Theseus.

A LIKE as historiographers describing the world (srende Sossius Senecio) doe of purpose referre to the vttermost partes of their mappes the farre distant regions whereof they be ignoraunt,Sossius Sene­cio a Senator of Rome. with this note: these contries are by meanes of sandes and drowthes vnnauigable, rude, full of venimous beastes, SCYTHIAN ise, and frosen seas. Euen so may I (which in comparinge noble mens liues haue already gone so farre into antiquitie, as the true and certaine historie could lead me) of the rest, being thinges past all proofe or chalenge, very well say: that beyonde this time all is full of suspicion and dout, being deliue­red vs by Poets and Tragedy makers, sometimes without trueth and likelihoode, and alwayes B with out certainty. Howbeit, hauing heretofore set foorth the liues of Lycurgus (which esta­blished the lawes of the LACEDAEMONIANS) and of king Numa Pompilius: me thought I might go a litle further to the life of Romulus, sence I was come so nere him. But considering my selfe as the Poet AEschilus did:

[Page 2]In the end I resolued to match him which did set vp the noble & famous city of ATHENS,A with him which founded the glorious and inuincible city of ROME. Wherein I would wishe that the inuentions of Poets, and the traditions of fabulous antiquitie, would suffer them selues to be purged and reduced to the forme of a true and historicall reporte: but when they square too much from likelyhode, and can not be made credible, the readers will of curtesie take in good parte that, which I could with most probability wryte of such antiquities. Now surely me thinkes, that Theseus in many thinges was much like vnto Romulus. Theseus and Romulus very like. For being both begotten by stealth, and out of lawful matrimony: both were reputed to be borne of the seede of the goddes.

Both ioyned valiancy with gouernment. The one of them built ROME, and the other, by B gathering into one dispersed people, erected the citie of ATHENS: two of the most noble ci­ties of the worlde. The one and the other were rauishers of women: and neither thone nor thother coulde auoyde the mischiefe of quarrell and contention with their frendes, nor the reproch of staining them selues with the blood of their nearest kinsemen. Moreouer, they say that both the one and the other in the end did get the hate and ill will of their citizens: at the least if we will beleue that reporte of Theseus, The linage of Theseus. which carieth greatest show of trueth. Theseus of his fathers side, was descended of the right linage of Erictheus the great, and of the first inha­bitants which occupied the contrie of ATTICA, the which since were called Autocthones, as much to say, as borne of them selues. For there is no memorie, or other mention made, that they came out of any other contry then that. And of his mothers side he came of Pelops, Pelops, king of Peloponne­sus. who C was in his time the mightiest king of all the contrie of PELOPONNESVS, not so much for his goodes and richesse, as for the number of children which he had. For his daughters which were many in number, he bestowed on the greatest Lordes of all the contrie: his sonnes al­so, which likewise were many, he dispersed into diuerse cities and free townes, findinge meanes to make them gouernors and heades of the same. Pitheus, Pitheus the grandfather of Theseus. The wisedom of Pitheus. grandfather to Theseus on the mothers side, was one of his sonnes, and founded the litle city of TROEZEN, and was re­puted to be one of the wisest men of his time. But the knowledge and wisedom, which onely caried estimacion at that time, consisted altogether in graue sentences, and morall sayinges. As those are which wanne the Poet Hesiodus such fame for his booke intituled, The workes and dayes: in the which is read euen at this present, this goodly sentence, which they father D vpon Pitheus.

And this doth Aristotle the Philosopher himselfe testifie: and the Poet Euripides also, calling Hippolytus the scholler of the holy Pitheus, doth sufficiently declare of what estimacion he was. But AEgeus desiring (as they say) to know how he might haue children,AEgeus the father of Theseus. went vnto the city of DELPHES to the oracle of Apollo: where by Apolloes Nunne that notable prophecy was geuen him for an aunswer. The which did forbid him to touch or know any woman, vntill he was re­turned againe to ATHENS. And bicause the words of this prophecy were somewhat darke, & hard: he tooke his way by the city of TROEZEN, to tell it vnto Pitheus. The wordes of the pro­phecy E were these.

Pitheus vnderstanding the meaning, perswaded him, or rather cunningly by some deuise de­ceiued him in such sorte, that he made him to lye with his daughter called AEthra. AEthra the daughter of king Pitheus & the mother of Theseus. AEgeus af­ter he had accompanied with her, knowing that she was Pitheus daughter with whom he had lyen, and douting that he had gotten her with child: left her a sword and a payer of shoes, the which he hidde vnder a great hollow stone, the hollownes wherof serued iust to receiue those F things which he layed vnder it, and made no liuing creature priuy to it but her alone, straight­ly charging her, that if she happened to haue a sonne, when he were come to mans state, & of [Page 3] A strength to remoue the stone, and to take those things from vnder it which he left, there that she should then sende him vnto him by those tokens, as secretly as she could, that no body els might knowe of it. For he did greatly feare the children of one called Pallas, The Palla [...] ­tides. the which laye in wayte and spyall by all the meanes they could to kill him, only of despight bicause he had no children, they being fiftie brethern, and all begotten of one father. This done,Pallas had fiftie sonnes. he departed from her. And AEthra within fewe moneths after was deliuered of a goodly sonne, the which from that time was called Theseus:VVhy The­seus vvas so called. and as some say, so called, bicause of the tokens of knowledge his father had layed vnder the stone. Yet some others write, that it was afterwardes at ATHENS when his father knewe him, and allowed him for his sonne. But in the meane time, during his infancie & childehood, he was brought vp in the house of his grādfather Pitheus, vnder the go­uernmēt B & teaching of one called Cōnidas, Connidas Theseus schoole­master. his schoolemaster: in honour of whom the ATHE­NIANS to this daye doe sacrifice a weather, the daye before the great feaste of Theseus, hauing more reason to honour the memorye of this gouernour, then of a Silanion and of a Parrhesius, to whom they doe honour also, bicause they paynted and caste mowldes of the images of The­seus. Now there was a custome at that time in GRECE, that the yong men after their infancie and growth to mans state, went vnto the cittie of DELPHES,A custome to offer heares at Delphes. to offer parte of their heares in the temple of Apollo. Theseus also went thither as other did: and some saye that the place where the ceremonie of this offering was made, hath euer sence kept the olde name, (and yet conti­nueth) Theseia. Theseia. Theseus man­ner of sha­uing. Howbeit he dyd not shaue his head but before only, as Homer sayeth, like the facion of the ABANTES in olde time: and this manner of shauing of heares, was called for C his sake, Theseida. And as concerning the ABANTES,The Abantes. in trothe they were the very first that shaued them selues after this facion: neuertheles they learned it not of the ARABIANS as it was thought of some, neither dyd they it after the imitation of the MISSIANS. But bicause they were warlike and valliant men, which did ioyne neere vnto their enemie in battell, and a­boue all men of the worlde were skilfullest in fight hande to hande, and woulde keepe their grounde: as the Poet Archilochus witnesseth in these verses.

The cause why they were thus shauen before, was, for that their enemies should not haue the vauntage to take them by the heares of the head while they were fighting. And for this selfe same consideration, Alexander the great commaunded his captaines to cause all the MA­CEDONIANS to shaue their beards:The cause of shauing their heares before. Alexander Magnus made the Macedonians shaue their beardes. Theseus said to be Neptu­nes sonne. The Troeze­nians coyne stamped vvith Neptunes three picked mace. Theseus youthe. bicause it is the easiest holde (and readiest for the hande) a man can haue of his enemie in fighting, to holde him fast by the same. But to returne to The­seus. AEthra his mother had euer vnto that time kept it secret from him, who was his true fa­ther. E And Pitheus also had geuen it out abroade, that he was begotten of Neptune, bicause the TROEZENIANS haue this god in great veneration, and doe worshippe him as patron and pro­tector of their cittie, making offerings to him of their first fruites: and they haue for the marke and stampe of their money, the three picked mace, which is the signe of Neptune, called his Tri­dent. But after he was comen to the prime and lustines of his youth, and that with the strength of his bodie he shewed a great courage, ioyned with a naturall wisedome, and stayednes of wit: then his mother brought him to the place where this great hollowe stone laye, and telling him truely the order of his birth, and by whom he was begotten, made him to take his fathers to­kens of knowledge, which he had hidden there, & gaue him counsell to goe by sea to ATHENS vnto him. Theseus easilye lyft vp the stone, and tooke his fathers tokens from vnder it: How­beit F he answered playnely, that he would not goe by sea, notwithstanding that it was a great deale the safer waye, and that his mother and grandfather both had instantly intreated him, bicause the waye by lande from TROEZEN to ATHENS was very daungerous, all the wayes [Page 4] being besett by robbers and murderers.Great robbing in Theseus time. Thucid. lib. 2. For the worlde at that time brought forth men, which A for strongnesse in their armes, for swyftnes of feete, and for a generall strength of the whole bodye, dyd farre passe the common force of others, and were neuer wearie for any labour or trauell they tooke in hande. But for all this, they neuer employed these giftes of nature to any honest or profitable thing, but rather delighted villanously to hurte and wronge others: as if all the fruite and profit of their extraordinary strength had consisted in crueltye, & violence only, and to be able to keepe others vnder and insubiection, and to force, destroye, and spoyle all that came to their handes. Thincking that the more parte of those which thincke it a shame to doe ill, and commend iustice, equitie, and humanitie, doe it of sainte cowardly heartes, bicause they dare not wronge others, for feare they should receyue wronge them selues: and therefore, that they which by might could haue vauntage ouer others, had no­thing B to doe with suche quiet qualities. Nowe Hercules, Hercules a destroyer of theeues. trauailling abroade in the worlde, draue awaye many of those wicked theuishe murderers, and some of them he slewe and put to death, other as he passed through those places where they kept, dyd hide them selues for feare of him, and gaue place: in so much as Hercules, perceyuing they were well tamed and brought lowe, made no further reckoning to pursue them any more. But after that by fortune he had slayne Iphitus with his owne handes, and that he was passed ouer the seas into the countrye of LYDIA, where he serued Queene Omphale a long time,Hercules ser­ueth Om­phale. condemning him selfe vnto that voluntarie payne, for the murder he had committed. All the Realme of LYDIA du­ring his abode there, remained in great peace and securitie from such kynde of people. How­beit in GRECE, and all thereabouts, these olde mischiefes beganne againe to renue, grow­ing C hotter and violenter then before: bicause there was no man that punished them, nor that durst take vpon him to destroye them. By which occasion, the waye to goe from PELOPON­NESVS to ATHENS by lande was very perillous. And therefore Pitheus declaring vnto The­seus, what manner of theeues there were that laye in the waye, and the outrages and villanies they dyd to all trauellers and wayefaring men, sought the rather to perswade him thereby to take his voyage alonge the seas. Howbeit in mine opinion, the fame and glorie of Hercules noble dedes,Theseus fo­loweth Her­cules. had long before secretly sett his hearte on fire, so that he made reckoning of none other but of him, and louingly hearkened vnto those which woulde seeme to describe him what manner of man he was, but chiefly vnto those which had seene him, and bene in his companye, when he had sayed or done any thing worthy of memorye. For then he dyd D manifestly open him selfe, that he felt the like passion in his hearte, which Themistocles long time afterwardes endured, when he sayed: that the victorie and triumphe of Miltiades would not lett him sleepe. [...]she of saue pricketh men forward to great en­terprises. For euen so, the wonderfull admiration which Theseus had of Hercules corage, made him in the night that he neuer dreamed but of his noble actes and doings, and in the daye time, pricked forwardes with emulation and enuie of his glorie, he determined with him selfe one daye to doe the like, and the rather, bicause they were neere kynsemen, being cosins remoued by the mothers side. For AEthra was the daughter of Pitheus, and Alemena (the mother of Hercules) was the daughter of Lysidices, Theseus and Hercules nere kynsemen. the which was halfe sister to Pitheus, bothe children of Pelops and of his wife Hippodamis. So he thought he should be vtterly shamed and disgraced, that Hercules trauelling through the worlde in that sorte, dyd E seeke out those wicked theeues to rydde both sea & lande of them: & that he, farre otherwise, should flye occasion that might be offered him, to fight with them that he should meere on his waye. Moreouer, he was of opinion he should greately shame and dishonour him, whom fame and common bruite of people reported to be his father: if in shonning occasion to fight, he should conuey him selfe by sea, and should carie to his true father also a paire of shooes, (to make him knowen of him) and a sworde not yet bathed in bloude. Where he should rather seeke cause, by manifest token of his worthie deedes, to make knowen to the worlde, of what noble bloude he came, and from whence he was descended. With this de­termination, Theseus holdeth on his purposed iorney,Periphetes Corinetes, a famous rob­ber, slayne of Theseus. with intent to hurte no man, yet to de­fende him selfe, & to be reuenged of those which woulde take vpon them to assault him. The F first therefore whom he slewe within the territories of the cittie of EPIDAVRVM, was a robber called Periphetes. This robber vsed for his ordinarie weapon to carie a clubbe, and [Page 5] A for that cause he was commonly surnamed Corynetes, that is to saye, a clubbe caryer. So he first strake at Theseus to make him stande: but Theseus fought so lustely with him, that he killed him. Whereof he was so glad, and chiefly for that he had wonne his clubbe,Theseus ca­ried the clubbe he wanne of Pe­riphetes, at Hercules did the lions skin. Sinnis Pityo­camtes, a cruel murthe­rer slaine. that euer after he caryed it him selfe about with him, as Hercules dyd the lyons skynne. And like as this spoyle of the lyon dyd witnesse the greatnes of the beast which Hercules had slayne: euen so Theseus went all about, shewing that this clubbe which he had gotten out of anothers hands, was in his owne handes inuincible. And so going on further, in the streightes of PELOPON­NESVS he killed another, called Sinnis surnamed Pityocamtes, that is to saye, a wreather, or bower of pyne apple trees: whom he put to death in that selfe cruell manner that Sinnis had slayne many other trauellers before. Not that he had experience thereof, by any former B practise or exercise: but only to shewe, that cleane strength coulde doe more, then either arte or exercise. This Sinnis had a goodly fayer daughter called Perigouna, Perigouna Sinnis daugh­ter. which fled awaye, when she sawe her father slayne: whom he followed and sought all about. But she had hyd­den her selfe in a groue full of certen kyndes of wilde pricking rushes called Stoebe, and wilde sparage, which she simplye like a childe intreated to hyde her, as if they had heard and had sense to vnderstand her: promising them with an othe, that if they saued her from being founde, she would neuer cutt them downe, nor burne them. But Theseus fynding her, called her, and sware by his faith he would vse her gently, and doe her no hurte, nor displeasure at all. Vpon which promise she came out of the bushe, and laye with him, by whom she was conceyued of a goodly boye, which was called Menalippus. Theseus be­ga [...]te Mena­lippus of Pe­rigouna. Ioxus, Mena­lippus sonne. Ioxides. Afterwardes Theseus maried C her vnto one Detoneus, the sonne of Euritus the Oechalian. Of this Menalippus, the sonne of Theseus, came Ioxus: the which with Ornytus brought men into the countrye of CARIA, where he buylt the cittie of IOXIDES. And hereof cometh that olde auncient ceremonie, obserued yet vnto this daye by those of IOXIDES, neuer to burne the bryars of wilde spa­rage, nor the Stoebe, but they haue them in some honour and reuerence. Touching the wilde sauage sowe of Crommyon, otherwise surnamed Phaea, Phaea the wilde sowe of Crommyon slaine. that is to saye, ouergrowen with age: she was not a beast to be made light account of, but was very fierce, and terrible to kyll. Theseus notwithstanding taryed for her, and kylled her in his iorney, to the ende it shoulde not appeare to the worlde, that all the valliant deedes he dyd, were done by compulsion, and of necessitie: adding thereto his opinion also, that a valliant man should not onely fight D with men, to defend him selfe from the wicked: but that he should be the first, to assaulte and slaye wilde hurtefull beastes. Neuertheles others haue written, that this Phaea was a wo­man robber,Phaea a wo­man theefe. a murderer, and naught of her bodye, which spoyled those that passed by the place called CROMMYONIA, where she dwelt: and that she was surnamed a sowe, for her beastly brutishe behauiour, and wicked life, for the which in the ende she was also slayne by Theseus. After her he kylled Sciron, Sciron a no­table robber, throwē downe the rocks by Theseus. entring into the territories of MEGARA, bicause he robbed all trauellers by the waye, as the common reporte goeth: or as others saye, for that of a cruell, wicked, and sauage pleasure, he put forth his feete to those that passed by the sea side, and compelled them to washe them. And then when they thought to stowpe to doe it, he still spurned them with his feete, till he thrust them hedlong into the sea: so Theseus threw him E hedlong downe the rockes. Howbeit the writers of MEGARA impugning this common reporte, and desirous (as Simonides sayeth) to ouerthrowe it that had continued by pre­scription of time: dyd mainteine that this Sciron was neuer any robber, nor wicked per­sone, but rather a pursuer and punisher of the wicked, and a friend and a kynseman of the most honest, and iustest men of GRECE. For there is no man but will confesse, that AEacus was the most vertuous man among the GRECIANS in his time,AEacus. Cychreus. and that Cychreus the SALA­MINIAN is honoured and reuerenced as a god at ATHENS: and there is no man also but knoweth, that Peleus and Telamon were men of singular vertue. Nowe it is certeine, that this Sciron was the sonne in lawe of Cychreus, father in lawe of AEacus, and grandfather of Peleus and of Telamon, the which two were the children of Endeida, the daughter of the sayed F Sciron, and of his wife Chariclo. Also it is not very likely, that so many good men would haue had affinitie with so naughty and wicked a man: in taking of him and geuing him that, which men loue best of all things in the worlde. And therefore the Historiographers [Page 6] saye, that it was not the first time, when Theseus went vnto ATHENS, that he killed A Sciron: but that it was many dayes after, when he tooke the cittie of ELEVSIN, which the MEGARIANS helde at that time, where he deceyued the gouernour of the cittie called Diocles, and there he slewe Sciron. And these be the obiections the MEGARIANS alledged touching this matter. He slewe also Cercyon the ARCADIAN,Cercyon the Arcadian slaine of The­seus by wrest­ling. in the cittie of ELEVSIN, wrestling with him. And going a litle further, he slewe Damastes, other­wise surnamed Procrustes, in the cittie of HERMIONIA: and that by stretching on him out, to make him euen with the length and measure of his beddes, as he was wont to doe vnto straungers that passed by. Theseus dyd that after the imitation of Hercules, Damastes Procrustes a cruel murthe­rer, slaine of Theseus. Hercules doinge Termerus euill. who pu­nished tyrannes with the selfe same payne and torment, which they had made others suf­fer. For euen so dyd Hercules sacrifice Busiris. So he stifled Antheus in wrestling. So B he put Cycnus to death, fighting with him man to man. So he brake Termerus heade, from whom this prouerbe of Termerus euill came, which continueth yet vnto this daye: for this Termerus dyd vse to put them to death in this sorte whom he met: to iolle his head against theirs. Thus proceeded Theseus after this selfe manner, punishing the wicked in like sorte,Cephisus, avi­ [...]er of Ca [...]. The Phytali­des the first men that fea­sted Theseus in their hou­ses. iustly compelling them tabyde the same payne and torments, which they before had vniustly made others abyde. And so he helde on his iorney vntill he came to the riuer of CEPHISVS, where certaine persones of the house of the Phytalides were the first which went to meete him, to honour him, and at his request they purified him according to the ceremonies vsed at that time: and afterwardes hauing made a sacrifice of propitiation vnto their goddes, they made him great chere in their houses: and this was C the first notable enterteinment he founde in all his iorney.This sacrifice P [...]che calleth Mil [...]hia. It is supposed he arriued in the cittie of ATHENS, the eight daye of the moneth of Iune, which then they called Cronius. He founde the comon wealth turmoyled with seditions, factions, and diuisions, and per­ticularly the house of AEgeus in very ill termes also, bicause that Medea (being bani­shed out of the cittie of CORINTHE) was come to dwell in ATHENS, and re­mained with AEgeus, whom she had promised by vertue of certaine medicines to make him to get children. But when she heard tell that Theseus was comen, before that the good king AEgeus (who was nowe becomen olde, suspitious, and affrayed of sedition, by rea­son of the great factions within the cittie at that time) knewe what he was, she per­swaded him to poyson him at a feaste which they woulde make him as a straunger that D passed by.Medea per­swaded AE­geus to poyson Theseus. Theseus failed not to goe to this prepared feaste whereunto he was bydden, but yet thought it not good to disclose him selfe. And the rather to geue AEgeus occa­sion and meane to knowe him: when they brought the meate to the borde, he drowe out his sworde, as though he woulde haue cut with all, and shewed it vnto him. AEgeus see­ing it,AEgeus ac­knowledgeth Theseus for his sonne. knewe it straight, and forthwith ouerthrewe the cuppe with poyson which was prepared for him: and after he had inquired of him, and asked thinges, he embraced him as his sonne. Afterwardes in the common assembly of the inhabitants of the cittie, he declared, howe he auowed him for his sonne. Then all the people receyued him with exceeding ioye, for the renowne of his valiantnes and manhoode. And some saye, that when AEgeus ouerthrewe the cuppe, the poyson which was in it, fell in that place, where E there is at this present a certen compasse inclosed all about within the temple, which is called Delphinium. For euen there in that place, in the olde time, stoode the house of AE­geus: in witnes whereof, they call yet at this present time the image of Mercurye (which is on the side of the temple looking towardes the rising of the sunne) the Mercurye gate of AEgeus. But the PALLANTIDES, which before stoode allwayes in hope to recouer the realme of ATHENS, at the least after AEgeus death, bicause he had no children: when they sawe that Theseus was knowen, and openly declared for his sonne and heire, and successour to the Realme, they were not able any lenger to beare it, see­ing that not onely AEgeus (who was but the adopted sonne of Pandeon, The Pallan­tides take er­nes against AEgeus and Theseus. and nothing at all of the bloude royall of the Erictheides) had vsurped the Kingdome ouer them, but F that Theseus also should enioye it after his death. Whereupon they determined to make warre with them both, and diuiding them selues into two partes, the one came openly [Page 7] A in armes with their father, marching directly towardes the cittie: the other laye close in ambushe in the village GARGETTVS, meaning to geue charge vpon them in two places at one instant. Nowe they brought with them an Heraulde borne in the towne of AGNVS, called Leos, Leos an He­rauld bewray­eth their treason to Theseus. Theseus kil­leth the Pal­lantides. who bewrayed vnto Theseus the secret and deuise of all their enterprise. Theseus vpon this intelligence went forth, and dyd set on those that laye in ambushe, and put them all to the sworde. The other which were in Pallas companie vn­derstanding thereof, dyd breake and disparse them selues incontinently. And this is the cause (as some saye) why those of Pallena doe neuer make affinitie nor mariadge with those of AGNVS at this daye. And that in their towne when any proclamation is made, they neuer speake these wordes which are cryed euery where els through out the whole B countrye of ATTICA, Aconete Leos, (which is as muche to saye, as Hearken, O people) they doe so extreamely hate this worde Leos, for that it was the Herauldes name which wrought them that treason. This done, Theseus who woulde not liue idelly at home and doe nothing, but desirous there withall to gratifie the people, went his waye to fight with the bull of Marathon, The bull of Marathon taken aliue by Theseus. Apollo Del­phias. the which dyd great mischieues to the inhabitants of the countrye of TETRAPOLIS. And hauing taken him aliue, brought him through the citie of ATHENS to be seene of all the inhabitants. Afterwardes he dyd sacrifice him vnto Apollo Delphias. Nowe concerning Hecale, who was reported to haue lodged him, and to haue geuen him good enterteinment, it is not altogether vntrue. For in the olde time, those townes and villages thereaboutes dyd assemble together, and made a C common sacrifice which they called Hecalesion, in the honour of Iupiter Hecalian, Iupiter He­calian. where they honoured this olde woman, calling her by a diminutiue name, Hecalena: bicause that when she receyued Theseus into her house, being then but very younge, she made muche of him, and called him by many prety made names, as olde folkes are wont to call younge children. And forasmuche as she had made a vowe to Iupiter to make him a solemne sacrifice, if Theseus returned safe from the enterprise he went about, and that she dyed before his returne: in recompence of the good chere she had made him, she had that honour done vnto her by Theseuscommaundement, as Philochorus hathe writ­ten of it. Shortely after this exployte, there came certaine of King Minos ambassadours out of CRETA, to aske tribute, being nowe the thirde time it was demaunded, which D the ATHENIANS payed for this cause. Androgeus, The Athe­nians payed tribute to Minos king of Creta, for the death of Androgeus his sonne. the eldest sonne of king Minos, was slayne by treason within the countrye of ATTICA: for which cause Minos pursuing the reuenge of his death, made very whotte and sharpe warres vpon the ATHE­NIANS, and dyd them greate hurte. But besides all this, the goddes dyd sharpely pu­nishe and scourge all the countrye, aswell with barrennes and famine, as also with plague and other mischieues, euen to the drying vp of their riuers. The ATHENIANS perceyuing these sore troubles and plagues, ranne to the oracle of Apollo, who aunswe­red them that they shoulde appease Minos: and when they had made their peace with him, that then the wrathe of the goddes woulde cease against them, and their troubles should haue an ende. Whereupon the ATHENIANS sent immediately vnto him, E and intreated him for peace:The manner of the tribute conditioned. which he graunted them, with condition that they should be bounde to sende him yerely into CRETA, seuen younge boyes, and as many younge gyrles. Nowe thus farre, all the Historiographers doe very well agree: but in the reste not. And they which seeme furdest of from the trothe, doe declare, that when these yonge boyes were deliuered in CRETA, they caused them to be deuowred by the Minotaure within the Laberinthe: or els that they were shut within this Laberinthe, The Mino­taure what it was. wandring vp and downe, and coulde finde no place to gett out, vntill suche time as they dyed, euen famished for hunger. And this Minotaure, as Euripides the Poet F sayeth, was

[Page 8]But Philochorus writeth, that the CRETANS doe not confesse that, but saye that this A Laberinthe was a gayle or prisone,The Labe­rinthe a pri­son in Creta. in the which they had no other hurre, sauing that they which were kept there vnder locke and keye, coulde not flye not starte awaye: and that Minos had, in the memorye of his sonne Androgeus, instituted games and playes of prise, where he gaue vnto them that wanne the victorie, those younge children of ATHENS, the which in the meane time notwithstanding were carefully kept and looked vnto in the pri­sone of the Laberinthe: and that at the first games that were kept, one of the Kings captaines called Taurus, Taurus one of Minoes cap­taines. who was in best creditt with his master, wanne the prise. This Taurus was a churlishe, and naughtie natured man of condition, and very harde and cruell to these chil­dren of ATHENS. And to verifie the same, the philosopher Aristotle him selfe, speaking of the common wealth of the BOTTIEIANS, declareth very well, that he neuer thought that B Minos dyd at any time cause the children of ATHENS to be put to death:Of the Bot­tieians. Plin. lib. 4. cap. 2. but sayeth, that they poorely toyled in CRETA euen to crooked age, earning their liuing by true and paine­full seruice. For it is written, that the CRETANS (to satisfie an olde vowe of theirs which they had made of auncient time) sent somtimes the first borne of their children, vnto Apollo in the cittie of DELPHAS: and that amongest them they also mingled those, which were de­scended of the auncient prisoners of ATHENS, and they went with them. But bicause they coulde not liue there, they directed their iorney first into ITALIE, where for a time they re­mained in the realme of PVGLIA, and afterwardes from thence went into the confines of THRACIA, where they had this name of BOTTIEIANS. In memory whereof, the daughters of the BOTTIEIANS in a solemne sacrifice they make, doe vse to singe the foote of this C songe: Lett vs to ATHENS goe. But thereby we maye see howe perilous a thing it is, to fall in displeasure and enmitie with a cittie, which can speake well, and where learning and elo­quence dothe florishe.King Minos defated by the Poets in the theaters as Athens. For euer sence that time, Minos was allwayes blased and disgraced through out all the Theaters of ATHENS. The testimonie of Hesiodus, who calleth him the most worthie King, dothe nothing helpe him at all, nor the prayse of Homer, who nameth him Iupiters famillier friende: bicause the tragicall Poets gott the vpper hande in disgracing him, notwithstanding all these. And vpon their stages where all the tragedies were played, they still gaue forth many ill fauored wordes, and fowle speaches of him: as against a man that had bene most cruell and vnnaturall. Yet most men thincke, that Minos was the King which established the lawes:Radamāthus. and Radamanthus the iudge and preseruer of them, who cau­sed D the same also to be kept and obserued. The time nowe being comen about for payment of the thirde tribute,The thirde time of pay­ment of the tribute. when they came to compell the fathers which had children not yet maried, to geue them to be put forth to take their chaunce and lotte: the citizens of ATHENS beganne to murmure against AEgeus, alledging for their grieues, that he who onely was the cause of all this euill, was onely alone exempted from this griefe. And that to bring the gouernment of the Realme,The Athe­ni [...]e are grie­ued to depart with their children. to fall into the handes of a straunger his bastard: he cared not though they were bereft of all their naturall children, and were vnnaturally compelled to leaue and forsake them. These iust sorrowes and complaintes of the fathers, whose children were taken from them, dyd pearce the harte of Theseus, who willing to yelde to reason, and to ronne the selfe same fortune as the cittizens dyd: willingly offered him selfe to be sent thi­ther,E without regarde taking to his happe or aduenture.Theseus offe­reth to goe with the chil­dren into Creta. For which, the cittizens greatly esteemed of his corage and honorable disposition, and dearely loued him for the good affe­ction, he seemed to heare vnto the communaltye. But AEgeus hauing vsed many reasons and perswasions, to cause him to turne, and staye from his purpose, and perceyuing in the ende there was no remedye but he woulde goe: he then drue lottes for the children which should goe with him.Lotts dre [...]m for the chil­dren that should goe. Hellanicus notwithstanding dothe write, that they were not those of the cittie which drewe lottes for the children they should sende, but that Minos him selfe went thi­ther in persone and dyd chuse them, as he chose Theseus the first, vpon conditions agreed be­twene them: that is to wit, that the ATHENIANS shoulde furnishe them with a shippe, and that the children should shippe and imbarke with him, carying no weapons of warre: and that F after the death of the Minotaure, this tribute should cease. Nowe before that time, there was neuer any hope of returne, nor of safetie of their children: therefore the ATHENIANS all­wayes [Page 9] A sent a shippe to conuey their children with a blacke sayle,The Athe­nians sent their children into Creta in a shippe with a blacke sayle. in token of assured losse. Neuertheles Theseus putting his father in good hope of him, being of a good corage, and promising boldly that he woulde sett vpon this Minotaure: AEgeus gaue vnto the master of the shippe a white sayle, commaunding him that at his returne he should put out the white sayle if his sonne had escaped, if not, that then he should sett vp the blacke sayle, to shewe him a farre of his vnlucky and vnfortunate chaunce.AEgeus ge­ueth the ma­ster of the shippe a white sayle, to signi­fie the safe returne of Theseus. Simonides notwithstanding doeth saye, that this sayle which AEgeus gaue to the master, was not white, but redde, dyed in graine, and of the culler of scarlett: and that he gaue it him to signifie a farre of, their deli­uerie and safety. This master was called Phereclus Ama [...]siadas, as Simonides sayeth. But Philochorus writeth, that Scirus the SALAMINIAN gaue to Theseus a master called Nausi­theus, B and another marriner to tackle the sayles, who was called Phaeas: bicause the ATHE­NIANS at that time were not greatly practised to the sea. And this did Scirus, for that one of the children on whom the lott fell was his nephewe: and thus muche the chappells doe testifie, which Theseus buylt afterwardes in honour of Nausitheus, and of Phaeas, in the village of Phalerus: ioyning to the temple of Scirus. And it is sayed moreouer, that the feaste which they call Cybernesia, Cybernesia games. that is to saye, the feaste of Patrons of the shippes, is celebrated in ho­nour of them. Nowe after the lotts were drawen, Theseus taking with him the children al­lotted for the tribute, went from the pallace to the temple called Delphinion, to offer vp to Apollo for him and for them, an offering of supplication which they call Hiceteria:Hiceteria offering. which was an olyue boughe hallowed, wreathed about with white wolle. After he had made his C prayer, he went downe to the sea side to imbarke, the sixt daye of the moneth of Marche:Theseus ta­keth shippe with the tri­bute childrē, the sixt of Marche, and sayleth into Creta. on which daye at this present time they doe seude their younge girles to the same temple of Delphinion, there to make their prayers and petitions to the goddes. But some saye, that the oracle of Apollo in the cittie of DELPHES had aunswered him, that he should take Venus for his guyde, and that he should call vpon her to conduct him in his voyage: for which cause he dyd sacrifice a goate vnto her vpon the sea side, which was founde sodainly turned into a ramme,Venus Epi­tragia. and that herefore they surnamed this goddesse Epitragia, Theseus slewe the Mino­taure by meanes of A­riadne, king Minoes daughter. as one would saye, the goddesse of the ramme. Furthermore, after he was arriued in CRETA, he slewe there the Minotaure (as the most parte of auncient authors doe write) by the meanes and helpe of Ariadne: who being fallen in fansie with him, dyd geue him a clue of threede, by D the helpe whereof she taught him, howe he might easely winde out of the turnings and cranckes of the Labyrinthe. And they saye, that hauing killed this Minotaure, he returned backe againe the same waye he went, bringing with him those other younge children of ATHENS, whom with Ariadne also he caried afterwardes awaye. Pherecides sayeth more­ouer, that he brake the keeles or bottomes of all the shippes of CRETA,Theseus re­turne [...]e of Creta. bicause they should not sodainely sett out after them. And Demon writeth, that Taurus (the captaine of Minos) was killed in a fight by Theseus, Taurus ouer­come of The­seus, was a men. euen in the very hauen mowthe as they were readye to shippe awaye, and hoyse vp sayle. Yet Philochorus reporteth, that king Minos ha­uing sett vp the games, as he was wont to doe yerely in the honour and memorye of his sonne, euery one beganne to enuye captaine Taurus, bicause they euer looked that he should E carye awaye the game and victorie, as he had done other yeres before: ouer and that, his authoritye got him much ill will and enuye, bicause he was proude and stately, and had in suspition that he was great with Queene Pasiphäe. Taurus sus­pected with Pasiphäe, king Minoes wife. Wherefore when Theseus required he might encounter with Taurus, Minos casely graunted it. And being a solemne custome in CRETA that the women shoulde be present, to see these open sportes and sights, Ariadne being at these games amongest the rest, fell further in loue with Theseus, seeing him so good­ly a persone,How Ariadne fell in loue with Theseus. Minos sen­deth Theseus home with his prisoners, and releaseth the Athenians of their tribute. so stronge, and inuincible in wrestling, that he farre exceeded all that wrestled there that daye. King Minos was so glad that he had taken awaye the honour from captaine Taurus, that he sent him home francke and free into his countrye, rendring to him all the other prisoners of ATHENS: and for his sake, clearely released and forgaue the cittie of F ATHENS the tribute, which they should haue payed him yerely. Howbeit Clidemus sear­ching out the beginning of these things to thutmost, reciteth them very particularly, and after another sorte. For he sayeth, about that time there was a generall restraint through out all [Page 10] GRECE, [...] restrayning all manner of people to beare sayle in any vessell or bottome, wherein A there were aboue fiue persones, except only Iason, who was chosen captaine of the great shippe Argus, and had commission to sayle euery where, to chase and driue awaye rouers and pyrates,Daedalus [...] and to scoure the seas through out. About this time, Daedalus being fled from CRETA to ATHENS in a litle barke: Minos contrarie to this restraint, woulde needes followe him with a fleete of diuers vessels with owers, who being by force of weather driuen with the coaste of SICILE,King Minos dyed in Sici­le. fortuned to dye there. Afterwardes his sonne Deucalion, being maruci­lously offended with the ATHENIANS, sent to summone them to deliuer Daedalus vnto him, or els he woulde put the children to death, which were deliuered to his father for hostages. But Theseus excused him selfe,Deucalion King Minoes sonne sent to Athens to de­maunde Dae­dalus. and sayed he coulde not forsake Daedalus, considering he was his neere kynseman, being his cosin germaine, for he was the sonne of Merope, the daughter B of Erichtheus. Howbeit by and by he caused many vessels secretly to be made, parte of them within ATTICA selfe in the village of Thymetades, farre from any highe wayes: and parte of them in the cittie of TROEZEN, by the sufferance of Pitheus his grandfather, to the ende his purpose shoulde be kept the secretlyer. Afterwardes when all his shippes were readye, and rygged out, he tooke sea before the CRETANS had any knowledge of it: in so much as when they sawe them a farre of, they dyd take them for the barkes of their friends. Theseus landed without resistaunce, and tooke the hauen. Then hauing Daedalus, and other banished CRE­TANS for guydes,Theseus say­led into Cre­ta, and a anne the cittie of Gnosvs, and slewe Deuca­lion. he entred the cittie selfe of GNOSVS, where he slewe Deucalion in a fight before the gates of the Labyrinthe, with all his garde and officers about him. By this meanes the kingdome of CRETA fell by inheritance into the handes of his sister Ariadne. Theseus C made league with her, and caryed away the yong children of ATHENS, which were kept as hostages, and concluded peace and amytie betweene the ATHENIANS and the CRETANS: who promised, and sware, they woulde neuer make warres against them. They reporte many other things also touching this matter,Diuers opi­nions of A­riadne. and specially of Ariadne: but there is no trothe nor certeintie in it. For some saye, that Ariadne honge her selfe for sorowe, when she sawe that Theseus had caste her of. Other write, that she was transported by mariners into the Ile of NAXOS, were she was maryed vnto O Enarus, the priest of Bacchus: and they thincke that The­seus lefte her, bicause he was in loue with another, as by these verses shoulde appeare.

Hereas the Megarian sayeth, that these two verses in olde time were among the verses of the Poet Hesiodus, howbeit Pisistratus tooke them awaye: as he dyd in like manner adde these other here in the description of the helles in Homer, to gratifie the ATHENIANS.

Other holde opinion, that Ariadne had two children by Theseus: the one of them was named O Enopion, O Enopion, & Staphylus Theseus sonnes. and the other Staphylus. Thus amongest others the Poet Ion writeth it, who was borne in the Ile of CHIO, and speaking of his cittie, he sayeth thus:E

Nowe what things are founde seemely in Poets fables, there is none but dothe in manner synge them. But one Paenon borne in the cittie of AMATHVNTA, reciteth this cleane after another sorte, and contrarie to all other: saying, that Theseus by tempest was driuen with the Ile of CYPRVS, hauing with him Ariadne, which was great with childe, and so sore sea sycke, that she was not able to abide it.Theseus lea­ueth Ariadne in Cyprus. In so muche as he was forced to put her a lande, and him selfe afterwards returning abourde hoping to saue his shippe against the storme, was forth­with compelled to loose into the sea. The women of the countrye dyd curteously receyue and intreate Ariadne: and to comforte her againe, (for she was marucilously oute of harte, to F [Page 11] A see she was thus forsaken) they counterfeated letters, as if Theseus had wrytten them to her. And when her groninge time was come, and she to be layed, they did their best by all possi­ble meanes to saue her: but she dyed notwithstanding in labour, and could neuer be deliue­red. So she was honorably buried by the Ladies of CYPRVS.Ariadne dieth wish childe in Cyp­rus. Theseus not long after returned thither againe, who tooke her death maruelous heauily, and left money with the inhabitantes of the countrie, to sacrifice vnto her yearely: and for memorie of her, he caused two litle images to be molten, the one of copper, and the other of siluer, which he dedicated vnto her. This sacrifice is done the seconde day of September, on which they doe yet obserue this ceremonie:The ceremo­nie of the sa­crifice done to Ariadne in Cyprus. Venus Ariadne. Two Minoes and two A­riadnees. Corcyna Ariadnes nurce. they doe lay a young childe vpon a bed, which pitiefully cryeth and lamenteth as women trauellinge with childe. They saye also, that the AMATHVSIANS doe yet call the B groue where her tombe is sette vp, the wodde of Venus Adriadne. And yet there are of the NAXIANS, that reporte this otherwise: saying, there were two Minoes, and two Adriadnees, whereof the one was maried to Bacchus in the Ile of NAXOS, of whome Staphylus was borne: and the other the youngest, was rauished and caried away by Theseus, who afterwardes for­sooke her, and she came into the Ile of NAXOS with her nurce, called Corcyna, whose graue they doe shewe yet to this day. This seconde Adriadne dyed there also, but she had no such honour done to her after her death, as to the first was geuen. For they celebrate the feaste of the first with all ioye and mirthe: where the sacrifices done in memorie of the seconde, be mingled with mourninge and sorowe. Theseus then departing from the Ile of CRETA, ar­riued in the Ile of DELOS,Theseus re­turneth out of Creta into the Ile of Delos. where he did sacrifice in the temple of Apollo, and gaue there a C litle image of Venus, the which he had gotten of Adriadne. Then with the other young boyes that he had deliuered, he daunced a kinde of daunce, which the DELIANS keepe to this day, as they say: in which there are many turnes and returnes, much after the turninges of the Labyrinthe. And the DELIANS call this manner of daunce, the crane,Theseus daunce called the Crane. as Dicaorcus sayeth. And Theseus daunced it first about the altar, which is called Ceraton, that is to saye, horne-staffe: bicause it is made and builded of hornes onely, all on the left hande well and curiously sette together without any other bindinge. It is sayed also that he made a game in this Ile of DELOS, in which at the first was geuen to him that ouercame, a braunche of palme forre­ward of victorie.Palme a tokē of victory. But when they drewe neere the coast of ATTICA, they were so ioyfull, he and his master, that they forgate to set vp their white sayle, by which they shoulde haue ge­uen D knowledge of their healthe and safetie vnto AEgeus. Theseus ma­ster of his shippe forgate to see out the white sayle. AEgeus death. Who seeinge the blacke sayle a farre of, being out of all hope euermore to see his sonne againe, tooke such a griefe at his harte, that he threw him selfe headlong from the top of a clyffe, and killed him selfe. So soone as Theseus was arriued at the porte named Phalerus,Theseus arri­ueth safe with the tribute children in the hauen of Phalerus. he performed the sacrifices which he had vowed to the goddes at his departure: and sent an Herauld of his before vnto the city, to carie newes of his safe arriuall. The Heraulde founde many of the citie mourning the death of king AEgeus. Many other receiued him with great ioy, as may be supposed. They would haue crowned him also with a garlande of flowers, for that he had brought so good ridinges, that the children of the citie were returned in safetie. The Heraulde was content to take the garlande, yet would he not in any wise put it on his head, but did winde it about his Heraulds E rodde he bare in his hande,The Herauld bare a rodde in his hand. and so returneth foorthwith to the sea, where Theseus made his sa­crifices. Who perceiuinge they were not yet done, did refuse to enter into the temple, and stayed without for troubling of the sacrifices. Afterwardes all ceremonies finished, he went in and tolde him the newes of his fathers death. Then he and his company mourning for so­rowe, hasted with speede towardes the citie. And this is the cause, why to this day, at the feast called Oscophoria (as who woulde say at the feast of boughes) the Herauld hath not his heade but his rod onely crowned with flowers,The feast Oscophoria. and why the assistantes also after the sacrifice done, doe make suche cryes and exclamations: Ele, leuf, iou, iou: whereof the first is the crye and voyce they commonly vse one to an other to make haste, or else it is the foote of some songe of triumphe: and the other is the crye and voyce of men as it were in feare and trou­ble. After he had ended the obsequies and funeralls for his father,October called Pyanepsion, in the A [...]u­can tongue. he performed also his sa­crifices vnto Apollo, which he had vowed the seuenth day of the moneth of October, on which they arriued at their returne into the citie of ATHENS. Euen so the custome which [Page 12] they vse at this day, to seeth all manner of pulse, commeth of this: that those which then A returned with Theseus, did seeth in a great brasse potte all the remaine of their prouision, and therewith made good chere together. Euen in such sorte as this, came vp the custome to carie a braunch of olyue,Persd of Ire­sione in the life of Homer, and Suidas. wreathed about with wolle, which they call Iresione: bicause at that time they caried boughes of supplication, as we haue told ye before. About which they hang all sortes of fruites: for then barrennesse did cease, as the verses they sang afterwards did witnesse.

Howbeit there are some which will say, that these verses were made for the Heraclides, that is to say, those that descended from Hercules: which flying for their safety and succour vnto the ATHENIANS, were entertained & much made of by them for a time. But the most parte holde opinion,Theseus went into Creta with the tri­bute children, in the galliot of 30. owers. Disputation about in­crease. they were made vpon the occasion aforesaid. The vessell in which Theseus went and returned, was a galliot of thirtie owers, which the ATHENIANS kept vntill the time of Deme­trius the Phalertan, alwayes taking away the olde peeces of wodde that were rotten, and euer renewing them with new in their places. So that euer since, in the disputations of the Philo­sophers, touching things that increase, to wit, whether they remaine alwayes one, or else they be made others: this galliot was alwayes brought in for an example of doubt.The galliot alleaged for a doubt. For some main­teined, that it was still one vessell: others to the contrarie defended it was not so. And they C holde opinion also, that the feast of boughes which is celebrated at ATHENS at this time, was then first of all instituted by Theseus. It is sayed moreouer, that he did not carye all the wen­ches vpon whome the lotts did fall, but chose two fayer young boyes, whose faces were swete and delicate as maydens be, that otherwise were hardie, and quicke sprighted. But he made them so oft bathe them selues in whotte bathes, and kepe them in from the heate of the sunne, and so many times to washe, anointe, and rubbe them selues with oyles which serue to supple and smoothe their skinnes, to keepe freshe and fayer their colour, to make yellowe and bright their heares: and withall did teache them so to counterfeare their speache, countenaunce and facion of young maydes, that they seemed to be like them, rather then young boyes. For there was no manner of difference to be perceiued outwardly, and he mingled them with the girles,D without the knowledge of any man. Afterwards when he was returned, he made a procession, in which both he and the other young boyes, were apparelled then as they be nowe, which carie boughes on the day of the feast in their handes. They carie them in the honor of Bacchus and Ariadne, following the fable that is tolde of them: or rather bicause they returned home just, at the time and season, when they gather the fruite of those trees. There are women which they call Deipnophores, that is to say, supper caryers, which are assistantes to the sacrifice done that day, in representing the mothers of those, vpon whom the lottes did fall, bicause they in like sorte brought them both meate and drinke. There they tell tales, for so did their mothers tattle to their children, to comforte and encorage them. All these particularities were written by Demon the historiographer. There was moreouer a place chosen out to build him a tēple in,E and he him selfe ordained, that those houses which had payed tribute before vnto the king of CRETA, should nowe yearely thenceforth become contributories towardes the charges of a solemne sacrifice,Theseus thanksfullnes to the Phyta­lides [...]h [...] were the first that frosted him in their houses. which shoulde be done in the honor of him: and he did assigne the order and administration of the same, vnto the house of the Phytalides, in recompence of the curtesie which they showed him when he arriued. Furthermore, after the death of his father AEgeus, he vndertooke a maruelous great enterprise. For he brought all the inhabitantes of the whole prouince of ATTICA, to be within the citie of ATHENS, and made them all one corporation, which were before dispersed into diuerse villages, and by reason thereof were very hard to be assembled together,Theseus brought the [...]cabi [...]ants of the contrie of Arci [...] into cue cin. when occasion was offered to establish any order concerning the cōmon state. Many times also they were at variance together, & by the eares, making warres one vpon F an other. But Theseus tooke the paines to goe from village to village, and from family, to fami­lie, to let them vnderstand the reasons why they should consent vnto it. So he found the poore [Page 13] A people and priuate men, ready to obey and followe his will: but the riche, and such as had au­thoritye in euery village, all against it. Neuertheles he wanne them, promising that it should be a common wealth, and not subiect to the power of any sole prince, but rather a populer state. In which he woulde only reserue to him selfe the charge of the warres, and the preseruation of the lawes: for the rest, he was content that euery citizen in all and for all should beare a like swaye and authoritye. So there were some that willingly graunted thereto. Other who had r. o liking thereof, yelded notwithstanding for feare of his displeasure and power which then was very great. So they thought it better to consent with good will, vnto that he required: then to tary his forcible compulsion. Then he caused all the places where iustice was ministred, and all their halles of assembly to be ouerthrowen and pulled downe. He remoued straight all iudges B and officers,Asty, the towne house of the Athe­nians. and built a towne house, and a counsaill hall, in the place where the cittie now stan­deth, which the ATHENIANS call ASTY, but he called the whole corporation of them, A­THENS. Afterwardes he instituted the greate feast and common sacrifice for all of the countrye of ATTICA,The feastes Panathenea, and Metaecia. Theseus resi­gneth his kingdome, & maketh Athi [...] a common wealth. which they call Panathenea. Then he ordeined another feaste also vpon the six­tenth daye of the moneth of Iune, for all strangers which should come to dwell in ATHENS, which was called Metaecia, & is kept euen to this daye. That done, he gaue ouer his regall power according to his promise, and beganne to sett vp an estate or policye of a common wealth, beginning first with the seruice of the goddes. To knowe the good successe of his enterprise, he sent at the very beginning to the oracle of Apollo in DELPHES,The oracle of Apollo in Delphes. to enquire of the fortune of this cittye: from whence this aunswer was brought vnto him.

It is founde written also that Sibylla afterwardes gaue out suche a like oracle ouer the cittye of ATHENS.

Moreouer, bicause he woulde further yet augment his people, and enlarge his cittie, he en­tised many to come and dwell there, by offering them the selfe same freedome and priuiledges, which the naturall borne citizens had. So that many iudge, that these wordes which are in vse at this daye in ATHENS, when any open proclamation is made, All people, Come ye hither: be the selfe same which Theseus then caused to be proclaymed, when he in that sorte dyd gather a people together of all nations. Yet for all that, he suffered not the great multitude that came thither tagge and ragge,Theseus ma­keth differēce of states and degrees in his cōmon weals. to be without distinction of degrees & orders. For he first diuided the noble men, from husbādmen and artificers, appointing the noblemen as iudges & magistrates to iudge vpon matters of Religiō, & touching the seruice of the godds: & of them also he dyd E chuse rulers, to beare ciuill office in the cōmon weale, to determine the lawe, and to tell all holy and diuine things. By this meanes he made the noble men and the two other estates equall in voyce. And as the noblemen dyd passe the other in honour: euen so the artificers exceeded them in number, & the husbandmen them in profit. Nowe that Theseus was the first who of all others yelded to haue a common weale or popular estate (as Aristotle sayeth) and dyd geue ouer his regall power:Theseus, the first that gaue ouer regall power, & fra­med a popu­ler state. Homer self semeth to testifie it, in numbring the shippes which were in the Graecians armie before the cittie of TROIA. For amongest all the GRAECIANS, he only cal­leth the ATHENIANS people. Moreouer Theseus coyned money, which he marked with the stampe of an oxe,An oxe stam­ped in Theseus coyne. in memorye of the bulle of Marathon, or of Taurus the captaine of Minos, or els to prouoke his citizens to geue them selues to labour. They saye also that of this money F they were since called Hecatomboeon, Hecatomboeon. Decaboeon. & Decaboeon, which signifieth worth a hundred oxen, and worth tenne oxen. Furthermore hauing ioyned all the territorie of the cittie of MEGARA, vnto [Page 14] the countrie of ATTICA, he caused that notable foure square piller to be sett vp for their con­fines A within the straight of PELOPONNESVS, and engraued thereuppon this superscription, that declareth the separation of both the countries which confine there together. The super­scription is this:

It was he also which made the games called Isthmia, after the imitation of Hercules, to the ende that as the GRECIANS dyd celebrate the feast of games called Olympia, Olympia. in the honour of Iupiter, by Hercules ordinance: so, that they should also celebrate the games called Isthmia, B by his order and institution,Theseus ere­cted the games Isth­mia, in the honour of Neptune. in the honour of Neptune. For those that were done in the straights in the honour of Melicerta, were done in the night, & had rather forme of sacrifice or of a my­sterie, then of games & opē feast. Yet some will save, that these games of Isthmia were instituted in the honour & memorie of Sciron, & that Theseus ordained them in satisfaction of his death: bicause he was his cosin germaine, being the sonne of Canethus, and of Heniocha the daughter of Pitheus. Other saye that it was Sinnis and not Sciron, and that for him Theseus made these ga­mes, and not for the memorie of the other. Howsoeuer it was, he specially willed the CORIN­THIANS, that they should geue vnto those that came from ATHENS to see their games of Isth­mia, so much place to sit downe before them (in the most honorable parte of the feast place) as the saile of their shippe should couer, in the which they came from ATHENS: thus doe Hella­nicus C & Andron Halicarnasseus write hereof. Touching the voyage he made by the sea Maior, Philochorus, Theseus ior­nye into mare Maior. & some other holde opinion, that he went thither with Hercules against the AMA­ZONES: and that to honour his valiantnes, Hercules gaue him ANTIOPA the AMAZONE. But the more parte of the other Historiographers, namely Hellanicus, Pherecides, & Herodotius, doe write,Antiopa the Amazone rauished by Theseus. that Theseus went thither alone, after Hercules voyage, & that he tooke this AMAZONE prisoner, which is likeliest to be true. For we doe not finde that any other who went this iorney with him, had taken any AMAZONE prisoner besides him selfe. Bion also the Historiographer, this notwithstanding sayeth, that he brought her away by deceit and stealth. For the AMAZO­NES (sayeth he) naturally louing men, dyd not flie at all when they sawe them lāde in their coun­trye, but sent them presents, & that Theseus entised her to come into his shippe, who brought D him a present: & so sone as she was aborde, he hoysed his sayle, & so caried her away. Another Historiographer Menecrates, who wrote the historie of the cittie of NICEA, in the countrye of BYTHINIA, sayeth: that Theseus hauing this AMAZONE ANTIOPA with him, remained a cer­taine time vpon those coasts, & that amongest other he had in his companie three younge bre­thern of ATHENS, Euneus, Thoas, and Solois. This last, Solois, was marueilously in loue with AN­TIOPA,Solois fell in loue with An­tiopa. and neuer bewrayed it to any of his other companions, sauing vnto one with whom he was most familiar, and whom he trusted best: so that he reported this matter vnto AN­TIOPA. But she vtterly reiected his sute, though otherwise she handled it wisely and cur­teously, and dyd not complaine to Theseus of him. Howbeit the younge man despairing to enioye his loue,Solois dro [...] ­ [...]ed him selfe for loue. tooke it so inwardly, that desperately he lept into the riuer, and drowned him E selfe. Which when Theseus vnderstoode, and the cause also that brought him to this despera­tion and ende: he was very sorye, and angric also. Whereupon he remembred a certeine ora­cle of Pythia, by whom he was commaunded to buyld a cittie in that place in a straunge coun­trye, where he should be most sorye, and that he should leaue some that were about him at that time,Pythopolis built by The­seus. to gouerne the same. For this cause therefore he built a cittie in that place, which he named PYTHOPOLIS, bicause he had built it only by the commaundement of the Nunne Pythia. Solois fl. He called the riuer in the which the younge man was drowned, Solois, in memorye of him: and left his two brethern for his deputies and as gouernours of this newe cittie, with an­other gentleman of ATHENS, called Hermus. Hereof it commeth, that at this daye the PY­THOPOLITANS call a certen place of their cittie, Hermus house. But they fayle in the accent,F by putting it vpon the last syllabe: for in pronouncing it so, Hermu signifieth Mercurie. By this meanes they doe transferre the honour due to the memorie of Hermus, vnto the god Mercurie. [Page 15] A Now heare what was the occasion of the warres of the AMAZONES,The cause of the warres of the Amazo­nes against the Athen [...]s. which me thinckes was not a matter of small moment, nor an enterprise of a woman. For they had not placed their campe within the very cittie of ATHENS, nor had not fought in the very place it selfe (called Pnyce) adioyning to the temple of the Muses, if they had not first conquered or subdued all the countrye thereabouts: neither had they all comen at the first, so valiantly to assaile the cittie of ATHENS. Now, whether they came by lande from so farre a countrye, or that they passed ouer an arme of the sea,Bosphorus Cimmericus, an arme of the sea. which is called Bosphorus Cimmericus, being frosen as Hellanicus sayeth: it is hardely to be credited. But that they camped within the precinct of the very cittie it selfe, the names of the places which cōtinewe yet to this present daye doe witnesse it, & the graues also of the women which dyed there. But so it is, that both armies laye a great time one in the face B of the other, ere they came to battell. Howbeit at the length Theseus hauing first made sacrifice vnto Feare the goddesse,Theseus figh­teth a battell with the A­mazones. according to the counsaill of a prophecie he had receyued, he gaue them battell in the moneth of August, on the same daye, in the which the ATHENIANS doe euen at this present solemnise the feast, which they call Boedromia. But Clidemus the Historio­grapher, desirous particularly to write all the circumstances of this encownter,The order of the Amazo­nes battell. sayeth that the left poynte of their battell bent towards the place which they call AMAZONION: and that the right poynte marched by the side of CHRYSA, euen to the place which is called PNYCE, vpon which, the ATHENIANS cōming towards the temple of the Muses, dyd first geue their charge. And for proofe that this is true, the graues of the women which dyed in this first encoūter, are founde yet in the great streete, which goeth towards the gate Piraica, neere vnto the chappell C of the litle god Chalcodus. And the ATHENIANS (sayeth he) were in this place repulsed by the AMAZONES, euen to the place where the images of Eumenides are, that is to saye, of the futies. But on thother side also, the ATHENIANS cōming towards the quarters of Palladium, Ardettus, & Lucium, draue backe their right poynte euen to within their campe, & slewe a great number of them.Peace con­cluded as fe [...]e moneths ende by mea­nes of Hyppo­lita. Afterwards, at the ende of foure moneths, peace was taken betwene them by meanes of one of the women called Hyppolita. For this Historiographer calleth the AMAZONE which Theseus maried, Hyppolita, and not Antiopa. Neuertheles, some saye that she was slayne (fighting on Theseus side) with a darte, by another called Molpadia. In memorie whereof, the piller which is ioyning to the temple of the Olympian ground, was set vp in her honour. We are not to mar­uell, if the historie of things so auncient, be founde so diuersely written. For there are also that D write, that Queene Antiopa sent those secretly which were hurte then into the cittie of CAL­CIDE, where some of them recouered, & were healed: and others also dyed, which were buried neere to the place called AMAZONION. Howsoeuer it was, it is most certain that this warre was ended by agreement. For a place adioyning to the temple of Theseus, dothe beare recorde of it, being called Orcomosium:Oreemosion, the name of a place. bicause the peace was there by solemne othe concluded. And the sa­crifice also do the truely verifie it, which they haue made to the AMAZONES, before the feast of Theseus, long time out of minde. They of MEGARA also doe shewe a tumbe of the AMAZONES in their cittie, which is as they goe frō the market place, to the place they call Rhus: where they finde an auncient tumbe, cut infacion & forme of a losenge.Auncient tō ­bes of losenge facion. They saye that there died other of the AMAZONES also, neere vnto the cittie of CHAERONEA, which were buried all alongest the E litle broke passing by the same, which in the olde time,Thermodon, nowe called Ha [...]monst. (in mine opinion) was called Thermodon, & is nowe named Haemon, as we haue in other places written in the life of Demosthenes. And it semeth also, that they dyd not passe through THESSALIE, without fighting: for there are seene yet of their tūbes all about the cittie of SCOTVSA, hard by the rocks, which be called the doggs head. And this is that which is worthy memorie (in mine opinion) touching the warres of these AMAZONES. Howe the Poettelleth that the AMAZONES made warres with Theseus to reuēge the iniurie he dyd to their Queene Antiopa, Hippolytus Theseus senne by An­tiopa. refusing her, to marye with Phadra: & as for the mur­der which he telleth that Hercules dyd, that me thinckes is altogether but deuise of Poets. It is very true, that after the death of Antiopa, Theseus married Phadra, hauing had before of Antiopa a sonne called Hippolytus, Ph [...]dra The­seus wife, and Minos daughter king of Creta. or as the Poet Pindarus writeth, Demophon. And for that the Historio­graphers F doe not in anything speake against the tragicall Poets, in that which concerneth the ill happe that chaunced to him, in the persones of this his wife & of his sonne: we must needes take it to be so, as we finde it written in the tragedies. And yet we finde many other reportes [Page 16] touching the mariages of Theseus, Theseus ma­riages. whose beginnings had no great good honest groūd, neither A fell out their endes very fortunate: & yet for all that they have made no tragedies of them, nei­ther haue they bene played in the Theaters. For we reade that he tooke away Anaxo the TR [...]E­ZENIAN, & that after he had killed Sinnis and Cercyon, he tooke their daughters perforce: and that he dyd also marye Peribea, the mother of Aiax, and afterwards Pherebaea, & Ioppa the daugh­ter of Iphicles. And they blame him much also, for that he so lightly forsooke his wife Ariadne, for the loue of AEgles the daughter of Panopaeus, as we haue recited before. Lastely , he tooke awaye Hellen: which rauishement filled all the Realme of ATTICA with warres, & finally was the very occasion that forced him to forsake his countrye, and brought him at the length to his ende, as we will tell you hereafter. Albeit in his time other princes of GRECE had done many goodly and notable exploits in the warres, yet Herodotus is of opinion, that Theseus was neuer B in any one of them:Theseus battels. sauing that he was at the battell of the Lapithae against the Centauri. Others saye to the contrarie, that he was at the iorney of Cholchide with Iason, & that he dyd helpe Me­leager to kill the wilde bore of Calydonia: from whence (as they saye) this prouerbe came: Not vvithout Theseus. Prouerbe. Nots witheus Theseus. Prouerbe. This is ano­ther Theseus. Meaning that suche a thing was not done without great helpe of another. Howbeit it is certaine that Theseus self dyd many famous actes, without ayde of any man, and that for his valiantnes this prouerbe came in vse, which is spoken: This is another Theseus. Also he dyd helpe Adrastus king of the ARGIVES, to recouer the bodyes of those that were slayne in the battell, before the cittie of THEBES. Howbeit it was not, as the poet Euripides sayeth, by force of armes, after he had ouercome the THEBANS in battell: but it was by cōposition. And thus the greatest number of the most auncient writers doe declare it. Furthermore, Philochorus C writeth, that this was the first treatie that euer was made to recouer the dead bodyes slayne in battell: neuertheles we doe reade in the histories and gestes of Hercules, that he was the first that euer suffered his enemies to carye awaye their dead bodyes, after they had bene put to the sword. But whosoeuer he was, at this daye in the village of ELEVTHERES, they doe showe the place where the people were buried, and where princes tumbes are seene about the cittie of ELEVSIN, which he made at the request of Adrastus. And for testimonie hereof, the tragedie AEschilus made of the ELEVSINIANS, where he causeth it to be spoken euen thus to Theseus him self, dothe clerely ouerthrowe the petitioners in Euripides. Touching the friendshippe be­twixt Pirithous and him,Theseus val­liantnes the cause of Piri­thous friend­shippe with him. it is sayed it beganne thus. The renowne of his valliancy was marue­lously blowen abroade through all GRECE, & Pirithous desirous to knowe it by experience,D went euen of purpose to inuade his countrye, and brought awaye a certaine bootie of oxen of his taken out of the countrye of MARATHON. Theseus being aduertised therof, armed straight, and went to the rescue. Pirithous hearing of his comming, fled not at all, but returned backe so­dainly to mete him. And so sone as they came to see one another, they both wondred at eche others beawtie and corage, and so had they no desire to fight. But Pirithous reaching out his hande first to Theseus, sayed vnto him. I make your selfe iudge of the damage you haue sustei­ned by my inuasion, and with all my harte I will make suche satisfaction, as it shall please you to assesse it at. Theseus then dyd not only release him, of all the damages he had done, but also re­quested him he would become his friend, and brother in armes. Hereupon they were present­ly sworne brethren in the fielde:Pirithous & Theseus sworne bre­thern in the field. after which othe betwixt them, Pirithous maried Deidamia, & E sent to praye Theseus to come to his mariage, to visite his countrye, & to make merye with the Lapithae. He had bidden also the Centauri to the feast: who being druncke, committed many lewde partes, euen to the forcing of women. Howbeit the Lapithae chasticed them so well, that they slewe some of them presently in the place,Pirithous maried Dei­damia. & draue the rest afterwards out of all the coun­trye by the helpe of Theseus, who armed him selfe, and fought on their side. Yet Herodotus wri­teth the matter somewhat contrarie,The Lapithae ouercomen the Centauari. Theseus and Hercules met at Trathina. saying that Theseus went not at all vntill the warre was well begonne: and that it was the first time that he sawe Hercules, & spake with him neere vn­to the cittie of TRACHINA, when he was then quiet, hauing ended all his farre voyages, & grea­test troubles. They reporte that this meeting together was full of great cheere, much kindnes, and honorable entertainement betwene them, and howe great curtesie was offred to eache o­ther.F Neuertheles me thincks we should geue better credit to those writers that saye they mett many times together, and that Hercules was accepted and receyued into the brotherhed of [Page 17] A the mysteries of ELEVSIN, by the meanes of the countenaunce and fauour which Theseus showed vnto him: and that his purification also was thereby allowed of, who was to be pur­ged of necessitie of all his ill deedes and cruelties, before he could enter into the companie of those of holy mysteries. Furthermore,Theseus fiftie yere olde whē he rauished Hellen. Theseus was fiftie yeres olde when he tooke awaye Hellen and rauished her, which was very younge, and not of age to be maried, as Hellanicus sayeth. By reason whereof, some seeking to hyde the rauishement of her as a haynous facte, doe reporte it was not he, but one Idas and Lynceus that caryed her awaye, who left her in his custodie and keeping: and that Theseus would haue kept her from them, and would not haue deliuered her to her brethern Castor and Pollux, which afterwardes dyd demaunde her againe of him. Others againe saye it was her owne father Tyndarus, who gaue her him to keepe, for that he was af­frayed B of Enarsphorus the sonne of Hippocoon, who would haue had her away by force. But that which commeth nearest to the trothe in this case, and which in deede by many authors is testi­fied, was in this sorte.The manner of Hellens ra­uishement. Diana Or [...]hia. Theseus & Pirithous went together to the cittie of LACEDAEMON, where they tooke awaye Hellen (being yet very younge) euen as she was dauncing in the tēple of Diana surnamed Orthia: & they fled for life. They of LACEDAEMON sent after her, but those that fol­lowed wēt no further then the cittie of TEGEA. Now when they were escaped out of the coun­trye of PELOPONNESVS, they agreed to drawe lots together, which of them two should haue her, with condition that whose lot it were to haue her, he should take her to his wife, & should be bound also to helpe his companion to get him another. It was Theseus happe to light vpon her,Theseus lefte Hellen in the cittie of A­phidnes. who caryed her to the cittie of APHIDNES, bicause she was yet to younge to be maried. C Whether he caused his mother to come to bring her vp, & gaue his friend called Aphidnus the charge of them both, recōmending her to his good care, & to kepe it so secretly, that no bodye should knowe what was become of her. Bicause he would doe the like for Pirithous (according to th'agremēt made betwext thē) he went into EPIRVS with him to steale the daughter of Aido­neus, Theseus went with Piri­thous into E­pirus, to steale Proserpina Aidonius daughter. Pirithous terne in peces with Cerberus. Theseus close prisoner. king of the MOLOSSIANS, who had surnamed his wife Proserpina, his daughter Proserpina, & his dogg Cerberus: with whom he made them fight which came to aske his daughter in ma­riage, promising to geue her to him that should ouercome his Cerberus. But the King vnderstā ­ding that Pirithous was come, not to request his daughter in mariage, but to steale her away, he tooke him prisoner with Theseus: & as for Pirithous, he caused him presētly to be torne in peces with his dogge, & shut Theseus vp in close prison. In this meane time there was one at ATHENS D called Menestheus, the sonne of Peteus: which Peteus was the sonne of Orneus, & Orneus was the sonne of Erictheus. This Menestheus was the first that beganne to flatter the people, & did seeke to winne the fauour of the cōmunaltie, by sweete entising words: by which deuise he stirred vp the chiefest of the cittie against Theseus (who in deedelong before begāne to be wearie of him) by declaring vnto them howe Theseus had taken from them their royalties & signiories, & had shut them vp in suche forte within the walles of a cittie, that he might the better keepe them in subiection & obedience in all things, after his will. The poore inferiour sorte of people, he dyd stirre vp also to rebellion, persuading them that it was no other then a dreame of libertie which was promised them: & howe contrariwise they were clearely dispossest & throwen out of their own houses, of their tēples, & from their naturall places where they were borne, to thend only,E that in liewe of many good & louing lordes which they were wont to haue before, they should now be compelled to serue one onely hedde, & a straunge lorde. Euen as Menestheus was very hotte about this practise,The warre of the Tyndari­des against the Atheniās. the warre of the Tyndarides fell out at that instant, which greatly fur­thered his pretēce. For these Tyndarides (to wit the children of Tyndarus) Castor & Pollux, came downe with a great armie, against the cittie of ATHENS: & some suspect sore that Menestheus was cause of their comming thither. Howbeit at the first entrie they dyd no hurte at all in the countrye, but only demaunded restitution of their sister. To whom the citizens made aunswer, that they knewe not where she was left: & then the brethern beganne to make spoyle, & offer warre in deede. Howbeit there was one called Academus, who hauing knowledge (I can not tell by what meane) that she was secretly hidden in the cittie of APHIDNES, reuealed it vnto them. F By reason whereof the Tyndarides did alwayes honour him very much, so long as he liued, & af­terwards the LACEDAEMONIANS, hauing ofte burnt & destroyed the whole countrye of AT­TICA throughout, they would yet neuer touch the Academy of ATHENS for Academus sake. [Page 18] Yet Dicearchus sayeth,Academia why so called. that in the armie of the Tyndarides there were two Arcadians, Echedemus, A & Marathus, and howe of the name of one of them, it was then called the place of Echedemie, which sithence hath bene called Academia: & after the name of the other, there was a village called MARATHON,Marathon. bicause he willingly offered himself to be sacrificed before the battell, as o­beying the order & cōmandement of a prophecie. So they went & pitched their campe before the cittie of APHIDNES,Aphidnes wonne & ra­ced by the Tyndarides. Alycus Sci­rons sonne slayne, at the battell of A­phidnes. & hauing wōne the battell, & taken the cittie by assault, they raced the place. They saye that Alycus, the sonne of Sciron was slaine at this field, who was in the hoaste of the Tyndarides, & that after his name, a certaine quarter of the territorie of MEGARA was cal­led Alycus, in the which his bodye was buried. Howbeit Here as writeth that Theseus self dyd kill him before Aphidnes: In witnes whereof he alledgeth certain verses which speake of Alycus.

Howbeit it is not likely to be true, that Theseus being there, the cittie of Aphidnes, & his mo­ther also were taken. But when it was wonne, they of ATHENS beganne to quake for feare, and Menestheus counselled them to receyue the Tyndarides into the cittie, and to make them good chere, so they would make no warres but vpon Theseus, which was the first that had done them the wrōg & iniurie: & that to all other els they should showe fauour & good will. And so it fell out. For when the Tyndarides had all in their power to doe as they listed, the demaunded no­thing els but that they might be receiued into their corporatiō, & not to be reckoned for straun­gers,C no more then Hercules was: the which was graūted the Tyndarides, The Tynda­rides honoured at godds, and called A­naces. & Aphidnus dyd adopt them for his childrē, as Pylius had adopted Hercules. Moreouer they dyd honour them as if they had bene godds, calling them Anaces. Either bicause they ceased the warres, or for that they or­dered them selues so well, that their whole armie being lodged within the cittie, there was not any hurte or displeasure done to any persone: but as it became those that haue the charge of any thing,Cicer.de Nas­de [...]r.lib. 3. they did carefully watche to preserue the good quiet thereof. All which this Greke word Anacos doth signifie,King called Anactes. wherof perchaunce it comes that they call the kings Anactes. There are others also who holde opinion that they were called Anaces, Anaces why so called. bicause of their starres which appeared in the ayer. For the Attican tongue sayeth, Anacas, & Anecathen: where the comon people saye Ano, & Anothen, that is to saye, aboue. Neuertheles AEthra, Theseus mother, was D caried prisoner to LACEDAEMON,AEthra takē prisoner, and caried to La­ceda [...]mon. & from thence to TROIA with Hellen, as some saye: & as Ho­mer him self doth witnesse in his verses, where he speaketh of the women that followed Hellen.

Yet there are other who aswell reiect these two verses,Diuers opi­nions of Ho­mers verses. & mainteine they are not Homers: as also they reproue all that is reported of Munychus. To wit, that Laodice being priuely cōceiued of him by Demophon, he was brought vp secretly by AEthra within TROIA. But Hister the histo­rien in his thirtenth of his histories of ATTICA, maketh a recitall farre cōtrary to other, saying: that some hold opinion, that Paris Alexander was slayne in battell by Achilles, & Patroclus in the coūtrye of THESSALIE,Sperchius [...]. neere to the riuer of Sperchius, & that his brother Hector tooke the cit­tie E of TROEZEN, from whence he brought awaye AEthrae: in which there is no manner of ap­parance or likelihodde. But AEdoneus king of the MOLOSSIANS, feasting Hercules one daye as he passed through his realme, descended by chaunce into talke of Theseus & of Pirithous, howe they came to steale away his daughter secretly: & after told how they were also punished. Her­cules was marueilous sorye to vnderstand that one of them was now dead, & the other in daun­ger to dye, & thought with him self that to make his mone to AEdoneus, it would not helpe the matter: he besought him only that he would deliuer Theseus for his sake. And he graunted him. Thus Theseus being deliuered of this captiuitie,Theseus deli­uered one of prison by Her­cules meanes. returned to ATHENS, where his friends were not altogether kept vnder by his enemies: & at his returne he dyd dedicate to Hercules all the temples, which the cittie had before caused to be built in his owne honour. And where first of F all they were called Thesea, he did now surname thē all Hercules, excepting foure, as Philochorus writeth. Nowe when he was arriued at ATHENS, he would immediately haue cōmaunded and [Page 19] A ordered things as he was wont to doe: but he found him self troubled much with sedition, bi­cause those who had hated him of long time,The Asthe­niās disdaine to obey The­seus. had added also to their old canckered hate, a dis­dain & contēpt to feare him any more. And the comō people now were become so stubborn, that where before they would haue done all that they were cōmanded, & haue spoken nothing to the contrarie: now they looked to be borne with, & flattered. Whereupon Theseus thought at the first to haue vsed force, but he was forced by the faction & contētion of his enemies to let all alone, & in the end, despairing he should euer bring his matters to passe to his desire, he se­cretly sent away his children into the Ile of EVBOEA, to Elphenor the sonne of Chalcodias. And himself, after he had made many wishes & curses against the Athenians, in the village of Gar­gettus, in a place which for that cause to this daye is called Araterion: (that is to saye, the place B of cursings) he did take the seas, & wēt into the Ile of SCIROS,Theseus fled from Athens into the Ile of Sciros. where he had goods, & thought also to haue founde friends. Lycomedes raigned at that time, & was king of the Ile, vnto whom Theseus made request for some lande, as intēding to dwell there: albeit some saye that he requi­red him to giue him ayde against the Atheniās. Lycomedes, were it that he douted to entertaine so great a personage, or that he dyd it to gratifie Menestheus: caried him vp to the high rocks, faining as though he would from thence haue shewed him all his countrye round about. But when he had him there,Theseus cruelly slayne by Lycome­des. he threw him downe hedlong from the toppe of the rocks to the bot­tome, & put him thus vnfortunately to death. Yet other write, that he fell down of him self by an vnfortunate chaunce, walking one daye after supper as he was wont to doe. There was no mā at that time that dyd followe or pursue his death,Menestheus king of Athens. but Menestheus quietly remained king of C ATHENS: and the children of Theseus, as priuate souldiers followed Elphenor in the warres of TROIA.Theseus sonnes. But after the death of Menestheus, who died in the iorney to TROIE, Theseus sonnes returned vnto ATHENS, where they recouered their state. Sithence there were many occasiōs which moued the Athenians to reuerence & honour him as a demy god. For in the battell of Marathon, many thought they sawe his shadow & image in armes, fighting against the barba­rous people. And after the warres of the Medes (the yere wherein Phaedon was gouernour of A­THENS) the nunne Pithea answered the Atheniās, who had sent to the oracle of Apollo: that they should bring backe the bones of Theseus, & putting them in some honorable place, they should preserue & honour them deuoutely. But it was a harde matter to finde his graue: & if they had founde it, yet had it bene a harder thing to haue brought his bones awaye, for the malice of D those barbarous people which inhabited that Ile: which were so wild & fierce, that none could trade or liue with them.Cimon ta­keth the Ile of Sciros and bringeth Theseus bones to A­thens. Notwithstanding Cimon hauing taken the Iland (as we haue written in his life) & seeking his graue: perceiued by good happe an eagle pecking with her beake, & scra­ping with her clawes in a place of some prety height. Straight it came into his minde (as by diuine inspiration) to search & digge the place: where was founde the tumbe of a great bodye, with the head of a speare which was of brasse, & a sword with it. All which things were brought to ATHENS by Cimon in the admirall gallie. The Atheniās receiued them with great ioye, with processions & goodly sacrifices, as if Theseus him self had bene a liue, & had returned into the cittie againe.Theseus tumbe. At this daye all these relicks lye yet in the middest of the cittie, neere to the place where the younge men doe vse all their exercises of bodye. There is free libertie of accesse for E all slaues & poore men, (that are afflicted & pursued, by any mightier then themselues) to pray & sacrifice in remembraunce of Theseus: who while he liued was protectour of the oppressed, & dyd curteously receiue their requests & petitiōs that prayed to haue ayde of him. The grea­test & most solemne sacrifice they doe vnto him, is on the eight daye of October, in which he returned from CRETA, with the other younge children of ATHENS. Howbeit they doe not leaue to honour him euery eight daye of all other moneths, either bicause he arriued frō TROE­ZEN at ATHENS the eight daye of Iune, as Diodorus the Cosmographer writeth: or for that they thought that number to be meetest for him, bicause the bruite ranne he was begotten of Neptune. They doe sacrifice also to Neptune, the eight daye of euery moneth, bicause the nūber of eight is the first cube made of euen number, & the double of the first square: which dothe re­present F a stedfastnes immoueable, properly attributed to the might of Neptune, whom for this cause we surname Asphalius, Neptune why called Aspha­lius and Ga­iochus. and Gaiochus, which by interpretation dothe signifie: the safe keeper, & the stayer of the earthe.

THE LIFE OF Romulus.

