ON Thursday the 6. of Fe­bruarie in the yeare 1595. we departed England, and the sunday following had sight of the North cape of Spayne, the winde for the most part continuing prosperous: wee passed in sight of the Burlings, and the rocke and so onwardes for the Canaries, and fell with Fuerte ventura the 17. of the same moneth, where we spent two or three daies, and relieued our compa­nies with some fresh meate. From thence we coasted by the Gran Canaria, and so to Tenerife, and staied there for the Lyons whelp your Lordships ship, and for cap­taine Amys Preston and the rest: But when after 7. or 8 daies we found thcm not, wee departed and directed our course for Trinedado with mine owne shippe, and a small barke of Captaine Crosses onely (for we had be­fore lost sight of a smal Gallego on the coast of Spayne, which came with vs from Plymmouth:) wee arriued at Trinedado the 22. of March, casting ancour at point Curiapan, vvhich the Spaniards call punto de Gallo, which is situate in 8. degrees or there abouts: we abode there 4. or 5. daies, and in all that time we came not to the [Page 2] speach of any Indian or Spaniard: on the coast we saw a fire, as we sailed from the point Carao towards Curia­pan, but for feare of the Spanyards, none durst come to speake with vs. I my selfe coasted it in my barge close abord the shore and landed in euery Coue, the better to know the Iland, while the ships kept the cha­nell. From Curiapan after a fewe daies we turned vp Northeast to recouer that place which the Spaniards cal Puerto de los Hispanioles, and the inhabitants Conque­rabia, and as before (reuictualing my barge) I left the shippes and kept by the shore, the better to come to speach with some of the inhabitantes, and also to vn­derstand the riuers, watring places and portes of the Iland which (as it is rudely done) my purpose is to send your Lordship after a fewe daies. From Curiapan I came to a port & seat of Indians called Parico where we founde a fresh-water riuer, but sawe no people. From thence I rowed to another porte, called by the naturals Piche, and by the Spaniardes Tierra de Brea: In the way betweene both were diuers little brooks of fresh water & one salt riuer that had store of oisters vpon the branches of the trees, & were very salt & wel tasted. Al their oisters grow vpon those boughs and spraies, and not on the grounde: the like is com­monly seene in the West Indies and else where. This tree is described by Andrewe Theuet in his french Antartique, and the forme figured in the booke as a plante verye straunge, and by Plinie in his XII. booke of his naturall historie. But in this Ilande, as also in Guiana there are verie manie of them.

At this point called Tierra de Brea or Piche there is [Page 3] that abundance of stone pich, that all the ships of the world may be therewith Ioden from thence, and wee made triall of it in trimming our ships to be most ex­cellent good, and melteth not with the sunne as the pitch of Norway, and therefore for ships trading the south partes very profitable. From thence we went to the mountaine foote called Annaperima, and so pas­ing the riuer Carone on which the Spanish Citie was seated, we met with our ships at puerto de los Hispanio­les or Conquerabia.

This Iland of Trinedado hath the forme of a sheep­hooke, and is but narrow, the north part is very moun­teynous, the soile is very excellent and wil beare suger, ginger, or any other commodity that the Indies yeeld. It hath store of deare, wild porks, fruits, fish & fowle: It hath also for breade sufficient Mais, Cassani, and of those roots and fruits which are common euerywhere in the west Indies. It hath diuers beasts, which the Indies haue not the spainards cōfessed that they found grains of gold in some of the riuers, but they hauing a purpose to enter Guiana (the Magazin of all rich metetls) cared not to spend time in the search therof any farther.This Iland is called by the people thereof Catri, and in it are diuers nations: those about Parico are called Iaio, those at Punto Carao are of the Arwacas, and betweene Ca­rao and Curiadan they are called Saluaios, betweene Carao and punto Gallera are the Nepoios, and those about the Spanish Citie tearme themselues Carinepagotes: Of the rest of the nations, and of other portes and riuers I leaue to speake heere, beeing impertinent to my purpose, and meane to describe them as they are situate in the particular plot and description [Page 4] of the Iland, three partes whereof I coasted with my barge, that I might the better describe it.

Meeting with the shipps at puerto de los Hispanioles, we founde at the landing place a company of Spanyards who kept a gard at the descente, and they offering a signe of peace I sent Captaine Whiddon to speake with them, whome afterward to my great griefe I left buri­ed in the saide Iland after my returne from Guiana, bee­ing a man most honest and valiant. The Spanyards se­med to be desirous to trade with vs, and to enter into tearms of peace, more for doubt of their own strength then for ought else, and in the ende vpon pledge, som of them came abord: the same euening there stale also abord vs in a finall Canoa two Indians, the one of them being a Casique or Lord of the people called Can­tyman, who had the yeare before beene with Captaine Whiddon, and was of his acquaintance. By this Canty­man, wee vnderstood what strength the Spanyardes had, how farre it was to their Citie, and of Don An­thonio de Berreo the gouernour, who was said to be slaine in his second attempt of Guiana, but was nor.

While we remained at puerto de los Hispanioles some Spanyardes came abord vs to buy lynnen of the com­pany, and such other thinges as they wanted, and also to view our shippes and company, all which I entertained kindly and feasted after our manner: by meanes whereof I learned of one and another as much of the estate of Guiana as I could, or as they knew, for those poore souldiers hauing beene many yeares without wine, a fewe draughtes made them merie, in which mood they vaunted of Guiana and of the riches therof, and all what they knew of the wayes and passages, my [Page 5] selfe seeming to purpose nothing lesse then the ente­rance or discouerie thereof, but bred in them an opi­nion that I was bound only for the reliefe of those en­glish, which I had plainted in Virginia, whereof the brute was come among them, which I had performed in my returne if extremity of weather had not forst me from the saide coast.

I found occasions of staying in this place for two causes: the one was to be reuenged of Berreo, who the yeare before betraied 8. of Captaine Whiddons met, & tooke them while he departed from them to seeke the E. Bonauenture, which ariued at Trinedado the day before from the East Indies: in whose absence Barreo sent a Canoa abord the pinnace only with Indians and dogs inuiting the company to go with them into the wods to kil a deare, who like wise men in the absence of their Captaine followed the Indians but were no sooner one harquebush shot from the shore, but Berreos souldiers lying in ambush had them al, notwithstanding that he had giuen his worde to Captaine Whiddon that they should take water and wood safely: the other cause of my stay was, for that by discourse with the Spanyards I dayly learned more and more of Guiana, of the riuers and passages, and of the enterprize of Berreo, by what meanes or fault he failed, and how he meant to prose­cute the same.

While we thus spent the time I was assured by ano­ther Casique of the north side of the Iland, that Berreo had sent to Marguerita & to Cumana for souldiers mea­ning to haue giuen me a Cassado at parting, if it had bin possible. For although he had giuen order through all the Iland that no Indian should come aborde to trade [Page 6] with me vpon paine of hanging and quartering, (ha­uing executed two of them for the same which I after­wardes founde) yet euerie night there came some with most lamētable complaints of his cruelty, how he had deuided the Iland & giuen to euery soldier a part, that he made the ancient Cassiqui which were Lordes of the countrie to be their slaues, that he kept them in chains, & dropped their naked bodies with burning bacon, & such other torments, which I found afterwards to be true: for in the citie after I entred the same, there were 5. of the Lords or litle kings (which they call Casiqui in the west Indies) in one chaine almost dead of famine, & wasted with torments: these are called in their own langauge Acarewana, and now of late since English, French, & Spanish are come among them, they cal themselues Capitaines, because they perceiue that the chiefest of euery ship is called by that name. Those fiue Capitaines in the chaine were called Wannawanare, Car­roaori, Maquarima; Tarroopanama, & Aterima. So as both to be reuenged of the former wrong, as also conside­ring that to enter Guiana by small boats, to depart 400. or 500. miles from my ships, and to leaue a garison in my backe interressed in the same enterprize, who also daily expected supplies out of Spaine, I should haue sauoured very much of the Asse: and therefore taking a time of most aduantage, I set upon the Corp duguard in the euening, and haueing put them to the sword, sent Captaine Calfield onwards with 60. soldiers, & my selfe followed with 40. more & so toke their new city which they called S. Ioseph, by breake of day: they abode not a­ny fight after a few shot, & al being dismissed but only Berreo & his companion, I brought them with mea­bord, [Page 7] and at the instance of the Indians, I set their now City of S. Iosephs on fire.

The same day arriued Captaine George Gifford with your Lord ships ship, & Captaine Keymis whom I lost on the coast of Spayne, with the Gallego, and in them diuers Gent. and others, which to our little army was a great comfort and supply.

We then hastened away towards our purposed dis­couerie, and first I called all the Captaines of the Iland together that were enemies to the Spaniards, for there were some which Berreo had broght out of other coun­tries, & planted there to eat out & wast those that were natural of the place, & by my Indian interpreter, which I caried out of England, I made them vnderstand that I was the seruant of a Queene, who was the great Casi­que of the north, and a virgin, and had more Casique vnder her then there were trees in that Iland: that she was an enemy to the Castelani in respect of their tyran­ny and oppression, and that the deliuered all such na­tions about her, as were by them oppressed, & hauing freed al the coast of the northren world from their fer­uitude had sent me to free them also, and with al to de­fend the countrey of Guiana from their inuasion and conquest. I shewed them her maiesties picture which they so admired and honoured, as it had beene easie to haue brought them Idolatrous thereof.

The like & a more large discourse I made to the rest of the nations both in my passing to Guiana, & to those of the borders, so as in that part of the world her maie­sty is very famous and admirable, whom they now call Ezrabeta Cassipuna Aquerewana, which is as much as Eli­zabeth, the great princesse or greatest commaunder. [Page 8] This done wee left puerto de los Hispanioles, and re­turned to Curiapan, and hauing Berreo my priso­nour I gathered from him as much of Guiana as he knewe.

This Berreo is a gent. vvell descended, and had long serued the Spanish king in Millain, Naples, the lovve Countries and else where, verie valiant & liberall, and a Gent. of great assurednes, and of a great heart: I v­fed him according to his estate and vvorth in all things I could, according to the small meanes I had.

I sent Captain VVhiddon the yeare before to get what knowledge he could of Guiana, and the end of my ior­ney at this time was to discouer & enter the same, but my intelligence was farre from trueth, for the country is situate aboue 600. English miles further from the sea, then I was made beleeue it had beene, which after­ward vnderstanding to be true by Berreo, I kept it from the knowledge of my companie, who else woulde neuer haue beene brought to attempt the same: of which 600. miles I passed 400. leauing my shippes so farre from me at ancor in the sea, which was more of desire to performe that discouery, then of reason, espe­cially hauing such poore & weake vessels to transport our selues in; for in the bottom of an old Gallego which I caused to be fashioned like a Galley, and in one barge, two wherries, and a ship bote of the Lions whelpe, we caried too persons and their victuals for a moneth in the same, being al driuen to lie in the raine & weather, in the open aire, in the burning sunne, & vpon the hard bords, and to dresse our meat, and to cary al manner of furniture in them, wherewith they were so pestred and vnsauery, that what with victuals being most fish, [Page 9] with the weet clothes of so many men thrust together and the heate of the sunne, I will vndertake there was neuer any prison in England, that coulde be founde more vnsauory and lothsome, especially to my selfe, who had for many yeares before beene dieted and cared for in a sort farre more differing.

If Captaine Preston had not beene perswaded that he should haue come too late to Trinedado to haue found vs there (for the moneth was expired which I promi­sed to tarry for him there ere he could recouer the coast of Spayne) but that it had pleased God he might haue ioyned with vs, and that wee had entred the countrey but some ten daies sooner ere the riuers were ouerflow en, we had aduentured either to haue gone to the great City of Manoa, or at least taken so many of the other Cities and townes neerer at hand, as would haue made a royall returne: but it pleased not God so much to fa­uour me at this time: if it shalbe my lot to prosecute the same, I shall willingly spend my life therein, and if any else shalbe enabled thereunto, and conquere the same, I assure him thus much, he shall performe more then euer was done in Mexico by Cortez, or in Peru by Pacaro, wherof the one conquered the Empyre of Mu­tezuma, the other of Guascar, and Atabalipa, and whatso­euer Prince shall possesseit, that Prince shall be Lorde of more Golde, and of a more beautifull Empire, and of more Cities and people, then eyther the king of Spaine, or the great Turke.

But because there may arise many doubtes, and how this Empyre of Guiana is become so populous, and adorned with so many greate Cities, Townes, Temples, and treasures, I thought good to make it [Page 10] knowen, that the Emperor now raigning is descēded from those magnificent Princes of Peru of whose large territories, of whose pollicies, conquests, edifices, and riches Pedro de Cieza, Francisco Lopez, and others haue written large discourses: for when Francisco Pacaro, Di­ego Almagro and others conquered the said Empyre of Peru, and had put to death Atabalipa sonne to Cuayna­capa, which Atabalipa had formerly caused his eldest brother Guascar to be slaine, one of the yonger sonnes of Guaynacapa fled out of Peru, and tooke with him many thousandes of those souldiers of the Empyre called Oreiones, and with those and many others which followed him, he vanquished al that tract and valley of America which is situate betweene the greate riuer of Amazones, and Baraquan, otherwise called Orenoke and Maranion.

The Empyre of Guiana is directly east from Peru towards the sea, and lieth vnder the Equinoctiall line, and it hath more abundance of Golde then any part of Peru, and as many or moe great Cities then euer Peru had when it florished most: it is gouerned by the same lawes, and the Emperour and people obserue the same religion, and the same forme and pollicies in gouernment as was vsed in Peru, not differing in any part: and as I have beene assured by such of the Spany­ardes as haue seene Manoa the imperial Citie of Gui­ana, which the Spaniards cal El Dorado, that for the greatnes, for the riches, and for the excellent seate, it farre exceedeth any of the world, at least of so much of the world as is knowen to the Spanish nation:it is founded vpon a lake of salt water of 200.leagues long like vnto mare caspin̄. And if we compare it to that of Peru, & but [Page 11] read the reiport of Francisco Lopez & others, it wil seeme more then credible, and because we may iudge of the one by the other, I thought good to insert part of the 120, chapter of Lopez in his generall historie of the In­dies, wherein he discribeth the court and magnificence of Guynacapa, auncestor to the Emperour of Guiana, whose very wordes are these. Todo el seruicio de su casa, mesa, y cozina era de oro, y de plata, y quando menos de plata, y cobre per mas rezio. Tenia ensurecamara estatuas huecas de oro que parecian gigantes, y las figuras alpropio, y tamano de quantos animales, aues, arboles, y yeruas produze la tierra, y de quantos peces cria la mary aguas de sus reynos. Tenia assi mesmo sogas, costales, celtas, y troxes de oro y plata, rimeros de palos de oro, que pareciessen lenna raiada para quemar. En fin no auia cosa en su tierra, que no la tuuiesse de oro contrahecha: y aun dizen, que tenian los Ingas vn vergal en vna Islacerca de la Puna, donde se yuan a hol gar, quando querian mar, que tenia la ortaliza, las flores, yarboles de oro y plata, inuencion y grandeza hasta entonces nunca vista. Allende de todo esto tenia infinitissmia cantidad de plata, y oro por labrar en el Cuzco, que se perdio po la muerte de Guascar, ca los Indios lo escondieron, viendo que los espanioles se lo tomauan, y embiauan a Espania. That is, All the vessels of his house, table and kitchin were of Gould and Siluer, and the meanest of siluer & copper for strength and hardnes of mettal. He had in his wardroppe hollow statues of golde which see­med giants, and the figures in proportion and bignes of all the beastes, birdes, trees and hearbes, that the earth bringeth forth: and of all the fishes that the sea or waters of his kingdome breedeth. Hee had also ropes, budgets, chestes and troughs of golde and sil­uer, heapes of billets of golde that seemed woode, [Page 12] marked out to burne. Finally there was nothing in his countrey, whereof he had not the counterfeat in gold: Yea and they say, The Ingas had a garden of pleasure in an Iland neere Puna, where they went to recreate themselues, when they would take the ayre of the sea, which had all kind of garden hearbes, flowers and trees of Gold and Siluer, an inuention, & magnificence til then neuer seene. Besides all this, he had an infinite quantitie of siluer and gold vnwrought in Cuzco which was lost by the death of Guascar, for the Indians hid it, seeing that the Spaniards tooke it, and sent it in­to Spaine.

And in the 117. Chapter Francisco Picarro caused the Goulde, and Siluer of Atabalipa to bee weyed, after hee had taken it, which Lopez setteth downe in these wordes following.

Hallaron cinquenta y dos mill marcos de buena plata, y vu millon y trezientos y veinte y seys mil, y quinientos pesos de oro, which is: They found fiftie and two thousand markes of good siluer, and one million, and three hundred twentie and six thousand and fiue hundred pesoes of golde.

Nowe although these reportes may seeme strange, yet if wee consider the many millions which are daily brought out of Peru into spaine, wee may easely be­leeue the same, for wee finde that by the abundant treasure of that countrey, the Spanish King vexeth all the Princes of Europe, and is become in a fewe yeares from a poore king of Castile the greatest mo­narke of this parte of the worlde, and likelie euery day to increase, if other Princes forsloe the good oc­casions offered, and suffer him to adde this Empire to [Page 13] the rest, which by farre exceedeth all the rest: if his golde now indanger vs, hee will then be vnresista­ble. Such of the Spanyardes as afterwarde endeuou­red the conquest thereof (whereof there haue beene many as shall bee declared heereafter) thought that this Inga, (of who me this Emperor now liuing is des­cended) tooke his way by the riuer Amazones, by that braunch which is callen Papamene, for by that way fol­lowed Oreliano (by the commaundement of the Mar­quis Pacarro in the yeare 1542.) whose name the riuer also beareth this day, which is also by others called Maragnon, althogh Andrew Theuet doth affirm that betwen Maragnon and Amazones there are 120. leagues: but sure it is that those riuers haue one head & beginning, and the Maragnon which Theuet describeth is but a braunch of Amazones, or Oreliano, of which I wil speake more in another place. It was also attempted by Diego Ordace, but whether before Oreliano or after I knowe not: but it is now little lesse then 70. yeares since that Ordace a knight of the order of Saint Iago attempted the same: and it was in the yeare 1542. that Oreliano discouered the riuer of Amazones; but the first that euersawe Manoa was Iohannes Martines maister of the munition to Ordace, At a port called Mo­requito in Guiana there lieth at this day a greate ancor of Ordaces shippe, and this port is some 300. miles within the lande, vpon the greate riuer of Orenoque.

