VARIETIES: OR, A SVRVEIGH OF RARE AND EXCEL­lent matters, necessary and delectable for all sorts of persons. Wherein the principall Heads of diverse Sciences are illustrated, rare secrets of Naturall things unfoulded, &c. Digested into five Bookes, whose severall Chapters with their Contents are to be seene in the Table after the Epistle Dedicatory.

By DAVID PERSON, of Loghlands in Scotland, Gentleman.

Et quae non prosunt singula, juncta juvant.

LONDON, Printed by Richard Badger, for Thomas Alchorn, and are to be sold at his shop, in Pauls Church-yard, at the signe of the green-Dragon. 1635.

To THE MOST NOBLE AND ILLVSTRIOVS, IAMES, DUKE OF LENNOX, EARLE Darnley and Marche, Baron of Se­trington, Treboulton and Methuen, LORD Great Chamberlane and Admirall of Scotland; Gentle­man of his MAIESTIES Bedchamber; Knight of the most Noble order of the GARTER, and one of the most Honourable Privy COUN­CELL, in both KINGDOMES.

WHo sacrificed unto their Gods of old (most Noble and illustrious Prince) were accustomed to ap­propriate the matter of their offe­rings, as neere as they could, to the nature and [Page] better acceptance of the Deity to whom they immolated; as to Mars a Horse, to Phoebus a Cocke, to Venus a paire of Doves, to Vulcan fire, and the like; in this Dedication I doe not much deviate from that ceremony, for as your Gr. knowledge is generally observed to bee multifarious, and as the many successive most famous Vertues of your illustrious Predeces­sors doe most conspicuously survive in you, so no where more duely could this volume of Varieties be sacrificed then to your Gr. Lar­ger merits, which have learned Spaine and other Countreys to speake you every way most generous and Noble; and which favourably shined upon by our most glorious Sun, makes all conclude you to prove in your maturer yeares both delightfull and profitable to King and Countrey. What my continued night­watches, studies, travells, and expences have beene in these recollections, I will think wor­thily bestowed if they be graciously accepted; and if they be thought worthy of your Graces Patronage, I have my wish: Meane gifts have beene favourably receaved by most worthy men; the PERSIAN KINGS disdaine not [Page] their Peasants cups of water; not Donum but Dantis animus is most acceptable; and with what integrity of affection I offer this, shall appeare in what more worthy labour shall come from me hereafter; which already is de­voted to your G. most worthy Patronage; as are my perpetual Orations to God for increase of all happinesse to be heaped on you; which shall be still seconded with the most reall and best services that are in the possibility of

Your G. most humble and most zealous devoted servant. D. PERSON.

In PERSONI Polyanthea.

SVbtiles, varias, jucundas res, simul uno
Congestas Libro, perlege lector, habes.
Hîc Coelum, hîc superos Manes, ac Tartara cernes,
Totus & ingentes quas capit Orbis opes.
Eximium miraris opus, longè tamen infra
Authoris vastum subsidet ingenium.
Da. Episc. Edinburgensis.

Ad LECTOREM.

SI variis gaudes, miranda, recondita quaeris;
Si peregrina cupis, splendida, rara, bona;
Si leges, artes, & quae Coelestia spectant;
Si manes, mores, Physica, mentis opes;
Hoc opus eximium, ex cunctis praestantia pandet:
Perlege, vix aliud talia, tanta dabit.
Liv [...]r summa petens carpat; sed carpitur ipse
Irradiante libri lumine, ne invideat.
Io. Episco. Cathanesius.

In praeclara Davidis Personi gymnasmata.

FInibus hic arctis ingens constringitur orbis,
Et stupet humanae Iuppiter artis opus.
Hunc olim fragili conclusit Graecia vitro,
Nunc brevis immenso cum Iove charta capit.
Vitreus interijt, durabit charteus orbis,
Ingenij donec cultor & artis erit.
A. Ionstonus, Medicus Regius.

In Davidis Personi Lochlandij opera [...] seu de multifaria rerum varietate.

QVàm variae rerum facies, quàm gramine campi
Depicti vario, varij quàm floribus horti,
Quàm varium stellis Coelum, quàm piscibus aequor,
Et picturatis volucrum sunt agmina pennis:
Tam varia & libri sunt argumenta perennis,
Quae Persone tibi famam peperêre perennem.
Io. Adamsonus Academiae Edinburgensis Rector Primarius.

Of Persons Varieties.

THe Lawyer here may learne Divinity,
The Divine, Lawes, or faire Astrology;
The Dammaret respectively to fight,
The Duellist to court a Mistresse right;
[Page] Such who their name take from the Rosie-Crosse
May here by Time, learne to repaire their losse:
All learne may somewhat, if they be not fooles
Arts quicklier here are lesson'd, than in Schooles.
Distich, of the same.
This Booke a World is; here if errours be,
The like (nay worse) in the great world we see.
William Drummond, Of Hathorn-den.

In DAVIDIS PERSONI Lochlandij [...]. Ad Iuventutem Nobilem [...].

QVos plebi exemit splendor virtutis avitae,
Et ditant veteri praedia structa manu;
Dianae queis cura sequi, queis Castra diones;
Quasque voluptates lusus inanis habet,
Discite, Personus, quantum majora secutus,
Prima dedit Castris tempora Phoebe tuis.
Aemulus aethereos imitari deinde labores,
Deseruit charum patria quic quid habet.
Quique Isim, Rhodanum (que) citum, Rhenum (que) Padumque,
Qui Lirim, & Tiberim, Dordoniumque bibunt,
Tam varios hominum mores scrutatus & urbes,
Sedulo Palladias accumulavit opes:
Has quoque nunc ultrò promit, queis pectora vobis
Sit fas eximijs excoluisse bonis:
Quaeque sibi multo constabant ante labore,
Dat vobis tenui mole paranda libri.
[Page] Nubila quicquid habent, quicquid versatilis aether
Eximium, aut vasto terra, vel unda sinu,
Daedala naturae secreta, Artisque stupenda
Quas sophia, aut partes clara mathesis habet,
Accipite, & grata pensetis mente labores,
Discite & hinc studium Nobile velle sequi.
Tho. Crafordius.

Generoso & omnigenâ cum ingenij tum morum Nobilitate illustri Davidi Persono à Lochlands.

AStraeus poterat vates post somnia lauri
Gustatae, lauri demeruisse decus.
Maeonios postquam manes pater Ennius hausit,
Romani eloquij coeperat esse pater.
Pro monstro exemplum est; quando dij cuncta labore
Vendunt, & duris gratia rebus inest;
Tu varios hominum mores, urbesque secutus,
Evario florum germine mella refers.
Priscaque componens his tempora, cuncta perennas,
Cascaque temporibus das rediviva novis.
Ast ne ali [...]s tanti constent, compendia praestas;
Et macrocosmum terra Britanna legit.
Ro. Fairlaeus.

In DAVIDIS PERSONI Lochlandij, [...].

NVnc tibi, nunc quantum debebit doctior orbis,
Cui tuus unus erit Bibliotheca liber?
Gualt. B [...]llendinus.

A TABLE OF THE WHOLE BOOKE: Wherein their severall Chapters, with their Sections, and whole Con­tents are orderly pointed forth.

The Table of the first Booke, Wherein the matter and nature of the Hea­ven, Sunne, Moone, Starres, Ayre, Sea, and Earth is comprehended.

Sect. 1.
OF the matter whereof the Heavens are composed, with the confutation of various opinions of Philo­sophers concerning it. Pag. 4
Sect. 2.
Of the Starres, their substance and splendor, where also of the Sunnes place in the Firmament. 8
[Page]Sect. 3.
Of the Moone, her light, substance, and power over all sublunary bodies. 10
Sect. 4.
Of the Element of Fire, whether it be an Element or not, and of its place. 12
Sect. 5.
A briefe Discourse of Meteors; of their causes, matter, and differences.
Sect. 6.
That the Earth and Waters make but one Globe, which must bee the Center of the World. Of the Seas saltnesse, deepnesse flux, and reflux; why the Mediter­rancan and Indian Seas have none: Of Magellanes strait; what maketh so violent tyde there, seeing there is none in the Indian Sea from whence it floweth. Of the Southerne Sea, or Mare del Zur. 18
Sect. 7.
That the mountaines and valleyes dispersed over the earth, hindreth not the compleatnesse of its round­nes: Of burning mountaines and caves within the Earth. 25
Sect. 8.
Of time, whether it be the producer or consumer of things: Of the wisedome and sagacity of some Horses [Page] and Dogges: How the Adamant is mollified of the Needle in the Sea Compas; and the reason of its turning alwayes to the North. 28
Sect. 9.
Of Fishes, if they may be said to breathe, seeing they lack pulmons: Of flying fishes, if such things may be, &c. which are the reasons of their possibility, are deduced, ex­emplified. 34
Sect. 10.
Of fishes, and their generation: How fowles are gene­rated in the waters. If gold can be made potable; and of the matter of precious stones. 40
Sect. 11.
Of the Earth, its circumference, thicknesse, and di­stance from the Sunne. 43

A TABLE OF THE SE­COND BOOKE.
OF METEORS.

Chapt. 1.
THe definition of Meteors, their matter, substance, place, and cause. 46
Chap. 2.
Where Meteors are composed of Clouds, where they are fashioned, together with the solution of some que­stions concerning the middle Region. 52
Chapt. 3.
Of falling Starres, Fleakes in the ayre, and other such [...]ery Meteors. 55
Chapt. 4.
Of Comets, their matter, forme, nature, and what way they portend evill to come. 61
[Page]Chap. [...].
Of R [...]ine, Dew, H [...]are-frost, and their cause. 69
Chap. 6.
Of Snow, its cause, matter, and nature. 73
Chap. 7.
Of Windes, their true cause, matter, and nature, &c. 75
Chap. 8.
Of Earth-quakes, their cause and nature. 79
Chap. 9.
Of Thunder, Lightning, Ha [...]le, and certaine other se­crets of Nature, with their solution. 82
Chap. 10.
Of Rivers, Fountaines and Springs, their sources and causes. 88

A TABLE OF THE Third Booke.

OF ARMIES AND BATTELS.

Sect. 1.
THat greatest Armies have not alwayes carried a­way the victory; the reason of it; two examples of Semiramis, and Xerxes. 97
Sect. 2.
Examples of Greeke, Roman, and Brittish Battels, where the fewer number have overcome the greater. 100
Sect. 3.
Whether it bee requisite, that Princes hazard their Persons in field, or not; of the encouragement that their presence giveth to the Souldiers: When a King should venture to the field; and what Lievtenants are to be de­puted [Page] by him; all exemplified. 102
Sect. 4.
Of the Romans prudencie and foresight in sending two Commanders abroad with their Armies; and why the Grecians conjoyned two in their Embassies: and of the danger of too strict Commissions. 105
Sect. 5.
Difference betweene Battels and Duels: that Gene­rals may refuse challenges: with some passages betwixt Hannibal and Scipio in their warres. 108
Sect. 6.
That the exploits of our moderne Warriours have bin every way comparable to those of the Ancient; with some examples to that effect. 111
Sect. 7.
The different betwixt the ancient manner of warfare, and the moderne: how farre the moderne engines of Warre exceede those of the ancient Greekes and Ro­mans. 113
Sect. 8.
That the Ancients in their warres had greater op­portunities to try their prowesse in battell, than the mo­dernes have. 115
Sect. 9.
The manner how the Greekes and Romans ordered [Page] their battels, both by sea and by land; the battels of Can­nas and Trasimenes described. 116
Sect. 10.
A Maxime in Militarie discipline, inferred, to con­firme Pompeys oversight at the battell of Pharsalia. 119
Sect. 11.
That the French, what within their owne Countrey and abroad, have fought more battels of late times, than any other Nation; and of their successe in them. 120
Sect. 12.
That Emulation amongst the Princes in France, ra­ther than Religion, was the cause of the many Civill­warres there. 122

A TREATISE OF DVELS and COMBATS:

Sect. 1.
OF Combats by Champions for cleering of Queenes ho­nours: Combats betwixt Ladies; betwixt Church­men; and betwixt Iudges: Combatants, rewarded by Kings their spectators; and S. Almachius kill'd for de­claiming against Duels, &c.
[Page]Sect. 2.
A recitall of two memorable duels, the one in France betwixt Monsieur de Creky, and Don Philippin; the other in Spaine betweene Pedro Torrello, and Ieroni­mo Anca, both of Arragon, in the presence of Charles the fifth. 129
Sect. 3.
How Combats may be thought permissible: the rela­tion of a Combat betwixt Iarnacke and Chastigneray, in the presence of King Henry the second of France; ci­tations of the Canon Law against Combats: Examples of a Combate where the innocent was killed: that the deci­sion of all such questions whereupon Duels were permit­ted, ought to be left to God. 133
Sect. 4.
Severall objections for the tolleration of Duels and Combats confuted; Cajetans opinion of Duels, wherein also the lawfulnesse of Battels is allowed. 136
Sect. 5.
Cajetans reason for referring the event of Battels to Monomachie: where also is inserted the story of the Ho­ratii and Curiatii. 139
Sect. 6.
That Kings and Generals of Armies, for saving of the greater bloud-shed of their Souldiers, have fought single for victories: Examples of both; A quarrell and [Page] challenge betwixt the Emperour Charles the fifth, and Francis the first, King of France: how it tooke no ef­fect. 141
Sect. 7.
A discourse of a combate, where thirteene French Knights fought against so many Italians; wherein the French were overcome, and some observations thereup­on. 144
Sect. 8.
A memorable Polymachie betwixt two kindreds in the High-lands of Scotland, (betwixt whom there had beene a long and mortall enmity) for the totall extirpation of the one of them; fought before Ki [...]g Robert the second, at Perth in Scotland. 147
Sect. 9.
A combate appointed by two French Barons, the one of Gasconie, the other of Poictou, which was taken up of their own accord in the field: the end of this Title. 149

A TREATISE OF DEATH: And of divers Orders and Cere­monies of Burials.

Sect. 1.
The remembrance of death requisite in all men: Cere­monies for the remembrance of it; some documents a­gainst the feare of it: what death Iulius Caesar wished: of Autocides: of selfe-murtherers, &c. 153
Sect. 2.
That Christians ought not to feare death, as the Eth­nicks did. All things, save man, keepe their constant course. The uncertainty of mans life. 156
Sect. 3.
In what reverence the interring of the dead was a­mongst the Ancients: Of Alexander: of Sylla: How the people of Vraba did use their dead: Customes of Fin­land, Lapland, Greece, and other places, concerning Bu­rialls. 158
Sect. 4.
Other severall Customes of interring the dead amongst [Page] Egyptians, Romans, and Indians; that the manner of Christians interrements are preferrable to all other. 162
Sect. 5.
That the Church of Rome reapeth great commodity by their funerall ceremonies, as by their Bels, Cymbals, Torches, Processions of order, and the rest: silent obse­quies condemned: A story of a woman whose Ghost haun­ted her Husband and family after death; and the cause thereof. 164

A TREATISE OF Mentall reservation.

Sect. 1.
THe Decree of the Councell of Constance, That no faith is to be kept with Hereticks and enemies, is agi­tated: the commendation of peace: that a necessary and just warre is to be preferred to it: a story of Augustus Caesar. 167
Sect. 2.
Montall reservation defined. All fraudulencie in ma­king peace or taking truce, condemned; for which purpose are instanced examples of Grecians, Romans, and o­thers. 170
[Page]Sect. 3.
The integrity of the Ancients commended in making peace, and their other pactions. A story of P. Corn. Scipio to that purpose. Graeca fides, what, and wherefore used: Of the dishonest dealing of Pope Alexander, and his Ne­phew Caesar Borgia, &c. 172
Sect. 4.
The difference betwixt the ancient and the moderne Romans in uprightnesse of dealing, instanced by a story of Pompey the Great, and Augustus Caesar. 175
Sect. 5.
Of the breach of faith to enemies: treacherie at a siege of Capua: treacherie and cruelty committed by the Spa­niards at a siege of Genoa: the strictnesse of Generalls over common Souldiers exemplified, &c. 176

A TREATISE OF Laughing and Mourning.

Sect. 1.
THe benefits and content that all men reape by the workes and labours of Writers and Travellers. 181
[Page]Sect. 2.
Of sudden deaths that have happened unto men amidst their feasting and other jolli [...]ies, exemplified with stories both sacred and prophane. 182
Sect. 3.
Stories of severall worthy and brave men, that upon occasions have shed teares: of the sensible griefe of some Horses, Dogges, and Hawkes upon the losse of their Ma­sters. 184
Sect. 4.
Risus Sardonicus, what and how to be taken: Of the holy teare kept in the Abby Church at Vandesme in France. 187
Sect. 5.
Of weeping for the dead, how to be moderated. The mat­ter of teares: of laughing and weeping for one and the same thing: moderation in both commended. 188

A TABLE OF THE fourth Booke.

Of Curiosities, &c.

Sect. 1.
THe difference betwixt factions and seditions: a rebel­lion of the cōmon people of Rome against the Senate [Page] and Patricians. Emulation a principall producer of great exploits; the harme that followeth Curiositie, and that Church-men are not exempt from it. 177
Sect. 2.
How Curiosities have wonderfully disturbed the peace of the Church; a recitall of some impertinent curiosities in Religion; with some also of Subtilis Scotus, and Thomas Aquinas, &c. 179
Sect. 3.
A continuation of some other Theologicall and Me­taphysicall subtilities and curiosities. 181
Sect. 4.
Of Curiosities in Logick; the relation betwixt the Cre­ator and the creature: to what Heaven the Prophets E­noch and Elias were wrapt: what place is said to be A­brahams Bosome. 182
Sect. 5.
The curiositie of the Millenarii; with many other cu­riosities more frivolous than necessary. 184
Sect. 6.
That the Planets and other celestiall bodies have not that power over the natures of men and women, that A­strologers ascribe unto them: that the starres are innu­merable: Of the number and greatnesse of some in Via lactea: where the center of the earth is; its circumfe­rence. [Page] Of Aetna, Hecla, Saint Patricks hole, and the like. 186
Sect. 7.
To search out the secrets of Nature allow able, if men be not too curious in them; Eudoxus wish; Plinius killed on the Mountaine of Vesuvius: Aristotle drowned in Euripus: Too much curiosity is a plague sent down from heaven on men; the Poet Simonides acknowledged his ignorance of God; how the heathenish Gods were pour­trayed. 190
Sect. 8.
Too great curiosities condemned; and a moderation to be used in them prescribed. 193
Sect. 9.
How God disppointeth the expectations of the most curious; and that the most subtill spirits runne into grea­ter errours than the meaner doe. 194
Sect. 10.
An inducement to the studie and search of the secrets of Nature: Of the Needle in the Sea compasse: Of the in­undations of the River of Nilus, and from whence it hath its source and beginning: Of the severall dispositi­ons of men: Why continuall burning Hils and Moun­t [...]ines doe not diminish, &c. 190
Sect. 11.
Of Christopher Columbus his practicall curiosity in his discovery of the new World, or America. 199
[Page]Sect. 12.
The conclusion of this Treatise of Curiosity, conteining a singular curiosity of Livia, Tiberius Caesars wife. 203

Of divine Philosophy, and Mans Felicity.

Sect. 1.
THe Sunne and Moone in the Heavens compared to the Vnderstanding and Will of Man Aristotles defi­nition of happinesse: The distinction in Vnderstanding and Will; and wherein ancient Philosophers placed their chiefe felicity. 205
Sect. 2.
That our felicity consisteth in the actions of our Will, is confuted: Aristotles opinion hereupon. A theologi­call solution on it, seconded with a Philosophicall; and an agreement of both to solve the difference. 207
Sect. 3.
Which of the three faculties of the soule, Vnder­standing, Memorie, and Will, is the most excellent. 218
[Page]Sect. 4.
Liberty and compulsion defined; that the will is prom­pted by the understanding, and that the adequate object of it proceedeth from thence: At what the will and un­derstanding chiefly ayme, proved to bee the glory of God. 219
Sect. 5.
That all Philosophicall precepts have come short to de­monstrate true felicity; Philosophicall distinctions to know what is good of it selfe in Sciences; yet all weake to illustrate wherein mans true happinesse consisted; which is philosophically agitated. 221
Sect. 6.
That wealth and honour cannot be esteemed to bee our supreame good or felicity, and the reason therefore; Phi­losophers confuted by their difference of opinions: Opi­nions of severall Sects of Philosophers concerning feli­city, instanced to that effect. 223
Sect. 7.
The later Philosophers have aymed neerer the defini­tion of true felicity, than the more ancient; and their opinions specified: the finall and true scope of mans fe­licity, is illustrated with an exhortatory conclusion to all men, for endevouring to attaine unto it.

The Consonancie and A­greement of the ancient Philosophers, with our Christian Professours.

Sect. 1.
THe difference betwixt the Physiologer and Physician, compared to that betwixt the Metaphysician and Divine. Some of Plato's opinions not farre dissonant from our Christian: The multiplicity of Heathenish gods: that Plato came neere the definition of the Trinity. 229
Sect. 2.
Of Gods creating and conserving of all things in an orderly order; Plato's reasons that the world hath a life. Aristotles opinion of God; he is praised, and at his dy­ing, preferred before many doubtfull Christians. 231
Sect. 3.
Plato's opinion concerning the creation of the world; seconded by Socrates and Antisthenes: Opinions of Plato, Aristotle, and other Philosophers, confirming God onely to be the Creator of all things. 234
Sect. 4.
Opinions of Plato, Aristotle and some Hebrewes, [Page] concerning the worlds eternity: the consonancie of opi­nions betwixt some ancient Philosophers and Moses a­bout the worlds creation. 236
Sect. 5.
Ancient Philosophers attributed the framing and continuance of all sublunary Creatures (as we Christians doe unto God; with a recapitulation of severall con­sonancies betwixt us and them. 238
Sect. 6.
Severall other opinions wherein the ancient Heath­nicks agreed with us Christians, confirmed by the testi­monies of their Poets. 240
Sect. 7.
Of good and bad spirits; and wherein the opinions of the Heathnicks agree with ours concerning good spi­rits. 242
Sect. 8.
How neere the Ancients agree with us concerning bad spirits; and in what orders they were divided of old. 243

OF SLEEPE AND DREAMES.

Sect. 1.
THat nothing can subsist without sleepe or rest; exem­plified in the death of Perseus King of Macedon: The primary and secondary causes of sleepe: that a sound co [...]science is a great motive to sound sleepe, proved in the example of Thirois and his two Sonnes. 245
Sect. 2.
Examples of Kings and great Commanders, that upon the thoughtfulnesse of some great exploit or encounter, have beene extraordinarily surprized with unusuall sleepe; and the reasons thereof agitated. 248
Sect. 3.
Alexander the great his sound sleeping, when he should have encountred Darius in battell, here excused. Cato's sleeping before his death, whereupon is inferred a dis­course against selfe-murther. 249
Sect. 4.
Of Dreames both Naturall, Accidentall, Divine, and [Page] Diabolicall: Apollodorus dreame; Abrahams, Io­sephs, Pharaohs, Nebuchadnezzars, &c. 251
Sect. 5.
The Emperour Severus his dreame of Pertinax; which he caused to be molded in Brasse: An admirable dreame of the Emperour Henry the fifth; Cicero's of Octa­vianus. That beasts dreame, but hard labouring men seldome, and the reason thereof, &c. 254

A Table of the fifth Booke, Wherein the READER must con­ceive, that the Page begins anew, and doth not follow the former computation.

OF THE NVMBERS THREE and SEVEN.

Sect. 1.
Treating briefly of Numbers in generall. 1
Sect. 2.
Conteining variety of memorable things comprehen­ded within the Number of Three, as of Heaven, and Hell, and of Poeticall fictions, and some observations a­mongst the Romans. 2
Sect. 3.
Conteining some Theologicall and Morall precepts and observations, redacted under the number of three. 5
[Page]Sect. 4.
Of Politicke Government: Of living Creatures; and of duties belonging to men of severall professions, as Physi­cians, Iudges, and Lawyers, &c. with some Physicall ob­servations, all Tripartite. 7
Sect. 5.
Memorable observations comprehended within the Number of Seven, as of the age of the World, and mans generation. 9
Sect. 6.
How the seven Planets are sayd to rule severally over the seven ages in the life of man. 11
Sect. 7.
The opinions of some Fathers of the Church and some Philosophers concerning the number of Seven, what at­tributes they gave, with some of Hypocrates observati­ons thereon. 13
Sect. 8.
Of the Seven Wonders of the world. 14
Sect. 9.
A continuation of observations on the number of se­ven, taken out of holy Scripture. 15
Sect. 10.
Of the seven great Potentates of the world; of criticall [Page] dayes, and climacterick yeeres, with other observations. 16
Sect. 11.
Of the Worlds Continuance and Ending. 19

A TREATISE OF Prodigies and Miracles.

Sect. 1.
The definition of Miracles, with their distinction; In what time they were requisite, in what not, &c. 21
Sect. 2.
Of Prodigies, and in what veneration they were amongst the ancient Romans. 23
Sect. 3.
A continuation of prodigies which happened in the time of the second Punick Warre; with many others that were seene under the times of severall Consuls of Rome. 26
Sect. 4.
Of Prodigies that happened during the civill warres [Page] betwixt Marius and Sylla; of some in Iulius Caesars time; as, at his passing the River of Rubicone, the Pharsalian warres, and at his death, &c. 28
Sect. 5.
Of Prodigies before the death of Galba, before the destruction of Ierusalem, and at the end of the Valeri [...]n persecution. 29
Sect. 6.
A continuation of other Prodigies, with a conclusion of this Treatise. 31

SALAMANDRA▪ OR The Philosophers Stone.

Sect. 1.
THe History of the life and death of Antonio Bra­gadino. 33
Sect. 2.
The reason that moved the Author to handle this matter: the different blessings betwixt the Indians and Christians: the definition of the Philosophicall Stone; the generall way and matter whereof it is made. 35
[Page]Sect. 3.
The Authors proposition: the reason of its denomina­tion; opinion of most approved Authors touching it; and of the possibility and factibility of it. 37
Sect. 4.
That the making of the Philosophers Stone is lesse ex­pensive and laborious than many things we both use and weare; why the makers of it enrich not themselves and others. 39
Sect. 5.
A generall relation of the matters and materials re­quisite to this Worke; and in what time it may bee per­fected. 41
Sect. 6.
Of the five degrees whereby the Worke is perfectio­ned, and first how to bring it to Solution. 43
Sect. 7.
How from Solution to make Coagulation. 44
Sect. 8.
How from Coagulation to produce Fermentation. 45
Sect. 9.
The way to bring the Worke to Fixation. 46
[Page]Sect. 10.
From all the former, how to perfectionate Multipli­cation. 47
Sect. 11.
A short recitall of some other wayes of perfecting it, used by some Filii artis, and why it is called Sala­mandra. 47

OF THE WORLD.

Sect. 1.
OF the various distractions of Philosophers in their opinions concerning their Gods; and upon how ill grounds they were setled, 94
Sect. 2.
Of the severall sorts of Gods amongst the Heathen; that they imagined them to bee authors of evils; that they were but mortall men: And some opinions of Phi­losophers concerning the nature, beeing, and power of their Gods. 51
Sect. 3.
Pythagoras opinion concerning the transmigration of [Page] soules rejected; of the coupling of the soule and body together; with severall opinions of the ancient learned men concerning the substance of the soule. 54
Sect. 4.
The former Heathnick opinions confuted by our Chri­stian Beliefe; that they differed concerning the time of the soules continuance, and place of its abode; how they thought soules after the separation from the body to bee rewarded for good or ill, &c. 56
Sect. 5.
Philosophicall tenents of plurality of Words confu­ted; of Gods Creation of male and femall of all living Creatures. 58
Sect. 6.
Severall opinions of severall Philosophers concerning the Worlds Eternity; their naturall reasons for appro­ving of it; and what the Egyptians thought concer­ning the antiquity of the World. 60
Sect. 8.
The most approved opinion of all Philosophers con­cerning the Worlds beginning and matter: the infallible truth of it; and a checke of Augustines against over­curious inquisitors after those and the like mysteries. 64
Sect. 9.
How Philosophers differ from Christians in the wayes [Page] whereby God is knowne; the parts whereof the world is composed; the division of the celestiall Spheares, wherein severall varieties may be observed. 65
Sect. 10.
The order of the Elements, with some observations of the Ayre and Water. 70
Sect. 11.
Of the Earth, that it is the lowest of all the Elements; its division, first into three, then into foure parts; and some different opinions concerning them reconciled. 71
Sect. 12.
Of the different professions of Religion in the severall parts of the world: what Countries and Ilands are con­tained within Europe, and what within Asia. 73
Sect. 13.
With what Religions and Sects all the Easterne and Northerne Countries are possessed, and in what places Christianity is most professed, &c. 75
Sect. 14.
America and the New found-lands briefly descri­bed; and some opinions about what time of the yeare the world had its beginning. 77
Sect. 15.
Wherein is to bee seene some things concerning the [Page] time when it is thought to take an end. 79
Sect. 16.
Copernicus his opinion of the Earths moving, confu­ted: Archimedes opinion of the world: an Induction to the following Section. 81
Sect. 17.
The division of the starrie firmament, in twelve houres; of the Power and efficacie that is attributed to the Tri­plicities of them over every Country: and the maintai­ners of these opinions confuted: the divers dispositions of people of severall nations, how attributed to the natu­rall disposition of the Planets: An observation of Gods Providence. 83
Sect. 18.
The causes of the Changes of severall things as of men, Countries; plots of ground, &c. and that these pro­ceede not from triplicities as Astrologers would have it. 87
Sect. 19.
How ancient Writers have compared Man and all his parts to the World and all its parts; wherein is recoun­ted the different dispositions of men of different Coun­tries; and to what Countries the faculties of the soule are attributed. 88

A generall Introduction and incite­ment to the study of the METAPHYSICKS.

Sect. 1.
OF the severall titles and appellations that have beene given by Heathnick and Christian Philosophers to Metaphysick; the reasons wherefore every of those names were attributed unto it; and finally whereof it principally treateth. 91
Sect. 2.
The Reasons why Aristotle added Metaphysick to the other parts of Phylosophie; and how it is distinguished from the other Sciences. 93
Sect. 3.
Three Reasons conducing to the praise of Metaphy­sick, inducing all men to the study of it; and setting downe some principall ends and uses thereof. 95
Sect. 4.
The excellencie and dignity of the knowledge of Meta­physick; that onely free and sublime mindes, not distracted [Page] with worldly cares are fit for this studie; and the Reasons wherefore. 96
Sect. 5.
For three respects the Metaphysick is called the most excellent Science, and the most necessary to be understood by Christians. 99
Sect. 6.
The first respect, for the universality. 101
Sect. 7.
The second Respect, for the dignity. That the conside­ration of the soule of man belongeth to the Metaphysicks, with severall Reasons for the proofe thereof. 102
Sect. 8.
The third Respect, for the Vsefulnesse. Of the great use of Metaphysick is towards the furthering of all Di­vines, in Controversies, and other things: A Conclu­sion. 104

A Table of the principall Authors perused in the Contexture of this booke.

A
  • AMbrosius.
  • Augustinus.
  • Ammianus Mar­cellinus.
  • Alexander ab A­lexandre.
  • Aristoteles.
  • Aristophanes.
  • Apuleius.
  • Albertus Magnus.
  • Aulus Gellius.
  • Albertus Colonien­sis.
  • Ausonius.
  • Aetius.
  • Auriliacus Albiteg­nius.
B
  • Bodinus.
  • Buchananus.
  • [Page] Boe [...]ius Hist.
  • Beroaldus.
C
  • Chrysostomus.
  • Cardanus.
  • Caietanus
  • Cicero.
  • Cuspinianus.
  • Cornelius Tacitus.
  • Cujacius.
  • Copernicus Clavius.
  • Chopinus.
  • Comineus.
  • Catullus.
  • Conimbricenses.
  • Claudianus.
D
  • Pioniseus Areopagita
  • Dion.
E
  • Ennius.
  • Elias Vineti.
F.
  • Fernelius.
  • Froissard.
  • Fonseca.
G.
  • Guicciardin.
  • Galen.
  • Gensales Ovied [...]s.
H
  • Hieronimus.
  • Horacius.
  • Haly Arab.
  • Homerus.
  • Herodotus.
  • Herodianus.
  • Hypocrates.
  • Herpinus.
I.
  • Irenaus.
  • Ius Civile & Canon.
  • Iuvenalis.
  • Iustinus Trogus.
L.
  • Lactantius.
  • Lucanus.
  • Lu [...]ius.
M.
  • Montaignes.
  • P. Martyr Verini.
  • P. Martyr De [...]ad.
  • Mercator.
  • Martialis.
  • P. Mathew Paris.
  • Magirus.
  • Macrobius.
N.
  • Natalis Comes.
O.
  • Origines.
  • Ortelius.
  • Onuphrius.
  • Ovidius.
P.
  • Plato.
  • Plinius.
  • Plutarchus.
  • Polybrus.
  • Plautus.
  • Philo Hebr [...],
  • Propertius
  • Ptolomaus.
  • Pierius Hierogli
Q.
  • Quintus Curtius.
  • Quintilianus.
R.
  • Riplous.
  • Rodiginus.
  • Ruuius.
S.
  • Seneca Ph.
  • Strab [...].
  • Sophocles.
  • Seneca Trag.
  • Suettonius.
  • Serres.
  • Scaliger.
  • Suarez.
  • Sabellicus.
  • Sacraboskus.
T
  • Tertullianus.
  • Tibullus.
  • Titus Linvius.
  • Terentius.
V.
  • Valerius Maximus.
  • Vitruvius.
  • Virgilius.
  • Velleius Paterculus.
  • Villamont.
  • Vlpranus.
  • Volatteranus.
X.
  • Xeuophon.

TO THE READERS OF these Varieties.

Courteous Reader,

AS best deserving Precedency I beginne at you, whose short Character may be this: One who is accomplished with such endowments as make an excel­lent man, the meanest whereof would blow up some men with self-conceit, selfe-love, selfe-praise, and an univer­sall disparaging of others abilities; He hath learned that God distributeth not his gifts to all men, and makes good use of it; for he derideth, despraiseth, nor condemneth any man, nor his workes nor actions as being conscious that God might have endued him with that mans spirits, to have produced no more admirable thing: He reades many bookes; though he may serve for a library himselfe, yet his censure of these bookes he measureth by the Au­thors abilitie, good intention, and the profits it may yeeld to meaner Capacities than his, but so discreetly, that his words favour more of Commendation than reproach: In [Page] a word, he is one that escapeth not the Venemous bites of the ignorant Rable, but hath Antidotes against it, Yea hee is one, who when he considers my Travells, studies, ex­pences, and painefull observations, and withall that my tenne yeares travell abroad hath taught me almost to forget my Native Language, and that the importunitie of friends made me put this to the view of the world which I thought ever to suppresse, as being for the most part com­posed in the Countrey, farre from the conversation of the learned which is the cheefe helpe to the perfectioning of such workes; he is one I say, that will then give such a Candide censure of me and it, that the most rigide Critick will be strucke dumbe from Calumnie; But before I leave him, let him give me leave to tell him ingenuously, that to him onely I present this worke, and promise that ere long he shall be gratified with a present farre more worthy of his excellently well qualified goodnesse. As opposite in all the former expressions to the courteous, I addresse my selfe to the carping Reader; He is not a naked but a ragged pretender to all wit and learning and hath a smattering of many some things: He is so conceited of himselfe that he is not content to discommend some of the parts and mem­bers of another mans creature, as not elegant enough or uniformely composed, but will lay most vile and infa­mous asperations on the whole body of it whilst in his owne conscience he findes his to be but prodigious mon­sters, if ever he had a sparke of Promethean fire in him to give a short life to any thing: When hee meetes with any ignorant men, then the Peacockes taile of ostentation spreads abroad and they silly creatures admire the Varietie of its colours even to the disparagement of more perfit and more sweetly singing Birds: but presently that falls, and the most ignorant then perceive the harshnesse of his note: He feedes all the world with large promises of some rare worke to proceed from him ere long, and thereby hee so long feedes and drinkes; till both he and it and his name [Page] doe all die: and none to sing his requiem; Now being loath to resuscitate so peccant a humour, I leave him too without an Epitaph in hope never to heare of his successi­on or his ghost wandring after this.

For the ignorant Reader, hee hath such a qualitie, to make himselfe appeare wittie, that he will commend eve­ry thing that he doth not understand and so I am sure of his approbation; but Land [...]iab indocto vituperari est. Where­fore I leave him to admire and wish for better proficien­cie. Lastly, to the view of all in generall; I expose this booke into the world; upon this confidence that if the most discreet and Iudicious give it but that auspicious ap­probation, that many worthy and learned gave it before it sufferd the Presse; for the rest my care is taken; yet shall I to all (but in a different manner) ever be

A Well-wisher. D. P.

The Authors Friend to the Booke.

GOe ventrous booke, thy selfe expose
To learned men, and none but those;
For this carping age of ours
Snuffes at all but choycest flowers,
Cul'd from out the curious knots
Of quaint writers garden plots;
These they smell at, these they savor,
Yet not free from feare, nor favour:
But if thou wert smel'd a right
By a nose not stuft with spight,
Thou to all that learning love
Might'st a fragrant nosegay prove,
So content thee, till due time,
Blazethy worth throughout this Clime.

To the curious Reader.

THough in the former leaves you may descry
The Sum of all this Book, drawne to your eye,
In succinct perspective; yet if you trace
A little farther, and survey each place
As it in all dimensions, colours, Art,
Is measured out; O! then it would impart,
That true content that every man enjoyes
Betwixt things Reall, and fine painted toyes:
Most Sciences Epitomized heere
Are as the Noone dayes light set down most cleere;
With other rarities, to yeeld delight,
If thou but daigne to reade the same aright.
How er'e thou think, or speake, my comfort's this,
They'le speak themselves wel, though thou speak amisse.

ERRATA.

What Errors have Escapt in this booke, either in the Quo­tations, Omission of Words transplacing, or the like, let them be imputed to the Transcriber, And shall be mended Godwilling.

[Page] PErcurri librum hunc, cui inscriptio est Varie­ties, &c. nihilque in eo contra Catholicam fidem, aut bonos mores inveni.

THOMAS WEEKES R. P. D. Epo. Lond. à Sacris.
The first Booke of V …

The first Booke of Varieties. CONTAINING, A DISCOVRSE AND DISCOVERIE OF some of the Rarest and most Profi­table secrets of naturall things, whether in Heaven, Aire, Sea, or Earth.

As of

  • The Heavens, Sunne, Moone, and Starres, their Matter, Nature, and Effects, &c.
  • The Ayres Regions, and their effects, &c.
  • The Seas saltnesse, deepenesse, and motion.
  • The Earths circumference, and distance from the Heavens: by way of Question and Answer.

The Preface to the following questions; wherein is set downe the Praise, Effects, Vses, Ends and Parts of Philosophy.

SEEING Philosophy (which is the love of Wisdome, and of the knowledge of divine and humane things) by auncient Philosophers and Wise men in their se­verall ages, was accounted not an inven­tion of mortall men,The praise of Philosophy▪ but a precious Iewell, and an in­estimable propine, sent downe from the Gods above; [Page 2] Thereby, in a manner, to make men partakers of their divine knowledge: which made the Poets feigne Mi­nerva (the patronesse and president of wisdome) to have issued from Iupiter's braine, and the Muses (nur­ses of learning) to be his daughters) it is no wonder that Plato in his Timaeo, and M. T. Cicero, do so high­ly extoll the knowledge of it, giving to it the Attri­butes of the Searcher of vertue, the Expeller, and cha­ser away of vice, the Directer and guider of our lives, the Builder of Cities, Assembler of men, (for before that knowledge, they strayed through Wildernesses like bruit Beasts) the Inventer of Lawes,Effects of Phi­losophy. Orderer of manners, Promover of discipline, Instructer of morall good living, and the meane to attaine a peaceable and quiet death. Finally, seeing by it we arrive at the per­fect understanding (at least, so farre as humane wit can reach) of all the secrets that Mother Nature con­taineth within her imbraces, whether in the Heavens, Aire, Seas, Earth, and of all things comprehended within or upon them.

What time can we better spend here on Earth, than that which we imploy in the search of her most de­lightfull instructions? for thereby every sort of men, whether Moralist or Christian, may have his know­ledge bettered;Vses and ends of Philosophy. which made Saint Paul, and before him Aristotle confesse, that by the knowledge of these visible things we might be brought to the knowledg, admiration, and adoration of our great and powerfull GOD, the Maker of Nature; for the knowledge of naturall things, and of their causes, leadeth us (as it were) by the hand to the search of their Author and Maker. This the Poet points at, when he sang, [Page 3] Praesentem (que) refert quaelibet herba Deum.’

There is nothing so meane in Nature, which doth not represent unto us the Image and Power of the Maker; and argue, that none but He could have been their Former. And it is this sort of Knowledge, which properly we call Philosophy, or Physick, which in this Treatise I intend most to handle; and by which, as by one of the principall parts of Philosophy, the reader may have an insight in the Cabals and secrets of Nature.

The Philosophers and Learned sort reserved, in a manner, to themselves the other parts of Philosophy, as not being so absolutely necessary for all to under­stand, except a very few, and these pregnant wits only: For Logicke,Of Logick▪ the first and lowest of all, is but as an Instrument necessary for the other parts, wherewith to serve themselves, by subministring grounds and wayes of reasoning, thereby to inforce conclusions of the precedents, which they propoun­ded.

Metaphysicks againe,Of Metaphy­sicks. contrary to the Physicks, medleth with things transcendent and supernaturall, wherto every reader is not called, and wherof al alike are not capable;Of Mathema­ticks▪ neither are the Mathematicks befit­ting every spirit, giving hard essayes even to the most pregnant wits, all not being alike capable of the di­mensions and mensurations of bodily substances; no more than all are for the Military precepts and Ar­chitecture, Printing, Navigation, Structure of Ma­chins, and the like; which are things consisting in Me­chanick and Reall doings: neither are all alike able for Musick, Arithmetick, Astronomy, Geometry, &c. [Page 4] whereas all men as fellow-inhabitants of one World, and the workmanship of one Hand, by an inbred pro­pensenes, wth a willing desire are carried to the search of things meerely Naturall: though, as in a Citie, Common-wealth, or Principality all in-dwellers are not alike, neither in honour, dignity, nor charge.

If in the discovery of these Mysteries and secrets of Nature,The Authors Apologie. I answer not the vast expectation of the overcu­rious; the more modest and discreet Reader will rest satis­fied▪ that I inferre the most approved Reasons of the more Ancient and Moderne Philosophers, and such men as have most Copiously treated of them, thereby to ease thee and all men of the like paines and turmoile, that I have had in the search of these secrets; which if they bring thee that content & satisfaction that I desire and intended for thee; I am assured of a favourable applause, and have the re­ward I expected.

Section 1.

Of the matter whereof the Heavens are composed with the confutation of various opinions of Philosophers con­cerning it.

ALthough the world, and all comprehended with­in its imbraces, is the proper subject of Physicke, and that Physiologie is nothing else but a Discourse of Nature, as the Greek Etymologie sheweth, and so were a fitting discourse for this place; yet because the questions which concern a Christian to know,Questions concerning the World. against the Philosophicall conceits; (Of the Worlds eternity, [Page 5] his pre-existent matter, that it had a beginning, but shall never have an end: if there be more worlds than one? If the world be a living Creature, in respect of the Heavens perennall and incessant rotation, and the Ayres continuall revolution; the Seas perpetuall ebbing and flowing; the Earths bringing forth, o [...] conceiving fruit alternatively, &c. Because, I say, these questions of the World, together with these, if there was a World before this which is now? or, if there shall be one after this is consummated? if there bee any apart by this?) are handled in the Chapter of the World in this same Booke; I passe them for the pre­sent, and betake me to the more particular questions more necessary to be knowne, and lesse irreligious to be propounded.

And because the Heavens, of all the parts of the World are most conspicuous, as that wheretoever we bend our eyes, being the most glorious Creature of all the Creators workes; at it I will begin: but as I said, I would alwayes have the Reader to understand that I propound these questions not so absolutely of mine owne braine to solve them,The way how these questions are propoun­ded. as to give him a view of the variety of opinions; yea, of the most learned in these high and sublime questions, whereat we may all conjecturally give our opinions, but not definitive­ly, while it please the great Maker to bring us thither, where we may see Him and them more cleerely.

Quest. First then, I aske of what matter are the heavens composed?

Answ. Diverse have beene the opinions of Philo­sophers upon this subject: For Averroes in his first booke of the heavens, and there in Text 7. and [Page 6] tenth, holds it to bee so simple a body that it is free from all materiall substance; which opinion of his, by this may be refelled, that with Aristotle in the eight booke of his Metaph. chap. 2. and in his first booke De coelo, and Text 92. What ever things falles un­der the compasse of our senses, these same must bee materially substantiall: But the heavens are such, and therefore they must be materiall. Besides that all mo­vable Essences consist of matter and forme, as Ari­stotle in his second booke of Physicke chap. 1. hol­deth.Diverse opini­ons of the hea­vens substance. But so it is that the heavens are movable, ther­fore they cannot be free of matter.

Quest. Seeing then it is evinced by argument, and concluding reasons, that the heavens doe consist of matter; I aske now, what kinde of matter are they compounded of?

Answ. The Philosophick Schooles in this point are different: Some of them maintaining, a like mat­ter to be common with them, and the sublunarie bo­dies, that is, that they were composed of the foure elements, of which all things here below doe exist. Neither lacked there some Sects that gave forth for truth, that the heavens were of a fierie and burning nature,What is the true matter & substance of the firmament. which opinion Aristotle confuteth by many reasons in his first Book, De coelo chap. 3. establishing his owne, which have beene held for truth not only by his Sectaries the Peripateticks, then; but ever since have beene approved; which is, that the matter of the heavens being distinct in nature, from that of the foure elements of which all other sublunarie things are framed, must bee composed of a quintessence; which opinion of his he thus maintaineth against the [Page 7] Platonists and all others who maintained that it was framed of the most pure and mundified part of the foure elements: for (saith hee) All simple motion which we finde in nature, must belong unto some sim­ple body; But so it is that we finde a circular moti­on in nature which no wayes appertaineth unto any of the elements, in regard that in direct line, they either fall downeward, as the waters and earth; or else they ascend upward, as the ayre, and fire: And it is certaine that one simple body, cannot have more pro­per and naturall motions than one. Wherefore it fol­loweth of necessitie, that seeing none of the elements have this circular motion as is before verified, there­fore there must be a distinct simple body from them, to which this motion must appertaine, and that must be the heaven.

As for those who enforce identitie of matter in kind, betwixt the heavens and these elementarie things be­low, and consequently would involve them under corruption, which is peculiar to all other things; their warrant is of no validitie: for although they take up­on them, to demonstrate, by their late Astronomi­call observations in the Aetherian region, new prodi­gies not observed nor remarkable heretofore, which both Ruvius and the Conimbricenses give forth to proceed from a corruption, and defect of the first cause from whence they flow; They mistake: in so farre as they are rather extraordinary workes of the great maker, threatning mortalls by their frownings, then other wayes Symptomes of the Celestiall P [...] [...]xysmes and corruption. Neither must you under­stand that I doe so adhere unto the heavens incorrup­tibility, [Page 8] that I thinke it free from all change, but contrarily rest assured that at the last conflagration, it shall suffer a change and novation, but no dissoluti­on, as the low elementarie world.

Quest. You conclude then that the heavens are of a fift substance, not alembecked out of the foure ele­ments, but an element by it selfe, having it's owne motion severall from the others which is a circu­lar one?

Answ. Yea, truly I doe.

Quest. But now seeing all circular motion is such,The earth rol­led about with the heavens. that it hath some immoveable thing in the middle of it, whereabout it whirleth ever, as we see in a Coach Wheele and the axeltree: What is this immovable thing, whereabout the heavens circular rotation, and perpetuall motion is?

Answ. The Globe of the earth, which (whatsoe­ver fond conceit Copernicus had concerning the mo­tion of it) yet remaineth firme and immovable.

And the heaven doth rolle still about this earth, and hath still as much below it as we see round about and above it.

Sect. 2.

Of the Starres, their substance and splendor, where also of the Sunnes place in the firmament.

Quest. But I passe from the motion of the hea­vens, and their matter, which you hold to be a quin­tessence, and so a thing distinct from the foure ele­ments. [Page 9] Now I crave to understand, what is the mat­ter of these twinckling Starres which we see glancing in the face and front of this heaven?

Answ. Of that same matter whereof the heavens are,What is the substance of the stars. because in simple and not composed bodyes their parts doe communicate with that same nature, and matter whereof the whole is; so that the heaven be­ing a most simple body, and the Starres, her parts or a part of it, no wonder that they communicate both of one essence; and of this opinion is the Philosopher himselfe in his second booke De coelo. chap. 7.

Quest. But if so be (as you say) the starres are of a like matter with the body of the heavens; how then is it that they are a great deale more cleare and glauncing where they appeare, then the rest of the hea­ven is?

Answ. Because they are the thicker part, and bet­ter remassed together,What maketh them so cleare. and of a round Spherick forme, and so more susceptible of light. Now round they must be, for besides, that we discerne them so with our eyes; the Moone, and Sunne, are found to bee round. But so it is, that all Starres are of a like forme and matter, but the lesser and the bigger differ only by the lesser or greater quantity of their matter conden­sed, or conglobed together.

Quest. But whether doe they shine with their own innate or inbred light, or is their splendor borrowed from any other beside?

Answ. Some such light they have of their owne, howbeit but little, whatsoever Scaliger saith to the contrary in his sixtie two exercitation.

But indeed, the brightnesse of the Starres light [Page 10] floweth from the Sun, the fountaine of all light, and that this is either lesser or more, according to their di­versitie of matter, and their equality and inequali­ty, there is no question: For which cause the Sunne is placed in the midst of all the moveable Starres,The Sun pla­ced amiddest the Planets & why. as in the midway betwixt the starrie firmament, and the first region of the aire, from thence to communicate his light unto all; so that those which are nearer unto him above, and to us below, doe seeme brighter than these higher above; as may be seene in Venus, Mercu­rie, and Luna.

Sect. 3.

Of the Moone, her light, substance, and Power over all sublunarie bodyes.

Quest. NOw resolve mee, if the Moone hath not more light of her selfe then the rest?

Answ. Yea she hath a glimps of light indeed of her selfe, but that is dimme and obscure; as may be seene in the sharp-new (as we say:) but as for the fulnesse of that light wherewith shee shineth unto us at the quarters or full,What light the Moone thineth with. she borroweth that from the Sun. But we may better conceive the weaknesse of her light in her eclipses; when the earths shadow, interposed be­twixt the Sun and her directly, vaileth and masketh her face; which then appeareth blackishly browne, yet not altogether destitute of light. Now as the light of the Sunne is the fountaine of warmenesse by day; even so, no question, but the winter and [Page 11] Summer nights, are at a full Moone warmed more, then during the first or last quarters.

Quest. But is it true which is usually reported, that in the body of the Moone there be mountaines, and valleys, and some kinde of spirituall creatures inhabi­ting; which Palingenius an Italian Poet describeth at length?

Answ. It is certaine, and our Mathematicians have found out, that in the Moone there are some parts thicker, some thinner, which make her face not to looke all cleare alike;what signifieth the black spots in the face of the Moone. for that dimmer blackenesse in the middle of it (vulgarly called the Man in the Moone) is nothing else but a great quantitie of the Moones substance not so transparent as the rest, and consequently lesse susceptible of light: which black part of it, with other spots, here and there Plinius lib. 2. cap. 9. of his Naturall historie taketh to be some earthly humors attracted thither by her force, and attractive power; which I hardly give way to, in re­spect of the weaknesse of her force to draw to her any heavy dull and earthly humor, which never trans­cend the regions of the aire, above all which the Moone is.

Quest. Now finally, hath the Moone no power over particular sublunary bodies? for I heare much of the influence and power of the Planets over the bodies of Men, Beasts and Plants.

Answ. As for the power and efficacy of the other Planets over us, I have something in the title of Ne­cromancie. As for the Moones power experience sheweth, that the ebbes and flowes of the Sea, (how different so ever the Coasts be) depend totally and [Page 12] constantly on the full and change of the Moone;The Moones power over sublunarie bo­dies. for accordingly her waters swell, or decrease. Moreover the braines and marrow in the bones of Man and beast doe augment or diminish as the Moone increa­seth, or waneth, as doe likewise the flesh of all shell fishes. Dayly experience too hath taught your Pru­ners of trees, gelders of cattell, gardners and the like, to observe the Moones increase, and decrease: all which is strongly confirmed by Plinie in his second booke De Historia animalium, and Aristotle lib. 4. cap. 41. De generatione animalium.

Sect. 4.

Of the Element of Fire, whether it be an Element or not, and of its place.

Quest. LEaving the heavens, their number, matter, Sun, Moone and Starres, I come lower un­to the foure Elements whereof the Philosophers will all things below the Moone to be framed and made. First,Reasons that there is not an lement of fire. then I adhere to Cardan and Volaterans opinion, that betwixt the sphere of the Moone, and the first region of the aire, where the Philosophers place this fire to be, which they make the first element, it can­not be, and so that it cannot be at all; because, that if it were there, we should see it with our eyes; for the Comets, and these lancing Dragons, and falling Stars, &c. whereof many are neighbours with this Ignean-sphere, we visibly see, and the fires which burne on earth also.

[Page 13] Answ. There is not a point of Philosophy, which if you reade judiciously, and peruse the Authors trea­ting thereupon, but you shall finde such controversie, concerning the establishing of it amongst themselves, that one to an hundred if you find two or three jumpe together.

Quest. But yet as a Mirrour or Glasse giveth way unto diverse faces,Comparison of a Mirrour to variety. and representeth unto every one their owne visage, although never so farre different from other, while it of it selfe remaineth unchanged or unaltered: So it is with truth, how different soever the opinions bee of the searchers out of it in any Science; yet this verity it selfe abideth in them all, and is alwayes one and alike in it selfe: and so in this point, what ever be Volateran or Cardans opinion, yet sure it is, that the Element of fire is there; and the cause why it is not seene as are our materiall, and gros­ly composed fires, of all the Elements mixt together; is the purenesse, subtilenesse, and simplicity (if I may say so) of that Element. Which reason may serve too against them when they say, that if it were there, it should burne all about. And which, likewise, may serve for answer to the objection of the Comets, which are seene:Why Com­mets are seene and not the E­lement of fire. seeing they are of a terrestriall ma­ligne exhalation, and so having in them that earthly mixture, and being inflamed by the neighbour-heate of that fiery Element; no wonder though they bee seene, and not it; her subtile purenesse being free of all combustible matter, and so the lesse conspicuous to our eyes. [...] sive perspicuum, nisi condensetur, est [...], quia visum non terminat, Iul. Scal. Exer. 9.

There is no such question about the second Ele­ment [Page 14] which is the Aire: for of it all agree, that it hath three regions wherein all these you call Meteors are fashioned, as clouds, haile, snow, thunder, wind, and dew; yea, and higher than all these, in the first and supreme Region these blazing Comets, although other men place them above the Moone, which are so formidable to ignorants who know not the causes of their matter.

Quest. Is this so as you give it forth?

Answ. It is of verity, that the first Element which we call the Element of fire, is disputable, and hath beene denied by many: but as for the Ayre, none (to my knowledge) ever called it in question; neither is there in all our Philosophy a subject more fitting a man of spirit to know,Knowledge of Meteors fit for men of spirit. than the discourse of the Mete­ors therein framed; of all which, although you have a tractate hereafter, by it selfe, yet one word here more to make you understand their nature, and matter, the better.

Section 5.

A briefe Discourse of Meteors, of their causes, matter, and differences.

THE great Creator hath so disposed the frame of this Vniverse, in a constant harmony, and sym­pathy amongst the parts of it; that these Heavenly Lights, which wee see, above our heads, have their owne force, power, and influence, upon this Earth, and Waters, whereon, and wherein we live; marying [Page 15] (as it were) these two so farre distant Creatures, both in place and nature, by the mediation of this Ayre above spoken of; which participateth of both their qualities; warmenesse from the Heavens, and moist­nesse from the Earth and Waters. Nature then, but Melior naturâ Deus, or GOD, better than Nature, hath ordained the Sunne, Fountaine of light and warmth, to be the physicall or naturall cause, yea, and the remotest cause, (as wee say in the Schooles) of these Meteors;The remotest cause of Me­teors. as Aristotle himselfe in his first Book of his Meteors, cap. 2. observeth.

When I speak of the Sun as most principall, I se­clude not the Stars, and these celestiall bodies, which rolling about in a per-ennall whirling and rotation, doe lance forth their power upon the Earth also.The neerest cause. The neerest Physicall or naturall cause againe, must be un­derstood to be cold and heate; heate from these hea­venly bodies, to rarifie or attenuate the vapors of the Earth, whereby they may bee the easier evaporated by the Sunne; or heate, to draw fumes and vapours from the Earth upward; cold againe, to condensate and thicken those elevated vapours in the Ayre; to thicken them, I say, either in clouds, raine, or snow, or the rest.

Thus,Their remo­test matter. as the Meteors have a twofold cause as you have heard, so have they a two fold matter. The first and remotest, are the two Elements, but of them chiefly Earth, and Water: the neerer cause or matter are exhalations extracted from these former two. Which exhalations I divide in fumes and vapours: fumes being a thin exhalation hot and dry, elevated from the Earth; and that of their most dried parts, by [Page 16] the vertue of the heavenly Starres, and the Sunnes warmenesse elevated, I say, by the vertue and warm­nesse of the Sunne and Stars, from the driest parts of the Earth, even the Element of fire, from whence, and of which, our Comets, fiery-Darts, Dragons, and other ignean Meteors doe proceed; although later Astronomers have found and give forth, some of the Comets formation to be above the Moone.

Whereas vapours are exhalations,Matter and cause of the moist Me­teors. thicker, and hotter, swifter drawne up from the Seas and Waters by the power of the Sun and Stars; of which vapors, thither elevated, are framed, our raines, snow, haile, dewe, wherewith (they falling back againe) the Earth is bedewed and watered: When, I say, that these va­pours are hot and moist; thinke it not impossible, al­though the waters, their mother, be cold and moist; for that their warmnesse is not of their owne innate nature, but rather accidentall to them by vertue of the Sunne and Starres warmnesse; by whose attractive power, as the efficient cause, they were elevated. Now then as of fumes, elevated to the highest Region of the Ayre, the fiery Meteors are composed: so of their watery vapours which are drawne no higher than the middle Region, proceeds raine, clouds, snow, haile, and the rest; or if they passe not beyond this low Re­gion wherein we breath, they fall downe into dew, or in thick mysts.

Thus you see,Difference be­twixt fumes and vapours. that these vapours are of a middle or meane nature, betwixt the Ayre and the Waters; be­cause they resolve in some one of the two easily; even as fumes are medians betwixt fire and earth, in respect that they are easily transmuted or changed in the one or the other.

[Page 17] And thus as you have heard the efficient and mate­riall causes of Meteors:Great diffe­rences of the Meteors. So now understand that their forme dependeth upon the disposition of their mat­ter, for the materiall dissimilitude, either in quantity, or quality, in thicknesse, thinnesse, hotnesse, drinesse, aboundance, or scarcity, and so forth, begetteth the Meteor it selfe, different in species and forme, as if you would say, by the aboundance of hot and dry ex­haled fumes, from the Earth, and the most burnt parts thereof are begot the greater quantity of Co­mets, winds, thunders; and contrary-wayes by the aboundance of moist vapours, elevated by the force of the Sunne from the Seas and waters, we judge of aboundance of raine, haile, or snow, or dew, to ensue, according to the diverse degrees of light in the Ayrie Region whither they are mounted.

Now, when I said before, that hot exhaled fumes are ever carried aloft, to the highest Region of the Ayre; take it not to be so universally true, but that at times, they may be inflamed even in this low Regi­on of ours here; and that through the Sunnes defici­ency of heate, for the time: for as the uppermost Re­gion is alwayes hot, the middle alwayes cold, so is the lower, now hot, now cold, now dry, and againe moist, according to the Sunnes accesse, or recesse from it,What are our S. Anthonies fires. as Aristotle, lib. 1. Meteo. cap. 3. noteth. And of this sort are these even visible inflamations, which in the Seas are seene before any storme, flaming and glancing now and then, as I my selfe have seene; yea, and sometimes upon the tops of Ships masts, Sterne, and Poope, or such as in darke nights now and then are perceived to flutter about Horse-meines and feet, [Page 18] or amongst people gone astray in darke nights. And these our Meteorologians call Ignes fatui & ignes lam­bentes, wilde-fires.