THE Historiographers doe not agree in their writings, by whom, not A for what cause,Diuers opi­nions about the name of Rome. the great name of the cittie of ROME (the glorie wherof is blowen abroad through all the worlde) was first geuen vnto it. For some thincke that the Pelasgians, after they had ouercome the greatest parte of the world, and had inhabited and subdued many nations, in the ende dyd staye them selues in that place where it was newe buyl­ded: and for their great strength and power in armes, they gaue the name of ROME vnto the cittie, as signifying power in the Greeke ton­gue. Other saye, thatafter the taking and destruction of TROYA, there were certaine TROYANS which sauing them selues from the sworde, tooke suche vessells as they founde at aduenture in the hauen, and were by winds put with the THVSCANE shore,B where they anckred neere vnto the riuer of Tyber.Tybria st. There their wiues being so sore sea sicke, that possibly they could not any more endure the boisterous surges of the seas: it happened one of them among the rest (the noblest and wisest of the companie) called ROMA, to counsaill the other women of her cōpanions to set their shippes a fire, which they dyd accordingly. Where­with their husbands at the first were maruelously offended. But afterwards, being compelled of necessitie to plant them selues neere vnto the cittie of PALLANTIVM, they were appeased when they sawe things prosper better then they hoped for, finding the soyle there fertile, and the people their neighbours ciuill and gentle in entertaining them. Wherefore amongest o­ther honours they dyd to require this lady Roma, they called their cittie after her name, as from whom came the originall cause of the building and foundation thereof.The begin­ning of kissing their kinse­folkes in the mouthe, came from the Tro­ian women. They saye that from C thence came this custome continuing yet to this daye at ROME, that the women saluting their kinsefolkes and husbands doe kisse them in the mouthe, for so dyd these TROYAN ladyes to please their husbands, and to winne them againe, after they had lost their fauours, and procu­red their displeasures with burning of their shippes. Other saye that Roma was the daughter of Italus, and of Lucaria, or els of Telephus the sonne of Hercules, and of the wife of AEneas: other saye of Ascanius, the sonne of AEneas, who named the cittie after her name. Other holde opi­nion that it was Romanus (the sonne of Vlysses and of Circé) that first founded ROME: other will saye that it was Romus the sonne of Emathion, whom Diomedes sent thither from TROYA. Other write that it was one Romis a tyranne of the LATINES, who draue the THVSCANS out of those [Page 21] A partes: which departing out of THESSALY went first of all into LYDIA, and afterwards from LYDIA into ITALIE. And furthermore,Fables of Ro­mulus byrthe. they who thincke that Romulus (as in deede it carieth best likelyhod) was he that gaue the name to the cittie, doe not agree about his auncesters. For some of them write, that he was the sonne of AEneas and of Dexithea the daughter of Phor­bus, and that he was brought into ITALIE of a litle childe with his brother Remus: and that at that time the riuer of Tyber being ouerflowen, all other shippes were cast awaye, sauing the shippe in which the two litle boyes were, which by great good happe came to a slaye vpon a very plaine euen grounde on the bancke, and bicause the children beyond all hope were sa­ued by this meanes, therefore the place was afterwardes called ROMA. Other saye that Roma the daughter of the first Troian ladye was maried vnto Latinus the sonne of Telemachus, by B whom she had Romulus. Other write, that it was AEmilia, the daughter of AEneas and of Lauinia, which was gotten with childe by the god Mars. Other tell a tale of Romulus birth, no­thing true nor likely. For it is sayed that there was sometime a king of ALBA named Tar­chetius, a very wicked and cruell man, in whose house through the permission of the goddes appeared such a like vision: that there rose vp in the harthe of his chymney the forme & facion of a mans priuie member, which continued there many dayes. And they saye,An oracle of Thetis in [...] Thuscans. that at that time there was in THVSCANE an oracle of Thetis, from whom they brought vnto this wicked king Tarchetius suche an aunswer: that he should cause his daughter yet vnmaried to haue carnall companie with the straunge thing, for she should beare a sonne, that should be famous for his valliancie, for strength of bodye, and his happie successe wherein he should exceede all men C of his time. Tarchetius tolde this oracle vnto one of his daughters, and willed her to enter­taine this straunge thing: but she disdaining to doe it, sent one of her waiting women to vn­dertake the entertainement. But Tarchetius was so mad at this, that he caused them both to be taken to put them to death: howbeit the goddesse Vesta appeared to him in his sleepe in the night, and charged him he should not doe it. Whereupon he dyd commaund them to make him a pece of clothe in the prisone, with promise that they should be maried when they had finished it. These poore maydes toyled at it all the liue longe daye, but in the night there came other (by Tarchetius commaundement) that dyd vndoe all they had done the daye be­fore. In the meane time, this waiting woman that was gott with childe by this straunge thing, was deliuered of two goodly boyes or twynnes: whom Tarchetius gaue vnto one Teratius, with D expresse commaundement he should cast them awaye. This Teratius caryed them vnto the bancke of the riuer: thither came a shee woulfe and gaue them sucke, and certaine byrdes that brought litle crommes and put them in their mouthes, vntill a swyne heard perceyuing them, and wondring at the fight, dyd boldly goe to the children, and tooke them awaye with him. These infantes being thus preserued after they were come to mans state, dyd set vpon Tarchetius and slewe him. One Promathion an Italian writer, deliuereth this storie thus. But the reporte that carieth best credit of all, and is allowed of by many writers: commeth from Diocles Peparethian, (whome Fabius Pictor followeth in many thinges) who was the first that put forth this storie among the GRECIANS, and specially the chiefest poynts of it. Though this matter be somewhat diuersely taken, yet in effect the storie is thus. The E right line and bloude of the kings of ALBA descended from AEneas, See the frag­ments of Fa­bius Pictor, and of Cato. by succession from the father to the sonne, and the Kingdome fell in the ende betweene two brethern, Numitor and Amulius. They agreed by lotte to make diuision betweene them, whereof the one to haue the Kingdome;See also Hae­litarnasseus, & T. Linius. and the other all the golde, syluer, readye money, goodes, and iuells brought from TROIA. Numitor by his lotte chose the Realme for his portion: A­mulius Romulus kinred. hauing all the golde and treasure in his handes, dyd finde himselfe thereby the stron­ger, and so dyd easely take his Realme from him. And fearing least his brothers daughter might haue children which one day might thrust him out againe, he made her a Nunne of the goddesse Vesta, there to passe her dayes in virginitie, & neuer to be maried: (some call her Rhea, other Syluia, and other Ilia) neuertheles not longe after she was founde with childe,Romulus mo­ther. against the F rule and profession of the Vestall Nunnes. So nothing had saued her from present death, but the petition of Antho the daughter of king Amulius, who intreated her father for her life: yet not­withstanding she was straightly locked vp, that no body could see her, nor speake with her, least [Page 22] she should be brought a bedde without Amulius knowledge. In the ende she was deliuered of A two fayre boyes and marueilous great twynnes: which made Amulius more affrayed then be­fore. So he commaunded one of his men to take the two children, and to throwe them awaye, and destroye them. Some saye that this seruants name was Faustulus:Faustulus. other thincke it was he that brought them vp. But whosoeuer he was, he that had the charge to throwe them awaye, put them in a troughe, and went towards the riuer with intention to throwe them in. Howbeit he found it risen so highe, and running so swiftely, that he durst not come neere the waters side, & so they being in the troughe, he layed them on the bancke. In the meane time the riuer swel­ling still, and ouerflowing the bancke, in such sorte that it came vnder the troughe: dyd gently lifte vp the troughe, & caried it vnto a great playne, called at this present Cermanum, Cermanum. and in the olde time Germanum (as I take it) bicause the Romaines called the brothers of father & mother,B Germani. Nowe there was neere vnto this place a wilde figge tree which they called Ruminalis, Ruminalis. of the name of Romulus as the most parte thought: or els bicause the beasts feeding there were wont to come vnder the same in the extreame heate of the daye, and there dyd Ruminare, that is, chewe their cudde in the shadowe: or perhappes bicause that the two children dyd sucke the teate of the woulfe, which the auncient LATINES call RVMA, and they at this day doe yet call the goddesse on whom they crye out to geue their children sucke, RVMILIA.The goddesse Rumilia. And in their sacrifices to her they vse no wine, but offer vp milke and water mingled with honye. To these two children lying there in this sorte, they write, there came a she woulfe & gaue them sucke: and a hitwaw also which dyd helpe to norishe and keepe them. These two beastes are thought to be cōsecrated to the god Mars, & the LATINES doe singularly honour & reuerence the hi­twaw.C This dyd much helpe to geue credit to the wordes of the mother, who affirmed she was conceyued of those two children, by the god Mars. Howbeit some thincke she was deceyued in her opinion: for Amulius that had her maidenhead, went to her all armed, and perforce dyd rauishe her. Other holde opinion that the name of the nurce which gaue the two children sucke with her breastes, gaue occasion to cōmon reporte to erre much in this tale, by reason of the double signification thereof. For the LATINES doe call with one selfe name shee woulfes Lupas, & women that geue their bodyes to all cōmers: as this nurce the wife of Faustulus (that brought these children home to her house) dyd vse to doe. By her rightname she was called Acca Laurentia, Acca Lau­rentia Fau­stulus wife, that nurced the twynnes. vnto whom the ROMAINES doe sacrifice yet vnto this daye: and the priest of Mars doth offer vnto her, in the moneth of Aprill, the sheading of wine and milke accustomed D at burialls, and the feast it selfe is called Larentia. It is true that they honour also another La­rentia, for like occasion.The Greeke so [...] Laren­tia The clercke or sexten of Hercules temple, not knowing one daye howe to driue awaye the time as it should seeme: of a certaine liuelines and boldnes, dyd desire the god Hercules to playe at dyce with him,L [...]rētia f [...]t Laurentia a curtisan with condition that if he dyd winne, Hercules should be bounde to send him some good fortune: and if it were his lucke to lose, then he promised Hercules he would prouide him a very good supper, and would besides bring him a fayer gentlewoman to lye with all. The conditions of the playe thus rehearsed, the sexten first cast the dyce for Hercules, and afterwards for him selfe. It fell out that Hercules wanne, and the sexten meaning good fayth, and thincking it very mete to performe the bargaine that him selfe had made, prepared a good supper, and hyered this Laurentia the courtisan, which was E very fayer, but as yet of no great fame to come to it. Thus hauing feasted her within the tēple, and prepared a bedde readye there, after supper he locked her into the temple, as if Hercules should haue comen in dede & layen with her. And it is said for trothe, that Hercules came thi­ther: & cōmaunded her in the morning she should goe into the market place, & salute the first man she met, & kepe him euer for her friend. Which thing she performed, & the first man she met was called Tarrutius, Tarrutius. a man of great yeres, & one that had gathered together marueilous wealth & riches. He had no children at all, neither was he euer maried. He fell acquainted with this Laurentia, & loued her so dearely, that shortely after chaūcing to dye, he made her heire of all he had: whereof she disposed afterwards by her last will and testament, the best and greatest parte vnto the people of Rome.V [...]labrum whereof Li­uie deca. 3. lib. 7. Moreouer it is reported also, that she now being growen to be F famous & of great honour (as thought to be the lēman of a god) dyd vanishe away sodainely in the self same place, where the first Laurentia was buried. The place at this day is called Velabrū: [Page 23] A bicause the riuer being ouerflowen, they were oftentimes compelled to passe by bote to goe to the market place, and they called this manner of ferrying ouer, Velatura. Other saye, that those tomblers & common players, which shewed sundrye games and pastimes to winne the fauour of the people, were wont to couer that passage ouer with canuas clothes and veyles, by which they goe from the market place to the lystes or shewe place where they ronne their horses, beginning their race euen at the place: and they call a veyle in their tongue, Velum. This is the cause why the seconde Laurentia is honored at Rome. Faustulus, chief neate heard to Amulius, tooke vp the two children and no bodye knewe it, as some saye: or as other reporte, (and likest to be true) with the priuitie & knowledge of Numitor, Amulius brother, who secretly furnished them with money that brought vp the two young children. It is sayed also they were both con­ueyed B vnto the cittie of the GABIANS, where they were brought vp at schole,Romulus and Remus edu­cation. & taught all o­ther honest things, which they vse to teache the sonnes & childrē of good & noble mē. Further they saye they were named Remus and Romulus, bicause they were founde sucking on the teates of a woulfe. Nowe the beawtie of their bodyes dyd presently shewe, beholding onely but their stature and manner of their countenaunces, of what nature and linadge they were: and as they grewe in yeres, their manly corage increased maruelously, so as they became stowte and hardy men, in so much as they were neuer troubled or astonied at any daunger that was offered them. Howbeit it appeared plainely that Romulus had more wit & vnderstanding then his brother Re­mus. For in all things wherein they were to deale with their neighbours, either cōcerning hun­ting, or the boundes and limites of their pastures: it was easely decerned in him, that he was C borne to commaund, and not to obeye. For this cause they were both exceedingly beloued of their companions, and of those which were their inferiours. As for the kings heardmen, they passed not muche for them, saying that they were euen like them selues, and so seemed not to care a Pynne for their anger or displeasure, but wholy gaue them selues to all gentlemanly ex­ercises and trades, thincking to liue idely & at ease without trauell, was neither comly nor con­uenient: but to exercise and harden their bodyes with hunting, running, pursuing murderers and theeues, and to helpe those which were oppressed with wronge and violence, shoulde be credit and commendation to them. By reason whereof, in very shorte time they grewe to great fame and renowne, And it fell outby chaunce there rose some stryfe and variance betwene the heardmen of Amulius, and the heardmen of Numitor: in so muche as those that were Numi­tors, D caryed awaye by force some cattell of the others. Thother side would not beare that, but pursued fast after, and beating them well fauoredly, they made them take their legges, and brought backe againe the greatest parte of the cattell they had caried away with them. Wher­at Numitor stormed marueilously, but yet his men seemed to make but litle accoumpt of it, and purposing reuenge, they gathered about them a good companie of vacabonds (that had nei­ther home, nor resting place) and certaine fugitiue bonde men which they intised ill fauoredly, incoraging them to steale awaye from their masters.Romulus a godly man. Thus one daye whilest Romulus was busie about some sacrifice, (being a deuoute man and religious, and well geuen to serue the goddes, and to learne to diuine and tell before hande what things should happen and come to passe) it happened the heard men of Numitor to meete Remus very slenderly accompanied: so they fell E vpon him sodainely, blowes were delt rowndely on bothe sides, and men were hurte on either parte. Howbeit Numitors men in the ende proued the stronger parte,Remus taken of Numitors heardmen. and dyd take Remus by force, and caryed him straight before Numitor, alledging many complaintes and matters a­gainst him. Numitor durst not punish him of his owne authoritie, bicause he feared his brother Amulius, who was somewhat terrible: but went vnto him, and earnestly besought him to doe him iustice, and not to suffer him being his owne brother, to receyue such iniurye of his men. There was not a man in the cittie of ALBA, but dyd greatly mislike the iniurie done to Numi­tor: and spake it openly, that he was no persone to be offered such a wronge. In so muche as Amulius moued herewith, dyd deliuer Remus into his handes, to punishe him as he thought good. Whereupon Numitor caried him home with him. But when he had him in his house, he F beganne to consider better of him, with admiration howe goodly a younge man he was, howe in height and strength of bodye he passed all the rest of his people: and perceyuing in his face an assured constancie, and bolde stedfast corage that yelded not, nor was abashed for any [Page 24] daunger he sawe toward him: and hearing also the reporte of his actes & manhod to be aun­swerable A to that he sawe: (being chiefly moued in mine opinion by some secret inspiration of the goddes,Gods provi­dence. which ordaine the depthe of great matters) beganne partely by coniecture, and partely by chaunce to take a conceit of him. So he asked him what he was, & who was his fa­ther and mother: speaking to him in a more gentle wise, and with a friendlier countenaunce then before, to make him the bolder to answer, & be of better hope. Remus boldly aunswered him. Truely I will not hide the trothe from thee, for thou seemest to me more worthie to be King, then thy brother Amulius. Remus ora­tion decla­ring the birth of himself & his brother Romulus. For thou enquierest, and hearest first before thou condem­nest: and he condemneth before he examine or heare the parties. Vntill nowe, we thought we had bene the children of two of the Kings seruants, to wit of Faustulus and of Laurentia: I saye we, bicause my brother and I are two twynnes. But seeing we are nowe falsely accused vnto B thee, and by malicious surmised tales are wrongefully brought in daunger of our liues: we in­tend to discouer ourselues, and to declare straunge things vnto thee, whereof the present pe­rill we stande nowe in, shall plainely proue the trothe. Men saye that we haue bene begotten miraculously, fostered and geuen sucke more straungely, and in our tender yeres were fedd by birdes and wilde beasts, to whom we were cast out as a praye. For a woulfe gaue vs sucke with her teates, and an hitwaw (they saye) brought vs litle crōmes, and put them in our mouthes, as we laye vpon the bancke by the riuer, where we were put in a troughe that at this daye remai­neth whole, bounde about with plates of copper, vpon the which are some letters engrauen halfe worne out, which peraduenture one daye will serue for some tokens of knowledge (vn­profitable for our parents) when it shalbe to late, and after we are dead and gone. Numitor then C comparing these wordes,Numitors wisdome. with the age the younge man seemed to be of, and considering well his face: dyd not reiect the hope of his imagination that smiled on him, but handled the mat­ter so, that he found meanes to speake secretly with his daughter, notwithstanding at that time she was kept very straightly. Faustulus in the meane time hearing that Remus was prisoner, and that the King had deliuered him already into the hands of his brother Numitor to doe iustice, went to praye Romulus to helpe him,Faustulus care to saue Remus. and tolde him then whose children they were: for before he had neuer opened it to them but in darcke speaches, and glawnsingwise, and so muche as sufficed to put them in some hope. So Faustulus taking the troughe with him at that time, went vnto Numitor in great haste, as marueilously affrayed for the present daunger he thought Remus in. The Kings souldiers which warded at the gates of the cittie, beganne to gather some D suspition of Faustulus manner of comming: and he made him selfe to be the more suspected, being questioned with about the cause of his repaire thither, that he faltred in his wordes: be­sides, they espied his troughe which he caried vnder his cloke. Nowe amongest the warders, there was by chaunce one that was the man to whom the children were committed to be cast awaye, and was present when they were left on the bancke of the riuer to the mercie of for­tune. This man knewe the troughe by & by, as well by the facion, as by the letters grauen vpon it: who mistrusted straight that which was true in deede. So he dyd not neglect the thing, but went forthwith to the King to tell him the matter, and led Faustulus with him to haue him con­fesse the trothe. Faustulus being in this perplexitie, could not kepe all close vpon examination, but dyd vtter out somewhat of the matter, and yet he tolde not all. For he plainely iustified the E children were aliue: yet he sayed they were farre from the cittie of ALBA, where they kept beastes in the fields. And as for the troughe, he was going to carye it to Ilia, bicause she had di­uers times prayed him to let her see and feele it: to the ende she might be the more assured of her hope, who promised her that one daye she should see her children againe. So it chaunced vnto Amulius at that time,Amulius per­plexed in his minde. as it commonly dothe vnto those that are troubled, and doe any thing in feare or anger, as a man amazed thereat, to send one presently (who in all other things was a very honest man, but a great friende of his brother Numitors) to aske him if he had heard any thing that his daughters children were aliue. This persone being come to Numitors house, founde him ready to embrace Remus, who fell to be witnes thereof, and of the good happe discouered vnto Numitor: whereupon he perswaded him howe to set vpon his brother, and to F dispatche the matter with spede. So from that time forwards, he tooke their parte. On thother side also the matter gaue them no leisure to deferre their enterprise, although they had bene [Page 25] A willing: for the whole case was somewhat blowen abroade. So Romulus then got straight a po­wer, and drewe very neere the cittie, and many of the citizens of ALBA went out to ioyne with him, who either feared or hated Amulius. Nowe Romulus power which he brought (ouer and besides those citizens) was a good number of fighting men, and they were diuided by hun­dreds, and euery hundred had his captaine who marched before his bande, carying litle bun­dells of grasse or of boughes tyed to the ende of their poles. The LATINES call these bundels Manipulos, whereof it commeth that yet at this daye in an armie of the Romaines, the souldiers which are all vnder one ensigne, are called Manipulares.Manipulares whereof so called. So Remus sturring vp those that were within the cittie, and Romulus bringing in men from without, the tyranne Amulius fell in suche feare and agonie, that without prouiding any thing for his safety, they came vpon him sodain­ly B in his palace, and slewe him.Amulius slayne. Thus you heare howe neere Fabius Pictor and Diocles Pepare­thian doe agree in reciting the storie, who was the first in mine opinion that wrote the founda­tion of the cittie of ROME: howbeit there are that thincke they are all but fables & tales deuised of pleasure. But me thincks for all that, they are not altogether to be reiected or discredited, if we will consider fortunes straunge effects vpon times, and of the greatnes also of the Romaine empire: which had neuer atchieued to her present possessed power & authoritie, if the goddes had not frō the beginning bene workers of the same, & if there had not also bene some straūge cause, and wonderfull foundation. Amulius being nowe slayne as before, & after that all things were appeased, and reduced to good order againe: Remus and Romulus would not dwell in the cittie of ALBA, being no lordes thereof, nor also would be lords of it, so long as their grandfa­ther C by the mothers side was aliue. Wherefore after they had restored him to his estate, and had done the honour and duety they ought vnto their mother:The building of Rome. they purposed to goe & build a cittie in those places where they had bene first brought vp, for this was the honestest culler they could pretend for their departing from ALBA. Peraduenture they were enforced so to doe whether they would or not, for the great number of banished men, and fugitiue slaues which were gathered together by them for their strength, who had bene vtterly lost and cast away, if they had bene once discharged by them. Therfore it was of necessitie that they should dwell by them selues, separated in some place, to kepe this number together and in some or­der. For it is true that the inhabitants of the cittie of ALBA would not suffer such banished persones and runnagates to be mingled amongest them, nor would receaue them into their D cittie to be free among them. All which appeareth sufficiently: first, bicause they tooke awaye women by force: and so not of insolencie, but of necessitie, when they founde no man that would bestow any of them. It is manifest also they dyd greately honour and make much of the women they had taken away before. Furthermore, when their cittie beganne a litle to be set­led, they made a temple of refuge for all fugitiues and afflicted persones,Asylaus tem­ple, a sanctua­rie for all ba­nished per­sones and fu­gitiues. which they called the temple of the god Asylaeus. Where there was sanctuarie and safety for all sortes of people that repaired thither, and could get into the temple, for whom it was alledged they could not deliuer any bonde man to his master, nor detter to his creditor, nor murtherer to the iustice that was fled thither for succor, bicause the oracle of Apollo the Delphian had expresslely enioyned them to graunte sanctuary to all those that would come thither for it. So by this meanes in E shorte space their cittie florished, & was repleanished, where at the first foundation of it, they saye there was not aboue one thousand houses, as more at large hereafter shalbe declared. When they came nowe to the building of their cittie, Romulus & Remus the two brethern fell sodainely at a strife together about the place where the cittie should be builded.Strife betwixt Romulus and Remus. For Romulus built ROME, which is called foure square, and would needes it should remaine in the place which he had chosen. Remus his brother chose another place very strong of situation, vpon mounte Auentine, which was called after his name Remonium, Remonium. and nowe is called Rignarium. Rignarium. Notwithstanding, in the ende they agreed betwene them selues this controuersie should be decided, by the flying of birds, which doe geue a happy diuination of things to come. So being sett in diuers places by them selues to make obseruation, some saye that there appeared vnto F Remus sixe, and to Romulus twelue vulters. Other saye that Remus truely sawe sixe, and Romulus feigned from the beginning that he sawe twise as many: but when Remus came to him, then there appeared twelue in deede vnto Romulus, and this is the cause why the Romaines at this [Page 26] daye in their diuinations and soothesayings of the flying of birds, doe maruelously obserue the A flying of the vulters.The Romains obserue the flying of vulters. It is true which the historiographer Herodotus Ponticus writeth: that Her­cules reioyced much when there appeared a vulter to him, being readie to beginne any enter­prise. For it is the foule of the worlde that dothe least hurte, and neuer marreth nor destroyeth any thing that man dothe sowe, plante, or set: considering that she feedeth on carion only, and dothe neuer hurte nor kill any liuing thing. Also she dothe not praye vpon dead sowle, for the likenes that is betwene them: where the eagles, the dukes and the sakers doe murther, kill, and eate those which are of their owne kynde. And yet as AEschylus sayeth,

Moreouer, other birdes are allwayes (as a man would saye) before our eyes, and doe daylie shewe them selues vnto vs: where the vulter is a very rare byrde, and hardely to beseene, and men doe not easely finde their ayeries. Which hathe geuen some occasion to holde a false opinion, that the vulters are passagers, and come into these partes out of straunge countryes. The prognosticators also thincke, that suche things which are not ordinaire, and but seldome seene, be not naturall, but miraculously sent by the goddes to prognosticate something. When Remus knewe howe his brother had mocked him, he was very angry with him. And when Ro­mulus had cast a dytche, as it were for the wall about his cittie, Remus dyd not only scorne it, but hindered also his worke, and in the ende for a mockerie lept ouer his wall. To conclude, he C dyd so much, that at the last he was slayne there by Romulus owne handes as some saye: or as other holde opinion,Remus slayne by Romulus or Celer. by the handes of one of his men which was called Celer. In this fight they slewe Faustulus, and Plistinus also his brother, who had holpen him to bring vp Romulus. Howsoeuer the matter fell out, this Celer absented him selfe from ROME, and went into the countrye of THVSCANE. And they saye, that men which are quicke, and readye vpon a so­daine, tooke their names euer after vpon him, and were called Celeres. Celeres wher­fore so called Q. Metellus Celer. As amongest other, Quintus Metellus, after the death of his father, hauing in very fewe dayes made the people of ROME to see a combate of fensers (called Gladiatores) fighting at the sharpe, they surnamed him Celer, for that the Romaines marueiled howe he could prepare his things in so shorte a time. Furthermore, Romulus hauing nowe buried his brother, and his other two bringers vp D (called foster fathers) in the place they call Remonia: beganne then to buyld and laye the foundation of his cittie, sending for men out of THVS [...]ANE, who dyd name and teache him particularly all the ceremonies he had to obserue there, according to their lawes and ordi­nances as a great holy mysterie. And first of all they made a rounde dytche in the place cal­led at this daye Comitium, into which they dyd cast their chiefest and best things, which men vse lawfully for good, and naturally as most necessarie. After that they dyd throwe also into it, a litle of the earthe, from whence euery man came, and mingled these all together. This dytche in their ceremonies is called the worlde,The world. in Latine Mundus, euen the selfe same name the Latines call the Vniuersall. About this dytche they dyd trace the compasse of the cittie they would buylde, euen as one would drawe a circle about a center. This done, the E founder of the cittie taketh a plough, to which he fastened a culter or ploughe share of brasse, and so yoked in the ploughe an oxe and a cowe, he himselfe holding the ploughe dyd make rounde about the compasse of the cittie a deepe surrowe. Those which followed him, had the charge to throwe the turues of earthe inward into the cittie, which the ploughe share raised vp, and not to leaue any of them turned outward. The surrowe thus cast vp was the whole compasse of their walle, which they call in Latine Pomoerium, by shortning of the syl­lables, for post murum:Pomoerium why so called to wit, after wall. But in the place where they determined to make a gate, they dyd take of the ploughe share, and drawe the ploughe, with leauing a certain space of earthe vnbroken vp: whereupon the Romaines thincke all the compasse of their walles holy and sacred,The walles holye. except their gates. For if their gates had bene hallowed and sanctified, they F would haue had a conscience through them to haue brought in, or caried out of the cittie, any things necessarie for the life of man, that had not bene pure and cleane. Nowe they be­leeue [Page 27] A certainely, that this ceremonie of the foundation of their cittie was made the one and twentie of Aprill:The feast day of Romes foū ­dation the 21. Aprill. bicause the ROMAINES doe yet keepe that daye holy daye, and call it the feast of the natiuitie of their countrye. On which daye they dyd not in olde time sacrifice any thing that had life, as esteeming that daye (which was the natiuitie of their cittie) to be most mete to be kept cleane and pure from being polluted or defiled with any bloude. Notwith­standing before ROME was buylded, they had another feast called the sheapeheards or heard­mens holy daye,The feast Palilia. which they dyd celebrate vpon the same daye, and called it Palilia. Nowe at this daye the beginnings of the moneths with the ROMAINES is cleane contrarie to the GRECIANS: yet for all this, they holde opinion for certaintie that the daye on which Romulus founded his cittie, was assuredly that which the GRECIANS call Triacada: that is to saye, the B thirtie daye. On which there was seene an eclypse of the moone,An eclypse of the moone at the laying of the foundatiō of Rome. which they suppose was ob­serued by the Poet Antimachus (borne in the cittie of TEOS) in the thirtenth yere of the sixt Olympiade. Likewise in the time of Marcus Varro (as a man learned, and one that had redde as much of auncient stories as any ROMAINE) there was a friend of his called Tarutius, a great philosopher and mathematician.Varro a phi­losopher. Tarutius a mathemati­cian. Who being geuen to the calculation of astronomie for the delight of speculation only, wherein he was thought most excellent: it dyd fall out that Varro gaue him this question, to searche out what hower and daye the natiuitie of Romulus was, who gathered it out by certaine accidents, as they doe in the resolutions of certaine geome­tricall questions.The hower of a mans nati­uitie maye be calculated by his accidents. For they saye, that by the selfe same science, one maye tell before of things to come, and to happen to a man in his life, knowing certainely the hower of his natiuitie: C and howe one maye tell also the hower of his natiuitie, when by accidents they knowe what hath happened to him all his life. Tarutius dyd the question that Varro gaue him. And hauing throughely considered the aduentures, dedes, and gestes of Romulus, howe long he liued, and howe he dyed: all which being gathered and conferred together, he dyd boldly iudge for a certaintie, that he was conceyued in his mothers wombe, in the first yere of the seconde Olym­piade, the three and twentie daye of the moneth which the AEGYPTIANS call Chaeat, Romulus na­tiuitie calcu­lated by Tarutius. and now is called December, about three of the clocke in the morning, in which hower there was a whole eclypse of the sunne: And that he was borne into the worlde, the one and twenteth of the moneth of Thoth, An eclypse of the sunne when Romu­lus was con­ceiued in his mothers wombe. which is the moneth of September, about the rising of the sunne. And that ROME was begonne by him on the ninth daye of the moneth which the AEGYPTIANS D call Pharmuthi, and aunswereth now to the moneth of Aprill, betweene two and three of the clocke in the morning. For they will saye that a cittie hathe his reuolution and his time of con­tinuaunce appointed, as well as the life of a man: and that they knewe by the situation of the starres, the daye of her beginning and foundation. These things and suche other like, perad­uenture will please the readers better, for their straungenes and curiositie, then offend or mis­like them for their falsehood. Nowe after he had founded his cittie, he first and foremost dyd diuide in two cōpanies,The Romaine legion. 3000 foote­men. 300 horsemē. all those that were of age to carie armour. In euery one of these com­panies there were three thousand footemen, and three hundred horsemen: and they were cal­led Legions, bicause they were sorted of the chosen men that were pyckt out amongest all the rest for to fight. The remaine after these was called Populus, which signifieth the people. E After this,Romulus in­stituteth a cō ­mon wealth. he made a hundred counsellers of the best and honestest men of the cittie, which he called Patricians: and the whole company of them together he called Senatus, as one would saye,VVhat the Patricians & Senat [...] were. the counsell of the auncients. So they were called Patricians, as some will saye, the coun­saill of the fathers lawfull children, which fewe of the first inhabitants could shewe. It may be, some will saye this name was geuen them of Patrocinium, as growing of the protection they had by the sanctuarie of their cittie, which worde they vse at this daye in the selfe same signifi­cation: as one that followed Euander into ITALIE, was called Patron, bicause he was pitiefull, and relieued the poore and litle children, and so got him selfe a name for his pitie and huma­nitie. But me thinckes it were more like the trothe to saye, that Romulus dyd call them so, bi­cause he thought the chiefest men should haue a fatherly care of the meaner sorte: conside­ring F also it was to teache the meaner sorte that they should not feare th'authoritie of the greater, nor enuie at their honours they had, but rather in all their causes should vse their fa­uour and good will, by taking them as their fathers. For euen at this present, straungers call [Page 28] those of the Senate,Patres Con­scripti. lordes or captaines: but the naturall ROMAINES call them, Patres Con­scripti, A which is a name of fatherhed and dignitie without enuie. It is true that the begin­ning they were only called Patres, but sithence, bicause they were many ioyned vnto the first, they haue bene named Patres Conscripti, as a man should saye, fathers of recorde together: which is the honorablest name he could haue deuised to make a difference betwext the Se­natours, and the people. Furthermore, he made a difference betweene the chiefer cittizens, and the baser people, by calling the better sorte Patroni, Patroni. as muche to saye, as defenders: and the meaner sorte Clientes, Clientes. as you would saye, followers, or men protected. This dyd breede a marueilous great loue and good wil lamong them, making the one much beholding to the o­ther, by many mutuall curtesies and pleasures: for the Patrons dyd helpe the clients to their right, defended their causes in iudgement, dyd geue vnto them counsaill, and dyd take all their B matters in hande. The clients againe enterchaungeably humbled them selues to their patrons, not onely in outwarde honour and reuerence towardes them, but otherwise dyd helpe them with money to marrie and aduance their daughters, or els to paye their dettes and credit, if they were poore or decayed. There was no lawe nor magistrate that could compell the pa­tron to be a witnes against his client: nor yet the client to witnesse against his patron. So they increased, and continued, all other rights and offices of amitie and friendshippe together, sa­uing afterwards they thought it a great shame and reproache for the better,The shame of the Romaines to take gifte [...] of poore men. and richer, to take rewarde of the meaner and poorer. And thus of this matter we haue spoken sufficiētly. More­ouer, foure moneths after the foundation of the cittie was layed, Fabius writeth, there was a great rauishement of women. There are some which laye it vpon Romulus, who being then of C nature warlike, and geuen to prophecies and aunswers of the goddes, foretolde that his cittie should become very great and mightie, so as he raysed it by warres, and increased it by armes: and he sought out this culler to doe mischief, and to make warre vpon the SABYNES. To proue this true,The rauishe­ment of the Sabynes co­men. some saye he caused certaine of their maydes by force to be taken awaye, but not past thirtie in number, as one that rather sought cause of warres, then dyd it for neede of mariages: which me thinckes was not likely to be true, but rather I iudge the contrarie. For seeing his cit­tie was incontinently repleanished with people of all sortes, whereof there were very fewe that had wiues, and that they were men gathered out of all countryes, and the most parte of them poore and need [...]e, so as their neighbours disdayned them much, and dyd not looke they would longe dwell together: Romulus hoping by this violent taking of their maydes and rauishing D them, to haue an entrie into alliance with the SABYNES, and to entise them further to ioyne with them in mariage, if they dyd gentely intreate these wiues they had gotten, enterprised this violent taking of their maydes,Romulus crafte about the rauishe­ment of the Sabynes daughters. and rauishing of them in suche a sorte. First he made it to be commonly bruited abroade in euery place, that he had founde the altar of a god hidden in the grounde, and he called the name of the god, Consus: either bicause he was a god of coun­saill, wherupon the ROMAINES at this daye in their tongue call Consilium, which we call coun­sell: and the chief magistrates of their cittie Consules, Consus a god. as we saye counsellers. Other saye it was the altar of the god Neptune, Neptune the god of horse­men. surnamed the patron of horses. For this altar is yet at this daye within the great listes of the cittie, and euer couered and hidden, but when they vse the run­ning games of their horse race. Other saye bicause counsell euer must be kept close and secret,E they had good reason to kepe the altar of this god Consus hidden in the grounde. Nowe other write when it was opened, Romulus made a sacrifice of wonderfull ioye, and afterwardes pro­claymed it openly in diuers places, that at suche a daye there should be common playes in ROME; and a solemne feast kept of the god Consus, where all that were disposed to come should be welcome Great numbers of people repaired thither from all partes. He him selfe was set in the chiefest seate of the showe place, apparelled fayer in purple, and accompanied with the chiefe of his cittie about him. And there hauing purposed this rauishement you haue heard of, he had geuen the signe before: that the same should beginne, when he should rise vp and folde a playte of his gowne, and vnfolde the same againe. Hereupon his men stoode attending with their swordes:The executiō of the rauish­ment. who so sone as they perceyued the signe was geuen, with their swordes F drawen in hande, and with great showtes and cryes ranne violently on the maydes and daugh­ters of the SABYNES to take them awaye and rauishe them, and suffered the men to ronne [Page 29] A awaye,The number of the Sabyne women raui­shed. without doing them any hurte or violence. So some saye, there were but thirtie raui­shed, after whose names were called the thirtie linages of the people of ROME. Howbeit Va­lerius Antias writeth, that there were fiue hundred and seuen and twentie: and Iuba, sixe hun­dred foure score and three. In the which is singularly to be noted for the commendation of Ro­mulus, that he him selfe dyd take then but onely one of the maydes,Hersilia Romulus wife. named Hersilia: that after­wardes was the only cause & mediation of peace betwext the SABYNES and the ROMAINES. Which argueth plainely, that it was not to doe the SABYNES any hurte, nor to satisfie any disordinate lust, that they had so forcibly vndertaken this rauishement: but to ioyne two peo­ples together, with the straightest bondes that could be betweene men. This Hersilia as some saye, was maried vnto one Hostilius, the noblest man at that time amongest the ROMAINES: or B as others write, vnto Romulus him selfe, which had two children by her. The first was a daugh­ter, and her name was Prima, Romulus first daughter cal­led Prima. bicause she was the first: the other was a sonne, whom he named Aollius, bicause of the multitude of people he had assembled together in his cittie, and after­wardes he was surnamed Abillius. His sonne was called Aollius. Abillius. Thus Zenodotus the TROEZENIAN writeth, wherein not­withstanding there be diuers that doe contrarie him. Among those which rauished then the daughters of the SABYNES, it is sayed there were founde certaine meane men carying away, a marueilous passing fayer one. These met by chaunce on the waye, certaine of the chief of the cittie, who would haue taken her by force from them, which they had done, but that they beganne to crye they caried her vnto Talassius, who was a younge man marueilously well be­loued of euery bodye. Which when the others vnderstoode, they were exceeding glad, and C they commended them: in so much as there were some which sodainely turned backe a­gaine, and dyd accompanie them for Talassius sake, crying out a lowde, and often on his name. From whence the custome came, which to this daye the ROMAINES synge at their maria­ges, Talassius, The cause why the Ro­maines dog synge the name of Talasius in [...] ­ [...]ages. like as the GRECIANS synge Hymeneus. For it is sayed he was compted very happie that he met with this woman. But Sextius Sylla a CARTHAGINIAN borne, a man very wise, and well learned, tolde me once it was the crye and signe which Romulus gaue to his men, to beginne the rauishement: whereupon on those which caried them awaye, went crying this worde Talassius, and that from thence the custome hathe continued, that they singe it yet at their mariages. Neuertheles the most parte of authors, specially Iuba, thinckes it as a warning to remember the newe maried women of their worke, which is to spinne, which the GRE­CIANS D call Talassia, Talassia. the Italian words at that time being not mingled with the Greeke. And if it be true the ROMAINES vsed this terme of Talassia, as we of GRECE doe vse: we might by coniecture yeld another reason for it, which should carie a better likelyhoode and proofe. For when the SABYNES after the battell had made peace with the ROMAINES, they put in an article in fauour of the women in the treatie, that they should not be bounde to serue their husbands in any other worke, but in spinning of wolle. Euer since this custome hathe growen, that those which geue their daughters in mariage,Matrimoniall ceremonie at Rome. and those who leade the bryde, and such as are present at the wedding, speake in sporte to the newe maried wife, laughing Talassius: in token that they doe not leade the bryde for any other work [...] or seruice, but to spinne wolle. Thereof this hathe bene the vse to this daye, that the bryde dothe not of her selfe come ouer E the threshold of her husbands dore, but she is hoysed pretely into the house: bicause the SA­BYNE women at that time were so lift vp, & caried away by force. They saye also, that the man­ner of making the shed of the new wedded wiues heare, with the Irō head of a Iaueling, came vp then likewise: this storie being a manifest token that these first mariages were made by force of armes, and as it were at the swords poynte: as we haue written more at large in the booke, wherein we render and showe the causes of the ROMAINES facions and customes. This ra­uishement was put in execution about the eightenth daye of the moneth then called Sextili [...], Sextillis, Au­gust. and nowe named August: on which daye they yet celebrate the feast they call Consalia. Nowe the SABYNES were good men of warre,Plutat in his proble Con­sualia. and had great numbers of people, but they dwelt in villages, and not within inclosed walles: being a thing fit for their noble courages that dyd F feare nothing, and as those who were descended from the LACEDAEMONIANS. Neuer­theles,The Sabynes what they were. they seeing them selues bound & tyed to peace by pledges & hostages, that were very neere allyed vnto them, and seating their daughters should be ill intreated: sent ambassadours [Page 30] to Romulus, by whom they made reasonable offers and persuasions, that their daughters might A be deliuered vnto them againe, without any force or violence, and then afterwardes, that he would cause them to be asked in mariage of their parents, as bothe reason and lawe would re­quire. To thend that with good will and consent of all parties, both peoples might contract amitie and alliance together. Whereunto Romulus made aunswer, he could not restore the maydes which his people had taken awaye and maried: but most friendly he prayed the SA­BYNES to be contented with their alliance. This aunswer being returned, and not liked, whilest the princes and communaltie of the SABYNES were occupied in consultation, and about the arming of them selues:Acron king of the Ceninen­ses maketh warre with Romulus. Acron king of the CENINENSES (a man exceeding couragious and skilfull in the warres, and one that from the beginning mistrusted the ouer bolde & stowte enterprises that Romulus was likely to attempt, cōsidering the late rauishment of the SABYNES B daughters, and howe he was already greatly dreaded of his neighbours, and somwhat vn­tolerable, if he were not chasticed and brought lower) first beganne to inuade him with a puissant armie, and to make hotte and violent warres vpon him. Romulus on th'other side pre­pared also, and went forth to meete him. When they were come so neere together that they might see one another, they sent defiance to eache other, & prayed that two might fight man to man amiddest their armies, & neither of theirs to sturre a foote. Bothe of them acce­pted of it, and Romulus making his prayer vnto Iupiter, dyd promise, and made a vowe: that if he dyd geue him the victorie to ouercome, he would offer vp to him the armour of his enemie, which he dyd. For first he slew Acron in the field,Acron slaine in the field. & afterwards gaue battell to his men, & ouer­threw them also. Lastely he tooke his cittie, where he did no hurte nor yet displeasure to any,C sauing that he dyd commaūde them to pull downe their houses, & destroy them, and to goe dwell with him at ROME: where they should haue the selfe same rightes & priuiledges which the first inhabitants did enioye. There was nothing more enlarged the cittie of ROME, then this manner of pollicie, to ioyne allwayes vnto it those she had ouercome & vancquished. Romulus now to discharge his vowe, & in suche sorte that his offering might be acceptable to Iupiter, and pleasaunt to his citizens to beholde: did cut downe a goodly straight growen young oke, which he lighted on by good fortune, in the place where his campe did lye. The same he trim­med & dyd set forth after the manner of victorie, hanging and tying all about it in fayer order, the armour and weapons of king Acron. Romulus tri­umphe. Then he girding his gowne to him, and putting vpon his long bushe of heare, a garland of lawrell, layed the young oke vpon his right shoulder, and D he first marched before towards his cittie, & songe a royall songe of victorie, all his armie fol­lowing him in armes vnto the cittie in order of battell: where his citizens receyued him in all passing wise & triumphe.The begin­ning of tri­umphe. This noble & stately entrie euer since hath geuen them minds in such sorte, & in statelier wise to make their triumphe. The offering of this triumphe was dedicated to Iupiter surnamed Feretrian:Iupiter Fere­trian. bicause the Latine worde Ferire, signifieth to hurt & kill: & the prayer Romulus had made, was, he might hurt & kill his enemie. Such spoyles are called in La­tine, Spolia opima:Spolia opima. therefore sayeth Varro, that opes signifie riches. Howbeit me thinckes it were more likely to saye, that they were so named of this worde Opus, which betokeneth a dede, bi­cause he must needes be the chief of the armie, that hath slayne with his owne hands the gene­rall of his enemies, & that must offer the spoyles called Spolia opima, as you would saye, his prin­cipal E spoyles & dedes. This neuer happened yet but to three Romaine captaines onely:Three Ro­maines onely obteined spo­lia opima. of the which Romulus was the first, who slew Acron, king of the CENINENSES. Cornelius Cossus was the second,Tarquinius Priscus the first that tri­umphed in charet. who killed Tolumnius, the generall of the THVSCANS. Clodius Marcellus was the thirde, who slewe Britomartus, king of the GAVLES, with his owne hands. And for the two last, Cossus & Marcellus, they made their entrie into the cittie, carrying their triumphes vpō charets trium­phant: but Romulus dyd not so. Therefore in this poynt Dionysius the historiographer hath er­red, writing that Romulus dyd enter into ROME vpon a charret triūphant. For it was Tarquinius Priscus the sonne of Demaratus, The citties of Fidena, Crustumerium & Antemna rose all [...]gast Romulus. who first dyd set out triumphes in so stately and magnificent showe. Other holde opinion it was Valerius Publicola, who was the first that euer entred vpon triumphant charret. Concerning Romulus, his statues are yet to be seene in Rome, carying his F triumphe a soote. After this ouerthrowe & taking of the CENINENSES, the inhabitants of the citties of FIDENA, CRVSTVMERIVM, & ANTEMNA, rose altogether against the ROMAINES, [Page 31] A whiles the other SABYNES also were a preparing thē selues. So they fought a battell, in which they tooke the ouerthrowe: & left their citties to the spoyle of Romulus, their lands to be geuen where he thought good, and them selues to be caried to ROME. Romulus then dyd geue their lands among his cittizens, except those lands which did belong to the fathers of the maydens that they had taken away & rauished. For he was contēted that the fathers of them should kepe still their lāds. By & by the other SABYNES stomaking thereat, did chuse them a generall called Tatius, The Sabynes led by Ta­tius, went to besiege the cittie of Rome. & so went with a puysant army toward the cittie of ROME, whereunto to approche at that time it was very harde, the castell or keepe of their cittie of being seated, where at this day the Capitoll standeth, within which there was a great garrison, whereof Tarpeius was captaine, & not his daughter Tarpeia, as some will saye, who set out Romulus as a foole. But Tarpeia the ca­ptaines B daughter, for the desire she had to haue all the golde bracelets which they dyd wearea­bout their armes, solde the forte to the SABYNES, and asked for reward of her treason,Tarpeia be­trayeth the castell, and letteth in the Sabynes. all they did weare on their left armes. Tatius promised them vnto her: & she opened them a gate in the night, by the which she did let all the SABYNES into the castell. Antigonus then was not alone, who sayed, he loued those which did betraye, & hated thē that had betrayed: nor yet Caesar Au­gustus, Antigonus & Augustus Caesar [...] words of traytors. who told Rymitalces the THRACIAN, that he loued treason, but he hated traytors. And it is a comon affection which we beare to wicked persons, whilest we stand in neede of them: not vnlike for all the world to those which haue nede of the gall & poyson of venemous beasts. For when they finde it, they are glad,A fit simili­tude & take it to serue their turne: but after their turne is serued, & they haue that they sought, they hate the crueltie of such beasts. So played Tatius at that time. C For when he was gotten into the castell, he cōmanded the SABYNES (for performance of his promise he had made to Tarpeia) they should not sticke to geue her all they weare on their left armes, & to doe as he did: who taking from his owne arme first, the bracelet which he ware, did cast it to her, and his target after. And so did all the rest in like sorte, in so much as being borne downe to the ground by the weight of bracelets & targets,Note the re­ward of trea­son. she dyed as pressed to deathe vnder her burden. Neuertheles Tarpeius self was atteinted, & condēned also of treason, by Romulus or­der, as Iuba sayeth, it is set forth by Sulpitius Galba. They that write nowe otherwise of Tarpeia, Tarpeia pres­sed to deathe. saying she was the daughter of Tatius, generall of the SABYNES, & was forced by Romulus to lie with him, & how she was punished in this sorte by her own father after her said treason cōmit­ted: those I saye, amōgest whom Antigonus is one, are not to be credited. And the poet Simylus D also dothe dote most, who sayeth Tarpeia solde the Capitoll not to the SABYNES, but to the king of GAVLES, with whom she was in loue: as in these verses dothe appeare.

E And a litle after, in speaking of the manner of her deathe, he sayeth also:

This may den therefore being buried in the same place, the whole hill was called afterwardes Tarpeius after her name, which continued vntill Tarquinius the King dyd dedicate all the place to Iupiter: for then they caryed her bones into some other place, and so it lost her name. Onles F it be that rocke of the Capitoll, which at this present time they call Rupes Tarpeia, from the toppe whereof they were wonte in olde time to throwe downe hedlong all wicked offenders. When the SABYNES now had gotten this holde, Romulus being exceeding wrathe, sent them [Page 32] a defiaunce, and bad them battell if they durst. Tatius straight refused not, cōsidering if by mis­chaunce A they were distressed, they had a sure refuge to retire vnto. The place betweene the two armies where the fight should be, was all round about enuirōned with litle hilles. So as it was playne, the fight could not be but sharpe and daungerous,The place of the fight be­twext Romu­lus & Tatius. for the discōmodiousnes of the place, were was neither grounde for any to flye, nor yet any space for any longe chase, it was of so small a compasse. Nowe it fortuned by chaunce, the riuer of Tyber had ouerflowen the banckes a fewe dayes before, and there remained in it a deeper mudde then men would haue iudged, bicause the grounde was so plaine, and was euen where the great market place of ROME standeth at this daye. They could discerne nothing thereof by the eye, bicause the vpper parte of it was crusted, whereby it was the more readye for them to venter vpon, and the worse to get out, for that it dyd syncke vnderneathe.Curtius the Sabyne. So the SABYNES had gone vpon it, had B not Curtius daunger bene, which by good fortune stayed them. He was one of the noblest and valliantest men of the SABYNES, who being mounted vpon a courser, went on a good waye before the armie. This courser entring vpon the crusted mudde, and sincking with all, beganne to plonge and struggle in the myer: whereat Curtius proued a while with the spurre to sturre him, and get him out, but in the ende seeing it would not be, he left his backe, and saued him selfe. The same very place to this daye is called after his name, Lacus Curtius. Curtius Lake. The SABYNES then scaping thus this daunger, beganne the battell.The Sabynes geue battell to Romulus. The fight dyd growe very cruell, and en­dured so a great while, the victorie leaning no more to the one side then to the other. There dyed in a small space a great number of men, amongest whom Hostilius was one,Hostilius slayne. who as they saye was the husband of Hersilia, and grandfather to Hostilius that was king of ROMAI­NES C after Numa Pompilius. Afterwardes there were (as we maye thincke) many other en­counters and battells betweene them: howbeit they make mention of the last aboue all the rest, wherein Romulus had so sore a blowe on his head with a stone,Romulus hit on the head with a stone. that he was almost felled to the grounde, in so much as he was driuen to retire a litle out of the battell. Vpon which occasion the ROMAINES gaue backe also, and drue towardes mount Palatine, being driuen out of the playne by force. Romulus beganne nowe to recouer of the blowe he had receyued, and so returned to geue a newe onset, and cryed out all he might to his souldiers to tarye, and shewe their face againe to their enemie. But for all his lowde crying, they le [...]t no flying still for life, and there was not one that durst returne againe. Whereupon Romulus lyfting vp his handes straight to heauen, dyd most feruently praye vnto Iupiter, that it would please him D to staye the flying of his people, and not suffer the ROMAINES glorie thus to fall to their vtter destruction, but to repaire it by his fauour againe. He had no soner ended this prayer, but diuers of his men that fled, beganne to be ashamed to flye before their King, and a so­daine boldnes came vpon them, and their feare therewithall vanished awaye. The place they first stayed in was, where as nowe is the temple of Iupiter Stator, which is as much to saye, as Iupiter the stayer.Iupiter St [...] ­tor. Afterwardes gathering them selues together againe, they repulsed the SA­BYNES euen to the place they call nowe Regia, and vnto the temple of the goddesse Vesta: where bothe the battels being prepared to geue a newe charge, there dyd fall out before them, a straunge and an vncredible thing to see, which stayed them they sought not.A wonderfull boldnes of wo­men. For of the SABYNE women whom the ROMAINES had rauished, some ranne of the one side, other E of the other side of the battels, with lamentations, cryes, and showtes, stepping betweene their weapons, and among the slayne bodyes on the grounde, in suche sorte that they seemed out of their wittes, and caried as it were with some spirites. In this manner they went to finde out their fathers and their husbands, some carying their sucking babes in their armes, other ha­uing their heare lose about their eyes, and all of them calling, nowe vpon the SABYNES, nowe vpon the ROMAINES, with the gentelest names that could be deuised: which dyd melt the hartes of bothe parties in suche sorte, that they gaue backe a litle, and made them place betweene bothe the battells. Then were the cryes and lamentations of euery one playnely hearde. There was not a man there but it pittied him, aswell to see them in that pittiefull case, as to heare the lamentable wordes they spake: adding to their most humble peti­tions F and requestes that could be any waye imagined, passing wise persuasions and reasons to induce them to a peace. For what offence (sayed they) or what displeasure haue we done to [Page 33] A you, that we should deserue suche an heape of euills, as we haue already suffered,The wordes of Hersilia and other Sabyne women vnto both armies. and yet you make vs beare? we were as you knowe violently (and against all lawe) rauished by those, whose nowe we remaine. But oure fathers, oure brethern, oure mothers and friends haue left vs with them so long, that processe of time, and the straightest bonds of the worlde, haue tyed vs nowe so fast to them, whom mortally before we hated: that we are constrayned nowe to be flighted thus, to see them fight, yea and to lament & dye with them, who before vniustly tooke vs from you. For then you came not to oure rescue when we were virgines vntouched, nor to recouer vs from them when they wickedly assaulted vs, poore sowles: but nowe ye come to take the wiues from their husbands, & the mothers from their litle children. So as the helpe ye thincke to geue vs nowe dothe grieue vs more, then the forsaking of vs was sorowfull to vs then. B Suche is the loue they haue borne vnto vs, and suche is the kyndenes we beare againe to them. Nowe, if ye dyd fight for any other cause then for vs, yet were it reason ye should let fall your armes for oure sakes (by whom you are made grandfathers and fathers in lawe, cosins & bro­thers in lawe) euen from those against whom you now bend your force. But if all this warre be­ganne for vs, we hartely beseeche you then that you will receyue vs with your sonnes in lawe, and your sonnes by them, and that you will restore vnto vs oure fathers, oure brethern, oure kinsefolkes and friends, without spoyling vs of oure husbands, of our children, and of our ioyes, and thereby make vs woefull captiues and prisoners in oure mindes. These requestes and per­suasions by Hersilia, and other the SABYNE women being heard, bothe the armies stayed, and helde euerie bodie his hand, and straight the two generalles imparled together.Romulus and Tatius im­parle toge­ther. During which C parle they brought their husbands and their children, to their fathers and their brethern. They brought meate and drincke for them that would eate. They dressed vp the woundes of those that were hurte. They caried them home with them to their houses. They shewed them howe they were mistresses there with their husbands. They made them see howe greately they were accompted of and esteemed: yea howe with a wedlocke loue and reputation they were hono­red. So in the end peace was concluded betwene them, wherein it was articled,Peace be­twene the Ro­maines and Sabynes. that the SA­BYNE women which would remaine with their husbands should tarye still, and be exempted from all worke or seruice (as aboue recited) saue only spinning of wolle. And that the SABYNES & ROMAINES should dwell together in the cittie, which should be called ROMA, after Romulus name: & the inhabitants should be called Quirites, Quirites why so called. after the name of the cittie of Tatius king of D the SABYNES, & that they should reigne & gouerne together by a comon consent. The place where this peace was concluded, is called yet to this daye Comitium:Comitium. bicause that Coire, in the Latine tongue signifieth to assemble. So the cittie being augmented by the one halfe, they dyd choose of the SABYNES another hundred new PATRICIANS, vnto the first hundred of the RO­MAINES that were chosen before.The Romaine legion. 6000. footemen, 600 horsemē. The Romaine tribes. Then were the Legions made of sixe thousand footemen, & six hundred horsemen. After they diuided their inhabitāts into three Tribes, wherof those that came of Romulus, were called Ramnenses after his name: those that came of Tatius were called Tatienses after his name: and those that were of the third stocke, were called Lucerenses, as from the Latine word Lucus, called with vs a groue in English, bicause thither great number of peo­ple of all sortes dyd gather, which afterwards were made citizens of ROME. The very worde of E Tribus (which signifieth bands, wards, or hundreds) dothe witnesse this beginning of ROME from wards, or hundreds. For hereupon the ROMAINES call those at this daye, their Tribunes, which are the chiefe heades of the people. But euery one of these principall wardes had after­wards ten other particular wards vnder them, which some thincke were called after the names of the thirtie SABYNE women that were rauished: but that semeth false, bicause many of them cary the names of the places they came frō. Howbeit at that time many things were stablished & ordeined in honour of women:Honours geuē to women. as to geue them place, the vpper hande in meeting them, the vpper hand in streets: to speake no fowle or dishonest word before them, no man to vnraye himselfe, or shew naked before them: that they should not be called before criminall iudges sit­ting vpō homicides & murderers: that their children should weare about their necks a kind of a F Iuell called Bulla, facioned in māner like these water bubbles that rise vpō the water when it be­ginneth to raine: & that their gownes should be garded with purple. Now the two Kings dyd not straight cōferre together so sone as any occasion of busines was offered them, but either of [Page 34] them dyd first counsell alone with his hundred Senatours, and afterwards they dyd all assemble A together. Tatius dwelt in the place where nowe is the temple of Iuno Moneta:Tatius and Romulus pa­laces. Romulus in the place called at this present, the stayers of the fayer bācke, then the descēt of mount Palatine, as they goe to the showe place or great listes, where they saye was somtime the holy cornell tree,The holy cor­nell tree. whereof they make so great accompt. Romulus one daye desirous to proue his strength, threwe (as it is sayed) a darte from mount Auentine toward mount Palatine. The staffe whereof was of a cornell tree: & the Iron of it entred so deepe into the ground being a lustye farte soyle, that no man could pul it out, although many proued it, and did the best they could. The ground being very good and fit to bring forth trees, did so nourishe the ende of this staffe, that it tooke roote, and beganne to spread braunches: so that in time it became a fayer great cornell tree, which the successours of Romulus dyd inclose with a walle, & dyd kepe and worshippe it as a very holy B thing. If by chaunce any went to see it, and found it looked not freshe and grene, but like a tree withered and dryed awaye for lacke of moysture: he went awaye straight as one affrayed, cry­ing to all he met (& they with him went crying still) in euery place, water, water, as it had bene to haue quenched a fyre. Then ranne they thither out of all quarters with vessels of water, to water and moyste the tree. In the time of Caius Caesar, who caused the stayers about it to be re­payred: they saye the labourers raysing the place, and digging about this cornell tree, dyd by negligence hurte the rootes of the same in suche sorte, as afterwardes it dryed vp altogether. Nowe the SABYNES receyued the moneths after the manner of the Romaines,The Sabynes vsed the Ro­maines mo­neths. whereof we haue written sufficiently in the life of Numa. Romulus againe vsed the SABYNES sheldes: and both he and his people chaunged the facion of their armour and weapons they vsed. For the C ROMAINES before dyd carye litle sheldes after the facion of the ARGIVES. As for either of their holy dayes and sacrifices, they kept them bothe together, and dyd not take awaye any of them, which either the one or the other people obserued before, but they added thereunto some other newe. As that which they call Matronalia, which was instituted in honour of the women, bicause by their meanes peace was cōcluded. And that also of Carmentalia, in the ho­nour of Carmenta, Feasts, Ma­tronalia, Car­mentalia, Carmenta. whom some suppose to be the goddesse of fate or destinie, bicause she hathe rule & power ouer the natiuities of men, by reason whereof, the mothers call vpon her often, & reuerence her very much. Other saye she was the wise of Euander the Arcadian, who being a prophetesse inspired by the god Phoebus, gaue the oracles in verse, wherupō she was surnamed Carmenta, bicause that Carmina in Latine signifie verses: for it is of certaintie that her proper D name was Nicostrata. Howbeit there are some which geue another manner of deriuation and interpretation of this worde Carmenta, which is the liklier to be true: as if they would saye, Carens mente: which signifieth wanting wit, for the very furie that taketh them when they are inspired with the propheticall spirite. For in Latine Carere, betokeneth to lacke: and Mens, si­gnifieth wit. As for the feast of Palilia, we haue tolde of it before: but the feast of Lupercalia, Lupercalia. considering the time of celebrating thereof, it seemeth it is ordeined for a purification. For it is celebrated on the vnfortunate dayes of the moneth of Februarie, which are called the purging dayes. The dayes in the olde time on which they did celebrate the same, were called Februata. But the proper name of the feast, is as much to saye, as the feast of woulues. Wherefore it see­meth to be a feast of great antiquitie, and instituted by the ARCADIANS which came in with E Euāder: albeit the name of woulues is as comon to the females, as the males, & so it might per­happes be called, by reason of the woulfe that brought vp Romulus. For we see those which ronne vp & down the cittie that daye, & they call Luperci, doe beginne their course in the very place where they saye Romulus was cast out. Howbeit many things are done, whereof the ori­ginall cause were hard now to be coniectured. For goates about a certaine time of the yere are killed, then they bring two young boyes, noble mens sonnes, whose foreheads they touch with the knife bebloudied with the bloude of the goates that are sacrificed. By & by they drye their forheads with wolle dipped in milke. Thē the yong boyes must laughe immediately after they haue dried their forheads. That done they cut the goates skinnes, & make thongs of thē, which they take in their hands, & ronne with them all about the cittie starck naked (sauing they haue F a clothe before their secrets) and so they strike with these thonges all they mete in their waye. The yonge wiues doe neuer shonne them at all, but are well contēted to be striken with them, [Page 35] A beleeuing it helpeth them to be with childe, and also to be easely deliuered. There is another thing yet in this feast, that these LVPERCIANS which ronne about the cittie,The Luper­cians doe sa­crifice a dogge. doe also sacrifice a dogge. Cōcerning this feast, the Poet named Butas dothe write somewhat in his elegies, where shewing the occasion of the fond customes and ceremonies of the Romaines, he dothe saye that Romulus after he had slayne Amulius, did runne straight with great ioye to the very place where the wolfe gaue him & his brother sucke, in memory of which rūning, he sayeth this feast of Lupercalia was celebrated:VVhy the Lupercians rōne through the cittie na­ked. & that the noble mens younger sonnes doe runne through the cittie, striking & laying on them which they meete in their way with their goate thongs, in to­ken that Remus and Romulus ranne from ALBA vnto that place, with their drawen swordes in their hāds. And that the touching of their forehead with a bloudy knife, is in remēbrance of the B daunger they stoode in at that time to haue bene slaine. Last of all, the drying of their foreheads with wolle dipped in milke, is in memorie of the milke they sucked of the woulfes. But Caius A­cilius writeth, that Remus and Romulus before Rome was built, did happen to lose their beasts on a daye, & after they had made certaine prayers vnto Faunus for the finding of them, they ranne here & there starcke naked as they went a seeking of thē, for feare they should haue bene trou­bled with ouermuch heate & sweatīg. And this is the cause he sayeth, why the LVPERCIANS doe at this daye ronne about naked. And if it be true they make this sacrifice for a purging, a man might saye they might offer vp a dogge for that purpose, like as the Graecians in their sacrifices of purgatiō doe vse to carie out all their doggs. And in many places they doe obserue this ce­remonie, to driue out the doggs, which they call Periscylacismes. Otherwise, if it be of a thanck­fullnes C to the woulfe that gaue Romulus sucke, & saued him from perishing, that the Romaines doe solemnise this feast: it is not impartinēt they sacrifice a dogge, bicause he is enemie to the woulues. Onles a man would saye it was to punishe this beast, which troubleth and letteth the LVPERCIANS when they runne. Some saye also it was Romulus, who first instituted it a religion to kepe holy fire, & that first ordeined holie virgines, which are called Vestales:The Vestall Nunnes and holy fire in­stituted by Romulus, Lituus. other doe ascribe it to Numa Pompilius. Notwithstanding it is most certaine otherwise, that Romulus was a very de­uoute man, & greatly skilfull in telling of things to come by the flying of birds: for which cause he did ordinarilie carie the augurs crooked staffe, called in Latin Lituus. It is a rodde crooked at the end, wherewith the augurs or soothsayers when they sit down to behold the flying of birds, doe poynte out & marke the quarters of the heauen. They carefully kept it within the pallace: D howbeit it was lost in the time of warres with the GAVLES, when the cittie of ROME was taken. Afterwards when these barbarous people were chased and driuen out, it was founde againe (as it is sayed) all whole, within a great hill or heape of ashes, hauing no māner of hurte, where all things els about it had bene consumed and marred with the fire. He is sayd to haue made cer­taine lawes, among which there is one that seemeth somewhat harde, which is:Romulus Lawes. that the man is suffered to put awaye his wife, and in some case to geue her nothing: and like libertie is not ge­uen to the wife to put awaye her husband. As if she maye be proued to haue consented to the poysoning of her children, or to haue counterfaited her husbands keyes, or to haue committed adulterie. But if he put her awaye for any other cause, then the one halfe of the goodes is adiu­ged to the wife, and the other moytie to the goddesse Ceres: and he that putteth away his wife E after this sorte, is commanded further, to sacrifice to the goddes of the earth. This also was no­table in Romulus, who hauing ordeined no payne nor punishement for parricides (that is for those that kill their parents) called yet all murder parricide,Parricides. to shewe how detestable that mur­der was, and as for parricides, he thought it vnpossible.No parricide knowen in Rome sixe hūdred yeres together. And it seemed a great while, he had reason to thincke so, that such wickednes would neuer happen in the worlde. For in sixe hun­dred yeres together it was not knowen that any man in ROME committed suche an offence: and the first parricide with them was Lucius Ostius, Lucius Ostius the first man that slewe his owne father at Rome. after the warres of Hanniball. But enough touching this matter. Furthermore in the first yere of the reigne of Tatius, some of his kynse­men and friendes met by chaunce on the waye certeine ambassadours, comming from the citie of LAVRENTVM vnto ROME, whom they set vpon, and ment to haue robbed them.Ambassa­dours slaine comming to Rome. F The ambassadours resisting them, and not willing to deliuer their money, they made no more a doe, but slewe them. This haynous deede being thus committed, Romulus was of opinion they shoulde be executed openly in the highe waye for example. But Tatius [Page 36] deferred it still from daye to daye, and dyd allwayes excuse the matter vnto him, which was the A only cause, they fell out one with the other. For in all things els, they caried them selues as ho­nestly as might be the one to the other, ruling and gouerning together, with a common con­sent and good accorde. But the parents & kynsefolkes of those who were murdered, when they sawe they could haue no iustice bicause of Tatius:The death of Tatius in Lauinium. watched him one daye as he sacrificed with Romulus, in the cittie of Lauinium, and stabbed him in, without offering Romulus any violence, but rather praysed him for a good and righteous prince. Romulus caused the bodye of Tatius to be straight taken vp, and buried him very honorably in mount Auentine, about the place nowe called Armilustrium.Armilustriū. Further he neuer shewed any countenaunce to reuenge his death. There are some Historiographers that write, that those of the cittie of Laurentum being afeard at this murder, dyd deliuer forthwith to Romulus the murderers of the ambassadours. He notwithstā ­ding B dyd let them goe againe, saying: one murder was required by another. This gaue some occasion of speache to thincke, he was glad he was rydde of his companion: yet the Sabynes neither sturred nor rebelled for all this, but some of them were affrayed of him for the great loue they bare him, other for his power he was of, & other for the honour they gaue him as a god,The Sabines obedience to Romulus. continuing still in duetie & obedience towards him. Diuers straūgers also had Romulus valian­cie in great honour: as amongest other, those who then were called the auncient Latines, which sent ambassadours to him to make league and amitie with him. He deuised to take the cittie of Fidena which was nere neighbour to Rome.Romulus tooke the cit­tie of Fidena. Some saye he tooke it vpon a sodaine, hauing sent before certen horse men to breake downe the hookes & hingewes with force, which the gates hang by: & him selfe came after with the rest of his armie, and stale vpon them, before the cittie C mistrusted any thing. Other write that the Fidenates first inuaded his coūtrye, and foraged vn­to the very suburbes of Rome, where they did great harme: and howe Romulus layed an am­bushe in their waye as they returned home, and slewe a great number of them. When he tooke their cittie, he did not rase it, but made a colonye of it, (as a place to send the ouerincrease of Rome vnto) whether he sent afterwards two thousand fiue hundred Romains to inhabite there: & it was on the thirtenth daye of Aprill, which the Romaines call the Ides of the same moneth. Not long after there rose suche a great plague in Rome, that men died sodainely,Plague at Rome. and were not sicke: the earth brought forth no fruite: bruite beasts deliuered no increase of their kynde: there rayned also droppes of bloude in Rome, as they saye.It rained bloude at Rome. In so much as besides the euills men felt in this extremitie, they fell in a marueilous feare of the wrathe of the goddes. Afterwards percei­uing D the like happened to the inhabitants of Laurētum, then euery man iudged it was the very vengeance and heauie hand of the goddes, who plagued and punished these two citties for the murder committed vpon Tatius, and the ambassadours that were killed. Whereupon the mur­derers of both sides were apprehended, and executed: and these plagues by and by ceased both in the one and in the other cittie. Romulus besides, did purifie the cities with certaine sacrifices that he deuised, which they keepe still at this daye, at the gate called Ferentina. But before the plague ceased, the Camerines came to assaulte the Romaines, & had ouercomen all the coun­trie, supposing they should not be able to withstand them, bicause they had bene so sore trou­bled with the plague. Yet notwithstāding, Romulus set vp on them with his army, & wanne the field of them, in which conflict there were slaine about sixe thousand men. After the battell E done, he tooke their cittie, & conueyed to Rome the one half of the inhabitants that remained.Camerinum ta­ken of Ro­mulus. After this, he sent twise as many Romaines as there were naturall Cameriās left at Camerine, to dwell there among them. This was done the first daye of August: so great was the multitude of the inhabitāts of Rome that had increased in sixteene yeres from the first foundation of the cittie. Emong other spoyles he got there, he caried away a charret of brasse with foure horses, which he caused to be set vp in the temple of Vulcan, and his owne statue vpon it, and victorie crowning him with a garland triūphant. His power being growen thus great, his weake neigh­bours did submit themselues vnto him, being contented to liue in peace by him. His stronger neighbours were affrayed of him, and enuied much his greatnes, and dyd take it no good po­licie to suffer him thus to rise in the face of the world, and thought it meete spedilie to dawnte F his glorie, and clippe his winges. The first of the Thuscans that bent their power against him, were the Veians, who had a great countrie, & dwelled in a stronge and mightie cittie. To picke [Page 37] A a quarell to him, they sent to haue redeliuered to thē the cittie of FIDENA, which they sayed belōged vnto them. This was thought not only vnreasonable, but a thing worthy laughing at cōsidering that all the while the FIDENATES were in warre, & daunger, the THVSCANS neuer came to their ayde, but had suffered them to be slayne, and then came to demaunde their lands and tenements, when other had possession of them. Therefore Romulus hauing geuen them an aunswer full of mockerie, and derision, they diuided their power into two armies, and sent the one against them of FIDENA, and with the other they marched towards ROME. That which went against the cittie of FIDENA, preuayled; and killed there two thousand ROMAINES: the other was ouerthrowen and discomfited by Romulus, in which there dyed eight thousand VEIANS. Afterwards, they met againe somewhat neere the cittie of the FIDENATES, where B they fought a battell: and all dyd confesse, the chiefest exployte was done by Romulus owne hands that daye,The incredi­ble valiātnes of Romulus. who shewed all the skill and valliantnes that was to be looked for in a worthy captaine. It seemed that daye, he farre exceeded the cōmon sorte of men, in strength of bodye & feates of armes. Neuertheles that which some saye, is hardely to be credited: & to be plaine, is out of all compasse of beliefe and possibilitie. For they write, there were fourteene thousand men slayne at that battell, & that more then halfe of them were slayne by Romulus own hands: & the rather, for that euery man iudgeth it a vaine bragge and ostentation which the MESSE­NIANS reporte of Aristomenes, who offered in sacrifice to the goddes three hundred beastes of victorie, as for so many LACEDAEMONIANS him self had slayne in the battell. Their armie being thus broken, Romulus suffered them to flye who by swiftnes could saue them selues, and C marched with all his power in good arraye towards their cittie. The citizens then considering their late great losse and ouerthrowe, would not hazard the daunger of withstanding him, but went out all together, & made their humble petition & sute for peace.Romulus [...] ­ [...]eth peace with the Veians. All was graunted them for a hundred yeres, saue they should forgoe their territorie called Septemagium, that was the se­uenth parte of their countrye: & yeld to the ROMAINES all their salt houses by the riuers side, and deliuer fiftie of their chiefest citizens for their pledges. Romulus made his entrie and tri­umphe into ROME for them, the daye of the Ides of October, which is the fiftenth daye of the same moneth, leading in his triumphe many prisoners taken in those warres: & among other, the generall of the VEIANS, a very auncient man who fondly behaued him selfe in his charge, and shewed by his doings, that his experience was farre shorte for his yeres in the warres. And D from thence it commeth, when they offer to the goddes to geue thanckes for this victorie, that euen at this daye, they bring to the capitoll throughe the market place an old man apparelled in a purple robe, & with a Iuell called Bulla about his necke, which the gentlemens young chil­dren weare about their neckes: & a heraulde goeth harde by him, crying, who buyeth who, the SARDIANIANS, bicause they holde opinion the THVSCANS are come of the SARDIANIANS, and the very cittie of VEIES standeth in the countrie of THVSCANE. This was the laste warre that Romulus had offered him: after which he could not beware of that which is wonte to hap­pen almost to all those, who by sodaine prosperitie, and fortunes speciall fauour, are raised to highe and great estate. For trusting to prosperitie and good successe of his actes,Prosperitie, increase of pryde and stomake. he beganne to growe more straunge and stately, and to carie a sowerer countenaunce then he was wonte to E doe before: leauing to be after his olde manner, a curteous and gracious prince, and gaue him selfe in facions to be somwhat like a tyrant, both for his apparell, and stately porte and maiestie that he caried. For he ware euer a coate of purple in graine, and vpon that, a longe robe of pur­ple culler: and gaue audience, sitting in a wyde chayer of estate, hauing euer about him young men called Celeres, Celeres, Ro­mulus garde. as we would saye, flights for their swiftnes & speede in executing of his com­maundements. Other there were that went before him, who caried as it were [...]ipslaues in their hands, to make the people geue roome, and had leather thongs about their middle to binde fast streight, all the prince should commaunde. Nowe in olde time the Latines sayed, Ligare was to binde: but at this present they saye Alligare, from whence it commeth that the vshers and ser­geants are called Lictores. Lictores wherefore so called. Howbeit me thincks it were more likely to saye, they had put to a.c. F & that before they were called Litores, without a.c. For they be the very same which the GRE­CIANS call Liturgos, and be in Englishe, ministers or officers: and at this daye, Leitos, or Lea [...], in the GREKE tongue signifieth the people. Romulus now after his grandfather Numitor was dead [Page 38] at the cittie of ALBA, and that the Realme by inheritance fell to him: to winne the fauour of A the people there,Romulus con­urteth the kingdome of Alba to a comon weale. turned the Kingdome to a Comon weale, and euery yere dyd chuse a newe magistrate to minister iustice to the SABYNES. This president taught the noble men of ROME to seeke and desire to haue a free estate, where no subiect should be at the commaundement of a King alone, and where euery man should commaund & obey as should be his course. Those which were called Patricians in ROME, dyd medle with nothing, but had onely an honorable name and robe, and were called to counsaill rather for a facion, then to haue their aduise or counsaile. For when they were assembled together, they dyd onely heare the Kings pleasure and commaundement, but they might not speake one word, and so departed: hauing no other preheminence ouer the Cōmon wealthe, sauing they were the first that dyd knowe what was done. All other things thereby dyd greue them lesse. But when of his owne mere authoritie, & B as it were of him self, he would as pleased him, bestowe the conquered lands of his enemies to his souldiers, and restore againe to the VEIANS their hostages as he dyd: therein plainely ap­peared, how great iniurie he dyd to the Senate. Whereupon the Senatours were suspected afterwards that they killed him, when with in fewe dayes after it was sayed, he vanished awaye so straungely,Romulus va­nished awaye no man knew howe. that no man euer knewe what became of him. This was on the seuenth daye of the moneth nowe called Iuly, which then was named Quintilis, leauing no manner of certaintie els of his deathe that is knowen, saue only of the daye and the time when he vanished, as we haue fayed before. For on that daye, the ROMAINES doe at this present many things, in remem­brance of the misfortune which happened to them then.The 17. daye of Iuly an vnfortunate daye to the [...]. The death Afri­canus. It is no maruell, the certaintie of his deathe was not knowen: seeing Scipio Africanus was founde after supper dead in his house,C and no man could tell, nor yet dyd know how he dyed. For some saye that he fainted, and dyed sodainely being of weake complexion. Other saye he poysoned him self: other thincke his ene­mies dyd get secretly in the night into his house, & smoothred him in his bed. Yet they founde his body layed on the ground, that euery body might at leysure consider, if they could finde or coniecture the manner of his death. Howbeit Romulus vanished away sodainely, there was nei­ther seene pece of his garments, nor yet was there found any parte of his body. Therfore some haue thought that the whole Senatours fell vpon him together in the temple of Vulcan, and how after they had cut him in peces,Diuers opi­nions of Ro­mulus death. euery one caried awaye a pece of him, folded close in the skyrte of his robe. Other thincke also, this vanishing away was not in the temple of Vulcan, nor in the presence of the Senatours only: but they saye that Romulus was at that time without the D cittie,The goate marshe. neere the place called the goates marshe, where he made an oration to the people, and that sodainely the weather chaunged, and ouercast so terribly, as it is not to be tolde nor credi­ted. For first, the sunne was darckned as if it had bene very night: this darcknes was not in a calme or still, but there fell horrible thunders, boysterous windes, and Bashing lightnings on euery side, which made the people ronneawaye, and scatter here and there, but the Senatours kept still close together. Afterwardes when the lightning was past and gone, the daye cleared vp, & the element waxed fayer as before. Then the people gathered together againe, & sought for the King: asking what was become of him. But the noble men would not suffer them to en­quire any further after him, but counselled them to honour and reuerence him as one taken vp into heauen: and that thenceforth in steade of a good King, he would be vnto them a mercifull E & gratious god. The meaner sorte of people (for the most parte of them) tooke it well, & were very glad to heare thereof: & went their waye worshipping Romulus in their hartes, with good hope they should prosper by him. Howbeit some seeking out the trothe more egerly did cōber sore, and troubled the Patricians: accusing them, that they abused the common people with vaine & fonde persuasions, whilest them selues in the meane time had murdered the King with their owne hands. While things were thus in hurly burly, some saye there was one Iulius Pre­culus, the noblest of all the Patricians, being esteemed for a maruelous honest man, & knowen to haue bene very familier with Romulus, & came with him from the cittie of ALBA: that step­ped forth before all the people,Iulius Pro­culus [...] with Romulus after his va­nishing. and affirmed (by the greatest and holyest othes a man might sweare) that he had met Romulus on the waye, farre greater and fayerer, then he had seene him F euee before, and armed all in white armour, shyning bright like fire: whereat being affrayed in that forte to see him, he asked him yet: O King, why hast thou thus left and forsaken vs, that are [Page 39] A so falsely accused and charged to our vtter discredit and shame, by thy vanishing. To whom Romulus gaue this aunswer. Proculus, it hathe pleased the goddes from whom I came, that I should remaine amongest men so long as I dyd: and nowe hauing built a cittie,Romulus ora­cle vnto Pro­culus. which in glo­rie and greatnes of empire shalbe the chiefest of the worlde, that I should returne againe to dwell with them, as before, in heauen. Therefore be of good comforte, & tell the ROMAINES, that they exercising prowesse and temperancie, shalbe the mightiest and greatest people of the worlde. As for me, tell them I will henceforth be their god, protectour, and patron, and they shall call me Quirinus. These wordes seemed credible to the ROMAINES, aswell for the ho­nesty of the man that spake them, as for the solemne othes he made before them all. Yet I wote not how, some celestiall motion, or diuine inspiration helped it much: for no man sayed a word B against it.Romulus cal­led Quirinus, and honored as a god. And so all suspition and accusation layed aside, euery man began to call vpon Qui­rinus, to praye vnto him, and to worshippe him. Truely this tale is much like the sales that the GRECIANS tell of Aristeas the proconnesian, & of Cleomedes the Astypalaetian. For they saye, that Aristeas dyed in a fullers worke house, & his friends comming to carie awaye his bodye, it fell out they could not tell what became of it:Aristeas a Proconnesian taken out of mens fight af­ter b [...]us dead. & at that instant there were some which came out of the fields, and affirmed they met and spake with him, and how he kept his waye towards the cittie of CROTONA. It is sayed also that Cleomedes was more then a man naturally strong and great, and therewith all madde, and furious hastie. For after many desperate partes he had played,Cleomedes A­s [...]ypaisis va­nished straū ­gely out of mens sights being fast loc­ked in a chest. he came at the last on a daye into a schoole house full of litle children, the roofe wherof was borne with one piller, which he dyd hit with so terrible a blowe of his fiste, that he brake C it in the middest, so as the whole roofe fell and dashed the poore children in peces. The people ranne straight after him to take him. But he threwe him selfe forthwith into a chest, and pulled the lyd vpon him. He helde it so fast downe, that many striuing together all they could to open it, they were not able once to styrre it. Whereupon they brake the chest all in peces, but they found the man neither quicke nor dead. Whereat they were marueilously amazed, and sent to Apollo Pythias, where the prophetesse aunswered them in this verse:

The reporte goeth also that Alemenes corse dyd vanishe awaye, as they caried it to buriall, and howe in steade thereof they founde a stone layed in the beere.Alemenes bo­dy vanished out of the beere. To conclude, men tell many other suche wonders, that are farre from any apparance of trothe: only bicause they would D make men to be as goddes, and equall with them in power. It is true, that as to reproue and denie diuine power, it were a lewde and wicked parte: euen so to compare earthe and heauen together, it were a mere follie. Therefore we must let suche fables goe, being most certaine that as Pindarus sayeth it is true.

For from heauen it came, and thither againe it dothe returne, not with the bodye, but then soonest, when the sowle is furthest of and separated from the bodye, and that she is kept holy, E & is no more defiled with the flesh. It is that the philosopher Heraclitus ment, when he sayed. The drye light, is the best soule which flyeth out of the bodye,Heraclitus saying of the soule. as lightning dothe out of the clowde: but that which is ioyned with the bodye being full of corporall passions, is a grosse vapour, darke and massie, & cannot flame, ryse or shoote out like lightning. We must not be­leeue therefore, that the bodyes of noble and vertuous men, doe goe vp together with their soules into heauen, against the order of nature. But this we are certainely to beleeue, that by the vertues of their soules (according to diuine nature and iustice) they doe of men become saincts, and of saincts halfe goddes, and of halfe goddes, entier and perfect goddes: after that they are perfectly (as it were by sacrifices of purgation) made cleane and pure, being deliuered from all paine & mortalitie, & not by any ciuill ordinance, but in trothe & reason, they receaue F a most happie and glorious ende. Now touching Romulus surname, which afterwards was cal­led Quirinus:VVhy Romu­lus was called Quirinus. some saye that it signifieth as much as warlike: other thinke he was so called bi­cause the ROMAINES them selues were called Quirites. Other write, that men in old time did [Page 40] call the poynte of a speare, on the darte it self, Quiris: by reason whereof the image of Iuno sur­named A Quiritides, was set vp with an iron speare, and the speare which was consecrated in the Kings pallace, was called Mars. Futhermore it is an vse amongest men, to honour them with a speare or datte, which haue shewed them selues valiant in the warres: and that for this cause Romulus was surnamed Quirinus, The bill Quirinus Nonae Capra­vine. as who would saye, god of the speares and warres. There was since buylt a temple vnto him, in the hill called Quirinus, and so named of him. The daye whereon he vanished, is called the flying of the people, or otherwise the Nones of the goates. For on that daye, they goe out of the cittie to doe sacrifice in the place called the Fenne, or the goates marshe: and the ROMAINES call a goate, Capra. As they goe thus together, they call with lowde showtes and cryes vpon diuers Romaines names, as Marcus, Cneus, and Gaius, in token of the flying that was then: and that they called one another backe againe, as they ranne B awaye in great feare and disorder. Howbeit other saye, that it is not done to shewe the ron­ning awaye, but to shewe their spede and diligence, and referre it to the storie. Nowe after the GAVLES that had taken ROME were expulsed by Camillus, the cittie was so weakned, that they could scante recouer their force and strength againe:The warre of the Latines Post­humius gene­rall. wherfore many of the LATINES ioyning together, went with a great mightie armie, vnder the conducte of Liuius Posthumius, to warre against the ROMAINES. This Posthumius brought his campe as neere the cittie of ROME as he could, & sent to the ROMAINES by a trumpet to let them vnderstand, how the LATINES were desirous by newe mariages, to restore their olde auncient amitie and kinred that was neere hand decayed betweene them: and therefore if the ROMAINES would send them a conuenient number of their daughters and young widowes to marie with them, they should haue peace,C as they had before time with the SABYNES, vpon the like occasion. The ROMAINES hereat were sore troubled, thincking that to deliuer their women in such sorte was no better, then to yelde and submit them selues to their enemies. But as they were thus perplexed, a wayting mayde called Philotis (or as other call her,Philotia a warning maeydes so­daine deuise. Tutola) gaue them counsell to doe neither the one nor the other, but to vse a pollicy with them, by meanes whereof they should scape the daun­ger of the warres, and should also not be tyed nor bounde by any pledges. The deuise was, they should send to the LATINES her selfe, and a certaine number of their fayrest bonde maydes, trimmed vp like gentlewomen and the best citizens daughters, and that in the night she would lifte them vp a burning torche in the ayer, at which signe they should come armed, and set vpon their enemies as they laye a sleepe. This was brought to passe: and the LATINES thought D verely they had bene the ROMAINES daughters. Philotis fayled not in the night to lyft vp her signe, and to shewe them a burning torche in the toppe of a wilde figge tree: and dyd hange certaine couerlets and clothes behinde it, that the enemies might not see the light, and the RO­MAINES contrariwise might decerne it the better. Thereupon so sone as the ROMAINES sawe it, they ranne with all spede, calling one another by their names, and issued out of the gates of the cittie with great haste: and so tooke their enemies vpon a sodaine, and slewe them. In me­morie of which victorie, they doe yet solemnise the feaste called the Nones of the goates, bi­cause of the wilde figge tree called in Latine Caprificus. And they doe feast the women without the cittie, vnder shadowes made of the boughe of figge trees. The wayting maydes, they tonne vp and downe, and playe here and there together. Afterwards they seeme to fight, and throwe E stones one at another, as then they dyd when they holpe the ROMAINES in their fight. But fewe writers doe auowe this tale, bicause it is on the daye time that they call so eche other by their names, and that they goe to the place which they call the goates marshe, as vnto a sacri­fice. It seemeth this agreeth better with the first historie when they called one another by their names in the night, going against the LATINES: onles peraduenture these two thinges after many yeres happened vpon one daye. Furthermore,Romulus age and reigne. they saye Romulus was taken out of the worlde, when he was foure and fiftie yeres of age, and had raigned eight and thirtie yeres by accompt.

THE LIFE OF Lycurgus.

