fraile, sub­ject to mutation, with­in Limits, vaine, una­sured; to humble him­selfe to the Creator, God eternal, by whom kings were ordained, whose power was infinite, ever­lasting and supreame. That above all things he should be carefull to administer Justice with­out [Page 175] partialitie, and a­voyd severitie, wherin he should imitate the King of glorie, who was goodnes it selfe, and from whom all our good works did spring; if he swarved from his rules, his Justice was In­justice, his Clemencie tyrannie, his Charitie avarice, all his actions wicked: That he ought not to be ignorant that his wisdome was but [...] [Page 174] [...] [Page 175] [Page 176] foolishnes, his mercie extended but to externe things, pardoning of sinnes was not in his power; his Justice streched no farther then corporall afflictions, o­ver mens soules he had no power: Therefore he wished him not to glo­rie in his earthly great­nes, to contemplate up­on the humane miseries wherunto all flesh is sub­ject, and that neither his [Page 177] vast Empire, or Kingly power was able to draw one drop of raine from the Clouds, nor to make a green leafe, or free him from wordly vexations. That hee should ever­more thinke upon his end, remember that he was a miserable, and wretched sinner, that af­ter this life he was to render an exact ac­compt unto the So­veraigne King, the Cre­ator [Page 178] of all things, & that the accompt of Princes were greater, and more feare­full then meaner mens; which duly cōsidered, he must conclude that nei­ther himselfe, his domi­nions, or power were to be esteemed pretious: Hee admonished him to beware of pride, calling her the right hand of the devill, the path of perdi­tion, the nurse of sin, the gate of hell, & the prin­cipall [Page 179] hooke wherwith the infernall spirit draws miserable Soules into his burning lake: he wil­led him to tread her un­der foot, and not to o­verjoy in his death; For if Kings had the true fee­ling of their duties, they would rather mourne and fast at their Corona­tions, then feast and tri­umph as is accustomed. That he should no time make, or beare with a [Page 180] Ly, for Lyers, are divels in flesh, enemies to truth subverters of justice, fyrebrands of sedition, causers of rebellion, de­stroyers of kingdoms, & to themselves thus much harmefull, that when they speake truth they are not beleeved; Lastly he admonished him to performe the service of God before all his other actions, to adore him in singlenes of heart, and [Page 181] humility, to be just, in judgements, charitable, and in his wayes direct, and then he might be sure, that God would blesse him both in this world, and in the world to come, [from his house of Albasadin the twentith day of Rageb anno 96.] Although he felt his disease incurable, yet the Phisitions ceased not to put him in hope of recovery, after some [Page 182] reproofes he thanked them for their endevors but said he, the daies of men are limited, and the will of God must be obeyed, your learning & practice connot adde unto me one daies life, beyond the prefixed day wherin I must die; From the begining of my sicknes I knew my disease was mortall it is a vanitie to speake of impossibilities, I cannot [Page 183] live, and I thanke my God that deilivers me from the calamities of this miserable world, which said; he coman­ded his sonnes Abilqua­lit, and Abrahen [the Infant Abrahen] to be brought to his presence whom he admonished to live in brotherly love, that their concord would be as a wall of brasse in their defence, that their dissention [Page 184] would hazard the disso­lution acquired by him and his Ancestors; and turning his speech to his yongest sonne. I Comand you said he upon paine of my male­diction to reverence and obey King Abilqualit your brother, honor and serve him, in stead of me as your Father, and Lord. Then casting his eys upon Abilqualit re­quired upon the same to [Page 185] love and cherish his bro­ther. Then causing him­selfe to be raised in his bed, he sent for his kins­men, great officers, and servants unto whom he made a large speech of the miseries of this life, of the eternall joyes he was going unto, and prayed them to let him know whether he were indebted unto any of them for rewards, or o­therwise, that he might [Page 186] take present order for their satisfaction, and al­so humbly besought them, that they would forgive him all his offen­ces towards them, as he freely pardoned them in all wherin thy had of­fended him; for God said he will never at the lat­ter day extend his mer­cies to the mercilesse; and further as an argu­ment of eheir loves to­wards him, he intreated [Page 187] them to be at his funeral Then calling every one by his name they kissed his hands and departed, his next care was to dis­pose his goods, Jewells, and plate, which he cōmanded to be sold, and given to the poore (his books excepted) which he gave to Abil­qualit with Condition that he should marry one thousand Orphants giving to every of them [Page 188] in dowry one thousand miticules. Hee likewise freed all his slaves, and never after that was known to cast his thoughts upon worldly busines, the rest of his daies he spent in con­templation, and prayer.