Sect. 6.

That the earth and waters make but one globe, which must be the Center of the world. Of the Seas saltnesse, deep­nesse, flux, and reflux; why the mediterranean & Indi­an Seas have none; Of Magellanes strait, what maketh so violent tyde there, seeing there is none in the Indian Sea from whence it floweth. Of the Southerne Sea or Mare del Zur.

THus then leaving the Aire, I betake me unto the third and fourth elements, which are the earth and waters; for these two I conjoyne in the Chapter of the world, and that after the opinion of the most renow­ned Cosmographers, howbeit Plinius Lib. 2. Natura­lis Histor, cap. 66. and with him Strabo lib. 1. distin­guish them so, as they would have the waters to com­passe the earth about the middle,The earth and waters not se­ [...]cred like the other elements but linked to­gether. as though the one halfe of it were under the waters, and the other above, like a bowle or Apple swimming in a vessell: for in­deede Ptolomee his opinion is more true, that the earth and waters, mutually and linkingly embrace one ano­ther and make up one Globe, whose center should be the' center of the world.

But here now I aske,Quest. seeing the frame of the uni­verse is such that the heaven circularly encompasseth the low spheares, each one of them another, these the [Page 19] fire, it the Aire, the aire againe, encompasseth the wa­ters; what way shall the water be reputed an element if it observe not the same elementarie course, which the rest doe, which is, to compasse the earth also, which should be its elementarie place?

Answer. True it is, that the nature of the element is such; but GOD the Creator hath disposed them other wayes, and that for the Well of his Creatures upon earth. Who, as he is above nature and at times, can worke beyond, and above it, for other wayes the earth should have beene made improfitable, either for the production or entertainement of living and ve­getable Creatures, if all had beene swallowed up and covered with waters;Why the wa­ters are not a­bout the earth▪ both which now by their mutu­all embracing they do: hence necessarily it followeth, that the Sea is not the element of water, seeing all elements are simple and unmixt creatures, whereas the Seas are both salt, and some way terrestriall also.

How deepe hold you the Sea to be?Quest.

Answ. Proportionably shallow or deepe; as the earth is either stretched forth in valleys or swelling in mountaines, and like enough it is, that where the mouth of a large valley endeth at the Sea, that shoo­ting as it were it selfe forth into the said Sea, that there it should bee more shallow then where a tract of mountaines end; or shall I say that probably it is thought that the Sea is as deepe or shallow below, as commonly the earth is high in mountaines, and pro­portionably either deepe or shallow as the earth is ei­ther high in mountaines or low and streacht forth in vallies?

But what reason can you render for the Seas saltnesse?Quest.

[Page 20] Answer. If we trust Aristotle in his 2 booke of Me­teors and 3. as he imputeth the ebbing and flowing of the Sea to the Moone, so he ascribeth the cause of its saltnesse to the Sunne, by whose beames the thinnest and sweetest purer parts of it, are extenuated and ele­vated in vapors, whilest the thicker and more terre­striall parts (which are left behind by that same heate) being adust become bitter and salt; which the same Author confirmeth in that same place before cited, by this, that the Southerne Seas are salter, and that more in Summer, then the others are; and inforceth it by a comparison in our bodies, where our urine by him is alleadged to be salt in respect that the thinner and purer part of that moistnesse, by our inborne warme­nesse is conveyed and carryed from our stomack (wherein by our meate and drinke it was engendred) thorough the rest of the parts of our body: Neither leaveth he it so, but in his Problems Sect 23. & 30. for corroboration hereof he maintaineth, that the lower or deeper the Sea-water is, it is so much the fresher, and that because the force of the Suns heat pierces and reaches no further, then the Winter Cold extendeth its force for freezing of waters unto the uppermost superfice only, and no further.

If it bee true then that the Seas are salt, where­fore are not lakes and rivers by that same reason, salt also?

Answer. Because that the perpetuall running and streames of rivers in flouds hindreth that,Why lakes and running flouds are not salt. so that the sun beames can catch no hold to make their operati­on upon them: and as for lakes, because they are ever infreshed with streames of fresh springs which flow [Page 21] and run into them, they cannot be salt at all: the same reason almost may serve to those who as [...] what makes some springs savour of salt,Why some fountaines sa­vour of brasse, or salt, &c. some vitrio [...]e of brimstone, some of brasse and the like? To which nothing can be more pertinently answered, then that the diversity of mineralls through which they run, giveth them those severall tastes.

What have you to say concerning the cause of the flowing and ebbing of the Sea?Quest.

Answ. To that, all I can say is this, that Ari­stotle himselfe for all his cunning was so perplexed in following that doubt,Of the Seas ebbing and flowing. that he died for griefe because he could not understand it aright, if it be truth which Coelius Rhodiginus lib. 29. antiquarum lectionum cap. 8. writeth of him; it is true indeede (yea and more pro­bable) that many ascribe the cause of his death to have beene a deepe melancholy contracted for not conceaving the cause aright of the often flowing and ebbing of Euripus a day, rather than to the not knowing the true cause of the Seas ebbing and flow­ing chiefly, seeing Meteor. 2 & 3. he ascribeth it to the Moone the mother and nurse of all moist things; which is the most receaved opinion, and warranted with the authoritie of Ptolomee and Plinius both, as depending upon her magnetick power, being of all Planets the lowest, and so the neerer to the Sea; which all doe acknowledge to bee the mistris of moisture, and so no question but to it it must be referred, which may bee fortified with this reason. That at all full Moones and changes, the Seas flowing and swelling is higher then at other times, and that all high streams and tydes are observed to bee so, seeing the [Page 22] Moone doth shine alike upon all Seas, what is the cause that the Mediterranean Sea, together with the West Indian-Seas, all along Hispaniola and Cuba and the Coasts, washing along the firme Land of America, to a world of extent, hath no ebbing nor flowing, but a certain swelling, not comparable to our Seas ebbing and flowing?

Answ. Gonsalus Ferdinando Oviedes observation in his History of the West-Indian-Seas,Why the Me­diterranean & West-Indian Seas have no flux or reflux. shall solve you of that doubt; and this it is, He compareth the great Ocean to the body of a man, lying upon his back, reaching his trunck from the Pole Artick (from the North and East) to the Antartick, South & West; stretching forth the left Arme to the Mediterranean, the other to the West-Indian-Seas; now the Ocean (as the lungs of this imagined body) worketh, by Sy­stole and Diastole on the neerer parts to it, & maketh a flux and reflux where its force faileth in the extremi­ties, the hands and feet, the Mediterranean and Indian Seas.

Quest. How is that possible;Of Magellanes Strait, what maketh so violent a tyde there. that you admit no flux nor reflux to the West-Indian-Seas; seeing their Histories informe us, that at Magellanes-strait, that same West Sea doth glide through the firme land of America, into the Mare Del Zur, and that with such ra­piditie and vertiginousnesse, that no Ship is able with Wind or Art to returne from that South-Sea back­ward?

Answ. That must not be thought so much a flow­ing as the course of Nature, whereby the Heavens, Sun, Moone, and Stars, yea, and the Sea, doe course from East to West, as that Strait doth run. I may [Page 23] joyne to this the Easterly-wind which of all others bloweth most commonly (as elsewhere) so there al­so, which furthereth that violent course: and of this opinion is Peter Martyr in his Decads upon the Histo­rie of that Countrey.

Quest. Admit all be true you say:Why the Mare Del Zur hath flux, and not the neighbou­ring Sea. but what have you to say to this, that the Mare Del Zur hath flux and reflux, and yet your West-Indian-Seas have little or none, as you confesse? how then can the Moone be the cause of the universall Seas ebbing and flowing, seeing they two under one Moone both, are neverthe­lesse so different in Nature, and yet so neere in place?

Answ. Seeing Ferdinando Oviedes, who was both Cosmographer & Hydographer leaveth that questi­on undilucidated, as a thing rather to be admired than solved, leaving to the Reader thereby (in a manner) to adore the great Maker, in the variousnes of his works; I thinke much more may I be excused not to pry too deepely in it.

Quest. What is the cause then, seeing the Moone is alike in power over all waters, that Lakes and Ri­vers flow not and ebbe not as well as the Sea doth?

Answ. Because these waters are neither large nor deepe enough for her to worke upon, and so they re­ceive but a small portion of her influence.

Quest. What is the reason? why, seeing the Sea is salt,Why Lakes & Rivers ebbe not nor flow not. that the Rivers and Fountaines which flow from her (for we all know that the Sea is the Mother of all other waters) as to her they runne all back againe (ex­inde fluere, saith the Poet, & retro sublapsareferri) are not salt likewise?

Answ. Because the Earth through whose veines [Page 24] and conduits these waters doe passe to burst forth thereafter in springs, cleanseth and mundifieth all salt­nesse from them as they passe.

It seemeth that your former discourse maketh way for answer to such as aske,Why the Sea w [...]xes never more nor lesse for all the wa­ters runne to and from it. why the Sea doth never de­bord nor accreace a whit, notwithstanding that all o­ther waters doe degorge themselves into her bosome, the reason being, because there runneth ever as much out of her to subministrate water to springs and ri­vers, as she affordeth them.

But is it possible which is reported that our late Navigators have found by experience,Quest. that the Seas water so many fathomes below the superficies is fresh so that now they may draw up waters to their shippes by certaine woodden or rather yron vessells,If the Seas be fresh some fa­thomes below he superfice. which ovally closed, doe slyde thorough the first two or three fathomes of the salted superfice downe to the fresh waters, where artificially it opens, and being fil­led, straight shutteth againe, and so is drawne up, which they report to have but small difference in tast from the waters of fresh Rivers, which (if it bee true) is a strange, but a most happily discovered secret.

Answ. Yea it is possible, for probably it may be thought, that the Sunnes raies which before are gran­ted to bee the cause of the Seas saltnesse, penetrate no further than the first superfice; like as on the con­trary the coldnesse of the Northerne windes freezeth, but the uppermost water congealing them into Ice; or the reason may better be the perpetuall and con­stant running and disgolfing of Rivers, brookes and springs from the earth into it: And verily I could be [Page 25] induced to thinke the Mediterranean sea, the Sound of Norwey, and such like which lye low, and are every where encompassed with the higher land except where they breake in from the greater Ocean,The probabili­ty, that certaine Seas may be fresh low. that such Seas should be fresh low, in regard of the inces­sant currents of large Rivers into them, and in respect they doe not furnish water back again to the springs, rivers, and fountaines, seeing they are low beneath the earth; yea it hath troubled many braines to un­derstand what becommeth of these waters which these Seas dayly receave: but it cannot bee receaved for possible, that the waters of the great Ocean are fresh, at least drinkably fresh under the first two or three fathomes, it being by God in natures decree made salt for portablenesse.

Sect. 7.

That the Mountaines and valleys dispersed over the earth, hindreth not the Compleatnesse of its round­nesse: Of burning mountaines, and Caves within the earth.

BVt leaving the Sea,Quest. thus much may be demaunded concerning the earth, why it is said to be round? since there are so inaccessible high mountaines and such long tracts of plaine valleys scattered over it all?

Answ. These mountaines and valleys are no more in respect of the earth to hinder its roundnesse, then a little flie is upon a round bowll, or a naile upon a [Page 24] [...] [Page 25] [...] [Page 26] wheele to evince the rotunditie of it, for the protube­rances of such knobs deface not the exact roundnesse of the whole Globe, as not having a comparable proportion with it.

But what signifie these burning mountaines so frightfull to men, which may be seene in severall pla­ces of the earth; as that of Island called Hecla, in Si­cilie called Aetna, besides the burning hills of Naples which I have seene, one in Mexico in our new found lands of America so formidable as is wonderfull: If the earth be cold as you give it forth to be; then how can these mountaines burne so excessively; or if they bee chimneys of hell venting the fire which burneth there in the center of the earth, or not?

Answ. No question, but as there are waters of di­vers sorts,Reason for the burning hi [...]ls which are in divers Coun­tries. some sweet, others salt, and others sul­phureous, according to the minerall veynes they run thorough; right so there be some partes of the earth more combustible then others, which once being en­flamed and kindled either by the heate of the Sunnes beames, or by some other accident, and then fomen­ted by a little water (which rather redoubleth the heate then extinguisheth it; as we see by experience in our farriers or smiths forges, where to make their coales or charco ales burne the bolder, they bedew or besprinkle them with water) they hold stil burning, the sulphureous ground ever subministrating fewell to the inflammation. But they and the like do not hinder the earths being cold, no more, than one or two Swal­lowes make not the spring of the yeare.

But yet, if so be the earth be so solid and massie as you say it is, and that it admitteth no vacuitie; How [Page 27] and whence proceede these terrible earth-quakes, tremblings, palpitations, to the overwhelming of Ci­ties, shaking of Towers and steeples, &c.

Answ. No question but as these are commonly prodigies and fore-runners of Gods wrath to bee in­flicted upon the Land where they happen,The true cause of earth-quakes. as may be seene in the second booke of the Kings chap. 22. Com­mota est, & contremuit terra, & quoniamiratus est Do­minus; So some way lacke not their owne naturall causes: and they be chiefly comprehended in one for all,The compari­son of the earth and mans a bo­dy. and this is it, that the earth is not unfitly compa­red unto a living mans body, the rocks and stones whereof are his bones, the brookes and rivers serpen­ting thorough it, the veynes and sinewes conveying moistnesse from their fountaines unto all the mem­bers; the hollow of our bowells and of the trunke of our bodies, to the vast and spacious cavernes and caves within the body of this earth (and yet these not hindering the massinesse of the earth, for where earth is, it is massie indeed) within the which hollow of our bodyes our vitious windes are enclosed, which if they have no vent, presently they beget in us Iliak passions, collicks, &c. whereby our whole body is cast into a distemper and disturbed; even as the windes enclosed in these cavernes, and hollow subterranean places, preassing to have vent, and not finding any, making way to themselves, do then beget these earth-quakes. And of this opinion is Aristotle lib. 2. Meteor. cap. 7.

Sect. 8.

Of time, whether it bee the Producer or Consumer of things: of the wisedome, and Sagacity of some Hor­ses, and Dogges: How the Adamant is Mollified of the needle in the Sea compas: and the reason of its tur­ning alwayes to the North.

SEeing there is nothing more properly ours, than time, and seeing it is the eldest daughter of na­ture; How is this, that you Philosophers bereave us of our best inheritance saying that there no time at all: in respect (say you) the time past, is gone, the fu­ture and time to come is not yet,Reasons why there is no time▪ and the time present is ever glyding and running away, yea and your Ari­stotle calleth it but a number of motions: seeing then it consisteth but of parts not having a permanent be­ing, it cannot be said to be at all, say you.

Answ. Our true Philosophers reason not so, it is but our Sophists who by their insnaring captions doe cavil thus, therfore take heed of the subdolousnesse of their proposition,The Reasons confuted. which is not universally true: for admit that maxime might hold, concerning the stan­ding and not standing of a thing in its parts, in sub­jects materiall essentiall and permanent, yet it must not evert things of a fluid and successanean nature, such as time is: and whereas they say that the parts of time are not, they mistake; in so farre as time is to be mea­sured by now, which the Greekes doe terme [...], which ever existeth, and by which indeed time is said properly to have existence.

[Page 29] Quest. What things hold you to be in Time? or whether is Time the consumer, or the producer of things?

Answ. To the first,What things are said to be in Time. with Aristotle, I understand onely such things to be in Time as are subiect to mu­tations, changes, risings, and fallings, such as are all naturall things below the Sphere of the Moone; by which meanes, things sempiternall wanting both be­ginning and ending, whose diuturnity cannot be mea­sured by time, cannot fall under it.

2. Ans. To the second, whether Time be the pro­ducer or consumer of things; I answer, that as in the contravertible points of Philosophy our learned disa­gree amongst themselves; so herein they agree not aright; indeed Aristotle (whom customably we all follow) in his 8. Cap. lib. 4. Physic [...]n, will have Time rather to be the cause of the ruine and decay of all things, and that by vertue of its motion, by which sublunary bodies are altered and corrupted, rather than of their rising, increase, or growing. And with him many of our Poets,

Tempus edax rerum,
Aristotles opi­nion, that Time is the ruine of things how to be ex­pounded.
tuque invidiosa vetust as
Omnia conteritis,—and againe,
Omnia fert aetas, animum quo (que), &c.
Tempora labuntur, tacitis (que) senescimus annis,
Et fugiunt (fraeno non remorante) dies.

To which opinion of Aristotle Cardan adhereth, calling Time the Author of life and death: but as Iu­lius Scaliger hath refuted divers of his opinions in his exercitation, 352. not without reason hath he con­futed this also, making Time to bee an accidentall cause of the decay of things; for beside Time there [Page 30] must be causa agens which is the Law of Nature in­grafted in all things living, moving, creeping, vege­tating, by which they tend to ruine: as sinne in Man (besides his naturall corruption) is, and must bee thought the Author of his death.

Now seeing your Philosophy admitteth no other difference betwixt Men and Beasts,Quest. but the use of rea­son, wherewith we are endued above them; how wil you tearme those many reasonable things perfor­med by Beasts, wherof our Histories are full: as that of Bucephalus of Alexander the Great,Of the witti­nesse of Dogs [...]nd Horses. who would suffer none to back him but his Master, though never so ar­tificially disguised in his apparell; Iulius Caesar his Horse likewise, who at his death was observed to fast so long, is remarkeable: and that of Nicomedes, who because his Lord was killed in the field, choosed rather to dye starving for hunger, than to survive him: Stories of the sagacity of Dogs, bookes are fully re­plenished wth; the example of one only shall suffice; ‘This Dog being with his Master,Of the love of a Dog to his Master. when a Robber killed him for his purse, and had flung him into a River that he might not be found againe, did first leape into the River after his dead Master, and then upon his shoulders bore up his head so long, as any breath was remaining within him, thereafter discer­ning him to be dead, straight followes the rogue by his sent to the Citie, finds him, and incessantly bark­eth at him whithersoever he went; while at length, his Master being missed, and the Rogue under sus­picion of robbery, and the Dogs violent pursuing the fellow drew the people into a jealousie of the murther: whereupon the robber being called be­fore [Page 31] a Iudge,Discourse of a Dogs memory. after due examination confessed the murther, was condemned, & died for the fact.’ Now I demand, if these and the like doings of Beasts be not founded upon reason whereof we men brag as of a greater prerogative above them?

Answ. No wayes; for we must distinguish be­twixt actions of true reason, such as ours are; and these which are done by a naturall instinct or sensitive fa­culty of sagacity, use and custome, but most es­pecially, from that which is a neere tying bond even amongst the cruellest of Beasts, a perpetuall resenting of a good turne received; as is manifest in the example of the Lion,Distinction between things done by reason and a naturall inclination. who not onely saved the life of that poore condemned caitive, who fled into his denne and cave, because he pulled out of his pawe the thorne which molested him, but likewise fed him, by killing beasts of all sorts and bringing them unto him; whereof Gellius at length; and out of him Du Bartas.

If I should follow forth here all other questions of Natures secrets, the taske were long and tedious, and peradventure, lesse pleasant to the Reader, than pain­full to me: as why, the Adamant-stone which (of its owne nature) is so hard, that neither fire nor Iron can bruise or break it, is neverthelesse broke in peeces in a dishfull of hot Goates-bloud, soft bloud being more powerfull than hard Iron? Whether fishes doe breath or not, seeing they have no lungs the bellowes of breath? What can be the cause of the Loadstones attractive power to draw Iron unto it? Why, some Plants and Herbes ripen sooner than others? Or what makes a member of a Man or Beast being cut [Page 32] from the body, to dye presently; and yet branches of trees cut off will retaine their lively sap so long with­in them?That certaine plants & herbs vvill grow hi [...]dlier toge­ther than others. Whether or not there be such affinity, and to say love amongst plants and herbes, that some will more fruitfully increase, being set, planted, or sowen, together, then when mixed amongst others, accor­ding to that of the Poet,

Vivunt in Venerem frondes, omnis (que) vicissim
Felix arbor amat, nutant ad mutua palmae
Foedera, populeo suspirat populus ictu, &c.

To which questions, & some others hereafter to be handled, for me to give answer, were no lesse presump­tion and foole-hardinesse, than a demonstration of my grosser ignorance; since, Cardan and Scaliger are so farre from agreement in these matters, as may be seen in Scaligers Exercitations; yet having propounded these questions, and to say nothing of my owne opi­nion touching the solution of such Riddles (as wee call them) were someway an imputation; and I might be equally blamed with those who leade their neigh­bour upon the Ice, and leave him there; wherefore thus I adventure.

And first, why the Adamant which for hardnesse is able to abide both the force of the fire, and dint of any hammer, yet being put in Goates-bloud, parteth asunder.

Answ. Howbeit Scaliger in his 345. Exercitation Sect. 8. giveth no other reason than that absolutely, it is one of the greatest miracles and secrets of Nature; and therein refuteth their opinions, who alleage the Analogie and agreement of the common principles of Nature; which are common to the bloud and to [Page 33] the Adamant together,The true cause how the hard Adamant is dissolved in a dish of Goats bloud. to be the cause; yet I thinke for my owne part, that if any naturall reason may be given in so hidden a mystery, it may be this; That Goates (as we all know) live and feed usually on cliffie Rocks wheron herbs of rare pearcing and penetrative vertues and qualities grow; (neither is the derivation of that herbes name Saxifrage other, than from the power it hath to breake stones asunder) Goates then, feeding on such rockie-herbes as these, no wonder that their bloud having Analogie and proportion to their food, be penetrative, and more proper to bee powerfull in vertue, than otherwayes convertible in fatnesse, for wee see them of all grazing Beasts the leanest.

Quest. Now by what power draweth the Load­stone Iron unto it?

Answ. Aristotle in the 7th. Booke of his Physicks which almost al other Philosophers do affirme,What maketh the Loadstone draw Iron. That the Loadstone attracteth Iron unto it by their simili­tude and likenesse of substances; for so you see they are both of a like colour: and that must be the cause how the false-Prophet Mahomet, his Chest of Iron, wherein his bones are, doth hang miraculously un­supported of any thing, because either the pend or some verticall stone of the Vault where it is kept, is of Loadstone: and thus with Iulius Scaliger, Exercita­tione, 151. I disallow Caspar Bartholinus his opinion, who alleageth that the Loadstone doth not meerely and solely by its attractive faculty draw Iron unto it, but for that it is nourished and fed by Iron; for no­thing more properly can bee said to feed, than that which hath life. Therefore, &c.

[Page 34] Here also it will not be amisse to adde the reason why the Needles of Sea-compasses (as these of other Sun-Dyals) being touched by the Loadstone, doe alwayes turne to the North;What maketh the Needle in a Sea compasse turne ever to the North. and this is the most received; That there is under our North-Pole a huge black Rock under which our Ocean surgeth and issu­eth forth in foure Currants, answerable to the foure corners of the Earth, or the foure winds, which place (if the Seas have a source) must bee thought to be its spring; and this Rock is thought to be all of Load­stone; so that by a kinde of affinity (it would seeme) by a particular instinct of nature, it draweth all other such like stones or other metals touched by them to­wards it. So that the reason of the Needles turning to the North in Compasses is that Nigra rupes of Loadstone lying under our North Pole: which by the attractive power it hath, draweth all things touch­ed by it, or its alike thither.

Section 9.

Of Fishes, if they may be said to breath, seeing they lack pulmons: Of flying fishes, if such things may be, &c. which are the reasons of their possibility, are deduced, exemplified.

Quest. BVT whether and after what manner can Fishes be said to breath, seeing they have no lungs, the bellowes of breath?

Answ. This question hath beene agitated many Ages agoe, both pro & contra, as we say; Arist. cap. 1. [Page 35] De respiratione, denying that they can breath: Plato and divers others of his Sect affirming the contrary: they who maintaine the negative part do reason thus; Creatures that want the Organs and Instruments of breathing,Reasons pr [...] and contra that fishes breath. cannot be said to breath or respire; but such are all fishes, therefore, &c.

The opposites on the other side doe thus maintaine their breathing; all living creatures not onely breath, but so necessarily must breath that for lack of it they dye, as experience sheweth: nay, that the very in­sects, or (as you would say) demi-creatures, they must breathe: but fishes are living Creatures, therefore they must breathe. The Aristotelians answering this, distinguish the major proposition, restraining the uni­versality of it but to such Creatures as live in the Aire, whereas there is no Ayre in the water, the na­ture of it not admitting place for Ayre as the Earth doth, which being opened with any Instrument, as with a Plough or Spade, may admit Ayre; whereas the waters will fill all the void presently againe, as we may see by buckets, boxes, or any other materiall thing, being put into the water, and taken out againe, doe leave no vacuum behinde them; for the waters doe straight wayes reincorporate: seeing then there is no Ayre in the Fishes Element, they cannot nor need not be said to breath; for contrariwise wee see that being drawne from the waters to the Ayre they doe incontinently dye.

For answer to both extreames,What way fish­es may be said to breath. I could allow for fishes a kind of respiration called refrigeration, which improperly may be said to be respiration; but since nothing properly can be said to breath but that which [Page 36] hath lungs, (the instruments of breathing) which in­deed fishes have not: The conclusion is cleare; That they have rather a sort of refrigeration, then respi­ration.

Quest. If herring can [...]ie. But is it of truth which wee heare of our Navigators, that in the Southerne seas they have seene flying fishes, and herring like a foggie or moist cloud fleeing above their heads, and falling againe in the Seas with a rushing and flushing?

Answ. Yea I thinke it possible; for the great Creator, as he hath created the foules of the Aire, the beasts of the earth, and the fishes of the Sea, at the first creation, in their owne true kindes; So hath hee made of all these kindes Amphibia. And as there are foure footed beasts and fowles of double kinds, living promiscuously on land and water, why may there not be fishes of that nature also? of which hereafter. So hath hee indued the Aire (as the more noble element of the three) with that prerogative; that in it, either fowles or watery creatures might be engendred; out of vapors either moist or terrestriall, or extracted from standing lakes, stanckes, marishes, myres, or the like oyly and marshie places; which waters, elevated to the Aire, by the violent operation of the Sunnes beames, either from the Seas, or the fore-said places,How herring may be engen­dred in the Aire. by the benefit of the warme Aire, where they abide, as in the fertile belly of a fruitfull mother, doe there receave the figure either of frogge or fish, according to the predominancy of the matter whereof that vapor is composed; from whence again as all heavie things doe tend downeward, so doe they also. Which hath made some suppose that herrings, [Page 37] (by them called flying fishes) doe descend from the aire,A sea-sawing r [...]on why herring [...] site. their place of generation: where indeed more truly, the error commeth this way; the Herrings, in their season, doe come in great shoales (as Sea men say) upon the superfice of the waters, where scudding along the coasts, some sudden gale of wind (they be­ing elevated upon the top of some vaste wave) may chance to blow them violently so farre, till they encounter, and light on a higher billow, which hath made Marriners thinke they flie.

Quest. What have you to say to this, that as there are fishes extraordinary, so I have heard of fowles without either feete or plumes?

Answ. Fowles they cannot be,Apodes, or fowles without feet or Plumes. because fowles are defined to be living creatures feathered and two footed; and since these are not such, fowles they can­not be: And yet Iulius Scaliger exercitatione 228. sect. 1. & 24. maketh mention of them, calling them Apodes, which Greeke word is as much as without feete.

Quest. But, leaving the various diversities of fowles, as the Geese who hatch their egges under their paw,Of Claick Geese. or foote, and the like, how doe those claick geese in Scotland breed, whereof Du Bartas maketh mention as of a rare work of nature?

Answ. Their generation is beyond the ordinary course of nature, in so much that ordinarily one crea­ture begetteth another; but so it is, that this fowle is engendred of certaine leaves of trees, out of which in a manner it buddeth, and ripeneth; Now, these trees [Page 38] growing upon the bankes of lakes, doe, at their due time, cast these leaves, which falling into the lake, doe there so putrifie, that of them is engendred a Worme, which by some secret fomentation & agitation of the waters, with the Suns helpe, groweth by little and lit­tle to be a fowle somewhat bigger than a Mallard, or wild Duck; and in those waters they live and feed, and are eaten by the inhabitants thereabouts.

First then, I resolve their questions who argument against the possibility of this generation, and then I shall cleare you of that doubt you have proposed: thus it standeth then with these Argumentators; when Aristotle in his last chapter of his third booke De ge­neratione animalium, before he had dissenssed the mate­riall causes of all kind of perfect creatures, In the end falleth upon the materiall cause of insects, and so of the lesse perfect;Diverse kindes of Insects. one kinde of them he maketh to be produced of a Marish clay an earthie and putrified slimie substance, whereof wormes, froggs, snailes and the like are produced; the Sun beames, as the effici­ent cause, working upon that matter; The other sort is more perfect, and these are our Bees, waspes, flyes, midges and so forth, which are engendred of some putrified substance, as, peradventure, of a dead horse, oxe, or asse; out of which by the operation of the environing aire, and the internal putrefaction together they are brought forth:Sea Insects. The insects of the Sea are said to have the like generations, whereof Aristotle De historia Animalium, lib. 1. cap. 1. Et in libro de respiratione; and lately the learned Scaliger Exercita­tione 191 sect. 2. Notwithstanding the venerable testi­mony and authority of such famous Authors; yet our [Page 39] beleevers of miracles doe reason thus both against the generation of the Claik Geese; and of the In­sects also.

Every thing begotten must be engendred of a like unto it selfe,Reasons why Insects are not propagated by a Celestiall heat. as men, horse, Sheepe, Neat, &c. engen­der their life; and this by the warrant and authoritie of Aristotle else where, but particularly cap. 7. Meteor. Text 2.

Quest. But so it is that the body of the heavens, the Sun and his heate, are no wayes similia or alike unto these Insects produced and procreated from the sly­mie and putrified matters above rehearsed.

And therefore that cannot be the way of their ge­neration. Thus they.

Answ. To this answer must be made Philosophi­cally, in distinguishing the word alike to it selfe; for things may be said alike unto other, either of right, or univoce as they say in the Schooles: That way in­deed our Insects are not a like to the putrified earth or beast they came of, but Analogice they may be said to be alike, that is, in some respect, in so farre as they communicate in this, that they are produced of the earth, and by the warmenesse of the Sun, which are things actually existing.

Quest. Now to cleere the question concerning fowles wanting feete and feathers; whether may such things be, or not?

Ans. Yea, for as the great Creator hath ordained in nature betwixt himselfe and us men here, Angels, yea good and bad spirits; betwixt sensitive and insensitive Creatures, mid creatures which wee call Zoophyta, and Plantanimalia, as the Fishes Holuthuna, stella ma­rina, [Page 40] Pulmo marinus, &c. Even so betwixt fowles and fishes, nature produced middle or meane creatures, by the Greekes called [...], or beasts of two lives;What middle Creatures are. part­ly living by waters, partly by earth; And of this sort these fowles must be, as betwixt land beasts and fishes, are frogs, and Crocodills; and some others the like.

Sect. 10.

Of fishes, and their generation: How fowles are gene­rated in the waters. If gold can be made potable; and of the matter of precious stones.

Question. BVt you have not as yet sufficiently en­ough satisfied my minde of that scruple, wherewith it was perplexed: for I was saying that if things on the earth were propagated by their likes, as by the authority of Aristotle I did instance, and al­most unto that the Lyrick Poet Horace applaudeth while he saith, although not to this purpose wholly, fortes creantur fortibus, and againe, Nec imbellem fe­roces progenerant aquilae columbam; How fishes can be said to live by the Sea see­ing their flesh is more firme then the wa­ter whereof they are gene­ [...]ted. then how can fi­shes be said to live, and have their substance of, and by the Sea? For if the Maxime both of Philosophie and medicine hold good, that we exist and have our being of those things wherof we are nourished; surely fishes existing of a more grosse and more materiall sub­stance than water is, cannot be said to live by the Sea; much lesse Fowles, seeing their flesh is more terrestri­all, and for that cause they build and bring forth their young ones upon the Land; whereas otherwayes it [Page 41] should seeme that they live and have their essence, and existence from the Sea: for in Genesis we reade, that the Great Creator commanded the waters to pro­duce swimming, creeping, and flying creatures upon the Earth?

Answ. With Aristotle whom you object to mee, you must consider, that in the fire and ayre no Crea­ture is framed: For so in the 4th. Booke of his Mete­ors he holdeth: from them two indeed he admitteth vertue and power to bee derived to those which are created upon the Earth,How fowles are brought forth in waters and in the Waters; true it is, that Fowles being volatile Creatures, their generati­on should have fallen by lot in the Ayre; but in re­spect that none can be well procreated there, the next Element became their bringer forth; as neerest in na­ture to the Ayre, and as being little lesse than a con­densed Ayre, from which these Foules might soone flye up: so that all things here below being made up of a dry, and then of a thickned moist mat­ter, which are the Earth and Waters; no marvell, that properly of them all things are procreated: how­beit they may be said to have their temperament and vertues from the superior two, fire and ayre: and where it may be objected how the matter of Fishes should be so firme and solid, they being nourished by the thin, waterish, and slimy substance of the waters; it must be considered that the Seas and waters are not so exempted of some mixture of earth in them, out that even as the Earth some way participateth of them,The cause of the firme flesh of fishes. so they impart partly to it their moistnesse a­gaine; of which mixture both Fowles and Fishes doe live.

[Page 42] Quest. What is your opinion concerning the po­tablenesse of Gold, after which, our Chymists, and Extractors of quintessences, Calcinators, and Pulve­rizers of Metals make such search and labour; where­by Gold made drinkable (as they undertake) our youth neere spent may be renewed againe, all diseases cured, and the drinker thereof to live for many Ages?

Answ. Although Gold of all Metals be the King,That Gold cannot bee made potable. as the Sun amongst the Planets, and that it is the sof­test of all, and most volatile, so the easiest to bee ex­tended and wrought upon; in so much, that one Ounce of it is able to cover many Ounces, and Pounds of Silver: yea, although of all Metals it abideth the tri­all of the fire best, and loseth nothing by it, as Arist. in the 3. Booke of his Meteors, cap. 6. observeth; yet that it may be made potable I doubt much of it, and am a Galenist in that point, and that for these two no­table reasons which Iulius Scaliger setteth downe in his 272. Exercitation.

First, because there must bee some resemblance betwixt the body nourished and the thing that nouri­sheth; which no more holdeth betwixt our bodies and gold, than betwixt a living and a dead thing.

Secondly, because nothing is able to nourish us, which the heate of our stomack is not able to digest: But such is Gold, and therefore, &c. Alwayes of the worth and vertue of Gold, reade Plinius, lib. 1. &c. 3. cap [...] 1.

Quest. Now what is the matter of precious-Stones;The matter of precious stones earth it cannot be; for it is heavie, dull, and blackish coloured; they are glitteringly transparent like Stars: water it is not, for even Crystalline Ice will dissolve, [Page 43] whereas they for hardnesse are almost indissoluble: yet Cleopatra is said to have liquefide a Pearle to An­thonie.

Answ. They are of most purified earth, not with­out some mixture of moistnesse, but such as are both mavellously by the force of the Sun subtilized, tem­pered, and concocted.

Section 11.

Of the Earth, its circumference, thicknesse, and distance from the Sunne.

OVR Cosmographers generally,Quest. but more parti­cularly our Geographers have beene very bold to take upon them the hability (as I am informed) to shew how many graines of Wheate or Barley will encompasse the whole Earth, which I esteeme a thing impossible to any mortall man to doe, and therefore frivolous to be undertaken: and I think it very much, if they can demonsttate how many Miles it is in com­passe, leaving to trouble their wits with the other: yet hereupon I desire to be resolved.

Answ. The Philosophicall generall knowledge of things,Two Philoso­phicall wayes to know things. is twofold, either knowing things which fall under the reach of their Science in their effects, there­by to come to the knowledg of the cause; or contrari­wise, by the cause first to know the effects to come. But the Mathematicall demonstrations, whereof Ge­ometry is a part, consist not in these speculations, but in reall demonstrations; and that in such sort, that [Page 44] their positions being once well founded, thereon they may build what they please; whereas on the other side, a little error or mistaking in the beginning, be­commeth great and irreparable in the end: and so to make way to your answer; there is no question, but if once a Geometrian give up the infallible number of the Miles which the Earth will reach to in com­passe, but soone and on a sudden hee may shew how many graines will encompasse it; for it is universally held that the Earth is in circuit one and twenty thou­sands and so many odde hundred Miles; a Mile con­sisteth of a thousand paces, a pace of five feet, a foot of foure palmes, a palme of foure fingers breadth, a fingers beadth of foure Barley cornes; and so from the first to the last, the number of the Miles holding sure, the supputation of the graines number will cleere it selfe by Multiplication.

Quest. By that meanes I see you seeme to make no difficulty of that whereof I so much doubted?

Answ. No indeed; and in this point I perceive how farre learned men are to be respected above ig­norants; yea as much as Pearles, Diamonds, or pre­cious Stones are to be preferred to grosse Minerals.

Quest. Seeing all depende upon the knowledge of the Earths compasse, then how many Miles hold you it to be in roundnesse?

Answ. The discovery of our new found-lands,What leeteth that We can­not aright give up the supputa­tion of the Earths cricum­ference. and the confident assurance which our moderne Naviga­tors and Mappers have of this Terra australis incogni­ta, maketh that punctually not to be pointed out: but what may satisfie in that, or in knowing how thick the masse of the Earth is, in how many dayes a man [Page 45] might compasse it about, if by land it were all travel­lable: or conjecturally to shaddow how great is the distance betwixt the Earth and the Firmament, I re­ferre you to the Title of Curiosity following; for as I finde a discrepance amongst our most learned Wri­ters, in divers most important heads of their profes­ssion; So in this point also I finde them variable and disassenting;Diversity of opinions con­cerning the worlds Com­passe. for Elias Vineti commenting on Sacrobosk upon that Text, giveth forth the Earths compasse to extend to above two hundred and fifty thousand sta­dia, whereof every eight maketh up our Mile; which shall farre exceed the most received opinion of our expertest Mathematicians; who by their moderne Computations make the reckoning of its circumfe­rence but to amount to one and twenty thousand miles and six hundred; & that answerably to the three hundred and sixty degrees wherewith they have divi­ded the great heavenly Circle, and proportionably thereunto the Earth.

Yet pondering aright the discrepance and oddes which doth arise betwixt our learned Authors, con­cerning the compasse of the Earths Globe, wee shall perceive it to proceed from the great diversity of Miles in divers Nations, every man understanding them to be the Miles of that Nation wherein hee li­veth: but speaking to our Natives of Britanne, it is found by daily experience of Mathematicians, that if a man goe 60. of our British Miles further to the North, then (I say) visibly he shall perceive the Pole to rise a degree higher, and the Equinoctiall to fall a degree lower; whereby it is manifest, that to one de­gree of the great Circle of heaven (such as is the Me­ridian) [Page 44] [...] [Page 45] [...] [Page 46] there answereth on earth 60. of our myles; Now there being in every such great circle 360. de­grees or equall parts, multiplying 360. by 60;The earths cir­cumference or compasse. wee finde that they produce 21600. myles British: for a line imagined to passe by the South and North Poles, and so encompasse the earth, would easily ap­peare to amount to the same computation.

As for the diametricall thicknesse of the earth;The thicknesse of the earth. the proportions of a circles circumference to its diameter (or lyne crossing from one side to the other thorough the centre) being somewhat more than the triple, such as is the proportion of 22 to 7. called by Arithmetici­ans triple Sesquiseptima, triple with a seaventh part more; and seeing the circumference of the great cir­cle of the earth is a little lesse than 22000 myles; it followeth, that the thicknesse or diameter of it from face to face, is a little more than 7000. And conse­quently the halfe diameter, viz. from the circumfe­rence to the centre neer about 3600 miles. Now then suppose a man to travell under the equinoctiall or middle lyne of the earth betwixt the two poles, making every day 15. of our British myles; It is manifest that such a Traveller should compasse the whole circumference of the earth in three yeares 345 dayes, some 20. dayes lesse than 4 yeares: As for the distance of the earth from the firmament, I dare not give you it for current:Distance of the earth from heaven. yet in the Schooles thus they shadow it, that the aires diametrical thicknesse is ten times above that of the waters; the waters dia­meter ten times above that of the earth: By the Aire I understand here all that vast interstice betwixt us and the Moone; which if it be true, counteth it selfe: but [Page 47] because the distance betwixt the centre of the earth and the centre of the Sun is more particularly specifi­ed by our Astronomers; therefore to give you fur­ther content, thus much of it you shall understand; that if you will remarke diligently, and compare to­gether the observations of Ptolomeus, Albategnius, and Allacen, you shall finde, that the aforesaid dis­stance betwixt the centre of the earth and that of the Sun containeth the earths Semidiameter 1110. times: Now as I have said before, the earths Semidiameter being somewhat lesse then 3500. we shall take it in a number, to wit 3400. Which if you multiply by the aforesaid 1110. the product will shew you the whole distance betwixt the centre of the earth and the centre of the Sun to be 3774000.The most ap­proved opinion of the earths distance from the Sun. Three millions, seaven hundred seaventie foure thousand myles: likewise if from this number you substract 3400. myles for the earths Semidiameter from the centre to the superfice, and 18700 myles, which is the Suns halfe diameter according to the doctrine of the afore-named Astro­nomers, there remaineth 3751900. myles, as the di­stance betwixt the uppermost superfice of the earth which we tread upon, and the neerest superfice of the Sunne, which being the chiefe and middle of the pla­nets may conjecturally shaddow forth the distance of the earth from the heavens.

OF VARIETIES THE SEC …

OF VARIETIES THE SECOND BOOKE: CONTEINING A DIS­COVRSE OF METEORS, As of Comets, falling Starrs, and other fiery impressions, &c. Of Winde, Clouds, Thunder, Haile, Snow; Raine, Deaw, Earth-quakes, with their true Na­turall Causes and effects, &c. Of Rivers, and Fountaines, their Springs, and Sources, &c.

BY DAVID PERSON of Loughlands in SCOTLAND GENTLEMAN.

Et quae non prosunt singula, multa juvant.

LONDON, Printed by RICHARD Badger, for Thomas Alchorn, and are to be sold at his shop, in Pauls Church-yard at the signe of the Greene-Dragon. 1635.

To THE MOST REVE­REND FATHER IN GOD PATRICK, By the providence of God Archbi­shop of Glasgow, Primate of Scot­land, and one of his Majesties most Ho­nourable Privy Councell, and Exchequer in that Kingdome, &c.

My LORD.

TO whom can those two Pillars IACHIN and BOAS erected before Salomons Tem­ple, bee more properly applyed then to your Grace, who both in Church and common­wealth have showne your selfe to bee the li­vely Hieroglyphick figured by them, as your Memorable deeds in both can beare record to Posterity? for with what vigor did your piety and zeale extend it selfe in suppres­sing [Page] vice and superstition in the Churches con [...]redited to your care, and in establishing vertue and learning both there and elsewhere, may appeare in the peoples harmoni­ous Concord in Religion to Gods glory, your eternall praise and their eternall comfort; And as your Piety, so have your Iustice, and travells beene extraordinary in settling of the Church rents universally through the land, re­possessing every man of his owne tithes upon most compe­tent considerations; all which with your great gravity Mu­nificence and other endowments fit for the accomplishment of so venerable a Prelate, have heaped upon you both Gods blessings, our Royall Soveraignes favour, and the peoples love, and reverence; But least others should deeme that adulation which the mouth of verity would even extort from your enemies, without further commendations of your Person, I humbly recommend this booke to your Gra­ces Patronage, acknowledging the strong tyes I have to continue

Your Graces most obsequious servant, D. PERSON.

OF METEORS, THE SECOND BOOKE.

CHAPTER 1.

The definition of Meteors, their Matter, substance, place, and cause.

I Define Meteors to bee things,Definition of Meteors: their matter, sub­stance and height of for­mation. above our sight, in the ayre, as the Etymology of the word importeth. I divide them into dry and moist, according to the diversity▪ of the matter whereof they are framed, which are dry and moist vapours and exhalations ex­tracted from the earth and waters; and from thence elevated to the regions of the ayre, where they are fa­shioned; and that diversely, according either to the [Page 50] degree of the Region they are framed in, or the mat­ter whereof they are fashioned.

The Philosophers and meere naturalists have not alike consideration of them; for Philosophers have regard to them both as they have their dependance from above, specifying time, place, and all other their circumstances: whereas the meere naturalists doe par­ticularize none of them, but generally shew how they flow from the earth: the knowledge of stars, and of the regions of the ayre, better fitting the Philosopher then the other.

For so it is,Meteors seve­rally conside­red by Philoso­phers and na­ [...]uralists. that, the vapors, and exhalations which the Sun extracteth out of the Seas and earth, sending them up to the regions of the ayre, are the true and originall materiall cause of these Meteors.

Not of all uniformely, but severally of each one, according to the height, whereto they are elevated from the said waters and earth; and the nature of the vapour elevated:A comparison of these Vapors [...]nto the body of man, chiefly to the ven [...]icle and head, which I may not unfitly com­pare to the naturall body of man, whose stomacke is the centre of his fabrick, which sendeth up to the head, the moyst or flatulent humors, wherewith for the time it is affected; and receiveth backe againe ei­ther heated and consuming distillations, or refrigera­ted and quenching humors, wherewith to attempe­rate and refresh the incessant motion and heat of the other noble parts by a circular motion.

Quest. I know the curiosity of more subtile spirits will move the question,Whether there be any exhala­ [...]ions from the lowest Region of the ayre? whether the Sun draweth ex­halations from the lowest or first region of the ayre; seeing it is humid and hot, sometime hotter, some­time colder, according as the reverberation of the [Page 51] Sunnes heat from the earth affecteth it: although I grant, that the ayre, of its owne nature, is hot; yet that hindereth not, but accidentally, it may be heated also, yea sometimes made hotter then of its nature it is. To this question I answer.

Answ. That the subtilty and rarefaction of the ayrs humidity hindereth the Sunne from exhaling of it; for although some parts of the moist ayre be grosser than others, yet the same grosser parts are more subtile then any vapor, which the Sun extracteth from the earth or waters: for not all subtile humidity is evaporable, but that of water only, as that which may more easily be apprehended by heat.

As then,The lowest re­gion of the aire is hot and moist, both by nature and ac­cident. the lowest and first region of the ayre a­bout us, wherin we breath here, is hot and moist, both by nature and accident; as I was saying, by the re­verberation of the sunne-beames, upon solid and com­bustible bodyes, and heated by the exhalation of fumes from places or things that are apt to be kindled, even so, the uppermost region is hot and dry, both by nature, and accident; and almost more, or rather by accident then by nature, propter viciniam ignis; al­beit the supreme region must be hotter then the low­er,The upper­most region hot and dry. both in respect of the propinquity of it, to the ele­ment of fire, (even as the lowest region by the neigh­bour-hood of it to the earth oftentimes is colder than hot) as also in respect of the nearenesse of it to the heavens, which as with the light of them, they warme the lower things; So, by the rapidity and ve­locity of their circular course, they heate this first re­gion also.

Now as these two regions are of themselves hot, and [Page 52] moist,The middle region is only cold, at least re­spectively. and hot and dry; so the middle Region is only cold, but drierwhere it is contiguous with the up­permost, and more moist whereit is [...]igher the lowest. This great coldnesse of it, enforced together, by an Antiperistasis (as we say) or opposite contrarieties of heate above, and cold below.

The Ayre then being divided into these three Re­gions, wherewith the uppermost, as comprehended within the concavity of the fiery Element, is ever hot and dry, the lowest hot and moist, but of a weake and debill heat, which by a breathing cold may be chan­ged; the middle Region is alwayes cold.

CHAP. 2.

Where Meteors are composed. Of Clouds, where they are fashioned, together with the solution of some questions concerning the middle Region.

NOW remaines to know in which of these Regions any of these Meteors are framed:In what region of the Ayre the Meteors are composed. and first, whether or not Clouds be generated in the middle Region of the Ayre? It is most likely, that not there, but in the lower; because in it diverse other Meteors alike in matter and forme are framed.

To which, not so much cold is requisit, as to the other two; yet the nature of Clouds being considered, we shall finde them to be generated in the middle Re­gion onely.

For, seeing Clouds are nothing else but vapours mounted, and thickned by condensed cold; then sure [Page 53] they cannot bee framed in the uppermost Region of the Ayre,What clouds are. because in it the Sunnes rayes are directed, lacking reflex, beside the circular and Spherick moti­on it hath, by vertue of the proximity of the Elemen­tary fire, which warmeth it againe: this thickning or condensing cold cannot be in the lower region, by rea­son of the heate of it through the reverberation of the Suns rayes, beating upon the solid bodies of the earth, and waters: so there resteth the middle Region, in wch the reflex faileth, & the vertue from above too of the direct Sunnes rayes; so that naturally it being cold, in it only these vapours must be condensed to a cloud.Clouds are fa­shioned in the middle region.

And whereas I was saying before that it should seeme that the Clouds are begotten in the lowest Re­gion; in respect that in it, Waters, as Dew and Foun­taines, at least their matter and forme are brought forth, that alwayes cannot hold; because that Foun­taines, and Rivers, are rather bred in the concavities, and hollow places of the earth, than of it, or rather flow and have their source from the Seas.

Neither must my words be mistaken, when I say that the middle Region is naturally cold, seeing be­fore I have set downe the Ayre, naturally to be hot and moist; for when I say that it is cold, it must bee understood, but respectively, in regard of the other two, as wanting the reflective heate of the lower Re­gion, and the circulative heat by the ignean or fiery warmenesse of the other.

Now if it be objected that seeing the middle Re­gion of the Ayre is cold,Concerning the middle [...] ­gion. and all cold things are hea­vie, and so consequently tend downeward; what can be the reason that this middle Region falleth not [Page 54] thorow the lowest to its own centre of weight,Solution. which is the earth? It availeth not; for first, not all frigidi­ty draweth or tendeth alwayes from its circumfe­rences, to the centre, but that only which is absolute­ly and simply cold; as that of the Earth and Waters, and not that of the Ayre, which (as I say before) is but respectively cold; yea, albeit that the middle Re­gion divide not the lowest in whole, yet in parts it doth; as in raine, when it falleth from the middle one upon the dissolution of a cloud.

Finally it may be said here, that clouds not onely may bee seene beneath us to inviron the tops of our lower Mountaines; for I my selfe crossing the lower Alpes, at Genoa, have seene them below me along the sides of the Mountaines; they likewise may be per­ceived to glide over the Plaines, and swimming over our Lakes and Rivers: yet that serveth not to prove, that they are generated in the lowest Region;The foggy va­pours which we see like clouds skim­ming our lakes are but ascen­ding to frame the cloud. but ra­ther argueth the ascending of these vapours, and the gathering of them together; of which the clouds must bee coagulated and no otherwise, as that they are absolutely there framed. But this by the way.

CHAP 3.

Of falling Starres, Fleakes in the Ayre, and other such fiery Meteors.

THere be foure Elements as all know; the Fire hot and dry, the Ayre hot and moist, the Earth dry and cold, the Waters cold and moist. Now as of the moisture of the Waters, whether in their owne Ele­ment, or on the Earths superfice, are composed all watery vapours, as clouds, raine, dew, haile, snow, and hoare-frosts, &c. Even so, from the dry parts of the Earth, calefied, or made hot by the Sun-beames doe proceed fumy exhalations, whereof the fiery and burning Meteors are generated.

But so it is,The matter and forme of fiery Meteors from whence they proceed. that of these vaporous exhalations, whereof all the ignite and fiery Meteors or impressi­ons are composed, all are not framed alike; for ac­cording to the diversity of the dispositions of their matter they are either round or long, or more long than round, or more round than long; for if by the efficient and materiall causes, which are the Sunne-beames exhaling these fumous evaporations from the driest part of the Earth, these spumeous exhalations are such as are combustible and capable to bee kind­led (if it be of a like length and breadth:) then in that case, it shall be seene to burne in the uppermost Regi­on of the Ayre like a blazing fire of straw: if it bee longer than broad, then is it taken for those long fal­ling Stars, which by the Meteorologians are called [Page 56] Dall. If otherwayes broader than long, then are they called fiery inflammations, which seeme to reele in the Ayre, as it were, and to shoot hither and thi­ther. And because sometimes these exhalations (al­though dry) have some coldnesse in them; therefore the ejaculation of that cold matter, maketh the Me­teor to seeme by that extrusion to fall;What are our falling-stars. as being in la­bour to expell it; whence more properly are our fal­ling Stars, which Stars at some times seeme to fall a­side, at other times strait downe, or upward, accor­ding as their matter is for the time either disposed or placed.

And if it be objected how contrary to their nature can they descend or fall downe,What maketh them fal dovvn seeing they are light? their matter being light and not ponderous? I told before, that that com­meth by expulsion, and by way of projection; for confirmation whereof,Solution. may be added the experience we have of Thunder, whose bolts and claps light at times, even at our feet; otherwhiles what in our hou­ses, beating downe Pinacles and Steeples, the tops of Turrets and the like, although it be both light and dry;Of thun [...]er, the matter whereof, and place where. and the reason is, That Thunder being genera­ted in the middle Region of the Ayre, not by exusti­on of any kindled hot matter, but rather by a separa­tion of an expelling cold; meane while this cold thickning and coagulating it selfe together with vio­lence, in a manner detrudeth the hot matter, which with it was thither drawn up, and maketh such a noise and terrible din, the time of that expulsion, that not only the Ayre seemeth to bee rent asunder, but the very Earth also appeareth to tremble at its vio­lence.

[Page 57] Iust so, as the matter of the falling Stars is placed, they fall either straight down, aside, or upward, as be­fore I noted. Even so is it with the Thunder.

Now, as those vapors, thickned in the ayre, doe produce the afore-said effects; so shall it not bee thought amisse, to say, that the same ayre, being thick­ned, with their vapors, but not condensed in a cloud, by susception of light, but chiefly from the Suns rayes opposite to it either by night or day,The matter & forme of th [...]se which we call pretty Dancers but chiefly by night, become fiery coloured, and looke as burning; the same vapors stirring to, and fro, and being some­way thickned, by refraction of light, doe assume un­to themselves variable, and diverse colours; and those fires in effect are the same which vulgarly are called pretty dancers: and by reason that the materi­all cause of such impressions is swift, and soone vani­sheth, therefore they abide and remaine the shorter time; for such phantasmes not being come to the full perfection of other Meteors, (as seldome they are seene to doe) so their abode, and being is but short, and inconstant, they being composed but of hot, and dry exhalations, from chalky, rocky, sandy and sul­phureous parts of the earth, there being a mixture of moysture with them.

And to the effect,Fower sorts of vapors ascend from the earth and waters which ar [...] the neerest m [...]tter of all Meteors▪ that this may be somewhat better cleared, we must consider: That foure sorts of va­pors are exhaled, or drawne up out of the earth by vertue of the Sunnes rayes, beside the smoake of our fires, which ascending to the ayre also augments these fiery Meteors.

First vapors hot and dry, not having so much hu­midity in them, as may be able to overcome them; [Page 58] but rather such, as may make this dry vapor to be con­tinued, for no earthly thing can continue without moi­sture.

Secondly, cold and dry, which altogether are of the earth's nature, virtually cold, albeit formally all vapors are hot.

The third are those vapours which are hot and moyst, where humidity predominateth over the heat.

The fourth kind of vapors which ascend, are cold and moyst, in which absolutely watry moystnesse beareth rule, and this vapor virtually is called cold. These foure sorts of vapors then are the neerest mat­ter of all our meteors.

The first whereof, viz, hot and dry vapors, doe as­cend through the ayre quickly, even to the concavity of the firy and ignean element; where being enflamed and enkindled, it becommeth the right generation and propagator of our fiery Meteors: whereas, the se­cond, being hot, and moyst, doth not ascend so high; and because it is easily resolved,Ayre what. it commeth to bee ayre.

The other two cold and dry, and cold and moyst vapors are elevated aloft also, but no farther then to the colder parts, where they are thickned and coagu­lated together,Raine what. wind. by the invironing cold; but so, as cold and moyst are converted to raine; and the other cold and dry to wind, or this falls downe with the pluvious or rainy vapour. This being so, we may see, that there are foure kindes of vapors and exhalations, confor­mable to the foure elements which make up the mat­ter of these Meteors; in such sort, that as there are [Page 59] hot, and dry exhalations, and cold and dry, even so there are hot vapours and cold and humid ones also.

Since then,Quest. you know the matter of wind,What is the cause, that the falling Stars make no noyse as the Thun­der seeing one matter is com­mon to both. raine, falling stars and inflammations in the ayre, let us heare what can bee objected: One demands, what is the cause that the falling stars or other descending flames or flashes make no such noyse as the thunder doth, see­ing their matter and manner of composing is almost alike.

Answ. Because the cloud which throweth away and expelleth them, invironeth not them in her belly, as their clouds doe, in which the matter of the thunder is; for the thunder bursting thorough the cloud occa­sioneth the clappe.

Quest. Now if it be asked,What meaneth these fi [...]es wee see by night before us or by us when we ride at some times. what meane these fiery inflammations, which at some times in the night are seene, either amongst our horse feet when we ryde, or about their maines, or sometimes like the glaunce of a candle light before, a little above or about us? The answer is, that these dry exhalations, as diverse other things, are of severall degrees; some elevated to the highest region, others to the middle region, and these, which ascend no higher then this low region where we inhabit, being composed of a more oleagenous, or oyly substance, doe inflame sooner, than these of the middle region doe, as being invironed with cold.

Or if it be asked?Why are they not seene in the day time▪ Why see we not such inflamma­tions in the day time as in the night? No question but that then they are, and more frequent then in the night, but the greater light obfuscateth the lesser.

Or if it be asked; What meane the rents and clefts (as it were) which we see in the firmament, as if it [Page 60] were opened and hollowed in [...] places? That is nothing else, but the vapors and exhalations, carryed up to the ayre, which are condensed and thickned to­gether; where, by accident, if in the midst of this con­densation, any part be more subtile, or thinner then the extremities are; that thinnest part, appearing black, and the two extremities coloured, maketh people be­lieve that it is an open gappe, which indeed is not.

Quest. As to that question;What be these complainings and laugh­ing which sometimes are heard in the ayre? by what cause it hap­neth, that moanings, mournfull voyces, and some­times also laughings are heard in the ayre? I thinke the Meteorologians answer not so fully satisfactorie as theirs, who treate of spirits, whom I may well call Physiognosticks: for the Albertists, upon this place, say, that the cause is, the multitude of exhalations, extracted out of graves and other Subterranean pla­ces, pressing upward, thorough places not proportio­nable for them; and being of themselves, of a reso­lutive nature, doe make noyses, not unlike to those of men; which in my conceit is ridiculous: and yet such is their glosse upon the latine Text, De die igitur sol pro­ [...]ibet.

Answ. But I incline rather to their opinion,They are Ae­reall spirits. who, speaking of the nature of spirits, say, that these Ca­chinnations or laughings, and weeping voyces, which we heare, are rather Aereall spirits; which is handled more largely in my title of spirits, where you may find all their orders and natures.

Now because the matter of comets, is of greatest moment, amongst all the Meteors; I hasten to them.

CHAP. 4.

Of Comets, their matter, forme, nature, and what way they portend evill to come.

COmets, being of the number of Ignean and fiery Meteors; No question, they are composed of a like matter; the difference being in the quantity of that matter more or lesse, to wit, dry, clammie and hot exhalations, in their framing being condensed, and by reason of the motion of the superior bodyes, in the fiery element beginning to kindle, doe make these co­mets; and thus they differ from the fiery Dragons, and falling sttars; for these Meteors, once kindled by way of exustion, and extrusion, or projection, are throwne downe suddenly, and so vanish; where, on the other side, the dry and hot exhalations, whereof Thunder is composed by way of detrusion, (the cloud renting asunder, in whose body it was enclosed) doe presently vanish, as lightnings (their forerunners) doe.