A MAN can not speake any thing at all of Lycurgus, who made the A lawes of the LACEDAEMONIANS, but he shall finde great contra­rietie of him amongest the historiographers. For, of his parentage & trauaill out of his countrie, of his deathe and making of lawes, of his forme and gouernment, and order of executing the same, they haue written diuersely. And yet aboue all things, concerning him, they a­gree worst about the time he liued in. For some of them (and Ari­stotle is of that number) will needes haue him to haue bene in the time of Iphytus, and that he dyd helpe him to stablish the ordinaunce that all warres should cease during the feast of the games olympicall: for a testimonie whereof, they alledge the copper coyte which was vsed to be throwen in those games, and had founde B grauen vpon it, the name of Lycurgus. Other compting the dayes and time of the succession of the kings of LACEDAEMON (as Eratosthenes, and Apollodorus) saye he was many yeres before the first Olympiades. Timaeus also thincketh there were two of this name, and in diuers times: howbeit the one hauing more estimation then the other, men gaue this Lycurgus the glorie of both their doings. Some saye the eldest of the twaine, was not longe after Homer: and some write they sawe him. Xenophon sheweth vs plainely he was of great antiquitie:Xenophon in lib. de Lace­daemon. Rep. saying he was in the time of the Heraclides, who were neerest of bloude by descent to Hercules. For it is likely Xenophon ment not those Heraclides, which descended from Hercules self: for the last kings of SPARTA were of Hercules progenie, aswell as the first. Therefore he meaneth those Heraclides, Of the Hera­clides, Pau­sanias, Dio­dorus, and Cleme. Strom. lib. 1. which doubtles were the first and nearest before Hercules time. Neuertheles though the histo­riographers C haue written diuersely of him, yet we will not leaue to collect that which we finde written of him in auncient histories, and is least to be denied, and by best testimonies most to be prooued. And first of all, the poet Simonides sayeth, his father was called Prytanis and not Euno­mus: and the most parte doe write the pettigree otherwise, aswell of Lycurgus self, as of Eunomus. For they saye,Lycurgus kinred. that Patrocles the sonne of Aristodemus begate Sous, and Sous begate Eurytion, and Eurytion begate Prytanis, and Prytanis begat Eunomus, and Eunomus begat Polydectes of his first wife, and Lycurgus of the second wife, called Dianassa: yet Euthychidas an other writer, maketh Lycurgus the sixte of descent in the right line from Polydectes, and the eleuenth after Hercules. But of all his auncesters, the noblest was Sous, in whose time the cittie of SPARTA subdued the [Page 45] A Ilotes, and made them slaues, and dyd enlarge and increase their dominion, with the lands and possessions they had got by conquest of the Arcadians. And it is sayed that Sous him self being on a time straightly besieged by the CLITORIANS, in a hard drye grounde, where no water could be founde: offered them thereupon to restore all their lands againe that he had gotten from them, if he and all his companie dyd drincke of a fountaine that was there not farre of. The CLITORIANS dyd graunte vnto it, and peace also was sworne betweene them.A subtill pro­mise. Then he called all his souldiers before him, and tolde them if there were any one amongest them that would refrayne from drincking, he would resigne his kingdome to him: howbeit there was not one in all his companie that could (or would) forbeare to drincke, they were so sore a thirst. So they all drancke hartely except him self, who being the last that came downe, dyd no more but B a litle moyste his mowthe without, and so refreshed him self, the enemies selues standing by, and drancke not a droppe. By reason whereof, he refused afterwards to restore their lands he had promised, alledging they had not all droncke. But that notwithstanding, he was greately esteemed for his actes, and yet his house was not named after his owne name: but after his sonnes name Eurytion, they of his house were called Eurytionides. The reason was, bicause his sonne Eurytion to please the people, dyd first let fall and geue ouer, the sole and absolute power of a King. Whereupon there followed afterwardes marueilous disorder and dissolu­tion, which continued a great time in the citie of SPARTA. For the people finding them selues at libertie, became very bolde and disobedient: and some of the Kinges that succee­ded, were hated euen to deathe, bicause they woulde perforce vse their auncient authoritie C ouer the people. Other, either to winne the loue and goodwilles of the people, or bicause they sawe they were not stronge enough to rule them, dyd geue them selues to dissemble. And this dyd so muche increase the peoples lose and rebellious mindes, that Lycurgus owne father being Kinge, was slayne among them. For one daye, as he was parting a fraye be­tweene two that were fighting, he had suche a wounde with a kytchin knyfe, that he dyed: and left his Realme to his eldest sonne Polydectes, who dyed also sone after, and without heyre of his bodye as was supposed. In so muche as euery man thought Lycurgus should be Kinge: and so he tooke it vpon him, vntill it was vnderstoode that his brothers wife was younge with childe. Which thing so soone as he perceyued, he published openly, that the Realme belon­ged to the childe that should be borne, if it were a sonne. After this he gouerned the Realme, D but as the Kings lieutenante and regent. The LACEDAEMONIANS call the regents of their Kinges that are left within age, Prodicos. Prodicos, Regents, or protectours of yong Kings in minoritie. Lycurgus brothers widowe dyd send, and let him secretly vnderstande, that if he would promise to marye her when he should be King, that she would come before her time, and either miscarye, or destroye that she went with. Lycur­gus detestably abhorring this brutishe and sauage vnnaturallnes of the woman, dyd not re­iect her offer made him, but seemed rather to be very glad, then to dislike of it. Neuertheles he sent her worde againe, she should not neede to trye masteryes, with drinckes and medi­cines to make her come before her time: for so doing, she might bring her selfe in daunger, and be cast awaye for euer. Howbeit he aduised her to goe her full time, and to be brought a bed in good order, and then he would finde meanes enough to make awaye the childe that E should be borne. And so with suche persuasions he drewe on this woman to her full time of deliuerie. But so soone as he perceyued she was neere her time, he sent certaine to keepe her, and to be present at her laboure, commaunding them that if she were brought a bed of a daughter, they should leaue her with the woman: and if it were a sonne, they should forthwith bring it to him, in what place soeuer he was, and what busines soever he had in hand. It chaunced that she came euen about supper time, and was deliuered of a sonne. As he was sitting at the table with the other magistrates of the cittie, his seruants entred the [...]alle, and presented to him the li [...]e babe, which he tenderly tooke in his armes, and sayed openly to them that were present: beholde my lordes of SPARTA, here is a Kinge borne vnto vs. And speaking these wordes, he layed him downe in the Kinges place, and na­med F him Charilaus, Charilaus, king of the Lacedaemo­nians, Herod. lib. 1. Diony­sius Halic. lib. 2. as muche to saye, as the ioye of the people. Thus he sawe all the loo­kers on reioycing muche, and might heare them prayse and extoll his synceritie, iustice, and vertue. By this meanes he raigned only as King, but eight moneths. From thenceforth [Page 46] he was taken and esteemed so iust and syncere a man among the citizens, that there were moe A that willingly obeyed him for his vertue, then for that he was the Kings regent, or that he had the gouernment of the whole Realme in his hands. Notwithstāding there were some that bare him displeasure and malice, who sought to hinder & disgrace his credit, and chiefly the friends and kinred of the Kings mothers: whose power and honour were thought much impayred by Lycurgus authoritie. In so much, as a brother of hers called Leonidas, entring boldly into great words with him on a daye, dyd not sticke to say to his face. I knowe for a certaintie one of these dayes thou wilt be King: meaning thereby to bring him in suspition with the citizens. Which thing though Lycurgus neuer ment, yet of a subtill and craftie wit Leonidas thought by geuing out such words, that if the young King happened to dye in his minoritie naturally, it would be mistrusted that Lycurgus had secretly made him awaye. The Kings mother also gaue out such B like speaches, which in the end dyd so trouble him, with the feare he had, what euēt might fall out thereof: that he determined to departe his countrie, and by his absence to auoyde the sus­pition that therein might growe vpon him any waye.Lycurgus trauelled countryes. So he trauelled abroade in the worlde as a straunger, vntill his nephew had begotten a sonne who was to succeede him in his kingdome. He hauing with this determination taken his iorney, went first of all into CRETA, where he di­ligently obserued and considered the manner of their liuing, the order of the gouernment of their Cōmon weale, and euer kept company with the best, and euer was conferring with the most learned. There he founde very good lawes in his iudgement, which he noted of purpose to carie home to his countrie, to serue when time should come. He founde there other lawes also, but of them he made no reckoning. Nowe there was one man that aboue the rest was re­puted C wise and skilfull in matters of state & gouernment, who was called Thales: with whom Lycurgus dyd so much by intreatie, and for familier friendshippe, that he persuaded him to goe with him vnto SPARTA. This Thales was called the Poet Harper,Thales a poet harper. whereupon he had that title and name: but in effect he sange all that the best and sufficientest gouernours of the worlde could deuise. For all his songes were goodly ditties, wherein he dyd exhorte and persuade the people to liue vnder obedience of the law, in peace & concorde one with the other. His words were set out with such tunes, countenance, & accents, that were so full of swetenes, harmony, and pearsing: that inwardly it melted mens heartes, and drue the hearers of a loue to like the most honest things, and to leaue all hatred, enmitie, sedition, and diuision, which at that time reigned sore amōg them. So as it maye be sayed, he it was that prepared the waye for Lycurgus, D whereby he afterwards reformed and brought the LACEDAEMONIANS vnto reason. At his de­parting out of CRETA, he went into ASIA,Lycurgus ior­ney into Asia. with intent (as it is sayed) to compare the māner of life and pollicie of those of CRETA (being then very straight and seuere) with the superfluities and vanities of IONIA: and thereupon to consider the difference betwene their two manners & gouernments, as the physitian doth, who to knowe the hole & healthfull the better, doth vse to compare them with the sicke & diseased. It is very likely it was there, where he first sawe Ho­mers works, in the hands of the heires & successours of Cleophylus: & finding in the same, aswell many rules of pollicie, as the great pleasure of Poets faining, he diligently coppied it out, and made a volume thereof to carie into GRECE. It is true there was much fame abroad of Homers poesies among the GRECIANS,The prayse of Homers workes. howbeit there were fewe of them brought together, but were E scattered here & there in diuers mens hands, in pampflets & peces vnsowed & without any or­der: but the first that brought them most to light amōg men, was Lycurgus. The AEGYPTIANS saye,Homers poe­mes vnknowē to the Gre­cians, brought to light by Lycurgus. that he was in their countrie also, & that hauing founde thereone notable ordinaunce a­mong other, that their souldiers aad men of warre were separated from the rest of the people, he brought the practise of it into SPARTA: where setting the marchants, artificers, & labourers euery one a parte by them selues, he did establish a noble Cōmon wealth. So the AEGYPTIAN historiographers, and some others also of GRECE doe write. He was also in AFRICKE, and in SPAYNE, & as farre as INDIA, to conferre with the wise men there, that were called the phi­losophers of INDIA. I knowe no man that hathe written it, sauing Aristocrates, that was Hip­parchus sonne. The LACEDAEMONIANS wished for him often when he was gone, and sent F diuers and many a time to call him home: who thought their Kings had but the honour and title of Kings, and not the vertue or maiestie of a prince, whereby they dyd excell the common [Page 47] A people. But as for Lycurgus, they thought of him thus: that he was a man borne to rule, to cō ­maund, and to geue order, as hauing in him a certaine naturall grace and power, to drawe men willingly to obeye him. Moreouer the Kings them selues were not vnwilling to haue him to re­turne home, bicause they hoped that his presence would somwhat brydle, & restrayne the peo­ple from their insolencie & disobediēce towards them. Whereupon Lycurgus returning home in this opinion and affection of men, it fell out that he was no sooner arriued, but he beganne to deuise howe to alter the whole gouernment of the common weale,Lycurgus re­turneth and chaungeth all the cōmon wealth. & throughout to chaunge the whole course and order of the state: thincking that to make only certaine particular lawes were to no purpose, but much like, as one should geue some easie medicine, to purge an ouer­throwen bodye with all humours and disseases. Therefore he thought first that all grosse & su­perfluous B humours, were meete to be dissolued & purged, and then afterwardes to geue them a new forme and order of gouernment. When he had thus determined with him self, before he would take in hād to doe any thing, he went to the citty of DELPHES: where after he had sacri­ficed to Apollo, he cōsulted with him about his matters.Lycurgus counselleth with the ora­cle of Apollo as Delphes. From whom he returned withthis glo­rious title by the oracle of Pythia: ô beloued of the goddes, and rather god then man. Where when he craued grace of Apollo to establishe good lawes in his countrie, it was aunswered him: that Apollo graunted his petition, and that he should ordaine the best and perfectest manner of a Common wealth, that euer had or should be in the worlde. This aunswer dyd comforte him very much, & so he beganne to breake his purpose to certen of the chief of the cittie, & secret­ly to praye & exhorte them to helped him, going first to those he knew to be his friends, & after C by litle & litle he wanne others to him, who ioyned with him in his enterprise. So when he saw the time fit for the matter, he caused thirtie of the chiefest men of the cittie in a morning to come into the market place well appointed & furnished, to suppresse those that would attēpt to hinder their purpose. Hermippus the historiographer rehearseth twentie of the chiefest: but he that aboue all others dyd most assist him in his doings, & was the greatest ayde vnto the sta­blishing of his lawes, was called Arithmiadas. The king Charilaus hearing of this assembly, dyd feare there had bene some conspiracie or insurrection against his person, & for his safety he fled into the temple of Iuno, called Chalceoecos, as much to saye, as Iunos brasen tēple.Chalceoecos, Iunos brasen temple. Howbeit after­wards when he knew the trothe, he waxed bolde, & came out of the temple againe, & he him self fauored the enterpriso being a prince of a noble minde, howbeit very soft by nature, as wit­nesseth D Archelaus (that was then the other king of LACEDAEMON) by telling how Charilaus aun­swered one that praised him to his face, in saying he was a good man. And how should I not (ꝙ he) be good, when I cannot be euill to the euill? In this chaūge of the state, many things were altered by Lycurgus, but his chiefest alteration was, his lawe of the erection of a Senate, which he made to haue a regall power & equall authoritie with the Kings in matters of weight & im­portance,Lycurgus in­stituteth a Se­nate of the Lacedaemo­nians. Plato de leg. 3. & was (as Plato sayeth) to be the healthfull counterpease of the whole bodye of the Cōmon weale. The other state before was euer wauering, somtime inclining to tyrānie, when the Kings were to mightie, & somtime to cōfusion, when the people would vsurpe authoritie, Lycurgus therfore placed betwene the Kings & the people, a counsaill of Senatours, which was as a stronge beame, that helde bothe these extreames in an euen ballance, & gaue sure footing E & ground to either parte, to make strong the state of the comon weale. For the eight & twenty Senatours (which made the whole bodye of the Senate) tooke somtime the Kings parte, when it by as nodefull so pull downe the furie of the people: and contrarilie, they held sometimes with the people against the Kings, to bridle their tyrannicall gouernment. Aristotle sayeth, he or­deined the number of Senatours to be but eight and twenty,28. were the number of the Senatours. bicause two of thirtie that ioyned with him a fore, dyd for feare forsake him at his enterprise. Howbeit Spharus writeth, that from the beginning, he neuer purposed to haue more then eight and twenty to be the Senate. And perhapp [...]s he had great regard to make it a perfect number, considering it is compoun­ded of the number of seuen, multiplied by foure: and is the first perfect number next to sixe, being equall to all partes gathered together. But as for me, my opinion is, he chose this num­ber F rather then any other, bicause he ment the whole bodye of the counsaill should be but thing persones, adding to that number, the two Kinges. Lycurgus tooke so great care to establishe well this counsell, that he brought an oracle for it, from Apolloes temple in [Page 48] DELPHES. This oracle is called vnto this daye Retra, Retra of Ly­curgus. as who would saye, the statute oracle:A whereof the aunswer was. When thou haft built a temple vnto Iupiter the Syllanian, and to Ma­nerus the Syllanian, and deuided the people into lineages, thou shalt stablishe a Senate of thirtie counsellers, with the two Kings: & shalt assemble the people at times conuenient, in the place betweene the bridge and the riuer Cnacion.Cnacion st. There the Senatours shall propound all matters, and breake vp after their assemblies: and it shall not be lawfull for the people to speake one worde. In those dayes the people were euer assembled betweene two riuers, for there was no hall to assemble a counsaill at large;The open seith appoin­ted for place of Counsaill. nor any other place prepared for them. For Lycurgus thought no buylded place meete for men to geue good counsaill in, or to determine causes, but rather a hinderance: bicause in such places men be drawen to muse on vaine things, and their mindes be caried awaye with beholding the images, tables, and pictures, comonly set vp B for ornamēt in such open places. And if it be in a Theater, then beholding the place where the playes and sportes be made, they thincke more of them, then any counsaill. Againe, if it be in a great hall, then of the fayer embowed or vawted roofes, or of the fretised feelings curiously wrought, and sumptuously set forth, and tend not still their busines they come for. When the people were assembled in counsaill, it was not lawfull for any of them to put forth matters to the counsell to be determined, neither might any of them deliuer his opinion what he thought of any thinge: but the people had onely authoritie to geue their assent (if they thought good) to the things propounded by the Senatours, or the two Kings. Howbeit afterwardes, the two Kings Polydorus and Theopomous, bicause the people dyd many times crosse and alter the deter­mination of the Senate, by taking away or adding some thing to it, they dyd adde those wordes C to the oracle aforesaid. That if the people would not assent to any ordinaunce of the Senate, then should it be lawfull for the Kings and Senate to breake vp the counsell, and to frustrate all things done in the same: the wise aduise of the Senate being encountered thus, & their mea­ning to the best, so peruerted to the worse. These two Kings persuaded the people, that at the very first, this addition came with the oracle of Apollo: as the poet Tyrtaeus maketh mention in the place, where he sayeth:

Lycurgus now hauing thus tempered the forme of his comon weale, it seemed notwithstan­ding to those that came after him, that this small number of thirtie persones that made the Se­nate; was yet to mightie, & of to great authoritie. Wherefore to bride them no litle, they gaue them (as Plato sayeth) a bytte in their mouths, & that was the authoritie of the Ephores,The inflima­tion of the Ephores. which signifie as much as comptrollers: and were erected about a hundred and thirtie yeres after the E death of Lycurgus. The first which was chosen of these, was Elatus, and it was in the time of king Theopompus, whose wife on a daye in her anger sayed: howe throughe his negligence he would leaue lesse to his successours, then he had receyued of his predecessours. To whom he aunswe­red againe, not lesse but more, for that it shall continue lenger, and with a more sweete. For, in losing thus their too absolute power, that wrought them great enuie & hatred amōg their ci­tizens, they dyd escape the daūger & mischief that their neighbours the AXOTVES, and MUN­SENIANS dyd feele: who would not geue ouer the soueraine authoritie which they had gotten once. This example maketh Lycurgus great wisdome and foresight manifestly knowen:Lycurgus wis­dome. who so will deeply consider the seditions & ill gouernements of the ARGIVES, & MESSENEANS (their neere neighbours and kinsemen) aswell from the people, as from the Kings. Who from the be­ginning F had all things alike to the SPARTANS: & in deuiding of their lands a farre better order then theirs. This notwithstanding, they dyd not prosper longe: but through the pryde of their [Page 49] A Kings, and the disobedience of their people, they entred into ciuill warres one against another, shewing by their disorders & misfortunes the speciall grace the godds dyd beare to SPARTA, to geue them such a reformer, as dyd so wisely temper the state of their common weale, as we will shewe hereafter. The second lawe that Lycurgus made, and the boldest and hardest he euer tooke in hande, was the making of a newe diuision of their lands.Lycurgus ma­keth equall diuision of landes vnto the citizens. For he sawe so great a disorder & vnequality among the inhabitants, as well of the countrie, as of the citie LACEDEAMON, by reason some (and the greatest number of them) were so poore, that they had not a handfull of grounde, and other some being least in number were very riche, that had all: he thought with him self to banishe out of the cittie all insolencie, enuie, couetousnes, & deliciousnes, and also all riches and pouertie, which he tooke the greatest, and the most continuall plagues of a cittie, B or common weale. For this purpose, he imagined there was none so ready and necessarie a meane, as to persuade his citizens to suffer all the landes, possessions, and inheritance of their countrie, to ronne in common together: and that they should make a newe diuision equally in partition amongest them selues, to liue from thenceforth as it were like brothers together, so that no one were richer thē another, & none should seeke to go before eache other, any other waye then in vertue only: thincking there should be no difference or vnequalitie among inha­bitants of one cittie, but the reproaches of dishonestie, & the prayses of vertue. Thus Lycurgus following his determination, dyd out of hande make a lawe of the diuision of their lands. For first he dyd deuide all the countrie of LACONIA, into thirtie thousand equall partes, the which he dyd set out for those that inhabited about SPARTA: and of those landes that ioyned next C to the cittie of SPARTA, that was the chief metropolitan cittie of LACONIA, he made other nine thousand partes, which he deuided to the naturall citizens of SPARTA,All the lands throughe the countrie of Laconia, de­uided into 30000. parts. All the lands about Sparta into 9000 partes. who be those that are properly called Spartans. Howbeit some will saye, he made but sixe thousand parts, & that king Polydorus afterwards dyd adde to other three thousand partes. Other saye also, that Lycur­gus of these nine thousand partes made but the halfe onely, & Polydorus the rest. Euery one of these partes was such, as might yelde vnto the owner yerely, three score and tenne bushels of barley for a man,VVhat barley euery parte did yelde. and twelue bushels for the woman, and of wine & other liquide fruites, much like in proportion: which quantitie Lycurgus iudged to be sufficiēt, to kepe the bodye of a man in health, & to make him stronge & lustie, without any further allowance. They saye after this, as he returned home one day out of the fields, and came ouer the lands where wheate had bene D reaped not long before, and sawe the number of sheaues lying in euery shocke together, & no one shocke bigger then another: he fell a laughing, & told them that were with him, me thinks all LACONIA is as it were an inheritance of many brethern, who had newly made partition to­gether. He gaue an attempt to haue deuided also moueables, & to haue made a common par­tition betwene them, to thend he would haue vtterly taken away all vnequalitie. But finding the citizens tooke it very impatiently, that openly that which they had, should be taken awaye: he went about to doe it more secretly, and in a conninger wise to take away that couetousnes. For first of all, he dyd forbid all coyne of golde and syluer to be currant: & then he dyd set out cer­taine coynes of iron which he commaunded only to be currant,Lycurgus chaungeth all golde & siluer into iron coyne. whereof a great weight and quantitie was but litle worthe. So as to laye vp therof the value of tenne Minas, it would E haue occupied a whole celler in a house, besides it would haue neded a yoke of oxen to carie it any where. Nowe golde & siluer being thus banished out of the countrie, many lew departes & faultes must needes cease thereby. For who would robbe, steale, picke, take awaye, hyde, pro­cure, or whorde vp any thing, that he had no great occasion to desire, nor any profit to possesse, nor would be any pleasure to vse or employe. For, the iron they occupied for their coyne, they cast vineger vpon it while it was redde hotte out of the fire, to kill the strength & working of it to any other vse: for thereby it was so eger & brickle, that it would byde no hammer, nor could be made, beaten, or forged to any other facion. By this meanes he banished also, all superfluous & vnprofitable sciences,Lycurgus washe all sell­ers & croftes of an value. which he knew he should not neede to doe by any proclamation: bi­cause they would fall awaye (or the most parte of them) euen of them selues, when the baseries F of the money they should take for their worke, should vndoe them. For their iron moneys were not currant els where in the citties of GRECE, but euery bodye made a ieste of it there. By this occasion, the LACEDAEMONIANS could buye no forrein wares nor marchandises, neither [Page 50] came there any shippe into their hauen to trafficke with them, neither any fine curious Retho­rician A dyd repaire into their countrie to teache them eloquence, & the cunning cast of lying: nor yet came there to them any wysard to tell them their fortune, nor any Pander to keepe any brothell house, nor yet goldsmithe or iueller, to make or sell any toyes or trifles of golde or sil­uer to set forth women: considering all these things are vsed to be made to get money, and to hourd vp that they had not. After this sorte, delicatenes that wanted many things that enter­tained it, beganne by litle and litle to vanishe awaye, & lastely, to fall of from them selues: when the most riche men had no more occasion then the poorest, and riches hauing no meane to shewe her selfe openly in the worlde, was fayne to remaine shut at home idely, as not able to doe her master any seruice. Thereupon moueables and householde stuffe (which a man cannot be without, and must be daylie occupied) as bedsteades, tables, chayers, and suche like necessa­ries B for house, were excellently well made: and men dyd greatly prayse the facion of the LA­CONIAN cuppe which they called Cothon, and specially for a souldier in the warres,C [...]thon a straūge kinde of cuppe of the Lacedae­monian soul­diers. as Critias was wont to saye. For it was made after such a facion, that the culler of it dyd let the eye to di­scerne the fowle & vnwholsome water, which men are driuen oftetimes to drinke in a campe, and goeth many times against ones stomake to see it: and if by chaunce there was any filth or mudde in the bottome, it would cleaue and sticke fast vpon the ribbes of the bellie, and nothing came through the necke, but cleane water to his mouth that drancke it. The reformer of their state was the cause of all this: bicause their artificers tending now no superfluous works, were occupied about the making of their most necessary things. Further, nowe to driue awaye all su­perfluitie and deliciousnes, and to roote out vtterly desire to get and gather: he made another C thirde lawe for eating and drincking, and against feastes and banckets. First he willed and com­maunded the cittizens,Lycurgus ap­pointeth order for dyes vnto the Lacedae­monians. that they should eate together all of one meate, and chiefly of those he had permitted by his ordinance. Then he dyd expressely forbid them to eate alone, or a parte, or secretly by them selues, vpon riche tables and sumptuous beddes, abusing the labour of ex­cellent worcke men, and the deuises of likerous cookes to cramme them selues in corners, as they doe fatte vp beastes and poultrie, which doth not only breede ill conditions in the minde, but dothe marre the complexions of men, and the good states of their bodie, when they giue them selues ouer to such sensualitie and gluttonie. Whereof it followeth in the ende that men must needes sleepe muche, to helpe to disgest the excesse of meates they haue taken, and then must they goe to the whotte houses to bathe them selues, and spend long time about the D ordinarie attendance of their sickely bodyes. This was a marueilous thing for him to bring to passe, but much more, to make riches not to be stolen, and least of all to be coueted, as Theo­phrastus sayd of him: which by this meanes of making them eate together with all sobriety at their ordinarie dyet, was brought to passe. For there was no more meane to the riche, then to the poore, to vse to playe, or shewe riches, sithe both of them were forced to be together in one place, and to eate all of one meate: so as that which is commonly spoken, that Pluto the god of riches is blinde, was truely verified only in the cittie of SPARTA, aboue all other places of the worlde. For there riches was layed on the grounde like a corse without a soule, that mo­ueth no whit at all: considering it was not lawfull for any man to eate at home secretly in his house, before he came to their open halles, nor might not come thither for a countenance E only to his meales, being already fedde and full fraight. For euery mans eye was vpon those specially which did not eate & drincke with a good stomake amongest them: & it was the vse to reproche them as gluttons, and dayntie mouthed men, which refused to eate as it were in common together. So as this was the ordinance they saye, that grieued most the riche aboue all that Lycurgus made, and whereat they were most madde and angrie with him: in so muche, as on a daye, they all setting vpon him to alter it, he was compelled to tonne out of the market place, and getting grounde of them, he recouered the liberties of a churche, before any could ouertake him: sauing one young man called Alcander, Alcander strooke out Lycurgus eye. who otherwise had no ill nature in him, but that he was somewhat quicke of his hande, and cholericke with all. Who following Lycurgus nerer then any other, dyd geue him a blowe ouerthwart the face with a staffe, and F strake out one of his eyes, as Lycurgus turned toward him. Yet for all this, Lycurgus neuer ba­shed or made worde at the matter, but dyd lifte vp his head to those that followed him, and [Page 51] A shewed them his face all a gore bloude, and his eye put out cleane: whereof they were all so sore ashamed, that there was not a man that durst once open his mouth against him, but to the contrarie, they seemed to pittie him, and dyd deliuer Alcander into his handes that had done the dede, to punishe him as him selfe pleased. And so they all brought him to his house, and shewed they were right hartely sorie for his hurte. Lycurgus thancking them, returned them all backe againe, saue that he made Alcander to goe with him into his house, where he ne­uer hurte him, nor gaue him fowle worde:Lycurgus pa­cience and gentlenes. but commaunded him onely to waite vpon him, and made his other ordinarie seruaunts to withdraw their waiting. This young man who now beganne to spye his owne faulte, dyd most willingly attend vpon him, and neuer spake worde to the contrarie. When he had serued him a certaine time, being very nere continually about B him, he beganne to feele and taste of his naturall liberalitie, and sawe of what affection and intention Lycurgus was moued to doe all he dyd: he perceyued what was the seueritie of his ordinary life, and what his constancy was to endure labour without wearines. Alcander then beganne to loue and honour Lycurgus from his harte, and tolde his parents and friends, howe he was no suche seuere man as he seemed, but was of so kynde and gentle a nature to all men as might be. See I praye you howe Alcander was transformed by Lycurgus, and his punishe­ment also, which he should haue receyued: for of a fierce, rashe, and a lewde conditioned youth he was before, he became nowe a very graue and wise man. But for memorie of this his misfortune, Lycurgus built a temple to Minerua, which he surnamed Optiletide, Minerua optiletide. bicause the DORIANS which dwell in those partes of PELOPONNESVS, doe call the eyes, optiles. There C are other writers (as Dioscorides for one) which saye Lycurgus had a blowe with a staffe, but he had not his eye striken out with it: and how contrariwise, he founded this temple to Minerua, to giue her thanckes for healing of his eye. Hereof it came, that euer since the SPARTANS haue bene restrayned to carie staues in any assembly of counsell. But to returne to their com­mon repastes, which the CRETANS called Andria, and the LACEDAEMONIANS Phiditia, Andria and Phiditia meales why so called. either bicause they were places wherein they learned to liue soberly and straightly (for in the GREKE tongue Phido, is to saue and spare) or els bicause their amitie and friendshippe grewe there towards one another, as if they would haue called them Philitia, feasts of loue, by chaun­ging. d. into. L: It maye be also they added the first letter as superfluous, and ment to call the places Edetia, bicause they dyd eate and drincke there. They sat in their halles by fifteene in a D companie, litle more or lesse, and at the beginning of euery moneth euery one brought a bu­shell of meale, eight gallons of wine, fiue pound of cheese, and two pound and a halfe of figges for a man, besides some litle portion of their monye to buye certaine freshe acates. And ouer and aboue all this, euery man when he dyd sacrifice in his house, was bounde to send the best and chiefest things of his sacrifice to the halles to be eaten. Likewise if any man went an hun­ting, and killed any venison: it was an order, he should send a pece of the fleshe thither. Ha­uing these two lawfull causes, they might eate and drinke by them selues at home, either when they sacrificed any beast to the goddes, or when they came late home from hunting: other­wise they were bounde of necessitie to meete in their halles at meales, if they would eate any thing. This order they kept very straightly a great time: in so muche as king Agis on a daye, E returning from the warres, where he had ouerthrowen the ATHENIANS, and being desirous to suppe at home priuately with the Queene his wife, he sent to the halles for his portion. But the Polemarchi, that be certaine officers assisting the Kings in the warres, dyd denye him. The next daye Agis left of for spight, to doe the accustomed sacrifice they were wont to celebrate in the ende of euery warre: whereupon they set a fine on his head, and condem­ned him to paye it. The young children also went to these repasts, euen as they should goe to schooles to learne grauity and temperaunce,Children were brought to these meales. where they heard wise and graue discourses touching the gouernment of a common weale, but not of masters that were as hierlinges. There they learned pretylie to playe vpon wordes, and pleasauntly to sporte one with ano­ther, without any broade speaches, or vncomely Iestes, and at others handes to beare the F same againe, without choller or anger. For this propertie haue the LACEDAEMONIANS aboue all other,The proper­tie of a Lace­daemonian. to take and geue a mocke without any offence: neuertheles, if any mans nature could not beare it, he neded but praye the partie to forbeare his iesting, and so he lefte it straight. [Page 52] And it was euer an ordinarie among them, that the eldest of the companie tolde the rest that A were come into the hall to meale, with shewing them of the dore: Sirs, remember, there goeth not a worde here out of this dore. Euen so he that would be receyued to meale there in their companie,The order of receiuing any man into their company at meales. must first of necessitie be allowed and receyued in this sorte, by all the rest. Euery one of them tooke a litle balle of branne or dowe to washe their handes with, and without euer a word speaking, they threwe it into a basen, which the seruant that waited on them at the table dyd carie vpon his head: he that was contented the other should be receyued in companie, dyd cast in his balle as he dyd receyue it, but if he misliked him, then he pressed it flat betwene his fingers, and threwe it in. This ball of branne thus pressed flat, was asmuch as a beane bored thorough, and was to them a signe of condemnation. If any one balle were found of this sorte, the suter was reiected: for they would not haue any enter into their companie, that was not B liked of all the rest. He that thus was reiected, they saye he was discadded: for the basin where­in the litle balles were caried, was called Caddos. The best dishe they serued at these meales, was that they call their blacke brothe:The blacke broth. so that when they had that, the olde men dyd eate no fleshe, but lefte it all to the younge men, and they by them selues dyd eate the brothe. There was a king of PONTVS, that being desirous to taste of this blacke broth, dyd buye of purpose a LACEDAEMONIAN cooke: but after he had once a tasted thereof, he was very angry straight. The cooke then sayed vnto him: and it please your grace, ere one shall finde this brothe good, he must be washed first in the riuer of Eurotas.Cicero calleth the King. After they had eate and druncke thus soberly to­gether, euery one repaired home without any light:Dionysius the [...] tyran. Tusc. 5. for it was not lawfull for them to goe thi­ther, nor any where els with light, bicause they should accustome them selues boldely to goe C vp and downe the darcke, and all about in the night. This was the order and manner of their meales. But here is specially to be noted, that Lycurgus would in no wise haue any of his lawes put in writing.Lycurgus would not haue his lawes written otherwise then in mens myndes. For it is expressely set downe in his lawes they call Retra, that none of his lawes should be written. For he thought that which should chiefly make a cittie happie, and ver­tuous, ought throughly by education to be printed in mens heartes and manners, as to haue continuaunce for euer: which he tooke to be loue and good will, as a farre stronger knot to tye men with, then any other compulsary lawe. Which when men by vse and custome through good education doe take in their childhoode, it maketh euery man to be a lawe to himselfe. Furthermore, concerning buying and barganing one with another, which are but trifles, and sometime are chaunged in one sorte, and sometime in another, as occasion serueth: he thought D it best not to constrayne them to doe it by writing, nor to establishe customes that might not be altered, but rather to leaue them to the libertie and discretion of men which had bene brought vp in the same, bothe to take awaye, and to adde therein, as the case and time should require. But to conclude, he thought the chiefest pointe of a good lawe maker or reformer of the common weale was, to cause men to be well brought vp and instructed. One of his ordi­naunces therefore was expressely, that not one of his lawes should be written. Another of his deuises was, against superfluous charges and expences: which to auoyde, he made a lawe that all roofes of houses should be made only with the axe,Retra, for ex­cesse of rye [...]. and all gates and doores with the sawe, and that without any other toole of occupation. Wherein he had the like imagination as af­terwards Epaminondas had, when he sayed,Epaminondas saying. speaking of his table: Such a borde neuer receyueth E any treason. Euen so thought Lycurgus, that such a buylt house would neuer receyue curio­sitie or daintines. For no man is so maddely disposed or simple witted, as to bring into so poore and meane houses, bedsteades with siluer seete, imbrodered couerlettes, or counterpoyntes of purple silke, neither yet plate of golde nor of siluer, nor suche other like costly furniture and finenes, as those things require to wayte vpon them: bicause the beddes must be aunswerable to the meanenes of the house, the furnitures of the beddes must be surelike to the same, and all other householde stuffe, dyet, meate, and drincke agreable to the rest. Hereof proceeded that, which Leontychidas the first King of that name, sayed once:King Leonty­chidas saying. who supping on a time in the cittie of CORINTHE, and seeing the roofe of the hall where he satte, sumptuously em­bowed and carued, he asked straight if the trees dyd growe carued so in that countrie. The F third lawe was, he dyd forbyd them to make warre often with one enemie, lest the enemie forced to take often armes in hande,Retra for warres. might in the ende growe experter and vallianter then [Page 53] A they. For this cause king Agesilaus was greatly blamed, who was a longe time after. For by making often warres with the countrie of BO [...]OTIA, he made the THEBANS in the ende as expert and valliant souldiers, as the LACEDAEMONIANS. Whereupon Antalcidar seeing him hurte one daye, sayed vnto him:Antalcidar saying. The THEBANS haue nobely rewarded thee for their learning, sith thou hast made them expert soldiers vnwilling to learne the discipline of warre. These be the lawes Lycurgus selfe called Retra, and signifie as muche as Oracles, that the god Apollo had discouered to him. Nowe the education of children, he esteemed the chiefest and greatest matter, that a reformer of lawes should establishe. Therefore begin­ning a farre of, he first considered the state of mariage, and the generation of children. For Aristotle sayeth, that Lycurgus dyd attempt to reforme women, and dyd soone geue it ouer B againe: bicause he could doe no good therein, by reason of the great libertie they had ta­ken by the absence of their husbands in the warres, compelled often so to be abroade, and that they dyd leaue them mistresses of their house, and at their returne dyd honour them so muche, and make of them so beyonde measure, with calling them ladyes and mistresses. Howbeit this is true, that he had an eye to the rule and order of their life, aswell as he had of mens: and so reason dyd require.The disci­pline of womē amongest the Lacedaemo­nians. Arist. polis. lib. 7. cap. 17. First of all, he willed that the maydens should har­den their bodyes with exercise of running, wrestling, throwe the barre, and casting the darte, to the ende that the fruite wherewith they might be afterwardes conceyued, taking norishement of a stronge and lustie bodye, should shoote out and spread the better: and that they by gathering strength thus by exercises, should more easely awaye with the paynes C of childe bearing. And to take awaye from them their womanishe dayntines, and fines, he brought vp a custome, for young maydes and boyes to goe as it were a precession,The exercises and discipline of maydes. and to daunce naked at solemne feastes and sacrifices, and to singe certaine songes of their owne making, in the presence and sight of young men. To whom by the waye they gaue ma­ny times prety mockes of purpose, as pleasauntly hitting them home, for things wherein before they had forgotten their dueties: and sometimes also in their songe for their vertues, wittes, or manners, they praysed them which had deserued it. By this meanes, they dyd set young mens hartes a fire, to striue to winne most prayse and honour. For who so was praysed of them for a valliant man, or whose worthy actes were songe by them, he thereby was inco­raged to doe the better another time: and the pretie girdes and quippes they gaue to others, D was of no lesse force, then the sharpest wordes and admonitions that otherwise could be ge­uen them. This tooke place the rather, bicause it was done in the presence of the Kings, the Se­natours, & all the rest of the cittizens which came thither to see these sportes. And though the maydes dyd shewe them selues thus naked openly, yet was there no dishonesty seene nor of­fred, but all this sporte was full of playe and toyes, without any youthfull parte or wantonnes: and rather caried a shewe of demurenes, and a desire to haue their best made bodyes seene and spyed. Moreouer, it somewhat lifted vp their hartes, and made them noblier minded, by geuing them to vnderstand, that it was no lesse comely for them, in their kynde and exercises to carie the bell, then it was for men in their games and exercises to carie the price. Hereof it came, that the women of LACEDAEMON were so bolde to saye, and thincke of them selues E that, which Gorgona the wife of king Leonidas one daye aunswered: being in talke with a straunge woman that sayed to her. There be no women in the worlde that commaund their husbands, but you wiues of LACEDAEMON. Whereto the Queene straight replyed:The saying of a Latonian woman. so be there no women but we, which bringe forth men. Furthermore, these playes, sportes, and daunses, the maydes dyd naked before younge men, were prouocations to drawe and allure the young men to marye: not as persuaded by geometricall reasons, as sayeth Plato, but brought to it by liking, and of very loue. Those which would not marye, he made infamous by lawe.Men that would not marye, Lycur­gus repused infamous by lawe. For it was not lawfull for suche to be present, where these open games and pastimes were shewed naked. Furthermore, the officers of the cittie compelled suche as would not marye, euen in the hardest time of the winter, to enuironne the place of these sportes, and F to goe vp and downe starcke naked, and to singe a certaine songe made for the purpose a­gainst them, which was: that iustely were they punished, bicause that lawe they disobeyed. Moreouer, when suche were olde, they had not the honour and reuerence done them, which [Page 54] old maried men vsually receiued. Therefore there was no man that misliked, or reproued that,A which was spoken to Dercillidas: albeit otherwise he was a noble captaine. For, comming into a presence, there was a young man which would not vowchesafe to rise & doe him reuerence, nor to geue him place for to sit downe: & worthtly, q he, bicause thou hast not gotten a sonne, who maye doe so muche for me in time to come.Matrimoniall ceremonies in Lacodaemon. Those which were desirous to marie any, were driuen to take them awaye by force whom they would marie, not litle younge wenches I meane, which were not of age to be maried: but lustie & strong maides of age to beare chil­dren. And when one of them was stolen awaye in this sorte, she that was priuie thereto, and meane to make the mariage, came and shaued the heares of her head that was maried: then she put her into mans apparell, & gaue her all things sute like to the same, and layed her vpon a matteresse all alone, without light or candell. After this was done, the bridegroome, being B neither droncke nor finelier apparrelled then he was wonte to be, but hauing supped soberly at his ordinarie, came home secretly to the house where the bride was: and there vntied his wiues girdell, tooke her in his armes, layed her vpon a bed, and talked together a while, and afterwards fayer & softely stole awaye to the place, where he was wonte to sleepe with other young men. And so from thenceforth, he continued allwayes to doe the like, being all the daye time, and sleeping most of the night, with his companions, onles he sometime stale to see his wife, being affrayed, and ashamed euer to be seene, by any of the house where she was. And hereunto his younge wife did helpe for her parte, to spye meanes and occasions howe they might mete together, and not be seene. This manner endured a great while, and vntill somme of them had children, before they boldely met together, and sawe eache other on the daye C time. This secret meeting in this sorte did serue to good purposes, not only bicause it was some meane of continencie and shamefastnes, but also it kept their bodies in strength and better state, to bring forth children.Holsome rules for maried couples. It continued also in both parties, a still burning loue, and a newe desire of the one to the other, not as it were luke warme, nor wearie, as theirs com­monly be which haue their bellies full of loue, and as muche as they lust: but they euer parted with an appetite one from another, keeping still a longing desire to deuise howe to mete againe. Nowe when he had stablished suche a continencie, and so kynde a framed honestie in mariage, he tooke no lesse care to driue awaye all foolishe iealousie therein,Lycurgus re­gard to auoyd iealousie in the common wealth. thin­king it very good reason to beware there should be no violence, nor confusion in mariage: and yet as reason would, they should suffer those which were worthie to get children as it D were in common, laughing at the mad follie of them which reuenge such things with warre and bloudshed, as though in that case men in no wise should haue no fellowshippe together. Therefore a man was not to be blamed, being stepped in yeres, and hauing a young wife, if seeing a fayer young man that liked him, and knowen with all to be of a gentle nature, he brought him home to get his wife with childe, and afterwardes would auowe it for his, as if him selfe had gotten it. It was lawfull also for an honest man that loued another mans wife, for that he sawe her wise, shamefast, and bringing forth goodly children, to intreate her hus­band to suffer him to lye with her, and that he might also plowe in that lustie grounde, and cast abroade the seede of well fauored children: which by this meanes came to be common in bloude and parentage, with the most honorable and honestest persones. For first of all, Lycur­gus E did not like that children should be priuate to any men, but that they should be common to the common weale: by which reason he would also, that such as should become cittizens, should not be begotten of euery man, but of the most honestest men only. So Lycurgus thought also there were many foolishe vaine toyes and fansies, in the lawes and orders of other nations, touching mariage: seeing they caused their bitches and mares to be limed and coue­red with the fayrest dogges and goodliest stalons that might be gotten, praying or paying the masters and owners of the same: and kept their wiues notwithstanding shut vp safe vnder locke and key, for feare least other then them selues might get them with childe, although they were sickely, feeble brayned, and extreme olde. As if it were not first of all, and chiesly a discommoditie to the fathers and mothers, and likewise to those that bring them vp, to haue F vnperfect and feeble children borne, as it were begotten of drie and withered men: and then to the contrarie, what pleasure and benefit is it to those that haue fayer and good children, [Page 55] A borne, as gotten of like seede and men. These things were done then by naturall and ciuill reason, neuertheles they saye women were so farre of then from intreatie, as euer they were before: so as in olde time, in SPARTA, men knew not what adulterie ment.No adultrie showen in Sparta. For proofe where­of, the aunswer made by Geradas (one of the first auncient SPARTANS) vnto a straunger, maye be alledged: that asked him, what punishement they had for adulterers. My friend, q he, there be none here. But if there were? replied the straunger againe. Marye sayed he, then he must paye as great a bull, as standing vpon the toppe of the mountaine Taygetus, maye drincke in the riuer of Eurotas. Yea marye: but howe is it possible (q the straunger) to finde such a bull? Geradas laughing, aunswered him againe. And howe were it possible also to finde an adulte­retin SPARTA? And this is that which is found of Lycurgus lawes touching mariages. Fur­thermore,B after the birthe of euery boye, the father was no more master of him,The educa­tion of chil­dren with the Lacedaemo­nians. to cocker and bring him vp after his will: but he him selfe caried him to a certaine place called Lesché,Lesche. where the eldest men of his kinred being set, did viewe the childe. And if they founde him fayer, and well proportioned of all his limmes, and stronge: they gaue order he should be brought vp, and appointed him one of the nine thousand partes of inheritaunce for his edu­cation. Contrariwise, if they founde him deformed, misshapen, or leane, or pale, they sent him to be throwen in a deepe pyt of water, which they commonly called Apothetes,Apothetes. and as a man would saye, the common house of office: holding opinion it was neither good for the childe, nor yet for the common weale, that it should liue, considering from his birthe he was not well made, nor geuen to be stronge, healthfull, nor lustie of bodie all his life longe. For this cause C therefore, the nurce after their birthe did not washe them with water simply (as they doe eue­ry where at that time) but with water mingled with wine:Young babes washed with wine. and thereby did they prooue, whe­ther the complexion or temperature of their bodies were good or ill. For they suppose, that children which are geuen to haue the falling sicknes, or otherwise to be full of rewmes & sick­nesses, cannot abide washing with wine, but rather drye and pyne awaye: as contrarilie the o­ther which are healthfull, become thereby the stronger and the lustier. The nurces also of SPARTA vse a certaine manner to bring vp their children,The Spartan nurces. without swadling, or binding them vp in clothes with swadling bandes, or hauing on their heades any crosse clothes: so as they made them nimbler of their limmes, better shaped and goodlier of bodie. Besides that, they acquainted their children to all kinde of meates, and brought them vp without muche ten­daunce, D so as they were neither fine nor licorous, nor fearefull to be lefte alone in the darcke, neither were they criers, wrallers, or vnhappy children, which be all tokens of base and cowardly natures. So that there were straungers, that of purpose bought nources out of LA­CONIA, to bring vp their children: as they saye Amycla was one of them, which nourced Alcibiades. Pluto. of the first Alcibia­des. But Pericles his tutor, gaue him afterwardes a bonde man called Zopyrus, to be his master and gouernour: who had no better propertie in him, then other common slaues. This did not Lycurgus. For he did not put the education and gouernment of the children of SPARTA, into the handes of hyered masters or slaues bought with money: neither was it lawfull for the father him selfe to bring vp his owne childe after his owne manner and li­king. For so soone as they came to seuen yeres of age, he tooke and diuided them by compa­nies, E to make them to be brought vp together,Howe the La­cedaemonians children were brought vp. and to accustome them to playe, to learne, and to studie one with another. Then he chose out of euery company one, whom he thought to haue the best wit, and had most courage in him to fight: to whom he gaue the charge and ouersight of his owne companie. The reste had their eyes waiting allwayes on him, they did obey his commaundementes willingly, they did abide paciently all corrections he gaue them, they did suche taskes and worckes as he appointed them: so that all their studie was most to learne to obey. Furthermore, the olde graye headed men were present many times to see them playe, and for the most parte they gaue them occasions to fall out, and to fight one with another, that they might thereby the better knowe and dis­cerne the naturall disposition of euery one of them, and whether they gaue any signes or F tokens in time to come, to become cowardes or valliant men. Touching learning, they had as muche as serued their turne: for the reste of their time they spent in learning howe to obey, to awaye with payne, to indure labour, to ouercome still in fight. According to their [Page 56] groweth and yeres, they dyd chaunge the exercises of their bodyes: they dyd shaue their A heads, they went barelegged, they were constrained to playe naked together the most parte of their time. After they were past twelue yeres of age, they ware no lenger coates: and they gaue them yerely but one seely gowne. This was the cause they were alwayes so nasty & sluttishe, & they neuer vsed to bathe or noynte themselues, sauing only at certaine dayes in the yere, when they were suffered to rast of this refreshing. They laye and slept together vpon beddes of straw, which they themselues dyd make, of the toppes of reedes or canes that grewe in the riuer of Eurotas: which they were forced to goe gather and breake them selues with their handes, without any toole or iron at all.It is a kinde of thistle in the Mosse [...]d tongue [...] reads Holythias. In the winter, they dyd mingle thistle downe with these, which is called Lycophonas, bicause that stuffe seemeth somewhat warme of it selfe. About this time, the fauorers and likers of this prety youthe, which were commonly the lustiest and best dispo­sed B youthes of the cittie, beganne to be ofter in their companie: and then the olde men tooke the better regarde vnto them, and frequented more commonly the places of their daylie exer­cises, & where their vse was to fight together, helping them when they played, how one should mocke another. This dyd their olde men, notby waye of pastime only, but with suche care and harcy loue towards them, as if they had bene altogether their fathers, masters, & gouernours, while they were boyes: in so much as there was neuer time nor place, where they had not all­wayes some to admonishe, reproue, or correct them, if they dyd a faulte. Notwithstanding all this, there was euer one of the honestest men of the cittie, who had expressely the charge and gouernaunce of these boyes. He dyd diuide them in companies, and afterwards gaue the ouer­sight of them, to suche a one of the boyes as was discreetest, the manliest, the most hardie, and C of the best corage amongest them. They called the children that were past infancie two yeres, Irenes:Irenes. Melirenes. and the greatest boyes Melirenes: as who would saye, ready to goe out of boyerie. This boye who was made ouerseer of them, was commonly twenty yeres of age. He was their cap­taine when they fought, and did commaunde them as his seruaunts when they were in the house: and willed them which were strongest, and the most growen, to carie wodde when they should prepare dinner or supper, and those which were least and weakest, to goe gather erbes, which they must steale or lacke them. So they went out to steale some in gardens, some at the markets, other in the halles where the feastes were kept, and men did eate together,The [...]eeue­rie of the Lacedaemonians. in­to the which they conueyed them selues as closely and cunningly as they could deuise: for if they were taken with the manner, they were scourged terriblie, bicause they were so grosse and D necligent, and not fine and cunning in their facultie. They stole also all other kinde of meate, whatsoeuer they could get or laye hands on. They pried and sought all occasions howe to take and steale meate handsomely, bothe when men were a sleepe, or els that they were careles, or did not geue good hede vnto them. But he that was taken with the manner, had his payment roundely, and was punished with fasting besides: for they had but a slender pittaunce, bicause necessity should driue them to venter boldely, and wit should finde out all the deuises to steale finely. This was the chiefest cause, why they gaue them so small a diet. The seconde cause was,Straight dyet causeth groeth and height. that their bodies might growe vp higher in height. For the vitall spirites not being occu­pied to concoct and disgest much meate, nor yet kept downe, or spread abroade by the quanti­tie or ouerburden thereof, doe enlarge them selues into lengthe, and shoote vp for their light­nes:E and for this reason they thought the bodie did growe in height and lengthe, hauing no­thing to let, or hinder the rising of the same. It seemeth, that the same selfe cause made them fayerer also. For the bodies that are leane and slender, doe better and more easely yeld to na­ture, which bringeth a better proportion and forme to euery member: and contrariwise it seemeth these grosse, corpulent, and ouersedde bodies doe encounter nature, and be not so nimble and pliant to her, by reason of their heauy substaunce. As we see it by experience, the children which women bring a litle before their time, and be somwhat cast before they should haue bene borne, be smaller and fayerer also, and more pure commonly then other that goe their time: bicause the matter whereof the bodie is formed, being more supple and pliant, is the easelier welded by nature, which geueth them their shape and forme. Touching the na­turall F cause of this effect, let vs geue place to other to dispute it that will, without our further deciding of the same. But to returne to the matter of the LACEDAEMONIANS children. [Page 57] A They dyd robbe with so great care, and feare to be discouered: that they tell of one, which ha­uing stolen a litle foxe, dyd hyde him vnder his cloke, and suffered him with his teethe and clawes to teare out all his bellie, and neuer cryed, for feare he should haue bene betrayed, vn­till he fell downe dead in the place where he stoode. This is not vncredible, by that we see younge boyes doe abide at this daye: for we haue seene diuers, which haue bidden whipping euen to death, vpon the altar of Diana, surnamed Orthia. Nowe this vnder master, who had the charge of euery companie of these boyes, vsed after supper (sitting yet at the table) to byd one of them singe a songe:Childrens ex­ercise afect their supper. to another he put forth a question, who was to be well aduised of his aunswer, as for example: Who is the honestest man in the cittie? or howe thinckest thou by that such a one dyd? By this exercise they were cnured from boyes state, to iudge of things B well or ill done, and to vnderstand the life and gouernment of their cittizens. For which of them dyd not aunswer quickly and directly to these questions, who is a good man, who is an honest cittizen, and who not: they thought it was a signe of a dulle wit, and careles nature, not geuen to any vertue, for desire of honour and estimation. Furthermore this vnder master was euer to waite for his aunswer, and to see it should be brief and well knyt vp in wordes: otherwise his punishement that aunswered crossely, or to litle purpose, was that his master byt him by the thumbe. This he dyd many times in the presence of the olde men and magistrates of the cittie, that they might see whether he punished them with reason or not, and according to their deserning. And though he dyd hurte him, they dyd not by and by reproue him, but when the children were gone awaye, then was he him selfe rebuked and punished, if he had C corrected them to sore, or contrarylie had fauored them to muche. Moreouer they dyd ascribe the good or ill opinion conceaued of the children, vnto euery of their fauorers, and louers, which dyd affect and entertaine them: in asmuch as they saye, a young boye vpon a time figh­ting with another, and a crye scaping out of his mouthe, which his fainte cowardly harte dyd yelde, his fauorer & louer was straight condemned by the officers of the cittie to a fine. Albeit this loue was a thing euen incorporated into them, that the most honest and vertuousest wo­men loued the young maydes thus also:The Laceda­moniās man­ner of liuing. yet was there no iealousie nor suspition that grewe hereof, but rather to the contrarie, there grewe a maruelous mutuall loue and kyndnes be­tweene them, which loued in one selfe place. For either of them by all the meanes they could, dyd deuise howe to make the childe they loued in common, the wisest, the gentlest, and the D best conditioned aboue all other. They taught these children to speake in suche sorte, that their speache had euer in it a pleasaunt grace, and in fewe wordes comprehended much matter. For Lycurgus ordained, a great masse and weight of iron money, should be but litle worthe, and of a small value, as we haue tolde you before: and contrarilie, that speache in fewe wordes, with­out any affectation,Short speache taught among the Lacedae­monians. should holde much deepe and graue matter, wherewith the children being acquainted, after long silence, should be brief and pitthie in their aunswers. For as the seede of incontinent men which are to busie with euery ragge and colman hedge, can take no roote to bringe forth fruite: euen so immoderate speache, full of wordes and busie tattle, bringeth sorth as litle sense. Hereof it commeth, that the aunswers of the LACONIANS were so shorte & witty. As they saye, king Agis aunswered on a daye an ATHENIAN, who iesting at the swords E the LACEDAEMONIANS dyd were, sayed they were so shorte, that these tumblers, and iugglers dyd swallowe them downe in the sight of all the world: and yet sayed Agis, we hurte our ene­mies with them for all that. For mine owne opinion, I like well of the LACONIANS manner of speaking: which is not to speake much, but when they speake, to touch the matter effectually, and to make the hearers vnderstand them. I thincke also, that Lycurgus selfe, was shorte and quicke in his talke.Lycurgus wise aun­swere. For so a man maye coniecture by his aunswers which are written: as that which he made to one who earnestly prayed him to stablishe a popular state in LACEDAE­MON, that the basest might haue as great authoritie as the highest. Beginne (q he) to doe it first in thine owne house. And as that also which he aunswered another who asked him, why he had appointed so small things, and so little of value to be offered to the goddes?Lycurgus loue to god. Bicause (q he) F we should neuer cease to honour them. And as that which he spake another time,To geue a hād, is to con­sesse him self ouercome. touching fightes and frayes, which was: that he dyd neuer forbid his citizens any of them, but those wherein they vse to geue their hande, as you would saye to yeld. Men finde also suche like [Page 58] aunswers, in some of his letters written to his cittizens, as when they asked him. Howe can we A defende our selues against our enemies? He aunswered: If ye be poore, and one doe couet no more then another. And in another letter that was sent, where he discourseth, whether it were requisite to inclose the cittie with walles: he sayeth, can that cittie be without walles, which is enuironned with men, thought it be vncompassed with stone? Neuertheles it is harde to re­solue, whether those letters, and other suche like that are shewed, be to be beleeued, or discre­dited to be his. But that long speache was much disliked, and reproued among the LACEDAE­MONIANS, it is manifestly to be seene by the words,Shorte sen­tences of cer­taint Laco­nians. Leonidus. Charilaus. Archida­midas. which somme amōgest them haue hereto­fore aunswered. As king Leonidas sayed one daye, to one that discoursed with him many good things, but out of season: friend, thou speakest many good wordes, but to litle purpose. And Charilaus, nephew to Lycurgus, being asked why his vncle made so fewe lawes: bicause sayed B he, to men of fewe wordes, fewe lawes will serue. And Archidamidas sayed thus to somme, which reproued Hetataeus the Orator, for that being bidden to supper at one of their feasts he spake not a worde all supper time. He who can speake well, knoweth also when to speake. And where I haue tolde before, that in their feare and quicke aunswers, commonly there was some prety grace, it maye be well seene and knowen by these that followe. Demaratus aunswered a busie fellowe who troubled him to much with vaine importunate questions, asking him still: who was the honestest man of LACEDAEMON? euen he that is least like thy selfe. And Agis sayed to somme which highely praysed the ELIANS for their vpright iudgement,Sha [...]e sen­tences of the Laconians. Demaratus. Agis. Theopompus. & iust dea­ling in the games Olympicall. What wonder make ye of it (q he) if in fiue yeres space the E­LIANS one daye doe good iustice? And Theopompus likewise to a straunger, who as desirous C to shew his affection he bare the LACADAEMONIANS, told him how euery bodye called him Philolaecon (as to saye) a louer of LACEDAEMON. It were more honestie for thee (sayed he) to be named Philopolites, a louer of her citizens.Plistonax, Pausanias sonne. And Plistonax the sonne of Pausanias, when an Orator of ATHENS sayed the LACEDAEMONIANS were vnlearned, and ignorant: thou sayest true q he, for we only of all the GRAECIANS haue learned none of your ill conditions. And Archidamidas, Archidamidas. to one that demaunded of him, what number of fighting men there might be of the SPARTANS: Enowe sayd he, to driue awaye the wicked. We maye conie­cture also their manner of speaking, by their wordes in mirthe, which they spake sometimes playing wise: for they dyd neuer vse to speake vaine wordes at randone, but it had alwayes some secrete meaning in it, which required anothers good obseruation that would finde it. As D he which was desired to goe heare the nightingall counterfeated naturally: I haue (sayed he) heard the nightingall it selfe.In the life of Agesilous. And another which hauing redde this inscription vpon a tumble.

They well deserued death, sayed he, that dyd but quenche tyrannie: they should haue quite consumed it with fire. And one younger boye to another, promising to geue him suche hardie cockes of the game, as should dye in the place where they fought. O geue me not those (said he) which will dye, but those which with fighting will kill others. Another seeing men sit­ting E in coches and litters as they went: god forbid (said he) that I should euer sit in a chayer, where I could not rise to my elders. Suche were their aunswers & encounters. So that somme had reason which sayed heretofore, to speake LACONIAN like, was to be philosopher like: as you would saye, more to exercise the minde, then the bodye. Besides all this, they dyd studie to singe well,The Lacedae­monians songes. and to make goodly ditties and songes. Then they spake most properly and feately. There was in their songs also a certaine motion, I wote not what, which stirred vp the hearers hartes, and dyd kindle desire in them to doe notable feates. Their tongue was plaine, without affectation: their matter graue and morall, conteining for the most parte the prayse of those, which were slayne in battell for the defence of their countrie, as being happy men: & a shame to those that liue, which for fainte hartes refused so to dye, to leade a miserable and vnfortu­nate F life. Or els they sange howe they were the patternes for time to come, or the right glorie of the worlde, and the true representation of vertuous men: as the songe would best become [Page 59] A their ages which dyd singe. It shall not be impartinent for the better vnderstanding hereof, to bring you here and exāple. For in their open feasts, there were alwayes three daūces, according to the difference of the three ages.Three daun­ces among the Lacedaemo­nians. The daunce of the olde men, thus beganne first for to singe.

The young men followed after, singing:

The third was of children that came after the sayed:

To conclude, who nerely will consider the worcks and makings of the LACON poets (wher­of some are yet extant) and will marke also the notes and tunes of the pipe, after the sound and measure whereof they marched in arraye, going to charge the enemie: he shall finde, that Terpander, and Pindarus, Terpander of the Lacedaemonians. had reason to ioyne hardynes with musicke. For Terpander speaking of the LACEDAEMONIANS, sayeth in a place:

C And Pindarus speaking of them also sayeth:Pyndarus of the Lacedae­monians.

By which testimonies it appeareth, the one and the other made, and describeth them to haue loued musicke, and the warres together. For as another LACON poet sayeth,

For this cause therefore in all their warres, when they should geue battell, the King dyd first sacrifice to the Muses, to put his souldiers in minde (as it should seeme) of the discipline & wis­dome of the Muses that they had bene brought vp in, to the end that when his souldiers were in the most extreme daunger, the Muses should present them selues before the souldiers eyes, to pricke then forward to doe some noble actes of worthy memorie. In theirtime of warre, they dyd tollerate their young men a litle of their hard & old accustomed life, & suffered them then to crime their heares,The longe bushes and beare of the Laconians. to haue braue armour, to weare gay apparell, & tooke as great de­light therein, to seethem gallant, & lustie, as to behold young neying & snorting horse, desirous for to fight. And althoughe from the beginning of their youthe, they dyd vse to weare longe E heares: yet were they neuer so carefull to combe & brushe their heades, as when they should to the battell. For when they dyd nointe them selues with sweete oyles, & dyd shed their heare, remembring Lycurgus saying: who was wont to tell them, that heares to them which were fayer, dyd make them more fayer, & to them that were fowle, they made them more ougly & dredfull. The exercises also of their bodies, were more easie & gentle, & not so hard & straight in their warres, as they were in a peace: & generally, their whole manner of life was not then so straightly viewed,How the La­conians be­ganne battell. The Laconiās songe when they mar­ched. Eust. Ilia. 15. nor yet controlled. So as they only were the men of the world, to whom warres were made a rest from labour, which men ordinarylie doe endure, to make them the fitter for the warres. Afterwardes when their armie was set in battell raye, euen in the face of the enemie, the King dyd straight sacrifice a goate vnto the goddes, & forthwith commaunded F all his souldiers to put their garlands of flowers on their heades, & willed that the pipes should sownd the songe of Castor: at the noyse & tune whereof, he him selfe beganne first to marche [Page 60] forward. So that it was a maruelous pleasure, & likewise a dredfull fight, to see the whole battell A marche together in order, at the sound of the pipes, and neuer to breake their pace, nor con­founde their ranckes, nor to be dismayde nor amazed themselues, but to goe on quietly & ioy­fully at the sounde of these pipes, to hazard themselues euen to death. For it is likely, that such corages are not troubled with much feare, nor yet ouercome with much furie: but rather they haue an assured constancie & vallianmes in good hope, as those which are backed with the as­sisting fauour of the goddes. The King marching in this order, had allwayes some about him, which had before time wonne the prises in games and iustes. And they saye there was one of these on a time, that was offered a great some of money at the games Olympicall, not to pre­sent him selfe at them: but he refused it, liking better with great payne to winne the prise, then for muche money to lose his honour. Whereupon one sayed vnto him, LACONIAN: & what B hast thou gotten nowe, to carie away the prise with so much swet? The LACONIAN aunswered him laughing: I shall fight in the battell, sayeth he, before the King. When they had once bro­ken into their enemies, they dyd still fiercely and fiercelier set vpon them, and dyd neuer cease, vntill their enemies gaue waye and fled: and then they chased and followed them still, vntill such time as their ouerthrowe and flight had assured them of the victorie.How save the Lacedaemo­nians dyd pursue their enemies. Then they quickly and quietly returned to their campe, iudging it to be no manhod, neither the parte of a noble minde, or of so wor hye a nation as the GRECIANS were, to kill and hewe in peeces, men so scattered and out of order, hauing forsaken all the hope of victorie. This fell out not on­ly honorable, but also very profitable for them. For they which were in battell against them, knowing they killed none but suche as resisted stowtely, and howe they dyd let other goe C which fled before them: they found it was more their benefit to flye, then to tarie and abide the strokes.Lycurgus a very good captaine, Oulames. Hippias the sophister sayeth, that Lycurgus himselfe was a very good captaine, & a great souldier, as he that had bene in many foughten fieldes: & Philostephanus ascribeth to him the deuise to put horsemenin troupes & companies, which they called Oulames, whereof fiftie men at armes was a troupe, whose manner was to put them selues in squadrōs. But Demetrius the Phalerian writeth otherwise, that Lycurgus was neuer at the warres, & that he made all his lawes and gouernment in a full peace. But in my opinion, the intermission of warres during the playes Olympicall, which they saye he deuised, doeth shew in apparaunce that he was a gentle natured man, & one that loued quietnes and peace. Some notwithstanding (amongest whom Hermippus was one) saye, he was not with Iphitus at the first beginning when he ordeined the D playes Olympicall, but that by chaunce he happened to come thither, passing by in his iorney only, & that he stayed there to see the games: where he thought he heard the voyce of a man behinde him, saying, he maruelled much why he dyd not persuade his citizens also to be par­teners of this newe deuise: and turning backe to see who it was that spake to him, he sawe no bodye. Whereupon he tooke a conceit that it was a speache from the goddes: & went there­fore presently to seeke out Iphitus, with whom he made all the statutes and orders of the feast, which afterwardes were farre more famous, better ordered, & more stately then before. But to returne againe to the LACEDAEMONIANS: their discipline & order of life continued still, after they were full growen men. For it was not lawfull for any man to liue as he listed, but they were within their cittie, as if they had bene in a campe, where euery man knoweth what allowance E he hath to liue withall,The Laconiās opinion, to serue their countrie. & what busines he hath els to doe in his calling. To be shorte, they were all of this minde, that they were not borne to serue them selues, but to serue their countrie. Therfore if they were cōmaunded nothing els, they went continually to see what the children dyd, and to teache them somewhat which might profit the common weale, or els they went to learne of those which were their elders. For one of the best and happiest things which Ly­curgus euer brought into his cittie, was the great rest and leysure which he made his cittizens to haue,The rest and leysure of the Lacedaemo­nians. only forbidding them that they should not professe any vile or base occupation: and they needed not also to be carefull to get great riches, in a place where goodes were nothing profitable nor esteemed. For the Ilotes, which were made bonde men by the warres, dyd till their groundes, and yeelded them a certaine reuenue euery yere. And as touching this matter,F they tell of a LACEDAEMONIAN,Idie liuers punished at Athens. who being on a daye at ATHENS where the lawe was plea­ded, dyd vnderstand that a citizen there was condemned for Idlenes, and howe he went home [Page 61] A to his house very sorowfully, accompanied with his friends which were sorie for him, & greatly lamented his ill happe. The LACEDAEMONIAN then prayed those which were about him, to shewe him the man condemned for liuing nobly, and like a gentleman. I haue alledged this, to shew how he thought it a vile & seruill thing to exercise any handy craft, or to worke any thing by hande to get money. For sutes in lawe, a man maye be well assured they were banished with the golde & siluer from LACEDAEMON,Sutes in lawe went aways with golde & siluer that was banished. How they sp [...]o the time in Sparta., considering now there was no more auarice not coue­tou [...]nes there, nor yet pouertie nor lacke, but equalitie with aboundaunce, & quiet life with so­brietie. All other times but when they had warres, they followed daunsing, feastes, playes, ban­kets hunting, or other exercises of bodye, & meetinges to passe the time away. For the younge men vntill they came to thirtie yeres of age, neuer went into the market to buye any prouision B or things for the house, but dyd their fathers or their friends busines: naye it was a shame for the oldest men, to hawnte the market to often. As to the contrary, it was honorable for them to be present at the shewe place the most parte of the daye, where they diuersely exercised their bodyes, & likewise to be at the places of assembly, there to spend time with talking together, & discoursing honestly one with another, without talking of any matter of gaine, traffike, or mo­ney. For all their talke (for the most parte) was about the praysing of some honest thing, or sporting wise to reproue some dishonestie, which alwayes caried with it some gentle lesson or monition by the waye. For Lycurgus was not such a sower man, as they neuer sawe him laughe: but as Sofibius writeth, it was he that first sacrificed to the litle god of laughture, which is at LA­CEDAEMON, bicause he would mingle their feastes and assemblies with mirthe, as a pleasaunt C sawce to ease the trouble of their strickt and harde life. To be brief, he did accustome his citti­zens so,The Lacedae­monians liued not priuately to them sel­ues in the comm'd weale. Paedaretus saying. that they neither would nor could liue alone, but were in manner as men incorporated one with another, and were allwayes in company together, as the bees be about their master bee: still in a continuall loue to serue their countrie, to winne honour, & to aduaunce the com­mon weale. Which affection to theirs is playne & easely seene to be imprinted in them by cer­ten of their aunswers, as in that which Paedaretus sayed on a time, being left out of the election of the number of the three hundred. Who departing home to his house mery and iocond as might be, sayed: It did him good to see there were three hundred founde better in the cittie than him selfe. Pisistratidas also being sent ambassadour with certen other to the lieutenants of the king of PERSIA, the PERSIAN lordes asked him, if they came of their owne desire, or D whether they were sent from the whole state: if we obtaine, sayed he, it is from the state: if we be denied, then we come of our selues. And Argileonida the mother of Brasidas, asked some that went to visite her after they were returned home to LACEDAEMON from their iorney to AMPHIPOLIS, if her sonne died like a man, and a worthy SPARTAN. And they straight did commend him highely, saying: there was not left in all LACEDAEMON suche a valliant man. She replied vnto them. Saye not so, my friends, I praye you: for Brasidas was in dede a valliant man, but the country of LACONIA hath many moe yet vallianter than he was. Now touching their Senate: Lycurgus was the first that erected it among them. The first that were thereof,The manner of choosing the Senate in Sparta. were Lycurgus chief ayders & assisters of that erection, as we haue declared before: but after­wards he ordeined, that when any of those first should happen to dye, they should choose in his E place the most honest reported man in the cittie, so he were three score yere olde and aboue. This was the noblest glorie that could be among men, when a man bare the bell and prise, not that he was swiftest among the swift, nor strongest amongest the strong, but that he among the honest was honestest. He had the reward of his vertue, as for libertie to speake, soueraine au­thoritie to gouerne, and princely power ouer the common weale, the honour, the life, and the goodes of the whole cittizens: howbeit the election was made after this sorte. The people first assembled in the marketplace, where there were some appointed and shut vp thereabout in a house, from whēce they could neither see, nor be seene of those that were assembled, but onely they might heare the noyse which they made there. For the people by their crye and showte, did declare whom they did choose, and whom they did refuse of the competitours, as they vsed F to shewe their liking by the like crye in other things. The competitours were not brought in, and presented all together, but one after another in order, as by lot did fall out. He on whom the lot fell, passed through the middest of the assemblie of the people, and sayed neuer a worde. [Page 62] The people straight that liked, made a crye or showte alowde. The men appointed which were A locked vp, had bookes or tables in which they wrote and noted the greatnes of the crye, and showte the people made, as euery competitour passed by, not knowing nor seing who he was. These hidden men did onely set downe in their bookes, the first, the second, the thirde, and so many more, as by showtes and cryes they perceyued dyd passe thus through the assemblie. They noted also in their said bookes, which of these had the greatest crye and showte of peo­ple at their passing thorough:VVhat was done the Se­natour being chosen. and him they came and declared to be Senatour chosen. Then he wearing a garland of flowers on his head, went to all the temples of the goddes in the cittie to geue thankes, hauing a great traine of young men following, and praysing of his vertues. There went also with him a maruelous company of women singing songes of his prayse, and howe blessed he was, that he had liued so vertuously. Then euery one of his kinne prepared a B bancket for him at home at their houses, and as he entred the house, they sayed vnto him: The cittie honoreth thee vvith this bancket. That done, he repayred afterwards to the ordinarie place of their eating, where he dyd in all things as he was accustomed, sauing he was serued nowe at his table with a double allowance, whereof he reserued the one. After supper, all his kinse­women stoode in the entrie of the hall where they had eaten: so he called her whom he loued best, and gaue her his allowaunce he had saued, and sayed to her: This was geuen me in token I was this daye rewarded for my vertue: and euen so I geue it thee for a like token of rewarde for thy vertue. Then was she brought home by all the women there to her house, euen in like sorte as he was by the men. Touching burialles, Lycurgus made a wise order: For first of all, to cut of all superstition of burying places,The manner of buriall with the La­cedaemonians. he commaunded they should burie their dead within C the cittie, & that their graues should be round about their temples, that young persones might haue them allwayes in their eyes, & not be affrayed to see a deadbodye, as if to touche a corse, or to passe by their graues, it should defile a man. Then did he forbid them to burie any thing with the corse, and willed they should only lappe it vp in a redde clothe, with oliue leaues. It was not lawfull to graue the name of any dead bodye vpon his graue, but only of suche a man as died in the warres, or of some holy woman professed into their temples. Furthermore, the time appointed to mourne in,The time of mourning. was very shorte. For it lasted not but a eleuen dayes, and on the twelft daye, they must doe sacrifice to Proserpina, and so leaue of their mourning. To conclude, he left nothing idle, or vnworking in his citizens: for to all necessarie things which men can not lacke, Lycurgus ioyned euer a certaine emulation of men. As to desire vertue, and to con­temne D vice: and furnished his cittie with many good preceptes and examples, emong which his cittizens being still borne and bred vp, and hauing the same in euery place before their eyes where they went, they came to passe in time to be framed after the very patterne and moulde of vertue it selfe. For this cause he did not suffer any to trauell out of the countrie,None allowed to trauell into other coūtries without li­cence. or to goe abroad as he would, without speciall licence, for feare least those which trauelled abroad for their pleasure, should bring home straunge facions and manners, and a corrupt disordered life, which by litle and litle might get waye, and bring an alteration and chaunge of the whole state. Furthermore,No straungers suffered to dwell in Sparta. he kept out of SPARTA all straungers, except those which had necessarie busines there, or were come thither for some profit to the countrie: not that he was affrayed they should learne some thing whereby to loue vertue, or that they should desire to followe his E facion and manner of gouernment as Thucydides was: but rather fearing they should teache his citizens some naughty manners, or some ill fauored vice. For it must needes be, that straun­gers bring euerstraunge and newe deuises with them: which newe deuises bring with them al­so newe opinions: and newe opinions beget newe affections and mindes, that many times are repugnant to the lawe, and to the forme of the common weale established before, as discordes doe many times in an harmonie of musicke, that before agreed very well together. Therefore he iudged it a thing most necessarie, to keepe his cittie free and safe from coūterfeating of any straungers manners of facions, that were cōmonly as persones infected with some contagious sicknes. Nowe in all we haue spoken before, euen to this place, there is no manner of token or shewe of iniustice, or lacke of equite, wherewith some seme to burden Lycurgus in his lawes:F by saying they were well made,Cryptia with the Lacedae­monians. to make men warlicke and valliant, but not to be iuste or righ­teous. But cōcerning the lawe they call Cryptia, as much to saye, as their secret: if it were of Ly­curgus [Page 63] A institution, as Aristotle sayeth, it might haue caried Plato into the like opinion that Ly­curgus had of his common weale. This was the lawe: The gouernours which had the charge and ouersight of the young men, at certaine appointed times, dyd chuse out those they thought to haue the best discretion, and sent them abroade into the countrie, some one waye, some another waye, who caried with them daggers, and some prouision to feede them. Those young men being thus dispersed abroade in the countrie, did hide them selues all the daye close in secret places, and there they laye and tooke their rest: afterwardes when night was come, they went to seeke out the high wayes, and killed the first of the ILOTES that they met.The cruelty of the Lace­daemonians against the Ilotes. Some­times euen in the broade daye, they went into the countrie to kill the strongest and slowesth of the mens Thucydides telleth in his history of the warres of PELOPONNESVS, where he sayeth. B That a certaine conuenient number of the ILOTES were crowned, by a publicke proclama­tion of the SPARTANS: and being infranchesed, for their good seruices they had done the common weale, they were caried to all the temples of the goddes for an honour. Within a while after, no man knewe what was become of them, being about two thousand in number: so that neuer man heard tell neither then nor since, howe they came to their deathes. Howbeit Aristotle aboue all others sayeth, that the Ephores, so soone as they were placed in their offi­ces; made warres with the ILOTES, bicause they might lawfully kill them. And it is true, that in other things they did handle them very hardely. For they forced them somtimes to drincke wine without water out of measure, till they had made them starke drunke. Then they brought them all into their common halles where they did eate, to make their children to beholde C them, and to see what beastlines it was for a man to be drunke. Likewise they made them singe songes, and daunce daunces, vnfit for honest men, and suche as were full of derision and moc­kerie, and did forbid them expressely to singe any honest songes. So it is reported, that in the iorney the THEBANS made to LACONIA, many of the ILOTES were taken prisoners thereat, and when they were commaunded to singe the verses of Terpander, or of Aleman, Diodorus lib. 2. or of Spen­don the Laconian, they would not doe it: saying, they durst not finge them for their masters. Wherefore he that first sayed in the countrie of LACEDAEMONIA, he that is free in more free, and he that is bonde, is more bonde then in other places: knewe very well the diuersitie be­tweene the libertie and bondage there, and the libertie and bondage of other countries. But in my opinion, the LACEDAEMONIANS beganne to vse these great outrages and cruelties, long D time after the death of Lycurgus, and specially since the great earthquake that happened at SPARTA, at which time the ILOTES rose against them with the MESSENIANS, and did great mischief through the countrie, and put the cittie to the greatest distresse and daunger that euer it had. For I cannot be persuaded, that euer Lycurgus inuented, or instituted, so wicked and mis­chieuous an acte, as that kynde of ordinaunce was: bicause I imagine his nature was gentle and mercifull, by the clemencie and iustice wee see he vsed in all his other doings and was witnes­sed besides by open oracle from the goddes, for a iust and wise man. Furthermore, they saye of him, that when he sawe the chiefest pointes of his gouernment had taken deepe roote, and that the forme of his common weale went on, and was strong enough to mainteine and keepe it selfe a foote, like as Plato sayeth,Plato in Ti­maeo. that God reioyced greately after he had made the worlde, E and sawe the same turne and moue his first mouing: euen so Lycurgus taking singular pleasure and delight in his minde, to see his notable lawes put in vre, and so well stablished and liked of by experience, sought yet to make them immortall, as neere as he could possible by any fore­cast of man, that no after time whatsoeuer, might chaunge or put them downe. To bring this to passe, he caused all the people to assemble, and tolde them he thought his ciuill pollicie and state of common weale was already sufficiently established, for vertuous and happy life yet there was one matter behinde of greater importaunce than all the rest, which he could not yet declare vnto them, vntill he had first asked counsell of the oracle of Apollo: And therefore in the meane time they should keepe and obserue his lawes and ordinaunces inuiolublie, without chaunging remouing, or staying any matter therein,Lycurgus wonderfull counsell in stablishing his lawes. vntill he were returned from the cittie of F DELPHES, and then they should doe that other thing behinde, if the God then so counselled him. They all promised him to doe it, and prayed him to make hast to goe on his iorney. But before he departed, he made the Kings and Senatours sweare first, and consequently all the peo­ple [Page 64] after, that they would keepe his lawes and ordinaunces without chaunging or altering any A thing, vntill he did returne againe. This done, he went to the citie of DELPHES, where so sone as he arriued, he sacrificed in the temple to Apollo, and asked him: If the lawes he had made were good to make a man an happy life. Apollo made him aunswer, his lawes were very good, and that his cittie keping them, should be the most renowmed of the worlde. Lycurgus caused this oracle to be written, which he sent to SPARTA. After he sacrificed to Apollo againe: and then taking leaue of his friendes, and of his sonne, he determined to dye, bicause his citizens should neuer be released of the othe they had made betweene his handes. When he had this determination, he was come to the age, wherein a man hathe strength enough to liue lenger: and yet was olde enough also to dye if he would.Lycurgus death. Wherefore finding him selfe happy to haue obteined his desire, he willingly pyned him selfe to death, by abstinence, and lacke of meate. For B he thought it meete, that the very death of great personages should bring benefit euer to the common weale, and that the ende of their life should be no more idle, or vnprofitable, then the rest of their life before: nay rather, that it was one of their most meritotious actes, to haue their death extolled for worthines. So he imagined, that his death would be the perfection and crowne of his felicitie, after he had made and ordeined so many good and notable lawes, for the honour and benefit of his countrie: and should be as a seale of confirmation of his lawe, and the continuall preseruitour of his cittie, considering all his cittizens had sworne to keepe them all inuiolably, vntill he were returned. He was not deceaued of his hope, for his cittie was the chiefest of the worlde, in glorie and honour of gouernment, by the space of fiue hundred yeres.Sparta flori­shed fiue hun­dred yeres. Lycurgus lawes were broke in king Agis time, by Lysanders meanes. Money corru­pteth Lycur­gus Lawes. For so long his cittie kept his lawes without any chaunge or alteration by any of the C Kings successours, vntill king Agis, the sonne of Archidamus beganne to reigne. For the crea­tion of the Ephores, did not breake, not discontinewe any of the lawes of Lycurgus, but reduced them rather to a more straight and strickt order: although it seemed at the first that the Ephores were ordeined, for the maintenaunce & defence of the libertie of the people, whereas in deede they did also strengthen the authoritie of the Kings and Senate. Nowe in the raigne of king Agis, gold and siluer beganne first to creepe in againe to the cittie of SPARTA, by meanes of Lysander. With money there came in straight couetousnes, and gredines to get and gather. And although Lysander was not desirous to get it, nor would be corrupted for any money: yet he brought riches and couetousnes into the countrie,See more in Lysaders life. Lysander brought in ri­cher againe into Sparta. and filled the same with all finenes, by bringing in great store of golde and siluer from the warres, directly against the lawes and ordi­naunces D of Lycurgus. The which so long as they were in force and vse, it appered that the go­uernment of SPARTA seemed not to be a pollicy or common weale, but rather a certaine holy place & order of religion. And euen as the Poets fayne, the Hercules went through the world with his clubbe, and lyons skynne, punishing cruell robbers and vnnaturall tyrannes: so in like case with a litle scrowe of parchement, and a poore cape, did the SPARTANS commaund and geue lawes, to all the rest of GRECE, euen with their good liking and consent. And they cha­sed the tyrannes awaye, which vsurped tyrannicall power ouer any of their citties, and did de­cide all controuersies, and oftentimes pacified their seditions, without sending out one soul­dier, but only a simple poore ambassadour. At whose commaundement, the people presently assembled like the bees, which gather together about their King, so soone as they spye him:E they did then so greatly reuerence the good gouernment & iustice of the SPARTANS. There­fore I can but wonder much at those which saye, the cittie of LACEDAEMON could obey well, but not commaunde: and for proofe they alleage wordes of king Theopompus, Theopompus wordes of o­beying and commaūding. who aunswered one which sayd, that SPARTA was mainteined, bicause the Kings could commaund well. Naye the rather (sayd he) bicause the cittizens can obey well. For men commonly disdaine to obey those, which are not wise in commaunding. So that the faithfull obedience of the subiectes, de­pendeth much vpon the sufficient commaundement of the wise prince. For he that directeth well, must needes be well obeyed. For like as the arte of a good rider, is to make his horse gentle,Good gouern­mēt breedeth due obediēce. and ready at commaundement: euen so the chiefest pointe belonging to a prince, is to teach his subiects to obey. Wherefore the LACEDAEMONIANS procured, that not onely F other people did willingly obey them, but also desired to be ruled, and commaunded by them. For they asked them, neither shippes nor money, nor yet did send them any number of men [Page 65] A of warre to compell them, but onely they sent one cittizen of SPARTA to gouerne them, to whom all the other people submitted them selues, and were holpen by him in their necessitie, as fearing and reuerencing him. In this wise the SICILIANS were holpen by Gysippus, the CHALCIDIANS by Brasidas, and all the GRECIANS inhabiting ASIA, by Lysander, Callicra­tidas, and by Agesilaus, who were called the reformers and directers of princes, peoples, and Kings, vnto whom they were sent here and there: but euer they had their eye vpon the cittie of SPARTA, as vpon the most perfect patterne to order mans life by, and to gouerne a com­mon weale after. To this effect tended the mery worde spoken in iest by Straton [...]e [...]: Who said he did order the ATHENIANS to tend their sacrifices, and the ELIANS to tende their games: and if they made any faulte therein, the LACEDAEMONIANS should be well whipped. That B was merely spoken, and in a iesting manner. But Antisthenes (the philosopher and one of So­crates scholers) seeing the THEBANS growen very hawtie & glorious,Antisthenes, Socrates schollers wordes. after that they had con­quered the LACEDAEMONIANS in the iorney of LEVCTRES: me thinketh sayed he, these THE­BANS here doe like the schoole boyes, which bragge and reioyce when they haue a litle bea­ten their master. But this was not Lycurgus meaning, to haue his cittie to commaunde many. But he thought the felicitie of a cittie, as of a priuate man, consisted chiefly in the exercise of vertue, and in the vnitie of the inhabitants thereof. He framed his common wealth to this ende, that his cittizens should be nobly minded, content with their owne, and temperate in their doings, that thereby they might mainteine and keepe them selues long in safetie. The self same intention had Plato, Diogenes, and Zenon, in setting forth their bookes, which they wrote C of the gouernment of common weales:The founda­tion of a com­mon weale. and so had likewise many other great and learned men which haue written of the same matter. Howbeit they only left behinde them, wordes, and written bookes: but Lycurgus contrariwise, left no written bookes nor pamplets, but stablished and left behinde him, a royall forme of gouernment, which no man euer before had inuented, nor neuer after could be followed. He hath made them plainely see, a whole cittie liue toge­ther, and gouerne it selfe philosophically, according to the true rules and preceptes of perfect wisdome: which imagined, that true wisedome was a thing hanging in the ayer, and could not visible be seene in the worlde. Whereby he hath worthily excelled in glorie all those, which euer tooke vpon them to write or stablishe the gouernment of a common weale. And there­fore sayeth Aristotle, that after his death they did him lesse honour in LACEDAEMONIA, D then he had deserued: albeit they did him all the honour they possibly could deuise. And yet they buylt a temple for him, and made solemne sacrifice to him euery yere, as vnto a god.Diuine ho­nours to Ly­curgus after his death. More, they saye, that when the ashes of his bodie were brought to SPARTA, there fell straight lightning vpon his tumbe where they were put: which they had not often seene to happen, to other men of name after their decease, sauing only to the poet Eur [...]pides, who dying in MACE­DONIA, was buried neere the cittie of ARETHVSA. The which is some manifest argument, for suche as loue the Poet, to laye against those which somewhat depraue him, seing this signe came to him after his death, which had happened before to a most well beloued man of the goddes. Some laye Lycurgus died in the cittie of CIRRHA. But Apollothemis sayeth, he died in ELIDA. Timaeus and Aristoxenus write, he ended his dayes in CRETA. And Aristoxenus E sayeth further, that those of the Ile of CRETA doe shewe his graue in the place which they call Pergami [...], Antiorus Ly­curgus [...]. by the broade highe wayes side. He left one onely begotten sonne named An­tiorus, who died without issue, so that his house and name fayled with him. But his neere kinse­men and famillier friendes, did set vp a company or brotherhood in memorie of him, which continued a long time: and the dayes wherein they assembled, were called the Lycurgides. There is another Aristocrates (the sonne of Hipparchus) who sayeth, that he being dead in CRETA, his friendes burned his bodie, and afterwardes threwe his ashes into the sea, according as he had prayed and requested them. For he feared, that if any parte of him should at any time haue bene brought to SPARTA, the inhabitans would haue sayed he was returned againe, and thereby would haue thought them selues discharged of their othe, and might haue F lawfully altered the lawes which he had appointed. And this is the discourse and ende of Lycurgus life.

The end of Lycurgus life.

THE LIFE OF Numa Pompilius.

