HArd is the taske, whosoever shall undertake in these discordant times (like another ORPHEUS) the taming of so many wild Beasts as are daily bred in this vast wil­dernesse of the world, and to reduce them with the sweet and delicious ayre of unitie and con­cord, unto Civilitie and Obedience. But such is the nature of some savage creatures, and un­tameable monsters, that the more you seeke to winne them, the more stubborne and intracta­ble they become. Every good Prince is ano­ther Orpheus, who by the well-tuned harmony of wholesome Lawes, Mercy, and his owne example, laboureth to draw unto him the whole body of his people, and is listned unto by the best and greater part: but yet under the most mildest Governments that ever were, there never wanted some who altogether [...] have either stopped their eares, or in stead of [Page 2] mildnesse have beene possest with madnesse. Hence the best Princes, and freest from tyran­nie, hav [...] found the most perfidious Traitors to themselves and their Countrey; like Ser­pents hatched, even in the Sunne-shine of their glorious raigne; wee need not to travell farre for examples and proofes. I have heard the Spaniard much commended for his fidelity to his Prince, and true it is, that in Spaine a Taitor or Rebell, is hardly heard of in an age, only what mooved that Spanish Cavalero (who tooke the Admirant of Arragon prisoner at the battell of Newport) to quit his Countrey and Kings service, I know not: examples of their disloyal­ty are not many, and as fidelity or loyalty is the Spaniards prime vertue, so is it the glory of every good Subject, (as in this discourse I en­tend to shew) to be faithfull to his Soveraigne, and loving to his Countrey, his native soyle, that both bred and fed him, and like a sweet and indulgent Nurse, will receive him (falne a sleepe) againe into her lap.

The first Argument therefore I will use to perswade all subjects unto loyalty and fidelity unto their Soveraignes, is drawne from the di­gnity of their callings, seeing that God the Su­preme Soveraigne of Heaven and Earth, hath communicated unto them his owne Attri­butes, that we might the more feare honor, and be afraid to offend them, yea not so much as to thinke ill of them in our hearts; (For even the Birds of the ayre will reveale thy secret thoughts, [Page 3] and ill intents against the King, (saith Salomon.) When the Lord spake unto Moses, and com­manded him to goe to Pharaoh, to deliver the people of Israel out of their Aegyptian bon­dage,Exod. 4. 10. Moses excusing himselfe, said, he was not an eloquent man, but slow of speech and tongue, (albeit the Lord allowed him his bro­ther Aaron as his speaker) the Lord answered, Thou shalt be unto him as a. God as if he had said un­to him (as it is interpreted) thou shalt have pre­heminence and authority over him, thou shalt not feare the threatnings of the Tyrant, becauseExod. 7 1. I have made thee a God to Pharaoh. Againe, I have said, ye are Gods, ye are all the children of the most High. And againe, in the first verse of the same Psalme, God standeth in the Assembly of Gods. Hee Psal. 82. 6. & 1. judgeth among Gods: is it not written in your Lam, (saith our Saviour to the Jewes) I have said y [...]e are G [...]ds? hereby we are taught to beare all ho­nour and loyall respect to those who have the superintendency over us, and to yeeld all reve­rence to those whom God hath appointed to reigne over, to respect them with all our hearts and affections.

Again, all people ought to consider that they cannot enjoy any thing of all the wealth, riches, & possessions God hath blessed them withall; if there were not Law, Iustice, and a Prince: now Iu­stice is the end of the Law; the Law is the Act or Ordinance of the Prince, and the Prince is the Vicegerent of God, having soveraign powerover those whom hee hath given in charge, to rule [Page 4] & governe; so the Soveraigne is a speaking Law, and the Law a dumbe Prince; if therefore wee must live under and obey the Law, how much more the Prince, that made and establisht it, yea who gives vigor and life unto the Law? and makes a good King to have obedient and loyall Subjects, as Theopompus King of Sparta witnes­seth,Plutarch. when speaking to one of his domestique servants, who told him that the Spartane affaires did prosper well, because they had Kings who knew how to governe well, No, but rather (said he) but because the people know well how to obey; for the Kings commandement, and the Subjects obe­dience are correlatives. Men indeed unwillingly obey those who know not how to governe well, but where the Prince is a good Leader, hee is with all unanimity and alacrity followed; for if a Subject loves not his Prince, that is, if hee be not true and loyall unto him, what good will all his honor, wealth, dignity or prefer­ments doe him, since there is no title in the world that becomes a Subject more then true loyalty; which no man can have; except true love and obedience precede and goe before, for want whereof, he makes shipwracke of all the honor and reputation, that he had formerly pur­chased. As a Prince hath alway some occasion or other to make use of his Subjects; so are the Subjects bound by the Law of God, to serve, honour and assist him by all meanes possible to their abilities. Now if you would know what power and authority God hath given unto [Page 5] Kings and Princes over their Subjects, the Pro­phet Samuel doth very amply and plainely de­clare: these be the words of the Prophet spea­king unto the Israelites (who desired to have a King to governe and judge them, as other Na­tions,) He will take your sonnes and appoint them to 1 Samuel 8. 11. his Charrets, and to be his horse-men, and some shall runne before his Charret. Also he will make them his Captaines over thousands, and Captaines over fifties, and to eare or plo [...] his ground, and to reape his Har­vest, and to make instruments of warre, and the things that serve for his Charriots; hee will also take your daughters and make them Apothecaries, Cookes, and Bakers, and he will take your fields and your Vine­yards, and your best Olive trees, and give them to his servants, and he will take the tenth of your seed, and of your Vineyards, and give it to his Eunuches, and to his servants. And he will take your servants, and your maid-servants, and the chiefe of your young­men, and your Asses, and put them to his worke; He will take the ten [...] of your sheepe, and you shall be his servants; and then the Prophet addeth this. And then you shall crie out at that day because of your King, whom yee have chosen you, and the Lord will not heare [...]ou, at that daye, signifying hereby unto t [...]e Israelites (and also to all others) that they ought with all patience to endure the Dominion of their Soveraigne Prince, and performe this con­dition without grudging, mutinie or rebelling, and indeed this is an excellent lesson to teach all Subjects to containe themselves within the bounds of their duty and obedience, towards [Page 6] him whom God hath appointed to beare rule and Dominion over them, for (as the Apostle saith) There is no power but of God.

To enter into moe particular considerations,Roman. 13. 1. which ought to moove Subjects so much the more to love their Kings and Soveraigne Prin­ces, it is most certaine, that God doth endow (most commonly) those whom he would have to raigne over his people, with some singular and Supernaturall guifts, as wisedome, forti­tude, knowledge, vivacity of Spirit, goodnes of nature, &c. above and beyond the common people. We read an excellent and good exam­ple in Moses, the first Governour and Condu­ctorNumbers 11. 11. & usque ad 18. of the Children of Israel, complaining un­to the Lord of the burthen of his charge, and of the hardnesse of the hearts of the Hebrewes, praying him to comfort and assist him with some Counsellours to helpe him to bea [...]e the weight of his charge, received this answer srom the Lord, I will doe it (saith he) but I will take of the spirit which is upon thee, and put it upon them, to the end that they may beare the burthen, or the charge of the people with thee, so that thou shalt not beare it alone: which sheweth manifestly, that Kings and Princes have the guift of the Spirit, and that their Subjects have it not but in a small measure or in part; as the woman of Tekoah said unto David, My Lord the King is even 2 Samuel 14. as an Angell of God, to know good and bad; signify­ing hereby, that hee knew what to doe upon Earth: for God doth by Kings, as great Prin­ces [Page 7] are used [...]o doe by their [...], [...] [...] ­deth for them understanding, the [...] excellent Tutors to instruct them, viz. the An­gels, and withall we observe, that they begin to bud, and yeeld the [...]ire blossomes of their [...] understanding, and consequently to bring forth fruit soon [...] than their Subjects, as we may reade of Salamon, who decided the con­troversie betweene the [...], when [...] was but twelve yeares old; as saith [...] of Iosias, and many others.

Hence wee may justly gather, that Subjects are oblig [...]d to love their [...] and Supe­riours, not onely by the Law of man or of Na­tions, but by the Lawes and Commandements of God, as appeareth in many places through­out the whole Scripture.

The [...] had no lesson, [...] oftenThe second part of the obligation of Subjects to their [...]. taught them, then to be alwayes ready to obey their Superiours and Magistrates, to be patient in labours, constant in [...], and never to [...]. [...]. [...]. forsake or runne away from the place which they were to desend and make good, for they were injoyned to die first, rather then by aban­doning it to save their lives, which if they did, they were immediatly to be put to death, and [...] this Common-wealth w [...]s best [...]steemed of all others in the world for Policie, [...] under the Lawes of [...], it flourished for the [...] of five hundred [...] and up­ward, that they [...] as a rule to all other Na­tions in the world, to conforme themselves by, [Page 8] [...]

[...],Tit. Liv [...] lib. 8. D [...]. 1. [...] V [...] Max. lib. 2. cap. 2. [...] with the enemy contra [...] to his commande­ment.

[...] his commandment in going forth [...] [...] [...] [Page 9] Soveraigne. Submit your selves (saith the Apo­stle)1 [...]. [...]. unto all ma [...]er of Ordinance of man for the Lords sake, [...] wee ought to obey for conscience sake: where you see a manifest and most [...] ­cient proofe of the authority and power God hath imparted unto Princes over [...] Sub­jects, againe by the same Apostle, The Prince [...]. 1. 5. is the Minister of God for thy [...]; but if thou [...]. dost evill feare, for be [...] not the Suord in vaine, (or for nought,) for hee is the servant of God, to take [...] on him that doth, evill; and writing unto his Disciple Titus, h [...] saith, Put them in remembrance that they be subject to Princi­palities and p [...]wers, and that they obey their Gover­nours, for we must acknowledge, that there is no [...] but of God, and he that resisteth this power, resisteth the Ordinance of God, and they that resist, shall re­ceive to themselves judgement, Seeing therefore it hath pleaseth God to establish this order a­mongst men, that is, to be governed by Kings and Soveraigne Magistra [...]s, unto whom hee hath given power of ruling and raigning over them, wee must readily and willingly yee [...]d them all obedience, tendring unto them our service, as well in times of peace as of war [...], in peace as ornaments, in warre as [...] and Bulwarkes against a common enemy; [...] ­sides, wee ought to speake of them with all ho­nour and respect, not to tr [...]duce them nor their actions in publike or private among [...], for were it but for our owne [...], knowing that Princes have [...] eares and as long [...]: and [Page 10] as I formerly [...]. The Birds of the ayre will beare [...]. away thy [...], and the fowles will relate thy words, &c. [...]. 22. 28. Againe, Thou shalt not raile upon the Iudges ( [...]aith the Lord) nor speak [...] evill of the Ruler of thy people: in briefe wee must with all humility, honour, serve and reverence them, as well in words, deeds, as also in our very thoughts.

Neither is this sufficient, but wee are bound to be mindfull of them in our prayers, as well publike as private. Saint Pa [...] writing unto Timothie, exhorts him, That first of all supplica­tions, 1 [...] 1, 2, 3. prayers, intercessions, and giving of thankes, be made for Kings, and for all that are in authoritie or dignity, for that, [...]aith hee; is good and accep­table in the [...]ight of God our Saviour: which ought to be performed without any exception what­soever they be, good or bad, for all power is of God, which whosoever [...], [...] the Ordinance of God, and draw judgement upon themselves, yea though sometimes God ma­keth use of them to chastise and punish his peo­ple, according to their deserts: as for example, what crueltie did Pharaoh use against the peo­ple of Isra [...] in Aegypt, commanding the Mid­wives to kill all the male-children of the He­ [...], Exod. 1. 9 & [...]. 16. 22. as soone as they should be borne, and with all commanding all his people to castRoman 9. 17. them into the Rivers, endeavouring by this meanes, wholy to exti [...]pate Gods people, yet the Lord said, he had raised up Pharaoh, who ty­rannized thus over them.

What Tyrant or theefe could be more cruell [Page 11] then Nebuchadnezzar King of Assyria, for he wa­sted2 C [...]on. 36. 17. untill the 26. ver. [...]. 1. all Palestina, befieged all Hierusalem, pilla­ged it, brake downe the walls of it, burn'd theDa [...] cl 3. 12. Temple, defiled the holy Sanctuary, slew the greater part of people, killed the King, and carryed the remnant of the people unto Babylon, and made a golden Image, commanding all men without exception to worship it, upon paine of being burned alive, in an hot fierie fur­nace, and yet neverthelesse Dan [...] said thus un­to him: Oh King, thou art King of Kings, for the God of heaven hath given thee a Kingdome, [...], strength and glory: and the Lord himselfe callsIerem. 25 9. him his servant: and the Prophet [...] in his Letter written unto the Jewes, who were cap­tivesIbid 27. 6, 7, &c. in Babylon, exhortes them to pray for the peace of the Citie whither they were carryed captives. And the Lord commands all nations to put their necks (that is) to submit them­selves under the yoake of the K ng of Babylon, and that he will visit those Nations with the Sword, Pestilence, and Famine, that will not [...]mit themselves to be Subject to Nabu­chad [...]ezzar, and that those who would serve him, should live. Serve therefore (saith hee) the King of Babylon, that ye may live. Now concerning the benefit that Subjects reape by being loyall and faithfull to their Sove­raignes.

Now let me speake in a word of the benefit the faithfull Subject receives for performing this dutie of Obedience. First, it gives a man [Page 12] great satisfaction in his conscience to God­ward, hee may with alacrity and boldnesse, ei­ther speake to, or petition his Soveraigne in case of necessity or oppression; hee shall thrive in his estate, he shall live in safety, and be protected from injuries and inconveniencies, ac­cording to that of the Wise-man, Hee that Ecc [...]tes 8. 5. keepeth the Commandements shall know no evill thing.

On the contrary, by their disobedience they repugne the Ordinance of God and infringe his Law, which who so doth, his life shall ever Leviticus. hang in feare before him, and he shall be affraid even of a shaken leafe, and many times the disloyalty and undutifullnesse of subjects toward God and their lawfull Princes, draweth downe the vengeance of God upon the Land, by taking those good Princes away, and giving them more cruell and tyrannous in their roome, from whom they must expect like the Israelites a­mong the Aegyptians, heavy and g [...]ievous tasks, both give their tale of bricke, and gather the straw; Subjects who sticke not to offend their Soveraigne should remember that, Ira Princi­pis est nuntia mortis, the indignation of a King is not a small matter, as many populous Coun­triesProverb. 19. 12. &c. 16. & 14. have found to their cost, It is the roaring Eccle [...]tes 8. 2. 4. of the Lion, and againe (saith the Preacher) Where the word of the King is, there is power,, I ad­vise thee (saith he) to take heed to the mouth of the King: yea the Lord, for a good Kings sake sometime defers the punishment and misery [Page 13] he meaneth to inflict upon a stubborne and re­bellious Nation, as we read he did in the time of good Iosias, when he said, hee would [...] the calamities preordained for the Israelites, for their sinnes and Idolatrie, for their Kings sake, who walked uprightly before them; let us therefore by all meanes seeke the favour of theIosep de antiqui. Iud. lib. 10. c. 5. King, which as [...] saith, is like the dew upon the grasse, yea a mans heart is as it were revived,Proverb. 19. 12. & cap. 16. 15. when his Princes countenance is favourable and pleasant toward him.

Let me give some examples of true love, and loyaltie of some Subjects towards their Sove­raigne Princes, beginning with those of Great Alexander, of whom it is written, that they loved their Prince so dearely, and bare such re­spect and honour unto him, that they did wor­ship and reverence him, as if hee had beene a God. And after his death, his [...] ne­ver sat in Counsell about the affaires of the Empire of Macedonia, and of other ProvincesAelian. Histor. by him conquered, but they had in their Tents, or Counsell chambers, the Image of this great Monarch their Soveraigne, lively drawne out, as to [...]reate and deliberate of State affaires in his presence.

The Persians loved Cyrus their first King [...] Xenophon in [...]. well, that in memory of him, and for his sake, they loved all those that were crooked nosed, nay, they would not permit any to sit in his Throne, but such kind of men, Wee doe thinke, (said they) that the holiest ordinance, which we have, [Page 14] is that which commands us to honour, and love our King, neither more nor lesse then the Image of our God, because there was never, or ever shall be a bet­ter King then Cyrus was. And Zen [...]phon for his sake wrote his Cyropadia, to give the world a patterne of a good and excellent Prince, exhor­ting all others to imitate him.

Xerxes another King of Persia, who came with that mighty Army (consisting of more then a million of men) to conquer Greece, was no lesse beloved of his Subjects then Cyrus, (and after him Darius, as may appeare by this en­suing Historie. Herodotus discoursing of theHerodot. in Vra­nia lib. 8 divers and sundrie opinions that men had, of that cowardly retraite or plaine flight of Xerxes, after that his Army was vanquished, saith, that he was faine to embarque himselfe in a ship of of Phoenicia, and to direct his course for Asia, when being surprized with a dangerous storme, (the wind standing Northward,) and the ship so full of people and over-charged, (many of the Persians being cast away in their flight.) The King much affrighted herewith deman­ded of the Pilot, if there were any hope or meanes of saving their lives? who answered hee saw none at all; unlesse many of the passengers were cast into the Sea; which Xerxes hearing, said thus unto them; My friends, I beseech you, that some of you would have a care of your Kings safety, seeing his life and death is in your hands, at which words, many of his faith­full subjects rising up, and doing him low re­verence, [Page 15] presently threw themselves headlong into the Sea, so by this meanes the ship being light ned, Xerxes arrived safe in Asia.

There cannot be a more reall proofe, and truer touch-stone of love and loyalty, then when men doe lose their lives freely and wil­lingly for their Prince, as these men did, sure­ly it is an example worthy of eternall memo­rie.

Menander King of Bactria, was also so wellPlu [...]ch. beloved of his Subjects, that when hee dyed, all the Cities and chiefe Townes under his Dominion, held severall Obsequies, and made shewes of a funerall for him, yeelding him af­ter his death, all the honour and respect that they could possible imagine, a manifest token of their extraordinarie affection they bare un­to him in his life time; yea more, to manifest their love, when his body was to be consumed with fire, (as was then the manner of those people) a great contention arose among the forenamed Cities, which should be honoured with his Sepulcher, in the end after much strife and debate, it was agreed and consented unto betweene them all, that each Citie should have an equall portion of his ashes, to be kept as an holy relique in their Temples, which was an apparant signe, how desirous they were to have had him alwayes to be among them.

After the death of Pelopidas, who was slainePlutarch. in vita Pelopidas. in a battell, in defence of the Thebanes and Thess [...]ns, endeavouring to free themselves [Page 16] from the cruell tyrannie of Alexander Phereus, those people shewed the true love and affecti­on that they bare unto him, for we read, that all those who were at this battell, did never put off their Armour, unbridle their horses, or dresse their wounds, untill such time as they were gathered together about him, (his blood as yet being sca [...]ce cold,) and there before him cast downe all the spoyles, that they had taken from their [...], a [...] though he had beene alive, and understood of their dictory, and moreover as in signe of their extreme sorrow, they shaved off their owne haire, and cut off the maines and [...] of their horses and many of them af [...] their returne backe to their Tents and Pavi [...]s, would neither kindle [...], light a candle, eate or drinke, in somuch th [...]t through­out all the Campe, there was great sorrow, and a silent mo [...]ing, [...] one calling [...]; [...] ­ther Defender and Master, and when his body was to be ca [...]yed to the [...], the [...] and Thessalians, were at [...], which of them should [...] the [...] him. [...], they made a [...] of his [...] in these words. All the [...] that can be [...] be given [...] the most [...], [...]. Every one of [...] accompanying him, and [...] so the [...], as Crowne, Armor of [...] gold, [...] with either who should [...] him [...] honour.

The [...] be had gover­nedSuoten. in vita Othonis. [Page 17] the Empire but a small time, [...] so well beloved of his Subjects, that when his body was laid upon the pile to be burned, many of his people slew themselues to be confumed with him.

The Souldiers of Sertorius did the like over his body, and others by whole troupes killed themselves willingly, because they would not [...], [...] live him, moreover they loved him so dearely, that they vowed o [...] dedicated themselves to his shadow or ghost; as appeares by an Epitaph, which is in Spaine at this day to be seene, the inscription whereof ( [...] this ef­fect) I have here inserted, for the better content of the Reader.

Here lie enterred many bands of Souldiers, who vow­ed Historia general. de Spania. themselves to the ghost of Quintus Sertorius, and to the Earth, the [...]ther of all things, who living in sorrow and griefe for him, most courageously assaulted one another, and joyfully enjoyed the death which they willingly desired.

Take also another Epitaph of the same na­ture, but of one particular man, out of the same generall History of Spaine, who shewed the like affection to the same [...].

I Berrucius Calaguritanus, have given my life Diis Manibus. to the Gods Manes of Quintus Sertorius, the sonne of M. being perswaded in my conscience, I could not live any longer in the world after him, who had all things common with the [...] Gods. Passenger who readest [...]his; farewell, and learne af­ter my example, to be [...] and faithfull, which is ac­ceptable [Page 18] unto the dead, who are disroabed of their hu­mane bodies.

I must not forget nor omit to relate in thisRobert Gaguin. Histor. lib. 1. place the true and sincere love of one Guyemanus Paul's Aemylius lib. 1. a Frenchman, to his King and Soveraigne, Chil­derick King of France, (Paulus Aemilius calls himInventor. de Ser­ [...]es lib. 1. cap. 1. Vidomar, and not Guymanus,) this man seeing in a manner the whole Nobility wonderfully of­fended and [...]nraged against the King, (because abasing himselfe and his authoritie) hee had ra­vished their wives and daughters, gave him counsell to give way to their violence, and to de­part out of France, seing hoe could not resist them, promising him his true and faithfull ser­vice and assistance in this his extremitie, and to use his best indeavour to pacifie the enraged French-men, yea, and to procure them to send for him backe againe, whereupon Childerick fled from thence to Turinge to King Basin, his inti­mate friend and kinsman, taking with him one halfe of a peece of gold, which was broken be­tweene him and Guymanus who kept the other halfe, as a token, to the end to sollicite his af­faires, as earstly and secretly as he could. Guy­manus managed his businesse so [...], that be got the favour and grace of Gillon a Roman borne, (whom the French Nobility) upon the expulsion of Childerick had chosen to their King, and who then kept his Court at. Soisson, and still keeping his credit with the Nobility, became gratious, and in favour with both par­ties, and in the end the onely man, by whose, [Page 19] advice Gillon was guided in tall his affaires, wherefore having so good an opportunitie to effect his designes, he gave the new King coun­sell, and told him, that the only way to main­taine his authority over his Subjects, and to keepe them in due obedience, was to raise new and great Imposts and Taxations npon them. The Romane following this ill and unseasonable advice of Guymanus, (and being mis-informed of the humours of the French,) laid great im­posts and Taxations upon them, contrary to the custome of the Countrey; immediatly the people began to murmur and complaine in all parts of the Kingdome, and such as were most in favour with the common people, cryed out that it was high time for them to shift for them­selves, and to prevent these and the like future mischiefes, and those who had beene chiefest and formost in the banishment and expulsion of Childerick, were not the last that began to com­plaine and cry out against Gillon their new King; and in the end, most of them were ready to re­bell: Guymanus perceiving how the game wont, gave Gillon (in private) counsell, to crosse and cut off their designes before they came to their full growth and head, and to put to death the principall Authours and ring-leaders of that re­bellion, followed his advise, and caused all that had a hand in the deposing of Childerick, to be put to death. Now by this meanes, Guyma­nus got two strings to his bow, first taking [...] those who might hinder him to bring his de­signe [Page 20] to passe, then by disposing the he [...] of the rest, of the French, to de [...] and [...] after their true antient and naturall King: and with­all, having made Gillon odious to the people, this faithfull Subject laying hold upon so good [...] occasion, shewed unto the French-men their lightnesse and inconstancy in deposing their na­turall King, and in making choyce of a stran­ger farre more insupportable then their King was; hereupon he [...]sily perswaded them to re­call backe Childerick; who having notice of their good will and affection, and withall receiving that halfe piece of gold which Guymanus had sent unto him, as a private to [...] or signe, that (the coast being now cleare, he should with all speed returne, came backe againe unto France, and was received by the French for their lawfull. King, compelling Gillon (by the aid of his true friend and Subject Guymanus) to give him place, and be content with his former Government and condition which he had over the Gaules at Soys­sons.

And as firme and constant, was that love of Zopyrus towards Dari [...] King of Persia his Sove­raigne, who seing him much perplext in mind, because he could not take in the City of Babylon, which was revolted from under his obedience,Herodot. lib. 3. Thalia. and knew how difficult it was to recover itIustin. lib. 6. 1. againe, resolved neverthelesse with the perill of his life, to reduce it againe unto his Soveraignes subjection, therefore to effect his designe, [...]hee cuts off his owne nose, eares and lips, and with­all, [Page 21] caused his servant towhip him so extremely, that he [...] so mangled and dis [...]gured, that few could hardly know him; then he went unto Darius (who was astonished at the fight of him) and acquainted him with his plot, which done, away he goes to Babylon, and there related unto the Citizens how cruelly Darius had used him, whom before them, hee threatneth with great protestation, that hee would be [...] on him. These [...] [...] seeing his pitifull and miserable estate, beleeved all that he said to be true, and knowing him to be very va­liant, and a brave Souldier, made choyce of him to be their Commander and Generall, which authority and place, [...] so discretly and cun­ningly managed, that in a short [...]ime he brought his designes to effect, surrendring the Citie in­to the posse [...]ion of Dar [...], who had [...] the [...] two [...] yeares together, without hope of [...] taking it.

To conclude these examples, only one more, out of the [...]. [...], where I observe the great love of the Israelites to King David, their2 Samuel 23. 16, 17. Soveraigne, as being ready to hazard their lives upon one word which he spake, yea in a manner a thought. This King having his Army by the Cave of [...], and the Army of the [...] his enemies, in the valley of Reph [...], having al­so their Garrison in the Towne of Beth-lehem, it happened, that David as it were longed for some of the water of Beth-lehem, when h [...]e said, Oh that one would give me to drinke of the well of [Page 22] Beth-lehem, which is by the gate; then three of his mighty men brake into the Host of the Phili­stims, and drew water out of the well of Beth­lehem, that is by the gate, and tooke and brought it to David; but he would not drinke thereof, but powred it downe to the ground, because they had brought it with the perill of their lives, saying, O Lord be it farre from me to doe this, is not this the blood of those men, who went in jeopardie of their lives to bring it? Neverthelesse the act was a most certaine proofe of the great love and affection which they bare unto their Sove­raigne.

Wonderfull strict and hard, is that obedience and duty the Turke exacteth from his Subjects, true love is volountary, not compelled, oderunt quem me [...]uunt, among the Christian Nations, England and Spaine honour and reverence their Soveraignes (as one writeth) above all others. What greater love and affection could be showne or exacted from Subjects, then that Queene Elizabeth, of happy and blessed memo­ry, received from the heartie votes of her peo­ple, who could never be weary of viewing her person, and with generall acclamations praying for her long life, in fields, streets, high-wayes, which way soever shee went, in time of her 'Pro gresse and in other times; the like reciprocall love she returned them againe, with, God blesse you my good people every one, I will protect you all to the utmost of my power, &c. And blessed be God we now live under a most gracious, mild and [Page 23] mercifull Prince as ever raigned in England, our deare and dread Soveraigne King Charles, of whom, why may I not say as much as the Ro­manes did of their Titus? that he was Humani ge­neris delitiae: therefore by so much the more, de­serve all disobedient Subjects, & laesae Majest [...] is rei, to be severely punished, by how much his goodnes and lenity is abused, but hereof enough. I will now draw toward a conclusion of this Dis­course, heartily desiring unity and peace between all Christian Princes and their Subjects, and that Kings as Soveraigne Lords, would have faith and truth in all their actions, with wise­dome and Justice, for the well governing and gui­ding of their people, which is the greatest mo­tive to cause their Subjects to love and honour them more and more, and with their goods, to be ready to lay downe their lives for them, espe­cially when they doe regnare lenta manu, governe with mildnesse, a vertue so requisite in a Prince, that it doth comprehend and containe in it selfe all others vertues; as we read how that great King [...], being wonderfully incensed against the Jewes, upon the false accusation of wicked Haman, when Queene Hester came and madeHester 8. 14. request unto him in the behalfe of her people, it is written that God turned the Kings heart into mer­cie and m [...]ldnesse, and saved the lives of all the Jewes, who were then at the very point to be put all to death, if this change of his rigour into mildnesse and mercy had not beene, which is in­deed an especiall gift of God.

[Page 24]And for Su [...]jects, their love should be shew­ed by the honour and respect which they beare to their Soveraignes. Therefore they should al­way be endued with patience, constancie, and di­ligence being borne to that estate or calling. Saint Peter willeth us, to submit our selves un­to 1 Pet. 2. 13, 14. all manner of Ordinance of man for the Lords sake, whether it be unto the Kng, as unto the Superiour, or unto Governours, as unto them that are sent of him for the punishment of evill doers, and for the praise of them that doe well: and Saint Paul saith, Give unto all men their duty, tribute to whom tribute is due, Custome to whom Custome is due, ho­nour to whom honour: and to shew that we oughtRomanes 13. 7. to submit our selves not onely to good Kings and Princes, but also unto all in generall whom God hath ordained over us; the same speakesIbid. v. 5. againe in these words, Yoe must be subject not be­cause of wrath onely, but also for conscience sake: for even as a Prince is obliged to maintaine by force of Armes, and by the Lawes his Subjects per­sons, goods and families in safety, so the Sub­jects doe owe by a reciprocall obligation to their Prince, Allegeance, sidelity, subjection, obe­dience, succour, all ayde and helpe, that lieth in their power.

They ought to consider, that hee that angers his Prince, endangereth his owne life, for saith Salomon, Hee that prov [...]kesh the King to anger, sin­neth Proverb. 20. 2. against his own soule. Let us therefore love him with all our hearts, Let us feare him as wee ought to doe, that is to say, with a feare full of honour [Page 25] and respect, and let us study to continue in his fa­vour & grace, then shall we fulfill and performe that which God requires of us, yea, commands [...] to do in his holy Word. My [...], ( [...])2 Sam. 15. 21. [...] God, [...], and Saint [...] the like, Honour all men, love brotherly fellowship, feare God, honour the King. Last of all, let us have [...], that we walke, via [...]na, joyne hearts and hands, and now or never imitate that good Subject Ittai the Gitti [...]e, who (when David his Soveraigne Lord and King, fled before Absa­lon, said unto him; As the Lord liveth, and as the Lord my King liveth, in what place my Lord the King shall be, whether in death or life, even there surely will thy servant be.

I Am now to intreate of the second Dutie which everie man oweth to his native Countrie, and the Com­mon-wealth; wherein hee liveth and inhabiteth. But ere I proceed, let me expound the meaning of this word Pa­tria or Countrie, because there are sundry opi­nions [...]oncerning this point; some affirme that, We ought to take this Vniversall world, for our true and N [...]tive Countrie, of which opinion Socrates was, for on a time being demanded what Countrie-man hee was, made this answer; The world is my Countrie, and of that opinion wereCicer. [...]. Tuku [...]. many other, considering what small certaine­ty there is in the dwelling of any man in any one place; and the often revolution, vicissitude, or alteration of things, and therefore would without naming any place in particular, take [Page 27] the wide world for it. All the earth is a vertuous mans proper dwelling place, as the Sea is of fishes. The Philosopher Anaxagoras, one the otherLaer [...]ius in vita [...]. side being asked what Countrie-man hee was, answered (pointing up to heav [...]n with his fin­ger) there is my Countrie, adding withall, (as Lactantius reporteth) that hee was borne onely to contemplate upon heaven his native Coun­trie, whither he was to returne againe. The Ec­clesiasticall Historie maketh mention of a man called Sanctus, who being brought before a Ma­gistrate for the profession of the Christian Re­ligion, and there examined what his name was, and of what Countrie, I am, said he, a Christian, that is my name, my Countrie, my parentage, and all Histor. Ecclesia. lib. 5. in all. But I must, as Plinie adviseth every wri­ter, cogitare titulum, remember the subject I am in particular to entreate of, without exspatia­tion; therefore here I must take a mans Coun­trie to be the place of his birth, not onely in a Kingdome of Province whereon hee depends, but also of a Citie, or any other particular place of Government, where it was the will of God he should be borne, yea, of the place where hee personally dwelleth and inhabiteth with his wife children and family, and where he hath his goods and maintainance for the su­staining of his livelihood; for every mans Countrie (saith Cicero) is where he is best plea­sedCic. Tuscul. l. 5. to live, and hath his meanes about him ac­cording to the French Proverbe, Là où sont nos biens, là est nostre pays, that is, where our sub­stance [Page 28] and wealth are; there is our Countrie; which is most true: therefore every man is bound to defend and preserve it against all in­vasion, either of domestike or fo [...]aine foes, even as his owne life, wife, children, family, or what else is most deare unto him. So in briefe I affi [...]me the place of our aboad, as well as of our birth to be rightly called our Co [...]ntrie, which Countrie of ours ought not to have the last place (as some would) in our affection and love, but rather the first. (Art thou so foolish, saith Plato) as thou knowest not tha [...] thy Countrie ought to Plato in Cri [...]one. be preferred before thy parents and kind [...]d, and that thou oughtest to love it more then fath [...]r or mother. The love of our Countrie & Common-wealth, said Theognis the Poet, Is and ought to be no lesse sacred, then that [...]hich is [...] a father and his child. And [...] saith, If a f [...]er [...] [...]. [...]. lib 4. his [...], his o [...]ne sonne should [...] keep [...] [...]is [...] ­sell, but at the first diss [...]ade him, if he prevailed [...], t [...]en to rebu [...] hi [...], if he at [...] to [...], for [...] is neither blood [...] ( [...] [...]. [...]. [...] re. [...] place) [...] unto us, [...] to be [...] to us then [...], it ought to be [...] with us [...] love of our [...], [...] it [...], all [...] or affect, for in [...] and if it be wasted [...] destroyed, who [...] have any pleasure in any thing that he [...]? When a [...] and [...], (said Peric [...]) Hee [...] [Page 29] ease and plentifully, is withall ruined and undone, on [...] H. [...]. lib. 2. the contrary when it flourisheth, the poorest man feeles no discommodity but fareth the better: if a Country or Common-wealth be affrighted and terrified, (said Caesar,) there is not any one man therein, be hee never so stout or wary of himselfe, but hee will stumble and fall with the ruine thereof; but in the welfare and flourishing of the same, the meanest shall find wherewith to make himselfe merry: there­fore wee should be wanting in nothing that might redound to the honour land profit of our Country. Cato Vticensis well knew how to putPlutareb. in vila Catonis. this in practise, and withall to certifie so much unto Cicero, who thanking that grave and wise man, for that in the Senate he had defended Fa­bia Terentia Cicero's wives sister, against P [...]blius Clodius, who had accused her falsely, It is not un­to me (said Cato) that you ought to give thankes, but rather, to the Common-wealth, because all that I doe, say, or c [...]unsell, is for the love of the common good of my Countrie.

Agesilam said as much to the King of Persia, Idem in vita Agesil. which King admiring the vertues of Agesilaus, after such time as the peace was concluded be­tweene him and the Spartanes, he sent unto him and requested, that he might joyne friendship and amity with him, yea, and hospitality in living together: Agesilaus refused it, saying, That the love and amity of the Common­wealth of Sparta did both content and suffice him, and as long as it would last and endure, [Page 30] he had no need to contract with any other, for that was enough: and the greatest glory of praise and commendations that ever Antiqui­ty gave or could give, to excellent men, and the bravest spirits, was for that which they did ei­ther for the preservation and defence of their Country, or else for the enlargement or exten­sion of the bounds and limits thereof, and from this generous affection to their native Coun­try, have proceeded so many glorious acts and noble atchievements, that they have afforded matter to the most learned pens that ever wrot, to the admiration of all posterity. There was never yet any good and noble spirit, that did not love and affect his Country, Nature her­selfe having impressed in the hearts of such as are well borne, a charitable love, and a most sweet and deare affection toward it; for men naturally love that ayre they first drew, and with which Nature first refreshed them at their first comming into the world. For hereby Na­ture hath a great interest in us, yea, we perceive her for [...]e in plants, herbes, and other insensible things, as there are plants that cannot endure to be transported out of their owne naturall soyle, as Balme will grow no where but in Iu­daea or Palestina, (and there in the valley of Ieri­cho.) The Assy [...]ian Apple-tree being transpor­ted will beare no fruit, the Palme-tree loves no other, save her owne territory, if it be carryed from thence, it will beare no fruite, bewayling her transportation in her sterility the; Cinamomo [Page 31] tree, and the Indian Lavender cannot endure to be remooved out of their owne clymate, which Seleucus by experience found to be true. If therefore these insensible things seeme to sym­pathize with the soyle wherein, by the Al­mighty they were first planted and had their being, how much more ought men endued with reason, love and affect the same, yea good Subjects and true to their Countrie (I speake not of fugitive Traytors, and our home-borne Renegado's) though they traveld to the worlds end, would still have a longing homeward, and most true it is that Ovid saith,

Sertorius a Roman borne, and one of the mostPlutarch in vita Sert [...]rii. valiant and couragious Captaines of his time, being constrained for saving of his life, to flie into Spaine, where he was chosen to be Generall of an Army against his owne Country, being then at mortall enmity with Spaine, who having overcome the Romanes in many battels condu­cted by Pompey and Metellus, and albeit all his affaires prospered so well, that hee could not (in any mans judgement) wish to have better successe, yet he offered the Romanes his Coun­trie-men, that if they would be pleased to ac­cept of his service (although it were but as a pri­vate Souldier) hee would serve them in that meane calling, rather then to governe and com­mand a great Army of their enemies in a strange Country.

[Page 32] Aristides going out of Athens, being exiledIdem in vita A [...]istid. thence into the Ile of Aegina, whither his in­gratefull Citizens had prescribed him, in re­compence of all the good service hee had done toward their Common-wealth, loved his Country so well, that looking backe towards Ath [...]ns, hee prayed heartily that his Country might never have need of his helpe, inferring withall that his banishment would then be so much the more tollerable unto him, if his na­tive Country did flourish and prosper.Seneca de Bene. sic. lib. 6.

Callistratus also going out of Athens, from whence he was banished, together with some other Citizens, & hearing one of his company wish, that the Athenians might be reduced to that extremity, as to be constrain'd to recall home againe all those whom they had banished, hee detested and abhorred his wicked and unchari­table wishes, as one unworthy the name of a good Patriot.Idem ibidem.

Rutilius another Romane, loved also his Country so well, that when one told him, (when he lived in exile) there would be shortly Ci­vill warres in his Country, and all that were ba­nished should be called back, what hurt have I done vnto thee my friend (said hee) to wish me a more grievous & sorrowfull returne, then my departure was from Rome? for I had r [...]ther that my Country should be ashamed to have banished me, then to see it to mourne and waile her miseries at my returne.

Cimon an Athenian Captaine, being banishedPlutarch. in vita Cimon. [Page 33] his Country by his ingratefull fellow Citizens, did neverthelesse help his Country, when hee saw it in great danger; for when the Lacedemo­nians made warre against it, hee came armed into the Campe of the Athenians purpose­ly to ayde them, and to fight against their ene­mies.

Thrasibulus in like manner declared what affe­ctionAemilius Probus in vita Thrasi­buli. he bare unto his Country, as by this an­swer may appeare, which hee made on a time unto one of his Countrie-men, he advising with himselfe and some friends how to deliver the Athenians from the hands of those thirty Ty­rants that did so sore oppresse them, one asked him what benefit or thankes hee should reape thereby, if thou freest them of their bondage, wherein they now are; I beseech the immortall Gods, (said Thrasibulus) that I may be able to yeeld Athens my deare Country, that duty and service which I am obliged to do, meaning here­by, a man cannot doe too much for his Coun­try, yea, in those times it was a very absurd thing, to bewaile or weepe for those who were slaine, fighting valiantly in their Countries de­fence, saying they did them great wrong, for that they dyed gloriously in their Countries defence.

And certainely if our Country wherein wee now live, be anyway injured or oppressed, by forreigne enemies or domesticke, and home­bred Traytors and Rebels, the Common­wealth is in great hazard and danger, because [Page 34] the enemy laboureth to winne to himselfe by Libels and leters, as many friends and abettors as he can; besides, we commonly (I hope not many) that will be very cold in affording their assistance, and these in the meane time, deserve to be banished and expelled their Country. As that good Emperour Antoninus did, who tooke away the stipends of certaine Pensioners who did the Common-wealth no service or good at all, saying, there were no greater villaines then those that did devoure and consume the Com­mon-wealth, and would never comfort and assist the same, as they were both by nature and con­science obliged; it shall not be amisse in thisSo [...]. place to recite some certaine verses of Sophocles, which may teach every man how to carry him­selfe towards his Country, which ought to be preferred above all things: they are these in effect.

Yea, howsoever we had private quarrels, and suits, and discontentments with in our selves, we ought to forget and forgive (at the arrivall of a common enemy, or when a whole Army, or the Common-wealth li [...]s at the stake and blee­ding) all differences, emulation for place or command, private grudges and the like, as be­ing no time to fall out among our selves, so did those two brave Generals at the Battell of Le­panto, Herodot. lib. 8. Vran. in the yeare 157 [...]. and so we read of Ari­stides and The [...]cles, who though through aPlutarch. in vit. A [...]stid. secret kind of Envie, did [...] contradict and oppose one another in all affaires, yet when Xerxes King of Persia came with his huge Army consisting of a million of men, with a resoluti­on to conquer all Greece. Aristides being a man wondrous carefull of the welfare of his Coun­try, casting away all former malice and envy de­parted the Ile of Aegina, whither hee had beene banished, and very boldly traversed the Army of the enemy, unto the Campe of Themistocles, who was elected Captaine Generall of the Athénians, and being arrived in the night time athis Tent, called him forth and spake unto him in this wise. Themistocles, it is now or never high time (if we are both wise men, to leave this vaine and idle jealousie and envy which wee ever concei­ved one against another, and to take in hand some other course more honorable, and wholesome for all Greece, [Page 36] our common Countrie, thou in commanding, and per­forming the duty of a good Captaine, and my selfe in counselling thee, and executing thy commaendements,) whereupon Themistocles, according to his in­nate goodnesse and accustomed vertue, espe­cially out of the aboundant love he bare to his native Country, answered in this wise. I am sorrie Aristides that thou hast herein shewed thy selfe an honester man then I my selfe, but since it falleth out so, that the honour is due to thee, for to have begun, and to have provoked me to so honest and praise-worthy a contenti­on, for the good of our Countrie; I will doe my best to overcome thee hereafter: in briefe these two brave Commanders, being after this manner reconciled and reunited, equally re­solved to defend their Country, gave the over­throw and vanquished Xerxes, and his mighty Army.

Cretin and Hermias, in the like manner, two great Magnisian Lords, betweene whom there was great emulation for priority and the honor, of being the chiefe in the Common-wealth, laying willingly aside all ambition, in seeking for the prime places of Government, agreed to­getherPlutarch in Tract. de Repub. in time of necessity, when the Com­mon-wealth should be in any danger, to be all one in their counsels and course for the safe­guard thereof: it happened in the end that Mag­nesia was besieged by the enemy, & brought to a very narrow streight; Cretin considering, that if the least sparke of emulation, should againe [Page 37] revive and appeare from the ashes of their bu­ryed quarrell, it would be the ruine of the City, repaired unto Hermias, and offered to surrender unto him the charge or place of Captaine Gene­rall of the City Army, and to depart out of it if he pleased, or else that the other would leave and abandon it for a time, and let him enjoy that place of command, least being both toge­ther, some jealousie might arise betwixt them, or by the subtle and crafty suggestion of some (as in all places) favoring the enemies designes, they might againe be unglued and divided. Hermias considoring how the case stood, and withall the honest heart of his opposite and corrivall (who gave him his choyse to stay in the City as chiefe Generall, or else to depart, and withall knowing that the other was more expert in military affaires, and consequently more fit to command the City then himselfe, presently surrendred all his authority unto Cre­tin, to the end that all things might succeed well, for the good of the Country.

Themist [...], a Noble man of [...], [...] thePlutarch. Apo­ [...] [...]. Army of his Soveraign King Leonid [...], it being told him by some Oracle or other, with which he had consulted, that the Lacedemonians should be ruinded as Ther [...]; The King would have sent him backe to Sparta, under colour of bring­ing back newes of what should happen, but in­deed lest he should be slaine, together with the rest of his Souldiers; to this Themi [...] would never consent, but with a couragious spirit and [Page 38] a bold countenance, told the King his Master, that hee was sent thither to fight in defence of his Country, and, not to play the Poste to carrie ne [...]es.

Hippodamus another Lacedemonian (being agedIdem ibidem. fourescore yeares) being in a battell with King Archidamus, would never goe to Sparta whither the King would have sent him with Agis, for to provide for the affaires of the Kingdome, affir­ming that he had rather there die honorably in the defence of Sparta, then goe home, and there­fore presently armed himselfe, and standing on the Kings right hand, dyed there honorably, fighting valiantly in the defence of his Coun­trie: hereby you may see, that there is nothing more preferred of a couragious heart then the safety of his Countrie, and Soveraigne.

[...] Captaine Generall of the Lace­demonians, being prepared a time to fight a bat­tell against the Athenians, the Southsayers (ac­cording to their superstition) having told him, (after they had viewed the entrailes of the beasts which were sacrific'd) that their Armie should obtaine the victory, but that [...] Plutarch. in [...]it. Pelop. should die, who having notice thereof, nothing mooved or amazed hereat, though he assuredly beloeved it to be true, as if it had beene the say­ing of an Ora [...], made this Heroique answer; Sparta depends not upon one mans life onely, for when I am dead, my Country will not be one j [...]t the [...]orse or the weaker; but if I should [...], and refuse to fight in its defence, the honour and reputation of it would [Page 39] be much diminished and eclipsed. Now, having ap­pointed one Cleander to succeed him in his charge and place, hee fought a battell with his enemies; wherein hee was slaine, leaving ne­verthelesse by that dayes journeys, his Coun­trie victorious, to his perpetuall honour and glory.

Solon, albeit he was old and decrepit, under­standingPl [...]tarch. in vita Solonis. how Pisistratus intended to usurpe the Government of the Common-wealth, whon none durst contradictor oppose him, out of an ar­dent zeale that he bare to his Countrie, pluck'd up his old courage, and going out of his house, (before his dore) in the street cryed out with a loud voyce unto his fellow Citizens. Helpe me, helpe your Countrie, let us die valiantly, or else put them them to death, who would tyrannize over [...].

Thrasybul [...] deserves no lesse commendation [...] Probus in vita [...]. then Solon, who (when many men have delivered their Count [...]ie from one mans tyrannie) freed it from the violence and tyrannie of many usur­ping oppressors, no lesse then thirty in number, who had banished some of the chiefest Citizens, murdered others, and confiscated the goods of others. This Thrasybulus was the first, and the onely man, that began to make warre against them, albeit hee had not then above thirty men to assist him; hereupon the Tyrants began to mocke and laugh to scorne him and his small Company; but hee by little and little fortify­ing himselfe, in the end brought them all to [Page 40] ruine, and so delivered his Country from oppres­sion.

Marcus Brutus, one of the principall conspira­torsPlutarch. in vit. Caesaris & Bruti. App. Alex. lib. 2. cap. 16. against Caesar, is highly commended by Plutarch, for that act of his in vindicating the Citie of Rome from an usurper, (who being a man naturally of a grave and mild behaviour) ventured his life to set his Countrie at libertie, whereupon hee caused certaine money or med­dailes to be stamp'd and coyned, which had on the one side a Cap or Bonnet betweene two poy­niards, and under them these two words. Idibus Martii: that is the fifteenth day of March, on which day Caesar was slaine, on the other side a mans head with these two capitall leters M. B. for Marcus Brutus, by the Cap, he meant libertie, for after the death of Caesar, they carryed pub­likely in Rome a Cap upon the point of a Lance, crying with a lo [...]d voyce, Libert [...] populi Ro­mani.

Remarkeable is the act of Ge [...]itius Cipp [...] Valeri [...] Max. lib. 5. cap. 6. Pretor of Rome, who chose willingly to banish himselfe, rather then to encroach upon the li­berties of his Countrie, for as this Cippus passed through the brasen gate, which was called Ra­duusoulana, therehappened unto him a strange prodigious thing, which was two hornes upon a suddaine grew out of his forehead, whereupon he went presently, to consult with Oracles and Southsayers, what it should meane, they told him that it signified, that hee should beare su­preme Authoritie over all the rest of his fellow [Page 41] Citizens, and that at his returne back to Rome, he should be crowned King; this good Patriot or friend to his Countrie, determined with him­selfe (to the end that should never come to passe,) never to returne backe to Rome, and therefore chose ever to live in a perpetuall and a voluntarie banishment, and to deprive himselfe of such great and eminent glory, rather then to rob his Countrie of its freedome and li­bertie.

I will now conclude this point of Dutie, with some notable examples of valiant men, who have willingly hazarded and laid downe their lives for the preservation and safetie of their Countrie, as briefely as I may.

Attilius Regulus, a noble Romane, being in theTitus Livi [...]. lib. 1. De [...]. 1. warres against Carthage taken prisoner, andValerius Max. lib. 9. cap. 2. there a long time detained, in the end taking his word and oath to returne backe, they sentCicer: in Offic. lib. 3. & de Se­nect. 5. him to Rome, as well to treat of a peace betwixt them and the Senate, as to make an exchange of such prisoners as had beene taken betwixtPaul Oros lib. 4. Eutrop. lib. 2. them on either side, but being come to Rome,Horat. lib. 3. in stead of perswading them to peace, and to exOd. 5. change the prisoners, he counselled them to the contrarie, (for regarding more the publike good of his Countrie, then the love of his friends, kinred, and family, yea his owne life,) He in open Senate perswaded them, not to ac­cept of the conditions which the Carthagenians of­fered, all [...] [...]at it would prove unhappy & dis-honorable to the Romanes; and for his part, [Page 42] he was grown old, and ready to goe to his grave, no way able to doe his Countrie service, and how that the Carthaginians which were at Rome were young men, able, lustie, and many in number, who if they were sent backe, would doe great mischiefe to the Romanes, and withall (the better to perswade the Senate to followA. Gellius lib. 6. cap. 4. his advice) he told them that the Carthaginians had poysoned him, with certaine drugs which had a long or lingring operation, to the end he might live untill such time as his men might be released, and that in a very short time the poy­son would come to his heart, and then there could be no other remedy for him but death; at last the Senate followed his advice; he then with a full resolution to keepe his oath and pro­mise, returned backe to Carthage, whe [...]e with most cruell tortures he ended his life. Some write that they cut off his eyes lids, and layd his face a whole day together in the Sunne; others say he was inclosed naked within a great Pipe or Hoggeshead driven full of nayles with the points inward, and so tumbled downe an hill or rocke, keeping him without sleepe for many dayes together.

Sous King of Lacedemonia, loved his Coun­tryPlutarch. in vita. Lycurg. so well, that he preferred the good of it be­fore his owne life; this King upon a time being very straitly besieged by the Clytorians in a very barren place, where no water was to be had, in the end, after hee and his [...] endured extreme thirst, he offered unto [...] [...] to [Page 4] surrender unto them all the Countries and Ter­ritories, which formerly he had won from them, if so be that he and his people might drinke of a fountaine that was in their possession, and not farre from that place; the Clytorians accepted of this offer, and so the parties were sworne, to per­forme the conditions agreed upon betweene them, whereupon Sous having assembled his men toget [...]er, told them, that if there was any man among them, that would abstaine from drinking of that water, he would surrender and give over unto him his Kingdome and Royall dignitie. But there was not one that would ab­staine from drinking, so extreame great was their thirst; but they drunke all very greedi­ly except King Sous, who comming last of all to the well, tooke a little of the water, and rubd or coold the out-side of his mouth, in the pre­sence of the Clytorians, but did not drinke or swallow down one drop at all, by meanes where­of he would not performe the agreement former­ly made to his enemies, saying he was not obli­ged so to doe, because he had not drunke at all, and from thenceforth he continued his warres, to the great advantage and honour of his Coun­trie, which he preferred before his owne life in so great an extremitie.

The which Lysimachus one of the successours of Alexander the Great could never doe, for when he was surprized in such a straight in Thrace by King Dromic [...]ates, and reduced to the like extremitie as King Sous was, and being not able [Page 44] to endure thirst any longer, he yeelded himselfe and his whole Armie to the enemy, but when he had drunke, and saw himselfe prisoner, hee cryed out; Oh ye Gods, how am I now (being a King before) become and made a slave for a little pleasure, when Sous (for his abstinence) shall be honou­red, and had in everlasting remembrance.

There were two Carthaginian brothers, whoseSalust. de bello [...]. & Val. Max. lib. 5. cap. 5. sur-names vvere Philaenes; the Inhabitants of Car [...]hage and Cyreni, two nigh bordering Cities in Africa, vvere for a long time at great debate and variance, about the bounds or limits of their Territories, and in the end, to come to a peace­full accord, it was agreed betweene them, that certaine young men should at one and the selfe­same houre, set out or part, some from Carthage and the others from Cyrene, and that the one company should goe or run towards the other, and in that very same place where they should meet, there should be the confines or limits of eithers Territorie, whereupon those two bro­thers of Carthage (not performing the Articles vvhich vvere agreed upon, betweene them and the Cyrenians, departed out of their Citie before the houre appointed, purposely to extend their limits, and to get ground of the other, but the Syrenians having notice of this fraud, they com­plained of their wrong, and would not have that place to be the limit, unlesse these two brethren would be contented to be buryed both alive in that place, where they would have their Citie bounds to be, which they imagined would ne­ver [Page 45] be accepted of by these young men; but in briefe, these brothers presented themselves un­to the Cyrenians, and were presently [...] alive in the same place, such love they bare to their Countrie and the enlargement of the bounds thereof.

Sc [...] having taken the City of [...] con­demned all the Inhabitants thereof, to die by the sword, his host where hee lay onely excep­ted; but he [...] true lover of his Country, [...]nne in among therest of his fellow Citizens, whom by numbers the Souldiers were hewing in pieces, and cryed with a lowd voyce, It will not please God that I should be beholding for my life un­to him, that murders all the rest of my Coun­try-m [...]n; hereupon hee lost his life among the rest.

[...] that stout Romane Knight, beingPlutarch. in vit. Camilli. (it seemes) justly accused for some great [...] he [...] committed, and having received the sen [...] of d [...]h, [...]ned his face towards the [...] (which hee could from that place see, and from which he had beaten away the enemy, that had besieged it) with the great danger and perill of his life, and so saved his Citie and Co [...]ie,) and with a loud voyce cryed out, and [...] the Judges (pointing at the Ca­pitoll with his finger in this manner.) How can you (my Lords) have the hearts to condemne [...]? how can you in your consciences doe him hurt [...] to fore most willingly, and of his [...] accord, would have dyed for you, [Page 46] who exposed his life to save yours, who did ha­zard it so often in the defence of his Countrie and Commonwealth; that Capitoll will tell you more newes, those walls will speake for me; this pitifull oration so strooke the hearts of the Judges, that they could not see him die, but set him free and at liberty, in regard of his good service formerly done, for the good and honor of his Country.

I might alledge many moe rare examples out of Antique H [...]tories for this purpose, as of those brothers, the Horatii and Curiatii, in Livie, with those glorious acts of Pompey, Me­telius, Cursius, and infinite others, as well La­tines as Grecians: but I willingly passe them over, & cometo examples neerer our own times, which perhaps (as neere neighbours or not farre dwel­lers) will become more familiar and please better.

I will begin with a notable example of aHistoria general, de Spania par L. de Mayerna. Spaniard, Alphonso Perez de Gus [...]n, a Castilian Knight, and he that gave the first beginning to the illustrious Family of the Duke of Me­dina Sidonia in Spaine, worthy immortall praise, for having preferred the welfare of his Coun­try, his duty and fidelity to his King, before the life of his onely sonne: it was thus, Don Sanchez the 4. of that name, King of Castile, having recovered Tariffa from the Moores, (who in those dayes possessed a great part of Spaine,) being a very strong place, and of great impor­tance, also a frontier Towne, made this Knight [Page 49] Governour of the same, who was within a while after besieged by Don Iohn King Sanchez his owne brother, (who had conceived some great indignation against him) with a great Army, which Aben Iacob King of the Moores (who was then King of Granada) had given him unto which he was fled, upon purpose to annoy and vexe his bother. It so fell out, that Don Alphonso Peres de Guzmans sonne was taken prisoner by the Moores, by whose meanes Don Iohn hop'd to take Tariffa, which [...] could not obtaine by force of armes, and therefore to that end and purpose, having gotten assurance to parle with Don Alphonso, he brought this young man hard to or by the walls of Tariffa, his father, Don Al­phonso being within the Towne, and upon the battlements of the wall, whom Don Iohn threat­ned that if he would not yeeld and surrenderup the Towne unto him, he would presently cut off his sonnes head; unto whom Don Alphonso made this answer; the Towne is the Kings, who hath appointed me to keepe and defend it, the which I will doe for mine honour and reputations sake, and the good of my Country, and as for my sonne, he is in your power, you may doe with him what you please, and because you shall not imagine, that I will preferre the love of my sonne, to that of my King and Country, there is a sword for you to strike off his head, & herewith threw his fword unto him from the battlements of the wall, and then returned backe unto his house, Don Iohn being wonder­fully [Page 46] [...] [Page 49] [...] [Page 46] [...] [Page 49] [...] [Page 50] enraged against him, caused presently this poore innocent child to be beheaded: when the Souldiers that were within the Towne saw that cruell and bloody spectacle, they made a great shout and a crie, which when Don Alphonso (who was then at dinner with Dona Maria de Alphonso de Carvel his wise) heard, imagining that the Moores had assaulted the Towne, ran presently to the walls, and perceiving that the noyse and stirre was, because that his sonne was executed, if it be no other thing, said he, it is no matter, be you carefull and looke well to your charge, and then without making any shew of outward sorrow, returned backe to his house, and sat downe againe at the Table with his Lady, not speaking one word of the matter unto her. The Moores and their Captaine Don Iohn, conside­ring with what a resolute Souldier they had to deale, presently raised the siege, and returned backe with great shame and confusion, to the immortall honour of that stout and g [...]ous Knight, who was so faithfull and true to his King and Country.

The Towne of Calice in France, being besie­gedHistoire de [...] by King Edward the third, in the yeare 1346. the Inhabitants thereof were reduced to such extremity, by long continuance of the siege, which endured well [...]igh a whole yeare, that they were constrained (being not able to hold out any longer) to yeeld the Towne and themselves to King Ed [...]rds mercy, who being wonderfully incensed against them, had for­merly [Page 51] sworne to put them all to the sword, not sparing any one, in the end he was pleased to re­duce the number of those who should die one­ly to [...], and those the chiefest of the Townes­men, to expiate, or in part to save his oath. This commandement being brought to the Towne-hall, where those miserable Townes­men were gathered together by the Kings per­mission, to give their friends and Country the las [...] farewell, who beholding one another with heavy and dejected countenances (the spirits and blood, through the feare of death being [...] to the heart) and standing all mute, one of the chiefest amongst them, [...] name was, [...] Saint Pierre, (or Eustache of Saint [...]) brake that pitifull silence, speaking cheerefully in this [...]: [...] I so often ha­zarded my life for the good of my Country; and shall I [...] feare to sacrifice it for the last victim [...]? I will therefore yeeld my head ( [...] fellow countrie-men) [...] King Edward of England, being not [...] to live any longer, to the damage of my thrice [...] Countrie; he uttered those words, without any teares, or the least show of the feare of death, but with such a courageous counte­nance and manly voyce, that he perswaded the whole multitude to doe the like: then one Ieand' Aire was the next that seconded him, and afterwards all the company cryed out. Allons, allons, à la mort, c'est le dernier devoir quenous de­vons rendre à la nostre pau [...]re Patrie. Let us goe, let us goe to our death, it is the last duty that [Page 52] we owe to our poore Countrie. Now among all the whole multitude that offered their heads willingly unto King Edward to save his oath, onely sixe were bound and led away ro execu­tion; but in the meane time the Queene of England being then and there present, seeing them all thus manacled, and by the Executio­ner led away to the place where they should suffer, fell a weeping, and desired the King to take some compassion upon them, and to give them their lives, saying, that it was great pitie to put to death men of such a resolution, and magnanimous fidelity, the King forthwith granted her request, and more-over, albeit that the King had planted and established in [...] a new Colony, he gave those men leave still to continue and dwell in the Towne, imagining that they would be as true and faithfull to him their deliverer, as they had beene lately to their owne King and Country.

One Iohn Pecolat a Citizen of Geneva perfor­medLe Citad. Genv. en laresp. au Caval. Savoy. a notable act to maintaine the liberty of his Country. This man being in Savoy, at such time as Charles the third of that name, and the ninth Duke of Savoy made warres against Gene­va, in the yeare of our Lord 1518. to debarre them of their antient liberties,, vvas by the in­stigation, and prosecution of the Savoyans put upon the racke, to make him confesse some­thing that was to the hurt and prejudice of his Countrie, the which he endured very constant­ly for the space of three houres, albeit hee was [Page 53] left once upon the racke, all the while the tor­mentors were at dinner, who in the end, seeing that he would not abuse his tongue in relating any thing against his Countrie, caused a Bar­ber to be sent for, to shave off the haire of his head and beard, because they imagined, that he was charmed, in the meane time (still un­willing to confesse or say any thing, that might endamage or injure his Country, the Com­mon-wealth of Geneva,) upon a suddaine hee snatch'd the rasor out of the Barbers hand, and with a couragious resolution cut out his owne tongue therewith, which his persecutors would have enforced to lie, against the liberty and priviledges of his native Countrie, whose memorie is to this day, and ever shall be had in perpetuall honour in that famous Ci­tie.

Let us on the contrarie, take a view of the la­mentable events and miserable ends of those vvho have prooved Rebels to their King and Country, and how they have beene rewarded, yea, by those who did employ and set them on worke, who rewarding them for the most part, according to their demerits, have hated them after ever to the death, and all in generall have branded vvith the name of Traytors, disdai­ning their base disloyalty, to the disgrace and shame of their posterity, vvho many times though they may redeeme their credit with men, they hardly can escape the just judgement of God heavily falling upon themselves and [Page 54] their issue: for confirmation hereof I will pro­duce some notable examples.

Philip King of Macedon kn [...] very well how to use and handle a wicked Traytor, for albeit sometimes he made use of such vipers, yet ha­ted them unto death, for when one [...] an Olynthian (by whose ayd and treachery, he had taken the Towne of Olynthia,) complained un­to him, how the [...] continually revi­led him, still upbraiding and calling him Traytor, for his treachery in betraying his na­tive Country: Philip made him this witty and fa­tyricall answer: The [...] (quoth hee) are such f [...]s and dolts, that they [...] call any thing, but by its owne name. Therefore [...] all Traytors consider that those great Princes who imploy them, doe [...] the same affection towards them (during the time they are to make use of them) as [...] to the gall and poyson of some v [...]ous beasts; when theyPlutareh. in vita Romuli. stand in need of them, for they are very glad to find them out, wheresoever they may become by, to serve their turne, when they have occa­sion to use them, but when they have by their help and meanes, obtained that which they wish'd for, they hate and detest the malice and venome of such beasts, and commonly kill them. So Treason is acceptable to great personages, when hereby they have obtained that which they sought for and desired, as the Emperour Augustus once said unto Rhymitalces King of Thrace, who had forsaken and abando­ned [Page 55] Marc. Antonie, and made his brags that hee had joyned and associated him unto Augustus Plutar [...]. [...] ­thêgs. who made warres against him. I love (said hee) the Treason, but I hate the Traytor.

Darius King of Persia, caused his owne sonne Ariobarz [...] to be beheaded, because he sought to betray his Army unto Alexander the great.

Agesilaus King of Lacedemonia, having no­tice that Pausanias his sonne, had received five hundred talents in gold of King Xerxes, to be­tray Sparta into his hands, pursued him unto a certaine Temple whither he was fled to save his life, where the King caused the doores of the Temple to be stopped and block'd, withall, ap­pointing a strong stone wall to be made round about it, leaving him there to die most mise­rably with hunger and thirst, whose body af­terwards was cast forth unto dogs, not vouch­safing to give him a grave, so much did he de­test and abhorre this Traytor (though his owne sonne) who would have betraid his native Country.

Iunius [...], the first Consull of Rome,Tit. Livius lib. 2. caused his two sonnes Titus and Tiberius to beDecad. 5. Dionys. Halicar. lib. 5. beheaded, because they conspired to let the Tarquines into Rome, from whence they had beene formely banished, by reason of their Ty­rannie and horrible vices.

[...] a Senator of Rome did likewise kill his owne sonne, because he had beene a parta­ker in the confpiration of Catili [...], and had for­saken [Page 56] Rome to take part with Catiline, a no­toriousPlutarch. in vita val. Publ. Sa­lust. in Bello Ca­tilin Traytor to his Countrie, saying, Oh wicked and base Traytor, it was not for Catili­ne that I begat thee, but for Rome, thy native Coun­trie. Flavius vopiscus in Aurel.

The Emperour Anrelius, having made use of one Heraclemon, a wicked Traytor who betraid his owne native Country unto him, permit­ted one to kill him, and then wrote unto Mal­lius Chilo, in this manner, I have given leave to one to kill him, by whose meanes I tooke the towne of Thyane, for I could not indure the Traytor, and there­fore I have willingly consented that my Souldiers should dispatch him out of the way; for seeing hee had no pitie of his Countrie, he would (it is like) not keep his faith and be true to me.

The Emperour Maximinus gave thankes toIul. Capitolinus in Maximin. one Macedonius, for having killed Tyc [...], who strove with him about the Empire, but after­wards frowned upon him, as upon a Traytor, and in the end, caused him to be slaine.Inventoire de l'Histoire [...] France, par I. de Scrres.

Now as concerning the rewards of Tray­tors; I vvill produce unto you one notable ex­ample, put in practise by Clovis the first of that name, and the fift King of France. This King had suborned two Serving-men, to betray their Lord and Master unto him promising to bestow upon each of them a golden Corselet. After­ward by their meanes, having taken their Ma­ster (vvhom hee supposed to have conspired against him, and had caused to be put to death) these Traytors demanded their reward of Clovis, [Page 57] vvho sent each of them a Corcelet of iron, but vvhen they complained of the King, he sent for, and spake unto them in this manner: You have judged better then my selfe, for I have not done well, in giving unto you Corselets of Iron, a reward or a pre­sent indeed fit for honest men, but you have deserved an halter, a collar worthy and well beseeming false Traytors: and hereupon presently commanded them to be hang'd.

But among many examples, I will relate un­to you two which are very remarkable, wherein as in a glasse you may behold the just judge­ment of God, against vvicked and perfidious parricides or Traytors to their Country, the like vvhereof, a man shall ever harldly heare of, or read in any author.

The first is of a Spaniard named Iulian Earle [...]istoria general. de [...] lib. 5. of Ceuta, who being wonderfully enraged a­gainst Roderick his naturall Soveraigne (who had ravished his daughter called Cava,) was the cause, [...]ot onely of the Kings death, but also of the utter ruine of all his Countrie, a perfidious an act as can be imagined, and as ex­treme a vengeance as can be spoken of. But be­hold the reward, this wicked man received for his paines. The Moores having by his meanes conquered almost all Spaine, which they had in quiet possession, allowing well of the treason, (but hating and utterly abhorring the Tray­tor,) first of all they layd violent hands upon this cursed Earle, and reprooved his disloyalty, and after having confiscated and ceased upon [Page 56] [...] [Page 57] [...] [Page 58] all his lands and goods, they put him into a close prison, where hee dyed most miserably, having first seene his wife Faldrina stoned to death, and his sonne throwne downe from the top of an high Tower in the towne of C [...]uta Sanches a Spanish Historiographer relates his History, and end something otherwise, for he faith, that after the death of King Roderick, (who was slaine in a Battell against the Moors,) they layd hands on this Iulian, and after that they had reviled him for his perfidious trea­chery, they hewed him to pieces in the fields, whereby you may see how justly he was rewar­ded [...] against his Country.

I might for a little more content and satis­faction to the Reader, insert in this place the Epitaph of this Roderick, who was the thir­tieth and [...] King of the Gothes, which is as yet to [...] in the towne of Visena in [...] ­gall, in detestation of the perpetuall [...] of that per [...]ous Iulian, but fearing to be over­tedious, I passe it over.

The other example is of him, who by wic­ked treachery betrayed the Ile of Rhodes, unto Sultan Soliman, the eleventh-Emperour of the Turkes Anno 1522. and in the moneth of De­cember, Solyman had promised to bestow upon the Traytor in recompence of his disloyalty, one of his daughters in marriage, together with an exceeding rich dowrie, after the takingMeditat H slor, [...]. Ca [...]rarii. or conquest of the Iland, this Traytor deman­ded of Soliman the performance of his promise, [Page 59] whereupon the Turke caused his daughter to be brought forth in a most magnificent pompe, according to her state and dignity, and gave her to him in marriage, which made this wic­ked Traytor to be so ravished with joye, that he knew not what to do, or how to behave him­selfe, but all his mirth and joy lasted but a small while, for Solyman turning towards him spake unto him in this manner. Thou seest (said he) how that I am a man of my word, but yet in re­gard thou art a Christian, and that my daughter and thy wife, is a Mahumetane by birth, and profession of Religion, you cannot live in peace and a [...]ity toge­ther, and withall I cannot love my sonne in law, ex­cept he be a Musulman within and without, neither is it enough that thou dost abjure Christianitie (as many of thy sect doe) in hope of gaine or profit, there­fore thou must be strip'd of thy baptized and uncir­cumcised skinne, and having spoken these words, he commanded this, his pretended sonne in law to be [...]yed, and afterward to be layd down upon a bed of salt, commanding his servants (that if some small deale of Mahumetisme would possesse him in stead of Christianisme,) they then should bring his spouse (and not till then) unto his bed to lie with him, this was the reward this wretched Traytor received for his disloyalty.

I will conclude this Discourse of men Traytors, with the treasons of some women against their Country, beginning first with two maydens, and a marryed wife, who [Page 60] sped no better in their reward then the for­ [...]er.

The first was Tarpeia the daughter of Spurius T. L [...]vius lib. 6. Decad. 1. Tarpeius, who commanded the Capitoll inDyonis. [...]. lib. 1. Autiquit. Plutarch. in vita Romu [...]. in Rome, this maiden gave entrance to the Souldiers of Tatius, Captaine Generall of the Sabines, who had corrupted her with money, for she had promised him, when she went forth for water, to leave the dore open for his Soul­diers to enter in, upon condition, that they should give unto her all the golden bracelets, rings, and jewels they wore upon their left armes, hands, and wrists, who in stead of Jew­els, cast upon her their Bucklers and Targets, which they bore in their said left hands, decei­ving her by that meanes of her purpose and ex­pectation, hereby shee was pressed to death with the waight of the sheilds of those that en­tred the Capitoll.

The other was a Grecian maid whose nameMeditat. Histop. 10. [...]. was Daemonica, who was rewarded much like the other, for Brennus King of the Gaules, ha­ving pillaged all Asia, and besieged the towne o [...] Ephesus, this maid falling in love with Bren­nus, promised to betray the towne unto him, upon condition, that all the Gaules should de­liver unto her for a recompence, all the golden chaines and bracelets they had, the which he promised her she should have, now having ta­ken the towne by her meanes, hee commanded his Souldiers to cast into the maids lap, all the golden chaines and bracelets which they car­ryed [Page 61] about them, th [...] which (in obedience of their King and Generall) they did, where she with the very wight of the gold, was pressed to death.

The last example is of Romilda the wife of10. Aventin. lib. 3. de Annal. [...]. Gisulph [...], Duke of Tivoli, who beholding Ca­can King of Scythia marching round about the walls of Modena, which he then besieged, af­fected him so well, that she was upon the sud­daine surprized and taken with his love, inso­much, that shee sent unto him a messenger who should signifie, that if hee would marry her, she would deliver the City unto him, to­gether withall the treasure Gisulphus her hus­band had, who was then but lately slaine at the first arrivall of the Scythians in that place; Ga­can being very desirous of the victory, accepted of the condition, and hereupon she caused the portes to be opened, and so received him into the towne, which he and his men afteward pi [...] ­laged, and b [...]ought the Inhabitants into a mi­serable servitude. Afterward Cacan feigning to be willing and ready to performe his promise and vow made unto her, lay with her one night, and used and intreated her as his wife. But the next morning (because hee would have all the world to know, that hee hated and deteste her treason,) hee caused her to be buryed alive in the midst of his Camp, telling her that such an husband became her best, who th [...]ough her inordinate love, or rather lust, had betrayed her Country.

[Page 62]Hereby you may see and have heard, how hatefull treason and a Traytor, is to God and man, insomuch, as the most barbarous nations of the world, have detested and grievously pu­nished the same, yet as an antient writer saith, men ought to be more wary in pre [...]enting the de­signes of Traytors, then in consulting by what manner of torment they should suffer death: and saith another, There is not a better or sweeter per­fume, then the savour of the dead body of a Tray­tor, nor anything more infectious, or pestiferous then his life.

But to draw towards a conclusion, since obedience to our King is so pleasing to God, so necessarie for the preservation of our Coun­trie, our selves, wives and children, and estates let us with One heart, walke one way, [...] devide our selves, like Sampsons Foxes, to [...] the whole Land, nor it is not enough, to contri­bute coldly and unwillingly in times of dan­ger, but freely and cheerefully, and if need be with the hazard of our lives, to open our purses, with the widest, for the common good; which necessary lesson, if the Greekes had learned at what time the great mistresse of the East, their City Constantinople was besieged by Mahomet the first, they had beene their owne men, even to this day, for the City being taken, there was such a masse of mony and Trea [...] therein, that the Infidels were amazed thereat, enough to have furnished the City with men and muniti­on, repair'd the battered walls and workes, and [Page 63] to have made it defensible against any enemy whosoever, but, Tanquam sacrum attingere nole­bant, every man made his mony his Idoll, they would not part hardly with a penny, so that to them it may be said, as the Prophet said to the Jewes; Oh Israel thou hast destroyed thy selfe, but surely God gave them not the hearts, they lying at that time wallowing in sloath, and all manner of sensuallity. Let us therefore be war­ned, and earnestly entreate of the Lord of Hosts, that hee would give unto us understan­ding hearts, able hands, peace in these our dayes, unanimity in our resolutions, and con­stancy in our loves, and loyalty to our most dread Soveraigne King Charles, and to our deare nursing mother, this famous and most flou­rishing Country of England.