Now where the nature of comets must be such;The nature & forme of co­mets. that neither the firy kindling of them may soone consume it, by the greatnesse and violence of it; neither must their matter be so weake and thinne, that the fire may on a sudden overcome it, but such as may endure at least for a little season, both with the quality of the fire, and the disposition of the matter condensed and thickned; and yet so as the exustion or kindling of the matter and condensed exhalation, beginning at [Page 62] end of it may ascend upward, til it consume the whole extent of its rayes and beames upon the matter com­bustible, in forme of a beard,The reason of their long hayre or beard. or long discheveld look of haire, continuing so for a time; from whence Come­ta à Coma, hayre, hath its denomination.

Now the forme and shape of these exhalations, is not ever after a like proportion or fashion; that is, al­wayes long and broad; so that the one end being kindled, the other remaineth but enlightned, like a beard, from whence they are called Crinitae stellae, or Barbatae Cometae, bearded Comets. For sometimes their figure wil be Spherick and round; so that the fire taking these Spherick exhalations in the middest ma­keth the blazing beames which extend from the cen­tre to the circumferences,Sometimes they are round. to looke like long hayre circled about a face or head.

Neither must it be thought that this haire or invi­roning beames are like to these which before a storme we see incompassing the Sunne,Halos. 1. area▪ What are the Circles about the Moone, which we call broughes? but more frequently the Moone, which Aristotle calleth Halae & Halones; for these Circles by us called broughes, are a world of way remote from the bodies of the Sunne and Moone, and in effect, are but in the troubled Ayre, with aboundance of exhalations and vapours, thorow which, the Sunne and Moones rayes, making way to themselves, do fashion these circles about them there. Whereas these circles or long beards of the Comets, a [...]e directly under, yea, sometime above the concave of the Moone; and thence to the first Region of the Ayre they are conveyed with the Comets of that same matter of exhalation, and nature; although our moderne Astronomers, now averting this Aristotelian [Page 63] opinion, have found out some Comets place to bee above the Moone.

This being briefly spoken of the matter and forme of Comets,What course the Comets observe. it may be asked what course they have? to which I answer; first, that the motion of Comets is common with that naturall course of the world; for either it is from the Orient to the Occident, or from the West to the East: at times most frequently it declineth to the South, and at other times to the North; now high, then low, now seeming neere to the Earth, then remote from it.

And if it be said, how can Comets have so many different courses,Answer for the diverse courses of Comets. seeing a simple body can have no more but one motion of it selfe? To this I say, that as the Sphere of fire and the supreme Region of the Ayre, by the heavenly motions are wheeled about from the Orient to the Occident; thus the Comets exist above the first Region, and so naturally with it they should keepe the same course: in respect that conformably a thing placed, must turne with the place, in which it existeth. So if this first Region by the rapidity of the Heavens be moved; much more should Comets, they being neerer to it than the first Region.

Now albeit the Heaven, Fire, and Ayre move in a circular motion, yet they move not all alike, for by certaine degrees the course of the one is swifter than the other; so that the Ayre as neerest to the Earth, is flower than the other two. By this subdeficiency then, the Ayre, and they within it, seemes but to goe about frō Occident to Orient of its own proper mo­tion, having regard to the swiftnesse and velocity of [Page 64] the superior course. And whereas I say, that they move high and low, to and fro; that is to be under­stood in so far that every thing perfectible striveth to attaine to its owne perfection; which consisteth in the approximation and neere attaining and touching of the generant, which chiefly beareth rule in the place, whereat they aime or tend; whether that thing en­gendred bee a Star, or any other celestiall vertue, whereunto this subdeficient striveth to attaine.

Now the reason wherefore most commonly Co­mets doe reach,What maketh the Comets commonly move from the South to the North. either to the South, or North, is to be attributed to the speciall influence of some other Star drawing them thitherward; as the Loadstone maketh Iron turne towards it: and whereas sometimes they appeare low and neere the Earth; at other times farther remote from it: that must be appropriated ei­ther to the inflamation of the Comets matter, either at the neerer or farther end, or else to the height, or lownesse of the Region, above which it is elevated: for none of the three Regions, but have in them their owne degrees and stations, some parts in them being higher than others are.

The place of their appearing is most frequently in the Northerne Climates;The place of their abode commonly. and that most often under Via lactea, which is that white coloured draught called the milkey way in the firmament, which may be perceived by night, reaching in a man­ner from East to West. The time of their abode a­gaine is but at shortest seven or eight dayes; al­beit I reade of some that blazed halfe a yeare; but such have seldome happened: neverthelesse the short­nesse or length of their abode, is to bee imputed [Page 65] imputed to the bignesse or scantnesse of their matter.

Now rests to know,Whether or not they can portend evill to come. whether or not these Comets may portend or prognosticate bad or infortunate e­vents of things here below, and whether over parti­cular persons or Countries in generall? To this the Philosophers (who will have all things,The Philoso­phers deny it, admitting them but as naturall things. either above or below, to be and exist by naturall reasons, and ad­mit no prodigies or things beyond nature) make an­swer that Comets are but meere naturall things, no way fore shewing evils to come.

Because (say they) when Iupiter fals to bee in the signe of Pisces, or in the signe of Cancer, if then the Comets appeare, it foretokeneth aboundance, and wealth, as in the dayes of Iulius Caesar, there was one seene; which neverthelesse had no evill ensuing upon it; as it may bee seene in Albertus his Com­mentary upon Aristotles Text in the Meteors,The Philoso­phicall reason why not. latini­zed, Ejus autem quod est.

Besides this say they, when Comets are seene, then these evils which follow them, and which they por­tend should fall forth through all or very many parts of the Earth, seeing they are seene by all, or most: the contrary whereof is knowne.

Besides, that burning Lances or Speares which now and then also are seene in the Ayre; and other fiery impressions, which are of that same matter with these Comets, should foretell evils to happen, as well as they which are not.

But above all,Other of their reasons why they can por­tend no evill to come. seeing it is oftenest thought, that Comets either foretoken great winds, or raines; none of which can be, say they: not winds, because the mat­ter whereof the winds behoveth to be, which are dry [Page 66] exhalations, are converted towards the framing of the same Comets themselves.

Not raine; for no one thing can be a signe of two opposite contrarieties. Thus seeing Comets portend drouth, they cannot likewise preaugurate inundations, and overflowings;Other reasons of theirs. finally, much lesse the death of Princes and Monarchs no more than of other private men; seeing the same constellation and ascendent may be equall, and have regard to meane men as well as to them, in a like distance.

Which reasons, with diverse moe albeit at first view, they may seeme forcible; yet being better con­sidered their insufficiency will soone appeare: for none of the naturall Philosophers but doe acknow­ledge their Prognostications, for some one thing or other; albeit the Astrologicall Philosopher particu­larizeth them more punctually.

And thus they say,The contrary is seene by ex­perience. that a Comet circumbeamed about with that which they call long hayre (to say so) invironing it as we see, about the Sunne, Moone and Starres; before a storme and great tempest, doth sig­nifie and portend great debording of waters; whereas if it bee but radiant in one side, that is a sure signe of terrible and destructive drougth, and consequently of famine and scarcity; because without humidity and warmenesse corne and fruits cannot grow.

Now as high winds move and stirre the Seas with other waters; so from that commotion ariseth raine and boisterous showers; so that appeare how they will, yet they ever portend some one evill or other.

As for death of Princes and change of estates fore­ [...]howne by them, experience of former Ages can qua­lifie; [Page 67] and by late miserable proofe it may be under­stood by that blazing Star, which appeared in the yeare 1618. I being at that time in Florence, where an Italian Astronomer, upon the third Bridge, drawing in his Table-bookes the height and aspect of it, was overheard by us who gazed on him, to cry although with a low voice,Lamentable accidents which have followed after the appearing of Comets. Vae Germaniae, Woe unto Germany: and who so is, but never so little acquainted with the histories of diverse Nations, shall soone perceive in them what lamentable accidents have ensued after extraordinary deluges, and overflowings of waters, and intollerable droughts; but more especially after the appearing of Comets, what dreadfull effects ac­cording to their affections: so we require, that those Recusants would with the Philosopher, who denied that the fire was hot, but put their finger into it to try the truth of his assertion.

Neither do our Astronomicall Philosophers want their owne grounds, wherein they settle the warrant of change of estates, after the apparitions of these Co­mets; and this for one.

That the exhalations of hot and dry vapours from the Earth,The reasons which our Astronomicall Philosophers give, that Co­mets may por­tend change of States. whereof these Comets are made, betoken a bilious and wrathfull, sudden and irefull dispositi­on of the in-dwellers of these Countries; for the same ayre which they attract, and emit, doth someway affect them, and this ayre is filled with these exhala­tions, resolved by the heat of the incumbing Sun; so no question but this same way it moveth their bodies and minds to feare fiery and sudden revolts, fightings, seditions, and uproares.

Comets appeared in England before their Coun­trey [Page 68] was conquered by the Normans: Examples of Comets appea­ring before de­sol [...]tion. and thereafter another, when they subdued France. What more re­markable one then that which appeared above Hieru­salem, before its sacking and captivity? And againe, what desolation befell all Italy, almost after that pro­digious debording of waters which fell from the Alpes without any former raine? Charles the 8th. of France his entering thereafter, and the disasterous chances that followed thereupon can testifie: all which our and their stories can record, besides many others, as Sabellicus in the penult. booke of his last Aeneids doth intimate.

Neither yet may I be induced to beleeve, that the Starre whereof Tichobray, that famous renouned and noble Astronomer maketh mention, which is yet seen and was affirmed to be (though the Prince now bee dead) most fitly appropriated to the victorious, wise, and fortunate Gustavus King of Sueden, to have beene no other than a Comet, what ever reasons he alled­geth to the contrary. Albeit such remarkable Starres are rather observed to appeare at the death of great men and Kings, than at their birth. Neither must we instance the example of the Starre, which was obser­ved by the wise men of the East, at the birth of our Lord and Saviour at Nazareth; such extraordinaries should be admired, not inferred to exemplifie things.

For answer to this,Answer to the former obje­ctions. that the death of common peo­ple may as well happen under these Comets, as that of Princes: there is no question but that the supere­minency of great persons and States making them the more remarkable, maketh their death also more per­spicuously to be notified.

[Page 69] And as in the Title of curiosities I have showne, that not ever the most curious questions of Arts and Sciences are the most profitable; Even so in this I allow not of Hali the Iew his commentary, upon the centiloquy of Ptolomee; where, referring the death of Princes to comets he thus saith.

Quòd si apparuerit cometa Domino istius regni exeunte in Oriente, significat mortem Regis, vel principis; si autem Dominus istius regni fuerit in Occidente, significat ali­quem de regno suo interfecturum Regem; I over-slip the interpretation of these words, least the divulging of them might more harme than profit.Conclusion of comets with a particular ob­servation. Alwayes leaving Philosophicall alterations, thus much by na­turall experience we may resolve upon; that they ne­ver appeare, but some bad event followeth thereon, either to the countrey over which it blazeth, or to which it aspecteth; or else to that countrey over which ruleth a starre which that comets tayle tendeth towards or followeth; though much rather to that countrey which it hath aspect unto: not by vertue of its influence, but by reason of the superabundancie of maligne, dry, and hot exhalations regorging and dis­persing themselves over it.

CHAP 5.

Of Raine, Dew, hoare-frost and their cause.

AS hot and dry exhalations are the matter and cause of Meteors in the upper region of the aire, of which before: Even so, cold and moist vapors are [Page 70] the causes of these; after this manner; vapors eleva­ted up into the ayre, by force of the Sunnes beames; and being separated from the heat which accompani­ed them; either, by that heat's ascending higher, and leaving the grosser vapors; or the subtillest of that heat being extinguisht by the grossenes, & aboundance of cold and moist vapors, which mounted up with it in the ayre: or else by the coldnesse of the place, the middle region of the ayre. These grosser vapors I say segregated from that heat,The first mat­ter of raine which accompanied it, and being thickned and carried about in the ayre for a time, fall back againe to the earth; but being first coagulated in a cloud,The way how raine falleth downe. which dissolving, falleth down to the place from whence it ascended: so that by a cir­cular motion first the waters resolving in vapors, the vapors thickning in a cloud, then that dissolving back againe into waters, imitateth in a manner the circular motion of the Sunne, by whose approximation as these vapors are elevated, even so by his elongation (if I may say so) they doe fall backe againe.

Now, as this is the generall cause of these moyst Meteors, so is it the particular cause of the falling of Rayne: for Raine being a watery vapor, carryed up by heat into the Ayre, and there that heat leaving it, resolveth and falleth downe againe in great or lesser showers, according to its quantity.

Dew and Hoare-frost are not so generated,The matter & manner how dew is engen­dred. for why? When there is not such quantity of vapors ele­vated in the day time (through want of heat to draw them up, or through great drowth upon the earth,) they are not carried high: in hoter countreys they fall downe againe before the day be spent, and that by [Page 71] them is called Serene, What is that which in France we call Serene. as in France particularly: So when these elevated vapors are thickned in waters, without either so much heat as may dry them up, or so much cold as to congeale them; then I say the dew appeareth.

Now the Hoar-frost happeneth otherwise;The matter & manner how Hoare-frost, are fashioned. as, when the like exhaled vapours are congealed, before they be condensed; whereby you may see that dew falleth in temperate times and places, whereas Hoare-frosts fall in Winter and in the colder parts of the earth: and the reason may be alleadged, that, seeing vapors are hoter than water; in respect of the con­comitating heat, whereby they are carried up; no question, but more cold is required, for the congela­tion of vapors, then of waters: and so if in cold sea­sons, and places, waters congeale, and harden, much more may we say of vapors congealable into Hoare-frost. Thus we have touched the materiall and effici­ent causes of dew and Hoare-frost; so it shall not be amisse to shew that the time when the Sun ingendreth these Meteors in the ayre, by the drawing up of these vapors, from out the earth and waters, must be, when the lowest region of the ayre is, calme, serene and cleare, without wind raine, or cooling clouds; for they being mounted thither may either hinder their ascending or condensation and thickning; as also the stirring winds would hinder their condensation, or at least their congregation or gathering together.

Now that both dew and Hoare-frost are begot­ten of vapors not carryed high in the ayre,The place where dew and hoare-frost are framed. by this it may be knowne; because we see little Hoare-frost or dew, in the higher mountaines, where it seemeth [Page 72] likeliest, they are made and doe recide in regard of the cold there; which is so much the more probable in this, that the heat, which elevateth these vapors from low and Marshy places, carrying (as you would say) a burden heavier then their hability can comport with, leaveth them ere they can ascend any higher.

Besides that, we may say, that the second region of the ayre, being higher than these mountaines, and car­ryed about; and in a manner drawne after the circu­lar wheeling about of the heavens, dissolveth these vapors by its motion; and by this meanes maketh the dew and Hoare-frost, for so I expound Pruina. Not­withstanding this, a greater motion is required, to disgregate and sunder apart heavy and many va­pors, then few and light ones; now seeing the matter of Snow, and Raine is greater and containeth a great many more vapors then the matter of dew and Hoare-frost: Therefore it is, that in exceeding high Mountaines,Some more good observa­tions of dew and Hoar-frost neither raine, dew, nor Hoare-frost fall; because of the violent motion and great flux of the ayre there: for that matter is rather even wheeled a­bout with that violent motion, whereas in the lower Mountaines againe, because of the lesser flux and mo­tion of the ayre snow and raine falls, but not deaw nor Hoare-frosts.

To end this part in a word then, I say, That dew and Hoare-frost have a like matter common to both, viz, moyst vapours exhaled from the earth and waters, but not highly elevated in the ayre; and (except in quan­tity) they differ not, but onely in this, that dew is fa­shioned of moderate cold, the other is begotten by a more violent.

CHAP 6.

Of Snow: its cause, matter and nature.

THe matter of Snow,What Snow is? is a cloud, composed of an aereall substance, whereby it may bee made some way hot; and of a terrestriall and earthly matter, whereby when it is dissolved, it leaveth some muddy substance behind it; but the most speciall mat­ter of it is of the vapors exhaled from the waters dis­persed over the earth. Their place, is in the middle re­gion where violent colds are; which excessive cold must not be thought their generation only, but then, when that cold is dispersed through the whole ayre; for then this cold is not so sharpe and piercing, as that cold is, which, by the dispersed heat in the ayre, is reenforced and crowded into one place. Now be­cause such colds are not spread abroad through the whole ayre, but at certaine times, as in winter, in the end of Autumne, and in the beginning of the Spring; therefore it is that in winter in the tayle of Autumne or in the beginning of the Spring, Snow falleth (at least then) most frequently.Much Snow in the Northerne climats, and Why? And because the Nor­therly Climats are coldest and farthest remote from the hot Zone, as there where the Sunne beames hath least reflex; ‘—Quod sol obliqua non nisi luce videt.’

Therefore it is also, that in these places snow is most usually seene.

Now if it be said, how can it be, that the snowy [Page 74] cloud must be of a hot ayrie disposition, seeing the other two ingredients are earthly and waterish vapors which naturally are cold, for by this I should include contrarieties in one subject? To which I answer; that there are no absurdities in that; for in this case, the one is as ingredient, the other as egredient, the one over-comming, the other remitting something of its dignity: for as the cold holdeth together this snowy cloud, till it dissolve into water; so, before this cloud begin to dissolve into snow, we find the ayre which before was marvailous cold, during the time of the congealing of this cloud, to wax somewhat hoter by reason of the aery heat, which leaveth the cloud and disperseth it selfe through the ayre.Difference be­twixt the Snowy cloud and the rainy one. From whence likewise we may gather the reasons why the snowy cloud, before it dissolve in the ayre, is cleare, and clea­reth the earth also: Whereas the rainy clouds doe both dimme the sky and earth, & are exceeding cold immediately before the rayne fall downe? That is, because the rainy cloud, hath nothing but grosse and heavy earth and watrish vapors in it; whereas the snowy one, hath besides them, the ayre inclosed, which being by nature warme, and then being thrust out of the cloud by the predominancie of the other two, cleareth and warmeth both.

CHAP. 7.

Of Windes, their true cause, matter and nature, &c.

IN the former part of this treatise, we have heard that there are two sorts of exhalations, whereof all Meteors above us, in the Ayre, are composed: one of them moist, called vapours; the other dry, called fumes or smoke; not that any of these are so either wholly dry or moist, or that they have no mixture of others, for that is not: but that the predominancy of the one above the other, in the compound, maketh the denomination.

Now as the heat of the Sun, extracting these two from the earth and waters is their efficient cause, so they againe are the materiall causes of the Meteors made up by them, viz. vapours, the causes of raine, haile, snow, dew, clouds and so forth. As the dry and fumous exhalations are the causes of winde in parti­cular, as also of the hot Meteors above mentioned. Hot and dry exhalations then are matter and causes of the wind;The matter and cause of winde. and as they are elevated in the Ayre by the force of the Sunne; so no question but from that same Ayre, the winds begin to blow, and not from the Earth first; which in this may be discerned; be­cause that the highest Mountaines (I meane, if they exceed not the first Region) Towres, Trees, Steeples, and so forth, are more agitated with winds, then the lower and baser are, as being neerer the ayre.

Feriunt summos fulmina montes.
Saepius ventis agitatur ingens
Pinus—

[Page 76] And the reason is, because straining to mount aloft conformable to their nature, they are reverberated a­gaine by the middle region, their opposite (being cold and moist) to their hot and dry nature.

Now as the beginnings and first springs of Rivers are small, but by corrivation of other lesser ones they increase:The beginning of wind is but small, but it en­creaseth in blowing. Even so the first beginnings and principalls of windes are commenced but with few exhalations; no question but their increment floweth from the ad­unition and combination of more exhalations; Whence it is, that some yeares are more windy and some seasons too, then others; and commonly the dryest Summers maketh the windiest and most tem­pestuous winters.

It is said in Scripture, that the wind bloweth where it pleaseth, and that none knoweth, either whence it commeth or whither it goeth.A place of Scripture con­cerning winds solved. And it is truth indeed to speake particularly, we feele it and find it, we know it evanish away into the many vast and spacious intur­nings of the ayre; but from what particular place it floweth, we know not well: for as they are small in their principalls, so no doubt, but they receive aug­mentations in their progresse. Here then it may be inferred, that winds and raine are not procreated of the selfe same matter, as some foolishly doe maintaine; which by this only may bee evidently confuted, that often times the windes are abated by raine; and commonly after raine we have windes:What maketh raine com­monly follow winde. The first for this naturall reason, because that violence of winds blowing clouds together, and the invironing cold condensing and thickning them together, makes them dissolve into water.

[Page 77] The other is because of waters or raine falling from the clouds,And what af­ter raine. by which meanes the Ayre is war­med, and consequently the Earth; which maketh it yeeld aboundance of hot exhalations for the Sunnes rayes to transport upward to the Ayre, wherewith wind is framed againe.

And if it be objected,What maketh some windes cold, other hot seeing one matter is com­mon to both. that exhalations are common causes of winds, and yet of the same winds, some are cold, as the North, and East, whereas the Southerly and Westerly are commonly hotter? To this may be answered, that the exhalations themselvs are not the occasion of that, but the disposition of the Climats from whence they flow; the Suns heat never aproach­ing the North Climat, but afarre off, and obliquely, or side-wayes; occasioning the cold of it, and con­sequently of the winds blowne from thence.

Whereas more perpendicularly it glanceth on the other Meridian and Westerne parts; by which means, as the Earth is warmed, so are the winds.

And if it be asked, why in the height of Summer (the Sun being in Cancer) that then are fewest and low­est winds, as in the extremity and cold of Winter there are few likewise, as by experience may be seene:

To that may be answered,What maketh that in the heat of Sum­mer there are fewest winds, seeing then there should be most. That as in all things ex­tremities are vicious, even so in this matter; for great heat and drought in Iune, Iuly, and August, doe keepe back the winds and their matter, as extremity of cold doth in December and Ianuary.

The Earth in that time of Summer, being burnd up with scorching heate, hindereth the winds to rise; be­cause the earth then is burningly dry wthout any mix­ture of moistnesse; out of which drougth of the earth, [Page 78] without some moistnesse no fumes can be exhaled.

So the Ayre clogged with cold, thick, heavie, and lumpish clouds of raine and waters, holdeth (as it were) the winds within their Precinct; hindring them to blow then, till the Ayre be disburdened of that load, and doe give way to the winds to sport them­selves in the spring, recompensing their long captivi­ty with licencious unbridled blasts.

Or to know how the wind bloweth is this:The way how the wind bloweth. First, the exhalations whereof it is composed, are carried from the Earth, high up to the middle Region of the Ayre, but so, that when it is there, it is encountered and repercussed, tossed and moved with cold and con­densed Ayre; finally it is put aside, from whence a­gaine by violence it is throwne downe by the cold predominating in that Region, so it striketh upon this lower Region of the aire, in the descent of it; not right and diametrically downe, but slentingly; which ayre againe beating the Earth, by the superiour impulsion, and the earths repelling it upward or back againe, maketh it (following the round circumference of the Ayre) to blow about, filling it with its noise.

As for the number of the winds, what Countries be subject to such or such winds, what maketh the Nor­therly winds to blow dry, the Southerly moist; I re­fer the first to Sea-men, whose experience is surer than our contemplation: the other are soone solved by a good Naturalist; for the Sunne shining upon the South Countries more kindlie and hotter than upon the North, maketh the winds conforme to the Ayre of the Countries, hotter there, than in the North, and moister.

CHAP. 8.

Of Earthquakes, their cause and nature.

THIS question dependeth upon the knowledge of the former; for the nature and matter of winds being well understood will cleere this the sooner. I formerly said then that cold and dry exhalations, by the force of the Sun elevated up in the Ayre, and from thence by predominating cold beaten aside, and from that through the Ayre down­ward to the Earth back againe whirling upon the face of it,Againe, the way how the wind bloweth. and round about through this lowest Region, are the matter and nature of the winds; which cold and dry exhalations, I say, are the matter of these winds, which often times so lowdly blow upon the superfice of the Earth; that not onely Ships on the Seas, Trees in the Woods are overturned by their vi­olence; but likewise high Steeples and Towers are made to shake and tremble in such sort, that even Bels have beene blowne out of the one, the roofe of the other uncovered; our fruits and cornes beaten downe to the terror and amazement of the beholders.

Even so dry and cold exhalations,The matter and forme of Earthquakes. but these more grosse, and not so Elementary as the first, enclosed within the bowels and concavities of the Earth, (for Nature hath no vacuity) and there converted into winds, doe struggle and strive as it were, to burst up through this earth to attaine to its owne right place, which is upwards; and that is the cause of this trem­bling [Page 80] and motion of the Earth which we call Earth­quakes.

And because the Southerne Countries are hotter than the Northerne,What makes the Southerne countries most subject to these earthquakes. in respect of the Suns approach to them, I meane in its perpendicular beholding of them, they (I say) are consequently more apt to bee enflamed, and so to be concaved and wasted within; yea, and to be more capable of the engendring and reception of these exhalations and winds, and their effects: therefore it is, that these Countries are more subject to the motions and tremblings of the earth (whereof their particular Histories afford us testimo­nies enough) than the more Northerly are; for they having grosser and lesse matter evaporated from them by the Sunnes heat, doe admit lesse concavities, and so fewer exhalations: so then, both winds and Earth­quakes are of one selfesame matter and subject, viz. of cold and dry exhalations, wherof they are framed; and they differ onely in this; That the exhalations whereof the winds are, doe rise more purified, of the superfice of the earth, and as we say in Schooles, Ex Elemento superiori; The od [...] be­tweene wind & earthquakes▪ whereas the other, more grosser are from below, Et ex Elemento inferiori, so that both in matter and motion they doe agree.

Neither is this called in question by Aristotle, hand­ling the same matter,A very fit comparison. Lib. 3. Meteor. Where his Com­mentator Albertus Coloniensis compareth this motion of the Earth by the power of these inclosed vapours in the bowels and cavernes of it, to the motions and tremblings of our pulse, by the Systole and Diastole of our spirits, in and above our hearts, and so within the cavity or hollownesse of our bodie.

[Page 81] And yet, not content with this comparison, he in­sisteth in the duration and continuance of the Earths motion, saying, that even as the tremblings where­with our bodies are agitated (during the fits of a Fea­ver) doe continue so long as the faulty and peccant humour reigneth in our veines,As our bodies are stirred with a hot ague, even so the earth with an inclosed wind. and accordingly dimi­nisheth its proportion, as the matter occasioning the feaver impaireth: even so it is with this trembling of the earth, having respect to the multitude of vapours and to their declining; for the more these vapours are, the Earthquake lasteth the longer, and is more vio­lent; but when they spend and decline, its violence and continuance is remitted.

I know now the Philosopher and Naturallist (who admit nothing done in nature, to bee otherwise than by naturall meanes) will admit nothing beyond the reach of Nature when they are posed.

How is it then that commonly after Earthquakes,A remarkable question. Plagues, Pestilences, and death of Bestiall doe ensue? To this they answer, That the exhalations which cau­seth the Earths motion, having burst up through the Earth, infecteth our Ayre with the infective breath of it, which it contracteth when it was incarcerated within the bowels and wast places of the said Earth?

Likewise they ascribe some such or not farre diffe­rent reasons in their owne degree, to the cause of evils which usually (I wil not say ever) befall after blazing Comets,Solutions both Philosophicall and Theologi­call. wch although in effect they have their owne probabilities; yet they should not deprive our great Creator from the supernaturall working thereof, who by such unusual and terrible Syncopes of nature, would even foretell, and have mortall men, (whom [Page 82] these prodigies admonish) forewarned of some ef­fects of his wrath to ensue; to the effect, that if they will amend, and turne to their God by humiliation, and repentance, they may avert that evill threatned, and prevent his judgments.

CHAP. 9.

Of Thunder, Lightning, Haile and certaine other secrets of Nature, with their solution.

AND first concerning Thunder. Quest. What can bee the causes of the lightning, and fire­fleakes, which in Latine are termed Fulgura, & coruscationes, either in the clouds themselves, from whence Thunder proceeds,What is the matter of lightnings. or wavering in the ayre? Whether or no the exhalations, inclosed within the cloud from whence they doe proceede, be the cause, and occasion, both of the Thunder it selfe, it's sound, and of the coruscation and lightning also?

Answ. Yea; but diversly, and by it's owne course; for first by the agitation, and motion of it, within the cloud, it causeth the sound after this manner: The dry exhalation, (whereof this sound, thunder it selfe and lightnings are generated) ascending upward, in the vapour, to the middle region of the aire, is engros­sed in a cloud, through the coldnesse of the place: so it is compacted, and this exhalation coarcted within the belly of that thickned and condensed matter: which dry, or firy exhalation, thus inclosed, (by An­tiperistasis or contrariety) by the environing cold, in [Page 83] the outward body of the cloud, striveth to get out, and make way for it selfe; at last, with much reluct­ance,The right cause of the noyse of thun­der after the lightning. overcomming the environing cold, maketh that hideous and horrible noyse, wherewith here on earth wee are so terrified, that sometimes Women are strooke in such feare by it, that they part with child; So by that same agitation it kindleth too, being of a combustible substance, viz. of a dry, terrestriall, and inflamable matter; which, once kindled by Antipe­ristasis, expelleth it selfe, with violence, through that cold thickned cloud: but first in, and about the cloud it maketh these flashes and coruscations spoken of be­fore: so in lightnings, it disperseth it selfe, here, and there through the aire, both clearing the cloud a­bove, and the aire beneath.

Now if it be asked;Why we see the lightning before wee heare the noyse. What is the cause, why we see sooner the lightning then we heare the thunder clap? That is because our sight is both nobler, and the eye is sooner perceptive of its object, then our eare; as being the more active part and priore to our hearing: beside the visible species are more subtile, and lesse corporeal then the audible species, this being reall, the former intentionall, as the skilfull in Opticks know: and this is the reason why likewise we see the flash, ere we heare the noyse of discharged gunnes.

Question. Againe, being asked, why fire, being naturally light, doth not rather ascend then des­cend?

Answ. (To that as before:) Because it is extru­ded by violence from its abode.And why do [...] it descend se­ing it is light. Besides this, it being accoupled to a matter contrary to its owne nature, and that matter predominating, viz. A dry terrestriall [Page 84] substance, in which it existeth; that I say, this terre­striall matter, tending downe-ward, draweth the fire perforce with it: which may be perceaved by a kind­led charcoale throwne out of ones hand, which car­ryeth the fire along with it.

Againe, if it be expostulated, what can be the cause of the admirable effects of this thunder? at some times bruising the blade of a sword,The cause of the admirable effects of thun­der. the sheath un-of­fended; melting mony and gold in a pocket, the pocket remaining entire; and killing a Man and not harming his cloathes; And what maketh things touched by it smell of sulphure and brimstone? And to kill a man in such sort, that the bolts shall bruise all his bones, the flesh never a whit hurt, nor by appearance touch­ed; and the like.

Thus much for answer. The thunder which is ex­pelled or extruded from blacke clouds, is more vio­lent and hath greater force,Why the thun­der of blacke clouds are more terrible, then those of White. than that which is ejacula­ted from the whiter clouds. This thunder then by nature subtile, and pearcing, but much more purified in it's distent, when it mixeth with the aire, is far more subtilized: And againe being by the fire, and heate of the thunder repurged of all grossenesse, it is made so purely spirituall, that is pearceth suddenly, and insen­sible as it were, almost all porous bodyes, and never exerciseth it's force till it finde resistance: And hereby it appeareth plainely how the skin is, as it were, untou­ched when the bone is broken, which may serve for all accidents in this kinde.

But when it onely toucheth the outward of things without any great hurt, it betokens the weaknes, and [Page 85] imbecillity of the matter.Why those that be thunder beaten smell of brimstone. And where commonly bodyes, so thunder beaten, doe smell of sulphure and brimstone, the matter of Thunder giveth the reason, for it is composed of dry, and sulphureous exhalati­ons, as of the smoake of Sulphur-terrae by Naples; of hot smoke in bathes, and rocks there; of Monte de Sommi; of Aetna in Sicilie: of the burning hills at Mex­ico in America: of our Hecla in Island, and such like chalkie, lymie and sulphureous places; so vapors ele­vated out of these and the like places, must make thunder which is composed of them, to savour of them.

Now to those, who aske which is the place where thunder is procreated,The true mat­ter of thunder. and begotten: answere may be made, from the grosse humidity, having in it some ter­restriall glutinous, and viscous humor not easily se­parated from it that it existeth in; which being thick­ned in a cloud in the highest part of the middle re­gion whither they are elevated, above all other clouds, composed of other moist vapours; from thence (I say) by the invironing cold, by Antiperista­sis, or a stronger opposite part, they are extended and throwne downe.

Qu. Again, if any demand why blacke clouds are conjectured most to containe, and send forth thunder bolts most fearefull?

I answer, indeed as blacke clouds, flashes, and light­nings,The reason why the thun­der of black clouds are most dangerous. are little to be regarded, in respect that the blac­nesse of them argueth but little firy matter to bee within; But contrarywayes that it aboundeth in wa­terish vapours; So commonly after thunder great [Page 86] raines, ensue; the cloud being dissolved, and the fire expelled. But indeed, if the lightning bee not much to be feared of such a blacke cloud, yet the thunder bolt of it is terrible, as being violently expelled by the predominating cold, even as the great charge of a Cannon enforceth the bullets flight, and causeth the roaring noyse of it.

Of reddish, or whitish coloured clouds, the bolt is but weake in regard of the rarity, and paucity of cold vapours to expell it; but the flashes and light­ning will be found dreadfull, in respect of the abun­dance of exhalations, wherewith, after their owne co­lour, the cloud is dyed.

But leaving these fiery and hot Meteors, we betake us againe unto the moyst and watery ones, as more consonant and frequent to our climate.

First, if it bee asked whether our moyst Meteors, such as snow, haile, and raine, have one common mat­ter, whereof they are generated; and if they have one, what can be the cause of their different shapes and formes;All weake Me­teors have one common mat­ter▪ for we see the snow broad and soft, con­trarieways haile, round and hard. No question but one matter is common to all, viz. Waters; from which, by vapours they are elevated to the aire; and in which they are dissolved againe: but the difference standeth here.Their diffe­rence in forme, and place. That the neerest matter (to say so) of snow, is vapours congealed in a cloud, which hath in it a great mixture of aire; by which meanes, being some way heated, when the snow dissolveth, you see it holdeth, open and soft, by reason of that aire, where­as haile hath no airy substance in it, and thus qualifi­ed by experience, that we see haile fall downe on a [Page 87] suddaine, and ofttimes with violence, because of the terrestriall heavinesse of it, whereas snow falleth but leasurely.

The reason why haile is round may be this,Why haile is round. because falling down from the middle region where it is con­gealed, by the way it reencountereth with some circu­lar and round drop of raine or water, which accor­dingly by the rolling about of the haile it selfe, be­commeth hard likewise; more especially, as not ha­ving any hot place, but the cold aire to fall through, till it light on our lowest region; which accidentally hot, for the time, you see, maketh them immediately after their lighting upon the earth, to dissolve quick­ly, or at least not long after. And as these two are formed in the highest of the middle regions, and for the extreame cold which is there are congealed:Why raine fal­leth in drops. so on the other side because the clouds from whence raine issueth, doe not ascend so high, therefore they dis­solve in drops before they can be congealed. And so by degrees, dew and Hoar-frost, because they are not mounted so high as the matter and clouds of raine; Therefore they fall sooner, and softlyer then raine doth; so one matter is common mother unto all of them, but the degrees of their elevation in the aire maketh their differences: the haile higher then the Snow, the Snow then the Raine, the Raine then the Hoar-frost, mildew, or dew is.

CHAP 10.

Of Rivers, Fountaines and Springs, their sources and causes.

THere ariseth a question here not unworthy of our consideration. Whether the Springs and Rivers, in and on the earth have their origi­nall from the waters of the Sea, by subterranean con­duits, or from the waters on the superfice of the earth which is caused by raine; or finally from the huge and unmeasurable caverns, and hollow places of the earth,From whence fountains have their courses. in whose bowells are monstrous lakes, pooles, and other standing waters, created of the ayre, there­in enclosed, which not having any vent to ascend up­ward, but being condensed there, dissolveth it selfe in­to these waters. Now before we enter into the soluti­on of this question, we must understand, that when I speake of the vast and endlesse caves, like valleys within the bowels of the earth, wherein waters are, that it is no invention of mine own: for Seneca, & with him Aristotle in his Meteorologicks in the 19 booke of his naturall questions instanceth it, saying, Quid miraris (saith he) si distructos terra non sentiat, cum ad­jectos mare non sentit? And againe, Quemad modum supra nos imbres, it a infra nos fluvios aer facit, supra au­tem nos diu segnis aer stare non potest, qui aut sole atte­ [...]uatur, aut vento exp [...]nditur; sub terra autem, quod a­erem in aquam vertit idem semper est, scilicet umbra [Page 89] aeterna, frigus perenne & in excitato densitas quae, semper materiam fontibus fluminibus (que) praebebunt, and so forth: all wch hee confirmeth in that same place by authority of Theophrast, whom hee bringeth in saying, That since the Earth hath swallowed Townes, Cities, and houses, who can doubt but that there are within her bowels, Brookes, Caves, Dens, and Valleyes? which seeing they cannot be empty, must of necessity bee full of waters. Seeing then all things are composed of all the Elements, as of their common causes; (For water is a thickned ayre; and the Ayre againe a ra­rified water:) How then can these subterranean hol­low places, but be full of waters, since the Earth doth dissolve in waters,That there is waters within the earth. to fil them up? For the earth being delved or digged but a very few footsteps downe, wa­ter doth straight appeare, earth and water being of as great affinity as ayre and waters are: howbeit Zeno and others doe contradict this opinion, saying; That the Earth is a massie,The Sea the mother of fountaines. solid, and homogenean body. I say, that absolutely the Sea (as a common Mother to all waters) is she, from whence all Rivers, and Springs have their source, but yet not so wholly, but that they may be augmented by raine and water, as wee see by experience; that after huge raines, both Foun­taines and rivers doe accreasse. And if it bee asked, how water being of its owne nature heavie, can leave its owne element and centre, and bee conveighed to the tops of Mountaines and high places, as may bee daily seene almost every where?

To this first,How Foun­taines are on the tops of mountaines. I say, that the Sea being some way high­er than the Earth, most easily, by its owne conduits, and channels, it may make passage unto it selfe, as through so many veines.

[Page 90] Besides this, the vapours which the Suns heat, and the power of some other Planets, raiseth from the waters even under the earth, are not ever exhaled and carried aloft to the Ayre, but sometimes are even re­tained for a long time in solid places of the inner­most parts of the earth; where gathering them­selves into the concavities thereof, they boile upward by the force of the said agitation, as a pot upon the fire, by the force of an under heare: so these waters bubling up through the earth cause our fountaines; which running downeward againe, to the Valleys and Plaines, doe make our Brookes, Rivers, and Springs. And of this opinion is venerable Albertus Coloniensis, commenting Aristotle upon this question, Dubio nono & decimo. Or it may be said, that the ca­verns and concavities of the earth, being filled up with waters, which distill from the want of the caved earth above, are procured by the grosse Ayre there inclo­sed and converted into waters, which issuing out of the rarer or voider parts of the Earth, above, do oc­casion these Springs, Rivers, and Brookes.

If it be demanded if steepe Mountaines do not re­tribute and send downe waters to feed our Springs and Rivers;How moun­taine; furni­sheth water unto fountains. there is no question, for in their concavi­ties, of certaine, there are treasures of waters, which bursting out at their lower parts, doe yeeld plenty enough, to bedew the lower Countries; not that these waters are gathered there by raines which fall (for raine-waters penetrate not so deepe into the earth) but rather that the Mountaines themselves, be­ing spongeous, doe attract and draw together, their whole dissolved waterish matter, to the frontiers and [Page 91] concavities; from whence surging and breaking­forth through orifices, they grow into springs, brooks and sometimes rivers.

Quest. What causeth some Fountaines to last lon­ger than others? certainly, that must proceed from the copiousnesse and aboundance of the veine and and waters, such long-lasting ones have, above the others.

Or finally, if it be demanded what can be the cause that some Rivers, and Springs, which formerly did flow in large swift currents, do lessen, and sometimes totally dry up? That must not be imputed to the sci­tuation or change of the Starres,Why some springs cease running. as some suppose; by which (say they) all places in the world are altered; but rather unto the decay of the veine: peradventure, because the earth preasing to fill up voidnesse, hath sunke down in that place, and so choaked the passage, and turned, the course another way.

Neither can there be a fitter reply given unto those who aske;What maketh two fountaines a little distant, one hot and another cold. what maketh two Springs or Fountaines which are separated onely by a little parcell of ground, to bee of a contrary nature? yea, one sweet and fresh, the other brackish and salt; one extreame cold, another neere adjoyning to it, to bee luke­warme.

Then the diversity of Oares or Metals, through which these waters doe runne, which is the cause of their different tasts and temperatures; as on one par­cell of ground some flowers and herbs salutiferous and healthfull; others venemous, and mortall may grow.

The Moone is often said to bee the efficient cause [Page 92] of the ebbing and flowing of the Sea; now if so be (as universally all the Learned hold) what is the cause, seeing shee is universally seene by all Seas in a man­ner, (and I may say equally) that therefore all Seas flow not and ebbe not alike?

To this I thinke no better reply can be given, than that some Seas there are which be rather Lakes, in a manner, and of fresher water than Seas, in respect of the incessant running of endlesse Rivers into them, whereof they make no account againe (to say so) by subministring matter to Rivers, Fountaines, Brookes, or Lakes, as the Ocean doth: the invironing bankes, and shoares being higher almost than they: such are all Sounds, Gulphs, and (it may be) the Mediterrane­an Sea also. Or yet we may say, that the profundi­ty and deepenesse of some Coasts hindereth the flow­ing more then it doth upon shallow and ebbe sands and other valley and low bankes.

Now the cause of our hot Baths neere Bristoll, The veines through which the wa­ters run ma­keth them salt, hot, or cold. in Flanders, Germany, France, Italy, and else where, is onely the sulphureous and a brimstony Oare, or Me­tall through which their waters runne; as the salt earth through which some waters doe runne, is the cause of their saltnesse, such as the Salt-pits in Poland, and Hungarie, out of which Salt is digged, as our Pit­coales, and stones are digged out of Quarries. And no question but these waters are heated too by run­ning through such earth.

These, and the like, are the reasons given by Philo­sophers, for such secrets of Nature, as either here be­fore I have touched, or may handle hereafter: and howbeit, by humane reason men cannot further pry [Page 93] into these and the like, yet no question but the power of the great Maker,Gods power outreacheth mans wisdome▪ hath secrets inclosed within the bowels of Nature, beyond all search of man: To learne us all to bend the eyes of our bodies, and minds upward to the Heavens from whence they flow, to rest there in a reverent admiration of his power, work­ing in, by and above nature; and that by a way not as yet wholly manifested unto mortall men.

By all which, and many more we may easily espie as the power, so the wisdome of this our Maker, in disposing the forme of this Vniverse, whether the great World, or the little one, MAN; in both which there is such a harmony, sympathy, and agreement, betwixt the powers above, which wee see with our eyes, as the Heavens, and the distinguished Regions of the Ayre in the greater World, with the Earth and Seas; or of the soule, minde, life, and intellect of Man; the heaven in him comparatively, with his bo­dy, the Earth, and such like, of the one with the other; that is the great and little world together, as is a wonder.The compari­son of the great & little world. For as in the Ayre, how the lower parts are affected, so are the superiour; and contrarywise, as the superior is disposed, right so the inferiour. So we see that not onely a heaven of Brasse, maketh the Earth of Iron, but likewise waterish and moist earth, causeth foggy and rainy ayre: as a serene or tempestuous day maketh us commonly either ioyfull or melancholy: or as a sad and grieved minde causeth a heavie and dull body: but contrariwayes, a healthfull and well tempered body,A worthy simi­litude. commonly effecteth a generous and jovially disposed minde.

OF VARIETIES THE THI …

OF VARIETIES THE THIRD BOOKE: CONTEINING FIVE TREATISES. OF

  • 1. Armies and Battels.
  • 2. Combats and Duels.
  • 3. Death and Burials.
  • 4. Laughing and Mourning.
  • 5. Mentall Reservation.

BY DAVID PERSON OF Loughlands in SCOTLAND GENTLEMAN.

Et quae non prosunt singula, multa juvant.

LONDON, Printed by RICHARD Badger, for Thomas Alchorn, and are to be sold at his shop, in Pauls Church-yard at the signe of the Greene-Dragon. 1635.

TO THE RIGHT HO­NOVRABLE THOMAS Earle of Hadington LORD Privy Seale of Scotland, and one of His Majesties most HONOURABLE Privy Counsell in both KINGDOMES.

Right Honourable,

IF writers of books in former ages have made a gratefull commemoration in the front of their workes, of worthy, men who for their brave deeds either in Peace, or War, Church or Common wealth were renounced, thereby to enternize their fame, and by their examples to extimu­late others to the imitation of their vertues; nothing could expiat my trespasse, if I should passe over your Lord­ships most accomplished rare vertues, thereby to deprive posterity of so excellent a President, especially amongst your other many exquisite perfections you being in this barren age so worthy a patterne, and Bountifull Patron of letters and literate men. Let antiquity boast it selfe of the integritie of a Greeke Aristides, in the gravity and in­flexibilitie of a Roman Cato, and the rest: yet our age [Page] may rejoyce to have all these accumulated on your Lord­ship alone; Envy cannot conceale with what credit and generall applause (as through the Temple of Vertue to the Sacrary of Honour) you have past all the orders of our Senatoriall Tribunall even to the highest dignity; where, like an Oracle, you strike light through most foggie and obscurest doubts. The continued favour of Kings, the aggrandizing of your estate by well managed fortune, the peopling by the fecunditie of your fruitefull loynes not on­ly your owne large stocke but many of the most ancient and honourable families in our nation, may well set out your praises to the world, but the true Panegyrick which I (if able) would sound abroad your Honours due deserving merits, to which, in all humility and reverence, I offer this small pledge of my entirer affection, hoping ere long to present them with something more worthy the studies and travels of

Your Lordships in all dutifull obedience. D. PERSON.

OF ARMIES AND BATTELLS: VVherein by the way our mo­derne VVarfare, is compa­red with the Old Roman. THE THIRD BOOKE.

Section 1.

That greatest armies have not alwayes carryed away the victory, the reason of it; two examples, of Semiramis, and Xerxes.

I FIND in Histories, that not alwayes the greatest, and most numerous armies, have carried away the victories in Bat­tels; whether it is, that the LORD of Hoasts will disappoint them who trust in [Page 98] their numbers,Greatest ar­mies have not alwayes done great. and armies of men, or their Martiall Horses and their strength, or in their military disci­pline. For it is probable, that as their infinite num­bers, cannot ever be so well Marshalled, as that, at all times requisite, they can come to blowes; so on the contrary, if once they chance to turne backes, the Pa­nike feare that seazeth on so grosse, and peccant a bo­dy, is so remedilesse, that they can scarce ever bee brought againe into any right or perfect order, which in lesser armies, driven to such extremities, we heare and reade to have hapned: Or rather shall we say with that Captaine of the Volsci, marching against the old Romans?

Armati armatis obstant virtute pares, sed necessitate superiores.

And againe;

Iustum est bellum, quibus necessarium, & pia arma, quibus nulla, nisi in armis, relinquitur spes.

I need not insist too much on battels of unequall numbers, for the Greeke and Roman Histories are re­plenished with them; yet two I will produce, as in­credible for their numbers, as unlikely for their losse. The one,Semiramis in­numerable ar­my defeated by a very few un­der an Indian Prince. of Semiramis Queene of Babylon, who set­ting out for the conquest of the Indies, made up an ar­my of three millions of armed men, whereof tenne hundred thousand Horsemen, the rest were foot, be­sides many hundred thousand Chariots, with blades like sythes, or falchions, sticking out on either side; with many hundred thousand Camells and Elephants to fight on. Which horrible armie was so over­thrown by the Indian Emperour, that scarce one hun­dred returned home alive.

[Page 99] The other was of Xerxes, Xerxes alio overthrowne by a handfull of Greekes and Salamines. that powerfull King of Persia, who intending to subdue Greece, came downe upon it with such an army, that Rivers were drunke dry by the multitude of his souldiers. Herodotus re­porter of the former two, reckoneth this whole army to amount to seventeene hundred thousand by land: and two hundred and fifty thousand by Sea, with 2200 Galleys; for, by Sea and land, he intended their subversion, and came downe for that intent.

The insolencie of this King (environed with this terrible armie) was such; that intending likewise to subdue Europe, and for which purpose he prepared to passe the Hellespont, (some seaven miles broad) but be­cause his bridge of boates, by the waters impetuous­nesse, was overthrowne, which he caused to be contri­ved for that effect (as Alexander did at Tyre) he made his Souldiers, with him, vainely to whip the Sea for it's resistance against his so vast power. Neverthelesse this presumptuous King (I say) with all his forces, and numbers of men, by a small number of Greekes, was overcome at the Battell of Thermopilae; The battaile of Thermopi­lae. in so far that, that same glorious King of Medes and Persians, was forced to steale over the Hellespont, slenderly accompanied in a frigat, or Shallop, in the yeare of the world 4720. or thereabouts, if Sabellicus mistake not.

Now as these two remarkable and populous ar­mies were thus defeated by the smaller number, and so confirmeth this assertion afore-mentioned; So who will follow forth the tract of all either divine, or heathen Histories, shall finde it more manifestly ap­proved.

[Page 100] As for holy Histories, unlesse I were obliged not only by an Historicall but by an Evangelicall faith also, to trust all comprehended with [...]n the old and New Testament as undoubted veritie, I could hardly be induced to beleeve, that so little a territory as the holy land was (and yet is) could afford so many hun­dred thousand fighting men, as were so often recor­ded to bee raised in it; unlesse that some would say, that beside the blessing of God upon that land in ma­king it to overflow with milke and hony, wheat, wine and oyle, that so he would have it to abound in men likewise.

Sect. 2.

Examples of Greeke, Roman, and British Battels, where the fewer number have overcome the greater.

THere is a freedome left to every Reader of Histories, to beleeve or not beleeve every par­ticular in them: yet those battailes, where the fewer numbers have overcome the greater, will most startle beleefe; as that victorie of Alexander over Darius; the battails of Thrasymenes, Cannes, with the Pharsalian field, and the like. For Alexander, with but a few, did beat Darius great hosts: Hannibal, with lesser multitudes overthrew the Roman Consuls, Paulus Aemilius, and Terentius Varro; Iulius Caesar, with almost the halfe of Pompeys number put him and his armie to rout.

But neither the imparitie of the Greeke, nor Roman [Page 101] battels fought by them can give so great assurance of possibility, that small troupes have overcome the greater. As that battell of Poictiers by Edward the blacke Prince of England,Iohn King of France over­throwne by Edward the black Prince of England. against Iohn King of France! where, not onely foure times as many that day were put to rout, by the worthy English, but like­wise the King himselfe was led captive into England; whose ransome redacted his countrie unto that penu­ry, and scarcity of money, that they were forced thereafter, to coyne and stampe pieces of leather money, as their History of that time recordeth.

Neither,Edward Car­narvan of eng­land over­throwen by Bruce at Ban­nak-burne. was that glorious victory over the French much more remarkeable, nor more sufficient for proofe of this then was that famous victorie of our valiant Bruce, at the battell of Bannak-burne, against an other Edward.

I might adde to these two the renowned victories woone by Scanderbeg a petty Prince of the Epirots, Scanderbeg with a handful [...] overthrew Mahomet. who with but a handfull of men (as it were) did over­come the hundreds of thousands of that victorious Mahomet, as at length may bee read in the Turkish Historie.

Sect. 3.

Whether it be requisite that Princes hazard their Persons in field or not; of the Encouragement that their pre­sence giveth to the Souldiers: When a King should venter to the field; and what Lievtenants are to bee deputed by him; all exemplified.

OVr Politicians,If Princes may hazzard their persons in a field or not. of latter times, have made it a great question, whether a Soveraigne Prince should hazard his person in battell or not, considering the great losse that ensueth either by his death, or captivitie; a thing never doubted of in former ages; no not by such Kings who though sickly and diseased, have caused to carry their bodyes from their bed unto the field, thereby the more to encou­rage, with their presence, their mutining and doubting armies; as Plutarch witnesseth in the life of Eumenes. Yea, Xisca had such a conciete of himselfe and his owne presence, that after his death, he ordained his skinne to be flead off him, and a drumme to be cove­red with it; imagining thereby, that, as he in his life had terrified and sorely beaten his enemies, so the sound of this after his death would be a terrour unto them.

Neither,Queene Eliza­beth on the front of her armie in 88. was there any thing encouraged our brave English, at the approch of the Spanish armado, more, than the assurance and undismayed countenance of that ever famous Q. Elizabeth, ryding in the front of her troupes with a Iaveline in her hand (like an armed [Page 103] Pallas) as the Bishop of Ely in his treatise of the 88. most appositely relateth.

Philippe de Commines observeth nothing more wor­thy of re-marke in the battell of Fornouncie (which the Italians call the battell of Tarr which was strooke at the foote of the Appennine mountaines, by the French King Charles the eight, against the Veneti­an an armie, under the conduct of the Marquise of Man­tua, their generall, at the Kings returne from Naples homeward,) then the young King his generous en­couraging of his people,The counte­nance of a King a great incouragement unto souldiers▪ with a chearefull coun­tenance: and so much the more; because that the night before, the armie was so terribly frighted with thun­der, flashes of fire from heaven, horrible tempests of winde, and raine, all which he perswaded his Soul­diers, were onely ominous prodigies, to dismay their enemies.

So then, when I seeme to admit, or allow the pre­sence of a King in his Armie, rather than to devolve that charge on Deputies; it is not to bee understood, that therefore hee should play or act the part of a Souldier, exposing his sacred person unto danger and palpable hazard, which are onely for common Soul­diers; but onely by his advice, and countenance, to encourage, direct, and ensure all things.

—stetit aggere fulti
Cespitis intrepidus vultu, meruitque timeri
Nil metuens—As Lucane

speaking of Iulius Caesar, exquisitly remarketh: neither yet is it to be understood,When a King should be in proper person in a field. that a King should in person be in his battels, and armies at all occasions, but then only and especially, when the enemy is within, or ap­proaching [Page 104] his Countrey; for otherwayes hee may very conveniently doe his businesse abroad, by his Lievetenants. Provided alwayes, that he who is im­ployed, be not of such eminency, as thereby he bee able to encroach upon his estate; and then armed with men, power, and strength, favour and meanes, attempt against his Soveraignety: but that by con­sanguinity, or other obliging bonds, the Prince bee assured of this great mans fidelity and trust: as exam­ples of former Ages can yeeld sufficient testimony to have beene practised:Why powerful subjects are not alw [...]yes fi [...]est to bee elected Gene­rals of armies. to which purpose I will onely instance, that notable authority of Velleius Paterculus, in his abridgement of the Romane History; when he speaketh of that great imployment intrusted unto Pompey, in scouring the whole Seas of those mighty and many Pirats wch infested it. Idem autem (saith he) in Marci Antonii praetura ipsi concreditum fuit, populus id aequo animo ferebat; (and why) Quia rarò eorum invi­detur honoribus quorum vis non timetur, tum demum ve­rò extrema eorum formidantur, qui vim in potestate ha­bent.

Next it is most requisite in the deputed expeditions that two Commanders be not placed over one armie,One Generall [...]itter, not two, the Heavens cannot abide two Sunnes, as Darius was told by the Macedonian Alexander.

—omnisque potestas
Impatiens consortis erat—

But leaving former examples, or later miserable ex­periences of this wee have in hand, I cannot but ap­plaud that memorable Motto of the Duke de Mayne, on his Colours and other Ensignes, which doth well to this purpose; for when he had taken upon him the [Page 105] conduct of his Brother the Duke of Guyse's forces, af­ter hee was killed at Blois, had these words for his Motto,

—vno avulso non deficit alter
Aureas, & simili frondescet virga metallo.

Section. 8.

Of the Romans prudency and foresight in sending two Commanders abroad with their Armies; and why the Grecians conjoyned two in their embassies: and of the danger of too strict Commissions.

IF it be objected here, that the Romans and Grecians (who were chief Masters of this military Art) did in all their expeditions send two Consuls,How the Ro­mans and Gre­cians send two Commanders with their ar­mies abroad. or Deputies together; yet that maketh not any wayes against the former assertion: for as the severall effects thereof proved not alwayes successefull, as their lamentable warres can testifie; and particularly the bloudy fights betwixt Silla and Marius, each vindicating to himselfe the honour of captivating the Numenian Iugurtha: they commonly were sent, so, that either alternatively they should beare rule; or the younger was accoupled to the elder, that the younger might submit and give way to the gravity, yeares, and authority of his Senior; or finally these Consuls were so attemperated in that charge,Their foresight and prudence herein. that one of a slow and procrastinating dispo­sition was still joyned to one of a sudden and forward nature; yet none of all scarce ever proved successefull [Page 106] to the Citie: For what desolation Terentius Varro his suddennesse brought unto the State that day that be­fell him to command, (although against the will or consent of the elder Paulus Aemilius) at the battell of Cannes, their Histories yet may beare record in letters of bloud.

And though Marcellus and Fabius, Fabius and Marcellus con­trary disposi­tions. were so joyned, that Marcellus impatiency was tempered and allayed by the delaying nature of Fabius, yet there are few Fabii Maximi to endure the upbraiding and insolent bravadoes of a camarade as he did; yea, and of his whole Armie, for not fighting at such occasions as they thought advantagious; of whom the Poet said well, ‘Vnus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem.’

And of both, their legender Plutarch; That Mar­cellus was the Sword of Rome, and Fabius the Buckler and defence!

That the Grecians sent alwayes two together,Why the Gre­cians did send alwayes two, in ambassage, or to field. ei­ther to wars, or in Embassage, was rather to the effect each should pry into, and controll the others actions, to save their Common-wealth unbetrayed, then for advancing the businesse they were sent about; as in the lives of Lisander and Calicrates is manifest; every one of them for envy, emulation, and ambition, un­doing that which the other had plotted.

Now, as the Romane and Greeke examples above rehearsed, doe make little for the authority of two Generals over an Armie, seeing the formerly particu­larized evils doe ensue: In as little doe I thinke their example to be imitated in these our dayes for prescri­bing particular and precise injunctions unto Generals, [Page 107] in so farre, that they may not in a jot transgresse the limits of their Commission. For though the Romane History affordeth examples enow of Fathers; who, when their own sons had returned victorious, and the businesse they went about, well and honourably per­formed; for which the first day they were honoured with the Ovations and Triumphs due unto victors; yet the next day were put to death for having gone be­yond the points of their Commission; yea, but for halting one day more by the way, than punctually they were enjoyned to doe:The limitating of Generals Commission dangerous. (though peradventure they had brought the enemy unto such a passe, that if that day had escaped from giving battell, or any other thing of like consequence, the state of the Common-wealth might have beene imperilld, or the enemy escaped, or the like.) Yet I know not how their doings, by Lawes of a well managed state, may be lawfully warranted.

For in wars it may be, that the opportunity of do­ing well presenteth it selfe so, that if the General lose the point of that present service (though his Com­mission carry no warrant for it) he may hazard to po­sterity both his fame and credit, and may, (which is more) endanger the state, or Prince whom he serveth.

But as the jealousie of the Romans for the conser­vation of their liberty and state burst out in these strict Commissions; so I shall wish that for the pre­servation of ours, all expert States-men upon most weighty considerations doe advise, such as the multi­farious exigencies of affaires require; for I am no wayes to direct.

Section 5.

Difference betweene Battels and Duels: that Generals may refuse challenges: with some passages betwixt Hannibal and Scipio in their warres.

NOw to returne to our Battels from which we have digressed;Great ods be­twixt battels and duels. I observe great ods betwixt battels and duels: for in battels neither Gene­rals of Armies repute it a point of disparagement or discredite, if either they refuse to fight, when they are bravado'd by their enemy: nor yet a point of disgrace to sue for conditions of peace and friendly compositi­ons, when all things all the cleare in the field: any of which, or both, in matter of duels, should be reputed a perpetuall disgrace, unlesse it were in such termes as the Barons did; mentioned in the Chapter of com­bats.