In what time Numa [...] Cicero de Or. 2. & Tusc [...]l. 4. Lius. H [...]lic. lib. 2. THE Historiographers differ maruelously of the time, in which Numa A Pompilius raigned King, albeit some will deriue from him many noble houses descēded in ROME. For one Clodius, who wrote the booke inti­tuled the table of time, affirmeth that the auncient registers of the cit­tie of ROME were lost when it was taken and sacked by the GAVLES: and that those which are extant at this daye be not true, but were only made by men desirous to gratifie some, which haue thrust in auncient houses and families of the first ROMAINES, that concerne nothing them whom they ment to represent. On the other side, although the common opinion be, that Numa was as familier friend and scholler of Pythagoras the philoso­pher, yet some saye he was neuer learned, nor had any knowledge at all in the Greeke tongue.B And yet mainteining that it is possible enough,VVhether Pythagoras had any con­versation with Numa. that he was so well borne, and had suche perfe­ction in all kind of vertue, that he neuer neded any master: & though he had neded, they had ra­ther attribute the honour of the instructing of this King vnto some other foreane person, that was more excellent then Pythagoras. Other saye, that Phythagoras the philosopher was long time after the raigne of Numa, & well nighe fiue ages after him. How beit other saye, there was ano­ther Pythagoras borne in SPARTA (who hauing wonne the pryse of running at the games O­lympicall,Pythagoras the seconde, a Spartan borne, taught Numa, at Rome. in the sixtenth Olympiade, & the third yere of Numaes raigne) did come into ITA­LIE, where he kept much about Numa, & did assist & helpe him in the gouerning & ordering of his Realme. By meanes whereof there be many customes yet of the LACONIANS, mingled with the ROMAINES, which this second Pythagoras was sayed to haue taught him. Neuer­theles C his not confessed that Numa was borne of the SABYNES, which they saye are descended from the LACEDAEMONIANS. So it falleth out very hard to agree certainly of the time when Numa was, and chiefly for suche as will followe the rolle or table of those, which from Olym­piades to Olympiades haue wonne the pryses of games Olympicall: considering the rolle or table that they haue at this present, was very lately published by one Hippias an Elian, who de­liuereth no reason or argument of necessitie, why it should be taken for an vndoubted trothe, which he in that sorte hath gathered. Yet we will not leaue to put in writing those things wor­thie [Page 67] A of memorie, which we could gather by any meanes of king Numa, beginning at that place which we thought to be meetest. It was nowe sithence ROME was buylt, seuen and thirtie yeres (for so long time raigned Romulus) when Romulus the fifte of the moneth of Iuly (which they call the Nones of the goates) made a solemne sacrifice without the cittie,The death of Romulus. neere to a cer­taine place commonly called, the goate marshe. As all the whole Senate, with the most parte of the people were present at this sacrifice, sodainely there rose in the ayer a very great tem­pest, and a maruelous darcke thicke clowde, which fell on the earthe with suche boysterous windes, stormes, lightnings, and thunder: that the poore common people being affrayed of so fore a tempest, dispersed them selues sodainely, running here and there for succour, and there­withall king Romulus vanished awaye in suche sorte, that he was neuer after seene aliue not B dead. This brought the Senatours, and noble men whom they called Patricians, into great sus­pition. And there ranne a fowle tale among the common people, howe they had a long time borne very impaciently to be subiects to a King, bicause them selues would haue had and ta­ken vpon them some soueraine authoritie, and that for this cause they had killed king Romulus. Adding somewhat more vnto it, howe a litle before he had vsed them more roughely, and commaūded them more straightly then he was wont or accustomed. Neuertheles they found the meanes to quenche all these bruites and murmurings, by doing diuine honour and sacri­fice vnto him, as one not dead, but passed to a better life. To confirme this, one of the noblest men among them called Proclus came in, and by othe affirmed before all the people, that he sawe Romulus ascending vp into heauen,In the life of Romulus he is named Tro­colus [...]. armed at all peces, and that he heard a voyce saye: C from thenceforth call him Quirinus. This being thus appeased, there sprange vp another trou­ble, to knowe whom they should choose in his place. For the straungers which were come then from other places to dwell in ROME,Dissention as Rome about choosing of their King. were not yet throughly ioyned to the naturall borne ROMAINES: in so muche, as the common people dyd not only wauer, and stagger vp and down in opinion, but the Senatours also (that were many & of diuers nations) did enter into a suspition one of another. These things notwithstāding they all agreed in this, that of necessitie they must choose a King: howbeit in the rest they differed much, not only whom they should choose, but also of what nation he should be. For those which were the first founders and buyl­ders of the cittie of ROME with Romulus, could in no wise abide, norsuffer, that the SABYNES (to whom they had diuided parte of their landes, and a moytie of their cittie) should attempt D and presume to commaund them, whom they dyd receyue and associate into their company and felowshippe. The SABYNES alledged on thother side for them, a good reason, and such as caried great probabilitie. Which was, that neuer sence the death of their king Tatius, they neither had in any thing disobeyed nor disquieted king Romulus, but had suffered him to raigne peaceably: and therefore Romulus being nowe deceased, reason would that the newe King should be chosen of their nation. And that albeit the ROMAINES had receyued them into their cittie, they could not say therefore, that in time of this association, they were lesse to be reckoned of in any thing, than them selues. Further they added, that in ioyning with them, the ROMAINES had doubly increased their might and power, and had made a bodie of a people, which deserued the honour and title of a cittie. These were the causes of their contention. But E to preuent that of this contention there might growe to confusion in the cittie, if it should remaine without an head to commaund: the Senatours which were a hundred and fiftieth number,Liuie sayeth but a hun­dred. Dionysius 200. gaue counsell that euery one of them by turnes, one after another, should carie the royall state of the King, and all the showes and ornaments of his maiestie, and should doe the ordinarie sacrifices of the King, and dispatche all causes sixe howers in the daye, and sixe howers in the night, as the King before had vsed. Thus they thought it best to deuide the rule,Plutar. in the life of Romu­lus agreeth with Diony­sius. that one might haue asmuch power as the other, aswell in respect of them selues, as also for re­garde of the people. For they imagined, that the chaunging and remouing thus of this regall dignitie, and passing it from man to man, would clene take awaye enuie among them, and make euery of them to rule temperately, and vprightly see, that in one, and that selfe same daye F and night, euery of them should be a King and priuate persone also. The ROMAINES call this manner of regiment in vacation, Interregnum:Interregnum. as you would saye, rule for the time. Nowe albeit their gouernment was very modest and ciuill, yet they could not for all that [Page 68] keepe them selues from falling into the suspition, and slaunder of the people: who gaue it A out straight, that this was a fine deuise of theirs, to chaunge by this meanes the rule of the Realme into a fewe noble mens handes, to the ende that the whole authoritie and gouern­ment of all publicke causes, should remaine still in them selues, bicause it grieued them to be subiect to a King. And in the ende, the two partes of the cittie came to this agreement: that the one parte should choose one of the bodie of the other, to be the King. This course they li­ked very well, aswell for the pacification of present sturre and dissention amongest them sel­ues, as for procuring equalitie of affection, and sturring vp a likenes of goodwill in the King that thus indifferently should be chosen: whereby he should loue the one parte for that they had chosen him, and likewise the other parte for that he was of their nation. The SABYNES were the first, which referred the election to the ROMAINES choyse: and the ROMAINES B thought it better to chuse one of the nation of the SABYNES, then to haue a ROMAINE cho­sen by the SABYNES. After they had consulted, they determined amongest them selues: and did choose Numa Pompilius one of the bodye of the SABYNES to be King,Numa chosen King. who was none of the number of them which came to dwell at ROME, howbeit he was a man so famous for his vertue, that the SABYNES so soone as they named him, did receyue him more willingly, then they who had chosen him. After they had thus published their election, the first and chiefest persones of the one & the otherside, were chosen out to goe vnto him. Now Numa Pompilius was borne in one of the chiefest and best citties which the SABYNES had, called Cures, where­upon the ROMAINES, and their fellowes the SABYNES, were called afterwardes Quirites, Numa borne in the cittie of Cures. Quirites why so called. and he was the sonne of Pomponius a noble man, the youngest of foure brethern: being by the se­cret C worcking of the goddes, borne on the very daye, on the which ROME was first founded by Romulus, which was the one and twenty daye of Aprill. This man being naturally geuen and inclined vnto all vertue, did yet increase the same, by studie, and all kynde of good disci­pline: and by the exercise thereof, and of true pacience, and right philosophie, he did mar­uelously adorne him selfe and his manners.The life and manners of Numa before his raigne. For he did not only clere his soule, and minde, of all passions and vices commonly vsed in the worlde: but he conquered in him selfe all heates, violence, & couetousnes. And would neither seeke nor vsurpe, that which was an other mans, a thing at that time honoured among the most barbarous people: but thought that to be the true, and right victorie in man, first to conquer and commaund him selfe by iudgement & rea­son, & then to subdue all couetousnes & greedines. Hauing therfore this opinion, he would in D no wise haue in his house any superfluity or finenes. He became to euery man that would em­ploye him (aswell straunger as his owne countrie man) a wise coūsaillour, & an vpright iudge. He bestowed his leysure, not to followe his owne delight, or to gather goods together: but to serue the goddes, & to behold their celestiall nature and power, as much as mans reason & vn­derstāding could cōprehend. Thereby he got so great a name & reputation, that Tatius (which was king of ROME with Romulus) hauing but one onely daughter called Tatia, Tatia the wife of Nu­ma. made him his sonne in law. Howbeit this mariage put him in no such iolity, that he would dwel at ROME with his father in lawe, but rather kept at home at his own house in the countrie of the SABYNES, there to serue & cherishe his olde father with his wife Tatia: who for her parte also liked better, to liue quietly with her husbād being a priuate mā, then to goe to ROME where she might haue E liued in much honour and glorie, by meanes of the King her father. She died as it is reported, 13. yeres after she was maried. After her deathe, Numa leauing to dwell in the cittie, was better contēted to liue in the country alone, & solitarie, & gaue himself to walke much in the fields & woddes consecrated to the godds, as one desirous to leade alone life, farre from the cōpanie of men. Whereupon was raised (in my opiniō) that which is spoken of him, & of the goddesse Ege­ria. Numa con­uersant with the goddesse Egeria. That it was not for any straungenes, or melancholines of nature, that Numa withdrew him self from the cōuersation & cōpany of men, but bicause he had found another more honorable & holy society of the Nymphe, & goddesse Egeria, who had done him, as they saye, that honour, as to make him her husbād: with whō as his beloued darling it is sayed he enjoyed happy dayes, & by dayly frequenting of her company, he was inspired with the loue & knowledge of all ce­lestiall F things. Surely, these deuises are much like vnto certain old fables of the Phrygiās, which they hauing learned from the father to the sonne, doe loue to tell of one Atis: of the Bithynians, [Page 69] A of one Herodotus: of the ARCADIANS, of one Endymion: and of many other such like men, who in their liues were taken for sayntes, and beloued of the goddes. Notwithstanding, it is likely, that the goddes loue neither birdes, nor horse, but men, and haue sometimes a liking to be fa­milliar with perfect good men,Goddes fa­milliar with men. and doe not disdaine sometime the conuersation of suche as be holye, religious, and deuoute. But to beleeue the goddes haue carnall knowledge, and doe de­light in the outward beawtie of creatures, that seemeth to carie a very harde beliefe. Yet the wise EGYPTIANS thincke it probable enough and likely, that the spirite of the goddes hath geuen originall of generation to women, and doe beget fruite of their bodies: howbeit they holde that a man can haue no corporall companie with any diuine nature. Wherein they doe not cōsider, that euery thing that ioyneth together, doth deliuer againe a like substaūce, to that B wherewith it was ioyned. This notwithstanding, it is mete we should beleeue the godds beare good will to men, and that of it doth spring their loue, whereby men saye the goddes loue those whose manners they purifie, and inspire with vertue. And they doe not offende, which fayne that Phorbas, Hyacinthus and Admetus, were sometimes the louers of Apollo, and also Hippoly­tus the SICYONIAN: of whom they reporte, that euer when he passed ouer the arme of the sea which lieth betweene the citties of SICYONA, and of CIRRAHA, the god which knewe he came, reioyced, and caused Pythia the prophetesse to pronounce these heroycall verses,

It is sayd also that Pan was in loue with Pindarus and his verses,VVho are be­loued of the goddes. and that the goddes honored C the poets Hesiodus, & Archilocus, after their death by the Muses. They saye moreouer, that AEs­culapius laye with Sophocles in his life time, and at this daye they doe yet showe many tokens thereof: and after his death, another god (as it is reported) made him to be honorably buried. Nowe if they graunte, that such things maye be true: how can we refuse to beleeue, that some goddes haue bene familliar with Zaleucus, Minos, Zoroastres, Lycurgus, Numa, and such other like personages, which haue gouerned kingdomes, & stablished common weales? and it is not vnlike that the goddes in deede dyd company with them, to inspire and teache them many no­table things, and that they did drawe neere vnto these Poets, & players of the harpe, that made and played many dolefull and ioyfull ditties, at the least for their sporte and pleasure onely, if euer they came neere them. Neuertheles if any man be of other opinion, the waye is open and D large as Bacchylides sayed, to thincke and saye as he lust. For my selfe I doe finde, that which is written of Lycurgus, Numa, and other suche persones, not to be without likelyhood and proba­bilitie: who hauing to gouerne rude, churlishe, & stiffe necked people, and purposing to bring in straunge nouelties into the gouernments of their countries, did fayne wisely to haue confe­rence with the godds, considering this fayning fell to be profitable & beneficiall to those them­selues, whom they made to beleeue the same. But to returne to our historie. Numa was fourty yeres olde, when the ambassadours of ROME were sent to present the Kingdome vnto him, & to intreate him to accept thereof. Proclus, and Velesus, Proclus and Velesus am­bassadours to offer Numa the kingdom. were the ambassadours that were sent. One of the which the people looked should haue bene chosen for King, bicause those of Romulus side, did fauour muche Proclus: and those of Tatius parte fauored Velesus. Nowe they vsed no E long speache vnto him, bicause they thought he would haue bene glad of suche a great good fortune. But contrarely it was in deede a very hard thing, & required great persuasions, & much intreatie, to moue a man which had allwayes liued quietly, & at ease, to accept the regiment of a cittie, which as a man would saye, had bene raysed vp and growen by warres, and martiall dedes. Wherfore he aunswered them in the presence of his father, and one other of his kinse­men called Martius in this sorte.The orasion of Numa to the abassa­dours refusing to be King. Chaunge & alteration of mans life is euer daungerous: but for him that lacketh nothing necessarie, nor hath cause to cōplaine of his present state, it is a great follie to leaue his olde acquainted trade of life, & to enter into another newe and vnknowen, if there were no other but this only respect that he leaueth a certaintie, to venter vpon an vncer­tainty. Howbeit there is further matter in this, that the daūgers & perills of this kingdom which F they offer me, are not altogether vncertain, if we will looke backe what happened vnto Romulus. Who was not vnsuspected to haue layed waite, to haue had Tatius his fellow & cōpanion mur­dered: & now after Romulus death, the Senatours selues are mistrusted to haue killed him on the [Page 70] other side by treason. And yet they saye it, and singe in euery where that Romulus was the sonne A of a god, that at his birthe he was miraculously preserued, and afterwardes he was as incredi­blie brought vp. Whereas for my owne parte, I doe confesse, I was begotten by a mortallman, and was fostered, brought vp, and taught by men as you known and these fewe qualities which they prayse & commend in me, are conditions farre vnmoto for a man that is to raigne. I euer loued a solitarie life, quiet and studie, and did exempt my selfe from worldly causes. All my life time I haue sought and loued peace aboue all things, and neuer had for doe with any warres. My conuersation hath bene to companie with men, which meete only to serue & honour the goddes, or to laughe and be merie one with another, or els to spende their time in their priuate affayers, or otherwise sometime to attend their pastures, and feeding of their cattell. Whereas Romulus (my ROMAINE lordes) hath left you many warres begonne, which peraduenture you B could be contented to spare: yet now to mainteine the same, your citie had neede of a martiall King, actiue, & strong of bodye. Your people moreouer, through long custome, and the great increase they are geuen vnto by feates of armes, desire nought els perhappes but warres: and it is plainely seene, they seeke still to growe, and commaund their neighbours. So that if there were no other consideration in it, yet were it a mere mockerie for me, to goe to teache a cittie at this present to serue the goddes, to loue iustice, to hate warres, and to flye violence: when it rather hath neede of a conquering captaine, then of a peaceable King. These and suche other like reasons and persuasions Numa alleaged, to discharge him selfe of the Kingdome which they offred him. Howbeit the ambassadours of the ROMAINES most humbly besought and prayed him with all instance possible, that he would not be the cause of another newe sturre, and com­motion C among them, seeing both partes in the cittie haue geuen their consent and liking to him alone, and none other to be their King. Moreouer, when the ambassadours had left him vpon this sute, his father, and Martius his kinseman, beganne also priuately to perswade him, that he should not refuse so good and godly an offer. And albeit he was contented with his present state, and desired to be no richer than he was, nor coueted no princely honour nor glorie, bicause he sought only most famous vertue: yet he must needes thincke, that to rule well, was to doe the goddes good seruice, whose will it was to employe the iustice they knewe in him, and not to suffer it to be idle. Refuse not therefore (q they) this royall dignitie, which to a graue and wise man is a goodly field, to bring forth many commendable workes and fruites. There you maye doe noble seruice to the godds, to humble the heartes of these martiall peo­ple, and to bring them to be holy and religious: for they readely turne, and easely conforme them selues vnto the nature of their prince. They dearely loued Tatius, although he was a straunger: they haue consecrated a memorie to Romulus with diuine honours, which they make vnto him at this daye. And it maye be, that the people seeing them selues conquerers, will be full enough of warres: and the ROMAINES being nowe full of spoyles & triumphes, will be glad to haue a gentle prince, and one that loueth iustice, that they maye thenceforth liue in peace, vnder good and holy lawes. And yet if it be otherwise, that their hartes be still full of heate and furie to fight: is it not better to turne this their desire to make warres some other waye, when a man hathe the bridle in his owne handes to doe it, and to be a meane in the meane time to ioyne the countrie, and all the nation of the SABYNES, in perpetuall loue E and amitie, with so mighty and florishing a cittie? besides all these persuasions and reasons, there were many signes also (as they saye) which promised him good lucke, together with the earnest affection and liking of his owne countrie cittizens. Who, so soone as they vnder­stoode the coming, and commission of the ambassadours of ROME, they importunately desired him to goe thither, and to accept the offer of the Kingdome: that he might more straight­ly vnite and incorporate them together with the ROMAINES. Whereupon, Numa accepted the Kingdome.Numa begin­neth his king­dome with seruice of the goddes. Then after he had done sacrifice to the goddes, he set forwardes on his iour­ney towardes ROME: where the people and Senate went out to meete him, with a wonder­full desire to see him. The women at his entrie, went blessing of him, and singing of his prayses. They dyd sacrifice for him, in all the temples of the goddes. There was neither F man nor woman but seemed to be as ioyfull and glad: as if a newe Realme, and not a newe Kinge, had bene come to the cittie of ROME. Thus was he brought with this open ioye, [Page 71] A and reioycing, vnto the market place, where one of the Senatours, which at that time was re­gent, called Spurius Vettius, made them pronounce his open election: and so by one consent he was chosen King, with all the voyces of the people. Then were brought vnto him the tokens of honour and dignitie of the King. But he him selfe commaunded they should be stayed a while, saying: He must first be confirmed King by the goddes. Then he tooke the wise men & priests, with whom he went vp into the Capitoll, which that time was yet called mounte Tarpeian. And there, the chiefest of the soothesayers called Augures, Numa was consecrated by the Au­gures. turned him towardes the southe, hauing his face couered with a veyle, and stoode behinde him, laying his right hande vpon his heade, and praying to the goddes that it would please them to declare their willes by flying of birdes, or some other token concerning this election: and so the soothesayer cast his eyes all B about, as farre as he could possiblie discerne. During all this time there was a maruelous si­lence in the market place, although then an infinite number of people were assembled there together, attending with great deuotion what the issue of this diuination would be: vntill there appeared vnto them on the right hande, good and lucky birdes, which did confirme the ele­ction. Then Numa putting on his regall robes, came downe from mounte Tarpeian, into the market place, where all the people receyued him with wonderfull showtes of ioye, as a man the most holy, and best beloued of the goddes that they could haue chosen. So hauing taken the royall seate of the Kingdome, his first acte was this. That he discharged the garde of the three hundred souldiers, which Romulus had allwayes about his persone, called Celeres:The garde of Celeres dis­charged by Numa. Flamen Qui­rinalis insti­tuted of Nu­ma. saying, he would not mistrust them which trusted him, neither would he be King ouer people, which C should mistrust him. His second acte was, that he did adde to the two priests of Iupiter & Mars, a thirde, in the honour of Romulus, who was called Flamen Quirinalis. For the auncient RO­MAINES also called their priests, instituted in the olde time, Flamines, by reason of certaine litle narrowe hattes which they did weare on their heades, as if they had called them Pilamines: for Pilos in Greeke signifieth a hatte. And at that time (as they saye) there were many moe Greeke wordes mingled with the Latine, then there are at this daye. For they called the mantells the Kings did weare Loenas. And Iuba sayeth that it is the very same which the GRECIANS call Chloenas, and that the younge boye which was a seruaunte in the temple of Iupiter, was called Camillus, as some of the GRECIANS doe yet call the god Mercurie, bicause he is seruaunt of the godds. Now Numa hauing done these things at his first entrie into his Kingdome, still to winne D further fauour and goodwill of the people:Numa indu­cent ciuill & quiet life. Plato de Rep. lib. 2. beganne immediately to frame his citizens to a certaine ciuilitie, being as iron wrought to softenes, and brought them from their violent and warlike desires, to temperate and ciuill manners. For out of doubt, ROME was properly that, which Plato ascribeth to a cittie full of trouble and pryde. For, first it was founded by the most coragious and warlike men of the worlde, which from all partes were gathered there together, in a most desperate boldnes: and afterwards it increased, and grewe strong, by armes and con­tinuall warres, like as pyles driuen into the grounde, which the more they are rammed in, the further they enter, and sticke the faster. Wherefore Numa iudging it no small nor light enter­prise, to plucke downe the hawty stomacks of so fierce and violent a people, and to frame them vnto a sobre and quiet life: dyd seeme to worcke it by meanes of the goddes, with drawing E them on thereto by litle and litle, and pacifying of their whotte and fierce corages to fight, with sacrifices, feastes, dauncings, and common processions, wherein he celebrated euer him selfe. In the which together with their duotion, there was mingled nowe and then, pastime and pleasure: and sometimes he layed the terrour and feare of the goddes before their eyes, making them beleeue that he had seene straunge visions, or that he had heard voyces, by which the goddes dyd threaten them with some great troubles and plagues, allwayes to pull downe and humble their heartes, vnto the feare of the goddes. This was the cause why they thought afterwardes that he had learned his wisdome of Pythagoras the philosopher: bi­cause the greatest parte of the philosophie of the one, and of the gouernment of the other, consisted in suche ceremonies, and diuine studies. They reporte also that Numa dyd put on F the outwarde showe and semblaunce of Pythagoras holines,Numa and Pythagoras institutions muche a like. as following his intention and example. For Pythagoras as they saye, made an eagle so tame and gentle, that she would stoupe, and come downe to him by certaine voyces, as she flewe in the ayer ouer his head. And that [Page 72] passing through the assembly of the games Olympicall, he shewed her thighe of golde, and A many other prety feates and deedes they tell of, which seemed to be wonderfull, and for which Timon Phliasian hath written these verses of him:

Euen so the sayned fable of Numa, which he so cunningly disguised, was about the loue of a goddesse, or some Nymphe of the mountaine: with whom he seemed to haue certaine secret B meetings and talke, whereof we haue spoken before. And it is sayed he muche frequented the Muses in the woddes. For he would saye, he had the most parte of his reuelations of the Muses, and he taught the ROMAINES to reuerence one of them aboue all the rest, who was called Ta­cita, as ye would saye, ladye silence. It seemeth he inuented this, after the example of Pythago­ras, who did so specially commaund, and recomend silence vnto his schollers.Numa wor­shipped Ta­cita one of the Muses. Pythagoras taught his schollers to kept silence. Pythagoras opinion of God. Numa forbad images of God. Againe, if we consider what Numa ordeined concerning images, and the representation of the goddes, it is alltogether agreable vnto the doctrine of Pythagoras: who thought that god was neither sen­sible, nor mortall, but inuisible, incorruptible, and only intelligible. And Numa dyd forbid the ROMAINES also to beleeue, that god had euer forme, or likenes of beast or man. So that in those former times, there was in ROME no image of god, either painted or grauen: and it was C from the beginning a hundred three score & tenne yeres, that they had buylt temples & chap­pels vnto the godds in ROME, and yet there was neither picture nor image of god within them. For they tooke it at the first for a sacriledge, to present heauenly things by earthely formes: seeing we cannot possibly any waye attaine to the knowledge of god, but in minde and vnder­standing. The very sacrifices which Numa ordeined, were altogether agreable, & like vnto the manner of seruing of the goddes, which the Pythagorians vsed. For in their sacrifices they spilt not the bloude, but they did theirs commonly, with a litle meale, a litle sheading of wine and milke, and with suche other light things. Suche as affirme that those two men did much com­pany and were famillier together, doe laye further proofes & arguments for the same. The first is this: That the ROMAINES did make Pythagoras a free man of the cittie of ROME, as Epichar­mus D the Comicall poet an auncient writer (and sometimes one of Pythagoras schollers) sayeth in a booke he wrote & dedicated vnto Antenor. Proofes for the conuersa­tion of Numa and Pytha­goras. The other proofe is: That Numa hauing had foure children, called one of them Mamercus, after Pythagoras sonnes name, from whom they saye is discended, the house of the AEmylians, which is the noblest of the Patricians: for the King gaue him the surname of AEmylius, bicause of this sweete tongue and pleasaunt voyce. Further­more, I my self haue heard saye many times in ROME, that the ROMAINES hauing receyued an oracle, which commaunded them to set vp images in their cittie, to the wisest and valliantest man that euer was amongest the GRAECIANS: caused two statues of brasse to be set vp in their market place, the one of Pythagoras, and the other of Alcibiades. Howbeit to striue about this matter any further, seeing there are so many doubtes: me thincketh it were but vaine. Moreo­uer,E they attribute to Numa, the first erection of the colledge pontificall: and saye he him selfe was the first Pontifex that euer was. But touching the name of Pontifex, some will saye they were so called, bicause they chiefly were ordeined & appointed for the seruice of the almigh­tie:Numa insti­tuteth Bi­shoppes. Pontifices why so called. for this worde Potens in the ROMAINE tongue, betokeneth mightie. Other thincke this name was geuen to them by their founders, as to exempt persones out of the worlde: who en­ioyned them to doe all the seruices and sacrifices to the goddes they could possibly, & yet not­withstanding, if they had any other lawfull let or impediment thereof, they were not straight condemned for omitting the same. Howbeit the most parte doe bring out another deriuation of this name, wherein me thinckes there is litle reason. As that they should be called Ponti­fices, bicause they had the charge of maintenaunce of the bridge. For that which the GRE­CIANS F call Gephyran, the LATINES call Pontem: that is, a bridge. And to saye truely, the char­ges of repairing the bridge, belongeth to the bishoppes: aswell as the keeping of the most holy [Page 73] A and vnchaungeable ceremonies. For the ROMAINES thought it not only a thing vnlawfull, but tooke it for a most damnable & wicked acte,The wodden bridge as Rome. to destroye or breake the bridge of wodde, which was only ioyned together (as they saye) with pinnes of wodde, & without any iron at all, by the commaundement of an olde oracle. But the stone bridge was buylt long time after the raigne of Numa, and in the time of the raigne of his nephewe Martius. Nowe the first and chiefest of these bishoppes, which they call the great Pontifex, hath the place, authoritie, and dignitie of the highe prieste and master,The highe bishoppe. of their pontificall lawe: who should be carefull, not only about all publicke sacrifices and ceremonies, but also about suche as were priuate, and to see that no man priuately should breake the auncient ceremonies, nor bring in any newe thing into reli­gion, but rather euery man should be taught by him, how, and after what sorte he should serue B and honour the goddes. He also hath the keping of the holy virgines which they call Vestales. For they doe geue Numa the first foundation and consecrating of them, and the institution al­so of keeping the immortall fire with honour and reuerence,The institu­tion of the Vestall Nun­nes. The holy and immortal fire. which these virgines haue the charge of. Either for that he thought it meete to commit the substaunce of fire (being pure and cleane) vnto the custodie of cleane and vncorrupt maydes: or els bicause he thought the nature of fire (which is barren, and bringeth forth nothing) was fittest, and most proper vnto virgines. For in GRECE, where they kept continuall fire likewise (as in the temple of Apollo in DELPHES, and at ATHENS) the maydens doe not keepe the same, but olde women which are past mariage. And if this fire chaunce to faile, as they saye in ATHENS the holy lampe was put out in the time of the tyrannie of Aristion: and in the cittie of DELPHES it was put out, C when the temple of Apollo was burnt by the MEDES: and at ROME also, in the time of the warres that the ROMAINES had against king Mithridates: and in the time of the ciuill warres, when altar, fire, and all were burnt and consumed together: they saye that it must not be ligh­ted againe with other common fire, but must be made a newe, with drawing cleane and pure flame from the beames of the sunne, and that they doe in this manner.How the holy fire is drawen from the pure flame of the sunne. They haue a hollowe vessell made of a pece of a triangle, hauing a corner right, and two sides a like: so that from all partes of his compasse and circumference, it falleth into one pointe. Then they set this vessell right against the beames of the sunne, so that the bright sunne beames come to assemble and gather together in the center of this vessell, where they doe pearce the ayer so strongely, that they set it a fire: & when they put to it any drye matter of substaunce, the fire taketh it straight, D bicause the beame of the sunne, by meanes of the reuerberation, putteth that drye matter into fire, and forceth it to flame. Some thincke that these Vestall virgines keepe no other thing, but this fire, which neuer goeth out. Other saye, there are other holy thinges also, which no bodie maye lawfully see but they: whereof we haue written more largely in the life of Camillus, See the life of Camillus tou­ching the Ve­stall Nunnes. at the least so much as maye be learned and tolde. The first maydens which were vowed and put into this order of religion by Numa, were (as they saye) Gegania, and Verenia: and after them, Canuleia and Tarpeia. Afterwardes king Seruius increased the number with two other, and that number of foure continueth vntill this daye. Their rule and order set downe by king Numa was this: that they should vowe chastitie for the space of thirtie yeres. In the first tenne yeres they learne what they haue to doe: the next tenne yeres following, they doe that which they haue E learned & the last tenne yeres, they teache young nouices. After they haue passed their thirtie yeres, they maye lawfully marie if they be disposed, and take them to another manner of life, and leaue their religion. But as it is reported, there haue bene very fewe of them which haue taken this libertie, and fewer also which haue ioyed after they were professed, but rather haue repented them selues, and liued euer after a very grieuous and sorowfull life. This did so fraye the other Vestalls, that they were better contented with their vowed chastitie: and so remai­ned virgines, vntill they were olde, or els died. He gaue them also great priuiledges, and pre­rogatives.The Vestalls prerogatius. As: to make their will and testament, in their fathers life time. To doe all things without any gardian or ouerseer, as women which haue three children at a birth. When they goe abroade, they carie maces before them to honour them. And if by chaunce they meete F any offendour in their waye, going to execution, they saue his life: howbeit the professed Ve­stall must affirme by othe, that she met him vnwares, & not of set purpose. If any man presume vnder their chayer, whereupō they are caried through the cittie, he shall die for it. Also what [Page 74] they them selues doe any faulte,The punish­ment of the Vestall Nunnes, they are corrected by the great byshoppe, who somtimes doth A whippe them naked (according to the nature and qualitie of their offence) in a darcke place, & vnder a curtē. But she that hath deflowred her virginity, is buried quicke by one of the gates of the cittie, which they call Collina gate: where within the cittie there is a mount of earth of a good length, & with the LATINES is sayed to be raised. Vnder this forced mount, they make a litle hollowe vawte, and leaue a hole open, whereby one maye goe downe: and with in it there is set a litle bed, a burning lampe, and some vitells to susteine life withall. As a litle bread, a litle water, a litle milke, and a litle oyle, and that for honours sake: to the ende they would not be thought to famishe a bodie to deathe, which had bene consecrated by the most holy and de­uoute ceremonies of the worlde. This done, they take the offender, and put her into a litter, which they couer strongely, and close it vp with thicke leather in suche sorte, that no bodie B canne so much as heare her voyce, & so they carie her thus shut vp through the market place. Euery one draweth backe, when they see this litter a farre of, and doe geue it place to passe by: & then follow it mourningly, with heauy lookes, & speake neuer a word. They doe nothing in the citie more fearefull to behold, then this: neither is there any daye wherein the people are more sorowful, then on such a daye. Then after she is come to the place of this vawte, the ser­geants straight vnlose these fast bounde couerings: and the chiefe byshoppe after he hath made certen secret prayers vnto the godds, and lift his handes vp to heauen, taketh out of the litter, the condemned Vestall muffled vp close, and so putteth her vpon the ladder, which con­ueyeth her downe into the vawte. That done, he withdraweth, and all the priestes with him: and when the seely offendour is gone downe, they straight plucke vp the ladder, & cast aboun­daunce C of earthe in at the open hole, so that they fill it vp to the very toppe of the arche. And this is the punishment of the Vestalls which defile their virginitie. They thincke also it was Numa that buylt the round temple of the goddesse Vesta, in which is kept the euerlasting fire: meaning to represent not the forme of the earth, which they saye is Vesta, but the figure of the whole world,The temple of Vesta re­presenseth the figure of the worlde. VVhere the fire abideth. in the middest whereof (according to the Pythagorians opinion) remaineth the proper seate and abiding place of fire, which they call Vesta, and name it the vnitie. For they are of opinion, neither that the earth is vnmoueable, not yet that it is set in the middest of the world, neither that the heauen goeth about it: but saye to the contrarie, that the earth hanged in the ayer about the fire, as about the center there of. Neither will they graunte, that the earth is one of the first and chiefest partes of the world: as Plato helde opinion in that age, that the D earthe was in another place then in the very middest, and that the center of the world, as the most honorablest place, did apperteine to some other of more worthy substaunce than the earthe. Furthermore, the byshoppes office was to show those that needed to be taught, all the rites,The manner of buriall. manners, and customes of buriall: whom Numa taught not to beleeue that there was any corruption or dishonesty in burialles, but rather it was to worshippe & honour the godds of the earthe, with vsuall and honorable ceremonies, as those which after their death re­ceyue the chiefest seruice of vs that they canne. But aboue all other in burialles, they did spe­cially honour the goddesse called Libitina, Libitina ho­nored at fu­neralls. that is sayed, the chiefe gouernour and preseruer of the rites of the dead: or be it Proserpina, or Venus, as the most learned men among the RO­MAINES doe iudge, who not without cause doe attribute the order of the beginning and ende E of mans life, to one self god, & power diuine. Numa ordained also, how long time euery bodie should mourne in blackes.The time of mourning. And for a childe from three yeres to tenne yeres of age, that died: he ordeined they should mourne no more monethes then it had liued yeres, and not to adde a daye more. For he commaunded, that the longest time of mourning should be but then mo­neths onely, and so long time at the least he willed women should remaine widdowes, after the decease of their husbands: or els she that would marie within that time, was bounde by his order to sacrifice a whole bullocke. Numa also erected many other orders of priestes: of two sortes whereof I will only make mention.Sal [...]i, Feciales. Pluto. Probl. 62. Gell. lib. 16.c.4. The one shalbe the order of the SALII, and the other of the FECIALES: for me thinckes, both the one and the other doth manifestly showe the great holines, and singular deuotion which he had in him. The FECIALES are F properly those,Feciales cal­led Irenophy­laces. which the GRECIANS call IRENOPHYLACES, as who would saye, peacekee­pers. And in my iudgement, they had their right name according to their office, bicause they [Page 75] A did pacifie quarells with reason by waye of order, and did not suffer (as much as in them laye) that any matter should be tried by violence, vntill they were past all hope of any peace. For the GRECIANS call it properly Irenen, Irenen: a quarrell pa­cified with reason, with­out the sword. when both parties agree, and decide their controuersie with reason, and not with sworde. Euen so those which the ROMAINES called the Feciales, went many times in persone to those that dyd the ROMAINES iniurie, and sought to persuade them with good reason, to keepe promise with the ROMAINES, and to offer them no wrong. But if they would not yeld to reason, whom they sought to persuade: then they called the goddes to the witnes thereof, and prayed them, that if they dyd not most earnestly incense the ROMAINES, to pursue that most iustely apperteined vnto their right, that all euills and mis­chieues of the warres might fall vpon them selues, and on their countrie. This done, they dyd B threaten open warres against such enemies. And if the FECIALES would not cōsent to open warres, and dyd happen to speake against them: it was not lawfull in that case, neither for pri­uate persone, nor for the King him selfe to make any warres. But like a iust prince, he must haue leaue by their sufferance to make the warres. Then dyd he cōsider, & consult, by what meanes he might best procure, & prosecute the same. Concerning this matter, they iudge that the ill happe which came to the ROMAINES, when the cittie of ROME was taken and sacked by the GAVLES, chaunced iustely for breaking of this holy institution. For at that time, the barba­rous people besieged the cittie of the CLVSINIANS: and Fabius Ambustus was sent ambassa­dour vnto them, to see if he could make peace betweene them. The barbarous people gaue him an ill aunswer: whereupon Fabius thincking his embasie had bene ended, and being som­what C whotte, and rashe in defence of the CLVSINIANS, gaue defiaunce to the valliantest GAVLE there, to fight with him man to man. Fortune fauored him in this chalēge: for he slew the GAVLE, and stripped him in the fielde. The GAVLES seeing their man slayne, sent imme­diately an heraulde to ROME, to accuse Fabius, howe against all right and reason, he beganne warres with them, without any open proclamation made before. The FECIALES being then consulted with thereabout, did declare, he ought to be deliuered into the handes of the GAV­LES, as one that had broken the lawe of armes, & had deserued it: but he made friends to the people which fauored him very much, & by their meanes escaped his deliuerie, and punish­ment. Neuerthles,Rome taken by the Gaules. See Camillus Life. the GAVLES within shorte time after, came before ROME with all their po­wer: which they tooke, sacked, and burnt euery whit, sauing the Capitoll, as we haue written D more amplie in the life o [...] Camillus. Now concerning the Priestes that were called Salij, they saye he dyd institute them vpon this occasion.The institu­tion of the Salij. In the eight yere of his reigne, there came a pe­stilent disease through all ITALIE, and at the length it crept also into ROME. Whereat euery man being greatly affrayed, and discoraged, they saye there fell from heauen a target of cop­per,A target from heauen. which lighted betweene the handes of Numa. They tell hereof a wonderfull tale, which the King him selfe affirmed he heard, of the Nymphe Egeria, and the Muses. To wit, that this target was sent from heauen, for the health and preseruation of the cittie: and therefore he should keepe it carefully, and cause eleuen other to be cast and made, all like vnto the same in facion and greatnes, to the ende, that if any would enterprise to steale it, he should not tell which of them to take for the right target. Moreouer he said, he was commaunded to conse­crate E the place to the Muses (in the which he dyd oftentimes companie with them) and also the fieldes which were neere thereabouts: and likewise to geue the fountaine that sprange in that place, vnto the Vestalls professed, that euery daye they might drawe water at that well, to washe the sanctuarie of their temple. The successe hereof proued his words true, for the sicknes ceased incontinently. So he assembled all the chief craftes men then in ROME, to proue which of them would take vpō him to make one like vnto that. Euery man despayred to performe it. Howbeit one called Veturius Mamurius (the excellentest workeman that was in those dayes) dyd make them all so sute like, that Numa him selfe dyd not knowe the first target, when they were all layed together. So he ordeined these priests Salij, to haue the custodie of these targets, to see them safe kept. They were called Salij, VVhereof they were cal­led Salij. not after the name of a SALIAN borne in SAMO­THRACIA, F or in MANTINEA, as some haue vntruely alleaged, who first inuēted the manner of dauncing all armed: but they were so called, of their facion and manner of dauncing, and leaping. For in the moneth of Marche, they goe skipping and leaping vp and downe the cittie, [Page 76] with those targetes on their armes, apparelled in red cassockes without sleues, and girded a­bout A with broade leather sworde girdells, studded with copper, hauing helmets of copper on their heads, & striking vpon their targets with shorte daggers, which they carie in their hands. Moreouer, all their dauncing consisteth in mouing of their feete: for they handle them finely, making tornes aboue ground and beneath, with a sodaine measure, & a maruelous force of a­gilitie. They call these targets Ancylia, Ancylia, whereof so called. bicause of their facion, which is not altogether com­passe: for they are not all round as other cōmon targets be, but they are cut with circles wrea­thed about, both the endes bowing in many foldes, and one so neere another, that altogether they come a to certaine wreathed forme, which the GRECIANS call Ancylon. Or els they are so called, bicause Ancon signifieth an elbow, vpon which they carie them. All these deriuations are written in the historie of Iuba, who in any case will haue this word Ancylia to be drawen out B of the Greeke tongue. And it maye be also they were so called, bicause the first came from a­boue, which the GRECIANS call Anecathen: or els for healing the sicke, which is called Acesis. Or els for ceasing of the drines, which in Greke is called, Anchmon Lysis. Or for the ending of all diseases and euills, for which cause the ATHENIANS call Castor and Pollux, Anacas: if they lust to geue this word his deriuation from the Greeke tongue. Now the reward which Mamurius the goldsmithe had for the making of these targets was, that the Sal [...] vnto this daye doe make mention of him, in their songe, which they singe going through the cittie, & dauncing of their daunce all armed. Howbeit some thincke they saye not Veturius Mamurius, but veterem memo­riam, auncient memorie. But Numa after he had ordeined and instituted these orders of priests, built his palace neere vnto the temple of Vesta, which holdeth his name Regia at this daye, to C saye, the Kings palace.Regia, the Kings palace. In which he remained most part of his life, studying either to sacrifice to the goddes, or to teache the Priestes what they should doe, or howe with them he should best contēplate all heauenly things.The manner of the Ro­maines wor­shipping of the goddes. It is true that he had another house on the hill, which they call at this daye, Quirinall, the place whereof is yet to be seene. But in all these sacrifices, ceremo­nies, and processions of the Priestes, there were allwayes husshers that went before, crying to the people, kepe silence, and tend vpon diuine seruice. For they saye the Pythagorians thought it good,The Pytha­gorians opi­nion touching prayer. that men should not worshippe the godds, nor make prayers to them in passing by, or doing any other thing: but they thought it mete, that men should of purpose goe out of their houses, to serue & praye vnto them. Euen so king Numa thought it not meete, that his subiects should come to see, and heare diuine seruice negligently, as it were for a facion, and only to be D ryd of it, as heeding an other thing: but he would haue them set a side all other busines, and em­ploy their thoughts & harts only vpon the principall seruice of religion, & deuotion towards the godds. So that during seruice time, he would not haue heard any noise, any knocking, boū ­sing, or any clapping, as they commonly heare in all artificers shoppes of occupation, where­of at this daye yet they see some signes, and tokens, remaining in their sacrifices at ROME. For all the time the Augure beholdeth the flying of the birds, or that he is doing any sacrifice, the vergers crie alowde: Hoc age, Hoc age, a watcheword to tend diuine seruice. which meaneth, tend this. And it is a warning to those that are present, to call their wittes home, & to thincke on that which is in hand. Also there are many of his orders like the preceptes of the Pythagorians. For as they dyd warne men, not to sit vpon a litle busshell,The simili­tude of Numa and Pytha­goras pre­cepts. not to cut fire with a sword, not to looke behinde them when they goe abroade:E to sacrifice to the celestiall godds in an odde number, and to the goddes of the earth in an euen number, of which precepts, they would not haue the common people to haue any knowledge or vnderstāding. Euen so there are many institutions of Numa, the reasons whereof are hidden and kept secret: as not to offer wine to the godds of the vine neuer cut, & not to sacrifice vnto them without meale: & to turne a turne about when they doe reuerence to the godds, & to sit down after they haue worshipped them. And as touching the two first ordinances, it seemeth that by them he did recōmend clemēcy, & humanity, as being a parte of the deuotion towards the godds. But as for the turning which he willeth them to make, that worshippe the goddes: they saye it representeth the turning which the element maketh by his mouing. But me thinc­keth it should rather come of this: for that the tēples being set to the east, he that worshippeth F entring into the tēple, sheweth his backe to the West, & for this cause turneth towardes that parte, & afterwards returneth againe towards god: doing the whole turne, & ending the con­summation [Page 77] A of his prayer, by this double adoration which he maketh before & behinde. Onles peraduenture that he ment secretly to signifie, & geue them to vnderstande by this turning & chaūging of their looke, that which the EGYPTIANS figured by their wheels: in showing ther­by, that these wordly things were neuer constant & in one state. And therfore, that we should take it thankfully, & paciētly beare it, in what sorte soeuer it pleased god to chaunge or alter our life. And where he cōmaunded that they should sit after they had worshipped god: they sayed it was a token of a good hope vnto them that prayed, that their prayers should be exalted, and that their goods should remaine safe, & sticke by thē. Other saye, that this ease & sitting, is a se­parating thē frō doing: & therfore he would they should sit in the tēples of the godds, to shew they had done that which they had in hād before, to the end to take of the godds the beginning B of another. And it maye well be also, that it was referred to the thing we spake of a litle before. That Numa would accustome his people, not to serue the godds, nor to speake to them at all, as they passed by, or did any other thing, or were in haste: but would haue them praye vnto the godds when they had time & leysure, & all other busines at that time set a parte. By this good instruction & training them vnto religion, the cittie of ROME by litle & litle came to be so tra­ctable, & had the great power of king Numa in such admiratiō:By what means Numa made the Ro­maines quiet and gentle. that they tooke all to be as true as the gospell that he spake, though it had no more likelyhood of trothe, then tales deuised of pleasure. Furthermore, they thought nothing incredible, or vnpossible to him, if he would haue it. And for proofe hereof, there goeth a tale of him, that he hauing bidden a great company of the cittizens of ROME to come & suppe with him, caused them to be serued with plaine grosse C meate, & in very poore & homely vessell. And when they were set, and beganne to fall to their meate,The wonders of Numa. he cast out words sodainely vnto them, how the goddesse with whom he accōpanied, was come to see him euen at that instant, & that sodainely the hall was richely furnished, & the tables couered with all sortes of excellent fine & delicate meates. Howbeit this farre passed all the vanity of lying, which is foūd written of him, about his speaking with Iupiter. Numaes speaking with Iupiter. The hill Auē ­tine was not at that time inhabited, nor inclosed within the walles of ROME, but was full of springs & shadowed groues, whether cōmonly repaired to solace them felues, the two godds, Picus & Faunus, Picus. Fannus. which otherwise might be thought two Satyres, or of the race of the Titaniās: sauing it is sayed, that they went through all ITALIE, doing the like miracles & wōders in phi­sycke, charmes & arte magike, which they reporte of those the GRECIANS call Idaees Dactyles. D There they saye that Numa tooke them both, hauing put into the spring both wine & honnie, were they vsed to drinke. Whē they saw that they were taken, they trāsformed thēselues into diuers forms, disguising & disfiguring their naturall shape, into many terrible & feareful sights to behold. Neuertheles in the end, pceiuing they were so fast, as to escape there was no recko­ning: they reuealed vnto him many things to come, & taught him the purifying against light­ning & thunder,The purifying of thunder. which they make yet at this daye with oniōs, heare, & pilchers. Other saye, he was not taught that by them, but that they fetched Iupiter out of heauen, with their coniuring & magicke: whereat Iupiter being offended; aunswered in choller, that he should make it with heads. But Numa added straight, of oniōs: Iupiter replied, of men. Then Numa asked him againe; to take a litle away the cruelty of the cōma [...]ndement: What heares? Iupiter aunswered, quicke E hears. And Numa put to pilchers also. And it is reported that this was the goddesse Egeria, that taught Numa this subtiltie. This done, Iupiter returned appeased: by reason whereof the place was called Ilicium. Ilicium, the name of the place. For Ileos in the Greeke tongue signifieth appeased, & fauorable: & this puri­fying was afterwards made in that sorte. These tales not onely vayne, but full of mockerie also, doe show vs yet plainely the zeale & deuotion men had in those times towards the godds: vnto which Numa through custome had wōne them. And as for Numa him self, they saye that he so firmely put all his hope & confidēce in the helpe of the godds: that one daye when he was told his enemies were in armes against him, he did but laugh at it, & aūswered. And I doe sacrifice. It is he (as some saye) that first built a temple to Faith & Terme: & which made the ROMAINES vnderstand,Numa buyl­ded temples to Faythe and Terme. that the most holy & greateth othe they could make, was to sweare by their faith, F which they kepe yet at this daye. But Terme, which signifieth bounds, is the god of confines, or borders: vnto whom they doe sacrifice, both publickly & priuately, vpon the limites of inheri­taunces, & now they sacrifice vnto him lure beasts. Howbeit in old time they did sacrifice vnto [Page 78] him without any bloude, through the wise institution of Numa: who declared & preached vnto A them, that this god of bounds was syncere, & vpright, without bloud or murther, as he that is a witnes of iustice, & a keper of peace. It was he, which in my opiniō, did first limit out the boūds of the territorie of ROME:Numa made the boundes of the terri­torie of Rome. which Romulus would neuer doe, for feare least in bounding out his owne, he should confesse that which he occupied of other mens. For bounding & mearing, to him that will keepe it iustely: is a bond that brideleth power & desire. But to him that forceth not to kepe it: it is a proofe to shew his iniustice. To saye truely, the territories of ROME had no great bounds at the first beginning, & Romulus had got by cōquest the greatest parte of it, & Nu­ma did wholy deuide it vnto the nedie inhabitās to releue thē, & to bring them out of pouerty: (which carieth men hedlōg into mischief, & discourageth them to labour) to the end that plo­wing vp the said lande,Numa ad­uaunceth jil­lage. they should also plowe vp the weedes of their own barrēnes, to become B ciuill & gentle. For there is no exercise nor occupation in the world, which so sodainely brin­geth a man, to loue & desire quietnes, as doth husbādrie & tillage: & yet to defend a mans own, there is in it corage & hardines to fight. But greedy desire, violētly to take from others, & vniu­stely to occupie that is none of theirs, is neuer in right husbādmen. And therfore Numa hauing brought in husbandrie amōgest his subiects, as a medecine & meane to make them loue quiet­nes: was desirous to inure them to this trade of life, the rather to make them humble & gētle of condition, then to increase them in riches. He deuided all the territorie of ROME into certen parts which he called Pagos: as much to saye, as villages. And in euery one of them he ordeined controllers & visiters, which should suruey all about: & he him self somtimes went abroade in persone, cōiecturing by their labour the māners & nature of euery man. Such as he found di­ligent,C he aduaunced them vnto honour, & gaue them countenaūce & authoritie: other which he sawe slowthfull & negligent, by rebuking & reprouing of them, he made them amend. But amongest all his ordinaunces which he made, one aboue all the rest caried the praise: and that was, that he deuided his people into sundrie occupatiōs.Numa deui­ded his people into sundrie occupations. For the cittie of ROME seemed yet to be made of two nations, as we haue sayed before: and to speake more properly, it was made of two tribes. So that it could not, or would not for any thing be made one: being altogether im­possible to take away all factions, & to make there should be no quarrells nor contentions be­twene both parts. Wherefore he considered, that when one will mingle two bodies or simples together, which for their hardnes & cōtrarie natures cannot well suffer mixture: then he breaks & beates them together, as small as may be. For, so being brought into a smaller & lesser pow­der,D they would incorporate and agree the better. Euen so he thought it was best to deuide the people also into many small partes: by meanes whereof they should be put into many parties, which would more easely take away the first & the greatest parte, when it should be deuided & separated thus into sundrie sorts. And this diuision he made by arts & occupatiōs: as minstrells, goldsmiths, carpinters, diers, shoemakers, tawers, tāners, bell foūders, & pot makers, & so forth through other craftes & occupations. So that he brought euery one of these into one bodie, & cōpanie by it self: & ordeined vnto euery particular mysterie or crafte, their feasts, assemblies, & seruices, which they should make vnto the godds, according to the dignitie & worthines of e­uery occupatiō. And by this meanes, he first tooke away all faction: that neither side sayed, nor thought any more, those are SABYNES, these are ROMAINES, these are of Tatius, Numa tooke away the fa­ctions of Ro­mulus and Tatius. these are of Ro­mulus. E Insomuch as this diuision was an incorporating, & an vniting of the whole together. A­mong other his ordinaūces, they did much cōmend his reforming of the law, that gaue libertie vnto fathers to sell their childrē. For he did except childrē already maried, so they were maried with their fathers consent & goodwill: iudging it to be to cruell & ouer hard a thing, that a wo­man who thought she had maried a free man, should finde her self to be the wife of a bond mā. He begāne also to mende a litle the calender,The ordi­naunce of the moneths of Numaes in­stitution. not so exactly as he should haue done, nor yet al­together ignorātly. For during the raigne of Romulus, they vsed the moneths cōfusedly, without any order or reason, making some of them twenty dayes & lesse, and others fiue & thirtie dayes & more, without knowing the differēce betwene the course of the sunne & the moone: & only they obserued this rule, that there was three hūdred & three score dayes in the yere. But Numa F considering the inequality stoode vpon eleuen dayes,Macrob. 1. Sar [...]r. 13. for that the 12. reuolutiōs of the moone are ronne in 300. fiftie & foure dayes, & the reuolution of the sunne, in 365. dayes, he doubled [Page 79] A the 11. dayes, wherof he made a moneth: which he placed frō 2. yeres to 2. yeres, after the mo­neth of February, & the ROMAINES called this moneth put betwene, Mercidinum, which had 22. dayes. And this is the correctiō that Numa made, which since hath had a farre better amēd­ment. He did also chaunge the order of the moneths. For Marche which before was the first, he made it now the third: & Ianuary the first, which vnder Romulus was the 11. & February the 12. & last. Yet many are of opinion, that Numa added these two, Ianuary & February. For the RO­MAINES at the beginning had but tenne moneths in the yere: as some of the barbarous people make but three moneths for their yere. And the ARCADIANS amongest the GRECIANS haue but foure moneths for their yere. The ACARNANIANS haue sixe to the yere. And the EGYP­TIANS had first but one moneth to their yere:The yere di­uersely coun­ted. & afterwards they made foure moneths for their B yere. And this is the cause why they seeme (albeit they inhabite in a new coūtrie) to be neuer­theles the auncientest people of the world: for that in their chronicles they reckon vp such in­finite nūber of yeres, as those which counte the moneths for the yeres. And to proue this true, that the ROMAINES at the beginning had but tenne moneths in the yere, and not twelue: it is easely to be iudged by the name of the last, which they call at this daye Decēber. And that the moneth of Marche was also the first, maye be coniectured by this: for the fift moneth after that, is yet called Quintilis: the 6. Sextilis, & so the other in order following the nūbers. For if Ianuary & February had then bene the first, of necessitie the moneth of Iuly, which they call Quintilis, must haue bene named Septēber: considering also that it is very likely, that the moneth which Romulus had dedicated vnto Mars, was also by him ordeined to be the first. The second was A­prill: C so called of the name Aphrodite, that is to saye Venus, vnto whom they make open sacri­fice in this moneth. And on the first daye of the same, women doe washe them selues, hauing a garland of myrtle vpon their heades. Howbeit some other saye, that it was not called after the name of Aphrodite, but it was only called Aprilis, bicause then is the chiefest force & strength of the spring, at which season the earth doth open, and the seedes of plants and erbes beginne to bud & showe forth, which the word it selfe doth signifie. The moneth following next after that, is called Maye: after the name of Maia, the mother of Mercurie, vnto whom the moneth is cōsecrated.Peraduen­ture ye must read in the Greke ( [...]) which is to saye; of the name of Iuno. The moneth of Iune is so called also, bicause òf the quality of that season, which is as the youthe of the yere. Although some will saye, that the moneth of Maye was named of this word Maiores, which signifieth as much as the elders: and the moneth of Iune, of Iuniores, D which signifies the younger men. All the other following, were named in old time by the num­bers according to their order, Quintilis, Sextilis, September, October, Nouember, & December. But Quintilis, was afterward called Iulius, of the name of Iulius Caesar, who slew Pompeius. And Sex­tilis was named Augustus, Octauius Caesars successour in the empire, who was also surnamed Augustus. It is true also that Domitian would they should call the two moneths following (which are September and October) the one Germanicus, and the other Domitianus. But that helde not longe: for so soone as Domitian was killed, the moneths recouered their auncient names againe. The two last moneths only, haue euer cōtinued their names, without chaūging or altering. But of the two which Numa added, or at the least trāslated: the moneth of February doth signifie as much as purging, or at the least the deriuation of the word sowndeth neere it. E In this moneth, they doe sacrifice of plantes,Some olde Grecian co­pies saye in this place. & doe celebrate the feast of the Lupercales, in which there are many things agreable, and like to the sacrifices made for purification. And the first, which is Ianuary, was called after the name of Ianus. Wherefore me thinckes that Numa tooke away the moneth of Marche frō the first place,marg [...] as much to saye, as for the deade. VVhy Ianus is painted with two fa­ces. & gaue it vnto Ianuary bicause he would haue peace preferred before warre, & ciuill things before marshall. For this Ianus (were he King, or demigod) in the former age was counted very ciuill & polliticke. For he chaunged the life of me, which before his time was rude, cruell, & wild: & brought it to be honest, gētle, & ciuill. For this cause they doe painte his image at this daye with two faces, the one before, and the other behinde, for thus chaunging the liues of men. And there is in ROME a temple dedicated vnto him, which hath two doores,At what time the temple of Ianus is thus in Rome. Liu. lib. 1. that be called the doores of war [...]e: for the cu­stome F is to open them, when the ROMAINES: Haue any warres in any place, and to shut them when they be at peace. To haue them shut, it was [...]rate thinge to see, and happened very seldome: by reason of the greathes of their empire, which of all sides was enuironned [Page 80] with barbarous nations, whom they were cōpelled to keepe vnder with force of armes. Not­withstanding A it was once shut vp in the time of Augustus, after he had slaine Antonie: & once before also in the yere when Marcus Attilius & Titus Manlius were Cōsuls. But that cōtinued not long,The Romains had us warres in al Nunaes time. for it was opened again incontinētly, by reason of warres that came vpō them sone af­ter. Howbeit during the raigne of Numa, it was neuer one day opened, but remained shut cōti­nually by the space of three & forty yeres together. For all occasiōs of warres, were then vtterly dead & forgotten: bicause at ROME the people were not only through thexāple of iustice, cle­mēcie, & the goodnes of the King brought to be quiet, & to loue peace: but in the citties there­abouts, there beganne a maruelous chaunge of manners & alteration of life, as if some gentle ayer had breathed on them, by some gratious & healthfull wind, blowē from ROME to refresh them. And thereby bred in mens mindes such a harty desire to liue in peace, to till the ground,B to bring vp their children, & to serue the goddes truely: that almost through all ITALIE, there was nothing but feastes, playes, sacrifices, & bankets. The people did traffike & frequent toge­ther, without feare or daūger, & visited one another, making great cheere: as if out of the sprin­ging fountaine of Numaes wisedom many pretie brookes & streames of good & honest life had rōne ouer all ITALIE, & had watered it & that the mildnes of his wisdom had frō hand to hand bene disparsed through the whole world. Insomuch, as the ouer excessiue speaches the Poets accustomably doe vse, were not sufficiēt enough to expresse the peaceable raigne of that time.

For during all king Numaes raigne, it was neuer heard that euer there were any warres, ciuil dissention, or innouation of gouernment attempted against him, nor yet any secret comitie or malice borne him, neither any cōspiracie once thought on to reigne in his place. And whether D it was for feare of displeasing the godds (which visibly seemed to take him into their protectiō) or for the reuerent regarde they had vnto his vertue, or for his prosperous & good successe all the time he raigned, I cannot tell: howbeit he sought to keepe men still pure, & honest, from all wickednes, & layed most open before the eyes of the whole world, a very exāple of that which Plato long time after did affirme, & saye, concerning true gouernmēt: which was. That the only meane of true quietnes, & remedy from all euill (which euer troubleth men) was: when by some diuine ordinaunce from aboue there meteth in one person,Platoes say­ing concer­ning the felicitie of a cō ­mon weale. the right maiestie of a King, & the minde of a wise philosopher, to make vertue gouernesse & ruler ouervice. For in deede happie is such a wise man, & more happy are they, which maye heare the graue counsaill, & good les­sons of such a mouthe. And there me thincks needeth no force, no cōpulsion, no threates, nor E extremitie to bridle the people. For men seeing the true image of vertue in their visible prince, & in the example of his life, doe willingly growe to be wise, & of them selues doe fall into loue liking, and friendshippe together, and doe vse all temperaunce, iust dealing, and good order one toward another, leading their life without offence, and with the commendation of other: which is the chiefe pointe of felicitie, and the most happie good that can light vnto men. And he by nature is best worthy to be a King, who through his wisdome and vertue, can graffe in mens manners such a good disposition: and this, Numa aboue all other, seemed best to knowe and vnderstand. Furthermore, touching his wiues and children, there are great con­trarieties amōg the historiographers.Numaes tiues and po­steritie. Pompilia, Numaes daughter. For some of them saye, he neuer maried other wife then Tatia, and that he neuer had any children, but one only daughter, and she was called Pompilia. F Other write to the contrarie, that he had foure sonnes, Pompo, Pinus, Calpus, and Mamercus: of euery one of the which (by succession from the father to the sonne) haue descended the [Page 81] A noblest races, and most auncient houses of the ROMAINES. As the house of the Pomponians, of Pompo: the house of the Pinarians, of Pinus: the house of the Calphurnians, of Calpus: & the house of the Mamerciās, of Mamercus. All which families by reason of their first progenitor haue kept the surname of Reges, Kings. There are three other writers, which doe reproue the two first saying that they dyd write to gratifie the families, making them falsely to descend of the noble race of king Numa. Moreouer it is sayed, he had his daughter Pompilia, not by Tatia; but by his other wife called Lucretia, whom he maried after he was made King. Howbeit they all agree, that his daughter Pompilia was maried vnto one Martius, Pompilia ma­ried to Caius Martius Co­rislanus. Martius the Sabyne, made Sunatouar at Rome. the sonne of the same Martius, Ancus Mar­tius, the sonne of Caius Martius Co­violanus. which persuaded him to accept the kingdome of ROME. For he went with him to ROME, to remaine there: where they dyd him the honour to receyue him into the number of the Se­natours. B After the death of Numa, Martius the father stoode against Tullus Hostilius for the succession of the Realme, and being ouercome, he killed him selfe for sorowe. But his sonne Martius, who maried Pompilia, continued still at ROME, where he begotte Ancus Martius, who was king of ROME after Tullus Hostilius, and was but fiue yere olde when Numa dyed. Whose death was not so daine. For he dyed consuming by litle and litle, aswell through age, as also through a lingring disease that waited on him to his ende, as Piso hath written: and Numa at his death was litle more, then foure score yere old. But the pompe and honour done vnto him at his funeralles, made his life yet more happie and glorious.The death of Numa. For all the people his neighbours, friendes, kinsemen, and allies of the ROMAINES came thither, bringing crownes with them, and other publicke contributions to honour his obsequies. The noble men selues C of the cittie (which were called Patricians) caried on their shoulders the very bedd, on which the course laye, to be conueyed to his graue. The Priestes attended also on his bodie, and so dyd all the rest of the people, women and children in like case, which followed him to his tumbe, all bewaling and lamenting his death, with teares, sighes, and mournings. Not as a King dead for very age, but as they had mourned for the death of their dearest kinseman, and nearest friende that had dyed before he was olde. They burnt not his bodie, bicause (as some saye) he commaunded the contrarie by his will and testament: but they made two coffines of stone, which they buried at the foote of the hill called Ianiculum. In the one they layed his bodie, & in the other the holy bookes which he had written him selfe,Numaes bookes. much like vnto those, which they that made the lawes among the GRECIANS dyd write in tables. But bicause in D his life time he had taught the priestes, the substaunce of the whole conteined in the same: he willed the holy tables which he had written, should be buried with his bodie. For he thought it not reasonable that so holy matters should be kept by dead letters and writings, but by mens manners & exercises. And he followed herein they saye, the Pythagorians, VVhy the Pythagori [...]agrave; left nothing in writing. who would not put their worckes in writing, but dyd printe the knowledge of them in their memories, whom they knew to be worthy men, and that without any writing at all. And if they had taught any manner of persone the hidden rules and secretes of Geometrie, which had not bene worthy of them: then they sayed the goddes by manifest tokens would threaten, to reuenge such sacri­ledge and impietie, with some great destruction and miserie. Therefore, seeing so many things agreable, and altogether like betweene Numa and Pythagoras, I easely pardone those which E mainteine their opinion, that Numa and Pythagoras were familiarly acquainted, and conuer­sant together. Valerius Antias the historian writeth, there were twelue bookes written con­cerning the office of Priestes, and twelue other conteining the philosophie of the GRECIAHS.12. bookes of priesthood. 12. bookes of philosophie. And the foure hundred yeres after (in the same yere when Publius Cornelius, and Marcus Bebius were consuls) there fell a great rage of waters and raine, which opened the earthe, and discouered these coffines: and the liddes and couers thereof being caried awaye, they founde the one altogether voyde, hauing no manner of likelyhoode, or token of a bodie that had layen in it: and in the other they founde these bookes, which were deliuered vnto one named Petilius (at that time Praetor) who had the charge to reade them ouer, and to make the reporte of them. But he hauing perused them ouer, declared to the Senate, that he F thought it not conuenient the matters conteined in them should be published vnto the sim­ple people: and for that cause they were caried into the market place, and there were open­ly burnte. Surely it is a common thing, that happeneth vnto all good and iust men, that [Page 82] they are farre more praysed and esteemed after their death,Good men praysed after their death. The misfor­tunes of Numaes succes­sours. Hostilius. then before: bicause that enuie A doth not long continue after their death, and oftentimes it dieth before them. But notwith­standing, the misfortunes which chaunced afterwardes vnto the fiue Kings which raigned at ROME after Numa, haue made his honour shine, with much more noble glorie then before. For the last of them was driuen out of his Kingdome, and died in exile, after he was very olde. And of the other foure, none of them died their naturall death, but three of them were killed by treason. And Tullus Hostilius which raigned after Numa, deriding, & contemning the most parte of his good and holy institutions, and chiefly his deuotion towardes the goddes, as a thing which made men lowly and fainte harted: dyd assone as euer he came to be King, turne all his subiects hartes to the warres. But this mad humour of his, continued not long. For he was plagued with a straunge, & most grieuous disease that followed him, which brought him B to chaunge his minde, and dyd farre otherwise turne his contempt of Religion, into an ouer­fearfull superstition, which dyd nothing yet resemble the true Religion & deuotion of Numa: & besides, he infected others with his contagious errour, through the inconuenience which happened vnto him at his death. For he was striken and burnt with lightning.

THE LIFE OF Solon.

DIDYMVS the Grammarian, in a litle booke that he wrote & de­dicated A vnto Asclepiades, touching the tables of the lawes of Solon, al­leageth the wordes of one Philocles, in which he speaketh against the common opinion of those that haue written, that Solons father was called Euphorion. Solons linage. For all other writers agree, that he was the sonne of Execestides, a man but reasonably to liue, although otherwise he was of the noblest and most auncient house of the cittie of ATHENS. For of his fathers side, he was descended of king Codrus: and for his mo­ther, Heraclides Ponticus writeth, she was cosin germaine vnto Pisistra­tus mother. For this cause euen from the beginning there was great friendshippe betwene them,Great friend­shipp bet [...]ix [...] Solon & Pi­sistratus. partely for their kinred, and partely also for the curtesie, and beawtie of Pisistratus, with B whom it is reported Solon on a time was in loue. Afterwards they fortuned to fall at iarre one with the other, about matter of state and gouernment: yet this square bred no violent incon­uenience betwene them, but they reserued in their hartes still their auncient amitie, which continued the memorie of their loue, as a great fire doth a burning flame. That Solon was no stayed man to withstand beawtie, nor any great doer to preuaile in loue, it is manifest to all, as­well by other poeticall writings that he hath made, as by a lawe of his owne: wherein he dyd [Page 87] A forbid bondmen to perfume them selues,A statute for bondmen. or to be louers of children. Who placed this lawe among honest matters, and commendable: as allowing it to the better sorte, and forbidding it to the basest. They saye also that Pisistratus selfe was in loue with Charmus, and that he dyd set vp the litle image of loue, which is in Academia, where they were wont to light the holy can­dell. But Solons father (as Hermippus writeth) hauing spent his goodes in liberalitie, and deedes of curtesie, though he might easely haue bene relieued at diuers mens handes with money, he was yet ashamed to take any, bicause he came of a house which was wont rather to geue and relieue others, then to take them selues: so being yet a young man, he deuised to trade mar­chaundise.Solon gaue him selfe in youth to trade marchaūdise. Howbeit other saye, that Solon trauelled countries, rather to see the worlde, and to learne: then to trafficke, or gayne. For sure he was very desirous of knowledge, as appeareth B manifestly: for that being nowe olde, he commonly vsed to saye this verse:

Also he was not couetously bent, nor loued riches to much: for he sayd in one place:

And in another place also he sayeth:

D There is no law forbiddeth an honest man, or gētleman, greedily to scr [...]pe goods together, & more then may suffice: & likewise to get sufficient to mainteine one withall, & to defraye all needefull charges. In those dayes no state was discommended, as sayeth Hesiodus, nor any arte or science made any difference betwene men: but marchaundise they thought an honorable state,The commo­dities of mer­chandise. as that which deliuered meanes, to trafficke into straunge & farre coūtries, to get acquain­taūce with states, to procure the loue of princes, & chiefly to gather the experiēce of the world. So that there haue bene marchaūts, which heretofore haue bene foūders of great citties: as he which first buylt MASSILIA,A marchauns builded Massilia. after he had obteined the friēdshippe of the GAVLES, dwelling by the riuer of Rhosne. And they saye also, that Thales Milesius the wife, did traffike marchaū ­dise, & that Hippocrates the mathematike did euē so: & likewise that Plato trauelling into Egipt,Thales. Hippocrates. Plato. all marchaunts. E did beare the whole charges of his iorney, with the gaines he made of the sale of oile he caried thither. They remember also, that Solon learned to be lauish in expence, to fare delicately, & to speake wantonly of pleasures in his Poemes, somwhat more licēt [...]ously then became the gra­uity of a Philosopher only bicause he was brought vp in the trade of marchaūdise, wherein for that men are maruelous subiect to great losses & daūgers, they seeke otherwiles good chere to driue these cares awaye, and libertie to make much of them selues. Yet it appeareth by these verses, that Solon accompted him selfe rather in the number of the poore, than of the riche.

[Page 88]This Poetry at the beginning he vsed but for pleasure, and when he had leysure, writing no A matter of importaunce in his verses. Afterwards he dyd set out many graue matters of philo­sophie,How Solon vsed his poe­trie. and the most parte of such things as he had deuised before, in the gouernment of a common weale, which he dyd not for historie or memories sake, but only of a pleasure to dis­course: for he sheweth the reasons of that he dyd, and in some places he exhorteth, chideth, and reproueth the ATHENIANS. And some affirme also he went about to write his lawes and ordinaunces in verse, and doe recite his perface, which was this:

Solon delited in morall, but not in natu­rall philoso­phie.He chiefly delited in morall philosophie, which treated of gouernment & common weales: as the most parte of the wise men dyd of those times. But for naturall philosophie, he was very grosse and simple, as appeareth by these verses.

So in effect there was none but Thales alone of all the seuen wise men of GRECE, who sear­ched further the contemplation of things in common vse among men, than he. For setting him a parte, all the others got the name of wisdome, only for their vnderstanding in matters of state and gouernment. It is reported that they met on a daye all seuen together in the cittie of DELPHES, and another time in the cittie of CORINTHE, where Periander got them toge­ther at a feast that he made to the other sixe. But that which most increased their glorie, and made their fame most spoken of, was the sending backe againe of the three footed stoole when they all had refused it, and turned it ouer one to another with great humanitie. For the tale is, howe certaine fishermen of the Ile of Co, cast their nettes into the sea, and certaine D straungers passing by, that came from the cittie of MILETVM, did buye their draught of fishe at aduenture, before the net was drawen. And when they drue it vp, there came vp in the net a three footed stoole of massy gold,Hellens three footed stoole of gold drawē vp in a drag net. which men saye, Hellen (as she dyd returne from TROYE) had throwen in in that place, in memory of an aunciēt oracle she called then vnto her minde. Thereupon the straungers & fisher men first fell at strife about this three footed stoole, who should haue it: but afterwardes the two citties tooke parte of both sides, on their cittizens be­halfe. In so much as warres had like to haue followed betwene them, had not the prophetesse Pythia geuen a like oracle vnto them both. That they should geue this three footed stoole vn­to the wisest man. Whereupon the men of Co, sent it first to Thales in the cittie of MILE­TVM, as being willing to graunte that vnto a priuate persone, for which they had made warres E with all the MILESIANS before. Thales sayed, he thought Bias a wiser man than him selfe:The rare mo­desty of the wise men. and so it was sent vnto him. He likewise sent it againe vnto another, as to a wiser man. And that other, sent it also vnto another. So that being thus posted from man to man, and through di­uers handes, in the ende it was brought backe againe vnto the cittie of MILETVM, and deli­uered into the handes of Thales the seconde time: and last of all was caried vnto THEBES, and offered vp vnto the temple of Apollo Ismenian. Howbeit Theophrastus writeth, that first it was sent to the cittie of PRIENA, vnto Bias: and then vnto Thales, in the cittie of MILETVM, by Bias consent. And after that it had passed through all their handes, it was brought againe vnto Bias: and lastely it was sent to the cittie of DELPHES. And thus much haue the best and most auncient writers written: sauing that some saye in steade of a three footed stoole, it F was a cuppe that king Croesus sent vnto the cittie of DELPHES. Other saye, it was a pece of [Page 89] A plate which Bathycles left there. They make mention also of another priuate meeting betwext Anacharsis and Solon, and of another betweene him and Thales, where they recite, that they had this talke.Anacharsis and Solons meeting. Anacharsis being arriued at ATHENS, went to knocke at Solons gate, saying that he was a straunger which came of purpose to see him, and to desire his acquaintaunce and friēdshippe. Solon aunswered him, that it was better to seeke friēdshippe in his owne countrie. Anacharsis replied againe: thou then that arte at home, and in thine owne countrie, beginne to shew me friendshippe. Then Solon wondering at his bolde ready wit, enterteined him very curteously: and kept him a certaine time in his house, and made him very good cheere, at the selfe same time wherein he was most busie in gouerning the common weale, & making lawes for the state thereof. Which when Anacharsis vnderstoode, he laughed at it, to see that Solon B imagined with written lawes,Anacharsis saying of Solons written lawes. to bridell mens couetousnes and iniustice. For such lawes, sayed he, doe rightly resemble the spyders cobwebbes: bicause they take holde of litle flies and gnattes which fall into them, but the riche and mightie will breake and ronne through them at their will. Solon answered him, that men doe iustly keepe all couenants and bargaines which one make with another, bicause it is to the hinderāce of either partie to breake them: & euen so, he dyd so temper his lawes, that he made his cittizens knowe, it was more for their profit to obey lawe & iustice, then to breake it. Neuertheles afterwardes, matters proued rather ac­cording to Anacharsis comparison, then agreable to the hope that Solon had conceyued. A­nacharsis being by happe one daye in a common assembly of the people at ATHENS, sayed that he maruelled much, why in the consultations & meetings of the GRECIANS, wise men C propounded matters, and fooles dyd decide them. It is sayed moreouer, that Solon was som­time in the cittie of MILETVM at Thales house, where he sayed that he could not but mar­uell at Thales, that he would neuer marie to haue children. Thales gaue him neuer a worde at that present:Solons talke with Thales at Miletum, about mariage, for hauing of children. but within fewe dayes after he suborned a straunger, which sayed that he came but newly home from ATHENS, departing from thence but tenne dayes before. Solon asked him immediately, What newes there? This straunger whom Thales had schooled before, aun­swered: none other there, sauing that they caried a young man to buriall, whom all the cittie followed, for that he was one of the greatest mens sonnes of the cittie, and the honestest man withall, who at that present was out of the countrie, and had bene a long time (as they sayed) abroade. O poore vnfortunate father, then sayed Solon: and what was his name? I haue heard D him named, sayed the straunger, but I haue forgotten him nowe: sauing that they all sayed, he was a worthy wise man. So Solon still trembling more and more for feare, at euery aunswer of this straunger: in the ende he could holde no longer, being full of trouble, but tolde his name himselfe vnto the straunger, and asked him againe, if he were not the sonne of Solon which was buried. The very same, sayed the straunger. Solon with that, like a mad man straight be­ganne to beat his head, and to saye, and doe, like men impacient in affliction, and ouercome with sorowe. But Thales laughing to see this pageant, stayed him, and sayed. Loe, Solon, this is it that keepeth me from marying, and getting of children: which is of such a violence, that thou seest it hath nowe ouercome thee, although otherwise thou arte stronge, and able to wrestle with any. Howbeit for any thing he hath saied vnto thee, be of good cheere man, for it E is but a tale, and nothing so. Hermippus writeth, that Patacus (he which sayed he had Esops sowle) reciteth this story thus. Neuertheles it lacketh iudgement, and the corage of a man also, to be afrayed to get things necessarie, fearing the losse of them:VVe should not let to get things neces­sarie, fearing to lose them. for by this reckoning, he should neither esteeme honour, goodes, nor knowledge when he hath them, for feare to lose them. For we see that vertue it selfe, which is the greatest and sweetest riches a man can haue, decayeth oftimes through sicknes, or els by phisicke, and potions. Furthermore Thales selfe, although he was not maried, was not therefore free from this feare, onles he would confesse that he neither loued friends, kynsemen, nor countrie: howbeit Thales had an adopted sonne, called Cybistus, Cybistus Thales adopted sonne. which was his sisters sonne. For our soule hauing in it a naturall inclination to loue,The instinct of naturall loue. and being borne aswell to loue, as to feele, to reason, or vnderstand, and to remember: F hauing nothing of her owne whereupon she might bestowe that naturall loue, boroweth of other. As where there is a house or inheritaunce without lawfull heires, many times straun­gers, and base borne children, doe creepe into the kinde affection of the owner, and when they [Page 88] [...] [Page 89] [...] [Page 90] haue once wonne & possessed his loue, they make him euer after to be kynde and tender ouer A them. So that ye shall see many times men of such a hard and rough nature, that they like not of them that moue them to marie, and get lawfull children: and yet afterwardes are ready to dye for feare & sorowe, when they see their bastardes (that they haue gotten of their slaues or concubines) fall sicke or dye, and doe vtter wordes farre vnmeete for men of noble corage. And some such there be, that for the death of a dogge, or their horse, are so out of harte, and take such thought, that they are ready to goe into the grounde, they looke so pittiefully. O­ther some are cleane contrarie, who though they haue lost their children, forgone their friendes, or some gentleman deare vnto them, yet no sorowfull worde hath commen from them, neither haue they done any vnseemely thing: but haue passed the rest of their life like wise, constant, and vertuous men. For it is not loue but weaknes, which breedeth these ex­treme B sorowes, and exceeding feare, in men that are not exercised, nor acquainted to fight a­gainst fortune with reason. And this is the cause that plucketh from them the pleasure of that they loue and desire, by reason of the continuall trouble, feare and griefe they feele, by thinc­king howe in time they maye be depriued of it. Nowe we must not arme our selues with po­uertie, against the griefe of losse of goodes: neither with lacke of affe [...]tion, against the losse of our friendes: neither with wante of mariage, against the death of children: but we must be armed with reason against misfortunes. Thus haue we sufficiently enlarged this matter. The ATHENIANS hauing nowe susteined a long and troublesome warre against the MEGA­RIANS, for the possession of the Ile of SALAMINA: were in the ende wearie of it, and made proclamation straightly commaunding vpon payne of death,Proclamation vpon pa [...]ne of death no man so mo [...]e the counsell for the title of Salamina. Solon fained madnes to recouer Sala­mina. that no man should presume to C preferre any more to the counsaill of the cittie, the title or question of the possession of the Ile of SALAMINA. Solon could not beare this open shame, and seeing the most parte of the lu­stiest youthes desirous still of warre though their tongues were tyed for feare of the proclama­tion: he fayned him selfe to be out of his wittes, and caused it to be geuen out that Solon was become a foole, and secretly he had made certaine lamentable verses, which he had cunned without booke, to singe abroade the cittie. So one daye he ranne sodainly out of his house with a garland on his head, and gotte him to the market place, where the people straight swar­med like bees about him: and getting him vp vpon the stone where all proclamations are v­sually made, out he singeth these Elegies he had made, which beganne after this sorte.

This Elegie is intituled SALAMINA, and conteineth a hundred verses, which are excellently well written. And these being songe openly by Solon at that time, his friendes incontinently praysed them beyond measure, and specially Pisistratus: and they went about persuading the people that were present, to credit that he spake. Hereupon the matter was so handled amon­gest them, that by and by the proclamation was reuoked, and they beganne to followe the warres with greater furie then before, appointing Solon to be generall in the same. But the common tale and reporte is, that he went by sea with Pisistratus vnto the temple of Venus, Of the temple of Venus Co­liade, S [...]ab lib 4. & [...]rsan of the A­thenians. sur­named E Coliade: where he founde all the women at a solemne feast and sacrifice, which they made of custome to the goddesse. He taking occasion thereby, sent from thence a trusty man of his owne vnto the MEGARIANS, which then had SALAMINA: whom he instructed to fayne him selfe a reuolted traytour, & that he came of purpose to tell them, that if they would but goe with him, they might take all the chief ladyes and gentle women of ATHENS on a sodaine.Solons stratageames. The MEGARIANS easely beleeued him, and shipped forthwith certaine souldiers to goe with him. But when Solon perceyued the shippe vnder sayle comming from SALAMINA, he commaunded the women to departe, and in steade of them he put lusty beardles sprin­galles into their apparell, and gaue them litle shorte daggers to conuey vnder their clothes, commaunding them to playe & daunce together vpon the sea side, vntill their enemies were F landed, and their shippe at anker: and so it came to passe. For the MEGARIANS being de­ceyued by that they sawe a farre of, as sonne as euer they came to the shore side, dyd lande in [Page 91] A heapes, one in anothers necke, euen for greedines to take these women: but not a man of them escaped, for they were slayne euery mothers sonne. This stratageame being finely handled, & to good effect, the ATHENIANS tooke sea straight, and costed ouer to the Ile of SALAMINA: which they tooke vpon the sodaine, and wanne it without much resistaunce.Solon wanne Salamina. Other saye that it was not taken after this sorte: but that Apollo Delphicus gaue Solon first such an oracle.

By order of this oracle, he one night passed ouer to SALAMINA, & dyd sacrifice to Periphe­mus, & to Cichris, demy goddes of the countrie. Which done, the ATHENIANS deliuered him fiue hundred men, who willingly offered them selues: & the cittie made an accorde with them, B that if they tooke the Ile of SALAMINA, they should beare greatest authoritie in the common weale. Solon imbarked his souldiers into diuers fisher botes, and appointed a galliot of thirtie owers to come after him, & he ankred hard by the cittie of SALAMINA, vnder the pointe which looketh towards the Ile of NEGREPONT. The MEGARIANS which were within SALAMINA, hauing by chaunce heard some inckling of it, but yet knew nothing of certaintie: ranne pre­sently in hurly burley to arme them, and manned out a shippe to descrie what it was. But they fondly comming within daunger, were taken by Solon, who clapped the MEGARIANS vnder hatches fast bounde, and in their roomes put aborde in their shippe the choycest souldiers he had of the ATHENIANS, commaunding them to set their course direct vpon the cittie, and to keepe them selues as close out of sight as could be. And he him self with all the rest of his soul­diers C landed presently, and marched to encounter with the MEGARIANS, which were come out into the fielde. Now whilest they were fighting together, Solons men whom he had sent in the MEGARIANS shippe, entred the hauen, & wanne the towne. This is certainly true, & testi­fied by that which is shewed yet at this daye. For to keepe a memoriall hereof a shippe of A­THENS arriueth quietly at the first, & by & by those that are in the shippe make a great showte, and a man armed leaping out of the shippe, ronneth showting towardes the rocke called Sci­radion, which is as they come from the firme lande: and hard by the same is the temple of Mars, which Solon built there after he had ouercome the MEGARIANS in battell, from whence he sent backe againe those prisoners that he had taken (which were saued from the slaughter of the battell) without any ransome paying. Neuertheles, the MEGARIANS were sharpely bent D still, to recouer SALAMINA again. Much hurte being done & suffered on both sides: both parts in the ende made the LACEDAEMONIANS iudges of the quarrell.Great stryfe betwext the Megarians & Athenians for Salamina Iliad. lib. 2. But vpon iudgement geuen, common reporte is, that Homers authoritie dyd Solon good seruice, bicause he did adde these verses to the number of shippes, which are in the Iliades of Homer, which he rehearsed before the iudges, as if they had bene in deede written by Homer.

Howbeit the ATHENIANS selues thinke, it was but a tale of pleasure: and saye that Solon made it appeare to the iudges, that Philaeus, and Eurysaces (both Aiax sonnes) were made free denizens of ATHENS. Whereupon they gaue the Ile of SALAMINA vnto the ATHENIANS, & one of them came to dwell in a place called Brauron, in the country of ATTICA: and the other in a towne called MELITVM. And for due proofe thereof, they saye there is yet a certen can­ton or quarter of the countrie of ATTICA, which is called the canton of the Philaeides, after the name of this Philaeus, where Pisistratus was borne. And it is sayed moreouer, that Solon (bicause he would throughly convince the MEGARIANS) did alleage that the SALAMINIANS buried not the dead after the MEGARIANS manner, but after the ATHENIANS manner. For in ME­GARA F they burie the dead with their faces to the East: and in ATHENS their faces are towards the West. Yet Hereas the Megarian denieth it, saying that the MEGARIANS dyd burie them [Page 92] also with their faces towards the West:The manner of burial with the Megariā: & the Athe­nians. alleaging moreouer, that at ATHENS euerie corse had A his owne beere or coffin by it selfe, & that at MEGARA they dyd put three or foure corses to­gether. They saye also there were certaine oracles of Apollo Pythias, which dyd greatly helpe Solon, by which the god called SALAMINA, IONIA. Their strife was iudged by fiue Arbitra­tors, all SPARTANS borne: that is to saye, Critolaidas, Amompharetus, Hypsechidas, Anaxilas, & Cleomenes. Solon vndoutedly wonne great glory & honour by this exployte, yet was he much more honoured & esteemed, for the oration he made in defence of the tēple of Apollo, in the cittie of DELPHES:Solon defen­deth the cause of the tēple of Del­phes. declaring that it was not meete to be suffered, that the CYRRHAEIANS should at their pleasure abuse the sanctuarie of the oracle, & that they should ayde the DEL­PHIANS in honour and reuerence of Apollo. Whereupon the counsell of the Amphictyons, being moued with his words and persuations, proclaimed warres against the CYRRHAEIANS:B as diuers other doe witnesse, and specially Aristotle, in the storie he wrote of those that wanne the Pythian games, where he ascribeth vnto Solon the honour of that determination. Neuer­theles Hermippus sayeth, Solon was not made generall of their armie, as Euanthes Samian hath written. For AEschines the Orator wrote no such thing of him: & in the chronicles of the DELPHIANS they finde, that one Alcmaeon, & not Solon, was the generall of the ATHENIANS. Now the cittie of ATHENS had a long time benevexed and troubled through Cylons heynous offence, euer sence the yere that Megacles (gouernour of the cittie of ATHENS) dyd with fayer words handle so the confederates of the rebellion of Cylon, which had taken sanctuarie within the liberties of the temple of Minerua: that he persuaded them to be wise, and to present them selues before the iudges, holding by a threede, which they should tye about the base of the C image of the goddesse where she stoode, bicause they should not lose their libertie. But when they were come to the place of the honorable goddesses so called (which be the images of the furies) comming downe to present them selues before the iudges, the threede brake of itself. Then Megacles, and other officers his cōpanions, layed holde on them presently, saying that it was a manifest signe that the goddesse Minerua refused to saue thē. So those they tooke, & all they could laye hands of, were immediately stoned to death without the cittie-the rest which tooke the altars for refuge, were slaine there also. And none were saued, but such as had made meanes to the gouernours wiues of the citie, to intreate for them: which from that time forth were euer hated of the people, and commonly called the abiects and excommunicates. Who being the issues of the rebelles that rose with Cylon, chaunced to rise again in credit, & growing D to great authoritie, they neuer left quarrelling & fighting continually with th'offpring of Me­gacles. These factions were greatest & highest in Solons time: who being of authoritie, & seeing the people thus diuided in two par [...]he stepped in betweene them, with the chiefest men of ATHENS, & did so persuade & intreate those whom they called the abiects & excōmunicates, that they were contented to be iudged. So three hundred of the chiefest cittizens were chosen iudges to heare this matter. The accuser was Myron Phlyeian. This matter was heard and pleaded, & by sentēce of the iudges, the excommunicates were condēned. Those that were a­liue, to perpetuall exile: & the bones of them that were dead, to be digged vp, & throwen out of the confines of the territorie of ATHENS. But whilest the cittie of ATHENS was occupied with these vprores, the MEGARIANS wisely caught holde of the occasion deliuered, and set E vpon the ATHENIANS, tooke frō them the hauen of NYSAEA, & recouered againe out of their handes, the Ile of SALAMINA. Furthermore, all the cittie was possessed with a certen supersti­tious feare: for some sayed, that sprites were come againe, and straunge sightes were seene. The prognosticatours also sayed, they perceiued by their sacrifices, the cittie was defiled with some abhominable & wicked things, which were of necessitie to be purged and throwen out. Hereupon they sent into CRETA for Epimenides Phaestian, Epimenides Phaestus ta­ken for one of the 7. sages, excluding Periander. whom they reckoned the seuenth of the wise men, at the least such as will not allowe Periander for one of the number. He was a holy and deuoute man, and very wise in celestiall things, by inspiration from aboue: by reason whereof, men of his time called him the newe Curetes, that is to saye, Prophet: and he was thought the sonne of a Nymphe called Baltè. When he was come to ATHENS, and growen F in friendshippe with Solon: he dyd helpe him much, and made his waye for establishing of his lawes. For he acquainted the ATHENIANS to make their sacrifices much lighter, and of [Page 93] A lesse coste: & brought the cittizēs to be more moderate in their mourning, with cutting of cer­taine seuere and barbarous ceremonies, which the most parte of the women obserued in their mourning, & he ordeined certain sacrifices which he would haue done immediately after the obsequies of the dead. But that which exceeded all the rest was, that by vsing the cittizēs vnto holines & deuotion, daylie sacrifices, prayers vnto the godds, purging of them selues, & hūble offerings: he wanne mens hartes by litle & litle, to yelde them more cōfirmable to iustice, & to be more inclined to cōcorde & vnity. It is reported also that Epimenides, whē he saw the hauen of Munychia, & had long cōsidered of it: told those about him, that men were very blinde in foreseeing things to come. For if the ATHENIANS (sayed he) knew, what hurt this hauen would bring thē: they would eate it (as they saye) with their teethe. It is sayed also that Thales did pro­gnosticate B such a like thing, who after his deathe commaunded they should burie his bodie, in some vile place of no reckoning, with in the territorie of the MILESIANS, saying that one daye there should be the place of a cittie. Epimenides therfore being maruelously esteemed of euery man for these causes, was greatly honoured of the ATHENIANS, and they offered him great presents of money and other things, but he would take nothing, and only prayed them to geue him a boughe of the holy olyue: which they graunted him, and so he returned shortely home into CRETA. Nowe that this sedition of Cylon was vtterly appeased in ATHENS, for that the excommunicates were banished the countrie:Solon pacified the sedition at Athens. the citty fell againe into their olde troubles and dissentions about the gouernment of the common weale: & they were devided into so diuers partes and factions, as there were people of sundry places & territories within the countrie of C ATTICA. For there were the people of the mountaines, the people of the vallies, and the peo­ple of the sea coaste. Those of the mountaines, tooke the cōmon peoples parte for their liues. Those of the valley, would a fewe of the best cittizens should carie the swaye. The coaste men would, that neither of thē should preuaile, bicause they would haue had a meane gouernmēt, & mingled of them both. Furthermore, the faction betwene the poore & riche, proceeding of their vnequalitie, was at that time very great. By reason whereof the cittie was in great daun­ger, and it seemed there was no waye to pacifie or take vp these controuersies, vnles some ty­raunt happened to rise, that would take vpon him to rule the whole. ‘For all the cōmon people were so sore indetted to the riche, that either they plowed their landes, & yelded them the sixt parte of their croppe:The miserie of dett, and vsurie. (for which cause they were called Hectemorij and seruants) or els they D borowed money of them at vsurie, vpon gage of their bodies to serue it out. And if they were not able to paye them, then were they by the law deliuered to their creditours, who kept them as bonde men & slaues in their houses, or els they sent them into straunge coūtries to be sold: & many euen for very pouertie were forced to sell their owne children (for there was no lawe: to forbid the contrarie) or els to forsake their cittie & countrie, for the extreme cruelty & hard, dealing of these abominable vsurers their creditours. Insomuch as many of the lustiest & stow­test of them, banded together in cōpanies, & incoraged one another, not to suffer & beare any, lenger such extremitie, but to choose them a stowte & trusty captaine, that might set them at, libertie, and redeeme those out of captiuity, which were iudged to be bondmen & seruants, for lacke of paying of their detts at their dayes appointed: & so to make againe a newe diuision of E all landes and tenements, and wholy to chaunge and turne vp the whole state & gouernment.’ Then the wisest men of the cittie, who sawe Solon only neither partner with the riche in their oppression, neither partaker with the poore in their necessitie:Solons equitie and vpright­nes. made sute to him, that it would please him to take the matter in hande, & to appease and pacifie all these broyles and sedition. Yet Phanias Lesbian writeth, that he vsed a subtiltie, whereby he deceiued both the one and the other side, concerning the cōmon weale. For he secretly promised the poore to deuide the lands againe:Solon by sub­tiltie set order betwext the poore & rich. & the riche also, to confirme their couenants & bargaines. Howsoeuer it fell out, it is very certain that Solon frō the beginning made it a great matter, & was very scrupulous to deale betwene them: fearing the couetousnes of the one, & arrogancie of the other. Howbeit in the end he was chosen gouernour after Philōbrotus, & was made reformer of the rigour of the F lawes, & the tēperer of the state & cōmō weale, by cōsent & agreemēt of both parties.Solon chosen reformer of the lawe, and chief gouer­nour. The rich accepted him, bicause he was no begger: the poore did also like him, bicause he was an honest man. They saye moreouer, that one word & sentēce which he spake (which at that present was [Page 94] rife in euery mans mouthe) that equalitie dyd breede no stryfe: did aswell please the riche and A wealthie, as the poore and needie. For the one sorte conceyued of this worde equalitie, that he would measure all things according to the qualitie of the man: & the other tooke it for their purpose, that he would measure things by the number, & by the polle only. Thus the captaines of both factions persuaded & prayed him, boldly to take vpon him that soueraigne authoritie, sithence he had the whole cittie nowe at his commaundement. The neawters also of euery parte, when they sawe it very harde to pacifie these things with lawe and reason, were well content that the wisest, and honestest man, should alone haue the royall power in his handes. Some saye also that there was such an oracle of Apollo.