Abilqualit presently after the possession of the Crown like a wise Prince, [Abilqualit fol­lowed his Father in go­vernmnt to admiratiō: [Page 189] Save only in his Liber­alytie and Charitie] was carefull to settle his estate; his greatest feare, was the stirring spirit of his brother Abrahen. To give him som con­tentment (without pe­ril to himselfe) he gave him the government of Arabia Petraea; a small Province, poore, weake and steril: But con­trary to his expectation (before he was warme [Page 190] in his Seate) Abenbucar Governor of Damasko rebelled, in hope to win the Garland. Against this Rebell Abilqualit, with a huge Armie, put himselfe into the field. Abrahen, taking hold of occasion, under colour to assist his brother, le­vied forces, and march­ed directly to his Court (where according to his qualitie) he was recei­ved and served by the [Page 191] Kings officers; being in possession of the house, he set guards upon it, seized the moveables, committed the persons of the Queen and yong Prince to safe keeping, and som principall men (towards whom he stood ill affected) were executed; which done, by feare, flattery and re­ward, he was proclamed and crowned King.

To second and assure [Page 192] his fortunes (leaving sufficient Garrisons in his Palace) he marched after his brother, wher­of when relation was made to Abilqualit, he left the pursuit he fol­lowed and retreited; within a few daies the Armies lodged neer to­gether; the King un­willing to hazard his undoubted right in the chance of battell, and moved (as he preten­ded) [Page 193] with Compassion, to save the lives of his naturall subjects, he sent to his brother Abrahen to intreat him to cōmi­serate the publique estate of the Monarchy, which (by their dissen­tions) was in perill of ruine, to pittie the lives of so many men and good subjects which were like to perish, and if he would dissolve his Army, he promised not [...] [Page 192] [...] [Page 193] [Page 194] only to pardon all past offences, but impart to him such a proportion of his kingdomes, as might give him satis­faction. Whereunto A­brahen returned answere that he came not thither to treat, but to fight, and that nothing but the sword should arbitrate between them, admoni­shing the messengers to return no more, for who­soever brought him [Page 195] proffers of composioti­on should die. The next morning the twelfth of November in anno 717/90 the Armies joy­ned, Abilqualit was bea­ten and fled, never look­ing behind him untill hee came to the sea coast, where in a small Pinnace he passed to the kingdome of Tunis, putting himselfe into the protection of the King his father in law, [Page 196] when notice was brought to Abrahen that his brother was e­scaped, by easie journies he retyred (the way he came) to Zarvall in A­rabia, where the second time (for a confirmati­on of his election) he was crowned. After some rest (his domestick and publick affaires be­ing ordered) with a small Armie of fifteen thou­sand foot, and fifteen [Page 197] hundred horse, he marched towards A­benbuchar the Rebell, who put into the field twentie thousand foot, and two thousand horse, plentifully furnished with war-like provisi­ons. When the armies approached in view of one another, Abrahen sent messengers to Abenbuchar to perswade him (not having any pre­tence to the Crowne) [Page 198] to desist from his trea­son and yeeld him obe­dience, and he would both pardon him, and advance his fortunes. Answer was returned that he, which had borne Arms against his naturall brother, and soveraigne, and out of his proud Ambition had wrongfully torne the Crowne from his head, was an infamous traytor; for his particu­lar, [Page 199] he was moved in conscience (being Go­vernor of Damasco) to defend the people com­mitted to his charge from insolencies, and oppressions, wherewith they were daily vexed by the evill government of Abilqualit. Hee un­derstood not how men by naturall right should challenge succession in Kingdomes. That Scepters appertained [Page 200] only to such as God bles­sed with valor, and wis­dome; to those only, power and dominion was due, and to none o­ther, and therfore he would not desist from his enterprize. Abrahen transported with chol­ler, although he was dis­swaded by his Captains not to try the fortune of a battell obeyed pas­sion, and paid the price of his follie, for his ar­mie [Page 201] was routed, his men for the most part slaine, his baggage made a prey to the Mounta­niers, and thence disgui­sed (by by-waies) with many perils, and sad thoughts he recovered his Pallace in Arabia, where within fiftie daies he listed under cōman­ders, and Captaines fortie thousand foot, and five thousand horse, and with admirable ex­pedition [Page 202] marched to­wards Abenbucar who nothing dismaid, drew to the field with an ar­mie of thirtie thou­sand foot, and three hundred horse; with e­quall courages their for­ces joyned, Abenbucar defeated and taken, was presented to Abrahen, who in furie (without speech) seized upon him and in the presence of all his troopes with his [Page 203] own hands cut his throat and smoat off his head, which he cau­sed to be set upon the chiefe Port in Damas­co; his skin pulled off, and stuffed with straw was placed by it, and his bodie left to be de­voured by birds, and beasts, all the cheif com­manders that followed Abenbucar were like­wise executed, and A­bentirix (one of his fa­vorits) [Page 204] was left to go­vern Damasco, which done, in tryumph he re­turned to Arabia.

Whilest these com­bustions continued in the East, Abilqualit at Tunis prepared for the war, Mura Governor of the Moroccoes was sent for, who leaving an Arab of Arabia Petraea for his Leivetenant, with thirtie thousand foot well armed, store [Page 205] of Munition and trea­sure repaired unto him; the second day of march in anno 718/97. Unto the which the King of Tu­nis added his forces in number little inferiour to the other. The office of the Leivetenant Ge­nerall was conferred up­on Tarif, in whose wis­dom, valour, dexteritie experience and fortune, Abilqualit did repose much confidence. In [Page 206] imbarking his troops he lost no time, and fa­vored with a westerly wind, and faire weather, they arived in Syria. The rumor of Abilqua­lit with a powerfull ar­mie being noysed throughout the Coun­trie, from all parts mul­titudes resorted unto him, his forces by the booke of Checque ap­peared to be sixtie five thousand foot, and five [Page 207] thousand horse. Abra­hen fearing his brothers forces, was not in provi­dent to defend his wrongfull posseffion, and to that end, with in­credible celeritie, he ar­med to the field sixtie thousand foot, and horse. In the constan­cie of his people he was somewhat diffident, wherfore to confirme their hearts unto him he spared not to pro­mise [Page 208] large rewards, to lay before them their perils (if his brother were victor) and con­cludes that it were much better for them to die then over live their honors: the third day of November in the yeere aforesaid, the two brethren, with drawne swords, dispu­ted their right, the rivers were dyed with blood of the dead that fell on [Page 209] either part, the battell continued from mor­ning till Sun-set: Abra­hen slaine, his Armie broken, and every man sought the best he could for safetie, wherunto the favor of the night gave good advantage. As Abilqualit had rea­son to joy in so great a victorie, so did he grieve at his brothers death, whom he coveted (in the love he bare to [Page 210] him) rather to have been his prisoner, then to have seene him dead. In mourning garments with teares he followed his Corps to the Fune­rall, his Cōmanders, and Captaines did the like, and was in pompe interred with his An­cestors in the Cittie of Zarvall. In this battaill also Tarif received a sleight wound in the arme wherof he died, [Page 211] to do him honor Abil­qualit in black attended him to the grave, wept over him, and laid him by his brother, these fu­neralls ended, with a wrathfull heart (in an­other forme) he perfor­med others, causing ex­ecution to be done upon the cheifest that ranne his brothers fortunes, the rest were pardoned, and having ordered his affairs (lately distem­pered) [Page 212] lived in peace.

In Spaine the Go­vernor Habdilbar (by Cōmandement of his King) prosecuted Don Pelago; to be enformed of his strength he hyred a Renegado Spaniard to view his forces, or­der, and abyding places: but taken by Don Pela­go's guards was brought to him and tortured; yet his wit and constan­cy quit him of suspition, [Page 213] and being freed he retur­ned to Cordova recoun­ting to Habdilbar his perils, and discovery, assuring him that Don Pelago was weake in men, and Arms, and victuals; that is stron­gest places were not dificil to winne, and that the Christians were full of feare; upon trust of these relations, the governor selecting out of his garrisons twelve [Page 214] thousand choice foot (for of horse there was no use) marched to­wards the Mountaines. All the force that Don Pelago did make, excee­ded not obove two thousand, with these he resolved to make the best defence he might, and reposing more con­fidence in his wit than in his sword, he divided them into many parts placing them upon [Page 215] straits and advantage of ground, yet so as they might upon all occasi­ons second one another, in the very first encoun­ter which was in a bog­gie wood full of rocks (formerly possest by the Christians and where an armie could not march informe) Habdilbar was beaten put to a running retreit, and lost two thousand besides hurt men and prisoners, [Page 216] wherwith enraged, to ease his Choller he han­ged the Renegado Spie and in dispaire to pre­vaile against men that were inhabitants in such inaccessible grounds (fortified by nature) he lost the enterprise till a further time, and retur­ned to Cordova.

Abilqualit living in peace by an unlooked for accident was drawn into a new war which a­rose [Page 217] by the death of his father in law the King of Tunis, who decea­sing without any other heire than his daughter Omilhaire (Abilqualit's wife) that kingdome in right did appertaine to her. Upon the re­port of his death, the Arabian Monarch sent one of his great Com­māders Abenmarchan in his name to take posses­sion of the Realme, [Page 218] which without contra­diction was effected, and the principall subjects sware their allegeance to him in the name of Abilqualit, proclaming him King; for a few monthes, no distur­bance appeared, untill one called Haaken next heire male in blood to the deceased king (repy­ning that the kingdome should fall to a distaffe, and therby in subjection [Page 219] to a stranger) valuing himself worthie therof, by promise of reward, and under-hand meanes (alured many of the best qualitie) to ap­prove, and favor his clayme, his first enter­prise was acted upon the person of Abenmarchan the governor, in assaul­ting his house, and kil­ling him and his ser­vants, and that done proclamed himselfe [Page 220] King unto whom obe­dience was sworn, Abil­qualit having advertis­ment of his rebellion, dispatched a Post the second of Aprill 719/98 to Mura his governor in Moroccoes (with such forces as he could make) presently to repaire un­to him, who (with ex­tream expedition) im­barked twentie thou­sand horse and foot ar­med, and victualled, and [Page 221] shortly after arived in the port of Vaffa, in Sy­ria, where Abilqualit had drawn to a head twentie five thousand foot, and eight hundred horse, with these troops (over whom Mura was ordained Leivetenant general) the king in per­son put himself to Sea, and with favorable wea­ther landed in the king­dome of Tunis. To withstand the Assailant, [Page 222] Hacen (the usurping King) leavied forces consisting of fortie thousand foot, and eight thousand horse: In the first encounter Abilqua­lit's losse was more than Hacens. Among others of note Ismael (the son of Mura) was wounded to the death, for which disaster Abilqualit being pensive: Sir said the no­ble Mura (his father) my sonne came not hi­ther [Page 223] for spoile; to win honor and to do you ser­vice were his ends, if he die it imports not much: for being borne to dye, his dayes are crowned with glory in finishing them where your eyes are witnes of his valor.

The day following being the ninth day of October 121/100 the Ar­mies joyned, Hacen was overthrown, and Abil­qualit [Page 224] in triumph made his entrie into the Cittie of Tunis; but not accompting his victorie compleat (except Ha­cen's sonne were in his possession) he procla­med large rewards to him, or them that could bring him alive or dead. Miserable Hacen (dri­ven to extremities) was glad to cover himself in a desolate Cave, where being bayed by Shep­heards [Page 225] dogs he was dis­covered, taken, and brought bound to Abil­qualit. Instead of humilitie (the inherent quali­tie to unfortunate men) hee used unreverent speech, which breeding passion in the Conque­ror, produced Tyranni­call effects, in impaling him upon a stake, wher­on after five dayes tor­ment he dyed, the men of qualitie that assisted [Page 226] Hacen being executed, the Countrie setled, and Abrahen Hacen left go­vernor: Abilqualit sailed to the Levant, and try­umphantly returned to his Cittie of Zarvall, where resting himselfe but a while, he went in devotion to Mecca to adore the Sepulcher of Mahomet. In his journy homewords through the desarts, the sands, moved by winde, buri­ed [Page 227] three thousand of his traine, himselfe, and the rest escaped with great danger.

The yeere following Almanzor (consumed with languishing disea­ses) [the third day of the Moone Rageb in the hundred and second yeere of the Hixera] in anno domini 723/102 died being the seventith yere of his age, the fortie one of his reigne, before the [Page 228] resignation of his Crown, and the sea­venth of his Monasti­call life: of whose death as soone as Abilqualit had knowledge, he dis­patched messengers to all the great officers throughout his domini­ons to give them notice of it, that according to the accustomed manner (in the like occasions) they should command blacks to be worne (by [Page 229] the better sort of peo­ple) in all Citties; pray for his Soule and give almes. He was buried in the Mountain of Nue in a sumptuous Mosquita built by himselfe in a vault of Jasper, able to containe fortie persons sustained with pillars of guilt Alablaster, & gar­nished with pretious stone. The King his son, his kinsmen, his officers, and Councellors, the [Page 230] chiefe Priests, fifteene thousand other priests, his houshold servants, Courtiers, his guards and an infinite multitude of common people with tearie eyes and mourn­full hearts attended his funeral, upon his Tomb this Epitaph ensuing was enscribed.

Here lies the terror of Christians, Moores and Gentiles, who furrowed the Seas, levelled the [Page 231] Earth, subdued the nati­ons of the world, the Pat­tern of Courtesie, the Tree of Mercy, and to the wick­ed the edge of Iustice. Here he lies that had a bountifull hand, the defen­dor of the poore, the fa­ther of Orphanes, the protector of widdowes, the mirror of Charity, honesty shame facednes and mo­desty, the modell of go­vernment, the Treasurie of Nobilitie, the main­tainer [Page 232] of truth, the ene­mie of Lies, the lover of wisdome; whose fame shall eternally live (for a worthy Monument to fu­ture age) in despight of Conquering time that burnes in oblivion the great actions of Princes Kings and Emperors. Let us pray to the Crea­tor that his glory may be endles, that in imitation of him Monarchs may go­vern their states in peace [Page 233] and that he would be plea­sed to direct our waies in his service, and fill us with his divine grace.

Abilqualit, being for two yeeres together free from rebellion, and li­ving in blissefull peace, after the example of his father, and Grandfather resolved in his life time to settle the Crown up­on his sonne Iacob Al­manzor, a child of tender age, and to that end the [Page 234] first day of March in anno 725/104 he assembled all his great men to his Court at Zarvall, who approving his intent, sware there obedience to the Prince as to the rightfull snccessor of that ample Monarchy. The forme used in the Ceremony ensueth. A­bilqualit Cloathed in royall Roabes, with Crown and Scepter, his Kingly ensignes, ma­jestically [Page 235] sitting in chiar of estate, his sonne upon his right hand, and the high priest upon the left, his Princes and guards being assembled, the high Priest with a loud and audible voyce declared the cause of summoning that royall Court, demanded whe­ther they were conten­ted to sweare their fu­ture obedience unto the Prince, they answered [Page 236] yea. Then said the high priest, in testimony that you have assented, all of you must doe as I and the king will shew you, thereupon the King rose, set his son in his Char­riot; the Prince in to­ken of his filial obedi­ence kissed his Fathers right hand, the father blessed his child, and af­ter in humble reverence kissed his hand, and sate in his sonnes seate: the [Page 237] high priest, and (after him) all the great men, falling at his feet did the like; then a priest appa­relled in a Ceremoniall habit upon a board (in the middest of that as­sembly) laid the Alca­ron; the high priest ri­sing from his seat, de­manded whether they were all content to sweare by the living God and the holy con­tents of that book, to [Page 238] maintaine and defend Iacob Almanzor to be lawfull heire and succes­sor to his father, King Abilqualit, in all his kingdoms and domi­nions, wherunto they answered content; the high Priest replyed, whosoever doth not constantly fulfill, and maintain his assent here given, let him be held a person infamous, a traytor to the royall [Page 239] Crowne, and let the vengeance, and male­diction of the Sover­aigne God fall upon him, and his; the assemblie answared Amen. Then the King rose from his seat, kissed the booke, and laid it upon his head, and returned to his place; the same was done by the high Priest and the rest; the high priest then turning to the Prince said. Your [Page 240] Highnesse must sweare by the most high and Soveraigne God, and by the contents of this holy booke (as King and Lord of these king­doms) that you will administer and main­taine Justice indifferent­ly between your sub­jects, that you will ful­fill and preserve unto them al the priviledges, and franchises (justly [...]ted by the Kings) [Page 241] your predecessors where by they may live in peace without grievan­ces, the Prince said he would be sworn unto it, if you do not said the high Priest accomplish your promise and oath, let that Vengeance and Malediction of the high and Soveraigne God fall upon you as upon him that is perjured, the Prince replyed Amen. Then the Prince rose [Page 242] from his Regall seat, kissed the booke, laid it upon his head, and re­turned to his place, where pausing a little while, attended with all the guards in pompe, trumpets, and musicall instruments sounding: he rode to the principall Mosquita, prayed, and returned to his Palace where King Abilqualit attended his comming. The next day was spent [Page 243] in feasting, triumphs and other Martiall exer­cises, the day following they repaired againe to the Chamber of assem­blie, where the high priest demanded whe­ther they were content to ratifie and affirme the oath they had taken, they answered, yea. Then the King Abil­qualit, the high priest, and the rest (according to their degrees) one af­ter [Page 244] another with hum­ble reverence kissed the Princes hand, who gi­ving them thanks the Ceremony ended.

Not long after, the king sickned, his disease grew strong, and the Phisitians skill too weake to remedie it; the tender yeeres of his son required a Governor, to which office by his test­ament, he made electi­on of one of his neere [Page 245] men (in whose faith he reposed trust) called Mahomet Amzarij. Then laying aside all wordly busines, he con­ferred only with religi­ous men, prayed inces­santly, died.

The Queene Dow­ager pleased with the ayre and seat of the Monastery where Al­manzor died removed the yong King thither and in her motherly [Page 246] love staid with him. The Kingly power was established in Mahomet Amzarij who finding himselfe obeyed as king despised the estate of a subject, and resolved to set the Crown upon his own head: the way unto it he conceived to be li­berality towards all, but especially to the great officers, governors of Provinces, and Cap­tains; The men of war [Page 247] being his Creatures the rest were easily to be wrought. Unto them he was bountifull, and courteous, denying no­thing sued for, and often giving before it was as­ked. With this carriage he so inchanted their hearts, as his partie see­med strong, but yet acti­ons of great weight can­not be effected without advice and ayde. The first man to whom he [Page 248] discovered his pretence was Abenzulayman his creature, advanced by him to be one of the foure Councellors at war: but his heart detest­ing the horrible treason, used perswasions to him to give over the enter­prize, laying before his judgment the generall love borne to the yong king their naturall sove­raigne; the little hope of prevailing, the intestine [Page 249] war, and the hazard which the Empire should runne into, by it, and that the murther of the King (for murthred he must be) would make him odious unto all men, and not only di­vert the principall Go­vernors hearts from him, but raise the like ambition (by his exam­ple) in others to revolt and establish themselves kings in their particular [Page 250] governments. Though the traitorly Protector liked not the reply, no­thing squaring to his end, yet he gave him not over, hoping at last to win him to his bent, but he like an honest loyall Patriot stifly persevered in his disswasions; after many assaults, seeing no end of the Protectors tentations, afflicted in his Soule to ease him­selfe, and give remedy [Page 251] to the danger which ne­cessarily must ensue if he smothered it unto himselfe, he resolved to breath it out unto Mura the Governor of the Moroccoes (then being at the Court) and high­ly esteemed for his va­lour, wisdom, wealth, and dignitie, unto him he discovered the trea­son; to prevent it, they found no other meanes so good, as to know [Page 252] what course the pro­tector would take in the execution therof; wher­fore it was agreed, that Abenzulayman should seeme to like of the mo­tion, he repaired to the protector approved the designe, who told him that he had resolved up­on poyson, as the safest from danger, and least subject to hurt, which was not by the other contradicted. Abenzu­layman [Page 253] with a heavie heart returned to Mura, and in detestation of the intended plot, they resolved to take the Protectors life; but if they failed in the en­terprise (lest perill might ensue to the yong king and his mother) Mura by consent went to the Monastery to give her a foreknowledg of it; who at the first stood fearefully amazed; [Page 254] but by Mura's stronger spirit received comfort, and he poasted back to the Protectors Court. In this meane while, the Protector attended his treasons, and sent the king for a present, a rich garment imbroide­red with pearle and stone artificially, and substantially poysoned.

The carefull Queene, fearing what she found true, would not suffer [Page 255] the King (who was glad of his new Coat) to put it on; but the same night fastned it about a Greyhound, who in the morning was found dead swolth, and readie to burst. The Queene, like a wise Ladie, dis­sembled her just displea­sures, returned letters, and messengers of thanks both in the kings name and her own, and earnestly de­sired [Page 256] him to make his present repaire to the King about businesse of importance, which could neither admit de­lay, nor his absence. A­gainst his comming guards were set upon the gates by whom he was taken, bound, and brought to the Queene, where being charged of manifest treason (which could not be denyed) he was suffocated in a ves­sell [Page 257] of water; his dead bodie laid upon an Asse and carried through the streets, a cryer publish­ed the cause of his deser­ved death Mura and A­benzulayman had their severall hopes to succeed in the Protector-ship; but the Queene foresee­ing the troubles that might ensue, either in joyning them in com­mission, or to preferre the one before the o­ther, [Page 258] assumed the go­vernment of the King and his estate into her own hands, which dis­pleased neither. Mura highly rewarded, retur­ned to the government of his Provinces, and Abenzulaman had the kingdom of Tunis committed to his charge, but died upon the Sea in his passage thither.

All things being in [Page 259] peace, and orderly set­led, the Queene in her government feared, and loved. The yong king in perfect health suddanly (when no cause of feare appeared) sorrow and discomfort tryumphed, the instrument of their victorie was a Spyder (which accidentally fal­ling from the roofe of the Chamber) lighted upon the Kings face where he slept, and bit [Page 260] his eyelid, the venom wherof infecting the blood, inflamed his face, and from thence disper­sed it selfe into the other parts, where getting the masterie, within seaven daies he died, and the Queene the fifteenth day following with o­vermuch abstinence from meat ended her life in sorrow.

The death of this yong King was the ru­ine [Page 261] and utter subversion of the Sarazen Monar­chy, himselfe being the last of the great Alman­zor's issue: yet he wanted not kinsmen, but their titles were intricate and ambiguous, which stir­red up pretenders, a­mongst whom Abenha­chech prevailing by his friends was Crowned King at Zarvall wherof Mura in the Moroc­coes having notice (and [Page 262] antient malice depen­ding between him and the new king) sensible of his own power, assem­bled his Leivetenants, and Captains, and by their unanim Consent, was proclamed king of the Provinces under his charge, which greatnes of his was determined by his death in anno 727/106 he left two sonnes tender infants, the elder not past seaven yeere [Page 263] old. Their Fathers Kingdom was torn from them, and divided by foure of his Leivete­nant Governors, styling themselves Kings of their Provinces, namly of Morocco, Fez, Suz, and Ducdo. The Go­vernors of Tunis and Sarsall (now Argier) set Crowns upon their heads and assumed the name of Kings. Abenti­rix governor of Damas­co, [Page 264] erected his province into a Kingdom, after­wards killing in a bat­tell the new king Aben­hachech was proclamed king of the Arabians and Monarch of the Moores; divers other Provinces in the East revolted and became Kingdomes. Habdilbar who had governed Spaine many yeeres) following the example [...]f Mura devored in his [Page 265] conceit that Monar­chy; but the inferiour governors tickled with particular ambitions taking hold of occasion refused his obedience, yet of Cordova he made himselfe King. And the Provinciall Governors of Grana­do, Valentia, Murcia, Castilia, Tolledo, Ar­ragon and Biscay, erect­ed their governments into kingdomes, and in [Page 266] after tymes (by their dissentions) many other pettie places in Spaine were so intituled, which gave advantage to the Spaniards to recover their lost Patrimony detained by the Moores (from the conquest made by Tarif, in anno 924/93) and not fully no gained untill in anno one thousand foure hun­dred nintie two Grana­do was Conquered by [Page 267] Don Ornando Catolico and Donna Isabella Kings of all Spaine (Portugall excepted) of seaven hundred seaven­tie eight yeeres.

This great Empire of the Arabians, Sara­zens, or Moores, begun by Mahomet increased for the space of one hun­dred and foure yeeres from East to West. It contain'd more leagues then the Roman Em­pire, [Page 268] and that excepted without all doubt it was the greatest that ever o­beyed one Monarch. In Europe they had Spaine, the most part of France, the Islands Majorca, Minorca, Sci­cillia, Malca, Sardinia, Corfica, Candia, Cy­pres, Rhodes, and all most all the rest in the Mediterranean sea. In Italie, Puglia, and Ca­labria, and all the best [Page 269] maretine townes in Greece. In Affrica they possest a great part of AEthiopia the King­doms of AEgipt, Tunis, Argier, Tremeson, Ducdo, Fez, Suz Mo­rocco, and others. In Asia the three Arabies, Persia, Mesopotamia, Syria, the two Arme­nias, most part of the lesser Asia, and all the kingdoms to the East­ward of Persia, even to [Page 270] the river Indus, which ample Monarchy so largly extended after the yong Kings death, brake as Alexanders did. And as the Ambition and dissention of his Leivetenants rent his Conquest into severall kingdoms; so did twen­tie seaven Governors of the Sarazens Empire divided, and share those Dominions among them. And as time re­duced [Page 271] them to nothing, so were these kingdoms, in so much as (at this present) there is not one powerfull King upon the earth that can vaunt himselfe to be derived from the Arabian blood, but the King of Morocco; the rest of that Empire is now possest, by Christians, Turkes, Persians, o­ther Mahometans and Gentiles.

[Page 227]Hee never chose rich Tyrant to his Councell nor abhorred the poore just man.

Hee never denyed Ju­stice to a poore man for his povertie, nor pardo­ned the rich man for his goods.

Hee never left ilnesse unpunished nor good­nesse without reward.

Hee never Commit­ted to another Justice that was cleere, nor [Page 273] darke judgment, he ne­ver determined by him­selfe alone.

Hee never denyed Ju­stice to them that de­manded it, nor mercy to those that deserved it.

He never did correct any in anger, nor pro­mised reward in his mirth.

Hee never was charged with thoughts in pro­speritie, nor dispaired in adversitie.

[Page 274]Hee never opened his gates to Flatterers, nor laid his eares to Mur­murers.

He never Commit­ted ill for malice, nor any villany for averice.

He ever labored to be beloved of them that were good, and to be dreaded of those that were ill.

He ever favored the poore man & observed the just law of the god­ly.