Of the first, we have the example of Fabius Max­imus, whom Hannibal bravadoed so insolently, that Fabius's owne souldiers had him in derision. And of late, the Duke of Parmas example, who relieved the Towne of Paris, from that terrible siege, wherewith King Henry the third and last of the Valoyses had be­leagured it; for rising in armes against him in fauour of the house of Guise: I say, this Duke having raised this siege,To shun fight­ing at times is no disgrace unto a General at last releeved the City with necessaries, in spight of all King Henry the great, then of Navarre, his valour, and hard pursuit; yea, and offer of battell: [Page 109] yet he returned the way he came without apprehen­ding any disgrace, but deferred till he thought fitting againe to give him battell.

And on the other part, if any of all the worthy Ancients had reputed it an aspersion, or imputation ei­ther to their fame, valour, or fortune, who so unlike­ly to sue for putting off fighting, as that witty, wise, valorous (and till then fortunate) Hannibal, and that at the hands of the man on earth, with whom he stood most upon points of credit and reputation, viz. Sci­pio, his Antagonist?

And yet the History represents unto us, that the sixteenth yeere of the Punick warres, when Scipio the African, had invented, and prosecuted that stratagem of warre, to draw Hannibal out of Italy, by kindling the fire of war in his own Countrey, yea, at the Gates of Carthage; which accordingly as he had invented, he put in execution; so that the Countrey and Citie, at the first approach of the Roman army, posted away Com­missioners unto Hannibal to hast him over into Africk with all his force, or else that all was undone.

Hannibal, Hannibal su­eth for peace at Scipio. I say, considering that policy, and with­all remembring unto what extremity he had both driven Rome, and almost all Italy, and what he might have done if he had not beene so soone fatally recal­led; moreover, being landed, and finding his forces not able enough to encounter Scipio (both Armies being in sight of other) before the battell should be­gin, desired parly with Scipio, and in these or the like termes the History makes Hannibal in mid-field to speake unto him, after serious eying each other.

[Page 110] The Heavens be propitious unto our meetings; now that I, who am the elder, sue for cessation from fighting this day (great Scipio) impute it unto fortune; whom now I perceive like a woman to favour thee at this time,Hannibals speech unto Scipio. who art the younger; the variablenesse of these events (mee thinks) should move thee to condescend unto the peace I plead for, yea, as willingly and effectually as I crave it, if you doe but ponder in the ballance of an impartiall and not preoccupied minde, what diversity of chances have fallen out since the beginning of our warres, and how, even now, this same Citie, which offereth conditions of peace, had both your glorious Rome, and in it all Italy, quaking and trembling under the auspices of my fortunate succes­ses; and how I am still the same man as before: and with­all, how the Gods have a watching eye, and revenging hand when they are invocated as witnesses unto equall conditions offered and refused for the preserving of hu­mane bloud.

And as they ever were, so still they are able, to turne the chance against all, whose swelling presumption would hin­der the perpetuall peace of both Empires. I am confident yet, great Scipio (saith he) that the sense of vicissitude in martiall affaires shall touch thee so, as not to indanger all thy fresh former Trophees under the hazard of a doubtfull battell. Call but to minde the fatall examples of so many brave wariours, and particularly of your countrieman At­tilius Regulus (seeing home-bred experiences are most sensible) who having attained the verticall point of ho­nour, and preferment, by the fortunatenesse of his succes­full victories, while hee did not command his felicities, was plunged in the miserablest of misfortunes, &c.

Sect. 6.

That the exploits of our moderne warriours, have bin eve­ry way comparable to those of the Ancient; with some examples to that effect.

AS no judicious man can be so unjust as not to re­tribute due honour to the never dying Worths, and valours, of the many renowned Roman and Greek Commanders, with others in all former Ages; so ought no man to be so transported with their so larg­ly famed deeds, as thereby to derogate from the true worths, the many most admirable exploits; the un­daunted courages, of the many excellent and most warlike Commanders that have of later Ages, like so many Comets, shined in their times, over Christen­dome; of whom our own Countries (without osten­tation I say it) have filled up a very large number.

It is not to be doubted but that in these our latter ages there are men every way equall for all manner of warlike exploits, whether stratagems, policie, or un­daunted courage, to the so famed Hannibal, Scipio, Fa­bius Maximus and the rest. That exploit of Hannibals indeed, when Fabius Maximus had enlabyrinthed him in that straight of the Apennine Mountaines was pre­ferable to any in my conceit: with which I bal­lance that admirable stratagem of Sir Francis Drake in firing the Spanish Armado in 88.Sr. Fr. Drakes stratageme in 88. That it bred the ruine of that so huge and expensive Navie and so formidable to this whole Iland.

[Page 112] It is observed of Hannibal, that being in that straight,Hannibals stra­tagem. and recollecting his wits how to escape, with his armie, hee gathered together all the Oxen in the country about him, and under cloud of night, having tyed unto their hornes bundles of vine branches, like little fagots, which he kindled, and therewith cha­sed them along the Mountaines. Now they being so terrifyed with the flames of fire, burning about their eares, made such a noyse, and dreadfull show along the sydes of the mountaines, as they ranne, that the Roman army, which lay in the valley, being asto­nied at such a sight, (it being in the night) when all things are most dreadfull) did betake it selfe unto the opposite Mountaine, and made way to the Carthagi­nian armie which then marched to escape: neither think I, but for all the fame of these ancient illustrious deeds registrated in their records, but if either they had chanced to have adoe with the people of these ages, where the acts of warre are better refined, and purified then in those times; Or yet if our comman­ders had served in that age; but they had come shorter of victories here, then ours had done in their atchieve­ments there. But as Alexander reputed Achilles happy who had a Homer to sound his praises; even so these brave Heroes were a like happy, whose Histories have not beene sparing to set them out in their fullest dimensions.

Sect. 7.

The difference betwixt the ancient manner of warrefare; and the moderne: how farre the moderne engines of Warre exceed those of the ancient Greekes and Ro­mans.

IN marshalling of our armies, and Battels, our mo­derne plans jump almost with those of the Anci­ent; yet our Sieges, beleaguring of townes, and instruments of war doe far exceede theirs, whether by Sea, or by land.

And first that the forme of drawing up of our ar­mies,A comparison of drawing up of our armies with the Old Romans. is not far different from theirs, appeareth in this. Our armies consist of so many regiments, the regi­ment of so many companies, and our companies of so many Souldiers; then, subdivided amongst them­selves. Our armies, in whole, having their Generalls commanding them, our Regiments their Colonells, our Companies their Captaines, and every one of these their Lievtenants and under-officers, conforma­ble unto the stations of their charge, such as Sergeant Majors, Quarter-masters, Ancient Corporalls, Serjeants of companies, &c.

Even so the Roman armies were composed of so many legions; the legion made up of 6000. soul­diers, over which a Tribune had command: these a­gaine were subdivided into so many Cohorts: the Cohorts into so many Manipuli, which being redivi­ded in Centuries, were againe subdivided in Contu­berneys [Page 114] which were the meanest company in a legion. These had a Captaine, a Lievtenant, and Ensigne bearer, wherefore they were called Subsignarii Mi­lites.

Thus two centuries made up a Manipulus, 3. Mani­puli a Cohort, 10. Cohorts a legion, and so many Legions an armie lesse or more according to the exi­gencie of their affaires. When a Legion stood in bat­tell array, the least squadron of it, was a Manipulus wherein was two Ordaines conjoyned together ma­king 10. in front, and their Lievtenant in the reire: this excellent order of the old Roman warre-fare, is well nigh imitated by our moderne warriours, as I was saying in the fields, when, both then, and elsewhere their armies, were like well governed Citties. Yet on the other side the Roman sieges and all their engines of warre, come short in comparison of our manner of beleaguring now adayes, notwithstanding their te­studines, If the Roman field malice ex­ceeded ours, yet our beleagu­ring, & instru­ments of warre exceed theirs. vineae, aggeres, and Turres, which were hur­dells and plankes of Timber, built in such sort that Souldiers might securely fight under them, or like Mounts of earth rolled before them, under which they might make approach unto Walles, either for scaling, or undermining; these and all others of this sort, when they come in comparison with our fire workes, but chiefly our thundring Cannons, they are found to be but of little availe.

But what shall we say? Truly we may conclude that in these dayes, true valour and strength had their just assayes, cum latus lateri, dextra dextrae, pes pedi, as Plautus saith, were opposed to one another. Where­as now the bravest, and most venturous fellows with­out [Page 115] much proofe of their undoubted courages, are prostrate on the ground: So that for any thing I ei­ther heare or can reade in the French Histories, where manifest fights have beene in these latter ages; and since these Vulcanian Thunderers have beene in re­quest;The terrible­nes of our pie­ces. I understand (I say) yea even by those who were present, and had borne a part of the play them­selves; that so soone as the fire and showers of shot were spent, the victory almost beganne to in­cline, unto one side, or other; before the push of Pikes, wherein commonly the strength of battels co [...] ­sist; the Romans indeed had their fundi, and hur­ling; Darts, but what were all these unto the former?

Sect. 8.

That the Ancients in their warres had greater opportuni­ties to try their prowesse, in battell; then the modernes have.

AND as in their field battells, and seiges of Cities,How the Ro­mans had a fit­ter occasion of trying their va­lour then we. their people had occasion afforded, by the lacke of these shot, to prove themselves and show sufficiently unto their commanders, testi­monyes of their valour, strength, and dexterity: Soin their Sea-fights, though they had no Ships of any bignesse but Galleys (which then, as now, were of a low tyre;) yet, whensoever they encountred, they had occasion to exhange blowes enow.

Whereas our Sea-fights (as they say) now adayes, [Page 116] are able to astonish Nepture himselfe; no mercie be­ing to be found nor almost place secure within our Ships, exposed as butts unto the fury of the roaring Cannon. That their numbers in these kind of fights exceeded ours, beyond compare, there is no question, their Histories doe verifie it: but if ever in their time there was such a Naumachie or sea-fight in their seas,The battell of Lepanto sur­passeth all the Romans Sea-fights. as the battell of Lepanto betwixt us and the Turkes, I doubt of it. Where the favour of the Lord of Hoasts seco [...]ding the Christians order, valour, Com­manders and Souldiers willingnesse, and affections to that fight, purchased that victory worthy to be sung by a King, yea the best since Salomon, of one that bore Crowne, KING Iames of blessed memorie, which at length is to beseene in the Turkish Historie, and in Du Bartas small workes.

Sect. 9.

The manner how the Greekes and Romans ordered their battells, both by Sea, and by land; the battells of Can­nas and Trasimenes described.

AS for the disposition of the Roman, or Greeke Sea-fights and battells, I find little other or­der,Foure formes of drawing up of armies used by the Romans then that they were drawne up in a cres­sant, and so was the battell of Lepanto. But for their land battels, I read of foure kinds of pitching of them: For they were either into a straight front, by them called recta acies very usuall amongst them; Or [Page 117] else the manner of imbattelling observed by Caesar a­gainst Ariovistus, was in request, which was, when one corner of the army was advanced neerer the nee­rest point of the enemies army then the other was; to the effect, the one being wearied, the other might ad­vance to renew the charge a fresh, which by him in his Commentaries was called acies obliqua. The third I understand, to bee that observed by Scipio in Spaine called acies sinuata, in manner of halfe Moone, whose points were advanced, as the Sea-battells spo­ken of before: And his reason of marshalling of them thus was, because he understood his enemies best men to be placed in the middle of their army, and so by ad­vancing his cornets he discomfited, and put their bat­tallions unto confusion, before the better Souldiers could come unto blowes. The fourth is acies gibbera, or gibbosa: When the maine battell advanced, but the two cornets lay lagging behinde in manner of Cres­sant too, with the Hornes or points arreirward: This forme was observed by Hannibal at the battell of Cannas, whereas he did the contrary unto Scipio, nei­ther wanted he his warrand as the effect proved.

And howbeit Sr. Walter Raleigh in diverse places of his great and judicious workes takes me much, yet in nothing more, than in this description of the plaine order, fight, and end of that battell at Cannas, which was thus; Terentius Varro having inforced the grosse of Hannibals Cressant, in which, contrary to Scipio's order,Description of the battell of Cannas. his worst souldiers were, whilst some Numidi­ans counterfeiting a flight, to traine the Romans unto their chase, some further within the Cressant made way unto them; till in the end, they were en­countred [Page 118] by Hanniball himselfe: who standing in his squadron of Carthaginians, under the shaddow of the vanquished grosse battallion drove them back againe, within the circumference of the halfe Moone, whose face looked towards him; which closing again, where it was first inforced, environed the il-governed Roman Armie; so that they were exposed as a pray, unto the fury of the Maures, Numidians, Spaniards, Carthagi­nians, and some of their Countrey-men Italians, whereof Hannibals Armie consisted.

Which overthrow of the Romans, The defeates of Cannas and Trasimenes ra­ther by the Romans un­skilfulnesse then prowesse of their foes. with that at Tra­simenes received under the consulship of Cneius Servi­lius, and Titus Flaminius, hapned rather by the fury and blinde ambition of the two younger Consuls, for the time (who would not attend the opportunities of times, and places appointed by their elders, viz. Paulus Aemilius Consul with Varro, and Cne. Servilius, with Flaminius,) then by the dexterity of Hanniball; or yet the valour of his people above them; yet may they not counterpoyse, or at least over-value that of Pharsalia, where, the Romans, amongst themselves, gave sound proofes of their courages unto their owne destruction: although Iulius Caesars part (with fewer numbers) was more to be admired above Pompey, in regard of his providence above him in this.

Section. 10.

A Maxime in militarie discipline, inferred to confirme Pompeys oversight at the battell of Pharsalia.

IT is a maxime of military discipline,A maxime of military dis­cipline. that if thy enemy invade thee, by running upon thy Armie with force, in that case, to abide their charge in set­led and sound station; if otherwayes, they budge not to flye upon them:Pompey his oversight at the battell of Pharsalia. for Pompey his Armie being com­posed of the flowre of the Roman youth; no question, but if hee had commanded them to give the charge, they, whose hot bloud and rising spirits, had incensed and redoubled their courages, by the onset, had infor­ced Caesars host (which although it was composed of old beaten souldiers, yet being so farre inferiour, as it was in numbers unto them) to a flight, so to avoide the swelling and furious onset: whereas, on the con­trary, they were commanded to abide Caesars charge: and thus by that attendance, their young and first fu­ry being cooled and abated; withall, Caesar (as a well experienced Commander, enjoyned his people to in­vade these young blouds, imagining (as it came to passe) that being amorous youths, they had rather turne their faces than have them torne (howbeit these skars are rather the honourable badges of true valour, than hinderances or lets of love to a discreet mind) by which meanes, as Pompey lost the field, so did hee all hopes of redintegrating his losses againe, making his recourse unto the King of Aegypt, where by the way he was killed.

Section 11.

That the French, what within their owne Countrey and abroad, have fought more battels of late times, than any other Nation; and of their successe in them.

BVT to leave Greeke and Roman Histories,The neerer our owne tim [...]s writers are more spa [...]ing to write with­out sure war­c [...]nds. and to passe by the battels, whereof in them are plen­ty to be read: I will descend to the later Ages, where the liberty of Writers is some way better re­strained from debording; and whereof the comme­moration will bee more taking, and delightfull unto the Reader.

And to begin with the French; I finde, that they have given maniest battels within this later Age, both at home in their owne bowels, and abroad: and at home with strangers, though not with discredit, yet with small advantage.

For to take a survey,More battels of [...]ate amongst the French, than all countries [...]e [...]ide. either of their battels with the English in France, or in Italy; either in Lombardy for Millan, or in, and about Naples with the Spani­ard; we shall finde by their owne Writers, that few of them have beene fortunate: in so much, that be­side the common losse in field, their Generals were either taken, or killed, both by the English and Spa­nish.

Indeed I will not say, but at some times their deeds have beene most worthy, both in the fights at Gira­dadda, and Tarr, which may counterpoise the losse of [Page 121] Gaston de Foix at Ravenna; Few fights abroad to their commendation▪ the Duke of Nemoures at Cerisoles; and almost the captivity of their King at Pavi [...]: yet what shall we say? they have lost all their footing beyond the Alpes: whether by their misfor­tune, ill government, or the Heavens decree, which have bordered France in wth such unpassable marches, in a manner, that it may learne to live by it selfe with­out encroaching upon her neighbours.

As for their intestine battels againe; so many in so short space have not bin struck in any place through­out the world.

For albeit Flanders and Holland, have beene now for long time debated, betwixt the Spaniards and the States; in so farre, as it hath beene, sedes belli, and the publike Theatre whereon the Tragedies of bloudy Mars have beene acted unto the view of all Chri­stendome, since the beginning of their troubles, and the reformation of Religion, as well as France: yet we shall scarce find in all their History of one set bat­tell; for the story of Newport which comes the nee­rest unto one of any, was rather a successive fight, than a pitched field.

Section. 12.

That emulation amongst the Princes in France, rather than Religion, was the cause of the many civill-warres there.

VVHether the procrastinating and long suffe­ring humour of the Spaniard, The Spaniard more slow and mature in their doings than the French. with whom the Hollanders have to doe (wherein they exceed the French) whether their feare to hazard the undoubt­ed losse of the whole Countries unto the parties over­come upon a doubtfull battell; or whether (like wise Scipio) they are loth to lose a souldier, be the cause of their never appointing set field, I know not: but I dare say, that there have beene more civill-wars and battels strooke within the bowels of France, since the reformation of Religion, there, than in all Christen­dome, for that or other causes whatsoever. The bat­tell of S. Dennis, Moncon tour, Yvri, Iarnack, Coutras, Arques; besides, diverse others lesse remarkable may witnesse. Which argueth necessarily how hot and sudden the disposition of that people is. And how justly Iulius Caesar in his Commentaries (and with him divers others) have hit, when hee describeth the nature and humour of the ancient Gaules.

Neither must it be thought, that the zeale of Reli­gion onely rouseth up this ferocity, on both sides, un­to such bloudy fights and battels. For other Coun­tries about, have appeased all dissentions about Reli­gion [Page 123] with fewer fights, and lesse bloudshed at, least in open field, as who frequent their Histories may finde. And howsoever Religion was partly a motive unto it: yet it was sometimes used as a cloake to cover the emulous ambition of some great men: as that be­twixt those illustrious Families of Bourbon and Guyse, Emulation be­twixt the house of Gwyse and Bourbon, and not religion the cause of warres of France. both aspiring unto the Crowne, by the visible decli­ning of the name of Valois, in the person of King Hen­ry the third.

As for all the late battels fought in Germany and other places of Christendome, there being so copi­ous and plentifull relations of them every where to bee had, I passe them by, and referre the Reader to them.

OF VARIETIES THE THIRD BOOKE. OF DVELS AND COMBATS.

AS by Duels and Combats (under the false glosse of gaining, main­taining, or repairing of Honour and reputation) there hath beene more young, generous, and Noble bloud spilt over Christendome, then by any other Pestilentiall Custome whatsoever; So, no Nation hath beene so universally and so long infested with them, as France; [Page 126] in so farre,France most subject to Du­els. that it almost may be said that the first fountaine of them sprang from thence, all Christen­dome beside not affording so many memorable ones as it alone. Their heat and impatient sudden fury that way being imputed by some of their owne Writers to Mars the Predominant Planet over that Clime: And first I observe, that by their Salick Law Title 69. Duels were authorized, [...]ombats au­thorised. and that Law seconded by the Gambetts Law, as Agobardus ad Ludouicum Impe­ratorem hath it; and continued so (though not with­out some opposition till the reigne of Henry 2.

Sect. 1.

Of combats by Champions for Cleering of Queenes Ho­nours: Combats betwixt Ladies; betwixt Church­men: and betwixt Iudges: Combatants, rewarded by Kings their Spectators; and S. Almachius kild, for de­claming against Duels, &c.

LOtharius (saies P. P. Nicolas in his 5. Chapter:) desirous to make tryall of the Chastitie of his Wife Teuberga was advised by the Bishops to choose a Champion,Lotharius try­all of his wifes Chastitie. and his wife another; which two were by simple Combats to resolve the Scruple: Their Queenes too had recourse to Duels, in choosing Champions to maintaine their Honours and cleere any imputations layd against them:Champions in Duell to cleere Queenes Ho­nours. for Iudeth, Wife to King Lewis the Gentle, being by him accused of having dishonoured his bed, by accompanying with Bernard his kinsman and Prince of the bloud, was [Page 127] purged of that staine by Bernards entring the lists, and freely offering Combat to any that would main­taine that wrongfull quarrell.That Ladyes have fought combats. And their Ladies also, not Content to have their honours and their other quarrels maintained by their Champions, have them­selves to publike view, within lists, body against bo­dy fought in single Combats, as Petrus de Auriliaco in his Title de Duello, affirmeth.

And not onely their Women, but their Church­men also, were licensed to decide any debate of great consequence that had risen amongst them by Duell,Combats of Church-men▪ whereof I will onely mention that out of Gof­fridus Abbas Vindoci in his 3. booke 38 Epistle. of Rhenold Chesnell Clarke of the Church of Xanites, who fought a Combat with one Guilleaume a Religi­ous Monke of Vandosme. But more memorable is that of Anselme Besse, Churchman and Treasurer of the Church of Laon, who being accused of having robbed the Church treasury, of severall rich and pre­cious pieces, and sold them to a Goldsmith of Sois­sons, who had deposed against him, obstinately deni­ed the fact, and craved combate, which was granted; they fought, and the Goldsmith was overcome; not­withstanding these things were sold him by the Monk: yet (saith my Author) the Goldsmith for having vio­lated his oath, which he had given unto the other, ne­ver to reveale the theft, was condignely punished.

Nor have their Iudges beene exempted from this triall by duell; Combats of Iudges and Counsellors a [...] Law. for Chopnius de Domanio, Tit. 26. §. 15. telleth of one Marsilli a Counsellor of the Parliament who, being accused by another of corruption or bri­bery, was dispensed withall by the authority of Par­liament [Page 128] to challenge his accuse [...], and did fight with him in the quarrell.

Moreover, Petre d' Auriliack declareth, that their Kings did not onely authorize Duels, but were oft­times eye-witnesses and spectators of them. Charles the 6. (saith Frossard in his 3. Tome) was present on S. Thomas day, behinde S. Martines in the fields at Paris, Combats, whereof Kings have been spe­ctators. at the combate of Iohn de Carrouges, and Iames Legris, and from that time conferred a Pension on Carrouges: And Charles the 8. (saith Ferronius, lib. 1. Hist.)Combats re­warded by Kings. did behold Zerbulo and La Laude whilst they fought, and rewarded both, giving to Zerbulo 300. Crownes, and to La Laude 50. And of later dayes K. Henry the 2d. was present at that of Chastangueraye against Iarnack; of which hereafter.

Nay, the natures of that people in former ages have beene so averse to have any custome, how per­nicious so ever, abrogated, that it is recorded of S. Al­machius, S. Almachius slaine for spea­king against combats. that for having declamed publikely against Duels and the frequency of them in his time, he was, by the obstinate and seditious multitude over-run, and violently put to death.

But not minding to fill up this Discourse with the many famous and memorable combats that have bin fought amongst themselves, and against strangers in that Nation; as that of Peter Bajard against Don Alon­zo de Sancto major: Anno, 1503. Or that of the Earle of Arguemont, against Montmorancy in the Isle of Mai­siers; Six score men killed in com­bats in one voyage of K. Lewis of Fran. or that of Delarges against Vaudrey, Anno 1521. with many others: Or of later dayes, how in King Lewes's voyage towards Limo [...]ine, six score were kil­led in single combate; with as many or thereabouts [Page 129] in his voyage towards Savoy. I will only mention in stead of all two most memorable ones, the one in France, the other in Spaine; and first of the French in the following Section.

Section 2.

A recitall of two memorable duels, the one in France be­twixt Monsieur de Creky, and Don Philippin: The other in Spaine betweene Pedro Torrello, and Iero­nimo Anca, both of Arragon: in the presence of Charles the fifth.

THE French shalbe first inserted here, although latest acted, for it was but in the dayes of King Henry the 4th. surnamed the Great; set downe by du Mathieu, and thus briefly it is. In the warres betwixt the said King, and the Duke of Savoy, for the recovery of the Marquisat of Saluces usurped long before that time, during the time of the French divisions by the said Dukes, and now reclamed by this King, as having bin formerly rent from his Crowne, although it lyeth in a manner within the Savoyards bosome:The quarrell, a Commander on the Kings side. it fell out so, at the taking in of a little Towne there, that Crekie did vant to have got in that conflictA princi­pall man in the Dukes par­ty, and brother to him. Don Philippin's skarfe: which words being conveighed to his eares, he forthwith challenged Cre­kie of a lye; and that so much the rather; for that at certaine other swaggerings, where Philippin his fortune was to be before this fatall fight; Crekie like­wise, [Page 130] had vented and vaunted,The challenge that hee had dipt his hand in the [...] bloud; which wrongs (at least so pretended by him) accumulated together, drove him (if the French History say right, for Fides sit pe­nes Authorem) to undertake the challenge, yet not without the valorous Duke his brothers threatning instigation:The combat. the time, place, weapons, judges, and all, agreed upon, they fought couragiously both: but yet so, that the French having the advantage of the Sun, which even then was tending towards the West, by good fortune, and it may be by the equity of the challenge (for Perkins holds Duels not to be examens of innocency) left the Savoiard dead upon the field:

The Spanish duell was more remarkable in its cir­cumstance,Comparison of the French and Spaniard, Venetian and Florentine. howbeit inferiour in the dignity of the combarants, and in the event of their fight; for al­though it be proverbially spoken, that the French in single combat or duell, are better than the Spaniard, and the Spaniard in battels and greater numbers doe surpasse the French▪ even so in Italy I have oftentimes heard, that the Florentine alone is more wise, and sub­tle than the Venetians: but they againe in counsell are more wise and deliberate than the Florentines In this combate the Spaniards gave very sound proofes both of their courage and daring. The discourse of it is at length, and in its punctuall circumstances set downe in their Countrey story,A duel betwixt two Spaniards granted by the authority, and fought in the presence of the Emperour Char [...]es the 5. which I will briefly touch.

In the dayes of Charles the 5. that fortunate Prince, for the time both Emperour and King of Spaine, there lived in his Court Peter Torello, & Hierome Anca Arra­gonois, both Gentlemen of note (for so they were cal­led) and withall entire and loving Comerades: these [Page 131] two on some occasion faling to contradictory termes, from words they fell so foule, that it came to a chal­lenge, from challenge to a meeting, from that to fighting; in which combate, after some bouts, Peter Torello was overthrowne by the default of his Rapi­er, which either broke, or else was beaten out of the hilt by his Antagonists furious blowes;The occasion, and quarrell. by whom he was forced instantly either to dye, or sue for life; who being put to that extremity, condescended to accept of his life; but conditionally, that on the faith of a Gen­tleman, hee should reveale that secret to none living, which he might doe the more trustily, seeing no other were witnesses to it, but more especially seeing it was not through lack of courage on his part, nor of da­ring, but rather by chance of warre. Things thus put up, they returne to Court, living together after their old fraternity, as if never such a thing had beene a­mongst them, never so much as a motion or whispe­ring of it; till within a certaine space of time a report of Torello his overthrow burst out,Occasion, mo­ving the chal­lenger to peti­tion a publike combate. which comming to his eare after it had beene blazed through the whole Court, he pondered with himselfe, that hee could not be avenged on his companions perfidious­nesse by a private duell againe, whom hee perswaded himselfe was the onely revealer of his disgrace and that secret; (notwithstanding Hierome Anca certainly affirmed the discovery therof to be by a Neat-heard, who unknowne of them overheard and saw them) Torello therefore being set on revenge to repaire his disgrace, which he beleeved was whispered and talked of by every one, had recourse to the Emperour, and begged at his Majesties hands, that it might please [Page 132] him for the recovery of his reputation now in questi­on, to grant him a publike combat with his enemy, who perfidiously against his plighted faith, had re­vealed the matter, whereof he made a particular re­hearsall: whereunto the Emperour after many instant solicitations gave way, but with this restriction; that first,Conditions granted by the Emperour whereupon they should fight. they should fight armed: next, that when hee should throw in betwixt them a golden rod, which at solemne times he bore in his hand, they should give over, and not fight to death, as in other combats: these conditions were accepted by both parties, the day and place appointed, where in the Emperours pre­sence,Ceremonies observed in this combate. and face of the whole Court, with great pompe and solemnity, the two combatants did appeare clo­thed; first, in their most sumptuous attire, and ac­companied with their most honorable friends: from whence, after low and humble reverences done; first, to the Emperour, sitting there in his Chaire of state, next, to the Chancelor (whom the Story highly re­gardeth) they were conveighed every one to their own pavilion at the ends of the Carieer; from whence comming forth againe, armed at all peeces, and (as they say) Cap ape, they re-entred the precinct of their appointed place; where after solemne oathes made, that no other quarrell brought them to that hazar­dous encounter, but the defence of their honour; they commenced that memorable duell to the admiration of their beholders, with uncertaine victory; till in the end, the Emperour throwing his golden rod betwixt them,The event of [...]heir fight. approving the courage and proofes of both, caused them to be parted, though without great diffi­culty they could not be separated.

Sect. 3.

How Combats may bee thought permissible: The relation of a Combat betwixt Iarnacke and Chastigneray, in the Presence of King Henry the second of France; citati­ons of the Canon law against combats: Example of a Combat where the innocent was killed: that the decisi­on of all such questions whereupon Duells were permit­ted, ought to be left to God.

IN the former combats Spanish was more remark­able then the French; that first it was authorized by an Emperour and then countenanced by him. Wher­in if any would inferre, that by this I would seeme to authorize Duells;What way combats per­missible if they should be at all suffered. hereafter the contrary shall ap­peare: But thus much I may say; If any sort of Du­els should be tolerated in a Common-wealth, I thinke that that which is performed after this manner (wherein as in his Miles gloriosus, Plautus speakes, Pes pedi, dextra dextrae, latus lateri opponitur) it is more dis­pensable then otherwise to permit men to butcher one another; true valour, strength, dexterity and courage being then put to the essay, although with the hazard of their lives, yet not with the infallible losse of any or both, as in other Combats.

These two examples I have brought in out of the French and Spanish Histories, brieflier couched here then in their owne Countrey Registers, Where they are at length and in their smallest circumstances set downe.

[Page 134] Now as here I allow of the Spanish sort of Duells (if any way to be tolerated) so can I not but disap­prove the French King Henry the second his admit­ting and permitting of a Duell, not betwixt two men of a privat estate, nor by themselves in private, neither for any remarkable injury done by one to another; but in the face and presence of himselfe and Court in their shirts, and so to inevitable death of either, or both, and for nothing but a leger or slight French quarrell, as a demanti betwixt two notable persons, of two illustrious houses, Iarnak and Chastaigneray; where the fortune of the fight favouring the weaker for the time, to wit Iarnak, sent his adversary, if not from the field to the grave, yet so sore wounded, that with­in few dayes thereafter he dyed.

I might have alleadged moe of former ages, but that the neerer our owne dayes things fall out, they bring with them the greater credit to the present times.

Charles the fifth his example may bee thought to be tolerable: and though by the constitutions or ra­ther permissions of some Princes, Duells have beene tolerated, as particularly when the notoriousnesse of a fact (as of murther) can neither be proved by wit­nesses,The Canon Law gaine-sa [...] ­eth their per­mission, and Why? nor oathes of parties, and such other legall wayes; which sort of proofes the Civilians call a vul­gar sort of probation, as in the Decretalls lib. 2. quest. 5. cap. consuluistis, & cap. De Monomachia, is apparent. Neverthelesse, the civill lawes as well as the Canon, do absolutly condemne them, because say they, it is a fallacious proofe, the order of nature favouring com­monly the stronger above the innocent. As in the [Page 135] Decretalls cap. supra citato de purgatione vulgari, is manifest by a case propounded of two,Example where in a Du­ [...]ll the inno­cent was killed who upon ac­cusations of theft, challenged each other to Combat, where the stronger having overthrowne the weaker, was found neverthelesse guilty; for the goods in question were at last found in the Victors house.

To say here; What shall a Prince doe when hee is importuned by one for Iustice of such or such a man, for this or the like crimes; but to referre it to a Mono­machy or Duell, seeing other proofes faile?

I answer, that by such meanes both God and the King are tempted; for if God hath reserved to him­selfe the discovery of what by all searching cannot be discovered, is not that an intolerable importunity, to pry or search any farther in that, but that the Magi­strate (all legall proofes being used) doe absolve him, whom secundum allegata & probata hee findeth inno­cent, and refer to the all-seeing and all knowing God, the punishment of him who is guilty, seeing in his owne time he can by meanes unsearch'd by men, bring about a punishment on him, whom peradventure the civill Iudge hath absolved:We should ra­ther referre to God the pu­nishment of a misdeed, which by no legall meanes can be cleared, rather then to a fight. for otherwise it should seeme, that we were suing after a miracle, by permit­ting a Combat for proofe, as was used in Linonia or Lapland in like cases, as may bee seene in the aforesaid Chapter De probatione Vulgari in the Decretalls: for there saith the Canonist; If any crime such as that could not be proved, and that the accused or suspected, cryed that he was innocent, and so stood forth in the avouching of his innocency, hee was forced for the more and farther proofe thereof, either bare footed to tread on hot yron, or else to wash his hands in hot boyling water.

[Page 136] For notwithstanding all the circumspection of Iud­ges in prescribing equality of armes, and all the ob­jections which can be thought on, either for prescri­bing equall quarters to both, or to save both from such treachery and circumvention; Yet can neither of these caveats be so punctually and judiciously set downe, but [...]hat the one part may be weaker than the other: nei [...]her yet have we assurance, that God will e­ver show his justice in such Combats; because it is written, Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God.

Sect. 4.

Severall objections for the tolleration of Duells and Com­bats confuted; Cajetans opinion of Duells wherein al­so the lawfulnesse of Battells is allowed.

IF it be said here,David his fight with Go­liah should not serve for ex­ample, and Why? that David did fight in single Duel with GOLIAH; That maketh not against us for that was done by the instinct of the HOLY Ghost: Neither are all the deeds of the Saints to be obtruded as exemplary for all men, to imitate; they are rather to bee admired than followed: for then Abraham his going to sacrifice his beloved and only Sonne Isaac, might be an instance too for imita­tion. But with Demosthenes we should live by Lawes not examples, albeit examples are more moving at some times then lawes.

I find indeed,Cardinall Ca­jetan his per­mission where [...]nd how? that Cardinall Cajetan admits them; but upon two considerations: first, when two Armies [Page 137] are ready for the shocke and yet where the most equi­table part hath the fewest forces, in that case saith he, the event of the battel may be referred to a Duell of one of both armies, for avoyding of greater bloud­shed; for in that case, si bellum sit licitum, quid ni & duellum? Next when any private man accused of a crime whereof he is innocent, is neverthelesse borne downe by power of adverse parties, if then by the Magistrates authority (to whom he complaineth) a Duell be offered, to decide the question, in that case, hee admits these fights to bee permissible: for why (saith hee) if we may safely fight with a Rogue, who would rob us of our goods, why not with him who would doe so with our honour, it being alike to him, at least the odds not being great, whether he dye by his adversaries hand, or by the sword of the Magistrat, it being a lot of chance experimented in the person of Ionas.

As all the Canonists, save Cajetan only, in the causes and cases above-mentioned do disallow Duells, so the Civilians approve them not; for in the F. de gladia­toribus. L. Constant. it is said, that Cruenta spectacula in otio civili non placent. Then Leo and Anthemius Titulo de Feriis. L. Dies festos command, ut lachrymosa specta­cula ferarum tollantur. Now if such sanguinolent and bloudy showes and baitings of Bores, Leopards, Bulls and Lions, either amongst themselves, or else of con­demned persons with them, yea and sometimes of ven­turous fellowes to try their strength and daringnesse with them, were for these unnaturall sights prohibi­ted, much more thinke I, should these of men one with other bee absolutely discharged.

[Page 138] Now if it be objected here, that in the civill law, wee find the Emperours themselves,Solution of certaine Ob­ [...]ctions. to have promised immunity and impunity to the gladiators, who either had vanquished their Commerad, or peradventure killed him in such fights, as ad Aquiliam. L. Qua actione. §. Si quis, is evident:

To that I answer, and not without the same Law.

That such killing when it did happen amongst these Luctators (which were men appointed to wrestle and fight together for sport to the people, who be­held them barter strokes, and exchange blowes in the bottome of the Amphitheatre called Arena, whi­lest they sate in security) was not injuriae causâ, or by any premeditated malice, but only by meere accident without the deliberation of him, qui intulit damnum; whereas in these combats or Duells, they flye to it on intention and resolution, either to kill or to bee kil­led: and the intention judgeth our actions, not the events.

Neither need I for this be reputed an Anabaptist, It is not a good consequence, seeing I refuse Duells, there­fore Batteils too. though I refute the lawfulnesse of duells, by the afore-said reasons; as though I therefore denied the lawful­nesse of necessary Warres, because they are founded upon some apparent grounds of Scripture, for out of the same we have many Warrants more inforcing be­sides examples where the Lord of Hosts hath showne his power and approbation in favouring of battels un­dertaken for his cause.No more is it a good conse­quence, if wars and Battels be lawfull, there­fore Combats [...]

To say si bellum sit licitum, quidni & duellum? if a War be lawfull, why not a Duell?

It followeth not, for howsoever Majus and Minus change not the species and kinds of things, as we say [Page 139] in the Schooles, yet is there great discrepance betwixt the two; for battels are approved by the authoritie of God, nature and Nations; provided the causes bee lawfull and just, as pro aris & focis: for the other there are none at all; for David and Golias, their fight carry no example for imitation: But if any Nations have tollerated them, it hath beene but such, ‘Quos sol obliqua non nisi luce videt.’

Not the Greeks, Latins, Assyrians, Aegyptians and the like.

Sect. 5.

Cajetans reason for referring the event of Battels to Mo­nomachie: Where also is inserted the story of the Hora­tii and Curiatii.

AS for the first condition admitted by Cajetan for Duells; which is, when two armies are ready to joyne, for preventing of greater bloud-shed, he averreth that it is better to referre the event of a battell to a Monomachy of two, then other­wise to hazard all:

There is nothing more memorable in all the Ro­man History then the experience of this,A Notable Combat of 3. Brethren Romans a­gainst so many Albans. in that no­table not so much Monomachy as Polymachy of three brethren, Romans, called Horatii, against other three brethren of the Alban side called Curiatii, and those partly of kinne and alliance, to which the decision of the victory of either of the armies, by the Roman and [Page 140] Alban Kings with their whole armies consent was concredited.

Those sixe in the middle of both Armies valou­rously fighting for their owne private lives and credit, their countreys fame and liberty, having so glorious a Theatre to act so important and tragicall a combat upon,Their fight. did so bravely on both sides, that the panting armies were in no lesse anxiety for the event of their tryalls, then the perplexed combatants themselves: at length the victory, which seemed dubiously dispo­sed in favours of either side begun to incline to the Al­bans first, and that by the death of two of the Roman brethren; whereupon the Roman Survaior counter­feits to fly, and so was pursued by the other three; but turning to the formost of his pursuers he set so furi­ously upon him that hee forthwith killed him; then turning to the second with like fury rewarded him af­ter the same manner: Now the Survaiour of the Cu­riatii being brother in Law to this victorious Roman, received the same lot that his brothers had from his valorous hands, which afterwards caused the death of his owne Sister, the last killed Albans Spouse, as in the Roman Historie may be read at large.

Section 6.

That Kings and Generals of Armies, for saving of the greater bloudshed of their Souldiers, have fought sin­gle for victories. Examples of both. A quarrell and challenge betwixt the Emperour Charles the fifth, and Francis the first, King of France: how it tooke no effect.

VVHEN I say then, that neither the Greeks nor Romans admitted single combats, it must bee understood, except in time of just warres, in which ei­ther one or moe souldiers may single out a combate with one of the adverse party, with permission of the Generall, or else one Generall with another for sa­ving the bloud-shed of many; as Cassius and Marcel­lus did each of them fight with their adverse Gene­rals:Some Grecian, Roman, Hun­nish, Danish Kings have combated with others for sa­ving much bloud. yea, and sometimes Kings one against another have done so for sparing the bloud of their subjects; As Alexander the great did combate single with Porus King of the Indians, Godfrey of Bovillon, against Ar­nold King of the Saxons; Romulus, with one of the Kings of Latium; and Hundick King of Saxony, with a King of Denmarke; Challenge, but no meeting nor fight, be­twixt the Prince of Ara­gon, and Charles of An­jou. and of fresher memory, Charles of Aniou challenged Peter of Arragon, to duell; where at Burdeaux in Aquitany, before the Prince of Wales, for the time, with swords, they should have tried the right and claime that they both pretended to the Crowne of Naples, but they met not just on the day and place appointed; whose default it was, their di­verse [Page 142] Histories agree not: like as the Histories of France and Spaine dissent upon the challenge given in a manner, and accepted by Charles the 5th. Emperour for the time, and King of Spaine, with Francis the first of that name, King of France: albeit Guicchardin neu­trall to both; and reputed as another Cornelius Tacitus for his impartiality in his History of Italy, following forth the circumstances of the battell at Pavie shew­eth at length, how the French King Francis was bea­ten there, and taken prisoner by the Viceroy of Na­ples, Generall of the Imperiall forces, from whence by sea he was conveighed into Spaine: and how after a long and strait imprisonment, he was put to so high and invaluable ransome as lightly hath not beene heard of: moreover, the quitting of the best branch of the patrimony of his Crowne, the rites, titles and interests he pretended to the Kingdome of Naples, the Dutchy of Milan, Challenge, be­twixt Charles the 5. and the French King, Francis. for the which then they had beene a swaggering; His rights and soveraignties of Artois, Brabant, Hainault, and so forth: yea, to the mariage of Eleonora Widow of the King of Portugall and sister to the said Emperour, a ransome which he was as unwil­ling to pay as agree to any of the former Articles, her favour being as it was unfavourable to him, who o­therwise was an amorous Prince; and although the distressed King subscribed to all, and confirmed the Articles with his promise, yet it was so, that often he protested even there (neither did he smother it) that promise what he would, performe them he could not, neither legally might he. So that being set at liberty, his two sonnes accepted in hostage for him, and re­turned home; he was charged by the Emperour for [Page 143] the performance of the points subscribed by him: whereto he answered, That it was not in his power, no more than in any other Kings to alienate things belonging to the Crowne,The occasion of the quarrell. without the consent of his whole States obtained thereunto. And for his pro­mises he said, That seeing extraordinary conditions had extorted them from a Prince in close prison, and his consent to them violently wrung from him, they must consequently be infirme, for promises accessory to such like compulsions cannot be of better force and value. Which with the like and better replyes, when they came to the Emperours eares, he forthwith chal­lenged the King by his Heraulds of breach of faith, and offered in single combate to fight with him in the quarrell, which the French king accepting, desired him to appoint day and place, giving him the lye as often as he would say, that he had falsified his pro­mise. But as their severall stories disagree upon the particulars, so every one doth vindicate their owne Prince, from all aspersion and staine of breach.

Section 7.

A discourse of a combate where thirteene French Knights fought against so many Italians: wherein the French were overcome; some observations thereupon.

THE Italian and French Histories agree not upon the verity of that,Combate of 13 French knights against so ma­ny Italians. not so much mono­machy as polymachy of thirteene French Ca­valliers against so many Italian. And because it is counted as a very memorable thing in their History, I shall the briefliest I may, touch it, to give the Reader content.

At Barletta in the kingdome of Naples where the French and Spanish forces lay debating by sword, the right that either King clamed to that Crowne; by their Generals for the time, Lantrek the French, and Consalvo Ferrandes, The quarrell and challenge. the Spaniard: it fell out so, that at Kubos a Village of no great importance, a French troope had got the foile by an Italian one, for the time, under the pay of the Spaniard; of which seve­rall Companies, certaine souldiers by hazard ranne encountring together by their contumelious and re­proachfull objecting of one anothers defects: the Ita­lians to the French their vaine-glorious brags, and that in effect their courage was not so good. The French to them, their subdolous and crafty tricks by which they fight more fortunately than stoutly. They brought the matter to such a height, that thir­teene of the one side were to fight on Horsebacke [Page 145] against thirteene of the other, the field to bee Ca­reer rayled about on the side, but not at the two pas­sages, in the middle of both Armies; the quarrell was for the maintenance of the honour of their coun­treys; and it was agreed upon, that the victors should not only have a certaine summe of Gold, but the ran­some also of their captiv'd Prisoners.

As soone as they had covenanted,The conditi­ons agreed up­on. they met, they fight; the French are beaten, some killed, others ta­ken.

Which notable overthrow albeit Guicchardine lib. 5. of his History of Italy attributeth absolute­ly to the valour of his country-men above the French; and penneth it in all circumstances with the exhortatory Orations of their Generalls before the fight and the triumphs after: yet the French in their bookes, and with them Sabellicus also an Italian, lib. 2. Aenead. XI. imputeth it rather to the cousening subtilties of the Italians then otherwise, to their sole courage, because (say they) and Sabellicus with them, it was condescended upon, that if any horse-man that fallied should transgresse the precinct of the Career through error or un-skilfulnes, that he shold be held as dead, neither thereafter should be admitted to reenter the list to help his fellowes; by which meanes the Ita­lians knowing the eagernes, heat, and impatiency of the French, did plant themselves within the centre of the camp, without budging, and attend the French charge from a little distance within the limit of the Ca­reer; where wisely if they had remained as they were placed, and not precipitated the charge, they had ap­parantly woon that field.

[...]
[...]

[Page 146] The French then whose charge is ever furious, and then more than ever, let loose so fiercely upon them, that five of their side and but two Italians transgressed the bounds; who not being able to wheele and raine about their Horses againe, by that meanes lost the vi­ctorie, in the sight of the panting and votary Ar­mies.

Now albeit in this so conspicuous and ominous combat the French were beaten, neverthelesse we find commonly, that one for one the French surpasse the Spaniard, although in companies they surmount them; and in this same fight although the French had the worse, yet by all likelihood, if their Horses had not proved their losse, they should have borne away that dayes credit.

Alwayes as in this heat of an impatient nature,Observation upon this com­bat. wee communicate with the French, and it may bee in our single combats too;

So our neighbours the worthy English may justly bee said to participate with the long patience, ma­ture and ripe deliberatnes of the Italian and Spaniard: consequently more capable to maintaine and keepe well, than with the other to conquer and suddenly to subdue.

Sect. 8.

A memorable Polymachie betwixt two kindreds in the High. lands of Scotland (betwixt whom there had beene a long and mortall enmity) for the totall extirpation of the one of them; fought before King Robert the second, at Perth in Scotland.

I Were ingrateful to my country to passe here with silence,A memorable combat be­twixt two pow­erfull Clan: & parties of our own nation d [...] ­bated of Pearth. that true Polymachy, recorded of in our Histories, registred there to posterity, as a thing memorable, which befell in the dayes and under the Reigne of King Robert the second, if I rightly remem­ber.

This brave Prince being often molested with the mutuall complaints of two powerfull Clans or Sur­names in the High-lands where his Majesties judiciall power could but hardly and with many incumbran­ces execute his authority upon the parties offenders on both sides.

After their mutuall supplications given in, that they might at one time both rid his Majesty of molestati­on, themselves and their successors of the perpetuall feare wherein they dayly were, for their Wives, chil­dren, goods, and Cattell; by one open fight, where all of either of these names should be on both sides.

The King giving way to their Petition, the day and place was appointed, it fell out so, that there were one fewer on the one side than on the [Page 148] other; where the generosity of the party having the advantage of the supernumerary man, did appeare in so farre that they refused to fight with the advantage of one more, neither yet could any of them be indu­ced to lye by to make them equall, all being desirous to bee equall sharers of the common fortune: which controversie a Saddler of the City of Perth where the Combat was fought perceiving; least the King, Court and Country which were met (to see so fa­mous a spectacle) should be disappointed,The conditi­ons accepted and agreed up­on. did offer for pay to make up the odde man, and was observed by all to doe so well for his owne hand, that when all the rest were either killed in the field, or else with terrible and deadly wounds left so (it being one of the most bloudy butcheries of so many as is seldome read of) he alone or else with few moe escaped, and that by swimming the River of Tey. Howsoever France in the dayes of KING Henry the third and fourth, was so overspread with the bloud of Gentlemen killed in Duells, which amounted to such a number (notwith­standing all the Kings edicts to the contrary) that al­most they could have made up an army, and that Du­ells came to such a height, that none was reputed a brave fellow except he had killed a man as they said: Yet finde I none so remarkable as that combat be­twixt the Duke of Savoy his bastard brother and the Chevalier Creky, the time of the Wars betwixt King Henry the 4th. and the said Duke, for the Marquissate of Saluces, of which before.

Section 9.

A Combat appointed by two French Barons, the one of Gasconie, the other of Poictou, which was taken up of their own accord in the field: The end of this Title.

NOw to end this discourse: Exemplum alios for­tasse nepotes instruet.

In my time I remember at the Court of France an ancient Gascon Baron and Poictouvin 2 man of his owne coate, but younger, falling to con­tradictory termes for a naughty matter, because in the Kings house they durst not put hand to their swords, did agree to meet elsewhere: time place and armes are designed; the Gascon that same morning be­times calling on his page, commands him to provide a bottle of Wine and to have it in readinesse at the place appointed, before hee came: where he himselfe following and presently espying his adversary, both being demounted, and in their shirts, before they be­gan to lye at their guard, in these or the like termes the Elder bespake the younger.

That I as the Elder doe take upon me to speake first, impute it not to any presumption I have of my worth, but to the priority of my yeares. Wee reade in the Roman History, that two of their Consulls who be­fore had bin at mortall enmity and variance, going to­gether with their Armies against the enemy,An Exemplary Combat be­twixt two French Barons. being a pretty way from the City, the elder should say to the younger, Camerad, seeing we goe together on a pub­like [Page 150] charge, in conjunct offices, let us lay downe all former grudges under this stone, now if thou please, at our returne, lift thou it up againe and reassume them: you may advise; but for the present I thinke this best, which was agreed unto to the great content­ment of the younger.

So say I to thee, if it please thee for so petty and frivolous a quarrell, that wee expose our lives and estates to the hazard of a doubtfull fight and of a va­riable fortune, I will not decline it: For as none doub­teth of your courage; So I trust, that none dare call mine in question; so then if you list Cavalier, with the worthy Roman, let us bury in this Boule of wine our yesternights rash words: so we shal procure Gods bles­sing upon our soules and bodies, and our Prince his fa­vour by our good examples to his quarrelling cour­tiers; and withall indissolubly tye our loves together for ever, without any disparagement of our credit or reputation; which being accepted by the younger, and related to the King, they were by him in presence of the whole Court condignely praysed, as most due­ly they deserved.

Now albeit it be not of those or the like voluntary duels I treat of here, but of these which are tolerated by permission of the Prince or Magistrate for the es­chewing of murther & greater bloud-shed in the com­mon-wealth, upon apparent conject res of wrongs received, yet I thought it not altogether imperinent to insert this story. Now for the other. Although some have permitted them, as of old Fraton King of Denmarke, and are yet tolerated in Muscovia: yet we finde that Rhotaris King of Lombardy, absolutely dis­charged [Page 151] them: and although his successor for the inconvenience which thereafter ensued licensed them againe, yet hee protested that it was against his will and conscience: and as these good Kings inhibited them; so, many of the French Kings, as Philip le bel, Lewis the 9th. Charles the 9th. King Henries 3d. and 4th. and many moe of the best governed Common­wealths have done the like. Which maketh mee ad­mire why Bodin in his 7. Chapter of his 4. Booke of Republick, giveth way to their toleration; they being both repugnant to the Law of God, and contrary to the Civill and Canon Lawes, and the constitutions of best governed Kingdomes. Indeed, the said Bodin, admits them onely to be permissible, when legall proofes are wanting, provided, that they be only for matter of honor, not wealth; and consequently among persons honourable, for the preventing of further bloud-shed, averting of kinsfolkes murthers, and such like evils wch might ensue: to which if he had subjoy­ned Charles the 5th. his condition of fighting armed, I thinke his reasons might have beene more passable.

But however in elder times, duels were tolerated by certaine Kings, which by appearance, the necessi­ty of those times required; as common Stewes were for eschewing of greater inconveniencies; yet they being practises so ill-grounded, so unnaturall, and so farre both against the Lawes of God, and Man; Suc­ceeding Kings (in every Nation almost) have enacted most strict Lawes against them, with most exempla­ry punishments, to be executed on the rash infringers of them: all which, being well knowne every where, were superfluous to be inserted in this small Treatise.

A TREATISE OF DEATH, And of diverse Orders and Ceremo­nies of Burials.

Section 1.

The remembrance of death requisite in all men: Ceremo­nies for the remembrance of it; some documents against the feare of it▪ what death Iulius Caesar wished; of Autocides; of selfe-murtherers, &c.

THERE is nothing whereof a Christian should be more mindefull than of death. The Ethnickes that wanted the true consolation which a beleeving and faith­full Christian hath, had nothing more frequent in their mouthes than Death: The Poets are full of these passages.

[Page 154]
Vive memor, quàm sis aevi brevis—.
Nascentes morimur, mors rediviva brevis.

Especially Horace, with Tribullus, Catullus, Proper­tius, Seneca Tragoedus, Persius, Iuvenall, Claudian, Ovid, Lucianus, and the rest; whereof to make mention, were to fill up a little Volume: there is nothing al­most under the heavens but may serve man as a me­moriall thereof;All things we see serves to refresh our memories of death and mortality. the Sunne setteth at evening, the day giveth place to the night; Summer, to Winter; infan­cy to childhood; that to youth, it to man-hood; this againe to decrepit old age: whence it may be infer­red, that the best fruits we can reap of all our studies, yea, chiefly of Philosophy, are to prepare us for this death: neither almost to any other end tend all their documents, than to live wth pleasure in reason here, & then to dye in patience, no wayes dismaid at the ap­proach of death, because of its inevitablenesse, of our our obedience to the Law of Nature, of the examples of al Ages, sexes and conditions of men to this houre, who have gone before us:The docu­ments of all the old Philo­sophers ten­deth to this chiefly, not to feare death. so that the principall aime of vertue whereof they made such account, was to in­duce & prepare all that have beene, are, or shall suc­ceed, to a patient acceptance, or rather a contempt of it, that we might passe our lives more peaceably here; which otherwise by the perpetuall feare of it, would be a never-dying life.

For this cause,Burials and tombs in most conspicuous places erected for that cause. it should seeme, the Ancients, did institute Graves, Monuments, and Tombes, to be ei­ther in the Churches, or Church-yards adjoyning thereunto, as in the most conspicuous and usuall pla­ces where the living frequented most. I cannot but wonder, that what the Philosophers thought fit con­tinually [Page 155] to bee thought on, Iulius Caesar should wish to come upon him suddenly and at unawares. Histo­ries relate, that while some Philosophers were reaso­ning before him, What sort of death was best; some alledging one kinde,Iulius Caesar his death which hee wished, not to be allowed of by a Christian. and some another; He maintained that a sudden and unfore-seene death, was the best: for howsoever unto a man of his high estate and profes­sion, it might seeme a word dispensable; yet to a Christian who is learned to say, A morte subita & im­provisa libera me Domine, it cannot so well be allowed: who as he should not wish a death unforeseene, nei­ther yet be unprepared at the sudden aproach of it; so should he not by any meanes either accelerate or wish it, thereby to bee rid out of any incomberances that may befall.

Nec metuit mortem bene conscia vita—
Nec optat—

For as Saint Augustine reason well against such Autocides and selfe murtherers,S. Augustine reputeth it a token rather of pusillanimity to put hand on our selves, than of cou­rage. it is rather a to­ken of pusillanimity and lacke of courage in them, than otherwayes a marke of true resolution to doe so; seeing they had not the daring to abide the dint of ad­versities which threatned them.

Let us all remember to implore in our daily pray­ers, our Makers assistance from above, to aide us in that last houre:My usuall prayer. for my owne part, I thinke it one of the best fruits of my studies or travels, to be ever ar­ming my selfe against it: and as in my morning and evening prayers I call for peace of conscience, in the assurance of my reconciliation with my God; and for peace on Earth, for his blessing upon my children, his favour upon my King and Countrey: so more speci­ally [Page 156] for the favourable assistance of the Holy Ghost the comforter to assist me then; that neither the ter­ror of a present death may affright me, nor my trust and confidence breed in mee presumption, nor my feare, despaire; but there being a sweet harmony be­twixt my soule and my God, I may lay downe my life, in hope to re-assume it againe for ever.

Section 2.

That Christians ought not to feare death, as the Ethnicks did. All things, save man, keepe their constant course. The uncertainty of mans life.

IT is true,The ancients for all their good injuncti­ons, yet feared it. that the consideration of death, which of all terrible things is most terrible, as being the par­tition of the soule and body, and so the destruction of this structure, was the cause, why divers of the Anci­ents fearing almost even to name it, were wont to say in stead of (he is dead) he sleepes, he hath left off to be; hee is gone downe to the lower parts of the earth,

—hunc ferreus urget
Somnus, in aeternam clauduntur lumina noctem.

Or desiit esse, or transiit ad manes, and so forth; the reason being, that few or none of them had the full knowledge, much lesse the assurance of the enjoying these pleasures after this life past, which we Christi­ans being taught at a better schoole, have: wherefore as well learned disciples of so worthy a master; let us [Page 157] learne not only to name it, but sted fastly to abide the approch, the frowne and dint of it.

In me si lapsus labtur orbis—
—impavidum ferient ruinae.

Remembring our selves,Not to be afraid of death, and why? that howsoever soule and body be severed for a season, and that the body lye companion with them that sleep in the dust; yet that they shal conjoyne againe in the glorious resurrection to possesse those joyes unknowne to many of the An­cients, which our Lord and Master hath purchased to us by his death: remembring that howsoever wee should live to the fulnesse of yeares, that wee shall see no more,All things ex­cept man keepe their constant course. even unto the last date of our dayes, than a boy of ten or fifteene yeeres: For the seasons of the Yeare, the Dayes, and Nights, the Seas, Sun, Moone, and Starres, Plants, Herbes, yea, Beasts themselves, &c. keepe a constant course, which in a perpetuall re­volution were set: and if so be that in these any change be, then bee sure it is a foretoken of Gods kindled wrath against us.If change be in things, a token of Gods wrath. For the Heathen Astronomer, when the Sunne did eclipse at the time of our Lords passion, could well say, That either the God of Nature was suffering, or else the frame of the world was to dis­solve, the eye of all things suffering such a deliquie: now if the elder see any thing other than the youn­ger, be sure it is not in the nature and course of things above spoken, which in perpetuall revolution do ob­serve the course prescribed unto them by their Maker: But in the persons of men, which pointeth out unto us the frailty of their estates; and even of them also (if we remarke well) we shall finde more who have died within thirty or thirty five yeeres of Age, than [Page 158] past it: But death being the common subject of our preachers especially in their funerall Sermons, I passe it over as their peculiar Theme, and according to my first purpose doe hasten to the divers sorts of Bu­rialls.

Sect. 3.

In what reverence the interring of the dead was amongst the Ancients; of Alexander; Of Sylla: How the People of Vraba did use their dead; Customes of Fin­land, Lapland, Greece and other places, concerning bu­rialls.

AND first for the Antiquity of interring of the dead,The Antiqui­ty of interring the dead. as Writers doe abound in their testimo­nyes, that even amongst enemies in the hot­test of their hostility and Wars, Truces were granted for burying of the dead; so particularly in the Word of God we have warrant out of the Macchabees, that although there were not positive lawes of Nations and Countries for this effect, Nature seemes to have ingraued it in the hearts of all; thus Palinurus case in Virgill is regrated, that he wanted the honour of bu­riall, for having made ship-wracke; thus the Poet de­ploreth his losse.

Heu numium Coelo & Pelago confise seren [...],
Nudus in ignota Palinure jacebis arena.

What reverence and regard the Roman EmperorsThe Old Ro­man Empe­ro [...]s respect had thereunto. have had unto it in their lawes and statutes in Iustini­ans [Page 159] workes may be seene plentifully, and especially in one Title expressed by it selfe, De non violando Sepul­chro.