But his familier friendes aboue all rebuked him, saying he was to be accompted no better then a beast, if for feare of the name of tyranne,Salt refuseth to be a ty­ranne. Tynnondas, and Pittacus tyrannes. he would refuse to take vpon him a King­dome: which is the most iust and honorable state, if one take it vpon him that is an honest man. As in olde time, Tynnondas made him selfe King of those of Negrepont, with their con­sent: and as Pittacus was then presently of those of METELIN. Notwithstanding, all these goodly reasons could not make him once alter his opinion. And they saye he aunswered his friendes, that principalitie and tyrannie, was in deede a goodly place:Solens aun­swere for ty­rannie. howbeit there was no way for a man to get out, whē he was once entered into it. And in certen verses that he wrote C to Phocus, thus he sayed:

Hereby appeareth plainely, that euen before he was chosen reformer of the state, to stablish D newe lawes: he was then of great countenaunce and authoritie. But he him selfe writeth, that many sayed of him thus, after he had refused the occasion of vsurping of this tyrannie:

Thus brought he common rumor to taber on his head. Nowe, notwithstanding he had re­fused the kingdome, yet he waxed nothing the more remisse nor softe therefore in gouerning, neither would he bowe for feare of the great, nor yet would frame his lawes to their liking, that had chosen him their reformer. For where the mischief was tollerable, he dyd not straight plucke it vp by the rootes: neither dyd he so chaūge the state, as he might haue done, least if he should haue attempted to turne vpsidowne the whole gouernment, he might afterwards haue bene neuer able to settle & stablishe the same againe. Therefore he only altered that, which he thought by reason he would persuade his cittizens vnto,Excellent temperature. or els by force he ought to compell them to accept, mingling as he saied, sower with sweete, & force with iustice. And herewith a­greeth his aunswer that he made afterwards, vnto one that asked him, if he had made the best F lawes he could for the ATHENIANS? yea suer, sayeth he, such as they were to receiue. And this that followeth also, they haue euer since obserued in the Athenian tōgue: to make certē things [Page 95] A pleasaunt, that be hatefull, finely conueying them vnder culler of pleasing names.Things hate­full made pleasaunt with sweete wordes. As calling whores, lemans: taxes, contributions: garrisons, gardes: prisones, houses. And all this came vp first by Solons inuētion, who called cleering of detts,Cleering of detts, Solons first lawe, Vsurie for­bidden vpon gage of the bodie. Seisachtheian in English, discharge. For the first chaunge & reformation he made in gouernment was this: he ordeined that all manner of detts past should be cleere, and no bodye should aske his detter any thing for the time past. That no man should thenceforth lende money out to vsurie, vpon couenants for the bodye to be bounde, if it were not repayed. Howbeit some write (as Androtion among other) that the poore were cōtēted that the interest only for vsury should be moderated, without taking away the whole dett: & that Solon called this easie & gentle discharge, Seisachtheian, with crying vp the value of money.The value of money cried vp by Solon. For he raised the pound of siluer, being before but three score and thirtene B Drachmes, full vp to an hundred: so they which were to paye great summes of money, payed by tale as much as they ought, but with lesse number of peces then the dett could haue bene payed when it was borowed. And so the detters gayned much, & the creditours lost nothing. Neuertheles the more parte of them which haue written the same, saye, that this crying vp of money, was a generall discharge of all detts, conditions, & couenaunts vpon the same: whereto the very Poemes them selues, which Solon wrote, doe seeme to agree. For he glorieth, & brea­keth forth in his verses, that he had taken away all bawkes & marcks, that separated mens lands through the countrie of ATTICA: & that now he had set at libertie, that which before was in bondage. And that of the cittizens of ATHENS, which for lacke of payment of their dettes had bene condēned for slaues to their creditours, he had brought many home again out of straūge C coūtries, where they had bene so long, that they had forgotten to speake their naturall tongue: & other which remained at home in captiuitie, he had nowe set them all at good libertie. But while he was a doing this, men saye a thing thwarted him, that troubled him maruelously. For hauing framed an Edict for clearing of all detts, and lacking only a litle to grace it with words, and to geue it some prety preface,Lawes would be kept secret till they be published. that otherwise was ready to be proclaymed: he opened him selfe somewhat to certaine of his familiers whom he trusted (as Conon, Clinias, and Hipponicus) & tolde them how he would not medle with landes and possessions, but would only cleere and cut of all māner of detts.Ill conscien­ces by craft preuent Lawē. These men before the proclamation came out, went presently to the money men, & borowed great summes of money of them, & layed it out straight vpon lāde. So when the proclamation came out, they kept the landes they had purchased, but restored not D the money they had borowed. This fowle parte of theirs made Solon very ill spoken of, & wrōg­fully blamed: as if he had not only suffered it, but had bene partaker of this wrong, & iniustice. Notwithstāding he cleared him selfe of this slaunderous reporte, losing fiue talents by his owne lawe. For it was well knowen that so much was due vnto his, & he was the first that following his owne proclamation, dyd clearely release his detters of the same.A good lawe­maker, begin­neth to doe iustice in him selfe. Other saye he was owing fifteene talents: and among the same, Polyzelus the Rhodian is one that affirmeth it. Notwith­standing they euer after called Solons friendes, Greocopides, cutters of detts. This lawe neither li­ked the one nor the other sorte. For it greatly offended the riche, for cancelling their bondes: and it much more misliked the poore, bicause all landes and possessions they gaped for, were not made againe common, & euery bodye a like riche and wealthie, as Lycurgus had made the E LACEDAEMONIANS. But Lycurgus was the eleuēth descended of the right line from Hercules, & had many yeres bene king of LACEDAEMON, where he had gotten great authoritie, & made him selfe many friends: all which things together, dyd greatly helpe him to execute that, which he wisely had imagined for the order of his common weale. Yet also, he vsed more persuasion then force, a good witnes thereof, the losse of his eye: preferring a lawe before his priuate in­iurie, which hath power to preserue a cittie long in vnion and concorde, and to make citizens to be neither poore nor riche. Solon could not attain to this, for he was born in a popular state, & a man but of meane wealth: Howbeit he did what he could possible, with the power he had, as one seeking to winne no credit with his cittizēs, but onely by his counsaile. Now, that he got the ill will of the more parte of the cittie, by his proclamation which he made: he him self doth F witnesse it, saying:

Neuertheles he sayeth immediately after, that with the same authoritie and power he had, a man possibly

But shortely after, hauing a feeling of the benefit of his ordinaunce, and euery one forget­ting his priuate quarrell: they altogether made a common sacrifice, which they called the sa­crifice of Seisachthia, Solons abso­lute authority in the com­mon weale. or discharge, and chose Solon generall reformer of the lawe, and of the B whole state of the cōmon weale, without limiting his power, but referred all matters indiffere­ntly to his will. As the offices of state, common assemblies, voyces in election, iudgemēts in iustice, and the bodie of the Senate. And they gaue him also full power and authoritie, to sesse and taxe any of them, to appointe the number, what time the sesse should continewe, and to keepe, confirme, and disanull at his pleasure, any of the auncient lawes and customes then in being.Solon tooke awaye all Dracōs lawes. To beginne withall, he first tooke away all Dracons bloudy lawes, sauing for murder, and manslaughter, which were to seuere & cruell. For almost he dyd ordaine but one kinde of pu­nishment, for all kinde of faultes and offences, which was death. So that they which were con­demned for idlenes, were iudged to dye. And pety larceny, as robbing mens horteyards, & gar­dens of fruite, or erbes, was as seuerely punished: as those who had committed sacriledge or C murder. Demades therefore encountered it pleasauntly, when he sayed: that Dracons lawes were not written with incke, but with bloud. And Draco him selfe being asked one daye, why his pu­nishmēts were so vnequall, as death for all kinde of faultes: he aunswered. Bicause he thought the least offence worthie so much punishment: and for the greatest, he found none more grie­uous. Then Solon being desirous to haue the chief offices of the cittie to remaine in riche mens handes, as already they dyd, and yet to mingle the authoritie of gouernment in such sorte, as the meaner people might beare a litle swaye, which they neuer could before: he made an esti­mate of the goodes of euery priuate cittizen.Solon [...]ateth euerie citizen at a cer­ten surname. Pentacosio­medimnes. Zeugite. Thetes. And those which he founde yerely worthe fiue hundred busshells of corne, & other liquide fruites and vpwards, he called Pentacosiomedimnes: as to saye, fiue hundred busshell men of reuenue. And those that had three hundred busshells a D yere, and were able to keepe a horse of seruice, he put in the second degree, and called them knightes. They that might dispend but two hundred busshells a yere, were put in the thirde place, & called Zeugites. All other vnder those, were called Thetes, as ye would saye, hyerlings, or craftes men liuing of their labour: whom he dyd not admit to beare any office in the cittie, neither were they taken as free cittizens, sauing they had voyces in elections, and assemblies of the cittie, and in iudgements, where the people wholy iudged. This at the first seemed no­thing, but afterwardes they felt it was to great purpose: for hereby the most parte of priuate quarrells and strifes that grewe among them, were in the ende layed open before the people. For the suffered those to appeale vnto the people,The darknes of the lawe increased, the authoritie of the iudge. which thought they had wrong iudgement in their causes. Furthermore, bicause his lawes were written somewhat obscurely, and might E be diuersely taken and interpreted: this dyd geue a great deale more authoritie and power to the iudges. For, considering all their controuersies could not be ended, and iudged by expresse lawe: they were driuen of necessitie allwayes to ronne to the iudges, and debated their mat­ters before them. In so muche as the iudges by this meanes came to be somewhat aboue the lawe: for they dyd euen expounde it as they would them selues. Solon self doth note this equall diuision of the publicke authoritie, in a place of his poesies, where he sayeth.

Yet considering it was meete to prouide for the pouertie of the common sorte of people: he suffered any man that would, to take vpon him the defence, of any poore mans case that had the wrong. For if a man were hurte, beaten, forced, or otherwise wronged: any other man that would, might lawfully sue the offendour, and prosecute lawe against him. And this was a wise lawe ordeined of him, to accustome his cittizens to be sorie one for anothers hurte, & so to feele it, as if any parte of his owne bodie had bene iniured. And they saye he made an aun­swer on a time, agreable to this law. For, being asked what cittie he thought best gouerned: he aunswered. That cittie where such as receyue no wronge, doe as earnestly defend wrōg offered B to other, as the very wrong & iniurie had bene done vnto them selues. He erected also the coū ­saill of the Areopagites, of those magistrates of the cittie, out of which they did yerely choose their gouernour: & he him self had bene of that number,The counsell of the Areo­pagites. for that he had bene gouernour for a yere. Wherefore perceyuing now the people were growen to a stomake, & hawtines of minde, bicause they were cleare discharged of their detts: he set one vp for matters of state, another counsell of an hundred chosen out of euery tribe,3 Counsells e­rected in Athens. whereof foure hūdred of them were to con­sult & debate of all matters, before they were propounded to the people: that when the great counsell of the people at large should be assembled, no matters should be put forth, onles it had bene before well considered of, & digested, by the counsell of the foure hundred. Moreo­uer, he ordeined the higher courte should haue the chiefe authoritie & power ouer all things, C and chiefly to see the lawe executed and mainteined: supposing that the common weale being settled, and stayed with these two courtes (as with two stronge anker holdes) it should be the lesse turmoyled and troubled, and the people also better pacified and quieted. The most parte of writers holde this opinion, that it was Solon which erected the counsaill of the Areo­pagites, as we haue sayed, and it is very likely to be true, for that Dracon in all his lawes and or­dinaunces made no manner of mention of the Areopagites, but allwayes speaketh to the E­phetes (which were iudges of life and death) when he spake of murder, or of any mans death. Notwithstanding, the eight law of the thirtenth table of Solon sayeth thus, in these very words. All such as haue bene banished or detected of naughty life, before Solon made his laws,Other lawes of Solon. shalbe restored againe to their goodes and good name, except those which were condemned by or­der D of the counsaill of the Areopagites, or by the Ephetes, or by the Kings in open courte, for murder, and death of any man, or for aspiring to vsurpe tyrannie. These wordes to the contra­rie, seeme to proue and testifie, that the counsell of the Areopagites was, before Solon was cho­sen reformer of the lawes. For howe could offenders and wicked men be condemned, by order of the counsell of the Areopagites before Solon, if Solon was the first that gaue it authoritie to iudge? onles a man will saye peraduenture, that he would a litle helpe the matter of his lawes which were obscure and darke, and would supply that they lacked, with expounding of the same by them. Those which shalbe founde attained and conuicted of any matter, that hath bene heard before the counsaill of the Areopagites, the Ephetes, or the gouernours of the cittie when this lawe shall come forth: shall stand condemned still, and all other shalbe pardoned, E restored, and set at libertie. Howsoeuer it is, sure that was his intent and meaning. Further­more amongest the rest of his lawes, one of them in deede was of his owne deuise: for the like was neuer stablished els where. And it is that lawe, that pronounceth him defamed, and vnho­nest, who in a ciuill vprore among the cittizens,A lawe a­gainst neaw­ters. sitteth still a looker on, and a neawter, and ta­keth parte with neither side. Whereby his minde was as it should appeare, that priuate men should not be only carefull to put them selues & their causes in safety, nor yet should be care­les for others mens matters, or thincke it a vertue not to medle with the miseries and mis­fortunes of their countrie, but from the beginning of euery sedition that they should ioyne with those that take the iustest cause in hande, and rather to hazarde them selues with such, then to tarie looking (without putting themselues in daunger) which of the two should haue F the victorie. There is another lawe also,An acte for matching with inheri­to [...]s. which at the first sight me thinketh is very vnhonest and fond. That if any man according to the lawe hath matched with a riche heire & inheri­tour, and of him selfe is impotent, and vnable to doe the office of a husband, she maye law­fully [Page 98] lye with any whom she liketh, of her husbands nearest kinsemen. Howbeit some affirme,A that it is a wise made lawe for those, which knowing themselues vnmeete to entertaine wed­locke, will for couetousnes of landes, marye with riche heires and possessioners, and minde to abuse poore gentlewomen vnder the colour of lawe: and will thincke to force and restraine nature. For, seeing the lawe suffereth an inheritour or possessioner thus ill bestowed, at her pleasure to be bolde with any of her husbands kynne: men will either leaue to purchase such mariages, or if they be so careles that they will nedes marye, it shalbe to their extreme shame and ignominie, and so shall they deseruedly paye for their greedy couetousnes. And the lawe is well made also, bicause the wise hath not scope to all her husbands kynsemen, but vnto one choyce man whom she liketh best of his house: to the ende that the children that shalbe borne, shalbe at the least of her husbands bloude and kynred. This also confirmeth the same,B that such a newe maryed wife should be shut vp with her husband, and eate a quince with him: and that he also which maryeth such an inheritour, should of duety see her thryse a mo­neth at the least. For although he get no children of her, yet it is an honour the husband doth to his wife, arguing that he taketh her for an honest woman, that he loueth her, and that he esteemeth of her. Besides, it taketh awaye many mislikings and displeasures which often­times happen in such cases, and keepeth loue and good will waking, that it dyenot vtterly be­tweene them.Solon forbid­deth iointers and dowries. Furthermore, he tooke awaye all ioynters and dowries in other mariages, and willed that the wiues should bring their husbands but three gownes only, with some other litle moueables of small value, and without any other thing as it were: vtterly forbidding that they should buye their husbands, or that they should make marchaundise of mariages,C as of other trades to gaine, but would that man and woman should marye together for issue, for pleasure, and for loue, but in no case for money. And for proofe hereof, Dionysius the ty­ranne of SICILE,Dionysius saying of ma­riages. one daye aunswered his mother (which would needes be maried to a young man of SYRACVSA) in this sorte. I haue power (saieth he) to breake the lawes of SY­RACVSA, by hauing the Kingdome: but to force the law of nature, or to make mariage with­out the reasonable compasse of age, that passeth my reache and power. So is it not tolerable, and much lesse allowable also, that such disorder should be in well ordered citties, that such vncomely and vnfit mariages should be made, betweene coples of so vnequall yeres: con­sidering there is no meete nor necessary ende of such matches. A wise gouernour of a cittie, or a iudge and reformer of lawes and manners, might well saye to an olde man that should D marye with a young mayde, as the Poet sayeth of Philoctetes:

And finding a young man in an olde riche womans house, getting his liuing by riding of her errants, and waxing fat as they saye the partridge doth by treading of the hennes: he maye take him from thence, to bestowe him on some young mayde that shall haue neede of a husband. And thus much for this matter. But they greatly commend another lawe of Solons, which forbiddeth to speake ill of the dead.A law forbid­ding to speake euill of the dead. For it is a good and godly thing to thinke, that they ought not to touche the dead, no more than to touche holy things: and men should take great heede to offende those that are departed out of this world, besides it is a token of wise­dome E and ciuillitie, to beware of immortall enemies. He commaunded also in the selfe same lawe, that no man should speake ill of the liuing, specially in Churches, during diuine seruice, or in counsaill chamber of the cittie, nor in the Theaters whilest games were a playing: vpon payne of three siluerDrachme [...]. Drachmes to be payed to him that was iniured, & two to the common treasurie. For he thought it to much shameles boldnes, in no place to keepe in ones choller, and moreouer, that such lacked ciuillitie and good manners: and yet altogether to suppresse and smother it, he knewe it was not only a harde matter, but to some natures vnpossible. And he that maketh lawes, must haue regarde to the common possibilitie of men, if he will pu­nishe litle, with profitable example, and not much without some profit. So was he marue­lously well thought of,A lawe for willes and te­staments. for the lawe that he made touching willes and testaments. For before,F men might not lawfully make their heires whom they would, but the goodes came to the childrē or kynred of the testatour. But he leauing it at libertie, to dispose their goods where [Page 99] A they thought good, so they had no children of their owne: dyd therein preferre friendship before kynred, and good will and fauour before necessitie and constrainte, and so made euery one lorde and master of his owne goodes. Yet he dyd not simply and a like allowe all sortes of giftes, howsoeuer they were made: but those only which were made by men of sound me­morie or by those whose wittes fayled them not by extreme sicknes, or through drincks, me­dicines, poysonings, charmes, or other such violence and extraordinarie meanes, neither yet through the intisements and persuasions of women. As thincking very wisely, there was no difference at all betweene those that were euidently forced by constraint, and those that were compassed and wrought by subornation at length to doe a thing against their will, ta­king fraude in this case equall with violence, and pleasure with sorowe, as passions with mad­nes, B which commonly haue as much force the one as the other, to drawe and driue men from reason. He made another lawe also, in which he appointed women their times to goe abroade into the fieldes, their mourning, their feastes and sacrifices,margA lawe for womens going abroade. plucking from them all di­sorder and wilfull libertie, which they vsed before. For he dyd forbid that they should carie out of the cittie with them aboue three gownes, and to take vittells with them aboue the va­lue of an halfe pennie, neither basket nor pannier aboue a cubite highe: and specially he dyd forbid them to goe in the night, other then in their coche, and that a torche should be caried before them. He dyd forbid them also at the buriall of the dead, to teare and spoyle them selues with blowes, to make lamentations in verses, to weepe at the funeralles of a straunger not being their kinseman, to sacrifice an oxe on the graue of the dead, to burie aboue three C gownes with the corse, to goe to other mens graues, but at the very time of burying the corse: all which or the most parte of them, are forbidden by our lawes at this daye. Moreouer, those lawes appointe a penaltie vpon such women as offend in the same, to be distrayned for, by cer­taine officers expressely named, to controll and reforme the abuses of women, as womanish persones and faynte harted, which suffer them selues to be ouercome with such passions and fondnes in their mourning. And perceyuing that the cittie of ATHENS beganne to replenish daylie more and more, by mens repayring thither from all partes, and by reason of the great assured safetie, and libertie that they founde there: and also considering howe the greatest parte of the Realme became in manner heathy, and was very barren, and that men traffeking the seas, are not wonte to bring any marchaundise to those, which can geue them nothing a­gaine D in exchaunge: he beganne to practise that his cittizens should giue them selues vnto craftes and occupations, and made a lawe,Craftes and occupations aduaunced. that the sonne should not be bounde to relieue his father being olde, onles he had set him in his youth to some occupation. It was a wise parte of Lycurgus (who dwelt in a cittie where was no resorte of straungers, and had so great a terri­torie as could haue furnished twise as many people, as Euripides sayeth, and moreouer on all sides was enuironned with a great number of slaues of the ILOTES, whom it was needefull to keepe still in labour and worcke continually) to haue his cittizens allwayes occupied in exer­cises of feates of armes, without making them to learne any other science, but discharged them of all other miserable occupations and handy craftes. But Solon framing his lawes vnto things, & not things vnto lawes, when he sawe the countrie of ATTICA so leane and barren, E that it could hardely bring forth to susteine those that tilled the grounde only, and therefore much more impossible to keepe so great a multitude of idle people as were in ATHENS: thought it very requisite to set vp occupations, and to geue them countenaunce and estima­tion. Therefore he ordeined, that the counsaill of the Areopagites, should haue full power,The autho­ritie of the courte and counsaile of the Areopagites. and authoritie to enquier how euery man liued in the cittie, & also to punishe such as they found idle people, and dyd not labour. But this was thought to seuere and straight a lawe which he ordeined (as Heraclides Ponticus writeth) that the children borne of common harlotts and strumpets should not be bounde to relieue their fathers. For he that maketh no accompt of matrimonie, plainely sheweth that he tooke not a wise to haue children, but only to satisfie his lust and pleasure: and so such an one hath his iust reward, and is disapointed of the reue­rēce F that a father ought to haue of his children, since through his owne faulte the birth of his childe falleth out to his reproche. Yet to saye truely, in Solons laws touching women, there are many obsurdities, as they fall out ill fauoredly. For he maketh it lawfull for any man to kill an [Page 100] adulterer taking him with the facte. But he that rauisheth or forcibly taketh awaye a free wo­man,A is only condemned to paye a hundred siluerDrachmae. drachmes. And he that was the Pandor to procure her, should only paye twenty drachmes. Onles she had bene a common strumpet or curtisan: for such doe iustefy open accesse, to all that will hier them. Furthermore, he doth for­bid any persone to sell his daughters or sisters, onles the father or brother had taken them, abu­sing them selues before mariage. Me thincketh it is farre from purpose and reason, with seue­ritie to punish a thing in one place, and ouer lightly to passe it ouer in another: or to set some light fine on ones head for a great faulte, and after to discharge him, as it were but a matter of sporte. Onles they will excuse it thus, that money being very harde & scante at that time in ATHENS, those fines were then very great & grieuous to paye. For in setting out the charges of offerings which should be made in sacrifices, he appointed a weather to be a conuenient B offering, and he setteth a busshell of corne at a siluer drachme. More he ordeined, that they which wonne any of the games at ATHENS, should paye to the common treasurie an hundred drachmes. And those wōne any of the games Olympicall, fiue hūdred drachmes. Also he appointed that he which brought a he woulfe, should haue fiue drachmes, & him one drach­me for reward of a she woulfe. Whereof as Demetrius Phalerian writeth: the one was the price of an oxe, and the other of a mutton. For, touching the rates he ordeined in the sixtenth table of his lawes mete for burnt sacrifices, it is likely he dyd rate them at a much higher price, then ordinarilie they were worth: and yet notwithstanding, the price which he setteth, is very litle in comparison of that which they are worth at this daye. Nowe it was a custome euer amon­gest the ATHENIANS to kill their woulfes, bicause all their coūtrie laye for pasture, & not for C tillage.The tribes of the Atheniās howe they were called. Some there be that saye, the tribes of the people of ATHENS haue not bene called af­ter the names of the children of Ion, as the common opinion hath bene: but that they were called after their diuers trades & manners of liuing, which they tooke them selues vnto from the beginning. For, such as gaue them selues vnto the warres, were called Oplites: as who would saye, men of armes. Those that wrought in their occupations, were called Ergades: as much to saye, as men of occupation. The other two which were husbandmen, & followed the plough, were called Teleontes: as you would saye, labouring men. And those that kept beastes & cattell, were called AEgicores: as much to saye, as heard men. Nowe, forasmuch as the whole prouince of ATTICA was very drye, and had great lacke of water, being not full of riuers, ron­ning streames, nor lakes, nor yet stored with any great nūber of springs, insomuch as they are D driuen there to vse (through the most parte of the countrie) water drawen out of welles made with mens handes:An acte for welles. he made such an order, that where there was any well within the space of an Hippicon, that euery bodye within that circuite, might come and drawe water onely at that well, for his vse and necessitie. Hippicon is the distaunce of foure furlonges, which is halfe a mile: & those that dwelt further of, should goe seeke their water in other places where they would. But if they had digged tenne yardes deepe in their grounde, and could finde no water in the bottome, in this case, they might lawfully goe to their next neighbours well, and take a pot full of water conteining six gallons, twise a daye: iudging it great reason that necessitie should be holpen, but not that idlenes should be cherished. He appointed also the spaces that should be kept & obserued by those, that would set or plant trees in their ground,An acte for planting and setting of trees. E as being a man very skilfull in these matters. For he ordeined, that whosoeuer would plante any kynde of trees in his grounde, he should set them fiue foote a sonder one from another: but for the figge tree and olyue tree specially, that they should in any case be nine foote a son­der, bicause these two trees doe spread our their branches farre of, & they cannot stand neere other trees, but they must needes hurte them very much. For besides that they drawe awaye the same that doth nourishe the other trees, they cast also a certaine moisture & steame vpon them, that is very hurtefull & incōmodious. More he ordeined, that whosoeuer would digge a pytte or hole in his grounde, he should digge it as farre of from his neighbours pyt, as the pytte he digged was in depth to the bottome. And he that would set vp a hiue of bees in his grounde, he should set them at the least three hundred foote from other hiues set about him F before. And of the fruites of the earth, he was contented they should transporte and sell only oyle out of the Realme to straungers, but no other fruite or graine. He ordeined that the go­uernour [Page 101] A of the cittie should yerely proclaime open curses against those that should doe to the contrarie, or els he him selfe making default therein, should he fined at a hundred drachmes.Drachmae. This ordinaunce is in the first table of Solon lawes, and therefore we maye not altogether dis­credit those which saye, they did forbid in the olde time that men should carie figges out of the countrie of ATTICA, and that from thence it came that these picke thanckes, which be­wraye & accuse them that transported figges, were called Sycophantes. He made another lawe also against the hurte that beastes might doe vnto men. Wherein he ordeined, that if a dogge did bite any man, he that ought him should deliuer to him that was bitten, his dogge tyed to a logge of timber of foure cubites longe: & this was a very good deuise, to make men safe from dogges. But he was very straight in one lawe he made, that no straunger might be made deni­zen B and free man of the cittie of ATHENS, onles he were a banished man for euer out of his countrie, or els that he should come & dwell there with all his familie, to exercise some crafte or science. Notwithstanding, they saye he made not this lawe so much to put straungers from there freedome there, as to drawe them thither, assuring them by this ordinaunce, they might come and be free of the cittie and he thought moreouer, that both the one & the other would be more faithfull to the common weale of ATHENS. The one of them, for that against their willes they were driuen to forsake their countrie: & the other sorte, for that aduisedly and wil­lingly they were contented to forsake it. This also was another of Solons lawes, which he ordei­ned for those that should feast certē dayes at the towne house of the cittie, at other mens cost. For he would not allow, that one man should come often to feasts there.Feasts for townes men in the towne hall of Athēs. And if any man were C inuited thither to the feast, and dyd refuse to come: he dyd set a fine on his head, as reprouing the miserable niggardlines of the one, and the presumptuous arrogancy of the other, to con­temne & despise common order. After he had made his lawes, he dyd stablishe them to con­tinewe for the space of one hundred yeres,Axones. and they were written in tables of wood called Axo­nes, which were made more long then broade, in the which they were grauen: whereof there remaine some monuments yet in our time, which are to be seene in the towne hall of the cittie of ATHENS. Aristotle sayeth, that these tables were called Cyrbes. Cyrbes. And Cratinus also the Comi­call poet sayeth in one place, of Solon & Dracon: that Cyrbes was a vessell or panne wherein they dyd frye millet or hirse. Howbeit others saye, that Cyrbes properly were the tables, which con­teined the ordinaunces of the sacrifices: and Axones were the other tables, that concerned the D common weale. So, all the counsels & magistrates together dyd sweare, that they would kepe Solons lawes them selues, & also cause them to be obserued of others throughly & particularly. Then euery one of the Thesmothetes Thesmothe­tes. (which were certaine officers attēdaunt on the counsell, & had speciall charge to see the lawes obserued) dyd solēnly sweare in the open market place, neere the stone where the proclamations are proclaimed: and euery of them, both promised, & vowed openly to keepe the same lawes, & that if any of them dyd in any one pointe breake the said ordinaunces, then they were content that such offender should paye to the temple of Apollo, at the cittie of DELPHES, an image of fine golde, that should waye as much as him self. Moreouer Solon seeing the disorder of the moneths, & the mouing of the moone, which fol­lowed not the course of the sunne, & vsed not to rise & fall when the sunne doth, but oftetimes E in one daye, it doth both touche & passe the sunne: he was the first that called the chaunge of the moone, Ene caì néa, as much to saye, as olde and newe moone. Allowing that which ap­peared before the coniunction, to be of the moneth past: & that which shewed it, self after the coniunction, to be of the moneth following. And he was the first also (in my opinion) that vn­derstoode Homer rightly, when he sayed then beginneth the moneth when it endeth. The day following the chaunge, he called Neomenia, as much to saye, as the newe moneth, or the newe moone. After the twenty day of the moneth which they called Icada, he reckoned not the rest of the moneth, as increasing, but as in the wane: & gathered it by seing the light of the moone decreasing vntill the thirtie day. Now after his lawes were come abroade, & proclaimed, there came some daylie vnto him, which either praised them, or misliked them: & prayed him either F to take awaye, or to adde some thing vnto them. Many againe came & asked him, howe he vn­derstoode some sentēce of his lawes: & requested him to declare his meaning, & how it should be taken. Wherefore considering howe it were to no purpose to refuse to doe it, and againe [Page 102] howe it would get him much enuie & ill will to yelde there unto he determined (happen what A would) to winde him selfe out of these bryars, and to flye the gronings, complaints, and quar­rells of his cittizens. For he sayeth him selfe:

So, to conuey him self a while out of the waye, he tooke vpon him to be master of a shippe in a certaine voyage, and asked licence for tenne yeres of the ATHENIANS to goe beyond sea, hoping by that time the ATHENIANS would be very well acquainted with his lawes.Solōs trauell. So went he to the seas, & the first place of his arriuall was in EGYPT, where he remained a while, as he him self sayeth.

He went to his booke there, and dyd conferre a certaine time with Psenophis Heliopolitan, and Sonchis Saitan, two of the wisest priestes at that time that were in EGYPT: whom when he heard rehearse the storie of the Iles ATLANTIDES as Plato writeth, he proued to put the same in verse, & dyd send it abroade through GRECE. At his departure out of EGYPT he went into CYPRVS, where he had great curtesy & friendship of one of the princes of that countrie, called Philocyprus, who was lorde of a prety litle cittie which Demophon (Theseus sonne) caused to be built vpon the riuer of Clarie,Clarius fl. & was of a goodly strong situation, but in a very leane and barren coūtrie. Whereupō Solon tolde him, it would doe better a great deale to remoue it out of that place, into a very fayer & pleasaunt valley that laye vnderneath it, and there to make it larger & state her then it was: which was done according to his persuasiō. And Solon self being C present at it, was made ouerseer of the buildings, which he dyd helpe to deuise and order in good sorte, aswell in respect of pleasure, as for force and defence: insomuch as many people came from other places to dwell there. And herein many other lordes of the countrie dyd followe th' example of this Philocyprus, who to honour Solon, called his cittie SOLES, which before was called AEPIA.AEpia called Soles. Solon in his Elegies maketh mention of this foundation, directing his wordes vnto Philocyprus, as followeth.

And as for the meeting & talke betwext him & king Croesus, I know there are that by distāce of time will proue it but a fable, & deuised of pleasure: but for my parte I will not reiect, nor cōn­demne so famous an historie, receiued & approued by so many graue testimonies. Moreouer it is very agreable to Solons māners & nature, & also not vnlike to his wisedom & magnanimitie:E although in all pointes it agreeth not with certaine tables (which they call Chronicles) where they haue busily noted the order and course of times which euen to this daye, many haue cu­riously sought to correct, & could yet neuer discusse it, not accorde all contrarieties & mani­fest repugnaunces in the same. Solon at the desire & request of o, Solon sa [...]e king Croesus in the cittie of Sardis. went to see him in the cittie of SARDIS. When Solon was come thither, he seemed to be in the selfe same taking that a man was once reported to be: who being borne & bred vp on the mayne lande, & had neuer seene the sea neither farre not neere, did imagine euery riuer that he sawe had bene the sea. So Solon passing alongest Croesus palace, & meeting by the waye many of the lordes of his courte richely apparelled, & carying great traines of seruing men, & souldiers about them: thought euer that one of them had bene the King, vntill he was brought vnto Croesus selfe. Who was F passing richely arrayed, what for precious stones & iuells, & for riche cullered silkes, layed on with curious goldsmithes worke, & all to shewe him self to Solon in most stately, sumptuous, & [Page 103] A magnificent manner. Who perceiuing by Solons repayre to his presence, that he shewed no manner of signe, nor countenance of woundring, to see so great a state before him, neither had geuen out any word neere or likely to that which Croesus looked for in his owne imagination, but rather had deliuered speaches for men of iudgement and vnderstanding to know, how in­wardly he much did mislike Croesus foolish vanitie & base minde: then Croesus commaunded all his treasuries to be opened where his golde & siluer laye, next that they should shewe him his riche & sumptuous wardroppes, although that needed not for to see Croesus self, it was enough to discerne his nature & condition. After he had seene all ouer & ouer, being brought againe vnto the presence of the King: Croesus asked him,Croesus que­stion to Solon touching hap­pines. if euer he had seene any mā more happy than him self was? Solon an̄swered him,Solon estee­med Tellus a happie man. I haue: & that was one Tellus a cittizen of ATHENS, who was B a maruelous honest man, & had left his children behind him in good estimatiō, & well to liue, & lastly, was most happy at his death, by dying honorably in the field, in defence of his coūtrie. Croesus hearing this aunswer, beganne to iudge him a man of litle witte, or of grosse vnderstan­ding, bicause he did not thincke that to haue store of gold & siluer, was the only ioye & felici­tie of the world, & that he would preferre the life & death of a meane & priuate man as more happy, than all the riches & power of so mightie a King. Notwithstanding all this, Croesus yet asked him again: What other man beside Tellus he had seene happier than him self? Solon aun­swered him, that he had seene Cleobis & Biton, Cleobis & Bi­ton, happy mē. which were both brethern, & loued one ano­ther singularly well, & their mother in such sorte: that vpon a solemne festiuall daye, when she should goe to the tēple of Iuno in her coche drawen with oxen: bicause they taried to long ere C they could be brought, they both willingly yoked them selues by the necks, & drue their mo­thers coche in stead of the oxen, which maruelously reioyced her, and she was thought most happy of all other, to haue borne two such sonnes. Afterwards when they had done sacrifice to the goddesse, & made good cheere at the feast of this sacrifice, they went to bed: but they rose not againe the next morning, for they were found dead without suffering hurte or sorowe, af­ter they had receyued so much glorie & honour. Croesus then could no lōger bridell in his pa­cience, but breaking out in choller, sayed vnto him: why, doest then recken me than in no de­gree of happy men? Solon would neither flatter him,Solon commē ­deth the meane. nor further increase his heate, but aūswe­red him thus: O King of LYDIANS, the godds haue geuē vs GRECIANS all things in a meane; & amongest other things chiefly, a base & popular wisedome, not princely nor noble: which, D considering howe mans life is subiect to infinite chaunges, doth forbid vs to trust or glorie in these worldly riches. For time bringeth daylie misfortunes vnto man, which he neuer thought of, nor looked for. But when the goddes haue continued a mans good fortune to his end, then we thinke that man happy and blessed,No man hap­pie before his end [...]. and neuer before. Otherwise, if we should iudge a man happy that liueth, considering he is euer in daunger of cha [...]ge during life: we should be much like to him, who iudgeth him the victorie before hande, that is still a fighting, & maye be ouer­comen, hauing no suertie yet to carie it away. After Solon had spoken these words, he depar­ted from the Kings presence, and returned backe againe, leauing king Croesus offended, but nothing the wiser, nor amended. Nowe AEsope that wrote the fables,AEsope say­ing to Solon. being at that time in the cittie of SARDIS, & sent for thither by the King, who entertained him very honorably: was ve­ry E sorie to see that the King had geuen Solon no better entertainement: so by waye of aduise he said vnto him. O Solon, Solons aun­swer to AE­sope. either we must not come to princes at all, or els we must seeke to please & content them. But Solon turning it to the contrary, aunswered him: either we must not come to princes, or we must needes tell them truely, & counsell them for the best. So Croesus made light accompt of Solon at that time. But after he had lost the battell against Cyrus, and that his cittie was taken, him self became prisoner, & was bounde fast to a gibbet, ouer a great stacke of wood, to be burnt in the sight of all the PERSIANS, & of Cyrus his enemie: he then cried out as lowde as he could, thryse together. O Solon. Cyrus being abashed, sent to aske him, whether this Solon he only cried vpon in his extreme miserie, was a god or man. Croesus kept it not secret from him,King Croesus wordes of So­lon hanging vpō a gibbe [...] to be b [...]ant. but sayed: he was one of the wise men of GRECE, whom I sent for to come vnto me F on a certaine time, not to learne any thing of him which I stoode in neede of, but only that he might witnesse my felicitie, which then I dyd enioye: the losse whereof is nowe more hurtefull, than the enioying of the same was good or profitable. But nowe (alas) to late I [Page 104] know it, that the riches I possessed then,Riches are but wordes & opinion. were but words & opinion, all which are turned now A to my bitter sorowe, and to present and remediles calamitie. Which the wise GRECIAN con­sidering then, and foreseeing a farre of by my doings at that time, the instant miserie I suffer nowe: gaue me warning I should marke the ende of my life, and that I should not to farre pre­sume of my selfe, as puffed vp then with vaine glorie of opinion of happines, the ground ther­of being so slippery, and of so litle suertie. These wordes being reported vnto Cyrus, who was wiser than Croesus, & seeing Solons saying confirmed by so notable an example: he dyd not only deliuer Croesus from present perill of death, but euer after honoured him so long as he liued. Thus had Solon glorie, for sauing the honour of one of these Kings: & the life of the other, by his graue & wise counsaill. But during the time of his absence, great seditions rose at ATHENS amongest the inhabitants,Sedition as Athēs in So­lons absence. who had gotten them seuerall heades amongest them: as those of B the vallie had made Lycurgus their head. The coast men, Megacles, the sonne of Alamaeon. And those of the mountaines, Pisistratus: with whom all artificers & craftsmen liuing of their hādie labour were ioyned, which were the stowtest against the riche. So that notwithstanding the cittie kept Solons lawes and ordinaunces, yet was there not that man but gaped for a chaunge, and desired to see things in another state: either parties hoping their condition would mende by chaunge, and that euery of them should be better than their aduersaries. The whole com­mon weale broyling thus with troubles, Solon arriued at ATHENS,Solon retur­neth to A­thens. where euery mā did honour and reuerence him, howbeit he was no more able to speake alowde in open assembly to the people, not to deale in matters as he had done before, bicause his age would not suffer him: & therefore he spake with euery one of the heades of the seuerall factions a parte, trying if he C could agree and reconcile them together againe. Whereunto Pisistratus seemed to be more willing then any of the rest,Pisistratus wicked crasie & subtiltie. for he was curteous, and maruelous fayer spoken, and shewed him selfe besides, very good and pittiefull to the poore, and temperate also to his enemies: further, if any good quality were lacking in him, he dyd so finely counterfeate it, that men imagined it was more in him, than in those that naturally had it in them in deede. As to be a quiet man, no medler, contented with his owne, aspiring no higher, and hating those which would at­tempt to chaunge the present state of the common weale, and would practise any innoua­tion. By this arte and fine manner of his, he deceyued the poore common people. Howbeit Solon found him straight, and sawe the marke he shot at: but yet hated him not at that time, and sought still to winne him, and bring him to reason, saying oftetimes, both to him selfe, and D to others. That who so could plucke out of his head the worme of ambition, by which he as­pired to be the chiefest, and could heale him of his greedy desire to rule: there could not be a man of more vertue, or a better cittizen than he would proue. About this time begāne Thespis to set out his tragedies,Thespis a ma­ker of trage­dies. which was a thing that much delited the people for the rarenes there­of, being not many poets yet in number, to striue one against another for victorie, as afterwards there were. Solon being naturally desirous to heare and learne, and by reason of his age seeking to passe his time awaye in sportes,Solon repro­ued Thespis for lying. in musicke, & making good cheere more then euer he dyd: went one daye to see Thespis, who played a parte him selfe, as the olde facion of the Poets was, and after the playe was ended, he called him to him, and asked him: if he were not ashamed to lye so openly in the face of the worlde. Thespis aunswered him, that it was not materiall to doe E or saye any such things, considering all was but in sporte. Then Solon beating the grounde with his staffe he had in his hande: but if we commend lying in sporte ( [...] he) we shall finde it after­wards in good earnest, in all our bargaines & dealings. Shortely after Pisistratus hauing woun­ded him self, and bloudied all his bodie ouer, caused his men to carie him in his coche into the market place, where he put the people in an vprote, & tolde them that they were his enemies that thus traiterously had hādled & arraied him, for that he stoode with them about the gouer­ning of the cōmon weale: insomuch as many of thē were maruelously offended, & mutined by & by, crying out it was shamefully done. Then Solon drawing neere sayed vnto him, O thou sonne of Hippocrates, thou doest ill fauoredly coūterfeate the persone of Homers Vlysses: for thou hast whipped thy self to deceiue thy cittizēs, as he did teare & scratch him self, to deceiue his F enemies. Notwithstanding this, the common people were still in vprore, being ready to take armes for Pisistratus: and there was a generall counsell assembled, in the which one Ariston [Page 105] A spake, that they should graunte fiftie men, to cary holberds and mases before Pisistratus for garde of his persone. But Solon going vp into the pulpit for orations, stowtely inuayed against it: and persuaded the people with many reasons, like vnto these he wrote afterwards in verse.

But in the ende, seeing the poore people dyd tumult still, taking Pisistratus parte, and that B the riche fled here and there, he went his waye also, saying: he had shewed him selfe wiser than some, and hardier than other. Meaning, wiser than those which sawe not Pisistratus reache and fetche: and hardier than they which knewe very well he dyd aspire to be King, and yet neuertheles durst not resist him. The people went on with the motion of Ariston, and au­thorised the same, touching the graunte of halbetders: limiting no number, but suffered him to haue about him and to assemble, as many as he would, vntill such time as he had gotten possession of the castell. Then the cittie was maruelously affrayed and amazed: and presently Megacles, and all those which were of the house of the Alemeonides dyd flye. Solon, who for yeares was now at his last cast, and had no man to sticke vnto him: went notwithstanding into the market place, and spake to the cittizens whom he found there, and rebuked their beastli­nes, C and faynte cowardly hartes, and encouraged them not to lose their libertie. He spake at that time notably, and worthie memorie, which euer after was remembred. Before sayed he, you might more easely haue stayed this present tyrannie: but nowe that it is already facio­ned, you shall winne more glorie, vtterly to suppresse it. But for all his goodly reasons, he found no man that would hearken to him, they were all so amazed. Wherefore he hied him home a­gaine, and tooke his weapons out of his house, and layed them before his gate in the middest of the streete, saying. For my parte, I haue done what I can possible, to helpe and defend the lawes and liberties of my countrie. So from that time he betooke him selfe vnto his ease, and neuer after delt any more in matters of state, or common weale. His friends dyd counsell him to flye: but all they could not persuade him to it. For he kept his house,Solons liber­tie & con­stancie. and gaue him selfe D to make verses: in which he sore reproued the ATHENIANS faults, saying:

His friends hereupon dyd warne him, to beware of such speaches, and to take hede what he sayed: least if it came vnto the tyrannes eares, he might put him to death for it. And further, they asked him wherein he trusted, that he spake so boldly. He aunswered them, in my age. E Howbeit Pisistratus after he had obteined his purpose, sending for him vpon his worde and faith, dyd honour and entertaine him so well, that Solon in the ende became one of his coun­saill, and approued many things which he dyd. For Pisistratus him selfe dyd straightly keepe, and caused his friends to keepe Solons lawes. Insomuch as when he was called by proces into the courte of the Areopagites for a murther, euen at that time when he was a tyrante: he pre­sented him selfe very modestly to aunswer his accusation, and to purge him selfe thereof. But his accuser let fall the matter, and followed it no further. Pisistratus him selfe also dyd make newe lawes: as this. That he that had bene maymed, and made lame of any member in the warres, should be mainteined all his life long, at the common charges of the cittie. The selfe same was before decreed by Thersippus (as Heraclides writeth) by Solons persuasion: who dyd F preferre it to the counsell. Pisistratus afterwards tooke holde of the motion, and from thence forth made it a generall lawe.A good lawe for reward of seruice. Theophras̄tus sayeth also, it was Pisis̄tratus, and not Solon, that [Page 106] made the lawe for idlenes: which was the only cause that the countrie of ATTICA became A more fruitefull, being better manured: and the cittie of ATHENS waxed more quiet. But So­lon hauing begonne to write the storie of the Iles ATLANTIDES in verse (which he had lear­ned of the wise men of the cittie of SA [...]S in EGYPT, and was very necessary for the ATHE­NIANS) grewe wearye, and gaue it ouer in mid waye: not for any matters or busines that troubled him, as Plato sayed, but only for his age, and bicause he feared the tediousnes of the worke. For otherwise he had leysure enough, as appeareth by his verses where he sayeth:

And in another place where he sayeth,

Plato afterwards for beawtifying of the storie and fables of the Iles ATLANTIDES, was desirous to dilate them out at length, as if he would by waye of speache haue broken vp a field or laye lande of his owne, or that this gifte had descended to him of right from Solon. He beganne to raise vp a stately fronte vnto the same, and enclosed it with high walles, and large squared courtes at the entrie thereof: such was it, as neuer any other worke, fable, or poeticall inuention had euer so notable, or the like. But bicause he beganne a litle to late, he ended his C life before his worke, leauing the readers more sorowfull for that was left vnwritten, than they tooke pleasure in that they founde written. For euen as in the cittie of ATHENS, the temple of Iupiter Olympian only remained vnperfect: so the wisdome of Plato (amongest many goodly matters of his that haue come abroade) left none of them vnperfect, but the only tale of the Iles ATLANTIDES. Solon liued long time after Pisistratus had vsurped the tyrannie, as Hera­clides Ponticus writeth. Howbeit Phanias Ephesian writeth, that he liued not aboue two yeres after. For Pisistratus vsurped tyrannicall power in the yere that Comias was chief gouernour in ATHENS. And Phanias writeth, that Solon dyed in the yere that Hegestratus was go­uernour, which was the next yere after that. And where some saye, the ashes of his bodie were after his death strawed abroade through the Ile of SALAMINA:D that seemeth to be but a fable, and altogether vntrue. Neuer­theles it hath bene written by many notable au­thours, and amongest others, by Ari­stotle the philosopher.

THE LIFE OF PVBLIVS Valerius Publicola.

A NOWE we haue declared what Solon was, we haue thought good to compare him with Publicola, to whom the ROMAINE people for an honour gaue that surname: for he was called before Publius Valerius, The house of P. Valerius. descended from that auncient Valerius, who was one of the chiefest worckers and meanes, to bring the ROMAINES and the SABYNES that were mortall enemies, to ioyne together as one people. For it was he that most moued the two Kings to agree, and ioyne together. Publicola being descended of him, whilest the Kings dyd rule yet at ROME, was in very great estimation, aswell for his eloquence, as for his riches: vsing the one rightly and freely, for the maintenaunce of iustice, and the other li­berally B and curteously, for the relief of the poore. So that it was manifest, if the Realme came to be conuerted into a publicke state, he should be one of the chiefest men of the same. It chaun­ced that king Tarquine surnamed the prowde,Tarquinine Superbus. being come to the crowne by no good lawfull meane, but contrary lie by indirect and wicked wayes, and behauing him selfe not like a King, but like a cruell tyrante: the people much hated and detested him, by reason of the death of Lucretia (which killed her selfe for that she was forcibly rauished by him) & so the whole cittie rose and rebelled against him. Lucius Brutus taking vpon him to be the head and captaine of this insurrection and rebellion, dyd ioyne first with this Valerius:Valerius, Brutus com­panion, in ex­pulsing the Kings. who dyd greately fauour and assist his enterprise, and did helpe him to driue out king Tarquine with all his house & familie. Nowe whilest they were thincking that the people would chuse some one alone to be chief C ruler ouer them, in stead of a King: Valerius kept him selfe quiet, as yelding willingly vnto Bru­tus the first place, who was meetest for it, hauing bene the chief authour and worcker of their recouered libertie. But when they sawe the name of Monarchie (as much to saye, as soueraintie alone) was displeasaunt to the people, and that they would like better to haue the rule deui­ded vnto two, and how for this cause they would rather choose two Consuls: Valerius then begāne to hope, he should be the seconde persone with Brutus. Howbeit this hope fayled him. For against Brutus will,Lucius Bru­tus. Tarquinius Collatinus Consuls. Tarquinius Collatinus (the husband of Lucretia was chosen Cōsul with him: not bicause he was a man of greater vertue, or of better estimation than Valerius. But the [Page 108] noble men of the cittie fearing the practises of the Kings abroade, which sought by all the A fayer & flattering meanes they could to returne againe into the cittie: dyd determine to make such an one Consul, whom occasion forced to be their hard and heauy enemie, persuading them selues that Tarquinius Collatinus would for no respect yeld vnto them. Valerius tooke this matter greuously, but they had a mistrust in him, as if he would not doe any thing he could, for the benefit of his countrie: notwithstanding he had neuer any priuate iniurie offered him by the tyrannes. Wherfore, he repaired no more vnto the Senate to pleade for priuate men, and wholy gaue vp to medle in matters of state: insomuch as he gaue many occasion to thincke of his absence, and it troubled some men much, who feared least vpon this his misliking and withdrawing, he would fall to the Kings side, and so bring all the cittie in an vprore, conside­ring it stoode then but in very tickle termes. But when Brutus, who stoode in iealousie of some,B would by othe be assured of the Senate, & had appointed them a daye solemnely to take their othes vpon the sacrifices: Valerius then with a good cheerefull countenaunce came into the market place, and was the first that tooke his othe he would leaue nothing vndone, that might preiudice the Tarquines,but with all his able power he would fight against them, and defend the libertie of the cittie. This othe of his maruelously reioyced the Senate, & gaue great assu­raunce also to the Consuls, but specially, bicause his dedes dyd shortly after performe his wordes. For there came ambassadours to ROME which brought letters from king Tarquine, The first em­bas [...]i [...]e of king Tar­quine for re­couering his Realme. full of sweete & lowly speaches to winne the fauour of the people, with commission to vse all the mildest meanes they could, to dulce and soften the hardened harts of the multitude: who declared how the King had left all pryde and crueltie, & ment to aske nought but reasonable C things. The Consuls thought best to geue them open audience, and to suffer them to speake to the people. But Valerius was against it, declaring it might perill the state much, and deliuer occasion of new sturre vnto a multitude of poore people, which were more affrayed of warres, then of tyrannie. After that, there came other ambassadours also, which sayed that Tarquine would from thenceforth for euer geue ouer and renounce his title to the Kingdome,Another embasstate from Tarquine de­maunding his goodes. and to make any more warres, but besought them only, that they would at the least deliuer him and his friends their money and goods, that they might haue wherewithall to keepe them in their banishment. Many came on a pace, and were very ready to yeld to this request, and specially Collatinus, one of the Consuls who dyd fauour their motion. But Brutus that was a fast and re­solute man, and very fierce in his harte, ranne immediately into the market place, crying out D that his fellowe Consul was a traytour, and contented to graunt the tyrannes matter, and meanes to make warre vpon the cittie, where in deede they deserued not so much, as to be re­lieued in their exile. Hereupon the people assembled together, and the first that spake in this assembly, was a priuate man called Gaius Minutius, Good counsell of Minutius. who speaking vnto Brutus, & to the whole assembly, sayed vnto them. O noble Consul & Senate, handle so the matter, that the tyrannes goods be rather in your custodie to make warre with them, than in theirs, to bring warre vpon your selues. Notwithstāding, the ROMAINES were of opinion, that hauing gotten the liberty, for which they fought with the tyrannes: they should not disapoint the offered peace, with keeping backe their goodes, but rather they should throwe their goods out after them. How­beit this was the least parte of Tarquines intent, to seeke his goodes againe: but vnder pretence E of that demaund, he secretly corrupted the people, and practised treason,Tarquines ambassadours practise trea­son. which his ambassa­dours followed, pretending only to get the Kings goodes and his fauourers together, saying, that they had already solde some parte, and some parte they kept, and sent them daylie. So as by delaying the time in this sorte with such pretences, they had corrupted two of the best and auncientest houses of the cittie: to wit, the familie of the Aquilians, The Aquilij and Vitellij with Brutus sonnes, tray­tours to their countrie. whereof there were three Senatours: and the familie of the Vitellians, whereof there were two Senatours: all which by their mothers, were Consul Collatinus nephewes. The Vitellians also were allied vnto Brutus, for he had maried their owne sister, & had many children by her. Of the which the Vitellians had drawen to their stringe, two of the eldest of them, bicause they familiarly frequented together, being cosin germaines: whom they had intised to be of their conspiracie, allying them with F the house of the Tarquines, which was of great power, and through the which they might per­suade them selues to rise to great honour & preferment by meanes of the Kings, rather than [Page 109] A to trust to their fathers willfull hardnes. For they called his seueritie to the wicked, hardnes: for that he would neuer pardone any. Furthermore Brutus had fayned him selfe mad, and a foole of long time for safety of his life, bicause the tyrannes should not put him to death: so that the name of Brutus only remained. After these two young men had geuen their consent to be of the confederacie, and had spoken with the Aquilians: they all thought good to be bounde one to another, with a great and horrible othe, drincking the bloude of a man, and shaking hands in his bowells, whom they would sacrifice. This matter agreed vpon betweene them, they met together to put their sacrifice in execution, in the house of the Aquilians. The confede­racy cōfirmed with drinking of mās bloud. They had fittely pickt out a darke place in the house to doe this sacrifice in, & where almost no bodye came: yet it happened by chaunce, that one of the seruants of the house called Vin­dicius, Vindicius heareth all their treason. B had hidden him selfe there, vnknowing to the traytours, and of no set purpose, to spye and see what they dyd, or that he had any manner of inckling thereof before: but falling by chaunce vpon the matter, euen as the traytours came into that place with a countenaunce to doe some secret thing of importaunce, fearing to be seene, he kept him selfe close, and laye be­hinde a coffer that was there, so that he sawe all that was done, and what they sayed and deter­mined. The conclusion of their counsell in the ende was this, that they would kill both the Consuls: and they wrote letters to Tarquinius aduertising the same, which they gaue vnto his ambassadours, being lodged in the house of the Aquilians, & were present at this conclusion.The conclu­sion of their treason. With this determination they departed from thence, and Vindicius came out also as secretly as he could, being maruelously troubled in minde, & at a maze howe to deale in this matter. C For he thought it daungerous (as it was in deede) to goe and accuse the two sonnes vnto the father (which was Brutus) of so wicked and detestable a treason, and the nephewes vnto their vncle, which was Collatinus. On the other side also, he thought this was a secret, not to be im­parted to any priuate persone, and not possible for him to conceale it, that was bounde in duety to reueale it. So he resolued at the last to goe to Valerius to bewraye this treason, of a speciall affection to this man, by reason of his gentle and curteous vsing of men, geuing easy accesse and audience vnto any that came to speake with him, and specially for that he disdai­ned not to heare poore mens causes. Vindicius being gone to speake with him,Vindicius bewrayeth the treason vnto Vale­rius. and hauing tolde him the whole conspiracy before his brother Marcus Valerius, and his wife, he was a­bashed and fearefull withall: whereupon he stayed him least he should slippe awaye, and loc­ked D him in a chamber, charging his wife to watche the doore, that no bodie went in nor out vnto him. And willed his brother also, that he should goe and beset the Kings palace round about, to intercept these letters if it were possible, and to see that none of their seruants fled. Valerius selfe being followed (according to his manner) with a great traine of his friendes and people that wayted on him, went straight vnto the house of the Aquilians,who by chaunce were from home at that time: and entering in at the gate, without let or trouble of any man, he founde the letters in the chamber, where king Tarquines ambassadours laye. Whilest he was thus occupied, the Aquilians hauing intelligence thereof, ranne home immediately, and founde Valerius cōming out at their gate. So they vould haue taken those letters from him by force, and strong hande. But Valerius and his company dyd resist them, and moreouer hudded E them with their gownes ouer their heads, and by force brought them (doe what they could) into the market place. The like was done also in the Kings palace, where Marcus Valerius founde other letters also wrapt vp in certaine fardells for their more safe cariage, and brought away with him by force into the market place, all the Kings seruants he founde there. There the Consuls hauing caused silence to be made, Valerius sent home to his house for this bond­man Vindicius, to be brought before the Consuls: then the traytours were openly accused, and their letters redde, and they had not the face to aunswer one worde. All that were present, being amazed, honge downe their heades, and beholde the grounde, and not a man durst once open his mouth to speake, excepting a fewe, who to gratifie Brutus, beganne to say that they should banishe them: and Collatinus also gaue them some hope, bicause he fell to weeping, F and Valerius in like manner for that he held his peace. But Brutus calling his sonnes by their names: come on (sayed he) Titus, Titus & Va­lerius, Brutus sonnes. and thou Valerius, why doe you not aunswer to that you are accused of? and hauing spoken thryse vnto them to aunswer, when he sawe they stoode [Page 110] mute, and sayed nothing: he turned him to the sergeants, and sayed vnto them. They are now A in your handes, doe iustice. So soone as he had spoken these wordes, the sergeants layed holde immediately vpon the two young men, and tearing their clothes of their backs, bounde their hands behinde them, and then whipped them with roddes: which was such a pittiefull sight to all the people, that they could not finde in their hartes to behold it, but turned them selues another waye, bicause they would not see it. But contrariwise, they saye that their owne father had neuer his eye of them, neither dyd chaunge his austere and fierce countenaunce, with any pittie or naturall affection towards them, but stedfastly dyd beholde the punishment of his owne children, vntill they were layed flat on the grounde, and both their heads striken of with an axe before him. When they were executed, Brutus rose from the benche,Brutus seeth his [...]ame sonnes puni­shed & exe­cuted. and left the exe­cution of the rest vnto his fellowe Consul. This was such an acte, as men cannot sufficiently B prayse, nor reproue enough. For either it was his excellent vertue,Brutus, prai­sed & repro­ued for the death of his sonnes. that made his minde so quiet, or els the greatnes of his miserie that tooke awaye the feeling of his sorowe: whereof neither the one nor the other was any small matter, but passing the common nature of man, that hath in it both diuinenes, and somtime beastly brutishnes. But it is better the iudgement of men should commend his fame, then that the affection of men by their iudgemēts should diminishe his vertue. For the ROMAINES holde opinion, it was not so great an acte done of Romulus first to build ROME: as it was for Brutus to recouer ROME, and the best libertie there­of, and to renewe the auncient gouernment of the same. When Brutus was gone, all the peo­ple in the market place remained as they had bene in a maze, full of feare and wounder, and a great while without speaking to see what was done. The Aquilians straight grew bold,C for that they sawe the other Consull Collatinus proceede gently,Collatinus softnes peri­leus. and mildly against them: and so made petition they might haue time geuen them to aunswer to the articles they were ac­cused of, and that they might haue their slaue and bondman Vindicius deliuered into their handes, bicause there was no reason he should remaine with their accusers. The Consul see­med willing to yeld thereto, and was ready to breake vp the assembly thereupon. But Valerius sayed, he would not deliuer Vindicius (who was among the assembly that attended vpon his persone) and stayed the people besides for departing awaye, least they should negligently let those escape that had so wickedly sought to betraye their countrie. Vntill he him selfe had layed handes vpon them, calling vpon Brutus to assist him,Valerius boldly appea­cheth Colla­tinus of iniu­stice. with open exclamation against Collatinus, that he dyd not behaue him selfe like a iust and true man, seeing his fellowe Brutus D was forced for iustice sake to see his owne sonnes put to death: and he in contrary manner, to please a fewe women, fought to let goe manifest traitours, and open enemies to their coun­trie. The Consul being offended herewith, commaunded they should bring awaye the bond­man Vindicius. So the sergeants making waye through the prease, layed handes vpon him to bring him awaye with them, and beganne to strike at them which offered to resist them. But Valerius friends stept out before them, and put them by. The people showted straight, & cried out for Brutus: who with this noyse returned againe into the market place, and after silence made him, he spake in this wise. For mine own children, I alone haue bene their sufficiēt iudg, to see them haue the law according to their deseruings: the rest I haue left freely to the iudg­ment of the people. Wherefore (sayed he) if any man be disposed to speake, let him stand E vp, and persuade the people as he thinketh best. Then there needed no more wordes, but only to hearken what the people cried: who with one voyce & consent condemned them, & cried execution, & accordingly they had their heades striken of. Now was Consull Collatinus long before had in some suspition, as allied to the Kings, and disliked for his surname, bicause he was called Tarquinius:Collatinus re­signeth his Consulshippe, [...] departeth [...] S. who perceyuing him selfe in this case much hated and mistrusted of the people, voluntarely yelded vp his Consulshippe, and departed the cittie. The people as­sembling then them selues, to place a successour in his roome: they chose Valerius in his roome, without the contradiction of any, for his faithfull trauaill and diligence bestowed in this great matter. Then Valerius iudging that Vindicius the bondman had well deserued also some recompence, caused him not only to be manumised by the whole graunte of the people,F but made him a free man of the cittie besides: and he was the first bondman manumised, that was made cittizen of ROME, with permission also to geue his voyce in all elections of officers, [Page 111] A in any company or tribe he would be enrolled in. Long time after that, and very lately, Appius to currie fauour with the common people, made it lawfull for bondmen manumised, to geue their voyce also in elections, as other citizens dyd: and vnto this daye the perfect manumi­sing and freeing of bondmen, is called Vindicta, Vindicta so called, by rea­son of Vindi­cius. after the name of this Vindicius, that was then made a free man. These things thus passed ouer, the goodes of the Kings were geuen to the spoyle of the people, and their palaces were rased and ouerthrowen. Nowe amongest other lands, the goodliest parte of the field of Mars was belōging vnto king Tarquine: the same they consecrated forthwith vnto the god Mars, Tarquines flied cōsecra­ted to Mars. & not long before they had cut downe the wheat thereof. The sheaues being yet in shocks in the field, they thought they might not grinde the wheate, nor make any commoditie of the profit thereof: wherefore they threwe both corne & B sheaues into the riuer, & trees also which they had hewen downe & rooted vp, to the end that the field being dedicated to the god Mars, should be left bare, without bearing any fruite at all. These sheaues thus throwē into the riuer, were caried down by the streame not farre from thence, vnto a forde and shallowe place of the water, where they first dyd staye, and dyd let the other which came after, that it could goe no further: there these heapes gathered toge­ther, and laye so close one to another, that they beganne to sincke and settle fast in the water. Afterwards the streame of the riuer brought downe continually such mudde & grauell, that it euer increased the heape of corne more and more in suche sorte, that the force of the water could no more remoue it from thence, but rather softly pressing and driuing it together, dyd firme and harden it, and made it growe so to lande. Thus [...] heape rising still in greatnes and C firmenes, by reason that all that came downe the riu [...] there, it grewe in the ende, and by time to spread so farre, that at this daye it is called [...]oly Ilande in ROME: in which are many goodly temples of diuers goddes, and sundry walkes about it, and they call it in Latine, Inter duos pontes: in our tongue, betweene the two bridges.Vhereof the holy Iland came in Ro­me, that lieth betwene both bridges. Yet some write, that this thing fell not out at that time when the field of the Tarquines was consecrated vnto Mars: but that it happened afterwardes, when one of the Vestall Nunnes, called Tarquinia, gaue a field of hers vnto the people, which was hard adioyning vnto Tarquines field. For which liberalitie and bowntie of hers, they dyd graunte her in recompēse many priuiledges, and dyd her great ho­nour besides. As amongest others, it was ordeined, that her word & witnes should stand good, & be allowed, in matters iudiciall: which priuiledge, neuer womā besides her self dyd enioye. D By speciall grace of the people also, it was graunted her, that she might marie if she thought it good: but yet she would not accept the benefit of that offer. Thus you heare the reporte how this thing happened. Tarquinius then being past hope of euer entring into his Kingdome againe,Tarquine cō ­meth with a great power of the Thuscans to wage bat­tell with the Romaines. Arsia silua. went yet vnto the THVSCANS for succour, which were very glad of him: and so they leauied a great armie together, hoping to haue put him in his Kingdome againe. The Consuls also hearing thereof, went out with their armie against him. Both the armies presented them selues in battell raye, one against another, in the holy places consecrated to the goddes: wher­of the one was called the wodde Arsia, and the other the meadowe AEsuuia. And as both ar­mies beganne to geue charge vpon eche other, Aruns the eldest sonne of king Tarquine, Arūs & Bru­tus encounte­red, and slue eche other. and the Consul Brutus encoūtered together, not by chaunce, but sought for of set purpose to exe­cute E the deadly fode and malice they dyd beare eache other. The one, as against a tyrante and enemie of the libertie of his countrie: the other, as against him that had bene chief authour & worker of their exile and expulsion. So they set spurres to their horses, so soone as they had spyed eche other, with more fury then reason, and fought so desperately together, that they both fell starke dead to the ground. The first onset of the battell being so cruell, the end there­of was no lesse bloudy: vntill both the armies hauing receyued and done like damage to eche other, were parted by a maruelous great tempest that fell vpon them. Nowe was Valerius mar­uelously perplexed, for that he knewe not which of them wanne the field that daye: seeing his souldiers as sorowfull for the great losse of their men lying dead before them, as they were glad of the slaughter and victorie of their enemies. For, to viewe the multitude of the slaine F bodies of either side, the number was so equall in sight, that it was very hard to iudge, of which side fell out the greatest slaughter: so that both the one and the other viewing by the eye the remaine of their campe, were persuaded in their opinion, that they had rather lost then wōne. [Page 112] coniecturing a farre of the fall of their enemies. The night being come, such things fell out, as A maye be looked for after so terrible a battell. For when both campes were all layed to rest, they saye the wodde wherein they laye incamped, quaked and trembled: and they heard a voyce saye, that onely one man more was slaine on the THVSCANS side, than on the ROMAINES parte.The victory of the Romai­nes against the Thuscans. Out of doubt this was some voyce frō heauen: for the ROMAINES thereupō gaue a shrill showte, as those whose hartes receyued a newe quickening spirite or corage. The THVSCANS on the contrarie parte were so affrayed, that the most parte of them stole out of the campe, & scattered here and there: & there remained behind about the number of fiue thousand men, whom the ROMAINES tooke prisoners euery one, and had the spoile of their campe. The car­kasses were viewed afterwards, & they found that there were slaine in that battell, eleuen thou­sand and three hundred of the THVSCANS: and of the ROMAINES, so many sauing one. This B battell was sought (as they saye) the last daye of Februarie, and the Consul Valerius triumphed,Valerius the first Consul that euer tri­umphed vpon a cherres. being the first of the Consuls that euer entered into ROME triumphing vpon a chater drawen with foure horses, which sight the people found honorable & goodly to beholde, & were not offended withall (as some seeme to reporte) nor yet dyd enuy him for that he beganne it. For if it had bene so, that custome had not bene followed with so good acceptatiō, nor had cōtinued so many yeres as it dyd afterwards. They much commended also the honour he dyd to his fel­lowe Consul Brutus, in setting out his funeralles & obsequies, at the which he made a funerall oration in his praise.The first be­ginning of funerall ora­tion amōg the Romaines. They did so like & please the ROMAINES, that they haue euer since conti­nued that custome at the buriall of any noble man, or great personage, that he is openly prai­sed at his buriall, by the worthiest man that liueth among them. They reporte this funerall o­ration C is farre more auncient then the first, that was made in GRECE in the like case: onles they will confirme that which the orator Anaximenes hath written, that the manner of praising the dead at their funeralls, was first of all instituted by Solon. Anaximenes sayeth, Solon was the first that institu­ted prayses for the dead. But they dyd most enuye Valerius, and beare him grudge, bicause Brutus (whom the people did acknowledge for father of their liber­tie) would neuer be alone in office, but had procured twise, that they should appoint Valerius fellowe Consul with him. This man in contrariwise (sayed the people) taking vpon him alone the rule & soueraintie, sheweth plainely he will not be Brutus successour in his Consulshippe, but Tarquinius self in the Kingdome. For to great purpose was it to praise Brutus in wordes, & to followe Tarquinius in deedes: hauing borne before him selfe only all the mases, the axes and the roddes, when he cometh abroade out of his owne house, which is farre greater, and more D stately, then the Kings palace which he him self ouerthrewe. And to saye truely, Valerius dwelt in a house a litle to sumptuously built & seated, vpon the hāging of the hill called mount Ve­lia:Valerius sta­tely house stā ­ding on moūt Velia. & bicause it stoode highe, it ouerlooked all the market place, so that any man might easely see from thence what was done there. Furthermore, it was very ill to come to it: but when he came out of his house, it was a maruelous pompe and state to see him come downe from so highe a place, & with a traine after him, that caried the maiestie of a Kings courte. But herein Valerius left a noble example, shewing howe much it importeth a noble man & magistrate,Valerius a good example for magi­strates. ru­ling weighty causes, to haue his eares open to heare, and willingly to receyue free speache in steade of flatteries, & playne trothe in place of lyes. For, being enformed by some of his friēds how the people misliked & complained of it, he stoode not in his owne conceit, neither was E angrie with them: but forthwith set a worlde of workmen vpon it, earely in the morning be­fore breake of daye, & cōmaunded them to plucke down his house, & to rase it to the ground.Valerius o­uerthrew his stately house. Insomuch as the next day following, whē the ROMAINES were gathered together in the mar­ket place, & sawe this great sodaine ruine, they much commended the noble acte & minde of Valerius, in doing that he dyd: but so were they angrie, and sorie both, to see so fayer and sta­tely a buylt house (which was an ornament to the cittie) ouerthrowen vpon a sodaine. Much like in comparison to a man, whom through spite and enuie they had vniustly put to death: and to see their chief magistrate also like a straunger and a vacabonde, compelled to seeke his lodging in another mans house. For his friends receyued him into their houses, vntill such time as the people had geuen him a place, where they dyd build him a newe house, farre F more orderly, and nothing so stately and curious as the first was, and it was in the same place, where the temple called Vicus Publicus standeth at this daye.The temple called Vicus Publicus. Now bicause he would not only [Page 113] A reforme his persone, but the office of his Consulshippe, & also would frame him selfe to the good acceptation and liking of the people: where before he seemed vnto them to be feare­full, he put awaye the carying of the axes from the roddes, which the sergeants vsed to beare before the Consul. Moreouer when he came into the market place, where the people were assembled, he caused the roddes to be borne downewardes, as in token of reuerence of the soueraine maiestie of the people: which all the magistrates obserue yet at this daye. Nowe in all this humble showe and lowlines of his, he dyd not so much imbase his dignitie and greatnes, which the common people thought him to haue at the first: as he dyd thereby cut of enuie from him, winning againe as much true authoritie, as in semblaunce he would seeme to haue lost. For this made the people willinger to obey, and readier to submit them B selues vnto him: insomuch as vpon this occasion he was surnamed Publicola, VVhy Vale­rius was sur­named Pu­blicola. as much to saye, as the people pleaser. Which surname he kept euer after, and we from henceforth also wri­ting the rest of his life, will vse no other name: for he was contended to suffer any man that would, to offer him selfe to aske the Consulshippe in Brutus place. But he yet not knowing what kynde of man they would ioyne fellowe Consul with him, and fearing least through en­uie or ignoraunce, the party might thwart his purpose and meaning: employed his sole power and authoritie whilest he ruled alone, vpon highe and noble attempts.Publicolath actes and lawes. For first of all he supplied vp the number of Senatours that were greatly decayed, bicause king Tarquine had put some of them to death not long before, and other also had bene lately slaine in the warres: in whose places he had chosen newe Senatours, to the number of a hundred three C score and foure. After that, he made newe decrees and lawes, which greatly dyd aduaunce the authoritie of the people. The first lawe gaue libertie to all offendours, condemned by iudge­ment of the Consuls, to appeale vnto the people. The secōd, that no man vpon payne of death should take vpon him the exercise of any office, vnles he had come vnto it by the gifte of the people. The third was, and all in fauour of the poore, that the poore cittizens of ROME should paye no more custome, nor any impost whatsoeuer. This made euery man the more willing to geue him selfe to some crafte or occupation, when he sawe his trauaill should not be taxed, nor taken from him. As for the law that he made against those that disobeyed the Consuls, it was founde to be so fauorable to the communaltie, as they thought it was rather made for the poore, than for the riche & great men. For the offendours & breakers of that lawe, were con­demned D to paye for a penaltie, the value of fiue oxen, and two muttons. The price of a mutton was then, tenne oboles, and of an oxe, a hundred oboles. For in those dayes, the ROMAINES had no store of coined mony, otherwise, they lacked no sheepe, nor other rother beasts. Here­of it came, that to this daye they call their riches or substaunce, Peculium, VVhereof Peculium was called. bicause Pecus signi­fieth sheepe and muttons. And in the olde time the stampe vpon their money was an oxe, a mutton, or a hogge: & some of them called their children Bubulci, which signifieth cowheards: others Caprarij, to saye goateheards: and others Porcij, as you would saye, swineheardes. Nowe though in all his other lawes, he was very fauorable & temperate toward the people: yet in that moderation, somtimes he dyd set grieuous paynes & punishements. For he made it law­full to kill any man without any accusation, that dyd aspire to the Kingdome, & be dyd set the E murderer free of all punishement: so he brought forth manifest proofe, that the party slaine, had practised to make him selfe King. As being impossible a man should pretend so great a matter, and no man should finde it: and contrariwise being possible, albeit he were spyed, that otherwise he might attempt it, by making him selfe so strong, that he needed not passe for the law. In this case he gaue euery man libertie by such acte or meane, to preuent him if he could of discretion: who by strength otherwise fought to aspire to reigne. They greatly commen­ded him also for the lawe that he made touching the treasure. For being very necessarie that euerie priuate cittizen should according to his abilitie, be contributer to the charges and maintenaunce of the warres: he him self would neither take such collection into his charge, nor suffer any man of his to medle with the same, nor yet that it should be layed in any priuate F mans house, but he dyd ordeine that Saturnes tēple should be the treasurie thereof. This order they keepe to this present daye. Furthermore, he graūted the people to chuse two young men Questores of the same,The first Quastores. as you would saye the treasurers, to take the charge of this money: [Page 114] and the two first which were chosen, were Publius Veturius, and Marcus Minutius, Publius Ve­turius, Marc. Minutius. who ga­thered A great summes of money together. For numbring the people by the polle, there were found a hundred and thirtie thousand persones which had payed subsidie, not reckoning in this accompt, orphanes, nor windowes, which were excepted from all payments. After he had established all these things, he caused Lucretius (the father of Lucretia) to be chosen fellowe Consul with him,Lucretius & Publicola Consuls. vnto whom, for that he was his auncient, he gaue the vpper hande, and commaunded they should carie before him the roddes, which were the signes of the chief magistrate: and euer since they haue geuen this honour vnto age. But Lucretius dying not long after his election, they chose againe in his place Marcus Horatius, Publicola & Marcus Ho­ratius Cōsuls. who held out the Consulshippe with Publicola the rest of the yere. Nowe about that time king Tarquine remai­ned in the coūtrie of THVSCANE, where he prepared a secōde armie against the ROMAINES,B & there fell out a maruelous straunge thing thereupon. For when he raigned king of ROME, he had almost made an ende of the building of the temple of Iupiter Capitolin, and was deter­mined (whether by any oracle receyued, or vpon any fantasy it is not knowen) to set vp a coche of earth baked by a potter, in the highest place of the temple, and he put it out to be done by certaine THVSCAN workemen of the cittie of VEIES: but whilest they were in hand with the worcke, he was driuen out of his Realme. When the worckemen had formed this coche, and that they had put it into the fournes to bake it, it fell out contrarie to the nature of the earth, and the common order of their worcke put into the fournes. For the earth dyd not shut and close together in the fire, nor dryed vp all the moisture thereof: but rather to the contrarie it dyd swell to such a bignes, and grewe so harde and strong withall, that they C were driuen to breake vp the head and walles of the fournes to get it out. The soothesayers dyd expounde this, that it was a celestiall token from aboue, and promised great prosperitie and increase of power vnto those, that should enioye this coche. Where upon the VEIANE resolued not to deliuer it vnto the ROMAINES that demaunded it, but aunswered that it dyd belong vnto king Tarquine, and not vnto those that had banished him. Not many dayes after, there was a solemne feast of games for running of horses in the cittie of VEIES, where they dyd also many other notable actes, worthy sight according to their custome. But after the game was played, he that had wonne the bell, being crowned in token of victorie as they dyd vse at that time, brought his coche and horses fayer and softely out of the showe place: and sodainely the horse being affrayed vpon no present cause or occasion seene, whether it was D by chaunce, or by some secret working from aboue, ranne as they had bene mad with their coche to the cittie of ROME. The coche driuer dyd what he could possible at the first to staye them, by holding in the raynes, by clapping them on the backs, and speaking gently to them: but in the ende, perceyuing he could doe no good, and that they would haue their swynge, he gaue place to their furie, & they neuer linne ronning, till they brought him neere to the Capi­toll, where they ouerthrewe him and his coche, not farre from the gate called at this present, Ratumena. The VEIANS woundering much at this matter, and being affrayed withall: were contented the workmen should deliuer their coche made of earth vnto the ROMAINES. Now concerning Iupiter Capitolins temple, king Tarquine the first (which was the sonne of Demara­tus) vowed in the warres that he made against the SABYNES, that he would buyld it. And E Tarquine the prowde, being the sonne of him that made this vowe dyd buyld it: howbeit he dyd not consecrate it, bicause he was driuen out of his Kingdome before he had finished it. When this temple was built and throughly finished, & setforth with all his ornaments: Publi­cola was maruelously desirous to haue the honour of the dedication thereof. But the noble men and Senatours enuying his glorie, being very angrie that he could not content him selfe with all those honours that he had receyued in peace, for the good lawes he had made, and in warres for the victories he had obteined & well deserued, but further that he would seeke the honour of this dedication, which nothing dyd pertaine vnto him: they then dyd egge Hora­tius, & persuaded him to make sute for the same. Occasion sell out at that time, that Publicola must haue the leading of the ROMAINES armie into the field: in the meane time, while Publi­cola F was absent, it was procured that the people gaue their voyces to Horatius, to consecrate the temple, knowing they could not so well haue brought it to passe he being present. Other [Page 115] A saye, the Consuls drewe lotts betweene them, and that it lighted vpon Publicola to leade the armie against his will, and vpon Horatius to consecrate this temple, which maye be coniectu­red by the thing that fortuned in the dedication thereof. For all the people being assembled together in the Capitoll with great silence, on the fiftenth daye of the moneth of September, which is about the newe moone of the moneth which the GRECIANS call Metagitnion: Ho­ratius hauing done all the ceremonies needefull in suche a case, and holding then the doores of the temple, as the vse was euen to vtter the solemne wordes of dedication: Marcus Vale­rius, the brother of Publicola, hauing stoode a long time there at the temple doore, to take an oportunitie to speake, beganne to say alowde in this wise. My lorde Consul, your sonne is dead of a sicknes in the campe. This made all the assembly sorie to heare it, but it nothing amased B Horatius, who spake only this muche. Cast his bodie then where you will for me, the thought is taken. So he continued on to ende his consecration. This was but a deuise and nothing true, of Marcus Valerius, only to make Horatius leaue of his consecration. Horatius in this shewed him selfe a maruelous resolute man, were it that he streight founde his deuise, or that he beleeued it to be true: for the sodainenes of the matter nothing altered him. The very like matter fell out in consecrating of the second temple. For this first which Tarquine had built and Horatius consecrated, was consumed by fyer in the ciuill warres:How oft a Iupi­ter Capitolins temple was burnt and built againe. and the se­cond was built vp againe by Sylla, who made no dedication of it. For Catulus set vp the su­perscription of the dedication, bicause Sylla dyed before he could dedicate it. The second temple was burnt againe not long after the troubles and tumultes which were at ROME, vn­der C Vitellius the Emperour. The third in like manner was reedified and built againe by Vespa­sian, from the ground to the toppe. But this good happe he had aboue other: to see his worke perfited and finished before his death, and not ouerthrowen as it was immediately af­ter his death. Wherein he dyd farre passe the happines of Sylla, who dyed before he could dedicate that he had built: and thother deceased before he sawe his worcke ouerthrowen. For all the Capitoll was burnt to the ground incontinently after his death. It is reported the only foundations of the first temple, cost Tarquinius fortie thousand Pondos of siluer. And to gyld only the temple which we see nowe in our time, they saye all the goodes and substaunce that the richest cittizen of ROME then had, will come nothing neere vnto it:How much was spent in building the Capitoll. for it cost a­boue twelue thousand talents. The pillers of this temple are cut out of a quarrie of mar­bell, D called pentlike marbell, and they were squared parpine, as thicke as long: these I sawe at ATHENS. But afterwardes they were cut againe, and polished in ROME, by which doing they got not so much grace, as they lost proportion: for they were made to slender, and left naked of their first beawtie. Nowe he that would wounder at the stately buylding of the Ca­pitoll, if he came afterwardes vnto the palace Domitian, and dyd but see some galerie, potche, hall, or hotte house, or his concubines chambers: he would saye (in my opinion) as the poet Epicharmus sayed of a prodigall man.