I rested at this port sowre daies: twentie dayes af­ter I left the shippes at Curiapan. The relation of this Martines (who was the first that discouered Manoa (his successe & end is to be seene in the Chauncery of Saint Iuan de puerto rico, whereof Berreo had a copie, which [Page 14] appeared to be the greatest incoragement as well to Berreo as to others that formerly attemped the dis­couery and conquest, Oreliano after he failed of the dis­couery of Guiana, by the saide riuer of Amazones, passed into Spaine, and there obtained a patten of the king for the inuasion and conquest, but died by sea a­bout the Ilandes, and his fleet seuered by tem­pest, the action for that time proceeded not. Die­go Ordace followed the enterprize, and departed Spain with 600. soldiers and 30. horse, who ariuing on the coast of Guiana, was slaine in a mutiny with the most part of such as fauoured him, as also of the rebellious part, in so much as his ships perished, and few or none returned, neither was it certainely knowen what be­came of the saide Ordace, vntill Berreo found the ancor of his ship in the riuer of Orenoque; but it was suppo­sed, and so it is written by Lopez that he perished on the seas, and of other writers diuerfly conceiued & repor­ted. And heereof it came that Martines entred so farre within the Lande and ariued at that Citie of Inga the Emperor, for it chanced that while Ordace with his army rested at the port of Morequito (who was either the first or second that attempted Guiana,) by som neg­ligence, the whol store of powder prouided for the ser­uice, was set on fire, & Martines hauing the chief charg was condemned by the generall Ordace to be executed forthwith: Martines being much fauoured by the sol­diers had al the meane possible procured for his life, but it could not be obtained in other sort then this. That he should be set into a Canoa alone without any victual, only with his armes, and so turnd loose into the great riuer: but it pleased God that the Canoa was caried [Page 15] downe the streame, & that certain of the Guianians met it the same euening, & hauing not at any time sene any Christian, nor any man of that colour, the caried Martynes into the land to be wondred at, and so from towne to towne, vntill he came to the great Citie of Manoa, the seate and residence of Inga the Emperor. The Emperor after he had beheld him, knew him to be a Christian (for it was not long before that his bre­thren Guascar and Atabalipa were vanquished by the Spaniards in Peru) and caused him to be lodged in his pallace, and well entertained: hee liued 7. moneths in Manoa, but not suffered to wander into the countrey any where: hee was also brought thither all the waie blindfield, led by the Indians vntill he came to the entrance of Manoa it selfe, and was 14. or 15. daies in the passage: he auowed at his death that he entred the City at Noon, and then they vncouered his face, & that he trauelled all that day til night thorow the City, and the next day from sun rising to sun setting, ere he came to the pallace of Inga. After that Martynes had liued 7 moneths in Manoa, and began to vnderstand the lan­guage of the country, Inga asked him whether he desi­red to returne into his own countrey, or would wiling­ly abide with him: but Martynes not desirous to stay, ab­tained the fauour of Inga to depart, with whom he sent diuers Guianians to conduct him to the riuer of Oreno­que al loden with as much gold as they could carrie, which he gaue to Martynes at his departure: but whē he was arriued neere the riuers side, the borderers which are called Orenoqueponi robbed him and his Guianians of all the treasure (the borderers beeing at that time at warres which Inga, had not conquered) saue onely of [Page 16] two great bottels of gords, which were filled with beads of golde curiously wrought, which those Orenoqueponi thought had bin no other thing then his drink or meat or graine for food with which Martynes had liberty to passe, and so in Canoas he fell down from the riuer of O­renoque to Trinedado, and from thence to Marguerita, & so to Saint Iuan de puerto rico, where remaining a long tyme for passage into Spaine he died. In the time of his extreeme sicknesse, and when he was without hope of life, receiuing the Sacrament at the handes of his Confessor, he deliuered these things, with the relation of his trauels, and also called for his Culabaza or gords of the gold beads which he gave to the Church & fri­ers to be praid for. This Martynes was he that christ­ned the citie of Manoa, by the name of El Dorado, and as Berreo informed me vpon this occasion. Those Guia­nians and also the borderers, and all other in that tract which I haue seen are marueylous great drunkards, in which vice I thinke no nation can compare with them and at the times of their solemne feasts when the Em­peror carowseth with his Captayns, tributaries, & go­uernors, the manner is thus. All those that pledge him are first stripped naked, & their bodies annointed al o­uer with a kind of white Balsamum: by them called Cur­cai of which there is great plenty and yet very deare a­mongst them, and it is of all other the most precious, whereof we haue had good experience: when they are annointed all ouer, certaine seruants of the Emperor hauing prepared gold made into fine powder blow it thorow holow canesvpō their naked bodies, vntil they be al shining from the foote to the head, & in this sort they sit drinking by twenties & hundreds & continue [Page 17] in drunkennes sometimes six or seven daies together: the same is also confirmed by a letter written into Spayne which was intercepted, which master Robert Dudley told me he had seene. Vpon this sight, and for the abundance of Gold which he saw in the citie, the Images of gold in their Temples, the plates armors and shields of gold which they vse in the wars, hee called it El Dorado. After Oreliano who was emploied by Pacaro afterwards Marques Pacaro conqueror and go­uernour of Peru, and the death of Ordace and Martynes, one Pedro de Osua, a knight of Nauarre attempted Guia­na, taking his way from Peru, and built his brigan­dines vpon a riuer called Oia, which riseth to the southward of Quinto, and is very great: this riuer fal­leth into Amazones, by which Osua with his compa­nies descended, and came out of that Prouince which is called Mutylones: and it seemeth to me that this Empyre is reserued for her Maiestie and the English na­tion, by reason of the hard successe which all these & other Spaniards found in attempting the same, wher­of I will speake briefly, though impertinent in some sort to my purpose. This Pedro de Osua had among his troupes a Bescayn called Agiri, a man meanely borne, & bare no other office than a Surgeant or Alferez: but after certain months, when the souldiers were grieued with trauels and consumed with famine, and that no entrance could be found by the branches or bodie of Amazones, this Agiri raised a muteny, of which hee made himselfe the head, and so preuailed as he put Osua to the sword and all his followers, taking on him the whole charge and commaundement, with a pur­pose not onely to make himselfe Emperour of Guiana, [Page 18] but also of Peru and of al that side of the West Indies: he had of his partie seven hundred soldiers, and of those many promised to draw in other captains and compa­nies to deliuer vp townes and sorts in Peru, but neither finding by the said riuer any passage into Guiana, nor any possibilitie to returne towards Peru by the same Amazones, by reason that the descent of the riuer made so great a currant, he was inforced to desemboque at the mouth of the said Amazones, which cannot be lesse than a thousand leagues frō the place where they imbarqued: from thence he coasted the land till he arri­ued at Marguerita to the North of Mompatar, which is at this daie called puerto de Tyranno, for that he there slue Don Iuan de villa Andreda, gouernor of Marguerita who was father to Don Iuan Sermiento gouernour of Marguerita when Sir Iohn Burgh landed there, and at­tempted the Iland. Agiri put to the sworde all other in the Iland that refused to be of his partie, and tooke with him certane Cemerones, and other desperate companions: From thence he went to Cumana, and there flew the Gouernour, and dealt in all as at Margue­rita: he spoiled all the coast of Caracas, and the pro­vince of Vesuello, and of Rio de hache, and as I remem­ber it was the same yeer that Sir Iohn Hawkins failed to Saint Iuan de Lua in the Iesus of Lubeck, for himselfe told me that he met with such a one vpon the coast that rebelled, and had failed downe all the riuer of A­mazones. Agiri from thence landed about Sancta Mar­ta, and sacked it also, putting to death so many as re­fused to be his followers, purposing to inuade Nueuo reygno de Granada, & to sack Pampelone, Merida, Lagrita, Tunia, & the rest of the cities of Nueuo reygno, and from [Page 19] thence againe to enter Peru: but in a fight in the said Nueuo reygno he was ouerthrowne, & finding no way to escape, he first put to the sworde his own children, fore­telling them that they should not liue to be defamed or opbraid by the Spaniards after his death, who would haue tearmed them the children of a Traytor or Tyrant, and that sithence he could not make them Princes, he would yet deliuer them from shame and reproch: These were the ends and tragedies of Oreliano, Ordace, Osua, Martines, and Agiri.

After these followed Ieronimo Ortal de Saragosa with 130. soldiers, who failing his enterance by sea was cast with the currant on the coast of Paria, and peopled about S. Miguell de Neueri. It was then attempted by Don Pedro de Silua a Portugues of the familie of Rigomes de Sylua, and by the fauour which Rigomes had with the king, he was set out, but he also shot wide of the mark, for being departed from Spaine with his fleete, he en­tred by Maragnon and Amazones, whereby the nations of the riuer, and by the Amazones he was vtterly ouer­throwen, and himselfe and all his armie defeated, one­ly seuen escaped, and of those but two returned.

After him came Pedro Harnandez de Serpa, and lan­ded at Camana in the West Indies, taking his iourney by land towards Orenoque; which may bee some 120. leagues, but ere he came to the boarders of the saide riuer, he was set vpon by a nation of Indians called Wikiri, and ouerthrowne in sort, that of 300. soldiers, horsemen, many Indians, and Negros, there returned but 18: others affirme that he was defeated in the very entrance of Guiana, at the first ciuill towne of the Em­pire called Macureguarai. Captaine Preston in taking [Page 20] S Iago de Leon (which was by him and his companies very resolutly performed, being a greate towne, and far within the land) held a gentleman prisoner who died in his ship, that was one of the companie of Her­nandes de Serpa, and faued among those that escaped, who witnessed what opinion is held among the Spa­niards thereabouts of the greate riches of Guiana, and El dorado the citie of Inga. Another Spaniard was brought aboord me by Captaine Preston, who told me in the hearing of himselfe and diuers other gentle­men, that he met with Berreos Campmaister at Cara­sas, when he came from the borders of Guiana, and that he saw with him fortie of most pure plates of goulde curiously wrought, and swordes of Guiana decked and inlaid with golde, feathers garnished with golde, and diuers rarities which he carried to the Spanish king.

After Hernandez de Serpa it was vndertaken by the A­delantado, Don Gonzales Cemenes de Casada, who was one of the chiefest in the conquest of Nueuo reigno, whose daughter & heire Don Anthonio de Berreo maried: Gonza­les sought the passage also by the riuer called Papame­ne, which riseth by Quito in Peru, & runneth southeast 100. leagues, & then falleth into Amazones, but he also failing the entrance, returned with the losse of much labour and cost: I tooke one captaine George a Spani­ard that followed Gonzales in this enterprise. Gonzales gaue his daughter to Berreo taking his oth and honor, to follow the enterprise to the last of his substance and life, who since as he hath sworne to me hath spent 300000. ducates in the same, and yet neuer could en­ter so far into the land as my selfe with that poore troupe or rather a handfull of men, being in all about [Page 21] 100 gentlemen, soldiers, rowers, bote-keepers, boies, and of all sortes: neither could any of the forpassed vndertakers, nor Berreo himselfe discouer the country, till now lately by conference with an auncient king called Carapana he got the true light thereof: for Ber­reo came about 1500. miles, ere he vnderstoode ought, or could finde any passage or entrance into any parte thereof, yet he had experience of all these forenamed, and diuers others, and was perswaded of their errors and mistakings. Berreo sought it by the riuer Cassamar, which falleth into a great riuer called Pato, Pato falleth into Meta, and Meta into Baraquan, which is also called Orenoque.

He tooke his iourney from Nueuo reygno de granada where he dwelt, hauing the inheritance of Gonzales Cemenes in those parts: he was followed with 700. horse, he draue with him 1000. heade of cattell, he had also many women, Indians, and slaues. How all these riuers crosse and encounter, how the country lieth and is bordred, the passage of Cemenes, and Berreo, mine owne discouery, and the way that I entred, with all the rest of the nations and riuers, your Lordship shall receiue in a large Chart or Map, which I haue not yet finished, and which I shall most humbly praie your Lo. to secret, and not to suffer it to passe your own hands, for by a draught thereof all may bee preuented by other nations. For I know it is this very yeere sought by the French, although by the way that they now take, I feare it not much. It was also tolde me ere I de­parted England, that Villiers the Admirall was in pre­paration for the planting of Amazones, to which riuer the French haue made diuers voyages, and returned [Page 22] much gold and other rarities, I spake with a captaine of a French ship that came from thence, his ship ri­ding in Falmuth, the same yeere that my ships came first from Virginia.

There was another this yeere in Helford that also came from thence, and had been 14 moneths at an ancor in Amazones, which were both very rich. Al­though as I am perswaded; Guiana cannot be entred that way, yet no doubt the trade of gold from thence passeth by braunches of riuers into the riuer of Amazo­nes and so it doth on euery hand farre from the coun­trey it selfe, for those Indians of Trinedado haue plates of gold from Guiana, and those Canibals of Dominica which dwell in the Ilands by which our ships passe yeerly to the West Indies, also the Indians of Paria, those Indians called Tucaris, Chochi, Apotomios, Cumanagotos, and all those other nations inhabiting nere about the mountains that run from Paria thorow the Prouince of Vensuello, and in Maracapana, and the Canibals of Guanipa, the Indians called Assawai, Coaca, Aiai, and the rest (all which shall be described in my description as they are fituate) haue plates of gold of Guiana. And vp­on the riuer of Amazones Theuet writeth that the people weare Croissants of gold, for of that form the Guiani­nians most commonly make thē: So as from Dominica to Amazones which is aboue 250. leagues, al the chiefe Indians in al parts weare of those plates of Guiana. Vn­doubtedly those that trade Amazones returne much gold, which (asis aforesaide) commeth by trade from Guiana, by some branch of a riuer that falleth from the countrey into Amazones, and either it is by the riuer which passeth by the nations called Tisnados, or by Ca­repuna. [Page 23] I made inquiry amongst the most ancient and best traueled of the Orenoqueponi, & I had knowledge of all the riuers between Orenoque and Amazones, and was very desirous to vnderstand the trueth of those warlike women, bicause of some it is beleeued, of others not: And though I digresse from my purpose, yet I wil set downe that hath beene deliuered me for truth of those women, and I spake with a Casique or Lorde of people that told me he had been in the riuer, and beyond it also. The nations of these women are on the south side of the riuer in the Priuinces of Topago, and their chiefest strengths, and retracts are in the Ilands scituate on the south side of the entrance, some 60, leagues within the mouth of the saide riuer. The memories of the like women are verie ancient as well in Africa as in Asia: In Africa those that had Medusa for Queene: others in Scithia neere the riuers of Tanais and Thermadon: we finde also that Lampedo and Marthesia were Queens of the Amazones: in many histories they are verified to haue been, and in diuers ages and Pro­uinces: But they which are not far from Guiana do accompanie with men but once in a yeare, and for the time of one moneth, which I gather by their relation to be in Aprill. And that time all Kings of the borders assemble, and Queenes of the Amazones, and after the Queenes haue chosen, the rest cast lots for their Valentines. This one moneth, they feast, dance, & drinke of their wines in abundance, and the Moone be­ing done, they all depart to their owne Prouinces. If they conceiue, and be deliuered of a sonne, they re­turne him to the father, if of a daughter they nourish it, and retaine it, and as many as haue daughters send [Page 24] vnto the begetters a Present, all being desirous to in­crease their owne fex and kind, but that they cut of the right dug of the brest I do not finde to be true. It was farther told me, that if in these warsthey tooke any pri­soners that they vsed to accompany with those also at what time soeuer, but in the end for certaine they put them to death: for they are said to be very cruell and bloodthirsty, especially to such as offer to inuade their territories. These Amazones haue likewise great store of these plates of golde, which they recouer by exchange chiefly for a kinde of greene stones, which the Spaniards call Piedras Hijadas, and we vse for spleene stones, and for the disease of the stone we also esteeme them: of these I saw diuers in Guiana, and commonly euery king or Casique hath one, which their wiues for the most part weare, and they esteem them as greate iewels.

But to returne to the enterprise of Berreo, who (as I haue said) departed from Nueuo reygno with 700. horse besides the prouisions aboue rehearsed; he descended by the riuer called Cassanar, which riseth in Nueno reyg­no out of the mountaines by the citie of Tuuia, from which mountaine also springeth Pato, both which fall into the great riuer of Meta, and Meta riseth from a mountaine ioyning to Pampelone in the same Nueuo reygno de Granada: these as also Guaiare, which issueth out of the mountaines by Timana fall all into Baraquan, and are but of his heads, for at their comming togi­ther they loose their names, and Baraquan farther down is also rebaptized by the name of Orenoque. On the other side of the citie and hils of Timana riseth rio gran­de, which falleth into the sea by Sancta Marta. By Cas­sonar [Page 25] first, and so into Meta Berreo passed, keeping his horsemen on the bankes, where the countrie serued them for to march, and where otherwise he was dri­uen to embarque them in boates which he builded for the purpose, & so came with the currant down the riuer of Meta, and so into Baraquan. After he entred that great and mighty riuer, he began daily to loose of his companies both men and horse, for it is in ma­ny places violently swift, and hath forcible eddies, many sands, and diuers Ilandes sharpe pointed with rocks: But after one whole yeere, iourneying for the most part by riuer, and the rest by land he grew daily to fewer numbers, for both by sicknes, and by encountring with the people of those regions, through which he trauelled, his companies were much wasted, especi­ally by diuers incounters with the Amapaiens: And in all this time he neuer could learne of any passage into Guiana, nor any newes or same thereof, vntill he came to a farther border of the saide Amapaia, eight daies iourney from the riuer Caroli, which was the farthest riuer that he entred. Among those of Amapaia, Guiana was famous, but few of these people accosted Berreo, or woulde trade with him the first three moneths of the six which he foiourned there. This Amapaia is also maruellous rich in golde (as both Berreo confessed and those of Guiana with whome I had most confe­rence) and is situate vpon Orenoke also. In his countrey Berreo lost 60. of his best soldiers, and most of all his horse that remained in his former yeeres trauell: but in the end after diuers encounters with those nati­ons they grew to peace, and they presented Berreo with 10. Images of fine gold amōg diuers other plates [Page 26] and Croissants, which as he sware to me and diuers o­ther gentlemen were so curiously wrought, as he had not seene the like eyther in Italy, Spayne, or the Lowe Countries: and he was resolued that when they came to the handes of the Spanish king, to whom he had sent them by his Campmaster, they would appeare very ad­mirable, especially being wrought by such a nation as had no Iron instruments at all, nor any of those helps which our gold smiths haue to work with all. The par­ticular name of the people in Amapaia which gaue him these peeces are called Anebas, and the riuer of O­renoque at that place is aboue 12. English miles brode, which may be from his out fall into the sea 700. or 800. miles.