Alexander the great having discovered Achilles Tombe in Greece overgrowne with brambles and briers,Alexander of Macedon daun­ced about A­chilles tombe. so honoured it, that being crowned with a Garland of Lawrell and Cyprus, he carowsed so ma­ny full bowles of Wine to his memory, untill he had almost lost his owne.

So did Tullius Cicero for the time Questor, send into Cicilie to readorne Archimedes Tombe, it being al­most obscured with thornes and brambles.

Contrariwise to this,Sylla his cruel­ty against buri­alls remarked in Histories. Sylla his cruelty and inhumane barbarity against the dead bodyes of his enemys, is yet registred in the records of his Country; for that he (to be avenged upon his enemies being dead, whom alive he could not come at) caused to disinterr the halfe putrified carcases whereon he trampled with his Hor­ses; and being Iealous of being so served after his death, ordained his body to bee cast into Tyber, and caused to divert the Rivers course, so to disappoint all who should search after it.

The like I find done by a certaine Pope, who cau­sed to carry about with him the Corps of some Car­dinalls in Sheletons, upon Mules ever before him, to be avenged of them, for that either they had crossed his election, or had conspired against him; whereupon the Author, ‘Septem praelati Papa iubente praelati, &c.

Even the most barbarous Nations, who other­wayes wanted all sort of humanity and civility, have had respect to this. For I finde in Peter Martyrs de­cads [Page 160] touching the Historie of the West Indies in Vra­ba and other parts thereabout,The memory they carry to the dead, in Vraba, and the way how they use the Corps. how they doe dry (as we doe fishes) the bodyes of their dead, which there­after they hang up round about the Walls of their in­ner roomes, adorning their heads, shoulders, and up­per lips with Gold and Pearle:The manner of burialls obser­ved in Find-land and Lap­land. And Ortelius in his Cosmographie, speaking of Find-land, or Lapland, (which he calls Livonia) where there is no Religion almost at all, (because after the manner of the Hea­then they worship the Sunne, Moone and Serpents, &c.) I find (I say) that when any one of great esteeme dieth, his friends sit round about his corps laid on the earth, but not yet covered with any mould, and make good cheere, and drinke to his farewell; and putting the Cuppes in his hand, as if he could pledge them, they quaffe about a long time; in end, they lay him in the grave with store of meate, and drinke by him, and put a peece of money in his mouth, and a sharpe Pole-axe fast by him: then they shout aloud in his eares, and give him in Commission, that when he shall come to the other world whither they had vi­ctualled him, and given him mony to defray his char­ges, that he faile not whensoever he meete with any Dutch man, to correct him, as well as they had thral­led him and theirs in this world: which custome (but after a more solemne manner and sumptuous.) they of China, Cathay, and Tartarie keepe almost in all points.

The like wherof that same Author observeth done in Ternessare a Citie of the East Indies, but not to a like enemy: In Greece, yet (as of old) at least in such parts of it as are under the Turkish Empyre; when­soever [Page 161] any remarkable person dieth, all the women thereabouts after their old heathen custome, meete together about the house of the deceased and there choosing the lowdest and shrillest voices to beginne, betimes in the morning they make lamentable how­lings and cryes; weeping and tearing the haire from their heads, beating their teats and breasts, with their nailes, defacing their cheekes and faces, they conduct him to his grave singing by the way his praises, and recounting what memorable things he had done in his life. Which custome Aëtius an ancient Historian of our Country observeth to have beene used of Old amongst our British,That same sort observed of old in this same Country, and yet in cer­taine parts of our Highland [...] and yet in our High­lands is observed: The Poets in their Luctus & ne­niae make mention of this and the like, as Ovid, Ho­race, Iuvenall, Catuallus, Tibullus, Propertius; amongst the Greekes, Sophocles, Musaeus, Aristophanes, Phocyllides and the rest; whereof Ennius, speaking of himselfe.

Nemo me lachrymis decoret, nec funera flet [...]
Faxit, Cur? volito vivus per ora virum.

Sect. 4.

Other severall Customes of interring the Dead amongst Aegyptians, Romans, and Indians; that the man­ner of Christian Interrements are preferreable to all other.

NOw what hath beene the Curiosity of the Aegyptians for the keeping of their dead, their Momies can testifie, where the whole and in­tyre bodyes of some of their Princes and great men were to bee seene of late, who died many thousand yeares agoe; whereof who pleaseth to reade may consult Diodorus Siculus, The Aegypti­an burials and their Momies most remark­able. Ammianus Marcellinus, Strabo, Herodotus and others: the Athenians, and after their example the Salaminians (saith Sabellicus. lib. 5. Aeneid. 2.) used to interre their dead with their faces turned to the Sunne setting,Two sorts of interring the dead most re­markable. not to the rising, with the Megarians; and apparently Catullus was of their opi­nion when he said, Nobis cùm semel occidit brevis lux, nox perpetua una dormienda est.

But of the severall fashions of burying the dead I finde two most remarkable; the one of some Greeks and Romans, and not used but by those of the better sort,The Romans burned & con­sumed theirs to ashes. which was in burning the Corps of the deceased after this manner; There was either an Eagle or some other great fowle tyed unto the top of the Pyramide of Wood wherein the dead body lay; This Pyramide being kindled by some of the most intire friends of [Page 163] the deceased, amongst the cloud of smoke the Fowle being untyed which was tyed before, was seene to flut­ter and flye away, which by the Spectators was taken to be the soule of the deceased flying to Heaven; the Ashes then of this burnt body they collected and kept in an Vrne, and of this the Poets almost every where make mention.

The other was the Indians in eating the dead bo­dyes of their Parents,The Indians a­gaine did eat their dead as thinking their bellies a hono­rable sepulchre for them. and friends, as they did in ire to those of their foes, thinking that they could give them no more honorable Sepulchre, abhorring the others burning into ashes as a thing unnaturall; which might well be seene at the time that Alexander had conque­red them; for he willed both Greekes and Indians to doe alike, but they upon no condition would condis­cend to that, the power of custome being so strong, as it was impossible for any Novations (though never so good) to alter it.

Amongst al fashions above rehearsed, I think that of our Christian interments to be most consonant to na­ture, seeing of earth we are, and that to it we must re­turne againe: As for the Greekes howling, weeping, renting their cloathes, haire, and faces, it seemeth that Saint Augustine in his worke De cura pro mortuis ha­benda, aymed at them; for in that whole worke, I per­ceave nothing that maketh much for praying for them, but chiefly he willeth all men to moderate ex­traordinary Griefes mournings and howlings for them, seeing they rest from their labours; and his conclusion is good, that if prayers for the dead be not meritorious for them, yet at least that they are some way comfortable for the living; Si non subsidia mor­tuorum [Page 164] (saith hee) tamen solatia sunt viventium: In­deede I will not deny but that Father and others also in their writings allow prayer for the dead; as Peter Martyr, Vermillius also in his loco. 9. lib. 3. in the Title De Purgatorio, denyeth it not, but onely he refuseth such prayers to have beene subsidiary or helpfull to them, but rather congratulatorie, for that they were released from all their miseries; which he instanceth by the funerall Oration of Saint Ambrose upon the deaths of the Emperors, Theodosius and Valentinian, where there is no mention of praying for their soules to ease or shorten their paines in Purgatory.

Section 5.

That the Church of Rome reapeth great commodity by their funerall ceremonies, as by their bells, Cymballs, Torches, processions of order and the rest: silent ob­scquies condemned: a story of a woman whose Ghost haunted her Husband and family after her death; and the cause thereof.

NOw for all this, as there is nothing whereby the Church of Rome reapes more commodi­ty then by their prayers for the dead; for it is called, the Friers kitchen; So it is, there is nothing wherein their pompous solemnities and their devoti­on appeareth more than in their accompanying their dead to the grave, with the sound of Bells and Cym­balls, Tapers, Torches, prayers, musicke, Church [Page 165] Ornaments, solemne processions of the fraternities, and not without contention of precedence of orders: all which ceremonyes as they bred a kinde of pious compassion in the beholders,The dumbe & silent obse­quies of our burialls con­demned. So it begetteth a manner of content to their eyes and eares; But our silent and dumbe obsequies, as wanting Bells and other noyse, doth not so take the Spectators and such as accompa­ny them.

Now I will close this Title with one observation which the Poets remarke; who affirme that the spi­rits and Manes of them who want their due burialls, wander here and there in Ghostly apparitions untill their bones be interred.

Nec ripas datur horrendas, aut nigra fluenta
Transportare prius, quàm sedibus ossa quierunt.

For the punishment of the neglect of it may appeare in one of our Northern Countries,A History of a Gentlewoman, who for not being interred in the Church-yard molested her family, by her ghost, while she was disin­terred, and ac­cording as shee desired, was buried. cald Lawder; who on her death-bed had enjoyned her husband to bury her in the Church-yard, which if hee did not, shee threatned that her Ghost would haunt him after her death: but the plague then raging in those parts, and he fearing that if she were publikely buried, that all would have suspected her to have died of the plague, whereupon every one would have deserted him, and so lest hee should bee left succourlesse, he resolved to conceale her death, and buried her in a corner of his Garden; but thereafter, this womans ghost, I say, did so incessantly both haunt and affright, both him, his children, and family, that there was no resting for them at any time; till by the advise of the Clergy she was taken up againe and buried, where she desired to be in her life-time; which being done, both she and they rested.

A TREATISE OF MENTALL-RESERVATION; And of no faith to bee kept unto Hereticks.

Section 1.

The decree of the Councell of Constance, That no faith is to be kept with hereticks and enemies, is agitated: the commendation of peace: that a necessary and iust war is to be preferred to it: A story of Augustus Caesar.

I begin this rhapsodicall Treatise with the famous act of the Coun­cel of Constance, wherein it was de­creed, That no faith was to bee kept unto Hereticks and Enemies of the faith; by vertue whereof, as Vlidislaus King of Hungary viola­ted the peace concluded betwixt him and Amurath (for the time great Turk) at the instigation and solici­tation [Page 168] of Cardinall Iulian sent to him from Rome for that purpose, to the great prejudice of the civill Chri­stian estate, and aggrandizing of theirs; So by ver­tue of the same the Martyrizing of Iohn Husse and Hierome of Prague although under trust and safe con­duct granted by the good Emperor Sigismundus, was to the great prejudice of the Ecclesiastique Roman estate, by renting a sunder from her Sea a great ma­ny of the Churches of Europe: for hee that is the God of peace and Hosts both, never exercises his re­venging hand better then when things agreed upon equall termes are not observed: So the Histories re­port, that the same day of the Battaile given by the Hungarian King unto the Turke, that Amurath lifting up his eyes unto heaven, should say, Iesus, if thou be a true God, and of this people who encounter mee this day, and that they honour and serve thee, shew it by the equity of this cause, which by his obtaining of that dayes victory was plainly manifested: and it is manifestly seene, that the breach of faith plighted to the two Bohemians, and their burning unto ashes, was so far from smothering the faults whereof they complained; that on the contrary, diverse worthy and learned men after them, blowing this coale, by them then kindled, have made its flame to blaze through all the world: as the bloudy wars through many parts of Europe, for maintaining of their cause; at least their opinions, can to after ages beare record.

It is true indeed, this word Peace sounds sweet in every eare; wherefore our Saviour Christ leaving this world, left his peace with his Disciples; and his house also is called Domus pacis: and blessed be the [Page 169] feet of those that carry the glad tydings of peace; yea, the Angell from heaven proclaimed peace on earth, and towards men good will: in a word, Beati pacifici, Blessed are all peacemakers: yet it hath never beene thought so gracious, but that a necessary warre was to be preferred unto it, if it was dishonestly violated, or shamefully agreed upon.

What then may be said to Bartoll one of the grea­test Lawyers of his age,Bartol and Vlpian admit deceit to bee used with the circumventer, and no faith to be kept to par­ticular enemies who in the Law, Conventio­num codice de pactis, or at least in the Digestis maintai­neth, That faith is not to bee kept to particular ene­mies; which Cicero in his 3. lib. Officiorum, although but a Heathen, contradicteth: and that of Vlpian, no lesse in credit than he, That it is lawfull to circum­vent one another; and chiefly, seeing in all their wri­tings they esteeme more of the true keeping of our promised faith in all our actions, than of strict and precise justice;The Emperour Augustus kept faith, although to a rogue. but so thought not the good Empe­rour Augustus Caesar, though he had promised a great many Talents of gold to those who should bring him the head of Crocotas a notable robber in his time, which robber hearing of this reward, came of him­selfe, and layed downe his head at the Emperours feet, and craved the reward conditioned; whereupon the Emperour did appeare so farre from revenge, that he forthwith granted him not onely his life, but the promised Talents also.

Neither did the noble Iosua so, when he was decea­ved with the Gibeonites; for although those deceaving Polititians, or rather hypocrites hold for truth that, ‘Frangenti fidem, fides frangatur eidem.’

And worse than that, they doe violate likewise [Page 170] their plighted faith to those who have done them no injurie, nor made any breach of faith at all: yet, I say, Iosua did not so to the Gibeonites who deceived him; for when the Iewish Captaines would have beene re­venged on them; the Princes answered: Wee have sworne unto them by the Lord God of Israel, now therefore we may not touch them, &c. Iosh. 9. 19.

Section 2.

Mentall-reservation defined. All fraudulency, in making peace, or taking truce condemned; for which purpose are instanced examples of Grecians, Romans, and others.

WHat shall bee said to those, who while they sweare and promise, have neverthelesse in their minde no intention at all to performe?

Linguajuravi,
Of mentall re­servation, what it is.
mentem injuratam servavi.

A maxime with the former, not hatched in the braine of a Florentine matchiavill, but raked out of the profoundest Cabinet of the most secret, and most obscure dungeon in hell: Cleomenes after a truce made up with the Argiues for seven dayes;Cleomenes al­though packt up a truce with his enemy, for some-dayes, yet in the night surprised them the third night thereafter under trust and assurance, surprized them; and then being challenged of his promise, made an­swer, That he made truces for dayes, and not for nights: Lysander used to say, that men should be de­ceaved with oathes,Alexander the great could ho­nourably say, Malo me for­tunae pe [...]iteat quàm victoriae pudeat. as children with apples: the ge­nerosity of a noble Alexander acknowledged no such guile; who when Polypercon his Counsellor had ad­vised him to take advantage of the darkenesse of the night, against Darius, could reply, That he had rather chuse to repent the losse of his fortune, than to pur­chase [Page 171] victory with shame, Malo me fortunae poeniteat, quàm pudeat victoriae: and the magnanimous Romans were offended wth their Embassadour Lucius Marcius, The Romane offended with their Legat L. Marcius, be­cause that in their warres under him with Perseus King of Mace­don, he used subtilties and circumventi­ons. in the managing of his wars with Perseus King of Ma­cedon, because he went about by subtilties and circum­ventions to purchase his victories: on such considera­tions as these, they sent back to Pyrrhus, K. of Epirots his Physitian, (who had undertaken to poyson him:) likewise Camillus at the siege of Veij, made the chil­dren whip their Master with rods, who had rendered them by his treachery into the Consuls hands. The bravest, both Commanders, and Souldiers, who were taken prisoners by the Samnites, and had obtai­ned liberty to come backe to Rome to take leave of their friends; were by them sent back againe, or ra­ther, returned of their owne accord, although some to a certaine death: so farre were they from holding, that faith should not be kept either to enemies in ge­nerall or particular, much lesse to stretch a thing to the contrary, whereof they had a reservation in their minde; for by such jugling evasions those Roman pri­soners taken by Pyrrhus, and permitted to come home and visit friends, might have alleaged, that they were not obliged to return, (as they did) because they might have said, that howsoever they had sworne with their mouthes, yet in their hearts they thought not so: like­wise, Attilius Regulus the Consull, taken by the Car­thaginians, and set at liberty to visit the City, upon promise of returne might have said: but the innocen­cy of that age knew no other way but the right and square, and rather choosed to undergoe death, than to make a breach of the integrity of their faith made un­to an enemy.

Sect. 3.

The integrity of the ancients commended in making peace, and their other pactions. A story of P. Corn. Scipio to that purpose. Graeca fides, what, and wherefore used: Of the dishonest dealing of Pope Alexander, and his ne­phew, Caesar Borgia, &c.

I will not passe under silence the manner observed by the Ancients in breaking truces, peace, pactions, or leagues amongst them; that posterity may under­stand, how averse they were from having their thoughts dissonant from their words:The manner observed by the ancients in making their truces, peace, or other pacti­ons. and to this pur­pose I remember, that at the peace concluded on be­twixt the Romans and the Carthaginians in the dicta­torship of Pub. Corn. Scipio, a Roman Herauld stand­ing up betwixt both parties, assembled for finishing of the same, after they had spoken their mindes, hinc jnde, the Herauld, I say, standing with a stone in his hand, in these termes concluded the matter.

If justly, and without any fraud or guile, I make the oath of observancie, and doe finish this paction, then may the Gods be propitious,The termes and words of their cove­nants. and grant that all things may fall happily out unto us; if I either doe or thinke otherwise than I have spoken, then, (so all the rest be safe) let me fall and perish alone by mine owne Lawes, in my owne family, with my private Lares, and domestick Gods, in my owne Temples and Se­pulchers, as this stone fals from my hand; which words finished, he throweth the stone from him, or [Page 173] rather lets it fall to the ground, and so endeth. The Carthaginian Herauld swore by all their Countrey Gods, and their private ones, to observe all that is covenanted. Livius noteth these same tearmes to have beene used in the first peace concluded on be­twixt these same people in the consulship of Iunius Brutus, and Marcus Valerius, or shortly after (if Sa­bellicus mistake not), which two first Consuls, Rome had diverse yeeres before Zerxes expedition against the Greekes: alwayes Polybius hath these same words both exemplary and memorable: like as Sabellicus in his 6. lib. Aenead. 4. punctually fetteth them downe, albeit both Livie and Dionysius remarke but the ge­nerals: the speciall thing which I observe, is the word Cogito: if I thinke otherwise; which confounds all our mentallists, and makes them Mentirists: let the Greekes with their deceaving tricks and coosenages keepe that dishonourable honour,The Grecians branded with that, to be cal­led, Not keep­ers of their oathes. Graeca fides, which is alwayes taken for a subdolous and fraudulent faith: but God defend that ever such aspersions and impu­tations be laid to a true Britanne; and let Popish Rome, now of late declined and degenerated from the old honest Rome, pride her selfe and her sectaries in their mentall-reservations;Pope Alexan­der and his nephew Borgia both remarked dishonest in their deeds and words. let one Pope Alexander and his nephew Caesar Borgia vaunt themselves; the one, that he did never think the thing which he spake; the other, that like our mentallists, hee never spake the thing which hee thought: and let a Leo the tenth of that name, promise truth and faith to a Paul Baillon, (who had expelled his nephew out of Perugia,) that he un­der trust of his Holinesse's word should come unto Rome safely with his associates, to live at Court as be­fore, [Page 174] and yet neverthelesse, did put him and them to death: as likewise a Cardinall, Alfonso of Sienna, who for suspition of poysoning the Pope with a Buccado, or Nosegay, retired himselfe from Court, perceiving his Holinesse countenance to bee cast downe upon him, and would not be moved to returne againe; but under his holinesse faith and true promise made, not onely to himselfe, but to the Embassadour of Spaine, in his Masters name, for his more security also; yet neverthelesse having once caught him in his net, did put him to a violent death.

His successor Clement the seventh did almost this same to the Florentines, Other Popes guilty of that same fault. to whom, as he had solemnly conditioned to give them their liberties and Immuni­ties, as likewise to the Spanish Ambassador in his Ma­sters name, for them, for theirfurther security; yet being once possest of their City, contrary to promise, he subjected it to his Nephew, who having strength­ned it with strong and mighty Cittadells and forts, did appropriate it to himselfe and his family: Let these Popes (I say) thinke and promise one thing, and doe another;Exhortation to his Countrey-people not to doe so. farre be it from any Britan to doe so; as equity and truth is, or ought to be in your hearts, so let truth be in your mindes also.

Sect. 4.

The difference betwixt the auncient and the moderne Ro­mans in uprightnesse of dealing, instanced by a story of Pompey the Great, and Augustus Caesar.

AND now it shall content me to parallell one example amongst thousands which I could produce, of the honestie and integrity of old Rome with our new Christianized Rome; and then let the indifferent reader judge of the one and of the other;The integrity of ancient Ro­mans. The great Pompey, when he with his Navall Armie (so much renowned in their stories,) had scow­red all the Mediterranean Sea, then infested with Pi­rats, having (I say) given his promise of safety to one or two of the most special amongst them, did not violate nor molest them; but that was little; for Augustus Caesar did as much to Crocotas; but herein shewed he his honest minde, that when he had two of his most speciall enemies within his chiefe Galleon, (although for the time but coldly enough reconciled unto him,) and was spoken unto by the Pilot, who ac­quainted him, that now it was the time to ridde him­selfe of them both; and if hee pleased, that he him­selfe should be the man to doe the businesse; No, no, said he; If thou haddest killed them without acquain­ting mee therewith, then hadst thou done a peece of good service; but now, doe it not, since they are here under my trust.

Quia habita fides ipsam obligat fidem.

[Page 176] We should make our words and actions agree and jumpe together, such Princes who in their life time dissembling grant pardons to offenders, and yet leave it in charge to their successors to be avenged on them, can no wayes be excused: for seeing our intentions do judge our actions; death cannot acquit them of that obligation, besides that the entrant King is made for­midable at his entrie, who otherwise should enter his Crowne with love and peace.

Sect. 5.

Of the breach of Faith to Enemies: Treacherie at a Siege of Capua: Treacherie and cruelty committed by the Spaniards at a Siege of Genoa. The strictnesse of Ge­neralls over common Souldiers exemplified, &c.

NEither yet know I how to exempt from the scandall of this fault these two which I read of in the late Italian History;Of keeping no faith to ene­mies. The one, that of the LORD Aubigny at the Siedge of Capua, where he commanded the French without the Towne; and Seigneur Fabricius Colonna within:A fault' com­mitted by our Duke Aubig­ny at the siege of Capua, or rather by the in­solent French under him. For the Historie saith, that while the said Colonna was parlamenting on the face of a bastion with the said LORD Aubigny, upon conditions of surrendring; That the (French by the negligent watch of Centinells within, suspecting no hostility during a parle) entred the Citie in fury, and so made Prize of it.

[Page 177] Although it might bee lawfull to all commanders (where there are no covenants made) to take the best advantages of their adversaries that occasion can of­fer; and though Montaignes, whether favouring his owne countrey, or being mis-informed of the pas­sages of that Siedge (I know not) thinketh that this Policy was intended or premeditated by that ever up­right and most valourous Warriour Bernard Lord D' Aubignie (which must be a mistake;) yet the Pre­cedent and succeeding most valourous and many most generous acts of that ever renouned man, may witnes the contrary; for many French Writers, (as may be seene in Master Quines booke of his life) have so inge­nuously, honestly and according to his Merit, illustra­ted his brave acts in so lively Colours, that the ho­nours, which for them were conferred upon him, would convince one, and confirme their credit that have so largely and truely spoken of him: that it may truly be continued of his worth.

Vivet post funera Virtus.

The other at Genoa, where the Marquesse of Pes­quierra was commander of the Spanish forces with­out the Towne, and the Duke Seigneur Octavian Fre­goso commanding within in the name of the French King; in like manner (and it may be for revenge and compensation of the Capuan cruelty) whilest the two Generalls were under tearmes, yea, and finall condi­tions of rendring the Towne;A Cruelty committed at Genoa against the French within, by the Spanyard without. The Spanyard (taking advantage of the negligent attendance of those with­in, who were secure, thinking all ready for the sur­rendring) entred the City, putting them all to the sword without distinction of Age, Sexe, or condition. [Page 178] I know not (I say) how to quit these two from the imputation of treachery, except to say, that at times the insolency and fury of poore incensed Souldiers is so hardly suppressed by the threatnings of their Ge­neralls or Commanders, as is a wonder; yea admit it were in as reformed a Warfare as that whereof the Lord Montagues in his Chapter of Conscience lib. 12. speaketh; where amongst divers others of his notable discourses, he bringeth in a Generall causing to kill a Souldier and rip up his stomack to see the pottage which a poore woman complained he had wrest from her, and with which she was to save her childe from starving, conditionally, that if it were not found there, the Woman playntife should dye, to expiate his death and her false accusation.

But strange it is albeit, this former recited Maxime should hold in Warres; That from a generall Coun­cell which (as they say) cannot erre, the representative body of the holy Church, the Columne of veritie, that from it (I say) such a decree should have sprung, which may occasion us to say of them as was said of the licentious Souldiers, Quibus, cùm quod libet, lioet, & quod libent, audent, & quod audent, faciunt: O Saecu­cula, O mores!

A TREATISE OF LAVGHING AND MOVRNING.

Section 1.

The benefits and content that all men reape by the workes and labours of Writers and Travellers.

HIstories and travellers are said to be like those who cracke the Nut and give a­way the kernell; their toyles, labours and witty inventions are by them readie drest for all readers, hearers or seers; for when they read their travells and studies, they are [Page 182] like those who lying secure upon land, doe from some Promontory behold a ship tossed on the swelling bil­lowes, beating with raging windes and tempests, and well nigh Ship-wrackt: Et mare cum Spumis canden­tibus astra lacessit: & cum tartarei subsidit ad ima bara­thri: Who sees or reades their workes receive the sweete of their toile: but yet not hereby challenging any singularity unto my selfe above others, I freely offer and expose these labours to all, which for the variety will (I hope) bee acceptable; and gracious acceptance is the reward I crave. But to the matter in hand.

Section 2.

Of sudden deaths that have hapned unto men amidst their feasting and other Iollities, exemplified with sto­ries both Sacred and prophane.

IN the Countrie of Agenois (a part of the famous province of Aquitaine,) where first I spent some yeares not without some copious and severall ob­servations: a Baron there, Mr. de Longad la barriere, at a feast in his owne house, laughing and making mer­ry with his Guests, having a legge of a pullet in his hand, expired suddainely amongst their hands. Mirth at banquets should not be excessive but moderate;Little good followeth commonly excesse of mirth and laughter. for which the Aegyptians used at their feast to set a Scull or Anatomie on or by the table, that by the thought [Page 183] and sight thereof they might moderate their excesse, which oftentimes hastneth death or else diseases.

Holy Scriptures furnisheth us with examples,Examples of Nebuchado­nozor, Balia­sar, and the rich glutton to this purpose. as those of Nebuchadonosor, Baltasar, and the rich glut­ton, who had the most exemplarie punishments in this kinde that we reade of.

In the Roman History Cornelius Balbus recorded by Tacitus, who, whilest he was under a cloud and silence of night, carousing, quaffing, and laughing so loud, that the sicke Emperor (his Lord) could heare him from his chamber windowes with his camrades, is memorable, who not only endangered the losse of his Princes favour, but of his life also for his so unsea­sonable and insolent mirth.

Now, if we shall leave feasting, and but speake of other Ioyes, we shall finde that when men thinke their estate most secure, and doe rejoyce in the injoying of it; that even then their suddaine fall hapneth, and followeth them as their shadow: King David for glorying in his numbered people, was plagued:Examples of such who in the middest of all their felici­ties, have been taken away. Iuli­us Caesar in his imperiall Throne having by the over­throw of his enemies attained that verticall point of earthly honour, was even then and there murdered.

King Henry the second of France, was amidst the triumphs and tiltings of his Sisters wedding solemni­ties, killed. King Henry the third at the rendering up of his rebellious Citie of Paris to him, was murthe­red by the trayterous stroake of a blacke Frier, his predecessors both shortly taken away: But more mi­serably, his great and valorous successor Henry 4th. in the middest of that glorious City, and of the pom­pous shewes at his Queenes coronation, was murde­red.

[Page 184] Our hopefull Prince Henry taken away about the time of his sisters mirthfull Nuptialls.

And I read of a Prince in an Historian, whose torch dedicated and lighted to Hymen in his nuptialls, ser­ved to kindle his funerall pile.

Not to speake a word of Philip of Macedon kil­led in the middest of his Army, while he is assisting the sacrifice to the Gods: Nor of his Son Alexan­der the great, cut off in the floure of his yeares, Ioyes, and glorious great victories, with a thousand of this same kinde.

Section 3.

Stories of severall worthy and brave men; that upon oc­casions have shed teares: of the sensible greefe of some Horses, Dogges, and Hawkes upon the losse of their Masters.

WHich being so,Wisely was it ordained that the Paschall Lambe should be eaten with foure hearbes. we may see that the Lord ordained wisely the Pascall Lambe to be eaten with bitter hearbes; And pro­vidently the old heathen enjoyned us to mingle cares amidst our joyes.

Laeta tibi austeris varientur festa profestis.

From holy Scripture we have warrant, that it is bet­ter to be in the house of mourning and weeping, then in that of laughing: And blessed are they that weepe; for they shall bee comforted,Our Saviour did never laugh. and their teares washt from their eyes; our Saviour is said to have wept, and [Page 185] never to have laughed: we reade of St. Peters teares; of the royall Prophets, of the Prophet Ieremy his complaints; of the groanings, howlings and lamen­tings of the best servants of GOD, of none, or little of their rejoycing, except it had beene under the Crosse, or at least in the Lord; finally with teares wee come into this world, with care wee abide in it, and with paine we remove from it.

Yea even of those who are most enured,Foure famous and renowned Warriors, have shed teares. and har­dened with fights, bloudsheds, alarmes, and conse­quently, who should seeme most averse from teares, pitie and compassion, some I marke to have solemnly wept and are signalized, more peradventure in consi­deration of humane frailty, as measuring things by themselves, then otherwise for any great matter or reason they had to shedd teares for the time; see­ing they had obtained the thing they so eagerly de­sired.

—Nam cum praeda sternitur, alter
Praemia solliciti certa laboris habet.

The good Emperor Adrian at his triumphant en­trie into Rome after a remarkable victorie,The Empe­ror Adrian even amidst all his triumphs. remembring the frailty of nature. seeing the innumerable spoyles of his enemies before his Impe­riall chayre, and the Captives themselves manicled and fettered with chaines, doing homage unto him; It is recorded of him, that though he rejoyced in pub­like, yet in private hee wept, and in a manner expres­sed by all likelihood no lesse than our famous Bucha­nan in this distich.

Tuquo (que) crudelis Babylon dabis improba paenas,
Et rerum instabiles experiêre vices.

[Page 186] King David shed teares at the sight or hearing of his sonne Absoloms death:The Prophet David, when he did heare of Absoloms death Iulius Caesar at Pompeys head. Vespasian see­ing the temple of Salomon on fire. Iulius Caesar, at the sight of Pompeys head: Vespasian, seeing the holy and mag­nificent Sanctum Sanctorum on fire: Xerxes, the inso­lent Persian King, yet seeing a number of hundred thousands in a plaine, wept, considering the frailty of nature; for that of so many as hee saw there, they might bee all dead in few houres,Xerxes seeing all his nume­rous Army be­fore him. dayes, or yeeres. To these, I may subjoyne Bajazet successor to Ma­homet Emperour of the Turks, Anno, 1481. his teares, after his brother Zizimus had surrendered himselfe to the great Master of Malta, in name of all the Chri­stian Princes; whom neverthelesse he drove to that extremity. As for Heraclitus his perpetuall weeping for the misery of this world, I thinke it as worthy of blame, as Democritus his continuall laughing at the folly of it: seeing (with Salomon) there are times to laugh, and times to weepe also,

—Nam res humana fatiscit,
Laeta nisi austeris varientur festa profestis.

And if we trust Sabellicus; not onely Men, but also Horses and Dogs,We reade of Horses which have wept. have beene seene to weepe for the losse of their Masters; he instanceth particularly, that those Horses which Iulius Caesar vowed to Mars at his passage over Rubicon, were observed before his mur­ther to stray carelessely up and downe, prognostica­ting (as it were) their masters death by their unaccu­stomed drooping, dejectednesse, and shedding of teares: Du Bartas Hawke, which hee relateth to have cast it selfe (after some other signes of sorrow) into the grave with the corps of its dead Master, may be mentioned as rare and memorable.

Section 4.

Risus Sardonicus, what, and how to be taken: Of the ho­ly teare kept in the Abby Church at Vandesme, in France.

NOw for laughing: that which we call Risus Sardo­nicus, is a perfect modell and patterne of our hu­mane laughing: for as they who have eaten of the hearb Sardis, do all the perfect gestures of one tickled with joy or mirth, as dimpling their cheeks, and other like gestures; yet it is onely the contracting power of that venomous herbe, that procureth that convulsive gesture in them: the Crocodiles teares may be compa­red oftentimes to our weeping, as being either delu­sive, treacherous, or revengefull; and too many (I feare) doe like Iudas, kisse, onely to deceive.

But what shall be said to the Teare which is con­served in a Violl, and kept in a little Chappell on the North-side of the Abbey-Church,The Teare which is in the Abby Church of Vandome, what it can be. at Vandome in France; which they give forth to be a teare which fell from our Lords eyes, and was kept since in that Violl by some holy Saint living in those dayes; which in an overpious beleefe, they say, hath con­tinued since without diminution; by them called, La Sainte larme, The holy teare: this at solemne festivall dayes they shew and exhibite to the superstitiously credulous people, that repaire thither from the remo­test parts of that kingdome; who with great and sub­missive [Page 188] prostration and kneeling, kisse it, to the great and gainefull profit of the keeper: truly, for my owne part, I am not so universally catholick (though I have seene it) as to beleeve that, no more than their religious paradoxes of the transportation of our La­dy De Loretta her chamber from so many diverse pla­ces and countries, to the place where now it is: nei­ther finde I any motion to pray God for helpe in my unbeliefe of this and other such fained miracles of theirs, being so meerely and palpably grosse inven­tions of men.

Sect. 5.

Of weeping for the dead how to be moderated. The mat­ter of teares: of laughing and weeping for one and the same thing: moderation in both commended.

ALthough Tertullian in his booke De patientia, Weeping for the dead al­lowable, pro­vided, it be not immode­rate. did forbid the people in his dayes to mourne and weepe for the dead, yet our Lord and other Saints have wept for them: S. Paul indeed, reprehendeth the immoderatenesse of it, 1 Thes. chap. 4. where he forbiddeth not the Thessalonians to sorrow at all; but not sorrow as those who had no hope of the resurrection. The Poet could finde fault with immoderate mourn­ing for the dead; which in this Iron and declining age of the world but very few needs to be reproved for.

[Page 189]
Tu semper urges flebilibus modis
Misten ademptam, nec tibi vespero,
Cadente decedunt amores,
Necrapidum fugiente solem.

The philosophicall reason given for not mourning for the dead, I thinke neither allowable to a Christi­an, nor to a meere naturallist; for they say, that it is but lost time and action, seeing death is remedilesse, common, necessary; and teares cannot prevaile to re­call them againe, and therefore availe nothing: for such like arguments are rather to reinforce sorrow, than otherwayes to mitigate griefe: and so much the rather, because there is no remedy for it: for as another Philosopher replieth to one who reprooved him for lamenting so heavily the death of his sonne, since (said he) you know that there is no remedy for it; and therefore (replied the other) doe I weepe: yet some of the wisest sort of them agreed unto this mourning for the dead, as a kind, naturall duty; in so farre, that they who wept not for their parents death, were by them said, ‘In patrios minxisse cineres.’

Not to speake of the matter of teares,The matter [...] our teares. whether it be the same with that of sweate, or the waterish part of bloud, all these being salt: I shall enquire the oc­casion of teares, which we finde out of holy and pro­phane stories,We laugh and weepe dive [...]sly for the selfe­same causes. to be both joy and sorrow. In Ezra, when the Iewes saw the holy Temple re-edified, They wept (saith the Prophet) but diversly, some for joy to see it rebuilt againe, others for sorrow to see the [Page 190] glory and ornament of it, as it was then, not compa­rable to the former: so wept Ioseph for joy upon his brethrens necks: in a word, ire and revenge will oc­casion teares, as well as pitty and compassion; yea, some will weepe on no occasion.

Mens immota manet,
Neither they commendable who laugh al­wayes, nor they who mourne.
lachrymae volvuntur inanes.

I can say no more to the stupidity of these people, than to their folly who laugh at all occasions without cause.

OF VARIETIES THE FOV …

OF VARIETIES THE FOVRTH BOOK: CONTEINING FOVRE TREATISES. OF

  • 1. Curiosities.
  • 2. Divine Philosophy, or Mans felicity.
  • 3. The Consonancy and agreement betwixt Ancient Philosophers and Christian professors.
  • 4. Sleepe and Dreames.

BY DAVID PERSON of Loughlands in SCOTLAND GENTLEMAN.

Et quae non prosunt singula, multa juvant.

LONDON, Printed by RICHARD Badger, for Thomas Alchorn, and are to be sold at his shop, in Pauls Church-yard at the signe of the Greene-Dragon. 1635.

TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE, IOHN, Earle of Traquair, Lord Linton and Caberston; his MAIESTIES Treasurer Depute of Scotland, and one of his Majesties most Honorable Privie-Councell there.

Right honorable,

EXamples of Histories and daily experience teach us, that as Piety and Iustice are the pillars of a State, and the Countrey happy (as none more than ours) whose King is endued with them, seeing people commonly follow their example; so most fortunate is the Land, where a most wise King substitutes such officers of State, as whose piety, justice, charity, and other vertues, may be a comfort, rule, and example to the people, over whom God and their King hath placed them: That this reflecteth upon you my Lord, none of our Nation is so de­stitute of understanding as to question; upon which assu­rance [Page] I have adventured this dedication to your Lordship, that where these eminent vertues doe so cleerely shine there can be no clouded mystinesse cast betwixt a candide and auspicious acceptance, and this small tender of my du­ty to honourable vertue, and entire affection to your Ho­nour: which in your younger yeeres at Paris (where I be­gan this work) I did vow unto your then blooming merits; and now performe, that it may remaine to after Ages, as an everduring token of the love, favour, duty, honour, and respect, that was alwayes carried to the most illustrious name of Stewart in generall, and to You my Lord in par­ticular, as a Noble branch of the Honorable Stock of Lennox, By

Your Lordships faithfull and affectioned servant, David Person.

OF VARIETIES THE FOVRTH BOOKE, Of Curiosities, where the greatest Subtilities of all Sciences are some way un­folded, and disapprooved; and some naturall Curiosities propounded, as of the Heavens, Aire, Seas, Earth, &c.

Section 1.

The difference betwixt factions and (editions: a rebellion of the common people of Rome against the Senate and Patri­cians. Emulation a principall producer of great exploites; the harme that followeth Curiosity, and that Church­men are not exempt from it.

AS order and unity are the upholders of a Commonwealth,Difference be­twixt factions and seditions. so factions and sediti­ons are their overthrow; These two I hold not to bee one; for sedition is by open violence; faction, under colour of Iustice; That both these are procured by too curious [Page 178] and ambitious braines and diseased spirits, who envy other mens preferment or wealth above their owne; it is manifest;Vproare of the Commons at Rome against the Patricians, appeased by Menenius Agrippa. as thorow all the Romane history, so par­ticularly in that sedition of the Commons who openly rose up against the Senat and Patricians, flying in armes to the Aventine Mount, where neverthelesse by that elegant Oration of Menenius Agrippa (set downe by Livius at length) they were appeased.

My purpose here is not to hinder that honest emu­lation, and allowable curious ambition of well doing either in private or publike men; for both the Greeke and Roman stories doe sufficiently informe us,Emulation and ambition in well doing is allowable. that there were never greater incitements to an emulous an­tagonist, then their opposites glorious exploits in war, and vertuous proceedings in peace; nor sharper spurres to waken and rouse up their lasinesse (if any was) then the desire to parallell them; examples are very obvious in this kinde. My intent here is to desire a moderation in men of all conditions, especially the learned; for the harme,Curiosity the Mother of mischief. prejudice and evill that idle and sturring Curi­osities (which have beene caused by Antagonists emula­tions, and disputes) have procured in private and publik men or States, in warre and peace, is universally and dayly perceaved and regrated: And who so would thinke that our Clergy and Gowne men who prescribe rules of wisedome unto others,Our Schooles and Learned men not ex­empt from it. are to bee exempted from this fault, are farre deceaved; for both of old and late dayes they have barboyled the sound doctrines of their professions, with their idle, unnecessary, and too curious questions; who so will with me skimme over but a handfull of them, shall soone confesse this truth.

Section 2.

How Curiosities have wonderfully disturbed the peace of the Church; A Recitall of some impertinent Curiosities in Reli­gion; with some also of Subtilis Scotus, and Thomas A­quinas, &c.

ANd first then, it may bee demanded, what solid peace and agreement hath been in the sacred Church which is the piller of Truth,What peace hath the most curious questi­ons brought unto the Church, but rather hath di­vided us all. since the purity of the Pri­mitive Doctrine left by the holy Evangelists, Apostles, and their Successors hath beene adulterated, and mar­tyred with curious questions; as those of Transubstan­tiation, Concomitance, Latreia, Dulia, Hyperdulia, mentall reservation, equivocations, implicite faith, con­gruities, condignities, and Supererogations, together with the inerrability of the Popes Holinesse, Semi-man, and Demi-God; as also those questions of our late Di­vines, whether CHRISTS death alone was satis­factory for our salvation, or His life and death toge­ther? And those questions also of providence, of pre­destination, of prescience, Gods effective and permis­sive power in sin, if GOD can lie, or recall time past, or make a thing done, to bee undone, &c. what hath mooved our so inquisitive Curiosists, as Subtilis Scotus, and D. Thom. who have (as it were) so overclouded all with their pregnancies of wit, to be so curiously sol­licitous, [Page 180] as to enquire,In Metaphy­sick we crossed to know, if there be in na­ture any other production be­sides Creation and Genera­tion. whether or not besides Creation and Generation, there were any other production of things in nature different and distinct from those two? Wch surely is not; for by that meanes accidents should befound to be concreated & congenerated, not inhesive, and having their being in the subject according to the Logicians rule, accidentis est inesse. Whereupon fol­lowed that no lesse idle then curious question,Whether acci­dents be create or concreat. whether GOD may sustayne accidents after the substracting of their subject from them, in which they were, and with which they were concreated;If God may sustayne acci­dents without their substan­ces to subsist in. as who can imagine a whitenesse to exist without a wall, paper, cloud, cloath or some such subject to be in, wherwith first it was con­created, as Ruvius in his Commentary upon the second Phys. and second de anima fondly giveth forth? seeing it is certaine,The actions of Gods will tend unto, and terminate with a subject. that the actions of GODS will are ever bounded to, and terminated with an object, either possi­ble or actuall; and the reason of this is, because all po­tency and possibility to bee, tendeth to and termina­teth in an object, from which it may assume the owne species & kind; So that the acts of the divine Intellect or understanding tending to an object extant, or in aptibi­lity to exist, do tend to it, as it is in the Divine intellect; and so consequently such, as actually or possibly ex­isteth.

Such questions as these being more fit to cruciate and perplexe the mindes, yea even of the most learned, then otherwise to instruct them or any of the weaker sort.

Section 3.

A continuation of some other Theologicall and Metaphy­sicall subtilities and curiosities.

SVch as this,If there be multiplicity of formes in one selfe same mat­ter. is that of the multiplicity of formes in one selfe same subject, and this; if the formes of matters be extracted out of the potentiality of the mat­ters, which certainly is, the first, not: wherein I agree with Suares, If formes of matters be ex­tracted out of the potentiali­tie of the mat­ter. in his disputation upon the first of the Metaphysicks; and whether Angells be species or indi­vidualls; howbeit in my minde, what ever Divus Tho­mas speaketh in favour of species, they are more pro­perly to be held as individualls;If Angels be species or indi­vidualls. yea, and with our Mo­derne Divines reverence, whether Protestants or Iesu­ites; what can bee the formall object of our faith, the subject of it being once perfectly knowne; howbeit in effect to my opinion, the formall object of it (with Divus Thomas) must bee the divine verity manifested unto us in holy Scripture by our Lord and Master, the holy Prophets, Evangelists, and Apostles, the pen men of GOD, together with the authority of the Church, which authority is but as a testimoniall, and secondary, and with both and all others permission, who prye and dive so deepely in the Orcum and mysteryes of Learn­ing, as, whether or not Creation bee all one with the thing Created, sooner solved, then advisedly propoun­ded: [Page 182] for so it is, that Creation being an action of the di­vine will, fiat & factum est. Gen. 1. 34. Moreover, that will in GOD, and His Divine essence being all one, there is no question, but that Creation is prior to the thing created: the like, or part whereof neither the Iewish Thalmud, nor the Mahometan Alcoran scarce ever did propound to their Readers. But I leave the sublimity of Theologicall and Metaphysicall questions which hath puzled marvellously even the best refined and acute Spirits.

Section 4.

Of Curiosities in Logick; the relation betwixt the Creator and the creature: to what Heaven the Prophet Enoch and Elias were wrapt; what place is said to be Abra­hams bosome.

VVHat hath the Logician advantaged his art of reasoning by troubling himselfe and others,Curiosity in Logick to know what sort of relation betweene the creature and the Creator. with what kind of relation is betwixt the creature and the Creator? Whether, with Aristotle, predicamen­tall or not? mutuall, or that it holdeth onely of the creature, not of the Creator also? howsoever, predica­mentall with Aristotle it cannot be; for that Creation argueth no change in GOD, (as it doth in the thing Created, which is transchanged from a not being to a being which is certaine,) because GOD and supernall [Page 183] intelligencies (as meere formes free of all matter) doe worke by their intellect and will; So that Creation proceeding from GOD as an act of His will and in­tellect, must have beene from all eternity with Him, nothing being in Him which was not with Him like­wise.

To the former adde this curiosity likewise: what Heaven it was which the Prophets Enoch and Elias were wrapt into?What Heaven the Prophet Enoch was wrapt unto. for our curious Our anographers by their doings (I warrant you) shall exclude them out of all Heavens: for why say they? into the Aire, (which is the first Heaven) they could not be wrapt, seeing if they were taken up from the Earth for rest and ease, there they would find little, it being the proper place of stormes and tempests; neither into the second, for if for ease, joy and rest, they were taken from the earth, it behooved to be elsewhere then there, because that star­rie Heaven by many is held to be in perpetuall revolu­tion and motion; much lesse will they admit them into the third Heaven; because they were not as yet glory­fied, at least, there is no warrant in Scripture for it: be­sides that, our MASTER IESUS CHRIST being Primitiae resurrectionis was the first that entered, which was many ages after their uptaking.

Where the bosome of ABRAHAM is, to which most credibly they were rapt, our curious Topographers cannot agree; their sublimities and curiosities rather producing scruples then instruction. What it is,What and where Abra­hams bosome is by all almost agreed upon; but where it is, maketh the doubt: with Peter Martyr Vermillius loco. 16. Classis 3. It is thought to be nothing els then a [Page 184] place of rest, where the soules of the Fathers departed before our SAVIOURS comming to the World, were attending, and in joy expecting it, denominated from Abraham the Father of the faithfull, without ex­cluding the rest of the Fathers; which place, what ever they say, I take to have beene in Heaven, in which (we know) there are many stations, how ever they perplexe themselves in marshalling our lodgings there. And, against them all, of this opinion is S. Augustine, Com­menting on the 85. Psalme.

Section 5.

The Curiosity of the Millenarij; with many other Curio­sities more frivolous then necessary.

THe curiosity of the Millenarij, called by the Greekes [...] is worth your notice; who give forth, that after the generall resurrection, the godly shall enjoy a thousand yeares pleasures in soule and body on this earth, before the wicked be resuscitated, which they on earth did want whilest the wicked flourished; and that according to Irenaeus his opinion. lib. adversus haereticos. But they have even as much likelyhood and warrant for this out of holy Scripture,If beasts, herbs plants, will bee renewed with man after the resurrection. as others have for that other tenent, that after the resurrection of man, there shall bee likewise a renovation of beasts, hearbes, plants, &c.

[Page] But to proceed in their subjects, what curiosity hath driven our Inquisitors to aske, if death shall bereave our most learned of all sence and insight in Sciences,If there be de­grees of glory in heaven. that in Heaven they shall be in no better degree of hap­pinesse then the rude ignorant; wheras in the first to the Corinthians and the fifteenth Chapter it is said, alia est gloria lunae, alia solis; better it were to know how to come there, then inquisitively to search what higher places there are there: but no question if the arguments drawen from contraries, doe hold, then sure in hell there bee diversitie of paynes, so in Heaven also there bee disparity of joyes: for in the house of the Lord are many mansions.

Yea, but saith my curiosist, what language shall we speake in Heaven?What language in heaven. an idle question; what other lan­guage should we have but Hallelujuhs, hymnes, and prai­ses to Him who sitteth upon the Throne? This with many other scruples, and errors in inverting, perverting augmenting, derogating, transverting, throwing, wrest­ing GODS Word, Will, Truth, and Decree, I passe, and apply my selfe to the Physiologist enquiring, if there was a world before this began;Curiosity in Physicke to know whether there be more worlds then one. if there shall be another after this. If there bee more then this which presently we inhabite; if there be more celestiall spheares then one; what time of the yeare this world began, and when it shall have an end. All which, in my Title of the world I handle,If there was one before this. excepting onely the multiplicity of heavenly orbes which I doe admit, re­fusing alwayes their Eccentrick and Epilicks; as also I dissallow the Eccentricks of the earth, as being all curi­osities of small moment, and remit the Reader to the [Page] sound and true knowledge of the course, nature, and in­fluence of the planets; which our curious Physitians, or Pseudo-Astrologers imaginatively do handle.

Section 6.

That the Planets and other Celestiall bodies have not that power over the natures of men and Women that Astrolo­gers ascribe unto them: That the Starres are innume­rable; Of the number and greatnesse of some in Via lactea; Where the center of the earth is; its Circumference. Of Etna, Hecla, Saint Patricks hole, and the like.

NEither can I bee induced to believe the inforcing power they ascribe to these planets over men and womens natures at the houre of their birth;The Starres and heavenly lights force not our incli­nations. they may well (I confesse) incline and helpe our propensnes, force them they cannot: for with Homer latinized;

Tales sunt hominum mores, qualis pater ipse
Iupiter aurifer as lustravit lampade terras.

Or rather wth Hippocrates the Lord of their Art I think, against these sublime curiosities, that the heavens worke not upon the sublunary bodies of children, but by the mediation of the Air, which being alwayes in motion, and seldome alike at all times, cannot alwayes produce such and such like infallible dispositions proper to any one alone more then to others, in, and of that same time and place: the contrary whereof we see.

[Page]
Mille hominum species, & rerum discolor usus.
Velle suum cui (que) est, nec voto vivitur uno.

But what ever fall out, it must not be so much attri­buted to the domination of any Starre at the Nativity of him or her, that way disposed, more then to others who sucke in that same Air, but rather to the diversity of mens inclinations of whom they are propagated;The inclina­tion of Parent [...] more mooveth children natu­rally, then the Starres doe. or to their studies, educations, and affections, &c.

Thus the extremity of Philosophy is accounted fol­ly, as the best rules in Physicke are; not but in case of extreme necessity, to use Physicke at all.

But yet, what extremity of folly is it in our Astrono­mers to give up the reckoning, yea even of the immove­able Stars, when GOD their Maker (blessed forever) holdeth them (in respect of men) as innumerable; as when He assured Iacob the Patriarch of the numerous­nesse of his posterity, He compareth their innumerable­nesse to the Stars of the heaven; when (howsoever these of via lactea alone are so miscounted, that there are miri­ads besides, millions of misreckonings given up by the Arabs themselves) Reneus Herpinus in his Apology for Bodin against Augerius Ferrerius his booke de diebus de­cretonorijs intendeth to give their supputation, if not in­fallibly,The number and greatnesse of certain Stars in the via lactea. learnedly and Astrologically; yet too too cu­riously, in that place fol. 22. he divideth them in forty eight figures, and placeth twelve in the Zodiack, fifteene Meridionalls beyond the Ecliptick; twenty one Septentrionalls, and so forth; besides so many ob­scure ones, of which some of the biggest he instanceth to be 107 times bigger then the earth; some againe of the first and sixth bignesse, eighteene times bigger, [Page] observing the diameter of the largest, foure times big­ger then that of the earth. Whereas the diameter of the lesser sort is in comparison to that of the earth, as fifteene, to eight, in respect of twenty one: all which hee prooveth against Ferrerius to observe a constant, equall, and not different course; of which Starres ne­verthelesse, their number, course, bignesse, force, &c. not onely Ptolomeus (the Primat and Patron of that Science) (although Plotinus, Proclus, and Prophyre have not adhered to his demonstrations) in his worke, at least in his Preface [...] speaketh rather as of things sooner remarked by the Ancients, then rightly understood by him or them either; But likewise his Commentator Theon Alexandrinus on the like subjects giveth forth,Diversities of opinions. that in these and the like mat­ters, he desireth not his words to be taken for undoubt­ed authorities: What have our Topographers wonne by inquiring, what can be in the centre of this Terrestiall Globe, which he giveth up to be neere seven thousand myles in diametrall thicknesse? whether hell be there or not? and whether or not Aetna in Italy, hecla in Island, Saint Patriks hole in Ireland, or that formidably burning Mountayne by the American Mexico (wherein at times as elsewhere also (if our Historians mistake not) there are plaints and mourning voices to bee heard through) by the vents and Chimneyes of hell, as they give out.

Or what advantage have our Vranographers, or our familiar describers of the heavens, made (not to bee behind with our Geographers, who have given up the compasse of the earth? how soone a man may encom­passe [Page 189] it, as in the first Treatise of the secrets of nature may be seene? what have they advantaged (I say) by giving up the vastnesse of the firmament so unmeasur­ably large as they doe? for by their calculation, though a man ride fourty myles a day, yet shall he not see so much ground in many thousands of yeares as the firmament goeth about the earth in twenty foure houres:Via Lactea differently given up. So learned Clavius calculateth in his Com­mentary upon Sacroboscus.

But withall to know whether or not the Moone be inhabited, or hath mountaines, vallies, and cham­pion ground within her body, and so forth; and whe­ther the rest of the planets as she, be likewise inhabi­ted; considering (say these curious fellowes) that these vast bodies cannot be framed for light onely, if not for this use also: but being wearyed with these and alike more curious then profitable questions, I leave them.

Section 7.

To search out the secrets of Nature allowable; if men be not too curious in them; Eudoxus wish; Plinius killed on the Mountaine of Vesuvius: Aristotle drowned in Euri­pus; Too much curiosity is a plague sent downe from Heaven on men; The Poet Simonides acknowledged his ignorance of GOD; How the Heathenish gods were pourtrayed.

IF any curiosity may be allowed,The enquiry of the secrets of nature, con­venient food for a curious Spirit. I thinke the inquiry of the hidden and abstruse secrets of nature are agree­able and pleasing for a curious spirit; provided that their curiosity carry them no further then to a re­verent and respectfull admiration of the power of God, working in Nature by them.

But if once such curious and inquisitive braines doe transgresse these limits, and after the meditation of these things, doe begin to drawe out of the secrets of Nature that which is unprofitable, being knowne, and so doe become transgressors of the old Law, Non altum sapere, not to be too inquisitive;Eudoxus cra­ved to be neere the Sunne al­though it should be with the hazard of his life, as that hee might knowe it. then I say their curiosities be­come vitious: such as this, was the curiosity of Eudoxus, who desired at the hands of the gods to be so neere the Sun as to discerne the matter of it, (which was in que­stion amongst his fellow Philosophers for the time) although it should bee to the hazard of his life; Such [Page 191] curiosity as this: cost Plinius his life, while too curious­ly he approached to the top of the Mount Vesuvius, by Naples (which I did with the hazard of mine also) from thence to look down to the body of the hollow­ed hill to see if he might discerne the cause and matter of that fyre, which bursting up in flames now and then, had made it hollow within, for then being choakt with a flash of a suddayne flame, hee dyed; So the river Euripus did requite Aristotle his curiosity with the like punishment, although not drowning or over­whelming him with waves, yet causing in him such melancholy for not comprehending its nature, as pro­cured his death!

We have warrant from holy Scripture, that too much curiosity to knowe things, is sent downe upon men as a plague, in so farre, that Herod esteemed Saint Paul distracted through his too much learning; and they are scarce otherwise, who thinke by their shallow ca­pacity, to comprehend the height, length, and depth of GODS workes, which are so much the rather His, by how much the lesse we understand them.

And it is observable that our beliefe is setled upon things incredible to humane reason;Because curio­sity to know, is a plague, therefore our faith is settled upon things incredible to human reason. to which a hum­ble submission of spirit attayneth sooner, then a curious inquiry.

Thus Saint Augustine esteemed, GOD better to be adored, bene sentiendo, quàm multum loquendo; In such sort, that Simonides the Poet, who was desired to de­scribe God, required first one day to thinke upon the subject; and then another, lastly a third; and in the end confessed ingeniously, that the more he studied it, the [Page 192] further he was from comprehending it, and the more he searched into that Theame, the lesse he understood it; which gave us well to understand how wisely the Aegyptian Priests, Indian Brachmians, the Persian Magi, the French Druides, and all the old Philosophers and wise men did, who caused to mould and pourtrayte their gods with their fingers upon their lippes,The Gods of the Ancients were pourtrai­ted with their fingers upon their mouthes, and why. to teach men (their Adorers) not to bee too curious inquirers after their Nature, or rashly blabbe forth what ever they imagine of them, least that being discovered, they should have beene found in the end to have beene but men, either worthy in their time for warre or peace, and after their death, deified.

Micat inter omnes
Iulium fidus, velut inter ignes
Luna minores.

Whereas the Nature of our great God-head is so pro­found a gulfe, and hid mystery, that as the Sun beames dazeleth our mortall eyes, being too stedfastly fixed upon them; even so doth over-curious inquiry after God, and such other abstruse mysteries, obfuscate the dim eyes of our understandings: And as the Sun can­not bee seene but by his owne light; So no more can God be knowne but by himselfe.

Section 8.

Too great curiosities condemned; and a moderation to bee used in them prescribed.

THus then,As in Divine mysteries we should not be too curious: So should we not in any worldly busi­nesse. as in Divine and heavenly mysteries wee should not be too curious, but should rather con­tent us with what is revealed; So should we not in our worldly affaires busie our selves too curiously and per­plexedly: For as Gods secrets are not disclosed to the highest and most eminent amongst men, but to the meaner and ignorant sort; even so fortune and chance of this world falleth and followeth not alwayes the wisest and most curious, but on such as for the most part doe not pursue them; and these we doe tearme, foole happy or more happy then wise.

Dum vitant stulti vitia, in contraria currunt.

When I blame the extremity of curiosity as a ma­ster-vice,As we should not b [...] over­curious; [...]o should we not be l [...]sse curious with the Sto­icks referring all to destiny. it is not for that we should with the Stoicks, [...]ull our selves asleepe, and cast off even allowable care concerning the events of our affaires in this life; as to remitt and put over all to destiny; which is no lesse blame-worthy, then with the Epicureans, to eate and drinke, as if the morrow we were to die: For as the golden mediocrity, and commendable vertue consist­eth betwixt extreames; even so (I say) avoyding both evills, this meant good may be admitted, to be curious [Page 194] after all such things as concerne our vocation and trade of life: And for this indeed wee have warrant; but so, that we referre the event of all to the alseeing provi­dence, who best knoweth our wants, and can best helpe them.

Section 9.

How GOD disappointeth the expectations of the most Curious; And that the most subtill spirits runne into greater errors then the meaner doe.

I Wonder,As the most curious crafts­man is not ever either the wisest or the Wealthiest; So the most curi­ous heads are not they to whom God manifests his se [...]rets. since neither the subtilties of this present age, nor the wisdom of our predecessors, neither Pro­phets of old, nor preaching of new, no not theirmost curious inquiries could rippe up the causes and notions of things, wch it hath pleased the Everliving to worke both above and below the concavity of the Moone, in a manner to dazell mens eyes, and to make their pro­foundest wits stoope under the wonders of His workes; Why then should our curious Spirits rack their braines about the resolution of such questions, which, as they are difficult to be solved, so are they dangerous (I may say) and impious to be propounded.

And it is great presumption for mortall men to re­duce under the precinct of humane sciences those things the knowledge of which GOD out of His infinite [Page 195] wisedome hath thought fit not to impart to mortalls.

