WE haue related in the First Booke, at what time the Romanes began to inuade Forraine Nations, after they had pacified Italy: And • ow they past into Sicily, and the causes why they made Warre against the Carthaginians: A • what time also they began first to put an Army to Sea; and Summarily all the Affaires which hapned to the end of this Warre, to the one or the other. In the which finally the Carthaginians 〈◊〉 Sicily, whereof the Romanes were absolute Lords, except those places which Hieron King of Saragosse held. Wee haue subsequently set downe, how after the Mutiny raised betwixt the Carthaginians and their Souldiers, the Warre was kindled, which they call Affricaine: And what extremity and incredible cruelty was vsed, and what the end was. Now we will indeauour to write in few Words the accid • n • s which hapned since, touching euery thing as we haue propounded in the beginning.

After that the Carthaginians had reduced Affricke to their obedience, they sent Amilcar presently into Spaine with a • Army, who (parting with all his Troupes, and hauing his Sonne Hannibal with him, about nine yeares of age) past beyond the pillars of Hercules, and recouered a great part of Spaine. Where staying about nine yeares, conquering many Townes by force, and oth • rs by composition, to haue their liues and goods safe,The death of Amil • ar. hee dyed a Death worthy of his actions. For when he had made Warre against couragious and powerfull people, he dyed after hee had exposed himselfe to all dangers, with great assurance, and the admiration of all the World. After this the Carthaginians made Asdrubal kinsman to Amilcar, Asdrubal made Generall. (who had commaunded the Triremes) Generall of their Army: At which time the Romanes passed to Sclauonia, and to that part of Europe with an Army. They which desire to vnderstand truely our Discourse, with the beginning and increase of the Romane power, must diligently obserue it. This Voyage by Sea, was vndertaken for the causes which here follow.

Agron King of Sclauonia, Agron King of Sclauonia. was the Sonne of Plurate. This King drew to field more foote and Horse, than any that had reigned before him in Sclauonia. It is true, that he was corrupted with money at the perswasion of Demetrius Father to Philip, Demetrius Father to Philip. so as he succour'd the Midioniens, whom the Etoliens held besieged. You must vnderstand, that when the Etoliens saw that they could not draw the Midioniens to liue according to their Lawes, they began to make Warre against them, laying siege to diuers places, and doing what they possibly could to take the Citty. And as in the meane time the day of the assembly was come, wherein they were to chuse another Captaine of the Army, and that the besieged were growne so weake, as they seemed to haue no other thoughts but of yeilding; he which at that time was Generall, came vnto the Etoliens, and let them vnderstand that it was reasonable, that he who had indured so great paines, and exposed himselfe to so many dangers during the Warre, should haue the booty and spoile of the enemies if they were vanquished. There were many, euen of those which had any colour to attaine vnto that charge, who discontented with this kind of demaund, intreated the multitude not to determine any thing, but to leaue the booty to him to whom Fortune should giue it. Finally the Etoliens decreed that whosoeuer should winne the Towne, he should share a moiety of all the Booty, Riches, and Armes, with him who formerly had beene the Commaunder.

While matters stood on these termes, and that within three dayes after the Assembly was to meete (where according to the Custome of the Etoliens, the last Commaunder was to be Deposed, and a new choses) there arriued in the night about a hundred ships neere to Midionia, Succours from Sclauonia to the Midio • ians. with ten thousand men of Sclauonia: Who after they had recouered the Port, and the day began to breake, they landed in haste and by stealth, and then they marched in battell after their manner against the Etoliens Army. And although the Etoliens being aduertised of their comming, were at the first amazed at this newes, and the boldnesse of the Sclauonians: Yet hauing great spirits and courage, relying also in their Forces, they drew out before their Campe, the greatest part of their Horse and Armed men, and placed vpon some passages, which were not farre from the Camp, some Horses and such as were lightly Armed. The which were charged and broken by the Sclauonians, as well by reason of the multitude of their Souldiers, as for that the middest of their battell was strongly fortified. In regard of the Horse-men, they were forced to flye shamefully vnto their Campe: From thence thorough the aduantage of the place, they marcht speedily against those which kept the Plaine,A defeate of the Etoliens by the Sclauonians whom they charged and put presently to flight. The Midionians sally forth, and pursue them; so as there was a great slaughter of the Etoliens, and many Prisoners, with the spoile of all their baggage, hauing found no resistance. When as the Sclauonians had performed their Kings Commaund, and shipt all their baggage and booty, they set sayle and retire to their houses.

The Midionians also being thus preserued contrary to their hope, they assembled, and held a Councell among themselues, as well for other affaires, as for the diuision of the booty taken from the Enemy, and of their Armes, to deuide them in common, by an example taken of him who had beene Chiose of the Etoliens, and of those which according to the decree of the Etoliens, should succeed him: as if Fortune had done it willingly, to make the world know her force by the misfortune of the others. In truth, these in a short time made their Enemies to feele the miseries which they themselues expected suddainly. The Etoliens after this misery serued for an example to the world, not to hold future things as already done, nor to put their hope in things which may succeed otherwise: And that wee must alwayes reserue some part in things which may happen contrary to our hope, as well as in all other actions, (seeing we are men) as in the affaires of Warre.

When as the victorious ships were arriued, King Agron transported with incredible ioy for the exploits of his men, hauing vanquished the Etoliens, relying much vpon their forces; he gaue himselfe so to banqueting in the night, and to a foolish delight of drinking and watching, as hee fell into a Pleurisie,The death of King Ag • on. the which grew so violent, as hee died within few dayes after. After whose death his Wife Teuca reigned,Queene Te •• a▪ gouerning the Realme by the counsell and aduice of her Friends. But afterwards shee followed her womanish affections, hauing no care but of this prosperity, nor any regard to forreigne affaires: suffering all those that would goe to Sea, to spoile all passengers. Shee also raised a great Army at Sea, letting the Captaines vnderstand, that the Countrey which was right against hers, was Enemy vnto her: Who at the first assailed the Elienses and Messen • ens, whom the Sclauonians spoiled often. But for that there is a large Sea, and that the Townes of those Regions were all vpon the firme Land; they could not easily preuent the Sclauonians courses: and therefore they did spoile and ruine the Countrey without any obstacle, And as at the same time they sayled to Epirus to fetch victuals, Phe • ice taken by the Sclauonians.. they came to Phenice, where there were about eight hundred Gaules, entertained by the Epirotes to guard the Towne. Heere they landed and parled with them to deliuer it, whereunto they yeelded: so as they tooke it, and all that was within it by the helpe of the Gaules.

When the Epirotes had the newes, they came presently to succour them with all their people, and lodged vpon the banks of a neere Riuer. Then they tooke away the planks of the Bridge, to be free from the danger of those which kept the Towne. In the meane time they were aduertised,Scerdilaide. that Scerdilaide came by Land with fiue thousand men, by the Streights of Antigonia. Wherefore they deuided their Army in two, whereof the one went to guard the passages of Antigonia, and the other remained in the Campeidlely and negligently, consuming what was in that Countrey without feare, and disdayning to keepe any watch or guard. The Sclauonians within the Town aduertised of the separation of the Army, and of the negligence of the Enemy, goe forth at mid-night, and lay planks vpon the Bridge: So crossing the Riuer, they gaine a place strong by Nature, where they passe the remainder of the Night without any noise. At the break of day either side were in battell,The Victory of the Sclauonians against the Epirotes. and the fight began. The Sclauonians got the Victory: so as few Epirotes escaped, the rest being taken or slaine.

The Epirotes seeing themselues inuolued with so many miseries, and out of all hope, they sent an Embassie to the Etoliens and Acheins, crauing Succours from them; who hauing compassion of their afflictions, & desiring to relieue them, marcht to Heli • rane: whither the Sclauonians (who as we haue sayd had taken the Towne of Phenice, being ioyned to Scerdilaide) came and lodged neere vnto them, desiring battell. But the difficulty of the places kept them asunder: together with their Queenes letters, who comm • unded them to make no longer stay, but to returne, for that some Townes of Sclauonia had reuolted to the Dardaniens. Wherefore after they had spoiled the whole Prouince, they made a truce with the Epirofes by the which they yeelded the Citizens and the City, but carried away all the slaues and pillage in their ships. Thus one part retired by Sea, and the other by Land by the streights of Antigonia, leauing a wonderfull feare in the Sea-townes of Greece. Without doubt when they considered, that so strong and powerfull a Towne of the Epirotes had beene spoil'd, contrary to all expectance, they were not onely in feare (as formerly) for the Countrey, but also for themselues and their Townes.

After that the Epirotes had ended their Affaires farre better than they expected, they were so farre from taking reuenge of the wrongs which they had receiued, or to thanke those which had assisted them, as they presently sent an Embassie to Queene Teuca, and made a league with the Arcanians and Sclauonians. A reprehension of the Epirotes. Wherefore following after that time the party of the Illiriens, they became Enemies to the Acheins and Etoliens. Wherein they were not only ingrate and vnthankefull to their Benefactors, but also they had beene very ill counselled from the beginning of their affaires. And where as many (like men) fal somtimes by the hazard of Fortune into great aduersities and miser • es, it happens not so much by their owne fault, as by that of Fortune, or by such as are the procurers: But when as men seeke their misfortune by their owne indiscre • ion, their fault i • euident. And therefore when we see some great disaster and aduersity be • all some men by Fortune, we doe not onely pitty them, but relieue them to our power: whereas we blame, condemne, and hate those whom we know to haue beene the cause of their owne misfortunes by indiscretion and malice. The which the Grecians might at that time do with reason vnto the Epirotes.

But what man is so confident, which hauing no feare of the common fame of the Gaules inconstancy, would haue dared to commit so noble a Citty vnto their charge,Some Gaules banisht their • Countrey for their disloyalty. who had so many reasons to doubt of their faith, being banisht out of their Countrey, for that they had falsified their faith with their owne Nation: and who af • erwards being retired by the Carthaginians, at such time as they had Warre with the Romans, and hearing a bruite of the reuolte of mercenary Souldiers for pay which they had pretended was due vnto them, beg • n first to spoile Agragas, whereof they had the Guard, being about a thousand men. Afterwards they were put in Garrison into E • ix by the Carthaginians: the which they would haue betrayed whilest the Romans besieged it. The which not able to eff • ct, they retired to the Romans, who receiued them: After which they spoyled the Temple of Venus Ericina.

When as the Romans saw the treachery and falsehood of these Barbarians, hauing concluded a peace with the Carthaginians, they dis • rmed them, and shipped them away, chasing them out of all Italy. These are the men whom the Epirotes made the Guardians of their Lawes and Common • wealth, to whom they intrusted • o faire and rich a City: Who will not then blame them? Who will not say but they haue beene the cause of their owne miseries? Without doubt it is a great folly and indiscretion to entertaine forces, especially of barbarous men; and to put them into a Towne where they may bee the stronger, or more in number than the Cittizens. But wee haue spoken sufficiently of the Epirotes folly.

The Sclauonians before, and many times spoiled such as saild from Italy and Phenicia, seeing that of late dayes they inhabited there, who separating th • mselues sometimes from the Army at Sea, spoiled many Italian Merchants, or slew them. They had also carried away a good number of Prisoners. When this had beene often complained of to the Senate, they made no accompt thereof: Yet in the end they sent into Sc • auonia, Ca • us and Lucius Coroncanus in Embassie, when as the complaints of many came vnto them concerning the outrages of the Illi • ians.

VVhen the ships were returned from Phenicia in safety, The Illirians are Sclauonians. Teuca (wondring at the beauty and greatnesse of the spoile) had a great and longing desire to make Warre against the Grecians; for in truth, it was the richest Towne of all Epirus: But for that her Countrey was then in Combustion, shee could not attempt it. Moreouer, after shee had pacified Sclauonia, and at such time as shee held 〈◊〉 The Romans Embassie to Teuca Queene of Sclauonia. besieged, which had alwayes continued firme, the Romans Embassie arriued; who hauing a day of audience appointed them by the Queene, they made knowne vnto her the outrages her men had done them. The Queene gaue • are vnto them with great 〈◊〉 and arroga • cy.

After they had deliuered their charge • he made answere, that she would take order, that her Subiects should not make open War against them: but it was not the custome of Kings to prohibite their priuate subiects to make what profit they could at Sea. At which words the yongest of the Embassadours made a bold and couragious answere, but in bad season. And therefore sayd he,A bold answer of an Embassadour. Madame, it is the custome of the Romans to take a publicke reuenge for priuate wrongs, and to relieue the a • flicted: So as if it please God, wee will take such order, that her eafter you shall not be much troubled to reforme this kinde of royall customes. The Queene an ouer-weening woman, grew into such a rage, as neglecting the right of Nations, shee sent men at the returne of the Embassadours, to kill the youngest who had vsed this Speech.

The Romans being aduertised of this great affront, prepared presently to Warre, leuied men, and made a good number of Vessels: Finally, they prepared all things necessary to take reuenge of so great a crime. In the meane time the Queene sent in the Spring a greater number of ships into Gre • ce than formerly: whereof one part saild to Corfue, and the other bent their course to the Port of Durazo. Where making a shew to refresh themselues with water and victuals, they resolued to take the Towne. They of Durazo being confident, and fearing nothing, Durazo surprized by the Scla • oni •• s. suffered them to enter without Armes, vnder colour of water and victuals; although their true intent was to take the Towne by Treason. But when they • aw themselues within the Towne, they tooke their Armes which they had hidden in their vessels for water, and killing the Guards at the Gate, made themselues Maisters thereof. Those in the ships • eing ready, entred in like manner, and seized vpon a great part of the Walles: And although that they of the Towne were much amazed at this great and suddaine accident, yet they made a long resistance, defending themselues valiantly; so as the Sclauonians were forced to retire. By this meanes it happened, that the Durazins who were in danger to lose themselues and their Citty by their negligence, after they had escaped the perill by their vertue, did afterwards settle a better order in their affaires.

The Sclauonian Captaines weighed Anchor presently, and put to Sea, ioyning with those, Corsue besieged by the Sclauonians. who as wee haue sayd, went to C • rfue, and made haste ioyntly to besiege the Towne. They of Corfue being thus suddainly surprized, and not finding themselues strong enough, sent to craue aide from the Acheins and Etoliens; the like they did to them of Appolonia and Durazo: intreating them not to suffer them to bee thus shamefully chased away from their naturall Countrey by the Barbarians; who hauing pitty of their fortune, armed ten ships of Warre of the Acheins, and within few dayes after sayled to Corfue, hoping to raise the Barbarians siege at their comming: But the Illirians hauing recouered seuen Vessels armed from the • carnanians, with whom they had made a league, marched against the Ache • ns, whom they encountred neere vnto the Islands which they call Paxes, and there they fought. The Acarnanians and the Acheins ships fought equally; and continued long firme, onely their men were w •• nded. But the Illirians interlaced themselues with their Enemies, who were tied foure together, and enuironing them, they hindred them much: Then the Enemies Vessels were much troubled, being peirced and grapled withall, their Spurs being fastned to the Sclauonians Vessels: who entred them with fury, and vanquished them easily by reason of their multitude. By this meanes foure Quadriremes of the Acheins were taken by the Illirians, and one Quinquereme sunke,A Victory of the Sclauonians against the Acheins. and all that was in it: In the which was Marcus Caryneus, a man of great esteeme among the Acheins, who had alwayes performed his duty well for the Countrey. But when as they which fought against the Acarnanians, saw that the Illirians had the Victory, they fled, relying much in the lightnesse of their Vessels: And saued themselues from the Battell, retiring to their houses. The Sclauonians growing proud of this Victory, besieged the Towne more boldly than they had done. They of Corfue hauing no more hope, Corfu yeelded. after they had maintained the siege for a season, in the end yeelded it to the Illirians, receiuing their Garrison, and Demetrius of Pharos their Captaine. After which the Illirian Captaines returned to Duraz • , and besieged it.

In the meane time the Roman Consuls, Caius Fuluius with an Army at Sea of two hundred ships, and Anchus Posthumus with the Army at Land, parted from Rome: So as Fuluius came to Corfue, thinking that the siege had continued still. But when hee saw that hee came too late, for that the Illirians were within it, hee resolued to passe on, as well to vnderstand what had beene done, as to try what Opinion they had of Demetrius: And for that he had vnderstood that his Enemies had brought him in disgrace with the Queene, and that hee feared her fury, Corfu yeelded to the Romans. he had sent men to Rome, to promise the •• the Towne, and whatsoeuer he held. They at Corfu being ioyfull at the Romans arriuall, deliuered vnto them (by the consent of Demetrius) the Towne and the Illirian Garrison. Finally, they put themselues vnder their protection, hoping that by this meanes they should bee no more subiect to the outrages of the Illirians. When the Romans had receiued them into league, they sayled to Apolonia, whither Demetrius guided them. At the same time Ancus Posthumus caused his Land-army to imbarke at Brunduzium, being about twenty thousand Foote, and two thousand Horse, Apolonia yeelded to the Romans. all which met at Apolonia; the which being yeelded, they sayled to Durazo, for that they had newes the Illirians had besieged it: who being aduertised of the Romans comming, they raised the siege for feare, and fled here and there.

When the Romans had receiued them of Durazo into friendship, they sayled on into Sclauonia, taking many Townes in their way,Parthenia yeelded to the Romans, and shut vp the Sardiens. In the meane time there came an Embassie from Parthenia to the Romans, giuing themselues and their Citty vnto them. Who being receiued with the Antitanes, they tooke their way to Isse, hauing vnderstood that the Illirians held it besieged: where they entred after they had raised the siege: After which they tooke many Townes in Sclauonia by force, wherein they lost not onely many Souldiers, but also some of their Tribunes, with the Questor neere vnto Nutria. They tooke twenty of the Illirian shippes, which serued them to victuall their Campe. In regard of those which were within Isse, they were all defeated, and fled to Narente, except those which were of Pharos, which were giuen to Demetrius. Queene T • uca with a small company retired to Rhyzon, a strong Towne, and farre distant from the Sea, seated vpon the Bankes of the Riuer of Rhyzon.

When the Consuls had put many Townes and great Seig • uries into the hands of Demetrius, they returned to Durazo, with their Armies both at Sea and Land. From thence Caius Fuluius returned to Rome with the greatest part of both Armies. But Posthumus stayed at Durazo, whereas he riggd forty Vessels, and after hee had leuied men in the neighbour Countries, he setled his Garrisons, hauing in his company the Ardienses, An accord made with T • uca. and all the rest that were allied to the Romans. When the Spring came, Teuca sent an Embassie to the Romans to treate a peace, the which in the end shee obtained vpon these conditions. That shee should pay them a yeerely tribute, and that shee sh • uld leaue all Sclauonia, except some petty places: And as for that which concernes the Grecians, shee might not sayle beyond Isse, but onely with two ships without any furniture of Warre. During these actions Posthumus sent an Embassie to the Cheins and Etoliens, to aduertise them of the cause of the Warre, and of the Romans voyage by Sea: And to let them vnderstand what they had done, and to reade the conditio • s of the peace. Who after they had obeyed the Consuls commaund, and had beene well receiued by these two people, they returned againe to Corfue; the Cittis of Greece being then freed from feare by this accord made with the Illirians. For in those times the Illirians did not assault any one in particular, but all the world in generall. These are the causes for the which the Romans past first with an Army into Sclauonia, and into that Countrey of Europe. Since they sent an Embassie to Corinth, and to the Atheniens, at such time as the Corinthians desired to make the Romans partakers of the Warre, which they made against them of the Iftmus.

At that time Asdru • al (for here wee formerly left our discourse of the affaires of Spaine) had by his great vertues much increased the Carthaginians Empire in Spaine, and built a Towne which some called Carthagena, Carthagena built in Spaine by the Carthaginians. others Villanoua, most commodious by reason of its scituation, as well for the affaires of Spaine as of Affricke▪ Of whose scituation, and of the benefit it may bring to the two Prouinces, we will speake in another place when it shalbe fitting. The Romans seeing the Carthaginians forces growne thus powerfull in Spaine, did not hold it fit to let things passe in this manner: But acknowledging their negligence for that formerly like men asleepe, they had by their owne weaknesse suffered the Carthaginians name to grow great there, they resolued to repaire this errour: Yet they durst not begin a Warre, fearing a descent of the Gaules, whose fury they apprehended much. And therefore they resolued to treate first with Asdrubal touching Spaine, and then to assaile the Gaules: And whatsoeuer should happen to vndergoe the danger, in holding it for certaine, that it was not possible for them, to be Lords of Italy, nor to keepe their owne Countrey and houses, vnlesse they had subdued the Gaules. A treaty made betwixt the Romans and Carthaginian • Thus they sent an Embassie into Spaine to Asdrubal, who concluded a treaty of peace: By the which among other things it was agreed, that the Carthaginians should not passe the Riu • r of Ebro with an Army, and that they might ouer runne the rest of Spaine. Presently after the conclusion of this treaty, they prepared for Warre in Italy against the Gaules: the which wee haue thought good to relate summarily, to the end that as wee haue proposed the preparatio • for the other, Histories may be more manifest. Wee will looke backe vnto the time when as the Gaules seazed first vpon Italy. For in my Opinion the History will not onely be pleasant, and worthy of memory, but most necessary to vnderstand with what people afterwards, and in what Couatries Hannibal trusting himselfe, durst assaile the Roman Empire. And first wee will speake of their Prouince, what scituation, and what proportion it hath to the rest of Italy. For by this meanes they may the better vnderstand the things which concerne the knowledge of the History, in declaring first the property of places and Countries.

All Italy is of a triangular forme.A description of Italy. That side which lookes towards the E • st, is confined by the Ionian Sea, and the Adriatique Gulfe: and that which tends towards the South and West, is inclosed by the Seas of Italy and Sicily. These two sides ioyned together make the point of the Triangle: Where in front lies the Promontory, which the people of the Countrey call Cocynthe, and hath its aspect to the South, deuiding the Ionian Sea from the Sicilian. The third side, which tends to the Pole Artique, and to the firme land, is limited by the continuation of the Alps, the which beginning at Marseilles, and in those Countries which are about the Sardinian Sea, continue vnto the shore of the Adriatique Sea, leauing some little space betwix • both. Within on this side which wee meane to bee bounded by the Alps, and is as it were the Basis or foundation of the Triangle, there are from the Southerne Countrey, tending towards the North, Plaines which make the end of Italy, and are the greatest and the most fertill in all Europe: whose figure is likewise Triangular.

The Appenin Hill, and the Alps ioyning together make a point of the Triangle, neere vnto the Sardinian Sea, and aboue Marseilles. That side which lookes to the North is made by the Alpes, whereof the extent is two thousand, two hundred Furlongs. That side which hath its aspect to the South, is bounded by the Appenin Hill, the which hath three thousand and three score Furlongs in length. The shore of the Adriatique Sea holds the fashion of the foundation of the whole figure, whereof the greatnesse (which begins at the Towne of Senegaille, vnto the Gulfe of the same Sea) hath two thousand fiue hundred Furlongs in compasse.

By this meanes the Circuite of the whole Plaine containeth tenne thousand Furlongs in compasse. It is not in my power to describe the great fertillity of the Country,The fertillity of Ital. so much it abounds in all sorts of Fruites, that many times a Bushell of Wheate, after the measure of Sicily▪ hath beene sold in our times for two Soulz,About three pence. and foure Dencers: That of Batley for foureteene Deneers, and a Vessell of wine for asmuch. Moreouer it is not credible the aboundance of Mill and Panique, which they call Indian Oatmeale. There is also a great aboundance of Akornes, which come from the Forrests which are in diuers parts of that Region: Considering that the Italians breed an infinite number of Swine, to Sacrifice, and for their vse and necessary prouision of an Army; the which the Fertillity of this Country doth supply aboundantly.

It is easie to conceiue that the aboundance of other particular things necessary for the vse of Man, is great: Considering that when as Guests come vnto their Innes, they neuer make a particular price for the things they take, as they do in o • her Countries, but onely what euery Man is to pay for his share. When as the Guests had beene honestly intreated, and haue had whatsoeuer was necessary for their re • ection,A p • ice hard to be credited. they neuer payd aboue halfe an Assai • e, which is worth three-halfe-pence, they seldome exceed this price. Moreouer it is very well peopled; the Men are actiue, goodly, and strong for the Wa •• e, the which is more easie to be knowne by their Actions, than by that which can be spoken. The Gaules whom they call Transalpins inhabite the Mountainous places on either side the Alpes towards the Rho • e and the North. And on the side of the plaines dwell the Turinois, The Turinois and Agoniens. and the Agoniens, and many other Barbarous Nations, which are of the same Race with the Transalpins, and differ only in their Habitation: The other are called Transalpins because they dwell beyond the Mountaines. As for the top of the Mountaines, it is so farre from being inhabited, as they do not find so much as the tract of a man, both by reason of the difficulty and vneasinesse, as for that it is alwayes couered with Snow, and full of Ice.

But the Genouois dwell aboue Marseilles, The Genouois. where as the Appenin Hill begins to ioyne with the Alpes Moreouer they hold all that Coast which lookes to the Champion Country, and to the Sea of Italy: So as along the Sea they hold all vnto the Towne of Pisa, which is the first Citty of Italy, towards the West, and towards the firme Land to Aretzo. Next to the Genouois come the Italians, and of eyther side of the Appenine Hill lye the Vmbrians. Then the Appenin Hill being distant about three score and three miles from the Adriatique Sea, leauing the Plaine, bends to the right hand, and in crossing Italy, extends it selfe to the Sea of Sicily. The Country which is betwixt it and the Adriatique Sea, extends vnto Senegaille.

The Riuer of Poe, The Poe. which the Poets call Eridanus, and which beginnes at the Foote of the Mountaines, where as they make in a manner a point of the Triangle (as we haue sayd) takes his course to the plaine towards the South, a • d from thence bending towards the East, it enters by two mouthes into the Adriatique Sea. It is the greatest of all the riuers of Italy. For all the waters which descend from the Alpes and the Appenins, fall into the Poe. It is farre greater in Summer than in Winter, by reason of the abundance of Snow which melts.Volane. It is nauigable from a place which the people of the Countrey call Volane, two hundred and fifty miles towards the Alpes. Its spring is but a small Riuolet; but after it deuides it selfe in two • and enters into the Adriatique Sea by two Armes,Padoua. which they of the Countrey call Padoua and Volane. The last is the safest Port of all those of the Adriatique Sea.

They which dwell vpon the Poe, Bodencus. haue sometimes called it Bodencus. Finally, the Grecians spake many things of this Poe, as that Phaeton gouerning the Horses of his Fathers Chariott, fell into it 〈◊〉 and how that the Heliades powre forth teares continually, the which are preserued by a Tree: and that the people of the Countrey since that day began to weare blacke Robes in signe of mourning, and haue alwayes vsed it since; with many other things, whereof I will now to leaue to speake, for that in my Opinion they doe not conduce to the preparation of our Worke. Hereafter notwithstanding we will treate of them, when any necessary occasion shall be offred: being most certaine that Timeus did not vnderstand those things which did concerne this Region.

The Tyrreins haue formerly held all the Champion Countrey, which is confined by the Appenine hill, and the Adriatique Sea, at what time also they enioyed the Countrey called Phlegrein, which is about Capoua and Nola • at what time also they purchased a greate esteeme of vertue. Wherefore Historiographers must not attribute the power of the Tyrreins to the Region which they now inhabite. The Gaules frequented much with them, by reason of their neighbour-hood: who moued with the beauty and fertility of the Countrey, vpon a small occasion made Warre against them, and hauing chased them away, setled themselues there. The Countrey betwixt the Poe and the Alpes, is inhabited by the Layes, then by the Vercellains. Neere vnto whom are the Milanois in great numbers, and vpon the banks of Poe lye the Cenomans. In regard of those places which are neere vnto the Adriatique Sea, they are inhabited by people, which are aunciently descended from Paphlagonia, whom they call Venetiens, The Venetiens come from Paphlagoni • . who differ nothing from the Gaules in their manner of liuing and habite, but onely in their tongues: Of whom the tragicall Poets write many strange fooleries. Moreouer, that which lies betwixt the Appenin Hill and the Poe, is at its entry inhabited by the Ananes, by the Boloniens, by the Eganes, and then by thee Senogallois: These are they who (borderers to all the rest) haue inhabited neere vnto the Adriatique Sea.

Behold the principall Nations of all the Gaules which dwelt in Italy, The Gaules manner of liuing. liuing in Villages without any inclosure, hauing no furniture for their houses, but lay vpon the bare. They liued of flesh, and made no profession but of Warre and Tillage, leading a simple life without Arts or Sciences. Their wealth was in Gold and Cattell, for that they were things easie to transport where they pleased, when necessity pressed them. They did all striue to purchase Friends, for they much esteemed a man that was honoured by many. In the beginning they not onely held this Countrey, but they also drew vnto them a great part of their Neighbours, being terrified with their fury.

Soone after making Warre against the Romanes, they defeated them with their Allies, Rome taken by the Gaules. and put them shamefully to flight. Within three dayes after they tooke Rome except the Capitoll, and afterwards returned to their houses, hauing concluded a Peace with them, and restored their Citty: For that they were forced to returne, by reason of the inuasions which the Venetiens made into their Country. From thencefoorth they began to make Warre amongst themselues: For they which dwelt at the Foote of the Mountaines, seeing the others to increase daily in power, made Warre often against them. In the meane time, the Romanes recouering their Forces, preuailed ouer the Latins.

Thirty yeares after the taking of Rome, the Gaules returned with a great Army to Alba: The Gaults returne against the Romans. But for that the Romanes were surprized, and had no leisure to Leuy an Army, nor to require succours from their Allies, they made no resistance against them. And when as they returned twelue yeares after, the Romanes being presently aduertised of their comming, and drawing together the succours of their Allies, marcht with great courage to incounter them with an Army, desiring nothing more than Battell, by the meanes whereof they should soone decide who should haue the Empire. The Gaules amazed at their Resolution, and withall there falling a mutiny amongst them, they made their Retreate little lesse than a flight, and so continued thirteene yeares without making Warre.

But when they saw the Romans power increase daily, they beganne to treate of Peace, the which they obtayned, and continued thirty yeares without Warre. The Transalpins renewed the Warre against them. Wherefore fearing to be assailed on two sides, they intreated them, that for asmuch as they were of one Nation they would not be their enemies. Moreouer they sent them rich presents, intreating them to turne the Warre against the Romans, and that they would assist them with all their meanes. Whereunto being easily perswaded, they marcht all with one consent against the Romans by Tuscany (for a great number of the Tuscans held for them) and hauing made a great spoile,Pillage made by the Gaules vpon the Romans. they retired out of the Romane Prouinces to their owne Houses without losse. Where as there fell out a great debate vpon the deuision of this great booty, so as they not onely lost a great part of their booty, but also the best part of their Empire: the which doth vsually happen to the Gaules, by reason of their gormondize and drunkennesse. Foure yeares after ioyning with the Samnites they assailed the Romanes, Diuers victories of the Gäules against the Romans. of whom they made a great slaughter, in the Region of the Camertins. Some few dayes after they assailed them againe, and had a Battell neere vnto the Country of the Sentinates, where they gaue them a great defeate, and forced the rest to recouer their Houses.

Ten yeares after they made a great assembly of men of Warre, and descending into Tuscany they besieged Arezo. The Romanes comming to succour the Arezins, fought neere vnto the Towne, and lost the Battell with the Consull Lucius: In whose place they did choose Marcus Curio, who presently sent an Embassie into Gaule, to retire the prisoners; who at his comming was slaine by them, contrary to the Law of Nations.

The Romanes incensed at so wicked an Act, made a new Leuy of men, and resolued to enter the Gaules Countrey.A defeate and ruine of the Senogallois by the Romans. But they had not done any great matter, when as the Senogallois went to incounter them; whom the Romanes charged, and slew the greatest part, and those few which remained were chased out of the Country. They recouered the whole Country, and re-peopled the Towne againe, calling it Senogallia, as it had beene formerly, when it was first inhabited by the Gaules. The scituation of Senogallia. This Towne (as we haue • ayd) is scituated vpon the Adriaticke shore, where as the points of Italy do end. When the Bolonians saw the Senogallois chased by the Romanes from their Countrey, they raysed an Army to make Warre against them, calling all the Tuscans to their ayde, fearing least the Romanes should doe the like vnto them.

Presently after they fought, where most of the Tuscans were • laine,The Bolonians defeated by the Romans. and a few of the Bolonians saued themselues by flight. Yet they fainted not for this defeate, but the yeare following drew together all the Forces they could make, and all the Youth that could beare Armes, and marcht against the Romanes, where they were defeated and slaine, so as they were in a manner vtterly ruined. Wherefore their pride abated, they made an agreement with them by Embassadours. These things hapned, three yeares after the descent of Pyrrhus into Italy, A defeat of the Gaules in Delphos. and fiue yeares after the Gaules had beene defeated in Delphos. Behold how in that time Fortune (as a mortall plague among the Gaules) persecuted them in all places. But the Romanes made a double profit by the battels which we haue formerly related: For being accustomed to fight with the Gaules, who had beene held very fierce and fearefull, they became good Souldiers against Pyrrhus. Thus by little and little they abated the pride of the Gaules, so as afterwards they were much more assured, first to fight with Pyrrhus for Italy, and afterwards against the Carthaginians for the Soueraignty of Sicily.

The Gaules weakned by the meanes of the former Battels, liued in peace forty fiue yeares, without any breach of the accord made with the Romanes. But after that the old men, (who had vndergone the dangers, and felt so many losses) were dead, the Youth who were of a harsh and bad disposition, and had not felt the miseries of former times, grew insolent. These (as it is willingly the nature of men) began presently to vndertake the Warre, and to bee enemies to the Romanes, whatsoeuer should succeed, and moreouer to send to craue succours from the Transalpins. It is true, that in the beginning the Princes did mannage the affaires without the consent of the people: So as it hapned, that when as the Transalpins were come to Rimeni, King Etas and Gastus slaine the common people of Bolonia, being ignorant of this enterprize, and fearing this desscent, mutined against their Commaunders, and put to death Etas and Gallus their Kings; then they fought with the Transalpins. The Romanes likewise amazed at this descent of the Transalpins, drew their Men to field: but when they were aduertised of the other defeate of the Gaules, they retyred to their Houses.

Fiue yeares after, Marcus Lepidus being Consull, Caeius Flaminius made a Law for the people, by the which that Region of Gaule, which they call the Marquisate of Ancona, vnto Rimeni, from whence the Senogallois had beene chased,The occasion to renew the Warre betwixt the Romans and Gaules. should be deuided amongst the • omane Souldiers. For which cause there suddainly grew a new Warre: For most part of the Gaules, especially the Bolonians, who were neighbours vnto the Romanes, were much incensed therewith, thinking that the Romanes did not fight for principallity or Glory, but for pillage and their ruine. Wherefore the Millannois and Bolonians consenting together, sent suddainly to the other Gaules, which dwell beyond the Mountaines along the Riuer of Rhone, whom they call Gessates, for that they fight for pay, (for so the word imports) offering to their Kings Congolitan and Aneroeste a great summe of present money. They acquaint them with the great felicity of the Romanes; and what a benefit it would be if they could vanquish them.

By this meanes they mooue them to make War against the Romans; the which was easie to perswade, considering the former Reason. They promise them also to make them Companions in this Warre, reducing to their memory the prowesse of their Predecessors,The Gaules were seauen moneths within Rome. who had not only defeated the Romanes in battell, but after the Victory had taken the Citty of Rome with wonderfull celerity: Where they had taken great spoiles, and after they had beene masters thereof seauen moneths, they restored them the Empire willingly, and returned into their Countrey safe with all their booty. In propounding these things brauely vnto them, they incouraged these Kings and the Gaules, so as there was neuer descent made out of that Country, of a greater Army, nor more valliant men, nor better furnished.

When the newes thereof came to Rome, Amazement of the Romans for the descent of the Gaules. the Citty was so amazed, as they presently made a new Leuy of men, and began to make prouision of Victualls, leading their Army sometimes vnto their Frontiers, as if the Gaules had beene there present; who notwithstanding were not yet come out of their Country. These things were very beneficiall to the Carthaginians, to augment their Empi • e in Spaine. But the Be •• anes considering that these affaires were more pressing, for that these people were too neere enemies, they were forced to lay aside the affaires of Spaine, vntill they had pacified Italy. And therefore in renewing the accord with Asdrubal, Lieutenant Generall for the Carthaginians, they wholly attended the Warre against the Gaules, studying only how they might resist their fury.

When as the Gessates had drawne a great number of men together neere vnto the Rhone, they passed the Mountaines,A descent of the Transalpins into Italy. and entred the plaine neere vnto the Poe: Where as the other Gaules eight yeares after the yeilding of that Region, and in like manner the Millannois and Bolonians, ioyned presently with a great multitude. But the Venetians and Cenomans pacified by an Embassie from the Romanes, preferred their friendship before the Alliance of the Gaules. Wherefore the Kings for feare of them, left a part of their Army in Millannois to guard the Countrey, and marcht with the rest into Tuscany, The number of the Gaules Army. being about fifty thousand Foote, and twenty thousand Cars and Horse-men. When as the Romans had newes that the Gaules had past the Alpes, they sent Lucius Emilius the Consull with an Army to Rimeni, that being there before the Enemy, hee should stay their passage. They also caused one of the Pretors to march into Tuscany, for the other Consull Caius Attilius, had in the beginning of his Consulship past into Sardinia with an Army at Sea.

The City of Rome was heauy, and much troubled, and did not attend this great attempt of the Gaules without great feare. They then remembred their former defeates, and feared this Nation, as the ruine of the City of Rome. And therefore they had long before prepared a great Army: they dayly made new leuies of men,The diligence of the Romans. and they aduertised their Allies to bee ready and in Armes. Moreouer, they enioyned them to send vnto the Senate the Rolles of the Bands of their Youth, desiring to know the number of Souldiers of all the Italian Army. They likewise made provision of Corne and Armes, and of all other things necessary, in greater abundance than they had done in former times.

The other people of Italy were no lesse diligent, they were so much amazed at the descent of the Gaules: so as they did not thinke to fight for the Romans, nor for their Empire, but euery man for his owne safety, for his City, and for his Countrey: Wherefore all the Italians did willingly obey the Romans in this Warre.The preparation which the Romans made for Warre. I will here set downe the preparations the Romans made for Warre, and what number of men they had in those times, to the end you may plainely see how great they were, and what forces they had when as Hannibal presumed to assaile them, and with what Troopes making Warre against the Romane power, hee brought the Citty into so great danger. First, the Consuls went to field with foure Romare Legions, whereof eyther consisted of fiue thousand two hundred Foote, and two thousand Horse. They had moreouer by reason of this arming of the Gaules, raised other Troopes.The number of Souldiers which were raised in Italy. The Tuscans and Sabins had drawne together three score and ten thousand Foote, and about foure thousand Horse.

As soone as the newes came that the Gaules past the Alpes of Bolonia, these were sent into Tuscany, vnder the command of the Prouost of the Citty. After these the Vmbrians and Sarsenates inhabiting Mount Appenin, were assembled to the number of twenty thousand men. The Venetians also, and Cenomans were about twenty thousand, all which were appointed to keepe the Appenin Hils, and to fall vpon the Bolonois when occasion should bee offered. Behold the Troopes which at the first they sent against the Gaules. There was moreouer another Army within Rome to guard the Citty, and to attend the pleasure of the Senate vpon all occasions: whereof there were twenty thousand foot▪ Romans, and fifteene hundred Horse, and of their Allies thirty thousand Foote, and two thousand Horse. Moreouer they had the Roll of the Army of the Latins, which consisted of foure score thousand Foote, and fiue thousand Horse: and of the Samnites of three score and ten thousand men, and seuen thousand Horse. Of the Lapiges and Mesapiens fifty thousand Foote, and sixeteene thousand Horse, of Marses, Marruciens, Ferrentins and Vestins, twenty thousand Foote, and foure thousand Horse. Of the Lucains thirty thousand Foote, and three thousand Horse. There were moreouer at that time two Legions in Sicily, and about Tarentum for the guard of the Countrey: whereof either was of foure thousand two hundred Foote, and two hundred Horse. Moreouer, the multitude of the Romans and Campanois, was about two hundred and fifty thousand Foote, and three and twenty thousand Horse. By this meanes the number of the Troopes which were subiect to the Senate and people of Rome, exceeded an hundred and fifty thousand Foote, and about sixe thousand Horse. But the whole force of Italy was generally of seauen hundred thousand Foote, and three score and tenne thousand Horse. Against the which Hannibal hauing but twenty thousand men, durst enter into Italy. But this shall bee for another time.

The Gaules finally passing the Appenin Hils, Tuscany ruined by the Gaules. entred into Tuscany without any resistance, putting all to fire and sword: Finally, they marcht speedily to Rome. Being come neere vnto a Towne which they call Cluse, within three dayes iourney of Rome, they had newes that the Roman Army (which as wee haue sayd, had beene sent to guard Tuscany) was drawne together and followed them. Wherefore they presently turned head furiously vpon them. And when they were come neere vnto the other at the Sun-setting, then they cam • t, leauing some little space betwixt them. Night being come, the Gaules made fi • es in their Campes after their vsuall manner, and left their Horse-men there,The pollicy of the Gaules. giuing them charge to part at the breake of day, and when they should be discouered by the Enemies to goe on their course. In the meane time making shew of a f •• ght, they part with all their Foote, and march directly to Fesula, of purpose to drawe on their Horse-men, and to breake the Enemy which followed them.

The Romans seeing the Gaules Horse-men part at the breake of day with great noise, thinking it was for feare, hasted after them indiscreetly, and drew neere vnto them. W • o being ioyned, the combate in the beginning was furious,A Victory of the Gaules against the Romans. for that the Gaules did charge them on all sides according to their resolution. Finally, the Romans lost sixe thousand men, for that the Gaules were more in number and of greater courage. All the • est of the Army fled, whereof a great part retired to a little Hill, strong by scituation and nature. The Gaules began to besiege them: But for that they were tired with watching the Night before, and with the toyle of the day, they returned to take their refection, leauing a strength of Horse-men to keepe the Hill, with a resolution to giue an assault with all their forces, if they did not yeeld within three dayes. At that time Lucius Emilius the Consull, who (as wee haue sayd) was at Rimini with an Army, hauing aduertisment that the Gaules had past Tuscany, and marcht to Rome with all their forces, he vsed all diligence to come and succour his companions. When he had past the Appenin Hill, and was lodged neere vnto the Enemy, they which had retired to the Hill, knowing the Consuls comming, which they easily discouered by the fires in the Night, they presently tooke courage, and sent some of their men vnarmed vnto him by the Forrest, to let him vnderstand how things had past.

The Consull seeing that all delayes in so great a danger of his companions were preiudiciall, he gaue order to the Tribunes of the Souldiers, to march at the breake of day with all the foote: And in the meane time he takes his way towards the Hill with all the Horse-men. The Commaunders of the Gaules doubting of the Consuls comming by the fires in the Night, assembled to aduise what they had to doe.The aduice of Ane • oeste. Then King Aneroeste was of opinion, that it was a folly to lose time with the Enemy, and to bring their conquest in danger, before they had put so great a spoile in safety (they had in truth an infinite number of Prisoners, and abundance of all other things) and therefore they must first returne into their Countrey, and there leaue all the baggage, and then returne into Italy if they thinke it fit:The retreate of 〈◊〉 Gaules. to the end the Souldiers might fight with their Enemies without any incumbrance. The Gaules liked of this counsell, and the next day drew forth their Ensignes before the breake of day, returning into Gaule along the Sea-shore, laden with all sorts of pillage.

When as Lucius Emilius had retired those which had fled to the Hill,The pursuite of Emilius. he pursued the Gaules with his Army. Yet he did not hold it fit to present battell to so great a multitude, but rather resolued to attend some opportunity, either of time or place, where hee might amaze the Enemy, or make them abandon the booty in some sort. At the same time Caius Attilius tbe other Consull, who was lately arriued at •• sa from Sardinia, landed with his whole Army, and marched directly to Rome by the Sea-shore before the Gaules. They were not farre from Telamona a Towne of Tuscany, when as some of their scouts fell by surprize into the Romans hands, who discouered vnto the Consull that the Gaules were not farre off,Caius Attilius. and that Lucius Emilius pursued them. These things being vnderstood, Caius Attilius wondering at this fortune, and hoping partly of the Victory, for that Fortune seemed to haue deliuered the Enemy betwixt their two Campes, he gaue the Legions to the Tribunes of the Souldiers, and gaue them charge to march against the Enemy, as much as the opportunity of place would giue them leaue.

In the meane ttme seeing a little Hill vpon the way, very commodious for their Warre, to the which the Gaules seemed to tend, hee tooke the Horse-men, and resolued to get it before them, and to vndergoe the danger, hoping that if the Romans had the Victory by this meanes, they would attribute the honour vnto him. The Gaules ignorant in the beginning of the Consuls comming, and doubting by the things which they saw, that Lucius • milius had past before night with his horsmen, to gaine the Countrey which was aduantagious for the Warre, they presently sent all their Horse, and some of their most actiue men to recouer this Hill. But when they were aduertised by the Prisoners that Attilius held it, they presently caused their Foot-men to march, and order their battell in the Reare, as in the Front, for that they saw Emilius followed them in the taile, and that the other attended them in front, as they had learned by the Prisoners, and by the things which had happened. They which were with Emilius, were not yet confident, although it were a common b • uite that the Army of Sardinta was arriued at Pisa. But they were assured when as they saw the combat at the Hill: for the Enemies were very neere, and therefore the Emilian Horse reioyced much, and tooke a way by the side of the neerest Hill to goe and succour those which defended it.

Emilius in the meane time marcht after the Gaules in the same order hee had beene accustomed. When the Gaules saw themselues thus inuolued by the Enemies,The order of the Gaules battell▪ they put vpon the Reare the G • ssates and Milannois against Emilius who followed them, and vpon the Front the P • emontois, and those which inhabite along the Poe, appointing the Bolonians and the Ca • s with all the baggage apart without the two Battalions, and all the pillage vpon a 〈◊〉 Hill, with some Horse-men to guard it. When they had thus ordained their Battell with two fronts, it seemed not onely terrible to b • hold, but also of a wonderfull efficacy for the combat. The Bolonians and Millannois, made choice of such as had Breeches, and were most at ease in their apparrell. But the Gessates for the great courage and wonderfull desire of glory which they had, stript themselues, and put themselues before the Battalion naked, on • ly with their Armes, hauing a conceit that by this meanes they should be more actiue and disposed to fight: For the Bushes (which were thicke there) would stay them by their Clothes and hinder their fighting.

First, the Combate which was at the Hill, was in the sight of both A • mies, whereas the Horse men charged one another, and fought valiantly. There Cai • s Attilius was slaine,Caius Attilius slaine. fighting too rashly, whose Head was presently carried to the Kings of the Gaules. Yet the Romane cauallery fainted not, but were the more incensed to fight; so as in the end they not onely defended the Hill, but defeated all the Gaules Horse-men.The battell of the Foot-men. In the meane time the Foot men approach, and the combate began, the which was not onely horrible and wonderfull to behold for those that were present, but likewise for those which shall heare it spoken of. First co • sidering that the battell was of three Armies, euery man may imagine, that the sight was not onely new and fearefull to the assistants, but also their manner of fighting. Moreouer, who will doubt but the Gaules had the worst, being chargd as well in the Reare as in the Front? Or it may be the better, for that they fought altogether against the two Armies, and that the two sides repulsed their Enemies, so as at the same instant they defended one another: And that moreouer they could not passe on, not hope for flight backe. ward? There is no doubt but a Battell with two Fronts hath the benefit, that the Souldiers haue no meanes to flye. In regard of the Romanes, they had hope of Victory, for that they saw their Enemies inclosed, as it were deliuered into their hands: On the other side they feared the fury and order of their Army, the sound of Trumpets and Clairons was terrible, with the which all the Troope made a great cry and shoute, so as there was an incredible noise. They could not heare the Trumpets and Souldiers, and moreouer, the neighbour places seemed to ecchoe forth their cries.

It was a terrible thing to see the forlorne hope march naked. Beleeue me, these great naked bodies, with their motions vnder their Bucklers were maruelous and fearefull. The beauty and riches of their Apparrell gaue also a great luster. For the whole Army shined with chaines of Gold, and Silkes wouen with purple. The which the Romanes obseruing, they were partly amazed, and partly encouraged with the hope of spoile. Finally, the taile of the Army which was armed, was not gauld by the Roman Archers, who doe vsually march before the Battalion. But the forlorne hope which fought naked before their Troopes, were contrary to all hope much annoyed:The defeate of the forlorne hope of the Gaules. For they could not couer their great naked bodies with their French Bucklers▪ And therefore the Arrowes fell easily vpon them. Finally, when they saw themselues thus beaten, and could not bee reuenged of the Archers by reason of the distance, and for the multitude of Arrowes which flew from all parts, they cast themselues like desperate mad-men, some vpon their Enemies, where they were slaine: others retired vpon their owne Troopes, who being all bloody, daunted the courage of the rest, and put them in disorder.

By this meanes the fiercenesse of the Gessates, which made the forlorne hope was abated. Then the Milannois, the Bolonians, and the Turinois maintained the burthen of the battell: where they did not fight a fatre off with their Arrowes and Darts as formerly, but hand to hand with their Speeres and Swords: and the Combate was as furious as euer any was, for euery man performed his duty.The Armes which the Gaules did vse. It is true, that their Targets and Swords were not equall. For the Gaules Swords were heauy and blunt, and their Targets weake: The Romanes couered themselues with stronger Targets, and carried short Swords and sharpe. And therefore the Gaules were still defeated in what manner so euer they fought, whether in troope, or man to man:A defeate of the Gaules Army. Yet they stood firme in battell, vntill that the Romane Cauellery came downe from the Hill in great fury: Then they were broken and slaine here and there. The Foot-men died in the place where they had their Stations appointed: But the Horse-men fled. The Gaules lost in this battell forty thousand men;The taking of King Cong • llitane. The death of King Aneroeste. there were onely taken ten thousand with King Congollitane. Aneroeste, which was the other King of the Gaules, fled with some few which followed him to a neighbour-place, who some dayes after slew themselues.

After this defeate, Lucius Emilius the Consull, sent the Enemies spoyles to Rome, and restored the booty to those to whom it did belong. From thence he went thorough the Genouois Countrey into that of B • lonia, making great spoyles:The Bolonians Country spoy • led. And hauing in a short time inrich't his Army with all sorts of booty, he brought it backe to Rome, with the Armes, chaines and bracelets of gold, wherewith hee did adorne the Capitoll: being a kind of ornament of gold, which the Gaules are accustomed to carry about their wrists and neckes: the rest of the spoyles and all the prisoners, went before him in triumph. Behold those great attempts of the Gaules, which the Romans not onely feared, but all Italy in like manner, came to nothing.

The Romans hoping now to chase the Gaules out of Italy, sent Quintus Fuluius and Titus Manlius late made Consuls, with a great Army into Gaule. The Bolonians • yeild to the Romans. Who at their entry forced the Bolonians to submit themselues to their obedience. But they could not proceede in the warre, but were forced to retire by reason of the continuall Raine and the Plague.

Afterwards Publius Furio, and Caius Flaminius being created Consuls, came againe into Gaule with an Army: and after they had receiued the Ananes into friendship, which are not farre from Marselles, they marched directly into the Country of Milan with their Legions, where as the Riuer Ada ioynes vnto the Poe. The Milannois had made a great leuie to repulse their enemyes. By whom when the Romans had receiued great losse, not onely at the passage of the Riuer, but also in fortifying their Campe, they parted thence, and tooke their way to the Country of the Cenomans▪ where after they had ioyned their Army to theirs, for they were their Allies, they made a new descent into the Milannois by the higher Country, which lookes toward the Alpes, ruining all where they past.

The Princes of Milan hearing the resolution of the Romans to bee immutable, resolued to vndergoe the hazard and to fight with them. Wherefore after they had drawne an Army together, and taken the Ensignes of gold which they call vnmoueable out of Minerva's Temple, & made prouision of all other things necessary,The Army of the Milannois. they marcht against them with great assurance, planting their Campe • ight against them, to the number of fifty thousand Men. It is true, the Romans finding themselues not strong enough, were of aduice to call the Gaules to their aide, with whom they were in league. But for that they feared their reuolt, & they were to fight with men of the same Nation, they held it dangerous to trust in such men in so great a danger, and especially to put their safeties in their handsat such a time, and in such an action: Finally, being neere the Riuer, they call the Cenomans, and cause them to passe. When all were past they brake the Bridge, depriuing them at one instant of the meanes to ioyne with their Enemies, and leauing their Men no hope of safety but in the victory.

When this was done they put their men in order, and off •• battell to the Milannois. It seemes the Romanes had ordered this battell discreetly by the aduertisement of the Tribunes, for the meanes to fight in troope, or man to man: For when as their men were in battell they tooke the Pikes from the Triarij, and gaue them to such as were in the Front, giuing them charge to entertaine the fury of the Gaules, vntill their first heate of fighting were spent: Which being done, leauing their Pikes, they should flye to their Swords; ordayning it in this manner, for that they had seene by the former Warres, that the Gaules had a furious poynt, and afterwards their hearts were faint and effeminate, and that moreouer their Swords as we haue sayd, were only fit to giue one blow;The vneasinesse of the Gaules Swords. but afterwards their length grew crooked, and the edge turned by reason of the breadth: So as if they did not suffer them to set the poynt to the ground, and to make them straight againe with their Feete, the second blow wrought no effect.

The Romanes following the Commaund of the Tribunes, charge their enemies with great blowes vpon the brest with their Pikes. The Gaules on the other side imploy all their fury to cut them. Then the Romanes abandoning their Pikes, fought hand to hand, breaking by this meanes the fury of the Gaules: And taking from them all meanes to steppe backe, which these people are accustomed to vse in their Charge, for that their Swords are blunt and vnprofitable, by reason of their length, but only to giue one blow a farre off. But the Romans by meanes of their short Swords, wherewith they did not strike like vnto them, but thrust often through the bodies and throates of the Gaules, so as they slew a great number.

Behold how the prouidence of the Tribunes preuailed much; without doubt the Consull had not made choise of a place fit to fight: Considering that in ordering the battell vpon the Riuer side, hee had taken from the Romanes the meanes to march,A Victory of the Romanes against the Millannois. which is vsuall vnto them. Wherefore if during the Combate they had beene forced to retyre, they had all fallen into the Riuer by the errour of the Consull. Yet they had a goodly Victory by their owne forces, and retyred to Rome with a great multitude of Prisoners and spoyle.

The yeare following the Gaules weakned with so many battels lost, sent an Embassie to the Romanes for a Peace, making them goodly promises. But Marcus Claudius, and Caius Cornelius chosen Consuls, vsed all diligence to draw their Army into their Country, to the end the Senate should not yeild vnto it.The Gessates dwell on this side the Rh • ne. Wherefore the Gaules hauing no more hope of peace, being as it were in despaire, raysed a new Army, and intertayned thirty thousand Gessates, who, as we haue sayd, dwell on this side the Rhine, hauing them all ready and in Armes attending the descent of the Romanes. When as the Consuls were entred the Millannois Country in the Spring, Acerras besieged. they besieged the Towne of Acorras, which lyes betwixt the Poe and the Alpes. And although it were not in the power of the Millannois to succour the besieged, for that the Romanes held the passages: Yet their full intent being to raise the siege, they cause a part of their Army to passe the Poe, Cl • stidium besieged. to whom they giue charge to besiege Clastidium, a Towne belonging to the Allies of the Romanes, hoping by this meanes the Consuls should be forced to rayse their siege. But presently when they had the newes, Marcus Claudius makes hast with the Horse-men, and the most actiue of the foote, to succour the besieged. When the Gaules were aduertised of the Consuls comming, they presently raysed the siege, and went resolutely to encounter the Romanes offering them battell. At the first the Gaules had the better, for that the Romane Horsemen were surprized by theirs.A defeate of the Gaules by the Romans. But being afterwards environed by the Romane Cauallery, they were broken and defeated. Many were drowned hauing cast themselues into the Riuer, flying the Enemy: The greatest part were slaine, and the rest taken Prisoners.

But when they which were besieged in Acerras, had notice of the defeate of their men neere vnto Clastidium, they retired to Millan, the Capitall Citty of the Countrey. Acerras taken by Cornelius. Then Cornelius hauing go • ten the Towne of Acerras well furnished with Corne and all other Munition, hee pursued the Gaules, and planted his Campe neere vnto Millan. And for that the Milannois came not out to fight, he drew backe his Army, spoyling the Countrey. Then the Milannois pursuing them, began to charge them in the Reare, and make a great sl • ughter: whereof some fled, vntill that Cornelius turning head against the Enemy with the Legions, encouraged the whole Army to sight. Who willingly obeying the Consuls commaundment, fell with great fury vpon the Gaules, who hauing lately beene so often beaten, made no long resistance, but presently turned head, and recouered the Alpes. Cornelius pursued them, spoyling the whole Countrey, and from thence hee marcht to Millan, which he tooke by force, and brought it vnder the Romans obedience.

After all these defeats, the Princes of the Gaules seeing there was no more hope in their affaires, submitted themselues to the will of the Romans. Thus ended the Warre of the Gaules, hauing neuer vnto this day heard speake nor read of a greater, be it for the obstinacy of courage, or the resolution of Souldiers, or the cruelty of battels, or the great slaughter of men, or the greatnesse of Armies: Although the counsell, the enterprize, and the daily aduice were vnprofitables For that the Gaules mannage their affaires by rage and fury, not by reason. Of whom we might haue considered in how short a time they haue beene chased out of their naturall Countrey by the Romans, in leauing them a small portion within the Alpes, wee haue thought it good to relate summarily their first attempts, the successe of affaires, and finally their last ruines: For that I hold it fitting for a History, to make such accidents knowne to those of future times: to the end that our men for want of knowing them, may not easily feare the rash descents which Barbarians doe often make: and that they rather try their fortune, than to omit any thing that is necessary, nor to subiect themselues vnto them: Certainly such people are easily and without difficulty broken and defeated, if they resist their first fury. I imagine that they which haue written the Gests of the Persians against the Grecians, and of the Gaules against the Delphiens, haue done a great fauour to the Grecians to fight for the liberty of the Countrey. There is no doubt but a man will not be amazed for riches, forces, or the multitude of men, if he fights for the defence of his Countrey, if hee hath before his eyes the actions of those times, and consider how many thousands of men, what forces and what Armies, the virtue of Souldiers with valour and reason hath vanquished, broken and defeated.The Grecians terrified by the Gaults. The Grecians haue not onely beene • errified by the Gaules in former times, but also many times in our age: which is the thing which hath mooued mee most to relate their actions summarily, beginning with the Originall. But to returne where we left, after that Asdruball Generall of the Carthaginians had continued eight yeeres in Spaine, hee was in the end traiterously slaine in the Night in his lodging by a Gaule, Asdrubal slaine by reason of some priuate hatred: Hee was not onely excellent and expert in the Art of Warre, but was so eloquent to moue the hearts of men, as hee much augmented the Carthaginians Empire. Then they gaue the charge of the Army which was in Spaine to Hannibal, being then a young Man, for that hee had a good beginning, and a wonderfull great courage for his age. Who at his comming made declaration that hee would bee an Enemy to the Romans, the which fell out soone after. From that time the Romans and the Carthaginians iealous of one another. To speake the truth, the Carthaginians grew laboured secretly to surprize them for that they had chased them out of Sicily. On the other side the Romans knowing their intent, gaue no greate credit vnto them: so as it might easily bee conceiued the Warre would soone breake out. At the same time the Achaiens with Phillip King of Macedon, and their Allies, made Warre against the Etoliens, which they called the Warre of the Allies.

As wee haue related the Warre which the Romans made against the Carthaginians in Sicily and in Affricke, and the things which followed, and being now come according to the order of our preparation, to the beginning of the Warre betwixt the Allies, and to the second of the Carthaginians, which they call the Warre of Hannibal, seeing wee haue resolued to begin our course with those times, it is reasonable wee should come to the Gests and Exploits of the Grecians: to the end that making by this meanes a preparation of all parts, wee may begin the History which wee haue resolued on, when as wee shall come to the same end of all things.

As therefore wee haue not vndertaken to write the actions onely of one Nation or another, as other Historiographers haue done, as of the Grecians or Persians, but of all the parts of the world together, which are come to our knowledge, (for that this present time hath beene of great vse, whereof we will speake more amply in another place) it shall be fitting to make a summary mention of the most knowne Nations and Countries of the whole World, before the beginning of our worke.

In regard of the actions of the Asians and Egyptians, it shall bee sufficient to deliuer those of our time: considering that many haue written the deeds of times past, whereof no man is ignorant: Neither is there any thing innouated, which is not according to the Commentaries of Historiographers. In regard of the people of Achaia, and the house of Macedon, it is fitting to search out the times past summarily: As for that which concernes the Macedonians, the proofe will bee easie: And as for the Achaiens, there hath beene made (as wee haue formerly sayd) an augmentation and wonderfull accord in our time.All Mor • a reduced into • league. For when as many laboured formerly to reduce Morea to one accord, and could not effect it, considering that all men aime more at their priuate profit, than the liberty of the Countrey, there hath beene at this day made so great a change, as they haue not onely contracted friendship, and a strict league, but moreouer they vse the same Lawes, the same weight, the same measure, the same money, and more, the same Princes, the same Councell, and the same Iudges: So as there is no defect in Morea for the making of a Burgesse, but that they dwelt not all in one Towne: All the rest was alike and the same thing.

It shall not bee therefore vnfitting to shew how the Name of the Achaiens hath first reigned in Morea. The Name of the Achei • s well entertayned in Morea. You must vnderstand that they which were first so called, had no better Countrey, nor more Townes, nor more Wealth, nor more virtue. Without doubt the Arcadians and Lacedemonians doe farre exceed the other people of Morea, both in number of men and Townes: Neither is there any Nation in Greece which passeth them in prowesse and virtue. What is the cause then that these men whom wee haue named, and the other people of Morea, haue willingly suffred not onely the Comminalty of the Achaiens, but also to take the Name? It were a folly to say that it was by chance. Wherefore it were better to seeke the cause without the which wee cannot finish those things which are done with reason, nor those which seemne to bee done without it. For my part I conceiue it was the equality, and the common liberty which was kept amongst them all, as a certaine president of a true Common-wealth: For there is no Citty in all Greece, where there are found better Lawes. Behold the cause which hath caused the greatest part of Morea willingly to follow this Common-wealth Some thorough reason and parswasion, others forced by little and little with the time, and yet they haue presently pacified their discontents. And for that they did no • from the beginning leaue more to one then to another, but would haue all things equall to all men, it presently brought the Achei • s to this great Authority, vsing two meanes of great efficacy, that is, Equality and Clemency: Behold the cause which wee must imagine, for the which all Morea being of one will and accord, attained to this prosperity and peace wherein wee see it at this day.

It is true, that this manner of liuing, and meanes of gouernment of a Common-wealth was long obserued by the Acheins: the which is probable by the testimony of many witnesses. Yet wee will produce but one or two at this time. You must vnderstand that at what time a Company of the Pythagorians were burnt for a secret conspiracy in the Region of Italy, The Pythàgorians burnt in Italy. which they then called great Greece: It happened that the Countrey and the Townes were much afflicted with murthers and sedition, by a strange alteration of Common-weales whose Princes were wickedly slaine. And therefore Embassadours came from all parts to pacifie their debates. Who leauing all the rest, they referr'd themselues in all their quarrels to that which the Acheins should decree. Soone after they resolued to vse their Lawes, and to frame their Common-wealth like vnto theirs. Without doubt the Crotoniates, Sybarites, and Caulonites, after they had ended their quarrels in a friendly manner, edified a Temple in publique, to Iupiter Omarie, where they might assemble the people, and giue them iustructions. Moreouer hauing accepted the Institutions and Lawes of the Acheins, they would onely liue in them, and erect their Common-wealth. But the tyranny of Denis of Syracusa and the Gaules, who at that time spoiled the Countrey,The Lacedemonians and Thebains. hindered them from bringing their enterprize to an end. Moreouer, after the defeate of the Lacedemonians beyond all hope, before Luctres, and that they of Thebes had already troubled the Empire of Gre • ce, there was a great mutiny and a strange combustion throughout all Greece, namely, betwixt the Lacedemonians and the Thebains: For that the Lacedemonians conceiued they had beene vanquished, and the others did not thinke they had gotten the Victory. Notwithstanding either of them by a common consent made choice of the Acheins among all the Grecians, to whose iudgement they submitted themselues touching their quarrels, not hauing so much regard to their forces or power (for in truth it was the least of all the Prouinces of Greece) as to the faith and iustice of the people, which at that time was held great in the opinion of the World. It is true, they had then but bare virtue, hauing done nothing worthy of fame or estimation. Wherefore their comminalty did not increase much for that they had not any Lord which was worthy to gouerne them, for that they had beene alwaies kept vnder by the Empire of the Lacedemonians or Macedonians.

But after by succession of time they had found Gouernours worthy of their estate, they presently purchased honour and glory. They reconciled all Morea, which was an excellent worke:Arate. whereof no man doubts but Arate the Sicyonien had beene the Authour and contriuer: the which Philopomene the Megalopolitein finished, and afterwards confirmed: and that Licerta was the third which amplified and augmented it, and subsequently all his Companions. Hereafter wee will endeauour as much as the Subiect shall require, to relate their deeds, the manner and the time: Yet wee will make a summary mention of the actions of Arate at this time, and hereafter, for that hee hath comprehended all things in his Commentaries according vnto truth plainely and amply. But as for others our discourse shall be something more diligent and more copious.

It is true, that in my opinion, the declaration would bee more easie, and the History more plaine to those that desire to know it, if wee take it from the time, when as the Acheins, who had beene dispersed into diuers Citties by the Princes of Macedon, drew themselues againe together as it were in one body, and afterwards they augmented in such sort, as they came to this great amplitude whereof wee haue hitherto spoken in particular, and which continues vnto this day.

They of Patras and the Dymensorins made a league together,A league betwixt the Dymensorins and them of Patra. in the hundred and foure and twentieth Olympiade, at such time as Ptolomy the Sonne of Lagus, Lysimachus, Seleucus, and Ptolomy Ceraunien dyed, without doubt they all dyed during this Olimpiade. Behold in what estate the Acheins were in former times:Tisamenes. They began to be gouerned by Kings, at such time as Tysamenes the Sonne of H • restes chased from Lacedemonia, after the descent of Heraclites, held the Countrey which is about Acheia. After whom Kings gouerned continually by succession vntill the time of Sygus. Sygus. After whom the Regall power began to be tedious, for that the Children of Sygus did not gouerne the Prouince legally, but by Tyranny. Wherefore they chased away their Kings, and gouerned in common: wherein they liued diuersly according to the diuersity of the times, vntill the dayes of Alexander and Phillip, yet striuing with all their meanes to gouerne their Common-weales in a Comminalty, which contayned twelue Townes, who are yet in being, except Olena and Elix which an Earthquake swallowed vp before the Battell of Leuctres. The alliance of twelue Citties. Behold the Citties, Patras, Dymes, Phare, Tritee, Leanty, Egire, Pelleue, Bure, Cerannie, Carynie, Olene and Elix.

But in the time of Alexander, and before the Olimpiade which we haue mentioned, they grew into so great dissention, namely for the Kings of Macedon, that the Townes thus deuided, held it would bee a great good vnto them to make Warre one against another. So as some drew vnto them the forces of Demetrius and Cassander, and soone after those of Antigonus: The others were imployed by the Kings, whereof there were many at that time in Greece. But in the hundred and foure and twentieth Olimpiade, as wee haue sayd, they began againe to be reconciled,The beginning of the league. at such time as Pyrrhus King of Epirus past into Italy.

First, they of Patras, Dymes, Tritee, and Phare, were reconciled, when as there was no title of common alliance betwixt them. Fiue yeeres after they of Egire chased away their Garrison, and ioyned to the rest: whom the Buriens followed killing their King: and soone after the Cerauniens.

When as Iseas (who at that time was King of the C • rauniens) saw that they of Egire had chased away their Garrison,Iseas King. and they of Bure had slaine their King; seeing himselfe in a manner inuolued with Warre, hee relinquisht the principallity, leauing the administration of the Common-weale to the Acheins, after the Couenants concluded with them to saue his life. But why haue wee brought these things from so farre? To the end first that the World may know by what meanes, and at what time, and who were the first among the Acheins, which rectified this comminalty againe, the which at this day wee see flourish: And that knowing their order, euery man may easily beleeue not onely our History, but also our actions. Beleeue mee, they haue alwayes obserued one course concerning the gouernment of their Common-wealth, and one reason by the which keeping continually an equallity among them, and defeating those who of themselues, or by their Kings laboured to take their Country, they haue in the end preuailed in all their interprises, as well by their owne forces as by the helpe of their Allies.

Finally those things which haue beene since done in this Prouince, ought to be attributed to the Acheins, who being companions to the • omanes in many great affaires, haue not attributed any thing vnto themselues of that which was done, hauing no other thought but of liberty, and the common accord of Morea. But we shall see it more plainly by their actions.

All these Citties which we haue named, did administer the Common-wealth from the beginning fiue and twenty yeares with the Acheins, making choyse of one Questor and two Captaines. Afterwards they resolued to haue but one, who should haue the charge of their principall affaires.Geryne • . But Gerynee was the first which had this honour. When his foure yeares were expired,Arate. Arate the Sicyonien was chosen at the age of twenty yeares. Who presently by his singular Virtue, and great courage, freed the Country from Tyrants, and restored the Common-wealth of the Acheins, to the which from the beginning he bare a great affection. Some time after hauing gouerned eight yeares, he was chosen againe:The Fort of Corinthe taken by Arate. And then he beganne to thinke of the meanes by the which he might take the Fort of Corinthe, which Antigonus then held. The which after he had effected, he freed all Morea from great feare: And when as the Corinthians were freed from Tyranny, he ioyned them to the Acheins. Some few dayes after he did the like to the Megareins.

These things hapned the yeare before the battell of the Carthaginians, by the which they were forced to abandon S • cily, and to pay tribute vnto the Romanes. When as Arate had in a short time finished all his interprises, he spent the remainder of his life in the gouernment of the Common weale, studying by all meanes how to chase the Macedonians out of Morea, to ruine the Kings, and to preserue the common liberty of the Country. And therefore he resisted the attempts and practises of Antigonus Gonate, whilest he liued, and the couetousnesse of the Etoliens, who with Antigonus grew so audacious and ouer-we • ning, as they were not ashamed to diuide betwixt them by a common consent the Townes of Acheia. But after the death of Antigonus, and that the Acheins and Etoliens had made a league, when as Demetrius made Warre against them, the dissentions and discords were somewhat pacified, and they contracted a common and mutuall friendship betwixt them.

But after the Death of Demetrius, who Reigned onely ten yeare • , and at such time when as the Romans p • ssed first into Sclauon • a, the Acheins made themselues wonderful great: For all the Kings which Reigned in Morea fell into de • paire, aswell for the death of Demetrius who was their Commaunder and Emperour, as for that they saw Arate striue with all his power, to depriue them of their C • ownes, propounding to such as shall doe it willingly great honours and dignities, terrifying and vsing threates to such as should be obstinate and wilfull. Finally he did admonish them all to leaue their Crownes, and restoring the Country to liberty, they should imbrace the League of the Acheins. Wherefore Lysidas Lysidas. the Megalopolitaine, who during the life of Demetrius, had wisely fore-seene future things, presently layes downe his Crowne. Aristomacus Aristomacus. King of the Argiues, Xenon Xenon. of the Hermionians, and Cleomines Cleomines. of the Phliasiens, renounced their Royall Principallities, and ioyned themselues to the League of the Acheins. But for that their Forces were by this meanes growne wonderfull great, the Etoliens as men ambitious by nature,The enuy of the Etolien • against the Acheins. enuied them, and hoping to be able to breake the League of the Townes which were allied, as they had done in the beginning, they promised to Alexander to share with him those of the Acarnaniens, and to Antigonus those of the Acheins. By this meanes they gayned vnder colour of the same hope Antigonus then Gouernour in Macedony, and left by Philip Tutor to his Sonne; Antigonus Tutour to Phi • ips Sonne. they also made Cleomines King of the Lacedemonians. When as they saw that Antigonus had the gouernment of Macedony, who was a Souldier and an enemy to the Acheins, for the losse of the Fort of Corinthe, they were of opinion, that if the Lacedemontans were companions in this Warre, in assailing the Acheins on all side they should easily defeate them. The which vndoubtedly had hapned, if Arate a man of great Virtue and Courage, (which they did not consider) had not taken vpon him the defence of the others.

They began a most wicked War with all their Forces; wherein they were not only frustrated in their expectance, but they made Arate more stout and Resolute, being then Commaunder of the Acheins and the whole Nation, by his pollicy and diligent prouidence in all things, as we shall see by that which followes. For when like a man well aduised, he had considered that the Etoliens were ashamed to declare Warre against the Acheins, for the benefits they had lately receiued from them during the Warre of Demetrius, and that for this cause they had solicited the Lacedemonians to attempt it: And that they were transported with enuy against the good Fortune of the Acheins, so as they were nothing incensed against Cleomines, who had taken from them by stealth Tegea, Mantinea, and Orthomene, very strong Townes of Etolia, but contrarywise they confirmed them willingly vnto him; and that moreouer they sought all occasions of Warre, onely for a desire they had to Reigne, the Acheins hauing neuer offended them, suffring the King to violate his Faith vnto them, and that by fraud he had taken from them such rich Townes, to the end that the forces of Cleomenes (increased by this meanes) might with more ease defeate the Comminalty of the Acheins.

Arate then (as I haue sayd) and the other Captaines considering these things, resolued not to declare any Warre, but onely to resist the attempts of the Lacedemonians with all their power. Behold the first Resolution of the Captaines. But soone after when as they saw that Cleomenes built a Citty without feare, which afterwards was called Athenes, Athenes. in the Country of the Megalopolitains, and that he declared himselfe an open enemy to the Acheins, they make an assembly, where it was resolued to make open War against the Lacedemonians, and not by Dissimulation.

This Warre called Cleominique beganne thus at that time.The Cleomenique Warre. In the which the Acheins beganne first to resist the Lacedemonians with their owne Forces, without the helpe of any other, both for that they held it a greater honour to defend their Countrey and Townes themselues then with assistance of others: And they likewise indeauoured to entertayne their friendship by all meanes with Ptolomy, fearing least hee should be discontented, if they should require succours from any others then from him. But when the Warre was begunne, and that Cleomenes in ruining the Common-weale, had turned a iust Empire into a Tyranny,A good confideration of Arate. gouerning the Warre with Policy and Courage: Arate fore-eeing future things a farre off, as a man who vnderstood the Counsell and presumption of the Etoliens, was of opinion that they must breake their attempts. And considering that Antigonus was a man of great experience in the Arte of Warre, and more sound of his Faith then any other:The nature of Kings Knowing that Kings by nature haue neither friend nor Foe, measuring Friendship and Hatred according to their profit, he resolued to addresse himselfe vnto him, and to let him visibly see the euent of the Warre, and finally to make a League with him. He had many reasons why he should not do it openly: For if Cleomenes and the Etoliens had beene aduertised, they would haue made greater preparations for the Warre, and most of the Acheins would haue left him, being amazed at such an alteration, for that they would haue thought, their Commaunder would haue fled to the enemy for refuge like a man in despaire. Wherefore to auoyde these inconueniences, he not onely kept these things secret, but he spake and did many things contrary to his thought, by the which he shewed the contrary of that which he • practised.

Seeing then the Megalopolitains to bee more prest with Warre then any other, beeing neighbours to the Lacedemonians, and hauing no hope to obtayne succours from the Acheins, being subiect to the same Warre, and being moreouer in League and friendship with the Mac • donians, for that they had done great pleasures to Philip the Sonne of Amyntas, there was no doubt but as soone as Cleomenes should begin the Warre against them, they would require succours from Antigonus and the Macedonians. Finally he declared his secret to Nicophanes and Cercides Megalopolitains. They had beene friends to his Father,Nicophanes. and seemed fit men to mannage this businesse. By their meanes hee incites the Megalopolitaines. to send an Embassie to the Acheins, to intrea • e them to demaund succours from Antigonus. The Megalopolitains send Nicophanes and Cercides Cercides. to the Acheins, A good inuention of Arate. with Commission after their consent to go to Antigonus, the which the Acheins did easily allow. This Embassie went to King Antigonus, and let him vnderstand their Charge: and in regard of the Affaires which concerne their Countrey, they deliuered only those things which were most necessary in few words: But they made a long Discourse of the whole in generall, as A • ate had instructed them. They layd before him the attempts which the Etoliens and Cleomenes might make, confessing that this Warre for the present was of great consequence for the Acheins. But if the others preuailed in their interprize, it would be much more dangerous for him. They make no doubt, but the Acheins being assailed at one instant by these two forces, they would bee easily ruined: So there is lesse doubt, that if Cleomenes and the Etoliens haue the Victory, that they will not bee satisfied therewith: For you must vnderstand that Morea, no nor all Greece cannot glut the couetousnesse of the Etoliens. In regard of the ambition of Cleomenes, although hee seemes for the present not to affect any thing but the principallity of Morea, yet if he preuaile, he will neuer cease vntill he hath Conquered all Greece: Whereunto he can neuer attaine before he hath ruined the principallity of Macedon.

By these reasons and such like, they mooue the King to thinke carefully of things to come, and to consider what may seeme fittest for his affaires, whether to Allie himselfe to the Acheins and Beociens, and to make Warre against Cleomenes touching the Empire of Greece, or leauing the party of so many people, to haue it soone after against the Etoli • ns, Beociens, Acheins, and Lacedemonians in Thessaly, for the principallity of Macedony. But if the Etolie • s be ashamed, to seeme to breake the accord made with the Acheins, during the Warre of Demetrius, and should still make shew to persist in friendship, as they did yet, the Acheins would be too strong to defend themselues against Cleomenes. And therefore if Fortune fauours them, they shall not neede any mans succour. But if contrarywise it should bee rather for the Etoliens, they intreated the King that he would be pleased to giue them succours, and that (not losing the opportunity of the time,) hee would preserue Morea, before it should be vtterly ruined.

They sayd moreouer that he had no reason to care at that time for Faith and Recompence, and that Arate would finde the meanes in the greatest heate of affaires, to giue him satisfaction, and that hee would aduertise him of the time when he should neede succours. When as Antigonus had heard the Embassie, hee did wonderfully commend the prudence of Arate, and made answere that hee was ready to vndergoe the danger. Moreouer he wrote letters to the Megalopolitains, by the which he sent them word that hee was ready to giue them succours, so as it were with the consent of the Acheins.

This done Nicophanes and Cercides returned to their Countrey: Where after they had deliuered their Letters, they made report of the Kings good affection. The Megalopolitains ioyfull of this newes, sent an Embassie againe to the Acheins, intreating them to contract with Antigonus, and that they might relye in him for all his businesse. Arate hearing all this by Nicophanes, and the good affection the King bare vnto the Acheins, and to himselfe, was wonderfully ioyfull, both for that he was not frustrated of his hope, but for asmuch as An • igon • s, (contrary to the hope of the Etoliens,) did not seeme to flye his friendshippe. Hee did not finde that reasonable which the Megalopolitains aimed at, that the Acheins should submit themselues vnder Antigonus in all this Warre:The fore-sight of Arate. For he was not of aduice to require succours of any man but in extreame necessity; and if that hapned, he would not haue it done at his request alone, but by all the Acheins. In trueth he feared that if Antigonus, hauing the victory by the defeate of Cleomenes and the Lacedemonians, should in the end make any enterprize against the Comminalty of the Acheins, they should not lay the blame vpon him, as if he had indiscreetly giuen the aduice for the drawing of the King into their Countrey, who was offended for the taking of the Fort of Corinthe.

When the Embassadours of the Megalopolitains came into the Councell, and had made relation of Antigonus his Letters, and of the Kings loue and affection, and had made a remonstrance vnto the Acheins for a peace with Antigonus, and that it seemed the whole assembly found it good, Arate commended the Kings affection, and the good desire of the whole assembly. Yet he let them vnderstand by many reasons that they should indeauour to keepe their Townes and Countrey with their owne forces, but if they could not effect it, then they could not doe any thing more commendable and more profitable. But if Fortune were contrary vnto them, that they must first doe all that could be possible: And if there were no more hope, then they should require succours from their friends. The whole assembly allowed easily of his Councell; and it was resolued, that for the present they should ordaine no new thing, and that the Acheins should mannage this war alone.

But when as (during these negotiations) Ptolomy had furnished Cleomenes with men, and other things necessary for the Warre, desiring by this meanes to make him an enemy to Antigonus, for that hee had greater hope to bee able to Conquer the Realme of Macedon by the meanes of the Lacedemonians, then of the Acheins, and that the Acheins were first Defeated by Cleomenes by a surprize neere vnto Lyeea, and that afterwards they made a great losse neere vnto the Town of Megalopolis, and that finally the third time, they were so beaten, Defeated, and slaine, neere vnto the Towne of Dy • ie in a place which they call Hecatombee, as they were in a manner quite ruined:Diuers defeat • of the Ach ••• . Then Arate seeing himselfe inuironed with so many miseries, knew it was no time to Dreame, and that hee was forced (as hee had formerly resolued) to demaund succour from King Antigonus. For the effecting whereof hee sent his Sonne in Embassie to confirme the Articles of the agreement. Yet hee was in doubt and much troubled, for that hee did not hope Antigonus would succour him, if they did not deliuer him for his security the Fort of Corinthe, which they called Acrocorinthe with the Towne: Neyther did hee see any meanes to deliuer it to the Macedonians without the consent of the Corinthians. And therefore hee deferred the Councell to aduise of the meanes of safety. In the meane time Cleomenes glorious of his good Fortune, ouer-ran the whole Prouince, taking Townes aswell by perswasion as by terrour. When by this meanes he had taken Caphie, Pellene, Phene • , Argos, Phlie, Cleone, Epi • aure, Hermion, and Trizene, and in the end Corinthe, hee seated his Campe neere vnto the 〈◊〉 of the Sicyoniens, and by this meanes freed the Acheins of that 〈◊〉 whereof wee haue spoken. For when as Arate had the newes, that the Corinthians had chased away the Garrison of the Acheins, Acroc • rinthe yeelded to Antigonus. and • ent an Embassie to Cleomenes to deliuer him the Citty, hauing found a good occasion, hee yeelds vnto Antigonus the Fort which the Acheins held. By this meanes hee repaired the wrong which hee had done vnto the King, and it serued him for a pledge, and as it were a Fort and retreate for the future Warre.

But when as Cleomenes vnderstood the league which the Acheins had made with Antigonus, and that the Fort had beene freely deliuered vnto him, hee presently raised his Siege, and seated his Campe neere vnto Isthmus, and rampred diligently with Pallisadoes and Ditches, the place which lies betwixt the Fortresse and the Mountaines, which they of the Countrey call Onies, as if hee had a hope to make himselfe Lord of all Morea. Antigonus who had his Army ready, expected onely the opportunity of the time. But when hee saw by those things which had happened, according to the aduertisement of Arate, that the time approached of Cleomenes voyage into Thessaly, hee causeth his Army to march towards Isthmus by Beocia, hauing aduertised the Acheins of his affaires: For the Etoliens being disconted at his descent, sent him word, that hee should not passe within the streights of Thermophiles, and if hee vndertooke it, they would take Armes to hinder his passage. Thus Antigonus and Cleomenes lodged their Armies before one another. The one to enter into Morea and the other to keepe his Frontier. And although the Acheins had receiued great losses,Reuolte of Aripote of Argos. yet they fainted not. But being suddainly aduertised of the reuolte of Aristote of Argos against Cleomenes, they relieued him vnder the conduct of Timoxene, Argos taken by the Acheins. and tooke the Towne of Argos, which was of great consequence vnto them: For by this meanes the fury of Cleomenes was much abated, and the Souldiers hearts broken, as appeared plainely: For although that Cleomenes Army was much stronger by reason of the opportunity of places, and abundance of victuals, hauing also good and resolute Souldiers, yet there was so great and suddaine an alteration after the taking of Argos, that Cleomenes leauing all, made a retreate, sauouring of a flight: So much hee feared that hee should bee inclosed by his cruell Enemies.

From thence hee marcht directly to Argos, where hee made great attempts to carry it by assault. But for that the Acheins resisted like braue men on the one side, Acrocorinthe taken by Antigonus. and the Argiues on the other, for feare of the fault committed, hee was deceiued in his hope: And in passing by Mantinia, he led his Army to Sparta. When as Antigonus was entred into Morea, hee tooke Acrocorinthe. Then hee made haste to goe to Argos, where he much commended the Argiues, and settled an order for the affaires of the City. From thence he returned againe into Arcadia with his Army, and chased away the Garrisons out of those Forts which Cleomenes had built, the which he restored to the Megalopolitains passing by the Region Egitane. Then he went to Egia, where he called an assembly of the Acheins: and made a great discourse of the present affaires, and shewed them in few words the times to come. Finally, being created chiefe of the whole league, he past the Winter in the Countries of the Corinthians and Sicyoniens with his Army. Then in the Spring he went to the field, to whom the Acheins ioyned, and being come within three dayes to the Towne of Tegee, hee besieged it. The Tegetains seeing the Macedonians very busie in making of Trenches, Mines, Tegee yeelded vnto Antigonus. and all other preparations to take the Towne, they yeelded, being void of all hope: Whereas after he had setled a good order, Antigonus marcht suddainly to Laconice. By this meanes approaching neere vnto Cleomenes, who kept vpon the Frontiers, hee had some small encounters with the Enemy. In the meane time they were aduertised by their Spies, that there were succours come from Orchomene to Cleomenes. Wherefore Antigonus turned head to Orchomene, Orchomene taken with other Townes. and takes it without resistance. From thence he besieged Mantin • a, which was also presently yeelded. Then hee led the Legions to Herca and Telphusa, the which in like manner were yeelded in a short time. After this in the beginning of Winter, hee sent the Macedonians to their houses, and retired with the mercenaries to Egia, there to consult of the present affaires.

At that times Cleomenes aduertised that Antigonus had dismist his A • my, and that he stayed at Egi • , which is aboue three dayes iourney from Megalopolis, a vast Towne, and ill peopled: especially for that the greatest part had beene slaine in former battels as we haue said, neere vnto Licea, and La • dicea: and that moreouer at that time it was not carefully kept, by reason of the presence of Antigonus, he had a hope to surprize it. Wherefore hee marcht suddainly, being guided by some Messeniens, who being chased and banisht from their Countrey, had retired to Megalopolis: and brought them by Night into the City. But day being come, he was in danger to be defeated with his whole Army, considering the great resistance the Megalopolitains made: the which happened vnto him three Moneths before, when he ass • iled a Citty seated in Colea. It is true, that in the end he had the Victory, as well by reason of the multitude of his men, as for that he had formerly gotten the places of aduantage.

After he had taken and spoiled the Citty, and chased away the Megalopolitains, hee razedMegalopolin razed. it vtterly, to the end they should haue no more hope to re-edifie it. In my opinion hee did it tending to that which the Lionenses, the Megalopolitains, and the Stimphal •• ns with other bordering people, conceiue, that Traytours, or those which loue reuoltes, are neuer in safety. Without doubt the wickednesse of one man blemisht all the virtue of the Clitoriens: This was Thearce Thearce. whom with reason the Clitoriens denyed to bee borne in their Countrey, saying, hee was of Orchomene, and the Sonne of some stranger. Moreouer, for that there are some which preferre Philarchus before al others that haue written this History, although that many times he speakes and iudges of things contrary to Arate, I haue thought it good, nay rather necessary, not to conceale this: To the end they may discerne truth from falshood, and the rather for that we haue followed Arate. Hee hath spoken many things throughout the whole History as Affection hath transported him, which are not needfull to debate at this present, holding those things to be deliuered by vs, which hapned at such time as we Write, that is to say, during the Cleomenique Warre: For that they would be more then sufficient to discouer the errours and faults of this Author.

First when he labours to set foorth the cruelty of Antigonus, and of the Macedonians, and moreouer that of Arate and the Acheins, he sayd that as soone as he had Conquered the Mantiniens, they caused them to suffer great outrages and cruelties, and that the Citty which was one of the noblest and most auncient of Arcadia, fell into so great misery and ruine, as it mooued all Greece to weepe and lament. And when as afterwards he seekes to make the cruelty seeme greater, and to mooue the Readers hearts, he relates a burning of Women, their haire scattered vp and downe, their Paps naked, the teares and lamentations made by men and women, who dragg'd after them their little Children and their Parents broken with age. This hee doth often throughout his whole History, to let euery man see the agrauating of their miseries. Leauing then this basenesse and effeminacy of his heart, let vs seeke the things which are most proper and profitable for the History.

A Historiographer ought not to mooue the affections of men,The duty of a Historiographer. nor seeke occasions fit for it, neyther let him pursue the miseries of men (the which belongs to the makers of Tragedies) but let him deliuer truly the sayings and doings of men, although they be not great. Without doubt a History and a Tragedy, tend not to one and the same end, but rather are quite contrary.What is required in a Tragedy. For they must labour in a Tragedy to draw by coniecture the hearts of the Auditors to Hope, Feare, Care, Pleasure, and such like affections. But in a History hee must imploy his whole indeauour to relate truly the sayings and doings of men. Wherefore things that are likely and coniecturall, are necessary in the one, to abuse the Assistants, and those which are true in this being Written for the profit of the Readers.

You must vnderstand likewise that this Historiographer many times doth not yeild the cause in his History, nor the reason of things, without the which they cannot easily mooue any to pitty, or indignation in humane affaires. But what is he that will not finde it strange to see a Cittizen whipt: yet if any one be so by reason of his offence, wee finde it reasonable. And if any one strikes a free man to punish and amend him, shall wee not hold him an honest man and praise worthy? Murther in a Cittizen is likewise forbidden, and seuerely punisht: But if any one kils a Thiefe or an Adulterer, is hee not held for innocent? And if any one kils a Traytor to his Country, or a Tyrant, shall he not be commended by all the World, held deare and honoured? VVee must therefore looke to the end in all things, and to the intention of the man, not to that which is acted, but to the causes and Discourses, with consideration of the differences. The Mantiuiens leauing first the Common-weale of the Acheins, gaue themselues and their Countrey willingly to the Etoliens, The reuolte of the Mantiniens. and soone after to Cleomenes. In the meane time, whilest they liued vnder the Lacedemonians, the Acheins tooke them againe vnder the Conduct of Arate, foure yeeres before the Descent of Antigonus: where they were so far from being punished for the offence committed, as this easie and suddaine re • vnion of two people into one Common-wealth, seemed incredible to the whole VVorld.

For as soone as Arate was entred, he forbad his men to touch their good: Calling the Burgesses afterwards together, wishing them not to care, and that they should inioy their goods, and be assured to liue in peace, as long as they were vnder the Acheins Common-weale. The Mantiniens who seemed to be without hope,The courteous vsage of Arate to the Mantinien • . were wonderfully reioyced at the words of Arate: VVherefore they presently changed their opinion, receiuing those into their Houses, to whom formerly they had beene deadly enemies, with whom they did communicate their Goods and VVealth. Finally, they omitted nothing of that which seemed necessary for the setling of a firme friendshippe; and in truth it was not without cause. I doe not know if euer any fell into the hands of more gracious enemies, or being falne into so great inconueniences, haue relieued and raised themselues with so little losse: the which proceeded from the humanity of Arate and the Acheins. Afterwards seeing a farre off the seditions which were renewed amongst them, and the practize of the Etoliens and Lacedemonians, they send an Embassie to the Acheins, to deliuer their Town into their protection and to receiue a Garrison. VVho presently leuied three hundred men, and sent them to Mantinea, these three hundred men of the Acheins nation, leauing their Countrey and all their estates, they remained at Mantinea to preserue their liberty. They had moreouer two hundred Souldiers that were strangers.

Soone after there grew a sedition among the Mantiniens; wherfore they called the Lacedemonians, deliuering them the Towne;The great villany committed by the Mantinien • . and to the end their wickednesse might be full and compleat, they murthered all the Acheins; a crime which was most execrable. For seeing they would leaue the party and friendship of the Acheins, they should at the least haue sent backe the Garrison safe into their Country. It is a Custome which enemies obserue daily by a Common Law. But to the end they might with more ease shewe their affection to Cleomenes and the Lacedemo • ians, there proceeded to this great cruelty and basenesse, who in breaking the Law of Nations would not spare their Friends. Seeing then they haue practised such great cruelty towards those, who hauing lately taken their Towne, intreated them like men without offence, and now defended and kept their Towne, of what paines shall wee iudge them worthy? VVhat punishment may wee ordayne for so foule an outrage? Shall they be sold with their wiues and Children? But by the Law of Armes they may doe it to those, which haue not committed such crimes nor such cruelties. They were therefore worthy of a greater punishment, and a more grieuous example. Wherefore if they haue suffered no more but that which Philarchus mentioned, we must beleeue that the Grecians were not mooued to pitty, but rather commended the iudgement of the Acheins; who had resolued that so great a cruelty (the like whereof had neuer beene spoken of) should be grieuously punished.

Seeing then the Mantiniens at that time had no other harme,The Mantiniens sold. but the losse of their goods, and were sold by their enemies, who will not hold this Historiographer to be a lyer, and moreouer to haue Written incredible things: And to the end he might shew his ignorance, he hath not obserued that the Acheins at the same time did not the like vnto the Tegeates, whom they tooke in battell: For if the cruelty of the Acheins had beene the cause thereof, there is no doubt but the Tegeates had suffered in like manner. But seeing that this Rigour fell onely vppon the Mantiniens, it is apparent that the cause of their choller was diuers. Moreouer, this same Historiographer tells vs,Arist • macus. that Aristomacus the Argine, of a noble Family, and of an auncient Tyrannicall Race, was Tyrant of Argos, who being taken by Antigonus and the Acheins, and brought to Cenchrea, hee suffered the most vniust Death that euer man indured.

He makes him moreouer (as it is his custome) to cast out lamentable cries, the night that he was strangled: And that the neighbours terrified partly with the cruelty, and partly desirous to know what it was, some of them wonderfully incensed ranne thither. He also sets downe other effeminate things, which we will leaue for the present, beeing content with that which we haue here related. For my part I conceiue that if Aristomacus had done no other thing against the Acheins, but to turne the Common-weale into ruine, and the liberty of the Country into Tyranny, that he hath worthily deserued very great punishment. Although that this gentle Historiographer desirous to attribute great glory vnto him, and to begge pitty from the Auditors, by a commemoration of the paines which he indured, he doth not once say, that he was a Tyrant, but that hee was descended of a Tyrannicall Race. What could he say worse, or more pernitious? For the very name is the field where all cruelty is sowne, and which imbraceth all the outrages and villanies of men. And admit that Aristomacus had indured great torments, as Philarchus sayth, yet he was not sufficiently punished for that which he committed in one day: for when as Arate entred into Argos with a Troupe of Acheins, without Discouery, labouring to restore the Argiues to their liberty, hee was in the end forced to leaue the Towne, for that hee found not any man would take Armes, for the feare they had of this Tyrant.

Wherefore Aristomacus taking his occasion (for that they had consented to the comming of the Acheins) put to Death fourescore CittizensThe cruelty of Aristomacus. in the presence of his familiars. Beleeue me it will bee tedious to relate the cruelty which he committed in his life time: He held it of his Predecessors by right of inheritance. And therefore wee must not thinke they haue done him wrong, if they haue made him serue for an example with torments: For it would haue beene much more vnworthy, that so wicked a man after the murther of so many, and after • many thefts and spoyles, should haue died vnpunished like an Innocent. Neither can they charge Antigonus nor Arate of cruelty, to haue put a Tyrant to death in Prison, whom they had taken in open Warre, and whom they might with reason and honour haue taken during a peace, and haue put him to a cruell death. But of what punishment will not you hold him worthy, who besides all these things brake his accord with the Acheins. A little before hee had relinquisht the tyranny, being destitute of all hope and succours after the death of Demetrius. At what time the Acheins did not onely saue him, but entertaine him so courteously and graciously, as they remitted all the wrongs which hee had done during his Reigne, and gaue him great aduancements in their Common-wealth. Finally, they made him Chiefe of the Acheins. But this wicked man amongst all others, forgetting that great humanity and clemency, began presently to plot how hee might make a league with Cleomenes, retiring himselfe in that greatest neede soone after to the Enemy: whereby the Acheins were in great danger. Who some few dayes after was taken in Warre, was he not worthy to dye in the Night in the Prison at Cenchrea, as Philarchus saith,Aristo • acus strangled▪ but hee should rather haue beene carried throughout all M • rea, and after that he • had suffered infinite torments, to haue dyed cruelly. Yet hee was onely strangled in Prison, although hee had committed all sorts of Villany.

Moreouer, the same Historiographer holds a long discourse of the miseries of the Mantiniens, as if hee thought it were the duty of an Historiographer onely to relate cruell and vniust actions. In regard of the virtue and magnanimity of the Megalopolitains, which they shewed at that time, he makes no mention, as if the duty of an History were rather to remember the wickednesse and vices of men, than things well and commendably done: Whereas the Readers of Histories shall reape more profit by deeds which are worthy to bee imbraced and followed, than those which are vniust, and to bee auoided. Moreouer hee pursues his Discourse, how that Cleomenes tooke the Citty, and that hee sent Letters to Messena to the Megalopolitains, aduising them to returne into their Countrey which was whole, and to be of his party: And how the Megalopolitains could not endure they should finish the reading of the Letters, and could hardly forbeare from doing outrage to the messenger, with many other petty triuiall things, to shew the magnificence and modesty of Cleomenes towards his Enemies. But he forbeares to tell that which followed, and which was very proper to the History, which is the praise and memory of things well done. But who hindred him? If we hold them honest men who in words and will maintaine a Warre for their Allies, and if wee doe not onely praise with admiration, but also giue thankes with Presents, to those that endure the spoile of their Countrey with fire and sieges,The great 〈…〉 Megalopolitains what commendations shall we giue then to the Megalopolitains? what affection shall wee beare vnto them? Shall it not be great and ample? First, they left the Prouince to Clomenes, and abandoned their owne • ountrey, rather than to breake their Faith with the Acheins. Finally, although that contrary to hope, and the opinion of all the world, they might haue returned into their Country with safety, yet they desired rather to be banished, forsaking their houses, Sepulchers, Temples and goods, and finally, all their estates, than to be taxed to haue broken their Faith with their Allies. Was there euer any thing done that was more rare and excellent? Whereunto then should an Historiographer make his Auditours more attentiue? With what examples could hee better exhort men to keepe their Faith, and to follow things well done. But Philarchus makes no mention hereof, and is in my opinion blind, when as braue exploits which are worthy of memory offer themselues.

Hee saith moreouer,The third part of the booty is due to the Generall. that the Lacedemonians made a spoile within Megalopolis of three Millions, and sixe hundred thousand Crownes, whereof Cleomenes according to the custome had twelue hundred thousand. But who will not maruaile at the beastlinesse and ignorance of this man, touching the Riches and power of Greece: the which are things which an Historiographer ought to know. Truely, I dare boldly affirme, that they could not gather together this Summe in all Morea, out of the money of all their moueables, excepting their persons: I meane not in the time when it was impouerished by the oppressions of the Kings of Macedony, and by the diuers Warres which they had amongst themselues, but at such time when as all the Townes were firmely vnited together, and when as Fortune seemed to smile on them. But to shew that what wee say, proceeds not from ouer-weening or want of reason, it appeares thus. Who knowes not that when the Acheins ioyned to the Thebeins, made Warre against the Lacedemonians, and that they were to raise an Army of ten thousand men, and another at Sea of an hundred Triremes, and that they had calculated the charge, it not onely emptied their publicke Cofers, but also their houses and the whole Prouince: and that finally, they could hardly draw together three Millions, and sixe hundred thousand Crownes, whereof there wanted an hundred and fifty thousand.

You must not hold that strange which I now affirme of Morea. There is not any man that dare assure, that the spoile of Megalopolis at that time, did amount to aboue ninescore thousand Crownes: and that the people, as well Burgesses as Slaues retired to Messina. Whereof behold a great argument: For when the Mantineans were not lesse strong, nor of meaner estate than the Arcadians, as this Historiographer sayth, were enuironed by a siege, so as when they yeelded, no man could steale away, nor carry away any thing: Yet the whole spoile,The pillage of Mantinia came to ninescore thousand Crownes. reckoning it at the vttermost, accompting the bodies, was esteemed but ninescore thousand Crownes. Moreouer, who will not wonder at that which hee saith afterwards, that an Embassie from Ptolomy came ten dayes before this battell, to let Cleomenes vnderstand that he was not resolued to contribute any longer to the charges of this Warre, and that hee aduised him to agree with Antigonus? The which Cleomenes hearing, he resolued to hazard the battell, before his Souldiers should heare the newes, lest they should mutine, when they should be out of hope of their pay. But if it were true, that he had lately gotten three Millions, and sixe hundred thousand Crownes in Megalopolis, what neede hath he of Ptolomyes contribution, seeing that ninescore thousand Crownes were more then sufficient to defeate Antigonus forces? Is it not a great weakenesse in him to say, that Cleomanes did expect pay for his Souldiers from Ptolomy, and withall, that he had taken so great a booty of money in Megalopolis? My Discourse should be long if I should pursue the vices wherewith this good Historiographer doth generally abound: but this shall suffice for this present.

After the taking of Megalopolis, An A •• y leuied by Cleomenes. at such time as Antigonus wintred in the Citty of Argos, Cleomenes drew his Army together, as soone as the opportunity of the time would giue him leaue. And hauing preached vnto his men, he entred into the Countrey of Argos. Many blamed him for this attempt, as being too bold and rash, in regard of the scituation of the Countrey, which is difficult and strong by Nature. Others which were of a better Iudgement, held it wisely done. For when as he saw that Antigonus had left the greatest part of his Army in the Countrey, and had with him but a small handfull of Mercenary Souldiers, he had a conceit, that hee might easily enter the Prouince without danger: And if he put all vnto fire and Sword, euen vnto the Walles of the Citty, the Argiues through necessity would charge Antigonus, who thorough his basenesse must endure such outrages. Finally, if hee be forced to come to fight, moued with the cries of the people, who shall hinder him to haue the Victory, seeing he hath a greater Troupe of men? If he doth not abandon the Citty as it is fitting, hee can carry backe his men without danger into his Countrey, after that he hath ouer-runne the Champion: Leauing a great amazement and terrour to his Enemies, and assuring the hearts of his owne Souldiers.Antigonus blamed. The which succeeded according to his proiect. For when the people saw the whole Prouince thus spoyled, they began to blame Antigonus: who notwithstanding discharging the Duty of a wise and discreet Captaine, would not goe to field. Cleomenes in the meane time ouer-ran their whole Countrey without feare. By this meanes he returned safely into his Countrey, after that hee had at pleasure ruined the Prouince, and left a great amazement amongst the Argiues, and made his owne men more hardy for the future VVarre.

But when the Spring came, the Macedonians and the Acheins returning from wintering,The number of Nations which were in Antigonus Army. went to field: Antigonus marcht to Laconice with his Army, consisting of ten thousand Macedonians, three thousand Archers, three hundred Horse, a thousand Bowmen, and likewise as many of the Gaules: Moreouer, three thousand Foote which were Mercinaries, with three hundred Horse, and about a thousand Megalopolitains armed after the manner of the Macedonians, whereof Cerci • es had the leading. As for the Allies, hee had two thousand Foote of Bau • ere, and two hundred Horse: a thousand Foote of the Epir • tes, and fifty Horse: and as many of the Acarnanians: and besides all these, a thousand and sixe hundred Sclanonians, whereof Demetrius of Phare was Captaine. Thus the whole Army consisted of twenty eight thousand Foote, and twelue hundred Horse. Cleomenes being aduertised by his Spies of the Enemies descent, hee placed forces vpon the passages, by the which they might enter into his Countrey, fortifying them with Trenches and Trees cut downe: And hee himselfe went with his Army to a passage which they call Sellasia, thinking as it happened, that the Enemy would take that way.Sellasia. His Army was about twenty thousand men. There were two Mountaines in this passage, whereof the one is called Eua by the people of the Countrey,Eua. and the other Olympus. Olympus. There is a way betwixt both which runs along a Riuer vnto Sparta. When as Cleomenes had lodged himselfe in these two Mountaines, and had carefully fortified them with Trenches and Pallisadoes, hee put the Souldiers which were drawne together with the Allies into Eua, Euclide. whereof his Cozen Euclide had the Commaund, and stayed himselfe in that of Olympus with the Lacedemon • ans and Mercenaries. Moreouer, hee placed his Horse-men in the Plaine, with some of the Mercenaries, vpon the two Bankes of the Riuer.

When as Antigonus was come into those places, and finding the scituation of them, and the wonderfull industry of Cleomenes to dispose of his Army, hee was not resolued to fight at that time. And therefore hee camped neere vnto him, vpon the banke of the Riuer of Gorgile: whereas staying some dayes, Antigonus Campe seated vpon the Bankes of Gorgile. hee turned about the Countrey and the Enemies Campe and sought to draw them to battell by skirmishes. But when hee found nothing without defence, for that the Prouidence of Cleomenes had carefully rampired all places, hee gaue ouer his enterprize: But in the end they resolued by a common consent, to make an end of their Warre by a battell. Behold how Fortune had drawne together two great Captaines, equall in virtue, Counsell and Wisedome.The order of Antigonus Battell. Thus Antigonus opposed in Front to those which held the Mountaine of Eua, the Macedonians with their Targets, and the Scla • onians: and hee put the Leginaries in diuers bands to succour the one and the other: to whom hee gaue for Commaunder, Alexander, the Sonne of Ameta, and Demetrius of Phare.

After these marcht the Acarnanians and they of Candy: Finally, he placed two thousand Acheins for a supply, to succour them at need. Then he set his Horse-men neere vnto the Riuer-side in Front of the Enemies Horse, whereof Alexander had the charge with two thousand Foote-men. As for Antigonus, hee lodged neere vnto Mount Olympus with the bands of Aduenturers, and the Macedonians: where hee resolued to fight with Cleomenes. VVhen hee had put the Mercenaries into battell, hee caused the Battalion of the Mac • donians to march. The place which was straight, would not suffer them to doe otherwise. They had giuen charge to the Sctauonians to begin the battell, as soone as they should see a white cloth, which should be aduanced neere vnto Mount Olimpus, at the foote whereof they lodged at Night, vnder the Riuer of Gorgile. The Megalopolitains also with the Horse-men were to enter the combate, as soone as they should see a purple Robe, aduanced in the Aire from the Kings Quarter.

The houre of the battell was now come, the Sclauonians had already discouered Antigonus signe. They encourage their Companions according to the opportunity of the time, making no doubt but they had the victory in their hands. Then they endeauoured with wonderfull resolution to gaine the Mountaine. But the Foote-men which were lightly armed, whom Cleomenes as wee haue sayd, left in the Plaine with the Horse-men, seeing that the Bands of the Acheins had not the courage to second them, charg'd them vpon the Reare, so as they were in great danger: For on the right hand, and in Front Euclide had the better with his men: and the Mercenaries on the left hand, fighting obstinately, made a great spoile vpon the Reare. By this meanes they were suddainly enuironed with two Troopes of Enemies. When Philopomene the Megalopolitaine saw this disorder, hee suddainly gaue good aduice to the Captaines. But for that hee was a young man, and had neuer had charge they gaue no eare vnto him. Wherefore addressing himselfe to those of his Nation, Companions sayth hee, the Victory is ours if you will follow mee. And in charging the Enemies Horse, they assailed them with great courage. Wherefore the Aduenturers strangers, who fought in the Reare of those which assail'd the Mountaine, hearing a great noise, and seeing the Combate of the Horse-men, retired to aide and succour them, whereunto they had beene at the first ordained.

The order of the Enemies being by this meanes broken, the Sclauonians and Macedonians with others whom Antigonus had appointed, fell vpon them with great violence and fury. So as afterwards all the World was of opinion,The courage of Philopomene is the cause of the Victory. that the industry and courage of Philopomene had defeated Euclide at that time. And therefore they say, that when as Antigonus demaunded of Alexander why hee had sent the Horse-men against the Enemy, before hee had seene the signe, and that hee had answered, it was not hee, but a young Megalopolitaine which had done it without his priuity, hee then replied, that this young man had performed the duty of a good Captaine, and Alexander that of a young foole.

But they which kept the toppe of the Mountaine with Eucelide, shewed their basenesse, seeing the Enemies ascend: for they should not haue attended vntill they had gain'd the top with safety: But relying vpon the aduantage of the place, they should haue encountred them, and charged them from aboue: and if necessity had required, they might haue retired safely on the right hand, to charge the Enemy againe. In doing this they had easily broken, defeated and put the Macedonians to flight. But they did the contrary, as if they had the Victory certaine in their hands; for without moouing from the place which the Cleomenes had appointed them, they staied expecting the enemy, with hope of a greater defeate: For that they should be repulsed and beaten from the highest place of the Mountaine. But they soone suffered the pennance of their basenesse. For after that the Macedonians had recouered the Mountaine, without any resistance, and were come into the Plaine, they fell vpon their enemies, fighting hand to hand with so great sury, as they presently draue them backe into the hollow Caues and inaccessible places.

In the meane time the Combate was cruell among the Horse-men, where it was worth the sight, to behold with what heate, force, and courage the Acheins fought, considering they all fought for the liberty of the Countrey.Philopomene. But among all others they made great esteeme of Philopomene; for when his Horse was ouer thrown with a Pertuisane he fainted not, fighting long on foote with great courage. Finally in the end hee died valliantly, being shot thorough the shinne-bones with an Arrow. On the other side the Kings had begunne the fight at Mount Olympus with the mercenaries and such as were lightly armed. They were about fiue thousand men, who fought sometimes man to man, and sometimes they tried the Fortune of the whole Troupe. There the Victory was long in suspence, finally they parted equally from the battell.

But when as Cleomees was aduertised that Emlide had abandoned the Mountaine, and that the Allies had turned head, and that the Horse-men were in great despaire, and that all trembled for feare, hee resolued to goe out of his Fort, and to put his whole Army in Front vpon one side of the Campe; and therefore hee caused them to sound a Retreate. By this meanes when those that were lightly armed were drawne together, the two Armies charged with their Pikes and Iauelings. The Combate was cruell, and the charge performed with so great courage on either side, as the Victory was long doubtfull, and the iudgement difficult who deserued the greatest honour: For that sometimes the Lacedemonians retired, and againe they made the Mace • onians giue backe.

Finally,The victory of Antigonus ag • inst Cl • ome • es. when as the Lacedemonians were vanquished and put to flight, they were slaine heere and there like sheepe. Cleomenes saued himselfe in Sparta without any wound, beeing accompanied by some of the Horse-men. From thence hee retired the night following to Sythia, where he imbarqued in certaine shippes which lay long ready for the necessities of the Countrey, and sailed with his friends to Alexandria. Lacedemon taken by Antigonus. When as Antigonus was entred into Lacedemon finding no resistance, hee intreated the Lacedemonians graciously and courteously in all things; but especially in suffering them to liue and gouerne their Common-weale after the Lawes of the Country. When he had staied certaine daies there, he returned into Macedony with his Army, hauing newes of the descent of the Sclauonians, and of the spoile they made. Behold how Fortune disposeth of great affaires as she pleaseth. There is no doubt but if Cleomenes had deferred the battell a little, or staied in Sparta after his defeate,Sparta or Lacedemon. keeping them in hope, in the end he had preuailed in his affaires after the retreate of Antigonus. Antigonus came from thence to Tegee; to whom hee left their Common-weale intire. Three dayes after he arriued at Argos, at such time as the people were gathered together to celebrate the Nemean games; who presently went foorth to meete him. All the Citty had their eyes fixt vppon him and beheld him, all the World commended him; all the assembly of Greece, and euery Citty in perticular did him Honour, not onely Humane but Diuine.

From thence he made hast to go into Macedon, where as he found the Sclauonians spoiling the Country;The Victory of Antigonus against the Sclauonians. to whom hee gaue battell, and got the Victory after a long combate. But hee cried so much during the fight, as within few dayes after hee died of a fluxe of blood; so as the Grecians lost the great hope they had conceiued, not so much for his skill in Warre, as for his vertue and royall perfections. He left the Realme of Macedony to Philip the sonne of Demetrius. But if you demaund of me why I haue helde so long a Discourse of this present Warre, you must know I haue done it of purpose. For as this time concurres with that whereof wee meane to speake, I haue held it fit and necessary, to let the World vnderstand, according to my first resolution,The Death of many great Princes • what the estate of the Macedonians and Grecians were at that time. At that time Ptolomy died of sicknesse; to whom succeeded Ptolomy Philopater. The like did Seleucus the sonne of Seleucus, who was surnamed Callinice; and in like manner Pogon; to whom his brother Antiochus succeeded in the Realme of Syria.

The like in a manner hapned to those which helde the Kingdomes of Alexander after his death, as Seleucus, Ptolomy, and Lysimacus; for those died in the hundreth foure and twenteth Olympiade, as wee haue formerly related; and these in the hundreth thirty nine. Seeing wee haue exposed the preparation of all our History, and sufficiently declared at what time and how, and for what causes the Romanes after the conquest of all Italy assailed forraigne Realmes, and what the estate then was of Greece, Macedony, and the Carthaginians. I haue thought it fit to make an end of this Booke, with a Commemoration of these actions, and this alteration of Kingdomes: Seeing that according to our intention we are come vnto the times when as the Grecians made the VVarre of the Allies; the Romanes against Hannibal; and to that when as the Kings of the lower Asia, fought for the Empire of Syria.

WEe haue shewed sufficiently in the First Booke, how that wee haue taken for the beginning and foundation of the Romane actions, the VVarre betwixt the Allies, that of Hannibal, and that of Syria: Wee haue in like manner set downe the causes, for the which wee haue beene forced (in reducing the beginnings farther off.) to write the History of the Second Booke. Now we will indeauour to make you vnderstand the Warres themselues, and the causes why they were vndertaken, and dispersed in so many places, hauing let you vnderstand, in as few words as possible we may, the attempts of the people of Rome. Seeing that which wee haue vndertaken to write is but a Worke, and as it were a spectacle; (that is to say,) how, when, and wherefore all the Countries of the VVorld haue beene reduced vnder the obedience of the Romans, and that this hath a notorious beginning, a prefixed time, and the end certaine. VVee haue thought it good to deliuer summarily the accidents which hapned from the beginning vnto the end of these VVarres: Immagining that they which desire to see our Worke, will more easily come to the knowledge of the whole History. Beleeue me that our vnderstanding conceiues many things necessary for a perticular History, by the knowledge of the generall; for the vnderstanding whereof, the experience of perticular actions is of no small importance; and if they be both ioyned together, so as it may bee but one description, they will be wonderfull profitable to the Reader. But as for the contents of our Worke, wee haue sufficiently spoken thereof in the two first Bookes. And as for the perticular actions which haue hapned, they haue taken their beginning in the Warres which we haue Related; and there end at the death of the Kings of Macedon. So as from the beginning vnto the end there were fifty yeares; during the which there were as great and admirable things performed, as euer were in so short a sp • ce.

To speake whereof, wee will beginne to write from the hundreth and fortieth Olympiade, and will obserue this order. First wee will shew the causes for the which this VVarre, which they call of Hannibal, beganne betwixt the Romanes and Carthaginians: So as entring into Italy, they reduced the Romans to so great an extreamity, as they suddainly grew in hope to be Lords, not only of the rest of Italy, but also of the Citty of Rome. And afterwards we will continue our narration, vpon what occasion Philip King of Macedon, after that he had made VVarre with the Etoliens and pacified Greece, entred into hope with the Carthaginians. And as for Antiochus, Ptolomy, and Philopater, they in the end had Warre together for the lower Syria, after a long dissention. Moreouer the Rhodiens and Prufiens making VVarre against them of Constantinople, forced them to abandon Pontus. And there ending our Di • course, we will beginne to speake of the manner of liuing of the Romanes, of their Lawes and of their Common-weale: By the which as proper to them,The Countries conquered by the Romanes. they haue attained vnto such great power, as they haue not only made subiect to their obedience, Italy, Sycile, and the Gaules, and likewise Spaine in a short time; but in the end they haue vndertaken the Empire of the whole World, after they had vanquished the Carthaginians by Armes.Hi • ron. Then passing on we will shew, how the Kingdome of Hieron of Saragosse was defeated and ruined. The like we will do of diuers troubles which were in Aegypt. Moreouer how after the death of King Ptolomy, Antiochus, The Warres which Anti • chous and Philip made. and Philip, being agreed touching the diuision of the Realme left vnto the Sonne, began the Warre. Philip against Aegypt and Samos, and Antiochus against Syria and Phenicea.

And when as we haue summarily set downe the affaires of Spaine, Lybia, and Sycile, we will presently turne our Discourse to Greece, as the affaires shall change. For after that we haue related the VVars at Sea,Attalus. which Attalus and the Rhodiens made against Philip: and hauing set downe the Romanes VVarre against him, how and by whom it had beene mannaged, and what successe it had, obseruing the order of things, we will come to the indignation of the Etoliens, who proclaimed VVarre against the Romanes, and drew Antiochus out of Asia. And when we haue deliuered the causes, and related Antiochus nauigation into Europe, we will first shew how he fled out of Greece; and being vanquished by Armes, how he abandoned vnto the Romanes, all the Coun • ries which lie on this side Mount Taurus. Mount Taurus Thirdly, we will shew with what power the Romans conquered the Empire of Asia, after they had wholy defeated the Gaules, who wandred vp and downe; and how they freed the whole Countrey on this side Mount Taurus, from the feare of the Barbarians; and the insolency of the Gaules. And when we haue related the mis-fortune of the Etoliens and Cophalins in their Warres,Eumenides. Ariarate. Morea. we will make mention of those of Eumenides, of Prshia, and of the Gaules; the like we will do of that of Ariarate against Pharnace. From thence dispatching the accords of them of Morea, and the increase of the Rhodien Common-wealth, we will make an end of our worke, setting downe in the end the Voyages which Antiochus sirnamed Epiphanes, made into Aegypt. And in like manner the Warres of Persi • with the ruine of the Kingdome of the Macedonians. These are things whereby we may easily vnderstand how the Romanes in a short submitted the whole Earth vnder their obedience, assailing them in perticular. And if it were lawfull to discerne vertue from vice, by the good or bad successe of affaires,The Conquest of the Romanes in 53. yeares▪ or from the praise or dishonour of men, we must of necessity make an end here, and turne our Relation to things which in the beginning we propounded to set down; for this hath continued fifty three yeares: during the which the Roman Empire hath gotten so great an increase, as the whole World might well know, that they must do what their people commaunded. But for that such things, cannot be rightly iudged by the good Fortune of affaires, considering that many times those that seeme to be well done, are the cause of great inconueniencies, if they be not done in time: And contrary-wise they which are fallen into some disaster, many times turne their mis-fortunes to good, if they know how to haue patience. We haue thought it fitting to adde to that which we haue Written, what the nature of the Victors were, what meanes they held in the gouernment of their Empire, and how the rest of the Townes, Regions, and Countries yeilded willingly vnto them? And moreouer what course of life, and what Lawes they held with all the World, aswell in particular as generally with all their Common-wealths.

By this meanes they which liue at this day, shall plainy see, whither it be good to flie, or voluntarily to submit to the Empire of Rome; and they which shall come after may iudge whither the actions of the Romanes be commendable and worthy of memory, or altogether blameable. Behold, wherein the profit of our History will consist, aswell for the present as the future time. They which mannage a Warre, and they which vndertake to iudge of it, do not propound the Victory for the last end, nor wholy to subiect himselfe. Beleeue me, a wise man doth not make Warre with his neighbours, to see the defeat and ruine: Neither doth any man saile in diuers Seas, onely to make Voyages; nor pursues many Sciences and Disciplines, in regard onely of them. Without doubt we pursue these things, for that which followes, seemes pleasant, profitable, or decent, and therefore wee may with reason say, that the end of our Worke hath beene to know the condition of all things, after the Conquest of the World made by the Romanes, vntill they fell againe into new combustions.

Of which troubles I haue resolued to write, making as it were, a new beginning: Polybius hath been • pre • ent at a great part of the things which he hath written. For that there hath beene great and memorable things, hauing not onely beene present at the greatest part, but also a comfo • t and assistant.

This trouble grew, when as the Romans made Warre against the Celtiber • ans, and the Carthaginians against Massinissa, King of Lybia: and what time Atta • us and Prusias were at Warre in Asia. And then Ariarate King of Capadocia expell'd his Realme by Roferne, by the meanes of Demetrius, was soone after restored by him. But Demetrius the Sonne of Seleucus, lost his Realme and life by the conspiracy of other Kings, Demetrius lost his R •• lme and life by conspiracy. after hee had held Syria twelue yeeres. And the Romans restored the Grecians to their Citties, whom they had charged to bee the Authours of the Persian Warre, after they had accepted the excuse of their innocency. Soone after they made Warre against the Carthaginians, for the causes which wee will specifie, so as they resolued first to transport them, and afterwards wholly to ruine them.

And for that the Macedonians abandoned the part of the Romans, and the Lacedemonians the Common weale of the Acheins, there followed the vtter ruine and destruction of all Greece. This shall serue for the Preamble of our Worke. I haue neede of the fauour of Fortune, to the end that by the meanes of life I may finish this my resolution, although I hold it for certaine, that if a long life should faile mee,Th • desire and affection of the Authour vpon the end of his Booke. yet there would bee alwayes some one found among so great a multitude of wise and learned men, that would finish our Worke, and endeuour to bring vnto perfection that, which suddaine Death might hinder and preuent in vs.

As wee haue related at large the deeds which seeme most memorable, desiring that our whole worke might bee knowne to the Reader, as well in generall as perticular, it is now time vnto the declaration of our designe. The greatest part of those which haue written the deeds of Hannibal, desiring to shew the cause of the Warre which kindled betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians, say, that the siege of Sagonte was the first: and the second, that contrary to the accord made with the Romans, they had past the Riuer of Ebro.

For my part, I am of opinion that these were the beginnings, but not the causes; for there is a great difference betwixt the causes and beginning of things:The beginning of a worke and the cause 〈◊〉 . vnlesse some will say, that the Voyage of Alexander the great into Asia, hath beene the cause of the Warre which he made against the Persians: Or that the descent which Antiochus made at Demetriade, hath beene the cause of that which was begun against the Romans: the which is neither true nor likely.

But what man is so much blinded with ignorance, that will affirme and maintaine, that the preparations which were made partly by Alexander, and partly by Phillip in his life time, for the Warre of Persia: Or by the Etoliens, to make Warre against the Romans, before the comming of Antiochus hath beene the causes of the Warre? These are the opinions of men, who doe not obserue how much the beginnings and the cause differ: and that the causes in all things are the first, and the beginning are the end of causes. I am of opinion that the beginnings are called the first workes of things which are resolued and concluded, and that the causes are those which preceed the decree and resolution, and makes vs so to iudge: as are the thoughts, the aduices, the discourses of reason and such other things.

This will be apparent for that which followes: For it will be easie for any man to see for what cause the Warre of Persia was made,The eauses of Alexanders Warre in Persia. and whence the beginning came. The first was the returne of the Grecians with Xenophon into their Countrey, by infinite fierce and barbarous Nations: where not any one durst make head against him in so long a Voyage.

The second hath beene the Voyage of Agesilaus King of Lacedemonia into Asia by Sea.Agesilaus. Where hauing found nothing answerable to his forces, nor that presented it selfe, hee was forced to returne into Greece, Phillip. for the troubles which were kindled there: as if he had triumphed ouer the Barbarians. For which causes Phillip King of Macedon, hauing experience of the basenesse and sloth of the Persians and relying vpon the readinesse of the Macedonians in matters of War: being likewise drawne with the hope of great gaine he prepared Warre against them with all his forces, as soone as he found himselfe assured of the amity and friendship of the Grecians: taking his occasion, that the Persians had vsed great cruelty against them.

And therefore wee must say, that the causes of this Warre are those which wee haue first related, and the occasions are those whereof we now speake: and the beginning was Alexanders Voiage by Sea into Asia: The cause of the Etoliens Warre against the Romans. And in that which was made against the Romans vnder the conduct of Antiochus, the wrath and indignation of the Etoliens was the cause. You must vnderstand that for the opinion which they had conceiued, that the Romans made no accompt of them as long as the Warre of Phillip continued, they not onely called Antiochus vnto their Succours, but also resolued to put all in hazard, so great their spleene and fury was for that which was past.

It is true, the liberty of Greece was the occasion, vnder hope whereof they laboured by all meanes to draw the neighbour Citties to their Enterprize: But the beginning of the Warre was the Voyage to Sea of Antiochus to Demetriade. Wee haue beene tedious in this Discourse, not to blame any one of the auncient Historiographers, but for the profit of those which haue a desire to learne. For as Phisitians cannot cure their Patients,A good comparison. if they haue not knowledge of the causes of the Diseases wherewith they are troubled: So they which treate of Histories, are altogether vnprofitable, if the reason of the place, of the time, with the causes and occasions bee not knowne.

There is therefore nothing more necessary, nor more to be desired, than to know the causes of all things that happen: For opportunity doth many times rectifie great affaires, and it is easie to preuent their beginnings.

It is true that Fabius a Roman Historiographer faith,Fabius. that the cruelty and inhumanity of Hannibal towards the Sagontins, and the ambition and insatiable desire of Rule in Asdrubal, haue beene the causes of the Warre betwixt the Romans and Hannibal, Generall of the Carthaginians. Then hee sayth that he had much augmented the Carthaginians Empire in Spaine, and that being returned to Carthage, hee sought to tirannize the Common-wealth, and to ouerthrow their Lawes. The which the chiefe men discouering, they opposed themselues against Asdrubal. Wherefore leauing Affricke in a rage, hee returned presently into Spaine, and afterwards mannaged the affaires according to his owne fancy, and without the authority of the Senate of Carthage. Moreouer, he saith, that Hannibal who from his youth had beene at the Warre vnder him, was of the same enterprize: and therefore after he was Lord of Spaine, hee followed the courses of Asdrubal. So as this Warre which was made against the Romans, was begun by him in spight of the Carthaginians, and that there was not any man in Carthage which loued the Common-wealth, but did much blame the deeds of Hannibal against the Sagontins. Moreouer, hee sayth, that after the taking of Sagont, there was an Embassie sent from Rome to Carthage, demaunding Hannibal to bee punished for the breach of the accord, and if they would not yeeld vnto it, they should declare Warre against the Carthaginians.

But if a man should demaund of Fabius what could succeed better, nor more reasonable, and expedient for the Carthaginians, than to deliuer vpon the Romans request the authour of the offence, and him that had committed the fault, to punish him: Seeing that as hee sayth, they had dislik't the actions of Hannibal: and by this meanes might reuenge by another the common Enemy of the Countrey, and maintaine the estate of their Citty in peace, chasing away the authour of the warre, considering that this might bee well effected by a bare resolution? What can he answere? Nothing without doubt. Contrariwise they were so farre from doing it,The Warre of Hannibal continued 17. yeeres. as they maintained the Warre seuenteene yeeres continuall against the Romans: Neither did they cease vntill destitute of all hope, they not onely hazarded their Countrey, but also their liues.

Finally, to what end doe wee vse this discourse of Fabius or of his writings? It is not to cry him downe: For his lying writings are apparent to those which reade them. It is onely to aduertise those which giue the credit, not somuch to regard the title of the Authour, as the truth of things: For there are men which doe not beare so much respect to the writings, as to him that made them, and which thinke that for as much as Fabius liued in those times, and had beene of the Senate, that hee could not but speake truth. It is true, and I am of opinion, that we must giue beleefe and credit vnto him in many things, but yet wee may not beleeue all: for wee must consider things as they are, and how they agree.

Finally, to returne to our Discourse, we must not thinke that the first cause of the Warre,The first cause of the Warre betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians. which the Romans had with the Carthaginians, was the indignation of Amilcar, sirnamed Barca, Father to Hannibal. And we must vnderstand that he was not vanquished by the Romans, during the Warre of Sicily; (for he preserued the Army which was about Erix with great Iudgement) but when he saw the Carthaginians had lost the battell at Sea,The fore sight of Amilcar, Father to Hannibal. hee thought good to veeld vnto the time, and made a peace with the Romans, yet hee left no • his indignation, so as he expected continually an opportunity to be reuenged of them. And if the Carthaginians had not found themselues troubled with the mntiny of their Souldiers, hee would presently haue renewed the VVarre with all his power: and therefore being hindred by an intestine mischiefe, he deserr'd it to another time.

The Romans considering the danger wherein the Carthaginians were by the mutiny of their Souldiers, threatned them with VVarre. To preuent the which, the Carthaginians made an accord as we haue specified in the former Booke, without which no man can vnderstand that which wee haue now sayd, Sardinia abandoned by the Carthaginians. nor that which followes. Finally, they quit them Sardinia, as vnfurnished both of counsell and aide: For that the Romans would not otherwise desist from their Enterprize, and they payed them beside the Summe already accorded, seuen hundred thousand Crownes: which was the second and the greatest cause of the VVarre which after wards began.The second Cause.

VVhen as all the people of Carthage were entred into the like indignation with Hannibal, and that Amilcar saw the mutiny of the Souldiers supprest, and the affaires of the Countrey pacified, he began to make VVarre in Spaine, seeking to make vse of it, as a preparatiue to leade them against the Romans. The third Cause. Behold that which we must imagine for the third cause, that is to say, the good fortune which the Carthaginians had: For that their hearts grew great, and therefore they vndertooke th • s VVarre more boldly. There is proofe sufficient, that Amilcar was the principall cause of the second Punique VVarre, although he were dead ten yeeres before: but it shall suffice for the present to relate that which followeth: At what time that Hannibal was vanquished by the Romans, he retired to Antiochus leauing Affricke, the Romans aduertised of the Etoliens attempt, Antiochu san Enemy to the Romans. sent an Embassie to Antiochus to know his will, and to discouer by this meanes his preparation for Warre. But hauing vnderstood that he held the party of the Etoliens, and that he was resolued to make Warre against the Romans, they frequented daily with Hannibal, seeking by their continuall familiarity, to draw him into suspition and dislike; wherein they were not deceiued: For Antiochus thinking he had beene gain'd by the Romans, suspected him long. But it happened on a time when as the King called him to his Councell, whereas he had good liberty to speake. And then after many discourses, in the end as it were by indignation, hee began to vse these termes. VVhen as my Father Amilcar was to passe into Spaine with an Army I was about the Age of nine yeares: and when as he sacrificed to Iupiter, I was neere vnto the Altars.

But when as the Sacrifices were ended, Hannibal his speech to Antiochus. my father caused the rest to retire backe; and hauing called me alone, he demaunded kindly of me, and as it were with imbracings, if I would go the Voyage. The which when I had not onely accepted, but moreouer intreated him like a childe; then taking my right hand, and laying it vpon the Altar, hee would that touching the things sacrificed, I should sweare that presently when I came to age, I should be an enemy to the Romanes. And therefore Sir, as long as you shall be their enemy, you may relie confidently in me, Hanibal swears that when hee came to age, he would be an enemy to the Romanes. and haue no suspicion of Hannibal: but when you shall be reconciled, or that you shall contract friendshippe with them, then expect no other accuser, and haue a care to keepe your selfe from me, as from an enemy to the people of Rome; for I shall be alwayes opposite vnto them with all my power.

Antiochus hearing this kind of Speech, and that Hannibal spake truly and with affection, in regard of his griefe, he presently abandoned all suspition. Asdrubal sonne in Law to Hannibal. Behold then a manifest testimony of the harred and bad affection of Amilcar towards the Romanes; for hee left Asdrubal his sonne in Law, and his sonne Hannibal for their enemies, such as there could be none greater. It is true, that Death tooke an order that Asdrubal could not shewe the hatred he bare them. But Hannibal had time at will, so as preuailing in his interprize, he hath sufficiently made knowne the hatred which he held from his Father.A good consideration, and necessary for al Gouernours. And therefore they which haue the Gouernment of a Common-weale must carefully consider this, and ruminate in their vnderstanding to know the humours of those, with whom they make any accord or friendship; whither it be for the necessity of the time, or to giue ouer the Warres; to the ende they may alwaies defend themselues from those which seeke an opportunity to do euill, and to make vse of those whom they know to bee their Subiects or true friends, when necessity shall require. These causes which we haue specified, are those of the second Punique Warre, and the beginning of that which we will now relate.

The Carthaginians hardly induring the losse of Sycile, The causes of the Carthaginians hatred. which the Romanes had taken from them. It is true that as we haue said, Sardinia which they had surprized by Treason during the mutiny of Affricke, and this summe of money which they had caused them to pay, did much increase their hatred. And therefore it was likely that as soone as they should grow great in Spaine, they would transport the VVarre into Italy. But after the death of Asdrubal, who after the death of Amilcar was Generall of the Carthaginians, Neuer Commaunder did any thing worthily which was not pleasing to the Souldiers. they desired to know the will of the Souldiers, before they would place a new Commaunder. And when as the newes came from the Campe, that Hannibal had bin chosen Captaine by a generall consent, they presently assembled, and confirmed with one accord by the election of the men of VVar. Hannibal hauing receiued all power, and considering that to linger was of no worth, he marcht with his army to the skirts of the Olcades to ruine them. And therefore he besieged Carteia, the chiefe Towne of that Countrey, Carteia taken by assault. and tooke it by assault after some dayes resistance. So as the other Townes being terrified yeelded of themselues to the Carthaginians.

After this Victory the Army retired to winter at Carthagena with great booty: whereas Hannibal vsing great bounty, deuided it amongst the Souldiers: So as hee gained their hearts wonderfully, leauing them in great hope for the future. In the Spring hee led his Army against the Vacceens, Countries conquered by Hannibal. and presently conquered Ermandique: Afterwards hee tooke Arbacale by force, not without great danger, hauing held it long besieged: For that it had beene well defended by the greatnesse of the Citty, and the multitude and courage of the Inhabitants.

After this, hee suddainly fell by chance into a maruellous danger, by a charge which the Toletains haue him,The Toletains. at his returne from the Vacceens with a great booty: For it is a people which exceeds all the rest of this Prouince in courage and multitudes of men, with the which also there ioyned the Fugitiues of Ermandique. Whereunto the banished men of the Olcades had perswaded them. Without doubt the Carthaginians had beene vanquished and defeated, if they had offered Battell;The riuer of Tagus. but Hannibal gaue order to the contrary, and striking S • ile to enemy, he planted himselfe vppon the Banke of the Riuer of Tagus: giuing charge vnto his Horse men, that when they should see the Enemies enter into the Water, they should charge the Battalion of foote. He lodg'd forty Elephants along the Bankes.

By this meanes all things succeeded happily, for that he had the riuer and the Elephants as it were, for Combattants: For the Barbarians thinking that the Carthaginians were retired for feare, they cast themselues confusedly into the Riuer with great cries. Wherefore a great number of them were defeated vpon the Bankes of the Riuer by the Elephants which stood there, Hanibals victory vppon the Barbarians. and flew them at their landing. Some were also sl • ine in the Riuer by the Horse men, for that the Horsemen being at ease and without Armour, could better helpe themselues, and annoy the enemies, who durst not relye vpon the Ford. They which were in the Reare, and might easily recouer the Banke, retired, vntill in the end the Carthaginians cast themselues into the riuer with all their bands and companies,An Army of a hundred thousand men. and put them to flight. The Toletains army, with the Olcades and Vacceens, consisted of a hundred thousand men. After which defeate, there were not any found beyond the riuer of Ebro, that durst resist the Carthaginians, except the Sagontins. It is true that Hannibal would not fall vpon them, least hee should offer an occasion of Warre to the Romanes, before hee had seized vppon that which his Father Amilcar had aduised him to do.

In the meane time the Sagontins sent often to Rome, aswell for the care of their owne priuate affaires,An Embassie from the Romanes to Hannibal. as also fore-seeing future things, and likewise to aduertise them of the good Fortune of the Carthaginians in Spaine. Finally the Romanes hauing thereupon many and diuers aduertisements, they sent an Embassie into Spaine, to discouer the course of Hannibals actions: But he was retired to Winter at Carthagena, hauing mannaged his affaires to his owne liking. Being suddainly arriued there, he cals them and giues them audience, and power to deliuer their charge. The Embassadours at the first signifies vnto him, that he should demaund nothing from the Sagontins, being allied vnto the Romanes: And moreouer that he should not passe the riuer of Ebro, for that it had beene so concluded by the Treaty made with Asdruball. The which being heard by Hannibal, like a young man and greedy of War, and who easily did what he would with the Senate of Carthage, by the meanes of the heads of his faction, Hannibals answer to the Roman Embassadours. together with the hatred he bare against the Romanes, he answered the Embassadours as a friend to the Sagontins, blaming the people of Rome, who when they had lately receiued Letters from the Sagontins, for a mutiny which was growne amongst them, to the end they might send some Embassie to pacifie it, they had wickedly put to death some of the principall of the Citty: Whereof he threatens them to take reuenge, saying that the Carthaginians had a Custome not to disdaine outrages: On the other side, he sent vnto Carthage, to aduertise them of that which they were to do, considering that the Sagontins relying vppon the Alliance with the Romanes, had done great outrages to many Townes subiect to the Carthaginians.

Finally as one full of inconstancy and rage, and inflamed with a desire to make Warre, he propounded no other valuable reason, pursuing only certaine friuolous and impertinent causes. The which is incident to those, who transported by their passion forget their duty. But had it not beene much better to say thus? That the Carthaginians do rightfully demaund of the Romanes, that they restore vnto them Sardinia, and the siluer, which for so many yeares they had vniustly drawne from them, during their great affaires, and if they did it not, they will proclaime Warre against them. Where as contrariwise it seemes now, in leauing the true cause, and supposing a false one of the Sagontins, they would make it not only without occasion, but also with great outrage. And although the Embassadours vnderstood well, that vppon necessity they must enter into Warre; yet they went vnto Carthage, where they vsed the like speech.

It is true the Romanes meant to Transport it into Spaine and not into Italy, and to haue Sagont for a Fort. Wherefore in the interim, they laboured first to pacifie the Wars of Sclauonia, as if they intended to make a Warre that was long and tedious and farre from Italy. It hapned at that time, Demetrius: King of Sclauonia. that when as Demetrius King of the Sclauonians forgat the many fauours which the Romanes had done him, for that hee saw them prest on the one side with the feare of the Gaules, and on the ther by the Carthaginians, and that all his hope was in the King of Macedon: for that hee had bin a pertaker of that Warre, which Antigonus made against Cleomenes, ruining the Townes of the Sclauonians which were subiect to the Romanes, forcing the Citty, and exceeding the bounds limitted in the Treaty. The like hee did to most parts of the Iland of Cyclades: So as he ruined all like a Tempest, beeing accompanied with fifty strong Vessels. Whereof the Romanes being aduertised, seeing at that time the Principallity of Macedon to Triumph, they laboured with all their present meanes to pacifie the affaires of Sclauonia, hoping it would prooue easie: And that soone after, they should punish the basenesse of the Sclauonians, and the ingratitude of Demetrius. But matters past otherwise then they expected. For whilest they imploy their time therein, Hannibal takes Sagont much sooner then they conceiued. So as the Warre grew hot, not in Spaine, but against the Citty of Rome, and thoroughout all Italy. Yet the Romanes pursuing their enterprize, sent Lucius Emilius into Sclauonia, the first yeare of the hundred and fifteth Olympiade, with a very great Army to keep that Prouince in peace, and from future danger.

Hannibal parting from Carthagena with his whole Army, goes to Sagont, a Towne scituated beyond the Riuer of Ebro, at the foote of the Mountaine,The scituation of Sagont. which deuides Spaine from the Celtiberiens, about a mile distant from the Sea. The people of this Countrey exceede all the rest of Spaine in abundance of fruites, and in multitudes of men, and they are the most Warlike. Hannibal entring into these limits with his Army, and hauing ruined all the Countrey, he besiedged it with all manner of Engines, conceiuing that the taking thereof would prooue wonderfull commodious for his present Affaires. First he considered that he should depriue the Romanes of all hope to make Warre in Spaine; The discretion of the head of an interprize. and that moreouer he should strike a great terrour into the rest; and that by this meanes the Townes of Spaine reduced already vnder his obedience, would keepe their faith the better: Besides it was likely, that they which desired to liue still in their liberty, would soone yeild: And that thirdly he immagined, that he might then confidently pursue the Remainder, leauing no enemy behind him.

He hoped more ouer, to gather much Treasure for the intertainement of his War; and that he should gaine the hearts of the Souldiers for the booty that euery one should get at the sacke of the Towne; and that finally he should purchase the loue of the Cittizens remayning in Carthage, with presents that he will send them of the spoiles. Beeing mooued with these reasons, he wholy attends the siege of this Towne, and inflames the hearts of the Souldiers, spurring them on sometimes with rage against the Enemy, sometimes with hope of Recompence; and sometimes he serues them for an example, aswell in making the Engines, and approaching them to the Wals, as in going sometimes to those places which were most dangerous. Finally, hee performed all things so extraordinary well, as if hee had beene but a simple Souldier.

And when he had toyl'd his Body and minde herein for the space of eight moneths, Sagont forced by Hannibal. in the end he forced Sagont. Whereas after he had made a great booty of gold and siluer, and taken many men, he kept the money for the charges of the War, as he had formerly resolued, deuiding the Prisoners among the Souldiers, according vnto their seuerall dignities, and set the rest of the spoile vnto Carthage. After these things, hee was not deceiued in his hope, so as things succeeded according to his desire: for his Souldiers were much more ready to vndergoe all dangers: and the Carthaginians much more ready to please him. Moreouer, this booty of money was a great meanes for the enterprize he had in hand.

During these actions, Demetrius King of the Sclauonians, discouering the enterprize and preparation of the Romans, Demetrius fortefied Dimale. hee presently caused the Towne of Dimale to bee carefully furnished with men and victuals: and as for the other Townes of Sclauonia, hee chased away those that were of a contrary faction, suffering none but such as held his party. Then hee made choice of sixe thousand old Souldiers out of his Army,The arriuall of Emilius into Sclauonia. and put himselfe into Phare. In the meane time the Consull Emilius arriues safely in Sclauonia with his Army: where being aduertised that the Enemies were confident and resolute, for that they were in hope, that the descent of the Romans should not preuaile against them, relying much in the scituation and munition of Dimale, hee thought good before all things, to doe his vttermost endeauour to take it: thinking (as it afterwards happened) that this being taken, all the rest amazed with feare, would easily yeeld vnto the Romans. And after that hee had made some speeches vnto the Souldiers, hee planted his Engines of Battery against the Towne, and besieged it: which being forced on the seauenth day, did so much amaze the Enemies, as presently Embassies came from all the rest of Sclauonia, yeelding vnto the Romans.

The which being receiued into Friendship,The Towne of Sclauonia reduced to the Romane obedience. and hauing treated with euery one according to their condition, hee causeth his Army to march directly to Phare, whereas the King of the Sclauonians made his abode. But for that hee found this Towne strong by scituation, and mann'd with the choise of the Army, and moreouer, well furnished with Victuals, and all kinds of munition, hee feared the siege would bee long and difficult. Finally, being long in supence,The warlike pollicy or Emilius. he takes this counsell. Hee vseth all diligence and labour to gaine the Iland in the Night, and doth lodge a great part of his Army in the thickest of the Forrest: as for himselfe, at the breake of day, hee gaines the neerest Port vnto the Towne with twenty shipps. The Sclauonians seeing the Enemies shipps, and making no accompt of their number, they goe forth with a great Fleete to hinder the landing of the Romans, where they charg'd them, and for a time the Combate was very furious, there comming still Succours vnto them from the Towne by files, so as in the end all the Citty was drawne thither.

Then the Romans who had layne all night in Ambush in the Forrest, hearing the noise, ranne with all speed by couered places, and gaining a little Hill which was strong by nature, within the Towne and Port, they tooke from their Enemies all meanes of returne. The which the Sclauonians well perceiuing, they leaue their first enterprize to repulse the Enemy, and drawing together in one troupe, they encourage one another, as men resolued to go and fight against those which held the Hill. On the other side the Romans seeing the Sclauonians approach, put themselues in battell, and charg'd them, fighting with great resolution and courage: The other part of the Army at Sea, landed, march't, and prest the enemy in the Reare. Wherefore for as much as the Romans charg'd them on all sides, and that the Sclauonians were prest before and behind, the Combate was long and cruell. Finally, the Romans had the Victory. The greatest part of the Sclauonians were most miserablely slaine,The victory of the Romans vpon the Sclauonians. some saued themselues within the Towne, and the rest fled into the Desarts of the Iland.

Demetrius the Night following saued himselfe contrary to the opinion of all the World, by meanes of certaine Vessels which hee had appointed in three places for his safety, the case so happening: and retired to Phillip King of Macedon, with whom hee spent the Remainder of his dayes. Hee was a man of great courage and ouerweening, but of little iudgement in Martiall affaires. And therefore hee ended according to the life which hee had formerly led: Demetrius a man of great courage and little iudgement. For when as at Phillips desire hee had begunne to besiege the Towne of the Messenians, hee was most shamefully slaine by the Enemy, for his great and ouerweening boldnesse. But wee will speake of these things more particularly, when wee shall come vnto that time. When as Emilius had so suddainly gotten Phare, hee razed the Towne to the ground. And hauing within few dayes reduced the rest of the Townes of Sclauonia to the Romane obedience,The Towne of Phare razed. and decided all the affaires of the Prouince as hee had resolued, hee returnes to Rome in the beginning of Autumne: where hee was receiued with wonderfull great glory, triumph, and good esteeme of all men, to haue done not onely like a wise and discreete man, but like a resolute.

But when in the meane time newes came to Rome of the razing of Sagont, some haue written, that the Lords of the Romane Councell were not of opinion to make Warre, and they alledge causes and reasons which held them in suspence. But what can bee spoken more vnreasonably? How is it likely, that they which the yeere before had signified Warre vnto the Carthaginians, if they entred the Sagontins Countrey, should now growe doubtfull, whether after the taking of Sagont, they should make Warre, or not? But is there any thing lesse worthy of credit, to say, that the Senate on the one side was wonderfully heauy and afflicted, as if all had beene vtterly lost: On the other side that the Fathers brought all their Children to the Senare, so as they were aboue twelue yeeres of age, and that being partakers of the Councell, they neuer reuealed, or made knowne the secrets to any? Without doubt these things are neither true nor likely, vnlesse the Romans haue that gift of nature, to bee wise from their Cradles.

We haue discoursed sufficiently of these writings which are of Cherea and Solilus: neither haue they so much shew of a History, as of old wiues Tales: and are like vnto those which they vsually tell in Barbers shops. The Romans then after the newes of the taking of Sagont, and the murther of their Allies, sent presently an Embassie to Carthage, to let them vnderstand two things, whereof the one seemed to bee of consequence, for ignomy and losse of the Carthaginions, and the other had a shew to draw their Empire in hazard. For they demaunded, that they should either deliuer Hannibal to bee punished for the breach of the publique Faith, or else they should hold themselues assured of Warre. When as the Embassadours were come to Carthage, Roman Embassadours sent to Carthage. and that the Senate had giuen them audience, they deliuered their Commission: which was not without the indignation of of the Carthaginians: who made choice of Hanno to debate their Right, who at the first made no accompt of Asdrubals treatie, Hanno's answer to the Romane Embassadours. as hauing neuer beene made with the Romans: and if it were so, the Carthaginians were not bound vnto it, for that Asdrubal had exceeded his Commission, and had done it without the authority of the Senate or people of Carthage. Whereunto hee alleadged in the like case, that the Romans had beene of opinion, that the accord made in Sicily by the Consull Luctatius should bee broken, for that it had beene made without the authority of the people of Rome.

Finally, hee insisted still vpon this accord whilest his Speech continued, and reade it often, saying, that there was no mention made of Ebro, and that the Allies of the one and of the other were onely reserued: and that moreouer, it did nothing concerne the Sagontins, for that at the time of the accord they were not allied vnto the Romans. The Embassadours repuls'd with great words this contention concerning the right of the accorde, as a thing which concernes the honour of the people of Rome: saying that the quarrels might bee decided, if the Sagontins were in there entire. But now that Sagont is razed, and that the faith and accords are wickedly broken, they should either deliuer the Authour of the Crime to the Romans, to the end that all the World might know, that Sagont hath not beene ouerthrowne and ruined with the consent of the Carthaginians: Or if they will not, but confesse that the Towne hath beene destroyed with their consent, that they should prepare to Warre. Thus ended their discourse, which they held more amply and in generall.

I haue held it most necessary not to passe ouer this particular in silence, to the end the truth may not bee hidden to those which deale in publique affaires, or which haue cause to consider exactly of these things: Or else haue a desire to know whether they erre, being deceiued by the ignorance and sottishnesse of Historiographers, for want of knowledge of the treaties which from the first Punique Warre, vnto our times haue beene made betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians. The first then was made betwixt these two Nations, immediately after that the name of King was chased out of Rome, Lucius, Iunius, Brutus, and Marcus Valerius being Consuls, vnder whom also a Temple was dedicated to Iupiter Capitolinus, The Temple of Iupiter Capitolinus. eight and twenty yeeres before the first voyage of Xerxes into Greece: the which wee haue interpreted with the greatest diligence wee could possibly. Beleeue me, the Romane tongue hath beene so changed since that time vnto our dayes,The Romane tongue changed. as they which are the best instructed in Antiquities, vnderstand not much of it, but with great difficulty.

This accord containes in a manner thus much:The first accord betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians. The people of Rome, and the Carthaginians shall liue in Amity and Friendship: The like shall their Allies doe. The Romans and their Allies shall not saile beyond the Promontory of Beauty, vnlesse they be forced by storme, or the violence of their Enemies. If any one takes Port for these causes, hee shall not buy,I conceiue that this Promontory is that which they call the Promontory of Mercure, in Affricke, where as now the Citty Clipca stands. nor take anything, but what necessity shall require for Sacrifices and for Ships. And that within the fift day they shall set faile for their retreate. They which shall arriue there for the trade of Merchandize, shall be free, except the duties which belong vnto the Register, and to the Citty, who shall giue a Certificate of all that which shalbe sold in their presence, in Affricke or Sardinia. If any Romane arriues in Sicily, where the Carthaginians are Lords, they shall doe him no wrong. The Carthaginians shall doe no outrage to the Ardeates, Anciates, Arrentins, Circins, Tarraconnois, nor the other Latins which are subiect to the Romans. And if there bee any other Citty which is not subiect, it is not comprehended. If the Carthaginians take any one, they shall restore it entire to the Romans, neither shall they build any Fort in Italy. And if they be entred into the Prouince as Enemies, they shall not stay a whole night. Behold in a manner what the first Treatie contayned. You must vnderstand that the Promontory of Beauty, The Promontory of Beauty. is right against Carthage, hauing its aspect to the North. Beyond the which towards the South, the Carthaginians would not suffer the Romans to saile with any ships of Warre.

The reason was as it seemes, for feare they should come and discouer the places which are about the Banks of Barbary, which the Carthaginians call the Merchants Countrey, by reason of the fertility thereof. And therefore if any one driuen by a storme, or prest by the enemy, cast himselfe vpon that Quarter, it was not lawfull for him to take any thing but what was necessary to repaire his ships, or to sacrifice: Being likewise forced to weigh Anchor, and set saile the fift day. As for Carthage and the other Countries of Affricke, which are on this side the Promontory, and as for Sardinia and Sicily, whereas the Carthaginians were Lords, it was lawfull to sayle thither for trafficke: For the effecting whereof the Carthaginians had sworne to obserue and keepe it.

But it seemes that in this treaty, that the Carthaginians make mention of Affricke and Sardinia, as of their owne Prouinces, holding other termes of Sicily, which adde the Countrey wherein they are obeyed. The Romans also doe the like for the Countrey of the Latins: and as for the rest of Italy, they make not any mention, for that it was not yet subiect vnto them. Afterwards there was another treaty made, wherein the Carthaginians comprehended the Tyrriens and Bisarthins: There was also added to the Cape of Beauty, Mastia, and Tarseron: Without the which it was not lawfull for the Romanes to pretend any Countrey, nor to purchase or build any new Citty. Behold the Contents: The Romanes and their Allies, the Carthaginians, Tyrriens, The second Accord. and Bisarthins, and their Allies, shall liue in friendship. The Romanes not their Allies shall not saile beyond the Promontory of Beauty, nor or Mastia, or Tarseion, to rob and spoile, nor to Trafficke, nor to build any Towne. If the Carthaginians take any Towne in Italy, which is not subiect to the Romanes, they shall haue spoile, and restore the Towne vnto the Romanes. If they haue taken any of the free people, which were Allied to the Romanes, they shall not bring them vnto any Port which belongs vnto the Romanes. And if they bring any one thither, and he be knowne to the Romanes, they shall be set at liberty. The like shall be done vnto the Romanes in those Townes which are subiect to the Carthaginians.

If a Roman refreshes himselfe with Water and Victuals, the Carthaginians shall do him no wrong, with whom they haue concluded a peace and friendship, and if they do it, the outrage shall be held publicke. And as for Sardinia and Affricke, the Romanes nor their Allies may not Trafficke nor haue any Towne, or buy any thing but what is necessary, for Sacrifice or the repairing of their shippes. And if any ship be cast vpon that Coast by Tempest, they shall set Saile within the fifth day. In regard of Sicily, the Romanes may Trafficke where the Carthaginians are obeyed: The like they may do at Carthage, and vse the same righ's which the Carthaginians obserue. The which in the like case the Carthaginians may doe at Rome. In this Treaty it seemes that the Carthaginians shew that Sardinia and Affricke were wholy theirs, and that they would depriue the Romanes of the right of Portage. But as for Sicily of that part onely which they hold.

It was also Articulated,Other Articles past betwixt the Romanes & the Carthaginians. that the Carthaginians should not make Warre against the Ardiatins, the Antiates, the Circins, Tarraconnois, nor against the other Latine Citties which lie vpon the Sea, and comprehends the Latine Region. As for the rest of Italy, there was no mention made. Since there was a third Accord made, at such time as Pyrrhus King of the Epirotes past into Italy, The third Accord. before the beginning of the Punique Warre. Wherein were comprehended the same Articles, adding moreouer, that if they agreed with Pyrrhus, they should giue succour one vnto another in the Country that was assailed: And if eyther of them had need of assistance, the Carthaginians should furnish Ships aswell for the passage, as for the Combate, either of them paying their Souldiers. The Carthaginians should succour the Romans by Sea, and no man should be forced to Land his men. But as I haue vnderstood, the oath of the first Treaties was made in this manner.

The Carthaginians sware by the gods of their Countrey:The manner of Swearing of the Romanes & Carthaginians in their treati • s. And the Romanes by the Stone, according to their auncient Custome, calling thereunto the powers of Mars the Warlike. Behold the manner which they obserued to sweare by the Stone. The Herald of Armes, after the Treaty of Peace was concluded betwixt the two Nations, hauing the Stone in his hands, vsed these Words. I pray vnto the gods that all things may come successefully vnto me, if this Accord and Oath which I take, be done iustly and without fraud. But if I do or thinke otherwise that I may die alone, as this Stone shall fall out of my hand, all the rest being sound and safe in their owne Country, their Lawes, Houses, Temples, and Sepulchers, and without speaking any Word more, he let the Stone fall out of his hand.

As these things are true, and are at this day to be seene, grauen in Tables of Brasse, in the Temple of Iupiter Capitolium, where they are carefully kept by the Ediles, Phisinus a Historiographer. Who will not wonder at the Historiographer Philinus, not for that he knew it not (for without doubt many auncient Romanes and Carthaginians, I say of our time, and which haue beene very curious of such things, do not know it:) But for that he hath dared to write things quite contrary; saying that in these Accords was contained that the Romanes should quit all Sycily, and the Carthaginians all Italy? Wherefore the Romans has broken their faith and promise, at their first Voiage into Sycily. And yet this is not found Written.

Philinus hath written this Discourse in the second of his Books, the which relating lightly in the first Booke, we haue reserued to this place, to the end we may debate it in perticular: holding it necessary, least some one might stray from the Truth, following the errour of Philinus. It will not be happily without reason, if some one will hold the Voyage of the Romans into Sycily worthy of blame, for that they had receiued the Mamertins into friendship, and presently sent forces after in their extreame necessity, considering that a little before they had spoiled Messina and Rhegium with great cruelty, beeing two of the richest Townes in Sycily. But this were to iudge like an ignorant man, that in passing into Sycily they had broken their faith and promise. After that the Warre of Sycily was ended there was another Accord made, whereof this is the Tenor. That the Carthaginians should not onely voide out of Sycily, Another accord made betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians. but out of all the Islands which are betwixt it and Italy. And the Allies of the one and the other should haue no Rule in neither of their Countries; nor should make any Forts, nor draw foorth any Souldiers, nor make Alliance with either of their Allies; and that the Carthaginians should pay thirteene hundred and twenty thousand Crownes within ten yeares: Whereof sixe hundred thousand should be presently paied, and that moreouer they should deliuer all the Romane Prisoners without ransome.

Besides all this the Romanes declaring Warre vnto them, when they were much troubled and afflicted in Affricke, Another accord. they forced them to make a new Treaty: Where it was sayd, that the Carthaginians should leaue Sardinia, and pay (besides the summe agreed vpon,) seauen hundred thousand Crownes. After all these Treaties, the last was made in Spaine with Asdrubal, Another accord made with Asdrubal. where the Carthaginians were forbidden to passe the Riuer of Ebro or Iberus in Armes. Behold all the Treaties which the people of Rome and Carthage made, from the first Punique Warre vnto the second, which the Carthaginians mannaged vnder the Conduct of Hannibal. But it is doubtlesse, that as wee haue shewed that the Romanes did not breake their faith when they past into Sycily, as doth plainly appeare: So afterwards they declared Warre against the Carthaginians without reason: when as they made the Treaty for Sardinia: for truely there can be no reason found therein. Contrariwise we see plainely that besides all the agreements, the Carthaginians left Sardinia, and payed a greater summe of mony, being forced by the malice of the time. And as for that, wherewith the Romanes shelter themselues, that they were forced thereunto, for that they had outraged their Merchants at Sea: This had beene formerly decided, when as the Carthaginians deliuered the Prisoners without Ransome. These are things whereof we haue spoken, when in the precedent Booke we haue related that which was to be said in perticular. Let vs now come to the causes of the second Punique War, and let vs see which of the two Nations is to be blamed.

The Carthaginians obiected those causes which we haue related.The causes propounded by the Romans for the Warre. In regard of the Romanes they brought none for the present, for the indignation they had for the razing of Sagont. Yet behold those which they and others do vsually obiect. First there is no comparison betwixt the Treaty which Asdrubal made and that of Luctatius, although the Carthaginians will haue it so. For it was sayd in that of Luctatius, that it should hold good if the people of Rome consent vnto it. And as for that of Asdrubal, there was no such condition: Where it was expresly sayd, that the Carthaginians should not passe beyond Ebro. And it was sayd in the other, that the Allies of either part should liue in peace: Vnder which termes were not only comprehended those which then were not Allied: For it would haue beene Articulated, that the one nor the other should make any new Alliance; or that they which should newly enter, should not be comprehended, whereof there is nothing Written. For with that whereof formerly they had giuen order that none of those which should enter newly into Alliance, should be wronged: Who will beleeue that eyther of these powerful Nations would restraine himselfe from receiuing those he should think good into Alliance, or to defend those that were receiued? In trueth I conceiue that in making their Treaty, their chiefe intent was, that their Allies should liue in safety, and that it should not be lawful for them to receiue the Allies of the one and the other into alliance: and it was prouided that the new alliances might not draw Souldiers out of the others Prouinces, nor beare any rule there; and that they should all Line in peace.

Matters standing in these Termes, it is manifest that the Sagontins were allied vnto the Romanes long before Hannibal: The Sagontins Allied a long time with the Romances. The which is so probable as the Carthaginians cannot deny it. For the Sagontins for a mutiny which grew in their Towne, sent not vnto the Carthaginians although they were their Neighbours, and held the greatest part of Spaine; but retired to the Romanes, by whose meanes the sedition was pacified and supprest. If they say that the razing of Sagont hath beene the cause of this Warre, they must likewise confesse that the Carthaginians had no reason to make Warre against the Romanes, aswell by the Treaty made with Luctatius, wherein it was contained that they should do no outrage vnto the Allies, as by that which was made by Asdrubal, by the which the Carthaginians were restrained from passing the Riuer of Ebro in Armes. Likewise if they will say, that the Carthaginians had taken this Warre to heart, for Sardinia which had beene taken from them, and for the summe of money which they had payed: I make no doubt that they were not to bee blamed, if attending the opportunity of the time they sought to reuenge: Yet I conceiue there wilbe some, who not duly considering heereof, will imagine it idle and to no purpose, that I examine these reasons so dilligently.

For my part I am of opinion,The opinion of Polybius in the diligence of a History. that if a man be so well furnished with all things necessary, as he needes not any assistance, yet the knowledge of things past wilbe pleasing vnto him, and it may be necessary. If likewise any one dare not • relie vpon this, aswell in priuate affaires as publicke, considering he is a man: and that he knowes well that this present felicity may be lost, considering that the Fortune of men is fraile and without continuance: Then I say that the knowledge of things past is not onely pleasant but necessary. But how may a man finde aide and succours to defend himselfe, being wronged in his owne Countrey? Or draw all the VVorld vnto his owne opinion, making a new enterprize? Or assure the hearts of his men when Fortune fauours him, if hee haue not a true particular knowledge of the deedes of his Ancestors? Beleeue me by this meanes he shalbe ready and instructed in present affaires to be able to say, and doe things, whereby all enterprizes shalbe discouered, and the Truth vnderstood. For things that are done and past, are good instructions for those that shal succeed and come after, shewing vs the meanes, aduise, and policies, whereby wee may purchase grace, helpe, and comfort: Or contrariwise, procure hatred, malice, or indignation, and so mooue to Iustice and reason. All which are of great Consequence vnto a man, aswell for his priuate affaires, as for the publicke.

And therefore I am of aduice, that Historiographers and they which giue themselues to read Histories, should not so much respect the Actions, as their Consequence and that which goes before. For if you take from a History which mentions but the deeds, how, nor wherefore it hapned, and what the end was, that which shall remaine will haue no instructions, and will be but a kinde of Contention: Although happily it may seeme at the first sight something pleasant, but for the future they shall reape no profite. It is true, some will say that it is no easie thing to recouer such a History, and that they cannot well finde it for the greatnesse and number of Bookes. Polybius hath made forty Bookes. Beleeue me, they doe not vnderstand how much more easie it is to haue, and to read forty Bookes made with good order, whereas the deedes and actions of Italy, Sycily, and Affricke, from the voiage of Pyrrhus into Italy, vnto the taking of Carthage are comprized: And as for those of the other parts of the World, from the flight of Cleomenes vnto the Warre which the Romans had against the Acheins, neere vnto the Isthmus: Then to make prouision, or to reade so many Bookes of so many particular Histories: For as they exceede ours in greatnesse and number, so it is a difficult thing to comprehend any thing certaine. First, that all write not of the same things, and omit those which haue beene done at the same time: the which if they were conferr'd together, would the better discouer the truth.

Finally, they cannot attaine to that which is necessary to the History, which are the things which precede the actions, and concerne the causes. For our part, wee will consider the Warre of Antiochus, as hauing taken its occasion from that of Phillip, and that of Phillip from the Punique Warre, and the Punique from that of Sicily: Whereas all the accidents which haue happened in the meane time, and may bee referred to one beginning, are diligently obserued. All which things may be easily vnderstood by him that hath written a generall History: the which is impossible by them which speake of particular Warres, as of the Persique or Phillippique: vnlesse perchance some one holds opinion to be able to vnderstand a whole Warre by the knowledge of one Battell: which is impossible. And therefore our History ought to be more esteemed, than that of particular Warres, for that it is more excellent to haue learned some thing perfectly, than to haue onely heard of it.

But to returne from whence wee strayed, when the Roman Embassadours saw that the Carthaginians disguised matters, they spake no more. But the most ancient among them taking vp the skirt of his Roabe,The Roman Embassadours signifie Warre vnto the Carthaginians. and shewing it to the Senate, Behold saith hee, wherein I bring you Warre or Peace: take which you please. Whereunto the Chiefe of the Carthaginians answered, deliuer which you will. And when he had spoken, he deliuered them Warre, many of the Senate cryed out, that they accepted it. Vpon this discourse the Embassadours and Senate retired. Hannibal wintering at Carthage, had giuen leaue to his Souldiers to returne into their Countrey, if happily there were any that desired to see their Kinsfolkes and Friends:The order which Hannibal gaue for the defence of Spaine. To the end that hauing endured so much toile, they might fortifie their bodies and mindes, to endure new labour. Moreouer, he instructs his brother Asdrubal by what meanes (if hee were forced to part out of the Prouince) he should defend and gouerne Spaine against all the attempts of the Romans. Then hee sends a great Garrison into Affricke of men which he drew out of Spaine: for hee had caused Souldiers to come out of Affricke into Spaine, making cunningly this diuision of his men: to the end that the Affricans being there, and the Spaniards in Affricke, they should grow better by mutuall obligations.

They which past into Affricke, were Thersites, Mastianes, Orites, Spaniards and Olcades: hauing appointed the number of them to be twelue hundred Horse, and thirteene thousand eight hundred & fifty Foot: and besides these eight hundred and fifty Slingers of Maiorque and Minorque, called Balleares, with their Iland, by reason of the vse of the Sling. He commaunds they should lodge the greatest part in Affricke, and that the rest should remaine at Carthage for its strength. He doth also leauy foure thousand Foote, the choice of the youth within the heart of Spaine: the which hee causeth to march to Carthage, not so much to fortifie it, as to serue for Hostages. Hee also left in Spaine to his Brother Asdrubal fifty Quinqueremes,The equipage of Warre as well for Sea as La • d, left in Spaine by Hannibal, to Asdrubal his Brother. two Quadriremes, fiue Triremes, and among the Quinqueremes, thirty two armed and furnished, with the fiue Triremes. Hee also left him about foure hundred and fifty Libyphentces, which is a mixt Nation of Phenicians and Affricans: and three hundred I • ergetois: Eighteene hundred Numidians and Moores, bordering vpon the great Sea: Eleauen thousand eight hundred and fifty Foote, Affricans: Three hundred Geneuois: Fiue hundred men of Maiorque and M • norque: and one and twenty Elephants. No man onght to wonder at our diligence in this description, If I so obserue it in the affaires of Hannibal in Spaine, that euen they which practised it, could hardly obserue: Nor blame vs for that after the manner of lyars, we relate I know not what petty triuiall things,The number of Hannibals Army in a Table of Copper seene by Polybius. the more easily to giue credit vnto our writing. For when I had seene at Lauynium a Table of Copper, which Hannibal had left there, when as he ouer-ran Italy, wherein this number was contained, I thought sit to giue credit vnto it; and therefore wee haue followed it heere.

When as Hannibal had prouided for Affricke and Spaine, hee respected the returne of such as hee had sent to moue the Gaules, by whose Country he was to passe his Army. You must vnderstand that he had sent men to winne them by Presents, and to view the passages of the Mountaine, for that he was aduertised that this Region was very fertile, and very well peopled with resolute men, and good Souldiers, and mortall Enemies to the Romans, for the Warre which they made against the Gaules, expecting that his Warre should be onely in Italy, if hee might passe his Army safely by the streights of the Alpes with their helpe. After the returne of his men, and that he was aduertised of the expectance and desire of the Gaules, and that the passages of the Hills were rough and painefull, not altogether inaccessible, he drew his Army together in the Spring. It is true, that the newes which at the same time hee receiued, of that which happened at Carthage, inflamed his cholle • the more against the Romans, hauing thereby a confident hope of the fidelity and affection of his Nation. When as all the Army was drawne together, Hannibal made an Oration,The Oration which Hannibal made to his Souldiers. not to any one part, but publickely to all the Souldiers, by diuers meanes perswading them to imbrace the Warre against the Romans: and how that hee and the other Captaines of Carthage had bene demanded of them for to be put to death, for the taking of Sagont. Hee acquaints them likewise of the fertility of the Prouince whither they made their voyage, making great esteeme and respect of the Friendshippe and alliance of the Gaules. After which speech, seeing them all resolute, and that they demaunded nothing but to parte, he commended their good will and prowesse. And after he had told them the day when they should trusse vp their baggage, he dismist them. In the meane time, when he had made all necessary preparations for his Voyage,The number of Horse and Foot which were in Hannibals Army at his parting from Spaine. hee dislodg'd suddainly, when the day of parting was come, with fourescore and ten thousand Foote, and twelue thousand Horse, and past the Riuer of Ebro.

Then within few dayes, hee brought vnder his obedience the Ilergetins, the Bargusins, the Erinosins, and Andolisiens: the like they did to all other Townes vnto the Pyrenee Mountaines, razing some. And as hee performed this sooner than any man could conceiue, so he did it not without many cruell battels, and great losse of men. He setled Hanno Gouernour of this Countrey, and made him likewise Lord of the Bargusins: for that hee did not greatly trust those people, for the Alliance they had with the Romans: and hee gaue him ten thousand Foote,The number of men which Hannibal left to Hanno for the guard of Spaine. and a thousand Horse for the guard of their Countrey, leauing with him all their baggage which march't with him. Hee sent backe the like number of Spaniards to their houses, partly for that hee vnderstood they were grieued with the length of the Iourney, and the difficult passages of the Mountaines: and partly to giue hope vnto others, to returne sometimes into their Countrey: and that they which he left in their houses, should march more willingly into Italy, if he needed succours. He march't then with the rest of his Army, Hannibals Army of 50▪ thousand Foote and nine thousand Horse. which amounted vnto the number of fifty thousand Foote, and nine thousand Horse.

And passing the Pyrenee Mountaines, he drew neere vnto the mouth of the Riuer of Rhone, not so well accompanied with great numbers as good men, who had beene alwayes victorious. But to the end this may not seeme too obscure by the ignorance of places, wee haue thought it fit to shew in few words, from whence Hannibal parted, and what great Countries hee past, and into what parts of Italy he entred. It is true, wee haue not set downe the names of the places, as many Historiographers doe, thinking that all will the better bee vnderstood, if they haue the knowledge thereof: For my part, I am of opinion, that the relation of the names of places, whereof we haue knowledge, are of great profit, for the more easie vnderstanding, and more certaine memory of things. But where the places are vnknowne, their names are like vnto that manner of voice, which besides the hearing, signifies nothing. By this meanes it happens, that seeing our vnderstanding doth not comprehend any thing by the name, and the which knowne, cannot breed any great profit, that the relation is altogether fruitlesse. And therefore wee must finde meanes, by the which speaking of places that are vnknowne, we may make the truth to be vnderstood by the Readers with all our power.

The first and principall knowledge, common to all men, is the Diuision of this World wherein wee are contained, by the which wee know (euen Ideots) the East, West, South and North. The second is by the which attributing to euery one of these parts the parties of the World wee come in some sort to the knowledge of places which we haue neuer seene. But as the round Circle of the Earth consists of many parts, whereof some are inhabitable, and others in scituation opposite to ours,The diuision of the World in three parts. inhabited by the Antipodes: Wee must for the present speake onely of the scituation of the Countrey which wee inhabite. And for that it is diuided into three parts, and hath three names, whereof they call the one Asia, the other Affricke, and the third Europe. It is a diuision which the Riuers of Tanais and Nile make, ioyning to the streights of Hercules Pillars. Asia is seated betwixt Nile and Tanais, taking its extent towards the East and South. In regard of Affricke, it is seated betwixt the Nile and the Pillars of Hercules, taking its extent vnder the South, and towards the Hiuernall west vnto the Equinoxiall, and to the streights of Gibeltar. Finally, these two parts seeme to hold more the Countrey vnder the South, from the East following our Sea then towards the West.

And as for Europe, it is limited drawing towards the North, and continuing from the East vnto the West: whose greatest extent lies towards the North, betwixt the Riuer of Tanais and Narbonna, which is not farre from the Countrey of Marcelles towards the West, and the mouthes of the Riuer of Rhone, which lose themselues in the Sardinian Sea. The Gaules hold all that Countrey, from Narbonna vnto the Perinee Mountaines, the which extend themselues from our Sea vnto the Ocean, and as for the rest of Europe from the Perinee Mountaines vnto the West, I meane vnto the Pillars of Hercules, it is enuironed on the one side by our Sea, and on the other by the maine Ocean. The Countrey about which our Sea doth flowe, vnto the Pillars of Hercules, is called Spaine. And as for that which hath its aspect to the Ocean, it hath not yet any knowne name that hath come to our knowledge: although it bee fully inhabited by Barbarous people, of whom we will speake particularly when we come to their Ranke. For as the Region which is neere vnto Ethiopia, whereas Asia and Affricke ioynes, is at this day vnknowne, whether it be firme land continued towards the South, or inclosed by the Sea: So likewise the Countrey is at this day vnknowne, which betwixt Tanais and Narbonna drawes towards the North: so as they dreame which speake or write any thing.

It was necessary to make this digression, to the end that the deeds which we are to relate, might not be altogether obscure to those which know not the places, and that they might come the knowledge of the truth as much as is possible, by the Regions of Heauen and Earth. For we haue beene alwaies accustomed to turne our face continually to that which they teach vs by reason and example: The vnderstanding must alwayes haue regard to those Countries which are interposed in the relation. Leauing then our discourse,What the Carthaginians held in Affrick. let vs returne to the continuance of our speech. The Carthaginians at that time held all the Affricaine shore, whereas our Sea flowes, from the Philonien Altars, neere vnto the Bankes of Barbary, vnto the Pillars of Hercules (this containes about sixteene thousand Furlongs) and in passing that little Sea which is betwixt Affricke and Europe they had Conquered all Spaine, vnto the Perinee mountaines, which diuide that Prouince from Gaule. From the which vnto streights of Gebeltar, where stand the Pillars of Hercules, there is about eight thousand Furlongs: And from the streight vnto the new Towne, which some call Carthage, from whence Hannibal parted to go into Italy, three thousand furlongs: And from Carthage to Ebro, two thousand sixe hundred furlongs: From thence to the Empories, sixteene hundred: And from thence to the mouth of the Riuer of Rhone sixeteene hundred furlongs. Behold the measure of those places which the Romanes haue made with great diligence. From the passage of the Rhone, following the Bankes towards the Spring, vnto the passage of the Alpes into Italy, thirteene hundred furlongs; and the passage of the Mountayne is held to be twelue hundred. After which they come into the Champion Countrey which is about Poe. And therefore Hannibal was to march nine thousand furlongs, from Carthage vnto the entry of Italy. And if we will obserue the way, he had already past the one halfe: But if we will consider the difficulty of the Country, he had the most troublesome taske to performe. Hannibal endeauoured by all meanes to passe the Perinee Mountaines, not without some feare of the Gaules; least knowing the passages, they should interrupt his voyage into Italy.

In the meane time newes came to Rome of that which had beene spoken and done at Carthage, by the Embassadours, and that Hannibal had past the Riuer of Ebro with his Army, much sooner then they expected, making hast to go into Italy; for the which the great men of Rome were not a little amazed: Co •• iuing that hee would mooue the Nation of the Gaules against them,A diuision of the Prouinces to the Consull. being alwayes desirous of Warre. Wherefore after the Election of the Consuls, the diuided the Prouinces: Whereof Spaine was for Publius Cornelius, and Affricke with Sycily for Tytus Sempronius: To whom they appointed sixe Legions for that yeare, and as many Allies as they should thinke good; and as great an Army at Sea as they could make.

Whilest they L • uied men at Rome, and that the Army at Sea and Munitions were preparing, and all the necessary Equipage for the Sea, they laboured to people their Collonies, which they had lately in Gaule neere vnto the Poe. There were Citties newly built, and Cittizens enioyned to be there within thirty dayes, to either Citty sixe thousand men:The building of Plaisance and Cremona. whereof the one which was on this side the Poe, was called Plaisance, and the other on the further side Cremona. The Boloniens discontented herewith, and remembring the auncient quarrels, abandoned the Roman party,The reu • lt of the Boloniens. being aduertised of the Descent of the Carthaginians, leauing the Hostages which they had giuen in the former Warre, whereof we haue made mention in the last Booke: And taking Armes suddainly, they solicited the Milan •• is to do the like, making a tumultuous hurly-burly in the Countrey assigned to the Collonies, so as all the people terrified fled to Modena, Modena besiged by the Gaules. with the three Deputies which were come to diuide the Land: Whom the Bolonieus pursued, and besieged the Towne. The siege continuing some time, they made a shew to parley of Peace: And when as the Princes of the Gaules had caused some Embassadours to come vnto them, they staied them contrary to the Law of Nations, refusing to send them backe, if their Hostages were not deliuered.

When the newes of this accident was come vnto them, Lucius Manlius the Pretor, who was then present with an Army, inflamed with Rage,A Surprize made by the Boloniens vpon the Romans. makes hast to succour the Besieged, whereof the Boloniens being aduertised, they layd an Ambush in the Forrest neere the way, and surprizing their enemies at their comming, they slew a great number of the Romans: The rest with great difficulty recouering the fields, saued themselues: Where although the Souldiers assured themselues for a time, yet finding that the Boloniens pursued them in the Reare, they •• ed to recouer the Towne of Cannet. When the newes came vnto Rome, the Romans fearing that their Army would be indangered by a long siege, they appointed Attillius the Pretor to succour the Besieged with the Troupes prepared for the new Leuy of the Consull, enioyning him moreouer to make a Leuy of others:The parting of the Roman Armies. Behold the estate wherein the affaires of the Gaules stood vntill the comming of Hannibal. In the meane time the Consulls hauing made ready all their necessary Equipage, parted from Rome: whereof Publius Cornelius bent his course to Spaine, with threescore vessels of warre, and Sempronius into Affricke with a hundred and three score Quiqueremes, taking the Warre so to heart, as he made so great a preparation at Lylibeum, that it seemed he should presently besiege Carthage.

As for Cornelius, he tooke his way by the Country of Tuscany and the Gene •• is; and arriued on the fifth day at Marcelles, and entred with his Army at the first mouth of Rhone, for it passeth into the Sea by many mouthes. And although he were aduertised that Hannibal past the Pyrenee mountaines, yet he made his accompt that hee had a long way to go, aswell for the difficulty of the Country, as for the multitude of the Gaules, those parts being very well peopled. But Hannibal made hast daily to passe the Rhone with his Army, neere vnto the shore of the Sardinian Sea, with incredible diligence, after that he had pacified the Gaules partly with gifts, and partly by feare. The which the Consull hearing, and beleeuing but in part this suddaine arriuall; desiring likewise to know the truth, he Lands, to refresh his Men wearied with a torment at Sea. Then he acquaints the Tribunes with the places, by the which they must go to encounter the Enemy, and sends three hundred choise Horse before, vnder the Conduct of Pronencials, and some succours of the Gaules, to discouer the Enemies enterprize.

Hannibal being now neere the Rhone with his Army, and within foure daies iourney of the Sea, makes hast to passe it with all possible speed. And therefore he cals all the inhabitants thereabouts, and wins them by Presents, from whom he buies Skifs and small Boates which they ordinarily vse, and whereof there were at that time a great number, by reason of the Faires for the Trade of the Sea: And he causeth others to be made in making hollow the bodies of Trees. The which the Souldiers likewise did, being mooued with the abundance of stuffe and the facility of the Worke: So as in lesse then two daies, there were so many Boates and Skifs, as they were sufficient to passe: Euery man striuing not to be at the mercy of his Companion or Comrade, but to passe himselfe and his baggage into his owne Skiffe or Boate.

In the meane time there were an infinite number of men drawne together vpon the further Banke of the Rhone, The Gaules endeuour to stop Hannibals passag • ouer the Rhone. to hinder the Carthaginians passage. The which Hannibal perceiuing, and knowing well that he could not passe the Riuer by force, for that the Enemy held the other Banke, nor stay there long, but he should be inuironed by the people of the Country, at the setting of the third Watch of the night the sends Hann • sonne to King Bomilcar with a part of his Army, to whom he gaue some guides of the Country; who mounted vp the Riuer two hundred furlongs, staying aboue an Iland, about the which the Rhone did runne: Where by reason of the Ford it seemed good, for that the Riuer diuided it selfe in two. They suddainly cut downe wood, and made floates sufficient to passe the men, and other things necessary. By this meanes they past the Rhone without danger or impeachment. Afterwards they recouered a place strong by nature, where they refresht themselues a day, for the toile which they had taken, aswell for their march by night, as for the paines they had indured, being all attentiue to affect their enterprize in time.

Hannibal likewise made hast to do the like, with the rest of the Army. But he was troubled to passe the Elephants, being thirty seauen in number. Hannibal causeth his Army to passe the Rhone. The night following, they which had past the Rhone, marching along the Riuer side, at the breake of day approached neere vnto the Barbarians, who as we haue sayd were there assembled. Hannibal on the other side, hauing his men ready, commaunds them all to be re • olute to passe, and that they should put the Horse-men prepared for the Combat in Boates, to the end that being past they might serue if necessity required: And that the most actiue and nimblest foot-men should enter into the Skifs. And to the end they might passe with more ease and safety, and might the better breake the vehemency of the Waues, he placed Boates aboue the Riuer to breake the Violent▪ and swift course. He also caused three or foure Horses to be tyed to the Poope to swim it ouer, and there were two men set of either side of the Poope. By this meanes the greatest part of the Horses had bin past in the first Voyage.

The which the Barbarians seeing, they came out of their Fort, and runne vnto the shore in a great throng and without order, as if they should easily defeat the Enemies. But after that Hannibal had stayd a little, and seeing his men approach by the smoake that they cast, according to his appointment, he gaue a signe to his whole Army to passe, the which the Carthaginians seeing, they laboured with all their power to passe the Riuer with great cries, and to breake the Violence of the streame, so as euery one laboured to passe first. When as the Carthaginians held the two Bankes, and past the riuer with great noise, the Gaules endeauouring with great fury to ressist them, crying, and singing after their manner. The Charge was terrible for the time, and the Combat horrible to see. All the Gaules were run downe vnto the Riuer, and had left their Tents. Hanno arriues presently with his Troupe, Hanno chargeth the Gaules whereof one part fals vpon their Campe, and the other Charges them in the reare. The Gaules being amazed at this suddaine accident, recouer a part of their Campe, to keepe it from the Enemies; the others were no lesse attentiue in the Combate. When Hannibal saw his enterprize succeed so happily, he incourageth his Souldiers, putting them in minde of their auncient prowesse, and perswading them to repulse the Enemies couragiously. Whereupon they fall vpon them with great fury. Hannibals Victory ouer the Gaules. Finally, the Gaules retired into their Villages with a shamefull flight, for that they had begun the battell without order, and had bin terrified by the surprize which Hanno made with his Legion.

When as Hannibal had at one instant, vanquished the Riuer and his Enemies, he causeth the rest of his Army to passe at leasure. And being all past in a short time, he planted his Campe without feare of the Gaules, and spent the night in peace vpon the Riuer side. Three dayes after he was aduertised of the entry of the Roman Consull, with his Army at Sea into the mouthes of Rhone. Wherefore he sent fiue hundred Numidians, to discouer the Enemies, to view their numbers, and to learne what they resolued. In the meane time he giues order vnto the maisters of the Elephants to be carefull to passe the Rhone. Remonstrances of the Gaulish Kings vnto the Carthaginian Campe. And hauing drawne his men together, he causeth the Kings to be called, who were come vnto him from Gaule which lyes beyond the Poe. Who speaking vnto the whole Campe by an Interpreter, aduised them to passe the Mountaines, promising that both themselues, and the rest of the inhabitants of Gaule should giue them both aide and assistance: That the waies were safe, and well furnished with all things necessary: And that moreouer the mountaines were not very difficult to passe, and they should finde the places where they were to goe, abounding in all things. Besides, they should finde such Allies, whose Courage in times past was not a little feared by the Romans. After these or the like words, the Kings presently retired.

Then Hannibal entring into the Assembly, Hanibals speech vnto his Souldiers. he shewes them first their Actions past, wherein following his Councell and opinion, they had bin alwaies Victorious: And that Fortune had neuer bin auerse vnto them. Moreouer he intreates them to be of good courage, being assured that they had ended the greatest of their Labours, hauing past so dangerous a Riuer, considering the good affection of their Allies, who were ready and prepared. Finally, that they should lay the burthen of affaires vpon him, shewing only their Obedience, where it should be needfull, with a remembrance of his Vertue and Prowesse, which he had performed with so great resolution. His speech being ended, seeing the ioyfull Countenance of his men, carrying the shew of resolution, he commended them all. Then hauing made his prayers vnto the gods according to their manner, he retired, and sent them away to feed, giuing them charge to be ready to part the next day.

The Company was scarce dismist when as the Numidians, who as wee haue sayd, had beene sent to discouer, returned, defeated and broken by the Enemy: for as they encountred neere vnto their Campe, the Roman Cauallery, whom Scipio had sent for the same cause, they charged one another with such fury, as there were slaine seauen score Horse as well Romans as Gaules, and aboue two hundred Numidians. The Romans pursuing the Carthaginians vnto their Campe, where hauing diligently obserued all,A defeate of the Numidians by the Roman Cauallory. they returned to the Consull, and reported certaine newes of the Enemy, and of the Combat they had with the Numidians. Which things being heard, Publius Cornelins seeing that his stay there, would bee of no great moment, imbarkes his Baggage: and parting with all his Troupes along the Bankes of Rhone, and makes haste as if hee would giue battell to the Enemy.

Three dayes after that Hannibal had made his Oration to the Souldiers, at the breake of day hee sets all his Horsemen vpon the Seashore, as it were for a guard: and causeth the Foote-men to march a slow pace, being parted from their Campe: vsing the greatest diligence he could possible to passe the Elephants: For the effecting whereof hee tooke this aduice. Hee made prouision of many floats, and tied two together from the Land vnto the Riuer, being fifty foote broade:The meanes to passe the Elephants. to the which they added two others on the side of the Bankes: The which they tied fast vnto Trees which were vpon the Bankes, to the end they might swimme safely: their length being of two hundred foote.

Finally, they tied vnto these last two other long floats gently, to the end they might bee easily vntied: to the which were fastned certaine Cords, wherewith they might drawe the Boats to the other Banke, after they should bee vntied from the other floats. Finally, they couered them all with Earth, to the end that the Elephants might march vpon them without feare as vpon the Land. This Equipage being prepared, they brought the Elephants, who had beene accustomed to obey the Indians in all places, but vpon the water, by the meanes of two Females which marcht before vpon the floats as vpon the firme land, which after they had past vnto the last, which presently were vntied, and were drawne by the Boats without any feare whilest they were all together: But when as the last floate was separated from the rest, and that they saw themselues carried vpon the water, they made some shew of affrightment, for the feare which they had of all parts, for that the last fled from the water:The feare of the Elephants vpon the Rhone. yet this feare made them quiet, for that they saw nothing but water about them. When the first were past, they went to fetch the rest, and past them. Some of them tormenting themselues with feare, fell into the Riuer, and were retired safe, although their Masters were slaine: For in marching slowly, and finding alwaies footing, they recouered the other side of the Banke: for that their waight kept them firme, and by reason of their greatnesse they had their Tronks alwaies aboue the Riuer, wherewith they might cast out the water if they had drunke any: and so recouer their breath.

The Elephants being past, Hannibal marcheth with them, and all his Cauallery along the Rhone towards the firme land,The Spring of the Riuer of Rhone. drawing all his prouisions in the meane time from the Sea. The Rhone comes from three heads of Fountaines aboue the Sea of Venice, taking their course towards the West, and bending at the foote of the Mountaine something towards the North. Then it enters into the Lake of Geneua, where it is not so violent: and passing through the middest of it, it tends to the Hyuernall West, diuiding the Gaules in some sort: and then taking its course towards the South, it enters into the Sardinian Sea. The Valesien Gaules inhabite that part which tends towards the North: and on the South side is enuironed with the Mountaines which bend towards the North. And as for the Plaines which are about Poe, whereof wee haue formerly spoken, the Alpes separate them from the Rhone, which beginning at Marseilles, extend vnto the Gulfe of Venice. Hannibal passeth the Alpes along the Rhone. The which Hannibal then past about that Countrey which lies neere vnto the Rhone, and came into Italy.

Some Historiographers seeking in this passage to terrifie the iudgement of Readers, doe not obserue that they fall into two strange errours, contrary to the reason of the History: For they are forced to write lies, and actions quite contrary: shewing Hannibal (whom they will haue inimitable, as well for his knowledge in Martiall affaires, as for his great courage) to be wholly voide of sense and reason. And in the end when they cannot free themselues from their lies, they haue recourse vnto the gods, for their History made at pleasure. For in making the passage of the Alpes so great and difficult, so as not onely the Horse-men, Baggage, nor Elephants could not passe, neither yet the Foot men lightly armed; and that moreouer, there is so great a Desart, that if God, or some Angell had not guided the Army, without doubt it had perished in the Caues and hollow places; they fall directly into two errours. First, where should you finde a Commaunder more sencelesse then Hannibal, Polybius his remonstrance against Historiographers. who hauing the charge of so many troupes, and of so great an Army, wherein consisted all his hope to preuaile in his enterprize, knew neither the passages, nor the places, as they say, nor which way hee should passe, nor against whom? For their meaning is, that with so great a hope, and with such a triumphant Army, he should doe that which others after many Combats doe not attempt, but through extreame despaire. But what can be spoken more vnreasonable? And whereas they say the places are desart and rough, they shew themselues apparent liars. They doe not say how the Gaules inhabiting the banks of Rhone, The Gaules inhabiting along the Rhone haue often past into Italy. before that time haue past into Italy, not once nor twice: Nor how in times past, they haue past the Mountaines with a great Army against the Romans, to succour and helpe the Cisalphin Gaules: nor how that those Mountaines are very well peopled: But as men ignorant hereof, they say, that I know not what God appeared to Hannibal, and shewed him the way. By this meanes they seeme rather Tragedians than Historiographers. For euen as they which write Tragedies, doe many time their Playes with the gods, or some other inuention, for that they haue taken a false and strange beginning: Euen so these kinde of Historiographers are in the like paine: For that taking false beginnings, they are forced to fly to some gods, or Heroes.

But how can it bee that from a false beginning the end should bee true? Without doubt Hannibal hath not carried himselfe as they imagine, but contrariwise like a wise and politique Captaine, for hee duely considered the fertility of the Countrey whither hee went, and the hatred of the Inhabitants against the Romans. And he had to passe the Mountaines (which is a hard and difficult thing) the people of the Countrey for his guides, Hannibal conducted by guides at the passage of the Mountaines. whom he had already wonne against the Romans. This we haue learned from those which were at that time imployed in affaires, and wee our selues haue beene purposely to see the Alpes, polybius visited the Alpes. and therefore we haue written it the more boldly.

Three dayes after the Romans departed from the Bankes of Rhone, Publius Scipio the Roman Consull being come to the Enemies Campe with a resolution to fight, hee stood for a time amazed, seeing the place voide: For he made his accompt that the Enemy should neuer take that Countrey to passe into Italy, as well for the difficulty of the way, as for the multitude of Barbarians which held it. But after he had well waighed the great courage of the Carthaginians, he presently recouers his ship, and drawes his Army together: Then he sends his Brother into Spaine with part of his men, to the end it should not be vnfurnished of Forces, and himselfe takes his course towards Italy, to encounter Hannibal at the descent of the Mountaines with more ease and safety. Foure dayes after Hannibal arriued at Lisle, Lisle made by the 〈◊〉 of Saone and Rhone. a rich and fertile Countrey: The which was so called, for that the Riuers of Saone and Rhone falling from the Mountaines, embracing a little quantity of Land, runne together and make an Iland like in figure and forme to another that is in Egypt, Doltaan Iland in Egypt. called De •• a. It is true, that that in Egypt hath on the one side the Sea, with the which two Riuers ioyne: But this hath rough and stony Mountaines, which in a manner are inaccessible. Where Hannibal being arriued, hee found two Brothers in quarrell for the Kingdome, and their Armies fronting one another. But being called by the eldest, and increased to restore him to his Fathers inheritance, he obeyed him, thinking it would assist him much in his Enterprize. And when hee had chased away the younger, and put him in possession of his Realme, hee had not onely store of victuals, and abundance of all things for a recompence: But moreouer they were furnished with all sorts of Armes and other furniture, whereof the roughnesse of the cold Mountaines forced him to make prouision. His Army, and himselfe were likewise conducted safely by the King and his forces, through the Sauoyards Countrey vnto the Mountaines, which was a great benefit to him.

When he in ten daies after his departure from the Rhone had march't labou • an hundred miles, he began to ascend the Mountaine, where he was in great danger. It is true, that whilest the Carthaginians past the Plaine, the Lords of Sanuoy suffered them to goe on quietly, partly fearing their Horse-men and partly the Gaules forces, which did accompany them.

But when as they were retired to their houses, and that the Carthaginians began to ascend the rough and steepe Mountaines: then they drew together in great multitudes, and seiz'd vpon the passages, by the which Hannibal must of necessity goe. And if they had layed seattering ambushes in the (Valleyes),The Sauyards hindet Hannibal and his Army. and had charg'd them suddainly, without doubt they had made a great slaughter of the Carthaginians. But being discouered by Hannibal, they did not so much annoy the Enemy as themselues: For when he found that they held all the passages, he causeth his Army to stay, and lodging among the Rocks and hollow places, he sent some no the Gaules that were with him, to visite the places, and to discouer the Enemies intention and and preparations. Being aduertised by them, that the Enemy stayed there onely in the day, and that by night euery man retired to his house, to a Towne which was neere by, he vsed this inuention. At the breake of day hee recouers the Hills with his whole Army, Hannibals pollicy: as if he had an intent to force through the Enemy. But when he was neere vnto them, he setled his Campe, and fortified himselfe.

And when hee found the Villains of the Mountaines had retired themselues from their Hills, he makes many fires in his Campe, leauing the greatest part of his Army there, and steales through the streights with the best and ablest men of his Army, staying vpon those Hills which the Enemy formerly held. This done when the Villaines of the Mountaines saw, it 〈◊〉 the breake of day, they made a stand for a time: But finding that the baggage and the multitude of Horse-men disordered the Army in the streights: thinking likewise that the least amazement were sufficient to defeated them, they charge them in diuers places by the inaccessible Rocks. Then the Carthaginians were not so much annoyed by the Enemy, as by the difficulty of the place: for that the Horses and baggage made a great spoile of men and goods:They of the Mountaines charge the Carthaginians. For as the streights were of either side sleepe and like a Gulfe, many Horses fell with their burthens a wonderfull height. The Horses being strucke or hurt, were wonderfully troubled, the way being narrow, falling partly for feare, and partly for the griefe of their hurts. The which Hannibal seeing, and thatthere was no hope in flight, after the losse of his baggage, he descends with great fury from the place where he had remained all night. And although he gaue a great defeate to the Enemy, yet he slew many of his owne: For the motion increasing on either side, Hannibals victory against the Sauoyards. many fell.

Finally, after that the Sau. yards had beene slaine, some in fighting, and some in the route: Hannibal past the rest of his Horse and baggage with great paine and trouble. And hauing drawne together the rest of his Army, hee marcht to the Citty from whence the Sauoyards had sallied, the which he tooke without resistance, finding no man in it. It was a great reliefe vnto him for all things necessary, not onely for the present but for the future: for he carried away a great number of Horses and Prisoners; and victualled his Army for three daies with Corne and Cattell: Amazing the other Inhabitants of the mountaines, who durst not make the like attempt: Which was a thing more to be esteemed.

He staied there one day, and parting with his Army, he march't but little the two daies following, and on the fourth he was againe in great danger. He was come vnto a place among the Mountaines very well peopled with Inhabitants, who altogether had Conspired to deceiue the Carthaginians. Wherefore they go to meet Hannibal, carrying Garlands of Flowers:Conspiracy of them of the Mountaines, 〈◊〉 colour of friendship. which is a signe of friendship and peace among the Barbarians, like vnto the Caducei among the Grecians. Hannibal did not thinke it fit to giue credit easily vnto them, and inquires what their will and intent was: Who answered, that they did like well of the taking of the Towne and the defeate of the Gaules, who were Enemies vnto them: And as for themselues they would obey his will, and would not do, nor suffer any ourrage; promising to giue him Hostages for the assurance of their promises. And although that Hannibal was long in suspence what to do, yet he considered that he might happily pacifie the Barbarians, if he accepted these Conditions, and if he refused them, they would declare themselues his Enemies. Wherefore in giuing them a gracious answer, he makes shew to receiue their Alliance.

And when they had not only giuen him Hostages, but furnished him with abundance of Victuals,The Treason of the Barbarians against Hannibal. and put themselues into his hands: Hannibal had so great Confidence in them, as he made no doubt but to make vse of them for Guides in difficult places. When they had marcht two daies, and were come vnto a streight Valley, hauing the Mountaine on one side, the Carthaginians were in danger to be wholy defeated: For that the Barbarians fallied from all sides out of their Ambushes. If Hannibal (who had not yet so great confidence in the Gaules, and who fore-saw future things,) had not put the Elephants and Horse-men in the foreward, and had followed in the Reare with the force of his foot-men, hauing an Eie ouer all. By this supply the losse proou'd the lesse; yet it was great both of Men, Horses, and Baggage: for the danger was so great, as Hannibal was inforced to continue a whole night there with halfe his Army, without his Cauallery of Baggage: For that the Enemy held the top of the Mountaine, which was very neere vnto them, rolling downe pieces of the Rocke into the Army, and sometimes casting stones.

The day following, when the Gaules began to grow cold, he recouered the Mountaine, ioyning with his Horse and Baggage: Then the Gaules presented themselues no more to Battell, charging like Theeues, sometimes in the foreward, sometimes in the Reare, as time and place gaue them opportunity. The Elephants were very vsefull to the Carthaginians; for wheresoeuer they marcht, the place was assured from Enemies, for that they durst not approach neere them, hauing not bin accustomed vnto them. On the ninth day they came vnto the top of the Alpes, and there they planted their Campe two daies, partly to refresh the Souldiers which were weary with toile, and partly to retire those that were straied. During which time, many Horses freed from their burthens, and following the Rout of the Army recouered the Campe. Those places were then full of Snow, for it was in Nouember: Whereby the Souldiers grew in a manner into despaire, being tired and vext with so many Crosses. The which Hannibal perceiuing, he draws them together, resoluing to make a Speech vnto them.

For the effecting whereof he had but one occasion, which was to shew them Italy so neere, Hanibal makes a Speech vnto his souldiers. and the fertillity thereof. In truth it is so neere the foot of the Mountaines, as if it be well obserued, the Hils seeme to serue as Rampiers to Italy. And therefore he shewed it them from a high Hill, from whence they might see the whole Extent. The like he did of the plaines about Poe, lying at the foot of the Mountains, relating vnto them the friendship of the Gaules inhabiting those Countries, and the Territory of Rome: wherewith he reuiued their spirits. Three dayes after he began to dislodge, the Enemy making no attempt against them, but after a Theeuing manner: Yet he had no lesse losse at the descent of the Mountaines by reason of the bad Country, and the coldnesse of the Snow, then he had at the ascent by the attempt of his Enemies: For they which did stumble in any sort, fell presently into a Gulfe, considering that the place was narrow and rough by nature: And all the Country newly couered with Snow, so as there was no shew of any path, neither could they hold their footing. It is true the men accustomed vnto so many miseries, did easily indure this Trouble.

In the meane time they came to another Rocke, where as neither the Elephants nor Horse could passe: for a late fall of the ground, had streightned the Way two hundred paces, which had formerly bin as large. Here againe the Army began to be troubled and tormented. Hannibal in the beginning laboured to lead his Army by vncough and vnknowne places, whereas neuer soule had bin: But for that the Snow hindred them that they could not passe, he desisted from his Enterprize. There had Snow fallen newly this yeare vpon the old, which was yet whole and entire, vpon the which they had firme footing, for that which was newly fallen was soft and not very thicke. But after that it had bin trodden and beaten by so many men and horses, no man could keep his footing: As it happens to those which go vpon places which are slippery with durt, where their footing failes them: For that they marcht vpon the Ice, and vpon the Snow that was moulten.

Moreouer the men (which was more miserable) falling back-wards (for that they could not keep their footing in those slippery places) tumbled downe into the Caues and hollow places, where they laboured to rise vpon their Hands and Knees. The Horses of burthen fell sometimes, brake the Ice and could not stirre: for that they were laden and could not retire their feete out of the Ice. Then Hannibal frustrate of his former hope, for that the men and Horses laboured in vaine, planted his Campe vpon the top of the Mountaine, hauing cleansed the place of great difficulty. Then he Commaunded them all to leuile the way vnto the Rocke where they were to passe: The which was done with much toile. When as the way was made in one day for the Horses and Sumpters, he caused them presently to passe, seating his Campe in those places that were without Snow, and there to feed. In the meane time he giues charge to the Numidians, to make a way for the Elephants: The which was effected with great difficulty, they being in a manner dead for hunger; for the tops of the Mountaines are without Grasse or Trees, for that they are continually couered with Snow. It is true, that the Vallies of either side of the Mountaines, hauing goodly Pastures and Trees, and places which are very well inhabited.

When as Hannibal had drawne all his Troupes together, Hannibal goes on his course. he began to pursue his course: and hauing past the Rocke aboue mentioned, in three daies, he came vnto the Plaine, hauing lost the greatest part of his Army, aswell by the Enemy and Riuers in his way, as by the roughnesse of the Mountaine in passing them, and not only men, but also Horses and Carriages. Finally, hauing recouered Italy in this manner, fiue moneths after his departure from Carthage, and past the mountaines in fifteene daies,The number of men which Hannibal had remayning after he had past the Alpes. he enters boldly into the Countries about Poe and Millan, hauing yet remaining about ten thousand, two hundred foot Affricans, eight thousand Spanriards, and sixe thousand Horse at the most. This he testifies in a pillar where the whole number of his Army is set downe at Lauynium. At the same time Publius Cornelius Scipio the Consull, hauing sent his brother into Spaine to make head against Asdrubal, he sail'd to Pysa with few men, taking his way through Tuscany where he receiued the Army of the Pretors Manlius and Attilius, which they had against the Bullonois; and marcht directly to the Riuer of Poe, to fight with the Enemy before he had refresht himselfe.

Seeing we haue turn'd our Discourse to the Warre of Italy, and to the Commaunders of these two people, we haue thought it good to deliuer in few words some things which are not vnfitting for a Historiographer, before we come to those which haue bin acted in that Prouince. It may be some one will demaund of me how it happens, that seeing we haue handled the Affaires of Lybia and Spaine at large; Polybius his Excuse. yet we haue not spoken of Hercules Pillars, nor of that Arme of the Sea which diuides Affricke from Europe nor in like manner of the great Sea or Ocean, nor of those things which depend thereon, nor of the Ilands of England & Scotland, nor likewise of the abundance of Tinne, Gold, and Siluer wherewith Spaine abounds. It is certaine, that the auncient Historiographers haue spoken many things and diuers, being of contrary opinions. It is true we haue not omitted them, as thinking that they were not fitting for a History, but we haue done it to the end that our Relation might not be diuided, nor diuert the Readers often from the order of the History: Being of opinion that these things should be deliuered with all possible truth, in time and place, and not out of season. And therefore no man ought to maruaile, if in the following Bookes we passe on, when we shall come to these passages, for we do it of purpose and for the reasons aboue mentioned. If there be any one that desires to heare them at euery passage, he may well be compared to a Glutton, that is inuited to a Feast: for as tasting of all the meates, as soone as he is set at the Table, he shall receiue little pleasure or profit for the future, considering that he hath no perfect taste, and that all being put together into the Stomacke, it hinders digestion. They in like manner which do the like in reading of Histories, hauenot pleasure for the present, nor profit for the future. It is apparent, that a History among other things hath need to be corrected in this, aswell for other reasons, as for that the auncient Historiographers, who haue laboured to describe Countries, and the Nature of Regions to the remotest parts of the World, haue in many places straied from the truth.

Finally, we must speake against them, not by hazard and rashly, but with reason, nor reprehend their ignorance, but rather to commend them and correct them: Who no doubt would haue repaired their errour, if they had liued in these times. For there are few men found among the Grecians, which in former times could haue gone to search out the extremities of the World, for the danger and tediousnes of the way: For that there are many, and in a manner innumerable dangers at Sea; and if any through necessity, or of his owne free will, had gone to the extremities of the World, he could not easily haue found out the scituation of places, nor those things which are worthy to be sought after: For that the greatest part was inhabited by Barbarous nations, and some Desart and inhabitable: Besides that, for the diuersity of Tongues, the enterprize was much more difficult; for there was no meanes to inquire, nor to learne, for want of vnderstanding one another. It was no lesse difficult to relate truly those things which they had seene, for that euery man was giuen to augment, and to make things seeme more admirable.

Seeing then it was not only difficult, but in a manner impossible, to haue a true History of these things before this time, we must not blame the auncient Historiographers, if they haue forgotten or committed some Errours; but rather we ought to wonder and commend them that they haue bin able to make any search. It wilbe therefore necessary to make a true and diligent search of those things, which our Predecessors knew not: for that in our times all the passages are open, aswell by Sea as Land, by the meanes of Alexander of Macedon his Forces into Asia, and of the Roman Empire ouer the rest of the World: And likewise when as people were no more troubled with Warre, nor with any desire or ambition of publicke Affaires: So as they had great opportunity to search out the truth of these things. For the effecting whereof we will striue by all meanes, as soone as we shall find an opportunity. There is nothing that was more pleasing vnto me, then to know that they which desire to vnderstand these things, come vnto the truth by our meanes, and that wee haue not taken so much paines, nor vndergone so great dangers, to visite Affricke, Polybius hath visited Affricke Spaine and the Gaules. Spaine and the Gaules, by the meanes of the Ocean, but in repairing the errours of the ancient Historiographers, & make those Countries knowne to our men. Let vs now returne to our Discourse of the Warres which are in Italy, betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians.

Wee haue formerly related the number of men which Hannibal had remaining after hee had past into Italy, who planted his Campe at the foote of the Mountaines to refresh his Army: for it was toiled and wearied, not onely with the passage of the Mountains which was very difficult, but also for want of victuals: Besides, it was continually afflicted with diseases, misery and pouerty: The greatest part were dead of famine, and their insupportable toile:Miseries common among Souldiers. for it was impossible to carry things necessary for so great an Army, in a Countrey that was rough and difficult: And if they carried any thing, the greatest part was lost with the Horses.

By this meanes it fell out, that although a little before hee had parted from the Riuer of Rhone with thirty eight thousand Foote, and eight thousand Horse,A decrease of Hannibals Army. hee had scarce then halfe his Army entire: and yet by the reason of their continuall labour and toile, they were in a manner become wilde. The which Hannibal perceiuing, hee not onely laboured to cheere vp the bodies and hearts of the Souldiers, but likewise to refresh their Horses. After which hee marched with his Army, and laboured by all meanes to procure the Friendship of the Turinois, which was the neerest Nation, and were at that time in Warre with the Millanois, and seemed to haue no great trust and confidence in the Carthaginians. Who seeming not much to regard him, hee assaults one of their strongest Townes, the which hee takes vpon the third day: where putting all vnto the Sword that would not follow his party, hee so terrified and amazed the Barbarians which inhabited there-abouts, as presently they yeelded themselues into the hands of the Carthaginians.