So might they iustly saye of Domitian. Thou art not liberall, nor deuoute vnto the goddes: but it is a vice thou hast to loue to buyld, and desirest (as they saye of olde Midas) that all a­bout thee were turned to gold, and precious stones. And thus much for this matter.Domitians mad building humor. Tarquine after that great foughten battell wherein he lost his sonne (that was slaine by Brutus in figh­ting together hande to hande) went to the citie of CLVSIVM, vnto king Claras Porsena: the mightiest prince that raigned at that time in all ITALIE, and was both noble and a cur­teous prince. Porsena promised him ayde:Personae pro­claimeth warres with Rome. & first of all sent to ROME to summone the cit­tizens to receiue their King againe. But the ROMAINES refusing the summones, he sent forthwith an Heraulde to proclaime open warres against them, and to tell them where, and F when he would meete them: and then marched thitherwardes immediatly with a great ar­mie. Publicola nowe being absent,Publicola & Thus Lucre­tius Consuls. was chosen Consul the second time, and Titus Lucretius [Page 116] with him. When he was returned home againe to ROME, bicause he would exceede king Por­sena A in greatnes of minde, he begāne to buyld a cittie called SIGLIVRIA, euen when the King with all his armie was not farre frō ROME: & hauing walled it about to his maruelous charge, he sent thither seuen hundred cittizens to dwell there, to shewe that he made litle accompt of this warre. Howbeit Porsena at his coming dyd geue suche a lustie assault to the mount Iani­culum, that they draue out the souldiers which kept the same: who flying towards ROME, were pursued so harde with the enemies, that with them they had entered the towne, had not Publi­cola made a saly out to resist them. Who beganne a hotte skirmishe harde by the riuer of Ty­ber, & there sought to haue stayed the enemies to follow any further: which being the greater number, dyd ouerlaye the ROMAINES, & dyd hurte Publicola very sore in this skirmishe, so as he was caried away into the cittie in his souldiers armes. And euē so was the other Cōsul Lu­cretius B hurte in like case: which so discoraged & frayed the ROMAINES, that they all tooke thē to their legges, & fled towards the cittie. The enemies pursued them at their heeles as farre as the wodden bridge: so that the cittie was in maruelous hazarde of taking vpon the sodaine. But Horatius Cocles, Horatius Co­cles why so called. & Herminius, and Lucretius, two other of the chiefest noble young men of the cittie, stood with them to the defence of the bridge, & made head against the enemie. This Ho­ratius was surnamed Cocles (as much to saye, as one eye) bicause he had lost one of them in the warres. Howbeit other writers saye, it was bicause of his flat nose which was so soncke into his head, that they sawe nothing to parte his eyes, but that the eye browes dyd meete together: by reason whereof the people thinking to surname him Cyclops, by corruption of the tōgue they called him (as they saye) Cocles. But howsoeuer it was, this Horatius Cocles had the courage to C shew his face against the enemie, & to kepe the bridge, vntill such time as they had cut & bro­ken it vp behind him. When he saw they had done that, armed as he was, & hurte in the hippe with a pike of the THVSCANS, he leaped into the riuer of Tyber, and saued him selfe by swim­ming vnto the other side. Publicola woundring at this manly acte of his, persuaded the ROMAI­NES straight, euery one according to his abilitie, to giue him so much as he spent in a daye:Good seruice rewarded. & afterwards also he caused the common treasury to geue him as much lande as he could com­passe about with his plowe in a daye. Furthermore he made his image of brasse to be set vp in the temple of Vulcane, comforting by this honour his wounded hippe, whereof he was lame euer after. Nowe whilest king Porsena was hottely bent, very straightly to besiege ROME, there beganne a famine among the ROMAINES: & to encrease the daunger, there came a newe ar­mie D out of THVSCANE, which ouerranne, burnt, and made waste, all the territorie of ROME. Whereupon Publicola being chosen Consul,Publicola Consul. then the third time, thought he should neede to doe no more to resist Porsena brauely, but to be quiet only, & to looke well to the safe keeping of the cittie. Howbeit spying his oportunity, he secretly stole out of ROME with a power, & did set vpon the THVSCANS that destroyed the countrie about: & ouerthrew & slue of them, fiue thousand men. As for the historie of Mutius, The noble acte of Mu­tius Secuola. many doe diuersely reporte it: but I will write it in such sorte, as I thincke shall best agree with the trothe. This Mutius was a worthie man in all respects, but specially for the warres. He deuising howe he might come to kill king Por­sena, disguised him selfe in THVSCANS apparell, and speaking Thuscan very perfectly, went into his campe, and came to the Kings chayer, in the which he gaue audience: and not know­ing E him perfectly, he durst not aske which was he, least he should be discouered, but drue his sworde at aduenture, & slewe him whom he tooke to be King. Vpon that they layed holde on him, & examined him. And a panne full of fire being brought for the King that entēded to doe sacrifice vnto the goddes, Mutius held out his right hand ouer the fire, and boldly looking the King full in his face, whilest the flesh of his hand dyd frye of, he neuer chaunged hewe nor contenaunce: the King woundering to see so straunge a sight, called to them to withdraw the fire, and he him selfe dyd deliver him his sworde againe. Mutius tooke it of him with his lost hand,How Mutius come, by the name of Sec­uola. whereupon they saye afterwardes, he had geuen him the surname of Scaeuola, as much to saye, as left handed, and told him in taking of it. Thou couldest not Porsena for feare haue o­uercomed me, but nowe through curtesy thou hast wonne me. Therefore for goodwill I will F reueale that vnto thee, which no force, nor extremitie could haue make me vtter. There are three hundred ROMAINES dispersed through thy campe, all which are prepared with [Page 117] A like mindes to followe that I haue begonne, only gaping for oportunitie to put it in practise. The lot sell on me to be the first to breake the Ise of this enterprise: & yet I am not sorie my hande sayled, to kill so worthie a man, that deserueth rather to be a friend, then an enemie vn­to the ROMAINES. Porsena hearing this, did beleeue it, & euer after he gaue the more willing eare to those that treated with him of peace: not so much (in my opinion) for that he feared the three hundred lying in waite to kill him, as for the admiration of the ROMAINES noble minde and great corage. All other writers call this man, Matius Scaeuola: howbeit Athenodorus, surnamed Sandon, in a booke he wrote vnto Octauia; Augustus sister, sayeth that he was also called Opsig onus. But Publicola taking king Porsena not to be so daūgerous and enemie to ROME; as he should be a profitable friēd & allie to the same: let him understand, that he was cōtēted to B make him iudge of the controuersie between them & Tarquine. Whom he dyd many times prouoke to come & haue his cause heard before king Porsena, Publicolae maketh Por­sena iudge, betwext them and the Tar­quines. where he would iustifie to his face, that he was the naughtiest & most wicked man of the world, & that he was iustly driuen out of his countrie. Tarquine sharpely aunswered, that he would make no man his iudge, and Porsena least of all other, for that hauing promised him to put him againe in his Kingdome, he was nowe gone from his worde, and had chaunged his minde. Porsena was very angrie with this aunswer, iudging this a manifest token that his cause was ill. Wherefore Porsena being so­licited againe by his owne sonne Aruns, Peace graun­ted the Ro­maines by Porsena. who loued the ROMAINES, dyd easely graunte them peace vpon condition: that they should redeliuer backe againe to him the lands they had got­ten before within the countrie of THVSCAN, with the prisoners also which they had taken in C this warre, & in liew thereof he offered to deliuer to them againe the ROMAINES, that had fled from them vnto him. To confirme this peace, the ROMAINES deliuered him ostages, tenne of the noblest mens sonnes of the cittie, & so many of their daughters: emōg which, was Valeria, Publicolaes owne daughter. Peace being thus concluded, Porsena brake his armie, & withdrewe his strength, trusting to the peace cōcluded. The ROMAINES daughters deliuered for ostages, came downe to the riuers side to washe them, in a quiet place where the streame ranne but gently, without any force or swiftnes at all. When they were there, and saw they had no garde about them, nor any came that waye, nor yet any botes going vp nor down the streame: they had a desire to swime ouer the riuer, which rāne with a swift streame, & was maruelous deepe. Some saye, that one Claelia swamme the riuer vpon her horse backe,The boldenes of Claelia and other Ro­maine vir­gines. & that she did imbolden D & incorage the other to swimme hard by her horse side: & recouering the other bancke, and being past all daunger, they went & presented themselues before Publicola the Consul. Who neither commended them, nor liked the parte they had played, but was maruelous sorie, fea­ring least men would iudge him lesse carefull to keepe his faith, then was king Porsena: & that he might suspect the boldnes of these maidens, was but a crafty slight deuised of the ROMAI­NES. Therefore he tooke them all againe, & sent them immediatly vnto king Porsena. Whereof Tarquine hauing intelligence, he layed an ambushe for them, that had the conduction of them. Who so soone as they were paste the riuer, did shew them selues, & brake vpon the RO­MAINES: they being farre fewer in number that the other, did yet very stowtely defend them selues. Now whilest they were in earnest fight together, Valeria Publicolaes daughter, and E three of her fathers seruants, escaped through the middest of them, and saued them selues. The residue of the virgines remained in the middest among their swordes, in great daunger of their liues. Aruns king Porsenas sonne aduertised hereof, ranne thither incōtinently to the rescue: but when he came, the enemies fled, and the ROMAINES held on their iorney to re­deliuer their ostages. Porsena seeing them againe, asked which of them it was that beganne first to passe the riuer, and had encouraged the other to followe her. One pointed him vnto her, and told him her name was Claelia. He looked vpon her very earnestly, and with a plea­saunt countenaunce, and commaunded they should bring him one of his best horse in the sta­ble, and the richest furniture he had for the same, and so he gaue it vnto her. Those which holde opinion that none but Claelia passed the riuer a horse backe, doe alledge this to proue F their opinion true. Other doe denie it saying that this THVSCAN king, did onely honour her noble courage. Howsoeuer it was, they see her image a horse backe in the holy streete, as they goe to the palace: & some saye it is the statue of Valeria, other of Claelia. After Porsena [Page 118] had made peace with the ROMAINES,The liberali­tie of king Persona to the Romaines. in breaking vp his campe, he shewed his noble A minde vnto them in many other things, and specially in that he commaunded his souldiers they should carie nothing but their armour and weapon only, leauing his campe full of corne, vittells, and other kynde of goodes. From whence this custome came, that at this daye when they make open sale of any thing belonging to the common weale, the sergeant or common crier crieth, that they are king Porsenas goodes, and taken of thankefullnes and per­petuall memorie of his bowntie and liberalitie towards them. Further, Porsenas image stan­deth adioyning to the palace where the Senate is vsed to be kept, which is made of great an­tike worke. Afterwardes the SABYNES inuading the ROMAINES territorie with a great force, Marcus Valerius Publicolaes brother,Marcus Va­lerius, Post­humius Tu­bertus Con­suls. was then chosen Consul, with one Posthumius Tu­bertus. Howbeit all matters of weight and importaunce passed by Publicolaes counsell and au­thoritie,B who was present at any thing that was done: and by whose meanes Marcus his bro­ther, wanne two great battells, in the last whereof he slewe thirteene thousand of his enemies, not losing one of his owne men.Marcus Va­lerius, the brother of Pu­blicola, trium­pheth of the Sabynes. For which his victories, besides the honour of triumphe he had, the people also at their owne charges, built him a house, in the streete of mounte Pala­tine, and graunted him moreouer that his doore should open outwards into the streete, where all others mens doores dyd open inwards into their house: signifying by graunte of this ho­nour and priuiledge, that he should allwayes haue benefit by the common weale. It is repor­ted that the GRECIANS doores of their houses in olde time, dyd all open outwards after that facion, & they doe cōiecture it by the comedies that are played. Where those that would goe out of their houses, dyd first knocke at their doores, and make a noyse within the house,C least in opening their doore vpon a sodaine, they might ouerthrowe or hurte him that taried at the streete doore, or passed by the waye: who hearing the noyse, had warning straight to a­uoyde the daunger. The next yere after that, Publicola was chosen Consul the fourth time, bi­cause they stoode in great doubt that the SABYNES and LATINES would ioyne together to make warres vpon them: besides all this, there was a certaine superstitious feare ranne through the cittie, of some ill happe toward it, bicause most parte of the women with childe were deli­uered of vnperfect children, lacking some one limme or other, & all of them came before their time. Wherfore Publicola looking in some of Sybillaes books, made priuate sacrifice vnto Pluto, & did set vp againe some feastes & solemne games that were left of, & had bene commaunded before time to be kept by the oracle of Apollo. These meanes hauing a litle reioyced the cittie D with good hope, bicause they thought that the anger of the goddes had bene appeased: Publi­cola then begāne to prouide for the daūgers that they were threatned withall by men, for that newes was brought him that their enemies were vp in all places, & made great preparation to inuade them. Nowe there was at that time amongest the SABYNES, a great riche man called Appius Clausus, very strong and actiue of bodie, & otherwise a man of great reputation & elo­quence, aboue all the rest of his countrie men: but notwithstāding, he was much enuied, and could not auoyde it, being a thing common to great men. He went about to staye those inten­ded warres against the ROMAINES. Whereupon, many which before tooke occasion to mur­mure against him, dyd nowe much more increase the same: with saying he sought to main­teine the power of the ROMAINES, that afterwards by their ayde he might make him selfe ty­ranne E & King of the countrie. The common people gaue easy eare vnto such speaches, & Ap­pius perceyuing well enough how the souldiers hated him deadly, he feared they would com­plaine, & accuse him. Wherefore being well backed & stoode to by his kynsemen, friends, and followers, he practised to make a sturre among the SABYNES, which was the cause of staying the warres against the ROMAINES. Publicola, also for his parte was very diligēt, not only to vn­derstād the originall cause of his sedition, but to feede on further & increase the same, hauing gotten men meete for the purpose, which caried Appius such a message from him. That Publi­cola knewe very well he was a iust man, and one that would not be reuenged of his citti­zens, to the generall hurte of his countrie, although the iniuries he receyued at their hands, deliuered him iust occasion to doe it: neuertheles if he had any desire to prouide for his F safety and to repaire to ROME, learning them which causeles wished him so muche euill, they would both openly and priuately receyue him with that due honour which his ver­tue [Page 119] A deserued and the worthines of the ROMAINE people required. Clausus hauing long and many times considered this matter with him selfe, resolued that it was the best waye he could take, making vertue of necessitie: & therefore being determined to doe it, he dyd procure his friends to doe as he dyd, & they got other also vnto them, so that he brought awaye with him out of the countrie of the SABYNES, fiue thousand families with their wiues and children (of the quietest and most peacible people among the SABYNES) to dwel at ROME.Appius Clau­sus goeth to dwel at Rome. Publicola being aduertised thereof before they came, dyd receyue them at their comming to ROME with great ioye, and all manner of good curteous enterteinment. For at their first coming, he made them all and their families free cittizens, & assigned vnto euery persone of them two ingera of lande, (which cōteined one acre, one roode, eleuen pole, & 69. partes of a pole) by the riuer of Tyber: B & vnto Appius self he gaue him 25. iugera (to wit, 16. acres & 4. pole, 16. acres & a halfe, 4. pole & 76. partes of apole) & receiued him into the nūber of the Senatours. And thus came he first vnto the gouernment of the common weale in ROME, where he did so wisely behaue him self, that in the end he came to be the chiefest man of dignitie & authoritie in ROME, so long as he liued. After his death, he left behind him the familie of the Claudians, The familie of the Clau­dians. descēding frō him: which for honour, and worthines, gaue no place to the noblest familie in ROME. But nowe the sedi­tion amongest the SABYNES being pacified, by the departure of those that were gone to ROME: the seditious gouernours would not suffer those that remained to liue in peace, but still cried out, it were to much shame for them, that Clausus being a fugitiue, and become an enemie, should honour their enemies abroade, that being present durst not shewe so much at C home, and that the ROMAINES should scape vnreuenged, who had done them such apparant wronges. So they raised great force and power, and went and encamped with their armie neere the cittie of FIDENES, and layed an ambushe harde by ROME, in certen hidden and hol­lowe places, where they put a two thousand choyce footemen, very well armed, and dyd ap­point the next morning to send certaine light horse men to runne and praye to ROME gates: commaunding them; that when the ROMAINES came out of the cittie to charge them, they should seeme leysurely to retire, vntill they had drawen them within daunger of their ambush. Publicola receyuing full intelligence of all their intention, by a traytour that fled from them vn­to him, made due preparation to encounter with their priuie ambushe, and so deuided his ar­mie in two partes: for he gaue his sonne in lawe Posthumius Balbus, three thousand footemen, D whom he sent awaye by night, commaunding them the same night to take the hilles, in the bottome whereof the SABYNES were layed in ambushe. Lucretius, fellowe Consull with Publi­cola, hauing the lightest and lustiest men of the cittie, was appointed to make head against the vaūtcurriers of the SABYNES, that minded to approche the gates. And Publicola with the rest of the armie, marched a great compasse about to inclose his enemies behinde. The next mor­ning betimes, by chaunce it was a thick miste, & at that present time Posthumius coming down from the hilles, with great showtes, charged them that laye in ambush. Lucretius on the other side, set vpon the light horsemen of the SABYNES: & Publicola fell vpon thier campe. So that of all sides the SABYNES enterprise had very ill successe, for they had the worst in euery place; & the ROMAINES killed them flying, without any turning againe to make resistance. Thus the E place which gaue them hope of best safety, turned most to their deadly ouerthrowe. For e­uery one of their companies supposing the other had bene whole & vnbroken, when a charge was geuen vpon them, dyd straight breake, & neuer a company of them turned head toward their enemie. For they that were in the campe, ranne toward them which laye in ambushe: & those which were in ambushe on the contrarie side, ranne towards them that were in cāpe. So that in flying, the one met with the other, and founde those, towards whom they were fly­ing to haue bene safe, to stand in as much neede of helpe as them selues. That which saued some that were not slaine, was the cittie of FIDENES, which was neere the campe, and spe­cially saued those which fled thither. But such as came shorte of the cittie, and could not in time recouer it, were all slaine in the fielde, or taken prisoners.The Sabynes slaine. As for the glorie of this ho­norable F victorie, albeit the ROMAINES were wonte to ascribe all suche great notable mat­ters to the speciall prouidence and grace of the goddes, yet at that time notwithstanding they dyd iudge, that this happy successe fell out by the wise foresight and valliantnes [Page 120] of the captaine. For euery man that had serued in this iorney, had no other talke in his A mouth, but that Publicola had deliuered their enemies into their handes, lame, and blinde, and as a man might save, bounde hande and feete to kill them at their pleasure. The people were maruelously enriched by this victorie, aswell for the spoile, as for the ransome of the priso­ners that they had gotten. Nowe Publicola after he had triumphed,The death of Publicola. and left the gouernment of the cittie to those, which were chosen Consuls for the yere following: dyed incontinently, hauing liued as honorably and vertuously all the dayes of his life, as any man liuing might doe. The people then tooke order for his funeralles,His fune­ralles. that the charges thereof should be de­frayed by the citie, as if they had neuer done him any honour in his life, and that they had bene still debters vnto him for the noble seruice he had done vnto the state and common weale whilest he liued. Therefore towardes his funeralle charges, euery citizen gaue a pece B of money called a Quatrine. The women also for their parte, to honour his funeralles, agreed among them selues to mourne a whole yere in blackes for him, which was a great and hono­rable memoriall. He was buried also by expresse order of the people, within the cittie, in the streate called Velia: and they graunted priuiledge also vnto all his posteritie, to be buried in the selfe same place. Howbeit they doe no more burie any of his there. But when any dye, they bring the corse vnto this place, and one holding a torche burning in his hande, doth put it vnder the place, and take it straight awaye againe, to shewe that they haue libertie to burie him there, but that they willingly refuse this honour: and this done, they carie the corse awaye againe.

THE LIFE OF Themistocles.

A THEMISTOCLES parentage dyd litle aduaunce his glorie: for his father Neocles was of small reputation in ATHENS, being of the hun­dred of Phrear, & tribe of Leontis: of his mother an allien or straunger: as these verses doe witnesse,

Howbeit Phanias writeth, that his mother was not a THRACIAN, but borne in the countrie of CARIA: and they doe not call her Abrotonon, but Euterpé. And B Neanthes sayeth furthermore, that she was of HALICARNASSVS, the chiefest cittie of all the Realme of CARIA. For which cause when the straungers dyd assemble at Cynosargos Cynosargos, a place of exer­cise dedica­ted to Her­cules. (a place of exercise without the gate dedicated to Hercules, which was not a right god, but noted an alien, in that his mother was a mortall woman:) Themistocles persuaded diuers youthes of the most honourable houses, to goe down with him, & to annointe them selues at Cynosargos, conningly thereby taking away the differēce betwene the right & alien sorte. But setting a parte all these circumstaunces, he was no doubt allied vnto the house of the Lycomedians: for Themistocles caused the chappell of this familie, which is in the village of PHLYES, being once burnt by the barbarous people, to be buylt vp againe at his owne charges: and as Simonides sayeth, he dyd set in forth and enriche it with pictures. Moreouer euery man doth confesse it, that euen from C his childhood they dyd perceyue he was geuen to be very whotte headed, sturring, wise, and of good spirite, and enterprising of him selfe to doe great things,Thermistocles towardness. and borne to rule weighty causes. For at such dayes and howers as he was taken from his booke, and had leaue to playe, he neuer played, nor would neuer be idle, as other children were: but they allwayes founde him conning some oration without booke, or making it alone by him selfe, and the ground of his matter was euer comonly, either to defend, or accuse some of his companions, Where­upon his schoolemaster obseruing him, ofte sayed vnto him: suer some great matter hangeth ouer thy head my boye, for it cannot be chosen but that one daye thou shalt doe some notable [Page 124] good thing, or some extreme mischief. Therefore when they went about to teache him any A thing, only to checke his nature, or to facion him with good manner and ciuilitie, or to studie any matter for pleasure or honest pastime: he would slowly and carelesly learne of them. But if they deliuered him any matter of wit, and things of weight concerning state: they sawe he would beate at it maruelously, and would vnderstande more then any could of his age and ca­riage, trusting altogether to his naturall mother with. This was the cause, that being mocked af­terwardes by some that had studied humanitie, and other liberall sciences, he was driuen for reuenge and his owne defence, to aunswer with great and stowte wordes, saying, that in deede he could no skill to tune a harpe, nor a violl, nor to playe of a psalterion: but if they dyd put a cittie into his handes that was of small name, weake, and litle, he knewe wayes enough how to make it noble, stronge, and great. Neuertheles, Stesimbrotus writeth, how he went to Ana­xagoras B schoole, and that vnder Melissus he studied naturall philosophie.Themistocles was Anaxa­goras & Me­lissus schollar. But herein he was greatly deceaued, for that he tooke no great hede vnto the time. For Melissus was captaine of the SAMIANS against Pericles, at what time he dyd laye seige vnto the cittie of SAMOS. Now this is true, Pericles was much younger then Themistocles, and Anaxagoras dwelt with Pericles in his owne house. Therefore we haue better reason and occasion to beleeue those that write, Themistocles dyd determine to followe Mnesiphilus Phreari [...]. Mnesiphilus Phrearian. For he was no professed O­rator, nor naturall philosopher, as they termed it in that time: but made profession of that which then they called wisedome.VVhat wise­dome at in olde time. Which was no other thing, but a certen knowledge to handle great causes, and an indeuour to haue a good wit and iudgment in matters of state and gouernment: which profession beginning in Solon, dyd continue, and was taken vp from man C to man, as a secte of philosophie. But those that came sithence, haue mingled it with arte of speache, and by litle and litle haue translated the exercise of deedes, vnto bare and curious wordes: whereupon they were called Sophisters, Nowe the name of So­phisters came [...]. Themistocles youthe. as who would saye, counterfeate wise men. Nothwithstanding, when Themistocles beganne to medle with the gouernment of the common weale, he followed much Mnesiphilus. In the first parte of his youth, his hehauiour and doings were very light and vnconstant, as one caried awaye with a rashe head, and without any order or discretion: by reason whereof his manners & conditions seemed maruelously to chaunge, and oftimes fell into very ill fauored euents, as him self dyd afterwards confesse by saying: that a ragged colte oftimes proues a good horse, specially if he be well ridden, and broken as he should be. Other tales which some will seeme to adde to this, are in my opinion but fables. As D that his father dyd disinherite him, and that his mother for very care and sorowe she tooke to see the lewde life of her sonne, dyd kill her self. For there are that write to the contrary, that his father being desirous to take him from dealing in gouernment, dyd goe and shewe him all a­longest the sea shore, the shippewracks and ribbes of olde gallyes cast here and there, whereof no reckoning was made, and sayed to him: thus the people vse their gouernours, when they can serue no lenger. Howsoeuer it was, it is most true that Themistocles earnestly gaue himself to state, and was sodainely taken with desire of glorie. For euen at his first entrie, bicause he would set foote before the prowdest, he stoode at pyke against the greatest and mightiest per­sones,The priuie grudge be­twext The­mistocles and Aristides. that bare the swaye and gouernment, and specially against Aristides, Lysimachus sonne, who euer encountered him, and was still his aduersarie opposite. Yet it seemeth the euil will E he conceyued toward him, came of a very light cause. For they both loued Stesilaus, that was borne in the cittie of TEOS, as Ariston the philosopher writeth. And after this iealousie was kindled betweene them, they allwayes tooke contrary parte once against another, not only in their priuate likings, but also in the gouernment of the cōmon weale. Yet I am persuaded, that the difference of their manners & conditions, did much encrease the grudge and discorde be­twext them. For Aristides Aristides a iust man. being by nature a very good man, a iust dealer, & honest of life, and one that in all his doings would neuer flatter the people, nor serue his owne glorie, but rather to the contrary would doe, would saye, & counsaill allwayes for the most benefit & cōmoditie of the commō weale: was oftentimes enforced to resist Themistocles, Themistocles ambition. & disapoint his ambition, being euer busilie mouing the people, to take some new matter in hande. For they reporte of F him, that he was so inslamed with desire of glorie, & to enterprise great matters, that being but a very yoōg man at the battell of Marathon, where there was no talke but of the worthines of [Page 125] A captaine Miltiades that had wonne the battell: he was found many times solitarilie there alone deuising with him self: besides, they saye he could then take no rest in the night, neither would goe to playes in the daye time, nor would keepe companie with those whom he was accusto­med to be familiar withall before. Furthermore, he would tell them that woūdred to see him so in his muses, and chaunged, and asked him what he ayled: that Miltiades victorie would not let him sleepe, bicause other thought this ouerthrow at MARATHON, would haue made an end of all warres. Howbeit Themistocles was of a contrary opinion,Themistocles persuaded his contriemen to make gallyes. and that it was but a beginning of greater troubles. Therefore he daylie studied howe to preuent them, and how to see to the safetie of GREECE, & before occasion offered, he did exercise his cittie in seats of warre, fore­seeing what should followe after. Wherefore, where the cittizēs of ATHENS before dyd vse to B deuide among them selues the reuenue of their mines of siluer, which were in a parte of AT­TICA called LAVRION: he alone was the first that durst speake to the people, & persuade them, that from thenceforth they should cease that distribution among them selues, & employe the money of the same in making of gallyes, to make warres against the AEGINETES. For their warres of all GREECE were most cruell, bicause they were lords of the sea & had so great a nū ­ber of shippes. This persuasion drue the citizens more easely to Themistocles minde, than the threatning them with king Darius, or the Persians would haue done: who were farre from them, & not feared that they would come neere vnto them. So this oportunitie taken of the hatred & iealousie betwene the ATHENIANS & the AEGINETES,The Athe­niās bēt their force to sea, by Themisto­cles persua­sion. made the people to agree, of the said money to make an hundred gallyes, with which they fought against king Xerxes, & did C ouercome him by sea. Now after this good beginning & successe, he wanne the cittizēs by de­grees to bende their force to sea, declaring vnto them, howe by lande they were scant able to make heade against their equalles, whereas by their power at sea, they should not only defende them selues from the barbarous people, but moreouer be able to cōmaund all GRECE. Here­upon he made them good mariners, & passing sea men, as Plato sayeth, where before they were stowte & valliant souldiers by lande. This gaue his enemies occasion to cast it in his teethe af­terwards, that he had taken away from the ATHENIANS the pike & the target, & had brought them to the bāke & the ower: & so he got the vpper hand of Miltiades. Who inueyed against him in that, as Stesimbrotus writeth. Now after he had thus his will, by bringing this sea seruice to passe, whether thereby he dyd ouerthrow the iustice of the comō weale or not, I leaue that D to the philosopers to dispute. But that the preseruation of all GRECE stoode at that time vpō the sea, & that the gallyes only were the cause of setting vp ATHENS againe: Xerxes him self is a sufficient witnes, besides other proofes that might be brought thereof. For his armie by lāde being yet whole, & vnset on, when he saw his armie by sea broken, dispersed, & souncke, he fled straight vpon it, confessing as it were that he was nowe to weake to deale any more with the GREECIANS, & left Mardonius his lieutenant in GREECE, of purpose in my opinion, rather to let that the GREECIANS should not followe him, then for any hope he had to ouercome thē. Some write of Themistocles, Themistocles a good husbād to looke for his profit. that he was a very good husband for his own profit, & carefull to looke to his things: for he dyd spende liberally, & loued ofte to make sacrifices, & honorably to receyue & entertaine: straūgers: wherefore he had good reason to be carefull to get, to defraye E his charges. Other to the cōtrary, blame him much, that he was to nere, & miserable: for some saye, he would sell presents of meate that were geuen him. He dyd aske one Philides on a time, which had a brede of mares, a colte of gifte: who denying him flatly, he was so angrie, that he threatned him ere it were long he would make his house the horse of wodde, with the which TROIA was taken. Meaning couertly to let him vnderstande, that he would shortly set strife & quarrel betwext him, & his nearest kinsemen & familliar friends. It is true that he was the most ambitious man of the world. For when he was but a yoūg man, & scantly knowen,Themistocles extremely ambitious. he earnestly intreated one Epicles, borne at HERMIONNA, an excellent player of the citherne, & counted at that time the conningest man in all ATHENS at the instrument, that he would come & reache his arte at his house: and all was no more, but that many people being desirous to heare him F playe, should aske for his house, & come thitherto him. And one yere when he went vnto the feast & assembly of the playes Olympicall, he would nedes keepe open house for all commers, haue his tents richely furnished, & a great traine of seruants & all other furniture, only to con­tende [Page 124] [...] [Page 125] [...] [Page 126] with Cimon. This maruelously spighted the GREECIANS, who thought Themistocles ex­pences A fit for Cimons countenance, & abilitie, bicause he was a young gentleman, and of a no­ble house: but for him that was but a new come man, & would beare a greater porte, then ei­ther became his calling or abilitie, they thought it not only vnallowable in him, but meere presumption & vaine glorie. Another time he defrayed the whole charges of a tragedie which was played openly: & being set out therein to haue wonne the prise, & the ATHENIANS being maruelous desirous of the honour in such playes, he caused this victorie of his to be painted in a table, which he did dedicate & set vp in a temple, with this inscription. Themistocles Phrea­rian defrayed the charges: Phrynitus made it: Adimantus vvas chief ruler. Yet notwithstāding he was well taken of the common people, partly bicause he would speake to euery citizen by his name, no man telling him their names: and partly also bicause he shewed him self an vpright B iudge in priuate mens causes. As one daye he aunswered the poet Simonides, borne in CHIO, who dyd request an vnreasonable matter at his hands, at that time when he was gouernour of the cittie. Thou couldest be no good poet, Simonides, A wise saying of Themisto­cles. if thou diddest singe against the rules of musike: neither my self a good gouernour of a citie, if I should doe any thing against the lawe. And mocking the same Simonides another time, he told him he was but a foole to speake ill of the CORINTHIANS, considering they were lords of so great & strong a cittie. Likewise he was not wise to make him self to be drawen, being so deformed & ill fauored. But being growne in credit, & hauing wōne the fauour of the people, he was such an enemy to Aristides, Themistocles made Aristi­des to be ba­nished. that in the end he made him to be expulsed & banished ATHENS, for 5. yeres. Whē newes were brought that the king of PERSIA was onwardes on his iorney & coming downe to make warres vpon C the GREECIANS: the ATHENIANS cōsulted whom they should make their generall. And it is reported, that all their cōmon counsellers which were wont to speake in matters, fearing the daunger, dyd drawe backe, saue an orator called Epicydes, Epicydes an orator sued to be generall. Euphemides sonne, very eloquent in speache, but somwhat womanishe, fainte harted, & gredie of money, offred him self to sue for this charge, & had some hope to obteine it. Wherefore Themistocles fearing all would not be well, if it fell to this man to be generall of the armie, he bought out Epicydes ambitiō with ready money, & so made him let fall his sute. It fell out Themistocles was greatly comēded, about that was done to the interpreter, that came with the king of PERSIAES ambassadours, & demaun­ded the empire of the GREECIANS both by sea & lande, that they should acknowledge obe­dience to the King. For he caused him to be taken, & put to death by a comon cōsent, for vsing D the Greeke tongue in the seruice & cōmaundement of the barbarous people. It was a notable thing also, that at his motion, Arthmius born at ZELEA,Arthmius de­famed for bribing. was noted of infamie, both he, his chil­dren, & all his posteritie after him, bicause he brought gold frō the king of PERSIA, to corrupt & winne the GREECIANS. But the greatest & worthiest acte he did in those parts, was this: that he pacified all ciuill warres among the GREECIANS, persuading the citties to leaue of their quarrels vntill the warres were done, in the which they saye Chileus Arcadian did helpe him more then any other man. He being now chosen generall of the ATHENIANS,Themistocles generall of the Atheniās against Xer­xes. wēt about pre­sently to imbarke his cittizens into gallyes, declaring to them they should leaue their cittie, & goe mete with the barbarous King by sea, so farre frō the coast of GREECE as they could: but the people did not thincke that good. Wherefore he led great numbers of souldiers by lande,E into the countrie of TEMPES with the LACEDAEMONIANS, to keepe the passage & entrie into THESSALIE, against the barbarous people, which countrie stoode yet sownde to GREECE, & not reuolted to the MEDES. Afterwards the GRECIANS coming frō thence without any acte done, and the THESSALIANS also being wonne somewhat on the Kings side, for that all the whole country vnto BOEOTIA was at the deuotion & goodwill of the barbarous people: then the ATHENIANS beganne to finde, howe Themistocles opinion to fight by sea was very good. Wherupon they sent him with their nauie to the cittie of ARTEMISIVN, to kepe the straight. There the other GRECIANS would haue had the LACEDAEMONIANS & their admirall Eury­biades to haue had the authoritie & cōmaundement of the rest. But the ATHENIANS would not set sayle vnder any other admirall then their own, bicause theirs were the greatest number F of shippes in the armie, & aboue all the other GRECIANS. Themistocles foreseing the daunger that was likely to fall out amongest them selues, dyd willingly yelde the whole authoritie vnto [Page 127] A Eurybiades, & got the ATHENIANS to agree vnto it: assuring them, that if they behaued them selues valliātly in these warres, the other GREECIANS of their own accorde would afterwards submit them selues vnto their obedience. Hereby it appeareth, that he only of all other was at that time, the originall cause of the sauing of GREECE, & dyd most aduaunce the honour and glorie of the ATHENIANS, by making them to ouercome their enemies by force, & their friēds & allies with liberalitie. In the meane time, Eurybiades, seing the barbarous flete riding atanker; all alongest the Ile of APHETES, with such a great nūber of shippes in the vaward, he begāne to be affrayed. And vnderstāding moreouer, there were other 200. sayle that wēt to cast about the Ile of SCIATHE, & so to come in: he presently would haue retired further into GREECE, & would haue drawē neerer vnto PELOPONNESVS, to the end their army by sea might be neare B their army by lāde, as thinking it vnpossible to fight with king Xerxes power by sea. Whereupō the inhabitants of the Ile of EVBOEA, fearing least the GRECIANS would to the spoyle of the enemy, they caused Themistocles secretly to be spokē with all, & sent him a good some of mo­ney by one called Pelagon. Themistocles tooke the money, as Herodotus writeth, & gaue it to Eu­rybiades. But there was one Architeles amōgest the ATHENIANS, captaine of the galley called the holy galley, that was much against Themistocles intended purpose: who hauing no money to paye his mariners, dyd what he could that they might departe with speede from thence. Themistocles sturred vp then his souldiers more against him then before, insomuch as they wēt aborde his galley, & tooke his supper from him. Architeles being maruelous angrie & offēded withall, Themistocles sent him both bread & meat in a pānier, & in the bottome thereof he had C put a talent of siluer, bidding him for that night to suppe with that, and the next morning he should prouide for his mariners, or els he would cōplaine, & accuse him to the cittizēs that he had takē money of the enemies. Thus it is writtē by Phanias Lesbiā. Moreouer these first fights in the straite of EVBOEA, betweene the GREECIANS, & the barbarous people, were nothing to purpose to end the warres betwene them. For it was but a taste geuē vnto them, which ser­ued the GREECIANS turne very much, by making them to see by experiēce, & the manner of the fight, that it was not the great multitude of shippes, nor the pōpe & sumptuous setting out of the same, nor the prowde barbarous showts & songes of victorie that could stande them to purpose, against noble harts & valliāt minded souldiers, that durst grapple with them, & come to hands strokes with their enemies: & that they should make no reckoning of all that brauery D & bragges, but should sticke to it like men, & laye it on the iacks of them. The which (as it see­meth) the poet Pindarus vnderstoode very well, when he sayed touching the battell of ARTE­MISIVM.

For out of doubt the beginning of victorie, is to be hardie. This place ARTEMISIVM is a parte of the Ile of EVBOEA,The coast of Aretemisivm. looking towards the North, aboue the cittie of ESTIAEA, lying di­rectly ouer against the country which somtimes was vnder the obedience of the PHILOCTE­TES, and specially of the cittie of OLIZON. There is a litle temple of Diana, surnamed Orien­ta [...]ound about the which there are trees, and a compasse of pillers of white stone, which when a man rubbes with his hande, they shewe of the culler and sauour of safferne. And in E one of those pillers there is an inscription of lamentable verses to this effect.

There is a place seene also vpon that coast at this daye, a good waye into the lande, in the middest whereof are great sands full of blacke dust as ashes: and they thincke that they burnt in that place all dead bodies and olde shippwracks. Newes being brought what had bene done in the countrie of THERMOPYLES, how that king Leonidas was dead, and how that Xer­xes had wonne that entry into GREECE by lande: the GREECIANS then brought their whole F army by sea more into GREECE, the ATHENIANS being in the rereward in this retire, as mē whose hartes were lifte vp with the glorie of their former valliant dedes. Nowe Themistocles passing by those places where he knewe the enemies must of necessitie fall vpon the lee shore for harborow:Themistocles stra [...]ageame. he dyd ingraue certen wordes spoken vnto the IONIANS, in great letters in [Page 126] [...] [Page 127] [...] [Page 128] stone, which he founde there by chaunce, or purposely brought thither for that purpose,A where there was very good harber for shippes, and fit places also to lye in. These were the wordes, that the IONIANS should take the GREECIANS partes being their founders and auncesters, & such as fought for their libertie: or at the least they should trouble the armie of the barbarous people, & doe them all the mischief they could, when the GREECIANS should come to fight with them. By these words he hoped either to bring the IONIANS to take their parte, or at the least he should make the barbarous people iealous & mistrustfull of them. Xer­xes being already entred in the vppermost parte of the prouince of DORICA, into the countrie of PHOCIDA, burning & destroying the townes & citties of the PHOCIANS: the other GREE­CIANS laye still & suffered the inuasion, notwithstanding the ATHENIANS did request them to mete with the barbarous armie in BOEOTIA, to saue the countrie of ATTICA, as before they B had done, when they wēt by sea to ARTEMISIVM. But they would not hearkē to it in no wise, & all was bicause they were desirous they should drawe to the straite of PELOPONNESVS, and there they should assemble the whole strength and power of GREECE within the barre of the same, & make a strong substantiall walle from the one sea to the other. The ATHENIANS were very angrie at this deuise, & were half discoraged & out of harte, to see thē selues thus forsakē and cast of, by the rest of the GREECIANS. For it was out of all speache that they alone should fight against so many thousands of enemies: & therefore their only remedy was, to leaue their cittie: & to get them to the sea. The people were very vnwilling to listen hereūto, making their reckoning it was nedeles to be carefull to ouercome, or to saue them selues, hauing once forsa­ken the tēples of their godds, & the graues of their parents. Wherfore Themistocles seeing that C neither reason, nor mans persuasion could bring the people to like his opinion: he beganne to frame a deuise (as men doe vse somtimes in tragedies) & to threaten the ATHENIANS with si­gnes from heauen, with oracles & aunswers from the goddes. And the occasion of Mineruaes draggō serued his turne for a celestiall signe & token, which by good fortune dyd not appeare in those dayes in the tēple as it was wont to doe: & the priests found the sacrifices which were daylie offered to him, whole & vntouched by any. Wherefore being enformed by Themisto­cles what they should doe, they spred a brute abroade amongest the people, that the goddesse Minerua, the protectour & defendour of the cittie, had forsaken it, pointing them the waye vn­to the sea. And againe he wanne them by a prophecie, which cōmaunded them to saue them selues in walles of wodd: saying, that the walles of wodd dyd signifie nothing els but shippes.VVodden walles signifie shipps. D And for this cause he saied, Apollo in his oracle called SALAMINA diuine, not miserable nor vn­fortunate, bicause it should geue the name of a most happy victorie which the GREECIANS should get there. And so at the last they following his counsell, he made this decree, that they should leaue the cittie of ATHENS to the custodie of the goddesse Pallas, that was lady & go­uernour of the country,The Athe­nians forsake Athens by Themistocles persuasion, & doe goe to the sea. & that all those which were of age to carie any weapon should get thē to the gallyes: & for the rest, that euery man should see his wife, children, & bondmen placed in some suer place as well as he could. After this decree was past & authorised by the people, the most parte of them did conuey their aged fathers & mothers, their wiues & litle children, into the cittie of TROEZEN, where the TROEZENIANS receyued them very louingly & gently. For they gaue order that they should be entertained of the cōmon charge, allowing them a pece,E two obulos of their money a daye, & suffered the young children to gather fruite wheresoeuer they founde it: & furthermore dyd hier schoolemasters at the charge of the cōmon wealth, to bring them vp at schoole. He that was the pēner of this decree, was one called Nicagoras. The ATHENIANS at that time, had no comō money, but the Senate of the Areopagites (as Aristotle sayeth) furnished euery souldier with eight drachmas, which was the only meane that the gal­lyes were armed. Yet Clidemus writeth, that this was a crafte deuised of Themistocles. The A­THENIANS being come downe vnto the hauen of PIRAEA, he made as though Pallas tergat (on the which Medusus heade was grauen) had bene lost, & was not found with the image of the goddesse: and faining to seeke for it, he ransacked euery corner of the gallyes, and founde a great deale of siluer which priuate persones had hidden amongest their fardells. This mo­ney F was brought out vnto the people, and by this meanes the souldiers that were shipped had wherewithall, to prouide them of necessary things. When time came that they were [Page 129] A to departe the hauen, & that all the cittie of ATHENS had taken sea: one waye it was a pittie to beholde them. Another waye it made all sortes to wounder, that considered the boldnes and corage of those men, which before sent awaye their fathers, and mothers from them, and were nothing moued at the teares, cries, sherikes, & imbrasings of their wines, their children, & departures, but stowtly and resolutely helde on their course to SALAMINA. Notwithstanding, there were many olde cittizens left still of necessitie in ATHENS, bicause they could not be re­moued for very extreme age, which sturred many with compassion toward them. There was besides, a certen pittie that made mens harts to yerne, when they saw the poore doggs, beasts, & cattell ronne vp & downe bleating, mowing, and howling out alowde after their masters, in token of sorowe, when they dyd imbarke. Amongest these, there goeth a straunge tale of Xan­thippus B dogge,Xanthippus dogge. who was Pericles father: which for sorowe his master had left him behinde him, dyd cast him self after into the sea, & swimming still by the galleys side wherein his master was, he helde on to the Ile of SALAMINA, where so sone as the poore curre lāded, his breath fayled him, & dyed presently. They saye, at this daye the place called the doggs graue,The dog goe graue. is the very place where he was buried. These were straūge acts of Themistocles, that beholding the ATHENIANS sory for the absence of Aristides, and fearing least of spyte he taking parte with the barbarous nation, might haue bene the ruine & distruction of the state of GREECE, being banished fiue yeres also before the warres, by Themistocles procurement:Aristides re­norneth from banishement by Themisto­cles decree. that he dyd set forth a decree; that all those which had bene banished for a time, might returne home againe, to doe, to saye, & to geue counsell to the cittizens in those things, which they thought best for the preseruation of C GREECE. And also where Eurybiades, being generall of the GREECIANS whole army by sea, for the worthines of the cittie of SPARTA, but otherwise a rancke coward at time of neede, would in any case departe from thence, & retire into the goulfe of PELOPONNESVS, where all the army of the PELOPONNESIANS was by lande assembled: that Themistocles withstood him; and did hinder it all he could. At that time also it was, that Themistocles made so notable aun­swers, which specially are noted, & gathered together. For when Eurybiades sayed one day vnto him. Themistocles, Notable aun­swers of The­mistocles. those that at playes & games doe rise before the company, are whistled at. It is true, said Themistocles: but those that tarie last so, doe neuer winne any game. Another time Eurybiades hauing a staffe in his handle lift it vp, as though he would haue striken him. Strike & thou wilt, said he, so thou wilt heare me. Eurybiades woūdring to see him so paciēt, suffered him D then to saye what he would. Then Themistocles beganne to bring him to reason: but one that stoode by sayed vnto him. Themistocles for a man that hath neither cittie nor house, it is an ill parte to will others that haue, to forsake all. Themistocles turning to him, replied. We haue willingly forsaken our houses and walles, sayed he, cowardly beaste that thou arte, bicause we would not become slaues for feare to lose things, that haue neither soule nor life. And yet our cittie I tell thee is the greatest of all GREECE: for it is a fleete of two hundred galleys ready to fight, which are come hither to saue you if you list. But if you will needes goe your wayes, & forsake vs the seconde time: you shall heare tell ere it be long, that the ATHENIANS haue another free cittie, & haue possessed againe as much good land, as that they haue already lost. These wordes made Eurybiades presently thincke, and feare, that the ATHENIANS would E not goe, and that they would forsake them. And as another Eretrian was about to vtter his reason against Themistocles opinion: he could not but aunswer him. Alas, and must you my masters talke of warres to, that are like to a Sleue?The Sleue is a fishe facio­ned like a sworde. In deede you haue a sworde, but you lacke a harte. Some write, that whilest Themistocles was talking thus from his gal­ley, they spyed an owle flying on the right hande of the shippes, which came to light on one of the mastes of the galleys: and that hereupon all the other GREECIANS dyd agree to his opinion, and prepared to fight by sea. But when the flete of their enemies shippes shewed on the coastes of ATTICA, harde by the hauen Phalericus, and couered all the riuers therea­bouts, as farre as any bodie could see, and that king Xerxes him selfe was come in persone with all his army by lande, to campe by the sea side: so that his whole power both by lande F and sea might be seene in sight: then the GREECIANS had forgotten all Themistocles goodly persuasions, and beganne to incline againe to the PELOPONNESIANS, considering how they might recouer the goulfe of PELOPONNESVS, and they dyd growe very angry, when any man [Page 130] went about to talke of any other matter. To be shorte, it was concluded that they should A sayle awaye the next night following, & the masters of the shippes had order geuen them to make all things readie for them to departe. Themistocles perceyuing their determination, he was maruelous angry in his minde, that the GREECIANS would thus disperse them selues a sonder, repairing euery man to his owne cittie, and leauing the aduantage which the nature of the place, & the straight of the arme of the sea, where they laye in harber together, did offer them: and so he bethought him selfe howe this was to be holpen. Sodainely the practice of one Sicinus came into his minde, who being a PERSIAN borne, and taken prisoner before in the warres,Themistocles stratageame, by the which he wanne the ba'tell at Sa­lamina. loued Themistocles very well, and was schoolemaster to his children. This Si­cinus he secretly sent vnto the king of PERSIA, to aduertise him that Themistocles (generall of the ATHENIANS) was very desirous to become his maiesties seruaunte, and that he dyd B let him vnderstand betimes, that the GREECIANS were determined to flye: and ther̄efore that he wished him not to let them scape, but to set vpon them, whilest they were troubled and affrayed, and farre from their army by lande, to the ende that vpon a sodaine he might o­uerthrowe their whole power by sea. Xerxes supposing this intelligence came from a man that wished him well, receyued the messenger with great ioye, and thereupon gaue present order to his captaines by sea, that they should imbarke their men into the other shippes at better leysure, and that presently they should put out with all possible speede, two hundred sayle to followe the GREECIANS in the taile, to shut vp the foreland of the straite, and to compasse the Iles all about, that not one of his enemies shippes should scape: and so it fell out. Then Aristides (Lysimachus sonne) being the first that perceyued it, went to Themisto­cles tente, though he was his enemie, and through his only meanes had bene banished be­fore, as ye haue heard: and calling him out, told him how they were enuironned. Themistocles, who knewe well enough the goodnes of this man, being very glad he came at that time to seeke him out, declared vnto him the pollicie he had vsed by the message of Sicinus, praying him to put to his helpe to staye the GREECIANS, and to procure with him,Themistocles & Aristides consent toge­ther to geue battell. considering his worde had more authoritie among them, that they would fight within the straight of SALA­MINA. Aristides commending his great wisdome, went to deale with the captaines of the other gallyes, and to procure them to fight. For all this, they would not credit that he sayed, vntill such time as there arriued a galley of TENEDIENA, whereof one Panetius was cap­taine, who being stolen out of the hoste of the barbarous army, brought certen newes, that D the straight out of doubt was shut vp. So that besides the necessitie which dyd vrge them, the spight which the GREECIANS conceyued thereof, dyd prouoke them to hazard the battell. The next morning by breake of daye, king Xerxes placed him selfe on a maruelous steepe highe hill, from whence he might descerne his whole flete, and the ordering of his army by sea, aboue the temple of Hercules, as Phanodemus writeth. Which is the narrowe waye or channell betwext the Ile of SALAMINA, and the coast of ATTICA: or as Acestodorus sayeth, vpon the confines of the territories of MEGARA, aboue the pointe which they commonly call the hornes. There Xerxes set vp a throne of golde, and had about him many secretaries, to write all that was done in the battell. But as Themistocles was sacrificing vnto the goddes in his galley that was admiral, they brought to him three young prisoners, fayer of complexion,E richely arrayed with gold and iuells, whom they sayed were the children of Sandaucé the kings sister, and of prince Autarctus. So soone as Euphrantides the soothesayer had seene them, and at their arriuall obserued there rose a great bright flame out of the sacrifice, and at the very selfe same instant that one on his right hand had sneesed: he tooke Themistocles by the hand, and willed him to sacrifice all those three prisoners vnto the god Bacchus, surnamed Omestes, as much to saye, as the cruell Bacchus: for in doing it, the GREECIANS should not only be sa­ued, but they should haue the victorie ouer their enemies. Themistocles woundred much, to heare so straunge and terrible a commaundement of the soothsayer. Neuertheles, the comon sorte following his custome, which is, to promise safety soner in the greatest daungers, & most desperate cases, by straunge & vnreasonable, rather then by reasonable and ordinary meanes:F they beganne to call vpon the god with one voyce, and bringing the three prisoners neere vn­to the altar, they compelled him to performe the sacrifice in that sorte as the soothesayer had [Page 131] A appointed. Phanias Lesbian, an excellent philosopher, and well seene in stories and antiquities, reporteth this matter thus. As for the number of the shippes of the barbarous nauie: AEschylus the poet, in a tragedie which he intituled the PERSIANS, knowing certainely the trothe, sayeth thus:

The ATHENIANS had nine score, in euery one of the which there were eightene souldiers, whereof foure of them were archers, and all the rest armed men. Themistocles also did with no B lesse skill & wisedom choose his time & place to fight, forbearing to charge his enemies, vntill the hower was come, that of ordinarie custome the sea winde arose, and brought in a rough tyde within the channell, which dyd not hurt the GRAECIAN gallyes, being made lowe and snugge, but greatly offended the PERSIAN gallyes, being highe cargged, heauie, & not yare of steredge, and made them lye sidelong to the GREECIANS, who fiercely set vpon them hauing allwayes an eye to Themistocles direction, that best foresawe their aduātage. At the same time, Ariamenes, Ariamenes Xerxes ad­mirall. Xerxes admirall, a man of great valure and worthiest of the Kings brethern, be stowed arrowes and dartes as it were from the walles of a castell, charging the gallye of Ami­nias Decelian, and Sosicles Pedian, which were ioyned and grappled with him, and fiercely en­tring the same, was by them valliantly receyued vpon their pikes, and thrust ouer borde into C the sea. Whose bodie floting amongest other shippewracks ARTEMISIA knowing, caused to be caried to king Xerxes. Nowe whilest this battell stoode in these termes, they saye that there appeared a great flame in the element, toward the cittie of ELEVSIN, and that a lowde voyce was heard through all the plaine of THRIASIA vnto the sea, as if there had bene a nūber of men together, that had songe out alowde, the holy songe of Iacchus. And it seemed by litle and litle, that there rose a clowde in the ayer from those which sange: that left the land, & came & lighted on the gallyes in the sea. Other affirmed, that they sawe armed men, which did reache out their hands from the Ile of AEGINA, towards the GREECIAN gallyes: & they thought they were the AEACIDES, for whose helpe they all prayed before the battell was begonne. The first man of the ATHENIANS that tooke any of the enemies shippes, was Lycomedes, a captaine of a D gallye: who hauing takē very rich furniture & flagges, did afterwards cōsecrate them to Apollo laurell: as ye would saye, victorious. The other GREECIANS in the fronte being equall in nū ­ber with the barbarous shipps, by reason of the straightnes of the arme of the sea wherein they sought, & so straightned as they could not fight but by one & one, where by the BARBARIANS disorderly layed one another abourde, that they did hinder them selues with their ouer multi­tude: & in the end were so sore pressed vpon by the GREECIANS, that they were cōstrayned to flye by night, after they had fought & mainteined battell, vntil it was very darke. So the GRAE­CIANS wanne that glorious & famous victorie:The Grecians victorie of the Persians [...]a [...]y by sea. of the which maye truly be affirmed that, as Si­monides sayeth:

Thus was the victorie wonne through the valliantnes and corage of those that fought that battell, but especially through Themistocles great policie and wisdome. After this battell Xer­xes being mad for his losse, thought to fill vp the arme of the sea, and to passe his armie by lande, vpon a bridge, into the Ile of SALAMINA. Themistocles, bicause he would feele Aristides opinion, tolde him as they were talking together, that he thought best to goe and occupie the straight of HELLESPONT with the armie by sea, to breake the bridge of shippes which Xer­xes had caused to be made: to the ende, said he, that we maye take ASIA into EVROPE. Ari­stides liked not this opinion. for we haue (said he) fought all this while against this barbarous F King, who thought but to playe with vs: But if we shut him within GREECE, and bring him to fight of necessitie to saue his life: such an enemie that commaundeth so great an armie, will no more stand still as a looker on, and set at his ease vnder his golden pauilion, to see the pastime [Page 132] of the battell, but will proue euerie waye, and be him selfe in euery place at all assayes to ta [...]e A him self from such a straight & daunger. Thus with politicke care & foresight, he maye easely amend his former faulte committed by negligence, and doe well enough, when he shall see his life and Kingdome both depend vpon it. Therefore Themistocles, Aristides counsell vnto Themistocles, for the brea­king of Xer­xes bridge. I would thincke not best to breake his bridge at all, which he hath caused to be made: but rather if we could, to build another to it, to driue him out of EVROPE as sone as we could. Themistocles then replied: Seeing you thincke this were good to be done, we must all laye our heades together, to deuise, how he maye be forced to come out assone as we could. They breaking of with this resolutiō, Themistocles sent immediately one of the Kings enuches,Themistocles stratageame. called Arsaces, that was one of the gromes of his chāber, whom he found out amōgest the prisoners, & by him he sent this mes­sage vnto the King. That the GREECIANS hauing wōne the battell of him by sea, had decreed B in their counsell, how they would goe to the straight of HELLESPONT, to breake the bridge of shippes he had caused to be made there. Whereof he thought good to aduertise him, for the goodwil he did beare him, and to the ende he might bethincke him betimes, to get him away to the sea within his own dominion, and so passe backe againe into ASIA as sone as he could, whilest he gaue order to his allies and confederates, to staye following him at the poope. The barbarous King vnderstading these newes, was so affrayed, that he hoysed away with all possi­ble speede. The further foresight and great wisdome of Themistocles, and Aristides, in marine causes, dyd manifestly appeare afterwards in the battell the GREECIANS fought before the cittie of PLATEA, against Mardonius, king Xerxes lieutenante: who hauing but a small power of the King his soueraines there, dyd yet put the GREECIANS to great distresse, and in hazard C to haue lost all. Of all the townes and citties that fought in this battel, Herodotus writeth, that the cittie of AEGINA wanne the same for valliantnes aboue the rest: & of priuate men, among the GRECIANS, Themistocles was iudged the worthiest man: although it was sore against their willes, bicause they enuied much his glory. For after the battell done, all the captaines being gotten into the straight of PELOPONNESVS, and hauing sworne vpon the altar of their sacri­fices, that they would geue their voyces after their consciences, to those they thought had best deserued it: euery one gaue him selfe the first place for worthines, and the seconde vnto Themistocles. Themistocles honored a­boue all the Grecians. The LACEDAEMONIANS caried him into SPARTA, where they iudged the ho­nour and dignitie to their admirall Eurybiades: but the wisedome and pollicie they attributed to Themistocles. In token thereof they gaue him an oliue braunche, and the goodliest coche D that was in their cittie: and moreouer they sent three hundred of their lusty youthes to ac­company him, and conducte him out of their countrie. They saye, at the next feastes and as­sembly of the playes Olympicall that were made after this victorie: when Themistocles was once come into the showe place where these games were played, the people looked no more on them that fought, but all cast their eyes on him, shewing him to the straungers which knewe him not, with their fingers, and by clapping of their handes dyd witnesse howe much they esteemed him. Whereat he him selfe tooke so great delite, that he confessed to his fami­liar friends, he then dyd reape the fruite and benefit of his sundry and painefull seruices he had taken in hande,Themistocles ambition no­ted. for the preseruation of GREECE: so ambitious was he of nature, & couetous of honour, as we maye easely perceyue by certen of his dedes and notable sayings they haue E noted of him. For being chosen admirall of ATHENS he neuer dispatched any causes priuate or publicke, howsoeuer they fell out, vntill the very daye of his departure, and taking shippe: and all bicause that men seeing him ryd much busines at once, and to speake with so many persones together, they should esteeme him to be the notabler man, & of the greater autho­ritie. Another time he walked vpon the sandes by the sea side, beholding the dead bodies of the barbarous people, which the sea had cast vp vpon the shore: and seing some of them that had on still their chaynes of golde, and bracelets, he passed by on his waye, but shewed them yet to his familiar friende that followed him, and sayed vnto him: take thou those, for thou art not Themistocles. And vnto one Antiphates, who in his youth had bene a goodly young boye, and at the time dyd scornefully behaue him selfe vnto him, making no reckoning of him: and F now that he sawe him in authoritie came to see him, he sayed. O my young sonne, and friend: we are both euen at one time (but to late) growen wise. He sayed the ATHENIANS dyd not [Page 133] A esteeme of him in time of peace: but when any storme of warres were towardes, and they stoode in any daunger, they ranne to him then, as they ronne to the shadowe of a plane tree, vpon any sodaine raine: and after fayer weather come againe, they cut awaye then the braunches, and bowghes thereof. There was a man borne in the Ile of SERIPHA, who being fallen out with him, dyd cast him in the teethe, that it was not for his worthines, but for the noble cittie wherein he was borne, that he had wonne such glorie. Thou sayest true sayed he: but neither should I euer haue wonne any great honour, if I had bene a SERI­PHIAN, nor thou also if thou haddest bene an ATHENIAN. An other time one of the captaines of the cittie, hauing done good seruice vnto the common weale, made boast be­fore Themistocles, and compared his seruice equall with his. Themistocles to aunswer him, B tolde him a prety tale.A prety tale of Themisto­cles. That the working daye brawled on a time with the holy daye, repining against her, that he laboured for his liuing continually, and howe she dyd nothing but fill her bellie, and spende that they had gotten. Thou hast reason sayed the holy daye. But if I had not bene before thee, thou haddest not bene here nowe. And so, if I had not bene then: where had you my masters bene nowe? His owne sonne was a litle to sawsie with his mother, and with him also, bearing him self ouer boldely of her good will, by meanes of her cockering of him. Whereupō being merely disposed, he would saye that his sonne could doe more then any mā in all GRECE. For, sayeth he, the ATHENIANS commaunde the GRAECIANS,Themistocles saying of his sonne. I commaunde the ATHENIANS, my wife commaundeth me, and my sonne commaundeth her. Moreouer bicause he would be singular by him selfe aboue all other men: hauing a pece of lande he C would sell, he willed the crier to proclaime open sale of it in the market place, and with all he should adde vnto the sale, that his lande laye by a good neighbour. An other time, two men being suters to his daughter, he preferred the honester before the richer, saying: he had rather haue to his sonne in lawe a man that lacked goodes, then goodes to lacke a man. These were Themistocles pleasaunt conceites and aunswers. But after he had done all these things we haue spoken of before, he tooke in hande to buylde againe the cittie and walles of ATHENS,Themistocles buylt againe the walles of the cittie of Athens. and dyd corrupt the officers of LACEDAEMONIA with money, to the end they should not hinder his purpose, as Theopompus writeth. Or as all other saye when he had deceyued them by this subtiltie, he went vnto SPARTA as ambassadour, sent thither of purpose vpon the complaintes of the LACEDAEMONIANS, for that the ATHENIANS D dyd inclose their cittie againe with walles, who were accused vnto the counsaill of SPARTA, by an orator called Poliarchus, who was sent thither from the AEGINETES, of purpose to prosecute this matter against the ATHENIANS. Themistocles stowtely denied it to them,A subtle fetche of Themistocles. and prayed them for better vnderstanding of the trothe, they would sende some of their men thither to see it. This was but a fetche only to winne by this delaye, the ATHENIANS so muche more time to rayse vp their walles, and that the ATHENIANS should keepe as ostages for suertie of his persone, those they should send to ATHENS, to bring backe the reporte thereof: and so it fell out. For the LACEDAEMONIANS being informed of the trothe as it was, dyd him no hurte, but dissembling the misliking they had to be thus abu­sed by him, sent him awaye safe and sounde. Afterwardes he made them also mende and for­tifie E the hauen of PIRAEA,The hauen of Piraea forti­fied. hauing considered the situation of the place, and all to incline the cittie to the sea. Wherein he dyd directly contrary to all the counsell of the auncient kings of ATHENS: who seeking (as they saye) to withdrawe their people from the sea, and to accustome them to liue vpon the lande, by planting, sowing, and plowing their groundes, dyd deuise and geue out abroade, the fable they tell of the goddesse Pallas. And that is this, how she contending with Neptune about the patronage of the country of ATHENS, brought forth and shewed to the iudges the olyue tree, by meanes whereof she preuayled, and ob­teined the preheminence. Euen so Themistocles dyd not ioyne the hauen of PIRAEA, vnto the cittie of ATHENS, as the comicall poet Aristophanes sayeth: but rather ioyned the cittie vnto the hauen PIRAEA, and the lande vnto the sea. By this meanes he made the people F strong against the nobilitie, and brought the communaltie to waxe bolder then they were before, by reason the rule and authoritie fell into the handes of saylers, mariners, pilottes, shippemasters, and such kinde of seafaring men: so as the pulpet where all the oracles were [Page 134] made, stoode in the market place of PNYX, and dyd looke towardes the sea. But the thirtie A tyrannes that came in afterwardes, dyd remoue it, and turne it towardes the lande: hol­ding opinion to be strong by sea, was it that dyd mainteine the authoritie of the popular state. And that contrariwise they which liue by the labour and toyle of the earthe, doe more willingly like the gouernment of Nobilitie. Themistocles called to minde another matter also of greater importance, to make the cittie of ATHENS of a greater power by sea. For after the retire of Xerxes, and that all the fleete and nauie of the GRAECIANS wintered in the hauen of PAGASES: he sayed one daye in an open assembly of the people, that he had thought of a thing which would be very profitable and beneficiall for them, but it was not to be tolde openly. The people willed him then to imparte it to Aristides: and if he thought it good, they would execute it speedely. Themistocles then tolde Ari­stides:B the thing he had considered of, was to burne the Arcenal where the GRAECIANS nauy laye, and to set on fire all their shippes. Aristides hearing his purpose, returned to the people, and tolde them: howe nothing could be more profitable, but with all more vn­iust, then that which Themistocles had deuised. The ATHENIANS then willed Aristides it should be let alone altogether.The equitie of the Athe­nians. Furthermore when the LACEDAEMONIANS had exhibi­ted their petition to the counsell of the Amphictyons (that is the generall counsaill of all the states of GRAECE assembled) howe the townes and citties of GRAECE which had not bene parties with the GRAECIANS to the league, against the barbarous people, should be put of wholy from this counsaill. Themistocles dowting of the ARGIVES, the THESSALIANS, and the THEBANS also should by this meanes be exempted, that the LACEDAEMONIANS C would be then the greater number in voyces, and by this meanes might doe what they would in this counsell: he spake so consideratly for the citties which they would haue thus discharged, that he made the petitioners in the assembly vtterly to chaunge their opinion. Declaring, howe there were but one and thirtie citties comprised only the league, and yet that some of them were very weake and small: and howe it were no reason, that reiecting all the rest of GRECE, the greatest authoritie of this counsaill should fall into the handes of two or three of the chiefest citties alone. For this cause chiefly the LACEDAEMONIANS dyd euer beare him extreme hatred, and dyd set vp Cimon all they could, to be allwayes ad­uersary opposite vnto him, and as it were to bearde him in all matters of state, and the go­uernment of ATHENS. They procured him besides, the ill will and displeasure of all the D friendes and confederates of the ATHENIANS, for that he went sayling still to and fro a­longest the Iles, exacting money of the inhabitants of the same. And this is to be knowen by the matter propounded by him to the ANDRIANS (of whom he would haue had money) and by the aunswer they made him, as Herodotus writeth. Which was, howe he had brought them two mightie goddes: Loue, and Force.Themistocles goddes. Loue and Force. And they aunswered him againe, that they also had two great goddesses, which kept them from geuing of him any money: Pouer­tie, and Impossibilitie.The Andriās goddesses. Pouertie. Impossibilitie. And to make this good also: Timocreon the Rhodian poet galled him to the quicke, when he sharpely taunted him, for calling many home againe for money that were banished: and howe for couetousnes of money he had betrayed, and forsaken, his hoste and friende. The verses wherein this matter is mentioned, are to this effecte.E

After this, he dyd more openly blase him to the worlde, when he was banished and con­demned: in a songe that had beginning thus.

They saye the cause was, why this Timocreon was banished: the friendshippe which he had with the Barbarous people, and for geuing them intelligence. Whereof Themistocles was one that iudicially condemned him. Wherefore when Themistocles him selfe was accused after­wards of the same faulte, Timocreon then made these verses following against him.

Besides these verses, Themistocles owne citizens for the ill will they bare him, were conten­ted to heare him ill spoken of. Therefore while he fought wayes, to redresse all this: he was dri­uen to vse such meane, which more increased their hatred toward him. For in his orations to the people, he dyd ofte remember them of the good seruice he had done them: and percey­uing howe they were offended withall, he was driuen to saye. Why, are ye weary so ofte to re­ceyue good by one man? Many of them were very angry with him also, when he surnamed Diana (in the dedication of her temple he made vnto her) Aristobule, as much to saye, as the good counseller: meaning thereby, howe he had geuen graue and wise counsell, both vnto E his cittie, and to all the rest of the GRECIANS. He built this temple also neere his house, in a place called Melita, where the hangemen doe cast the dead bodies of those that were execu­ted, and throwe the ragges and halters endes of those that were hanged, or otherwise put to death by lawe. There was also in our dayes in the temple of Diana Aristobule, a litle image of Themistocles, which shewed plainely, that he was not only wise, and of a noble minde, but also of a great maiestie and countenaunce in face. In the ende, the ATHENIANS banished him A­THENS for fiue yere.Themistocles banished for fiue yers. bicause they would plucke downe his ouergreat corage and authoritie, as they dyd vse to serue those, whose greatnes they thought to be more, then common equa­litie that ought to be among citizen would beare. For this manner of banishment for a time, called Ostracismon, was no punishment for any faulte committed, but a mitigation and taking F away of the enuie of the people, which delited to plucke downe their stomaks that to much seemed to exceede in greatnes: and by this meanes they tooke awaye the poyson of his ma­lice, with diminishing his glorie and honour. So Themistocles being banished ATHENS, went [Page 136] to dwell in ARGOS. In this meane season, Pausanias trecchery fell out, which gaue his enemies A occasion to lye heauie on his backe. But he which became his accuser, & was partener of the treason, was one called Leobotes (Alemeons sonne) borne in a village called AGRAVLA. Besides this, the SPARTANS also dyd sit on his skirtes, & charged him forely. For Pausanias neuer be­fore reuealed to Themistocles the treason he had purposed, although he was his very familiar friende. But after he sawe Themistocles was banished, and dyd take his exile very vnpaciently: then Pausanias was bolde to open his treason to him,Pausanias reuealeth his reason vnto Themistacles. to procure him to take his parte, and shewed him the letters the king of PERSIA had written to him, and all to sturre him vp against the GRAECIANS, as against vngratefull and vnnaturall people. Howbeit Themistocles shooke him of, and tolde him plainely he would be no partener of his treason. Notwithstanding, he neuer reuealed it to any liuing creature, nor disconered the practise he intended: hoping ei­ther B he would haue geuen it ouer, or that shortely it would appeare by some other meane, considering he so fondly aspired to things of great daunger, and without purpose or possi­bilite. After Pausanias was condemned, and had suffered paynes of death for the same: they found amongest his papers, certaine writings and letters, which made Themistocles to be very sore suspected.Themistocles suspected of treason. Whereupon the LACEDAEMONIANS on the one side cried out of him: and his enemies and ill willers at ATHENS accused him on th'other side. To the which he made aun­swer by letters from the beginning, and wrote vnto the people, it was not likely that he (who sought all the wayes to rule, and was not borne to serue, neither had any minde thereto) would euer haue thought in his heade, to sell his owne libertie, and the GRAECIANS also vnto the Barbarous people their enemies. Notwithstanding this purgation of his, the people by the C procurement of his enemies, sent to apprehende him, and to bring him before the states of all GRAECE, to be iudged by that counsaill. Whereof Themistocles hauing intelligence in time,Themistocles fled into the Ile of Corphv. he dyd conuey him selfe into the Ile of CORPHV, bicause the citie there was greatly beholding to him, for a certen pleasure in time paste he had done them. For they being at sute and strife with the CORINTHIANS, he tooke vp the matter betweene them, and gaue iudgement on their side, & condemned the CORINTHIANS to paye them twēty talents damages: and did set downe an order, that they should occupie the Ile of LEVCADE in cōmon together, as ground that had bene inhabited with the people, aswell of the one cittie, of the other. From thence he fled to Epirus, whether being followed by the ATHENIANS, & the LACEDAEMONIANS, he was compelled to venter him selfe vpon a doubtfull and very daungerous hope. For he went D to yelde him selfe into the hands of Admetus, king of the MOLOSSIANS. Who hauing here­tofore made certen requestes vnto the ATHENIANS, and being shamefully denied them by meanes of Themistocles (who then was at his chiefest height and authoritie) the King was mar­uelously offended with him: and it was a clere case in deede, that if he could then haue layed handes on him, he would haue bene reuenged of him throughly. Howbeit feeling the present miserie of his exile, he thought he might lesse feare the Kings olde quarrell and displeasure, then the freshe hate & enuie of his contriemen. Whereupon he went vnto king Admetus, tru­sting to his mercie, and became an humble suter to him in a straunge extraordinarie sorte. For he tooke the Kings litle young sonne in his armes, and went and kneeled downe before the al­tar in his chappell: which humble manner of suinge the MOLOSSIANS take to be most effe­ctuall,The manner of supplicatiō among the Molossians. E and such as they dare not denie, nor refuse. Some saye that Queene Phthia her selfe, the Kings wife, dyd enforme him of this their country custome and manner, & brought her litle sonne also neere vnto the altar. Other write also, that it was Admetus him selfe that taught & shewed him this inforcing manner of petition, only for a cloke to excuse him selfe to those that should come to demaunde Themistocles of him: that by duetie of religion he was so straightly bounde & restrained, that he might not deliuer him out of his protection. In this meane time, Epicrates Acharnian founde the meanes secretly to conuey Themistocles wife and children out of ATHENS, & dyd send them priuelie vnto him: whereupon he was afterwards accused, & put to death, vpon Cimons accusation & motion, as Stesimbrotus writeth. Who not remembring those matters I knowe not howe, or making as though Themistocles had not re­membred F him selfe, doth saye, that Themistocles sayled into SICILE, where he sought to mary Hierons daughter, the tyranne of SYRACVSA: promising him if he would let him haue her, he [Page 137] A would assure him to conquer all GRECE for him, and to bring them vnder his obedience. But Hieron refusing this offer, Themistocles went from thence into ASIA: but that is not likely. For Theophrastus writeth in his booke intituled of Kingdomes, that Hieron hauing sent certain running horses to the feast of games Olympicall, & hauing set vp a maruelous riche and sum­ptuous tent there: Themistocles made an oration to the GRECIANS, declaring vnto them how they should teare the tyrannes tente in peces, and not to suffer his horses to ronne with other swifte and light horses, and to cary away the price in those holy games. Thucydides againe de­clareth, howe he went vnto the other sea, and imbarked in the cittie of PYDNE, being knowen of neuer a man in the shippe, vntill such time as the winde beganne to carie them into the Ile of NAXOS, which the ATHENIANS by chaunce dyd besiege at that time, where being afeard B to be set on lande, he was forced to bewraye him self to the master of the shippe, & the masters mate, and wrought them, what with fayer wordes and what with threates (by saying he would accuse them to the ATHENIANS, that they dyd not ignorantly receiue him in, but hiered for money) so as he compelled them to sayle on further, and to cary him into ASIA. As for his goodes, his friendes saued the most parte of them, and sent them into ASIA to him. But for those that came to light, and were confiscate vnto the state: Theopompus writeth, they dyd a­mounte to the value of one hundred talents. And Theophrastus sayeth, but to foure score ta­lents only. So that all his goodes was not worth three talents, when he beganne to gouerne the state of the common weale. when he came vnto the cittie of CVMA, he perceyued that all the coastes by sea were layed for him to apprehende him, and that he had many spyalls C vpon him: among the which, these were two speciall noted men, Ergoteles, and one Pythodorus, the reward being very great, for men that sought their gayne any waye they could. For the king of PERSIA had proclaymed by sound of trūpet, two hundred talēts to him that brought him Themistocles. Whereupon he fled vnto a litle towne of AEOLIA, called AEGES, where no liuing bodie knewe him, but his host only, called Nicogenes: who was the richest man of all the AEOLIANS, and knewe all the noble men of authoritie that were about the king of PERSIA. Themistocles continued hidden certen dayes in his house: in which time, on a night after the feast of a sacrifice, one Olbius, schoolemaster to Nicogenes children, by some secret working of the goddes, sodainely fell besides him selfe, and beganne to singe these verses out alowde.

The next night following, Themistocles being fast asleepe in his bed,Themistocles dreame. dreamed that a snake wounde it selfe round about his bellie, and glided vpwardes to his necke, vntill it touched his face, and sodainely then it became an eagle, and imbraced him with his winges: and so at length dyd lifte him vp into the ayer, and caried him a maruelous waye of, vntill he thought he sawe a golden rodde (suche as Herauldes vse to carie in their handes) whereupon the eagle dyd set him, and so was deliuered of all this feare and trouble he thought him selfe in. The trothe was, Nicogenes had this deuise in his heade, howe he might bring him safe to E the king of PERSIAES courte. The Barbarous nations for the most parte (and specially the PERSIANS) are of a very straunge nature,The Persian iealous of their wiues. and maruelous iealous ouer their women, and that not onely of their wiues, but also of their bonde women, and concubines: which they keepe so straightly locked vp, that no man euer seeth them abroade at any time, but are all­wayes like housedoues kept within doores. And when they haue any occasion to goe into the country, they are caried in close coches couered all about, that no man can looke into them. Themistocles was conueyed into one of these coches drest after this manner,Howe Themi­stocles was conueyed to the king of Persias courte. and had warned his men to aunswer those they met by the waye, that asked whom they caried: howe it was a young GRECIAN gentlewoman of the countrie of IONIA, which they caried to the courte for a noble man there. Thucydides, and Charon Lampsacenian saye, he went thither after the F death of Xerxes, and spake with his sonne there. But Ephorus, Dino, Clitarchus, Heraclides, and many other write, that he spake with him selfe. Yet notwithstanding it appeareth that Thucy­dides wordes doe best agree with the chronicles & tables, recording the succession of times, [Page 138] although they be of no great certaintie. Themistocles being come nowe to the swordes pointe:A (as it were) and to the extremitie of his daunger: dyd first present him selfe vnto one Arta­banus, Colonell of a thousand footemen, and sayed vnto him. Syr, I am a GRECIAN borne, and desire to speake with the King: I haue matters of importance to open to his maiestie, and such as I knowe he will thanckefully receyue. Artabanus aunswered him in this manner. My friend syr straunger, the lawes and customes of men are diuers, and some take one thing for honest, others some another thing: but it is most honestly for all men, to keepe and obserue the lawes and manners of their owne countrie. For you GRECIANS haue the name to loue libertie, and equalitie aboue all things: & for vs, amongest all the goodly lawes and customes we haue, we esteeme this aboue the rest:The Persians honour their King as the image of the god of nature. to reuerence and honour our King, as the image of the god of nature, who keepeth all things in their perfect life and state. Wherefore, if thou wilt facion B thy selfe after our manner to honour the King, thou mayest both see him, and speake with him: but if thou haue another minde with thee, then must thou of necessitie vse some thirde persone for thy meane. For this is the manner of our countrie: the King neuer geueth au­dience to any man, that hath not first honoured him. Themistocles hearing what he sayed, aun­swered him againe. My lord Artabanus, the great good will I bear vnto the King, and the desire I haue to aduaunce his glorie and power, is the only cause of my present repaire vnto his courte: therefore I meane not only to obey your lawes (since it hath so pleased the goddes to rayse vp the noble empire of PERSIA vnto this greatnes) but will cause many o­ther people also to honour the King, more then there doe at this present. Therefore let there be no staye, but that my selfe in persone maye deliuer to the King that I haue to saye vnto C him. Well, sayed Artabanus: whom then shall we saye thou arte? For by thy speache it see­meth, thou art a man of no meane state and condition. Themistocles aunswered him: as for that Artabanus, none shall knowe before the King him selfe. Thus doth Phanias reporte it. But Eratosthenes, in his booke he wrote of riches, addeth further: howe Themistocles had ac­cesse vnto this Artabanus, being recommended to the King by a woman of ERETRIA whom the King kept. Themistocles being brought to his presence,Themistocles talke with the [...]ing of Per­sia. after he had presented his humble duety and reuerence to him, stoode on his feete, and sayed neuer a worde, vntill the King commaūded the interpreter to aske him what he was? and he aunswered. Maye it please your maiestie, ô noble King: I am Themistocles the Athenian, a banished man out of my coun­try by the GRECIANS, who humbly repayreth to your highnes, knowing I haue done great D hurt to the PERSIANS, but I persuade my self I haue done them farre more good then harme. For I it was that kept the GRECIANS backe they dyd not follow you, whē the state of GRECE was deliuered from thraldome, and my natiue country from daunger, and that I knew I stoode then in good state to pleasure you. Nowe for me, I finde all mens good willes agreable, to my present misery and calamitie: for I come determined, most humbly to thancke your highnes, for any grace and fauour you shall shewe me, & also to craue humble pardone, if your maiesty be yet offended with me. And therfore licence me (most noble King) to beseche you, that taking mine enemies the GRECIANS for witnesses of the pleasures I haue done the PERSIAN nation, you will of your princely grace vse my harde fortune, as a good occasion to shewe your honorable vertue, rather then to satisfie the passion of your heate and choller. For in sauing E my life, your maiestie saueth an humble suter that put him selfe to your mercie: and in putting me to death, you shall ryd away an enemy of the GRECIANS. Hauing spoken thus these words, he sayed further. That the goddes, by diuers signes and tokens had procured him, to come to submit him selfe vnto him, and tolde the King what vision he had seene in his dreame in Ni­cogenes house: and declared also the oracle of Iupiter Dodonian, who had commaunded him that he should goe vnto him that was called as a god, and howe he thought it was the per­sone of his maiestie, bicause that god and he in trothe were called both great Kings. The King hauing thus heard him speake, gaue him then no present aunswer againe, notwithstanding he maruelously wondred at his great wisedome and boldenes. But afterwardes amongest his fa­milliars the King sayed, he thought him selfe very happy to mete with the good fortune of F Themistocles comming to him: and so besought his great god Arimanius, that he would all­wayes send his enemies such mindes, as to banishe the greatest, & wisest men amongest them. [Page 139] A It is reported also he did sacrifice vnto the goddes, to geue them thankes therefore and dispo­sed him selfe presently to be mery, Insomuch as dreaming in the night, in the middest of his dreame he cried out three times together for ioye I haue Themistocles the Athenian. The next morning the King hauing sent for the chiefest lordes of his courte, he made Themistocles also, to be brought before him: who looked for no goodnes at all, specially when he sawe the soul­diers warding at the gates, geue him ill countenaunce and language both, when they, behelde him, and vnderstoode his name. Moreouer, Roxanes, one of the captaines, as Themisto­cles passed by him going to the King (who was set in his chayer of state, and euery man keeping silence) softely sighing, sayed vnto him. O thou Greekishe serpent; subtill and malicious: the, Kings good fortune hath brought thee hether. Neuertheles when he came to the King & had B once againe made him a very humble and lowe reuerence: the King saluted him, & spake very; curteously to him, saying. I am nowe your detter of two hundred talents, for presenting your self. It is good reason I should deliuer you the money promised him that should haue brought you: but I geue you a further warrante, be bolde I charge you, & speake your minde freely, saye what you thinke of the state of GRECE. Themistocles then aunswered him.An excellent comparison of Themistocles. That mens wordes did properly resemble the stories and imagery in a pece of arras: for both in the one & in the other, the goodly images of either of them are seene, when they are vnfolded and layed open. Contrariwise they appeare not, but are lost, when they are shut vp, & close folded whereupon he sayed to the King, he must nedes require some further time of aunswer. The King liked his comparison passingly well, & willed him to appointe his owne time. Themistocles asked a yere: C in which time hauing pretily learned the Persian tongue, he afterwards spake to the King him selfe without any interpreter. So, suche as were no courtiers, thought he only talked with the, King of matters of GRECE. But bicause the chaunge & alteration of the courte sell out great, at that time, the noble men imagined he had bene so bolde to comon with the King of them, also. Thereupon they greatly enuied him: & afterwardes murmured much against him. For in deede the king dyd honour Themistocles aboue all other straūgers whatsoeuer they were.Themistocles honoured of the king of Persia. On a time the king had him out a hunting with him, he made him see his mother, with whom he grewe familliar: and by the kings owne commaundement he was to heare the disputations of the wise men of PERSIA touching secret philosophie, which they call magike. Demaratus the LACEDAEMONIAN being at that time in the courte of PERSIA, the king willing him to aske D what gifte he would. He besought the king to graūt him this fauour: to licēce him to goe vp & down the cittie of SARDIS, with his royall hat on his head, as the kings of PERSIA doe. Mi­thropaustes, the kings cosin, taking him by the hād, sayed vnto him. Demaratus, Demaratus fond demādo of the King. the kings hatte thou demaundest, and if it were on thy heade, it would couer but litle wit: Naye though Iupiter dyd geue thee his lightning in thy hande, yet that would not make thee Iupiter. But the king gaue him so sharpe a repulse for his vnreasonable request, & was so angrie with him for it, that it was thought he would neuer haue forgeuen him: howbeit Themistocles was so ear­nest a suter for him, that he brought him into fauour againe. And the reporte goeth, that the kings successours which haue bene since that time, vnder whom the PERSIANS haue had more dealings with the GRECIANS, then in former dayes: when they would retaine any great E state or personage of GRECE into their seruice, they wrote vnto him, and promised him they would make him greater about them, then euer was Themistocles about Xerxes. That which is written of him, doth also confirme it. For he being stept vp to great countenaunce and autho­ritie, & followed with great traines of suters after him by reason of his greatnes: seing him self one daye very honorably serued at his table, & with all sortes of daintie meates, he turned him to his childrē, & sayed vnto them. My sonnes, we should haue bene vndone, if we had not bene vndone. The most writers doe agree, that he had giuen him the reuenue of 3. citties for his al­lowance of bread, wine & vittailes: to wit, MAGNESIA, LAMPSACVS, & MYVNTA. But Neāthes Cyziceniā, & Phanias, doe adde two other citties more, PERCOTA, & PALESCEPSIA: the one to defraye his charges of apparell, & the other for his lodging. Afterwards Themistocles going into F the lowe countries towards the sea,Themistocles had the reue­nue of three citties allowed him for his dyet. to take order against the practises of the GRECIANS: there was a PERSIAN lord called Epixies (gouernour of highe PHRYGIA) that had layed a traine to kill him (hauing of long time hiered certaine murderers of PISIDIA to doe it) so soone as he [Page 140] should come into a towne of his gouernment, called the Lyons head. But as he slept on a daye A in his house in the after none, the mother of the goddes appeared vnto him, and sayed, The­mistocles, Themistocles escaped mur­der by a war­ning he had in his sleepe. goe not to the Lyons heade, for feate thou mete with the Lyon: and for this war­ning, I doe aske thy daughter Mnesiptolema for my seruante. Themistocles waking sodainely out of his dreame, made his prayer vnto the goddesse, and turning out of the highe waye, fet­ched another compasse about. Afterwardes hauing passed that towne, he tooke his lodging being benighted: but one of the beastes which caried his tente, fell by the waye, vnfortunat­ly in a riuer, and all his arras and tapestry hangings being throughly wet, his seruaunts were driuen to laye them out a drying by moone light. The Pisidians that laye in wayte, and could not discerne by moone light that they were hangings layed out to drye, thought it had bene the very tente Themistocles selfe dyd lye in: whereupon they went vnto it with their swordes B drawen in their handes, hoping to haue taken him sleeping. But when they were come thi­ther, and beganne to lifte vp a pece of the hangings: some of the people of Themistocles (which kept watche) perceyuing them, ranne vpon them, and tooke them. So Themistocles hauing escaped this daunger, wondred greately at the fauour of the goddesse which had ap­peared vnto him. In recompence whereof, when he was in the cittie of MAGNESIA, he built a temple vnto Dindymena, and made his daughter Mnesiptolema prioresse of the same. As he passed by the cittie of SARDIS for his recreation, he went to visite the temples, and offe­rings that had bene geuen there. So he sawe an image of a mayden in copper, in the temple of the mother of the goddes, being two yeardes highe, which they called the Hydrophora: as much to saye, as the water carier. And it was a statue, which him selfe had heretofore dedica­ted,C and caused to be made, with the fines of those that had payed forfeytures, for stealing or turning away the water course at ATHENS, at suche time as he was master surueyer of the water workes and conduites there. Wherfore, whether Themistocles was sory to see this good­ly image a prisoner in the handes of the Barbarous people, or that he would showe vnto the ATHENIANS the greatnes of his credit and authoritie through all the Kings dominions: he spake to the gouernour of LYDIA, & prayed him for his sake that he would send this image againe to ATHENS. But this Barbarous gouernour was very angry with his request, and tolde him he would aduertise the King thereof. Then Themistocles beganne to be afeard, & was dri­uen to seeke to the gouernours women and concubines, whom he got for money to intreate him, and so made fayre weather againe with the gouernour. But from thenceforth, he tooke D better garde of him selfe in all his doings, greatly fearing the enuy of the Barbarous people. For he progressed not vp and downe ASIA, as Theopompus writeth, but laye a long time in the cittie of MAGNESIA, quietly enjoying the Kings gratious giftes bestowed on him: where he was honoured & reuerenced for one of the greatest persones of PERSIA, whilest the King was els where occupied in the affayres of the highe prouinces of ASIA, and had no leysure to thincke vpon those of GRECE. But when newes was brought him, that AEGYPT was rebelled, by meanes of the fauour & assistance of the ATHENIANS, & that the GRECIANS gallyes dyd scowre the seas euen vnto the Ile of CYPRVS, & vnto the coastes of CILICIA, & that Cimon had all the sea in subiection: that made him then to bende all his thoughts howe to resist the GRECIANS, that their greatnes might not turne to his hurte. Then commissions went out E to leauy men, to assemble captaines, & to dispatche postes vnto Themistocles at MAGNESIA,Themistocles loue to his country. with the Kings letters, straightly charging him to haue an eye to the GRECIANS doings, and moreouer that he should faithfully keepe his promise he had made to him. But he, to shewe that he neither maliced his citizens, nor was moued with the desire of greatnes and autho­ritie he might haue growen vnto in those warres, or els for that he thought the Kings ex­pectation would proue to a greater matter, then he could ende or wade through, conside­ring GRECE was full at that time of famous captaines, and that Cimon amongest the rest had maruelous good fortune, and that it should be a reproche to him to stayne the glorie of so many noble actes, so many triumphes, and so great victories as Cimon had done and wonne: he tooke a wise resolution with him self, to make suche an ende of his life, as the F same thereof deserued.The manner of Themisto­cles death. For he made a solemne sacrifice vnto the goddes, and feasted at the same all his friends. And, after he had taken his leaue of them all, he drancke bulles bloude, [Page 141] A as most men thincke (or as other saye) poyson, which dispatcheth a man in foure and twenty howers, and so ended his dayes in the cittie of MAGNESIA, after he had liued threescore and fiue yeres, and the most parte of them allwayes in office, and great charge. It is written, that the king of PERSIA vnderstanding the cause and manner of his deathe, dyd more esteeme him afterwards, then he dyd before, and that euer after he continued to vse his friends and fa­milliars in very good sorte. For he left children behinde him, which he had of Archippa (Ly­sanders daughter) of the towne of ALOPECIA:Themistocles children. Archeptolis, Polyeuctus, and Cleophantus, of whom Plato the philosopher maketh mētion, saying that he was a good man at armes, but o­therwise that there was no goodnes in him. His other sonnes that were elder, as Neocles, dyed being bitten with a horse: and as for Diocles another sonne, his grandfather Lysander dyd a­dopt B him for his sonne. He had many daughters, of the which Mnesiptolema (which he had by a seconde wife) was maried vnto her halfe brother Archeptolis, for they were not both of one venter. An other called Italia, was maried vnto one Panthides of CHIO. Sy­baris, vnto Nicomedes an ATHENIAN. And Nicomacha, vnto Pharsicles, Themistocles ne­phue:Themistocles tumbe and relickes. vnto whom her brethern dyd mary her within the cittie of MAGNESIA, after the death of their father. This Pharsicles dyd bring vp ASIA, which was the youngest of all his daughters. Furthermore, his sumptuous tumbe standeth yet in the market place of MAGNESIA. But that Andocides writeth of his bones, in a booke he made to his friendes, is not to be credited, which was: that the ATHENIANS hauing founde the ashes of his bones, dyd cast them vp into the ayer, as a deuise to sturre vp the noble men against the people. And C Phylarchus in his historie (much like vnto the fayned subtilties of a tragedie) bringeth in I can not tell what Neocles, and Demopolis, for Themistocles sonnes, to moue the readers with com­passion. Howbeit no man is so simple, but will iudge it straight a very fayning and deuise. Dio­dorus the cosmographer also, in a booke he hath written of tumbes and monuments sayeth by coniecture, rather then of any certen knowledge: that alongest the hauen of PIROEA, coming towardes the head of Alcimus, there is a forelande in forme of an elbowe, within the which when they haue doubled the pointe, the sea is allwayes calme, and there they finde a great and long foundation or base, vpon the which there is as it were the forme of an altar, and that is (sayeth he) Themistocles tumbe. And he supposeth that Plato the comicall poet doth witnesse it in these verses.

And furthermore, those of MAGNESIA dyd institute certen honours vnto the issue of The­mistocles, Honour done to Themisto­cles after his death. which continew yet vnto this daye. And in my time, another Themistocles also of A­THENS dyd enjoy the same honours, with whom I was familliarly conuersante in the house of Ammonius the philosopher.

THE LIFE OF Furius Camillus.