For as God is above nature,God as hee is above Nature, so worketh he beyond Nature some times. so worketh He after His owne will, either supernaturally, or else by some secret power of Nature unknowne to us; To which point, the most subtile of all the Ancient Philoso­phers some times were driven.

And yet these great spirits who could not content themselves but wth the speculation of such things, as fell not under the reach and capacity of the weaker, and meaner sort; did sometimes in the meaner subjects stumble most miserably.

So while they ranne above the heavens, roaving and tormenting themselves with their numbers, matter, force, motions, sounding, depths and centre, yea, and turning the circumference of the earth,Great and sub­lime spirits stumble more vilely, then the meane [...] sort. overskimming the Seas, saluting the Antipodes, and bringing novells from their Courts, and of their Caballs, dreaming with themselves (as Archimedes did) that they might remove the Globe of the universe out of its owne place, and turne it about, if they had whereon, and wherein to fixe their machins; they in the end (I say) doe stumble, and fall in grosse absurdities; like those men who per­adventure, having sailed the better part of their lives, upon the stormy Ocean, and past her greatest dangers, may neverthelesse at last be drowned in a little Brooke.

Medium tenuere Beati.

Section 10.

An inducement to the studie and search of the secrets of Nature; Of the Needle in the Sea compasse; Of the in­undations of the River of Nilus; And from whence it hath its sourse and beginning; Of the severall dispositi­ons of men; Why continuall burning hills and Moun­taines doe not diminish, &c.

BVt on what more fertill and spacious a field can curious Spirits extend, and expatiate the wings of their fancies, then the discovery and searching out of the secrets of Nature, as in those things which are ob­vious to our outward senses, leaving those contempla­tive mysteries afore spoken of, to the omniscious Au­thor of them, for when mans curiosity hath reached or rather dived into the depth of the secrets of the hea­venly bodies and their changes; then the Creator, to checke (as it were) their curiosities and presumption, altereth that orderly course that they presumed to have gathered thereby;Dion: Areopa­gita's observa­tion of the Ecclipse at our Saviours suffering. which made Dionysius Areopagita, seeing the Sunne Ecclipsed at full Moone, when our LORD and SAVIOUR suffered, contrary to their Astronomicall position, to cry out, that either the God of Nature suffered at that time, or the course of Nature was inverted, or the Machine of the universe [Page 197] was to dissolve; with other the like examples knowne to all that are versed in the Scripture. Now to speake a little more of the incertainty of these curiosities; Mercator, Opinions of the needle in the compasse. and other more moderne Geographers hold, that the needle in the compasse, doth vary more or lesse from the Pole, as the place of observation is more or lesse distant from the Azorick Meridian, from whence it hath its longitude; Whereas the more ancient tooke its longitude to be from the Canaries Meridian. Some againe, as Herodotus, will the River of Nilus, to take its source and beginning from the forked top of the Mountaine Sienna in Ethiopia, from whence (saith he) doe surge two admirable Currents, one towards the South and Ethiopia; the other toward the North and Aegypt; I call these currents admirable, because the Whirlepooles and bublings in these waters are so great, violent and absorping, that though a Boate were there tyde with most strong Cables, yet they would suck it in and ingurgitate it!Of Nilus, her sourse and in­undation. Others will have its inundations and Increment, to issue from the hills of the Moone in Arabia, A montibus lunae Arabia-Australis: where­upon such abundance of Snow falleth, that it liqui­fying and melting, runneth so abundantly and violently downe, that it procureth these wonderfull inundations: Plinius againe (if Sabell: mistake not lib. 3. Eneid: 1.) maketh its source and deboarding to flow from Affrick crossing Media, as the Danube doth Europe; Or else from Mauritania the lesser, instancing for possibility that the melted snow discending from thence causeth the overflowings in Aegypt; from whence (say they) serpenting and gliding through a vast tract of ground in [Page 198] the bowels of the earth, that striving (as it were) to be refreshed with new aire, it bursteth out in Mauritania Caesariensi, where it runneth the space of twenty dayes journey againe under ground; from whence it issueth againe and plentifully stretcheth it selfe through Ethio­pia, with many meandres and turnings, and separateth Aegypt from the rest of Africk; where finally through most rockie, Precipitious and Declivous Mountaines with most hideous rumbling, and terrible noyse, it cast­eth it selfe down where the Catadupae dwell; and run­ning through Aegypt, disburdeneth it selfe, into the Mediterranean Sea.Mens dispo­sitions. Others againe (not without great contradiction) doe variously picture out the seve­rall dispositions of men according to their severall Countryes, whereof read Bodinus in his sixth Chapter lib. 5. of his Republick: where he saith, that those who are borne towards the South are more humane, inge­nious and affable then those towards the North: with severall other distinctions which hee setteth downe in that Chapter: Some too, give the reason why so many great hills in severall places of the earth doe incessantly burne, without great diminution of the earth or their greatnesse, to be because the Sea winding it selfe in by secret Conduits,Burning hills and Moun­taines. doth continually arrouse, or water the Sulphureous vaine which subministrates fewell to their flame; as the endlesnesse of the combustible matter is the cause of the not diminishing of the earth: with ma­ny of the like, as may bee read in severall authors: Wherefore thus much for the contemplative and con­iecturall curiosity; Now to the Practick.

Section 11.

Of Christopher Columbus his Practicall Curiosity in his discovery of the new World or America.

NOw lastly, to conclude this treatise with Practi­call curiosity, instead of many, I will onely touch that so fortunate and so much famed one of Columbus in the discovery of America; He was an Italian, borne in Genoa, whose most pregnant, curious and searching wit, farre excelled all that ever were before him, in the like attempts;Columbus first intention, and motive to his voyage. This worthy Columbus (I say) imagin­ing, that since the Globe of the universe, the celestiall Spheares, Aire, Waters, and all superior bodies were round, concluded with himselfe that the earth could not bee triangular, as in a manner it then was when hee knew no other lands, but Europe, Africk, Asia, but cir­cular and round also; as the rest of the Elements; and so consequently that there behooved to be some vaste tract of land, yet unknowne, which should extend it selfe from South West to North West; Which con­ception of his he thus fortified.

That seeing of three hundred and sixty degrees,Columbus his reason. which the world containeth in longitude, there being onely one hundred eighty filled up with land; that the Almighty Creator would not have suffered from [Page 200] all beginning the waters to overflow all the rest.

But not content with this contemplation onely, he never gave over till he put the tryall of it in practise; wherefore in the yeere of God, 1492. aided and there­fore furthered by the King of Spaine, he set to sea, di­recting his course to the Canary-Islands (whereat from Spaine he first arrived) towards the Southwest:His voyage. but having spent many dayes upon the Sea without sight of land, to the great toile, labour, and anguish of his men, who began to mutine amongst themselves and despaire of ever returning home, much lesse of attaining their adventure; he was driven to his wits end, whereupon politickly, (and as it were propheti­cally) he strove with all probabilities to assure them that within two or three dayes, at furthest, they should discover land;His policy. which the more confidently he undertooke, because (saith my Author) he had per­ceived the colour of the clouds then tending towards him, to bee more white and more purified like land­clouds, from whence they behoved to come, then those that meerely proceeded from the seas; which conjecture of his proved true;The cause of dearth since Columbus voy­age. for it pleased God, that the third day thereafter they discovered this land they sought for, of which, with its length, bredth, nature, &c. there are whole volumes extant; and from this countrey it is, that the gold, money and ware be transported, which hath caused our dearths; all things in the dayes of our forefathers, being barte­red one for another as common merchandises.

This mans spirit (no question) was warmed with a more celestiall fire than ordinary; who first of all be­fore [Page 201] him, did both invent and execute so glorious a designe, and profitable an enterprise, as the discovery of a new world. Neverthelesse, there hath not wan­ted some; who, to bereave him of this honour, doe gather out of Plato's dialogue twixt Critias and Solon, Columbus's worth depra­ved. that there was some knowledge of this world in for­mer times; because so it is, that the Aegyptian Priests of the City Sais reported unto him, that they had found in ancient Monuments, some mention of a terrible great Island, called Atlantida, which was op­posit, or went off and on, with the straits of Gibaltar, of old called Hercules Pillars; but that it was taken away by Deucalions deluge, as we reade of Sicily to have beene rent from Italy.

Which admit were true:His vindica­tion. yet who, amongst the sonnes of men, before Columbus, did ever adventure to discover it? nay who so thinketh it to be an Island, mistaketh farre: for our moderne navigators have found it to be continent almost, and firme land; as joyning to the East-Indies on the one hand, and to those Lands under the two Poles on the other: more­over, whereas Sicily is removed from Italy but a very few miles (if ever they were conjoyned) as Ireland is from Britanne; this America, or, as they would have it, Atlantida, is distant from the mouth of the straights, where (they say) it was taken away, some thousands of miles.

I know too, how Peter Martyr, cap. 1. and first de­cade, attributeth the first discovery of this to a Spa­niard, to defraud Columbus of his due praise and ho­nour: and how some have gone about, to take away [Page 202] from him the denomination of that Countrey,Columbus de­nomination of Americus con­ferred on Ves­pucius. attri­buting it to Vespucius, calling him Americus, because he entered farther in the firme land than Columbus; who glad of his first discovery, made no long stay there: so that at the second setting out of a new Na­vie,Here againe vindicated. this Vespucius went further in, Egregiam verò lau­dem: as if the honour were not the first attempters: so Sheepe beare wooll, and Oxen plough, although not for themselves. Some too, say, that Columbus, being a learned man, gathered this enterprize from some verses in Seneca in his Medea, Another asper­sion on him.

Venient annis secula seris.
Quibus oceanus vincula rerum
Laxet, & ingens pateat Tellus,
Tiphis que novos deteget orbes,
Nec sit terris ultima Thule, &c.

And why not? for this same (if it so was) argued the sublimity of his spirit; for who, I pray you, be­fore him, ever marked or gathered the like from them to put that Theory and contemplation in practise? Then, sure it is, that none of the ancients, Greeke or Roman whatsoever, can in this be compared or balan­ced with him.

Sect. 12.

The conclusion of this Treatise of curiosity; containing a singular curiosity of Livia, Tiberius Caesars wife.

BVT ere I fully close up this Treatise, and where I might bring before you many; let me onely present you with one woman, whose singular curiosity was admirable, or (if you will) casuall; it is reported by Cuspinian, an ancient and famous Au­thor, in the life of Tiberius Caesar; Livias curio­sity. that Livia being with childe of Tiberius, fell into an inquisitive curiosi­ty, to know whether the child she went withall should prove male or female: wherupon, repairing to Scribo­nius the Astrologer, she was advised by him to take an Egge from under a sitting Hen, and to hold it so long betwixt her hands, till (through the heate of them) the egge should burd and breake the shell; which ac­cordingly she did, and thereout came a Cock-chick­en: whereupon the Mathematician divined, that she should be delivered of a man childe; who as the bird was crested, should beare a crowne, and command over others: and so thereafter it happened.

OF DIVINE PHILOSOPHY, AND MANS FELICITY.

Section 1.

The Sunne and Moone in the Heavens compared to the understanding and will in Man. Aristotles definition of happinesse: The distinction of understanding and Will; and wherein ancient Philosophers placed their chiefe felicitie.

AS there are two Lamps in the heavens which enlighten this lower world,The under­standing and reason in man, is as the Sunne in the firma­ment. the Sunne, and the Moone: So there are two principall faculties which rule in Man, the understanding and the will. For as the Sunne in the Firmament, is as Master of the rest of the Stars, giving life to the Earth by the medi­ation [Page 206] of the Ayre; so this understanding ruleth the rest of the faculties of the minde;Will, as the Moone which should have no light cut from her Sun, reason. and as the Moone hath little light of her selfe (as being but a diaphanous body or susceptible of light) but what it borroweth from the Sunne, as the wife hath her lustre from her husband; so should not the will obstinately will any thing, but what the cleerenesse of the understanding foreseeth to bee conducible unto us; and what hath passed and bin sifted through the judgement; though otherwise we see it oft times come to passe. The Phi­losophers have a much disputed question, in what our happinesse consisteth, Whether in the actions of our understanding, or in those of our will (which indeed are nothing else but that which we terme contempla­tion and action) distinctly in any one of them, or in both conjunctly.

For seeing Aristotle defineth happinesse to bee an operation of the soule according to most perfect vertue,What happines is, according to Aristotle. and that elsewhere he calleth it, the best and pleasantest thing that is; it cannot be then but one; because, what is spoken superlatively, is peculiar but to one onely: so it would seeme, that this felicity or happinesse consisteth onely in the operation of one of them and not of both; the one and the other way being both for the object and their operation the most pleasant and perfect things we have: by the o­peration of our understanding or intellect,By our under­standing we know God, by our will we love him. we have the speculation and contemplating of God, and by the will his love.

Howsoever by this it would seeme, that it consist­eth in some one of the two onely; yet if we have re­gard to reason which enforceth the placing of it so, [Page 207] or the Texts in Scriptures, where it is said, that our happinesse consisteth in the contemplation of God, or in his knowledge; we shall finde, that neither this perfect vision and knowledge of God can be separa­ted from his love, nor his love from the knowledge of him. Wherefore it must consist of both joyntly.

But if by one of the two simply a man were made happy, then he could not totally, but diminitively be called so, which should not be thought; seeing no­thing which is not entire ought to be attributed to fe­licity, because it should not be defective in any thing: whereupon we may conclude,What, and wherein con­sisteth the old Philosophicall felicity, so much spoken of, being that whereof we now treate. that the perfect felicity whereof both the Philosophers of old have treated, and here now we handle, is neither divisively an acti­on of the intellect according to prudence and wis­dome, nor yet of the will, according to morall vertue, as Aristotle in his Politicks alledgeth; but one combi­ned of both according to perfect vertue.

For if the question were betwixt the two, to which of them the prerogative and pre-eminence should ap­pertaine, the matter were very ambiguous.

Section 2.

That our felicity consisteth in the actions of our will is con­futed: Aristotles opinion hereupon. A theologicall solution on it, seconded with a Philosophicall; and an agreement of both to solve the difference.

IT is true, that the understanding goeth before the will, whereas will must waite for information from the understanding; seeing we cannot well will a thing [Page 208] we understand not, Ignoti nulla cupido. Besides this, seeing our beatitude and felicity consisteth in the ac­quisition and fruition of the end of the thing we aime at:That our feli­ci [...] cannot consist in the actions of our will. certainely that cannot be by the act of our will, al­though it hath goodnesse it selfe for the object; con­sidering, that Will, almost even in the most regenerate is so depraved, that without the grace of God, we cannot so much as will any good thing, without the preceding judgement of reason, in regard that Will is defined to be a rationall appetite; consequently it is, that even in those who say that their will standeth for a reason, yet in their judgement there wanteth not their judiciary election.

For St. Bernard in his worke of Grace and Free-will affirmeth; that Will, to what hand soever it turne it selfe, hath reason accompanying it; yet not that it is alwayes guided with true reason, but that at least it is never without its owne reasons. These considerations being had, it would appeare, that this our happinesse should be placed in the understanding, and not in the actions of our will; except we take them so, as they have a reference to reason or understanding, in which they are rooted, or (at lest) should be.

But if that be true on the otherside,It would seem that our hap­pinesse did not co [...]sist in the actions of our reason and un­derstanding, but in these of our will. as certainly it is, which Aristotle in his Ethicks affirmeth, that our happinesse perfecteth it selfe by the most noble ope­ration of the most excellent part upon the excellen­test subject; sure it is, that the noblest part of a man is his soule, the most excellent faculty whereof is his free-will; whose most lively operation is love, and whose most worthy object is God: so that from thence it would follow, that our happinesse consisteth [Page 217] in the love of God, consequently in the operation of our will.

Now that the will hath the more excellent power then the understanding, is cleare; because that faculty (whose habits,Reasons in fa­vours of Will. operations and objects are more noble than the others) surpasseth the other: but so it is, that will surpasseth in all these, for knowledge and wisedome must give place to love and charity; be­cause it were better never to have knowne God, then having knowne him not to love him.

Besides all this, seeing the actions, which are done, doe depend upon the nature of the agent, the actions of the will, are so much more noble, then those of the understanding, in how far the Intellect may be neces­sitated by the object of it, and by forcible and convincing reasons, which it cannot withstand; whereas will is free and cannot bee forced; for then it should rather bee a nilling (to say so) then a willing.

Moreover in good Philosophy an argument taken from the nature of opposites is forcible: by the like reason I say then, if the understanding were better than the will, that then the contrary to the understan­ding were worse than the contrary to the will; seeing contraries are the consequences of contraries: but so it is not; for the contrary of will is worse than the op­posite to the Intellect; because the hatred of God, which is opposite to the love of God, which depen­deth upon the action of will, is worse than the igno­rance of him. Epist. 2. Pet. 6. 2.

Now as the actions of the will doe surpasse them of the understanding, so doth the object of it; for [Page 218] goodnesse which is the object of the will excelleth verity the object of the intellect,The actions of the will, the object of it seemes to bee more noble then these of the intellect. as farre as deeds doe words; seeing verity is nothing else, but an adaequa­tion or conformity of our conceptions with the words we utter.

Sect. 3.

Which of the three faculties of the soule, Vnderstan­ding, Memorie, and Will, is the most excellent.

THe three principall faculties of mans soule, un­derstanding, memory, and will, have their se­verall operations: the understanding playeth as it were the Advocate, memory the Clerke, and will the Iudge; but who knoweth not that the Iudge is al­wayes above the other two?

To say then that will cannot well make election without preceding sciscitation from the Intellect, is oft times true; but not alwayes: for sometimes with­out the information of understanding the will wor­keth, Et nunquam visae flagrabat amore puellae.

In a word, since the actions of the will are more noble then these of the understanding, it being true (as it is) that actions worke not but with a regard to their object: the object of the will being an universall good, and that of the understanding but a particular, under the restriction of verity; thereupon it follow­eth, that the object and action of the will (being the better) in them consisteth our happinesse.

Sect. 4.

Liberty and compulsion defined; that the will is prompted by the understanding, and that the adequate object of it proceedeth from thence; At what the will and un­derstanding chiefly aime, proved to bee the glory of God.

ARguments in the behalfe of will, are grounded most upon the freedome of its operations, whereas these of the understanding are coar­cted and limited as is said. Yet when all is spoken, our understanding wanteth not its owne liberty, at least in so farre as liberty is opposed to compulsion.

For if there were nothing compelled but that which is repugnant to the inclination of the thing, certaine it is that inclination to any thing agreeth ve­ry well with the intellect.

Now whereas it is said that the object of will which is good,Will and un­derstanding how coinci­dent. supposeth that of the intellect, which distinguisheth the veritie of the thing: we must consi­der; that the will of it selfe could not have willed that, except first by the understanding it had knowne it to be such; so by this meanes the will hath no fur­ther regard to the object of it, in so farre as it beget­teth felicity and happinesse, then the intellect hath; and although, by way of understanding, it bee made the adaequate or proper object of the will, yet it cea­seth not to bee the object of the understanding also; as having all things that are, and which may fall un­der [Page 220] our capacity, for object; and consequently, it shold be thought nobler and freer then the will, in regard of the boundlesse object which it hath in its extent.

But to leave the decision of this question to better Divines,This question of felicity con­sisting in will and understanding is coinci­dent with that Theologicall question, of Faith & good workes. seeing it falleth neere on the controversie of faith and good workes (by which together wee at­taine salvation, as by the operations of will and un­derstanding we attaine felicity)

I say, that all men naturally doe desire for the well of their will, to be happy and have contentment; and for the exercising of their understanding to have a marke to ayme at, which all Philosophers allow to be true; yet few of them came ever to the just point of both. It is necessary then to have a butt, and to have that good, and to have one, because GOD hath given us an understanding whose perfection is wis­dome, and so one; to which as at a marke our under­standing addresseth all her powers, and bendeth per­pectually all her forces: againe to have it good; be­cause hee hath given a will whose perfection is good­nesse.

And certainely, God who is wisedome and good­nesse himselfe, had an eye unto both these in the crea­tion of all things: For seeing the Philosophers con­fesse, that nature doth nothing amisse, what should then bee thought of God, whom nature serveth, is but as a handmaid.

Now as GOD who is the beginning, middle and end of all things, hath had no other end in his workes But himselfe: Even so, we his Creatures, should have no other ayme nor end in our actions but him only, seeing we have both our beginning, continuing and en­ding [Page 221] from him: Naturally all reasonable creatures doe wish well to themselves, and therefore propose some marke which they ayme at as their peculiar good: which can be nought else but the end for which man was created, to wit the glory of God, who hath made all things for it: So that in striving to come thi­ther, hee attaineth to his owne proper end and good, which is the good hee aymeth at and naturally see­keth.

By this meanes if we find either the principle butt of mans ayme or our Soveraigne good, wee have found both, the butt hee shooteth at as the object of his understanding, and his good for the object of the will; hee therefore should apply all his endeavours to this end, and all his desires to this his good.

Section 5.

That all Philosophicall precepts have come short to demon­strate true felicity; Philosophicall distinctions to know what is good of it selfe in Sciences; yet all weake to illustrate wherein mans true happinesse consisted; which is Philosophically agitated.

IF man had persisted in his first integrity, hee had not beene now to seeke this felicity; for then his understanding clearely perceaved truths, and his will readily desired all good things.

But since the losse of the first, the ladders of the [Page 222] Philosophers in all their sciences have beene too short to lead us to the latter:The end of all Sciences is to know, which the Philoso­pher saith is good of it selfe▪ for although their end is to know (which Aristotle affirmeth to bee good of it selfe, as by Morall Philosophy to discerne good from evill, and right from wrong; by physicke, health from sicknesse; by the Mathematicks, equall from unequall proportions: by Astrology, the course and force of the Starres, and the celestiall signes: by Geography the length and compasse of the earth; by the Physickes the naturall principles and causes of things: by Metaphysicks supreme essences, good and evill spirits) yet none of all these could leade us to that right knowledge that I intend here.

For all their sciences did conclude only to us, that a mans happinesse consisted in a quiet and pleasant life, whose tranquillity is not interrupted with feare, want, sicknesse and the like, but all these will not serve our turne; for their worth passeth no further than this life and the body, and so must perish; but true happi­nesse never hath an end.

In the handling then of this felicity and happines it must bee remarked,The proper­ties of our So­veraigne hap­pinesse. that it is common to the whole species of mankind, and therefore as all are borne ca­pable of that end, so all should tend to that butt.

Man feareth nothing more then his end (it being of all terrible things the most terrible) nor wisheth any thing more earnestly then ever to bee, and this Sove­raigne good wee aspire unto is the end of man; be­yond which we shall crave no more; for if there were any thing further to be craved, it could not be our end, because beyond the end there can be nothing; or if we craved any thing further, it could not be our Sove­raigne [Page 223] good;The greatest property of our feli [...]i [...]y is, as to crave no­thing more, so not to feare the losse of that which wee have. seeing the greatest property of this bea­titude is as to crave nothing further, so not to feare the losse of that we have, and withall to be content with that which we possesse.

Of necessity then, that which must bee our Sove­raigne good, behoved to be agreeable to the nature of man, particular to his species, yet common to all the individua of that kinde: And in so farre as it is our Soveraigne good, it must bee universall, perfect and everlasting. Thus having found out the nature of this our beatitude and felicity, let us a little run over the world, and al the Philosophers, to see, if either the one hath in her bosome, or if the other hath found it out by their curious inquiries.

Sect. 6.

That wealth and Honour cannot bee esteemed to be our su­preme good or felicity, and the reason therefore; Phi­losophers confuted by their difference of opinions: Opinions of severall sects of Philosophers concerning felicity instanced to that effect.

THe things of this world which should seeme to make a man most happy are these two,Wealth and honour cannot be our happi­nesse. wealth and honours; but alas! the one is winde, and the other clay; they content not all men, for all men attaine not unto them, and yet they that have them are not alwayes content, seeing they who have most, doe for the most part still crave more. [Page 224] Lastly they perish and decay; and the feare to lose them is more galling then the pleasure almost to en­joy them is solid; by which meanes they cannot bee our soveraigne good, seeing these doe neither limit our wishes, nor fulfill our wills: they are not com­mon nor permanent. Vigour, strength and beauty are but blossomes of youth, which decay with age.

As for the Philosophers,The different opinions of the Philosophers upon this pur­pose. looke how many sects and diverse orders they had, so different were their opi­nions. Aristotle in his Ethicks alleadgeth two sorts of happinesse; the one civill, and Politicke, which con­sisteth in the prudency of our actions; the other pri­vate and domesticke, which may be thought contem­plation: but both these leadeth us not to the end we hunt after, nor yet are they the end themselves. Pla­to indeed in his Phaedon commeth nearer the truth, when he saith, that beauty, health, strength, wit, doe corrupt and make us worse; so they cannot bee our chiefe good, unlesse conjoyned with the Gods good­nesse, whereunto Aristotle (both in his first booke De coelo, and in his worke De mundo) agreeth. But I list not hereto fill this short Treatise, with long and tedious allegations of authorities.

St. Aug. in the 19th. booke of the City of God, in the 1. chap. reports out of Varro, that there was in his dayes 288. different opinions upon that matter, but few or none that hit aright.

For as in Mathematicks, a little errour in the be­ginning becommeth great in the end; as the mista­king of one in a million in the beginning, falsifies the whole account in the end: so fared it with them; the further they went, the further they strayed. Socrates [Page 225] indeed came neere (by the Oracle of Delphos thought to be the wisest amongst them all;Happinesse wherein it did consist, accor­ding to Socra. in respect he con­fessed, he knew nothing, because he knew not him­selfe) when he saith, that if any man may be termed happy, it must be he who hath a cleere and undefiled conscience, whose tranquill and secure ignorance is not perturbed with the worlds cares, but being void of coveting and feare, which molested others, neither needeth nor craveth any more.

Solon thinketh, that no man can be happy before his death, seeing the end crowneth all; considering belike, that as a Ship which hath sailed the vast and spacious Seas, when to appearance all danger is past, may peradventure make shipwrack in the haven: so might a man whose life had beene past in pleasures and security, make a tragicall end, as monuments of all ages can beare record: and the particular example of Croesus King of Lydia, who in his dying houre cal­led on the name of Solon, attesting this saying of him to be true: and this same Solon, hit the marke a great deale neerer than Epicurus, The Epicure­ans and Sto­icks, their opinions▪ who placeth our felicity in the pleasure of the body; whom the Stoicks deride, saying, that there was no rose without its prickle, and so they setled it in the peaceable governement of morall vertues. From these againe the Perpateticks, and Academick Philosophers doe differ, amongst whom, divine Plato hath come neerest the foresaid marke.

Sect. 7.

The later Philosophers have aimed neerer the definition of true felicity than the more ancient; and their opinions specified. The finall and true scope of mans felicity, is illustrated with an exhortatory conclusion to all men for endeavouring to attaine unto it.

THE later Philosophers doe cleare this matter more fully;The latter Philosophers have refuted al others establi­shing their owne. wherefore more worthy of citation, as Seneca, Cicero, Plutarch, Iamblic (que), and Porphyre, all which have not onely refuted most wittily the Epi­cures and Stoicks touching their opinions, but have shewen that they and all the others were onely dispu­table opinions, and have concluded, that the beati­tude of man consisteth in the knowledge and union of us with God: but little knew they that the first knot of our union with this God was united, and therefore the question is harder now; how we are to be reuni­ted againe.

To cast up here the opinion of Aristippus, who pla­ced our happinesse in Venery; or of Diodorus, in the Privation of paine; of Calypso, and Dinomachus in Pleasure and honesty together: of Herullus, in the knowledge of Sciences, esteeming that thereby we might live both contentedly and prudently: of Zeno, in living according to nature; and so forth in the rest; might bee enough to try the readers patience: seeing of these things which they esteemed happi­nesse, [Page 227] some were common to us with the Beasts; others were not common to all, and so they failed in the rules of our felicity.

This being so,Finally, what our true felici­ty is, and wherein it doth consist. let us now at least finde it out, and so in a word conclude. Briefly, as all happinesse at first consisted in the union of man with God; so our happinesse renewed, consisteth in the reunion of us with the same God, from whom we have fallen; by which reuniting, we shall both contemplate his face, and love him, in whom we shall have our joy accomplished, wherewith the heart of man can never here be satiated, beyond which we shall crave no far­ther: this felicity is not peculiar to the great ones of this world above the meaner, but equally obtainable of all who in humility of heart, and uprightnesse of conversation, doe imbrace IESVS the Sonne of GOD, by whom onely we may be reunited, since he is the onely and soveraigne Mediator, blessed from all eternity.

The conscience, which hath its assurance grounded upon this foundation, and rock of verity, may call it selfe truly happy, because it hath the earnest in this life, of that great felicity which is to come, whereby it possesseth it selfe in peace which passeth all naturall understanding (one of the surest tokens of this happi­nesse) neither perturbed with the terrors of the super­stitious, nor yet with the carelessenesse and lulled se­curity of the Atheist; but in a sweet harmony be­twixt the two extremes,By this sove­raine felicity, a man liveth in tranquility, and dieth in peace. it retaineth the golden me­diocrity.

This is that soveraigne felicity to my judgement, whereby a man liveth contentedly here, whatsoever [Page 228] befalleth him; and dyeth in peaceable assurance of that happinesse which is to come; which soveraigne felicity we shall attaine unto, if by a lively faith wee embrace the Sonne, and live according to his will; and so put in ure and practise that great Canon of Re­ligion, to live and beleeve well; espousing by that meanes our will and understanding together.

THE CONSONANCIE AND agreement of the ancient Phi­losophers, with our Chri­stian Professours.

Section 1.

The difference betwixt the Physiologer and Physician; compared to that betwixt the Metaphysician and divine. Some of Plato's opinions not farre dissonant from our Christian: The multiplicity of Heathenish gods: That Plato came neere the definition of the Trinity.

AS, where the Physiologer leaveth to contemplate, there the Physitian beginneth; so where the Metaphy­sitians end, there the Divines com­mence their study, not to follow forth their doings, but, to refine their grosser rudiments; like cun­ning Painters, by the subtiltie of their Art, giving life, [Page 230] breathing,A Simile. and in a manner, moving unto a picture, wch a more grosse Painter had but rudely delineated.

It was of old held for a truth, Platonicos pa [...]cis mu­tatis fieri posse Christianos: That with the change but of a very point, the Platonicke Philosophers might be brought to be Christians; from whence Plato was called Divine.

Who so shall revolve the monuments of his workes,Difference be­twixt Plato­nick and Chri­stians. shall find that, not without reason, hee hath beene so styled: for all other sects of Philosophers, have but like men in Cimmerian darkenesse, groping­ly stumbled, now and then, upon the nature of the true God-head; and every nation in those dayes, had their severall, and those strangely imaginarie Gods, distinguished in so many rankes, imployed in so ma­ny businesses, appointed to so many different and sometime base offices; that their number, in fine, be­came almost innumerable!Multiplicity of Gods, amongst the heathen. In the meane time this man, soaring above them al, hath more neerly jumped with our beliefe touching the God-head. In so farre that Amuleus that great Doctor in Porphyre his Schooles having read Saint Iohn the Evangelist his proeme, was strooke with silence and admiration, as ravished with his words; but at length burst out in these termes: by Iupiter (saith he) so thinketh a Bar­barian, meaning Plato; that in the beginning the word was with God, that it is this great God by whom all things were made and created.

Now that this is true, This much I find, in his Par­menides, concerning the nature of the God-head. That there are three things to bee established concer­ning the maker of all:The Trinity shadowed by Plato. which three must be coeternal, viz.

[Page 231] That he is good; that he hath a minde or understan­ding; and that he is the life of the world.

Section 2.

Of Gods Creating and conserving of all things in an or­derly order; Plato's Reasons that the world hath a life. Aristotles opinion of God; hee is praysed, and at his dying preferred before many doubtfull Christians.

THis King or father of all, which is above all nature, immoveable yet moving all; hath in him an exuberant and overflowing good­nesse! From the Father and goodnesse, the minde or understanding proceedeth, as from the inbred light of the Sun commeth a certaine splendor; which minde is the divine or Fathers Intelligence, and the first borne Son of goodnesse.

From this minde (the life of the world) floweth a certaine brightnesse, as from light; which breatheth over all, distributeth, yeeldeth, and conteyneth all things in life; So that the world which consisteth of foure principles, or elements, comprehended within the compasse of the heavens, is but a body, whose partes, as the members of a living creature, cohering and linked together, are moved, and doe draw breath by benefit of this life or spirit (as he thinks.) This Vir­gil in his sixth of the Aeneids aymed at when he saith,

[Page 232]
Principio coelum & terras, campos (que) liquentes,
Lucentem (que) globum lunae, Titania (que) astra
Spiritus intus alit, totam (que) infusa per artus
Mens agitat molem, & magno se corpore miscet.

By his opinion here,Plato his rea­sons why the world liveth. as all animalls and living crea­tures doe live every one by their owne life; so the world as of greater dignity then any of the rest, hath a more noble life whereby it moveth, then they: And in effect, many pithy reasons he produceth both in his Epimenides, in Timaeo, and in the 10. Booke of his Lawes, to prove the world to bee an animall, both from the constant and perpetuall course of the hea­vens; from that naturall heat of the Sun, seeing the Sun and man ingender man, to which, as to all the Starres, he attributeth a soule, by which they live; but so, that as they are of a delicate and transparent body, so live they a most blessed life: yet not that they are moved with an other life then the whole world is.

For as in the body of man the soule, whereby our sinewes, bones, flesh, bloud and all, are moved is one and the same, notwithstanding all the members be not alike vivificated; so is it there.

For what reason is there (saith he) that man who is called a little world, and encompassed of the foure elements, as well as the great world is, should be said to live, and in the meane time to deprive the greater one of life; Seeing the motion of the heavens, and of her lights, the moving of the Seas, the seasons of the yeare, all keepe their equall and constant cour­ses? Alwayes as Plato here before setleth a Trinity in the God-head, the Father; the minde, or mens which [Page 233] is the Son; and the life of the world flowing from them as the Spirit, and as brightnesse from light: So in his Timaeo he avoucheth that there is in the heavens one certaine Ens, which is ever alike unto it selfe, without beginning or ending, which neither needeth, nor taketh helpe of any; which can neither be seene by mortall eye, nor yet perceived by any mortall sense, but onely to be contemplated by our minde and understanding. So Aristotle in his Metaphysicks, and in his workes De mundo, esteemeth this Ens, sem­piternall, unmeasurable, incorporeall, and individu­all, not resting in this habitable world, but above it, in a sublime one, unchangeable, not subject unto any passion or affection; who as hee hath of himselfe a most blessed and perfect life, so without errour may it be said of him, that he giveth life unto all other things below; and it is to be observed, that as in his wri­tings hee acknowledged this God, so in his dying-houre, he made his writings and words jumpe toge­ther. Which is so much the rather to be remarked: because, whereas many Christians did professe a sort of religion in their life-time, which on their death-beds they did disclaime: yet this man as he acknow­ledged God in his writings; so dying, he recommen­ded his soule unto him in these words, Ens entium, mi­serere mei.

And particularly in his Booke of the Heavens, the 9. cap. as is cleere; there (saith he) without the out­most heavens there is no place, vacuity, or end: be­cause, those that are there, are not apt or meet to bee in place; neither yet maketh time them any older, nor are they subject to change, or alteration, being ex­exempted [Page 234] from all passion, affection or change: they leade a most blessed and eternall life.

And in the 12. of his Metaphysicks, cap. 7. but more especially, cap. 10. De unitate primi motoris. In God (saith he) is age and life eternall, and continuall, which is God himselfe.

Section 3.

Platos opinion concerning the Creation of the world; se­conded by Socrates and Antisthenes: Opinions of Plato, Aristotle, and other Philosophers, confirming God onely to be the Creator of all things.

AS the Philosophers doe agree with us herein, and in sundry other places about the nature of God, so doe they likewise; that this God made the world, and all that is in it, governeth it, and sustaineth it. And first Plato in Timaeo: if, saith he, this world be created and begotten; it must necessarily be, by some preceding cause, which cause must be eternall, and be gotten of none other.

Now what this cause is, in his Epimenides thus he expresseth, I (saith he there) maintaine God to be the cause of all things, neither can it be other wayes. And in that dispute which is betwixt Socrates and his friend Crito: let us not be solicitous what the people esteeme of us, but what hee thinketh who knoweth equity from iniquity, who is above, and the only ve­rity, who cannot be knowne, nor pourtrayed by any image or representation (saith he) because no eye [Page 235] hath, or can see him: who whilest hee moveth all things, yet abideth unmoveable, who is knowne to be mighty and powerfull, and who is onely knowne by his workes to be the Creator of this world:His opinion of God. as Socra­tes, so his disciple Antisthenes acknowledged this: yea, Plato in Epimenide, maintaineth these Gods to know all things, to heare and see them: then, that nothing escapeth their knowledge, whatsoever mortall things they be that live or breathe. And Aristotle in his booke De mundo, proveth, that all things which it comprehendeth, are conserved by God; that he is the perfecter of all things that are here on earth; not wea­ried (saith hee) like man, but by his endlesse vertue indefatigable.

By all which, we may discerne, that hee acknow­ledgeth, (I may say religiously) this visible world, and all things therein to be created of God, as in the 2 Book and 10. chap. of his Worke of generation and corruption, at large appeareth. To which authori­ties we may adde these of Galenus, lib. 2. De foetu for­mando; and of Plato, Deum opificem & rectorem nostri esse: and that of Aristotle, Deum cum genitorem, tum conservatorem nostri esse, quorum principium, medium & finem continet. Of Theophrast, Divinum quiddam omnium principium, cujus beneficio sint & permaneant universa. Of Theodoret, Deus ut Creator naturae, sic & conservator, non enim quam fecit naviculam destituet: but chiefly Galen, Eum qui corpus nostrum finxit, qui­cunqueis fuerit, adhuc in conf [...]rmatis particulis manere.

Now although in these particulars they agree both with us, and amongst themselves; yet in one point, as may be seene in the subsequent section, they differ.

Sect. 4.

Opinions of Plato, Aristotle and some Hebrewes, concer­ning the worlds eternity. The consonancy of opinions betwixt some ancient Philosophers and Moses about the worlds creation.

ARistotle would conclude the eternity of the world, saying,Some of the Hebrews of the same mind. that as it had being from before all be­ginning, so that it should never have an end; to which opinions some of the Hebrewes (particularly Leo the Thesbite) seeme to assent so far, (howbeit they speake not of the ever durancie of it) that after six thou­sand yeeres expired, they understand it shall rest one thousand; which then ended, it shall begin of new againe, and last other seven. And so by course last, and rest, till the revolution of that great jubile of se­ven times seven be out runne. At which time, then this elementary world, and nature the mother of all things shall cease. To which opinion some way Ori­gen in his worke [...], Quod mundus cum tempore coeperit, did incline.

Yet for all this, I say, Plato in his Timaeo, speaking of the procreation of the world, and of the vertues of the heavens, proved that the world had a beginning, and consequently that it shall have an end. And that this is true (saith he,) it is aspectable, and may bee seene, it may be handled, it hath a body: whence followeth, that it hath beene begotten, and seeing it [Page 237] is begotten, it must bee by some preceding cause: Now, saith hee, as it is a great worke to search out this causer of it, so by our enquiry having found him, to divulge him unto the vulgar is not altogether con­venient. Further he saith, that God willing to beauti­fie this world, as his chiefe worke, made it a living creature subject to our sight; containing within the inclosure of it, all other living creatures, according unto their severall species and kindes; whereas he ap­procheth neerer the minde and sense of our professi­on,Platos opinion of propagation and continu­ance of all things. than his fellow Aristotle: so directly in his Ti­maeo he maintaineth, that as God created or begat the world, so he infused in it a procreative power; which by divine or heavenly heate, induced from above, might propagate and procreate every thing accor­ding unto the owne kinde of it, whether living or ve­getable, whether above or below. And as the great Prophet, and servant of God, Moses, bringeth in God speaking unto his creatures after their creation was finished,Platos termes not far diffe­rent from Mo­ses words. Increase and multiply, &c. So Plato in his Timaeo, bringeth in God speaking of the world, and all contained therein, in these words; All ye who are created by mee, give eare to what I am to say, I will give you seed and a beginning of being; where­fore, doe ye for your parts beget, and bring to light living creatures after your kinds: augment and nou­rish them with food, and when they shall cease to be, let the earth receive them back againe from whence they came. And to this Aristotle in his 2 Book De ge­neratione & corruptione, cap. 10. giveth way where pre­ferring in that place generation unto corruption, hee saith, that it is more worthy to be, then not to be; [Page 238] seeing properly to be appertaineth onely unto God, and not unto creatures.

After the fabrick of the universe was accomplished, it should have beene for no purpose, if creatures had beene wanting in it: therefore lest God should seeme to have forgot it, he infused in every one, according unto their owne kind, a procreative power, by which the generation of things might be perpetuated.

But how did he this? saith hee, First generally, having spread abroad in the Heavens, and Starres his divine seed (for they claime a part in our generation) Then particularly, in every thing the owne proper seed of it: all which he avoucheth in the 12. Booke of his Metaphysicks, cap. 7.

Section 5.

Ancient Philosophers attributed the framing and con­tinuance of all sublunary Creatures (as we Christians doe) unto God; with a recapitulation of severall con­sonancies betwixt us and them.

IN wch places and severall others of their workes, as these worthy men have ascribed the cause of the being of all things unto God; contrary to the opinion of these other frivolous preceding Philoso­phers; who imputed the cause of it unto the concourse of Atomes: So ascribe they the government of all these sublunary things unto the powers above, with [Page 239] us Christians: and not unto chance or fortune, as these former Philosophers did.

Thus Aristotle in the first of his Meteorologicks; It is necessary, saith he, that this whole world which environeth the earth, should be continuated with the superior conversions, or revolutions of those celestiall circles, and bodies, which roll, and wheele above: because the whole vertue of it dependeth from thence. Neither is it probable, that he, who hath created the world, and all that is within it, should abandon and leave it so: but that as the frame of the fabricke was his, so likewise the guiding and ruling of it should be ascribed unto him also.

Which is more cleerely exprest by the said Ari­stotle, in his booke De mundo. Where he saith that it is an old saying, and left by tradition from our fore­fathers; that all things both are of God, and likewise sustained by him; and that there is no nature of it selfe, left unto it's owne Tutory able to attaine well being (for so I interprete Salutem) without his assistance or helpe: wherefore his opinion is, that God holdeth the beginning, middle, and end of all things. So Theo­phrast saith, that all things have a divine beginning, by which they are and doe subsist.

Dionysius likewise in his booke De divinis nominibus avoucheth, that nothing hath subsistance, but by the omnipotent power of God: with whom, Theodoret, that the governour of nature is the Creator of it: neither will he forgoe that Ship which hee hath built: Hence GOD is said by the ancients to bee divided through all natures, as if all were full of God; be­cause his divine power spreadeth it selfe over, and is [Page 238] [...] [Page 239] [...] [Page 240] seene in all his workes, how be it one way in the hea­vens, another way againe in the inferiour creatures; for in them also his power manifesteth it selfe.

Inde hominum pecudum (que) genus, vitae (que) volantum,
Et quae marmoreo fert monstra sub aequore pontus,
Igneus est [...]llis vigor & coelestis origo
Seminibus—

Section 6.

Severall other opinions wherein the Ancient Heathnicks agreed with us Christians; Confirmed by the Testimo­nyes of their Poets.

GOD then as he created all things,Comparison of the old Ro­man Philoso­phers with the Roman Church now. maintaineth and governeth them, both according to these Philosophers opinions, and ours; so they jumpe with us in this, that, to procure his greater fa­vour and to shun his greater curse, we should adore, invoke, and sacrifice unto him not only the calves of our lippes, but reall sacrifices, as in those dayes under the law was done by Aaron and his successors under the Old Testament; and as they who were ap­pointed to attend upon the Altar were sequestrated from amongst the rest of the people, so was it amongst them.

The Poets are full of the testimony of both these.

Now as particularly Processions were used for the good successe of their cornes, (as yet in the Roman [Page 241] Church is observed) so had they particular dayes, which they esteemed more sacred then others. Tibul­lus in the first Elegie of his second booke perfectly particularizeth it.

Dii Patrii, purgamus agros, purgamus agrestes,
Vos mala de nostris pellite limitibus.
Neu seges eludat messem, &c.
Vina diem celebrent: non festâ luce madere
Est rubor, errantes & malè ferre pedes.

And as yet in the said Church there is invocation of certaine Saints, for such or such diseases, and for raine, whose relicts in such processions they carry about; so the same Poet in the same Elegie acknowledgeth some Gods to be appropriated (as I may say) to this, or that use and place.

Huc ades aspiraque mihi, dum carmine nostro
Redditur agricolis gratia Coelitibus
Ruracano, rurisque Deos.

Lastly as in the new Roman profession there is almost in every family the Statue of some Saint, so finde I amongst the ancient to have beene the like.

Sed patrii servate lares; aluistis iidem, cursarem vestros cùm tener antepedes.
Nec pudeat prisco vos esse è stirpite factos,
Sic veteris sedes incoluistis avi.
Tunc melius tenuere fidem: cùm paupere cultu
Stabat in exigua ligneus aede Deus.

That they acknowledged nothing to happen unto men by chance, but by the dispensation of the su­preme powers, In that also they agreed with us.

Finally, I may say that as these Philosophers ac­knowledged punishments for sins to be inflicted upon [Page 242] men both in their life, and after their death, so had they confidence of joyes to be reaped in the world to come for their good deeds, as Socrates in his Apologie for himselfe at length declareth.

Sect. 7.

Of good and bad Spirits: and wherein the opinions of the Heathnicks agree with ours concerning good Spirits.

AS for their opinion concerning good, or bad spirits; I reade Plato and Aristotle come so neere ours, that you would beleeve, that they had collected their sayings out of the holy Scriptures yet they doe startle my beliefe, when they say that the continuall rolling of the celestiall orbes and their spi­rits doe make that harmony they speak of in the hea­vens; I could much easier have trusted them if they had spoken any thing of Musicke within the heavens by those spirits, where wee have warrant indeed, that the blessed Spirits there, assisting the presence of him that sitteth upon the Throne, doe sing Allelujas, glo­ry to God on high. Which good Spirits, as I finde them distributed in 9. severall Quires or orders by Dionysius, so in Plato finde I 9. distinct orders of good daemones.

Yea the story of the evill spirits is no cleerer set downe by our owne Writers, then they have it expres­sed in theirs.

The blessed spirits as I was saying, are divided by [Page 243] Dionysius in these Quyres,The Hierar­chie of blessed Spirits. Seraphins, Cherubins, Thrones, Dominations, Vertues, Powers, Principa­lities, Arch-angels, and Angels; subdivided in two rankes.

The first of them assisting the presence of the Al­mighty.

The second is called inferior, because as it obeyeth the commandement of the first (as Dionysius in the tenth Chap. of his booke touching the heavenly hie­rarchie witnesseth:) so their imployment is much in the world: as the Lord his servants excuting his wil, appointed either for whole countries, or particular persons.

Apparent accinctae aurae flammaeque ministrae, ut jussa accipiant.

Sect. 8.

How neere the Ancients agree with us concerning bad spirits; and in what orders they were divided of old.

AS for the b [...]d spirits who were banished hea­ven, (the first and best mansion) for their pride, they invaded the principality of this world, and so bewitched it by their craft, that there was no nation almost that they did not draw to their obedi­ence under the name of God, and that so strangely, that every where after a like manner, they were wor­shipped and adored as Gods, both amongst the French Druides, and the remotest Gymnosophists of [Page 244] the Indies, in shapes of Idols: how soever since the comming of our Lord and Saviour Iesus Christ, both they and the old Sybillas have ceassed for a great part, although, yet in many places their sacrifices doe continue. And that same Lucifer goeth about yet as a roaring Lion seeking whom he may devoure.

So Plato by severall arguments proveth not onely that they are, but setteth down their division and pow­er over the world; both generally and particularly. But leaving all, both Deos majorum, and minorum gen­tium, The gods, as they termed them, of greater, or lesser Nations; their Gods Patrii and Penates, ordai­ned for the custodie of provinces, or families; their Dii Lares, which were propitious ones, or Larvae the badder sort, with their Genii, good or bad Angels, or­dained as they thought for the guarde and attendance of every particular person and so forth, I conclude this Treatise.

OF SLEEPE AND DREAMES.

Section 1.

That nothing can subsist without sleepe or rest; Exempli­fied in the death of Perseus King of Macedon: The Primary and secondary causes of sleepe: That a sound conscience is a great motive to sound sleepe; Pro­ved in the example of Thirois and his two Sonnes.

ALL motion tendeth to,Sleepe, main­teiner of all living creatures and endeth in rest, except that of the Heavens; Which, in a perennall rotation wheeleth ever about! Wherefore men, beasts, Fowle, Fishes, after the dayes travell doe covet, and betake themselves to rest, as it is in the Poet.

[Page 246]
Nox erat, & placidum carpebant fessa soporem
Corpora, per terras, syluae (que) & saua quierunt
Aequora, cum medio volvuntur sider a lapsu,
Cum tacet omnis ager, pecudes, pictae (que) volucres.
—Et corda oblita laborum, &c.
Captabant placidi tranquilla oblivia somni.

This sleepe is so necessary to the life of man,Perseus dyed for want of sleepe. that for want of it many have dyed, as Perseus King of Macedon, who being prisoner in Rome, and for torture being kept from sleepe, there dyed.

Causes of sleep are two fold, Primary and secondary: The true, Primary, Philosophicall, and immediate cause of sleepe may be said to be this; the heart, the foun­taine and seat of life, having much adoe to furnish every part of the body with the streames of vitall spi­rits, hath most adoe to furnish the braines, which are the greatest wasters of them, in regard of the many and ample employments it hath for them,Causes of sleep as for Pensing, Projecting, consulting, reasoning, hearing, seeing and so forth; which functions of the braine doe so exhaust the animall spirits, sent up thither per venas carotides, through the veines organs; after by circulation in that admirable Rete, or net of the braine, they are there set­led, that of all necessity either our life in the heart be­hooveth to cease, or it must betake it selfe to rest againe, for the recollection and drawing backe of her spent vitall spirits, to refurnish the braines with a new recrew of them.

Secondary causes of sleepe are divers;Secondary. as excessive labour, agitation of the body, repletion, as by excesse of meates or drinkes, inanition, as by Copulation and [Page 247] many more of this kinde, which doe so waste the spi­rits, that of necessity, there behooveth a cessation to be for a time, that new spirits may be recollected for re­freshing of it; Ausonius wittily chiding his servants lasie drowsinesse, imputes it to excesse of meate and drinke.

Dormiunt glires hiemem Perennem,
At cibo parcunt; tibi causa, somni est
Multa quod potes; nimia (que) tendas
—Mole saginam.

Adde to these causes the tranquillity of a sound Conscience; Whereupon it was, that the two Sons of Thirois (mentioned by Quintilian) upon most reason­able judgement; were quitted from the murther of their Father,Thirois mur­ther. who was found in that same Chamber with them alone, and they both in a sound sleepe, the mur­therer perchance having fled away: for it was reasoned, no men, guilty of so heynous a crime, as Patricide, could sleepe so soundly, as they were found to doe, by the discoverers of their murdered Father. But leaving examples of this or the former causes whereof every where are plenty, I proceed.

Section 2.

Examples of Kings and great Commanders, that upon the thoughtfulnesse of some great exploite or encounter, have beene extraordinarily surprized with unusuall sleepe; and the resons thereof agitated.

VVE reade that great men and Commanders upon the most important poynt of their ex­ploytes and affaires, have sometime fallen in so deepe sleepes, that their servants and followers have had much adoe to get them to awake, the like formerly being never perceaved in them. Iustinus and Quintus Curtius in the life of Alexander the great relate of him: That, in the morning of that day appoynted for that memorable battell betwixt him and Darius, Alexander the great his sleep. he fell in so deepe a sleepe, and slept so long, that, on the very shock of the battell, very hardly could his favorite Parmenio, after two or three tryalls get him to awake. It is agreed upon that hotter constitutions are least subject to sleepe, and all his actions and proceedings marke him out to be such an one; so it could not be his constitution that brought that sleepinesse on him; but he being then in hazard either to loose or conquer a field, whereby both his Crowne, Countrey, and re­putation lay at the stake (motives to keep a man awake) had so, no question, toyled his minde and body in the right preparing and ordering of all things befitting a man of his place, for the encounter; that being at a [Page 249] resolution, he gave himselfe to sleepe, which his for­mer thoughtfulnesse and paines did augment upon him; and not, as some would have it, the terror of his enemies forces: as Marcus Anthonius objected to Augustus in that Navall combat against Pompey in Si­cilie,Augustus his. that he had not courage enough to behold the or­der of the battell; for indeed he fell asleepe and slept so long till the Victory was his, which he knew not of till Agrippa with much adoe had awaked him.

But indeed I construe both their courages rather to have beene so great (as their former and succeeding actions may witnesse) that they disdayned that the ap­p [...]hension of such hazards or accidents as might ensue so great encounters, should any way startle them from giving way to their owne inclinations, whether to sleepe or wake, or doe or not doe this or that.

Section 3.

Alexander the great his sound sleeping, when hee should have encountred Darius in battell, heere excused. Catoes sleeping before his death, whereupon is inferred a dis­course against selfe-Murder.

BVt laying all these excuses aside; I cannot much marvell at this sleeping of Alexander, he being so young in the flower of his age, and so more [Page 250] subject to sleepe;Alexanders great fortune. besides being so puffed up with the fortunate successes of his affaires, which made him have so high a conceit of himselfe, (as to whom (sayth one) fortune gave up townes captive, and to whose pil­low, whilest he slept, victories were brought;) as I must admire that strange sleepe of Cato; who, after Caesars▪ Conquest of the field at Pharsalia, despairing of the liberty of his enslaved Countrey, resolved to kill himselfe rather then behold the ensuing alteration which Caesars government would bring with it; He then (I say) having put all his domestick affaires in order,Catoes sleepe. expecting newes of the departure of his Col­leagues from the Port of Vtica, fell in so sound a sleepe, that his servants in the next roome, overheard him to snort extreamly; yet after that sleepe, which (as it should seeme) would have opened the eyes of any mans reason and understanding, so farre as not onely to abhorre his first so ill-sett resolution, but totally to extirpate a future thought of so damned an intention: he awaked so strongly confirmed in his former intent, that forthwith he stabbed himselfe:His death. And sleepe is sayd to mollifie and mitigate fury or rage in any mans minde, Praeter Catonis invictum animum.

Now, though this man, (whom, his many other excellent vertues had made famous) and many other worthy men amongst the ancients, did imagine for the like deathes to be highly commended for courage; yet Saint Augustine (and with him every good Christian) reputeth it rather to be an infallible marke of Pusilla­nimity,A digression against selfe murder. and want of firme and constant resolution, to behold and withstand dangers, and inciteth us rather [Page 251] to awaite death, which is the worst that can befall us; then, to prevent the sufferance of triviall crosses by un­naturally Boutchering our selves:In his booke de Senectute. To which pur­pose Cicero, in presence of this same Cato, saith: That since, we are placed here by our generall the GOD Almighty, as Souldiers in a garrison; that it behooveth us not basely to forgoe our station, till it be his good pleasure to call us off: So much for sleepe, now to dreames which are the companions of sleepe.

Section 4.

Of Dreames, both Naturall, Accidentall, Divine and Diabolicall: Apollodorus dreame; Abrahams, Iosephs, Pharaohs, Nebuchadnezzars, &c.

MAny more things might have beene brought in, in the former Sections, as of those that walke or talke in their sleepe, with the reasons thereof, and illustrations to that purpose; but so many having hand­led those theames, and I studying so much as I can brevity, and to shun tautologies, I remit the Reader to them; and will now by the way touch upon dreames: And they are either Naturall,Division of dreames. Accidentall, Divine or Diabolicall.

Naturall are caused either by the Predominant mat­ter, humor or affections in us: As the Cholericke, who [Page 252] dreameth of fire, debates, skirmishes and the like; The Sanguine, of love-sports and all joviall things; The Melancholicke on death,Natural which dangers, solitudes, &c. where the flegmaticke dreameth of Waters, Seas, drowning and the rest.

These dreames which proceed from our Naturall or predominant affections are either of love, jealousie, feare, avarice, envy, &c. by the first we may Presage and judge of the sickenesses which may ensue upon the superaboundance of such and such humors; (because they being the effects of the redundancy of these hu­mors, have a connexion in Nature with them, as all other effects have in their causes.) By the latter dreams we may presage, and judge of the affections, and passions of the mind, and so consequently of the vices, consisting in their extreames; So the avaricious dream­eth of gold, the lover of his Mistris, the Iealous of his corrivall, &c. and if not ever, yet for the most part, this happeneth true or at least in part.

Accidentall dreames,Accidentall. are caused either by dyet, by feare or joy conceaved in the day time; or the pro­pense desire to have such or such a thing to come to passe, and the like: Thus oft times a vicious soule will figure to it selfe in dreames the terrors that it feareth: As Apollodorus, who dreaming that the Scythians were fleaing off his skinne, thought that his owne heart mur­mured this unto him: Wretched man that thou art! I am the occasion of all these thy evills which thou en­durest.

Divine dreames are those,Divine. whereby it pleaseth God to give either a warning or insight of things to come▪ [Page 253] such the Lord sent on Abraham the fifteenth of Genesis; and on Ioseph in the first of Saint Mathew; that too of Pharaoh, Genesis forty one: Of Pharaohs Butler, and Baker, Genesis forty: of Nebuchadnezzar, &c.

Diabolicall dreames cannot fore-shew any thing un­to any man;Diabolicall▪ they may give a shaddow or representa­tion of things past unto us, but not otherwise: Then seeing there is little connexion of things past and to come, therefore can there be no foresight by them; for although the Divell knoweth many things, and at some times even speaketh the truth of things to come, thereby to inveigle our credulity, when in effect he on­ly lyeth to deceave us; yet unto them we ought to give no regard or faith. Now how Naturall or accidentall dreames can portend or foreshew future things, it is doubted: indeed Cardan setteth downe the [...] how, but not the [...] why, any wayes cleerely enough, to my understanding.

For the dreames that GOD sendeth upon a man, I understand to be mysticall, and portending somthing touching his service: Our spirits it cannot well bee; for when we are awake, we cannot foreshew any thing to come, at least without praemeditation, not by any Philosophicall ground whatsoever. Neither can they be moved by the divel, for he is a deceaver, and all his workes impostures: It must be then some other spirit, that infuseth these accidentall dreames whereof we will instance examples heereafter; to my mind, it must be rather some peculiar extraordinary inspira­tion in the dreamer for the time, than Anima Mundi, [Page 254] or spiritus universitatis, although many learned men ascrybe such dreames to it particularly.

An example of this kind I read in Herodian, Severus dream of Pertinax. where it is reported, that the Emperor Severus dreamed he saw Pertinax mounted upon his richly Caparassoned Horse, and receaved as Emperor by the Pretorian Souldiers, but that the Horse straight wayes flung Pertinax off his backe, and came stooping to Severus; who reaching the Horse by the mayne forthwith mounted him, and was by the same Souldiers recea­ved and admitted Emperor; which indeed came so to passe.

Section 5.

The Emperor Severus his dreame of Pertinax; which he caused to be molded in Brasse; An admirable dreame of the Emperor Henry the fifth; Cicero's of Octavianus. That beasts dreame, but hard labouring men seldome; and the reason thereof, &c.

WHereon hee caused the whole drift as it happened,Severus cau­seth to be cast the manner of his dreame in brasse. to be cast in brasse, of which at length in Sabellicus Aenead. 7. lib. 5.

To which I may subjoyne that dreame of the Em­peror Henry the fifth, who being grievously pained with the stone, dreamt that Saint Barnabas had cut him and gave him the stone in his hand;Henry the 5th. his admirable dreame. which when he awaked, to his great Ioy he found to be true, if we may be beleeve Cuspinian.

Likewise that Dreame of Cicero may bee ranked a­mongst these: He dreamt that there appeared a Boy [Page 255] before him who once should be Emperor and Master over Rome;Cicero's dream of Octavianus. the next day, after his accustomed man­ner passing through the publicke market place, and espying Octavianus Augustus a little boy playing the part of a Commander over the rest of his com­panions, he called to minde the feature and stature of the boy who the night before had appeared to him in his sleepe, and finding that in every lineament he assi­milated Octavianus, took him by the hand & brought him before all the people that were there assembled, presented him, and told them that one day that boy should command over them, which thereafter came to passe.

Now dreaming is not proper to men only when they sleep, but to beasts also; for War Horses accusto­med to allarmes, and skirmishes, are observed to start as afrighted, and sometime to neigh; Spaniels, Hounds and other hunting Doggs are knowne with their voy­ces to hunt in their sleepe.

—Iam Iam (que) teneri
Credit, & extento stringit vestigia Rostro.

But sleeping men doe not at all times dreame, wea­ryed and labour-toyled bodyes doe never finde them.

Dulce sopor fessis in gramine.

Againe, ‘Sopor virorum dulcis agrestium.’

Because nature hath enough to doe to disburden and disgest the drowsinesse, wherewith their whole senses were clogged.

But I will adde no more of dreames, then that which Cato long agoe hath warned us of,

Somnia ne cures, nam mens humana quod optat
[Page 256] Et sperat vigilans, in somnis vidit id ipsum.

That this is love, beside dayly experience we have warrants out of our most famous Poets.

In somnis eadem pleros (que) videmus obire,
Causidicos causas agere, & componere lites,
Induperatores pugnare & praelia obire.

The reason hereof being that the object of our sen­ses doe not only move them while they are present at a businesse, but also leaveth some certaine Idea im­printed in the minde; which rancountring with our drowsie phantasies amidst our sleepes, produceth these confuted dreames above spoken of.

FINIS.
OF VARIETIES, The fi …

OF VARIETIES, The fifth Booke. Conteining five Treatises.

  • 1 Of the Numbers Three and Seven.
  • 2 Of Miracles and Prodigies.
  • 3 Of the Philosophers Stone.
  • 4 Of the World.
  • 5 An Introduction to the Metaphysicks.

By DAVID PIERSON of LOVGHLANDS in SCOTLAND Gentleman.

Et quae non prosunt singula, multa juvent.

LONDON printed for T. A. 1635.

TO THE RIGHT Honourable, my noble good Lord, THOMAS Lord BINNING, &c.

My ever honoured good Lord,

NO so base attribute but might justly be vented against mee, had I so farre supprest Your Lo▪ most generous goodnes, and many singular favours con­ferred on my demerits, as not in this dutifull dedication, sa­crificed to the altar of your larger merits, present this small offering of my greater good will and affection: I will not implore your propitious acceptance, for your noted and courteous affability to all, and gracious accep­tance of meanest gifts, animates me to this presumpti­on. What your knowne vertues (my Lord) are, would [Page] require a more accurate and tighter Pen than mine to delineate; yet were not the world so given, that even truthes themselves are taken for palpable flatteries, I could tell with what universall applause and commen­dation your younger vertues and generosities in your travels made even strangers to honour and admire you! I could tell what great hopes our Countrey hath already received, that you will not onely to the Lands and Possessions of your worthily noble Father, succeed as Heyre, but to his singular Knowledges and Vertues also; which have already so fairely budded and now ripen so hopefully, that none can doubt the successe; I could tell too of your Prudence, Courage, Charity, and your other ample endowments; but I am so full of ad­miration of your every goodnesse, that what the Tra­gedian said of Cares, I may of my affections, Leves loquuntur, ingentes stupent: Accept then (my deare Lord) for expression of all, this little Booke; which, how voluminous and accurate soever it could be, were due to your high deservings from me; That Your Lo: in it, is mixed with so noble Partners, I hope for par­don not reproofe, which likewise intreate for all my o­ther trespasses and boldnesse with your Honour, al­wayes humbly desiring the continuance of your Noble Love and Favours to one, who would no longer wish to live, if it were not both to live and die

Your Lo: most faithfull and entirely-affectioned Servant▪ D. PIERSON.

OF THE NVMBERS THREE and SEVEN.

SECT. 1.

Treating briefly of Numbers in generall.

GOD at the Creation is said to have made all things in number, weight, and mea­sure, as indeede they were in a most exact order, sym­metrie and proportion.

Antiquity have remarked many things by severall Numbers, as Pierus in his Hierogliphicks at length [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page 2] relateth,Antiquity superstitious in the obser­vance of numbers. Pythagoras is said to have esteemed much of the number of five, as composed of the first even and odde, numbers two and three: ‘Numero Deus impare gaudet.’

Severall men have severally treated of severall numbers, but I have here made choyce of three and seven,The use of number. as finding maniest and most memorable things in all Sciences comprehended within them; which thus pack't up together, cannot but bee infi­nitely delightfull, and most helpefull to the memo­ry of every Reader.

SECT. 2.

Conteining variety of memorable things comprehen­ded within the Number of three, as of Heaven, and Hell, and of Poeticall fictions, and some observati­ons amongst the Romans.

THree of all Numbers should be held in grea­test veneration.

The Persons of the God-head are three, Father, Sonne, and Holy Ghost, which is that most blessed Trinity.

There are said to bee three Heavens;Three Hea­vens. Aëriall, which is betwixt this and the starry Firmament: Etheriall, that great Primum Mobile encompas­sing the first: and Empireall, or Cristalline Hea­ven, [Page 3] the habitation of the blessed Spirits, whither (as is supposed) Saint Paul was ravished. There are also three Regions of the Ayre.

As three heavens,Three Hells. so there are said to bee three Hels; The Grave, the place of torment, and the anxiety of a vexed minde.

Saturne had three Sonnes, Pluto, Neptune, Iupi­ter. Iupiter had his three-fold Thunder, Neptune his three-forked Trident, and Pluto his three-hea­ded Cerberus.

Diana, Heathnick superstitions. according to the place where shee was, hath three severall names; in the Heavens, Luna or Lucina; on Earth Diana; in Hell Hecate.

There were also three Graces, Aglaia, Thalia, Euphrosine: and the Muses are numbred by thrice three.

Three Iudges are fained by Poets to be in Hell; Minos, Aeacus, and Radamanthus.

Three Furies Daughters of Acheron; Alecto, Tyfiphone, Megera.

Three Hesperides; Aeagle, Arethusa, Hespere­thusa.

Three Syrens; Parthenope for wit; Ligia for vertue; and Leucosia for beauty:

Aspectu verbis,
Poeticall fi­ctions.
animi candore trahuntur
Parthenopes, Ligiae, Eeucosiaeque, viri.

Three Sisters of the Destinies called Partcae; Clotho draweth out the thread of our lives; Lachesis, spinneth or twisteth it; and Atropos cutteth it at our deaths: ‘Clotho Colum bajulat, Lachesis net, Atropos occat.’

[Page 4] Gerion was said to have had a three-fold body: Three shaped Chymaera; Sphinx was fained to have three severall Visages; and three fatidick or pro­phecying Sybeles, & many the like amongst Poets: ‘Martia Roma triplex, Equitatu, Plebe, Senatu.’

Amongst the Romans were three kindes of Fla­mens or Priests, their Deales, Martiales, and Quiri­nales.

They had also three kindes of Prophets; Aru­spices, who divined by sacrifices on Altars; Augu­res by the chirping of Birds; and Auspices, who foretold the events of things by beholding the en­trals of birds.

They divided every of the twelve moneths in three; Ides, Nones, and Calends.

The Romans also, for recovery of the Greeke Lawes, sent three men, Spurius Posthumius, Ser­vius Sulpitius, and Aulus Manlius: And amongst them three were noted for obteining greatest spoyles from their Enemies, Romulus, Coriolanus, and M. Marcellus.

Romes three-fold government was first by Kings, then Consuls, lastly Emperours.

SECT. 3.

Conteining some Theologicall and Morall precepts and observations, redacted under the number of three.

THere are three Theologicall vertues;Theologicall and Morall Vertues. Faith, Hope, and Charity; and three principall Morall vertues; Temperance, Iustice, and Fortitude.

Three things incident to man;Of Sinne. To fall in sinne, which is humane; to rise out of it againe, which is Angelicall; and to lye in sinne, which is Diaboli­call.

Three things in all our actions are to be observed;How our ap­petites are bridled. that our appetite bee ruled by reason; that neither lesser nor greater care bee taken about any thing then the cause requireth; and that things, belonging to liberality and honour, be moderated.

There are three principall duties belonging to e­very Christian in this life;Christian du­ties. to live in piety and de­votion towards God; Charity towards our Neigh­bours, and Sobriety towards our selves.

There are also three subalterne, and lesse princi­pall; to use respect to our superiours, clemencie to our inferiour; and gravity to our equalls.

Wee offend God three wayes,How wee of­fend God, an how to ap­pease him. with mouth, heart, and hands, (by hand heere I understand all our sen­ses;) for which to him wee ought to make amends [Page 6] three other wayes, by Confession, Contrition, and Satisfaction.

Three degrees of Christs humiliation; his Incar­nation,Christs hu­miliation and exalation. life, and death: three of his exaltation; his Resurrection, ascention, and sitting at the right hand of the Father.

There are three things incident to unregenerate Nature; Ambition, Avarice, and Luxury.

There are three wayes to know God:How to know God. Negative­ly, whereby what evill is in man, is denied to be in God: then by way of excellencie, whereby, what good is in man we acknowledge to be in God most eminently above man, and in the abstract of it: Last­ly by way of causality, whereby we acknowledge God to bee the efficient cause of all things.

Gods word was written by Prophets, Evange­lists, and Apostles.

David for numbring his people had choyce of three things,David. Plague, Sword, and Famine.

Salomon had choyce of three blessings;Salomon. Wisdome, Wealth, and length of dayes.

Three great enemies continually assaile man:Mans Ene­mies. the Devill without him, the World about him, and the Flesh within him: Against which hee should be ar­med with these three weapons; Fasting, Praying, and Almes giving.

Love three fold; Divine, Worldly, and Diabo­licall.Love. Moreover we are tyed to a three-fold Love; Of God, our neighbour, and our selves.

A three-fold feare also possesseth us;Of Feare. a Naturall feare, for our lives and goods; a Civill, for our ho­nour [Page 7] and fame; and a Conscientious for our soules.

So wee are said to see with three kinde of eyes; of our bodies, reason, and faith.

The Popes Mitre is engirt with three Crownes.

SECT. 4.

Of Politick Government: Of living Creatures; and of duties belonging to men of severall professions, as Physicians, Iudges, and Lawyers, &c. with some Physicall observations, all Tripartite.

THere are three kindes of Government; Mo­narchy,Degrees of government. of Kings; Aristocracie, of Nobility; and Democracie of Commons; as our State consisteth of Clergie, Nobility, and Commons.

Phylosophers,About dye [...] Physicians, and Divines doe se­verally prescribe dyet for living to all men; the first a moderate, the second a sparing, the third a most strict continencie.

There were principally three kinde of Creatures ordained for the use of man,What Crea­tures God ordained for mans use. living in three severall Elements, Fowle in the Ayre, Beasts on the Earth, and Fish in the Sea.

Three kinde of living things, Intellectuall, Sensi­tive, and Vegetable; as Men, Beasts, and Plants.

There are three Principles of Physick; Matter, Forme, Privation.

There are also three things requisite in a Physi­cian;Physicians. [Page 8] to restore health lost, to strengthen it being weake, and to preserve it when it is recovered.

Even so the Lawyers parts are three-fold; to re­cover meanes lost,Lawyers. to preserve them when they are purchased, and to purchase such onely as wee have right to; which three the Canonists performe, in purchasing of Benefites, recovering those which are lost, and in conserving those which are once ob­tained.

A Iudge should have these three qualities;Iudges. not to be delaying, mercenary, nor ignorant.

Lawes of men are three-fold;Division of Lawes. of Nature, of Na­tions, and of Cities; and the Lawes of God are, Morall, Ceremoniall, and Iudiciall.

Three things chiefly are to bee observed in Iudgement, Examination, Consultation, and Sen­tence.

Three things too are requisite in a good Chirur­gian;Chirurgian. an Eagles eye, a Lyons heart, and a Ladies hand.

Three thing [...] required in an Oratour;Oratour▪ to speake fitly, ornately, and copiously; or as some will have it, demonst ratively, deliberatively, and judicially: and in every of these, the Circumstances are to bee observed, Time, Place, and Persons.

There are three objects of the whole Civill Law,Civilian. Things, Persons, Actions.

Amongst Latine Poets,Poets. three kindes of Verses are chiefly used, Heroick, Elegiack, and Lyrick; un­der Lyrick are comprehended Saphick, Iambick, and the rest.

[Page 9] Three species of sicknesse wherewith we ate af­fected;Physicall observations which are of quality, humour, and sub­stance; which againe resolve in three kinde of fea­vers, Simple, Corrupt, and Pestilentious: Simple feavers too are three-fold, Quotidian, Tertian, Quartan: Corrupt or Hectick Feavers three-fold; the first being in the consumption of our ordinary humour; the second in our Balmie or oyly sub­stance, both curable; the third which consumeth our noble parts called Marasmus, past cure.

Of all measurable bodies there are three dimen­sions; length, breadth, and deepnesse.

Three things especially the Persians taught their children;Customes a­mongst the Persians. to ride, shoote, and speake truth.

The day is divided into Morning, Noone, and Evening.

Every Moone hath her increase, full, and wane, and Post triduum mulier fastidit & hospes & imber.

SECT. 5.

Memorable observations comprehended within the Number of Seven, as of the age of the World, and mans generation.

THe Number of Seven by many learned men hath beene held the most mysticall, and by some entituled the most sacred of Numbers, as on it many most remarkeable matters have hap­pened: [Page 10] God created the world in six dayes, and rested the seventh; and therefore amongst the Iewes every seventh moneth, and seventh yeare were appointed to [...]est: and in how great reve­rence was their great Iubilee, which every seventh yeare being multiplied by seven, fell out every 49 yeare?

The age of the world is divided into seven; the first from Adam to Noahs flood; the second from that to Abrahams time; the third from Abraham to the freeing of the people of Israel from their Captivity in Egypt; the fourth, from their comming out of Egypt to the building of Salomons Temple; the fifth, from that to the Babylonish Captivity, at what time Ieremie writ his Lamentations; the sixth, was the time betwixt that and the comming of our blessed Saviour: the seventh from our Saviours time to the end of the world. And some have given forth, that the world shall take end the six thou­sand yeare of its age, and rest the seventh.

The first seven dayes after conception, the seede of man in the wombe becommeth Embrion, the se­venth weeke there-after it becommeth faetus and quickneth; and the seventh moneth after that it is partus, and is brought into the world.

SECT. 6.

How the seven Planets are said to rule severally over the seven ages in the life of man.

AStrologians, who will have the life and con­stitution of man to depend on the force of the starres and celestiall bodies,The seven ages of mans life attributed to the seven Planets. (no wayes depriving God of his Soveraigne and absolute power) have divided the age of man into seven parts, ascribing to every part one of the seven Pla­nets which ruleth over it. The first they call In­fancie,1 over which they place the Moone, which is of nature weake and moyst, changeable by encrea­ses and wanes, and this they make to last but foure yeares.

The second from foure to fourteene, called child­hood,2 over which they set Mercury, because hee of himselfe is indifferently good or bad, according to the good or bad Planets with whom he is joyned; so in this age a boy bewrayeth his inclination, and is so flexible, that according to his education and company he is mingled with, hee becommeth either good or bad, and that impression he then ta­keth, can hardly be rooted out of him.

The third containeth the next eight yeares, and 3 continueth to the twenty two; over which they place Venus, Et primae lanuginis aetas in Ve­nerem [Page 12] est praeceps; and it was called Youthead.

4 The fourth, called Adolocencie, lasteth twenty yeares, and continueth till the 42 yeare, and is go­verned by Sol, the Sunne, which Astrologians call the spring, the light, the eye of the world, and King over the other Planets: In his age man attaineth to his full strength and vigour, becommeth hardy, judicious, understanding, &c.

5 The fifth lasteth from 42 to 56, and is called manhood or virile age, ruled by Mars, a bad star, dangerous, fierce, and hot; for in that men begin to wax angry, impatient, and avaricious, but more temperate in their dyet, and more constant in their actions.

6 The sixth taketh up 12 yeares, so lasts to 78, and is called old age, governed by Iupiter, a noble Pla­net, making men religious, just, chaste, temperate, and pious: In this age men abandon on paines and tra­vell, and practise devotion and good workes.

7 The last is from 78 to 98, which yeares few come to, and is called decrepit old age, ruled by Saturne, the highest and most maligne Planet, cold, dry, and mellancholick; cumbersome, insupportable, weake, and growing againe childe-like.

SECT. 7.

The opinions of some Fathers of the Church and some Philosophers concerning the number of Seven, what attributes they gave, with some of Hypocra­tes observations thereon.

BY Saint Ambrose in his 12. chap. de Moha & Arca; S. Origen in his 2 Homily on Genesis, and his third on Exodus; and Eusebius de Prae­paratione Evangelica; this number is sometime cal­led a cleane number, a holy number, a virgin num­ber, a mysticall, a number of perfection, with many the like Epithets attributed unto it both by Civill and Ecclesiasticall Writers; yet Chrysostome in his 24 Homily on Genesis, speaking of the number of Beasts that entered the Arke, inveyeth against, and taxeth all observers of numbers: Hypocrates in his worke de partu Septimestri, enlarging himselfe on the properties of this number, saith, that the life of man consisteth of septinaries; that in seven dayes a childe hath all his compleate members; and that if any man abstaine totally from meate and drinke seven dayes, hee cannot live; that a childe borne the seventh moneth may live, but not one borne the eight; because (saith hee) that then Saturne, by course over-ruseth the birth; that in seven yeare children have all their teeth; that the Guts of man are seven times his length; that the celesticall bodies [Page 14] of the Moone, and of the eight and ninth Orbe doe move by Septinaries; the Moone maketh her course in foure seven dayes; the eight Spheare finisheth its revolution in seven thousand yeares; the ninth, in seven times seven thousand, which make out forty nine thousand, and many the like.

SECT. 8.

Of the seven Wonders of the world.

THere have beene seven wonders famed through the world, so called, either for the vastnesse of the fabrick, or curiosity of workmanship: 1. The Pyramides of Egypt. 2. The Towre of Pharos, built by Ptolemy King of Egypt. 3. The Walls of Babylon, built by Semiramis. 4. The Temple of Diana in Ephesus, Seven Won­ders. which was beautified with 127 Pillars of Parian Marble. 5. The Tombe or Sepulchre of Mausolus King of Caria, built by his Q. Artemesia. 6. The Colossus at Rhodes, the Image of a huge Gyant cast in Brasse, which be-stridde the River which runneth to Rhodes, under which a ship might passe: By some the Pallace of Cyrus which was reported to bee cimmented with gold, obtained the seventh place, though some, as Martiall in his first Epigram, pre­ferreth Vespasians Amphitheater at Rome before it, or any of the former: but the matter is not worthy a controversie. So I leave them and proceede.

SECT. 9.

A continuation of observations on the number of se­ven, taken out of holy Scripture.

THe Israelites compassed the Walls of Ierice seven times; and at the seventh blast of the Rammes hornes, which they carried about them, they fell downe to the ground, and the Walls were throwne downe.

The greater part of ancient Sacrifices were by sevens, as seven Rammes, seven Bullocks, &c.

Sybilla enjoyned Aeneas to sacrifice in sevens,

Nunc grege de intacto septem mactare juvenc [...]s
Prestiterit, totidem lectas de more bidentes.

The principall Feasts and Solemnities of Gods people continued seven dayes.

Seven dayes the people eate unleavened bread at the Passeover.

God had seven thousand reserved unto himslfe, which bowed not their knee to Baal.

Iob had seven Sonnes; and Zachary maketh men­tion of seven eyes, wherwith God seeth all things.

The Prophet Elisha commanded Naaman the Leper to wash himselfe seven times in the River of Iordane.

The number of Beasts which entered the Arke of Noah were seven: The Arke rested on the [Page 16] Mountaine of Ararat on the seventh moneth: and in the 19. of Proverbs, Wisedome hath built her house on seven Pillars; the seven Candlesticks, the seven Churches of Asia; the Booke closed with seven seales; the seven Angels, with their seven Trumpets; the seven viols of Gods wrath; the se­ven degrees of the Temple; seven loaves served the whole Companie which were with our Lord: Pharaoh dreamed of seven fat, and seven leane kine: and God in the 26 of Leviticus, threatneth a seven­fold curse to bee multiplied on all that thinke the evils that be fall them to come by chance; all which with many more mentioned in Scripture, cannot be without their owne mysteries; No marvell then that Pythagoras and others have reputed this num­ber a religious one; since Scriptures are full of oc­currences of this number; and the world consisteth of the harmony of seven Vnities, Naturall, Conju­gall, Regular, Personall, Essentiall, Ecclesiasticall, and Politicall.

SECT. 10.

Of the seven great Potentates of the world; of criti­call dayes, and climacterick yeares, with other ob­servations.

IN the Heavens are seven Planets, and in the Earth seven great and powerfull Potentates doe rule: [Page 17] the great Cham of Tartary; the Emperour of Chi­na, by them called the second Sonne of God; the Sophy of Persia; the great Turke; the Emperour of Germany; Prester Iohn; the powerfull Monarch of Aethiopia; and the Emperour of Russia.

The seventh and forteenth day in all diseases are accounted most dangerous, and are called Criticall.

Macrobius, Aulus Gellius and others observe, that every seventh yeare in the life of man there fol­loweth some alteration either in estate, voyce, co­lour, hayre, complexion, or conditions: And Seneca, Septimus quis (que) annus aetati notam imprimit, where­fore the 7. 14. 21. 28. 35. 42. 49. 56. and 63. the great Climactericke yeare are counted dangerous for all. Firmian adviseth all to take great heede to themselves in these yeares: Octavianus Caesar ha­ving passed this date, writ to his Nephew Caius, to congratulate with him, that he had yet seven yeares more to live.

There are seven Liberall Sciences, Grammar, Dialect, Rhetorick, Musick, Arithmetick, Geome­trie, and Astronomie:

Gram. loquitur, Dia. vera docet, Rhet. verba co­lorat,
Mus. canit, Ar. numerat, Geo. ponderat, As. co­lit
astra.

Seven Roman Kings, Romulus, Numa Pompilius, Tullus Hostilius, Ancus Martins, Tarquinius Priscus, Servius Tullius, Tarquinius Superbus.

Rome was built upon seven Hills; Palatinus, Ca­pitolinus, Quiritalis, Caelius, Escalinus, Aventinus, and Viminalis.

[Page 18] There were seven wise men of Greece; Solon, Thales, Chilo, Pittacus, Cleobulus, Bias, and Peri­ander.

There were seven kinde of Crownes amongst the Romans.

  • 1 The Triumphall, first made of Lawrell, & there after of Gold, given to their Emperours by the Senate, in honour of their Triumphs.
  • 2 Obsidionall, given by Souldiers to their Empe­rours, for delivering them from a Siege; and it was made of grasse, gathered from about the tren­ches of that Siege.
  • 3 The Civicall Crowne, which was bestowed on any Souldier that had releeved a captived Ci­tizen.
  • 4 A Murall Crowne, which was given to any man that first entered a Towne, or had scaled the Walls of it.
  • 5 Castrensis, a Crown, given to the first enterer in­to the Enemies Campe or Trenches.
  • 6 The Navall Crowne, bestowed on him that first had boorded an Enemies Vessell.
  • 7 Was called Ovalis, or a Crowne of rejoycing, made of Myrtle, which was put on the heads of their Emperours, in [...]vatione (as they said) or in signe of rejoycing at his admittance to that dignity.

SECT. 11.

Of the Worlds Continuance and Ending.

THat subtle and excellent Philosopher Leo Hebreus, expatiating in the meditation of this Number of seven, admiring and speaking of the worlds rest, saith; That after six thousand yeares are expired, in the seventh thousand this elementary world shall rest, which God thereafter will renew seven times, betwixt every seven thou­sand giving one thousand yeares rest; after all which, saith hee, this elementary world, the Earth and all beneath the Moone, the Celestiall world also shall take an end: which Proclus also the Aca­demick secondeth, when hee saith, that the life of this world is septenary, its parts, proportion, and circles are septenary; and with them many other Philosophers have dived too deepe into these my­steries; yet I cannot passe by Charon, who in his History bringeth in Elias the Iew (not the Thesbite) affirming, that the world shall last but six thousand yeares: viz. two thousand before the Flood; 2000 from it to the comming of the Messias; and from that two thousand more to the Consummation of all things; which in all amounteth to 6000. Wher­to S. Augustine in his first Booke on Genesis, ad Manichaos, some way enclineth; yet Hesychius [Page 20] ingeniously confesseth his ignorance of it, since neither to the Sonne of man (as he was man) nor to the Angels that knowledge was revealed: Origen adheareth to Leo Hehraeus opinion of 7000. yeares continuance in his Homily, Quòd Mundus cum tem­pore caeperit, in this third Booke [...]; and goeth further, saying, that after this world is ended, ano­ther shall begin; and that before this world, there was another which hee would strive to approve with Authorities out of holy Scripture, which doeth savour a little too much of presumption; for in all the Scripture there is no expresse mention to bee found either of the one or other: But wee are commanded, not to pry too farre in these and the like mysteries which concerne not our salvation, and which God hath kept onely to himselfe.

Mitte arcana Dei, coelumque inquirere quid sit:

Yet indeede this Father in his Homily de fine vel consummatione, ingeniously confesseth, that he only handled those matters by way of reasoning, than any wayes to conclude an infallibility of them; for in the end he acknowledgeth, that hee wrote them in great feare and suspensive trembling.

OF PRODIGIES AND MIRACLES: Which are true, which false.

SECT. 1.

The definition of Miracles, with their distinction; In what time they were requisite, in what not, &c.

SAint Augustine, that famous and reverend Father of the Church in his 6. Booke de utilitate credendi ad Honoratium, defineth Miracles,Two kindes of Miracles. to bee things beyond the expectation and power of the beholder: Whereof there are two kindes, True and False.

[Page 22] The false are such Miracles as are not in effect the thing they seeme to be;False Mira­cles which. or if they be, they are not of any power that excelleth nature, but meerely of and by the power of nature, though obscured and hid; which the bad spirits as well as the good can performe.

True Miracles are done by the power of God,True Mira­cles. beyond all faculty of created nature, partly to draw the beholder to a due and true admiration of him in them, and partly to confirme their saith: such as these were; the bringing back of the shadow ten Degrees in the Diall of Ahaz, for Ezechias: A Virgin to conceive with childe, and yet remaine a Virgin: To draw water out of a hard Rock: To make the Sea to part in twaine; the Sunne to stand still; to turne water into wine; to cause Manna fall from heaven, and many of the like kinde com­prehended in holy Scripture, which indeede were miraculous things of themselves, if we consider the nature of their doing; where, on the other side, false Miracles may,Difference betwixt true and false Mi­racles. in a manner, be thought mira­culous, but not so much for the nature of their do­ing, as for the manner how they are done; Neque enim (saith one) constant miracula magnitudine ope­rum; so these Miracles are not so much to be mea­sured by the greatnesse of the worke, as by the way of doing of them: and such as these bad spirits cannot bring to passe, because how wonderfull so­ever their miracles appeare to be, yet they doe no wayes exceede the reach of Nature: Itaut mirabi lia quanquam sint, non proinde sint, & Miracula.

[Page 23] Neither is it to be denied, but that God serveth himselfe with,Why God permitteth false miracles. and permitteth the false Miracle­workers, intending thereby rather to trie the faiths of the beholders of them, than any way to allow or confirme their doings, as Deut. cap. 13. vers. 3. may be seene.

Now, where it is said before, that true Miracles are for the confirming, as false ones are for trying of our faiths; this must be understood to be, when the workers of them doe teach withall so sound doctrine, that his Miracles may bee judged by it, not it by them. Hereby I intend not to enforce a necessity of miracles perpetually for confirming our faith;When mira­cles were most neces­sary. for though, during the Churches infan­cie, they served some way towards the establish­ing and confirming of the weake and wavering faiths of the hearers; yet now they are not so re­quisite, seeing the Law, Prophets, Evangelists, and Apostles workes and writing are so universally preached unto all.

SECT. 2.

Of Prodigies, and in what veneration they were a­mongst the ancient Romans.

BEing loath to trouble the Reader with the te­dious definitions of Prodigies, nor with the severall and many opinions of Writers con­cerning [Page 24] them I will relate onely some storyes of them, and of the times wherein some of them hap­pened; of all which, as the most part of the Roman Writers make mention, so particularly Sabellicus in his Rhapsoeticall history of the world; and that from the 11. or 12. Booke of his 4. Aeneid, unto the end of his Worke.

During the first Punick Warre, (which was the first betwixt the Carthaginians and Romans) under the Consulship of Appius Claudius, and Marcus Fulvius Flaccus, which was the foure hundreth and ninety yeare after the building of Rome; the Roman Histories were then both more frequent, and did savour more of truth and possibility than their for­mer: Wherefore to begin with that time, I ob­serve, that there never happened any remarkeable Prodigie,The piety of the ancient Romans after any remake­ble Prodigies. either in the Ayre, Water, or Earth, after which there were not presently Expiations, Lu­strations, Prayers or offerings made unto their Gods, to whose Temples and Altars people of every sex, age, and condition did flock and runne, to pacifie and appease their incensed wrath; which may serve to condemne the neglect and contempt that is in Christians of the like Prodigies, and teach us (as these Heathen did when they chan­ced) to repaire to our true God,Christians blamed. and implore for mercy, and forbearance of wrath at his hands.

To begin then (as I said) with Prodigies obser­ved in the time of the first Punick or Carthaginian Warre; of those many admirable ones recorded by Sabellicus, I finde this most worthy of relation: [Page 25] In the Picenean Territory, Cneius Domitianus, and Lucius Annius being Consuls,A River ra [...] blood. a River was obser­ved for the space of a whole morning, to runne red blood, no accident that might cause it being per­ceived by any; for which, and some others the like,The institu­tion of the Nov [...]ndi [...]lia sacra. the Romans intituled their Novendialia sacra, or expiations for nine dayes; and Livius likewise in the time of Tullus Hostilius their third King, rela­teth, that the like propitiatory Sacrifices were or­dained for the like causes.

In Hetruria also,The heavens burned. (which is now the Florentines bounds) the heavens were perceived to burne.

In the Citie of Ariminii, Three Moones▪ three Moones at once were one night seene by the Inhabitants; all which Prodigies appeared about the end of the foresaid first Punick Warres.

Shortly after, about the beginning of the se­cond warre,A childe of a moneth old spake. after Hanno was overcome by Scipio, a Childe of a moneth old was heard to crie in the Streete Triumphi, Triumphi.

In the fields of Amitermin neere Rome, ships were discerned in the skie, and men in long white garments were perceived to march towards one another,Men seene in the skie. but never to meete.

In the Picen Territory it rained stones; and the Sunne and Moone were seene to joust (as it were) at one another;Two moones at once. and in the day time two Moones appeared in the heavens. At Phalascis the heavens seemed to bee rent asunder: And at Capua, the Moone seemed to burne; and, as envolved in a showre of raine, to tend towards the Earth; Civi­tas [Page 26] ob haec prodigia (saith Sabellicus) lustrata est, le­ctisternium & supplicatio indicta, aliaque aliis diis placamina decreta.

SECT. 3.

A continuation of Prodigies, which happened in the time of the second Punick Warre; with many o­thers that were seene under the times of severall Consuls of Rome.

IN the first yeare of this second Carthaginian Warre, under the Consulship of Fabius Maxi­mus, A greene Palme tree tooke fire of it selfe. & Marcus Claudius Marcellus, a green Palme tree in Naples tooke fire, and burn'd away to ashes.

At Mantua, a litle Rivulet or stripe of water which ranne into the River Mincio, Rivers runne blood. was turned into blood: And at Rome it rained blood. An Oxe was heard there to speake these words,An Oxe spake. Cavetibi Roma.

Afterward in the Consulship of Quintus Fabius, sonne to Fabius Maximus, and Titus Sempronius Graccus, the similitude or likenesse of great, long, and tale ships appeared to bee upon the River of Taracina in Spaine: At Amiternum in Italie, a litle Brooke ranne blood for severall dayes:It rained stones. In Albano monte in Rome, it rained stones. The Sunne at divers times was seene of a bloody colour: Many Tem­ples and holy houses in Rome were beaten downe [Page 27] with Thunderbolts from heaven: some of the Citie Ensignes or field Colours were observed to sweate blood;Ensignes sweat blood. two Sunnes appeared in the Hea­vens; at one time it rained milke, at another stones.

During the Consulship of Cornelius Cethegus, and Sempronius, at what time the Africane Warres were appointed to Scipio, [...] two Sunnes at one time were seene in the Heavens: and the night (which is by nature darke) appeared extraordinary light: A Comet in forme like a burning torch was dis­cerned to reach from the East to the West; and it rained stones after that notable overthrow given to Hanniball by Scipio, (which was the last to Han­niball) and at the time when the Consull T. Claudius was appointed to prepare for Africk, to appease some mutinies that had risen there; upon his set­ting out to that voyage, the Orbe and face of the Sunne was visibly discerned to be lesse than usuall: Moreover in the Veliternean fields,The [...]arth rend asunder. the Earth rent asunder in so huge and frightfull gappes, that trees and whole houses were swallowed up in it; after which there followed showres of stones.

In the Consulship of [...]n. Belius, and L. Aemilius Paulus, it rained blood for two whole dayes toge­ther:A Statue wept. And the Statue of Iuno in the Temple of Concord at Rome was perceived to shedde teares.

SECT. 4.

Of Prodigies that happened during the civill warres betwixt Marius and Sylla; of some in Iulius Caesars time; as, at his passing the River of Rubicone, the Pharsalian warres and at his death, &c.

AT the beginning of the Civill warres be­twixt Martus and Sylla, a Mule, by nature barren,The Capi­toll destroyed by fire from heaven. did foale: The Capitoll tooke fire; and which was lamentable, it being a worke of foure hundreth yeares standing, & famous through all the world, was destroyed, the whole Citie was so shaken with Earth-quakes, that the face of it was wonderfully defaced: and a woman conceived and was delivered of a Serpent.

When Iulius Caesar had cross'd the River of Ru­bicon, contrary to the decree of the Senate, the hea­vens, as foreseeing what imminent danger was to ensue thereupon,Images in Temples sweat blood. rained blood. The Statues and Images of their Gods in the Temples did sweat great droppes of blood; and many faire buildings in the Citie were beaten downe with fire and thun­der from heaven.

On the same day that the Pharsalian battell was strooke, the Statue of Victoria, which stood in the Temple of Minerva at Eulide, was seene to turne its face towards the Temple doore, whereas before [Page 29] it beheld the Altar. At Antioch in Syria, such great noyse and clamours were heard twice a day about the Walls of the Towne; that the people, afrigh­ted with a supposed approach of the Enemy, ranne out of the Citie in their Armes. In the Temples of Ptolemais, Organs and other Instruments were heard to play before Caesars death:Instruments heard to play where none were. And those horses, which at the passage of Rubicon he had con­secrated to Mars the day before his massacre, were observed and seene to weepe and to forsake their foode, and stray about. Shortly after his death too, about the proscription of Lepidus and Antonius, An Oxe spake. an Oxe being led out to plough, uttered these words to his Master; Why urge you mee to worke, wee shall lacke no corne, but men: and a new borne childe did speake.

SECT. 5.

Of Prodigies before the death of Galba; before the destruction of Ierusalem, and at the end of the Valerian persecution.

THere were such fearefull Earth-quakes be­fore the death of the Emperour Galba, that at the renting asunder of the Farth, most hi­deous noyses were heard, not unlike to the lowing of Oxen: But of all the Prodigies and Miracles that I read of, those which went before the destruction [Page 30] of Ierusalem, were the most terrible, whereof Iose­phus maketh mention at length, yet my Author re­counteth others no lesse memorable, which were these:A Comet like a sword hang over Ierusalem. The Comet in the shape of a Sword that appeared and (as it were) did hang directly over the Citie, before the destruction.An Oxe cal­ [...]ed. An Oxe leading to the Altar to be there sacrificed, in the middle of the Temple, did bring forth a calfe, to the amaze­ment and astonishment of all beholders of it: One night, about midnight it grew as light within the Temple, as at noone-day. Hoasts of armed men, and Chariots appeared in the ayre; and the Priests heard a voyce within the Sanctuary expresse these words; Let us remove from hence. About the end of the Valerian persecution, before the death of Ga­lenus the Emperour, (in whose dayes the Empire began mightily to decline) there was darkenesse for some dayes over all that tract of Earth, in and about Rome; Formidable Thunders & Earth-quakes There were most dreadfull thunders heard, with most frightfull noyses, as roaring and fearefull lowings in the ayre, and bowels of the Earth; whereupon followed so terrible Earth­quakes, and openings of the Earth, that whole Vil­lages and Townes were thereby destroyed: Lastly, through the dread and terrour of these frightfull noyses, and by the sight of these Prodigies and portentuous wonders, many both men and beasts were strucken dead.

SECT. 6.

A continuation of other Prodigies; with a conclution of this Treatise.

ABout the end of the Goths and Vandals wars against the Romanes, there were seene in the ayre, Armies flaming as all on fire; from which there rained drops of blood: and thereafter followed extraordinary overflowing and deboar­ding of Rivers,The deboar­ding of Tyber ominous to Rome. but chiefly of Tyber; which of all other Rivers is observed to deboard both most ex­cessively and most often; and these ever goe before some evill to happen to the City: But of all her deluges, none more memorable than that which happened under the Pontificy of Pelagius, which overswelled the walles of the City, destroyed all the Corne in the lower Countries, and procured such a famine and Pestilence, that thereby many thousands perished, amongst whom the Pope him­selfe, after whom Gregory, the most worthy Pope of that name succeeded.

In the time of Sabianus successor to him,A blazing starre. a terri­ble and Portentuous blazing starre was seene; and the sea cast up many Monsters with visages like men.The sea cast out monsters.

These, and many the like were seene before the dayes of Bonifacius the third, in whose time the Romane Church obtained of Phocas then Empe­rour, the title of Mother and supreame Church; [Page 32] for till then the Greeke Church claimed the supe­riority.

In the dayes of Adrian the second Pope of that name,It rained blood three dayes. it rained blood three dayes. A little before the death of Sergius (the first Pope that began to change his Proper-name) terrible fiery torches and fleakes were seene in the ayre, with great noyse and thundring.

In the Pontificy of Iohn the eleaventh, sonne to Sergius, a fountaine in Genoa ranne blood in great aboundance.

About the time that Iohn the twelfth was for his flagitiousnesse and abomination deposed by the Emperour Otho, A huge stone fell from heaven. a great stone fell from heaven: In Naples likewise within this hundreth yeares there fell a brownish coloured one of an extraordinary bignesse. In France likewise upon a St. Iohns day there fell a great peece of Ice,A great piece of Ice fell in Rome. in a showre of raine, many feete long.

In the yeare of our Lord 1012. when Ierusalem was taken by Anmrath the great Turke, there were terrible earthquakes, and fiery impressions seene over all the firmament, and the Moone appeared bloody.

But to recount all Prodigies and Miracles which in latter ages have appeared in severall Countries; and to set downe the severall Reasons that are gi­ven for them,Conclusion▪ with the events observed to ensue af­ter every of them, would take up a greater Volume than I intend this whole booke to be; therefore I will here put an end to this discourse.

SALAMANDRA, OR A short Treatise of the PHILOSOPHERS STONE

SECT. 1.

The Historie of the life and death of Antonio Bra­gadino.

THe History of one Antonio Bra­gadino a Cyprian Gentleman, which in my time I did reade in Villamont a French Barones tra­vels and voyages, hath occasio­ned mee to undertake this taske. This man, saith he, for the good services done to the Venetians in the time of their Warres upon that Isle, being retired to Venice, and there become their stipendiarie, (or rather pensio­ner) having fallen at variance with some clarissimo [Page 34] whereupon ensued blood; [...] not being able to keepe their citie any longer for feare of his life, withdrew himselfe to the countrey; where being in necessity (through reason of his pension which he wanted) bethinking himselfe how he might live by his wits; in the end, retiring to a desert, he rancountred with an Hermite,His meeting with an Her­ [...]te. who tooke, him to his cell; and having imparted to him his distresse, got this comfortable answer back againe; that if hee would be partner with him of the taske which sundry yeares agone he had undertaken, that he would not onely releeve him of his present necessity, but likewise (if the e­vent: deluded not his intention) would make him one of the richest and wealthiest men in the world:His profici­encie in the Art of Chi­mestrie. To which discourse having listned, and perceiving it was nothing but the blowing of the coale hee meaned, being allured thereto by his present want, the hope and expectation of future gaine, the vene­rablenesse and gravity of the person, the religious silence of so solitary a place, he embraced the offer, and in the end became so expert in the calling, that by his white powders, (for as yet hee had not come to that perfection to make red) he redeemed him­selfe from his exile,His Present to the Senate. by presenting the Senate of the Citie with Ingots, to the value of fiftie thousand Crownes, with certificate, if that it should please them to restore him to his wonted liberty (for thi­ther was his affection carried beyond all the parts of the world, in regard his Mistresse was there) hee should enrich their Treasure for ever.Restored to favour. Wherewith the Senate being much pleased, received him to [Page 35] their favour againe, where he was entertained like a Prince, attended with a Guard not so much for ho­nour of his person, as for feare he should have left them, and gone otherwhere; while in the end his Ingots being suspected and called in question for the validity of them,He is suspe­cted of Trea­chery. his Guard beginning to vilifie him, and to neglect their wonted strict attendance, hee under cloud and silence of night, with his Mi­stresse, and a black dogge which still followed him, fled their Citie and Territory; and in the end ha­ving come to the Duke of Baviers' bounds to Ger­many, Hee flyes to Bavaria. was there apprehended and hanged upon a gilded Gybbet,He is hanged on a gilded Gybbet [...] as one who had deluded the world by his sophisticate monies.

SECT. 2.

The reason that moved the Author to handle this matter: The different blessings betwixt the Indi­ans and Christians: the definition of the Philoso­phicall Stone; the generall way and matter where­of it is made.

THe History, I say, of this unfortunate man, and rich couzener, made me the more curi­ous and desirous to know the nature of so rare a thing as that which they call the Philoso­phicall Stone, which if men might attaine to, the West Indes should not bee so much frequented as [Page 36] they are; but O how great is the wisedome and power of the Creator of all, who reserveth the per­fect knowledge of so high a secret to himselfe, and imparteth it but to very few, knowing the insatia­blenesse of the heart of man; and to these who know not the worth of gold, hee doth bestow it in such plenty,The plenty of gold which the West In­dians have. that their ordinary houshold-stuffe, as Tongs, Chuffles, Pots, Tables, and Cupbords, &c. are made of it whereas they starve in a manner for that whereof we have such store; and which they esteeme asmuch above their gold as we prize their gold above our other necessaries.

So far as I can learn, I find that the Philosophicall stone (by the Arabes called Elixir )is the very true and just seed that engendereth and begetteth gold: For gold is not procreated (as I may say) either of Brimstone, nor of Mercurie, nor of any such thing as fraudulently some suppose and give forth; but it is to be search't and found out of gold it selfe, and that most purified: for there is nothing in Nature which hath not of it, or rather in it the seede of its owne kinde, whereby it may be multiplied; but yet hardly by Art may it be drawne out, by reason that the greatest and most vigorous strength of that seede consisteth in a certaine oylie substance,The true matter of gold. or ra­ther adhereth to it; which, whensoever by fire wee goe about to draw out, or segregate from the substance it selfe, it consumeth away; which not being so in gold, because by the violence of no fire it can be so burnt away, but that it may abide the whole strength and force of Art; therefore out of [Page 37] it onely that seede or Elixir may bee extracted, whereto it seemeth the Poet alludeth, when hee saith,

—Vni quoniam nil deperit auro
Igne, velut solum consumit nulla vetustas,
Ac neque rubigo, aut aerugo conficit ulla
Cuncta adeò firmis illic compagibus haerent.

SECT. 3.

The Authors proposition: the reasons of its denomi­nation; opinions of most approved Authors touching it; and of the Possibility and factibili­ty of it.

I Passe by the methode and order of Fernelius in his last chapter de ab ditis rerum causis, as being too speculative; for I will here set downe a more full and ample description of it, and such as hath beene imparted by the most accurate wits that this age affordeth, after I have a litle spoken of the names both of it, and of the Authors who treat of it; and have resolved some scrupulous difficulties; yet my intention herein is rather to let the Readers know the most approved opinions of the most lear­ned Writers on this subject, then definitively to set downe mine owne.

It is called a Stone, because the things whereof it is composed are consolidated and coagulated in a hard and heavy (yet friable) masse, and thereaf­ter [Page 38] reduced to a most subtle powder.

It is called the Philosophers Stone, because Phi­losophers were the first Inventers of it, and they best know the making and use of it.

They give it an infinite (almost) number of names partly to set out the matter,Ripleus c. 3. P. 74. nature, and pro­perties of it, and partly to obscure and hide it from the ignorant and impostors; for the which cause they gave it many figurative names, styling it by some part of the matter whereof it is made,Iodoc. and by similitudes,Grenerus p. 36. as they call it Salamandra, quae igne con­cipitur, [...]los Flor. p. 35. 37. igne nutritur, igne quoque perficitur: It is conceived, nourished, and perfected by the fire and in the fire: Philosophi celare volentes veritatem quasi omnia figurativè loquuti sunt.

Many thinke the Philosophers Stone a thing impossible to be got,Thom. A­quin. ad fra­trem, c. 1. but a multitude of most anci­ent and modern Philosophers have thought other­wise, who knew both the theorie and practick of it: And of the transmutation of mettals, Libavius bringeth in a great number of them that testifie the same, in his Appendix de natura metallorum, amongst whom hee produceth Geberus Hermes, Arnoldus, Thomas de Aquino, Bernardus comes; Ioannes Run­gius, Baptista Porta, Rubeus, Dornesius Vogelius, Pe­notus, Quercetanus, & Franciscus Picus, who in his 3. Booke c. 2. de auro, declareth eighteene particu­lar instances, whereby he affirmeth plainely, that so many times hee did see the transmutation into silver and gold, so that the possibility and factibility of the Philosophers Stone and transmutation is evi­dent.

[Page 39] If any would alleadge difficulty, it is true any thing is difficult, and even the most facile thing is such to them that are ignorant, but to those that know it in speculation and operation, it is most easie, even as ludus puerorum, and opus mulierum.

SECT. 4.

That the making of the Philosophers Stone is lesse ex­pensive and laborious than many things wee both use and weare; why the makers of it enrich not themselves and others.

THe true making of that Stone is neither ex­pensive, nor long, nor wearisome to those that have the dexterity of it.

Betwixt the Barley graine that must be sowne, and the aquae vitae that is made of it, there is both a longer time, and many more points of labour: And betwixt the linnessed, and the linnen cloath wee were, there is a longer time, and much more labour than in the framing of Philosophers Stone, as these blowers would have the world beleeve.

It is true, many chymicall Philosophers so soone as they attained this precious Stone, the very knowledge of it delighted them more than world­ly gaine; and they made more use of it in Physick than in projection. And if any would aske; what was the cause they made not themselves and all [Page 40] their friends most excellently rich. It may be well answered, they lacked not, they had contentment, they delighted more in theory than practick: they disdained to bee gold-makers to those that were greedy, or to those that were through idlenesse needy, and were afraid to be made a prey and cap­tivate slaves to avaricious and cruell tyrants: these things and such like made them obscure and hide from the world what they knew or could doe, in­tending rather to have by the Philosophers Stone a balsamick universall medecine than the feminary of gold.

Many have written divers treatises of this subject some one way some another way, some more my­stically some more plainely; and what is darke in one, is found againe more cleare in another, speci­ally to such as are diligent Readers of the Herme­ticall Philosophy, I will therefore set downe here what by most approved consent of all, is the most easie and compendious way to perfite the Philoso­phers Stone, without prejudice to others, that thinke they knew a better way. In this my discourse there shall be nothing obscure, but that which a [...]lius artis may easily understand.

SECT. 5.

A generall relation of the matters and materials re­quisite to this worke; and in what time it may bee perfected.

ANd first, these principles and grounds for this worke are to bee understood, to wit, 1. Every mettall consists of Mercury as a common versatill and flexible matter of the which all mettalls are, and unto the which all may bee by Art red [...]ced. 2. The species of mettals, and their specifick and essentiall formes are not subject to transmutations, but onely the individuals of the species. 3. All mettals differ not in their common nature and matter, but in their degree of perfection and purity. 4. Art surmounteth and over-reacheth Nature, for Art assisted by Nature in a short space may perfect that which Nature otherwise by it selfe was a thousand yeares in perfiting and accom­plishing. 5. God hath created every mettall in its owne kinde, and hath implanted in them (specially in the perfect mettall) a seed whereby they may be by Art multiplied.

The chiefe matter of this Worke is most purifi­ed gold,Tauladan. p. 28. and silver joyned together in the progresse of the Worke;Rosarum. p. 18. and (as some hold) Gold alone in operation ad rubeam tincturam, Libaniu [...] Mullerus▪ and silver alone ad [Page 42] albam; Aquinase. 3. and Mercury according to Art well prepa­red, is the principall perfiter of the Worke.

The onely and chiefe key in this Worke,Daustricus. p. 16. is that black brat that ariseth and is emergent out of the solution of Sol and Luna with Mercury; Monachus p. 16. called Ca­put [...] &c. Benedictus p. 5 [...], 57, 58. &c.

The chiefest workes are Solutio and Coagulatio; by solution caput corvi is obtained,Mo [...]iennes two princi­pless as a seminary arising from the dissolved Sol, Luna, and Mercu­rius, Solut. & coa­gulat. and must be chiefly regarded. By coagula­tion caput corvi is fixed and fitted for impregnation and fermentation. Solution whereby caput corvi is obtained, is more facile; but coagulation is more difficile.

The time to finish the whole Worke is not yeares,Moriennes Theob. but some moneths; the expense are not many,Arnaldus. but tollerable, and the paines are easie, with some diligent attendance on the Worke: One For­nace Philosophically made for distinction of the degrees of the fire will suffice: And one or two Glasses will be needfull; the Glasse must be a Vi­all in forme, and with a long small cragge or neck, the body of it must be round, and so devised, that consisting of two parts, the inferior part may re­ceive the superiour part, that it may be closed skil­fully, and opened againe at the Artificers pleasure▪

SECT. 6.

Of the 5 degrees whereby the Worke is perfectioned, and first how to bring it to Solution.

THe whole artifice in composing the Philo­sophers Stone consists in five distinct ope­rations each following other in order, [...] p. 61, 62. to wit, Solution, Coagulation, Fermentation, fixation, and Multiplication.

Solution.

Take of Mercury (made menstruall by calcina­tion,Exercet. 3. in tu bam. so subtily prepared by sublimation, that it may become sharpe and piercing) twelve ounces:Arnald. in specie. of Solis the best sort refined by frequent fulmina­tion,Scala philo­soph. p. 103▪ Mulletus de lap. philosoph and drawne forth in most thinne plates or pieces, one ounce; upon the which in a Glasse powre some of the Mercury about the fourth or fifth part. Set the Glasse in a luke warme heate in the first degree on ashes, and so stopped and closed, that nothing fall in nor out of it, when it is stirred and inclined; and let all stand for the space of 15, or 20 dayes, during the which time a part of the Sol will be dissolved into the Mercury, by reason of the internall fire and corroding acrimome thereof, powre off that menstruall and keepe it, and powre on another part of the same, doing as is said before; and let all stand eight or ten dayes, and so forth doe [Page 44] till the Sol be all dissolved into the mercuriall wat­ter, which after the commixtion and resolution of Sol into it, Mercury which before was menstruall, now is of another temper, and is called lac virgi­neum, aqua vitae wherein Sol is fully dissolved.

Put all this lac virgineum in the Glasse with the foresaid degree of heate every eight or ten dayes, then will appeare a black brat and mater, partly e­merging and swimming above, and partly subsi­dent which (the watter or lac being first powred off) must be collected so oft as it appeareth, and is to be kept for coagulation:Rosarium p. 189. It is called caput corvi, sulphur auri crudum & nondum fixum. Libanius Arnaldus.

SECT. 7.

How from Solution to make Coagulation.

COagulation:Iullius, p. 116. put the sulphur Solis into the viol-glasse closse stopped, and set it in the foresaid first degree of heat for eight dayes,Arnaldus. till it bee almost exsiccat with the humidity of lac virginis that was left inherent in it;Mullerus. and then open the glasse and poure thereon asmuch of the lac as is the weight of the caput corui, Miracula chymica. and mixing it well, let it stand one or two dayes till they both be coagulat in one,Libanius. and become almost dry; and so forth doe thus till all the lac bee drunke up, which will be a­bout the space of 90. dayes more or lesse, accor­ding [Page 45] as the matter is of quicknesse and activity; and if this lac or aqua vitae bee suspected to have con­tracted any dulnesse and superfluous humidity while it was in the former worke of solution: in that case it is to bee prepared againe, quickned, sharpned, and made fitter for this present worke of Coagulation.

Both these, to wit the Lac virg. and Sol. being Coagulat as is said, the Coagulation must yet goe on, and with the second degree of heat for the space of a month, the matter Coagulat must stand in that heat, till there appeare cauda pavonis, that is, a variety and multitude of colours; and at length it will turne to a white colour, called corpus album, sulphur album, coagulatum album, terra philosopho­rum, &c.

SECT. 8.

How from Coagulation to produce Fermentation.

FErmentation:Isaacus. take as much of purified and laminated Sol. Lullius. (as answereth to the third part of the foresaid coagulatum album) and of men­struallCalid. c. 6. Mercury foure parts of the weight of Sol. Rolinus. p. 283. Amalgamaz them and put them in the viol on a lukewarme heat for 15. dayes,Dastin [...]s p. 30. till Sol. by the Mer­cury bee reduced into a subtile calx.Mullerus. Then amal­gamazLibanius. in a marble morter all the foresaid coagula­tum [Page 46] album with the Calx Solis and menstruall Mer­cury, then put altogether in the viol, and set it for a month in a heat of the second degree: then set it in a heat of the third degree, and let it so continue a good space till it become an hard white heavy masse, and from thence to an yellow colour, and from this to an orenge colour, and thereafter in­cline to be redish coloured.

SECT. 9.

The way to bring the worke to Fixation.

FIxation:Scotus p. 61. [...]1. for projection and transmutation, take the halfe of the said masse and bruise it, put it in a luted glasse, and set it on sand in a furnace, and increase the fire unto the fourth de­gree, that all may be made so fervent, that if a drop of water do fall on the sand it make an hissing, it must stand so, for 40. dayes, till the pulverished masse become a most subtile pouder.

And for projection of this pouder, one part of it upon a 100. parts of Mercury vulgar (but washed with vineger and salt) will make the whole, a per­fect tincture, and as some hold; one part of this hundreth fold tincture projected on another hun­dreth parts of Mercury: in whole will make and afford 1000. parts of tincture for gold, whereof one part projected on 100. parts of warme Mercury, will presently transmute it into perfect Sol.

SECT. 10.

From all the former, how to perfectionate Multipli­cation.

MVltiplication: is that wonderfull part of this artifice, whereby the stone being once made, needeth not to be made over againe; but may be multiplied to suffice continually, and it is thus done. Take the other halfe of the masse left in Fixation, or what quantity you please of it be­fore Fixation, and put to it of Lac virgineum or aqua vitae (prepared and provided for the purpose, and made after the manner aforesaid) a third part, and handle it after the same manner as is set downe in the worke of Fermentation, and it will become as fit both for Fixation to Projection, and Multipli­cation as before, and will ever be, so oft as it is re­iterate.

SECT. 11.

A short recitall of some other wayes of perfecting it, used by some Filij artis, and why it is called Sala­mandra.

IF any please to make the Philosophers stone onely ad album, that is for transmutation of Mer­cury into Luna, he may observe this forefaid me­thode, [Page 54] which is onely ad rubrum, and so proceede in all things after that same manner, except onely two things. 1. for Sol take Luna fined and batte­red out in small and thinne plates. 2. when it com­meth to the worke of Fermentation, give it onely a heat and fire in the third degree, so long till the Fermented masse become somewhat hard, and then proceede with it to Fixation and Multiplicati­on as is said in the operation ad rubrum.

Some joyne together both Sol and Luna in the progresse of the worke till it come to Fermentati­on, and then to obtaine tinctura alba for transmutati­on into Luna, they put to Luna for the Ferment, and to obtaine tinctura rubra for transmutation into Sol they put to Sol for the Ferment, & so they proceed as is said.

There are diverse otherwayes in the making of the Philosophers stone, some more compendious, some of a longer processe, but this that is here set downe is the best.

The Philosophers stone is rightly called Sala­mandra, because its bred and nourished in the fire. It is a treasure both for turning other mettals into gold or silver, and for any universall medicine to cure and prevent almost all diseases. Which so admirably being once by art found out, doth shew its power and force; that with Augurollus,

Ipsius ut tenui projecta parte,
Agur [...]lls.
per undas
Aequoris: Argentum vivum tum si foret aequor
Omne velimmensum, Verti mare posset in aurum.

OF THE WORLD, Its Beginning, Frame, and Ending; At least the conjectu­rall Ending.

SECT. 1.

Of the various distractions of Philosophers in their opinions concerning their Gods; and upon how ill grounds they were setled.

IN perusing the Monuments and Wri­tings of the old Philosophers, as I finde them abstruse and intricate in divers points of their professions; so particularly I remarke their irresolu­tions, and likewise the differences amongst them­selves. [Page 50] Of these speciall heads following,Three speci­all points wherewith the ancient Philosophers was most per­plexed. to passe by divers others which I have observed in their Poets; First of the true nature and essence of the Godhead which they worshipped; Next of the dis­cent of their soules into their bodies, and of the event of these soules when they should leave them: And lastly, of the beginning and ending of this World, of every one of which a little here.

Alwayes in handling these points, and the first principally I exempt Plato and Aristotle, for what their opinion is herein, I have touched in that Title which sheweth, how neere in all these three they jumpe with our Christian Religion, which other­wise distracted the rest of the Sects.

To be briefe then, à love principium▪ this is admi­rable, that some Gods they admitted as not per­fect ones; whence Ovid saith, or at least bringeth in Iupiter to this purpose.The opinions of the old Philosophers concerning the nature of the Gods.

Quos quoniam nondum coeli dignamur honore,
Quas dedimus certè terras habitare sinamus;

as if in any Deity, there should be imperfection; But, why not so to them? seeing Chrysippus admit­teth some mortall as well as immortall, which at the last conflagration of the world shall all be con­sumed by fire; so that of their Dii minorum gen­tium, none shall goe safe, except Iupiter alone.

To passe by, that Srato exempts the Gods from all charge and office, ascribing all things to be done by Nature; presupposing, as many restoratives or­dained for the upholding of it, as there are destru­ctives appointed for its undoing.

[Page 51] Was there not Gods appointed by them, as the Patrons to all vices, and authorizers of it? yea they set them at oddes one against the other; ‘Mulciber in Troiam pro Troia stabat Apollo.

And againe,

Neptunus muros, nagnoque immota tridenti
fundamenta quatit, &c.

And through all Homer, Minerva aideth Achilles; Iupiter lamed Vulcan; he againe enchained Mars and Venus, and the like fopperies.

SECT. 2.

Of the severall sorts of Gods amongst the Heathen; that they imagined them to bee authors of evils; that they were but mortall men: And some opini­ons of Philosophers concerning the nature, beeing, and power of their Gods.

IT was some way dispensable,The philoso­phers not on­ly admitted their Gods a [...] inventers of good, but fomenters of evill also. yet at least (quoad eos) to have fained Gods almost for all naturall productions, as Flora for the flowers of the Gar­dens, Bacchus for the Wines, Ceres for the Corne, Iuno for Childe-births, and so forth: yea and to have prescribed one for every Craft or Trade; yea and one for the tutelage of every Countrey.

But that they should have imagined their Gods so irreligious, as to have beene fawtors or authors, much lesse actors of evill, I thinke farre beneath the beliefe of any (ex faece) of the lees and dregges of [Page 50] the people, much more of a wise man and a Philo­sopher; which moveth mee to thinke, that those were wisest amongst them, who medled least to speake of their Gods, and vexed not themselves with their enquiry; but with Socrates, esteemed the best judgement that they could make of their Gods, to be, to judge nothing at all of them.

The most diligent inquirers in the end discove­red them to have beene but mortall men, who in their life-time had proved worthy either in Warre or peace & were deified after their death: And ac­cordingly Augustus Caesar had more Temples and pompous solemnities instituted in his favour, than Iupiter Olimpius almost had.

So that to obscure the basenesse of their Gods, it would seeme, that they were moulded or painted of old with their fist closed upon their mouthes, or at least their fingers, as willing thereby living men, to speake either sparingly of their nature, or no­thing at all.

Thus Pythius Apollo said well, and before him Timaeus to his Disciple Socrates, speaking of the na­ture of the Gods;

Vt potero explicabo, non ut certa
& fixa sunt quae dixero, sed ut homunciolus
probabilia conjectura adumbrans.

And in other places, ‘Sperantium sunt haec non probantium.’

But to enter here into the diversity of their opi­nions concerning the Deity the nature and de­scent of their Gods I am loath, lest wee should [Page 51] imagine those Philosophers,The Philoso­phicall errour concerning the discent and progenie of their Gods. in stead of wise men, as they were called, to have beene starke madde: Thales esteeming Gods to bee spirits, which had made all things of water, for he was the first that [...]ried in the cabin of their secrets: Anaximenes on the contrary, willeth them to be of the ayre, be­cause they (as it) should bee in continuall motion: Others of no little note, repute the Sunne and the Moone with the Starres to be Gods.

Labentem coelo qui ducitis annum
Liber & alma Ceres vestro si numine, &c.

Some againe made that Law imprinted in our hearts, by which we are inwardly (as it were) dri­ven to doe good, and to abstaine from evill: Pytha­goras reputed God to be a certaine Spirit, spread and shed abroad on, or in the nature of all things; so that with him all were full of Gods: Others fi­nally flatly deny that there was any at all, but that all things had beeing as they are, and should con­tinue in a perennell motion, vicissitude, and change: But I should weary you if I should but relate every one of their severall opinions.

SECT. 3.

Pythagoras opinion concerning the transmigration of soules rejected; of the coupling of the soule and body together; with severall opinions of the anci­ent learned men concerning the substance of the soule.

O What perplexity and doubts were the an­cient Philosophers plunged in concerning the transmigration of their soules?The errours touching the descent of their soules. their renowned Pythagoras avouched that strange opini­on of Metempsychosis, of the change or transplacing of the soule of a dying man, to, and in the body of a new borne creature, whether beast or rationall body; and then that body dying againe, that selfe same soule to remove and regaine a new habita­tion, and so to continue from body to body. To which so fond an imagination, I thinke no old wo­mans fable comparable.

And yet I excuse some way the irresolution of the Philosophers in this point, much more than in the mistaking of their Godhead; because I finde, that besides them, even the best Professors have doubtings in this point; that some of our Christian Fathers have beene touched with an admiration how the soule and body were coupled and yoaked together, whence one of the most famous is brought in, saying that

[Page 55]
Modus quo animae adherent corporibus
omninò mirus est, nec comprehendi a [...]
homine potest; as before him Plinius,
Omnia abdita & in naturae majestatis gremio reclusa;

So that with the Poet, no marvell though they should say likewise,

Ignoratur enim quae sit natura animai
Nata est, an contra nascentibus insinuetur.
Et simul intereat nobiscum morte perempta
An tenebras orci visat, vastasque lacunas,
An pecudes alias divinitus insinuet se.

The alterations and disputes concerning the substance of the soule are so many and different as is a wonder; some deny there is any soule in the body,Divers opini­ons of the philosophers concerning the substance of their soules. but that our bodies move of themselves, by the instinct and power of nature; Others againe confesse that there is a soule wherewith our bodies are vivified, say, it is a mixt thing composed of wa­ter and earth; others, of fire and earth: Empedocles wills it to be of and in the blood; thus Eurialus dying, was said to render sanguineam animam, —Sanguineam vomit ille animam: Zeno more judiciously in that kinde, esteemeth it to bee the quintessence of the foure Elements: Hypocrates, a spirit diffused through the whole body and every part thereof, Ita ut sit tota in toto, & tota in quali­bet parte: It was a generall and received opinion, that in this world there was a generall Soule, Ani­ma mundi, from which as all particular ones were extracted, so being separated from their bodies, thither they returned againe, according to which [Page 56] Virgill saith,—Deum namque ire per omnes, ‘Terrasque tractusque maris, &c.’

And againe,

Scilicet hinc reddi deinde ac resoluta referr [...]
Omnia, nec morti esse locum.—

SECT. 4.

The former Heathnick opinions confuted by our Chri­stian Beliefe; that they differed concerning the time of the soules continuance, and place of its abode: how they thought soules after the separation from the body to be rewarded for good or ill, &c.

THe last most plausible opinion, and which hath purchased to it selfe most Patrons, was, that the Father infused it into the Childe by generation; from which opinion few have swar­ved but Christians, who are taught to beleeve that the soule is given us from above.

The Iewish Church held (as wee) Coelitus de­missa, and not ex traduce: Thus Salomon, Eccles. 12. ver. 7. The Philosophers generally held the con­trary: the Poets (whom I account Rythmicall Philosophers, as Philosophers unversified Poets) are copious in this subject.

Fortes creantur fortibus, & bonis,
faith the Lyrick,
Nec imbelles faerocem.
[Page 57] progenerant aquilam columbae:

And againe another,

Dolus vulpibus, ac fuga cervis
A Patribus datur.

Now as they differed in opinion touching the substance and discent of their soules;The diffe­rent opinion concerning the event of soules after their separa­tion from their bodies. so no lesse va­ried they about the time how long, and the place where the soules should continue after the dissolu­tion of their bodies.

The Stoicks maintained, that the soule shall re­maine a certaine space after the dissolution from the body, but not ever: Pythagoras and his Sect, of whom a little before, that the soules of the de­parted did remove from that body to another: of which sort yet some were of opinion, that of these same soules some removed to heaven againe, and within a space thereafter reddescended to the lower parts, which Virgill intimateth when hee saith,

O Pater! Anne aliquas ad caelum hinc ire putan­dum est
Sublimes animas, rursumque ad tarda reverti Corpora est?

And againe, ‘Lathos culices & longa oblivia potant.’

Plato (and that he hath out of Pindarus) esteem­eth that as a man hath lived well or ill in this world, accordingly his soule shall bee requited hereafter; if well, that then it shall be rejoyned to the Starre to which it was first assigned; if ill, that then it shall be coupled to one of some malignant influence.

[Page 58] Finally, Apuleius Madaurensis in his tractate of the Moone, bringeth in Plutarch, maintaining, that the soules of well doers here during their abode in bodies, to be converted into Demi-gods or Saints: On the contrary, the ill ones, or at the least the worst are turned into Demons: As for the abso­lute eternity of them, they medled with that opi­nion rather more Sperantium quàm probantium.

By this preceding discourse, wee may see how farre we are obliged to the infinite mercies of our great God, who as he hath revealed himselfe truly unto us, at whom these ancient wise men but in a glimpse obscurely aymed; so hath hee ridde our mindes of that perplexity, wherein they were wrapt and infolded touching both the discent and event of our Soules.

SECT. 5.

Philosophicall tenents of plurality of Words confuted; of Gods Creation of male and femall of all living Creatures.

BEcause the discourse of the World, and the Philosophers opinions touching the begin­ning, continuance, and ending of it, is the Theame which directly here I intend to handle; I haste me to it.

That there were more worlds than one, Demo­critus, [Page 59] Epicurus, and others mantained as an un­doubted verity, whence the Poet,

Terramque & Solem, Lunam, Mare, caetera quae sunt
Non esse unica, sed numero magis innumerali.

The reason whereupon they grounded the proba­bility of their opinion,Their reasons why there were mo [...] worlds than one. was this, because that in all the Vniverse there was nothing created alone without a mate or fellow, as in all birds, fishes, beasts; Yea in plants and hearbs, and in man their under Monarch may be seene, but as Aristotle himselfe hath confounded that opinion of his, prior Philosophers concerning their plurality of worlds, so naturall reason may leade us by the hand to its convincing; for, if there was another world, it be­hoveth to be as this is, spherite and round, because that of all figures the orbicular is as most perfect, so most spacious; then if they were round, howbeit in their sides they might touch and kisse one ano­ther, yet sure betwixt the superior convexes and lower concaves, there behoved to bee vacuities, which their owne Maximes admit not, for Natura, say they, abhorret à vacuo.

As for that conjugality (if abusively I might say so) of all living Creatures in paires, it was ordai­ned by the great maker for the propagation and multiplication of their kindes, which otherwise had decayed; for with Apulcias, Cunctatim sumus perpetui, sigillatim mortales.

SECT. 6.

Severall opinions of severall Phylosophers concerning the Worlds Eternitie; their naturall reasons for ap­proving of it; and what the Egyptians thought concerning the antiquitie of the World.

THeir other opinion of the Eternitie of the World hath had more Patrons than this,Opinions concerning the Eternitie of the World. and that so much the rather, because that seeing the Godhead, their supreame Ens was from all Eternitie, that therefore I say, hee could not then even from all beginning (if Eternitie could admit a beginning) be a Creator without a creature, for otherwise he should have nothing to do, as they say.

So that those of this opinion doe not infringe, that of the most famous in all the Greeke schooles, favoring the Eternitie of the World saying, that the World was a god created by a greater One; this World being a body composed of soule and bodie, which Soule had its seate and residence in the Center, from whence it diffused by musicall num­bers, her force and power to the remotest extremi­ties of the circumference, having within it, other lesser gods, as the Seas, Aire, Starres, which doe corresponde to other in a mutuall harmonie, in perpetuall agitation and motion. The Earth sen­ding [Page 61] up vapors to the Aire, the Aire rayning downe upon the Seas againe, the Seas by secret conduits and channells transmitting them into the earth like veines ramifying themselves and bubbling up in fountaines, rivers, and brookes, &c. The Sunne and starres infusing their force upon all Creatures and vegetables: The Moone hers upon the Sea. Apuleius as in his tractat de Mundo Luna, & Deo; Socrates aimes at this above spoken: So Herodotus when he enquired at the Aethiopian and Aegyptian Gymnosophists what they thought of the Eterni­tie of the Word, had for answere, That since their first king of whom they shew him the picture ex­quisitely done, There had runne out a leven thou­sand and so many hundred yeares, and that by their observations, the Sunne had changed foure times his ordinary course, and the heavens theirs also.

And Diodorus setteth downe that in his dayes the Chaldeans kept Register of foure hundreth thousand yeares since the first beginning, which admit, were but Lunarie (which is problematicke neverthelesse) it is above all measure farre beyond the reckoning of their neighbours the Iewes: The Gymno­sophists an­swere concer­ning the E­ternitie. To this opinion of the Egyptian and Indian Gymno­sophists, favouring the Eternitie of the World, may be added the opinion of the Materiarie philoso­phers, who howbeit they admit the beautie of the World to have come unto it with time, yet they hold confidently that the Chaos and matter it selfe (whence I call them Materiarcy) was coetanean and contemporary from all beginning with the [Page 62] Maker: Of this opinion was Hesiod in his Theogoma saying, [...], &c.’

Now to speake of the divers opinions of the other old Philosophers who admitted a beginning to this world, and what principalls they supposed for it.

Heraclitus was of opinion that the world was begunne with fire,The Philoso­phicall diffe­rences concer­ning the be­ginning of the World. and that by the fatall order of the Destinies, it should bee destroyed by it againe, and dissolved in flames; yet in such sort, that after some ages thus being purified, it should be renewed againe, which Leo Hebraeus some way admits.

Thales againe would have the beginning of it to have beene of water, having fished that out of Homer as it seemeth and Virgill from him againe: ‘At nos interram lympham vertaminor omnes.’

And we often reade in Homer and Virgil, pater oceanus.

But what more foolish or idle conceit than that of Democritus and Leucippus, The fond conceites of those who imagined all things to be by the en­counter of Atoms. who imagined the be­ginning of the world and of all contained therein to have beene by the casuall encounter of Atoms (which are little infectile bodies (not unlike the Moates which wee see to tumble and rowle about in the Sunne beames, when they pierce any glasse-window or cranice, whose encounter like unto these, say they, doe either perpendiculagor or ob­liquely, sphericall or angularly, crowde together [Page 63] this globe, and all the diversities in it, whereof in­deede I may say with the Satyrists: ‘Spectatum ad missir sum teneatis amiei?’

This is that which Virgil savoreth when he brin­geth in old Silenus his Canto to this purpose, in these words:

Nemque canebat uti magnum per inane coacta
Semina, terrarum (que) anima (que) maris (que) fuissent
Et liquidi simulignis ut his exordia primis
Omnia
—& ipse etiam mundi concreverit orbis.

All which opinions in this may be refuted, that they derogate too much from the power of God,A theological observation upon the pre­misses. whether they would have had the world eter­nall, or of any preexisting water, insomuch as they thought not him who is able to draw light out of darkenesse, sufficient to have framed by his very World all this Fabricke of nothing, or yet if this Chaos had beene drowned in oblivion, and sunck in darknesse, not to have raised and reframed a new one, by the same Word and his power.

SECT. 8.

The most approved opinion of all Philosophers concer­ning the Worlds beginning and matter: the infall­ble truth of it; and a checke of Augustines against over curious inquisitors after those and the like mi­steries.

THe more tolerable opinion was of those who held all things to be composed in time of the foure elements; admitting the Creatures of the Etheriall Region to bee of a like kinde and species with these of the Sublunary, and yet they thought not that any thing of them could be, but by some preëxisting matter.

Whereas we hold sacred anchor of veritie, that the mightie infinite, eternall, and all-powerfull God, created this World of nothing in and with time about five thousand sixe hundereth and odde yeares agoe,Our Christi­an beleefe touching the Worlds be­ginning and ending. and that hee shall destroy it in time knowne onely to himselfe.

And if they aske what God was doing before this short number yeeres; We answere with S. Augustine replying to such curious questioners, that he was framing Hell for them. Seeing then it was created, and with time, it cannot therefore be eter­nall: (these two being repugnant and incompatible ad idem as we say) which indeed to mortall men in­lightned [Page 65] but with nature only, is hard to beleeve: As for Trismegistus in his Poemander, and Plato in his Timeo, what they have spoken more divinely than others herein, no question but they have fished it out of Moyses his Pentateuch, who flourished before them, as Diodorus and Iosephus both witnesse.

SECT. 9.

How Philosophers differ from Christians in the wayes whereby God is knowne; the Parts whereof the world is composed; the division of the Coelestiall Spheares, wherein severall varieties may be observed.

THere are three wayes of knowing God; first affirmatively by which, whatever good is in man, they with us acknowledged to be in God,Three wayes of knowing God. in a supereminent manner, and in abstracto (as we say in the schooles) Secondly, by denying what ever evill is in man, can any wayes be in God which is called the way of negation; But in the third way which is called the way of causation, by which we acknowledge God to be the causer of all things on­ly. There they did mistake in so farre as they im­puted the cause of many things to a continued seri­es and a perennall succeeding of one thing to ano­ther, for although Saint Augustine, Lib. 2. de civitate dei. cap. 17. and 4. holds that nature hath charecterised that much in every one, to know the [Page 66] finger of God in their Fabricke. For that which to us Christians are as undoubted truths, to them were dubitable grounds, grounded upon their physi­call maxime. That ex nihilo, nihil fiet.

But leaving these opinions of Philosophers (as almost al Cosmographers do) I divide the world in­to two parts Caelestiall and Elementary;A briefe de­scription of the World. for the Al­mighty hath so disposed and linked them together, That the Elementary or lower world cannot sub­sist without the Celestiall; Her vertue, power, mo­tion, and influences; for effectuating whereof the heavens are framed like a concaved Globe, or a hollow Bowle, whose center or middle body is this earth, environed about with these heavens, di­stant equally at all parts from it.

The Celestiall Region, which properly is all the bounds betwixt the Sphere of the Moone, and the highest heavens comprehendeth in it eight Starrie Orbes, of which eight; seaven Plannets have their spheares betwixt the starrie firmament and the ayre: but so set that every ones orbe is lesser than the other, untill they reach the Moones; which is the least, last, and lowest spheare of all.

The eight orbe which is the starrie firmament comprehendeth all the rest of the fixed starres,The division of the hea­vens and Coelestiall Spheares. and under it the planetary spheares before mentioned; But yet so, that it againe is environed by one grea­ter, more ample and capacious, called the ninth spheare; And this ninth is girt about againe by that most supreme of al, called the tenth or primum mobile, above which againe is the Emperian or [Page 67] Christaline heaven, which is the domicile and habitation of the blessed Spirits.

The tenth spheare or primum mobile, is that in or­der, by whose perennall revolution, the starrie fir­mament and all the rest are rowled and wheeled a­bout in the space of 24 houres from East to West, upon the two Poles of th world called the South and North, or Polearticke or Antarticke.

Hic vertex nobis semper sublimis at illum
Sub pedibus styx atra videt, manesque profundi.

And yet that revolution is not so swift,The Plannets and their re­trodations in their proper spheares. but that the Plannets have every one their owne course and motions, and that from the West to the East upon other Poles; by the Astronomers called Zodiack Poles: Nor is each Plannets course aalike swift and rapid for the Moones course through the Zodiack is ended in one moneth. The Sunnes in a yeare and so forth of the rest: So that Saturne finished his but in 30 yeares, Iupiter his in 12. And Mars in lesse and fewer, to wit in 2. Venus, and Mercury whose place is next below the Sunne, in the like space with the Sunne; but by reason of their changing by re­trogradation and progression, they are sometimes before the Sunne in the morning, and sometime be­hinde at evening, and at othertimes so neere him that they cannot bee seene: finally the Moone as remotest from the first Mover or tenth heaven, is swiftest in her owne peculiar motion through the Zodiack, which shee endeth (as I was saying) [Page 68] in 27. dayes and some odde houres. Neither thinke It strange although the change fall not untill the 29. and a litle more; the reason being, that during the time of 27. dayes wherein the Moone goeth tho­rough the Zodiack, the Sunne in the meane time by his peculiar motion hath gone 27 degrees forward in that same Zodiack;Cause of the Moones change. which space the Moone must yet measure before shee can be in Conjuncti­on with the Sunne, which in effect is the change. So they two are to be distinguished, the Periodick motion of the Moone, & her Lunation from change to change.

All these motions of the Starres, our Astrono­mers have found out by visible demonstrations; as for a peculiar motion allotted to them besides, it is a thing of some further consideration. Aristotle, and the Astronomers of that age doe teach, that the eight Spheare, commonly called the Firma­ment of fixed starres, is the highest and next to the first movable; yet the later Astronomers obser­ving in the fixed starres,Different mo­tions of the Starres. beside the daily revolution of 24 houres, another motion from West to East, upon the Poles of the Zodiack, in regard one simple body (such as is the Firmament) cannot have but one motion of it selfe, have concluded, that above the Firmament of fixed starres, there behoved to be a ninth heaven: And last of all the later Astro­nomers (and chiefly the Arabs) observing in the fixed starres a third motion, (called by them Motus trepidationis, or trembling motion) from North to South, and from South to North, upon its owne [Page 69] Poles in the beginning of Aries and Libra, have hereupon inferred, that there is yet above all these a tenth heaven, which is the first moveable in 24. houres, moving round about from East to West upon the Poles of the World, and in the same space drawing about with it the nine inferiour heavens; and the ninth heaven upon the Poles of the Zo­diack, making a slower motion to the East, measu­reth but one degree in one hundreth yeares, and therefore cannot absolve its course before six and thirty thousand yeares; which space is called the great Platonick yeare, because Plato beleeved, that after the end thereof, the heavens should renew all things as they had beene in former times, seeing they returned to their first course;What the great Plato­nick Starre was. so that then hee should bee teaching those same Schollers in the same Schoole: whereby it seemeth, that this mo­tion was not unknowne in his time. The slownesse of this motion proceeding from the neerenesse to the first moveable, like as the eight Orbe or Fir­mament finisheth its trembling motion in 7000. yeares; but of this trembling motion as also of the number, motions, and aspects of the Starres, who lists to reade Ioannes Herpinus his Apologie for Bo­din against Ferrerius, shall rest marvellously con­tented.

SECT. 10.

The order of the Elements, with some observations of the Ayre and Water.

NOw betwixt the Spheare of the Moone and the Earth and Waters, is the Element of Ayre, next after the Element of fire, fil­ling up all that vast intecstice, divided in three Re­gions, whose middle Region by Anteperistasis (as we say) of the supreame one ever hot; and the lower ones now hot, now somewhat cold, is ever cold, and so is made the receptacle of all our Me­teors, Raine, Haile, Snow, and so forth, framed there accordingly as the matter elevated from the earth and waters is either hot, moist, dry, cold, high or low.

Next to the Element of the Ayre, is the Ele­ment of Water and Earth, which two make but one Globe, whose uppermost superficies is breathed upon with the incumbing and environing Ayre.

These two are the center to the Globe and en­vironing heavens;The Waters and Earth make but one Globe. the great Ocean (by Homer and Virgil called Pater Oceanus) which compasseth the earth, and windeth about it; as it is father to all other floods, fountaines, brookes, bayes, lakes, which doe divide themselves through the whole body and upon the face of the Earth, like so many [Page 71] veines shedde abroad and dispersed thorough our humane bodies, whose source and spring is from the Liver; so hath it divers denominations from the Coasts it bedeweth, as Britannick, Atlantick, Aeth [...]opick, Indick, and so forth.

Now the reason why the Seas which are higher than the Earth,Why the Seas debarr'd from overflowing the Earth. doe not overflow it (seeing it is a matter fluxible of it selfe) cannot bee better given by a Naturalist, (setting aside Gods eternall ordi­nance) than that the waters having their owne bounds from the bordering circumferences, doe alwayes incline and tend thither.

Praescriptas metuens transcendere metas.

SECT. 11.

Of the Earth, that it is the lowest of all the Elements; its division, first into three, then into foure parts; and some different opinions concerning them recon­ciled.

THe Earth is as the heaviest, so the lowest; subsidit tellus though divers admit not the waters to bee higher than the earth; of which opinion Plato seemes to mee to be, placing the spring of Rivers and Fountaines in orco or ca­vities of the earth.

The former opinion our famous Buchanan ele­gantly illustrateth, in his first Booke de Sphaera,

[Page 72]
Aspice cumpleuis è littore concita velis
Puppis eat, sensim se subducente Carina
Linteaque & su [...]mo apparent Carche sia maio
Nec minus è naviterram spectantibus unda
In medio assurgens, &c.

Which argueth rather the Earth to be round, nor that the Seas or waters are higher than it: so it may be confidently enough said, that the water is above, about, and in the Earth, yea and dispersed thorough it, as the blood is diffused and dispersed thorough the body or man or beast, from its spring the Liver, the Orcum (as we may say) of it.

This Earth alwayes by the Geographers of old was divided into three parts,Division of the Earth. viz. Europe, Asia, Africk, not knowing any further, but suffereth now a new partition or division; since the dayes of Co­lumbus, who in the yeare 1492, by an enterprize (to the eternall memory of his name) made disco­very of America, Of America. added by our moderne Mappes as a fourth part, which (according to our late Navi­gators and discoverers, shall bee found to exceede the other three in extent; from whence the gold and silver commeth hither as Merchant wares, oc­casioning all the dearth we have now, considering how things were in value the dayes of our Fathers, as Bodin, in his paradoxes against Malestrot, aver­reth; so that the profuse giving of their gold for our trifies,What maketh all things so deare now. through the abundance of their inexhaustible gold mynes, maketh now, by the abundance of mo­ney, which formerly was not; that a thing shall cost ten, yea twenty, which before was had for one or two▪

[Page 73] Mercator, that most expert Cosmographer, ex­pecteth as yet the fifth part of the Earth, intituling it Terra Australis; the Spaniards in their Cardes, Terra dell fuego, which must be by South, that Sea descried by Magellanes: So that by his supputation the world shall be divided yet in three, making Eu­rope, Asia, Africk but one, as but one Continent, which in effect it is; America, and this looked for terra Australis, the other two.

SECT. 12.

Of the different professions of Religion in the severall parts of the world: what Countries and llands are contained within Europe, and what within Asia.

BVt leaving those two last parts (as most re­mote from our commerce and knowledge) of Europe, Of our old known world, the third part is not Chri­stian, and that as yet different amongst it selfe. Africk, and Asia, thus much I finde in Cosmographers, that scarce the fourth part of these three is Christians, and yet those Christians differing amongst themselves; the Greeke Church differing in five principall points from the Roman; that from the Protestants; and the other amongst themselves.

For not to speake of Europe where Christianisme is gloriously professed, consisting of Spaine, Portu­gall, France, Italy, Greece, Thracia, Germany, Hun­gary, Rusland, Poll, Sweden, Denmarke, Gothland, of [Page 74] the Ilands lying in the Ocean, as Brittaine, Ireland, Island, Greeneland.

In the Mediterr anean, as Cicilie, Rhodes, Malta, Cyprus, Corsica, Sardinia, Candia, Majorica, Minorica, and some few others; if we shall but overlooke the large & plentifull bounds of Asia, illustrious in this, that the History of the Creation and Redemption of the world was especially accomplished in it, with the places wherein were the largest Monar­chies, (so much blazed in Histories) in all this I say shall be found litle or nothing of Christianisme.

For to divide it in five maine Principalities, or rather Monarchies (whereof now it consisteth) to wit, in that of the great Dutchie of Muscovia or Russia, (a good part whereof is in Europe) in the great Cham of Tartary his Empire,Division of Asia. both these two lying or reaching to the North; In the Empire of China, whose Lord by them is called the Sove­raigne of the Earth, the Sonne of heaven: In the Monarchie of the Sophie of Persia, lying in the bo­some of that part of the world; and in the Turkish Empire, together with the Indian Monarchie: To omit the Emperour of Germany.

SECT. 13.

With what Religions and Sects all the Easterne and Northerne Countries are possessed, and in what pla­ces Christianity is most professed, &c.

WHat in all these (I say) of our Christian Religion but little,The West and East parts. and where there is any, it is so mixed with Iudaisme and Pa­ganisme as is a wonder; for in Iappan, and thorough all the East Indies, howbeit the Iesuites indeede have laboured to draw them to Christianisine, yet their Histories record how and what way they are mixed; And to winde about againe towards Aethi­opia and Prester Iohn his estate, reputed Soveraigne and Monarch over forty or fifty Kings and Provin­ces: There are there also some footesteps of our profession, but as else-where, so intoxicated with Iudaisme, that besides divers other points, they are promiscuously circumcised and baptised: Then to passe by Egypt, next neighbour, how it is all ensla­ved to the Mahumetans, all know: In what better case are the Africans, the Numids, Maures, Bar­bars; and then in and about the Atlantick coast, these of Fez and Marroco, and so forth. So it hath pleased God the Maker, to chastise the world for the sinnes of men; in which although light hath cleerely shined, yet they have delighted more in darknes than in it.

[Page 76] I will not say but in Musco, Tartary, China, and Persia there be some Christians also; but these are commonly Greekes by profession, and yet so farre rent asunder and eclipsed from the true doctrine ac­knowledged by S. Paul to the Corinthians, Ephesi­ans, Philippians, and the rest, as is pittifull: divided amongst themselves in divers Sects, as Nestorians, Iacobites, Georgians, Armenians, Copits, &c. thus dispersed thorough all the Easterne Church; they obtrude unto us of the Westerne too, that we are Schismaticks, and severed amongst our selves like­wise, as Papists, Anabaptists, Lutherans, Calvi­nists, &c.

Nether are the Negro Princes of Africk, the Turkes and Mahumetans, and all the other idola­trous people and Nations of the South, so in ac­cord amongst themselves, that they are free from division; for Leo After in the third Booke of his Hi­storie, quoteth particularly their differences and di­visions; for the Turkes foure great Doctors and Mahomete successors are divided in 72 severall Sects,Turkish pro­fessors divided amongst themselves. which are extended and dispersed thorough all the Turkes Dominions, in Europe, Africk, Asia; alwayes the rest of the World, as Terra Australis, and all America, except in such parts where the late Conquests are made by the Spaniards, English; and French are so farre from Christianity, that they dwell all in the profoundest darknes of most grosse Paganisme, serving and adoring the Devill and his excruciating spirits; sacrificing their children, and those of the best sort, either to pacifie their ire, or to conciliate their favour.

SECT. 15.

America and the New-found-lands briefly descri­bed; and some opinions about what time of the yeare the world had its beginning.

I Can speake nothing of Terra Australis or In­cognita; as for America, I finde in the Mappe of the new found world,A litle descrip­tion of Ame­rica, and the New-found-lands. that although it be al­most all continent, yet in a manner it is divided in two Ilands, but so that they are made contiguous by nature, by a little Tract of Land or Isthmos, where their principall and Metropolitane Citie standeth, called Mexico; a brave Citie indeede, lying in that Bay.

The Peninsule, or Northerly part of this Ame­rica containeth in it Hispanianova, the Province of Mexico, Terra florida, Terra nova, Virginia, nova Francia, nova Scotia; further North is not yet dis­covered: The Southerne Peninsule againe reaching towards Magellane; and that part containeth Peru, Brasil, &c.

This is the whole world as yet knowne, of which Plinius in the second Booke Naturalis Historiae, (which you may be sure was long before the disco­very of this America) speaketh, when hee raileth a­gainst the covetousnesse of Princes, who incroa­ched upon others limits; and mens ambition in [Page 78] conquering pieces and lumpes of inheritances here and there; not taking heede, that so little a piece of ground must containe the best and worthiest Mo­narchy in the end.

Which world hath neither beene made over a­gaine, and recreated as a thing with time worne and growne old, needeth restauration; of which opinion was Philo Hebreus out of Theophrast; neither yet was it from all eternity, which Aristotle in his 3. cap. lib. 1. de caelo giveth way to, saying, that to be created and to be from all beginning, are [...], & de numero impossibilium: But, on the contrary, wee have a warrant that it is, and was created, and that consequently it shall have an end, when it shall please the Maker thereof to bring on that period of time; at which, howbeit both Divines and Philo­sophers have conjectured, yet punctually to say when, the Angels of heaven know it not, much lesse they; uncertaine it is likewise, at what time of the yeare it did begin; although the Rabins, and ma­ny Christians following them (as Bodin in his Re­publick, and his Apologetick friend Herpinus) ac­curately maintain, that it began in September, which September is with them mensis Nisan; and I could be induced to that same beliefe: yet more proba­bly the Spring of the yeare may be thought to bee the time when the world began,What time of the yeare the world was created. as the day begin­neth with the morning, and as the sunne riseth upon our Horizon with the day. And howsoever the au­thority of fabulous Poets should not serve to in­stance a matter of so high an importance, yet Vir­gill [Page 79] his testimony in his fourth Georgicks, is not wholly to be slighted.

Haud alios prima crescentis origine mundi
Illuxisse dies, aliumve habuisse tenorem
Crediderim: ver illuderat, ver magnus agebat.
Orbis & Hybernis parcebant flatibus Euri.

SECT. 15.

Wherein is to be seene some things concerning the time when it is thought to take an end.

DIvers (you see) have beene the opinions of the Worlds beginning, number, and ending also: some thinking it eternall, others cor­ruptible, and those also differing among them­selves.

Cyprian Ludovicus (whom Iohannes Bodin refu­reth in his cap. of the changes of States) presumeth the yeare when this dissolution shall bee, may be knowne: howsoever wee should hold us to the written word of God, as to a holy Anchor; in which as we learne that it had a beginning, so must we know that it shall have an end; and rather to be preparing for the approach of it, than curiously and superstitiously to be inquiring when that shall be; seeing it hath not pleased God to make it knowne; for where God in the Scripture hath not a tongue to speake, we should have none to en­quire or aske, or an eare to heare: I will relate the [Page 80] opinions of some in this point, among which, in my opinion, the Arabs, Moores, and with them the Iewes, as particularly Albumazar a Cabalist, have by all likelihood conjectured best the time of its dissolution, that any before either Chaldean or E­gyptian have done.

For, within these few hundred yeares they have discovered the Caball and secret of the trembling motion of the eight Orbe, that it doth not accom­plish its course but in seven thousand yeares; which in Analogy and relation is some way answerable to the seventh yeares rest of the Earth, the seventh dayes rest from labour: So that indeede by Leo Hebreus his opinion,When pro­bably it may be thought to take an end. the world should last but 6000 years, & rest the seventh; which opinion is founded upon the c. helck, in the Iewish Sanhedrim; where it is written, 6000 yeares the world shall last, & then it shall decay: which Lactanctius lib. 7. cap. 14. il­lustrateth, comparing the six thousand yeares to the six dayes of the weekes labour, the seventh to the Saboaths rest: our ancient both Poets and O­ratours have all given after ages to understand, that they all, I say, almost knew generally that its de­struction was to come in the appointed time by the Fates. Although as wiser than us their successors did not touch the question, as Plato in his Timeo; Ci­cero in his Booke de natura Deorum; Macrobius c. 10. de somno Scipionis: and for them all Ovid us lib. 1. Metamorph.

Esse quoque in fatis reminiscitur affore tem­pus,
[Page 81] Quo mare, quo tell us, corruptaque regio coeli
Ardeat, & mundi moles operosa laboret.

SECT. 16.

Copernicus his opinion of the Earths moving, confu­ted: Archimedes opinion of the world: an Indu­ction to the following Section.

NExt unto this, I subjoyne the franticke and strange opinion of Copernicus, who taketh on him to demonstrate, speaking of the worlds frame, that the Sunne is immoveable and placed in the Center of the World, and that the Globe of the Earth is moveable,Copernick his opinion that the Earth did move, reje­cted. rolling and wheeling about, admitting the change of States to depend upon the Eccentrick of the Earth; so that hee giveth not onely to the said Earth a daily run­ning about the Sunne in 24 houres, in the space of the day and night, but likewise an annuall revolu­tion; which opinion how absurd it is, as Nature convinceth it of errour, so authorities of the Lear­ned shall confound it: for besides that, in Scrip­ture we have warrant, that the Earth is stablished sure—

—Stat nullo mobilis aevo
Terra, super solidae nitens fundaminae molis
Pollenti stabilita manu.

Moreover Archimedes the rarest Mathemati­cian [Page 82] that erst was or since hath beene, and who caused to be engraven upon his Tombe in Sicilie the Spheare, with this admirable position ‘—Datun [...] pondus movere.’

Granted to King Hieron of Siracusa, that there was no weight which he could not move; And that if there were any other earth beside this whereon he might establish his Machin, and Mathematicall Instruments, he durst undertake to move this out of its place, whereon we dwell; By which he would have us know, that the earth budged nor moved not, much lesse in such celeritie to compasse the Sunne, as Copernicke esteemed.

Lastly, I am to evert that ground of some too cu­rious Astrologers,Why the change of Triplicities cannot be a ground for change of States. who upon the change of Tripli­cities, undertake also to found the change and alte­ration, which they would prove upon the face of the earth, both in the nature of the ground, and in the qualities of people: But because the Word of Triplicitie is not so usuall as that every one under­standeth it aright therefore thus much for the intel­ligiblenesse of it in the following Section.

SECT. 17.

The division of the starrie firmament, in twelve houres; of the Power and efficacie that is attributed to the Triplicities of them over every Country: and the maintainers of these opinions confuted: the divers dispositions of people of severall nations, how attri­buted to the naturall disposition of the Planets: An observation of Gods Providence.

THe body of the Starrie firmament which with our eyes we see, by the moderne, at least not very old Arabs, and Moores (who first found out the trembling motion of it, as they hold called by them Motus trepidationis) is divi­ded in twelve houses, which for more cleerenesse, and intelligiblenesse are more compendiously packt up in foure,The starrie fir­mament devi­ded in so many Asterismes. every one of the foure answera­ble to a corner of it; as we see in Scripture the foure Winds mentioned; To every one of which foure againe, there are three houses or Asterismes appropriated.

These houses or starres belonging to them are observed to appertaine to the Region upon which they glanced first: So that what ever nature either the people or ground there at the first influence or aspect of that house had thereupon, by this trem­bling motion of theirs, the Triplicitie having chan­ged [Page 84] about is transported to another Region, which is another thing than the Triplicit [...]e set downe, or at the least alleadged so by Ptolomie in his booke Quadripartit, Bodin his tri­plicit [...]ie is not such. whereof Bodin maketh mention in his fourth de Republica: Allotting the Triplicitie of fire to Europe, of Water to Africa; to Asia Sep­tentrinall and Orientall Ayre, and the Tripli­citie of earth to Asia meridionall. To say that the fixed starres in these houses of theirs, by the trembling motion of their Orbe; had changed place or seate also, and thereby that they had changed the triplicitie or nature of the regions of the earth either in the qualitie of the ground, or nature of the people, were most absurd, and capa­ble to subvert all the Maximes of Iudiciary Astro­logie concerning the Horoscopie of men and Cit­ties; which hold as true now as they did this day two thousand yeares, as Cardan averreth, who held Ptolomeus his Maximes in that point, which he againe had from the Caldeans and Aegyptians, a­mongst whom there is not a word of these triplici­ties.

For to say with Haly Arab, that Ptolomie obscu­red it amongst his writs, to make it a caball and se­cret, argueth it selfe of falshood, as being unlike­ly that he had interred and smothered so rare a se­cret, or yet made it a caball which otherwayes might have added so much lustre to his workes.

But so it is on the contrary, that notwithstanding all these alleadged changes of triplicities, we see these same proprieties of Coelestiall signes; which [Page 85] Cardan and Iulius Maternus observed by Caldeans and Aegyptians stand good in such sort,The changing of triplicities notable to change the nature of things; and Why? that not one­ly the Elements and Elementary things, Reptiles, Plants, Animalls, with all living and moving crea­tures of all species and kindes mineralls, &c. keepe that same frame and figure without, and nature within which they had at first ingraft and ingra­ven, and primitively characterised in and upon them; But also we see the seasons of the yeare, nights and dayes, Sunne, Moone, and Sarres, to observe their constant and equall course which from all beginning was imposed upon them.

Whereby even now as before, we see the peo­ple of the North different from these of the South in nature, Stature complexion, colour, disposition, as at more length I have set downe in my Title of the diversitie of mens humors: And that not onely by authoritie of famous writers who have descri­bed them to bee just so then, as now yet wee see them; But likewise conforme to the positure of the very body of the heavens themselves. So that in a manner the nature and seate of the Plannets ar­gueth of necessitie the nature of the people to which they shall be found to appertaine.

As Saturne to the Meridionall and Southernely people,Diversities of peoples na­tures con­formeable to the posi­ture of the heavenly Plannets. a dry and Melancholious Starre: Mars, to the Septentionall, as strong and Iustier Iupiter againe, father of light and life equall to both: Ve­nus for the Southerne, as more lascivious than the other: The Moone for us in the North againe as [Page 86] more moyst and unconstant than they, while Mer­curie shall be equall almost for both: But more en­clyning to the Southerne, as being better spirits; for from them eloquence, and contemplative Sci­ences doe flow unto us:The naturall disposition of the Plannets argueth the Inclination of people over which they are planted. As from us to them Miri­ads of lustie great people, which overranne all their fertill provinces: And if it be objected, how it comes to passe seeing Venus and lasciviousnesse are attributed to them, that they should bee lesse po­pulous than we; To this I answere, That their wo­men in numbers farre exceed their men. Thus Po­lygamie was and is so frequent amongst them, for if according to their wits they were both strong and numerous, the World could not abide them: Thus the Al-seeing God hath disposed things wisely in this world, that the worst and subtilest creatures are fewest in number; as Lyons, Foxes, Wolves, Leopards, whereas the weaker and more Innocu­ous sort are more frequent, as Sheepe, Beeves, Hart, Hinde, and so forth.

SECT. 18.

The causes of the Changes of severall things as of men, Countries; plots of ground, &c. and that these pro­ceede not from triplicities as Astrologers would have it.

NOw if so be that some of the people have changed any whit of their former innated Natures,If people be changed from that which they were wont to be, Why? and How? That must not be imputed so much to the change of Triplicities as to education, and the commerce of other more politicke Nations, which is more frequent than before; formerly it being counted a rare thing for a man to make a voy­age to Spaine or Portugall, whereas now new found worlds and people of other countenances, are no­thing so strange and wonderfull unto us.

Finally, that some Countries, or rather Grounds, are become more barren than they were, that men are more weake, and lower of stature than they were; must not bee imputed to their triplicities, but rather it argueth the wrath of God upon the earth for the Sinnes of Mortalls, the inhabitants thereof, and in like manner, the decaying age of the World, as in plentifulnesse,If some Coun­tries be bar­ren, others plentifull, Why, and How? so in vertue: for if the Luxu­rious plentie of Sicily, Asia the lesser, of Egypt on the other side againe; and Barbarie; if by these tri­plicities they are changed, I pray you, where is it? [Page 88] for my owne part wheresoever I have beene, what­soever I heare or reade, nothing but universall complaints of the Earths waxing worse and worse: I end this with that of Plimus in his Naturall Hi­story, complaining upon the badnesse of the times in his dayes to that they were before.

Gaudebat terra triumphali aratore
& laureato v [...]mere subigi.

This was when the Emperours themselves tooke pleasure in Agriculture, leaving their Scepters, to betake themselves to the Plough.

SECT. 19.

How ancient Writers have compared Man and all his parts to the World and all its parts; wherein is re­counted the different dispositions of men of different Countries; and to what Countries the faculti [...]s of the soule are attributed.

AS these above-cited Writers and many o­thers have gone about with most apparent reasons to attribute the temperament of se­verall Countries, and the severall dispositions and complexions of men in those Countries, to the site and disposition of the Planets that governe over such and such places and men; so they instance ma­ny inducing examples for the proofe of it.

One of them in comparing the great World to the [Page 89] little world [Man,Man compa­red to the World.] willeth us to imagine a Man, walking or laid, according to the naturall motion of the superiour bodies, from East to West; and wee shall evidently perceive, that his right Arme, (wherein his greatest strength and vigour is) and his right Side, (where the Liver and Gall are placed) are towards the North; and the left hand and side (which is called the feminine part) towards the South; whereupon it is inferred, that according to this and the posture of the celestiall Bodies, the place and people of the world, that the right side beholdeth, which are the Northerne (wherein the Easterne are comprehended) are strong and lusty, where the people of the opposite part of the world, are more weake and lash.

The one faire and lovely, the other brownish, swarthy and hard favoured; the one cold and moyst, the other hot and dry; the one given to labour and travell, the other to study and contem­plation; the one joviall and merry, the other mel­lancholick and grave;Qualities of the Northern and Easterne people. the one simple and no wayes malicious, the other crafty and deceitfull; the one inconstant, the other pertinacious, never swarving from his intended resolutions; the one prodigall, the other parcimonious and sparing; the one af­fable and facill, the other arrogant and stayed; the one mercifull, the other cruell and revengefull; the one chaste and bashfull, the other venereous and affronted; the one impatient, the other long suffering; the one in Counsell rash and sudden the other more constant & deliberate, with severall o­ther [Page 90] the like qualities, wherein the one halfe of the world North and East, doe differ from the other, South and West: All which they doe back with many forcible Reasons, in so farre, that there is not any part in the Microcosme Man, to which they doe not assimilate some part of the great World:The three fa­culties of the Soule. yea the three principall faculties of the soule, Ima­gination, Reason, and Vnderstanding are attributed to three parts of the World.

Imagination, which is proper for meditations of divine and sublime Sciences, which consist not in demonstration and Reason, but on a naked and sim­ple beliefe, is appropriated to the Meridionales or Southerne people, who of all others are most car­ried away with superstitions.

The second Reason, to the Mid-people, partici­pating of both extreames, betwixt the religionary Southerne, and the laborious, industrious, and war­like Northerne.

The third, which is Vnderstanding, to the Nor­therne, who have more strong and robustuous bodies, fitter for labour and handy-workes than the other two.

So,Conclusion. (as succinctly as I could) I have given you a relish, what the most learned have both written and thought of the world, and its parts till a fitter time, wherein (God willing) you shall receive a more ample content in this and other things.

A GENERALL INTRODVCTION AND INCITEMENT To the studie of the METAPHYSICKS: Wherein the most excellent ends and uses thereof are illustrated, and how neces­sary it is to be understood by Christians.

SECT. 1.

Of the severall titles and appellations that have beene given by Heathnick and Christian Philosophers to Mataphysick; the reasons wherefore every of those names were attributed unto it; and finally whereof it principally treateth.

THe high and sublime Science, which we call Metaphysick, hath divers titles and styles attributed unto it, partly by A­ristotle himselfe, and partly by other Authors, as is observed by Suarez in the beginning [Page 92] of his first Metaphysicall Disputation,Metaphysick first called Sa­pientia. and by Fonseca in his prooemium, prefixed to his Commen­taries upon Aristotles Metaphysicks cap. 8.

For first, this Science is called Sapient [...]a [...] Me­taph. c. 1. & 2. because it disputeth of highest and most hard matters, and of the first and most gene­rall causes of things.

Secondly it is called Philosophia [...] or by way of excellencie,2 Phylosophia [...]. 4 Metaph. cap. 2. because it ex­ceedeth all other parts of Philosophy in dignity very farre, and as a Queene it hath Soveraignty, and royall prerogatives above them all, prescri­bing unto every particular Science the bounds and limits of it, confirming or establishing the princi­ples of them all.

Thirdly,3 Prima Phi­losophia. it is called prima Philosophia, 6. Me­taph. cap. 1. & lib. 2. cap. 6. because it treateth of most excellent matters, as of God and of the An­gels, in so farre as they may be knowne, by the light of Nature: for as they are knowne to us by divine revelation, the consideration of them belon­geth to Divinity.

In the same respect it is called Philosophia Theo­logica, 4 Philosophia Theologica. 6 Mataph. cap. 1. and Scientia Theologica, 2 Metaph. cap. 6. and by Christian Philosophers, who know another Theologie above, for distinctions cause, it is called Naturalis Theologia.

Last of all,5 Metaphysica and why. it is called Metaphysica, which word occurreth not in Aristotle himselfe, but is used by his Interpreters and followers; yet it is grounded upon the titles of Aristotles Bookes of Metaphy­sicks, [Page 93] which after by Aristotle himselfe, or by Theophrastus, who is thought to have collected A­ristotles Workes, and to have digested them in or­der, are intituled [...], idest, post naturalia aut transnaturalia, and that, either because this Sci­ence was invented after Naturall Philosophy, for the knowledge of the natures of bodily substances, (which is called Physiology) or else because the things considered in it, are beyond and above the order or ranke of naturall things; that is, of grosse and bodily substances, for it doth treate of spiri­tuall and invisible substances,Whereof it treateth. viz. of God and of the Angels; as also it treateth of the attributes and notions or conceptions of entity or beeing, which are common to all things, which have a reall being, whether they be bodily substances, or spirituall, yea whether they be substances or accidents.

SECT. 2.

The Reasons why Aristotle added Metaphysick to the other parts of Phylosophie; and how it is distin­guished from the other Sciences.

ARistotle, who is thought to be the first author of this sublime and almost divine Science,Two causes why Meta­physick is ad­ded to the o­ther Sciences. added it to the rest of the parts of Philoso­phy, chiefly for two causes, as Fonseca well obser­veth in the 6. chapter of the Preface to his Com­mentaries [Page 94] upon the Metaphysicks.

First,The first. because in the Physicks these substances are considered, which are composed of bodily matter and forme; and in the Mathematicks, they are said to be accidentia abstracta à materia secundùm rationem; yet truely and really in their beeing or existence they have a necessary dependencie from bodily matter, and therefore are called Accidentia materialia, because they have their beeing in, and from grosse and bodily substances. Now besides these, there are some things meerely immateriall, that is, neither composed of bodily matter and forme, nor yet any way depending from bodily matter, (which therefore are in the Schooles said to be abstracta à materia & secundùm rem & secun­dum rationem) as God, the Angels, spirituall acci­dents & caet. And therefore, as materiall substances are considered in the Physicks, and materiall acci­dents in the Mathematicks; so it was requisite, that there should be a third kinde of Science, to wit, the Metaphysicks, for the consideration and handling of things meerely immateriall, and independing from bodily matter.

Secondly,The second cause. there are some generall degrees and conceptions of entity or beeing, as also some attri­butes, properties, principles, and some divisions or distinctions, which are common to all things, whether they be bodily and materiall, or spirituall and immateriall, as ens, essentia, existentia, unitas, veritas, bonitas, and the divisions of ens, in comple­tum, & incompletum, finitum & infinitum, necessa­rium [Page 95] & contingens, permanens & successivum, abso­lutum & respectivum, principium & principiatum, causam & effectum, subjectum & adjunctum, signum & signatum, mensuram & mensuratum, actum & po­tentiam, &c.

Now these things are transcending, and doe ex­ceed the limits of particular and inferiour Sciences,Metaphysick excelleth o­ther Sciences. as Physick, Geometry, Arithmetick, and the Sci­ences which are subalternate and subordinate to them; wherefore they cannot be handled in them, but for the handling of them there must bee some generall and transcendent Science, whose specula­tion is not limited to any particular species entis, but comprehendeth and taketh in all things under the capacity and amplitude of the object of it. And this is Metaphysick, of which we are now speaking.

SECT. 3.

Three Reasons conducing to the praise of Metaphy­sick, inducing all men to the study of it; and set­ting downe some principall ends and uses thereof.

BY this, every man may cleerely see the neces­sity of this Science for the perfection of Phi­losophy. But it may be, that some will thinke, the consideration of these immateriall or spirituall things, of which I did speake in my first reason, as also these attributes, properties, and distinctions [Page 97] which are common to things materiall and imma­teriall, and of which I did speake in my second rea­son, some, I say, will thinke the consideration of them not to bee necessary,A supposition resolved. but to be more curious than profitable. But I perswade my selfe, no wise or judicious man will thinke so.

For first,First Reason. without the knowledge of these ge­nerall and transcendent Metaphysicall tearmes and notions or conceptions no solide knowledge can be had, for the subjects which are handled in inferiour Sciences.

Secondly,Second Rea­son. seeing man in respect of the constitu­tion of his nature, is participant, both of things bo­dily and materiall, as also of things immateriall and spirituall, (for which cause by Philo Iudeus in his Booke de op [...]ficio mundi, he is called nexus Dei & mundi, and rerum materialium & immaterialium hor [...]zon) were great sottishnesse or stupidity in man, to labour for the knowledge of materiall and bo­dily things, with which he symbolizeth in respect of his baser part, that is his body, and not to care for knowledge of spirituall and immateriall things, to which he is like, and as it were of kinne in respect of his better part, to wit, his soule.

Thirdly,Third Rea­son. seeing the happinesse of man, I meane his contemplative or speculative happinesse, stan­deth in the knowledge and contemplation of these things, which are most excellent and most sublime, he would come very farre short, of that happinesse, if he were ignorant of these things, which are han­dled in the Metaphysicks: for they are spirituall [Page 96] and immateriall, and consequently are most excel­lent, and also most sublime and difficult, in respect they doe farre exceede the reach of all sense and sensitive knowledge.

SECT. 4.

The excellencie and dignity of the knowledge of Me­taphysick; that onely free and sublime mindes, not distracted with worldly cares are fit for this stud [...]e; and the Reasons wherefore.

I Have spoken already of the divers names and titles of this Science, of the reasons wherefore it was invented, as also of the necessity of it: Now in the last roome I will speake something of the excellencie and dignity of it. Aristotle in the 1. Booke of his Metaphysicks 2 chapt. saith, two things which serve very much for manifesting or declaring the excellencie of this Science, first hee saith, that it is a Science more fit and suitable for God than for men; or to give you it in his owne words, that ejus possessio non existimari debet humana, that is, that man is not sufficiently worthy to pos­sesse or enjoy this Science, and that because this Science,That Meta­physick is free from all subjection to other Scien­ces. of all Sciences, is most free; yea it onely is free from all subjection to other Sciences, and from all reference to any higher or more eminent knowledge: for all naturall knowledge can equall, [Page 98] and much lesse exceede the sublimity of Metaphy­sicall speculation; and therefore this Science re­quireth a minde free and sublime, that is, a minde not depressed with base cogitations,Reason. nor distracted with worldly cares, as ordinarily the mindes of men are, in respect of the manifold wants and ne­cessities into which they are subject in this life. Seeing then God only is free from such distracting and depressing cares, therefore in Aristotles judge­ment, this Science is more suitable for him than for men. Secondly hee saith, that this Science is a­mongst all Sciences the most honourable, because it is most divine:Why the Sci­ence of Meta­physick is most honou­rable. And that it is most divine, hee proveth by two very forcible reasons, first because this Science versatur in rebus divinis, it contem­plateth divine and heavenly things: and this hee proveth, because it considereth God himselfe as he is the first principium, and the supreame cause of all things. Secondly, because Haee Scientia maximè à Deo habetur, the perfect and exact knowledge of this Science most truely and properly is attributed to God: for this Science in a manner, vieweth and considereth all things, it hath an especially eye to spirituall and invisible substances, and amongst these it especially and chiefly contemplateth God himselfe, as the highest degree of entity, and the su­preame cause of all things.

Now to take a full view of all the rankes, orders, and degrees of things to have a positive and distinct knowledge of that invisible world, the world of Angels, and above all, to have a perfect and com­prehensive [Page 99] knowledge of that boundlesse Ocean of beeing and goodnesse which is in God, it requi­reth not a finite ingine or understanding, but an infinite capacity and an unspeakable sharpenesse of wit.

SECT. 5.

For three respects the Metaphysick is called the most excellent Science, and the most necessary to be un­derstood by Christians.

BY these things which are said by Aristotle in that chapter, and in other parts of his workes, for the commendation of this Sci­ence, wee may see this Science to be most excellent in three respects.

First, because of the universality and amplitude of the object or subject of it; for in the Spheare or circuite of it, all rankes, orders, and degrees of things are comprehended, so that looke how farre the knowledge of the whole celestiall Globe ex­ceedeth the knowledge of one constellation,Comparison. and the knowledge of the universall Mappe or table of the whole Earth exceedeth in dignity the know­ledge of the Mappe of one Province or Countrey, as farre doth Metaphysick (which is as it were one universall Carde or Mappe, presenting to our view all rankes, orders, and degrees of beeing) exceede [Page 101] in dignity these particular delineations and descrip­tions of things, which are set downe in inferiour Sciences.

SECT. 6.

The first respect, for the universality.

SEcondly, because of the dignity of the subject of it; for, not onely is this Science exercised about the speculation of the highest and most generall causes,Christian Philosophers. principles, and attributes of things, but also it descendeth into a speciall consideration of the most noble and excellent things of the world, that is, of God and of his Angels: for, not onely doe Christian Philosophers now in the Me­taphysicks dispute of them,Aristotle. but also Aristotle him­selfe in his Metaphysicks, especially in his 12 Booke, doth most excellently discourse of them. And truely it is more than marvellous, that an Heathnick or Pagan-philosopher should, by the light of Nature, have penetrated so farre into the knowledge of God. For to passe by that which he writeth in the 10. chapter of that Booke De unitate Dei, proving and demonstrating, unum esse princi­pium & gubernatorem universi; and concluding his discourse with that saying of the Poet: [...]

[Page 100] To omit, I say, this discourse of his De unitate primi motoris, or (as he calleth God in that Booke) primi moventis immobilis, in the 7 chapter of that Booke, he sheweth, that God is primum intelligibile & primum appetibile, that is, he is ens omnium ap­tissimum & dignissimum quod intelligatur & appe­tatur, as Fonseca,Fonseca. commenting upon that place, doth expound it: that he necessariò existit, & caetera om­nia ab co pendent: that perfectissimam & beatissimam vitam degit; that ejus beatitudo est perpetua, & sine intermissione aut alteratione; that Dei beatitudo ex sui contemplatione nascitur; that ejus contemplatio est [...], jucund [...]ssimum quid & optimum; that not onely vivit vitam beatissimam, but hee is ipsa v [...]ta beata; or as he speakes himselfe, vita sem­piterna & optima.

Truely this Pagan Philosopher hath found a wonderfull joy and delight in this his speculation of the essence and happinesse of God,Suarez. (as Suarez no­teth writing upon this place, in his Index locupletis­simus in Phisicam, lib. 12. cap. 7.) yea he seemeth to have beene ravished with the sweetnesse of this heavenly contemplation. It is no wonder, that Da­v [...]d in the 104 Psalme vers. 34. said, My meditation of him (that is of God) shall be sweete, aud [...] w [...]ll bee glad in the Lord. For if Aristotle found such sweet­nesse in the contemplation of God, as hee is Pater mund, or Pater entium; what sweetnesse, yea what heavenly, what ravishing joy may a man living within the Church have in the contemplation of God, as he is Pater Ecclesiae, and Pater misericordia­rum? 2 Cor. 1. 3.

SECT. 7.

The seco [...]d Respect, for the dignity. That the conside­ration of the soule of man belongeth to the Meta­physicks, with severall Reasons for the proofe thereof.

THere are some who thinke, that not onely the contemplation of God, and of the An­gels doe belong unto the Metaphysicks, but also the contemplation De anima humana seu ratio­nali; and that, because it is a spirituall or immateri­all substance. Suarez in the first Tome of his Meta­physicks, Disput. 1. Sect. 2. Parag. 18. most justly condemneth this opinion; and that 1. because consideratio totius, & consideratio partium ejus ad unam & eandem scientiam pertinet.

Now the consideration of man himselfe belong­eth not to Metaphysick,That the con­sideration of mans soule, and not him­selfe belon­geth to Me­taphysick. but to Physick; and there­fore the consideration of the soule of man, which is a part of man, belongeth also to Physick or naturall Philosophy. 2. Albeit the soule of man be an im­materiall substance in it selfe, and although in the reall beeing of it, it hath not a necessary dependen­cie from bodily matter, yet God hath appointed, that the ordinary and naturall existence or beeing of it, as also the operation of it, should be in mate­ria corporea.

[Page 103] It is farre more probable, that which is affirmed by Ruvins and Conimbricenses in the Frontispiece of their Treaties de anima separata à corpore, Ruvins his opinion. and in their first questio prooemialis, before their disputes de anima, that the consideration of the beeing and operation of the soule in statu separationis à corpore, after death untill the day of the generall resurre­ction, doth belong not to Physick, but in some re­spects to Theologie, and in other respects to Meta­physick.

For the handling of these questions, [An status separationis à corpore, sit animae rationali naturalis; an anima à corpore separata habeat naturalem appeti­tum redeundi ad corpus; an anima separata specie ab Angelis differat, & quas facultates seu potentias, quas species intelligibiles, quos habitus, & quem mo­dum cognoscendi habeat anima separata à corpore:] the handling, I say, of these questions doth belong properly to Metaphysick; neverthelesse these same Authors, whom I have now cited, as also Suarez in the place already spoken of, affirme, that the Tra­ctatus de anima separata, may most commodiously be added to the Bookes de anima, not as a proper part of the Science de anima, but as an Appendi [...] to it.

SECT. 8.

The third Respect, for the Vsefulnesse. Of the great use Metaphysick is towards the furthering of all Divines, in Controversies, and other things: A Conclusion.

THirdly and lastly, this Science exceedeth all the rest indignity, in respect of the great use it hath in all other Sciences and Arts, espe­cially in Theology it selfe; I neede not to insist in the confirmation of this: for it is very well known, that by the grounds of Metaphysick,The benefit of the know­le [...]ge of the Metaphy­sick [...]. wee may de­monstrate against Atheists, that there is a God; a­gainst Pagans, that this God is one; against Cerdon, Marcion, and the Manichaean Hereticks, that there are not duo principia, but unum summum & primum principium; against the Stoickes, that there is not such a fatall necessity in all events as they dreamed of, against that damnable and detestable Heretick Conradus Vorstius that Deus est infinitus, Controver­sies. immensus, indivisibilis, simplex, totus in qualibet re in qua est; aeternus, & quoad substantiam suam, & quoad ejus decret a immutabilis, & omnium accidentium expers; for that wretched and madde Doctor denied all these things. In many other Questions and Contro­versies, which the Church hath against Hereticks ancient and moderne, there is great use of Meta­physick.

[Page 105] But I feare to weary the Reader with these Ge­neralls, For I intend hereafter (God willing) to put forth a small Treatise of Metaphysicks, where­in you shall finde that noble Science more perspicuously delineated.

FINIS.
[...]
[...]

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.