This Prouince of Amapaia is a verie low and a marish ground neere the riuer, and by reason of the red water which issueth out in small branches thorow the fenny and boggie ground there breed diuers poyson­full wormes and serpents, and the Spaniards not sus­pecting; nor in any fort foreknowing the danger were infected with a grieuous kind of flux by drinking ther­of, and euen the very horses poisoned therewith: In so much as at the end of the six months, that they abode there, of all their troups, there were not left aboue 120. soldiers, and neyther horse nor cattle. For Berreo hoped to haue found Guiana by 1000. miles neerer than it fell out to be in the end, by means wherof they sustained much want and much hunger, oppressed with greeuous diseases, and all the miseries that could be imagined. I demanded of those in Guiana that had trauelled Amapaia how they liued with that tawny or red water when they trauelled thither, and they tolde [Page 27] me that after the Sun was neere the midle of the skie, they vsed to fill their pots and pitchers with that wa­ter, but either before that time, or towards the setting of the Sun it was dangerous to drinke of, and in the night strong poison. I learned also of diuers other ri­uers of that nature among them which were also (while the Sun was in the Meridian) very safe to drink, and in the morning, evening, and night, woonderfull dangerous and infectiue. From this prouiuce Berreo hasted away as foone as the Spring and beginning of Summer appeered, & sought his entrance on the bor­ders of Orenoque on the south side, but there ran a ledge of so high & impassable mountaines as he was not able by any meanes to march ouer thē, cōtinuing from the east sea into which Orenoque falleth, euen to Quito in Peru: neither had he meanes to carrie victuall or munition ouer those craggie, high, and fast hils, be­ing all wooddy, and those so thicke and spiny, and so full of prickles, thornes, aud briers, as it is impossible to creepe thorow them: he had also neither friendship among the people, nor any interpreter to perswade or treate with them, and more, to his disaduantage, the Cassiqui and kings of Amapaia had giuen knowledge of his purpose to the Guianians, and that he sought to sacke and conquer the Empire, for the hope of their so greate abundance and quantities of gold he passed by the mouths of many greate riuers, which fell into Orenoque both from the north and south, which I for­beare to name for tediousnes, and bicause they are more pleasing in describing than reading.

Ilstreo affirmed that there fell an hundred riuers into Orenoque from the north and south, whereof the [Page 28] left was as big as Ria grande, that passed between Popa­yan, and Nueuo reyno de granada (Ria grande being estee­med one of the renowned riuers in all the west Indies, & numbred among the great riuers of the world:) But he knew not the names of any of these, but Caroli only, neither from what nations they discended, neither to what Provinces they led, for he had no meanes to dis­course with the inhibatants at any time: neither was he curious in these things, being vtterly vnlearned, & not knowing the east frō the west. But of all these I got som knowlegde, & of many more, partly by mine own trauel, & the rest by cōference; of fom one I learned one of others the rest, hauing with me an Indian that spake many languages, & that of Guiana naturally. I sought out all the aged men, & such as were greatest trauelers, and by the one & the other I came to vnderstand the situations, the riuers, the kingdoms from the east sea to the borders of Peru, & from Orenoque southward as far as Amazones or Maragnon, and the religions of Ma­ria Tamball, and of all the kings of Prouinces and cap­tains of townes and villages, how they stood in tearms of peace or war, and which were friends or enimies the one with the other, without which there can be neither entrance nor conquest in those parts, nor els where: For by the dissention betweene Guascar and Atabalipa, Pacaro conquered Peru, and by the hatred that the Tra [...]calliani bare to Mutezuma, Cortez was victorious ouer Mexico; without which both the one and the other had failed of their enterprize, and of the great honor and riches, which they attained vnto.

Now Berreo began to grow into dispaire, and loo­ked for no other successe than his predecessor in this [Page 29] enterprize, vntill such time as he ariued at the Pro­vince of Emeria towardes the east sea and mouth of the riuer, where he found a nation of people very fauoura­ble, and the countrie full of all manner of victuall. The king of this land is called Carapana, a man verie wise, subtill, and of great experience, being litle lesse than 100. yeeres old: In his youth he was sent by his father into the Iland of Trinedado, by reason of ciuill warre among themselues, and was bred at a village, in that Iland, called Parico: at that place in his youth he had seene many Christians both French and Spanish, and went diuers times with the Indians of Trine­dado to Marguerita and Cumana in the west Indies, (for both those places haue euer been releeued with victu­all from Trinedado) by reason whereof he grew of more vnderstanding, and noted the difference of the nati­ons, comparing the strength and armes of his country with those of the Christians, and euer after tempori­zed so, as whosoeuer else did amisse, or was wasted by contention, Carapana kept himselfe and his country in quiet and plenty: he also held peace with Caribas or Canibals his neighbour, and had free trade with all na­tions whosoeuer else had war.

Berreo soiourned and rested his weake troupe in the towne of Carapana six weeks, and from him learned the way and passage to Guiana, and the riches & magni­ficence thereof: but being then vtterly disable to pro­ceede, he determined to try his fortune another yere, when he had renewed his prouisions, and regathered more force, which he hoped for as wel out of Spain, as frō Nueuo reyno, where he had left his son Don Anthonio Xemenes to second him vpō the first notice giuen of his [Page 30] entrance, & so for the present imbarqued himselfe in Canoas, & by the braunches of Orenoque ariued at Tri­nedado, hauing from Carapana sufficient Pilots to con­duct him. From Trinedado he coasted Paria, and so re­couered Marguerita: and hauing made relation to Don Iuan Sermiento the gouernour of his proceeding, and perswaded him of the riches of Guiana, he obtai­ned from thence 50. soldiers, promising presently to returne to Carapana, and so into Guiana. But Ber­reo ment nothing lesse at that time, for he wan­ted many prouisions necessarie for such an enter­prize, and therefore departed from Marguerita, seated himselfe in Trinedado, and from thence sent his Campmaister, and his Sargeant maior backe to the borders to discouer the neerest passage, into the Empire, as also to treate with the borderers, and to drawe them to his partie and loue, without which, he knew he could neither passe safely, nor in anie sort be releeued with victuall or ought els. Carapana directed this companie to a king called Morequito, assuring them that no man coulde deliuer so much of Guiana, as Morequito could, and that his dwelling was but fiue daies iourney from Macureguarai, the first ciuill towne of Guiana.

Now your Lordship shall vnderstand that this Mo­requito, one of the greatest Lords or Kinges of the borders of Guiana, had two or three yeares before beene at Cumana and at Marguerita, in the west Indies, with greate store of plates of golde, which he carried to exchange for such other things as he wanted in his owne countrey, and was dayly feasted, and presented by the gouernours of those places, and [Page 31] held amongst them some two moneths, in which time one Vides gouernor of Cumana wan him to be his con­ductor into Guiana, being allured by those Croissants and Images of gold which he brought with him to trade, as also by the ancient fame and magnificence of El Dorado: whereupon Vides sent into Spayne for a Patent to discouer and conquer Guiana, not knowing of the precedence of Berreos patent, which as Berreo affirmeth was signed before that of Vides: so as when Vides vnderstood of Berreo, and that he had made en­trance into that territorie, and foregone his desire and hope, it was verilie thought that Vides practised with Morequito hinder and disturbe Berreo in al he could and not to suffer him to enter through his Seignorie, nor any of his companies, neither to victuall, nor guide them in any sort; for Vides gouenor of Camana, and Berreo were become mortall enemies, as well for that Berreo had gotten Trinedado into his Patent with Guiana, as also in that he was by Berreo preuented in the iourney of Guiana it selfe: howsoeuer it was I know not, but Morequito for a time dissembled his disposition, suffered Spaniards, and a Frier (which Berreo had sent to discouer Manoa) to trauell through his country, gaue them a guide for Macureguaray the first towne of ciuill and apparrelled people, from whence they had other guides to bring them to Manoa the great citie of Inga: and being furnished with those thinges, which they had learned of Ca­rapana, were of most price in Guiana, went onward, and in eleuen daies arriued at Manoa, as Berreo affir­meth for certain: although I could not be assured ther­of by the Lord which now gouerneth the Prouince of [Page 32] Morequito, for he told me that they got all the golde they had, in other townes on this side Manoa, there being many very great and rich, and (as he said) built like the townes of Christians, with many roomes.

When these ten Spaniards were returned, and rea­die to put out of the border of Arromaia, the people of Morequito set vpon them, & flew them all but one that swam the riuer, and tooke from them to the value of 40000. pesoes of golde, and as it is written in the storie of Iob, one onely liued to bring the newes to Berreo, that both his nine souldiers and holie fa­ther were benighted in the saide Prouince. I my selfe spake with the Captaines of Morequito that flewe them, and was at the place where it was ex­ecuted. Berreo inraged heerewithall sente all the strength he coulde make into Arromaia, to be reuen­ged of him, his people, and countrey: but Morequito suspecting the fame fled ouer Orenoque, and thorow the territories of the Saima, and Wikiri, recouered Cumana, where he thought himself every safe with Vides the go­uernor: But Berreo sending for him in the kings name, and his messengers finding him in the house of one Fashardo on the sudden ere he was suspected, so as he could not then be coueyed away, Vides durst not deny him, as well to auoide the suspition of the practise, as also for that an holy father was slaine by him and his people, Morequito offred Fashardo the weight of three quintals in gold, to let him escape, but the poore Guianian betraide of all sides was deliuered to the Campmaster of Berreo, and was presently executed.

After the death of this Morequito, the souldiers of Berreo spoiled his territorie, & tooke diuers prisoners, [Page 33] among others they tooke the vnckle of Morequito called Toptawari, who is now king of Arromaia) whose sonne I brought with me into England) and is a man of great vnderstanding and pollicie: he is aboue 100. yeeres old, and yet of a very able bodie: the Spanyardes led him in a chain 17. daies, and made him their guide from place to place betweene his countrey & Emeria the prouince of Carapana aforesaid, and was at last redeemed for 100. plates of gold, and diuers stones called Piedras Hijadas, or Spleen stones. Now Berreo for executing of Morequito and other cruelties, spoiles, and slaughters done in Arromaia hath lost the loue of the Orenoqueponi, and of all the borderers, and dare not send any of his soldiers any farther into the land than to Carapana which he called the port of Guiana: but from thence by the helpe of Carapana he had trade farther into the country, & alwaies appointed 10, Spa­niardes to reside in Carapanas towne, by whose fauor & by being conducted by his people, those ten searched the countrey thereabouts as well for mines, as for other trades and commodities.

They also haue gotten a nephew of Morequito, whom they haue Christened and named Don Iuan, of whom they haue great hope, endeuoring by all means to establish him in the said prouince. Amang manie other trades those Spaniards vsed Cansas to passe to the riuers of Barema, Pawroma, and Dissequebe, which are on the south side of the mouth of Orenoque, and the re buie women and children from the Canibals, which are of that barbarous nature, as they will for 3. or 4. hatchers sell the sonnes and daughters of their owne brethren and sisters, and for somewhat, more [Page 34] euen their own daughters heer of the Spaniards make great profit, for buying a maid of 12. or 13. yeeres for three or fower hatchets, they sell them againe at Mar­guerita in the west Indies for 50. and 100. pesoes which is so many crownes.

The master of my ship Io. Douglas tooke one of the Canoas which came loden from thence with people to be sold, and the most of them escaped, yet of those hee brought, there was one as well fauoured, and as well shaped as euer I sawe anie in England, and afterwarde I sawe many of them, which but for their tawnie colour may bee compared to anie of Europe. They also trade in those riuers for bread of Cassaui, of which they buy an hundred pounde weight for a knife, and sell it at Marguerita for ten pesoes. They also recouer great store of cotten, bra­sill wood, and those beds which they call Hamacas or brasill beds, wherein in hot countries all the Spa­niards vse to lie commonly, and in no other, ney­ther did we ourselues while we were there: By means of which trades, for ransom of diuers of the Guianians, and for exchange of hatchets and kniues, Berreo re­couered some store of gold plates, eagles of gold and Images of men and diuers birds, and dispatched his Campmaster for Spaine with all that he had gathe­red, therewith to leuy souldiers, and by the shew ther­of to draw others to the loue of the enterprize: and hauing sent diuers Images as well of men as beastes, birds and fishes so curiously wrought in gold, doub­ted not but to perswade the king to yeeld to him some further helpe, especially for that this lande hath ne­uer been sacked, the mines neuer wrought, and in the [Page 35] Indies their works were wel spent, and the gold drawn out with greate labour and charge: he also dispacrhed messengers to his sonne in Nueuo reyno to leuy all the forces he could, and to come down the riuer Orenoque to Emeria, the prouince of Carapana, to meet him: he had also sent to Saint Iago de Leon on the coast of the Caracas to buy horses and mules.

After I had thus learned of his proceedings past & purposed: I told him that I had resolued to see Guia­na, and that it was the end of my iourney, & the cause of my comming to Trinedado, as it was indeed, (& for that purpose I sent Ia. Whiddon the yeere before to get intelligence, with whom Berreo himselfe had speech at that time, and remembred how inquisitiue Ia. Whiddon was of his proceedings, and of the countrey of Guiana,) Berreo was stricken into a greate melancho lie and sadnes and vsed all the arguments he could to diswade me, and also assured the gentlemen of my company that it would be labour lost, and that they should suffer many miseries if they proceeded: And first he deliuered that I could not enter any of the ri­uers with any barke or pinace, nor hardly with any ships bore, it was so low, sandie, and full of flats, and that his companies were daily grounded in their Cansas which drew but twelue inches water: he fur­ther saide that none of the countrey would come to speake with vs, but would all flie, and if we follow­ed them to their dwellings, they would burne their owne townes, and besides that the way was long, the winter at hand, and that the riuers beginning once to swel, it was impossible to stem the currant, & that we could not in those smal bots by any meanes carry vic­tual [Page 36] for halfe the time, and that (which indeed most discoraged my company) the Kings and Lords of all the borders and of Guiana had decreed, that none of them should trade with any Christians for gold, bi­cause the same would be their owne ouerthrow, and that for the loue of gold the Christians meant to con­quer and dispossesse them of all together.

Many and the most of these I found to be true, but yet I resoluing to make trial of all whatsoeuer hapned directed Captaine George Gifford my Vice-admirall to take the Lions whelpe, and Captaine Calfield his barke to turne to the eastward, against the mouth of a riuer called Capuri, whose entrance I had before sent Captain Whiddon & Io. Douglas the master, to discouer, who founde some nine foote water or better vpon the flood, and fiue at low water, to whom I had giuen instructions that they shoulde ancor at the edge of the shold, and vpon the best of the floode to thrust ouer, which shold Iohn Douglas boyde and bekonned for them before: but they laboured in vain, for neither could they turne it vp altogither so farre to the east, neither did the flood continue so long, but the water fell ere they coulde haue passed the sandes, as we after founde by a second experience: so as now we must either giue ouer our enterprize, or leauing our ships at aduenture 400. mile behind vs, to run vp in our ships botes, one barge, and two wher ries, but being doubtfull how to carrie victuals for so long a time in such bables, or any strength of men, especially for that Berreo assured vs that his sonne must be by that time come downe with many sol­diers, [Page 37] I sent away one King maister of the Lions whelpe with his ship bote to trie an other braunch of a riuer in the bottom of the bay of Guanipa, which was called Amana, to proue if there were water to be found for either of the small ships to enter: But when he came to the mouth of Amana, he found it as the rest, but staied not to discouer it throughly, because he was assured by an Indian his guide that the Canibales of Guanipa would assaile them with many Canoas, & that they shot poisonned arrowes, so as if he hasted not backe they should all be lost.

In the mean time fearing the worst I caused all the Carpenters we had to cut down a Gallego bote, which we ment to cast off, and to fit her with banks to row on, and in all thinges to prepare her the best they could, so as she might be brought to draw but fiue foote, for so much we had on the bar of Capuri at lowe water. And doubting of Kings returne I sent Io. Douglas againe in my long barge, as well to releeue him as also to make a perfect search in the bottom of that baie. For it hath beene held for infallable that whatsoeuer ship or bote shall fall therein, can neuer dissemboque againe, by reason of the violent currant which setteth into the saide bay, as also for that the rbize and ea­sterly wind bloweth directly into the same, of which opinion I haue heard Iohn Hampton of Plimmouth one of the greatest experience of England, & diuers others besides that haue traded Trinedado.

I sent with Iohn Douglas and old Cassique of Trinedado for a Pilot, who told vs that we could not returne again by the bay or gulfe, but that he knew a by branch which ran within the land to the Eastward, and that [Page 38] he thought by it we might fall into Capuri, and so returne in fower daies: Iohn Dowglas searched those ri­uers, and found fower goodly entrances, whereof the least was as bigge as the Thames, at Wolwich, but in the baie thitherward it was shole and but six foote water, so as we were now without hope of any ship or barke to passe ouer, and therefore resolued to go on with the botes, and the bottome of the Gallego, in which we thrust 60. men: In the Lions whelps bote and wherie we carried 20. Captaine Calfield in his wherrie carried ten more, and in my barge other ten, which made vp a hundred: we had no other meanes but to carrie victuall for a moneth in the same, and also to lodge therein as we could, and to boile and dresse our meat. Captaine Gifford had with him Master Edw. Porter, captain Eyn [...]s, and eight more in his wherrie with all their victuall, weapons, and prouisions: Captain Cal­field had with him my cosen But shead Gorges and eight more. In the galley, of gent. and officers my selfe had captaine Thin, my chosen Iohn Greenuile, my nephew Iohn Gilbert, captaine Whiddon, captaine Keymis, Edw. Handcoke, captaine Clarke, lieutenant Hewes, Thg. vpton captaine Facy, Ierom Ferrar, Antho. Wells, Will. Connock and aboue 50. more. We could not learne of Berreo any other way to enter but in braunches, so farre to the windeward as it was impossible for vs to reco­uer: for we had as much sea to crosse ouer in our wherries as betweene Douer and Callis and in a great billow, the winde and currant being both very strong, so as we were driuen to go in those small botes direct­ly before the winde into the bottome of the baie of Guanipa, and from thence to enter the mouth of som one [Page 39] of those riuers, which Io. Douglas had last discoue­red, and had with vs for Pilote an Indian of Barema, a riuer to the south of Orenoque, betweene that and Ama­zones, whose Canoas we had formerly taken as he was going from the said Barema, laden with Cassaui bread to fell at Marguerita: this Arwacan promised to bring me into the great riuer of Orenoque, but indeede of that which he entred he was vtterly ignorant, for he had not seene it in twelue yeeres before, at which time he was very yoong, and of no iudgement, and if God had not sent vs another helpe, we might haue wandred a whole yeere in that laborinth of riuers, ere we had found any way, eyther out or in, especial­ly after we were past ebbing and flowing, which was in fower daies: for I know all the earth doth not yeelde the like confluence of streames and branches, the one crossing the other so many times, and all so faire & large, and so like one to another, as no man can tell which to take: and if we went by the Sun or compasse hoping thereby to go directly one way or other, yet that way we were also caried in a circle amongst multitudes of Ilands, and euery Iland so bor­dered with high trees, as no man coulde see any fur­ther than the bredth of the riuer, or length of the breach: But this it chanced that entring into a riuer, (which bicause it had no name we called the riuer of the Red crosse, our selues being the first Christians that e­uer came therein:) the 22. of May as we were rowing vp the same, we espied a smal Canoa with three Indians, which (by the swiftnes of my barge, rowing with eight oares) I ouertooke ere they could crosse the riuer, the rest of the people on the banks shadowed vnder the [Page 40] thickewood gazed on with a doubtfull conceit what might befall those three which we had taken: But when they perceiued that we offred them no violence neither entred their Canoa with any of ours, nor tooke out of the Canoa any of their, they then began to shew themselues on the banks side, and offred to traffique with vs for such things as they had, and as we drewe neere they all staide, and we came with our barge to the mouth of a little creeke which came from their towne into the great riuer.

As we abode there a while, our Indian Pilot called Ferdinando would needs go ashore to their village to fetch some fruites, and to drinke of their artificiall wines, and also to see the place, and know the Lorde of it against another time, and tooke with him a bro­ther of his which he had with him in the iourney: whē they came, to the village of these people, the Lord of the Iland offred to lay hands of them purposing to haue slaine them both, yeelding for reason that this Indian of ours had brought a strange nation into their territorie to spoyle and destroy them: But the Pilot being quicke and of a disposed body slipt their fingers & ran into the woods, and his brother being the bet­ter footman of the two, recouered the creekes mouth, where we staied in our barge, crying out that his bro­ther was slaine, with that we set hands on one of them that was next vs, a very old man, and brought him in­to the barge, assuring him that if we had not our Pilot againe, we would presently cut off his head. This old man being resolued that he shoulde paie the losse of the other, cried out to those in the woods to saue Fer­dinando our Pilot, but they followed him notwith­standing, [Page 41] and hunted after him vpon the foote with their Deere dogs, and with so maine a crie that all the woods eckoed with the shoute they made, but at last this poore chased Indian recouered the riuer side, and got vpon a tree, and as we were coasting, leaped down and swam to the barge halfe dead with feare; but out good hap was, that we kept the other olde Indian, which we handfasted to redeeme our Pilot withall, for being natural of those riuers, we assured our selues he knew the way better than any stranger could, and indeed, but for this chance I thinke we had neuer found the way eyther to Guiana, or backe to our ships: for Ferdinando after a few daies knew nothing at al, nor which way to turne, yea and many times the old man himself was in great doubt which riuer to take. Those people which dwel in these broken Ilands & drowned lands are generally called Tiuitiuas, there are of them two sortes, the one called Ciawani, and the other Wa­raweete.

The great riuer of Orenoque or Baraquan hath nine branches which fall out on the north side of his owne maine mouth: on the south side it hath seuen other fallings into the sea, so it desemboketh by 16. armes in all, between Ilands and broken ground, but the Ilands are very greate, many of them as bigge as the Isle of VVigh: and bigger, and many lesse: from the first branch on the north to the last of the south it is at least 100. leagues, so as the riuers mouth is no lesse than 300. miles wide at his entrance into the sea, which I take to be farre bigger than that of Amazones: al those that inhabite in the mouth of this riuer vpon the seue­rall north branches are these Tiuitiuas, of which there [Page 42] are two chiefe Lords which haue continuall warres one with the other: the Ilands which lie on the right hand are called Pallamos, and the land on the left Ho­rorotomaka, and the riuer by which Iohn Dowglas re­turned within the land from Amana to Capuri, they call Macuri.

These Tiuitiuas are a verie goodlie people and verie valiant, and haue the most manlie speech and most deliberate that euer I heard of what nation soeuer. In the summer they haue houses on the grounde as in other places: in the winter they dwell vpon the trees, where they build very artificiall townes and villages, as it is written in the Spanish storie of the West Indies, that those people do in the low lands neere the gulfe of Vraba: for betweene May and September the riuer of Orenoke riseth thirtie foote vpright, and then are those Ilands ouerflowen twentie foot high aboue the leuell of the ground, sauing some few raised grounds in the middle of them: and for this cause they are en­forced to liue in this maner. They neuer eate of anie thing that is set or sowen and as at home they vse nei­ther planting nor other manurance, so when they com abroad they refuse to feede of ought, but of that which nature without labor bringeth foorth, They vse the tops of Palmitos for bread, and kil Deere, fish and porks for the rest of their lustenance, they haue also manie sortes of fruites that grow in the woods, and great va­rietie of birds and foule.

And if to speak of them were not tedious, and vul­gare, surely we sawe in those passages of very rare co­lours & forms, not elsewhere to be found, for as much as I haue either seen or read. Of these people those that [Page 43] dwell vpon the branches of Orenoque called Capuri and Macureo, are for the most part Carpenters of Canoas for they make the most and fairest houses, and sell them into Guiana for gould, and into Trinedado for To­bacco, in the excessiue taking whereof, they exceed all nations, and notwithstanding the moistnes of the aire in which they liue, the hardnes of their diet, and the great labours they suffer to hunt, fish & foule for their liunig in all my life either in the Indies or in Europe did I neuer behold a more goodlie or bet­ter fauoured people, or a more manly. They were woont to make warre vpon all nations, and especi­ally on the Canibals, so as none durst without a good strength trade by those riuers, but of late they are at peace with their neighbours, all holding the Spaniards for a common enimie. When their commaunders die, they vse greate lamentation, and when they think the flesh of their bodies is putrified, and fallen from the bones, then they take vp the carcase againe, and hang it in the Casiquies house that died, and deck his scull with feathers of all colours, and hang all his gold plates a boute the bones of his armes, thighes, and legges. Those nations which are cal­led Arwacas which dwell on the south of Orenoque, (of which place and nation our Indian, Pilot was) are dispersed in many other places, and do vse to beate the bones of their Lords into powder, and their wiues and friends drinke it all in their seueral sortes of drinks.

After we departed from the port of these Ciawani, vve passed vp the riuer vvith the flood, & ancored the ebbe, and in this fort vve vvent onvvard. The third day [Page 44] that we entred the riuer our Galley came on ground and stuck so fast, as we thought that euen there our dis­couery had ended, and that we must haue left 90. of our men to haue inhabited like rooks vpon trees with those nations: but the next morning, after we had cast out all her ballast, with tugging and hawling to and fro, we got her aflote, and went on: At fower daies ende wee fell into as goodly a riuer as euer I beheld, which was called the great Amana, which ran more directly without windings and turnings than the other. But soone after the flood of the sea left vs, and we enforced eyther by maine strength to row against a violent currant, or to returne as wise as we went out, we had then no shift but to per­swade the companies that it was but two or three daies worke, and therfore desired them to take pains, euery gentleman and others taking their turns to row, and to spell one the other at the howers end. Euerie day we passed by goodly branches of riuers, some falling from the west, others from the east into Ama­na, but those I leaue to the discription in the Chart of discouerie, where euery one shall be named with his rising and descente. When three daies more were ouergone, our companies began to despaire, the weather being extreame hot, the riuer bordered with verie high trees that kept away the aire, and the cur­rant against vs euery daie stronger than other: But we euermore commaunded our Pilots to promise an end the next day, and vsed it so long as we were driuen to assure them from fower reaches of the riuer to three, and so to two, & so to the next reach: but so long we laboured as many daies were spent, and so driuen to [Page 45] draw ourselues to harder allowance, our breade euen at the last, and no drinke at all: and our men and our selues so wearied and scorched, and doubfull withall whether we should euer performe it or no, the heat encreasing as we drew towards the line, for wee were now in fiue degrees.

The farther we went on (our victuall decreasing and the aire breeding greate faintnes) we grew weaker and weaker when we had most neede of strength and abili­tie, for howerlie the riuer ran more violentlie than other against vs, and the barge, wheries: and ships bote of Captaine Gifford, and Captaine Calfield, had spent all their prouisions, so as wee were brought into despaire and discomfort, had we not perswa­ded all the company that it was but onlie one dayes worke more to attaine the lande where we should be releeued of all we wanted, and if we returned that we were sure to starue by the way, and that the worlde would also laugh vs to scorne. On the banks of these riuers were diuers sorts of fruites good to eate, flowers and trees of that varietie as were sufficient to make ten volumes of herbals, we releeued our selues ma­nie times with the fruits of the countrey, and som­times with foule and fish: we saw birds of all colours, some carnation, some crimson, 'orenge tawny, pur­ple', watchet, and of all other sortes both sim­ple and mixt, as it was vnto vs a greate good passing of the time to behould them, besides the reliefe we found by killing some store of them with our fou­ling peeces, without which, hauing litle or no bread and lesse drink, but only the thick and troubled water of the riuer, we had been in a very hard case. [Page 46] Our old Pilot of the Ciawani (whom, as I saide before we tooke to redeeme Ferdinando,) told vs, that if we would enter a branch of a riuer on the right hand with our barge and wherries, and leaue the Galley at ancor the while in the greate riuer, he would bring vs to a towne of the Arwacas where we should finde store of breade, hens, fish, and of the countrey wine, and per­swaded vs that departing from the Galley at noone, we might returne ere night: I was very glad to heare this speech, and presently tooke my barke, with eight musketiers, Captain Giffords wherrie, with himselfe & foure musketiers, & Captaine Calfield with his wher­ry and as many, and so we entred the mouth of this riuer, and because we were perswaded that it was so neere, we tooke no victuall with vs at all: when we had rowed three howres, we maruailed we sawe noe signe of any dwelling, and asked the Pilot where the towne was, he told vs a litle farther: after three hours more the Sun being almost set, we began to suspect that he led vs that way to betray vs, for he confes­sed that those Spaniardes which fled from Trinedado, and also those that remained with Carapana in Eme­ria, were ioyned togither in some village vpon that riuer. But when it grew towardes night, and we demaunding where the place was, he tolde vs but fower reaches more: when we had rowed fower and fower, we saw no signe, and our poore water-men euen heart broken, and tired, were ready to giue vp the ghost; for we had now come from the Galley neer forty miles.

At the last we determined to hang the Pilot, and if we had well knowen the way backe againe by night, [Page 47] he had surely gone, but our owne necessities pleaded sufficiently for his safetie: for it was as darke as pitch, and the riuer began so to narrowe it selfe, and the trees to hang ouer from side to side, as we were dri­uen with arming swordes to cut a passage thorow those branches that couered the water. We were ve­rie desirous to finde this towne hoping of a feast, bi­cause we made but a short breakfast aboorde the Galley in the morning, and it was nowe eight a clocke at night, and our stomackes began to gnawe apace: but whether it was best to returne or goe on, we be­gan to doubt suspecting treason in the Pilot more and more: but the poore olde Indian euer assured vs that it was but a little farther, but this one turning and that turning, and at last aboute one a clocke af­ter midnight we saw a light, and rowing towardes it, we heard the dogs of the village. When wee landed we found few people, for the Lorde of that place was gone with diuers Canoas aboue 400. miles of, vpon a iourney towards the heade of Orenoque to trade for golde, and to buy women of the Canibals, vvho afterward vnfortunately passed by vs as we rode at an ancor in the port of Morequito in the dark of night and yet came so neer vs, as his Canoas grated against our barges: he left one of his company at the porte of Morequito, by vvhom vve vnderstood that he had brought thirty yoong vvoomen, diuers plates of gold, and had great store of fine peeces of cotton cloth, and cotton beds. In his house vve had good store of bread, fish, hens, and Indian drinke, and so rested that night, and in the morning after vve had tra­ded with such of his people as came down, we retuned [Page 48] towards our Galley, and brought with vs some quanti­ty of bread, fish, and hens.

On both sides of this riuer, we passed the most beau­tifull country that euer mine eies beheld: and where­as all that we had seen before was nothing but woods, prickles, bushes, and thornes, heere we beheld plaines of twentie miles in length, the grasse short and greene, and in diuers parts groues of trees by themselues, as if they had been by all the art and labour in the world so made of purpose: and stil as we rowed, the Deere came downe feeding by the waters side, as if they had beene vsed to a keepers cal. Vpon this riuer there were great store of fowle, and of many sorts: we saw in it diuers sorts of strange fishes, & of maruelous bignes, but for Lagartos it exceeded, for there were thousands of those vglie serpents, and the people call it for the abundance of them the riuer of Lagartos, in their language. I had a Negro a very proper yoong fellow, that leaping out of the Galley to swim in the mouth of this riuer, was in all our sights taken and deuoured with one of those Lagartos. In the mean while our cōpanies in the Galley thought we had beene all lost, (for we promised to re­turne before night) & sent the Lions Whelps ships bote with Captaine VVhiddon to follow vs vp the riuer, but the next day after we had rowed vp and downe some fower score miles, we returned, and went on our way, vp the great riuer, and when we were euen at the last cast for want of victuals, Captaine Gifford being be­fore the Galley, and the rest of the botes, seeking out some place to land vpon the banks to make fire espi­ed fower Canoas comming downe the liuer, & with no small ioy caused his men to trie the vttermost of their [Page 49] strengths, and after a while two of the 4. gaue ouer, and ran themselues ashore, euery man betaking him­selfe to the fastnes of the woods, the two other lesser got away, while he landed to lay holde on these, and so turned into some by-creeke, we knew not whither: those Canoas that were taken were loden with bread, & were bound for Marguerita in the west Indies, which those Indians (called Arwacas) purposed to carrie thi­ther for exchange: But in the lesser, there were three Spaniards, who hauing heard of the defeat of their gouernour in Trinedado, and that we purposed to en­ter Guiana, came away in those Canoas: one of them was a Cauallero, as the Captaine of the Arwacas after told vs, another a souldier, and the third a refiner.

In the meane time, nothing on the earth coulde haue been more welcome to vs next vnto gold, then the great store of very excellent bread which we found in these Canoas, for now our men cried, let vs go on, we care not how farre. After that Captaine Gifford had brought the two Canoas to the Galley, I tooke my barge, and went to the banks side with a dozen shot, where the Canoas first ran themselues ashore, and lan­ded there, sending out Captaine Gifford and Captaine Thyn on one hand, and Captaine Calfield on the other, to follow those that were fled into the woods, and as I was creeping thorow the bushes, I saw an Indian bas­ket hidden, which was the refiners basket, for I found in it, his quicksiluer, saltpeter, and diuers things for the triall of mettels, and also the dust of such ore as he had refined, but in those Canoas which escaped there was a good quantity of ore and gold. I then landed more men, and offered 500. pound to what souldier soeuer [Page 50] could take one of those 3. Spaniards that we thought were landed. But our labours were in vaine in that be­halfe, for they put themselues into one of the small Canoas: and so while the greater Canoas were in taking, they escaped: but seeking after the Spaniardes, we found the Arwacas hidden in the woods which were pilots for the Spaniardes, and rowed their Canoas: of which I kept the chiefest for a Pilot, and carried him with me to Guiana, by whom I vnderstood, where and in what countries the Spaniards had labored for gold, though I made not the same knowen to all: for when the springs began to breake, and the riuers to raise themselues so suddenly as by no meanes we could abide the digging of anie mine, especially for that the richest are defended with rocks of hard stones, which we call the White spar, and that it required both time, men, and instruments fit for such a worke, I thought it best not to houer thereabouts, least if the same had been perceiued by the company, there would haue bin by this time many barks & ships set out, & perchance other nations would also haue gotten of ours for Pi­lots, so as both our selues might haue been preuented, & al our care taken for good vsage of the people bin vtterly lost, by those that onely respect present pro­fit, and such violence or insolence offered, as the na­tions which are borderers would have changed their desire of our loue and defence, into hatred and vio­lence. And for any longer stay to haue brought a more quantity (which I heare hath bin often obiected) who­soeuer had seene or prooued the fury of that riuer af­ter it began to arise, and had been a moneth and od daies as we were frō hearing ought frō our ships, lea­uing [Page 51] them meanely mand, 400. miles off, would perchance haue turned somwhat sooner than we did, if all the mountains had beene gold, or rich stones: And to say the truth all the branches and smal riuers which fell into Orenoque were raised with such speede, as if wee waded them ouer the shooes in the mor­ning outward, we were couered to the shoulders homewarde the very same day: and to stay to dig out gold with our nailes, had beene Opus laboris but nor Ingeny: such a quantitie as would haue serued our turnes we could not haue had, but a discouery of the mines to our infinite disaduantage we had made, and that could haue been the best profit of farther search or stay, for those mines are not easily broken, nor opened in hast, and I could haue returned a good quantitie of gold readie cast, if I had not shot at ano­ther marke, than present profit.

This Arwacan Pilot with the rest, fearing that we would haue eaten them, or otherwise haue put thē to some cruell death, for the Spaniards to the end that none of the people in the passage towards Guiana or in Guiana it selfe might come to speech with vs, per­swaded all the nations, that we were men eaters, and Canibals: but when the poore men & women had seen vs, and that we gaue them meate, and to euery one somthing or other, which was rare and strange to them, they began to conceiue the deceit and purpose of the Spaniards, who indeed (as they confessed) tooke from them both their wiues, and daughters daily, and vsed them for the satisfying of their owne lusts, especi­ally such as they tooke in this manner by strength. But I protest before the maiestie of the liuing God, that I [Page 52] neither know nor beleeue, that any of our companie one or other, by violence or otherwise, euen knew any of their women, and yet we saw many hundreds, and had many in our power, and of those very yoong, & excellently fauoured which came among vs without deceit, starke naked.

Nothing got vs more loue amongst them then this vsage, for I suffered not any man to take from any of the nations so much as a Pina, or a Potato roote, with­out giuing them contentment, nor any man so much as to offer to touch any of their wiues or daughters: which course so contrary to the Spaniards (who ty­rannixe ouer them in all things) drew them to ad­mire her Maiestie, whose cōmaundement I told thē it was, and also wonderfully to honour our nation.

But I confesse it was a very impatient worke to keep the meaner sort from spoile and stealing, when we came to their houses, which by cause in all I could not preuent, I caused my Indian interpreter at euery place when we departed, to know of the losse or wrong don, and if ought were stolen or taken by violence, either the same was restored, and the partie punished in their sight, or else was paid for to their vttermost demand. They also much woondred at vs, after they heard that we had slaine the Spaniards at Trinedado, for they were before resolued, that no nation of Christians durst abide their presence, and they woondred more when I had made them know of the great ouerthrow that hir Ma­iesties armie and fleet had giuen them of late yeers in their owne countries.

After we had taken in this supply of bread, with di­uers baskets of rootes which were excellent meate, I [Page 53] gaue one of the Canoas to the Arwacas, which belon­ged to the Spaniards that were escaped, and when I had dismissed all but the Captaine (who by the Spani­ards was christined Martin) I sent back in the same Canoa the old Ciawan, and Ferdinando my first Pilot, and gaue them both such things as they desired, with suf­ficient victuall to cary them backe, and by them wrote a letter to the ships, which they promised to deliuer, and performed it, and then I went on, with my new hired Pilot Martin the Arwacan: but the next or se­cond day after, we came aground again with our gal­ley, and were like to cast her away, with all our victuall and prouision, and so lay on the sand one whole night and were farre more in despaire at this time to free hir then before, because we had no tide of flood to helpe vs, and therefore feared that all our hopes wold haue ended in mishaps: but we fastened an ancor vp­on the land, and with maine strength drew her off: & so the 15.day we discouered a farre off the mountains of Guiana to our greate ioy, and towards the euening had a slent of a northerly wind that blew very strong, which brought vs in sight of the greate riuer of Oreno­que; out of which this riuer descended wherein we were: we discried a farre off three other Canoas as far as we could descerne them, after whome we hastened with our barge and wherries, but two of them passed out of sight, and the third entred vp the greate riuer, on the right hand to the westward, & there staied out of sight, thinking that we meant to take the way east­ward towards the prouince of Carapana, for that way the Spaniards keepe, not daring to go vpwardes to Guiana, the people in those partes being all their [Page 54] enimies, and those in the Canoas thought vs to haue bene those Spaniards that were fled from Trinedado, and had escaped killing: and when we came so farre downe as the opening of that braunch into which they slipped, being neare them with our barge and wherries, we made after them, and ere they could land, came within call, and by our interpreter tolde them what we were, wherewith they came back wil­lingly aboord vs: and of such fish and Tortugas egges as they had gathered, they gaue vs, and promised in the morning to bring the Lord of that part with them, and to do vs all other seruices they could.

That night we came to an ankor at the parting of three goodly riuers (the one was the riuer of Amana by which we came from the north, and ran athwart towards the south, the other two were of Orenoque which crossed from the west and ran to the sea to­wardes the east) and landed vpon a faire sand, where we founde thousands of Tortugas egges, which are very wholsome meat, and greatly restoring, so as our men were now well filled and highly contented both with the fare, and neerenes of the land of Guiana which ap­peared in sight. In the morning there came down ac­cording to promise the Lord of that border called Toparimaca, with some thirtie or fortte followers, and brought vs diuers sorts of fruits, & of his wine, bread, fish, and flesh, whom we also feasted as we could, at least he dranke good Spanish wine (whereof we had a small quantitie in bottles) which aboue al things they loue. I conferred with this Toparimaca of the next way to Guiana, who conducted our galley and botes to his owne port, and caried vs from thence some [Page 55] mile and a halfe to his towne, vvhere some of our cap­taines garoused of his wine till they were reasonable pleasant, for it is very strong with pepper, & the iuice of diuers herbs, and fruits digested and purged, they keepe it in great earthen pots of ten or twelue gallons verie cleane and sweete, and are themselues at their meetings and feasts the greatest garousers and drun­kards of the world: when we came to his towne we founde two Cassiques, whereof one of them was a stranger that had beene vp the riuer in trade, and his boates, people, and wife incamped at the porte where we ankored, and the other was of that coun­trey a follower of Toparimaca: they lay each of them in a cotten Hamaca, which we call brasill beds, & two women attending them with six cups and a litle ladle to fill them, out of an earthen pitcher of wine, and so they drank each of them three of those cups at a time one to the other, and in this sort they drinke drunke at their feasts and meetings.

That Cassique that was a stranger had his wife stay­ing at the port where we ancored, and in all my life I haue seldome seene a better fauored woman: She was of good stature, with blacke eies, fat of bodie, of an excellent countenance, her haire almost as long as hir selfe, tied vp againe in prettie knots, and it seemed she stood not in that aw of her husband, as the rest, for she spake and discourst, and dranke among the gentle­men and captaines, and was very pleasant, knowing her owne comelines, and taking great pride therein. I haue seene a Lady in England so like to her, as but for the difference of colour I would haue sworne might haue beene the same.

[Page 56]The seat of this towne of Toparimaca was very pleasant, standing on a little hill, in an excellent pro­spect, with goodly gardens a mile compasse rounde about it, and two verie faire and large ponds of excel­lent fish adioyning. This towne is called Arowocai: the people are of the nation called Nepoios, and are followers of Carapana. In that place I sawe very aged people, that we might perceiue all their sinewes and veines without any flesh, and but euen as a case coue­red onely with skin. The Lord of this place gaue me an old man for Pilot, who was of great experience & trauell, and knew the riuer most perfectly both by day and night, and it shall be requisite for any man that passeth it to haue such a Pilot, for it is fower, fiue, and six miles ouer in many places, and twentie miles in other places, with wonderfull eddies, and strong cur­rants, many great Ilands and diuers sholds, and many dangerous rocks, and besides vpon any iucrease of winde so greate a bilbow, as we were somtimes in great perill of drowning in the galley, for the small botes durst not come from the shore, but when it was verie faire.

The next day we hasted thence, and hauing an ea­sterly wind to helpe vs, we spared our arms from row­ing: for after we entred Orenoque, the riuer lieth for the most part east and west, euen from the sea vnto Quinto in Peru. This riuer is nauigable vvith ships little lesse than 1000. miles, and from the place vvhere vve entred it may be failed vp in small pinaces to many of the best parts of Nueuo reyno de granada, and of Popayan: and from no place may the cities of these parts of the Indies be so easilie taken and inuaded as from hence. [Page 57] All that day we sailed vp a branch of that riuer, hauing on the left hand a great Iland, which they cal Assapana which may containe some fiue and twentie miles in length, & 6. miles in breadth, the great body of the ri­uer running on the other side of this Iland: Beyond that middle branch there is also another Iland in the riuer, called Iwana, which is twise as big as the Isle of Wight, and beyond it, and betweene it and the maine of Guia­na, runneth a third branch of Orenoque called Arraroe­pana: all three are goodly branches, and all nauigable for great ships. I iudge the riuer in this place to be at least thirtie miles brode, reckoning the Ilands which deuide the branches in it, for afterwards I sought also both the other branches.

After we reached to the head of the Iland, called Assapana, a little to the westward on the right hand there opened a riued which came from the north, cal­led Europa, and fell into the great riuer & beyond it, on the same side, we ankored for that night, by another Iland six miles long, and two miles brode, which they call Ocaywita: From hence in the morning we landed two Guianians, which we found in the towne of Topari­maca, that came with vs, who went to giue notice of our comming to the Lord of that countrey called Pu­tyma, a follower of Topiawari, chiefe Lord of Arromaia, who suceeded Morequito, whom (as you haue heard before) Berreo put to death, but his towne being farre within the land, he came not vnto vs that day, so as we ankored againe that night neere the bankes of ano­ther Iland, of bignes much like the other, which they call Putapayma, on the maine lande, ouer against which Iland was a very high mountain called Oceope: [Page 58] we coueted to ankor rather by these Ilands in the ri­uer, than by the maine, because of the Tortugas egges, which our people found on them in great abundance & also because the ground serued better for vs to cast our nets for fish, the maine banks being for the most part stony and high, & the rocks of a blew metalline colour, like vnto the best steele ore, which I assuredly take it to be: of the same blew stone are also diuers great mountaines, which border this riuer in many places.

The next morning towards nine of the clocke, we weyed ankor, & the brize encreasing, we failed alwaies west vp the riuer, a and after a while opening the land on the right side, the countrey appeered to be cham­paine, and the banks shewed very perfect red: I there­fore sent two of the little barges with captaine Gifford and with him captaine Thyn, captaine Calfield, my co­sen Greenvile, my nephew Io. Gilbert, captaine Eynus, master Edw. Porter, and my cosen Butshead Gorges, with some fewe soldiers, to march ouer the bankes of that red land, and to discouer what maner of countrey it was on the other side, who at their returne found it all a plaine leuel, as farre as they went or could discerne, from the highest tree they could get vpon: And my old Pilot, a man of great trauell brother to the Cassique Toparimica told me, that those were called the plaines of the Sayma, and that the same leuell reached to Cu­mana, and Carracas in the west Indies, which are 120. leagues to the north, and that there inhabited fower principall nations. The first were the Sayma, the next Assawai, the third and greatest the Wikiri, by whom Pedro Hernandez de Serpa before mentioned was ouer­throwen, [Page 59] as he passed with three hundred horse from Cumana towardes Orenoque, in his enterprize of Guiana, the fourth are called Aroras, and are as blacke as Ne­gros, but haue smooth haire, and these are very vali­ant, or rather desperate people, and haue the most strong poison on their arrowes, and most dangerous of all nations, of which poison I will speake somwhat being a digression not vnnecessarie.

There was nothing whereof I was more curious, than to finde out the true remedies of these poisoned arrowes, for besides the mortalitic of the wound they make, the partie shot indureth the most insufferable torment in the world, and abideth a most vgly and lamentable death, somtimes dying starke mad, som­times their bowels breaking out of their bellies: and are presently discolored, as blacke as pitch, and so vn­sauery, as no man can endure to cure, or to attende them: And it is more strange to know, that in al this time there was neuer Spaniard, either by gift or tor­ment that could attaine to the true knowledge of the cure, although they haue martired and put to inuen­ted torture I know not how many of them. But euery one of these Indians know it not, no not one among thousands, but their southsaires and priestes, who do conceile it, and only teach it but from the father to the sonne.

Those medicines which are vulgar, and serue for the ordinarie poison, are made of the iuice of a roote cal­led Tupara: the same also quencheth maruellously the heart of burning feauers, and healeth inward wounds, and broken veines, that bleed within the body. But I was more beholding to the Guianians than any other, [Page 60] for Anthonio de Berreo told me that he could neuer at­taine to the knowledge thereof, & yet they taught me the best way of healing as well thereof, as of al other poisons. Some of the Spaniards haue been cured in ordinary wounds, of the common poisoned arrowes with the iuice of garlike: but this is a generall rule for all mē that shall herafter trauell the Indies where poi­soned arrows are vsed, that they must abstaine from drinke, for if they take any licor into their body as they shall be maruellously prouoked there vnto by drought, I say, if they drink before the wound be dressed, or soon vpon it, there is no way with thē but present death.

And so I will returne again to our iourney which for this third day we finished, and cast ancor againe neere the continent, or the left hand betweene two moun­tains, the one called Aroami, and the other Aio: I made no stay heere but till midnight, for I feared howerly least any raine should fall, and then it had beene impossible to haue gone any further vp, not­withstanding that there is euery day a very strong brize, and easterly winde. I deferred the search of the country on Guiana side, till my returne downe the ri­uer. The next day we failed by a great Iland, in the midle of the riuer, called Manoripano, and as wee walked a while on the Iland, while the Galley got a heade of vs, there came from vs from the maine, a small Canoa with seuen or eight Guianians, to inuite vs to ancor at their port, but I deferred till my returne, It was that Cassique to whō those Nepoios went, which came with vs from the towne of Toparimica: and so the fift day we reached as high vp as the Prouince of Arromaia the countrey of Morequito whom Berreo [Page 61] executed, and ankored to the west of an Iland called Murrecotima, ten miles long and fiue brode: and that night the Cassique Aramiary, (to whose towne we made our long and hungry voyag out of the riuer of Amana) passed by vs.

The next day we ariued at the port of Morequito, and ancored there, sending away one of our Pilots to seeke the king of Aromaia, vncle to Morequito slaine by Berreo as aforesaide. The next day following, before noone he came to vs on foote from his house, which was 14. English miles, himselfe being 110. yers old) and returned on foote the same day, & with him many of the borderers, with many women & children, that came to woonder at our nation, and to bring vs down victuall, which they did in great plenty, as venison, porke, hens, chickens, foule, fish, with diuers sorts of excellent fruites, and rootes, & great abundance of Pinas, the princes of fruits, that grow vnder the Sun, es­pecially those of Guiana. They brought vs also store of bread, and of their wine, & a sort of Paraquitos, no big­ger than wrens, and of all other sortes both small and greate: one of them gaue me a beast called by the Spa­niards Armadlla, which they call Cassacam, which see­meth to be all barred ouer with small plates some­what like to a Renocero, with a white horne growing in his hinder parts, as big as a great hunting horne, which they vse to winde in steede of a trumpet. Mo­nardus writeth that a litle of the powder of that horn put into the eare, cureth deafnes.

After this old king had rested a while in a lit­tle tent, that I caused to be set vp, I began by my in­terpretor to discourse with him of the death of Mo­requito [Page 62] his predecessor, and afterward of the Spani­ards, and ere I went any farther I made him knowe the cause of my comming thither, whose seruant I was, and that the Queenes pleasure was, I should vndertake the voiage for their defence, and to de­liuer them from the tyranny of the Spaniardes, dila­ting at large, (as I had done before to those of Tri­nedado) her Maiesties greatenes, her iustice, her charitie to all oppressed nations, with as many of the rest of her beauties and vertues, as either I could expresse, or they conceiue, all which be­ing with greate admiration attentiuely heard, and maruelously admired, I began to found the olde man as touching Guiana, and the state thereof, what sort of common wealth it was, how gouer­ned, of what strength and pollicy, how farre it ex­tended, and what nations were friendes or enimies adioyning, and finally of the distance, and way to en­ter the same: he told me that himselfe and his peo­ple with all those downe the riuer towardes the sea, as farre as Emeria, the Prouince of Carapana, were of Guiana, but that they called themselues, Orenoque­poni, and that all the nations betweene the riuer and those mountaines in sight called Wacarima, were of the same cast and appellation: and that on the other side of those mountaines of Wacarima there was a large plaine (which after I discouered in my returne) called the valley of Amariocapana, in all that valley the people were also of the ancient Guianians. I as­ked what nations those were which inhabited on the further side of those mountains, beyond the valley of [Page 63] Amariocapana, he answered with a great sigh (as a man which had inward feeling of the losse of his country and liberty, especially for that his eldest sonne was slain in a battell on that side of the mountaines, whom he most entirely loued, that he remembred in his fa­thers life time when he was verie old, and himselfe a yoong man that there came down into that large val­ley of Guiana, a nation from so far off as the Sun slept, (for such were his own words,) with so great a multi­tude as they could not be numbred nor resisted, & that they wore large coates, and hats of crimson colour, which colour he expressed, by shewing a peece of red wood, wherewith my tent was supported, and that they were called Oreiones, and Epuremei, those that had slaine and rooted out so many of the ancient people as there were leaues in the wood vpon al the trees, and had now made themselues Lords of all, euen to that mountaine foot called Curaa, sauing onely of two na­tions, the one called Awarawaqueri, and the other Cas­sipagotos, and that in the last battel fought between the Epuremei, & the Iwarawaqueri, his eldest son was cho­sen to carry to the aide of the Iwarawaqueri, a greate troupe of the Orenoqueponi, and was there slaine with al his people & friends, and that he had now remaning but one sonne: and farther told me that those Epure­mei had built a great town called Macuregurai at the said mountaine foote, at the beginning of the great plaines of Guiana, which haue no ende: and that their houses haue many roomes, one ouer the other, and that therein the great king of the Oreiones and Epu­remei kept three thousand men to defend the borders against them, and withall daily to inuade and slaie [Page 64] them: but that of late yeares since the Christians of­fred to inuade his territories, and those frontires, they were all at peace, and traded one with another, sauing onely the Iwarawaqueri, and those other nations vpon the head of the riuer of Caroli, called Cassipagotos, which we afterwards discouered, each one holding the Spa­niard for a common enemie.

After he had answered thus far, he desired leaue to depart, saying that he had far to go, that he was old, & weake, and was euery day called for by death, which was also his owne phrase: I desired him to rest with vs that night, but I could not intreat him, but he told me that at my returne from the countrie aboue, he would againe come to vs, and in the meane time prouide for vs the best he could, of all that his countrey yeelded: the same night hee returned to Orecotona his owne towne, so as he went that day 28. miles, the weather being very hot, the countrie being situate betweene 4. and 5. degrees of the Equinoctiall. This Topiawari is held for the prowdest, and wisest of al the Orenoqueponi and so he behaued himselfe towards me in all his an­swers at my returne, as I maruelled to finde a man of that grauity and iudgement, and of so good discourse, that had no helpe of learning nor breed.

The next morning we also left the port, and failed westward vp to the riuer, to view the famous riuer cal­led Caroli, as well bicause it was maruellous of it selfe, as also for that I vnderstood it led to the strongest na­tions of all the frontires, that were enemies to the Epuremei, which are subiects to Inga, Emperor of Guia­na, and Menoa, and that night we ankored at ano­ther Iland called Caiama, of some fiue or sixe miles [Page 65] in length, and the next day ariued at the mouth of Caroli, when we were short of it as low or further down as the port of Morequito we heard the great rore and fall of the riuer, but when we came to enter with our barge and wherries thinking to haue gone vp some fortie miles to the nations of the Cassipagotos, we were not able with a barge of eight oares to row one stones cast in an hower, and yet the riuer is as broad as the Thames at Wolwich, and we tried both sides, and the middle, and euery part of the riuer, so as we in­camped vpon the bankes adioyning, and sent off our Orenequepone (which came with vs from Morequito) to giue knowledge to the nations vpon the riuer of our being there, and that we desired to see the Lords of Ca­muria, which dwelt within the prouince vpon that riuer making them know that we were enemies to the Spa­niards, (for it was on this riuer side that Morequito) slew the Frier, and those nine Spaniards which came from Manoa, the Citie of Inga, and tooke from them 40000. pesoes of Golde (so as the next daie there came downe a Lorde or Cassique called Wanuretona with many people with him, and brought all store of prouisions to entertaine vs, as the rest had done. And as I had before made my comming knowne to Topiawari, so did I acquaint this Cassique therewith, and how I was sent by her Maiesty for the purpose afore­said, and gathered also what I could of him touching the estate of Guiana, and I founde that those also of Caroli were not onely enemies to the Spaniardes but most of all to the Epuremei, which abound in Golde, and by this Warunetona, I had knowledge that on the heade of this riuer were three mightie nations, [Page 66] which were seated on a great lake, from when ce this riuer descended, and were called Cessipagotos, Eparagotos, and Arawagotos, and that all those eyther against the Spaniardes, or the Epuremei would ioine with vs, & that if we entred the lande ouer the mountaines of Curaa, wee should satisfie our selues with golde and all other goodthinges: hee tolde vs farther of a nation called Iwarawaqueri before spoken off, that held daily warre with the Epuremei that inhabited Macuregnarai the first ciuill towne pf Guiana, of the subiectes of In­ga the Emperour.

Vpon this riuer one Captaine George, that I tooke with Berreo tolde me there was a greate siluer mine, and that it was neere the banckes of the saide riuer. But by this time as well Orenoque, Caroli, and all the rest of the riuers were risen fowre or fiue foote in height, so as it was not possible by the strength of any men, or with any boate whatsoeuer to rowe into the riuer against the stream. I therefore sent Captain Thyn, Captaine Greenuile, my nephew Iohn Gylbert, my cosen Butshead Gorges, Captaine Clarke, and some 30. shot more to coast the riuer by lande, and to goe to a towne some twentie miles ouer the valley called Amnatapoi, and they found guides there, to goe far­ther towardes the mountaine foote to another great towne, called Capurepana, belonging to a Cassique called Haharacea (that was a nephew to old Topiawari king of Arromaia our chiefest friend) because this towne and prouince of Capurepnna adioyned to Macureguarai, which was a frontier towne of the Empire: and the meane while my selfe with Captaine Gifford, Cap­taine Calfield, Edw. Hancocke, & some halfe a dosen shot [Page 67] marched ouer land to view the strange ouerfalls of the riuer of Carols which rored so farre of, & also to see the plaines, adioyning and the rest of the prouince of Ca­nuri: I sent also captaine Whiddon, W. Connocke & som eight shot with them, to see if they coulde finde any minerall stone alongst the riuer side, When we ronne to the tops of the first hils of the plaines adioyning to the riuer, we beheld that wonderfull breach of waters, which ranne downe Caroli: and might from that mountaine see the riuer how it ran in thre parts, aboue twentie miles of, and there appeared som ten or twelue ouerfals in sight, euery one as high ouer the other as a Church tower, which fell with that fury, that the rebound of water made it seeme, as if it had beene all couered ouer with a greate shower of raine: and in some places we took it at the first for a smoke that had risen ouer some greate towne. For mine owne part I was well perswaded from thence to haue returned, being a very ill footeman, but the rest were all so desirous to go neere the saide strange thunder of waters, as they drew mee on by little and litle, til we came into the next valley where we might better discerne the same. I neuer saw a more beawtifull countrey, nor more liuely prospectes, hils so raised heere and there ouer the vallies, the riuer winding into diuers braun­ches, the plaines adioyning without bush or stubble, all faire greene grasse, the ground of hard sand easie to march on, eyther for horse or foote, the deare crossing in euery path, the birds towards the euening singing on euery tree with a thousand seuerall tunes, cranes & herons of white, crimson, and carnation pearching in the riuers side, the ayre fresh with a gentle [Page 68] easterly wind, and euery stone that we stooped to take vp, promised eyther gold or siluer by his complexion. Your L. shall see of many sortes, and I hope some of them cannot be bettered vnder the sunne, and yet we had no meanes but with our daggers and fingers to teare them out heere and there, the rockes being most hard of that minerall sparre aforesaid, and is like a flint, and is altogether as hard or harder, and besides the veines like a fathome or two deepe in the rockes. But we wanted all thinges requisite saue only our de­sires, and good will to haue performed more if it had pleased God. To be shorte when both our compa­nies returned, each of them brought also seueral sorts of stones that appeared very faire, but were such as they found loose on the ground, & were for the most part but cullored, and had not any gold fixed in them, yet such as had no iudgement or experience kept all that glistered, and would not be perswaded but it was rich because of the lustre, and brought of those, and of Marquesite with all, from Trinedado, and haue deliue­red of those stones to be tried in many places, and haue thereby bred an opinion that all the rest is of the same: yet some of these stones I shewed afterward to a Spaniard of the Caracas who told me that it was El Madre deloro, and that the mine was farther in the ground. But it shall be found a weake policie in mee, eyther to betray my selfe, or my Countrey with imagi­nations, neyther am I so farre in loue with that lod­ging, watching, care, perill, diseases, ill fauoures, bad fare, and many other mischiefes that accompa­ny these voiages, as to woo my selfe againe into any of them, were I not assured that the sunne couereth [Page 69] not so much riches in any part of the earth. Captaine Whiddon, and our Chirurgion Nich. Millechap brought me a kinde of stons like Saphires, what they may proue I knowe not, I shewed them to some of the Orenoque­poni, and they promised to bring me to a mountaine, that had of them verye large peeces growing Diamond wife: whether it be Christall of the moun­taine, Bristoll Diamond or Saphire I doe not yet knowe, but I hope the best, sure I am that the place is as likely as those from whence all the rich stones are brought, and in the same height or very neare. On the left hand of this riuer Caroli are seated those nations which are called Iwarawakeri before remembred, which are enimies to the Epuremei: and on the heade of it ad­ioyning to the greate lake Cassipa, are situate those o­ther nations which also resist Inga, and the Epuremei, called Cassepagotos, Eparegotos, and Arrawagotos. I far­ther vnderstoode that this lake of Cassipa is so large, as it is aboue one daies iourney for one of their Canoas to crosse, which may be some 40, miles, and that therin fall diuers riuers, and that greate store of graines of Golde are found in the summer time when the lake falleth by the banckes, in those branches. There is also another goodly riuer beyond Caroli which is cal­led Arui, which also runneth thorow the lake Cassipa, and falleth into Orenoque father west, making al that land between Caroli & Arui an Iland, which is likwise a most beawtifull countrey. Next vnto Arui there are two riuers Atoica and Caera, and on that braunch which is called Caora, are a nation of people, whose heades appeare not aboue their shoulders, which though it may be thought a meere fable, yet for mine [Page 70] owne part I am resolued it is true, because euery child in the prouinces of Arromaia and Canuri affirme the same: they are called Ewaipanoma: they are reported to haue their eyes in their shoulders, and their mouths in the midle of their breasts, & that a long train of hair groweth backward between their shoulders. The son of Topiawari, which I brought with me into England told me that they are the most mightie men of all the lande, and vse bowes, arrowes, and clubs thrice as bigge as any of Guiana, or of the Orenoqueponi, and that one of the Iwarawakeri tooke a prisoner of them the yere before our ariuall there, and brought him into the borders of Arromaia his fathers Countrey: And farther when I seemed to doubt of it, hee tolde me that it was no wonder among them, but that they were as greate a nation, and as common, as any other in all the prouinces, and had of late yeares slaine ma­nie hundreds of his fathers people, and of other nati­ons their neighbours, but it was not my chaunce to heare of them til I was come away, and if I had but spoken one word of it while I was there, I might haue brought one of them with me to put the matter out of doubt. Such a nation was written of by Maundeuile, whose reportes was holden for fables many yeres, and yet since the East Indies were discouered, wee finde his relations true of such things as heeretofore were held incredible: whether it be true or no the matteris not greate, neither can there be any profit in the ima­gination, for mine owne part I saw them not, but I am resolued that so many people did not all combine, or forthinke to make the report.

When I came to Cumana in the west Indies afterwards [Page 71] by chaunce I spake with a spaniard dwelling not farre from thence, a man of great trauell, and after he knew that I had beene in Guiana, and so farre directly west as Caroli, the first question he asked me whether I had seene anie of the Ewaipanoma, which are those without heades: who being esteemed a most honest man of his word, and in all thinges else, told me that he had seene many of them: I may not name him be­cause it may be for his disaduantage, but he is well knowen to Monsier Mucherons sonne of London, and to Peter Mucheron marchant of the Flemish shippe that was there in trade, who also heard what he auowed to be true of those people. The fourth riuer to the west of Caroli is Casnero which falleth into Orenoque on this side of Amapaia, and that riuer is greater then Dami­bius, or any of Europe: it riseth on the south of Gui­ana from the mountaines which deuide Guiana from Amazones, and I thinke it to be nauigable many hun­dred miles: but we had no time, meanes, nor season of the yeare, to search those riuers for the causes afore said, the winter being come vpon vs, although the winter & summer as touching cold & heat differ not, neither do the trees euersencible lose their leaues, but haue alwaies fruit eyther ripe or green, & most of thē both blossoms, leaues, ripe fruit, & green at one time: But their winter onely consilieth of terrible raynes, and ouerflowing of the riuers, with manie greate stormes and gustes, thunder, and lightnings, of which we had our fill, ere we returned. On the North side, the first riuer that falleth into Orenoque is Cari, beyond it on the same side is the riuer of Limo, be­tween these two is a great nation of Canibals, and their [Page 72] chiefe towne beareth the name of the riuer and is cal­led Acamacari: at this towne is a continuall markette of womē for 3. or 4. hatchets a peece, they are brought by the Arwacas, and by them solde into the west In­dies. To the west of Lime is the riuer Pao, beyond it Caturi, beyond that Voari and Capuri which falleth out of the great riuer of Meta, by which Berreo des­cended from Nueuo reyno de granada. To the westward of Capuri is the prouince of Amapaia, where Berreo wintered, and had so many of his people poysoned with the tawny water of the marshes of the Anebas, Aboue Amapaica towarde Nueuo reyno fall in, Me­ta, pato, and Cassanar: to the west of those towards the prouinces of the Ashaguas & Catetios are the ri­uers of Beta, Dawney, and Vbarro, and towardes the frontyer of Peru are the prouinces of Thomebamba. and Caximalta: adioyning to Quito in the North of Peru are the riuers of Guiacar and Goauar: and on the other side of the saide mountaines the riuer of Papamene which descendeth into Maragnon or Amazones passing through the prouince of the Mutylones where Don Pedro de Osua who was slaine by the tray­tour Agiri before rehearsed, built his Briggandines, when he sought Guiana by the waie of Amazones. Betweene Dawney and Beta lieth a famous Iland in Orenoque now called Baraquan (For aboue Meta it is not kowne by the name of Orenoque) which is called Athule, beyond which, ships of burden cānot passe by reason of a most forcible ouerfall, and Current of waters: but in the eddy al smaller vesselles may be drawen euen to Peru itselfe: But to speake of more of these riuers without the description were but tedious, and therefore I will [Page 73] leaue the rest to the discription. This riuer of Oreno­que is nauigable for ships little lesse then 1000. miles, & for lesser vessels neere 2000. By it (as aforesaid) Peru, Nueuo reyno, & Popaian, may be inuaded: it also leadeth to that great Empire of Inga, and to the prouinces of Amapaia, and Anebas which abound in gold: his bran­ches of Cosnero, Manta, Caora descend from the middle land and valley, which lieth betweene the easter pro­uince of Peru and Guiana; and it falles into the sea betwne Maragnon and Trinedado in two degrees and a halfe, al which your Honors shal better perceiue in the general description of Guiana, Peru, Nueuo reyno, the kingdom of Popayan, and Roidas, with the prouince of Vensuello, to the bay of Vraba behinde Cartagena, west­ward: and to Amazones southward. While we lay at ancor on the coast of Canuri, and had taken knowledge of all the nations vpon the head and braunches of this riuer, and had founde out so many feuerall people, which were enemies to the Epuremei, and the newe Conquerers: I thought it time lost to linger any lon­ger in that place, especially for that the fury of Orenoque beganne dailie to threaten vs with dangers in our returne, for no halfe day passed, but the riuer began to rage and ouerflow very fearefully, and the raines came downe in terrible showers, and gusts in greate abundance: and withall, our men beganne to cry out for want of shift, for no man had place to bestowe any other apparrell then that which he ware on his backe, and that was throughly washt on his body for the most part ten times in one day and we had nowe beene well neere a moneth, euery day passing to the westward, farther & farther from our shippes. Wee [Page 74] therefore turned towards the east, and spent the rest of the time in discouering the riuer towards the sea, which we had not viewed, and which was most ma­teriall. The next day following we left the mouth of Caroli, and arriued againe at the port of Morequito where we were before (for passing downe the streame we went without labour, and against the winde, little lesse then 100. miles a day:) Assoon as I came to ancor I sent away one for old Topiawari, with whom I much desired to haue further conference, & also to deal with him for some one of his country, to bring with vs into England, as well to learn the language, as to conferre withall by the way, (the time being now spent of any longer stay there) within three howres after my mes­senger came to him, he arriued also, and with him such a rabble of all sortes of people, and euery one lo­den with somwhat, as if it had bene a great marker or faire in England: and our hungry companies cluste­red thicke and threefold among their baskets, euery one laying hand on what he liked. After he had rested a while in my tent, I shut out al but our selues, and my interpreter, and told him that I knewe that both the Epuremei and the Spaniards were enemies to him, his countrey and nations: that the one had conquered Guiana already, and the other sought to regaine the same from them both: And therefore I desired him to instruct me what hee could, both of the passage into the golden partes of Guiana, and to the ciuill townes and apparrelled people of Inga. Hee gaue me an answere to this effect: first that hee coulde not perceiue that I meant to go onwarde towardes the Citie of Mania, for neither the time of the yeare [Page 75] serued, neyther could he perceiue any sufficient num­bers for such an enterprize: and if I did I was sure with all my company to be buried there, for the Empe­rour was of that strength, as that many times so many men more were too few: besides he gaue me this good counsell and aduised me to hold it in minde (as for himselfe he knewe, he could not liue til my returne) that I should not offer by any meanes hereafter to inuade the strong partes of Guiana with out the helpe of all those nations which were also their enimies: for that it was impossible without those, eyther to be con­ducted, to be victualled, or to haue ought caried with vs, our people not being able to indure the march in so greate heate, and trauell, vnlesse the borderers gaue them helpe, to carry with them both their meate and furniture: For he remembred that in the plaines of Macureguarai 300. Spaniards were ouerthrowen, who were tired out, and had none of the borderers to their friendes, but meeting their enimies as they passed the frontier, were inuironed of all fides, & the people setting the long dry grasse on fire, smothered them so as they had no breth to feight, nor could dis­cerne their enimies for the greate smoke. He told me farther that sower daies iourney from his towne was Macureguarai, and that those were the next, & nea­rest of the subiectes of Inga, and of the Epuremsi, and the first towne of apparreled and rich people, and that all those plates of Goldo which were scat­terred among the borderers and caried to other nations farre and neere, came from the saide Macureguarai, and were there made, but that those of the lande within were farre finer, and were [Page 76] fashioned after the Image of men, beastes, birdes, and fishes. I asked him wether he thought that those companies that I had there with me, were sufficient to take that towne or no, he told me that he thought they were. I then asked him whether he woulde as­sist me with guides, and some companies of his people to ioyn with vs, he answered that he would go himself with all the borderers, if the riuers did remaine for­dable, vpon this condition that I would leaue with him til my returne againe fiftly souldiers, which hee vn­dertooke to victuall: I answered that I had not aboue fiftie good men in all there, the rest were labourers and rowers, and that I had no prouision to leaue with them of powder, shot, apparrell, or ought else, and that without those things necessary for their de­fence, they should be in danger of the Spaniardes in my absence, who I knew would vse the same mea­sure towardes mine, that I offered them at Trinedado: And Although vpon the motion Captaine Calfeide, Captaine Grenuile, my nephewe Iohn Gilbert and di­uers others were desirous to stay, yet I was re­solued that they must needes have perishr, dfor Berreo expected daily a supply out of Spaine, and looked also howerly for his sonne to come downe from Nue­ue reyne degranada, with many horse and soote, and had also in Valentia in the Carneas, 200. horse ready to march, and I coulde not haue spared aboue fortie, and had not any store at all of powder, leade, or march to haue left with them, not any other proui­sion cytherspade, pickeaxe, or ought else to haue fortified withall. When I had giuen him reason that I could not at this time leaue him such a cōpany, [Page 77] he then desired me to forbeare him, and his countrey for that time, for he assured me that I shoulde bee no sooner three dayes from the coast, but those Epu­remei woulde inuade him, and destroye all the re­maine of his people and friendes, if he shoulde any way either guide vs, or assist vs against them. Hee further alledged that the Spaniards sought dis death, and as they had alreadie murtheaed his Nephew Moriquito Lord of that prouince, so they had him 17, daies in a chaine before he was king of the Coun­trey, and led him like a dogge from place to place, vntill he had paide 100. plates of Gold, and diuers chaines of splpen stones for his ransome: and now since he became owner of that prouince that they had many times laide waite to take him, and that they would be now more vehement when they shoulde vnderstand of his conference with the English, and because saide he, they would the better displant me if they cannot lay handes on mee, they haue gotten a Nephew of mine called Eparacano whome they haue christened Don Iuan and his sonne Don pedro, whome they haue also apparelled and armed, by whome they seeke to make a partie against mee, in mine own countrey: he also had taken to wife one Louiana of a strong familie, which are borderers and neigh­bours, and my selfe being now old and in the hands of death, am not able to trauell nor to shifte, as when I was of younger yeares: hee therefore praid vs to deferre it till the next yere, when he would vnder­take to draw in all the bordererst to serue vs, and then also it would be more seasonable to trauel, for at this time of the yeare, we should not be pable to hasse [Page 78] any riuer, the waters were and would be so growen ere our returne. Hee farther told me that I could not de­sire so much to inuade Macureguari, & the rest of Guia­na but that the borderers would be more vehemēt thē I, for he yeelded for a chiefe cause that in the wars with the Epuremei, they were spoyled of their women, and that their wiues and daughters were taken from them, so as for their owne partes they desired nothing of the gold or treasure for their labours, but only to recouer women from the Epuremei: for he farther complay­ned very sadly (as it had bene a matter of greate consequence) that whereas they were wont to haue ten or twelue wiues, they were now inforced to con­tent themselues with three or fower, & that the Lords of the Epuremei had 50. or 100. And in truth they warr more for women then either for gold or dominiō. For the Lords of countries desire many children of their owne bodies, to increase their races and kindreds, for in those consist their greatest trust and strength. Di­uers of his followers afterwards desired me to make hast againe, that they might sacke the Epuremei, and I asked them of what? they answered, of their women for vs, and their Golde for you: for the hope of many of those women they more desire the warre, then ei­ther for Golde, or for the recouery of their ancient ter­ritories. For what betwene the subiectes of Inga, & the Spaniards, those frontiers are growen thinne of people, and also greate numbers are fled to other na­tions farther off for feare of the spaniardes. After I receaued this answere of the olde man, wee fell into consideration, whether it had beene of bet­ter aduice to haue entred Macureguarai, [Page 79] and to haue begunne a warre vpon Inga at this time, yea or no, if the time of the yeare, and all thinges else had sorted. For mine owne part (as we were not able to march it for the riuers, neither had any such strēgth as was requisite, and durst not abide the comming of the winter, or to tarric any longer from our shippes) I thought it were euill counsell to haue attempted it at that time, although the desire of golde will aun­swere many obiections: But it would haue beene in mine opinion an vtter ouerthrow to the enterprize, if the same should be hereafter by her Maiesty attemp­ted: for then (whereas now they haue heard we were enemies to the Spaniards & were sent by her Maiesty to relieue them) they would as good cheape haue ioy­ned with the Spaniards at our returne, as to haue yeel ded vnto vs, when they had proued that we came both for one errant, and that both sought but to sacke and spoyle them, but as yet our desire of gold, or our pur­pose of inuasiō is not known vnto those of the empire: & it is likely that if her Maiesty vndertake the en­terprize, they will rather submit themselues to hero­bedience then to the Spaniardes, of whose cruelty both themselues and the borderers haue already tasted: and therefore till I had knowen her maiesties pleasure, I would rather haue lost the sacke of one or two townes (although they might haue been very profitable) then to haue defaced or indangered the future hope of so many millions, and the great good, & rich trade which England may bee possessed off thereby. I am as­sured nowe that they will all die euen to the last man against the Spanyardes in hope of our suc­coure and returne: whereas otherwise if I had [Page 80] either laid handes on the borderers, or ransommed the Lordes as Berreo did, or inuaded the subiectes of Inga, I knowe all had beene lost for hereafter. After that I had resolued Topiawari Lorde of Aromaia that I could not at this time leaue with him the companies he de­sired, and that I was contented to forbeare the enter­prize against the Epuremei till the next yeare, he free­ly gaue me his onely sonne to take with me into Eng­land, and hoped, that though he himselfe had but a short time to liue, and that by our meanes his sonne shoulde be established after his death: and I left with him one Franncis Sparrow, a seruant of captaine Gifford, (who was desirous to tary, and could describe a coun­trey with his pen) and a boy of mine called Hugh good­win, to learne the language. I after asked the manner how the Epuremei wrought those plates of golde, and how they coulde melt it out of the stone; he told me that the most of the gold which they made in plates and images was not seuered from the stone, but that on the lake of Manoa, & in a multitude of other riuers they gathered it in graines of perfect gold and in pee­ces as big as small stones, and that they put it to a part of copper, otherwise they could not worke it, and that they vsed a great earthen pott with holes round about it, and when they had mingled the gold & copper to­gether, they fastned canes to the holes, and so with the breath of men they increased the fire till the mettell ran, and then they cast it into moulds of stone & clay, and so make those plates and Images. I haue sent your Honours, of two sorts such as I could by chance recouer, more to shew the maner of them, then for the value: For I did not in any sort make my desire of gold [Page 81] knowen, because I had neyther time, nor power to haue a greater quantity. I gaue among them ma­nie more peeces of Golde then I receiued of the new money of 20. shillings with her Maiesties picture to weare, with promise that they woulde be­come her feruantes thenceforth.

I haue also sent your Honor of the oare, whereof I know some is as rich as the earth yeeldeth anie, of which I know there is sufficient, if nothing else were to be hoped for. But besides that we were not able to tarry and search the hils; so we had neither pioners, bars, sledges, nor wedges of Iron, to break the ground without which there is no working in mines: but we saw all the hils with stones of the cullor of Gold and siluer, and we tried them to be no Marquesite, and therefore such as the Spanyardes call El Madre de oro, which is an vndoubted assurance of the generall a­bundance; and my selfe saw the outside of many mines of the Sparre, which I know to be the same that all couet in this worlde, and of those, more then I will speake of.

Hauing learned what I could in Canuri and Aremaia, and receiued a faithfull promise of the principallest of those prouinces to become seruantes to her Maie­stie, and to resist the Spanyardes, if they made any attempt in our absence, and that they woulde drawe in the nations about the lake of Cassipa, and those Iwarawaqueri, I then parted from olde Topiawari, and receiued his sonne for a pledge betweene vs, and left with him two of ours as aforesaid: To Francis Sparrowe I gaue instructions to trauel to Marcuregna­rai, with such marchandizes as I left with them, [Page 82] thereby to learne the place, and if it were possible to go on, to the great Citie of Manoa: which being done, we weyed ancor, and coasted the riuer on Guiana side, because we came vp on the north side, by the launes of the Saima and Wikiri.

There came with vs from Aremaia, a Cassique called Putijma, that commaunded the prouince of Warapana, (which Putijma slewe the nyne Spanyardes vppon Caroli before spoken of,) who desired vs to rest at the porte of his Countrey, promising to bring vs to a mountaine adioyning to his towne that had stones of the cullor of Golde, which he performed: And after wee had rested there one night, I went my selfe in the morning with most of the Gentlemen of my company, ouer lande towardes the said mountaine, marching by a riuers side called Mana, leauing on the right hand a towne called Tuteritona, standing in the prouince of Tarracoa, of which Wartaaremagoto is principall. Beyond it lyeth another towne to­wardes the south in the valley of Amariocapana, which beareth the name of the said valley, whose plaines stretch themselues some 60. miles in leugth, east and west, as fayre ground, and as beawtifull fieldes, as any man hath euer seene, with diuers copsies scatered heere and there by the riuers fule, and all as full of deare, as any forrest or parke in England, and in cue­lic lake and riuer the like abundance of fish and fowle, of which Ieriparragosa is Lord.

From the diuer of Mana, we crost another riuer in the said beiwtiful valley called Oiana, and rested our selues by a cleare lake, which lay in the middle of the said Oiana, and one of our guides kindling vs fire with [Page 83] two stickes, we stayed a while to dry our shirts, which with the heat hong very weete & heauie on our shol­ders. Afterwards we sought the ford to passe ouer to­wardes the montain called Iconuri, where Putijma fore­told vs of the mine. In this lake we saw one of the great fishes, as big as a wine pipe, which they call Manati, and is most excellent and holsome meate. But after I perceiued, that to passe the saide riuer would require halfe a daies march more, I was not able my selfe to in­dure it, and therefore I sent Captaine Keymis with six shotte to goe on, and gaue him order not to returne to the port of Putijma, which is called Chiparepare, but to take leasure, and to march downe the saide valley, as farre as a riuer called Cumaca, where I promised to meete him againe, (Putijma himselfe promising also to be his guide,) and as they marched, they left the townes of Emparepana, and Capurepana, on the right hande, and marched from Putijmas house, downe the saide valley of Amariocapana, & wee returning the same day to the riuers side, sawe by the way ma­ny rockes, like vnto Gold oare, and on the left hand, a round mountaine which consisted of minerall stone.

From hence we rowed downe the streame, coasting the prouice of Parino; As for the braunches of riuers which I ouerpasse in this discourse, those shalbe better expressed in the discription, with the mountaines of Aio, Ara & the rest, which are situate in the prouinces of Parino anp Carricurrina. When wee were come as farre downe as the land called Ariacoa, (where Ore­noque deuideth it selfe into three great braunches, each of them beeing most goodly riuers, (I sent away [Page 84] Captaine Henry Thin, and Captaine Greeneuile with the Galley, the nearest way, and tooke with me Cap­taine Gifford, Captaine Calfielde, Edward porter, and Captaine Eynos with mine owne barge, and the two wherries, and went downe that braunch of Orenoque, which is called Cararoopana, which leadeth towardes Emeria the prouince of Carapana, and towards the east sea, as well to finde out Captaine Keymis, whome I had sent ouer land, as also to acquaint my selfe with Carapana, who is one of the greatest of all the Lords of the Orenoqueponi: and when he came to the riuer of Cumaca (to which Putijma promised to conduct Cap­taine Keymis) I left Captaine Eynos and Master Por­ter in the saide riuer to expect his comming, and the rest of vs rowed downe the streame towardes Eme­ria.

In this braunch called Cararoopana were also ma­ny goodly I landes, some of six miles long, some of tenne, and some of Twentie, when it grewe towards sunne sett, we entred a braunch of a riuer that fell into Orenoque called Winicapora: where I was enformed of the mountaine of Christall, to which in trueth for the length of the way, and the euill season of the yeare, I was not able to march, nor abide any longer vpon the iourney: wee saw it a farre off and it appea­red like a white Church towr of an exceeding height: There falleth ouer it a mightie riuer which toucheth no part of the side of the mountaine, but rusheth ouer the toppe of it, and falleth to the grounde with a terrible noyse and clamor, as if 1000, greate belles were knockt one against another. I thinke there is not in the worlde so straunge an ouerfall, nor so [Page 85] wonderfull to beholde: Berreo tolde mee that it hath Diamondes and other precious stones on it, and that they shined verie farre off: but what it hath I knowe not, neither durst he or any of his men as­cende to the toppe of the saide mountaine, those people adioyning beeing his enimies (as they were) and the way to it so impassible.

Vpon this riuer of Winecapora wee rested a while, and from thence marched into the Countrey to a towne called after the name of the riuer, whereof the chiefe was one Timitwara, who also offered to con­duct mee to the toppe of the saide mountaine called Wacarima: But when wee came in first to the house of the saide Timitwara, beeing vppon one of their feast daies, wee founde them all as drunke as beg­gers, and the pottes walking from one to another without rest: wee that were wearie, and hotte with marching, were glad of the plentie, though a small quantitie satisfied vs, their drinke beeing very strong and headie, and so rested our selues a while; after we had fedde, we dre we our selues backe to our boates, vppon the riuer, and there came to vs all the Lordes of the Countrie, with all such kinde of victuall as the place yeelded, and with their delicate wine of Pinas, and with abundance of hens, and other proui­sions, and of those stones which wee call Spleene­stones. We vnderstoode by the chieferaines of Winicapora, that theire Lorde Carapana was departed from Emeria which was nowe in sight, and that hee was fledde to Cairamo, adioyning to the mountaines of Guiana, ouer the valley called Amariocapana, bee­ing perswaded by those tenne Spanyardes which [Page 86] lay at his house, that we woulde destroy him, and his country.

But after these Cassiqui of Winicapora and Saporato­na his followers perceiued our purpose, and sawe that we came as enimies to the Spanyardes onely, and had not so much as harmed any of those nati­ons, no though wee founde them to bee of the Spanyardes owne feruantes, they affured vs that Carapana woulde bee as readie to serue vs, as any of the Lordes of the prouinces, which wee had passed; and that hee durst doe no other till this daie but entertaine the Spanyardes, his countrey lying so directly in their way, and next of all other to any enterance that should bee made in Guiana on that side.

And they farther assured vs, that it was not for feare of our comming that hee was remoued, but to bee acquited of the Spanyardes or any other that shoulde come heereafter. For the prouince of Cairoma is situate at the mountaine foote, which deuideth the plaines of Guiana, from the countries of the O­renoqueponi: by meanes whereof if any shoulde come in our absence into his townes, hee woulde slippe ouer the mountaines into the plaines of Guiana amonge the Epuremei, where the Spanyardes durst not followe him without greate force.

But in mine opinion, or rather I assure my selfe, that Carapana (beeing a notable wise and subtile fellowe, a man of one hundred yeares of age, and therefore of greate experience) is remooued, to looke on, and if he finde that we returne strong, [Page 87] hee will bee ours, if not, hee will excuse his departure to the Spanyards, and say it was for feare of our comming.

We therefore thought it booteles to rowe so farre downe the streame, or to seeke any farther for this olde fox: and therefore frome the riuer of Waricapana (which lieth at the entrance of Emeria,) we turned again, and left to the Eastward those 4 riuers which fall from out the mountaines of Emeria into Orenoque, which are waracapari, Coirama, Akaniri, and Iparoma: belowe those 4. are also these braunches and mouths of Orenoque, which fall into the East sea, whereof the first is Araturi, the next Amacura, the third Barima, the fourth Wana, the fift Morooca, the sixt Paroma, the last Wijnsi: beyond them, there fall out of the land be­tweene Orenoque and Amazones 14. riuers which I forbeare to name, inhabited by the Arwacas and Ca­niballs.

It is nowe time to returne towardes the North, and we founde it a wearisome way backe, from the borders of Emeria, to recouer vp againe to the head of the ri­uer Carerupana, by which we descended, and where we parted from the galley, which I directed to take the next way to the Porte of Toparmaca, by which we en­tred first.

All the night it was stormie and darke, and full of thunder and great showers, so as we were driuen to keepe close by the bankes in our small boats, be­ing all heartely afraid both of the billowe, and ter­rible Current of the riuer. By the next morning wee recouered the mouth of the riuer of Cumaca, where wee left Captaine Eynns and Edward Porter to attend [Page 88] the coming of Captaine Keymis ouer land: but when we entred the same, they had heard no newes of his arriuall, which bredde in vs a great doubt what might be become of him: I rowed vp a league or two farther into the riuer, shooting off peeces all the way, that he might know of our being there: And the next morning we heard them answere vs also with a peece: we tooke them abord vs, and tooke our leaue of pu­tyma their guide, who of all others most lamented our departure, and offred to send his sonne with vs into England, if we could haue staide till he had sent backe to his towne: but our hearts were cold to behold the great rage and increase of Orenoque, and therefore de­parted, and turned towarde the west, till we had re­couered the parting of the 3 braunches aforesaide, that we might put downe the streame after the Galley.

The next day we landed on the Iland of Assapana, (which deuideth the riuer from that braunch by which we sent down to Emeria) and there feasted our selues with that beast which is called Armadilla presented vn­to vs before at Winicapora, and the day following we recouered the galley at ancor at the port of Toparima­ca, and the same euening departed with verie fowle weather and terrible thunder, and showers, for the winter was come on verie farre: the best was, we went no lesse then 100. miles a daie, down the riuer: but by the way we entred, it was impossible to returne, for that the riuer of Amana, being in the bottome of the bay of Guanipa, cannot be sailed backe by any meanes, both the brize and current of the sea were so forcible, and therefore we followed a braunch of [Page 89] Orenoque called Capuri, which entred into the sea east­ward of our ships, to the end we might beare with them before the wind, and it was not without neede, for we had by that way as much to crosse of the maine sea, after wee came to the riuers mouth as betweene, Grauelyn & Douer, in such boats as your Ho haue heard.

To speake of what past homeward were tedious, ey­ther to describe or name any of the riuers, Ilandes, or villages of the Tiuitiuas which dwell on trees, we will leaue all those to the general mappe: And to be short, when we were ariued at the sea side thē grew our grea­test doubt, and the bitterest of all our iourney forepas­sed, for I protest before God, that wee were in a most desperate estate: for the same night which we ancored in the mouth of the riuer of Capuri, where it falleth in­to the sea, there arose a mightie storme, and the riuers mouth was at least a league broad, so as we ran before night close vnder the land with our small boates, and brought the Galley as neere as we could, but she had as much a doe to liue as could be, and there wanted little of her sinking, and all those in her: for mine own part I confesse, I was verie doubtful which way to take, eyther to goe ouer in the pestred Galley, there beeing but sixe foot water ouer the sands, for two leagues together, & that also in the channell, & she drew fiue: or to aduenture in so great a billow, and in so doubtfull weather, to crosse the seas in my barge. The longer we tarried the worse it was, and therefore I took Captaine Gifford, Captaine Calfeild, & my cosen Greeneuile in­to my barge, and after it cleared vppe, about mid­night wee put our selues to Gods keeping, and thrust out into the sea, leauing the Galley at ancor, who [Page 90] durst not aduenture but by day-light: And so beeing all very sober, and melancholy, one faintly chearing another to shew courage, it pleased God that the next day about nine of the clocke, we discried the Iland of Trinedado, and stearing for the nearest part of it, wee kept the shore till we came to Curiapan, where we found our ships a ancor, then which, there was neuer to vs a more ioyfull sight.

Nowe that it hath pleased God to send vs safe to our ships, it is time to leaue Guiana to the Sunne, whome they worship, and steare away towardes the north: I will therefore in a fewe wordes finish the discouery thereof. Of the seueral nations which we found vpon this discouery I will once againe make repetition, and how they are affected. At our first entrance into Amana, which is one of the outlets of Orenoque, we left on the right hand of vs in the bottome of the bay, ly­ing directly against Trinedado, a nation of inhumaine Canibals, which in habite the riuers of Guanipa and Ber­beese; in the same bay there is also a third riuer which is called Areo, which riseth on Paria side towardes Cu­mana, and that riuer is inhabited with the Wikiri, whose chiefe towne vpon the said riuer is Sayma; In this bay there are no more riuers, but these three before rehear­sed, and the fower braunches of Amana, all which in the winter thrust so great abundance of water into the sea, as the same is taken vp fresh, two or three leagues from the land. In the passages towardes Guia­na, (that is, in all those landes which the eight bran­ches of Orenoque fashion into Ilandes,) there are but one sort of people called Tiuitiuas, but of two castes as they tearme them, the one called Ciawani, [Page 91] the other Waraweeti, and those warre one with the other.

On the hithermost part of Orenoque, as at Toparima­ca, and Winicapora, those are of a nation Called Nepoios, and are of the followers of Carapana, Lorde of Emeria. Betweene Winicapora and the port of Morequito which standeth in Aromaia, and all those in the val­ley of Amariocapana are called Orenoqueponi, and did obey Morequito, and are nowe followers of Topia­wari. Vpon the riuer of Caroli, are the Canuri, which are gouerned by a woman (who is inhe­ritrix of that prouince) who came farre off to see our nation, and asked mee diuers questions of her Maiesty, beeing much delighted with the discourse of her Maiesties greatnes, and wondring at such reports as we truely made of her highnes many vertues. And vpon the head of Caroli, and on the lake of Cassipa, are the three strong nations of the Cassipagotos. Right south into the land are the Capurepani, and Em­parepani, and beyond those adioyning to Macuregua­rai, (the first Citie of Inga,) are the Iwarawakeri: all these are professed enemies to the Spanyardes, and to the rich Epuremei also. To the west of Carols are diuers nations of Canibals, and of those Ewaipanoma without heades. Directly west are the Amapatas and Anebas, which are also marueilous rich in gold. The rest towardes Peru wee will omit. On the north of Orenoque, betweene it and the west Indies are the Wikiri, Saymi, and the rest before spokeen of, all mortall enemies to the Spanyardes. On the south side of the maine mouth of Orenoque, are the Arwacas: and beyonde them the Caniballes [Page 92] and to the south of them the Amazones.

To make mention of the seuerall beasts, birds fishes, fruites, flowers, gummes, sweete woodes, and of their seuerall religions and customes, would for the first re­quire as many volumes as those of Gesnerus, and for the rest another bundle of Decades. The religion of the Epuremei is the same which the Ingas, Emperors of Peru vsed, which may be red in Cieca, and other Spa­nish stories, how they beleeue the immortalitie of the Soule, worship the Sunne, and burie with them aliue their best beloued wiues and treasure, as they likewise doe in Pegu in the east Indies, aud other places. The Orenoqueponi bury nor their wiues with them, but their Iewels, hoping to inioy them againe. The Arwacas dry the bones of their Lordes, and their wiues and friendes drinke them in powder. In the graues of the Peruuians, the Spanyards founde their greatest abun­dance of treasure: The like also is to be found among these people in euery prouince. They haue all many wiues, and the Lordes fiue fould to the common sort: their wiues neuer eate with their husbands, nor amōg the men, but serue their husbands at meales, and af­terwardes feede by thamselues. Those that are past their younger yeares, make all their breade and drink, and worke their cotten beddes, and doe all else of seruice and labour, for the men doe nothing but hunte, fifh, play, and drinke, when they are out of the wars.

I will enter no further into discourse of their maners, lawes and customes: and because I haue not my selfe seen the cities of Inga, I cānot auow on my credit what I haue hard, although it be very likely, that the Emperour Inga hath built and erected as magnificent palla­ces [Page 93] in Guiana, as his ancestors did in Peru, which were for their riches and rarenes most marueilous & exce­ding al in Europe, and I think of the world, China excep­ted, which also the Spanyards (which I had) assured me, to be of truth, as also the nations of the borderers, who being but Saluaios, to those of the lund, do cause much treasure to be buried with them for I was enformed of one of the Cassiqui of the valley of Amari­ocapana which had buried with him a litle before our ariuall, a chayre of Goulde most curiously wrought, which was made either in Macuraguarai adioyning, or in Manca: But if we should haue grieued them in their religion at the first, before they had beene taught better, and haue digged vppe their graues, wee had lost them all: and therefore I helde my first resolution, that her maiesty should eyther accept or refuse the enterprice, ere any thing should be done that might in any sort hinder the same. And if Peru had so many heapes of Golde, where of those Ingas were Princes, and that they delighted so much therein no doubte but this which now liueth and raigneth in Manoa, hath the same honour, and I am assured hath more abundance of Golde, within his territo­rie, then all Peru, and the west Indies.

For the rest, which my selfe haue seene I will promise these things that follow and know to be true. Those that are desirous to discouer and to see many nati­ons, may be satisfied within this riuer, which brin­geth forth so many arms & branches leading to seue­rall countries, & prouinces, aboue 2000. miles east & west, and 800. miles south and north, and of these, the most eyther rich in Gold, or in other marchandizes. [Page 94] The common soldier shal here fight for gold, and pay himselfe in steede of pence, with plates of halfe a foote brode, wheras he breaketh his bones in other warres for prouant and penury. Those commanders and Chief­taines, that shoote at honour, and abundance, shal find there more rich and bewtifull cities, more temples adorned with golden Images, more sepulchers filled with treasure, then either Cortez found in Mexico, or Pazzaro in Peru: and the shining glorie of this conquest will eclipse all those so farre extended beames of the Spanish nation. There is no countrey which yeeldeth more pleasure to the Inhabitants, either for these com­mon delights of hunting, hawking, fishing, fowling, and the rest, then Guiana doth. It hath so many plaines, cleare riuers, abundance of Phesants, Partridges, Quailes, Rayles, Cranes, Herons, and all other fowle: Deare of all sortes, Porkes, Hares, Lyons, Tygers, Leo­pards, and diuers other sortes of beastes, eyther for chace, or foode. It hath a kinde of beast called Cama, or Anta, as bigge as an English beefe, and in greate plenty.

To speake of the seuerall sortes of euery kinde, I feare would be troublesome to the Reader, and there­fore I will omitte them, and conclude that both for health, good ayre, pleasure, and riches, I am resolued it cannot bee equalled by any region eyther in the east or west. Moreouer the countrey is so healthfull, 2 s100. persons and more, which lay (without shift most sluttishly, and were euery day almost melted with heat in rowing & marching, and suddenly wet againe with great showers, and did eate of all sorts of corrupt fruits, & mademeales of fresh fish without seasoning, [Page 95] of Tortugas, of Lagartas, & of al sorts good & bad, with­out either order or measure, and besides lodged in the open aire euery night) we lost not any one, nor had one ill disposed to my knowledge, nor found any Callentura, or other of those pestilent diseales which dwell in all hote regions, and so nere the Equinoctiall line.

Where there is store of gold, it is in effect needles to remember other commodities for trade: but it hath towards the south part of the riuer, great quantities of Brasil wood, and diuers berries, that die a most perfect crimson and Carnation: And for painting, all France, Italy, or the east Indies yeeld none such: For the more the skin is washed, the fairer the cullour appeareth, and with which, euen those browne & tawnie women spot themselues, and cullour their cheekes. All places yeelde abundance of Cotten, of silke, of Balsamum, and of those kindes most exellent, and neuer knowen in Europe; of all sortes of Gummes, of Indian pep­per: and what else the countries may afforde within the land wee knowe not, neyther had we time to a­bide the triall, and search. The soile besides is so ex­cellent and so full of riuers, as it will carrie sugar, ginger, and all those other commodities, which the west Indies hath.

The nauigatiou is short, for it may bee sayled with an ordinarie wind in six weekes, and in the like time backe againe, and by the way neyther lee shore, Eni­mies coast, rockes, nor sandes, all which in the voi­ages to the west indies, and all other places, wee are subiect vnto, as the channell of Bahama, com­ming from the West Indies, can not be passed in the Winter, and when it is at the best, it is a [Page 96] perillous and a fearefull place. The rest of the Indies for calmes, and diseases verie troublesome, and the Bermudas a hellish sea for thunder, lightning, and stormes.

This verie yeare there were seuenteen sayle of Spa­nish shipps lost in the channell of Bahama, and the great Phillip like to haue sunke at the Bermudas was put back to Saint Iuan de puerto rico. And so it falleth out in that Nauigation euery yeare for the most part, which in this voyage are not to be feared: for the time of the yere to leaue England, is best in Iuly, and the Summer in Guiana is in October, Nouember, December, Ia­nuarie, Februarie, and March, and then the ships may depart thence in Aprill, and so returne againe into England in Iune, so as they shall neuer be subiect to Winter weather, eyther comming, going, or staying there, which for my part, I take to be one of the great­est comforts and incouragements that can be thought on, hauing (as I haue done) tasted in this voyage by the west Indies so many Calmes, so much heate, such outragious gustes, fowle weather, and contrarie windes.

To conclude, Guiana is a Countrey that hath yet her Maydenhead, neuer sackt, turned, nor wrought, the face of the earth hath not beene torne, nor the vertue and salt of the soyle spent by manurance, the graues haue not beene opened for golde, the mines not broken with fledges, not their Images puld down out of their temples. It hath neuer been entred by any ar­mie of strength, and neuer conquered or possessed by anie Christian Prince. It is besides so defensible, that if two fortes be builded in one of the Prouinces which I [Page 97] haue seen, the flood setteth in so neere the banke, where the channell also lyeth, that no shippe can passe vp, but within a Pikes length of the Artillerie, first of the one, and afterwardes of the other: Which two Fortes wilbe a sufficient Guard both to the Empire of Inga, and to an hundred other seuerall kingdomes, lying within the said Riuer, euen to the citie of Qui­to in Peru.

There is therefore great difference betwene the easi­nes of the conquest of Guiana, & the defence of it be­ing conquered, and the West or East Indies: Guiana hath but one entraunce by the sea (if it haue that) for any vessels of burden, so as whosoeuer shall first possesse it, it shall bee founde vnaccessable for anie Enimie, except he come in Wherries, Bar­ges, or Canoas, or els in flatte bottomed boats, and if he do offer to enter it in that manner, the woods are so thicke 200 miles together vppon the riuers of such entraunce, as a mouse cannot sitte in a boate vnhit from the banke. By land it is more impossible to approch, for it hath the strongest situation of anie region vnder the Sunne, and is so enuironed with impassable mountaynes on euerie side, as it is impossi­ble to victuall anye companie in the passage, which hath beene well proued by the Spanish na­tion, who fince the conquest of Peru haue neuer left fiue yeres free from attempting this Empire, or dis­couering some way into it, and yet of 23 seue­rall gentlemen, knights, and noble men, there was neuer anie that knewe which way to leade an armie by land, or to conduct shippes by sea, any thing neere the said countrie. Oreliano, of which the riuer [Page 98] of Amazones taketh name was the first, and Don An­thonio de Berreo (whome we displanted) the last: and I doubt much, whether hee himselfe or any of his, yet knowe the best waie into the saide Empyre. It can therefore hardly be regained, if any strength bee formerly set downe, but in one or two places, and but two or three crumsters or galleys buylt, and fur­nished vpon the riuer within: The west Indies hath many portes, watring places, and landings, and nea­rer then 300. miles to Guiana, no mācan harbor a ship, except he know one onely place, which is not lear­ned in hast, and which I will vndertake there is not a­ny one of my companies that knoweth, whosoeuer hearkened most after it.

Besides by keeping one good fort, or building one towne of strength, the whole Empyre is guarded, and whatsoeuer companies shalbe afterwardes planted within the land, although in twenty seuerall prouin­ces, those shall bee able all to reunite themselues v­pon any occasion eyther by the way of one riuer, or bee able to march by land without eyther wood, bog, or mountaine: whereas in the west Indies there are fewe townes, or prouinces that can succour or relieue one the other, eyther by land or sea: By lande the countries are eyther defart, mounteynous, or strong Enemies: By sea, if any man inuade to the Eastward, those to the west cannot in many months turne against the brize and easterwind, besides the Spanyardes are therein so dispersed, as they are no where strong, but in Nueua Hispania onely: the sharpe mountaines, the thornes, & poisoned prickels, the sandy & deepe waies in the vallies, the smothering heate and ayre, and want [Page 99] of water in other places, are their onely and best de­fence, which (because those nations that inuade them are not victualled or prouided to stay, neyther haue any place to friende adioyning) doe serue them in steede of good armes and great multitudes.

The west Indies were first offered her Maiesties Grandfather by Columbus a straunger, in whomethere might be doubt of deceipt, and besides it was then thought incredible that there were such and so many lands & regions neuer written of before. This Empire is made knowen to her Maiesty by her own vassal, and by him that oweth to her more duety then an ordinary subiect, so that it shall ill sort with the many graces and benefits which I haue receiued to abuse her high­nesse, either with fables or imaginations. The countrey is already discouered, many nations won to her Maie­sties loue & obedience, & those Spaniards which haue latest and longest labored about the conquest, beaten out, discouraged and disgraced, which among these nations were thought inuincible. Her Maiesty may in this enterprize employ all those souldiers and gen­tlemen that are yonger brethren, and all captaines and Cheiftames that want employment, and the charge wilbe onely the first setting out in victualling and ar­ming them: for after the first or second yeare I doubt not but to see in London a Contratation house of more receipt for Guiana, then there is now in ciuill for the West indies.

And I am resolued that if there were but a final army a foote in Guiana, marching towards Manoa the chiefe City of Inga, he would yeeld to her Maiesty by composition [Page 100] so many hundred thousand pounds yearely, as should both defende all enemies abroad, and defray all expences at home, and that he woulde besides pay a garrison of 3000. or 4000. soldiers very royally to de­fend him against other nations: For he cannot but know, how his predecessors, yea how his owne great vncles Guascar and Atibalipa sonnes to Guanacapa Em­peror of Peru, were (while they contended for the Em­pyre) beaten out by the Spanyardes, and that both of late yeares, and euer since she said conquest, the Spa­nyardes haue sought the passages and entry of his countrey: and of their cruelties vsed to the borderers he cannot be ignorant. In which respects no doubt but he wil be brought to tribute with great gladnes, if nor, hee hath neyther shotte nor Iron weapon in all his Empyre, and therefore may easely be conquered.

And I farther remember that Berreo confessed to me and others (which I protest before the Maiesty of God to be true) that there was found among prophe­cies in Peru (at such time as the Empyre was reduced to the Spanish obedience) in their chiefest temples, a­mongst diuers others which fore shewed the losse of the said Empyre, that from Inglatierra those Ingas shoulde be againe in time to come restored, and deliuered from the seruitude of the said Conquerors. And I hope as wee with these fewe handes haue displanted the first garrison, and driuen them out of the said countrey, so her Maiesty will giue order for the rest, and eyther de­fend it, and hold it as tributary, or conquere and keepe it as Empresse of the fame. For whatsoeuer Prince shall possesse it, shall bee greatest, and if the king of [Page 101] Spayne enioy it, he will become vnresistable. Her Maiesty heereby shall confirme and strengthen the o­pinions of al nations, as touching her great and prince­ly actons. And where the south border of Guiana rea­cheth to the Dominion and Empire of the Amazones, those women shall heereby heare the name of a virgin, which is not onely able to defend her owne territories and her neighbors, but also to inuade and conquere so great Empyres and so farre remoued.

To speake more at this time, I feare would be but tro­blesome: I trust in God, this being true, will suf­fice, and that he which is king of all kings and Lord of Lords, will put it into her hart which is Lady of Ladies to possesse it, if not, I wil iudge those men worthy to be kings ther­of, that by her grace and leaue will vndertake it of them­selues.