AMONGEST many great matters which are spoken of this Fu­rius A Camillus, this seemeth most straunge and wonderfull aboue the rest. That he hauing borne the chiefest offices of charge in his coun­trie, and hauing done many notable and worthy deedes in the same: as one that was chosen fiue times Dictator, and had triumphed foure times, and had wonne him selfe the name & title of the seconde foun­der of ROME, and yet neuer came to be Consul. But the only cause thereof was, that the common weale of ROME stoode then in such state and sorte. The people were then at dissention with the Senate. They would chuse no more Consuls,VVhy Camil­lus neuer came to be Consul. but other kynde of gouernours whom they called Tri­buni militares: these dyd all things with like power & authoritie as the Consuls,The authori­tie of a fewe, odious to the common peo­ple. yet were they B nothing so odious vnto the people, by reason of the number that was of them. For it was some hope to them that could ill beare the rule of the small number of nobilitie, that the gouern­ment of the state being put into sixe, and not into two officers hands, their rule would be the easier, and tollerabler. Nowe Camillus being at that time in his best credit and authoritie, and in the prime and glorie of his doings, dyd not desire to be made Consul without the good­will of the people, although whilest he was in authoritie, there were many times Consuls created. But to all other offices and dignities, he was called, and chosen. He behaued him selfe in such sorte, that when he was alone, he made his authoritie comon to other: and when he had companions & associates, the glorie of all redounded to him self alone. The cause where­of, was his modestie on the one side, for he commaunded euer without enuie:Camillus wisedome and modestie. and his great C wisedome and sufficiencie on the other side, for the which all others willingly gaue him place, and yelded to him. The house of the Furians being at that time of no great fame, he was the first that beganne to set him self forwards. For in a great battell which was fought against the AEques and Volsces, he being but a priuate man at armes vnder the Dictator Posthumius Tu­bertus, was the first that riding out of the army, aduaunced him selfe, and gaue the charge. And being ronne into the thighe at that time with a staffe broken vpon his thighe,Camillus hearte. he plucked the trunchen out, and retired not for all that: but geuing chardge againe vpon the stowest of the enemies, he fought it out so valliantly to the encoraging of other, that he was the chief cause they turned their backes. Whereupon, to requite his seruice done at that time (besides other [Page 143] A honours they dyd him) they made him Censor: an office at that time of great preheminence & dignitie. In his office of Censorshippe,Camillus acts in his Censor­shippe. he dyd two notable acts. The one very honest: when he brought men that were not maried, to marie the women whom the warres had left widows, which were in nūber many. To this he got them partly be persuasion, & partly by threatnings, to set roūd fines vpō their heads that refused. The other very necessary: in that he brought the orphanes to be cōtributories, vnto taxes, & subsidies, which before payed nothing. The cause thereof was, the continuall warres, about the which the common weale susteined great char­ges: but specially about the siege of the citie of the VEIANS (which some call VENETANIANS)The cittie of Veies besie­ged. that was a very sore burden to thē at that time. For it was the capitall cittie of all THVSCAN, the which for store of armour, & nūber of souldiers, was nothing inferiour vnto the cittie of ROME. B For the VEIANS being growē to stomake & corage in time, by reason of their wealth & pros­peritie, & for the sundry great battells they had fought against the ROMAINES, that contēded with them for glory and empire: now it fell so out, that they finding them selues weakened by many great ouerthrowes, which they had receyued of the ROMAINES, they did let fall their former peacokes brauery, & ambition, to byd them battell any more in the fielde. Howbeit the inhabitants of the cittie of VEIES hauing raised the walles, & made very great high rāpers, be­ganne to fortifie them selues, & made good prouision for armour & munition, besides store of corne, shotte, & other necessary things: they valliantly, & without feare of any thing, defended the siege of the ROMAINES, that cōtinued long time, & was no lesse hard & painefull vnto thē that did besiege, then it was vnto those that were besieged. For where the ROMAINES were wōt C before time to keepe their houses in the winter season, and the field ony in the sommer time: that was the first time they were compelled by the captaines and Tribuni militares, to buylde fortes, and to intrenche their campe with a wall, euen in their enemies countrie, and to winter abroade as they were wont to lye in the campe in sommer. Nowe this siege had continued se­uen whole yeres together.The siege cō ­tinued seuen yeres toge­ther. The captaines were burdened that they dyd not their dueties; nor stoode manfully to their charge: whereupon in the end they were discharged, and other cap­taines placed in their roomes to followe the siege. Among those, Camillus was one, whom then the seconde time they created Tribunus militaris. Camillus twise chosen Tribune of the souldiers. Who notwithstanding dyd nothing then in that siege, bicause it was his happe by lot, to make warres vpon the PHALERIANS, and the CAPENATES. These people whilest the ROMAINES were occupied other where, had D inuaded their countrie, and done them great harme, during the time of their warre with the THVSCANS. But Camillus hauing ouerthrowen a great number of them in the fielde, had the rest in chase, and draue them to take their cittie, and dyd shut them vp within their owne walles. The chaunce that happened at the lake of ALBANVS,The wonder­full ouerflow­ing of the lake Albanus. about the time the THVSCAN warres were greatest, dyd maruelously amate the ROMAINES, being no lesse wounderfull, then the most straunge and vncrediblest thing that could be tolde by man. For they could not finde out the cause of it by common reason, nor any naturall grounde: considering it was in the la­ter end of Autumne, and sommer was ended, and that there had not bene much rayne, nor no­table sowthewinds. And although there are many lakes, many brooks & riuers, many springs, and other waters in ITALIE: yet some of them dried vp altogether, other ranne but faintely E by reason of the drought, and all the riuers then were (as they are wont to be commonly in sommer) very lowe, and there was scante any water. But the lake ALBANVS contrariwise, that cometh from no other place, neither runneth any whether out of him selfe, being enuiron­ned all about with hilles and mountaines, and where the earthe is good: beganne to swell, and rise to euery mans sight, wihtout any cause at all (but secret and hidden vnto the goddes alone) and went allwayes increasing alongest those hilles sides, vntill suche time as it came to be euen with the height of the highest mountaine, gathering vpwardes still without any waues or tempest of weather at all. This at the first, made poore shepeheardes and heardemen, keeping their catell thereaboutes, maruelously affrayed. But at the lengthe when the earthe and weight of one of the hilles (which kepte in the lake as a walle, F from running ouer into the felde) beganne to breake by reason of the waight, and great quantitie of water, that ranne straight with a maruelous extreme force and violence ouer all the arrable landes and groundes planted with the trees, and so tooke his course into the [Page 144] sea: the ROMAINES then not alone, but the whole inhabitants of ITALY were wounderfully A affrayed, and iudged that it was some signe and prognostication of some wounderfull thing to come. And there was no other newes currante in the campe, which laye at siege of the cittie of VEIES: insomuch as the very brute of it flewe ouer the walles of the cittie, vnto them that were besieged. And as it happeneth very ofte in long sieges, that those which lye in campe doe oftentimes talke with them that are besieged: there was a ROMAINE who fell acquainted, and commonly vsed to talke familiarly with one of the cittie, who could tell of many olde & straunge things done and happened, and was very skillfull aboue any other in the cittie, in the arte of diuination, or soothe saying. The ROMAINE then tolde him one daye the violent brea­king out of the lake ALBANVS, and perceyuing that the other after he had heard him, was as mery as a pye at the matter, and that he gibed at their siege: he tolde him further, that his B wounderfull chaunce was not only happened vnto the ROMAINES at that time,The crafte of a Romaine. but that they had bene acquainted with many other farre more straunge then this, which he would very willingly open vnto him, to see if there were any remedy, that though the affaires of the com­mon weale had but harde successe, yet he would procure that his owne priuate matters might prosper well with him. The VEIAN aunswered him, he would heare them with a goodwill, & gaue good eare vnto him, hoping to haue heard some great secret. So the ROMAINE training him on still from one matter to another, holding on his waye, vntill he sawe he was a good distance of from the gates of the cittie, he sodainely cought holde on him, and by strong hand caried him awaye with him, and with helpe of other souldiers which came ronning out of the campe vnto him, he brought him to the captaines. The VEIAN seeing him self thus forciblie C vsed, and knowing also that fatall desteny cannot be auoyded, beganne to declare vnto the RO­MAINES, the auncient oracles and prophecies touching the fortune of their cittie: by which it was reported vnto them, that the cittie of VEIES should neuer be taken, vntill the enemie had caused the water of the lake ALBANVS (which should breake out) to be brought backe againe, and to turne it some other waye from thence, that it should not fall into the sea. This was caried vnto the Senate at ROME, to be consulted of in counsail: and there it was determi­ned they should send to the oracle of Apollo, at the cittie of DELPHES, and aske him what they should doe therein. So thither were sent great and notable men, Cossus Licinius, Valerius, Poli­tus, and Fabius Ambustus: who hauing ended their iorney by sea, and receyued aunswer of that they demaunded, returned home againe, and amongest other oracles they brought one D that sayed thus.An oracle brought from Delphes. That through negligence they had omitted some auncient ceremonies in the holy dayes of the Latines. And another willed them, that they should by all possible meanes they could, keepe the water of the lake ALBANVS that it fell not into the sea, and should (if it were possible) bring it backe againe into his old place: if not, that yet they should cut as many trenches and ditches as might be, that it might be droncke vp in the middest of the fields. When these oracles were vnderstanded, the priests prepared all things for diuine seruice, and the people went about the water of the lake to turne it againe. After these things were done, the Senate in the tenth yere of the warres against the VEIANS, put of all those which dyd beare office, and created Camillus Dictator, Camillus cho­sen Dictator. who named for generall of the horse men, Cor­nelius Scipio. And before he went in hande with any thing, he made a vowe vnto the goddes,E that if it pleased them to graunte a happy ende of these warres, in honour of them he would celebrate great playes, and buyld a temple vnto the goddesse which the ROMAINES call Ma­tuta:Matuta. which seemeth to be her whom we call Leucothea, Leucothea. considering the ceremonies done in these sacrifices. For they cause a chamber mayde to enter into her temple, & there they boxe her about the eares. Then they put her out of the temple, and doe embrace their brothers children rather then their owne. They make many other ceremonies, and they are much like vnto those that are done vnto Bacchus nurces, and to the misfortunes that chaunced vnto Ino, by reason of her husbands concubine. After all these vowes and prayers made, he entred with his army into the FALISSIANS territories, whom he ouerthrewe in a great battell, toge­ther with the CAPENATES also, which came to ayde them. From thence he went to the siege F of the cittie of VEIES, where perceyuing to take it by assaulte, was not to be wonne without great daunger: he beganne to vndermine it (finding the earth all about very minable) and with [Page 145] A all so deepe, that the enemies could perceyue nothing. Nowe when his mining fell our accor­ding to his good hope, he gaue and assaulte to the walles in all places alike about the cittie at one instante, to bring out all the inhabitants of the cittie to man the walles. Whilest they were all thus vpon the walles to make defence: Camillus souldiers entred secretly through the mines within the castell, harde by the temple of Iuno: which was the chiefe Churche of all the cittie,The cittie of Veies taken by mining. and whereunto the cittizens had most deuotion. They saye that euen at that present time the generall of the THVSCANS dyd sacrifice vnto the goddes, & that his soothesayer hauing con­sidered the intrells of the beastes offered vp in sacrifice, cried out alowde, that the goddes gaue the victorie vnto him, which should happen to come vpon them in this sacrifice. The RO­MAINES which were within the mine hearing this, brake the earth incontinently, and leaped B out, crying, and making noyse with their weapons: wherewith the enemies were so astonied, that they fled vpon it, and so the ROMAINES tooke the intrells, and caried them vnto Camillus. And these be euen much like the Poets tales and fables. Howbeit Camillus hauing by this meanes taken the cittie, and seeing from the toppe of the castell the infinite goodes & riches within the cittie, which the souldiers spoyled & made hauoke of, he wept for very pittie. And when those that were about him tolde him he was a happy man: he lift vp his handes vnto heauen, and made this prayer.Camillus prayer when Veies was ta­ken. O mightie go Iupiter, and you ô goddes, which see and iudge mens good and ill worckes: you knowe right well, that we haue not willingly (without wrong and cause offered vs) begonne this warre, but iustly, and by compulsion, to be reuenged of a cittie our enemie, which hath done vs great iniuries. But if to conteruayle this our great good C prosperitie, and victorie, some bitter aduersitie and ouerthrowe be predestined vnto vs: I be­seeche you then (most mercifull goddes) in sparing our cittie of ROME, and this her army, you will (with as litle hurte as maybe be) let it all fall and light vpon my persone alone. And as he had spoken these wordes, and was turning on his right hande (according to the manner of the ROMAINES after they haue prayed vnto the goddes) he fell downe flat before them all. The standers by taking this fall for an ill token, were somwhat troubled with the matter: but after he got vp on his feete againe, he tolde them that the thing he requested of the goddes was happened vnto him. And that was, a litle hurte, in exchaunge of a great good fortune. So the whole cittie being spoyled and rifled, he was also desirous to carie Iunos image to ROME, to accomplishe the vowe he had made. And hauing sent for worckemen for this purpose, he dyd D sacrifice first vnto the goddesse, beseching her to accept well of the ROMAINES good will, & that she would willingly vowchesafe to come and dwell with the other goddes, who had the protection of the cittie of ROME. Some saye, that the image aunswered, she was contented. But Liuius writeth that Camillus made this prayer, as he touched the image, and that the assi­stants aunswered she was contented, and would goe with a goodwill. Yet they which doe af­firme, it was the image selfe that spake, doe fauour this miracle, grounding their proofe vpon the opinion of the fortune of ROME: the which, from so base and meane beginning had im­possibly attained vnto so highe glorie and power as it had, without the singular fauour of the goddes, and that hath manifestly appeared vnto the world, by sundry great proofes and exam­ples. They bring forth also such other like wonders. As,Fayned won­ders of ima­ges. that images haue heretofore let fall E droppes of swet from them: that they haue bene heard to sighe: that they haue turned: and that they haue made certen signes with their eyes, as we finde written in many auncient sto­ries. And we could our selues also tell such like wonders, which we haue heard men of our time affirme, which are not vncredible, nor lightly to be condemned. But for such matters,Plutarches iudgement of miracles. it is as daungerous to geue to much credit to them, as also to discredit them to much, by rea­son of the weaknes of mans nature, which hath no certen boundes, nor can rule it self, but ron­neth somtimes after vanitie and superstition, and otherwhile also dispiseth and contemneth holy and diuine matters: and therefore the meane is the vertue, & not to goe to farre in this, as in all other things besides, it is the best. Nowe Camillus, whether his late enterprise perfor­med, in winning a cittie that stoode out with ROME, & helde siege with them tenne yeres to­gether, F had put him into an ouerwening or conceipt of him selfe: or that the wordes of the people, which dyd blesse and prayse him, had made him looke highe, and presume vpon him selfe, more then became the modestie of a ciuill magistrate, and gouernour of the common [Page 146] weale, & one that was subiect to the lawe: he shewed a stately triumphe, set forth with all riche A furniture,Camillus sta­tely triumphe of the Veians. & specially for that him self was caried through ROME vpon his triumphant charret drawen with foure fayer white coursers. This, neuer captaine nor generall before him durst vndertake to doe, neither any euer after him attēpted it: for they thinke it is a sacred cariage, and only mete for the King, and father of the goddes. This bred him much enuy amongest the citizēs, which had not bene acquainted with so great statelynes. There was another occasion also that made them mislike him much: which was, bicause he stood against the lawe put forth that they should deuide the cittie of ROME. For the Tribunes of the people dyd set out an E­dict, that the Senate & people of ROME should be deuided into two partes: and that those on whom the lotte should fall, should abide still in ROME, and the other should goe dwell in the newe wonne cittie of VEIES.A lawe for the people of Rome to dwell as Veies. These were the reasons to persuade this: that both the one and B the other sorte should be richer then they were before, & should more easely keepe their lands and goodes from the inuasion of their enemies, by meanes of these two great citties. The peo­ple which were multiplied nowe into great numbers, & had serued duetifully & daūgerously, thought it the best waye in the worlde: Therefore they still cried out, and thronged with great tumulte, about their pulpit for orations, praying that this lawe might be put vnto the voyces of the people. But the whole Senate, and wisest citizens among them, iudging this motion of the Tribunes would be the destruction, and not the diuision of the cittie of ROME: could in no wise abide it should goe any further. Whereupon they went & prayed Camillus helpe: who fea­ring to bring it to the pointe, whether the lawe should passe or no, dyd allwayes seeke new oc­casions and letts, still to delaye & put of the matter, & staye the confirmation of this lawe. For C these causes, he was hated of the common people But the originall & apparant cause of the peoples ill will towards him, was for taking from them the tenth parte of their spoyles: and it was not altogether without some reason, and to saye truely the people dyd him much wrong to beare him such malice for that.The chiefest cause of the peoples malice against Ca­millus. For before he went to the cittie of VEIES, he made a solēne vowe to offer the tenth parte vnto the goddes, of the spoyles of the cittie, if he wāne the same. But when it was taken and sacked, whether it was that he was lotheto trouble the cittizens, or hauing a worlde of busines in his head, that he easely forgate his vowe: he suffered the soul­diers to deuide the spoyle amongest them, & to take the benefit to them selues. Shortely after he was discharged of his charge, he dyd enforme the Senate of his vowe. Furthermore, the soothesayers made reporte at that very time, howe they know by certaine signes and tokens of D their sacrifices, that the goddes were offended for somwhat, and howe they must of necessitie be pacified againe. Whereupon the Senate presently made an order, where it was vnpossible euery man should bring in againe the selfe same things he had gotten, to make a new diui­sion of euery mans share: that euery one therefore vpon his othe should present the tenthe parte of his gaynes he had gotten by that bootie. There was great trouble about it. They were driuen to vse great extremitie to the poore souldiers (which had traueled sore, and taken great paynes in the warres) to make them to restore backe such a coloppe out of their gaine, and the rather bicause many of them had already spent it euery penney: and for this trouble, they all cried out with open mouth against Camillus. But he being set vp, and not knowing other­wise howe to excuse him selfe, was forced to bring forth as cold and as vnreasonable an ex­cuse E as he could make, which was: forsoothe he had forgotten his vowe he had made. The people notwithstanding were eger still against him, saying: howe he had vowed then to offer the tenth parte of the enemies goodes to the goddes, and that nowe he would performe it with the tenthes of the citizens goodes. Neuertheles, euery man hauing brought that he should for his parte: it was thought good they should cause a massie cuppe of golde to be made, to send to the temple of Apollo at DELPHES.A cuppe of golde sent to Delphes. And small store of golde being in the cittie of ROME,The ladyes of Rome giue their iuells towards the making of it. as the officers of the cittie were serching vp and downe to get it: the wo­men of ROME of their owne voluntary willes without motion, agreed among themselues, that they would departe with all the iuells they had, towardes the making vp of this offering, which came to the weight of eight talents. In recompence whereof, to honour them withall:F the Senate ordeined that they should be praysed openly with funerall orations at their bu­riall,VVhat time womens pray­ses beganne at funeralle in Rome. as they dyd vse at honorable and noble mens obsequies. For before that lawe, it was not [Page 147] A the manner to prayse women openly at their funeralles. Nowe there were appointed three of the noblest men of the cittie to goe to carie this offering, & they sent them out in a galley well manned, stored also with good mariners, & trimly set forth in all triumphing manner: howbeit both in storme, & calme weather, they were in daunger of their liues. For after that they had scaped drowning very narrowly by tempest, when the winde was downe againe, they fell into another daunger, which they escaped also beyond all hope. For harde by the Iles of AEOLVS, the gallyes of the LIPARIANS fell vpon them, as if they had bene rouers. But when the LIPA­RIANS sawe they made no resistance, & intreated them, holding vp their hands: they gaue no further charge vpon them, but only fastened their gallye vnto theirs. So when they had haled them to the shore, they declared they were pirates, & offered to make porte fale of the men & B goodes, as if they had bene a lawfull prise: & had solde them in deede, had not the wisedome & authoritie of Timesitheus letted them, who was gouernour at that time of the cittie, and had great a doe to persuade them to let them goe. And he dyd not so leaue them, but sent out cer­taine of his owne shippes to accompanie them in their iorney, who dyd helpe them to goe and performe their offering. For which curtesie of his, the ROMAINES afterwardes dyd him great honour at ROME, according to his well deseruing. The Tribunes of the people be­ganne nowe to set a foote againe the lawe for the deuiding of the inhabitans of ROME vnto the cittie of VEIES. But the warres of the FALISCES fell out happely at that time, wherby the noble men dyd choose such officers as they would. So they chose Camillus, Tribunus mili­taris of the souldiers,Camillus cho­sen Tribune of the soul­diers. and fiue other to assiste him, the seruice in that case requiring a generall, C that caried both authoritie & reputation among them, as an olde experienced souldier in the warres. When the people had confirmed the election, Camillus immediatly entred the territo­ries of the FALISCES with the ROMAINES armie, where he layed siege vnto the cittie of the FALERIANS; being very well fortified, vitteled and stored, with all other munition of warre.Camillus be­siegeth the Falerians. Knowing therefore that it was no small attempt to winne this cittie, and that it would not be done in a shorte time: he pollitikely sought (whatsoeuer came of it) to keepe his coūtrimē oc­cupied about some thing, & to staye them for going home, least by repayring to ROME, they should haue many occasions to rebell, & raise some ciuill dissention. For the ROMAINES dyd wisely vse this remedie: to disperse abroade like good phisicians, the humours which troubled the quiet state of their cōmon weale at home. But the FALERIANS trusting in the situation of D their cittie, which was very strong in all partes, made so litle accompt of the siege: that those which kept not watche vpon the walles, walked vp and downe in their gownes in the cittie, without any weapon about them, and their children went to schoole, the schoolemaster al­so would commonly leade them abroade out of the cittie a walking, to playe and passe the time by the towne walles. For the whole cittie had one common schoolemaster, as the GRE­CIANS also haue, which doe bring vp their children from litle ones in company together, bi­cause one maye be familiarly acquainted with an other. This schoolemaster spying his time to doe the FALERIANS a shrewd turne, dyd accustomably take all his scholers out of the cittie with him, to playe, not farre from the walles at the beginning, & afterwards brought them into the cittie againe, after they had played their fill. Now after he had led them abroade thus once E or twise, he trayned them out euery daye a litle further, to make them to be bolde, persuading them there was no daunger.Camillus wor­thie acte to the schoole­master, be­traying the Faleriās chil­dren. But at the length, one daye hauing gotten all the cittizēs children with him, he led them within the watche of the ROMAINES campe, & there deliuered all his scholers into their handes, & prayed them they would bring him vnto their generall. So they did. And when he came before Camillus, he begāne to tell him that he was schoolemaster vnto all these children, neuertheles that he dyd more esteeme to haue his grace and fauour, then re­garde his office he had by this name & title. Camillus hearing what he sayed,A noble say­ing of Camil­lus, and wise precept for warres. & beholding his threacherous parte, he sayed to those that were about him. Warre of it selfe surely is an euill thing, for in warres many iniuries & mischieues are done: neuertheles amōg good men there is a law & discipline, which doth forbid thē to seeke victorie by wicked & traiterous meanes, & F that a noble & worthie generall should make warre, & procure victorie, by trusting to his own valliantnes, & not by anothers vilenes & villanie.Valiantnes to be preferred before vila­nie. Therefore he commaunded his sergeants to teare the clothes of the backe of this vile schoolemaster, & to binde his hands behinde him: & [Page 148] that they should geue the children roddes & whippes in their handes, to whippe the traitour A backe againe into the cittie, that had thus betrayed them, & grieued their parents. Now when the FALERIANS heard newes that the schoolemaster had thus betrayed them, all the cittie fell a weeping (as euery man maye thinke for so great a losse) and men & women ranne together one in anothers necke, to the town walles, & gates of the cittie, like people out of their wittes, they were so troubled. When they came thither, they saw their childrē bringing their schoole, master backe againe, starcke naked and bownde, whipping of him, & calling Camillus their fa­ther, their god, and their sauiour: so that not only the fathers and mothers of the children, but all other the cittizens also in generall, dyd conceyue in them selues a wonderfull admiration and great loue, of the wisedome, goodnes, and iustice of Camillus. So that euen presently they called a counsaill,The Falisciäs by their am­bassadours doe yelde thē selues and goodes vnto Camillus. and there it was concluded they should send ambassadours forthwith vnto B him, to put their liues and goodes to his mercy and fauour. Camillus sent their ambassadours vnto ROME, where audience being geuen vnto them by the Senate, the ambassadours sayed. Bicause the ROMAINES preferred iustice aboue victorie, they taught them to be better con­tented to submit them selues vnto them, then to be their own men at libertie: confessing their vertue dyd more ouercome them, then any force or power could doe. The Senate dispatched letters vnto Camillus, The message of the ambas­sadours of the Falisciās vn­to the Romai­nes. giuing him commission to doe and determine as he thought good. So he hauing taken a certen summe of money of the FALERIANS, dyd furthermore make peace and league with all the rest of the FALISCES: and thereupon returned backe againe to ROME. But the souldiers grudged maruelously at it.Camillus tooke a summe of money of the Falerians, and made peace with all the rest of the Falisces. For they stoode in hope to haue had the sacking of the cittie. When there was no remedie, but they must needes returne home emptie handed,C they beganne to accuse Camillus to the rest of the cittizens, as sone as they came to ROME, say­ing: he loued not the common people, and howe for spite he disapointed their army of the spoyle. On the other side, the Tribunes of the people beganne to reuiue the lawe, for the de­uiding of the inhabitants of ROME, and were ready to passe it by the voyces of the people. Ca­millus not fearing the ill will of the commons, dyd boldely speake, and doe in open presence, all he could against it. So that plainely he was the chiefest cause, that the people against their willes (intreate what they could) were driuen to let it alone. But withall they were so spitefull against him, that notwithstanding his sorowe and misfortune for the death of his sonne (dying of a sickenes) was great: they would not of malice once take pittie or compassion of him. The losse whereof (albeit he was of a very good & curteous nature) was so grieuous, and made him D so vnquiet: that being accused before the people, he sturred not once out of his house, but was locked vp with the women, which lamented for his sonne departed. He that dyd accuse him, was one Lucius Apuleius, Lucius Apu­leius accused Camillus. burdening him that he had stolen and taken awaye, parte of the spoyle of the THVSCANS: and sayed, they had seene certen brasen gates at his house, which had bene brought out of THVSCAN. Nowe the people were so maliciously bent against him, that euery man might see, if they could once take him in a trippe, vpon any aduantage what­soeuer, they would douteles haue condemned him. Wherefore calling together his friendes and souldiers that had serued vnder him in the warres, or that had taken charge with him, which were many in number: he earnestly besought them, that they would not suffer him thus vilely to be condemned, through false and vniust accusations layed against him,The equitie of the Romai­nes who would not peruers the Lawe though they dearely loued Camillus: but willingly offe­red to paye his fine. nor to be so E scorned and defamed by his enemies. His friends hauing layed their heades together, and con­sulted thereupon, made him aunswer: howe for his iudgment they could not remedy it, but if he were condemned, they would all ioyne together with a very goodwill, to helpe to paye his fine. But he being of minde not to beare such an open shame and ignominie, determined in choller to leaue the cittie, and to exile him selfe from it. And after he had taken his leaue of his wife & children, bidding them farewell: he went out of his house to the gates of the cittie, & sayed neuer a word. When he came thither, he stayed sodainely, & returning backe againe, he lift vp his hands towards the Capitoll,Camillus prayer before his departure one of Rome. Camillus exi­leth him selfe from Rome. and made his prayers vnto the godds: that if it were of very spight and malice, and not of iust deseruing, that the common people compelled him thus shamefully to forsake the cittie, that the ROMAINES might quickely repente them, and F in the face of the worlde might wishe for him, and haue nede of him. After he had made these prayers against the cittizens (as Achilles dyd against the GRECIANS) he went his way, & was [Page 149] A condemned for his contempte, in the summe of fifteene thousand Asses of the ROMAINE coyne, which make of Greekishe money, a thousand fiue hundred Drachmas of siluer: for an As was a litle pece of money, wherof tenne of them made a ROMAINE penney. Howbeit there was not a ROMAINE of any vnderstāding, but beleeued certenly that some great punishment would followe them incontinently, and that the wrong & iniurie they had done him would be quickely requited, with some most sharpe and terrible reuenge, not only vnpleasaunt to thinke vpon, but further most notable to be spoken of through the world. There fell out so sodainely vpon it, such mischief toward the cittie of ROME, and the present time also brought forth such occasion of daunger and destruction thereof, to their shame & infamie: that it was vncertaine whether it happened by chaunce, or els it was the handie worcke of some god; that would not B suffer vertue recompēced with ingratitude,Tokens of the warres of the Gaules. to passe vnreuenged. Their first token that threat­ned some great mischief to light vpon them, was the death of Iulius, one of the Censors for the ROMAINES doe greately reuerēce the office of a Censor, and esteeme it as a sacred place. The seconde token that happened a litle before Camillus exile, was: that one Marcus Caeditius, a man but of meane qualitie, and none of the Senatours (but otherwise a fayer conditioned honest man, and of good conscience) tolde the Tribuni militares of a thing that was to be well considered of. For he sayed that the night before, as he was going on his waye in the newe streete, he heard one call him alowde: and returning backe to see what it was, he sawe no li­uing creature, but only heard a voyce bigger then a mans, which sayed vnto him. Marcus Caeditius, goe thy waye to morrowe morning to the Tribuni militares, and byd them looke C quickely for the GAVLES. The Tribunes were mery at the matter, and made but a ieast at his warning, and straight after followed the condemnation of Camillus. Nowe as touching the GAVLES.The originall beginning of the Gaules. They came (as they saye) of the CELTAE, whose country not being able to main­teine the multitudes of them, they were driuen to goe seeke other countryes to inhabite in; and there were amongest them many thousands of young men of seruice and good souldiers, but yet more women and litle children by a great number. Of these people, some of them went towards the north sea, passing the mountaines RIPHEI, and dyd dwell in the extreme partes of EVROPE. Other of them remained betwene the mountaines PIRENEI, and the grea­test mountaines of the ALPES, neere vnto the SENONES, and the CELTOR [...]. There they continued a long time, vntill they fortuned in the ende to taste of the wine, which was first D brought out of ITALIE vnto them. Which drinke they found so good, and were so delited with it, that sodainely they armed themselues: and taking their wiues and children with them, they went directly towards the ALPES, to goe seeke out the country that brought forth such fruite, iudging all other countries in respect of that, to be but wilde and barren. It is sayed, that the first man which brought wine vnto them, and that dyd procure them to passe into ITA­LIE, was a noble man of THVSCAN called Arron, Arrō a Thus­can the pro­curer of the Gaules com­ming into I­talie. and otherwise of no ill disposed nature: how­beit he was subiect to this misfortune following. He was tutor vnto an orphan childe, the ri­chest that was at that time in all the countrie of THVSCAN, and of complexion was wonder­full fayer: he was called Lucumo. This orphan was brought vp in Arrons house of a childe, and though he was growen to mans state, yet he would not goe from him, fayning he was so well, E and to his liking. But in deede the cause was, that he loued his maistres (Arrons wife) whom secretly he had enioyed a long time, and she him, that made him like his continuance there. Howbeit in the ende, loue hauing so possessed them both, that neither parte could withdrawe from other, much lesse culler that they had long enioyed: the young man stole her away from him, and kept her still by force. Arron put him in sute, but he preuayled not: for Lucumo ouer­weyed him with friends, money, giftes, and charges. But he tooke it so greuously, that he left his country: and hauing heard talke of the GAVLES,Lacke of iu­stice, the cause of the destru­ction & con­quest of Thu­scan by the Gaules. he went vnto them, and was their guide to bring them into ITALIE.The power of the Thuscans in olde time. So they conquered at their first coming all that country which the THVSCANS helde in olde time, beginning at the foote of the mountaines, and stretched out in length from one sea vnto the other which enuironneth ITALIE, as the names them F selues doe witnesse. For they call yet that sea which looketh vnto the northe, the Adriatick sea: by reason of a cittie built sometime by the THVSCANS, which was called Adria. The o­ther, which lieth directly ouer against the South, is called the THVSCAN sea. All that countrie [Page 150] is well planted with trees, & hath goodly pleasaunt pastures for beastes and cattell to feede in,A & is notably watered with goodly ronning riuers. There was also at that time eighteene fayer great citties in that country, all of them very strong and well seated, aswell for to enriche the inhabitants thereof by traffike, as to make them to liue delicately for pleasure. All these citties the GAVLES had wonne, and had expulsed the THVSCANS, but this was done long time be­fore. Now the GAVLES being further entred into THVSCAN, dyd besiege the cittie of CLV­SIVM.Clusium a cit­tie of Thuscā besieged by the Gaules. Thereupon the CLVSIANS seeking ayde of the ROMAINES, besought them they would send letters and ambassadours vnto these barbarous people in their fauour. They sent vnto them three of the best and most honorable persones of the cittie, all three of the house of the Fabians. The GAVLES receyued them very curteously, bicause of the name of ROME: and leauing to assaulte the cittie, they gaue them audience. The ROMAINE ambassadours dyd B aske them, what iniurie the CLVSIANS had done vnto them, that they came to make warres with them. Brennus king of the GAVLES,Brennus king of the Gaules. hearing this question, smiled, and aunswered them thus. The CLVSIANS doe vs wrong in this: they being but fewe people together, & not able to occupie much lande, doe notwithstanding possesse much, and will let vs haue no parte with them, that are straungers, and out of our country, and stande in neede of seate and habitation. The like wrong was offered vnto you ROMAINES in old time, by those of ALBA, by the FIDE­NATES, and the ARDEATES: and not long sithence, by the VEIANS, & the CAPENATES: and partly by the FALISCES and the VOLSCES: against whom ye haue taken, & doe take armes, at all times. And as ofte as they will let ye haue no parte of their goods, ye imprison their per­sones, robbe and spoyle their goodes, and distroye their citties. And in doing this, ye doe them C no wrong at all, but followe the oldest lawe that is in the worlde, which euer leaueth vnto the stronger, that which the weaker can not keepe and enioye. Beginning with the goddes, & en­ding with beastes: the which haue this propertie in nature, that the bigger and stronger haue euer the vauntage of the weaker and lesser. Therefore, leaue your pittie to see the CLVSIANS besieged, least you teache vs GAVLES to take compassion also of those you haue oppressed. By this aunswer the ROMAINES knewe very wel, there was no waye to make peace with king Brennus. Wherefore they entred into the cittie of CLVSIVM, and incoraged the inhabitants to salye out with them vpon these barbarous people: either bicause they had a desire to proue the valliantnes of the GAVLES, or els to shewe their owne corage and manhoode. So the cit­tizens went out, and skirmished with them harde by the walles: in the which one of the Fa­bians, D called Quintus Fabius Ambustus, Fabius Am­bustus a Ro­maine, brea­keth the com­mon laze of all nations. being excellently well horsed, and putting spurres to him, dyd set vpon a goodly bigge personage of the GAVLES, that had aduaunced him selfe farre before all the troupe of his companions. He was not knowen at the first encounter, as well for the sodaine meeting and skirmishing together, as for that his glistering armour dim­med the eyes of the enemies. But after he had slaine the GAVLE, and came to strippe him: Brennus then knewe him, and protested against him, calling the goddes to witnesse, howe he had broken the lawe of armes, that coming as an ambassadour, he had taken vpon him the forme of an enemie. Hereupon Brennus forthwith left skirmishing,Brennus re­proueth Fa­bius for brea­king the lawe of armes. and raising the seige from CLVSIVM, marched with his army vnto ROME gates. And to the ende the ROMAINES might knowe, that the GAVLES were not well pleased for the iniurie they had receyued: to E haue an honest culler to beginne warres with the ROMAINES, he sent an Herauld before to ROME, to demaunde liuerie of the man that had offended him, that he might punish him ac­cordingly. In the meane time, he him selfe came marching after, by small iourneys to receyue their aunswer. The Senate hereupon assembled, & many of the Senatours blamed the rashnes of the Fabians: but most of all, the priestes called Faciales. For they followed it very earnestly, as a matter that concerned religion, & the honour of the godds: declaring how the Senate, in discharge of all the residue of the cittie of the offence cōmitted, should laye the whole waight and burden of it vpon him alone, that only had done the facte. Numa Pompilius, Numa Pom­pilius erected the colledge of the Facia­les. the iustest and most peaceable of all the kings of ROME that had bene, was he that first erected the colledge of these Faciales, and dyd ordeine that they should be the keepers of peace, and the iudges to F heare and allowe all the causes, for the which they should iustely beginne any warres. Neuer­theles, the Senate in the ende turned ouer the ordering of the matter, vnto the whole will and [Page 151] A iudgment of the people, before whom these priestes Faciales dyd also accuse Fabius Ambustus. The people made so litle accōpt of their propounded religion, & honour of the godds in that case: that in stede of deliuering of this Fabius vnto the enemy, they dyd choose him for one of the Tribunes of the souldiers with his brothers. The GAVLES vnderstanding this,The Gaules marche tow­ards Rome. were so fu­rious & angrie thereat, that they would no lenger linger their iourneis, but marched with all spede vnto ROME. The people that dwelt by the high wayes where they should passe by, were maruelously affrayed to see the multitude of them, & their braue & vniuersall furniture: & be­ginning to doubt the furie of their rage, they imagined first of all that they would destroye all the chāpion country before them, & afterwardes would take all the strong citties. They cōtra­riwise dyd take nothing at all out of the fieldes, neither dyd any hurte or displeasure vnto any B bodie: but passing by their citties, cried out they went to ROME, and would haue no warres but with the ROMAINES, and howe otherwise they desired to be friendes with all the worlde. These barbarous people marching on in this wise towards ROME, the Tribunes of the soul­diers brought their army to the field to encounter them. They were no lesse in number then the GAVLES, for they were fourty thousand footemen.The Romai­nes armie were 40000 footemen. Howbeit most part of them were rawe souldiers, that had neuer serued in the warres before. They were very careles of the goddes, & dissolute in matters of religion: for they passed neither for good signes in their sacrifices, nei­ther to aske coūsaill of their soothesayers, which the ROMAINES were religiously wont to doe, before they gaue any battaill.To many ru­lers of an ar­mie, doe con­found all or­der, and put­teth the army in perill. To make the matter worse: the number of the captaines hauing power and authoritie alike, dyd asmuche (or more then the rest) disorder and confounde their C doings. For ofte times before, in farre lesser matters and daungers then these, they dyd vse to chuse speciall officers that had sole & soueraine authoritie, which they called Dictators: know­ing very well of how great importance it is, in daungerous times to haue but one head & ge­nerall, to cōmaund all, & to haue supreme authoritie of iustice in his hands, & not to be bound to deliuer accōpt of his doings to any. The iniury also which they had to vngratefully done to Camillus, brought great mischief & incōueniēce then vpon them. For the captaines after him, durst no more commaunde the people roughly, but euer after dyd flatter them much. When their army was nowe brought into the field, they encamped them selues by a litle riuer called Allia, Allia fl. about the eleuēth stone from ROME, and not farre from the place where the same riuer falleth into Tyber. Thither came the barbarous army to them, who ouerthrew them in battell, D by their disorder & lacke of gouernment. For the left pointe or winge of their battell was bro­ken of at the first by the GAVLES,The battell at the riuer of Allia where the Gaules wanne the field of the Romaines. who charged them so furiously, that they draue them hedlōg into the riuer. The right wing then retiring out of the plain, before they had any charge geuē, & hauing gotten certen hilles hard by them: they had litle hurte, & most of them sauing them selues, did recouer ROME again. The rest that escaped after the enemies were weary of killing, fled by night vnto the cittie of VEIES, thinking ROME had bene lost, & all the cittie put to the sword. This ouerthrowe was on the lōgest daye in sommer, the moone being at the full: & the daye before fortuned the great slaughter of the Fabians, of the which were slaine by the THV­SCANS in one daye 300.300. of a name slaine in one daye. all of a name. The very daye it self was afterwards called Alliade, of the name of the litle riuer, by the which the 2. ouerthrow was geuen. But for the differēce of dayes, E that some of thē are naturally vnfortunate, or that Heraclitus the philosopher had reason to re­proue the poet Hesiodus, for makīg some days good, & some dayes ill, as though he vnderstood they were not all of one nature: we haue writtē & declared our opinion therof in other places. Yet, bicause the matter deliuereth present occasiō to speake of the same, peraduēture it wil not be amisse to alleage a few exāples of it only. It fortuned the BOEOTIANS on a time to wīne two honorable victories, on the first daye of the moneth they call Hippodromus (and which the A­THENIANS call Hecatombaeon) that is now the moneth of Iune, by either of the which they did still restore the GRECIANS to their libertie. The first was the battell of LEVCTRES. The secōd was the battell of GERASTE, which was two hūdred yeres before, when they ouercame LAT­TAMIAS, & the THESSALIANS in battell. The PERSIANS contrarily were ouercome in battail F by the GRECIANS, the sixt daye of August, at the iorney of MARATHON. The third day, at the battell of PLATEES. And on the selfe same daye, neere vnto MYCALA. On the fiue and twenty daye, at the fight of ARBELES, the ATHENIANS wanne the battell by sea, neere vnto [Page 152] Ile of NAXOS, vnder the charge and gouernment of Chabrias, about the full of the moone, in A the moneth of August. And on the twenty of the same moneth, they wanne the battell of SA­LAMINA: as we haue written more amplie in our historie of difference of dayes. The moneth of Aprill also brought to the barbarous people many notable losses. For Alexander the great, ouercame the generall of the king of PERSIA, at the fielde of GRANICA, in the sayed mo­neth. The CARTHAGINIANS also were vanquished in SICILE by Timoleon, on the seuen & twenty daye thereof. On which daye also it is thought the cittie of TROYE was taken: as Ephorus, Callisthenes, Damastes, and Phylarchus, haue written in their histories. Nowe contrari­wise. The moneth of Iulye, which the BOEOTIANS call Panemus, hath not bene gratious to the GRECIANS. For on the seuen daye of the same, they were ouerthrowen by Antipater at the battell of CRANON, which was their vtter destruction. They had before also lost a battell B the same moneth, neere vnto the cittie of CHAERONEA, by king Phillippe. On the same daye also, and in the very self moneth and yere, those which came into ITALIE with king Archida­mus, were slaine euery one of them, by the barbarous people of the coūtry. The CARTHAGI­NIANS also feare the seuen & twenty daye of the same moneth, as the daye which had before time brought them into many great and sorowfull calamities. Contrarilie also, I knowe very well, how about the feast of mysteries, the cittie of THEBES was destroyed by Alexander, & that the ATHENIANS were compelled to receyue a garrison of souldiers into their cittie, about the twenty daye of August, at which time they made the holie procession of the mysteries of Iac­chus. And on the self day the ROMAINES lost their armie, & their generall Capeio, who was slaine by the CIMBRES. And how afterwards vnder the leading of Lucullus, they ouercame king Ti­granes, C & the ARMENIANS. And that Attalus, & Pompey also, dyed both on the selfe same daye they were borne. To conclude, infinite examples of men might be brought, vnto whom after like reuolutions of time, there happened notable chaunces of good or ill. But to returne againe vnto our historie. The daye of this ouerthrowe, is one of those which the ROMAINES take for one of the vnfortunatest dayes that euer came vnto them. And by reason of that day, they rec­kon two other dayes of euery moneth very vnfortunate, engendred through feare & supersti­tion,The Romai­nes supersti­tion in obser­uing of dayes. which spreadeth farre (as commonly it doth) vpon such sinister misfortunes. But for this matter, we haue written it more largely & exquisitly in the booke we made, of the ceremonies & customes of the ROMAINES. Now after this battell lost, if the GAVLES had hottely pursued the chase of their flying enemies, nothing could haue saued ROME from being taken, & the in­habitāts D therof from being put vnto the sword. For the ROMAINES that fled from the battell, brought such a feare vpon those that receyued them, and filled the whole cittie of ROME with such greif & trēbling: that they wist not what to doe. The barbarous people againe, beleeuing litle their victorie was so great as it was, fell to make good cheere for so great a ioye receiued, & deuided among them the spoyle of their enemies goods they found in the campe. So gaue they time & leysure by this meanes, to the multitude of people that fled out of ROME, to seeke them some place of safety: & to such as remained still, they left good hope to saue them selues, & to make someprouision for defence. Thereupon they all fortified them selues within moūt Capitoll, & storing it with all kind of vitaill, armor, & munition, they wholy dyd forsake the rest of the cittie. But the first worke they tooke in hande was this. They dyd bring into their sayed E forte, parte of their sacred relickes: & the professed Vestalls brought thither also their holy fire & all other their holy monumēts.The holy fier. Some writers saye, that they had nothing els in keeping, but the sempiternall fyer, & were so consecrated by king Numa, who dyd first institute, that the fyer should be worshipped, as the beginning of all things. For that it is the most motiue & quickest substance that is of all naturall things:The force of fyer. notwithstanding, that generation also is a mouing, or at the least not done without motion. For we see, that all other substance which lacketh heate, remaineth idle, & without action, & sturreth not, no more then doth a dead thing, which cra­ueth the force and heate of fyre: as the soule it selfe recouering heate, beginneth somewhat to moue, and disposeth it selfe to doe, and suffer some thing. Wherefore Numa being (as they saye) a man of great learning and vnderstanding, who for his wisedome was reported to talke F many times with the Muses, dyd consecrate the same as a most sacred thing, and commaun­ded that they neuer should suffer that fyre to goe out, and but keepe it, as they would preserue [Page 153] A the liuely image of the eternall God, the only King & maker of the worlde. Other saye, that the fyer burned continually there before the holy & sacred things, signifying a kinde and manner of purification, which opinion the GRECIANS holde also: howbeit behinde the same fyer, there were certen hidden things, which in no case any might see, but those holy Vestall Nūnes. Many also holde an opinion, that the Palladium of TROYE (as much to say, as Pallas image) is hidden also there, which was brought by AEneas into ITALIE. Other doe reporte also, that Dardanus, at that time when he first beganne to buylde the cittie of TROYE, brought thither the holy images of the goddes of SAMOTHRACIA, and he dyd offer them vp there: and howe AEneas after the cittie was taken, dyd steale them awaye, and kept them vntill he came to dwell in ITALIE. Some other also, that take vpon them to knowe more therein then the B common sorte, doe holde opinion, that there are two pipes not very great, whereof the one is emptie and standeth open, the other is full & fast locked vp, howbeit they are not to be seene but by these holy Nunnes. Other thincke also, that these imaginers inuented that they spake of their owne heads, bicause the Vestall Nunnes dyd cast all that they could put in at that time, in­to two pipes, which they buried after in the grounde, within the temple of Quirinus: and here­fore that very place carieth the surname at this daye of pipes. Howbeit they caried about them the most precious things they had, & fled alongest the riuer. Where one Lucius Albinus (one of the common people) flying also, & hauing brought away his wife & litle children, and other household stuffe he had in a carte, by chaunce he lighted vpon the Vestall Nunnes in the waye. But so sone as he perceyued these holy Nunnes (carying the blessed relickes and iuells in C their armes, dedicated vnto the seruice of the goddes) all alone, & that they were wearie with going a foote: he caused his wife and his children to come out of the carte, & tooke downe all his goodes also, & willed them to get them vp, and flye into some cittie or towne of GRECE. Thus, me thought I could not well passe ouer with silence, Albinus reuerence & deuotion he shewed vnto the goddes, in so daungerous a time & pinche of extremitie. Furthermore the priests of other goddes, & the most honorablest olde men of the cittie of ROME (that had bene Cōsuls before time, or had past the honour of triumphe) had not the harte to forsake ROME: but putting on all their most holy robes & vestments dyd vowe, and as it were willingly sacri­ficed them selues vnto the fortune that should befall them, for the safety of their countrie. And vsing certain words & prayers which their high bishoppe Fabius had taught them,Fabius chief bishoppe of Rome. they went D euen thus apparelled into the great market place, & dyd sit them downe there, in chayers of iuory, expecting the good will & pleasure of the godds what should become of them. But with in three dayes after, Brennus came to ROMERome taken of the Gau­les. with his army: who finding the gates of the cittie all open, & the walles without watche, he dowted some deuise in it, & feared some priuie am­bush had bene layed, as one hardly beleeuing to haue found the ROMAINES of so base a mind, as to forsake their cittie. After being enformed of the troth, he entred into ROME by the gate Collina, & tooke the same, litle more thē three hūdred & three score yeres after it was first buil­ded: if it be true at the least there hath remained any certen chronicles of those times vnto this present daye, considering the trouble & confusion of that time hath made many things more vncerteine then that, dowtefull vnto vs. But so it was, that the rumor ranne to GRECE inconti­nently E howe ROME was taken, but yet withall somwhat doubtefully & vncertainely. For He­raclides Ponticus (who was about that time) sayeth in a certen booke he wrote of the soule, that there was newes come from the West parte, that an armie which came from the HYPERBO­RIANS, had taken a cittie of GRECE called ROME, situated in that country neere the great sea. But I wonder not that Heraclides (who hath written so many other fables & lyes) dyd amplifie the true newes of the taking of ROME, with adding to of his owne deuise, of the HYPERBO­RIANS, & by the great sea. It is a most true tale, that Aristotle Aristotles te­stimonie of the taking of Rome. the philosopher had certain know­ledge it was taken by the GAVLES:The maiestie of the olde Senatours set in the market place of Rome. howbeit he sayeth also it was recouered againe afterwards by one called Lucius: where in deede it was, by Marcus Camillus, & not by Lucius. But all this in manner is spoken by cōiecture. Moreouer, Brennus being entred ROME, dyd appointe parte of F his souldiers to besiege those which were gotten into moūt Capitoll. And he with the residue of his armie, marched on towards the market place: where when he saw the aunciēt Senatours set so grauely in their chayers, & spake neuer a word, nor offered once to rise, though they saw [Page 154] their enemies come armed towards them, neither chaunged coūtenance, nor culler at all, but A leaned softely on their staues they had in their hands, seeming to be nothing affrayed nor aba­shed, but looked one vpon another, he maruelously wondred at it. This their so straunge man­ner at the first dyd so dampe the GAVLES, that for a space they stoode still, and were in doubt to come neere to touche them, fearing least they had bene some goddes: vntill suche time, as one of them went boldely vnto Marcus Papyrius, & layed his hand fayer & softely vpon his lōg bearde. But Papyrius gaue him such a rappe on his pate with his staffe, that he made the bloud ronne about his eares. This barbarous beaste was in such a rage with the blowe, that he drue out his sworde, and slewe him. The other souldiers also killed all the rest afterwardes: and so the GAVLES continued many dayes spoyling and sacking all thinges they founde in the houses, and in the ende dyd set them all a fyer, and destroyed them euery one, for despite of B those that kept the forte of the Capitoll, that would not yeld vpon their summons, but val­liantly repulsed them when they scaled the walles. For this cause they rased the whole cittie, and put all to the sworde that came in their handes, young and olde, man, woman, and childe. Nowe this siege continuing long, and the ROMAINES holding them out very stowtely, vittells beganne to growe scante in the campe of the GAVLES,The cittie of Rome rased by the Gaules. in so much as they were dri­uen of force to seeke it abroade without the cittie. Hereupon they deuided them selues; whereof some remained still with the King at the siege of the Capitoll: and the rest went a forraging, and spoyling all the champion countrie and villages thereaboutes, scattered as it were by bandes & companies, some here, some there, fearing nothing, nor passing vpon watch or warde, they liued in suche securitie of their victorie. Howbeit the greatest company amon­gest C them, went by fortune towardes the cittie of ARDEA,The citie of Ardea. where Camillus dwelt, liuing like a priuate man, medling with no matters of state from the time of his exile, vntill that present time. But then he beganne not to bethinke him self as a man that was in safety, and might haue escaped the handes of his enemies, but rather sought to deuise and finde out all the meanes he could to subdewe them if occasion were so offered. Whereupon, considering that the in­habitants of ARDEA where enough in number to set vpon them, although saynte harted, and cowardly, by reason of the slouth and negligence of their gouernours and captaines, who had no manner of experience in the warres: he beganne to cast out these words among the young men. That they should not thinke the ROMAINES misfortune fell vpon them,Camillus wordes vnto the Ardeans in excuse of the Romaines. through the val­liantnes of the GAVLES, nor that their calamitie (who had refused good counsaill) had hap­pened D vnto them by any worke or acte of the GAVLES, hauing done nothing for their parte to make them carie awaye the victorie: but that they should thinke, it was no other thing, but fortune alone, that would needes shewe her power. Therefore, that it were nowe a notable and honorable enterprise (although somewhat daungerous) to driue these straungers and barbarous people out of their countrie: considering that the only ende of their victorie was, but to destroye and consume as fire, all that fell into their hands. Wherefore if they would but only take a good lusty harte and corage vnto them, he would with opportunitie, and place, assure them the victorie, without any daunger. The young men were pleased with these words of life & comforte. Whereupon Camillus went to breake the matter also vnto the magistrates & counsellours: and hauing drawen them by persuasion vnto this enterprise,Camillus per­suadeth the Ardeans to take armes a­gainst the Gaules. he armed all that E were of age to carie armor, & would not suffer a man to goe out of the cittie, for feare least the enemies (which were not farre of) should haue intelligēce of the same. Now after the GAVLES had rōne ouer all the chāpion countrie, & were loden with all sorts of spoyles, they did encāpe them selues negligētly in open fields, & neuer charged watch nor warde: but hauing their full cariage of wine layed them down to slepe, & made no noyse at all in their cāpe. Camillus being aduertised therof by his seuerall skowtes, caused the ARDEANS with as litle noyse as might be, forthwith to goe out into the fields: & hauing marched somwhat roūdly the distance betwene the cittie, & the cāpe of the GAVLES, they came thither much about midnight. Then he made his soldiers make great showtes & cries, & the trūpets to besoūded on euery side, to put a feare in their enemies, who yet with all the lowde noyse they made, could hardly be made to wake,F they were so deadly drōke. Yet there were some notwithstāding, that for feare to be takē tardy, dyd bustle vp at this sodaine noyse: & coming to them selues, fell to their weapons to resist Ca­millus, [Page 155] A which were slayne by and by. The rest, & the greatest number of them, laye here & there scattered in the middest of the field, without any weapon, dead a sleepe, starcke droncke with wine, & were put to the sworde, & neuer strake stroke. Those that fled out of the campe that night (which were but fewe in number) were ouerthrowen also the next daye, by the horse men which followed & killed them, as they tooke them straggling here & there in the fieldes. The brute of this victorie was blowen abroade incontinently through all the townes and vil­lages thereabouts, which caused many young men to come & ioyne them selues to Camillus:Camillus slue the Gaules ha [...]d by Ar­dea. but specially the ROMAINES desired the same, that had saued thē selues in the cittie of VEIES, after the battell lost at ALLIA, who made their mones amongest them selues there, saying. O goddes, what a captaine hath fortune taken from the cittie of ROME? What honour hath the B cittie of ARDEA by the valliantnes and worthy deedes of Camillus: and in the meane season, his naturall cittie that brought him forth, is now lost, & vtterly destroyed? We, for lacke of a cap­taine to leade vs, are shut vp here within others walles, & doe nothing but suffer ITALIE in the meane space to goe to ruine, & vtter destruction before our eyes. Why then doe we not send to the ARDEANS for our captaine? or why doe we not arme our selues, to goe vnto him? For he is nowe no more a banished man, nor we poore cittizens: since our cittie is possessed with the forein power, of our hatefull enemies. So they all agreed to this counsaill, & sent vnto Ca­millus to beseche him to be their captaine, and leade them. But he made aunswer, he would in no case consent vnto it, vnles they that were besieged in the Capitoll had lawfully first confir­med it by their voyces. For those (sayed he) so long as they remaine within the cittie, doe re­present C the state & bodie thereof. Therefore if they cōmaunded him to take this charge vpon him, he would most willingly obey them: if otherwise they misliked of it, that thē he would not medle against their good willes & cōmaundement. They hauing receaued this aunswer, there was not a ROMAINE amongest them, but greatly honored & extolled the wisedome & iustice of Camillus. But nowe they knewe not how to make them priuie to it, that were besieged in the Capitoll: for they sawe no possibilitie to conuey a messenger to them: considering the enemies were lordes of the cittie, & layed seige to it. Howbeit there was one Pontius Cominius amōgest the young men (a man of a meane house,Pōtius Comi­nius got [...]p into the Capi­toll at Rome. but yet desirous of honour & glory) that offered him self very willingly to venter to get in if he could. So he tooke no letters to cary to them which were besieged, for feare least they might be intercepted, & so they should discouer Camillus in­tētion: D but putting on an ill fauoured gowne vpon him, he cōueyed certen peces of corcke vn­der it, & traueling at none dayes kept on his waye without feare, vntill he came to ROME, brin­ging darke night with him. And bicause he could not passe ouer the bridge, for that the Bar­barous people kept watche vpō it: he wrapped such clothes as he had, about his necke (which where not many, nor heauy) & tooke the riuer, & swimming with these corcks he had brought, at the length he got ouer to the other side where the cittie stoode. Then taking vp those lanes allwayes where he thought the enemies were not, seeing fire, & hearing noyse in other places, he wēt to the gate Carmentale, where he found more silēce then in other places: on the which side also, the hill of the Capitoll was more stepe and vpright, by reason of the great rocks that were harde to clime vp vpon. But he digged & crept vp so long amongest them, that he got vp E with great payn vnto the wall of the fortresse, on the which side also the enemie kept no watch: & saluting the watche of the Capitoll, he told them what he was. So they plucked him vp vn­to them, & brought him to the magistrates that ruled then. Who caused the Senate to assem­ble presently, vnto whom he told the newes of Camillus victorie, which they had not heard of before: & therewith also he dyd declare vnto thē, the determination of the ROMAINE souldiers that were abroade, which was, to make Camillus their captaine & general, & did persuade them also to graūt him the charge, for that he was the only man abroad whō the cittizēs gaue their consents to obey. When they heard this, all that were within the Capitoll, consulted thereu­pon amōgest them selues, & so did chuse Camillus Dictator, Camillus cho­sen Dictator the second time. & returned the messenger Pōtius Co­minius backe againe, the self same way he came vnto them. His fortune in returning backe, was F like vnto his coming thither: for the enemies neuer sawe him. And so he brought reporte vnto thē that were abroad, of the Senates decree & consent, whereof they all were maruelous glad. Thus came Camillus to take this charge of generall vpon him, & found there were twēty thou­sand [Page 156] good fighting men abroade, and well armed. Then got he further ayde also of their allies A and confederates, and prepared daylie to goe and set vpon the enemies. So was Camillus cho­sen nowe Dictator the seconde time, and went vnto the cittie of VEIES, where he spake with the ROMAINE souldiers that were there, and leauied a great number of the allies besides, to goe fight with the enemies as sone as he could. But whilest Camillus was thus a preparing, certen of the Barbarous people in ROME, walking out by chaunce on that side of the Capitoll where Pontius Cominius had gotten vp the night before: spied in diuers places the printes of his feete and hands, as he had griped & gotten holde, still digging to get vp, & sawe the weedes and erbes also growing vpon the rocks, & the earth in like manner, flat troden down. Where­upon they went presently vnto the King, to let him vnderstāde the same: who forth with came to vewe the place. And hauing considered it well, he dyd nothing at that time: but when darke B night was come, he called a companie of the lightest GAVLES together, and that vsed most to digge in mountaines, & sayed vnto them. Our enemies them selues doe shew vs the waye how to take them, which we could not haue founde out but by them selues. For they hauing gone vp before vs, doe geue vs easely to vnderstāde, it is no impossible thing for vs to clime vp also. Wherefore, we were vtterly shamed, hauing already begōne well, if we should fayle also to end well: & to leaue this place as vnuincible. For if it were easie for one man alone, by digging to clime vp to the height thereof: much lesse is it harde for many to get vp one after another, so that one doe helpe another. Therefore Syrs, I assure you, those that doe take paynes to get vp, shalbe honorably rewarded, according to their iust deserte. When the King had spoken these wordes vnto the GAVLES,The Gaules clime vp to the Capitoll in the night. they fell to it lustely euery man to get vp: & about midnight, they C beganne many of them to digge, & make stepps vp to the rocke one after another, as softly as could possibly, with catching holde the best they could, by hāging of the rocke, which they found very steepe, but neuertheles easier to clime, then they tooke it at the beginning. So that the formest of them being come to the toppe of the rocke, were now ready to take the walle, & to set vpon the watche that slept: for there was neither man nor dogge that heard them. It chaūced then there were holy gese kept in the temple of Iuno, which at other times were wont to be fed till their croppes were full: but vittells being very straite, & scante at that time euen to finde the men, the poore gese were so hard handled, & so litle regarded, that they were in mā ­ner starued for lacke of meate. This fowle in deede naturally is very quicke of hearing, & so is she also very fearefull by nature: & being in manner famished with their harde allowance, they D were so much the more waking, & easier to be afrayed. Vpō this occasion therfore, they heard the cōming of the GAVLES, & also beganne to ronne vp & downe & crie for feare: with which noyse they did wake those that were within the castell.The holy gese saued the Ca­pitoll. The GAVLES being bewrayed by these foolishe gese, left their stealing vpon them, & came in with all the open noyse & terrour they could. The ROMAINES hearing this larum, euery man tooke such weapon as came first to his hand, & they ranne sodainely to rescue that place from whence they vnderstoode the noyse: among those, the formest man of all was Marcus Manlius, Marcus Man­lius rebulsed the Gaules from the Ca­pitoll. a man that had bene Cōsul, who had a lusty bodye, & as stowte a harte. His happe being to mete with two of the GAVLES together, as one of them was lifting vp his axe to knocke him on the head, he preuēted him, & strake of his hand with his sword, and clapt his target on the others face so fiercely, that he threwe him E backward down the rocke: & cōming afterwards vnto the walle with others that ranne thither with him, he repulsed the rest of the GAVLES that were gotten vp, who were not many in nūber, neither did any great acte. Thus the ROMAINES hauing escaped this daūger, the next mor­ning they threw the captaine hedlong down the rocks from the castell, who had charge of the watche the night before: & gaue Manlius in recompence of the good seruice he had done, a more honorable then profitable rewarde, which was this. Euery man of them gaue him halfe a pound of the country wheate, which they call Far, and the fourth parte of the measure of wine, which the GRECIANS call Cotile: and this might be about a quarte, being the ordinary allowance of euery man by the daye. After this repulse, the GAVLES beganne to be disco­raged,The Gaules vexed with the plague as Rome. partely for that their vitailles fayled them, and durst no more forage abroade in the F fieldes for feare of Camillus: and partly also for that the plague came amongest them, being lodged amongest heapes of dead bodies, lying in euery place aboue ground without buriall, [Page 157] A and amongest burnt houses destroyed, where the ashes being blowen very high by the winde & vehemēcy of heate, dyd geue a drie persing ayer, that dyd maruelously poyson their bodies when they came to drawe in the breathe of it. But the greatest cause of all their mischief was, the chaunge of their wonted dyet. Who comming out of a freshe countrie, where there were excellent pleasaunt places to retire vnto, to auoyde the discommoditie of the parching heate of the sommer, were nowe in a naughty plaine countrie for them to remaine in, in the latter season of the yere. All these things together dyd heape diseases vpon them, besides the long continuaunce of the siege about the Capitoll (for it was then about the seuenth moneth) by reason whereof there grewe a maruelous death in their campe, through the great numbers of them that dyed daylie, and laye vnburied. But notwithstanding all the death and trouble of the B GAVLES, the poore besieged ROMAINES were nothing holpen the more, the famine still dyd growe so fast vpō them. And bicause they could heare nothing of Camillus, they were growen almost vnto a despaire: and send vnto him they could not, the GAVLES kept so straight watche vpon them in the cittie. Whereupon both parties finding them selues in harde state, first the watche of either side beganne to cast out wordes of peace amongest them selues: and after­wards by cōsent of the heades, Sulpitius, Tribune of the souldiers, came to parle with Brennus. In which parle it was articled: that the ROMAINES should paye a thousand pounde weight of golde,The Romai­nes went about to re­deeme their libertie of the Gaules with golde. and that the GAVLES should incontinently after the receipt of the same, departe out of their cittie, and all their territories. This decree being passed by othe from both, the golde was brought. And whē it came to be weyed, the GAVLES at the first priuely begāne to deale false­ly C with them: but afterwardes they openly stayed the ballance, and would not let them waye no more, whereat the ROMAINES beganne to be angrie with them. Then Brennus, in scorne & mockery, to despight them more, pluckt of his sworde, girdell and all, and put it into the bal­lance where the gold was wayed. Sulpitius seeing that: asked him what he ment by it? Brennus aunswered him: what canne it signifie els, but sorrowe to the vanquished. This worde euer af­ter ranne as a common prouerbe in the peoples mouthes. Some of the ROMAINES tooke this vile parte of theirs in such scorne, that they would needes take the gold from them againe by force, and so returne into their holde, to abide the siege still, as they had done before. Other were of opinion to the contrary, and thought it best with pacience to put vp this scorne of theirs, and not to thincke it was a shame to paye more then they had promised: but only to D paye it by cōpulsion as they dyd, by misfortune of time, was to thincke it rather necessary, then honorable. And as they were debating the matter thus, aswell amongest them selues, as with the GAVLES: Camillus came to ROME gates with his armie,Camillus came to Rome with his army. and vnderstanding all what had passed betweene them, he commaunded the rest of the army to marche fayer and softely af­ter him in good order, and he in the meane season with the best choyse men he had, went be­fore with all speede. Assone as the other ROMAINES within in the cittie had spied him, they showted out for ioye, and receaued him euery one with great reuerence, without any more wordes, as their soueraine captaine and prince, who had power ouer them all. And Camillus taking the golde out of the skales, gaue it vnto his men, and commaunded the GAVLES pre­sently to take vp their skales, and to get them going: for, sayeth he, it is not the ROMAINES E manner to keepe their countrie with golde, but with the sworde. Then Brennus beganne to be hotte, and tolde him it was not honorably done of him, to breake the accorde that had passed betweene them before by othe. Whereunto Camillus stowtely aunswered him againe,Camillus speaketh stowtely to Brennus king of the Gaules. that ac­corde was of no validitie. For he being created Dictator before, all other officers and magi­strates whatsoeuer, & their actes, by his election were made of no authoritie: and seeing there­fore they had delte with men, that had no power of them selues to accorde to any matter, they were to speake to him, if they required ought. For he alone had absolute authoritie to pardone them if they repented, and would aske it: or els to punishe them, and make their bodies aun­swer the damages and losse his cuntry had by them susteyned. These wordes made Brennus madde as a march hare, that out went his blade. Then they drew their swordes of all sides, and F layed lustely one at an other as they could, within the houses, and in open streetes, where they could set no battell in order. But Brennus sodainely remembering him selfe that it was no euen matche for him, retired with his men about him into his campe, before he had lost many of [Page 158] his people. The next night following, he departed out of ROME with all his army, and went to A encāpe him self about a three score furlong from thence, in the highe way that goeth towards the cittie of the GABIANS. Camillus with his whole army well appointed, went after him im­mediatly, & showed at his campe by the breake of daye. The ROMAINES hauing taken harte againe vnto them, dyd lustely geue them battell: the same continued longe, very cruell and doubtefull, vntill the GAVLES at the length were ouerthrowen,Camillus o­uerthroweth the armie of the Gaules. and their campe taken with great slaughter. As for those that dyd escape the furie of the battell, they were killed, some by the ROMAINES selues, who hottely followed the chase after the battell broken: the residue of them, and the greatest parte, were slaine by those of the citties and villages neere abouts, that dyd set vpon them as they fled scatteringly here and there in the fields. And thus was the cittie of ROME straungely againe recouered,Rome was 7. moneths in the hardes of the Gaules. that was before straungely wonne and lost, after it had B continued seuen moneths in the handes of the barbarous people. For they entred ROME a­bout the fiftenth daye of Iulye: and they were driuen out againe, about the thirtenth daye of Februarye following. So Camillus triumphed as beseemed him,Camillus tri­umphed of the Gaules. and as one that had saued and deliuered his countrie out of the handes of their enemies, and set ROME againe at libertie. Those that had bene abroade all the time of this siege, came into ROME againe, following his triumphing charter: and those that had bene besieged within the Capitoll (looking for no other but to haue dyed by famin) went and presented them selues before him, and eche one embraced other, in weeping wise for ioye. The priestes and ministers of the temples also, pre­sented their holy iuells, whole and vndefaced, which some of them had buried in the ground within the cittie selfe: and others some had caried awaye with them, when they fled out of C ROME. All these the people dyd as gladly see, as if the goddes them selues had returned home againe into their cittie. After they had sacrificed vnto the goddes, and rendred them most humble thankes, and had purged their cittie, as they had bene taught by men experienced in those matters for satisfaction of the goddes Camillus beganne againe to buylde vp the temp­les that were there before, harde by the which he buylt another newe one also to the god Aius Locutius, in that very place where Marcus Ceditius heard the voyce warne him of the coming of the GAVLES. So by Camillus good diligence, and the priestes great paynes and tra­uaill, the situations of these temples were with muche a doe founde out againe. But when they were to buylde againe all the rest of the cittie, that was wholy burnt, and destroyed to the grounde: the people had no minde to it, but euer shrinked backe, to put any hande to D the worcke, for that they lacked all thinges necessarie to beginne the same. Furthermore, waying their late and long susteined trouble and miseries, they were fitter to take their ease and rest, then to beginne newe labour and toyle, to kill their hartes and bodies altogether. For, neither were their bodies able to performe it, nor yet their goods to reache to the charge of it. Wherefore disposing their mindes to dwell in the cittie of VEIES, Which remai­ned whole, vntouched, and furnished of all thinges to receaue them: they deliuered to the pratling Orators (whose tongues dyd neuer cease to speake placentia to the people) trimme occasion to set this matter abroache. So they gaue good eare, and were willing to heare cer­ten seditious wordes spoken against Camillus, The busie headed Ora­tors stirre the people is tumulte against Camillus. which were these. That for his priuate ambition he would depriue them of a cittie well furnished already, and would against their willes com­pell E them to lodge in their owne houses, wholy burnt and pulled downe. And moreouer, how he would make them to rayse vp againe the great ruine the fire had made, to the ende the people might call him, not only captaine and generall of the ROMAINES, but the founder of ROME also, & so drown Romulus honorable title thereof. The Senate considering of this mat­ter, & fearing some tumulte among the people: they would not suffer Camillus to leaue his Di­ctator shippe before the ende of the yere,Camillus Di­ctacorshippe proreged. notwithstanding no man euer enioyed that office a­boue sixe moneths. Then Camillus for his parte dyd much endeuour him selfe,Camillus persuaded the people that he could [...] dwel [...] in Rome. [...] leous Vi [...] to comforte & appease the people, praying them all he could to rarie: and further pointed with his finger vnto the graues of their auncesters, and put them in minde also of the holy places dedicated to the goddes, and sanctified by king Numa, or by Romulus, or by other Kings. But amongest F many other tokens drawen out of holy and diuine things, he forgate not to bring for exam­ple, the heade of a man fe [...]a [...]e newe and freshe, in making the foundations of the Capitoll, as [Page 159] A if that place by fatall desteny had bene once chosen to be the heade and chief of all ITALIE. And moreouer, that the holy fyer of the goddesse Vesta (which sence the warres had bene kindled againe by the holy Vestall Nunnes) would againe come to be put out by them, if they did forsake their naturall cittie, besides the great shame and dishonour it would be vnto them, to see it inhabited in time to come by vnknowe straungers, or els to be left a common field and pasture, for beastes and cattell to graze in. Such sorowfull examples and griefes, the ho­nest naturall borne citizens, dyd euer blowe into the peoples eares, aswell priuately, as open­ly. The people againe to the contrarie, dyd make their hartes to yerne for pittie, when they layed before their eyes their penurie, and pouertie they susteined: and besought them also not to enforce them to gather and ioyne together againe the broken peces of a spoyled cittie (as B of a shippewracke that had cast them naked into the sea, hauing only saued bare life and per­sones) sence that they had another cittie neere at hande and ready to receaue them. So Ca­millus counsell was, that the Senate should consulte vpon this matter, and deliuer their abso­lute opinion herein: which was done. And in this counsell, he him self brought forth many probable reasons, why they should not leaue in any case, the place of their naturall birth and country: and so dyd many other Senatours in like case, fauoring that opinion. Last of all, after these persuasions, he commaunded Lucius Lucretius (whose manner was to speake first in such assemblies) that he should stand vp and deliuer his opinion, & that the rest also in order as they sat, should saye their mindes. So euery man keeping silence, as Lucretius was ready to speake, at that present time there passed by their coūsaill house, a captaine with his bāde that warded C that daye, who spake alowde to his ensigne bearer that went formest, to staye, and set downe his ensigne there: for, sayed he, here is a very good place for vs to warde in. These wordes being heard vp into the Senate house, euen as they stoode all in a doubte & maze what would be the resolution of this matter: Lucretius beganne to saye, that he most humbly thancked the goddes, and allowed of the captaines iudgment, and so euery one of the rest in their order, sayed as much. Moreouer there was a wonderfull chaunge and alteration of minde sodainely among the common people: for euery man dyd persuade & encorage his fellowe liuely to put his hand to this worke. Insomuch as tarying for no diuision or appointing out of streetes, nor setting out euery man his place he should builde in:Rome is build [...] againe. they fell to worke of all handes, euerie one chosing that place he liked best, & was most cōmodious for their building, without any other D order or diuision amongest them. Whereupon, they ronning to this building on a head, the streetes were cōfused on heapes together, & their houses all built out of order & vniformitie. For the reporte goeth, that the whole cittie (as well cōmon as priuate buildings) was built vp new againe in a yere.Rome was nowe built a­gaine in a yere. But the surueyours, to whom Camillus had geuen charge to finde out all the holy places where the tēples had bene ouerthrowen: as they went about mount Pallatine, they came by chaunce to the place, where the chappell of Mars had stoode, which the GAV­LES had wholy burnt and destroyed, as they had done all the rest. They making cleane the place, and surueying euery corner, dyd finde by chaunce Romulus augures crooked staffe hid­den vnder a great mount of ashes.Romulus augures staffe founde hole after Rome was burnt. This staffe is crooked at one of the endes, and they call it Lituus, which soothesayers doe vse to quarter out the regions of the element, when they will E beholde the flying of birdes to tell of things to come. Romulus that was very skillfull in this arte, dyd vse this staffe: and after he was taken awaye from all mens sights, the priests tooke it, and kept it as a holy relicke, suffering no creature to laye hands on it. Nowe they founde this staffe whole and vnbroken, where all things els were consumed and perished by fire, they were in a maruelous ioye thereat. For they intrepreted this to be a signe, of the euerlasting conti­nuaunce of the cittie of ROME. But before they could make an ende of all their building, there grewe a newe warre againe vpon them. For at one very instante, all the AEQVES, the VOLSCES, and the LATINES, entred with all their might and mayne into the territories of the ROMAINES. The THVSCANS also went then and besieged SVTRIVM, that was in league & amitie with the ROMAINES. The Tribuni militares got them straight to the field with their F armie, and encamped about mount Martian. The LATINES besieged them so straightely,Camillus cho­sen Dictator the third time. that their army stoode in great daunger to be ouerthrowen, & they were driuen to sende to ROME for a newe supplie. Thereupon the ROMAINES dyd choose Camillus Dictator againe the third [Page 160] time. The occasion of this warre is reported two manner of wayes: whereof I will declare the A first, which I doe conceyue to be but a tale. They saye the LATINES sent vnto the ROMAINES, to demaunde some of their free maydes in mariage: which they dyd either to make a quarell of warre, or els as desirous in deede, to ioyne both the peoples againe by newe mariages. The ROMAINES were amased very much at this, and sore troubled, as not knowing howe to aun­swer them, they were so affrayed of warres. For they were yet scante newe setled at home, and dreaded much left this demaunde of their daughters, was but a summons made to geue them hostages, which they finely cloked vnder the name of alliāce in mariage. Some saye that there was at that time a bonde mayde called Tutola, or as some saye, Philotis, Tutola, or Philotis craf: & subtiltie. that went vnto the Se­nate, and counselled them they should sende her awaye with some other fayer maydes slaues, dressed vp like gentlewomen, & then let her alone. The Senate liked very well of this deuise,B and chose such a number of bonde maydes as she desired to haue, & trimming them vp in fine apparell, begawded with chaines of golde and iuells, they sent them forth to the LATINES, who were encamped not farre from the cittie. When night was come, the other maydes hyd their enemies swords. But this Tutola, or Philotis (call her as you will) dyd clime vp to the toppe of a wilde figge tree, from which she shewed a burning torche vnto the ROMAINES, hauing made thifte to hange somwhat behinde her, to keepe the light from sight of the enemies. For this signall the Senate of ROME had secretly appointed her to set vp, which was the cause that the issuing out of the souldiers being commaunded to goe out in the night, was full of trouble and tumulte. For being pressed by their captaines, they called one another, and there was great a doe to put them into order of battell.Rome deliue­red frōwarres by Tutola the bondmayde. Thus they went to take their enemies sleeping, who C nothing mistrusting the same, were slaine the most parte of them within their cāpe. This was done on the fifte day of the moneth called then Quintilis, & now is named Iulye: at which time they doe yet celebrate a certaine feast in remembraunce of that acte. For first of all, going out of the citie, they call alowde many of their fellowes names which are most common: as Caius, Marcus, and Lucius, showing thereby howe one of them called another after that sorte, as they went in great haste out of the cittie. Afterwardes all the mayde seruauntes of the cittie being trimmely apparelled,The maydens sea [...]e, called Nonae Capra­tinae. goe playing vp and downe the towne, pleasauntly ieasting with those they mete: and in the ende they make as though they fought together, in token that they dyd helpe the ROMAINES at that time to destroye the LATINES. Then they are feasted, sit­ting vnder bowers made with wilde figge tree boughes: and this feaste daye is called, Nonae D Capratinae, by reason of the wilde figge tree (as some thincke) from the toppe whereof, the bonde mayde shewed to the ROMAINES the burning torche. For the ROMAINES call the wilde figge tree, Caprificus. Other saye, that all these things are done and spoken, in remem­brance of the mischaūce that happened vnto Romulus, whē he was taken out of their sight, the same day without the gats of the citty, at which time there rose a sodain miste & darke clowd. Or as some other saye, that then was the eclypse of the sunne: and they holde opinion that the day was named Nonae Capratinae, bicause Capra in the ROMAIN tōgue, signifieth a goate. Romu­lus vanished out of mens sightes, as he was making an oration vnto his people, neere vnto the place which is called goate marshe, as we haue mentioned more at large in his life. The 2. oc­casion & beginning of this warre (according to the opinion of most writers) was, that Camillus E being chosen Dictator the third time, & knowing that the Trib militares with their army were straightly besieged by the LATINES, and VOLSCES: he was inforced to arme all the old men, who for very age were priuiledged from further seruice in warres. And hauing fetched a great cōpasse about moūt Martian, bicause he would not be seene of his enemies, he came to lodge his campe behind them, where he raised fiers, to make the ROMAINES knowe that were besie­ged, how he was come: which as sone as they pceiued, they tooke to thē corage again, & deter­mined to fight. But the LATINES & VOLSCES kept within their cāpe, & dyd entrenche & for­tifie thēselues with a wall of wodd, which they layed a crosse, bicause they saw they were beset both before & behind & determined to tary the releefe of a new supply, as well of their owne, as of some further ayde besides frō the THVSCANS, which thing Camillus pceauing, & fearing F least they should serue him, as he had already hādled thē by cōpassing of him again behind: he thought it necessary to preuēt this. So cōsidering the inclosure & fortificatiō of their cāpe was [Page 161] A all of wodde, and that euery morning commonly,Camillus stra­tageame a­gainst the La­tines and Volsces. there came a great winde from the side of the mountaines, he made prouision of a number of fire brandes. And leading out his armie into the fields by breake of day, he appointed one parte of them to geue charge vpon the ene­mies on the one side, with great noyse and showting: and he with the other parte determined to rayse fier on the cōtrary side, from whence the winde should come, looking for oportunitie to doe the same. When he sawe the sunne vp, and the winde beginning to whistle, blowing a good gale from the side of the hilles, & that the skirmishe was begonne on the other side: then he gaue a signall vnto the companie he led with him, to set vpon the enemies, and made them throwe into the inclosure of their campe, diuers potts & dartes with fire, so that the flame fin­ding matter to catche holde of, in this inclosure of wodde, & trees layed ouerthwart, dyd raise B straight an exceding great flame in the ayer, & still got waye inwards into the LATINES cāpe. Whereupon the LATINES being vnprouided of present remedy to quenche the flame, and seeing their campe a fyre all about their cares: they gathered them selues together at the first in a very small roome. Neuertheles, they were inforced in the ende to get them into the field, & there they founde their enemies ready armed, & in battell raye.Camillus slue the Latines. So as fewe of those escaped that came into the field, & their fellowes that remained within their cāpe, were burnt to death with fyre, vntill the ROMAINES them selues came to quench it for greedines of their spoyle & goodes. When all this was done, Camillus left his sonne in the campe, to keepe the prisoners & spoyles: & he himself, with the rest of the armie, went to inuade his enemies contrie, where he tooke the cittie of AEQVES.Camillus tooke the citie of Aeques. Then after he had ouercome the VOLSCES, he led his army pre­sently C from thence vnto the cittie of SVTRIVM. For he had not yet harde of their misfortune. Therefore he hasted him self to ayde them, bicause he thought they were yet besieged by the THVSCANS. But suche was their harde fortune, that they had already yelded vp their cittie by composition, & saued no parte of their goodes, but the very clothes they had on their backs. So being turned out of all they had, they met Camillus by the waye as they were wandring a­broad, lamenting their miserie, with their wiues & litle young children: whose miserie went to the very harte of Camillus, when he beheld their lamentable state. Furthermore, when he sawe the ROMAINES weepe for pittie also, to see the mone that these vnfortunate people made vnto him, and that it greued them hartely to beholde their great mischaunce: he determined with him self not to deferre reuenge, but presently to goe the selfe same daye before the cittie D of SVTRIVM, imagining that he should finde the THVSCANS out of order, without keeping watch, & attending nothing but making good cheere, bicause they had newly taken a wealthy riche cittie, where they had left neuer an enemy in the same to hurte them, neither feared any abroad to come neere to assaulte them. And in deede it fell out rightly as he gessed. For he had not only passed through the territories of the cittie, without any intelligence geuen to the e­nemies within the same: but he was come to the very gates, and had taken the walles, before they hard any thing of his coming, by reason they neither kept watch nor warde, but were dis­persed abroade in the cittie, in euery house, eating and drincking droncke together. Insomuch as when they knew their enemies were already within the cittie, they were so full fraight with meate & wine, that the most of their wittes serued them not so much as to flye, buttaried vn­till E they were slaine or taken, like beastes in the houses. Thus was the cittie of SVTRIVM twise taken in one daye.Camillus wonne the ci­tie of Sutrium. And it chaunced that those which had wonne it, lost it: & those which had lost it, recouered it againe by Camillus meanes. Who deserued both the honour and entrie of triumphe into ROME: the which wanne him no lesse good will and glorie, then the two first before had done prayse, and gotten fame. For euen his greatest enemies that most spighted and enuied his former noble actes, ascribing them rather to fortune that fauored him, then to his valliautnes or worthines: were forced nowe by this deede of his to confesse, that his wisedome and valliantnes deserued prayse and commendation to the skyes. Camillus of all his enemies had one most bitter to him, which was Marcus Manlius, Marcus Mā ­lius Capitoli­nus maneth sedition. that was the first man that gaue the GAVLES the repulse that night they had entered the walles of the Capitoll, F and had thought to haue taken it: whereupon they gaue him the surname of Capitolinus. He aspiring to be the chief of the cittie, & finding no direct waye to exceede the glory of Camil­lus, tooke the broade highe waye of them that practise tyrannie. For he beganne to flatter [Page 162] the common people, and specially those that were indebted:Flattery and hypocrisie sinneth the multitude & common people. he tooke vpon him to defende A their causes, and pleaded their case at the barre against their creditours. Sometimes he tooke the debters out of the creditours handes and caried them awaye by force, that for lacke of abilitie to paye, were by rigour of the lawe condemned to be bonde slaues. But by this pra­ctise, in shorte time he gotte him a maruelous number of suche needie followers, and poore men, that the noble men and honest citizens were affrayed of the insolent partes they played, and of the continuall troubles and tumultes they daylie stirred vp in the market place. There­fore suspecting the worst in this case, they dyd choose Quintus Capitolinus Dictator: who cau­sed the sayed Manlius immediately to be apprehended,Mālius clapt in prison by Q. Capitoli­nus Dictator. and committed him to prison. Whereupon the people beganne to chaunge their apparell: which they were neuer wont to doe, but in great and common calamities. But the Senate fearing least some cōmotion would B ryse hereupon, they dyd set him at libertie againe. He being thus out of prison, was no whit the better, nor wiser thereby, but dyd still stirre vp the commons, more boldely and seditious­ly, then before. Then was Camillus chosen againe Tribunus militaris, Camillus co­sen againe Tribunus mi­litaris. and Manlius was accused in his time of office. But when this matter came to pleading, the sight of the Capitoll trou­bled his accusers much. For the very place it selfe where Manlius had repulsed the GAVLES by night, and defended the Capitoll, was easely seene from the market place, where the mat­ter was a hearing: and he him selfe pointing with his hande, shewed the place vnto the goddes, and weeping tenderly he layed before them the remembraunce of the hazarde of his life, in fighting for their safety. This dyd moue the iudges hartes to pittie, so as they knew not what to doe, but many times they dyd put ouer the hearing of his case vnto another daye, and C neither would they geue iudgement, knowing he was conuicted by manifest proofes: neither could they vse the seueritie of the lawe vpon him, bicause the place of his so notable good seruice was euer still before their eyes. Wherefore Camillus finding the cause of delaye of iustice, dyd make the place of iudgement to be remoued without the cittie, into a place cal­led the wodde Petelian, from whence they could not see the Capitoll. And there the accusers gaue apparent euidence against him: and the iudges considering all his wicked practises, conceaued a iust cause to punishe him, as he had deserued. So they gaue sentence of death against him: that he should be caried to the mount Capitoll,Marcus Mā ­lius Capitoli­nus put to death. and there to be throwen downe hedlonge the rockes thereof. Thus, one, and the selfe place was a memory of his notable good seruice, and also a memoriall of his miserable and vnfortunate end. Besides all this,D they rased his house, and built in the same place a temple to the goddesse they call Moneta [...] and made a lawe also, that no Patrician from thenceforth should dwell any more in the mount Capitoll. Camillus after this, being called againe to take the office of Tribunus militaris the sixt time: he sought to excuse him selfe as well for that he sawe he was well stepte in yeres, as also for that he feared fortunes spight, or some mishappe, after he had obteined such glorie for his noble actes and seruice. Howbeit the most apparent cause of his excuse, was his sicke­nes, which troubled him much at that time. But the people would allowe no excuse by any meanes, but cried out, they dyd not desire he should fight a foote nor a horse backe, but that he should only geue counsaill, and commaunde: and therefore they compelled him to take the charge, and to leade the armie with one of his companions named Lucius Furius, against E their enemies the PRAENESTINES, and the VOLSCES, who ioyning together, dyd inuade the confines of the ROMAINES friendes. So he led his army out immediately to the field, and cam­ped as neere the enemy as he could: being minded for his parte to drawe the warres out in length, that he might fight afterwards (if neede required) when he had recouered strength. But Furius contrarilie coueting glorie, was whottely bent to hazarde the battell, whatsoeuer perill came of it: and to this ende he sturred vp, and incoraged the captaines of euerie priuate bande. Wherefore Camillus fearing least they should thinke, for ill will he bare the young men, that he went about to hinder and take awaye the meanes to winne their honour, and to doe some noble acte: suffered Furius against his will to put his men in order of battell,Lucius Fu­rius gaue bat­tell to the Praenestines men and Volsces, and was ouer­throwen. and he in the meane season by reason of his sicknes, remained with a fewe about him in the campe. So F went Lucius vpon a head to present battell to the enemie, & so was he as headilie also ouer­throwen. But Camillus hearing the ROMAINES were ouerthrowen: sicke as he was vpon his [Page 163] A bedde, got vp, and taking his householde seruantes with him, he went in haste to the gates of the campe, and passed through those that fled, vntill he came to mete with the enemies that had them in chase. The ROMAINES seeing this that were already entred into the campe, they followed him at the heeles forthwith: and those that fled also without, when they sawe him, they gathered together, and put them selues againe in arraye before him, and persuaded one another not to forsake their captaine. So their enemies hereupon stayed their chasing, and would pursue no further that daye. But the next morning, Camillus leading his armie into the fielde, gaue them battell, and wanne the field of them by plaine force: and following the vi­ctorie harde, he entred amongest them that fled into their campe pelmel, or hand ouerheade, and slue the most parte of them euen there. After this victorie, he was aduertised howe the B THVSCANS had taken the cittie of SVTRIVM,Camillus wanne the fielde of the Praenestines and Volsces. and had to the sworde all the inhabitants of the same, which were the ROMAINES cittizens. Whereupon he sent to ROME the greatest parte of his army, and keeping with him the lightest and lustiestmen, went and gaue assaulte vnto the THVSCANS, that nowe were harbored in the cittie of SVTRIVM.Camillus slue the Thuscans as Sutrium. Which when he had wonne againe, he slue parte of them, and the other saued them selues by flight. After this, he returned to ROME with an exceeding spoyle, confirming by experience, the wisedome of the ROMAINES, who dyd not feare the age nor sicknes of a good captaine that was experte and valliant: but had chosen him against his will, though he was both olde and sicke, and pre­ferred him farre before the younger and lustier that made sute to haue the charge. Newes being brought vnto the Senate, that the THVSCVLANIANS were reuolted,Camillus s [...] again against the Thuscu­lanians. they sent Camillus C thither againe, willing him of fiue other companions to take out one he liked best, euery of the which desired to be chosen, and made their sute vnto him for the same. But he refusing all other, dyd chose againe Lucius Furius beyounde all expectation of men, seeing not long be­fore he needes would against his will hazarde battell, in which he was ouerthrowen. Howbeit Camillus, hauing a desire (as I thincke) to hyde his faulte and shame he had receaued: dyd of curtesie preferre him before all other. Nowe the THVSCVLANIANS hearing of Camillus co­ming against them,The crafte of the Thuscu­lanians. subtilly sought to culler the faulte they had already committed. Where­fore they put out a great number of people into the fields, some to plowe, other to keepe the beastes, as if they had bene in best peace: and dyd set the gates of the cittie wide open, sent their children openly to schoole, their artificers wrought their occupation in their shoppes, D the men of hauiour & honest cittizens walked in the market place in their long gownes, & the officers and gouernours of the cittie went vp and downe to euery house, commaunding them to prepare lodgings for the ROMAINES, as if they had stoode in no feare at all, and as though they had committed no faulte. Howbeit all these fine fetches could not make Camillus beleeue, but that they had an intent to rebell against the ROMAINES: yet they made Camillus pittie them, seeing they repented them of that they had determined to doe. So he commaunded them to goe to ROME to the Senate, to craue pardone of their faulte: and he him selfe dyd helpe them, not only to purge their cittie of any intent of rebellion, but also to get them the priuiledge and freedome of ROME. And these be the chiefest acts Camillus dyd in the sixt time of his tribuneshippe. After this, one Licinius Stolo moued great sedition in the cittie,Great seditiō moued in Rome by Licinius Stolo. betwene E the common people, and the Senate. For he would in any case that of the two Consuls, which were chosen yerely, the one of them should be a commoner, and not that both of them should be of the auncient noble families, called Patricians. The Tribunes of the people were chosen, but the election of the Consuls, the people stayed: so that the common wealth went to de­caye, and declined to greater troubles, then euer it dyd before, for lacke of gouernment. But to suppresse this, the Senate created Camillus the fourth time Dictator:Camillus created Di­ctator the fourth time. but this was sore against his will, bicause it misliked the people muche. Futhermore, he would not complaine of the people; for that they hauing serued vnder him in many warres and battells, might boldely, and truely saye vnto him that he had done more notable acts by them in the warres, then he had done by the Patricians in peace. Yet was he created Dictator in despight, to rule the people, F and of enuie in the noble men towards them. Thus necessitie dyd vrge him, either by force to suppresse the people, if he were the stronger in this dissention: or els that he him selfe should be suppressed, if he became the weaker. Camillus notwithstanding, preparing to preuent this [Page 164] mischief, and knowing the daye the Tribunes had determined, to preferre the passing of their A lawe by voyces of the people: he gaue warning by proclamations set vpon postes, that the same very daye he would muster the people, and all was but to drawe them from the market place into the field of Mars, and dyd set great penalties vpon those that should be lacking at the musters, and would presume to disobey. The Tribunes of the people on the contrarie parte, dyd withstande his threates, and sware they would condemne Camillus selfe in fiftie thousand Drachmas of siluer, if he dyd not let the people alone, but would goe about to di­sturbe them for geuing their voyces to such lawe, as they liked of. Camillus perceauing this, and fearing to be condemned, and banished once againe, which would fall out very ill for him, being nowe an olde man, and one that had done so many great and notable actes, or els for that he thought him selfe not strong enough to withstande the force of the people: he kept B his house that daye, fayning him selfe to be sicke, and certaine other dayes following, and in the ende he gaue vp his office. Thereupon the Senate chose in his place another Dictator, who named the same Licinius Stolo general of the horse men, that was the author and furthe­rer of all this sedition: and besides dyd suffer him to preferre another lawe, and to passe it by voyces of the people, that aboue all other lawes, dyd most trouble the Patricians. Which lawe dyd forbid any citizen of ROME,Licinius Stolo made a la [...]e for enioying of landes. to haue, or occupie aboue fiue hundred iugera, which a­mount to 330. acres and a halfe, 12. pole, and 121. partes of a pole. Then was this Stolo alofte, and of great estimation at that time: for that he had in despite of the Senate established this law. Howbeit shortely after it was found out, that him self had more number of acres then his owne lawe permitted. By reason whereof, he receaued the iuste punishment of his owne de­uised C forfaiture.Stolo the first offender of the same law. Yet the most weightie matter of all dissention that beganne first, and most of all troubled the Senate, touching the election of the Consuls, remained still vndetermined. But while these matters were thus in talke, the ROMAINES had certen intelligence, howe the GAVLES were departed once againe from the Adriaticke sea, and were coming with a great power straight vnto ROME:The Gaules come againe to Rome. vpon reporte of which newes, the warres followed immediate­ly. For the GAVLES destroyed the champion country as they went: and the poore countrymen that could not recouer ROME, were scattered here and there amongest the mountaines. The feare of this dyd somewhat appease the dissention. The people then assembling with the Senate, and the baser sorte with the noble, dyd all with one voyce and assent chuse Camillus Dictator the fifte time.Camillus cho­sen Dictator the 5 time. He was nowe a very olde man, lacking litle of foure score yeres; but ne­uertheles, D considering the necessitie and present daunger, without framing any excuse, or star­ting as he had before, he vndertooke the charge. Nowe that he had taken it vpon him, he presently leuied men, and prepared his army. And knowing very well howe the fiercenes of these barbarous GAVLES consisted, in downe right blowes with their swordes, with which they would strike of heades and shoulders of men at a blowe,He [...] Camil­lus appointed his souldiers with armour & weapon to fight with ad­vantage a­gainst the Gaules. mangling them like bouchers, without any cast or skyll of fight: he caused iron salletts, and morians to be made for the most of his men, as smoothely wrought on the out side as could be, that their swordes lighting on them, should either slyde of, or breake. Moreouer, he caused their sheldes to haue barres made about them of copper, bicause the wodde selfe was not able to abide their blowes. Furthermore, he dyd teache his souldiers to cary long iauelines or punchion slaues, where­with E they might wounde their enemies lifting vp their swordes to strike them. Nowe when the GAVLES were come neere ROME,Anias st. hauing pitched their campe vpon the riuer of Anian, and being full loden and stuffed with all kindes of spoyle and booties: then Camillus brought his armie also into the fielde, and went to lodge on a litle hill which was easie to get vpon, where there were many litles caues, so that the most of his army was all hidden and couered, and those that were seene, seemed to be retired thither into those highe places for an aduan­tage, and of feare. Camillus to increase this opinion more in his enemies, and to make them the bolder: dyd suffer them to come and spoyle euen to the foote of the hill where he was lodged, and stirred not once out to trouble them, but kept him selfe quiet in his campe and well fortified. Vntill such time as he spyed occasion of aduantage, that the best parte of their F army were scattered here and there, a forraging all about the fieldes: and those which remai­ned in their campe, fell to eating and drincking, as they vsed carelesly at all howres. Then Ca­millus [Page 165] A sent very early before daye, his lightest armed men, to vexe and trouble the barbarous people in coming out in their campe, and to let them in any case from putting their men in order of battell: and he at the breake of daye, came downe into the plaine, and dyd set his o­ther men being well armed, in good arraye, which were a great number, and lustie fellowes, and were not as the barbarous people thought, fewe, and fearefull. This at the very first dis­coraged the hartes of the GAVLES maruelously, bicause they thought them selues disho­nored, that the ROMAINES should charge vpon them first. Afterwardes also Camillus vant­garde dyd set vpon the GAVLES, and that on a sodaine, before they had leysure to put them selues in battell, or to order their troupes: compelling them to fight without order, as they met out of order by chaunce. In the ende also, Camillus came vpon the neckes of them, with B all his whole force, and army together: against whom they ranne notwithstanding, holding vp their naked swordes alofte in their handes. But the ROMAINES thrusting with their armed iauelinges, receaued their enemies blowes vpon them, and thereby so rebated the edges of their swordes (their blades being very sharpe and thinne grounde, and of so softe a temper) that they bowed againe, and stoode crooked vnreasonably: and furthermore, hauing persed their shieldes through with their punchingstaues, the GAVLES armes were so clogd and wearied with them, the ROMAINES plucking them backe to them againe, that they threw away their swordes and shieldes, and flying in, closed with the ROMAINES, and caught holde of their iauelines, thincking by plaine force to haue wrested them out of their handes. How­beit they perceauing then the GAVLES were naked, fell straight to their swordes:Camillus slue the Gaules againe. and so was C the slaughter of their first ranckes very great. The other fled scatteringly here and there, all a­bout the plaine: bicause Camillus had caused all the hilles and mountaines about them to be occupied and possessed. Neither dyd they retire towardes their campe, for that it was vnfor­tified, and also knewe well enough it would be easely taken. This battell (as they saye) was thirteene yeres after their taking of ROME before. But after that fielde, the ROMAINES co­rages were good enough against these barbarous GAVLES, whom they stoode in feare of before: thincking the first time they came, that they had not ouercomed them by force, but by reason of the plague that fell amongest them, or through some other straunge chaunce. For they dyd so feare them at that time, that they made a lawe,The Romai­nes have they exempted priestes from the warres. howe their priestes should be exempted from warres, so it were not against the GAVLES. This ouerthrowe was the last D marshall acte Camillus dyd in the warres. For, the taking of the cittie of VELITRES, was an accident depending vpon this iorney: bicause they yelded straight vnto him, without striking any stroke. But the seditiousnes of the people of ROME about gouernment, and the choo­sing of the yere Consuls, was the hardest matter he euer had in hande. For they returning home to ROME stronge, and of greate power, by their late obteined victorie: woulde in any case haue one of the Consuls to be chosen of a commoner, which was directly against their auncient custome. But the Senate stowtely withstoode it, and would not suffer Camillus to be put out of office: hoping the better by meanes of his authoritie, which was greate then, that they should mainteine and continue their auncient dignitie, and prerogatiue of their nobilitie. But as Camillus was set in his chayer in the market place, where he hearde E and dispatched causes: there came a sergeante to him, sent from the Tribunes of the people, who commaunded him to followe him, and there withall layed violent handes vpon him, as he woulde haue caried him awaye by force.Sedision as Rome about choosing of Consuls. This made suche a terrible tumulte and vprore, that the like was neuer seene before in the market place. For Ca­millus friendes draue the sergeaunte backe behinde the chayer. The common people cried out againe to the sergeant from beneath, pull him out of his chayer. This so amazed Camillus, that he knew not well what to saye to the matter. Notwithstanding, he would not resigne vp his office, but taking those Senatours he had about him, he went vnto the place where the Senate was wont to be kept. And there, before he would goe into it, he returned backe a­gaine vnto the Capitoll, & made his prayer vnto the goddes, that it would please them to F bring his troubles againe to a quiet, and so made a solemne vowe and promise (if these tu­multes and troubles might be pacified) that he woulde builde a temple of Concorde. When this matter came to debating before the Senate, there fell great contention and di­uersitie [Page 166] of opinions among them: yet in the ende, the easiest waye dyd carie it, and that was A to graunt the common peoples desire, that a commoner should be chosen Consul with a noble man.Policy to yeld so necessitie. A commoner chosen Con­sul with a noble man. The Dictator hauing openly published to the people the Senates decree, con­firming their desire: the common people were so ioyfull, that at that presence they let fall all their malice against the Nobilitie and Senate, and brought Camillus home to his house, with greate showtes of ioye, and clapping of handes. The next morning all the people being assembled together in the market place, it was there decreed: that the temple of concorde should be built at the common wealthes charge (according to the vowe Camillus had made) in such a place, as it might be seene from the market place selfe, where all the assemblies for matters of counsell were made. And further, it was ordered that one daye more should be added to the feastes of the LATINES: & that from thenceforth they should B solemnise foure festiuall dayes, & should presently make generall sacrifices vnto the goddes, in euerie temple of the cittie, to geue them thanckes: and in token of ioye, they should all weare garlands vpon their heades for this reconciliation. So Camillus proceeding to election, there were chosen two Consuls, Marcus AEmilius of the noble Patricians, and Lucius Sextus of the Plebeians or commoners.Marcus AE­milius, Lucius Sextus consuls. And this was the laste acte that euer Camillus dyd. For, the next yere after, the plague was in ROME, and tooke awaye an infinite number of people that dyed, besides many magistrates and officers of the citie that departed: among whom, Camillus also left his life.Camillus died of the plague. Who notwithstanding he had liued a long time, and had ended a reasonable course of life: yet he was as ready to dye, and as paciently tooke his death, as any man liuing could haue done. Moreouer, the ROMAINES made more mone and lamentation for his deathe alone, then for all the rest the plague had al­ready consu­med.

THE LIFE OF Pericles.

A CAESAR seeing in ROME one daye certen riche & wealthy straūgers, hauing litle dogges and munkeyes in their armes, and that they made maruelous much of them, he asked them if the women in their coun­try had no children: wisely reprouing them by his question, for that they bestowed their naturall loue & affection vpon brute beasts, which they should with all kindnes and loue bestowe vpon creatures. Nature in like case also, hauing planted in our minds a naturall desire to learne and vnderstand, we are in reason to reproue those that vainely abuse this good desire, fondly disposing it to learne things vaine and vnpro­fitable: and to cast behinde them in the meane season things honest and necessarie to be lear­ned: B For as touching our outward sence, which with passion receaueth impressiō of the thing it seeth, peraduenture it wilbe necessarie to consider indifferently the thing seene, whether it will fall out beneficiall or hurtefull vnto him: but so fareth it not with our vnderstanding, for euery man maye at his pleasure turne and dispose that to the thinge he taketh delight in, the reason whereof we must allwayes employe to the best parte,VVit all­wayes to be employed to good things. and that not only to con­sider and looke vpon the thing, but also to reape the benefit and commoditie of the thing we see. For like as the eye is most delited with the lightest and freshest cullers: euen so we must geue our mindes vnto those sightes, which by looking vpon them doe drawe profit and plea­sure vnto vs. For such effects doth vertue bring: that either to heare or reade them, they doe printe in our hartes an earnest loue aud desire to followe them. But this followeth not in all o­ther C things we esteeme, neither are we allwayes disposed to desire to doe the things we see wel done: but cōtrary oftentimes, when we like the worke, we mislike the worke man, as cōmonly in making these perfumes and purple cullers. For both the one, & the other doe please vs well: but yet we take perfumers & diers to be men of a meane occupation. Therefore Antisthenes aunswered one very wisely, that told him Ismenias was an excellent player of the flute.Antisthenes saying of a flute player. But yet he is a naughtie man, sayed he: otherwise he could not be so conning at the flute as he is. Euen so dyd Philippe king of MACEDON faye to his sonne Alexander the great on a time: that at a certen feast had song passing sweetely, and like a master of musicke: Art thou not [Page 168] ashamed, sonne, to singe so well? It is enough for a King to bestowe his leysure somtime to A heare musitians singe, and he doth much honour to the muses to heare the masters of the science otherwhile, when one of them singeth to excell another. But he that personally shall bestowe his time, exercising any meane science: bringeth his paynes he hath taken in matters vnprofitable, a witness against him selfe, to proue that he hath bene negligent to learne things honest and profitable. And there was neuer any young gentleman nobly borne, that seeing the image of Iupiter (which is in the cittie of PISA) desired to become Phidias: nor Polycletus, for seeing of Iune in the cittie of ARGOS: nor that desired to be Anacreon, or Philemon, or Archilochus, for that they tooke pleasure somtime to reade their workes. For it followeth not of necessitie, that though the worke delight, the workeman must needes be praysed. And so in like case, such things doe not profit those which behold them, bicause they doe not moue af­fection B in the hartes of the beholders to followe them, neither doe stirre vp affection to re­semble them,The power of vertue. and much lesse to conforme our selues vnto them. But vertue hath this singular propertie in all her actions: that she maketh the man that knoweth her to affect her so, that straight he liketh all her doings, and desireth to followe those that are vertuous. For, as for ri­ches, we only desire to haue them in possession: but of vertue, we chiefly loue the deedes. Wherefore, we are contented to haue goodes from other men: but good deedes we would other should haue from vs. For vertue is of this power, that she allureth a mans minde pre­sently to vse her, that wisely considereth of her, and maketh him very desirous in his harte to followe her: and doth not frame his manners that beholdeth her by any imitation, but by the only vnderstanding and knowledge of vertuous deedes, which sodainely bringeth vnto C him a resolute desire to doe the like. And this is the reason, why me thought I should conti­new still to write on the liues of noble men, and why I made also this tenthe booke: in the which are conteined the liues of Pericles, and Fabius Maximus, who mainteined warres a­gainst Hanniball. For they were both men very like together in many sundry vertues, and spe­cially in curtesie and iustice: & for that they could paciently beare the follies of their people, and companions that were in charge of gouernment with them, they were maruelous pro­fitable members for their countrie. But if we haue sorted them well together, comparing the one with the other: you shall easely iudge that reade our writings of their liues. Pericles was of the tribe of the Acamantides, Pericles stacke. of the towne of CHOLARGVS, and of one of the best & most auncient families of the cittie of ATHENS, both by his father and mother. For Xanthippus his D father (who ouercame in battell the lieutenants of the king of PERSIA in the iorney of My­sala) maried Agariste that came of Clisthenes, he who draue out of ATHENS Pisistratus of­spring, and valliantly ouerthrewe their tyrannie. Afterwards he established lawes, and ordei­ned a very graue forme of gouernment, to mainteine his citizens in peace and concorde to­gether. This Agariste dreamed one night, that she was brought a bed of a lyon: and very shortely after she was deliuered of Pericles, Pericles mo­thers dreame. who was so well proportioned in all the partes of his bodie,Pericles had a long head. that nothing could be mended, sauing that his head was somwhat to long and out of proportion to the rest of his bodie. And this is the only cause why all the statues & images of him almost, are made with a helmet of his head: bicause the workemen as it should seeme (and so it is most likely) were willing to hide the bleamishe of his deformitie. But the ATTI­CAN E poets dyd call him Schinocephalos, asmuch to saye, as headed like an onyon. For those of ATTICA doe somtime name that which is called in the vulgar tongue Scilla, that is to saye, an onyon of barbarie: Schinos. And Cratinus the Comicall poet in his comedie be intituled Chirones, sayed:

And againe also in that which he nameth Nemesis, speaking of him, he sayeth:

And Teleclides mocking him also, sayeth in a place:

And Eupolis in a comedie which he intituled Démi: being very inquisitiue, and asking par­ticularly of euery one of the Orators (whom he fayned were returned out of hell) when they named Pericles the last man vnto him, he sayed:

And as for musicke, the most authors write, that Damon dyd teache him musicke,Pericles stu­dies and tea­chers. of whose name (as men saye) they should pronounce the first syllable shorte. Howbeit Aristotle sayeth, that he was taught musicke by Pythoclides. Howsoeuer it was, it is certaine that this Damon was a man of deepe vnderstanding, and subtill in matters of gouernment: for, to hide from the people his sufficiency therein, he gaue it out he was a musitian, and dyd resorte vnto Pericles, as a master wrestler, or fenser: but he taught him howe he should deale in mat­ters of state. Notwithstanding, in the ende he could not so conningly conuey this matter, but the people sawe his harping and musicke, was only a viser to his other practice: wherefore C they dyd banish him ATHENS for fiue yeres, as a man that busilie tooke vpon him to chaunge the state of things, and that fauored tyrannie. And this gaue the Comicall poets matter to playe vpon him finely: among which Plato in a comedie of his, bringeth in a man that as­keth him:

He was somtime also scholler to the philosopher Zenon, who was borne in the cittie of E­LEA,Zenon Elea­tean. & taught naturall philosophie, as Parmenides dyd: but his profession was to thwarte and contrary all men, and to alledge a world of obiections in his disputation, which were so in­tricate, that his aduersarie replying against him, knewe not howe to aunswer him, nor to D conclude his argument. The which Timon Phliasius witnesseth in these wordes,

But Anaxagoras Clazomenian was he that was most familliar and conuersaunt with him, and dyd put in him the maiestie and grauity he shewed in all his sayings, and doings, who dyd farre excell the common course of ordinarie Orators that pleaded before the peo­ple: and to be shorte, he it was that dyd facion his manners, altogether to carie that graue countenaunce which he dyd. For they called Anaxagoras in his time, Nùśs, as much to saye, E as vnderstanding. Either bicause they had his singular wit and capacitie in suche great ad­miration, being growen to searche out the cause of naturall things: or that he was the first man, who dyd ascribe the disposition and gouernment of this world, not vnto fortune or fai­tall necessitie, but vnto a pure, simple, and vnderstanding minde, which doth separate at the first mouing cause, the substaunce of suche like partes as are medled and compounded of di­uers substaunces, in all other bodies through the world. Pericles made maruelous touche of Anaxagoras, who had fully instructed him in the knowledge of naturall things, and of those specially that worke aboue in the ayer and firmament. For he grewe not only to haue a great minde and an eloquent tongue, without any affectation,Pericles [...] ­ners and be­haviour. or grosse countrie termes: but to a but to a certen modest countenaunce that scantly smyled, very sober in his gate, hauing a kynde of [Page 170] sounde in his voyce that he neuer lost nor altered, and was of very honest behauiour, neuer A troubled in his talke for any thing that crossed him, and many other suche like things, as all that sawe them in him, and considered them, could but wonder at him. But for proofe here­of, the reporte goeth, there was a naughty busy fellowe on a time, that a whole daye to­gether dyd nothing but rayle vpon Pericles in the market place, and reuile him to his face, with all the villanous wordes he could vse. But Pericles put all vp quietly,Pericles pa­cience. and gaue him not a worde againe, dispatching in the meane time matters of importaunce he had in hand, vntill night came, that he went softly home to his house, shewing no alteration nor sem­blaunce of trouble at all, though this lewde varlet followed him at the heeles, with wordes of open defamation. And as he was ready to enter in at his owne doores, being darke night, he commaunded one of his men to take a torche, and to bring this man home to B his house. Yet the poet Ion sayeth, that Pericles was a very prowde man, and a stately, and that with his grauity and noble minde, there was mingled a certaine scorne and con­tempt of other: and contrarilie, he greatly prayseth the ciuillitie, humanitie, and curtesie of Cimon, bicause he could facion him selfe to all companies. But letting passe that which the poet Ion sayed: who would that vertue should be full of tragicall discipline, bringing in with it, a certaine saryticall discourse to moue laughture. Nowe Zennon contrariwise dyd counsell all those, that sayd Pericles grauity was a presumption, and arrogancie: that they should also followe him in his presumption. For, to counterfeate in that sorte things honest and vertuous, doth secretly with time breede an affection and desire to loue them, and afterwardes with custome euen effectually to vse and followe them.The benefits of naturall philosophie. So Pericles by C keeping Anaxagoras company, dyd not onely profit him selfe in these things, but he learned besides to put awaye all superstitious feare, of celestiall signes and impressions seene in the ayer. For to those that are ignoraunte of the causes thereof, suche sights are terrible, and to the godly also feareful, as if they were vtterly vndone: and all is, bicause they haue no cer­taine knowledge of the reason that naturall philosophy yeldeth, which in steade of a fearefull superstition, would bring a true religion accompanied with assured hope of goodnes. Some saye a man brought Pericles one daye from is farme out of the countrie, a rammes head that had but one horne,VVhat was signified by the rammes head that had but one horne, & was found in Pericles grounde. and that the prognosticator Lampon considering this head, that had but one strong horne in the middest of his forehead, interpreted, that this was the signifi­cation thereof. That being two tribes and seuerall factions in the cittie of ATHENS tou­ching D gouernment, the one of Pericles, and the other of Thucydides: the power of both should be brought into one, and specially into his parte, in whose house this signe dyd happen. Fur­ther, it is sayed that Anaxagoras being present, dyd cause the rammes head to be clouen in two peces, and shewed vnto them that stoode by, that the brayne of this ramme dyd not fill the panne of his naturall place, but inclosed it selfe in all partes, being narrowe like the poynte of an egge, in that parte where the horne tooke his first roote of budding out. So Anaxagoras was maruelously esteemed at that present by all those that stoode by: but so was Lampon, sone after that Thucydides was driuen awaye, and that the gouernment of the whole common weale fell into the handes of Pericles alone. And it is not to be wondred at (in my opinion) that the naturall philosopher and the prognosticator dyd rightly mere E together in trothe: the one directly telling the cause, and the other the ende of the euent as it fell out. For the profession of the one, is to knowe howe it commeth: and of the other, wherefore it commeth, and to foretell what it betokeneth. For where some saye, that to shewe the cause, is to take awaye the signification of the signe: they do not consider that in seeking to abolishe by this reason the wonderfull tokens and signes in the ayer, they doe take awaye those also which are done by arte. As the noyse of basons, the lightes of fyre by the sea side, and the shadowes of nedles or pointes of dyalles in the sunne: all which things are done by some cause and handyworke, to be a signe and token of something. But this argu­ment peraduenture maye serue better in another booke. And nowe againe to Pericles. Whi­lest he was yet but a young man, the people stoode in awe of him, bicause he somwhat re­sembled F Pisistratus in his countenaunce:Pericles like­ned as Pisi­stratus. and the auncientest men of the cittie also were muche afeard of his softe voyce, his eloquent tongue, and ready vtteraunce bicause [Page 171] A in those he was Pisistratus vp and downe. Moreouer he was very riche and wealthy, and of one of the noblest families of the cittie, and those were his friendes also that caried the only swaye and authoritie in the state: whereupon, fearing least they would banishe him with the banishment of Ostracismon, he would not medle with gouernment in any case, although o­therwise he shewed him selfe in warres very valliant and forward, and feared not to venter his persone. But after that Aristides was dead, that Themistocles was driuen awaye, and that Cimon being euer in seruice in the warres as generall in forreine countries, was a long time out of GRECE: then he came to leane to the tribe of the poore people, preferring the multitude of the poore communaltie, aboue the small number of Nobilitie and riche men,Pericles first beginning to deale in the cōmō wealth. the which was directly against his nature. For of him selfe he was not popular, nor meanely geuen: but he B dyd it (as it should seeme) to auoyde suspition, that he should pretend to make him selfe King. And bicause he sawe Cimon was inclined also to take parte with the Nobilitie, and that he was singularly beloued and liked of all the honester sorte: he to the contrarie enclined to the common people, purchasing by this meanes safety to him selfe, and authoritie against Cimon. So he presently beganne a newe course of life, since he had taken vpon him to deale in matters of state: for they neuer sawe him afterwardes at any time goe into the cittie, but to the market place, or to the Senate house.To much fa­miliaritie breedeth con­tempt. He gaue vp going to all feastes where he was bid­den, and left the entertainment of his friendes, their company and familiaritie. So that in all his time wherein he gouerned the common weale, which was a long time, he neuer went out to supper to any of his friendes, vnles it were that he was once at a feast at his nephew Eury­ptolemus C mariage: and then he taried there no longer, but while the ceremonie was a doing, when they offer wine to the goddes, and so he rose from the table. For these friendly mee­tings at suche feastes, doe much abase any counterfeate maiestie or set countenaunce: and he shall haue much a doe to keepe grauity and reputation, shewing familiaritie to euery knowen friende in such open places. For in perfect vertue, those things truly are euer most excellent, which be most common: and in good and vertuous men there is nothing more admirable vnto straungers, then their dayely conuersation is to their friendes. Pericles nowe to preuent that the people should not be glutted with seeing him to ofte, nor that they should come much to him: they dyd see him but at some times, and then he would not talke in euery mat­ter, neither came muche abroade among them, but reserued him selfe (as Critolaus sayed D they kept the SALAMINIAN galley at ATHENS) for matters of great importaunce. And in the meane season, in other matters of small moment,Ephialtes an orator. he delt by meanes of certaine orators his familliar friendes, amongest whom Ephialtes (as they saye) was one: he who tooke awaye the authoritie and power from the courte of Areopagus, and dyd geue to muche libertie to the people, as Plato sayed. Vpon which occasion, as the Comicall poets saye, he became so stowte and head strong, that they could no more holde him backe, then a younge vnbrideled colte: and tooke such a corage vpon him, that he would obaye no more, but inuaded the Ile of EVBOEA, and set vpon the other Ilandes. Pericles also bicause he would facion a phrase of speache, with a kynde of style altogether agreable to the manner of life and grauitie he had taken vpon him: he gaue him selfe to all matters which he had learned of Anaxagoras, E shadowing his reasons of naturall philosophie, with artificiall rethoricke. For hauing obtei­ned a deepe vnderstanding by studying of philosophie, and a ready waye effectually to ende any matter, he vndertoke to proue (besides that nature had endued him with an excellent witte and capacitie, as the diuine Plato doth write, to bring any thing to serue his purpose) he dyd so artificially compasse it with eloquence, that he farre passed all the orators in his time. And for this cause was he (as they saye) surnamed Olympius, VVhy Peri­cles was sur­named Olym­pius. as muche to saye, as hea­uenly or diuine. But some are of opinion he had that surname, by reason of the common buildings and stately workes he raysed vp in the cittie of ATHENS, that dyd muche set forth the same. Other thinke it was geuen him for his great authoritie and power he had in gouernment, aswell in warres, as in peace. But it is no maruaill that this glorie was F geuen him, considering the many other qualities and vertues that were in him. How­beit the comedies the Poetes caused to be played in those times (in which there were many wordes spoken of him, some in earnest, some in sporte and ieast) doe witnesse [Page 172] that he had that surname geuen him, chiefly for his eloquence. For it is reported, that he A thundered and lightened in his oration to the people, & that his tongue was a torrible light­ning. And touching this matter, they tell of an aunswer Thucydides, Milesius sonne, should pleasauntly make concerning the force of Pericles eloquence, Thucydides was a noble man, and had long time contented against Pericles in matters of the common weale.Thucydides, Pericles ad­uersarie. Archidamus, king of LACEDAEMON, asked Thucydides on a time: whether he or Pericles wrestled best. Thu­cydides made him aunswer. When I haue geuen him an open fall before the face of the world, he can so excellently deny it, that he maketh the people beleeue he had no fall at all, and persuadeth them the contrarie of that they sawe. Notwithstanding he was euer very graue and wise in speaking. For euer when he went vp into the pulpit for orations to speake to the people, he made his prayers vnto the goddes, that nothing might escape his mouthe,B but that he might consider before whether it would serue the purpose of his matter he trea­ted on: yet are there none of his workes extant in writing, vnles it be some fewe lawes he made, and but very fewe of his notable sayings are brought to light, saue only these. He sayed on a time that they must take awaye the cittie of AEGINA, Pericles say­ings. bicause it was a strawe lying in the eye of the hauen PIRAEA. And another time, he sayed that he saw the warres a farre of, com­ming from PELOPONNESVS. Another time, as he tooke shippe with Sophocles (his compa­nion in commission with him as generall of the armie) who commended a fayer young boye they met as they came to the hauen: Sophocles, sayed he, a gouernour must not only haue his handes, but also his eyes cleane. And Stesimbrotus writeth, that in a funerall oration he made in the prayse of those that were slaine in the warre of SAMOS: he sayed they were immor­tall C as the goddes. For we doe not see the goddes (sayed he) as they be, but for the honour that is done to them, and the great happines they enioye, we doe coniecture they are im­mortall: and the same things are in those that dye in seruice, and defence of their countrie. Nowe where Thucydides doth write the gouernment of the common weale vnder Pericles to be as a gouernment of Nobilitie, and yet had apparaunce of a popular state: it is true that in effect it was a Kingdome, bicause one alone dyd rule and gouerne the whole state. And many other saye also,Pericles com­mon wealthe. he was the first that brought in the custome to deuide the enemies landes wonne by conquest among the people, and of the common money to make the peo­ple see playes and pastimes, and that appointed them rewarde for all things. But this custome was ill brought vp. For the common people that before were contented with litle, and got D their liuing paynefully with swet of their browes: became nowe to be very vaine, sumptuous, and riotous, by reason of these things brought vp then. The cause of the alteration doth easely appeare by those things. For Pericles at his first comming, sought to winne the fauour of the people, as we haue sayed before, only to get like reputation that Cimon had wonne. But comming farre shorte of his wealthe and abilitie, to carie out the porte and charge that Cimon dyd,The good deedes of Cimon. entertaining the poore, keeping open house to all commers, clothing poore olde people, breaking open besides all inclosures and pales through all his landes, that e­uery one might with more libertie come in, and take the fruites thereof at their pleasure: and seeing him selfe by these great meanes out gone farre in good will with the common peo­ple, by Demonides counsell and procurement (who was borne in the Ile of IOS) he brought E in this distribution of the common money, as Aristotle writeth. And hauing wonne in a shorte time the fauour and good will of the common people, by distribution of the com­mon treasure, which he caused to be deuided among them, aswell to haue place to see these playes, as for that they had rewarde to be present at the iudgementes, and by other suche like corruptions: he with the peoples helpe, dyd inuey against the courte of the Areopagites, Pericles large distri­bution dimi­nished, the A­reopagit au­thoritie. wherof he neuer was any member. For it neuer came to be his happe to be yerely gouernour, nor keeper of the lawes, nor King of the sacrifices, nor master of the warres: all which were offices chosen in auncient time by lot. And further, those on whom the lot fell, if they had be­haued them selues well in their office, they were called forwards, & raised to be of the bodie of this courte of the Areopagites. Pericles nowe by these meanes hauing obteined great cre­dit F and authoritie amongest the common people, he troubled the Senate of the Areopa­gites in suche sorte, that he pluckt many matters from their hearing, by Ephialtes helpe: [Page 173] A and in time made Cimon to be banished ATHENS, Pericles cau­seth Cimon to be banished Athens. as one that fauored the LACEDAEMO­NIANS, and contraried the common wealthe and authoritie of the people. Notwithstanding he was the noblest and richest persone of all the cittie, and one that had wonne so many glo­rious victories, and had so replenished ATHENS with the conquered spoyles of their ene­mies, as we haue declared in his life: so great was the authoritie of Pericles amongest the peo­ple. Nowe the banishment wherewith he was punished (which they called Ostracismon) was limited by the lawe for tenne yeres.The Ostra­cismon. In which space the LACEDAEMONIANS being come downe with a great armie into the countrie of TANAGRA, the ATHENIANS sent out their power presently against them. There Cimon willing to shewe the ATHENIANS by his deedes, that they had falsely accused him for fauoring the LACEDAEMONIANS: dyd arme B him self, and went on his country mens side, to fight in the companie of his tribe. But Pericles friends gathered together, and forced Cimon to departe thence as a banished man. And this was the cause that Pericles fought that daye more valliantly then euer he dyd, and he wanne the honour and name to haue done more in the persone of him selfe that daye, then any o­ther of all the armie. At that battell also, all Cimons friends, whom Pericles had burdened like­wise to fauour the LACEDAEMONIANS doings, dyed euery man of them that daye. Then the ATHENIANS repented them much that they had driuen Cimon away, and wished he were re­stored, after they had lost this battell vpon the confines of the countrie of ATTICA: bicause they feared sharpe warres would come vpon them againe at the next spring. Which thing when Pericles perceyued, he sought also to further that the common people desired: where­fore C he straight caused a decree to be made, that Cimon should be called home againe,Pericles cal­leth Cimon from exile. which was done accordingly. Now when Cimon was returned, he adulsed that peace should be made betwene both citties: for the LACEDAEMONIANS dyd loue Cimon very well, and contrarily they hated Pericles, and all other gouernours. Some notwithstanding doe write, that Pericles dyd neuer passe his consent to call him home againe, before suche time as they had made a se­cret agreement amongest them selues (by meanes of Elpinice Cimons sister) that Cimon should be sent out with an armie of two hundred galleys, to make warres in the king of Persia his dominions, & that Pericles should remaine at home with the authoritie of gouernment within the cittie. This Elpinice (Cimōs sister) had once before intreated Pericles for her brother, at such time as he was accused before the iudge of treason. For Pericles was one of the committees, D to whom this accusation was referred by the people. Elpinice went vnto him, & besought him not to doe his worst vnto her brother. Pericles aunswered her merilie. Thou art to old Elpinice, thou art to olde, to goe through with these matters. Yet when his matter came to iudgement, & that his cause was pleaded: he rose but once to speake against him (for his owne discharge as it were) & went his waye when he had sayed, doing lesse hurte to Cimon, Pericles mo­deration vnto Cimon. then any other of his accusers. How is Idomeneus to be credited nowe, who accuseth Pericles that he had caused the orator Ephialtes to be slaine by treason (that was his friende, and dyd alwayes counsell him, and take his parte in all kinde of gouernment of the common weale) only for the iealou­sie and enuie he dyd beare to his glorie? I can but muse why Idomeneus should speake so slaun­derously against Pericles, vnles it were that his melancholy humour procured suche violent E speache: who though peraduenture he was not altogether blameles, yet he was euer nobly­minded, and had a naturall desire of honour, in which kinde of men such furious cruell pas­sions are seldome seene to breede. But this orator Ephialtes being cruell to those that tooke parte with the Nobilitie, bicause he would spare nor pardone no man for any offence what­soeuer committed against the peoples authoritie, but dyd followe and persecute them with all rigour to the vttermost: his enemies layed waite for him by meanes of one Aristodicus TANAGRIAN, and they killed him by treason, as Aristotle writeth.The murther of Ephialtes. In the meane time Cimon dyed in the Ile of CYPRVS, being generall of the armie of the ATHENIANS by sea. Where­fore those that tooke parte with the Nobilitie, seeing Pericles was nowe growen very great, and that he went before all other citizens of ATHENS, thincking it good to haue some one to F sticke on their side against him, and to lessen thereby somewhat his authoritie,Thucydides Pericles ad­uersary in the cōmō wealth. that he might not come to rule all as he would: they raised vp against him, one Thucydides, of the towne of ALODECIA, a graue wise man, and father in lawe to Cimon. This Thucydides had lesse skill of [Page 174] warres then Cimon, but vnderstoode more in ciuill gouernment then he, for that he remained A most parte of his time within the cittie: where continually inuaying against Pericles in his pulpit for orations to the people, in shorte time he had stirred vp a like companie against the faction of Pericles. For he kept the gentlemen and richer sorte (which they call Nobilitie) from mingling with the common people, as they were before, when through the multitude of the commnons their estate and dignitie was abscured, and troden vnderfoote. Moreouer he dyd separate them from the people, and dyd assemble them all as it were into one bodie, who came to be of equall power with the other faction, and dyd put (as a man will saye) a counter­pease into the ballance. For at the beginning there was but a litle secret grudge only betwene these two factions, as an artificiall flower set in the blade of a sworde, which made those shewe a litle, that dyd leane vnto the people: and the other also somwhat that fauored the Nobilitie.B But the contention betwene these two persones, was as a deepe cut, which deuided the cittie wholy in two factions: of the which the one was called the Nobilitie, and the other the com­munaltie. Therefore Pericles geuing yet more libertie vnto the people, dyd all things that might be to please them, ordeining continuall playes and games in the cittie, many feastes, banckets, and open pastimes to entertaine the commons with suche honest pleasures and de­uises: and besides all this, he sent yerely an armie of three score gallyes vnto the warres, into the which he put a great number of poore cittizens that tooke paye of the state for nine mo­neths of the yere, and thereby they dyd learne together, and practise to be good sea men. Fur­thermore he sent into the countrie of CHERRONESVS, a thousand free men of the cittie to dwell there, and to deuide the landes amongest them: fiue hundred also into the Ile of NA­XOS:C into the Ile of ANDROS, two hundred & fiftie: into THRACIA, a thousand to dwell with the BISALTES: & other also into ITALIE, when the cittie of SYBARIS was built againe, which afterwardes was surnamed the cittie of the THVRIANS. All this he dyd to ryd the cittie of a number of idle people,A politicke care for idle persones. who through idlenes beganne to be curious, and to desire chaunge of things, as also to prouide for the necessitie of the poore townes men that had nothing. For, placing the naturall citizens of ATHENS neere vnto their subiects and friendes, they serued as a garrison to keepe them vnder, and dyd suppresse them also from attempting any altera­tion or chaunge. But that which deliteth most, and is the greatest ornament vnto the cittie of ATHENS, which maketh straungers most to wonder, and which alone doth bring sufficient te­stimonie, to confirme that which is reported of the auncient power, riches, and great wealthe D of GRECE, to be true and not false: are the stately and sumptuous buildings, which Pericles made to be built in the cittie of ATHENS. For it is the only acte of all other Pericles dyd,Sumptuous buildings e­rected by Pericles. and which made his enemies most to spight him, and which they most accused him for, cry­ing out vpon him in all counsailles & assemblies: that the people of ATHENS were opēly defa­med, for carying awaye the ready money of all GRECE, which was left in the Ile of DELOS to be safely kept there. And although they could with good honestie haue excused this facte, saying that Pericles had taken it from them, for feare of the barbarous people, to the ende to laye it vp in a more stronger place, where it should be in better safetie: yet was this to ouer­great an iniurie offered vnto all the rest of GRECE, and to manifest a token of tyrannie also, to beholde before their eyes, howe we doe employe the money, which they were inforced to E gather for the maintenaunce of the warres against the barbarous people, in gilding, building, and setting forth our cittie, like a glorious woman, all to be gawded with golde and precious stones, and howe we doe make images, and build vp temples of wonderfull & infinite charge. Pericles replied to the contrarie, and declared vnto the ATHENIANS that they were not bounde to make any accompt of this money vnto their friendes and allies, considering that they fought for their safety, & that they kept the barbarous people farre from GRECE, with­out troubling them to set out any one man, horse, or shippe of theirs, the money only excep­ted, which is no more theirs that payed it, then theirs that receyued it, so they bestowe it to that vse they receyued it for. And their cittie being already very well furnished, and prouided of all things necessary for the warres, it was good reason they should employe and bestowe the F surplus of the treasure in things: which in time to come (and being throughly finished) would make their fame eternall. Moreouer he sayed that whilest they continue building, they should [Page 175] A be presently riche, by reason of the diuersitie of workes of all sortes, and other things which they should haue neede of: and to compasse these things the better, and to set them in hande, all manner of artificers and worke men (that would labour) should be set a worke. So should all the townes men, and inhabitants of the cittie, receyue paye and wages of the common treasure: and the cittie by this meanes should be greatly beawtified, and muche more able to mainteine it selfe. For suche as were stronge, and able men of bodie, and of yeres to carie weapon, had paye and entertainment of the common wealthe, which were sent abroade vnto the warres: and other that were not meete for warres, as craftes men, and labourers: he would also they should haue parte of the common treasure, but not without they ear­ned it, and by doing somewhat. And this was his reason, and the cause that made him occupie B the common people with great buildings, and deuises of works of diuers occupations, which could not be finished of long time: to the ende that the cittizens remaining at home, might haue a meane and waye to take parte of the common treasure, and enriche them selues, aswell as those that went to the warres, and serued on the sea, or els that laye in garrison to keepe any place or forte. For some gayned by bringing stuffe: as stones, brasse, yuory, gold, ebbany, & cy­pres. Other got, to worke and facion it: as carpinters, grauers, fownders, casters of images,Diuers artifi­cers at Athēs. masons, hewers of stone, dyers, goldsmithes, ioyners working in yuorie, painters, men that set in sundrie cullers of peces of stone or wodde, and turners. Other gayned to bring stuffe, & to furnishe them: as marchaunts, mariners, and shippemasters, for things they brought them by sea. And by lande other got also: as carte makers, cariers, carters, corde makers, sadlers, coller­makers, C & pyoners to make wayes plaine, & miners, & such like. Furthermore, euery science and crafte, as a captaine hauing souldiers, had also their armie of the worke men that serued them, labouring truely for their liuing, who serued as prētises & iorney men vnder the worke­masters: so the worke by this meanes dyd disperse abroade a common gayne to all sortes of people and ages, what occupation or trade soeuer they had. And thus came the buildings to rise in greatnes & sumptuousnes, being of excellent workemanshippe, & for grace & beawtie not comparable: bicause euery workeman in his science dyd striue what he could to excell others, to make his worke appeare greatest in sight, and to be most workemanly done in showe. But the greatest thing to be woundred at, was their speede and diligence. For where e­uery man thought those workes were not likely to be finished in many mens liues and ages, & D from man to man: they were all done and finished, whilest one only gouernour continued still in credit and authoritie. And yet they saye, that in the same time, as one Agatarchus boasted him self, that he had quickly painted certen beastes: Zeuxis another painter hearing him, aun­swered. And I contrarilie doe reioyce, that I am a long time in drawing of them. For cōmon­ly slight and sodaine drawing of any thing, cannot take deepe cullers, nor geue perfect beawty to the worke: but length of time, adding to the painters diligence and labour in making of the worke, maketh the cullers to continue for euer. For this cause therefore the workes Pericles made, are more wonderfull: bicause they were perfectly made in so shorte a time, and haue cōtinued so long a season. For euery one of those which were finished vp at that time, seemed then to be very auncient touching the beawtie thereof: and yet for the grace & continuance E of the same, it looketh at this daye as if it were but newly done and finished, there is suche a certaine kynde of florishing freshnes in it, which letteth that the iniurie of time cannot im­paire the sight thereof: As if euery one of those foresaid workes, had some liuing spirite in it, to make it seeme young and freshe: and a soule that liued euer, which kept them in their good continuing state. Now the chief surueyour generall of all these workes, was Phidias, albeit that there were many other excellent worke masters in euery science & occupation. For the tem­ple of Pallas, which is called Parthénon (as a man would saye, the temple of the virgine, and is surnamed Hecatompedon, for that it is a hundred foote euery waye) was built by Ictinus, and Callicrates: and the chappell of Eleusin (where the secret ceremonies of the mysteries were made) was first founded by Corabus, who raised vp the first pillers in order, standing beneath F on the ground, and dyd set them vp vnto the master chaptrells. But after he was dead, Me­tagenes, borne in the towne of XYPETA, turned the arches ouer, and then dyd set the pillers in order also which are aboue: and Xenocles of the towne of CHOLARGEA, was he that made [Page 176] the lanterne or toppe of the steeple which couereth the sanctuarie: but the long wall which A Socrates heard Pericles him selfe geue order for the building of it, was done by Calli [...]rates, who vndertooke the worke. Cratinus the Poet, in a comedie he made, laugheth at this worke, to see how slowly it went forward, and how long it was a doing, saying:

And as for the Theater or place appointed for musicke, where they heare all musicians playe, and is called Odeon:The Odeon. it is very well made within with diuers seates & degrees, and many ranges of pillers, but the toppe of the roofe is altogether rounde, which is somwhat hanging B downeward round about of it selfe, comming together into one pointe. And it is sayed that this was made after the patterne and facion of king Xerxes royall pauilion, and that Pericles was the first deuiser and maker of it. Wherefore Cratinus in another place of his comedie he maketh of the THRACIANS, doth playe very pretily vpon him, saying:

Pericles was the first that made maruelous earnest labour to the people that they would make an order, that on the daye of the feast called Panathena [...], they would set vp games for C musicke.Pericles ere­cted games for musicke. And he him selfe being chosen ruler of these games, as iudge to rewarde the best de­seruer: ordained the manner the musicians should euer after keepe in their singing, playing on their flutes, or vpon the citherne, or other instruments of musicke. So the first games that euer were for musicke, were kept within the Odeon: and so were the other after them also, e­uen celebrated there. The gate and entring into the castell was made and finished within the space of fiue yeres, vnder the charge of Mnesicles, that was master of the workes. And whilest these gates were a building, there happened a wonderfull chaunce, which declared very well that the goddesse Minerua dyd not mislike the building, but that it pleased her maruelously. For one of the most painefullest workemen that wrought there, fell by mischaunce from the height of the castell to the grounde, which fall dyd so sore broose him, and he was so sicke D with all, that the phisitians and surgeons had no hope of his life. Pericles being very sorie for his mischaunce, the goddesse appeared to him in his sleepe in the night, and taught him a me­dicine, with the which he dyd easely heale the poore broosed man, & that in shorte time. And this was the occasion why he caused the image of the goddesse Minerua (otherwise called of healthe) to be cast in brasse, and set vp within the temple of the castell, neere vnto the altar which was there before, as they saye. But the golden image of Minerua was made by Phidias, and grauen round about the base: Who had the charge in manner of all other workes, and by reason of the good will Pericles bare him, he commaunded all the other workemen. And this made the one to be greatly enuied, and the other to be very ill spoken of. For their ene­mies gaue it out abroad, that Phidias receyued the gentlewomen of the cittie into his house,E vnder culler to goe see his workes, and dyd conuey them to Pericles. Vpon this brute, the Co­micall poets taking occasion, dyd cast out many slaunderous speaches against Pericles, The Poets raise vp slaū ­ders against Pericles. accu­sing him that he kept one Menippus wife, who was his friend and lieutenante in the warres: and burdened him further, that Pyrilampes, one of his familiar friends also, brought vp fowle, and specially peacoks, which he secretly sent vnto the women that Pericles kept. But we must not wonder at these Satyres, that make profession to speake slaunderously against all the worlde, as it were to sacrifice the iniuries and wronges they cast vpon honorable and good men, to the spight and enuie of the people, as vnto wicked spirites: considering that Stes [...] ­brotus THASIAN durst falsely accuse Pericles of detestable incest, and of abusing his owne sonnes wife. And this is the reason, in my opinion, why it is so hard a matter to come to the F perfect knowledge of the trothe of auncient things, by the monuments of historiographers: considering long processe of time, doth vtterly obscure the trothe of matters, done in former [Page 177] A times. For euery written historie speaking of men that are aliue, and of the time of things, whereof it maketh mention: somtime for hate and enuie, somtime for fauour or flatterie, doth disguise and corrupt the trothe. But Pericles perceyuing that the orators of Thucydides faction, in their common orations dyd still crie out vpon him, that he dyd vainely waste and consume the common treasure, and that he bestowed vpon the workes, all the whole reuenue of the cittie: one daye when the people were assembled together, before them all he asked them, if they thought that the coste bestowed were to muche. The people aunswered him: a great deale to muche. Well, said he then,The noble saying of Pe­ricles. the charges shalbe mine (if you thinke good) and none of yours: prouided that no mans name be written vpon the workes, but mine onely. When Pericles had sayed so, the people cried out alowde, they would none of that (either bi­cause B that they wondred at the greatnes of his minde, or els for that they would not geue him the only honour and prayse to haue done so sumptuous and stately workes) but willed him that he should see them ended at the common charges, without sparing for any costs. But in the end, falling out openly with Thucydides, & putting it to an aduēture which of them should banishe other, with the banishment of Os̄tracismon: Pericles got the vpper hand, and banished Thucydides out of the cittie,Thucydides banished by Pericles. & therewithall also ouerthrewe the contrarie faction against him. Now when he had rooted out all factions, and brought the cittie againe to vnitie & concorde, he founde then the whole power of ATHENS in his handes,Pericles power. and all the ATHENIANS matters at his disposing. And hauing all the treasure, armo ur, gallyes, the Iles, and the sea, and a mar­uelous seigniorie and Kingdome (that dyd enlarge it selfe partely ouer the GRECIANS, and C partely ouer the barbarous people) so well fortified and strengthened with the obedience of nations subiect vnto them, with the friendshippe of Kings, & with the alliance of diuers other Princes & mightie Lords: then from that time forward he beganne to chaunge his manners, and from that he was wont to be toward the people, and not so easely to graunt to all the peo­ples willes and desires, no more then as it were to contrarie windes. Furthermore he altered his ouer gentle and popular manner of gouernment which he vsed vntill that time,Pericles som­what altereth the common weale. as to de­licate & to effeminate an harmonie of musike, and dyd conuert it vnto an imperious gouern­ment, or rather to a kingly authoritie: but yet held still a direct course, and kept him self euer vpright without fault, as one that dyd, sayed, and counselled that, which was most expedient for the common weale. He many times brought on the people by persuasions and reasons, to D be willing to graunt that he preferred vnto them: but many times also, he draue them to it by force, & made them against their willes doe that, which was best for them. Following therein the deuise of a wise phisitian: who in a long and chaungeable disease, doth graunt his pa­cient somtime to take his pleasure of a thing he liketh, but yet after a moderate sorte: and ano­ther time also he doth geue him a sharpe or bitter medicine that doth vexe him, though it heale him. For as it falleth out commonly vnto people that enioye so great an empire: many times misfortunes doe chaunce, that fill them full of sundrie passions, the which Pericles alone could finely steere and gouerne with two principall rudders, feare, and hope: brideling with the one, the fierce & insolent rashenes of the common people in prosperitie, and with the o­ther comforting their grief and discoragement in aduersitie. Wherein he manifestly proued, E that rethorike and eloquence (as Plato sayeth) is an arte which quickeneth mens spirites at her pleasure,The force of eloquence. and her chiefest skill is, to knowe howe to moue passions and affections throughly, which are as stoppes and soundes of the soule, that would be played vpon with a fine fingered hande of a conning master. All which, not the force of his eloquence only brought to passe, as Thucydides witnesseth: but the reputation of his life, and the opinion and confidence they had of his great worthines,Pericles com­mended for his good life & worthines. bicause he would not any waye be corrupted with gifts, neither had he any couetousnes in him. For, when he had brought his cittie not onely to be great, but excee­ding great and wealthy, and had in power and authoritie exceeded many Kings and tyrannes, yea euen those which by their willes and testaments might haue left great possessions to their children: he neuer for all that increased his fathers goodes and patrimonie left him, the value F of a grote in siluer. And yet the historiographer Thucydides doth set forth plainely enough, the greatnes of his power. And the Comicall poets also of that time doe reporte it maliciously vnder couert words, calling his familiar friends, the newe Pisistratides: saying, howe they must [Page 178] make him sweare and protest he would neuer be King, geuing vs thereby to vnderstand, that A his authoritie was to exceeding great for a popular gouernment. And Teleclides (amongest o­ther) sayeth that the ATHENIANS had put into his hands the reuenue of the townes & citties vnder their obedience, and the townes them selues, to binde the one, and to lose the other, & to pull downe their walles, or to build them againe at his pleasure. They gaue him power, to make peace and alliance: they gaue all their force, treasure, & authoritie, and all their goodes, wholy into his handes. But this was not for a litle while, nor in a geere of fauour, that should continue for a time: but this helde out fortie yeres together, he being allwayes the chief of his cittie amōgest the Ephialtes, the Leocrates, the Mironides, the Cimons, the Tolmides, & the Tho­cydides. For after he had preuailed against Thucydides, & had banished him: he yet remained chief aboue all other, the space of fifteene yeres. Thus hauing atteined a regall dignitie to cō ­maunde B all, which continued as aforesaid, where no other captaines authoritie endured but one yere: He euer kept him selfe vpright from bribes and money,Pericles free from giftes taking. though otherwise he was no ill husband, and could warely looke to his owne. As for his landes and goodes left him by his parents, that they miscaried not by negligēce, nor that they should trouble him much, in bu­sying him self to reduce them to a value: he dyd so husband them,Pericles good husbandrie. as he thought was his best and easiest waye. For he solde in grosse euer the whole yeres profit and commoditie of his landes, and afterwardes sent to the market daylie to buye the cates, and other ordinarie proui­sion of housholde. This dyd not like his sonnes that were men growen, neither were his wo­men contented with it, who would haue had him more liberall in his house, for they complai­ned of his ouerhard and straight ordinarie, bicause in so noble and great a house as his, there C was neuer any great remaine left of meate, but all things receyued into the house, ranne vnder accompt, & were deliuered out by proportion. All this good husbandrie of his, was kept vp­right in this good order, by one Euangelus, Steward of his house, a man very honest and skill­full in ordering his householde prouision: and whether Pericles had brought him vp to it, or that he had it by nature, it was not knowen. But these things were farre contrarie to Anaxa­goras wisedome.Anaxagoras a mathemati­cian. For he despising the world, and casting his affection on heauenly things: dyd willingly forsake his house, and suffered all his lande to ronne to layes and to pasture. But (in my opinion) great is the diuersitie betwene a contemplatiue life, and a ciuill life.Great diuer­sitie betwext contemplatiue and ciuill life. For the one employeth all his time vpon the speculation of good and honest things: and to attaine to that, he thinketh he hath no neede of any exteriour helpe or instrument. The other applying D all his time vpon vertue, to the common profit & benefit of men: he thinketh that he needeth riches, as an instrument not only necessarie, but also honest. As, looke vpon the example of Pericles: who dyd relieue many poor people. And Anaxagoras specially among other: of whom it is reported, that Pericles being occupied about matters of state at that time, hauing no leysure to thinke vpon Anaxagoras, he seeing him selfe old & forsaken of the world, layed him downe, and couered his head close, determining to starue him selfe to death with hunger.Anaxagoras determined to furnish him self to death. Pericles vnderstanding this, ranne presently to him as a man halfe cast awaye, and prayed him as earnestly as he could, that he would dispose him selfe to liue, being not only sorie for him, but for him selfe also, that he should lose so faithfull and wise a counseller, in matters of state and gouernment. Then Anaxagoras shewed his face, and tolde him: O Pericles, Anaxagoras saying to Pe­ricles. those that E will see by the light of a lampe, must put oyle to it, to make the light burne. Now beganne the LACEDAEMONIANS to growe iealous, of the greatnes of the ATHENIANS, wherefore Pericles to make the ATHENIANS hartes greater, and to drawe their mindes to great enterprises: set downe an order they should send ambassadours, to persuade all the GRECIANS (in what part soeuer they dwelt in EVROPE, or ASIA, aswell the litle as the great citties) to send their de­puties vnto ATHENS, to the generall assembly that should be holden there,Pericles ap­pointeth a ge­nerall coun­cell to be hol­den as Athēs. to take order for the temples of the goddes which the barbarous people had burnt, and touching the sacrifices they had vowed for the preseruation of GRECE, when they gaue battell vpon them: and tou­ching sea matters also, that euery man might sayle in safetie where he would, & that all might liue together in good peace & loue, one with another. To performe this commission, twenty F persones were sent of this embasiate, euery one of them being fiftie yeres of age and vpward. Whereof fiue of them went to the DORIANS, dwelling in ASIA, and to the inhabitants of the [Page 179] A Iles, euen vnto the Iles of LESBOS, & of the RHODES. Fiue other went through all the coun­try of HELLESPONT, and of THRACIA, vnto the cittie of BIZANTIVM. Other fiue were cō ­maunded to goe into BOEOTIA, into PHOCIDES, and through all PELOPONNESVS, & from thence by the countrie of the LOCRIANS, into the vplande countrie adioyning to it, vntill they came into the country of ACARNANIA, & of AMBRACIA. And the other fiue went first into the Ile of EVBOEA; and from thence vnto the OETAEIANS, and through all the gulfe of MALEA, vnto the PHTIOTES, vnto the ACHAIANS, and the THESSALIANS: declaring to all the people where they came, the ATHENIANS commission, persuading them to send vn­to ATHENS, and to be present at the councell which should be holden there, for the pacifi­cation & vnion of all GRECE. But when all came to all, nothing was done, & the sayed citties B of GRECE dyd not assemble, by practise of the LACEDAEMONIANS (as it is reported) who were altogether the let: for the first refusall that was made of their summons, was at PELO­PONNESVS. This haue I written to make Pericles noble corage to be knowen, and howe pro­founde a wise man he shewed him selfe vnto the world. Furthermore, when he was chosen ge­nerall in the warres, he was much esteemed; bicause he euer tooke great regarde to the safetie of his souldiers.Pericles lo­ued the safry of his men in warres. For by his good will he would neuer hazard battell, which he sawe might fall out doubtfull, or in any thing daungerous: and moreouer, he neuer praysed them for good generalls, neither would he followe them that had obteined great victories by hazard, how­soeuer other dyd esteeme or cōmend them. For he was wont to saye, that if none but him self dyd leade them to the shambles, as much as laye in him, they should be immortall. And when C he sawe Tolmides, the sonne of Tolmaeus (trusting to his former victories, and the praise & com­mendation of his good seruice) dyd prepare vpon no occasion, and to no purpose, to enter into the countrie of BOEOTIA, & had procured also a thousand of the lustiest & most valliant men of the cittie, to be contented to goe with him in that iorney, ouer and aboue the rest of the armie he had leauied: he went about to turne him from his purpose, and to keepe him at home, by many persuasions he vsed to him before the peoples face, and spake certen wordes at that time, that were remembred long after, and these they were. That if he would not be­leeue Pericles counsell, yet that he would tarie time at the least, which is the wisest counsellor of men.Time, the best counseller. These wordes were pretilie liked at that present time. But with in fewe dayes after, when newes was brought that Tolmides selfe was slaine in a battell he had lost,Tolmides slaine in the field. neere vnto the D cittie of CORONEA, wherein perished also, many other honest & valliant men of ATHENS: his wordes spoken before, dyd then greatly increase Pericles reputation & good will with the common people, bicause he was taken for a wise man, and one that loued his citizens.Pericles i [...]r­neyes. But of all his iorneis he made, being generall ouer the armie of the ATHENIANS: the iorney of CHERRONESVS was best thought of and esteemed, bicause it fell out to the great benefit and preseruation of all the GRECIANS inhabiting in that coūtrie. For besides that he brought thi­ther a thousand cittizens of ATHENS to dwell there (in which doing he strengthened the cit­ties with so many good men) he dyd fortifie the barre also, which dyd let it from being of an Ile, with a fortification he drue from one sea to another: so that he defended the countrie a­gainst all the inuasiōs and piracies of the THRACIANS inhabiting thereabouts, & deliuered it E of extreme warre, with the which it was plagued before, by the barbarous people their neigh­bours, or dwelling amongest them, who only liued vpon piracie, and robbing on the seas. So was he likewise much honored & esteemed of straungers, when he dyd enuironne all PELO­PONNESVS, departing out of the hauen of PEGES, on the coast of MEGAERA, with a fleete of a hūdred gallyes. For he dyd not only spoyle the townes all alōgest the sea side, as Tolmides had done before him: but going vp further into the mayne lande, farre from the sea, with his soul­diers he had in the gallyes, he draue some of them to retire within their walles, he made them so affrayed of him: and in the countrie of NEMEA, he ouercame the SICYONIANS in battell, that taried him in the field, and dyd erect a piller for a notable marke of his victorie. And im­barking in his shippes a newe supply of souldiers which he tooke vp in ACHAIA, being friends F with the ATHENIANS at that time: he passed ouer to the firme lande that laye directly a­gainst it. And pointing beyond the mouth of the riuer of Achelous, Achelous [...]. he inuaded the countrie of ACARNANIA, where he shut vp the OENEADES within their walles. And after he had [Page 180] layed waste and destroyed all the champion countrie, he returned home againe to ATHENS A hauing shewed himselfe in this iorney, a dreadfull captaine to his enemies, and very carefull for the safety of his souldiers. For there fell out no manner of misfortune all this iorney (by chaunce or otherwise) vnto the souldiers vnder his charge. And afterwardes, going with a great nauie maruelous well appointed vnto the realme of PONTVS, he dyd there gentily vse and intreate the cities of GRECE, and graunted them all that they required of him: making the barbarous people inhabiting thereabouts, and the Kings and Princes of the same also, to know the great force & power of the ATHENIANS, who sailed without feare all about where they thought good, keeping all the coastes of the sea vnder their obedience. Furthermore, he left with the SINOPIANS thirteene gallyes, with certen number of souldiers vnder captaine Lamachus, to defend them against the tyranne Timesileus: who being expulsed, and driuen a­waye,B with those of his faction, Pericles caused proclamation to be made at ATHENS, that sixe hundred free men of the cittie, that had any desire to goe, without cōpulsion, might goe dwell at SINOPA, where they should haue deuided among them, the goodes & landes of the tyranne & his followers. But he dyd not followe the foolishe vaine humours of his citizens, nor would not yeld to their vnsatiable couetousnes,Pericles would not fol­lowe the coue­tousnes of the people. who being set on a iolitie to see them selues so strōg, and of suche a power, and besides, to haue good lucke, would needes once againe attempt to conquer EGYPT, and to reuolte all the countries vpon the sea coastes, from the empire of the king of PERSIA: for there were many of them whose mindes were maruelously bent to attēpt the vnfortunate enterprise of entering SICILIA,The enter­prise of Sici­liae. which Alcibiades afterwardes dyd muche pricke forward. And some of them dreamed besides, of the conquest of THVSCAN, & the em­pire C of CARTHAGE. But this was not altogether without some likelyhood, nor without occa­sion of hope, considering the large boundes of their Kingdome, & the fortunate estate of their affayres, which fell out according to their owne desire. But Pericles dyd hinder this going out, and cut of altogether their curious desire, employing the most parte of their power and force, to keepe that they had already gotten: iudging it no small matter to keepe downe the LACE­DAEMONIANS from growing greater. For he was allwayes an enemie to the LACEDAEMO­NIANS,Pericles an enemie to the Lacedaemo­nians. as he shewed him selfe in many things, but specially in the warre he made, called the holy warre. For the LACEDAEMONIANS hauing put the PHOCIANS from the charge of the tē ­ple of Apollo, in the cittie of DELPHES, which they had vsurped, & hauing restored the DEL­PHIANS againe vnto the same: so sone as they were gone thence, Pericles went also with ano­ther D armie, & restored the PHOCIANS in again. And where as the LACEDAEMONIANS had caused to be grauen in the forehead of a woulfe of brasse, the priuiledge the DELPHIANS had graunted them, to be the first that should make their demaundes of the oracle: he hauing atteined the like priuiledge of the PHOCIANS, made his image also to be grauen on the right side of the same image, of the brasen woulfe. Nowe howe wisely Pericles dyd gouerne GRECE by the power of the ATHENIANS, his deedes doe plainely shewe. For first of all, the countrie of EVBOEA dyd rebell, against whō he brought the armie of the ATHENIANS. And sodaine­ly in the necke of that, came newes from another coaste, that the MEGARIANS also were in armes against them: and howe that they were already entered into the countrie of ATTICA with a great armie, led by Plistonax, king of LACEDAEMON.Plistonax king of Lace­daemon. This occasion drewe him home­ward E againe, and so he marched backe with speede into his countrie, to make preparation to encoūter his enemies, that were already entered into the territories of ATTICA. He durst not offer them battell, being so great a number of valliant souldiers: but hearing that king Plisto­nax was yet but a young man, and was ruled altogether by Cleandrides counsell and direction (whom the Ephores had placed about him to counsell & direct him) he sought priuilie to cor­rupt Cleandrides. Cleandrides corrupted by Pericles. When he had wonne him sone with his money, he persuaded him to drawe backe the PELOPONNESIANS out of their countrie of ATTICA: and so he dyd. But when the LACEDAEMONIANS sawe their armie cassed, & that the people were gone their waye, euery man to his owne cittie or towne: they were so mad at it, that the King was condemned in a great some. The King being vnable to aunswer his fine, which was so extreme great: he was F driuen to absent him self from LACEDAEMON. Cleandrides on the other side, if he had not fled in time, euen for spight had bene condemned to death. This Cleandrides was Gylippus father, [Page 181] A that afterwards ouercame the ATHENIANS in SICILIA,Gylippus o­uercame the Athenians at Syracusa in Sicile. in whom it seemed nature bred co­uetousnes, as a disease inheritable by succession from father to the sonne. For he being shame­fully conuicted also, for certen vile partes he had played, was likewise banished from SPARTA: as we haue more amply declared in the life of Lysander. Gylippus rob­bed parte of the treasure Lysander sent him withall to Sparta. And Pericles deliuering vp the accōpt of his charge, and setting downe an article of the expense of renne talentes he had employed, or should employe in needefull causes: the people allowed them him, neuer asking question how, nor which waye, nor whether it was true that they were bestowed. Now there are certen writers (amōg whom the philosopher Theophrastus is one) who write that Pericles sent yerely vnto SPARTA tenne talēts, with the which he entertained those that were in authoritie there, bicause they should make no warres with them:Pericles wise pollicy in for­rein enter­tainement. not to buye peace of them, but time, that B he might in the meane season, with better commoditie, and that leysure, prouide to mainteine the warres. After that, as the armie of the PELOPONNESIANS were out of the countrie of AT­TICA, he returned again against the rebels, & passed into the Ile of EVBOEA with fiftie sayle,Pericles asta in Evboea. &c fiue thousand footemen well armed: & there he ouercame all the citties that had taken armes against him, and draue away the Hyppobates, who were the most famous men of all the CHAL­CIDIANS, aswell for their riches, as for their valliantnes. He draue awaye also all the HES­TIAEIANS, whom he chased cleane out of all the countrie, and placed in their cittie, only the citizens of ATHENS. And the cause why he delt so rigorously with them was, bicause they hauing taken a galley of the ATHENIANS prisoner, had put all the men to death that were in her. And peace being concluded afterwards betwene the ATHENIANS and LACEDAEMO­NIANS C for thirtie yeres: he proclaimed open warres against those of the Ile of SAMOS,Pericles ma­keth warre with the Sa­mians. bur­dening them, that they being cōmaunded by the ATHENIANS, to pacifie the quarrells which they had against the MILLESIANS, they would not obaye. But bicause some hold opinion, that he tooke vpon him this warre against SAMOS, for the loue of Aspasia: it shall be no great di­gression of our storie, to tell you by the waye, what manner of woman she was,Aspasia a pas­sing wise wo­man. & what a mar­uelous gifte and power she had, that she could entangle with her loue the chiefest rulers and gouernours at that time of the common weale, and that the philosophers them selues dyd so largely speake & write of her. First of all, it is certaine that she was borne in the cittie of MILE­TVM,The descri­ption of As­pasia. and was the daughter of one Axiochus: she following the steppes and example of an olde curtisan of IONIA, called Thargelia, gaue her selfe only to entertaine the greatest per­sones D & chiefest rulers in her time. For this Thargelia being passing fayer,Thargelia. and carying a come­ly grace with her, hauing a sharpe wit and pleasaunt tongue: she had the acquaintaunce and friendshippe of the greatest persones of all GRECE, and wanne all those that dyd haunte her company to be at the king of Persiaes commaundement. So that she sowed through all the citties of GRECE, great beginnings of the faction of the MEDES: for they were the greatest men of power & authoritie of euerie cittie that were acquainted with her. But as for Aspasia, some saye that Pericles resorted vnto her, bicause she was a wise woman, and had great vnder­standing in matters of state and gouernment. For Socrates him selfe went to see her somtimes with his friends: and those that vsed her company also, brought their wiues many times with them to heare her talke: though her traine about her were to entertaine such as would warme E them by their fire. AEschines writeth, that Lysicles a grasier, being before but a meane man, and of a clubbishe nature, came to be the chief man of ATHENS, by frequenting the companie of Aspasia, after the death of Pericles. And in Platoes booke intituled Menexenus, although the beginning of it be but pleasauntly written, yet in that, this storie is written truely: that this Aspasia was repaired vnto by diuers of the ATHENIANS, to learne the arte of retho­rike of her. Yet notwithstanding it seemeth most likely that the affection. Pericles dyd beare her, grewe rather of loue, then of any other cause. For he was maried vnto a kinsewoman of his owne, and that before was Hipponicus wife, by whom she had Callias, surnamed the riche:Callias the riche. & had afterwards by Pericles, Xantippus and Paralus. But not liking her companie, he gaue her with her owne good will and consent vnto another, and maried Aspasia whom he dearely lo­ued.Pericles ma­ried Aspasia the famous [...]tisan. F For euer when he went abroad, & came home againe, he saluted her with a kisse. Where­upon in the auncient comedies, she is called in many places, the newe Omphale, and somtimes Deianira, and somtimes Iuno. But Cratinus plainely calleth her whore in these verses:

And it seemeth that he had a bastard: for Eupotu in a comedie of his called Demos [...], brin­geth him in, asking Pyronides thus:

And then Pyramides aunswered him:

To conclude, this Aspasia was so famous, that Cyrus (he that sought against king Artaxer­xes his brother, for the empire of PERSIA) called Aspasia his best beloued of all his concu­bines, which before was called Milto, and was borne in PROCIDES, being Hermotineus daugh­ter.B And Cyrus being slayne in the field, Aspasia was caried to the King his brother, with whom afterwardes she was in great fauour. As I was writing this life, this storie came in my minde and me thought I should haue delt hardly, if I should haue left it vnwritten. But to our mat­ter againe. Pericles was charged that he made warres against the SAMIANS, on the behalfe of the MILESIANS, at the request of Aspasia: for these two citties were at warres together, for the cittie of P [...]I [...]NA, but the SAMIANS were the stronger. Now the ATHENIANS commaun­ded them to laye a side their armes, and to come and pleade their matter before them, that the right might be decided: but they refused it vtterly. Wherefore Pericles went thither & tooke awaye the gouernment of the small number of Nobilitie, taking for ostages, fiftie of the chiefest men of the cittie, and so many children besides, which he left to be kept in the Ile of C LEMNOS. Some saye euery one of these ostages offered to geue him a talent: and besides those, many other offered him the like, suche as would not haue the soueraine authoritie put into the handes of the people. Moreouer Pissuthnes the PERSIAN,Pissuthnes the Persian. lieutenant to the king of PERSIA, for the good will he bare those of SAMOS, dyd send Pericles tenne thousand crownes to release the ostages. But Pericles neuer tooke pennie: and hauing done that he determined at SAMOS,A good proofe that Pericles was not c [...]e­tous. and established a popular gouernment, he returned againe to ATHENS. Notwith­standing, the SAMIANS rebelled immediatly after, hauing recouered their ostages againe by meanes of this Pissuthnes that stale them awaye, and dyd furnishe them also with all their mu­nition of warre. Whereupon Pericles returning against them once more, he founde them not idle, nor amazed at his coming, but resolutely determined to receyue him, and to fight for the D seigniorie by sea. So there was a great battell fought betwene them, neere the Ile of TRA­CIA. And Pericles wanne the battell: hauing with foure and fortie sayle only nobly ouercome his enemies,Pericles vi­ctorie againe of the Samiās. which were three score & tenne in number, wherof twenty of them were shippes of warre. And so following his victorie forthwith, he wanne also the porte of SAMOS, and kept the SAMIANS besieged within their owne cittie: where they were yet so bolde, as they would make falies out many times, and fight before the walles of the cittie. But when there arriued a newe supplie of shippes bringing a greater ayde vnto Pericles: then were they shut vp of all sides. Pericles then taking three score gallyes with him, lanched out into the sea, with intent (as some saye) to goe mete certen shippes of the PHOENICIANS (that came to ayde the SA­MIANS) as farre from SAMOS as he could: or as Stesimbrotus sayeth, to goe into CYPRVS,E which me thinketh is not true. But whatsoeuer was his intent, he committed a foule fault. For Melissus (the sonne of Ithagenes, a great philosopher) being at that time generall of the SA­MIANS:Melissus a philosopher, generall of the Samians. perceyuing that sewe shippes were left behinde at the siege of the cittie, and that the captaines also that had the charge of them were no very expert men of warre, persuaded his citizens to make a salye vpon them. Whereupon they fought a battell, and the SAMIANS o­uercame: the ATHENIANS were taken prisoners, and they suncke many of their shippes. Nowe they being lordes againe of the sea, dyd furnishe their cittie with all manner of muni­tion for warres, whereof before they had great want. Yet Aristotle writeth that Pericles selfe was once ouercome in a battell by sea by Melissus. Furthermore the SAMIANS, to be euen with the ATHENIANS for the iniurie they had receyued of them before: dyd brande them in F the forehead with the stampe of an owle, the owle being then the stampe of their coyne at ATHENS,The owle, the stampe of the coine at A­thens. euen as the ATHENIANS had branded the SAMIAN prisoners before with the stāpe [Page 183] A of Samaena. This Samaena is a kynde of a shippe amongest the SAMIANS,Samana a kinde of a shippe. lowe afore, and well layed out in the midde shippe, so that it is excellent good to rise with the waues of the sea, and is very swifte vnder sayle: and it was so called, bicause the first shippe that was made of this facion, was made in the Ile of SAMOS, by the tyranne Polycrates. It is sayed that the poet Aristophanes, couertly conueying the stampe of the SAMIANS, speaking merylie in a place of his comedies sayeth:

Pericles being aduertised of the ouerthrowe of his armie, returned presently to the rescue. Melissus went to mete him, and gaue him battell: but he was ouerthrowen, and driuen backe into his cittie, where Pericles walled them in round about the cittie, desiring victorie rather by B time and charge, then by daunger, and losse of his souldiers. But when he sawe that they were wearie with tract of time, and that they would bring it to hazard of battell, and that he could by no meanes withholde them: he then deuided his armie into eight companies, whom he made to drawe lots, and that companie that lighted on the white beane, they should be quiet & make good cheere, while the other seuen fought. And they saye that from thence it came, that when any haue made good cheere, & taken pleasure abroade, they doe yet call it a white daye, bicause of the white beane. Ephorus the historiographer writeth, that it was there, where first of all they beganne to vse engines of warre to plucke down great walles; and that Pericles vsed first this wonderfull inuention: & that Artemon an enginer was the first deuiser of them. He was caried vp and downe in a chayer, to set forward these workes, bicause he had a lam [...] C legge: and for this cause he was called Periphoretos. But Heraclides Ponticus confuteth Ephorus therein, by the verses of Anacreon, in the which Artemon is called Periphoretos, Artemon Pe­riphoretos a timerous [...]. many yeres before this warre of SAMOS beganne: & sayeth that this Periphoretos was a maruelous tender man, and so foolishly afeard of his owne shadowe, that the most parte of his time he sturred not out of his house, & dyd sit allwayes hauing two of his men by him, that held a copper tar­get ouer his head, for feare least any thing should fall vpon him. And if vpon any occasion he were driuen, to goe abroade out of his house: he would be caried in a litle bed hanging neere the grounde, & for this cause he was surnamed Periphoretos. At the last, at nine moneths ende the SAMIANS were compelled to yeld.The Samians doe yeld to Pericles. So Pericles tooke the cittie, & rased their walles to the grounde: he brought their shippes awaye, and made them paye a maruelous great tribute, D whereof parte he receyued in hande, & the rest payable at a certen time, taking ostages with him for assurance of payment. But Duris the SAMIAN dilateth these matters maruelous pittie­fully, burdening the ATHENIANS, and Pericles self with vnnaturall crueltie: whereof neither Thucydides, nor Ephorus, nor Aristotle him selfe maketh mention. And suer I cannot beleeue it is true that is writtē. That he brought the captaines of the gallyes, & the souldiers them selues of SAMIA, into the market place of the cittie of MILETVM: where he made them to be bound fast vnto bordes for the space of tenne dayes, & at the ende of the same, the poore men halfe dead, were beaten downe with clubbes, and their heads passhed in peces: and afterwards they threw out their bodies to the crowes, & would not burie them. So Duris being accustomed to ouerreach, & to lye many times in things nothing touching him: seemeth in this place out of E all reason to aggrauate the calamities of his countrie, only to accuse the ATHENIANS, and to make them odious to the world. Pericles hauing wōne the cittie of SAMOS, he returned againe to ATHENS, where he dyd honorably burie the bones of his slaine citizens in this warre: and him self (according to their manner & custome) made the funerall orations for the which he was maruelously esteemed. In suche sorte, that after he came downe from the pulpit where he made his oration: the ladies & gentlewomen of the cittie came to salute him, & brought him garlāds to put vpon his head, as they doe to noble cōquerers when they returne from games, where they haue wonne the price. But Elpinieé coming to him, sayed.Elpinie [...]. Surely Pericles, thy good seruice done, deserueth garlands of triumphe: for thou hast lost vs many a good and valliant citizen, not fighting with the MEDES, the PHOENICIANS, and with the barbarous people as F my brother Cimon dyd, but for destroying a cittie of our owne nation and [...]yn [...]ed Pericles to these wordes, softely aunswered Elpinice, with Archilocus verse, smyling:Pericles [...]aunte to an olde woman.

[Page 184]But Ion writeth, that he greatly gloried, and stoode muche in his owne conceipt, after he A had subdued the SAMIANS, saying: Agamemnon was tenne yeres taking of a cittie of the barbarous people: and he in nine moneths only had wonne the strongest cittie of the whole nation of IONIA. In deede he had good cause to glorie in his victorie: for truely (if Thucy­dides reporte be true) his conquest was no lesse doubtfull, then he founde it daungerous. For the SAMIANS had almost bene lordes of the sea, and taken the seigniorie thereof from the ATHENIANS. After this, the warres of PELOPONNESVS being whotte againe, the CO­RINTHIANS inuading thilanders of CORPHV: Pericles dyd persuade the ATHENIANS to send ayde vnto the CORPHIANS, and to ioyne in league with that Iland, which was of great power by sea, saying: that the PELOPONNESIANS (before it were long) would haue warre with them. The ATHENIANS consented to his motion, to ayde those of CORPHV. Whereupon B they sent thither Lacedaemonius (Cimons sonne) with tenne gallyes only for a mockery: for all Cimons familie and friendes, were wholy at the LACEDAEMONIANS deuotion. Therefore dyd Pericles cause Lacedaemonius to haue so fewe shippes deliuered him, and further, sent him thither against his will, to the ende that if he dyd no notable exploite in this seruice, that they might then the more iustly suspect his goodwill to the LACEDAEMONIANS. More­ouer whilest he liued, he dyd euer what he could, to keepe Cimons children backe from ry­sing: bicause that by their names they were no naturall borne ATHENIANS, but straungers. For the one was called Lacedaemonius, the other Thessalus, and the third Elius: and the mo­ther to all them three, was an ARCADIAN woman borne.Cimōs sonnes. But Pericles being blamed for that he sent but renne gallyes only, which was but a slēder ayde for those that had requested them,C and a great matter to them that spake ill of him: he sent thither afterwardes a great number of other gallyes, which came when the battell was fought. But the CORINTHIANS were maruelous angrie, and went & complained to the counsell of the LACEDAEMONIANS, where they layed open many grieuous complaints and accusations against the ATHENIANS, and so dyd the MEGARIANS also:The Athe­nians accused as Lacedaemō. alledging that the ATHENIANS had forbidden them their hauens, their staples, and all trafficke of marchaundise in the territories vnder their obedience, which was directly against the common lawes, and articles of peace, agreed vpon by othe among all the GRECIANS. Moreouer the AEGINETES finding them selues very ill and cruelly handled, dyd send secretly to make their moue & complaintes to the LACEDAEMONIANS, being afeard openly to complaine of the ATHENIANS. While these things were a doing, the cittie of PO­TIDAEA,D subiect at that time vnto the ATHENIANS (and was built in olde time by the CORIN­THIANS) dyd rebell, and was besieged by the ATHENIANS, which dyd hasten on the warres. Notwithstanding this, ambassadours were first sent vnto ATHENS vpon these complaints, & Archidamus, king of the LACEDAEMONIANS, dyd all that he could to pacifie the most parte of these quarrells and complaints, intreating their friendes and allies. So as the ATHENIANS had had no warres at all, for any other matters wherewith they were burdened, if they would haue graunted to haue reuoked the decree they had made against the MEGARIANS. Where­upon, Pericles, that aboue all other stood most against the reuocation of that decree, & that dyd sturre vp the people, & made thē to stand to that they had once decreed, & ordered, against the MEGARIANS was thought the only original cause & author of the PELOPONNESIAN warres.E For it is sayed that the LACEDAEMONIANS sent ambassadours vnto ATHENS for that matter only. And when Pericles alledged a lawe,Pericles, au­thor of the warres against Pelopōnesus. that dyd forbid them to take away the table, whereu­pon before time had bene written any cōmon law or edict: Polyarces, one of the LACEDAEMON Ambassadours, sayed vnto him. Well, said he, take it not awaye then, but turne the table onely: your lawe I am suer forbiddeth not that. This was pleasauntly spoken of the ambassadour, but Pericles could neuer be brought to it for all that. And therefore it seemeth he had some secret occasion of grudge against the MEGARIANS: yet as one that would finely conuey it vnder the cōmō cause & cloke, he tooke frō them the holy lāds they were breaking vp.Pericles ma­lice against the Mega­rians. For to bring this to passe; he made an order, that they should send an herauld to summone the MEGARIANS to let the land alone, & that the same herauld should goe also vnto the LACEDAEMONIANS to ac­cuse F the MEGARIANS vnto thē. It is true that this ordinance was made by Pericles meanes, as also it was most iust & reasonable: but it fortuned so, that the messenger they sent thither dyed [Page 185] A and not without suspition that the MEGARIANS made him awaye. Wherefore Charinus made a lawe presently against the MEGARIANS: that they should be proclaimed mortall e­nemies to the ATHENIANS for euer, without any hope of after reconciliation. And also if any MEGARIAN should once put his foote within the territories of ATTICA, that he should suffer the paynes of death. And moreouer, that their captaines taking yerely their ordinary othe, should sweare among other articles, that twise in the yere they should goe with their power, and destroy some parte of the MEGARIANS lande. And lastly, that the heraulde Anthemo­critus should be buried by the place called then the gates Thriasienes, and nowe called, Dipy­lon. But the MEGARIANS stowtely denying, that they were any cause of the death of this Anthemocritus: dyd altogether burden Aspasia and Pericles with the same, alledging for B proofe thereof, Aristophanes verses the Poet, in his comedie he intituled the Acharnes, which are so common, as euery boye hath them at his tongues ende.

C But in very deede, to tell the originall cause of this warre, and to deliuer the trothe there­of, it is very harde. But all the historiographers together agree, that Pericles was the chiefest author of the warre: bicause the decree made against the MEGARIANS, was not reuoked backe againe. Yet some holde opinion, that Pericles dyd it of a noble minde and iudgement, to be constant in that he thought most expedient. For he iudged that this commaundement of the LACEDAEMONIANS was but a triall, to proue if the ATHENIANS would graunte them: and if they yelded to them in that, then they manifestly shewed that they were the weaker. Other contrarilie saye, that it was done of a selfe will and arrogancie, to shewe his au­thoritie and power, and howe he dyd despise the LACEDAEMONIANS. But the shrowdest profe of all, that bringeth best authoritie with it, is reported after this sorte. Phidias the image D maker (as we haue tolde you before) had vndertaken to make the image of Pallas:Phidias the image maker. and being Pericles friende, was in great estimation about him. But that procured him many ill willers. Then they being desirous to heare by him what the people would iudge of Pericles: they in­tised Menon, one of the worke men that wrought vnder Phidias, and made him come into the market place to praye assurance of the people that he might openly accuse Phidias, for a faulte he had committed about Pallas image. The people receyued his obedience, and his accusation was heard opēly in the market place, but no mention was made of any theft at all: bicause that Phidias (through Pericles counsell & deuise) had from the beginning so layed on the gold vpon the image, that it might be taken of, & wayed euery whitte. Whereupō Peri­cles openly sayed vnto his accusers, take of the golde & way it. The glorie of his works dyd pur­chase E him this enuie. For he hauing grauē vpon the scutchiō of the goddesse, the battel of the AMAZONES, had cut out the portraiture of him self maruelous liuely, vnder the persone of an olde balde man, lifting vp a great stone with both his handes. Further he had cut out Pericles i­mage, excellētly wrought & artificially, seeming in māner to be Pericles self, fighting with an A­MAZON in this sorte. The AMAZONES hād being lifte vp highe, holdeth a darte before Pericles face, so passing cunningly wrought, as it seemed to shadowe the likenes & resemblaunce of Pe­ricles: and yet notwithstanding appeareth plainely to be Pericles self on either side of the por­traiture. So Phidias was clapt vp in prisone, & there dyed of a sicknes, or els of poyson (as some saye) which his enemies had prepared for him: & all to bring Pericles into further suspition, & to geue them the more cause to accuse him. But howsoeuer it was, the people gaue Menon his F freedome, & set him free for paymēt of all subsidies, following the order Glycon made, and gaue the captaines charge they should see him safely kept, and that he tooke no hurte. And about [Page 186] the same time also Aspasia was accused,Aspasia accu­sed. that she dyd not beleeue in the goddess: and her ac­cuser A was Hermippus, maker of the comedies. He burdened her further, that she was a hawde to Pericles, and receyued citizens wiues into her house, which Pericles kept. And Diopithes at the same time made a decree, that they should make searche and enquirie for heretickes that dyd not beleeue in the goddes, and that taught certaine newe doctrine and opinion touching the operations of things aboue in the element, turning the suspition vpon Pericles, bicause of Anaxagoras. The people dyd receyue and confirme this inquisition: and it was moued also then by Dracontides, that Pericles should deliuer an accompt of the money he had spent, vnto the handes of the Prytanes, who were treasorers of the common fines and reuenues,Prytani, trea­sorers of the common fines. and that the iudges deputed to geue iudgement, should geue sentence within the cittie vpon the altar. But Agnon put that worde out of the decree, and placed in stead thereof, that the cause B should be iudged by the fifteene hundred iudges, as they thought good, if any man brought this action for thefte, for batterie, or for iniustice. As for Aspasia, he saued her, euen for the verie pittie and compassion the iudges tooke of him, for the teares he shed in making his humble sute for her, all the time he pleaded her case: as AEschines writeth. But for Anaxa­goras, fearing that he could not doe so muche for him: he sent him out of the cittie, and him­selfe dyd accompany him. And furthermore, seeing he had incurred the ill will of the people for Phidias facte, and for this cause fearing the issue of the iudgement: he set the warres a fyre againe, that allwayes went backeward, and dyd but smoke a litle, hoping by this meanes to weare out the accusations against him, and to roote out the malice some dyd beare him. For the people hauing waightie matters in hande, and very daungerous also: he knewe they C would put all into his handes alone, he hauing wonne already suche great authoritie and re­putation among them. And these be the causes why he would not (as it is sayed) suffer the A­THENIANS to yeld vnto the LACEDAEMONIANS in any thing: howbeit the trothe cannot certenly be knowen. But the LACEDAEMONIANS knowing well, that if they could wede out Pericles, and ouerthrowe him, they might then deale as they would with the ATHENIANS: they commaunded them they should purge their cittie of Cylons rebellion, bicause they knew well enough that Pericles kynne by the mothers side were to be touched withall, as Thucydi­des declareth. But this practise fell out contrarie to their hope, and expectation, that were sent to ATHENS for this purpose. For, wening to haue brought Pericles into further suspition and displeasure, the cittizens honoured him the more, and had a better affiaunce in him then be­fore,D bicause they sawe his enemies dyd so much feare and hate him. Wherefore, before king Archid [...]mus entred with the armie of the PELOPONNESIANS into the countrie of ATTICA, he tolde the ATHENIANS, that if king Archidamus fortuned to waste and destroye all the countrie about, and should spare his landes and goodes for the olde loue and familiaritie that was betweene them, or rather to geue his enemies occasion falsely to accuse him: that from thenceforth, he gaue all the landes and tenements he had in the countrie, vnto the common wealthe. So it fortuned, that the LACEDAEMONIANS with all their friends and confederates, brought a maruelous armie into the countrie of ATTICA,The Lacedae­monians in­uade Attica. vnder the leading of king Archi­damus: who burning & spoyling all the countries he came alōgest, they came vnto the towne of ACHARNES, were they incamped, supposing the ATHENIANS would neuer suffer them to E approche so neere, but that they would giue them battell for the honour and defence of their countrie, and to shewe that they were no cowardes. But Pericles wisely considered howe the daunger was to great to hazard battell, where the losse of the cittie of ATHENS stoode in pe­rill, seing they were three score thousand footemē of the PELOPONNESIANS, & of the BOEO­TIANS together: for so many was their number in the first voyage they made against the A­THENIANS. And as for those that were very desirous to fight, and to put them selues to any ha­zard, being mad to see their countrie thus wasted and destroyed before their eyes, Pericles dyd comforte and pacifie them with these wordes. That trees being cut and hewen downe, dyd spring againe in shorte time: but men being once dead, by no possibilitie could be brought a­gaine.An excellent comparison to staye the soul­diers desier to fight. Therefore he neuer durst assemble the people in counsell, fearing least he should be in­forced F by the multitude, to doe some thing against his will. But as a wise man of a shippe, when he seeth a storme coming on the sea, doth straight geue order to make all things safe in [Page 187] A the shippe, preparing euery thing readie to defend the storme, according to his arte and skill, not harkening to the passengers fearefull cries and pittiefull teares, who thinke them selues cast away: euen so dyd Pericles rule all things according to his wisedome, hauing walled the cittie substancially about, and set good watche in euery corner: and passed not for those that were angrie & offended with him, neither would be persuaded by his friends earnest requests & intreaties, neither cared for his enemies threates nor accusatiōs against him, nor yet recko­ned of all their foolishe scoffing songes they songe of him in the cittie, to his shame and re­proche of gouernment, saying that he was a cowardly captaine, and that for dastardlines he let the enemies take all, and spoyle what they would. Of which number Cleon was one that most defamed him,Cleon accu­seth Pericles. and beganne to enter into some prety credit and fauour with the com­mon B people, for that they were angrie, and misliked with Pericles: as appeareth by these slaun­derous verses of Hermippus, which were then abroade: