TITVLVS SECVNDVS OF CALVINISM.

I Will heare leaue Germanie, and launch of Caluin, and tho vvarres in France. owt into an Ocean of as great miseries in France: and examin there, vvhether [Page 81] Caluinism doth prepare and dispose the harts of that peopl to mere obedienc, hu­militie, and patienc, then Lutheranisme ded. The first author and fownder of this sect was vld. Swinglius, (whose Followers Luther Called Sacramentaries, the french named them Huguenots:) but now they haue ther title and denomination from Caluin, (who as a Transcendent, haith overshadowed and obscured the glorie and name of Swinglius; and is solie reuerenced, as the Patriarch of Geneua, and the Archi­tect, that framed all ther state and discipli­ne: and ordered all the motions of that Sphere, with much art and pollicie. For as Lutger was harsh, stearne, and violent, neither vsing modestie nor goot manners: so Caluin was more cautelous, of a more subtil spirit, and appeared at first to the world, in humilitie, and couered with the foxes skin. Luther was the original cawse; but Caluin glorieth that he gaue the perfection of all. So both of them weare glorious, both bred in the school of law and contention: both special frends to pleasure and the flesh, and neither of them commended much for pietie or deuotion.

For the description of the lyfe and con­versation of Caluin; of his nature, behau­iour, delicacie of diet, and physical epicu­risme: [Page 82] I referr yovv to one, that sat long by hym to dravv his picture, Viuis coloribus, Doctor Hierome Bols [...]k one that was vsed to feale his pulse, and know his humors.) A man not hyred, nor corrupted to doe that (as some withowt producing anie proofe haue affirmed, and [...]o withowt credit may as vvell be reiected.) Speciallie conside­ring, that Frances Baldwin concurreth vvith hym, both in the portraicture and coolors: who was a famous lawyer, one that liued with Caluin, and knew what blood was noorished in euerie vayne of his bodie. The like was doone by Florimond de Re­mond, a gentlman of qualitie, Claudius de Saincts, and diuers others who haue left vs the liuelie image of Caluin, and of fine maister Theodore Beza, who succeaded hym in his chayre and iurisdiction, like a vertuous man: a pastor vsurping an other mans parish, and the husband of an other mans wyfe: euer further in loue then cha­ritie, and of better disposition to show witt, then pietie.

And as I vvill not medl with ther vertues and liues: so wil I leaue to the more learned there schoolpoynts and doctrine, intending onelie to deliuer ther seditious paradoxes, and demonstrate to the world, how much both ther r [...]fyned discipline and doctrine [Page 83] doth derogate from Royaltie, and the soo­uerain authoritie of kings and princes: and how much it is more fau [...]rable to democra­cie and popularitie, as more consonant to the aduancement of there confisiorie and eldorship (vvherby they haue vvrought much confusion, sedition and mischeafe.)

I will beginn with Caluin, vvho goeth slilie to vvork, and by certan degrees; and not so bluntlie, and rudelie as Luther.

1. First he labors to commend Aristo­cratia, and abase Monarchies: (onelie and secretlie to preferr the reputation of his Consistorie and Sanhedrim) l. 4. Cap. 20. v. 10. of his instit. non id quidem per se sed hominum vit [...]o And vvhat is his reason? quia raris [...]me contingit reges sibt moderari: deinde tanto a [...]umine & prudentia instructos esse, vt v­nusquisque videat quantum satis est. So he maiks yt, daintie, to fynd a vvise and tem­perate king, and therfor he concludeth, facit ergo hominum def [...]ctus, vt [...]u [...]ius [...]it ac ma­gis tollerabile, plures tenere guberna [...]ula Sc. the defects of Princes is the reason, that I hold it it more safe, and more tollerable, for manie ioyntlie, th [...]n for one absolutelie to gouern and command. Atque vt libenter fatear, nul [...]um esse gubernationis genus is [...]o faeli­cius. For when manie govern, one supplies the defects of an other, both in counsell [Page 84] and iustice. Thus with a politick reason, he Doth insinuate hym self into the harts of the people, to plaine his way to the disci­pline he propounded. Yow may err in thin­king this a trifle, and a scoolpoint: for he applyed it to a further end. After the Ge­ueuians had eiected ther Bushop, who had the supremacie in that state, as his predeces­sors had long enioyde it, sinc Frederic the first: then as Bodin noteth, ther Monarchie was chainged into a popular state yet gouer­ned Aristocratice:) and therfor Caluin confirmeth the peopl in that opinion, and geueth reasons to aprooue that act, which was the first fruits of the gospel in that cittie.

2. Hauing giuen this blow to a monarchie, (he forgets he was born at Noyon, and thinks hym self safe at Geneua) to preuent that yow might not obiect, that Princes ha­ue alwaies graue and wise counsellors to ad­uise and inspyre them; and yf they be weak them selfs, to supplie ther defects He gi­ueth this resolution, cap. 11. v. 26. vpon Daniel. Kings maick choyce of such men for ther counsellors, as can best fitt ther humors, and accommodate them sells to serue the appetites of ther king, scilicet, in Creweltie, and fallacians. So he maiks them rather worse then better, by hauing [Page 85] counsellors, and stayneth the honor and reputation of a counsellor with a blea­mish and scandal intollerable, as yf kings wear neither better nor wiser by ther coun­sell tables.

3. But yet he goeth on a degree further, for before he gaue the precedenc, by way of comparison, to Aristocratia, but now he both discrediteth and disgraceth Mo­narchies and Monarchs. cap. 2. v. 39. vpon Daniel. They ar (saith he) owt of ther wits, quite voyd of sence and vnderstan­ding, who desyre to liue in soouerain Mo­narchies. For ir can not be, but that order and pollicie shall decay, whear one man holds, so large an extent of Dominion.

4. And to maik this bad proposition seame good, cap 5. v. 25. Kings (saith he) forget they ar men, that is of the same mould, that others arr. They ar called kings and Dukes Dei gratia. To vvhat end serue these vvords? to shovv by ther title, that they acknovvledg no superior. And yet vvill they tread vpon God vvith ther feate, vnder that cloke. So it is but an abuse and disguisement, vvhen they vaunt that they raign Dei gratia. Is not this excellent doctrine to be preached in a Monarchie? and a fyne Deskant, vpon Deigratia? Yet he goeth an further. c. 5. v. 21. Kings maik ther boast that they raign Deigratia, yet they [Page 86] dispise the Maiestie of God. Voila, quelle est la rage & forcenerie de tous Rois. Hear is no exception but a generall accusation: and to maik that good, he addeth this strenth to it, It is common and ordinaire to all kings, to exclude God from the government of the vvorld.

Consider wel that Caluin writt this, not as a Politician but as a Deuine, and in his prime and maister peace, his institutions: he deliuers these daingerous positions in his sermon, to the people, and in his rea­dings vpon Daniel, not in priuat discour­ses: and as matters of discipline and doct [...]i­ne to be generallie beleaued: and so ma­king a course against Nabugad nezzar, he run; the wild goose chace against all kings, and that rather owt of pleā, then owt of his text. For to what end and pupose tend the­se speaches so scandalous, and derogatoire to princes? certanlie, to disgrace scepters and sooueraines, both for follie and im­pietie.

And bycause yovv shall see hovv vvell Caluin and Luther doe symbolise in this poynt, that they speak one language, and both weare like coolors, and the same fas­hion. I will deliuer vnto yow how Luthers opinion of thes poynts, agreeth with Cal­uins, These knaues, of the nobilitie, tyrants, [Page 87] tom. 7. fol. 441. Nebulones isti ex nobilitate, 1 tyranni, &c. qui inducunt animum, ideo Deum nobis euangelium dedisse, eosque ex carcere pon­ti [...]icio expediuisse, vt possent ipsi auaritiae suae li­tare. And in epistolis fol. 350. Principem esse, 2 & non ex aliqua parte latronem esse, aut non, aut vix possibile est, a Prince can not be, but a robber, and oppressor, & tom. 3. fol. 325. Non est Principis esse Christianum, paucos esse 3 Christianos oportet. And tom. 6. fol. 143. in psalm 101. Mirum non est seculares Reges, Dei hostes esse, eiusque verbum hostiliter persequi. Hoc [...]psis à natura est insitum haec eorum pro­prietas. 4 whear it is vvorthie to be obser­ued, Nota. vvhat an Antipathia ther is betvvean Royaltie, and religion, by Luthers rules: and so betwean Lutheranisme and loyaltie, by as good consequenc, (vvhich is the mayn quaestion.) But procead. tom. 3. latin. fol 459 in psal. 45. Aulae principum, verè pos­sunt dici, sedes & thronus diaboli, vbi tot sunt 5 diaboli, quot ferè aulici. For such as the king is, such is the court like to be: and yf the courts be the thrones, kings must be the Deuels. Tom. 2. fol 81. De seculari magistra­tu. 6 Principes flagitiosissiminebulones. The rea­son he giueth, is this. Sunt enim Dei lictore [...], & carnifices, quibus ira diuina ad puniendos improbos, & ad conseruandam externam pacem vtisolet, & fol. 190. Nullum nequè tus, nequè [Page 88] fidem, nequè veritatem apud principes seculares reperiri licet. And then yf kings and prin­ces haue neither honestie, truthe nor Iusti­ce, Quid ego principes doceam. & huiusmodi porcis scribam vvhy should I vvrite, and in­struct such porck tom 3 fol. 149.

Who can not discern hovv these tvvo holie men iumped in vnitie, as led vvith the same spirit; (ay ming bot-at one end, which is to noorish a deadlie feud in all mens mynds, against kings and crownes, that will not subscribe, to ther superintendencie, and Caluins Institutions. And that yovv might more euidentlie discern that, read c. 6. v. 25. vpon Daniel. Saith he Darias by his exampl vvill condemn all those▪ vvho at this day profess them selfs, either Catholik kings, or Christian kings, or defendors of the faith: and yet not onely, they doe deface and burie altrevv pietie and religion, but they corrup and depraue the vvhole vvorship of God. Hear is in dead vvork, for the Covvper; not by a Marpre­lat, but by a Mar prince. The most Chri­stian king must be again nevv Catechised and learn a new Christian Credo Hear is a new portraicture of a reformed Catholik, dravven for the instruction of the most Catholik king; and a nevv priuate spirit, to direct the Catholik.

The defendor of the faith, bycaus he [Page 98] erreth in his faith; not hauing a sauing and iustifi [...]ng faith; must haue a nevv faith crea­ted, and inspiret into hym, by this great Prophet And so by this nevv model, all the old religion in the church, and all the lavves in the state concerning it, must be abolished. Thus presumed Caluin, to re­form kings and government, and to build a nevv ark, to saue and preserue the vvorld, from an inundation of impietie, ignoranc, and irreligion; of vvhome I may trevvlie say, plus quam regnare videtur, cui ita liceat censuram agere regnantium. But of this, I shall more pertinentlie speak in the appen­dix. In the interim. Can a man sovv more seditious seads, yf he vvould seak to Can­tonize a kingdome, into seuerall circles, as they haue doon ther french church? Yet shall yovv heare hym preach, more like a Svvisser; and Lutheranize, vvith the pro­per spirit of Luther. cap. 6. v. 3. 4 he tou­cheth kings to the quick; and describes, what kynd of beasts they ar, at this tyme. Les Rois sont presque tous hebetez, & brutaux: aussi semblablement, sont-ils comme les cheuaux, & les asnes de bestes brutes. And he giueth this reason; bycause they honor and preferr most, ther Bavvdes, and ther vices. What a seditious declamation is this, against the title, and maiestie of Gods anointed? Mark [Page 90] the age, and tyme, when Caluin writ this book: and note in that age what renou­med kings, France had: Lewes 12. Frances the 1. and Henry the 2. what maiestie wise­dom and magnificenc wear in the emperor Maximilian and Charles? vvhat state in Henry 8. of England, what hope in Edward, what vertue in Marie for Scotland, Iames the 5. raigned, and two such Maries, as at worthie to be Canonized. And for Castill and Portugal, there kings never floorished more, for government, greatnes, encreas of state, discoueries of a new world, peac, and plentie. Then what was his meaning, to affirm that almost all kings wear so stupid, and brutish? Surelie to bread and noorish, a contempt of hings; and to induce the peo­ple, that liue in free states, to despise and hate them; and conninglie to seduce them that liue in kingdomes, to be sorie for ther yoke and seruitude: to shake of ther fetters, and purchase ther libertie (Special­lie for religion). for at that he aymed most (the propagation of his doctrine): and he knevv, vvell, that in popular estates he might preuayle stronglier, and vvith bet­te hope of success, for all his religion is popularitie, and pleasing,) and as Swinglius fovvnd he could not induce Frāces the first, to applaude hym: So by the exampl of [Page 91] Henry the second, Caluin ded perceaue that kings, and Deigratia, vvear blocks in his vvaye. And therfor to remooue them, that they might not empeach the course and current of his preachings, and procea­ding C. 6. v. 22. he speaks in a tune full of sharpes, and menaces. Abdicant se potestate, terreni principes, dum insurgunt contra Deum: imo indigni sunt, qui cons [...]antur [...] hominum numero. Potius ergo conspuere oportet, in illo­rum capita, quam il [...]is parere, vbi sic proteruiunt vt vel [...]nt sp [...]liare Deum [...]uo [...]re. What a lear­ned homelie is this, to teach subiects obe­dienc? Ioyne all these good instructions together, and so shall yovv best interpret and explain one by an other. D. Bilson in his book of Christian subiection, taketh paynes to expovvnd and vvrest Caluins vvords; and to saue his credit, sets the berst coolors on them he could. I. Caluin (saith he) in this place, Speaks not a vvord of de­priuing princes, or resisting them vvith ar­mes: but onelie shovveth, that Daniel ded rightlie defēd hym self, for not obeying the kings vvicked edict, ioyned vvith the disho­nor of god Secondly by Abdicant se, he meanes not they loos ther crovvnes, but that they loose ther povver, to command in thes things: but in lavvfull things, they retain ther povver. 3. For the phrase con­spuerè, [Page 92] it seams something hard; yet the comparison so standing as he maiks it (whether it wear better, to contemn ther impious edicts, or to obey them:) Cal­uin vrgeth it in vehement wordes. And this is farr from Rebellion. An other ex­cuseth it, that it was spoken comparati­ue, not rebelliouslie: that is yf the king should contradict Gods lavv. A poor shift: but he sets not dovvn, vvho should be iudg of that, betwean God and the king. And so it is nihil ad rem. I answer to the first, it is idle and impertinent: what yf he vse not these words of depriua­tion and resistanc? (for then had he erred too palpablie:) ar therfor the other words he vseth, excusable? For Daniels right full defenc, it is not pertinent to the quaestion, D. Allen mayd. Besides what, was Daniels defenc, what arms took he? All with owt contemps of the king: humilitie prayer, and patienc. Not after the Geneua fashion so brauelie, as to spitt in Nabugodonosors face; nor alledging that he was not worthie to liue emong men.

And for the second, by (abdicantse) what meanes he, that kings doe loose? not ther Crownes, but onely povver to command. let vs speak plaine English, withowt halting. Yow confess, the king [Page 93] looseth his authoritie and soouerain po­wer, to command (and yow add obscurlie in thes things.) Yovv mean, in matters of religion, for so it is to be vnderstood, tho yow cast a cloke over the words, and cover the mat­ter. Then I, desyre to know, what is a kings crown withowt power to cōmand? He that teacheth, they loose ther royall power, dothe he not mean, they forfeit it? and yf they doe forfeit it, who is tho challeng and taik the forfeiture, of a crown? but by such lectures, doth not Caluin stirr vp and arme against the king his trayterous sub­iects, yf they reuolt from ther obedienc, for religion? Is not that, the grownd of all the combustion, and ciuill warrs in France? Yea, but in other things lavvful, (yow say) kings retaine ther power. First these ar maister Bilsons words, not Caluins: for they contradict Caluin, whose proposition is indefinite, abdicant se potestate, they loose and forfeit all ther authoritie and power: abso­lutelie, not after a sort: and in all things, not in some particuler: and for altogether not for a tyme (for when kings ar disposses­sed they seldome recouer ther hold agai­ne.) Besides, what court, or what magis­trates ar fitt to heare and determin whear in kings may loose ther power, and whea­rin not? and to decide and iudg the diffe­rence, [Page 94] betwean these vnlawful matters yow speak of and the lawfull: tho Caluins words import no restriction, at all The vvhich doth playnlie appear by his harsh phrase (as yow tearm it) of spitting in ther fa­ces: that is, as yovv interpret, to defye them to ther faces, to contemn them, and ther acts. But this yow say is farr from re­bellion: trew, and yet nothing to the pur­pose. For rebellion is but one species of Treason, and therfor tho he teach not re­bellion, he may teach treason. And so yovv help hym litl. Labor to extenuate the vvords as much, as yovv can: and yet, vvill they be reallie heynous and seditious. For he that, hould [...]th a king is not vvorthie to be or liue in hominu [...] numero, dothe he not as it vvear eiect and excommunicate hym, from all goverment, and confyne and cen­sure hym to liue vvith beasts as Nabugo­donosor ded. Yf yovv teach, that insur­gunt contra Deum, doe yovv not maik hym hatefull for his impietie?

But to conclude, this yovv grand in ef­fect to be his meaning. That yf the king threaten Daniel, except he vvorship the Idolle: or yf the king of France seake to compell his subiects, to obey his lavve, and communicate, at the alter of the church: then abdicat se potestate; the king ought to loose [Page 95] obedienc: subiects ar not bovvnd to obey hym, (but rather to spit in his face, vvhich is a contēpt in the highest degree, (and that vvas the cavvse, vvhy Doctor Allen ded obiect that against Caluin, as seditious doctrine.

Besides, he mayd his ovvn quarrel, Gods quarrel: the defenc of Caluinism, as the defenc of religion: and so embroyled the king and the kingdome, in perpetual quar­rell, for his doctrine.

But D. Bilson, ded knowe, or might haue knovven: that seditious doctrines, wear not so daintie at Geneua. For in ha­tred of the thre Q. Maries, of England and Scotland, he set abroach and defended that poyson and factious doctrin of Guno­cratia: and by his inspiration, knox and Goodman, ded publish ther books, against ther lawfull princes.

Besides, look vpon the storie of Scot­land, printed by Wautroller. p. 213. and yow shall fynd, that knox for an Apologie of his practises, alledged Caluins authori­tie, That it is lavvful for subiects, to reform re­ligion vvhen princes vvil not.

But Caluins opinion of that poynt, may be more manifestlie prooued, by the practi­se of his darling maister Beza: who sownd­lie ded vnderstand his doctrin and ded bra­uelie [Page 96] second hym in all his platts. In the preface to the nevv testament: dedicated to Quene Elizabeth. 1564. he vsed these vvords. Quo die, scilicet (19 december.) ante biennium, Galiica nobilitas, (illustrimo Princi­pe Condaeo Duce,) tuis, & illustrissimorum quo­rundam Germantae principum, subsidijs freta: non procul vrbe Druidum fortissime praeliata: prima restunendae in Gallijs Christianae religionis fundamenta, sanguine suo, faeliciter consecrarunt. So then hear is bothe resisting with armes: and defijng ther king, in the face of his armie: and this I hope maister Bilson, vvill confess to be rebellion. And this act, vvhich others vvould shadow, Beza iustifieth so boldlie: that in the same place, (commen­ding the good seruices at Meaux and Or­leans, and that famous battel of Dreux, vvhearin he vvas a principal, not an accesso­rie, he addeth, Id quod eo liberius testor, quod istis tum Concilijs, tum etiam plerisque rebus, quando it a Deo visum est▪ interfui. To that place, (obiected to the Caluinists, as an argument to convinc them of seditious, both doctrine and practises) maister Bilson shovveth much care, and studie, to ansvver.

1. That batle, (saith he vvhich Beza spea­keth of ar Dreux, vvas neither against the lavves, nor the king.

2. They took not armes to depriue the [Page 97] king, or annoye the realme, but to saue them selfe, from the oppression of one, that abused the kings yowth.

3. The Duke of Guise, hating the nobles of France (hymself being a strainger,) and to tread down the professors of religion, that he might strenthen hym self, to taik the crovvn, yf ought should fall to the king (being vnder yeares) or to his lyne: armed hym self to the feald, &c.

4. The nobles of France, perceauing his mallice, and his iniustice, with priuate vio­lenc to murder so manie innocents: gathe­red forces together to keape ther own liues, from the furie of the blood sucker. And in that case, yf they repell force, what haue yow to saye against that?

6. For the kings consent, he was yong and in the Guises hands; therfor his con­sent, vvas nothing vvorth (that a subiect should doe execution by the sword, vpon his peopl, withowt order of Iustice.) The king had neither age to discern it, nor fredome to denie it, nor lavve to de­cree it.

5. We know not the lawes of that land, nor the circumstanc of these warts?

7. Lastlie. Beza, saith he, alloweth, and exhorteth obedienc to magistrates. Libro confess. fidei. cap. 5. §. 45. in these vvords. [Page 98] Quod autem attinet ad priuatos homines, tenere illos oportet, plurimum mter se differre, iniuriam inferre, & pati iniuriam. Iniuriam pati nostrum est, sic precipiente Deo, cum nobis illam viarcere non licet, ex nostrae vocationis prascripto, &c. neque aliud vllum remedium proponitur priuatis hominibus tyranno subicclis, prater vitae emenda­tionem, preces & lachrimas.

At larg, I seth down his Apologie for Beza, and the reasons: bothe by canse D. Bilson, was at that tyme, a man selected and chosen to be the champion of that great cawse; and his book was published with so great applause, as yf he had batred down the seminaries of Room and Douay.

Touching the first poynt, he is confi­dent, that the battell of Dreux, was nei­ther against the law, nor the king: and yet in the 5. he corrects and contradicts hym self, confessing that he knowes not the lawes of the land, nor the circumstanc of the warr. So yovv see this great Doctor had a conscienc: to affirm the certantie of a matter, whareof he had not scienc. And so I might leaue hym bett, with his own weapon. But was that battel neither against law, nor prince? assuredlie against bothe, as yow shall fynd by the lawes of Charles the VIII. 1487. and of Frances the first 1532. and of Frances the 2. at Fountain­bleau [Page 99] 1560. the wich lawes, I shall haue occasion more fitlie to pleade, in the case of Rochel and Montauban, in this discours.

But how doth D. Bilson, prooue that the battel of Dreux vvas not against the king? Bycause, the 1. Duke of Guise, ded 1 cawse that battel, and 2. armed hym self 2 into the feald, in hate of the nobles; 3. hym self being a strainger: and 4. the king being 3 in his hands? It seames this man was not 4 well instructed, or that his wise patron had not leasure to peruse and examin it: he tells so manie vntruthes together. First it is certan, that battel was not in king Fran­ces his tyme, but in the raign of Charles the ninthe; and after the death of king Frances, all men knovv, (that vvear ac­quainted vvith the proceadings of that ty­me) that the howse of Guise ded beare no swaye in the court: the Duke vvas mayd a strainger to the state, his vvings vvear clipt; the Quene moother, the king of Nauar, and the constable sat at the stearne and guided all. And so the king vvas not in Guines hands (as he surmised). And in that batle, the constable vvas the cheafe com­mander; he and the Marshall of S. An­drevvs, vvear the king liuetennants, and had the kings authoritie and sufficient commission to warrant ther actions. The [Page 100] Duke of Guise led the Areargard; and tho it was his fortune to stand maister of the feald, and winn the glorie of the daye: yet had he not anie charge at that batl, but of his own companies. And so he fayleth in Not. See M. Ma [...]uisser in his com­mentaries, and, M. Lanovv, in his discour­ses. the verrie growndwork of his ansvver.

And whear he saith, that the protestant Princes took armes, onelie to saue them selfs from ther oppression by Mr. de Guise? it is a blind reason, for a cleare cavvse. For yf that onelie had bean ther reason: vvhen they see the Cōstable, marching in the va­untgard (vvhome none of them could ac­cuse to haue abused the kings yovvth, or sought ther oppression): vvhy ded they not then, laye dovvn ther armes, and depart the feald? and yf it had bean onelie, to defend them selfs; vvhy ded they not staye at Orleans, or somme other nests of rebellion, till they had bean assulted; ra­ther then to affront and assayle the kings armie? Why ded they sett vpon the Constable, the kings Vicegerent, and the the honor of the Admirals howse, (and the Admirals kinsman and great frend, when he was prisoner at Melun for his re­ligion, by commandement of Henry II.) Yf ther end had bean only to saue them selfs, from the Duke of Guise; vvhy ded they fight vvith the Constable? No, this [Page 101] is, bus a mask; for Beza hym selfs, playnlie confesseth, that the feald vvas fought, for this end, vvith ther blood to restore religion.

And wher as he inveigheth so hotelie, against the Duke of Guise, that he was a strainger in France: it seames he knew not, that the Duke was discended of the line and brainch of Charlemaigne, (who vvas no strainger in France?) or that he hym self was a peare of France: that he was coosen German to the Prince of Cōdie; or that his moother was Anthonette de Bourbon: and that his predecessors, had long enioyed offi­ce and honor, in the court of France. Nei­ther peraduenture had he hard, of the great seruices doone by hym, at Rome, at Mets, at Verdun, at Theonuille, and Callice (when all France vvas in Mourning and distress, after the Admiral had lost S. Quintins. (But that dreame, that the Du­ke of Guise aspyred to the Crowne, (yf the king and his issew fayle:) is to be pittied rather then answered: a fable (taken owt of the legend of Lorrain,) and the other li­bells of that tyme. Weigh and examin it, and see the leuitie of follie. The king was young: his brothers yonger: ther moother liuing; the king of Nauar, ther trustie and noble frēd (and a brasen gate, betweā Guise [Page 102] and the crowne:) and the nobilitie of Fran­ce, as he saithe, mayd an association against the howse of Guise. Then was it not likelie?

Now it being apparentlie fals, that the kings was in the hands, and power of the Guises, I com to the proposition, that the king had neither age to discern it, nor fre­dome to denie it, nor lawes to decree it: it resteth to examin that proposition, that the kings consent, authorising that armie at Dreux was nothing worth, bycause he was not of age, nor at libertie.

What yf the king had not age, to discern it? was it therfor withowt warrant or law? A king haith two bodies: his bodie Poli­tick, as it never dyeth: so is it never defecti­ue of authoritie and direction. The acts of the bodie politick, be not abated by the naturall bodies accesse: the bodie politick is not disabled to rule and govern by the no­nage of the naturall, see 26. lib. assis. placit. 24. whear by iustice Thorps iudgment, the gift of a king is not defeated by his nonage, nor shall not embleamish the bodie. In the book of ass. see the case, tit. droyt. plac 24. anno 6. E. 3. f. 91. for a writt of right brought by E. III. of a mannor, as heyre to R. I. The exception of nonage against the king was not admitted. For yf the bodie natural [Page 103] die; yet the bodie politick (which magni­sieth the natural bodie,) is not sayd to die. So 4. Eliz. for leases of the Duchy mayd by E. 6. all the Iudges resolued, they vvear good, tho the king vvas in his minoritie. For the bodie politick extolleth the natu­rall, and altereth the qualitie of it. And so though the kings bodie natural in his mi­noritie can not discern and iudg: yet that disableth not a king, that the acts of his minoritie, ordered by his counsell, and by the Regent, should be of no validitie. Nay, your own Hottoman, in his Franco­gallia, will teach yow an other lesson, (tho he was Bezaes trustie Achates.) Resolume; would anie counsellor like it well, yf a Ca­tholick in England should affirme, (as he might more trewlie) that the chainge and alteration of religion by king Edward VI. was not warrantable, hauing not age, to discern it; nor freedome to denie it, (being in the hāds of the protector and Northum­berland: nor lavves to decree it, (till by his vncls authoritie and greatnes, new lawes wear enacted for it.) Yf yow approoue not this: why doe yow disprooue the same in k. Charles IX. of France? was the age of the one, a barr in law, and not the others? or was the one, an absolute king, and not the other? or vvas k. Edvvards cōsent, sufficient [Page 104] to authorise his vncls doeings in spiritual matters: and was k. Charles his consent nothing worth, to authorise the Constable and his armie, to pursew, his rebells?

Now concerning the last poynt, tou­ching Beza his opinion: I must turn that Canon against hym self; for yf Beza sayd trewlie, iniuriam pati nostrum est: nobis vim viarcere, non licet: yf it be certan, nullum remedium proponitur priuatis hominibus, tyran­no subiectes, praeter vitae [...]mendationem, &c. then surelie, maister Bilson is betrayed by hym, he seaks to defend: and Beza be­trayed the Admiral and Prince of Condie, to draw them into the playnes of Dreux against the king, to fight for ther religion: when vim viarcere non licet.

I will not stand to refell that opinion and error of D. Bilson, that the Prince of Con­die ded not ovve simple subiection, to the king of France, but respectiue homage, and so was not mearly a subiect: bycause it shovveth a palpabl ignoranc of the lavves and customes of France: and besides that could not excuse the Admiral, vvho at all could not plead anie such protection, or al­ledg anie such prerogatiue. For yf H. 2. might committ hym, to prison lavvfully: Charles the 9. as lawfully might cut of his head. But forasmuch as Bezaes sentenc, [Page 105] is coninglie vsed, and cast as a mist to bly [...]d the eyes of the reader: I will disperse the mist, and let yow see what kind a man he vvas in his proper humor, and in puris naturalibus.

Read his positions, and Catechism of sedition, (the practise of his pietie) the book called, Ʋindicie contra tyrannos; whear he acts the part of Iunius Brutus, a noble Roman, (but the suppressor and enemie of kings.) First (pag. 15.) he pro­pownds this question: yf subiects be bownd to obey ther kings, when they command against Gods lavve? and then pag. 22. he resolueth, vve must obey kings for Gods cawse, when they obey God. And pag. 24. as the wassel looseth his fief, (his lordship) yf he committ fellonie: so the king loo­seth his right, and his realm also. And aboue all other, this is notable pag. 65. a conspiracie is good or ill as the end is, at which it aymeth. which is a most wicked Maxime, fitt to mantain Rauillac, or Pol­trot, or to be a buckler for the conspirators of Amboys. Yet this pag. 66. goeth a de­gree further. The Magistrates, and one part of the realm, maye resist the king being an Idolater: as Lobna reuolted from Ioram, for forsaking God. Doth not this stronglie patronise the battel of Dreux? [Page 106] doth it not teach subiects, to rebell, and to plead, sic dicit Dominus, for ther defence? but note well how fynelie, he fortifieth this axiome. pag. 132. The government of the kingdome, is not giuen to the king alone: but also to the officers of the Real­me. And again, pag. 103. France, Spayn, and England, ar customarily consecrated, and as it wear put in possession of ther char­ge, by the states, peares, and Lords, (which present the people.) And p. 199. ther is a stipulation in kingdomes haereditarie. As in France, vvhen the king is Crovvned. The Bushops of Beauuois and Laon, ask the people, yf they desyre and com­mand, this man, shall be king. And vvhat then? surely it is no argument that the people, choose hym. It is an accepta­tion, no election: and a declaration, onely of ther submission, obedienc and fidelitie, as yow may euidentlie perceaue, by Fran­ces Rosselet anno 1610. the ceremonies, at the coronation. When was ther euer an assemblie of the states, to elect, or consecra­te a king of France? the kings, never count the tyme of ther raign, from the day of ther consecration, but of ther entrance: and Charles the. 7. (Gaguin and Giles can witnes,) was nether crowned nor sacred in eight yeares, after he begonn his raigne. [Page 107] And for the Peares? what think yow, that they ar as Ephori. No they ar pares inter se, not cōpanions to the king. They ar not sta­tes, as in Holland, to rule and direct all af­fayres: for in France and England all autho­ritie depēds vpon the kings; and yf they we­ar his consorts, they wear not his inferiors. What is the state, but the authoritie of the Prince? who onelie, by his letters patents createth the pears, disposeth all Offices, giveth all honors, receaueth all homages, (as the sole fountain, from whenc sprin­geth nobilitie and authoritie:) and he that either would restraine that sooveraintie, or communicate it with others; maketh no differenc of the Crovvn of a kinst, and the la Beretta of the Duke of Venice. Ma­nie such like rules, and positions, haith he published fitt introduction, for Anarchie, and mutinies: most of them false, and all wicked: vayles onelie to cover the face and name of treason, that it might not appear, in his proper and vglie shape.

I might heare trauel and wearye yow, with as Good stuff owt of the book de iure Magistratus, (a bird of the same nest, for if it wear not Bezas, as manie think, It vvas Ottomans his Camerado.) But I will lea­ue them bothe, for they touch the string of sooveraintie with too rough a hand: nay [Page 108] rather they straine to breack it, when they teach so grosse treasons, that the states ar aboue the king; that the bodie is aboue the head (a monstrous doctrine: as yf anie man could (with iudgment) maik a quaestion, whether the people should be directed and commanded by the maister or the man; by the subiect, or the sooue­rain: by the Princ of Condie and the Admi­ral, or by king Charles. and king Philip had reason to cut of the head of the iustice of Aragō: and to teach the people, what was the trew meaning, of nos qui podemos tanto, come vos, &c. All which paradoxes, it wear easie to refell: but that I haue vndertaken onelie, to discouer, not to combate and encounter them: and bycause they ar lear­nedlie and religiouslie confuted all readie, by Barkla [...]e, Bauricau, and Blackwood.

Onelie by the waye, I must informe yow; that they deal politicklie and conninglie, and professe not openlie and bluntlie, to haue anie liking, to chainge the state, and depose, or ouerrule kings. But artifici­allie they manage all. First to bread a dis­like of Monarchs; then to show the incon­venienc, to depend vpon the edicts of one man: then may they much the better, mag­nifie the authoritie of magistrates, by who­me they might reforme idolatrie; and why [Page 109] the Creatures of a king suppresse the crea­tor of ther power. And yet, be sure, the Consistories and elders muh rule all: and be iudges, bothe of the cleargie, lavves counsell, and king. They be the Rabbins, that owt of ther Sanhedrim, must govern both church, and kingdome, by the Ora­cles of Geneua.

I may not forget, how vureuerentlie Eu­sebius Philadelphus, (Sc. Mr. T. Beza) vsed king Charles in his book of Reueille mat­mattin: (whear vsuallie he calls the king Tyrant: and maiks his Anagramme Chas­scur des [...]oyal. Read his rymes, and scanda­lous reproches against the Q. moother-Peruse the 40. Articles recorded in that book, for the better aduancing of seditious gouernment. As art. 25. that all cheafs and Generalls, must obserue ther, ecclesiastical discipline, ordayned by the Synodes. And art. 40. they ar bownd neuer to disarme, so long as religion is pursewed, (persecuted by the king, he meaneth.) So much patienc, haue these Saints: that seaking to reforme all others, can not reforme ther own affe­ctions But yf yow peruse the 14. and 15. art. yow shall discern the brauerie of ther irre­gular passions, intending therby onelie to ouerthrow the king, and the familie of Valoys.

[Page 110] These wear the holie articles of Bearn 1574. coyned with his stampe, and com­municated at Millun to all ther Moschees, that they might he more strōglie maik warr (as they Sayd) against ther enemies, till it pleased God to turn the hart of the French tyrant. Thus, ad gustum populi, principatus exigitur. At the same tyme, was framed, and dispersed abroad, the lyfe of Katha­rine de Medicis, Francogallia, the Toxsan of Massacreurs, and the Legent of Lor­raine. (For that honor the howse of Guise haith long had: that no man professed hym self, an enemie to the church: but he was likewise, at deadly seud with them.)

Heare I might taik vp; and stay yow no longer, with the description of ther vertues and loyaltie: but that I desyre to present vnto yovv, vvhat opinion the graue and learned men of the church of England; and others also of gread iudgment, haue dad had of these Euangelists of Geneua.

1. Doctor Sutclif, in his ansvver to a libel supplicatorie p. 194. confesseth that the protestants of the french church, taught for 30. yeares violent reformation of religion, by the nobilitie, people, and priuate persōs.

2. And in an other place, Beza (saith he) in his book de iure Magistratus, dothe arme the subiects against the Prince and he saith, [Page 111] that book overthroweth in effect, all the authoritie of Christian kings, and Magi­strates; and for the book of Vindinciae contra tyrannos, vvhich manie affirm to be Bezas, or Ottomans: It geues povver (saith he) to subiects, not onelie to resist but to kill the Prince, yf he impugn gods religion.

3. The same is also averred, by the late Archbush. D. Bancroft, (in his book of the Suruay of discipline:) a man, vvho ex­actlie had learned, examined, and obserued ther courses, and positions, and the great dainger grovving to the state, by the mini­sters either Scotising, or Geneuating, (for so he tearms them.) And the book of dain­gerous positions, pag. 192. dothe demon­strate also the same.

To these I may add the iudgment, of that famous Lawyer, Frances Baldwin, (vvho had familiarlie conuersed, vvith Caluin at Geneua:) in his book, called Responsio alte­ra, ad Iohannem Calumum, Paris. 1562. pag. 74. Mirabar, quorsum euaderet inflammatus tuus quidam apostolus, (Sc. m. Theodore) qui cum hic concionaretur suis auditoribus, com­mendabat vehementer, extraordinarium illud exemplum Leuitarum, sirictis gladijs per casira discurrentium: & obuios quosque idololatras, trucidantium. Sed nunc audio, te vix conten­tum esse [...]alibus Leu [...]is▪ And, pag. 128. I e­uiora [Page 112] (saith he) sunt illa, cum statuis & sepul­chris, & ossibus principum ac martyrum, barba­rum bellum indictum videmus: cum ciuitates occupari, fana spoliari audimus, &c. But what nead I labour to prooue that Beza, and his followers, haue caused all these vproars, and commotions in France: when he hym serf Epistola 40. Christophero Thretio, confesseth, that they must fight it owt. Ego quidem pacem nullam, nisi debellatis hostibus, ausim sperare. Yf yow ask, who wear these enemies? he answers, Cacolycorum castra trās Ligerim sunt. Therby he means, the Ca­tholiks and the kings armie. And a litl be­fore, ab eo tempore. nostri (copiss foelicis [...]ime instauratis) Tolo [...]anum agrum infestarum; In­de ad Rhodanum vsque progres [...]i, occupatis ali­quot passim oppidis & arcibus, in quibus praesi­dium reliquerunt. So they spoyled the con­trie, disturbed the peace, surprised the kings townes, fortified, and oppugned the kings forces: and yet these men, Beza allo­weth, and encoorageth. Therby yow see, how apt this holie man was, to ruffle in the world. But this seames to be morbus in natus in the Sacramentaries; and that malus coruus malum ouum: for Swinglius (the grand fa­ther of them all tom. 1. art. 42. Reges (saith he) quando perfidè, & extra regulam Christi egerint, possunt cum Deo deponi. In defenc of [Page 113] this Principle, D. Bilson, auswereth; first more wiselie and with discreation, I vnder­taiknot (saith he) to defend each seuerall mans opinion (though Svvinglius was not euerie man; being the fovvnder and principall author of that sect.) Secondlie saith he, they may be deposed, vvhen they aduanc vngodlienes, as Saul was. Tirdlie, Swin­glius showeth the cawse, why magistrates may be displaced: but he geues no priuate man leaue to draw the sword, or offer vio­lenc, to anie princ, (though a tyrant.) And fourthlie (saith he) Swinglius speaketh of princes elected, not successiue and absolu­te: and yet he speaks of them also in that article, but allovves no force to be vsed against them. Is not hear two contradicto­ries, in one sentenc? Transeat cum reliquis erroribus. But answer this, yf they may be deposed as Savvl vvas; who is to depose them hear is no Samuell, nor anie prophet. May the people? no saith he (blushing as asha med of the grossnes) no priuate man: is it then a secret reserued to the Eldors? no neither. Svvinglius hymself, deales plainlier, and art. 42. and 43. he expresseth his own meaning. Cum suffragijs, & consensu totius aut maiori partis, multitudinis, tyrannus tollitur fit Deo auspice. Hear is no exception, electiue and successiue, ar both concluded: [Page 114] and the people, haue the sword put into there hands. And to maik, it more olayn­ne; see his epistl Conrado Sonnio l. 4. pag. 868. Permittendum est Caesari, officium debitum (but conditionallie) si modo fidem nobis per­mittat illibatam. Si nos illud negligentes pati­mur, negatae religionis rei erimus. So this, factious minister taiks vpon hym to deter­min, whether and vpon what tearmes Cae­sar shall hold his place, or be deposed. Gentlie, they will obey Caesar, yf Caesar will be aduised and directed by them: other wise what is ther course, they will taik with hym? l. 4. Epist. fol. 196. ad Vlmenses. Mo­net eos, vt coram auditoribus suis, sensim inci­piant detrahere personam imperio Romano. Quomodo, stultum sit, agnoscere hoc imperium in Germania, quod non agnoscitur Romae, vnde nomen habet? Was not this Caluins course, for Monarchies? the verrie same. But hear hym further. Nimis amantes estis rei Roma­nae; quid Germaniae cum Roma? sed prudenter & paulatim agenda sunt huiusmodi, atque cum paucis, quibus credere possis, quod ardua sunt. Note, how this Swiz labours to vndermyne the empyre, and blow it vp with his breath: and what trayterous and seditious counsell, he geues for ther libertie. Sensim & paula­tim, not openlie and grosslie, nor all at on­ce: & coram adiutoribus; it is doctrine for a [Page 115] pulpit, a sermon to the people (who ar li­kest to applawd it.) And how? incipiant de­trahere personam imperio Romano, what haue they to doe with Roome, or Roome with them? This man speaks naturallie in his own language, and by hym the princes of Europe may see, vvhat they ar to expect of these reformers, vvhen they ar armed vvith povver.

Now, as I haue declared, the principles, and Aphorismes of the great Triumuirat of the french Church, Svvinglius, Caluin, and Beza; the tribunes of the people, and the boute-feux, and ringleaders of rebellion, (whome our learned Doctor of Oxf. would gladlie haue defended.) So it shall appea­re ex effectis, that Geneua is the school of rebellion, and the seminarie of all the ciuil vvarrs in France. Neither vvil I blott ther names with anie false aspersions: for as ther practise is the best Commentarie of ther positions, and vvritings: so it is the best tryal of ther loyaltie: and can geue in best euidenc, vvhether they be (as they vvold seame to be) good Patriots, and trew sub­iects.

First therfor, call to mynd, both ther beginning; ther proceading; and ther con­tinuanc, to this tyme. And in all these, thre things ar speciallie to be obserued, 1. [Page 116] ther manie conspiracies, 2. ther manie and great batles against the king and his offi­cers, 3. and the horrible owtrages, and at­tempts, both incomperable for crueltie, and incredibl for disloyaltie.

I will begin with Amboys, (whear they The Conspiracie of Amboys. begann to act the first Scene of ther Tra­gedies. And therof I will deliuer, a trevv and breafe Narration.

At the assemblie of Nantes 1560. Cer­tan of the Caluinists conspired to Seaze the kings person, and surprise the court: and to apprehend and endite the two principal of the Guises, for seaking to invade and posses the crown, to ruine the princes of the blood, and to suppresse and banish reli­gion. Which was whith great deliberation concluded in Ianuarie, to be executed at Bloys, the 10. of March after. The cheafe of this conspiracie, was Godfrey de Barry called de Renaudie, (who mayd the Prin­ce of Condy partaker of his counsell, and acquainted with ther platt; which he disli­ked not, yf it might be performed by form of lawe.) This was straingelie discouered, first by the Cardinal of Lorrains secretarie; and after by the aduertisement of Cardinal Grauuellan.

And therupon by good aduise, the king soodainlie remooued to Amboyse, and so [Page 117] disapointed the conspirators, both of the tyme and place. And by that meanes, the forces leuied and appointed for that seruice, vvandred vp and down, withowt head and direction: and so the Duke of Nemours, with the trowpes he had, ap­prehended manie of them, and emong the rest, the Baron of Castelnau: and Monsieur de Pardillan, slevv Renaudie, the general: and diuers others wear execu­ted. And the Duke of Guise, prouidentlie took order for the safetie of the king and the court: and so assured hym self of the person of the Prince of Conde, that he had See the cō ­mentaries of M Mic. Castelnau. not power, to attempt anie thing to ther preiudice: and yet afterward, he was com­mitted and condemned to loose his head: but enlarged by Charles the ninth, and for politick reasons, acquited and declared Innocent. And this was the first act, preten­ded by the Caluinists, to be doone, for re­ligion, & bonum publicum.

The like was after put in practise, against 1. The conspi­racie of Meaux. Charles the IX. at Meaulx, 1567. the which the king happilie escaped, by the ayd and noble seruice, of the Duke of Ne­mours and the Swissers. Ther purpose was, to haue possessed them selfs of the kings person, and of the Duke of Aniou, and to haue slayne the Quene moother, (but by [Page 118] recouering Paris, they wear all saued:) and the Cardinal of Lorrain, (vvhome they principallie desired to entrap) was forced to flie speadilie, and secretlie, to Reames, for his safegard, (whear not long after he Dyed.)

I omitt the practises, at S. Germain in 2. S. Ger­main. Laye, against bothe the king, and Quene moother: which was so manifestlie discoue­red, that Mole and Coconas lost ther heads for it. And the error in the ill managing of Comment M. Castelnau. that matter, (so manie heads and hands being in it) bred the occasion of great trovvbles.

Further more, to informe yow of ther 3. Battels. open and actual rebellion, whearin they sought by the sword in ther hands, to com­pell the king, to Pacification. Remember first that furious and memorable battell, vpon the playnes of Dreux; the batle of S. Denis; the batle of Iarnac; the batle of Coutras: the batle of Moncontour: and the beseaging of Roane, (whear the king of Nauar lost his lyfe. At S. Denis the Con­stable was slayne: and at Iarnac the Prince of Conde: and at Coutras the noble Duke of Ioyeuse, ended his Dayes. The fealdes ar yet stayned: France was let blood too prodigallie, and straingers wear brought in as surgeons, to launch the wounds of it [Page 119] (which haue left behing them greater caw­se of lamentation, then remembrance.)

And for that of Moncontour, whear the Admiral stood alone, as the sole Champion of the Reformed churches the Missa-Pulta ded testifie, vvhat ther principal quarrel was; which by Bezaes deuise was aduanced, as a Basilisk, to beat down the Royal stan­dard of France, and the Labarum and cross of Constantine.

Touching the Owtrages, and assassina­tes committed by these holie fathers, and ther disciples (who ar sayd, to be so inno­cent, for blood and murder.) Poltrot shall haue the first place in the Callender, (for killing the Duke of Guise the kings Lieu­tenant Generall, in so horrible manner.) who confessed before the Quene Moother, that Beza had Catechised, and encooraged hym, to that heroic all action.

2. Remember also how the protestants, in Valentia, vsed Seigneur de la Motte-Gondrin (the kings Lieutenant in Daul­phine,) who promised them not to bring in the Gendarmerie to force them: yf they would liue peacablie vvith the Ca­tholiques. But they assembled ther forces, surprised and hāged hym vp in cold blood, both in contempt of the king, and skorn of his office. (A villanie not tollerable in [Page 120] anie common welth, speciallie, when such tolleration and conniuenc, was offred, and with so much fauor.

3. But greater and more inexcusable, was the enterprise of Simon Maye: who was induced by the same spirit, and owt of the same schoole, to kill the Quene moother, and Henry the third. But his purpose vvas discouered, and he was taken, and execu­ted. And this fact, can not be excused nor shifted of by anie coolors. For he confes­sed it, and accused, Seigneur de la Tour, and Monsieur d'Auantigny (tvvo gentlmen of good parentage, and byrds of one feather,) to haue bean his counsellors, and abbettors. Who both wear apprehended: and yet af­terward released by his Maieste. (not wil­ling to search too deape, into that wound; either for the men, or the matter.)

4. Yet this ded not satisfie them; they seazed and took possession of the kings rents, and reuennues: they coyned monie: they surprised the cheaf citties of the realm, Orleans, Troyes, Poictiers. Tours &c. and put in garrison, and gouernors, of ther ovvn choosing, and for ther own ends: and de­liuered one of the keyes of France, into the custodie, and government of forreiners. all which being doon, with owt the kings commission: prooued plainelie, that they [Page 121] vsurped vpon the crown, the cheafe prero­gatiues of sooueraintie.

5. Lastlie and most tirannicallie: Nico­las Froumenteau (a minister of the new edition) confesseth (l. des finances de fran­ce:) that in Daulphine onelye, the armie of the Huguenots, killed 265. preasts 112. monks and friars, and burnt 900. townes, and villages. And yet, bothe the Calui­nists, and others, tell such a pittiefull tale of the massacre at Vassy, by the Duke of Guise: as yf no creweltie had ever bean comparable to that: which how small a matter, how farr from the liking and con­sent of the Duke it was; when yow heare it declared by Monsieur de Chasteau neuf in his commentaries, yow will say, Parturiunt montes. It was a toye, and trifle in respect, of these crewelties, or of that at Montbrison, that of Mornas in Daulphine, and manie other places. I will not tyre yow, with sto­ries and discours of the calamities of the church in France: whear those that iustly deserued, and vniustly complayned against persecution; ded persequute ther neighbors most vniustly and tyrannicallie. Let the Monsieur Arnold, le Reueille Matt. in Francoys. world iudg it by this: In these ciuil warres, 20. thowsand churches, wear destroyed by the Protestants: and yet these mem vvear born (they say) to edifie the church, Is it [Page 122] not likelie? Mahomet could doe no more, but plant his doctrine, and establish his Alchoran by his sword as they doe. Novv let them that ar most partiall, consider, (for tho I commend no fact of creweltie I may excuse it.) the Admirall being the principal moouer and instrument of all these per­petuall motions: who can iustlie blame king Charles, by a mean extra ordinarie, to cut of such an extra ordinarie member: ra­ther then so pestilent agangrene, should cor­rupt the whole bodie, and endainger the head? he, who now in france, as the pettie king of a nevv common vvelth, ruled the peopl (reuolted from ther soouerain:) main­tained war against the crovvn, sollicited and called in the ayd of straingers (vpon false and disauovved pretences:) he vvho leuied contributions, exacted tributs, coy­ned monie, seazed the kings reuennues, inuaded his tovvnes, vvaued all lavves, vvhat title or vvhat punishment doe yovv think his offenc deserueth? for he that v­surpeth the regalities, either seaketh to vvear the Crovvn, or command it. And by­cavvs he vvas proclaymed traytor, 1569 I may call his offenc, treason.

But per adventure, yovv may dreame, [...]hat this age is a refynor of all former errors [...]nd transgressions: and that novv ther is [Page 123] more ciuil and charitable proceading by the Huguenots. Ther for I will represent breaflie vnto yovv, the trevv state and con­dition, of the reformed churches, in Fran­ce, at this tyme 1621.

I passe over, the infinit trowbles, labor, and charges, that king Lewes was forced to bear and endure, all that sommer and winter: I omitt the garboyles at Toures: and the practise of the Rochellers, to put in 6000. men into Saumur; therby to cut owt sufficient vvork for the armie thera­bowt, and so hinder ther march to Montau­ban. I will not delate, nor discourse vpon the reuolt and disloyall practises at Ger­geau (who stood owt, against the Count S. Paul, governor of the prouince of Or­leans: as Sancerre ded, against the Prince of Conde.)

I vvill not exaggerate, the treacheries and conspiracies of Vatteuile, in Norman­die (plainelie prooued, by his papers and instructions intercepted:) whearupon the Duke of Longueuille, was constrayned to disarme them of Deape, Roan and Caen, to preuent the dainger, yf they should ioyn vvith Vatteuil. But I vvill beginn vvith S. Iohn d'Angely; vvhich held ovvt, and re­fused submission long, (the king, being there in person:) and though Monsieur de [Page 124] Soubize vvas sommoned to render the tovvne, or stand to the perill and attaint of treason, yet they ded hold owt and defend it, so long as there remained anie hope.

How was his Maiestie defyed and despi­sed, at Montauban wheare he continued at the seage a long tyme, vvith noble, and most expert soldiers, not with owt the deathe and losse, of manie gallants, and men of good desert and seruice (specially the tvvo brothers, the Duke de Mayn, and Marquis Villars, who wear generallie la­mented.) Yet the Consuls wold not yeald, the commons vvear obstinate: and so the king by good aduise raised the seage. And after his departure, the Insolent Burgers, led (as in a triumphe) all the Cleargie of the towne, with skorn full indignities. And the Huguenots in Montpellier and Lan­guedock, depriued Monsieur Chastillon from all gouernemens, by sentenc of the consistorie, and razed 36 churches.

Now as these reformers vsurp vpon the Royalties of the king: so ar they as bold with the inheritanc of priuate Lords, vvhen it may serue ther turns. They vvold not suffer, the Vicount Lestrainge, to enioye his lordship of Priuas, bycause he was a Ca­tholik: and they put hym owt of his ovvn castel of Lake (vvhereof the Marshall [Page 125] Memorancie put hym in possession,) and gaue it to Buson (one of ther fraternitie) as belonging to hym: tho it vvas none of the townes of Assuranc, comprised in the list at Brewet 1598. Neither would these good men, permitt the kings Iustices (being delegated thether, to compound the controuersies) either to heare masse, or ha­ue anie vse of ther religion.

What societie, what common welth can stand and continew, yf this Anarchie stand and beare such swaye? Yf by pretenc of re­ligion, they may disseise the right owner: and hold what they can compass, for the vse and assuranc of ther confaederates?

But why doe they ryot, and rage thus? what cawse haue they, to run such despe­rate and disobedient courses? the king is graciouslie content, they should quietlie and safelie vse and exercise ther own reli­gion: yet this contents, them not; they will not demean them selfs, quietlie nor con­uerse peaceable with the Catholiks: nor obey the kings lawes, in temporall affayres. yovv can neither dowbt, nor be ignorant of this.

For ded not the king assure them, at S. Iohn d'Angely, that he would protect all of the reformed religion, that wold obey hym, and obserue his edicts? ded he not [Page 126] both promise and perform the like to S^t Malloret, deputie of the assemblie of base Guien? ded he not the like, to the Duke of Tremouille (sonn in law, to Monsieur de Bouillon) who cam to that seage, tendred his seruice, and protested his obedienc to his maiestie? ded not the king committ the government of that famous Saumur, to the Count de Sault, granchild of the Duc Desdiguieres: tho he knevv hym to be of the reformed religion? Ded he not long before 1615. ansvver the petitions of the Huguenots, that he meant not by his oath at consecration (vvhich vvas for repressing haeresies) to cōprehend therin, his subiects of the reformed religion, who would liue vnder his lawes, obedienc, and order?

And how graciouslie the king haith delt vvith Rochel, and hovv vvilling rather to regaine and reduce, then to destroye it: ap­peared vvel, by his employing of Mon­sieur Desdiguieres, to persvvade them to obedienc and conformitie: who accordin­glie ded sollicit them by letters: and pro­posed diuers arti [...]les, vvhich he thought reasonable, but the deputies Ch [...]las, and Fauas refused them. What could a king doe more, then seak to vvinn his subiects? vvho not vvith standing, published a long and friuolous declaration, taxim hym for [Page 127] vniust persecution, by the counsel and en­ducement of the enemies of the state, and ther religion.

To disprooue and discouer the vanitie thereof; I vvill deliuer the cawses of the kings proceadings, against these mal con­tents: and vvhat reason he had, by armes to mantain his royal authoritie, which they vniustlie by armes, sought to vsurpe. Ther for he was constrayned at Nyort, to pro­clayme Rochel and ther adhaerents, rebels against hym, and guiltie of treason.

1. For first it appeared by the Edict of Nants art. 77. that king Henry the fou [...]ht, discharged the protestants, from hol­ding anie assemblies, generall or prouin­cial: and likewise from all vnions and lea­gues: and from houlding anie councells, or by them decreing and establishing anie acts. Also art. 82. he ordered, that they should forbeare, from all practises and in­telligenc, with in or withowt the realme. And art. 32. that they should not hold anie Synods, prouinciall, withowt a licenc obtayned by the king. All vvhich they promised the king to obserue: and let Fran­ce iudg, whether they hane broken ther promise or no.

2. Besides they intrude vpon the state, and both taik and fortifie places of assu­rance, [Page 128] vvithovvt the kings warrant, and against the order set down, August 1612. whearas it is euident, it depends vpon the kings fauor and goodnes, to grant and as­sign the places of suretie, and not for them selfs, to choose and vsurp them.

3. Add to that, ther presumption and disobedienc, to introduce the reformed churches, of Bearn, and adioyn them to France, by an act of vnion both spiritual and temporall, in the assemblie at Rochel 1617. and they mayd an apologie therof, promising to assist Bearn, in case of oppres­sion. and bownd them selfs by oath, 1. to obserue and execut all that should be de­termined in that assemblie: 2. and to em­ploye, there liues and goods in maintenanc thereof: 3. and not to reueal the proposi­tions, aduises, and resolution of the assif­tants to anie person what soever, (not ex­cepting the king.) And all this was doon contemptuouslie, knowing that the king had sent to all the prouinces, and ded ex­presslie for bed that vnion; and knovving that the king had set dovvn order in his councel to the contrarie, Besides how ded they vse [...]egnard, whon the king sent com­missioner for the church goods in Bearn? vvhat disorder they committed at Pau, against hym, it is skarse credible.

[Page 129] 4. I vvil passe over the assemblie they mayd at Loudun, vvith obstinate disobe­dienc: I will only note and show yow, how they presume to encroach, vpon the kings graces and fauors to them, withowt, order or dispensation. The king permitted them, to assemble at Grenoble: and by ther own authoritie, they assembled at Nismes. The king suffered thē to assemble at Cha­stelleraut, or Saumur, onelie to choose ther two deputies, (who wear to remain at court, and there to receaue and exhibit, all ther complaints and greuances.) But they cōtrarilie mayd an act of [...]nion: and for ther assemblies: and took the same oath, which the leaguers before had mayd: but vvith this differenc, that they protested ther ser­uice to the king, so long as he remained Catholik: but the Huguenots, contrarily, (le souuerain empire de Dieu demeurant tousiours [...]n son entier.) So ther seruice vvas reserued to God; but none to the king, was expres­sed. And they shovved ther mynds most playnlie vvhen they sent to the camp at Sansay, to ioyn with them that ded op­pose, the kings marriage. But this vvas not all.

5. They established in each prouinc of France a Councel, to heare of the affayres, orders, and government of the contrie: [Page 130] and importunatelie vrged, to haue coun­sellors in the parliement, at Paris.

6. I will add yet one act, more odious, and of more presumption, and treason, then all the rest: which was mayd at the assemblie of Rochel, 1621. whear ovvt of ther own authoritie, they deuided the prouinces of France, into vij. Synodes, which they cal­led circles, and added Bearn for the viij. And therin, wear orders sett down for go­verning the armie: and a general, and offi­ciers for each circle, (as yf they meant, to cantonize France.) And they decreed, art. 11. that no treatie, nor truce should be mayd withowt ther assemblie: art. 35. that the general assemblie in respect of ther great charge, should arrest the kings rents, and moonie devv for tayles, aydes, gabells, &c. and appoint officers for collecting the same. art. 36. that they should seaze, and let to farme, all goods Ecclesiastical and profits of churches, and reuennues of per­sonages. And art. 41. they took the like order for all the profits of the Admiraltie (vvhich articles vvear signed, by the Pre­sident Combart.) And all this, is preten­ded to be iustice, and not disobedienc; and as fowle as the fault is: it is couered vvith the fayre shadovv, of Gloria Patri, and vvith the name of religion. And surelie, it [Page 131] vvas vviselie, sayt of Tullie, Totius in iustitia nulla Capitalior, quam corum, qui cum maximè fallunt, id tamen agunt, vt viri boni videantur.

I vvill not declare the opinion of the Ciuilians, what a sect is, and which ar iustlie called conuenticles, and congregations, against the prince, and the ancient lawes in force: and hovv saction and Conspiracie ar defined, (vvhich ar practised and vsed for the propagation thereof:) and vvhe­ther they be within the compass of trea­son or no? I refer yow to Farmacius parte 4. to Decius l. 7 c. 7. and c. 20. to Bossius, and to Gigas, who can with better autho­ritie resolue yow. I vvill onely alledg the municipal lawes of France, (which hearto­fore haue bean the bridle of Iustice, to cur­be and break such vnrulie colts.)

And first this decree was mayd by king lewes 11. 1477. All treaties, against the kings person, or his estate, and the realme: wear decreed to be treason.

To the same effect, a law was enacted by Charles the VIII. 1487. By Frances the I. 1532. By Frances the II. at Fountainbleau 1560. And by Henry the II. 1556. all men wear prohibited to bear armes, or to enter­tain anie particuler intelligences, or to hold anie counsells, or assemblies for conferenc, but in town hovvses, or publik places. By [Page 132] Henry III. at Bloys 1579. an inhibition vvas mayd, to assemble anie trovvpes vnder pretenc of particuler quarrels, or to enter into anie association: and it vvas enacted that to hold intelligenc; or maik leagues offensiue; or to haue participation within, or vvithovvt France: or to leure men of vvarr withovvt the kings licenc, should be iudged and deamed as High treason, and the offendores to be holden as disturbers of the state. All vvhich lavves ar set down in the Code of Henry the III. printed at Paris 1597.

And all lawyers, assirme the same by the common lawes of the land, Frances Ro­gueau, des droicts royaux: Bodin de repuclica: legrand Coustumier: and other. And, good reason. For as withowt order, ther can be no peace: so withovvt Iustice, no societie: and Caluinists differ (in that poynt) no­thing from Anabaptists, yf they vvill not subiect them selfs, to the obedienc of la­wes, and magistrates: (who as king Iosa­phat sayd 2. Paralipum. 19. non hominis, sed Dei exercent iudicium.) And surelie, I may bodlie affirme, that Caluimsm haith cast the state of France, into a desperate disease, and such as requireth an Aesculapius: yf neither the maiestie, nor the forces of a king (the eldest sonn of the church:) nor [Page 133] the vvisedom of his Counsell and Parlie­ments: nor the authoritie of the, estates so oft assembled: nor the obedienc dew to Iustice; nor the peace and safetie of the kingdome, can mooue these owt lavves of Rochel and Montauban, and the rest, to yeald vp to the king them selfs and ther armes; and seak for that royall grace and pacification; vvhich all his other devvtie­full subiects of ther ovvn tribe, doe mer­ciefullie enioye.

THE 3. TIT. OF THE REFORMED CHVRCHES IN SCOTLAND.

BVT perauentur, yf this fierie zeale, of The cavvs of the trovvbles in Scotland. these Rabbines of Geneua, wear trans­ferred into Scotland, (a coulder Climate:) it would be quiklie cooled, and qualified, and procead vvith a better temper. No surelie▪ for it haith bean tryed by exampl, of an infamous Emperick: vvho, both infla­med, and corrupted the vvhole bodie of that kingdome, with his irregular zeal and such aboundanc of ill humors; as therby grew a pleurisie of trowbles in that state, which could not be cured withowt effusion of much blood.

[Page 134] The authors and actors of the alterations and tumults in Scotland, vvear as violent as whirlewynds; which blow down all that stood in ther vvaye, euen the crown it self, and royaltie. Iohn knox, Goodman Gilby, and Primo ther doctrine. Buchanan, (wear the principal instruments, and the legati à Latere, from maister Caluin.) who vvhear brauelie seconded, by mais. Dauid Fergusson (a learned shoemaker, and minister of Dundee) by M. Couerdale, Willox, Rous, Harriot, and Mongommerie: Ʋictrix legio, and Nouatores strenui.

All of them Ministers, and such salt-peter men, as vvear fitt for fyre vvorkes, and to prepare matter for povvder, to blow vp the state of the cleargie of anie nation.

And by these rare men, vvas the Church of Scotland repayred, and reformed: accor­ding to the scantling of Geneua, and the Platforme of the Elders.

Knox, farr vnlike to Nehemias, both for course, and qualitie: yet he acted his part, how properlie, and piouslie, Langey his con­trieman can tell yovv, vvho ded vvrite of his vertues.

For Buchanan, he vvas euer a rude and slouenlie Swiz, of a presumptious audacitie, and factious nature. he vvas one of them that in Edinborough, in the tyme of king Iames the fifth, ded solemnlie in Lent ear [Page 135] the Paschal lamb: and being conuicted for that Iudaisme: which the king hym self exa­mined: his partners vvear condemned and burnt for that haeresie; and he escaped and fled over into other contries, (as a man re­serued to be a plague to his ovvne.)

But yf yow vvould discerne and trie ther spirits, ther peceablenes, ther patienc, and ther sanctitie read there Theoremes, and by the maximes of ther doctrine, yovv vvil fynd them extraordinarie Doctors, and skarselie matchable.

Knox libro, ad nobilitat. & populum Scot. beginus thus to instruct them. Neque pro­missum, neque iuramentum obligare potest populum: vt obediat, & auxilietur tyrannis contra Deum.

And in his Historie of Scotland, pag. 372. Princes may be Deposed by the people, yf they be tyrants against God, and his truthe: and ther subiects ar free from ther Oathes and obedienc.

And that yow may not think, that one­lie, knox ded hold this opinion. his fellovv Good man also, in his book of obedienc, sings the same note owt of Exod. 17. Toti populo (saith he) hoc onus incumbit, vt ani­mauertat in idolatram quemcunquè nemo ex­cipitur, siue Rex, siue Regina, siue Imperator. This is his Homelie, wherby he warranteth the people to punish anie Idolater, be he [Page 136] king or Quene. And how, and by what order, is that to be doone? This is Gods commandement, to the people, vt in simili defectione, rectores suos, quia Deo ipsos abdu­cunt, a [...]fu [...]cas abripiant & suspendan. Yf the gouernors fall from God, or with draw the people from the trevv vvorship of God: they may worthilie draw ther kings and rulers to Tiburn, and hang them vp.

Buchanan in his book de iure regni Scotiae, is not behind them in such graue and who­lesom counsels. For he saith. pag. 61. The people is aboue the king, and of greater authori­tie: they haue right, to bestovv the crovvn at ther pleasur: they may arraign ther princes, and depose them: to them it appertaines to maik lavves, and tho princes to execute them. These be the Prouerbs, of that Salomon of Scotland, as provvd vvith the concept of his ovvn iudgment in these misteries, as vvith his poetrie and ballets. This was a man vvel­chosen to instruct a prince: but better to infect his auditors.

Yet is ther one aduise of knox, vvhich is to be recorded with admiration. fol 372. It vvear good, that revvards vvear publicklie appointed by the peopl for such as kill tyrants, as vvell as for those that kill vvolfs. Novv they all accoumpt those kings tyrants, who ar professors of the Catholick religion: and [Page 137] so they know, what to trust to, yf the Kno­xians can preuayle.

But yf yow will yet, haue a litl patienc, yow shal heare a most prophan dialogue of Buchanans, (whearin he neither shovveth diuinitie, nor humanitie.) They hold saith he) kings must be obeyed good or bad. It is blas­phemie so to say. But God placeth oft euel kings, to punish the people: yea, and so d [...]th he oft, pri­uate men to kill them. But 1. Timoth. vve ar commanded to pray for princes: yea, so vve ar also to pray for theau [...]s. But Paul commands obedienc to kings: yea, Paul ded vvrite so in the infancie of the church, but yf he liued novv, he vvold say othervvise. As yf this tyme, ded affoord a more ripe and solide iudgment, then S. Paul could apprehend.

It is most trew, that great high-Soaring poeticall witts, haue ordinarilie, some taint and touch of frensie: for other vvise he vvould never haue vvritten thus madlie, vsteron proteron, setting the Cart before the horse, the people before the king, con­fusion to overrule Order, and Anarchie before a Monarchie. Thus the people is armed to kill tyrants, by ther doctrine; but by what lavve? for yf they doe it not by iustice, and order; it is an act of confusion, and impietie. Yea, but the zeal of Gods truth, and the light of the gospell, be the [Page 138] sword of Gedeon, and the armes of Iudith; but who must draw and direct that svvord? the people, and euen against the king hym self? what is Anarchie, disloyaltie, and se­dition; yf this be order, and government?

To procead. what nead I trovvble yow further: see the book of daingerous po­sitions who giueth this sentenc of them: this nevv diuinitie, (saith he) is not holden by knox and Buchanan alone: but generallie for ought I can perceaue, by most of the Cheaf Consistorians beyond the seas. That is by Caluin and Beza, and all ther brood: (who haue bean heartofore abowt 1570. so much reuerenced and esteamed in En­gland: that both the schooles, and the pul­pits, ded magnifie them, as Oracles of the Church: for vvhose releaf and perserua­tion, publick collections, and prayers vvear mayd in the kindome.

And bycause yovv shall not err, and coniecture, that these books and opinions wear never approoued at Geneua: remem­ber the precedent discourse of the refor­med churches in France: and call to mynd that maister Whitingham, (in his preface to the book of obedienc,) testifieth that the same was allowed, and commended by the cheafe deuines of that cittie (1. Ge­neua.) And Caluin hym self, epist. 305. to [Page 139] knox. Doth applawd and encourage hym to procead. And Bucchanans works, ded passe as current in Scotland, and cum priui­legio; till (long after the impression of them) the king ded prohibit them to be printed, or published.

So as yow may see it was not one Good­man, nor one knox; that taught and defen­ded these impious paradoxes, but the who­le congregation of Puritans: and not in one contrie, but vniuersallie: and not latelie or newlie, but originallie, and as ther peculiar and proper discipline. Nay, ther holie Geneua bibles prooue it: to be so: whear in ther notes vpon the 2. Chron. c. 15. §. 16. they allow, the Deposing of Quene Macha, by her sonn king Asa, for idolatrie: and yet re­prehend hym, for want of zeal, that he put her not to Death by fyre. The like axio­mes, ar not allowed at Doway: nor the like notes, arr fownd in the Reames testament.

But all this, though it be baed enough: yet ther practise and the execution of ther decrees is vvorse. The Bushop of Ross, Leslaeus in the. 10. book of his storie. Eo (in quit) knoxij prorupit audacia, vt publicè pro concione nobiles perstrinxerit, quod Iesabelem ex medio non sustulerunt. Yet these weare but words, now blowes follow.

He and thirtie of his compaine begon [Page 140] ther reformation of religion, by surprising the castl of S. Andrews, withowt warrant or commission:) and murdering the Car­dinal Betun, 1546.

The Quene regent summoned hym to appeare, and answer for these owtrages; he refused it. she proclaymed hym traytor: he contemned it. then she sought to ap­prehend, and restrain hym: but he sollici­ted the burgesses of S. Iohnston, and Dundee, to suppresse the frieries, to pull down ima­ges, and to overthrovv the Abbeis of Skone, and S. Andrevvs, vvhich they effe­cted. And yet they left not so for they 1 keapt the feald two monthes; they took the coyning irons into ther custodie; and (as commanders) ded what they thought fitt for ther purpose, withowt resistance. And this ther furious disorder, ded break the hart of that noble, and religious Quene Regent.

But stay a litle: I will relate vnto yow a 2. A parlie­mēt. 1560. storie, of the greatest and most disloyall Barbarism, that euer vvas committed by Christians in anie nation.

In the yeare 1560. (the Quene being in France;) by the instigation of knox, they enacted this as, a perpetual and fundamen­tall law of the state, to abolish the Catho­lick religion: and they decreed, that who­soever [Page 141] defended the popes authoritie in Scotland should be banished: and further they repealed all former acts, of the ancient kings mayd to the contrarie.

But by whome, was this law mayd? the words of the act show. The thre estates vnder standing, that the iurisdiction of the pope, hes bean contumelious to God, &c.

Quo vvaranto, was this parliement, sum­moned and ratified? for hear is showed no commission, from the Quene, expressing anie authoritie giuen to them for that end: nor her consent is produced to confirm such an act. So hear is a parliement of the thre estates, withowt a king: and disanul­ling the precedent acts of all former kings. a thing incredible, in a kingdome: ther soouerain liuing, and obeyed as king. and to maik that seame good by order of lavv, which of it self vvas most disorderlie and defectiue: they procured an other parliemēt 1567. Earl Murrie being regēt, and the king skarse owt of his cradle) to confirme the validitie of that parliement 1560. and the­rin cap. 9. was an oath drawen to be giuen to all succeading kings, to mantain that re­ligion then receaued: and to establish the confession of that church. and for the de­fects of this second parliement; I forbear to vrg them, they ar euident.

[Page 142] Had not the Quene then reason, to send the french forces into Scotland: to bridle such vsurpers, and so seditious practises of her subiects? But yet a greater mischeaf followes.

By the Instigation of these Caluinists, and by the ambition of some noble men. 3. The Que­nes depri­uation. They depriued the Quene from her go­vernment; and dishonored her vvith the most capitall and criminal accusations, that slander and mallice could deuise: and cast her into prison not vvhithovvt, dain­ger of her lyfe. All vvhich vvas furthered by Beza, (the Tibullus of Geneua) vvho Epistola 78. ad Bucchanan. prouoked them to it, calling her Medea, and Atha­lia: and nullum illius sceleribus idoneum no­men inuenio. And hovv vn merciefullie he pleaded against her, (after she was priso­ner in England,) for the hate he hed beare to the hovvse of Lorraine: it appearith by his book of Reueille-matin.

And tho I am apter to burie old quar­rels, them to renew ther memorie: yet to Iustifie Innocencie, and to discouer per­fectlie the practises of Puritanisme, and to detect the iugling and craftie conveyanc of these conspirators: I hold it necessarie, to declare exactlie vvhat inducements vvear pretended, for so heynous an offence.

[Page 143] They alledged, that it was doon for the zeal to iustice, for the honor of the realme, for the satisfaction of forrein nations (who much detested so crijng sinns as Murder, and adulterie:) and ther for they wear for­ced, to keap her in prison, till she could cleare her self, for procuring the death of her husband; and purg her self, of that intention to marrie Bothwel.

Touching the Murder. It was vnlike to 4. For the murde of her [...]us­band, be trew: for her sex was not fitt for such a butcherie: and a royal nature, could not harbour such a dishonorable treacherie, (though she had iust cawse of offēce against 2 hym.) And yf she would haue vsed means to put hym to deathe: he was her subiect; 3 and she might haue doone it, openlie and legallie, by course of iustice. Bycause he vvas of the Confederacie, to kill Dauid her secretarie (in whose bodie his dagger was fownd.) And further the E. Murton, being fled into England for that offenc; vvithowt the Quenes konwledg, and al­lowanc, her sayd husband reuoked hym. But they obiect, that Dowgleish (E. Bot­wels main) was executed for it. trew. But what then? It was he that brought a box of letters of the Quenes to Bothwell, which he receaued (to carrie to his maister) of S^t Iames Balfour at Edinborow: and by the [Page 144] intercepting of these, all ther packing was reuealed. Lyes haue ever one leg short, to maik them halt.

1. First was it like, that either the Quene or the Earl wold repose such confidenc in S^r Iames, and so great secrets? knowing hym to be at the deuotion of the contrarie faction?

2. Or was it like, that she would send them at all, hauing giuen commandement in the letters, to burn them: which she might haue doone at home, withowt sen­ding them to hym?

3. Besides the Quene denied the letters to be hers, (tho her hand was counterfei­ted) as some tymes before it had bean.

4. Further more ther was neither super­scription, endorsement, seal, nor date of them: so as they wear liker to be copies, or proiects, or fictions of her ennemies.

5. Add also, that he (vvho deliuered them, could never be fovvnd ovvt, to dis­couer the pack: and Dovvgleish who vvas accused to carrie them) protested at his deathe; that he never knew of anie such letters: and ther for to stopp his mouth, he was executed by the Lords of that faction, owt of the waye.

6. Lastlie, yf the Quene had sent them, yet was ther contained in these fictions, [Page 145] no expresse proofe of anie vnlawfull act, or attempt, or practise, to charge her vvith: And yf ther had bean pregnant proofs, that she had endeauored to haue her husband murdered; and to marrie Bothwel, (which is the worst of the case:) doe yovv taik that to be a sufficient and lavvfull cavvse for subiects to taik armes against her, and depose her? Holie king Dauid was in the like case, and yet for his trespasses against Vrias, and Bersaba, he ded not forfeit his crown, nor endure so hard a censure, as Quene Marie ded. S. Iohn Baptist reprooued Herod for his adulterie: but ded neither counsell nor exhort the peopl to depriue hym, tho he vvas an I du­mean, and an vsurper. neither was Edward the IV. threatned deposing, for keaping an other mans wyfe: nor Henrie the eight, for cutting of the heads of so manie his own wiues, and committing as great sinns spectante populo: for mihi vindicia, is Gods prerogatiue; subiects ar not competent iudges of ther soouerains.

And surehe these boute-feux, while they presume to punish ther kings for sinn: pre­cipitate them selfs, into haeresie, (euen that which Wiclef, and Muncer haue bean, by general counsells condemned for.) Such is the furie of vndiscreat zeale, like a sword in [Page 146] a madd mans hand. But to return to the matter, what probabilities, what vehement presumptions, ded they produce against her? 1. she mourned fayntlie for his death, (which was a sign she was wearie of his lyfe.) and 2. again, she acquited Bothwel for his death, and ded not punish hym. What a Nugipoliloquides, vvas Buccha­nan? must princes be deposed vpon pro­babilities? or vvear these signes, anie evi­denc matterial? for her mourning, and the funerals; the bodie was embalmed: he had the honor to be enterred, besides king Ia­mes her father: the Lord Traquare, Iustice Clark, and others attended the corps to the graue: most of the Counsel being pro­testants, would not admitt the Catholique ceremonies: neither is it the custome in Scotland, to reseru the corps 40. dayes: and lastlie, it vvas not decent for her to be there and mourn personallie, as a subiect, but as a soouerain and yet his vvyfe: and that she performed so long, till both her counsell and phisicions dislwaded her, (as Syr Henrie kiligrew might witnes, vvho vvas sent from England, to condole, and confort her. What could be required more of a wyfe?

Now touching Earl Bothwel; the Iu­gling Touching E. Bothvvell. of Murrie and his faction, is worthie [Page 147] to be reuealed; was not Bothwel acquited for this cryme by his peares? euen by Mur­ton, 1 (who best knew it) by the lord Lind­sie, the lord Semplie, and ther adaerents, who procured his purgation. Ded not also 2 the same parties, procure some of the no­bles to ioyn with them, and sollicite the Quene to marrie Bothwel, and taik a hus­tand to defend her, (to which in a manner, they forced her?) and ded not they also 3 by ther handwriting, bynt them selfs to obey hym, yf he wold marrie her? and ded they not futhermore (of ther own motion) procure the diuorce of Bothwel, for that 4 purpose onelie, from his wyfe the Earl of Huntlies sister? these, ar all vndowbtedlie trew, and a sufficient proof of ther double dealing.

And touching the Murder, the Lord Harris, accused Murrey of it: and the rea­son was, bycause at Cragmillar castel, he, Murton, and Bothwel, consulted, conspi­red, and determined the kings death: and ther wear indenturs mayd, and subscibed for the effecting of it. And that yow may not stagger and dowbt of this. Powrrie, Paris, and Hay wear all executed for the murder; and at ther death, they ded call God to witnes, that these tvvo (Murrey and Murtan) wear the principall contriuers [Page] of that assassinate. And Iohn Hepburn, Bothwels seruant, ded the like at his execu­tion, for the same fact, protesting that he had sean ther articles and writings.

And yet is it mayd more manifest by this, and ther cryme and practise more odious: for to blind the world, first they took armes, as they sayd, to apprehend Bothwel; and after they sent owt shippes to pursew hym at sea Both, wear fallacians: for they never meant it. for yf they wold haue apprehended hym: vvhy ded they dismiss hym? and why ded they send the Lord Graing, to aduise and will Botwell to depart, and promised that none should follow, and pursew hym? and so in dead no man was haistie to doe it, (tho he stayed two months till Murries return:) for they knew, that by taking hym, they should be bewrayed them selfs; and therfor they meant to betray and ouerreach hym; and offer hym vp, as a sacrifice to the mallice of the world, for ther own purgation.

So then these two Catelines cawsed the king to be slayne, and vsed Bothwels assi­stanc and help in it: and then accused bothwel, and the Quene, as the conspi­rers and contriuers of it. (tho till her em­prisonment, she ded never know, vvho wear the accessaries, or who wear the Prin­cipals.) [Page 149] Now to diue to the bottome and deapth of the cawse.

The E. Murrie never loued trewlie the Lord Darlie: he was once in armes and in the feald to haue kild hym; and therupon fled into England (wherby appeared his good disposition.) Also he perswaded the Lord Darlie, to haue a hand, in killing Da­uie the Quenes secretarie: at which tyme, they set a pistol to the Quenes bellie, being then great with child, to terrifie her (whear­by she might haue bean in dainger to mis­carrie.) After ward the lord Darlie, then king) seing his own dainger, craued, and obtained the Quenes gracious pardon: and yet fearing least Murrey might misinform the Q. against hym, resolued to kil Murrey, and discouered his intention to the Q. abowt it, who would not suffer nor endure to hear it.

This comming to Murries knowledg; as he had before practised to estraing the Que­ne from her husband; and offerd to procu­re and sew ovvt her diuorce from hym (vvhich she vtterlie condemned:) so novv he resolued to haue hym mayd avvaye, (and yet conninglie before the murder) he went from the court, and after into France, that he might be thought innocent, in the matter. [Page 150] And trewlie all thes things appeared, plain­lie to the Quenes commissioners, who hard the cavvse at york: as it seamed by the no­tes of Syr Raphe Sadlers (touching that busienes: vvhich I haue sean:) but it vvas mayd aftervvard as cleare as the sonn, by the execution of the E. of Murton.

Now vpon these false and treacherous fowndations, they grownded ther disloyal conspiracie and seditions, at Ca [...]barie hill; ther slanderous libells: ther imprisoning her at Lough leuin: and the act of parlie­ment for her deposition, as appeareth by the vvords of the statute 1567. (bycause yf she liued still Quene, she might taik reueng of her vvrongs:) and lastlie the resignation of her crovvn, (vvhich they stowtlie affir­med at york, to haue bean voluntarie, and of her own seaking.) But whether it vvas voluntarilie resigned, and by her ovvn election: ther course of proceading vvill maik it manifest. For first (when they had conspired, that she should be forced to re­sign, or to loose her lyfe) they drew a for­me of resignation, fitt for ther purpose. Then Athol, Liddington, and the rest, sent S^r Robert Meluin, to signifie her dainger: and to persuade her to yeald, to ther mo­tions for the resignation. and subtillie, they alledged (as owt of ther dewtie, and [Page 151] welwishing) that it could not preiudice her being extorted.

Also Syr Nicholas Throgmotton, arri­ued at the same tyme in Scotland, (but vpon other pretences:) and was a fitt man to further the contriuing of that busienes, (and what wynd soever ded blow hym thither: he ded his work, like a conning ar­tificer, and deserued well to haue bean crea­ted lord Hurlie.)

Afther thes preparations, cam the lord Lindsey with commission from the coun­sell, (whose hand had bean washed before in Dauids blood:) and with stearn and grim looks, tendered the writings vnto her: vvith fearfull threatning, yf she ded refuse them▪ and therupon she subscribed them being a prisoner; and to saue her lyfe, lost her crown.

Call yovv this a free resignation? The act of parliement in dead calleth it so (1567) and she gaue power to the l. Lindsey and Ruthen, (as her dearest frends, and so in dead they wear) in her name to renoune the government, and to appoint, Murrey the Regent, (which he had long, and ear­nestlie gaped for.) and in Cap. 12. they de­creed she should remain prisoner till her tryall: and Cap. 19. her enditement was drawen most scandalouslie. The cavvses [Page 152] alledged for her resignation wear these. First she vvas vvearied: then, she was not­able in bodie and spirit to endure the pay­nes: and that she might in her lyfe tyme, see her sonn setled in the gouernmēt, (then vvhich, nothing could be more ioyous to her.) and it is trew, I think she was vvearie of such tyrannous disloyaltie: but in the flovvre of her age, ther vvas no likelihood either of her disabilitie to gouern; or of her weaknes, and such infirmities, as that she could not endure the paynes. but for her sonn, in his cradle; that was the way to be ridd of them both. But Domini est salus, euell [...] de laqueo p [...]des suorum.

And to conclude after the Quene strain­gelie escaped, at Hammilton (the hous of a noble familie, and well affected:) she re­uoked all, and protested, and confessed, the force and violenc offred to her: so as ther was neither formall, nor orderlie proc [...]ding in procuring it. besides the no­ble earls of Hontlie, and Arguyle: the lo. Harris, and others never consented to it. and in that parliement, ther was not aboue 4. Earls, 6. lords, one Bushop, and 3. Abbots.

Could not religion be planted in Scot­land, withowt such treasonabl shifts? ded yow euer read of such impostors, or men of [Page 153] so large conscience, to maik show of refor­ming religion, and to abuse the world with the name of pietie? The Apostles obeyed Nero, (a tyrant and a monster:) and suffred death, rather then they would geue exampl of disobedienc. Te ancient fathers, obe­yed Dio [...]letian, and Iulian (tho an apostata.) Elias reprooued Achab; but ded not sollicit the people to commotion. D. Bil­son, alledgeth manie reasons, to disprooue such conspiracies, (as directlie contrarie to gods words, vpon anie surmises what so euer, all which yow shall see hear after.) and surelie not withowt sound reason.

For warr mayd by a subiect against his king, is vniust though the cawse be iust: and why? the iustnes of the cawse can not geue lawfull power. A iust cawse; a good inten­tion: power and iurisdiction, must concurr, to maik such publick actions warrantable. so yf a king hym self taik armes, for an vniust cawse: though his intention be good, the warr is bad. Yet ar not subiects war­ranted properlie to taik vpon them, the cognisance and iudgment thereof: they must leaue that to the high tribunal of hea­uen, and to the kings conscience. But these commotions in Scotland, wear popular tu­mults, and conspiracies against ther sooue­rain: and had no good cawse, nor good in­tētion: [Page 154] and no authoritie at all. Now bycau­se I am vrged to discouer the trew and prin­cipal motiues, that induced these men, to cast them selfs into such a Goulf: as they must either neads perish: or runn the who­le state vpon a rock, and wrack it. I vvill tell yow, owt of Aesopes fables, a tale, to di­uert, and refresh yow.

In Affrica ther wear two great forests, near adioyning. in the one a Lyon gouer­ned the beasts, in the other a Lyones. The Lyon (being rich, and full of praye and booties:) feared least the Lyones should seak a forrein mate, and growe of greater strenth, and inuade his forest: and therfor called a councel of his beasts, to aduise, how he might rest quiet and assured. The bull (presuming of his strenth, and vsed to gore, all the forren vvolfs that cam in his vvalk) together vvith the bore, and the beare, contemned these vayne feares. An old Ape, that liued in the forest, and was vsed to counterfeit, perswaded the Lyon to fay­ne kyndnes, For great harts, vvear soonest vvonn vvith fayr semblance. Reignard (the fox) disliked not that: but knovving that the Lyones, had manie hongrie and raue­nous wofs, and wilie foxes abowt her: adui­sed the Lyon, to send the goat, (a graue bearded personage,) to visit the Lyones, and [Page 155] renew frendship: and vnder that coolor, to Deale both with somme of the wolfs and foxes: and bread in them a iealousie of the lyones, and fear of her creweltie: and ther­for to perswade them, to stand vpon ther gard, and maik them selfs a free state, and so liue at libertie and vnder no command.

The Goat performed the seruice wise­lie. Now emong the beasts vnder the lyo­nes, ther was a Mongrel in greatest fauor: he hearing the motion consulted with his brethren, and vndertook the busienes; but sayd he, we haue emong vs crevvel beasts, what yf they shall dislike this, and seak to deuowr vs? fear not that, sayd the Goat, we will send vow mastifs to gard and de­fend yow. Yea, but sayd the Mongrel, what shall we be the better, or the fuller fedd by this: oh sayd the Goat, all the pray is his, who is maister of the feald: get yow the Lambe, and leaue them by th' eares for the purtenance. Thearupon, the Mongrel, with the wolfs and foxes that wear his frends: conspired, entraped the Lyones: and drew her to fall into a deape pitt, owt of which she neuer recouered.

Raignard hearing of this, sent vnto the Mongrell, to gett also into his custodie, the Lyones whelp: and so he should be sure, presentlie to rule and haue all; for I haue [Page 156] fownd, said he, by experienc, that a present morsell is euer svveatest: and possession is the cheaf poynt in lavv. And aftervvard either the whelp may die; or it shall liue at your plea­sure and dispose. This is the fable: the mo­ral I leaue, til I can haue tyme to expownd it and moother Hubbars, tale together. For Heare I would gladlie end, this descri­ption of the Puritan church of Scotlād, the beginning, and the progress thereof: but that I perceaue, yow desyre to know also the trew cawse of this fierie distemper, and the incredible contempt of all authoritie, (which is an accident inseparable to them;) vvhenc it springeth, and vvhy it is more peculiar and proper to a Caluinist, then to anie other sect. I will show yow breaflie my conceipt. Caluin, vvhen he vvas (after his expulsion) inuited home againe from Stras­burg, wheare he liued with Bucer, and suc­ked long of his milk: by the perswasion of his frends, he was content to return to Ge­neua; vpon condition that he might esta­blish his new discipline, (the Idea wheareof he had apprehended in Germanie.)

So by general consent, he returned: and shortlie after erected his consistorie: which is the Quintessenc of Puritanism, the Oligarchie of Elders, and the Inquisi­tion of Geneua. A strayne of pollicie, farr [Page 157] aboue Luthers grosse reach. For so he ded foresee, he might become the Dictator of the church at home, and abroad: at Geneua speciallie, to censure all offendors, bridle all oppositions, and perpetuallie invest the eldors (by that authoritie) in the sooue­rantie and gouernment, bot he of the town and church (which of an Episcopal Hierar­chie, they mayd now a perfect oligarchie.) And that it might be receaued abroad with more reuerenc, and be obeyed more reli­giouslie, and be plausiblie entertained in the world (tho it wear the Idol of his own phantasie.) They set it dovvn as a mark of the trew Church of Christ, and ioyned it, in aequal rank: vvith the preaching of the word, and administration of the sacra­ments; necessarilie, fundamentallie, and inseparablie.

So then this great Soldan of the Lake, sending his Mammalucks, into euerie pro­uince of France, planted the first reformed churches there, after this modele of Ge­neua. Therby the synodes, and assemblies of France, impatronized them selfs vpon the principal townes in the kingdome: ne­gotiated with the nobilitie and commons; and had mutual intelligenc to hether. And making ever (politick [...]ie) the people par­takers of ther eldership, and share autho­ritie [Page 158] and command with them: they weare sure alwaies of perpetuall and strong sup­port, and by all probabilitie they hoped, at last to pul down the huge pillers, of the Catholick Church, and to convert all into Caluinism, and set vpp ther throne, ther consistories, and Sanhedrin. This vvas that Medium, whearby in France, in Scot­land, in the Palatinate, the puritans mayd them selfs supreme heads, iudges, directors, and commandors of all: and whearby prin­ces, and nobles ar mayd ther wards. Hea­rupon proceaded such violent courses, such intollerable irregularities: such indiscreat zeale, as I haue allreadie declared. Ded they not at Rochel refuse to speak vvith Mon­sieur de Bi [...]on the kings [...]baslador di­rected vnto them? ded they not so tyre Monsieur Lanoue vvith ther inciuilitie, that he was content to forsake them? And in the articles of Bearn, artic. 25. A [...] cheafs, and generalis, ar entoyned to obseru ther Ecclesia­sticall disciplin. ordained by ther Synodes.

And see vvhat course they took latelie in the assemblie at Loudun: remember how they of Rochel deuided France, into Circles and prouinces, appointing gene­rals, creating officers, making counsellors, (as yf they had bean the 12. peares of Fran­ce:) and shooting owt the bolts of ther [Page 159] excōmmunications, euen against ther grea­test frends, (yf they offend them:) vvher­by Monsieur Chastillon, had cawse to dis­cern both ther insolencie, and ther indis­creation, of late, vsed against hym.

Such is the violenc and furie of Calui­nism: vvhich, some call the discipline of Gracchus: some, call, the pollicie of the church; some more properlie, the school of faction: but zeale and religion, no man calleth it, but them selfs. And heare it co­mes fitlie to my mynd, that in the confe­renc at Hampton court; a Bushop recited to his maiestie, maister Butlers definition of a Puritan, scil. a Puritan is a Protestant, ovvt of his vvitts. (Which, vvas not so me­rielie; as trevvlie and substantiallie spo­ken.) for yf yovv vvould dravv his petti­gree, and declare his originall, and of vvhat familie he discended, he is (a Protestant:) ther is his generation. Yf, bycause he co­mes of a yonger and later howse, yow will assign hym his differenc, and distinguish hym from the rest of his sect: (owt of his witts) is his coonisanc, and badg. Novv, vvhy this differenc is assigned as proper to a Puritan, I will show yow the reason.

We fynd by experienc, that caeremonies and solemnitie, haue ever in the Church stirred vp and bred a reuerenc and deuo­tion, [Page 160] in the harts of the vnlearned: and doe eleuate the sowles of the godlie, from mudd and earth, in the tyme of prayer. And so also that order, and grauitie of Bushops and Prelates vvear euer wont to fynd respect and estimation, vvith the peo­ple. Novv ask a Puritan, his opinion of, Surples, corner-cap, and the habit of a minister (which distinguish them from the laytie:) he calls them the raggs of Anti­christ, the badges of superstition.

For the Communion book; he calls it, the Portes and breuiarie of Satan: and that such sett prayers, extinguish trevv zeale. The Ecclesiasticall courts, he calleth the Synagogue of the Deuel, and the excre­ments of a corrupted discipline. And what opinion of Bushops, haith he? surelie, the same that Luther had. for vvilliam Ames, saith, Hunc Episcoporum ordinem, è medio tol­lendum, vel denuo Papam reuocandum ab orco. And the like opinion the English at Am­stardam hold, in ther book called confessio fidei anno 1607.

Read the censure they geue of the Clear­gie and ministers of England; whome they disgrace to be a multitud, of forlorn A­theists, soldiers of Antichrist, and a bastard­lie, ministerie, pag. 16. 11. and 14. and the like is auouched in the book of daingerous [Page 161] positions, c. 12. From this fountain sprong, the libels of Vdal, Penrie, Martin Iunior, anie work for cooper, supplication to the President of wales, and manie moe: offen­siue to the Quene, and trowble some to the state. The spring head of all this was Cal­uin; who Epist. 305. acknowledged magis sibi placere, reformationem Scoticam quam Anglicanam. and why? Epist. 126 ad Cran­merum. Corruptelis Papatus, audio relictam esse congeriem, quae non obscuret modo sed prope modum obruat purum & genuinum Dei culium. Therupon in Quene Maries tyme, the En­glish church at Geneua was Antagonist to the English church at Frankfort (by whose meanes and endeauors, the authoritie of Bushops, was then defended) which they knew to be the onelie vvay to suppress, Puritanism. so yow see the Puritans ar men that stand vpon ther pantaples; and poynts of honor, for ther disciplin: and vvill not learn of ther prelats, nor be subiect to ther canons and iniunction: vvhearby a man may coniecture they ar not verrie vvell in ther witt. But what meant maister Butler, and what solid reason had he for his defi­nition? Surelie he had hard of the garboy­les of France: of ther horrible desseins in Bohemia: and of ther hurlie Burlies in Scotland: he had reade Basilicon Doron, [Page 162] (written by a pen, sensibl of ther discease and disorder:) he had read the book of Philip Nicholaus, de regno Christi, superin­tendent and cheaf of the Lutherans at Wir­tenberg, full of fearfull predictions of the powr, attempts, and plats, to aduanc the raigne of the consistorians.

He had bean aduertised of the sentenc of Iohn Schuts, (a learned Lutheran, who described them to be men, that in brachio seculari confidunt, & plerumque sunt homines seditiosi, causamque suam ormata manu iueri volunt. Libro 50. causarum. He had hard, the kings opinion of them, in monitoria pre­fatione ad Imperatorem, thus. Ego a puritanis, non solum à natiuitate, continue vexatus fui, ve­rum etiam in ipso matris vtero, propemodum extinctus, antequam in lucem editus sum. And doe yow think he ded not vnderstand, how the ministers, wear in feald at Starling, vn­der 1 the conduct of some of the nobilitie: and forced the king most presumptuouslie, to yeald his person to them; and how they put a new gard vnto hym, and remooued 2 the old. And that the ministers Maister Patrick Galloway, Pollard, Carmichel, 3 Andrevv Meluin, vvear the trumpettors that sownded the Alarum: And fled into England afterward for it. yes verelie, he was not ignorant thereof: nor how Iames [Page 163] Gibson, called the king Hieroboam, and persequutor, and threatned his extirpa­tion: nor hovv scandalouslie Lawson oppo­sed and affronted the king: nor, how Pont and Baquanquel, by open proclamation, and in the presenc of a publick notarie, wear so hardie as to censure hym, and to withdraw the harts and loue of the people from hym.

Yet this is not all, that may be auerred to disanul these seditions and popular con­sistories: they ar condemned by ther half brethren (the Swinglians, which is a thing much to be noted. Hear the voyce of Gual­therus, minister of Zurich, Tigurinus, how bitter a sentenc he pronounceth against them, in Comment. in 1. Corinth. cap. 5. saith he, Galli habent sua seniorum consistoria, penes quos, est omnis potestas, & iurisdictio Ecclesiasti­ca: & in quibus omnium bellorum contra regem, & consilia acta, & subsidia collecta sunt. The french ministers haue ther consistories of Eldors in vvhome resteth the supremacie in all cavvses Ecclesiasticall: and by these both all counsells and resolutions ar taken, and all impositions appoynted, to mantain the vvarrs against the king. And vvhat esti­mation, Musculus holds them vvorthie of; appeareth locis commun. cap. 10. tit. de officijs ministrorum. So yow see, neither of them [Page 164] bowe the knees, to this Baal, nor magnifie Caluins Idol.

But yf yow would look thorough (with a pearcing eye, the absurdities of the Dis­ciplinarians; read Schulting his Hierarchica Anacrisis, lib. 15. cap. 19. 20. and 22. Whear­by yovv may perceaue how all kings ar mayd subiect to ther excommunications, (the trevvlie Brutum fulmen) of these El­dors, and what confusion it breadeth in the ciuil state, (which learned Hooker, wiselie noted:) and gow both nobilitie and com­mons must assamble at the summons of the pastor (as the head of the parish, the Pre­sident of the Counsell:) and then, vvhat conclusions they determin and decree, arr rules, and of sufficient authoritie, to bynd the Parish to obedienc.

So euerie parson, is a demi-Pope in his parish: the elders ar suprem magistrates: and Caluin, really Papa and cheaf pastor: though ovvt of his humble pryde, he vvill not vouchsafe to be, nor be called Doctor.

Besides maister Butler, knevv: that vvheare Philautia and Phantasia arr con­ioyned, and raign as matches predominant. in the breyneand bodie: ther must neads be a hart svvelled and blovvn vp vvith sin­gularitie, and vvith a conceipt, that they onelie knovv the truthe, and the trevv [Page 165] vvorship of God; and that onelie they stand in grace, as men predestinated to glo­rieand blesse.

Vpon this dreame, they contemne all others for ther defects and imperfections: and being transported vvith strong pas­sions, and inflamed vvith the feruor of a provvd spirit (more then of charitie, and sober zeale:) they ronn into desperate actions, as furies that regard neither Ma­iestie, iustice, or gouernment. And in dead ther be some diseases that ronn in a blood, and arr almost hereditarie to some of ther familie (as frensie oft doth:) vvhich lea­ueth alvvaies a taynt and a spice, of the staggars in ther vitall spirits, as yf they had bean bitten with a mad dogg.

And therfor maister Butler knovving the sumptomata of ther disease: might with skill, and iudiciouslie sett it dovvn as an Aphorism, That a Puritan, vvas a Protestant ovvt of his vvitts. And so I leaue hym, till it please God to cure or convert hym, spe­ciallie in Scotland.

TITVLVS QVARTVS, TOVCHING HOLLAND, AND THE VNITED PROVINCES.

VVE ar now to arriue, by course, at Holland, and Zelland, that hor­rible The 4. proof of disloyaltie. By exampl of Holland. Akeldama, and feald of blood; and the theater of tragical and lamentable sto­ries. Whear I will rather declare, then de­late, with what furie the Lutheran faction begonn, and with what violenc the Calui­nists proceaded; and with what calamitie they both continued, (for as yow haue hard ther axiomes and positions before at large: so the practises and tyrannie of ther follo­wers, ar hear best, to be discouered.)

And aboue all the actions of ther con­spiracie, the Vnion of Vtreght, vvas the most capitall and infamours. A deuise, (ac­cording to the rules of Iunius Brutus:) an imitation of Swiz, and the Cantons: and a strong argument, to conuince them of re­bellion, (though they euer marched vnder the name, of Religion, and bellum sacrum.)

This Vnion was mayd by the states 1578. The form [...] of the vnion of vtreght. who seing the fortunate proceadings of the Duke of Parma, and the course of the Mal­contents; [Page 167] entered into a perpetual league, comprised in 20. articles, for ther mutual support and succor.

First they of Holland, Zelland, Frize, and Gelders, ded ioyn, Contra omnem vim, quae sub praetextu nominis Regij, aut religionis inferetur.

After that, the contriuer and ringleader of all, the Prince of Orenge, and they of Anvvarp and Gand, cam vvith into the league, and subscribed it, the 14. Februarij 1579. the vvhich vvas after ward again con­firmed at Haghe, 20. Iulij 1581. and the scope of all this was, to abandon and expell ther leage lord, the King of Spayne; and to depose hym from his ovvn dominion and inhaeritanc.

Therfor vpon that, they established an edict, que le Roy d'Espaigne est descheu, de la Sei­gneurie du Pays-bas. And to maik it more authenticall, they deuised a forme of Abiu­ration, from the king, and a particuler re­uocation and dispensation of ther former promise and oath of obedience, in these vvords. I. W. N. Svvearanevv, and bynd my self, to the prouinces vnited, to be loyal and faithfull to them, and to ayd them against the King of Spayne, comme vn bon vassal du Pays.

And when they had taken that oath, they broke all the kings seales; pulled dovvn his [Page 168] armes; seazed and entred vpon his lands; rents, customes, and all other haeredita­ments, and took the same into ther own hands. And as absolute lords, they coyned moonie in ther own names, placed and dis­placed officers of the state, banished all the kings counsellors, published edicts, posses­sed the church liuings, suppressed Catho­lick religion, beseaged Amsterdam, and vsed all the marks and notes of soouerani­tie, in ther own names.

Whearupon Raald, a counsellor for fri­zeland, hearing this new oathe, which was generallie tendered to all men: vpon the horror and greaf thereof, he dyed soodai­nelie, (as of an Apoplexie.)

The reasons, they gaue, why the king of Spayne, had forfeited his title and right, wear these: For 1. suppressing ther religion, 2. for oppressing them vvith tyrannie, 3. for ab­rogating ther priuiledges, and for holding them in bondage and seruitude: for such a magistrate, they ar not bownd to obey, they said, but to eiect hym as a Tyrant.

An example and president of daingerous consequenc, and which deaplie concerneth all princes to look vvel to. For yf subiects may depose ther prince: and maik them selfs iudges, when he shall forfeit his crown and dignitie (vvhich praerogatiue the Ro­chellors, [Page 169] may challenge as lawfullie, as the Hollanders:) qui stat, videat ne cadat, kings had nead to maik ther seat sure, and sit fast, for these men maik it, but a slipperie hold. And in dead ambition and treason, can ne­uer fynd a fitter cloake for ther wearing, then that which is mayd of the Holland fashion, by religion.

Now, that yow may the better iudg of The gene­ral quar­rell. the particuler quarrel of the Hollanders: I will set down the trew grownds for the de­fenc of the general, and why they took ar­mes at first. The original and principal cawse, of this long and crewel warr, was the spring of the new sects, in the low con­tries: and vnder the shadow of religion, all the factions in the state and all discontente­ments wear masked, singulare commodum, and priuatum odium. And as the peoples natural inclination to noueltie, ded set it much forward; so ther wanted not a con­currenc of forreiners, who serued (as bel­lowes to blow the coles, both owt of Fran­ce and England.)

Charles the fifth, owt of his wise proui­denc, remembring what a peace of work Luther had cut owt for hym in Germanie; and with what dainger, charge and difficul­tie he overcame it: Intended for the quiet­nes of this contrie, and for his own honor [Page 170] and interest, to preuent the propagation of the Martinists, and other nevv sectaries, latelie sprong vp in these contries. And he could deuise no better remedie, then to establish the Inquisition there. (vvhich he ded anno 1550.) Wheareof Marie Quene of Hongrie then regent, to her great ho­nor, procured both a mitigation, and an explanation. But he resigning all the go­uernement to his sonne: retyred hym self from the world, (whearin he had bean long tyred,) and in a most memorable manner, consecrated the last act of his lyfe to God and deuotion.

Afterward king Philip likewise finding, The Inqui­sition. 1. how largelie the brainches of Anabaptism, Libertines, the familie of Loue, and others, ded spread abroad, and grovv vp vvith Lu­theranisme, in Flanders: and vvhat dainger might ensevv vpon it, to the state, yf no good order vvear taken to preuent a fur­ther ancrease of mischeafe: he follovved his fathers counsell, and at large renevved, the commission, instruction, and articles for the sayd Inquisition, anno 1555. vvhich vvas a thing most fearfull and disconten­ting to the inhabitants of the Netherlands: vvho alledged that in regard thereof, all straingers vvould depart the contrie, and by consequence all traffick vvould decaye, [Page 171] (vvhich is the gold myne, and maintenanc of these prouinces.) But in dead, they knew best ther own disease, and what afflic­tion and scourge they should be subiect to: being for the most part inclined to innoua­tion. and this they apprehended, as the first cavvse of ther commotions.

2. Besides an other prudent and politique act, added more fevvel to the fyre, and an encrease of discontentment: vvhich was the erection of the nevv bushopricks.

3. Thirdlie the authoritie and povver of the Bushop of Arras, vvas much disdained: and his Cardinals hat mayd hym more odious, as a man too supereminent in a state so popular: and the greater his obliga­tion was to the Pope for his honor, the mo­re vvas the mallice of the nobilitie, and the hate of the peopl encreased against hym.

4. Furthermore, the better to cloke and couer ther intentions, vvith the vayle of bonum publicum, they vrged to enioye ther ancient liberties and freedome: and that no strainger might beare office and rule emōg them, and that the Spanyards might be dis­charged from all residenc in these lands.

5. Lastlie and speciallie, they desyred to­leration, and libertie of conscienc. So as in effect, the names of religion, and the Commonvvelth, vvear mayd the standard [Page 172] bearers of all these commotions. Novv concerning, these greauances: the first is a name of more terror, then in dead it is. Not so fearfull to good men, but a rack to offendors; deuised vpon necessitie against the Moors in Spayne: and continued, vpon experienc, of the vse and benefit of it: and tho I can commend no sign of crevvel­tie, yet can I not condemn this: by­caus, it addeth nothing to the punishment of heresie, (more then the law before in­flicted:) but exacted onelie, a more strict and seuear execution, and course of exami­nation, by the inquisitors: it shovveth a more care of the gouernor; when he fyn­deth abuses and dainger in an offendor. And also. bycawse it was the sole Antidot, whearby onelie Spayne, is and haith bean, so wel and so long preserued, from the in­fection of sects, and the contagion and tumults, which innouation vsuallie ingen­dreth (whearwith all the kingdomes in Europe, haue bean embroyled.) And the Spanyards them selfs, neuer complayned of it; not felt it ever as a yoke or burden vpon them (who ar not verrie apt, to beare burdens.) Neither is it, in se, a more bloo­die lavv, or a more fearfull execution of iustice, then the consistorie of Geneua, and the seuear commissions and procea­ding [Page 173] of some other contries, (as shall hear after appeare, by the comparison.) Besi­des, as is vvas a curse, zealouslie at first propunded: the execution was likewise as wiselie afterward suspended. So as the iea­lousie and fear of an act, more then the action, drew all this blood.

And for the second, it was a politick and prudent inuention. a suaffle, to bridl secta­ries; and a sicle, to cut dovvn the vveads growing vp in the church. For setting in each prouinc, graue and learned men, to stand as watchment and sentinells, to fore­see, ne quid in commodi respublica & Ecclesia patiantur: they might better, and more pro­uidentlie, with ther authoritie either pre­uent, or cut of the heads of that Hydra, vvhich ded then spring vp vvith much ter­ror. Neither vvas the matter and motion new, for Philip the wise Duke of Burgon­die, had long before desyred, byt could never effect it: knovving it to be a thing neadfull, bycause at that tyme, almost all the 17. lands (except Arras) wear vnder the diocese of Bushops, who wera straingers, and the subiect of forrein princes, (which was a thing not conuenient for the state.)

And vvhat good this chaing haith wrought, experienc perfectlie and daylie showeth. for novv euerie diocese is more [Page 174] carefullie visited: and the Bushops, being of the same nation and language: as they haue a more naturall compasion; so like­vvise haue they more knovvledg and care to instruct ther contriement, and to vvead owt the disorders and abuses grovving vp emong them; then anie strainger, vvould or could haue. And that vvas the cavvse, why it vvas alovved and ratified by the bull of PIVS IV. anno 1559.

Novv touching Monsieur d'Arras: al­beyt his vvisedome and experienc in affay­res both of the church, and the state, vvas sufficientlie knovven to the kings: yet bycause the Prince of Oreng, and the Counts of Horn, and Egmont, ded ioyntlie write to the king against hym: his Maiestie (tho to the great hinderance of his seruice,) was content to remooue hym, for ther satis­faction and contentment: and vvhen he vvas called avvaye, neither vvas the con­trie quieter, nor they ceased from practi­sing.

As for ther liberties and franchises, ded not the king at the Ioyfull entrie, confirm them all? then hovv, and when ded he after violate them? vvas it for preferring the Spanyards? there wear few of them left in ahe Netherlands, and fevver cum imperio. Was it, for the offices of state? the king [Page 175] distributed all the gouernements emong them selfs, (natiues of that contrie:) so great trust and confidence, he reposed in them. He mayd the Count Egmond Go­uernor of Flanders and Artois: the Prince of Oreng, Gouernor of Holland, Zelland, Vtreght, and Burgondie: to the Count Arenbergh, he gaue the gouernement of westfrizeland, and over Isel: to Count Bar­laymont, Namur: to Count Mansfeld, Luxemburg, and Chinay: to the Marques of Berghen Lile and Douay. So as the no­bilitie, could not iustlie taik offenc, nor haue expected more honor and command, then was fauorablie, giuen them. And for the further assuranc of his good affection to them, he left his sister, the Dutches of Parma, Gouernor general: a woeman, of a peacable spirit, and who was like to bear the bridle with a mild and gentle hand, and to be aduised by ther counsells.

So then, what was the original of these commotions; All was actuallie quiet; the fyre laye couered, and as dead vnder the Ashes: till the tyme that the Baron of Bre­derode, deliuered in his supplication to the Dutches, with demands neither reasonable for them to ask, nor safe for her to grant. The fur­therers of chaing of religion.

1. In the mean tyme the Martinis en­creased ane grevv strong in the contrie: [Page 176] first by ther matches with Germās and Lu­therans. The Earl of Culenbergh married one: Horn matched vvith the sister of Count Harman: the Prince of Oreng, by his moother vvas allied to Count Solmes; and his vvyfe vvas sister, to Morrice Duke of Saxonie: and the Graue of Scherenberg maried his sister.

2. Then, Count Ludowick, the Princes brother, a soldier, a man of a great spirit, and a Lutheran vvas a powrfull instrument, both to maik a partie, and to back it.

3. Besides Flaccius Illiricus (whome they sent for from Germanie) and other mini­sters dispersed in all corners, ded incense the people much. But after the quick siluer of Caluinisme was brought in, the fyre ever after was vnquenchable.

Then ded the flame burst ovvt. The people, as in spight of all lawes, begonn to mutine, broke down the kings arms, and grevv so vvild, as in a rage, they pulled dovvn image, sacked the churches, spoy­led the monasteries, and contemned all magistrates, that soughr to appease the trovvbles. So as the Duches of Parma, fearing ther furie, and distrusting ther vio­lence: determined to retyre, yf she had not bean disvvaded and stayed by some of the nobles.

[Page 177] 4. And yet had she dailie more and grea­ter cavvse of dislike, and distrust: by the priuate conuenticles, preachings, and inso­lencie of the people (openlie now Luthe­ranising:) and speciallie by the manie se­cret meatings and assemblies of the nobili­tie, vvhearof she complayned much.) For she ded vvell consider, that as the people could vvork no noble effects vvithovvt a head: so the nobles vvanted forces and powre to compass ther desseins, withowt the assistanc of the people (who by ther inducements, appeared now in ther own likenes, and attempted that alteration, they most desyred.)

Heareof the Prince was the cheafe ca­pten, tho he playd least in sight, and would never shovv ovvt-vvardlie to fauor anie chainge of religion: for all that he ded practise, he pretended to doe for the com­monwelth and the general good.

He was assisted by the Marques of Bar­ghen, Montignie, and Florenc Montmo­rancie Count Horn, who was now grown a perfect malcontent, not so much for reli­gion: as for his own perticular respects and occasions; his debt; the reiecting of his suit for the gournment of Zutphen; and aboue all, the execution of his brother Montigny in Spayn.

[Page 178] By meanes of these noble and populer persons, diuers assemblies wear procured (as the nurces, that fostered the conspira­cies.) First at Breda, whether emong others Egmond was inuited, (who had the grea­test power and swaye with all militarie men in that cont [...]ie:) and shortlie after, as the fruict and effect of that Assemblie, Brede­rode deliuered his petition to the Duches for the religions Vried. Afterward they had meatings, at S. Trudon, at Hoocstrat and at Osterweal. Whearby that noble Count Egmond was vndoon. For at his arrain­ment, he was charged with this article; that he was priuie to the confaederation and agreement, at these assemblies. And 1 furthermore, that fatallie, vpon the same daye, that the petition was deliuered by Brederod to the Duches,) he Oreng, and 2 Horn, cam to the great banquet, at the Count Culenberghs hovvse in Brussels, (whear 300 of the confaederates wear.) and that they dined all together with them: at which tyme, the name of the Geuses was first giuen, and mayd knowen. and that 3 afterward he sent his secretarie Backersele, to offer his ayd, to those of that crew. and in dead, he confessed hym self at Barr; that he offred his assistanc, to hinder the Duke 4 of Alua his comming, and empeach his [Page 179] passage: and that he ded neither dislike, nor dissvvade the proceading of the confaede­rates.

And of the same articles vvas Count Horn endited, adding this further, as a par­ticuler charg, to hym, that he threatned to leuie 50. thowsand Men, by violenc to res­kew his brother, and reduce hym home.

And vpon the proof of these accusa­tions, they weare both condemned: as by all law, by reason of state, for exampls sa­ke, for the Regents safetie, and the honor See Syr Ro­ger VVil­liams sto­rie. of iustice it was necessarie. Albeyt it is cer­tan, that Count Egmond was conninglie circumvented by the Prince, and drawen to his own confusion by plats and pollicie: for which at his death he was repentant, (being a man of a playne, magnanimous, and noble disposition.)

What Prince could endure such indigni­ties, The cause of reau­cing the Spanyards. and not seak both to preuent the like offences, and to taik reueng of the offen­dors? was it not high tyme to arme, when the people contemned religion and gouer­nement; and the nobler, wear ther patterns: when the citties wear in vproare, and the whole frame of the Commonwelth was shaken? had not the king reason, to send Alua with his forces, aswel to represse these present conspiracies; as by the sword to [Page 180] subdew such rebellious spirits, which could not be reduced by lenitie to obedienc. Yow may see, it vvas high tyme, to en­counter Oreng, who had almost vnder­mined the gouernment: as he had discoo­raged the gouernor.

And touching the companies conducted hither owt of Spayn (against which the Prince had taught the contrie to repyne:) was it lawfull for the Prince to bring in the Reistres, and for his brother Count Lodo­wick, to bring in the frenchmen to inuade Heynault: and was it not tollerable for the king, to send his armie, to defend his own inheritance? vvas it lavvfull to surprise Mounts by force, and vvas it not more lawfull to expel them by force? and seing it could not be doon withowt force, sure­lie yf the Duke of Alua had not bean so neare, to encounter and bear dowen ther mallice, the king by all probabilitie had lost his footing in the Netherlands.

And let no man dreame, that yf the Du­ke had not comed at all, the fyre had bean more easilie quenched, and the people less prouoked to furie. For these confaedera­tions of so great persons, ded portend the generation of some great monster; and the manner of the birth, and first appearanc of the Geuses, by the encooragement of the [Page 181] gouernors of the state, ded prognosticate a crewel storme, to all men of vnderstanding: neither wear they like men, by anie bitt in a woemans hand, to be brideled: so as of ne­cessitie, the king was, to send Alua.

And the rather, bycaus he could not hut know, that M. Chastillon, the Admi­ral Iohn Pet­tit. of France, ded send to baron Brede­rode, perswading and incensing hym, not to accord with the Dutches of Parma, (for so they would be deceaued:) and offring hym in case of necessitie, to assist hym, with 4000. gentlmen. And Count Ludo­wick, after his defeat at Mounts, ded lye at Rochel emong the Caluinists: and the Prince went to France of purpose to pre­pare for a future inuasion. And the same Admiral shortlie after sollicited vvith great earnestnes Charles the 9. to diuert all his warres into Flanders, and taik vpon hym the protection of that contrie. And Aldegond, in Germanie as carefullie ded sollicit a partie, to combyne with them. so then they laboured vpon all sydes▪ to of­fend the king: and yf he seak to defend hym self, must he be taxed for tyrannie and creweltie? surelie that state must neads be owt of order: that presumeth to censure a king, for seaking by his ministers to pu­nish disorders, and reduce all into order.

[Page 182] The Duke of Alua, could becawse of none of these disorders precedent, (the le­nitie and mildnes, of the merciefull Re­gent, mayd them insolent: and yet the verrie name of the Duke before he gaue anie offenc, mayd them seak to forreyners to oppresse hym.

And after his arriual heare, who can bla­me hym, yf he mayd vvarr vvith ri­gour; perceauing the generall impression of mallice, in the peopls harts against hym? speciallie being aduertised, that the prote­stants had combined in the passion vveak to kill hym, at the monasterie of the grean vallie, in the forest of Sauue near Brussels; (whether he vsed to go manie tymes for his deuotion.) It was well knowen, that Monsieur Rifot, Carli and Villars vvith 700. horse, and 500. foot, conspired vvhen the Duke, and the nobles, and his followers vvear at M [...]sse in the church; to beset the place, and with fyre and deuises, to burn both men, church, and Monasterie, good and bad, frends and enemies: (the vvhich, the two Guidons confessed.) and the like execution, was intended at Brussels against the Spanyards, as Pettit, Mendoza, and Michael of Isselt testifie.

Neither ded they cease ther mallice, and mischeafe when he was recalled: for that [Page 183] noble and wise Duke of Arschot, aduertised Don Iohn, that Oreng endeauored to sea­ze his person, to disposses the king of the sooueraintie: and to establish libertie in the low contries. I ask not who set Ratclif, and Gray on work to kill hym, at Namur, for latet anguis in herba. And ded not the Caluinists, as fynelie contriue at Antwarp, to haue blowen vp with gunpovvder, the famous Duke of Parma: as he was to pass in the high streat, vvith the state of the whole contrie attending hym. So as it ap­peareth, as coye as they maik it, they ar not so free, and cleare: but that protestants may be charged, with treasons assassinats, and povvder plats: nay more; to be the first in­uentors of it, as long ago in Scotland ap­peared, and the king haith good cawse to remember.

Now for the authors and actors of this The au­thors of thi. vnion. vnion: the States, and the Prince vveare the Contriuers of it. And touching the Prince, he vvas a man politick, popular, ane a greate hovvskeaper: (both vvhich qualities stood hym in good stead.) The hovvse of Nassau, in Germanie, vvas [...]n­cient, and honorable: but vvas aduanced in this contrie most by marriages; this vvil­liam, (bycause his father turned Lutheran) Charles the fifth ovvt of his princ [...]lie [Page 184] affection, took hym from his father, and commended hym to the care and educa­tion of the Quene of Hongarie, his sister. And afterward admitted hym into his own chamber for manie yeares. Then mayd hym general of his horse: and after raised hym to the honor of his Liuetennant gene­rall. And to maik his obligation the greater to hym, he mayd choyce to send by hym, as a man of most trust, the Imperiall crow­ne to his brother king Ferdinando: and ded like Vise commend hym highlie to king Philip (tho diuers forewarned hym, to taik head, that he ded not noorish a snake in his bosome.)

Add to these fauors, the Emperors fur­theranc of his match, with the Count of Burens daughter and heyre (whearby he was highlie aduanced:) and speciallie, abo­ue all other things, he procured Renatus of Challon, Prince of Oreng, to maik this wil­liam his heyre, (when the President Schorus was wholie against hym.) And forget not the honor, king Philip ded hym, to com­mitt so manie, and so great gouernements, to his charge, and sidelitie. was it possible, that anie thing could corrupt this man, and diuert hym from thank fullnes, and alle­giance? Ded they after geue hym cawse of alienation and hatred, or he took a cawse? [Page 185] When the king was to depart into Spayne. The Prince (after the Death of his first wyfe) aspired to marrie the Daughter of Christierna Duches of Lorrain, (coosen ger­main to the King.) And therfor he laboured to haue her mayd gouernor of these pro­uinces: and so he should in effect by that al­lianc, swaye the whole gouernment, (for which he had gaped long: and vvas a competitor for it, with the Count of Eg­mond.) But the king, preferring the Dut­ches of Parma, the Prince lost bothe his ho­pe and his vvyfe: and therrupon grevv his hatred both to Alua, and Granuellan, by whose meanes he imagined that Parma, was preferred: and the other reiected.

So ambition was the trew internal moti­ue, of all this rancour: but religion was mayd the owtward cawse, and the mantel to hyde it. Ambition is a passion, that can not rest and sleap, withovvt dreaming of a reueng: and therfor he first married in the hovvse of Saxonie (the sanctuarie of Lutheranisme;) he incited Brederode: he set a pike and quarrel betwean Egmond and Granuellan (who had stood his best frend before, in manie matters of importance:) he studied and practised to hinder the com­ming in of Alua, (purposing a certan re­ueng, for a supposal of that he ded not cer­tanlie [Page 186] knovv.) He neuer after shovved hym self vvell affected to the kings affaires nor content vvith anie fauors. aftervvard, he inuaded Frize, directed Lumay to posses Bril, and what he could in Holland: he gaue order to his brother Seherenbergh to maik hym self maister of Zuthphen: and placed Saras gouernour of Flushing, that the world might see the error of Alua, in neglesting so long, a place of that importance.) So as I may vvell seye, he vvas the great vvhea­le, vvhearupon all the state vvas mooued and turned.

I will conclude, that after he sought to be reconciled with the king. (by interces­sion of the emperor, and the Duke of Ba­uier,) and could not compass it, modo & for­ma, as he desired: he grevv desperate, in all his attempts hauing ill succes; and fovvnd no harbor so safe for hym as Holland, the best nurce to mantaine his decayed estate; a receptacle of all religions; and a fortifica­tion strōg enough by nature and art, whea­re he might safelier write Apologies then fight; encoorage faction, and plant a nevv religiō, (wheareof it seameth he was not at first fullie resolued:) for tho when he was at court, he went to Mass: yet from his child­hood he was thought to haue had some seads of Lutheranism, (which was euer af­ter [Page 187] his being in France, transplanted into Caluinisme, yf to anie certan sect.)

And these, and all his courses, being wel discerned at last, by the states of Artois and Heynauld (anno 1579.) when they wear recō ­ciled to the king: with the assent of the most honorabls Duke of Arschot, (who neuer much affected the Prince,) articulo 5. they ded bynd them selfs, to prosequute warr against Oreng (as a general enemie of peace) and to fynd at ther own charge, eightene thow­sand men for that purpose, and will anie man imagin: that so noble, so religious, so valiant men, (peares to the Prince for no­bilitie, and wisedome,) either could err in ther iudgments of hym they knew so well, and (who had acted his part, so long vpon the stage, in the face of them all:) or would haue mayd such an offer, yf they had estea­med hym a Good patriot or his cause, and proceading iust and warrantable?

Now touching the people of Holland, I acknowledg they ar a people verrie indu­strious? and skilfu [...]l to maik vse of ther la­bors; and as a learned censor of them well noted, nec totam libertatem, nec totam seruitu­tem patiuntur. Frends to chainge, seldome content with the present state: in prosperi­tie a litl insolent; most addicted to traffick and ther profite; and iealious of anie, that [Page 188] would empeach ther gayn or libertie. And the Prince being well acquainted with ther nature: to bread and fead ther iealousie more, discouered to them, the secret coun­sell and combination of king Henry the 2. of France, and the Duke of Alba, to sup­presse the protestants, and to erect the, 17. Prouinces into a kingdome. (the vvhich he sayd that king discouered vnto hym.) But surelie, non placet commentum: (it is not like the Duke of Alua vvould discouer his maisters greatest secrets, to an enemie so latelie reconciled.) and his fiction of other fables; maiks it more probable, that to ha­ue bean a fable also. For he gaue owt, that the Emperor and the king affected a mo­narchie ouer all Europe: which yf it wear but a coniecture, (was deuised by hym self, and not vpon certan intelligenc vn­derstood:) and vpon knouledg) from them selfs it could not be; for the Emperors overtoyled age, his end, his cours and the harbor of a religious hows he be took hym self, into; convinc the contrarie. Yet the­se inventions and forgeries, serued hym to good purpose, bothe to terrifie the Hollan­ders (that they might still relie vpon hym:) and to procure, the distrust and mallice of forrein nations to the hovvse of Austria. And vvith such baites, ded he long both [Page 189] entrap and feald, that contrie people.

Now yow haue hard the whole charge, and all the trespasses obiected to the king, (both generall, and particuler: now, and ab Origine;) and the actors, that followed the busienes, and what exceptions may be taken iustlie, against ther estimation, inte­gritie, and testimonie, (speciallie in ther own cawse.) It remaineth therfor now, to examin first, whether the king stood guiltie of these crimes, of Iniustice and Tirannie. For yf he be innocent, then is ther vsurpa­tion The king of Spayn, his desyre of peace. His court not tirannous. vnlawful; and yf he weare guiltie: an other quaestion is, whether his error, geues them title, and his offences free them from subiection.

I will maik it manifest to the world, that the king euer desired peace; and with great care sought to avoyd, the desolation of his people, and contries.

1. And to maik this euident. It may plea­se yow to call to mynd, the course taken, by that excellent, and most loyall Prince the Duke of Arschot, and by the states ge­nerall at the Pacification of Gand, 1574. whearin it was thought requisite, to decree an Amnestia, and obliuion of all things past, on both sydes: and to taik order, for dis­charging the Spanyards, and sending them home. And notwithstanding that in this [Page 190] pacification, all things wear referred ad arbitrium ordinum: (vsing, nor mentioning anie reseruation to the king: yet Don Iohn ded ratifie it, and procured the kings con­sent, and confirmation of all, as appeareth by the perpetual edict. And altough this pacification was agreed vpon, by all the rest of the states general (owt of a zealous affection, to general vnitie:) yet would not the Prince of Oreng, nor Holland and Zel­land subscribe and accept it. And they dis­swaded the states general to accept Don Iohn for gouernor, till the Spanyards should be dismissed at a tyme limited: and yet would not they dismisse the forren for­ces they had in Holland; but being at li­bertie them selfs, would tye Don Iohn to perform his promises. but vvhy ded the Prince and Holland, refuse to subscribe? was it for religion? no for in these articles, Holland and Zelland wear as well prouided for, as they could desyre. for therin vvas this article, vt sola in ijs prouincijs, Romana religio toleretur & exerceatur, excepta Hollan­dia & Zellandia. tho these prouinces, never esteamed nor respected, that peace, nor that prouision for ther indemnitie. and for the Princes person and safetie, his ovvn guiltienes, and his precedent offences, wear buried in this Amnestia (the states preuay­led [Page 191] more for hym then the Emperor could.) What then caused the differenc? mallice and Ambition, blinded and trans­ported hym. for all men may see, the king desyred peace, and the Prince altogether was inclined to warr (tho thearin he vvas no excellent Hannibal.)

2. And that appeared more playnlie 1575. by the colloquie of Breda, whear the king offred reasonnable conditions: and the Em­peror sent the Count Swartzenburgh, to induce them to concord and vnitie. And yet would the Prince listen to nothing, and the treatie was fruitles. the cawse is wor­thie to be knowen. At that tyme, they of 10. Pettit. Holland deliberatelie determined to sub­mit them selfs to some other Prince, and offred them selfs secretlie to obey the Que­ne of England hy Aldegond and Douza. The proiect vvhearof, and the reasons I haue sean.

3. Yet ded the king, show, still how great his patienc, and mercie was: and how farr from the basenes of tyrānie; that knowing all this, and much more: yet would he not proclayme Oreng a traytor, till 1580. when his mallice appeared to be irrecon­ciliable, and his courses desperate: and after they had finished the fabrick of that vnion of Vtreght; abowt fiftean yeares [Page 192] after the beginning of these trovvbles.

4. The fouth argument, to prooue the kings inclination to peace, and his detesta­tion of tyrannie, taiks away all quaestion from men indifferent.

When the Emperor sollicited the trea­tie 1. The per­sons. of Coolen 1579. and mayd choyce of most honorable persons for that purpose, the tvvo Princes electors, the Bushop of Wirtzburgh; the Count Svvartzenburgh, and Doctor Lawenman. the king of Spay­ne was as forvvard, and sent thither, the Duke de Terra noua. and the Duke of Ars­chot (euer readie to aduanc peace, and the commun welth) with diuers others, wear commissioners from the states, with com­mission signed by the Archduke Matthias. So as the persons, on all sydes, vvear like to deale with integritie and iugment.

Note also, vpon what motiues, was the The mo­iues. Emperor content to employe these cōmis­sioners. The states by ther letters to the em­peror dated S. Iun. 1578. ded promise, and assure hym, that they wear, ar, and so would continew constant, vt in Belgio colatur religio Catholica, & regi sua constet authoritas. And before that, at vvorms in the general diet holden 1577. the agents of the states sub­mitted and referred ther cavvse to the Em­peror, as likevvise the king of Spayn ded. [Page 193] And therfor, both parts, being so confor­mable, and concurring in eodem tertio. a general peace might well be expected with good probabilitie.

Now obserue hovv this vvas perfor­med. according to agreement, the Em­perors commissioners cam to Coolen in the beginning of April. but Dauus pertur [...]at om­nia, the states sent not thers till the 4. Maij, and then with a commission insufficient, and restrained the tyme of ther treatie to six vveaks, and no longer. So it seamed, the states could not agree a long tyme of ther instructions, to ther agents. and ther for the Imperials took it as an error, that when they them selfs could not in manie months agree of that; they would not­vvith standing limit ther deputies to so short a tyme, for the handling of a busie­nes so weightie and intricate, as this was: and whearim so manie seueral men, had seueral ends. Besides in the articles, which the deputies exhibited, they propounded extrema, non media, contrarie to promise. furthermore, by the articles and media of peace, proposed by the Duke de Terra noua, all seueritie was lenified and mitigated, for the case of religion. as the Emperors com­missioners ded testifie by these words. Ʋt nemo iuste conqueri posset, regem pretextu reli­gionis, [Page 194] vel seuire in corporae subditorum, vel bona eorum confiscare, vel conscient tis vim inferre. So as the Imperials finding the dallijng and de layes of the states, such, as in 16. weaks, they could get no answer; and that by ther let­ters they renewed all old greafs and quar­rels: they broke vp the treatie, and departed

Hearupon Bolduc, and Valencen recea­ued and incertained the articles. Ouer Isel, and Turnay, refused them not. Artois and Heynault guided with the bonus genius of the Church; and Em. Lalain, that valiant and religious Marques of Renty, together with Monsieur de Capre, Heze, Baize and the rest: condemning the course of the Prince of Oreng, offrerd ther obedienc to the king, and mayd peace with the Du­ke of Parma. In this interim, what ded they of Holland? they wear now further of, the case was altered. They published discour­ses against the treatie; they studied how to defend ther vsurpation, and how to perfect the Frame of ther vnion; and how to in­crease discord and diuision emong the rest. (vvhear there ministers and agents, fayled not to serue ther tvrn.) But they vveare principallie busied, abovvt a nevv proiect. For by the mediation of the Prince of Oreng, and the counsel and assistanc of En­gland, and for ther better abilitie and more [Page 195] strenth, they capitulated vvith Monsieur the Duke of Alleneon 1578. whome they created Duke of Brabant, and Prince ab­solut of the Nether lands.

2. Secondlie, touching the kings tyran­nie. Touching the kings oppression of them. first exaction, and impositions: then disanulling ther priuiledges: also the too seuere gouernmēt, of his ministers, (whear­by he broke his oath solemnlie svvorn at the ioyefull entrie) wear the cawses of ma­king this vnion. The end vvas, to preserue them selfs, and ther contries from vtter ruine and destruction.

Hear is ther Clayme, and the founda­tion of ther Ʋnion, and of ther Dominion, and sooueraintie. And first touching the exactions and tyrannie, and seueritie of Gouernous, which the deputies of the sta­tes ded aggrauate so much at Colen. Sure­lie, so long after the Duke of Alua his tyme; and vnder the temperate gouerne­ment of the Duke of Parma: and after so oft and manie offers, and signification of the kings gracious disposition to ease ther burdens: it was rather to be iudged as a Ca­uil to shift of peace, then a desire to beridd of warr.

For first touching these greauous exa­ctions, they complaine so of, v [...]delicet, of the Tenth pennie, imposed by the Duke of Alua.

[Page 196] It is necessaries to Draw the Curtens, whearwith they shadovv and obscure the truthe. Necessitie and not his own will, 1 forced Alua, to exact that, which neither he would haue Doon, nor the king haue suffred it: but being driuen to extremitie, for setisfijng the soldiers (vvho allvvaies grow wild withowt paye:) and so to avoyd a greater mischeafe, he was driuen to incurr an inconuenienc.

Some of the counsell in Englant, in the Quenes name, seazed in Hampshyre 600000. Duckets, (sent from Spayne to paye the Armie, vvithovvt anie charg at all to the contrie:) tho she had giuen a passe­port, for the safe conduct of it, as is repor­ted. Vpon what pretences, or how iustlie, I wil not argue, (hauing beane before de­bated at larg, in a treatie.) But these politi­que men who conselled her, to extend her authoritie, for staying the moonie: as they well knew it was none of hers: so wear they also sure, it would driue the Duke of Alua into such strayts, that he would be compel­led to commit error, and increase the ha­tred of his gouernment, and arme the peopls furie to sedition. (which vvas the thing they most aymed at.) Besides the king of Spayn hauing sent the Duke de 2 Medina, (a man of a milder nature) to suc­cead [Page 197] Alua (who partlie by misfortun, part­lie by his stearnnes, partlie by some errors, and by forren princes disfauor, was grown odious) he brought vvith hym, 200000. Duckets: which the Zellāders, intercepted vpon the seas; and as his stewards, took it as pure Almes into ther charge, to disburse it withowt accoumpt. So hauing lost his moonie, and ships: lost also his hart to staye near them; and therfor returned back to Spayne, fullie resolued, neuer to haue fur­ther dealing, with such sharking Cormo­morants of that Nest and crevv. And so was Alua further both plunged, and per­plexed. But hearby it appeareth, that it vvas neither the kings pleasure nor purpose, (vvho furnished hym, so largelie and libe­rallie as vvas intended) but the necessitie of his present vvants, vvhich compelled Alua to that demand, and exaction. And so it vvas rather an occasion of scandal and of­fenc reflected vpon the king, then deserued by either: and a quarrel rather mayd, and contriued, then giuen.

And these popular orators that plead so earnestlie for the ease of the commons: and seam so carefull to procure the exonera­tion of the impositions, and taxes layd vpon the people: vvhy doe they not now inueigh asmuch, against these nevv magni­ficos [Page 198] of Holland? who ar so fart from laying dovvn and diminishing these subsidies and excis [...]s, that they haue raised and augmen­ted them in duch so [...]t: as at this daye, no common vvelth in Christendome groneth vnder the like burden.

And it can not yet be forgotten, that the gend to ther of the people, (as they called hym.) the Prince of Oreng, ded propovvnd and labor to vvrest and vvring from them of Holland, the Sixth pennie, tovvards his M. Issolt. change and maintenanc, anno 1584. this vvas a note aboue Ela, a strain farr higher, then the Duke Aluaes; and yet tho the people denied it, and murmured much: yet still vvas he in Holland paeter patriae, so smoothlie he could manage his busienes.

Barneuelt in his Apologie, confessed: that he fovvnd 1586. the order of the go­uernment ovvt of all Frame, manie prea­chers protestants vvould not acknovvledg the states (for after the french fashion, they had no command, nor discipline:) the com­mons quite opposite: the towns and magi­strates wished for peace; the expenses of the state, exceaded all incoms and reuen­nues by tvventie six millions: and that (which I maik this note for) west frizeland in the beginning ded contribute skarse, Decies octies centena millia florenorum; and [Page 199] now they ar charged, to paye quadragies cen­tena milua librarum, & duos milliones. I vse his own words bycause I will not be chal­lenged for mistaking hym. Who is therfor now the tyrant and the exactor? tho the peopl haue chainged ther Lord, they ar not eased of ther oppression: and wheare before they complayned they had one, now ar they subiect to the command of manie tyrants, who fleace them, nay vnskin them. Alua bett them, with whips; but the states, with scorpions. Examin ther excises, and impositions, how they ar increased, vpon meat, drink, fewel, men, servants, wages: besides lones and beneuolences. Henry Cuickius chargeth them, to exact the fourth part of ther reuennues, that ar Hol­landers and liue owt of the contrie: Si in prouincijs nostris, venia eorum degunt: semissem iubent soluere: si secus bonis exuunt.

And to answer that inuectiue, against the Duke of Alua his Creweltie (which was so much obiected at Coolen, and since haith bean aggrauated by D. Baudius, in his orations:) call to mynd what occasions wear giuen hym: by the opposition of the Nassouians: by the warr at Mounts: by the practise to empeach his entranc to Bra­bant: and by contriuing his death. Yet these wear venial sinnes. But, vvhen he [Page 200] fownd the nobilitie, so farr ingaged in the conspiracie with the Geuses; that the kings authoritie was despised, the religion esta­blished was prophaned and derided; that the towns in Holland, and Zelland reuol­ted; H [...]le [...], Alcmar, and the rest exclu­ding the kings authoritie and power: what stranger and man vnpartiall, vvould not think; when the blood of the bodie was so corrupted, that it is not fitt both to vse cauterism, and violent purgations to clense it. for violenc is never necessarie, but when lenitiues, wil not remedie and work a cure. And when Alua vvas reuoked: remember how litl, the peacapl nature of the Com­mendador preuayled vvith so rough and harsh natures, who was forced to crie owt, Dios libera nos de estos estados. And hear I pray yow read the opinion of Syr Roger Williams, a soldier of good note, who had serued an both sydes, and knew the natures of the peopl. in his storie, of these warres, he condemned the reuocation of Alua as an error: bycause nothing but rigor, could reduce these violent spirits into order: nei­ther can anie man maik them obedient, but he that can pull them vpon ther knees; and carrieth the sword drawen, in his hand, allwaies readie vpon such inflammations, to open a vayne, and let them blood: [Page 201] though I conffess a gentle hart will much ever relent vvith compassion, when it seeth blood shed.

Concerning the breach of the kings For the kings oath oath, (which they obiect hauing svvorn to obserue ther priuiledges: yf they will deci­de the matter by course of iustice, it must first be mayd playne, and appeare; that the king haith broken his promise, and not performed his oath: and in what case. and in ther own causes, it is not agreable to common reason, that the Playntifs should be bothe accusers and iudges.

Again, yf he had broken his promise: manie things may happen after his oath, to excuse hym from periurie. or tyrannie. for by law, euerie absolute pact, and promi­se doth implie tacitam conditionem, to pro­cead, rebus sic stantibus, as they wear at the oath taken. But what yf such difficulties followe, that he can not keap his promise? What yf that which was then promised for the good of that prouince? can not be ob­serued withowt the great domage of that prouince, and of all Europe? As the cawse, so the case must be altered.

But procead further, yf the king had broken his oath: yet wear not the states in­abled and authorised therby, to choose a new prince in his stead; much less, to in­uest [Page 202] them selfs. for in the articles of the Ioy full entrie, this is a clawse, vt si in omni­bus, aut in vno quo [...]iam articulo, pacta ista Dux Brabantiae violassct: denegare ei, tantisper subdus possunt, consueta seruitia: dum id reuocetur, vel corrigatur, in quo controuersum. For otherwi­se, withowt that dum, ill disposed subiects, should continuallie haue the aduantage to pick quarrels against a good Prince.

And the world can witnes, how oft the king haith offred to the Emperor, to for­rein princes, and to the states generall ei­ther to reuoke, or amend, what could be prooued to be amisse.

Besides the states and courts of Brabant, ar more properlie to decide that quaestion, then Holland, (who can clayme those pri­uiledges, but by participation.) Add also, that the states of Brabant, Flanders, Artois, Heynault, and the rest haue conformed them selfs, like dewtiefull, vertuous, and noble persons, to obedienc of the king: and to all Lawes, and gouernment. (And yf Holland could learn by ther examples, so to doe, the quaestion wear then ended.)

Furthermore, the like oath all kings taik at ther coronation; and it is the grea­test honor to them religiouslie to performe it: but yf they break it, what then? shall he be deposed? that is a doctrine onelie sitt [Page 203] for the schools of Conspiracie. Besides ther is a great differenc, betvvean a coue­nant, and a condition, in the common lawe: and yet neither of them tye a Prince, so as the breach implyeth a forfeiture, (as hear after appeareth.)

But to conclud, who ded first, create and grant these priuiledges? ded not the Prince, ex gratia spectali, & mero motu, to gratifie good subiects? how vnthankful subiects then ar they, who will seak to depriue ther soouerain Lord; yf he be forced to break a clawse, or an article, or a couenant, vpon vrgent cawse? What would they haue ob­iected, to Philip Duke of Burgondie, and of the Netherlands, who resumed into his H. Ber­land. own hands, and by his own authoritie, all the Priuiledges, and immunities of Gandt? and detayned them all his lyfe tyme; teaching them to acknowledg, by whose grace they held them. And what remedie? when his sonn Charles, cam to Gand; the people in a rage compelled hym to restore them. But, to ther cost, for they weare forced to seak his pardon, and to cast them selfs, and ther charters, at his feate, and stand to his mercie.

And the like he ded at Machlen, (which he determined to haue razed, and des­troyed:) yet he restored them to ther [Page 204] liberties, vpon great suite, and vpon such conditions, as he thought good.

Neither of these great citties, obiected to the Dukes, ther breach of oath, at ther entrie, or that they had forfeited ther esta­tes: they wanted the cloke of Holland, and such a conductor as Oreng. Yet it is wor­thie also, to be considered, why the Prince vrgeth so much the kings keaping of his oath: and yet he maiks no religion to per­form his own. For when he was to taik vpon hym, the government of Brabant, he took his oath to mantain the Catholick Michael Barus do vnione stat. religion in Brabant. And haith he perfor­med it? when he retyred into Holland, he professed and protested publicklie, he would chainge and alter nothing: nor dis­posses the Cleargie of ther liuings: and the like he ded at Amsterdam, and bownd hym self with a solemn oath: and yet he perfor­med none of these. So to serue his own turne, he taketh hold of the kings oathe; and for his own oath, religion and bonum publicum, geue hym a dispensation which Caluin ded confirme vnto hym. Libro 4. c. 13. §. 21. Aman (saith he) illuminated vvi [...]h the truthe, simul vinculis omnibus obediendi le­gibus & Ecclesiae solutus est: he that once haith perfect knovvledg of the gospel, is absolued from oath, and all such suares. Is not this a holie [Page 205] gospel, and a blessed lesson. But yet, I see no particularitie alledged, wherby it may appear, that the king ded break his oath: was it for exactions? it is answered. was it. for bringing in the Spanyards? it was tyme, and necessitie, that mayd the king, to his great trowble, to his greater charge, to his greatest greafe: to taik armes, to defend the Cleargie, to defend the religion of his ancestors (according to the lawes and law­ble customes of these prouinces:) and to force them to acknowledg that he was ther Prince.

Was it for religion? In dead it is trew, ther is a clawse in the vnion, that they ar therby to defend them selfs, contra omnem vim, quae sub pretextu religionis aut nominis Regij inferetur. At first, the Prince, Horn, and Montigny, offred to Ioyn vvith the people, against the Inqusition: they assi­sted comforted, and encooraged Bredero­de: they desyred and vrged the Religions Vried, and published books to defend it: mayd liberal promises to be content vvith the vse of ther own religion, and not to pre­iudice nor offend the Catholick.

And with much art, they hid and dissem­bled ther intentions, the better to draw on the Catholicks to ioyn with them, for the general good of the state. For by that [Page 206] deuise, they wonn manie prelates and men well affected in religion, to cooperate with them, for the furteranc and defence of the Archduke Matthias, with ther bodies and goods: and still vnder the fayre names of liberties and religion.

Now that religions Vried being gran­ted, it was a supersedeas to the inquisition, and a prohibition of all violenc, and seueritie. and what could they desyre more? Besides Holland and Zelland, ever since the paci­fication of Gand, haue bean offendors mo­re then defendors: and haue enioyed ther Religion, liberties, & denique quid non? so as they had no iust cawse, to maik this vnion and conspiracie, (speciallie when all other prouinces submitted them selfs to the king.) But faction and haeresie is ever humble, till they can get the svvord of povver and authoritie in ther hands. For novv, they of Holland, ar in Gloria Patri, and sing an other tune: they haue expelled all the Cleargie, seazed ther lands and li­uings: emprisonned, those that vvil not be conformable, to ther Synodes holden at Dort 1574. and at Midlborough. 1581. they haue vsed much crevveltie both in drovvning and executing men for religion: but no toleration they vvill permit; nor more fauor, then to the Puritans, Ana­baptists, [Page 207] an semi-Arrians, emoug them.

And for the matter: of Religion, at the making of that vnion; they mayd them selfs cheaf gouernors of religion and the church, by these words. Quant au poinct de religion, ceux de Hollande & Zellande s'y com­porteront comme bon leur semblera: & les autres, selon le placcard de l' Archiduc Matthias.

So then, by this, belike the States of Holland and Zelland ar aduanced to be head of the church in those prouinces: for all must be touching Ecclesiasticall matters, comme bon leur semblera. They ar now, the Regula Lesbia, to square iudg, direct, gouern, and order all: and what religion they will allowe, that must pass for currant: and in that manner, and for so long tyme, as they please.

Now this authoritie being in the states generall; then that church must be gouer­ned by manie, not by one: one spiritual bodie by manie temporall heads, and most of them artificers, (merchants of Amster­dam, brewers of Delft, Staplers of Dort, seamen of Horn, &c.) An anarchie, vvi­thovvt learning: and (vvhich is pittie) a forenoon head, better then an afternoon: too manie for vnitie, too ignorant for ve­ritie, and skarselie able too determin with iudgment, vvhether the Gomarists or the [Page 208] Armenians, should be Doctors of the Chayre. And that appeared well, by ther edict published at Haghe 1614. that no man should preach, Deum aliquos in exitium creasse; which sentenc was afterward retrac­ted, bycaus the heads of the church had er­red therin, (for they admitt not the mi­nisters, as in France, to sharewith them anie part of ther iurisdiction.)

Now to draw, to an end: yf the king had taken armes to introduce anie nevv religion (like a Mush-rump growen vp in a night) and to compell the consciences of his subiects to obeye that: I must neads saye, he had much encroached vpon the li­berties of the contries, and had incurred iustlie ther mallice.

And I can not but saye also, that the Hollanders, taking armes against ther soo­uerain, for defenc of such a religion, and innouation: can neither, by law, reason, not religion, be excused and defended. Now yf the Hollanders be so precise in vpholding ther religion: yf the Elders of Geneua will permitt no toleration: yf the french church insult and oppress the poor humble Catholicks, that liue emoug them: yf Romulus by his law enacted, Deosperi­grinos ne colunto: yf Numa would not heare Lib. 4. de repub. of anie noueltie: yf Socrates ded wiselie [Page 209] aduise, that people should reseru and refer all mutations and matters of religion to Apollo: yf nature and all nations con­curr in this: had not the king of Spayn reason, to endeauor to preuent, that con­fusion of opinions, and that multitud of sects, which had so daingerouslie infected the west part of the world?

And yf they of Holland, think it neces­sarie for the peace of ther state: is not the case a like for hym? yf for ther conscienc sake, they will barr ovvt the Catholick and ancient religion: should he be bard for his conscienc sake, to taik the same course against the Caluinists? hovv doe ther beginning, and ther proceadings dif­fer? and how doe ther profession and per­formanc agre? for at first they mayd that a cavvse of ther rebellion that the king vvould force ther consciences: and yet they will not novv permitt the same freedome, to those that liue vnder their command.

But novv to come to the Mayne poynt. they Challeng by the vnion, to be absolute Lords of these prouinces: and haue renounced all title, and obedienc to the king of Sayn, as Earl of Holland and Zelland. I ask, quo titulo ingressi sunt? they 1 alledg, in ther letters to the Emperor 1608. this grovvnd vvork. Post tractatum pacis [Page 210] Coloniae, qua Hispani potius ad opprimendam, quam subleuandam Belgium vsi sunt: Hispani, Mercurius Gallob. libro 32. tanta tyrannide, in prouincias, vrbes, ac ciues omnes Belgij, procul [...]atis omnibus priuilegijs gras­sabantur: vt ad conseruandam, quod ei immi­nebat, ab extremo exitio patriam: pleraeque Belgicae prouinciae, quae in vnione perstiterant, regem eiurarunt: & certam quandam, ac libe­ram reipublicae formam constituerunt. It a pro liberis, à multis regibus accepti. per 32. annos. Hear is the fowndation of ther free state: and the reason is tyrannie: and the tyme is sayd to be after the treatie of Coolen, (tho in dead this vnion, was mayd before.) Besides in the same place: they vse an other argument: that the king of Spayn 2 and the Archduke, acknowledg them, as free prouinces, in quas ipsi nihil iuris praeten­dant; cum omnibus, generalibus, & particula­ribus renunciationibus. At the making of that vnion, they alledged, that the king 3 had forfeited his estate, by oppressing them vvith tyrannie, by infringing ther liberties and his ovvn oath, and for suppressing reli­gion. And at Coolen, the states deputies added, that they took armes, not onelie for 4 religion but to 1. auoyd exactions intolle­rable, 2. and to cast of the yoke of too se­uere gouernors. So then 1. religion, 2. ty­rannie, 3. exaction, 4. abrogation of ther [Page 211] priuiledges, and the kings own renuncia­tion of his title: arr the pillers of this vnion. It remaineth therfor, after hauing mayd a breach with this long battrie, to geue the assault vpon ther title: and disco­uer how seditious the positions and princi­ples of that religion ar, which imprinted in them such disloyaltie to vsurp that title.

If it could be prooued by them, (which is necessarie first to be:) that the king ded oppress the contrie by tyrannie, and abro­rating ther priuiledges: then is it yet a que­stion of importance, whether therby he haith lost his authoritie ouer his subiects? and yf he had lost it, by what law haue they fownd it? by what ciuil order or president, ded they abiure ther obedience? Surelie it vvas, certam quandam ac liberam reipublicae formam constituere. That vvas ther end, and ther presumption: but it vvas neither order nor cawse. Neither is the kings ty­rannie, a sufficient vvarrant for ther ty­rannie and vsurpation. for a soouerain can not loose his soouerainetie: it doth all waies carrie vvith it a nonobstante, to dif­penc with errors and irregularities.

And for ther priuiledges, vvhich the king never intended to maik voyd, (and so they build vpon a false grovvnd, vvhich vvill fayle them:) yf it had bean so great [Page 212] an offenc, for the king to abrogate theirs; is it not a greater offenc for subiects, to vsurp his? and so to maik them self parties and iudges, and by ther own authoritie to punish ther prince. Which is an insolencie and indignitie incredible to all posteritie; and such as neither the Svvizzes, nor the Amphictiones (the confederate cantons of Grecia:) ded ever match, nor come neare. for so they maik, regna, occupantium ius, qui potest capere, capiat. A pretenc oppo­site to all lavves: a portall to let in confu­sion. but yf the king ded loose and for­feit all his authoritie and iurisdiction: yet I see not, vvhy or hovv, they could also challeng his lands, and priuate inheritance: for that must neads discend by law. Besi­des yf the king could for feit his sooue­raintie, how can he forfeit it to his subiects? but say they, wear now no subiects; we ha­ue waued and renounced the same. and is that inough? It is trew; a subiect, may maik hym self ciuis alienae reipulicae: but yf he stay in his own contrie, he can not of a subiect maik hym self no subiect; (for tho he doe rebell as the Hollanders ded, yet he is a subiect:) but it is admirable, how of a subiect he should become a sooueraine: that is scientia scientiarum, a supernatural skill aboue my capacitie,

[Page 213] Yet yf the kings should for feit his earl­dome of Holland; it is not to them, but to the cheaf Lord of the fee, that is to the Emperor (for it can escheat to no other, either by the Imperial or municipal lawes.) Yf yow ask me the reason: I saye it is ma­nifest, that Holland vvas erected into an Earldome, by the Emperour Carlous Cal­uus qui cum audiuit, Hollandiam terram Im­peratoriam, a Danis spoliari, rogatu Iohannis Papae, principatum eius contulit Theodorico. Berland Meyer. Anno 863.

So yf it be not in the king of Spayn, (to whome it is lineallie discended from Theo­doric:) then may the Emperor geue a nevv inuestitur thereof, as a fief Imperial, to who­me he pleaseth, as he ded to Theodoric. (for it is a phantastical imagination, that it is fallen by lapse to them of Holland.) the Emperor taketh no notice of ther States­hips, (being a priuate order for ther better government.) But yf it be fallen in laps, it is rather fallen to Oreng and the nobili­tie, (who can Better govern) then to tra­desmen, and mariners. And yet vndowb­tedlie to none of them, except they plead, that as conquerors they wonn yt by the sword, and so they will hold it: which is a Tenure, neither knowen to Litlton, nor summe Rurall, not Ius feudale: a tenure [Page 214] fitter for forosciuti, or the Hoords of Tar­tarians, then a commonwelth of Christiās.

A certan Hollander, in his third defenc, of the vnited prouinces, calleth the king of Spayn, Raptorem, & haereticum notorium, rudelie and vnciuillie; and therupon infer­reth, An non potius regem Hispaniae, quia hae­reticus notorius est, ex suo regno omnibus omnium Euangelicorum viribus, expellere oporteret? either this man was much distempered, or his religion infected hym, and mayd hym a Catelin, and so seditions.

These Ar fearefull paradoxes, and such as all princes haue interest in; and had nead to haue ther swords drawen to confute: yf for pretenc of religion, for errors in go­uernment, for restraining ther priuiled­ges, for punishing sedition and ryots: sub­iects may thus sit in iudgment vpon ther princes, and taike armes and expell them owt of ther territories. Thus ded ket, and Iack Straw in England, rise for bonum publi­cum: the Bowres in Germanie, and Ziska in Bohemia mayd ther insurrections for religion: and so euerie Gracchus, may taik vpon hym the reformation of the church and the state.

Now yf they obiect, ther case is ill fit­ted with a comparison, bycause manie prin­ces in 32. yeares haue acknovvledged and [Page 215] vsed them as a free State. Yf they hold onelie by prescription: I may iustlie saye, that tyme will not serue ther turne: except they can therwith plead a title, and bona fi­des: for tyme may cōfirm a title, but creates none. and the opinion of forrein princes, maiks not ther bad clayme better, but ge­ueth onelie, a reputation to the vsurper: and in so bad a quarrel, brauelie defended, not the cawse, but the success: not ther right but ther prosperitie haith doon them honor. Besides it is nor trew, that they haue bean so reputed of Princes. to nego­tiate with princes vnder that title, and that so princes confirm ther title, be different things.

I grand that they offred to Quene Eliza­beth the sooueraintie of these prouinces, and laboured that she vvould entertain them: but the counsel (speciallie the L. Treasorer,) ded not vvelcome the offer. both in regard of ther title, for nemo potest plus euris transferre in alium, quam ipse habet: they could not geuer her that, which vvas not ther owne: and in respect of the safetie and honor of the Quene, who could not hold and mantain such a tile, withowt the censure of the world; and withowt geuing forrein princes, and her own people a presi­dent against her self.

[Page 216] Although for her own priuate ends, af­terward she was content to protect them: and he who furthered most that protection, was as glad so clenlie to be rid of the sonn: as the Marques of Winchester was, to be deliuered of the father.

And therfor, the Quenes commissioners at Burborough, (as I haue hard) affirmed trewlie, Auersata est Regina delatam sibi saepius illarum regionum summam potestatem. Nei­ther was Syr Noel Caron, in Quene Eliza­beths tyme, esteamed as an Embassador, but as an agent.

But to ioyn issew with them: yf they can maik good ther hold and Clayme; it By lavv. must be either, by the Gospel, and patro­nage of religion: or it must be by lawe, (for yf by neither of these, they leane vpon a rotten stake.) first, the lavv is directlie against them. For at the Ioyfull entrie, they wear subiects absolutelie, and the king was soouerain, and to Oreng he commit­ted the liuetennancie of these contries, Ouem lupo. Oreng, and the people. with­draw ther obedienc (vpon surmises,) de­fended ther townes against the king, depri­ued hym of his inheritanc, and mayd them selfs sooueraines. Whether wear these men guiltie by lavv, of Treason or no? this is the case, trevvlie. Dambouderius your [Page 217] contrieman, in prax. criminal. cap. 132. haith drawen your proces. saith he. Sedi­tiosi sunt, 1. qui moluintur conspirationem, 2. aduersus rectores & admmistratores regionum, 3. il [...]citas congregationes populi cogunt, [...]iues commotionibus turbant, &c. This compared with ther dealing against Alua, Don Iohn, and the Duke of Parma: with ther manie meatings, at Breda and Osterweal; with ther incensing and encooraging the Geu­ses: with ther defenc of Harland, and Alc­mar: is as good as a comment, to explayne the law. But cap. 82. Vi b [...]a sint insta, re­quiritur 1. iusta causa 2. recta intentio, 3. per­sonarum idoneitas, 4. & authoritas principum, sine qua est laesa Maiestas. Now yf the states mark that sine qua; they may hold down ther heads, and blush. for, in all ther war­res, they neither had good coolor, nor iust cawse. they wear secured for ther religion, by the pacification of Gandt, by the per­petual edict, by the articles of the treatie at Coolen, and by enioying all withovvt disturbanc: and yet would they not ioyn vvith the states generall, and accept the same.

Also ther vvas not recta intentio, for it was to noorish discord. they pretended euer re­ligion, and the peoples safetie; but the Prince perswaded them to armes and the [Page 218] vnion, not for the loue of them, but for his own preseruation. Ambition and dis­payre wear his motiues and counsellors: and reueng, and dispossessing the king wear his ends. And he was the more disloyall, seing he being a person of honor betrayed the trust of so great a charg reposed in hym. And touching that sine qua; it was a warr (on ther parts) mayd against the king, and not by his authoritie: and not onelie his sword was shaken against the king, but his penn and Apologie, (which was a great er­ror bycause they wear not aequallie mat­ched, and of one degree.) He had in the low contries, neither office, nor command, but vnder the wings of the Aegle, or autho­ritie of the Lyon. And he held all his Bel­gick lands in fee of the Duke of Burgon­die, (as of his Leage Lord: and ded ho­mage, and fealtie for the same, and he knew also that a soouerain, geues law to his sub­iects, aswel as offices, and haith power of lyfe and death: and as a learned man noted, Eo [...]in. the law signifieth the power and command of hym, that haith, the sooueraintie.

Besides, Claudius le Brun, in his book of proces ciuil and criminal: addeth this. Whosoeuer surpriseth, tovvnes Castles, and forts, vvithovvt order of his soouerain (as the Prin­ce ded cawse Count Lumay doe in Hollād; [Page 219] and Vorst, and Barland ded Flushyng.) VVhearby the peace of the contrie is broken: or vvho attempteth against the lyfe of the sooue­rains liuetennant, it is treason. And these, all Europe doe hold, as iudgments, decrees of reason, and principles of state which ar not to be called in quaestion. and yf the states in Holland doe not obserue, hold, and practise the same: they can never ex­pect, either peace, order, or obedienc in ther contrie.

So as it is manifest, that the Hollanders, in the beginning ar to be charged with se­dition, and in the progress with rebellion and treason. And then being traytors by law; they haue admirable luck, and art to maik them selfs also Lords by lawe. and it will be a good encooragement, to ther sol­diers; yf men may winn dignities by offen­ces, to share the novvnes of Holland emong them, or to induce them to a bellum pyraticum, or sociale: and cantonize that prouinc by ther own example.

They haue yet one euasion, (which is ra­ther of consequenc, then of substanc to prooue ther title:) a playster they think to salue all sores: that the Archduke haith renounced his right: and the king ar know­ledgeth them to be now, liberas prouincias, & in quas ipse nihiliuris pretendat. though it [Page 220] is no aenigma, no ridl, nor such an argument as will pose a lawyer to answer it. yet bycau­se, I vvill not doe hurt, whear I would doe good, I leaue it to the consideration of that honorable, and learned Chancelor Pec­kins: who can best in a fitt tyme, satisfie the world, that it is but a sharcrow, and thun­der withowt a bolt.

So then by law, yow haue hard in what state they stand, for procuring the effusion of so much blood, and breaking the peace By diuini­tie. of Christendome: so now I desire all both Gomarists, and Armenians, to heare the opinion of Doctor Bilson, a great Piller of the church of England, and who was cho­sen to write of this argument, by the grea­test Statesman of that tyme: and he vvrit cum priuilegie, and the generall allowanc of the church of England.

Saith he shall a king be deposed, yf he break In his book of Christiā subiection. his promise and oath, at his coronation? in anie of the couenants, and poynts he promiseth? He answers, in the margent, the breach of coue­nants, is no depriuation. And he geues this reason. The people may not break vvith ther Princes, tho ther Princes break vvith God. And aftervvard. Subiects can not de­pose ther Princes, to vvhome they must be sub­iect for conscienc sake. This is a sermon qui­te contarie to the Aphorisms of Holland, [Page 221] and the diuinitie of Rochel: and yet it stan­deth vpon inuincible reason: for as yovv may not by Gods lavve, depose your prin­ce, so yovv ar for bidden to taik armes against hym. And vvhy? D. Bilson, vvil satisfie yovv. For (saith he) he that may fight may bill: and vvar against the Prince, and mur­dering the Prince, ar of consequenc incuitabl. Aftervvard he addeth this, (to stopp the mouth, of such a Polipragmus, as called the king, raptorem, & haereticum, & à suo re­pellendum.) The Apostles obeyed the tyrants, that commanded all things against religion. And in those things, vvhich vvear cammanded against God, they ded submit them selfs vvith meakenes, to endure the Magistrates pleasure, but not to Not. obey his vvill. Lastlie and most to the purpose, he concludeth; yf the lavves of the land appoynt the nobles, as next to the king, to assist hym in doeing right, and vvith hold hym from doeing vvrong: then ar they licensed by mans lavves, to interpose them selfs: but in no case to depriue the Prince, vvhear the scepter is inherited. Novv it is certan, that the lavves of the Nether­lands geue no such authoritie to the no­bles: and yf they ded, yet in no case to to depriue ther Prince, or to abiure ther obedienc: and maik that as a bridg to pass ouer to the sooueraintie. And bycause so­me of good accounpt and iudgment, haue [Page 222] bean led into that error, that the Dukes of Burgondie, hold not full power, and soo­raintie in the Netherlands: I will send them to schoole, to all lawyers, records, stories, and (that which is most infallible) to the practise and common lawes of that con­trie; to Bodin; and to that ancient and ho­norable Counsellor, the Lord Chancelor Egerton, in his oration for the post nati, pag. 71. The Dukes of Burgondie (saith he) vvear absolute Princes, and had soouerain povver in ther contries. and king Henry the S. [...]ad as ab­solute sooueraintie, vvhen his style vvas Lord of Ireland, as vvhen he vas king. for the diffe­rence of styles marks not the differenc of sooue­rantie.

So then to conclude, yf this warr, be­gonn for religion, vvas against all the rules of religion: I may dewlie inferr, that as ther vsurpation is withowt warrant either of law or the gospell, they continew to hould it withowt conscienc. and haue no other title but force, and the canon. And all forrein soldiers that doe assist them (knowing the iniustice of the case, and that the warr is so vnlawfull) incurr the penal­tie of mortal sinn, and dainger of damna­tion: and may as iustlie be reprooued, as king Iosaphat for helping and assisting Achab. Look to the end, for it is certanly [Page 223] fearefull to all those who know that, [...].

I write not thus much, as an enemie to the contrie, (I hould a peareles countie, for the goodlie townes, welth, traffick, strenth, and fertilitie, in so small a circuite:) nor for anie personall quarrels: nor for anie cor­ruption, or assentation (in regard of the match with Spayne:) but, onelie the truth of the storie; the dainger of ther president, and the cawse of religion haue induced me. for tho I remembred, the dislike had of ther manner of gouernment, ther dealing with the Quenes officers, and of ould how vnkyndlie my lo. Willoughbie had bean hearto fore vsed by them, as his Apologie can witnes: and of late what complaynts our merchant adventurors (in ther books) had mayd for ther ill vsage at Mos­ko, and the east Indies by them: what con­tempt they showed, when the devvtie of Size Herrings was demanded in his Ma­iesties right, for fishing on the coast of Scotland, (in presuming to imprison the demander.) and manie such like matters. yet why should these mooue me when the state vvas not mooued (And vvhen I saye the state, I mean not the people, but the king, (to whome Holland is and was most bovvnd, for 2. high and bynding fauores, [Page 124] wihch require a reciprocall obligation and thankfullnes on ther part: and such as ought to bread in them good blood and ambites and respectfull toungs. first in restoring vnto them the keyes that ded open and lock ther provinc; (not for anie remunera­tion. but restitution of a part of his devv.) As also for the free permission of ther fis­hings vpon the Englih coast: whearin they haue yearlie employed, aboue 30. thow­sand persons, set to work by it, and aboue 4000. Busses, Doggerbotes, galliots, and pinks, to ther admirable benefit. which is onelie a permission of grace, and no priui­ledg, by law, (for Grotius may withowt contradiction prooue mare liberum, as the kings high waye is for euerie mans walk. But he can not prooue, that fishings vpon an other Princes coast be permitted to thē.) this is a digression (to a good end.) And therfor I will return to the matter.

THE V. TITLE. OF THE TROWBLES IN BOHEMIA AND THE PALATINATE.

BOhemia Onelie now resteth, as a stage The trovv­bles and se­dition in to present the last Scene of all forren [Page 225] tragedies, and tumults for religion. and I Bohemia for reli­gion. will taik the Palatinate in my vvaye. An vnfortunate prouince of late, (vvhich in a hundred yeares, haith chainged religion, fiue tymes: and never leatned in all that ty­me, the rules of obedienc.) Wheareof I nead not maruel, when I think of Parreus, Cracerus, and the schools of the new disci­pline.

Parreus in his Comment. vpon the 13. Romans. teacheth, that subditi possunt suos Reges deponere, quando degenerant in tyrannos, aut suos subditos cogunt ad Idololatriam: Scil. Subiects may depriue ther Princes, when they degenerate from a royal gouernemēt and become tyrants; of yf they compel ther subiects, to Idolatrize. (And his mea­ning is: yf they establish the Mass, and the sacrifice of the Church, or anie other reli­gion, then Caluinism:) then eiect, excom­municate, and cast them owt of all autho­ritie. so terrible a sentenc he giueth, both against the Emperor, France, Italie and Spayn. But stay, this is but his first peale, vvhich he ded ring as the Toxsan, the Ala­rum bell to Bohemia: but he addeth, an other article, as a iust cawse of depriuation, Quando pretextu religionis, quaerunt propria commoda, when vnder pretenc of religion, they seak to maik ther own profit.

[Page 226] Which had bean a lectur not verrie plau­sible to king Henrie the 8. nor in Crom­wel, or the protectors eares. and surelie, yf a man should ask whether Murrie and Murton in Scotland, vvhether Oreng and Horn in the Netherlands; vvhether the Admirall and the Princ of Conde in Fran­ce; whether the Protector and the Duke of Northumberland in England, had anie po­litique respects, anie odd ends of ambition and auarice; other then religion: yow will fynd them guiltie, and subiect to this cen­sure. An other cawse he assigneth for depo­sition of Princes, quando grauant conscientias subditorum.

And after ward, in an other place, to show his constancie in that opinion, and to expownd his own meaning, saith he sub­diti, aduersus superiorem magistratum, se & ve­ram religionem, possunt etiam armis iure defen­dere: si aliter in conscientijs incolumes esse ne­queunt, with which I think ther is no Coun­sellor, or vvise man, but vvould be iustlie angrie, yf it should be thus translated. the Catholik subiects in England, Scotland, Denmark, or the Palatinate, may with ar­mes, by law defend them selfs against ther superiors for defenc of ther religion, yf they can not other wise quietlie enioy the free­dome of ther conscienc.

[Page 227] For it is not enough and a sufficient re­plie, to say ther religion is irreligious; by­cause that is the question.

And in his commentaries in Iudices. Ma­gistratus minor potest occidere maiorem, (and expresseth his meaning in that Case) quod tyranni domestici, magis sunt reprimends. As yf a man should saye baylifs, sherifs and Constables, (for religion) may kill kings and counsellors; bycause tyrants vvith in our doores, ar most to be feared and cut of, (vpon the former conditions before alled­ged.)

But was Parreus the onelie protector of these paradoxes, and the onelie Doctor that poysoned the Palatinate vvith this infe­ctious doctrine? no in dead. Gracerus his pewfellow taught, that coercenda gladio est Antichristi malitia. and in cap. 13. of the Apocal. Benedictus Aretius, laboureth to stirr vp the people, to hate the name and authoritie both of the empyre and Empe­ror, with this lecture. Draconem (ait) dedisse imperio potestatem suam. the deuel errected, and authorised the Empyre. why? In Impe­rio habitare plenitudinem diabolismi. for in the Empyre, dwelleth the fullnes of the Deuels Impietie. But these opinions I nead not to condemn, and aggrauate the dainger the­reof; yf it be trevv, that I haue hard? that [Page 229] in Powles Churchyard, the fyre confuted them, and that worthilie.

And yet be not so gross, as to imagin that onely Parreus, Gracer, and Aretius taught this doctrine: for it is the practise of ther churche. Doe not look so stearnlie, vpon me for saying so: bycause I will iusti­fie it with euident proof. Ther own neigh­bors, and ther elder brothers; they haue vsed with this vnciuil and turbulent inhu­manitie. ask Giesekenius (a man of lear­ning, and accoumpt emong the Luthe­rans.) how they behaued them selfs at Em­den (a Lutheran state.) he showeth first ther act, 1. Emdenses illustrem Dominum suum mota seditione, fere tota ditione pepulissent. The subiects of Emden had almost driuen ther Lord owt of his dominions. 2. Then ther force and violēc, Pactietiam sunt, ne illustrissi­mus Comes, habeat potestatē, vllius religionis nisi Caluinisticae exercitium, subditis suis, concedere Emdae. They articled with hym, that his ex­cellecie should not haue powre to grant to his subiects at Emden, the exercise of anie religion but Caluinisme. 3. Lastlie ther gra­ce They hate and perse­quute the Lutherans. and kyndnes to ther soouerain. Et tamen liceat ei in aula habere concionatorem, qui sit Au­gustanae cenfessionis. They will notwith-stan­ding tolerate, that he shall be suffred, to ha­ue a preacherin his court of the confession [Page 229] of Auspurgh. A great fauor. subiects will tolerate ther Princes religion; and frame it for them selfs after ther own cutt: they will direct ther gouernor, and he must obey.

Some curious man, will suppose this was a tumult; and that the church of the Pala­tinate, ded not warrant anie such procea­ding against Lutherans ther brethren. then mark, and consider this. Anno 1602. ther wear 20. poynts, established in the church of the Palatinate. And the first ar­ticl was totus Lutheranismus, & omnes libri eorume [...]edio tollentur. They decreed, that all Lutheranism, and ther books and wri­tings should be prohibited, and abolished. and in the same Synod diuers opinions of the Lutherans, ar recited and condemned, as yow may see by Schulting, in Hierarchi­ca Anacrisi. libro 15. pag. 98. whearof certan­lie ther is great reason: for ther is an im­possibilitie, that Lutherans and the mi­nisters of the Palatinate should quietlie liue tother, in one Ecclesiasticall govern­ment; they ar incompatible, in respect of ther discipline, ther consistories, ther elders (to say nothing of ther doctrine.)

For these ar the barr that hold owt all ciuil societie, and concurrenc betvvean them: these ar the cawse, why they eiected the Lutherans ovvt of the Palatinate; ovvt [Page 230] of Brandenburgh; and owt of Emden. the­se ar the cawse, why the Lutherans wiselie prouide that they shall haue no footing in Saxonie, Hamburgh, and the Hans townes. And these vvear the cavvs, why that great Synode of Torgaw, (convented by the meanes and procurement of the protestant Princes, ded testifie, that Caluiniani, Christia­nas Ecclefias omnes, academias, regna, turbaue­runt ac vastauerunt. And yet neither ar Cal­uinists, comprehended vnder the peace and protection of the Empyre: and the religions vried is no vvaye permitted to them. As appeareth by the edict of Char­les the 5. de compositione pacis cum protestanti­bus anno 1532. not in his sentenc de confessione Sueuica 1530. nor in the interim 1548. nor in the constitution, de pace publica. And touching the acts mayd by the Emperor Ferdinand, at Passau 1552. the verrie words exclude them from all benefit of the pacifi­cation, as a thing not intended vnto them, viz. Intereatemporis, nec nos, Electores, Prin­cipes, &c. quempiam ex Augustanae confessionis statibus, propter religionem vicogere, bello &c. volumus: sedsuae religioni fideique, quietè stare, cadereque sinentes. And he declareth and ex­planeth hym self, 1555. at Auspurgh. Pro­pter Augustanae religionem confessionis, nullam violentiam Ecclesiastici inferant, sed liberum [Page 231] eius exercitium permittant, vsque ad controuer­sae religionis compositionem. I may hear fitlie alledg, the conclusion and agreement of the states of the confession of Auspurg, the thre Electors, and the rest of the Prin­ces, and Citties. Postquam Deo it a permit­tente, praeter nostram Christianam religionem & confessionem, haereses sacramentariorum Anabaptistarum, Osiandrinorum, &c. irrepse­runt: (quae omnes à pace religionis exclusae sunt,) volumus vt contra illas, in communi mandata edantur, vt eiusinodi haereses eradicentur, and this was enacted 1557. so it is most playne, that Caluinism is ther iudged an heresie (by the protestant Princes them selfs, and banished the Empyre.) and anno 1566. Caesar, and the Princes in the Dyet, decre­to publico, scripserunt ad Fredericum Palatinum, vt errorem Caluini deserat: nec in templis & scholis doceri permitteret. and this decree was intimated to Frederic the Elector, in the presenc of the Bushopd of Ments, Trier, and Coolen: and of Augustus Duke of Sa­xonie, and the Embassadors of Ioachim of Brandenburgh. but the execution was dif­fered till his death (perhaps to saue his ho­nor.) yet his sonn Lewes obeyed it.

And the same year, in ther replie to the Emperor; the same Princes, ordered, per­mittere se nolle, vt vlla secta, cuiuscun (que) nominis, [Page 232] in Ecclesiis illorum, ipsorum voluntate locum in­ueniat, quodque eodem modo, & non minus de Svvingliana & Caluiniana opinione sentiant. and long before 1555. in recessu Imperij, the same was decreed. So yow may wel infer, that Caluinism before was not tollerable in Germanie: and much less now when the Bohemians, haue mayd it intollerable. And worthilie, they ar quite exempted from the protection and benefit of the lawes, liber­ties, and peace of the empyre; who ar so factious and busie in the Empyre, both to extirpate the Lutherans, and to suppress the Catholicks, (by popular furie and such seditious Aphorisms as Parraeus and the pu­ritans of the Palatinate hold.)

These wear the fyrebrands of Bohemia, that haue seduced the people; set Princes at Variance; and the kingdome in Com­bustion.

Shall I nead to report the case aright? no for the originall, of this warr in Bohe­mia, and the progresse; the stories of Mer­curie François, Mercurius Gallobelgicus, and diuers others relate, so as I forbeare to touch it, (and my hart greaueth and gro­neth, for the fatall misfortune of some, that had interest in it.) The long, manie and secret plats and practises wear discoue­red after the batle of Prage, by intercepting [Page 233] the papers rolls and records thereof. First by secreta principis Anhaltini, Cancellaria, printed 1621. which certanlie was no in­uention and fiction, (as the Satirical Ca­tholicon in France against the leaguers was:) but a serious admonition, dull, play­ne, and withowt affectation: and as a trea­tise rather to deliuer the truthe, then to show art. And thereof Lundorpius (an historiographer of Frankfort, by his book called acta publica) is a good confirmation, who setteth, down the letters and records, of the whole proceading for a tyme. and Cogmandolo, in an other litl treatise, cal­led secreta secretorum; is a fortification of the truthe and credit of that Chancerie, and taketh away all iealousie and suspicion of deuise. Vpon this rock then, will I build my relation.

This great vnion, ded beginn 1608. and The begin­ning of the vnion. the Cheafs thereof wear, the Count Pa­lat. Christian Prince of Anhalt, and the Marques of Onoltzbach. Count Mans­feld, was a principal agent, (who 1618. sent 2000. men to ayd the Bohemians, against the Emperor, in contempt of his procla­mations and letters.)

Afterward they admitted Ioachim Mar­quis Ther assis­tants. of Brandenburgh, (as Vicarius and Liuetennant of the generall:) and they [Page 234] drew in, the Marques of Baden, the Du­ke of Wittenburgh, the Landgraue of Hess, Duc Du-Ponts: Strasburh, No­rimbergh, and other citties. all which ded contribute so largelie to these vvarres, (that the Emperor never had the like con­tribution granted against the Turck.) the particular taxes, yealded by each of them, Cogmandolo setteth dovvn, (vvhich à mounted from 1608. to 1619. for so secret­lie and so long was it concealed, to the some of 4176917. flor.) This concurrenc of so great princes, showed a mightie for­ce: which was much encreased, by the ne­gotiation of Mansfeld, and Nomarus in Italie (scil. Baltas. Newwen cheafe secre­tarie of Onoltzbach:) and of Volrad Ples­sen with the Hollanders, Bohemians, the Duke of Bullion, Bethlem Gabor, and the rebells of Hongrie. (for they conceaued no hope that the king of England, would enter into ther confederation: for such weightie, and solide reason, as he alled­ged.) besides, they hoped of the Grisons assistanc: they gaue owt, that the Hans­townes ded fauor the vnion: and they ded earnestlie sollicite the Venetians, to en­ter into the league (who euer wear desy­rous to keap in aequall ballanc the princes of Europe, as fauourers of Ostracismus, and [Page 235] iealious of the too potent supereminencie, of anie particuler prince.

Hear I am to open an other gate, and to The pre­tences and reasons for the vnion. show yow the scope and end of this vnion: and whether they stood vpon the tearms of a pure defence, or to offend also: whether onelie to resiste, or to offer violenc also and hostilitie: and whether for religion onelie, or for matters of state and religion (for it can not seam probable, that d'Anhalt would again taik armes for conscienc, having bean for it in France, so well beaten both owt of his honor and fortune: and speciallie Mansfeald, who desperatelie and like a Cheualier errant, braueth the world with his running camp.)

The end, they showed openlie to ayme most at, was the defenc of ther priuiledges, and the protection of ther religion. but this was not the full drift, for they meant to offend the Catholiques. and that doth well appeare pag. 121. of the Cancellaria: whear Achatius a Donau writes to Anhalt 15. 1 Nou. 1619. That the intention of Bethlem and the correspondents is, pied à pied, to extirpate the Antichristian Papaltie,

And tho the vnion yt self (fownded vpon 21. articles,) was sayd to be vndertaken, as a bukler against the plats and proiects of the Catholiques; yet articulo 8. they con­fess, [Page 236] that ther intention was, to expell pa­pisme; to preseru them selfs from the yoke and seruitude of Spayne: and to preuent all forrein governement. And Bethlem Ga­bor in his letter to the Turk saith plainlie, that he must now labor, vt rasa pontificiorum cohorse medio tollatur. So then, this is assu­red, that yf they can preuayle; all Catho­licks know ther doome, ther suppression, and oppression.

But this is not all; though it be euer one. for pag. 43. Ecclesiasticorum inuasio, is set 2 Down for a cawse. and therfor pag. 67. we must say they, earnestlie labor and spare no cost, to possess our selfs of Augusta Treuiro­rum, (Trier.) for so they should be com­manders of a Prince Electors contrie, and triumph over the cleargie.

Neither yet was this all: for ambition, 3 shooting at the highest and fayrest mar­kes, took order for her maintenanc pag. 131. vt aduersae part is Prouinciae inuadantur, to inuade ther contries, that should taik ar­mes against them.

But ther noblest proiect, was: to inuest them selfs in Bohemia and Hungaria. Two crownes wear goodlie booties, and temp­tations fitt for high spirits. and why ded they first, and so earnestlie, affect Bohemia? The reason is giuen pag. 25. for therby, in [Page 237] Collegio electorum, compos erit votorum duo­rum, he should haue two voyces; and he was sure of the consent and concurrenc of Brandenburghs suffrage.

And ther for the Count Palatin in his letter, to the Elector of Saxonie, saithe. The cawse why he ded taik vpon hym the Administration of Bohemia, was this that, 1^o therby this kindome might not be lon­ger restrayned and detayned from the vse and exercise of ther religion; and 2^o that they might enioye ther priuiledges, and not be mayd hereditarie: or fall into the hands of Spayne, to the preiudice of the Electors. and 3^o that hearafter the ele­ction of king of the Romans might be in the povver and Choyce of the Protestant Princes, by the pluralitie of voyces. (So he thought, they should not be forced to hould the stirrop; while the Popes wear mounted, and Papists ded gouern all in the Empyre.) And peraduenture for that end purposed, yf they could: to hinder that Fer­dinād, might not be chosen king of the Ro­mans. For so Anhalt ded vvrite to Donau, in May 1619. that it wear better, the Turk or the Deuel should be chosen and prefer­red to vvear that crown, then Ferdinand. and B. Gabor by his letters certified the Turk, that the Pal. and Brandenburgh [Page 238] vvear resolued no longer to endure Ferdi­nand: and that all these Prouinces, vvho vveare in the league, Sultano, & tot [...]ationi Mahumeticae corde & animaomnia officia f [...]de­lissime prastabunt: and that Ferdinand shor­tlie should be expelled Germanie to seak his succor in Spayne. Is not this a holie league? Be not the ends charitable, and the media most Christian?

But the truthe is, Ambition vvas Hon­grie: 4 they consulted who should haue the beares skinn, before the beare vvas taken: they conspired to share emong them the spoyle of the Cleargie of Germanie, and to maik a praye of the hovvse of Austria. For by the rolls of ther Chancerie it appea­reth, that they intended to aduance the Pa­latine, to Bahemia, Alsatia, and a part of Austria: and to enlarg his dominion, by the Bushoprick of Spyrts, and a part of Mentz. Bethlem Gabor, should be assisted to keap Hongrie, the vvhich (he hauing no issew) might also happilie fall to the lott of the Palatine (Too manic crownes so purcha­sed, to expect anie in heauen.)

Onoltzbach gaped for two fatt benefices, the Bushopricks of Wirtzburgh, and Bam­bergh, (his next neighbers) and therfor it vvas agreed that there should be the Ren­deuous of the armie.

[Page 239] The Marques of Baden, thirsted after Brissack; and to be inabled, to continue his vniust possession of the vpper Marchiona­te; and to owt face the Count Eberstein (who had endured much wroug at his hands.) Wirtzburg was a mote in the eye of Brandenburgh, it laye near and fitt for hym: and therfor his dessein vvas to haue a share in it.

Anhalt, hoped to supplie his wants, by a part of the spoyle, both of Ments, and Bambergh; and by some lands and lord ships, which wear like to escheat in Bohe­mia.

And yf the Venetians would ioyn in this Association, they might with so good assis­tāce easilie maik them selfs Lords of Istria, and friuli. and by this meanes, Oceanum, cum Adriatico, sayd they, posse coniungi. A great conquest surelie: and it showed a de­uowring stomach, that could swallow so great morsells, and sowell digest and dispose them, before they had them.

It resteth novv to demurr vpon these poynts; and to examin, what Apologie, and what arguments can they alledg strong enough, to defend a proiect, and a conspi­racie, so pernicious to the whole state of Christendome, and so directlie against the law of natiōs, and the peace of the Empyre.

[Page 240] All the pulpits in England, and the chur­ches [...] Reason. (called reformed) ded generallie and lowdelie sownd an Alarum, against treason and rebellion of the league and leaguers of France: and yet that ded not extend it self, beyōd the Alpes or the Maze, as this dothe.

And yt was at first vndertaken quietlie, withowt anie sedition or insurrections in the state. And vvas for defenc onelie of ther ancient religion, (withowt anie tem­porall respects:) and confirmed with the kings oath and allowance: and afterward it was continned in reueng of Murder, and actions of tyrannie.

Now consider what was ther scope? Monsieur de Villeroy, in the relation of his seruices maiks it euident. they ded not seak the extirpation of the king of Nauarr, but his reformation: and yf they might be assured of his religion, he should be assured of ther obedienc.

But this vnion runneth a wilder race. It is not onelie a new religion, but the lands of the old religion they gape after: and the affection they haue to the latter, maiks them more greadie, to suppresse the for­mer. And yet all must be sayd to be doore for religion, though it be doone most ir­religiouslie, hauing neither, the order, nor the media, nor the end religious. hovv [Page 241] could it then succead add prosper well, that begonn so ill and hovv could it beginn worse, them to march vnder too such stan­dards, as ambition and auarice.

And therfor most wise he, ded that excel­lent 2. Ratio. Duke of Saxonie, as a frend of peace, adui [...]e the Count Palatin to renounce Bo­hemia, and seak for pardon: bycause this warr ded open the gates of the Empyre, to let in the Turk, which of it self was a suffi­cient cawse to condemn ther vnion. for yf ther quarrel had bean good; yet the effects yt ded work, wear bad.

Moreouer, plessen confesseth in his let­ters 3. Ratio. to Anhalt, that which is most trew, the actions of Holland, and Bohemia, eo­dem fundamento niti: so Holland is the pat­tern. Bohemia the imitation: suits of one cut: lessons of one schoole. And seing that of Hollond is sufficientlie disprooued, all readie, I nead not vse anie new argu­ment to refell this, but referr yow to the precedent discourse. for they took armes against a king lawfullie elected, solemnelie crowned, and by consent of the states esta­blished in possession, vvhat could be more orderlie▪ and so hortlie after, to depose hym; and vpon so weak surmises, to show so much leuitie: neads better arguments then yet y could ever heare.

[Page 242] And it was mayd the more odious, by nominating the Duke of Saxonie, as a competitor and a stale; to maik hym sus­pected to the Emperor, as reum affectati imperij: knowing that he had refused ther offer, when they employed Count Slick to perswade, that he would imbark hym selfs, in the busienes, and accept the crown of Bohemia, which in dead they never inten­ded to a Lutheran prince.

An other reason, doth much exaggerate 4. Reason. the offenc. By ther president, Austria vvas corrupted (see hovv stronglie examples vvork vvith a multitud. The people, (sai­the the Register of the Chancerie) by the correspondenc of the Turk and Gabor, took coorage; and told Ferdinand, that yf he would not grant them toleration of re­ligion, and freedome of conscienc: they vvould ioyne vvith the Bohemians and Hungarians, and renounc ther obedienc to hym. And they vvear maisters of ther words: for in August 1620. the lower Aus­tria, abandoned ther Lord (the ancient in­heritor of that noble patrimonie,) quitted ther obedienc, and accepted a new pro­tector in his stead. I am sure the subiects of England would condemn the Catholicks, (and so they might iustlie) yf they should stād vpon the like tearmes, and ther anciēt [Page 243] tisle; and in defenc of that, seak to expell ther soouerain, and invest a strainger in the government, to serue ther turn. And sure­lie ther cases, ar matches: yf the one might by law, the other maye: and yf yow, con­demn the one, yow must vnpartiallie con­demn the other.

But nothing maiks this action more of­fensiue, 5. Reason. more scandalous, and more infa­mous, then that Anhalt and Onoltzback, (in sc [...]s electoribus,) ded confederate them selfs vvith straingers: and dispose of the suc­cession of the Empyre, vvithovvt the war­rant of the Empyre. and this fawlt is dovv­bled, by combining vvith Bethlem Gabor; Christians, vvith the Turks vassal, a repro­bate, a monster.

This is that B. Gabor, vvho to hold hym self in the Turks grace, deliuered vn­to hym, the town and fort of Lipp, and the townes of Solimos Tornadg, Margat, and Arad (vvel fortified) in Hungaria.

This is he, vvho treated vvith the Hun­gars, 1607. to deliuer vp Vaccia (a town Episcopall) into the Turks hands; to the great preiudice of religion, and oppression of Christians. This is he, that svvore allea­gianc to Gabriel Batthori his soouerain Lord, and Princ of Transil [...]ania, and af­terward trayterouslie murdered hym and [Page 244] vsurped his state. This is he who mayd a league vvith the Emperor Matthias 1615. not to attempt anie thing against the liber­ties and peace of Hongrie: and afterward practised with the rebells of that state, in­vaded the kingdome, took vpon hym the crown 1620. led Andrew Dockzy the kings Liuetennant (catched in his nett by frawd) prisonner into Transiluania, and banished all the state Ecclesiasticall (that he might fead his soldiers vvith the spoyles of the church.)

And this is he, who hauing entered Po­son, prophaned the Cathedral church of S. Martin, placed there his nevv Chaplains, and aftervvard vvith his own hand certi­fied the Turk; that at last he had vnderta­ken that worthie exployt, to the vvhich the Turk had oft incooraged hym: and that most of the nobles of Hongarie, wear his, and had submitted them selfs to hym: and that now he was determined for the clear­gie, seing they gloried to shaue ther crow­nes, he would glorie to cutt of ther heads. whearupon in Iun afther: the Turk mayd peace vvith Tartaria, and promised to assist Gabor, at his nead vvith 40. thovvsand Tartars.

What tare vertues can be expected, from such a man, whose anatomie yf it vvear to [Page 245] be mayd, vvould shovv such a leaprousie such a corruption of blood, and so loath some a bodie; as Europe haith not oft kno­wen. I nead no other reason against this league, but to subscribe his name, (as a principall in the cōtract) whome the world must neads iudg vnlike to be a fitt instru­ment to aduanc the Crosse of Christ, and to reforme religion.

Yet this vvas the man vpon vvhose head the vnion ded agree to set the crovvn of Hongarie; and to carrie the practise vvith more secrecie, they intertaind his nearest kinsman at Heydelbergh; vnder the govvn of a scholler, to hyde all ther intelligences, and conduct ther busienes.

Novv, doe I vvish, that a partiall reader, 6. Reason. would look vpon Germanie, and see the picture of Troye on fyre; see the image and horror of vvarr: and hovv vvell it vvould please them to see the face of Lon­don, and Midlsex so disfigured with wounds and desolation. And that puritan, vvho novv is most forvvard to blovv the coals of discord and sedition, and inflame a state vvith furie and quicksiluer: may quake and trembl vvhen he shall consider in vvhat devastation, all that contrie of the Empyrelyeth mourning and groning.

The Prouinces abovvt the Rhine ar [Page 246] waisted, disturbed, and empouerished by the soldiers on both sydes (specially vvorms) tillage [...]s suspended, traffick is de­cayed, trades ar ceased, taxes ar imposed, new fortifications charge the contrie, men ar not maisters of ther own goods, and aboue 100. thowsand men ar accōppted to be slayne▪ thes ar the fruits of ciuil warres; which ar bitter and lovre to them that taist them, (as I pray g [...]d England may neuer.)

And there ar the fruit of Caluinisme: which (though it was directlie prohibited by the lavv, and tolerated onelie by the mercie of the state;) seaketh novv, to sup­presse both the Emperor and the states, withowt anie toleration of there religions, an vncharitable requital: ans vvithovvt the feal of anie religion. for your iustifi [...]ng sole faith can never iustlie (vvithovvt yt bring charitie in her bosome:) and the trew marks of Charitie being patienc, humilitie, and zeal conioyned stronglie in a link: your litl patienc, and humilitie, convinc your zeal to be counterfeit, and your faith to be fruitles. for charitie would not direct yow, to inuade the Duke of Bauier his ter­ritories, yf he refused to stand Neuther: charitie ded not counsel Anhalt, in his let­ters to Donau 1619. to haue an auaricious eye, to surprise a cittie, which would be [Page 247] vvorth vnto them 32. millions. Charitie doth not vse to direct Christians to sollicit the Turks assistance (as pag. 80. Cancella­riae:) nor to set down such plots, as they intended p. 42. and 32. and 66.

Now touching the lawes of the Empy­re, 7 Reasons. I referr yow to that I haue deliuered be­fore, against the commotions of the Lu­therans: which ther is iustlie condemned Onely I will add this, touching Bohemia, Carolus 4. in act. de confirmatione regis Bo­hemo [...]um, setteth dovvn this clause, as an essential part, of that kings authoritie and approbation. Ʋolentes, vt quicunquè in regem Bohemorum electus fuerit, ad nos & successores nostros, Romanorum reges & Imperatores acce­dat, sua à nobis debito modo & solito, regalia accepturus, non obstantibus iuribus, & legibus municipalibus quibuscunque, &c. And in the Aurea bulla. cap. 4. Curia Nurenberg. act 7. Iubemus & volumus, vt omnes Principes, Electo­res, &c. & art. 8. Si quis autem Princeps Ele­ctor, aliusue feudum à sacro tenens impeno, supra & infra scriptas Imperiales constitutiones adim­plerenoluerit, aut eis contrare presumpserit: ex tunc caeteri Coelectores, à suo ipsum deinceps ex­cludāt consortio, ipseque voce Electoris, dignitate careat, & iure. Wherby it is mayd mani­fest, what the law requireth to be doone? and what order and manner it prescribeth [Page 248] for the doeing thereof: and what paenaltie and forfeitur is sett doone against offen­dors and transgressors of that lawe. And good reason. for take away or neglect Iu­stice; pretend what yow will, your great glorious attempts, your inuasions, your in­trusions, be but magna latrocinia, and vio­lent oppressions. as appeared vvell, by the supplication of Leopold king of the Ro­mans, to his father Otho I. who bycause he had broken the peace of the Empyre, and called forreiners (and yet not Turks) to his assistanc. saith he, membrum Imperij appellari non debeo, quigentes ext [...]rnas & barba­ras in mediam Germaniam immisi sorrowing for his fault, and acknowledging his error.

But these Minyeons of Geneua, bring 8. Reason. Religion to plead for the defenc of ther vnion: and that they endeauored onelie to punish Ochosias, for consulting vvith the Idol of Accharon, and to root ovvt supersti­tion. Hear in dead is the voyce of Iacob, but the roughnes of Esau: vvords of pietie, but action of Babel. can yovv shovv as good a vvarrant as Elias ded? ded God call yovv, ded God authoritie yovv, to depriue your Princes? per me Reges regnant, vvas Gods proposition: and S. Peter 1. Epist. c. 2. v. 13. be subiect to euerie humane creature for God, vvhether to a king as excelling, or to ru­lers. [Page 249] His counsell and yours varie much for he willed them to fear God, and honor the king: but yow direct your auditors to de­grade and depose the king. S. Paul Rom. 13. v. 1. Let euerie sowl be subiect to hig­her powers, for ther is no power but of God: and he who resisteth that povver, resisteth Gods ordinanc, and purchaseth damnation. and v. 5 not of necessitie, but for conscienc sake. But this matter, neads no disputation: grace and pietie can best decyde it.

TITVLVS SEXTVS.

AT last by a long trauel, we ar retour­ned Touching, Q. Marie, and the practises against her. home to England, vvheare no such paradoxes, ar novv holden by the Cleargie, and prelates. and it is no maruel. for now, they haue the wynd with them, and liue in a calme: so as ther patienc and obedienc (of late dayes) neuer cam to probation: and no tryal could be mayd of ther spirits, having no crosses, nor other combate, then with sinn and Martin Mar­prelate: and in so great peace and prosperi­tie, he wear not compos mentis; that vvould not preache against disloyaltie, and tumults.

[Page 250] But yf yow look back to the tymes past, and call to mynd, what spirit raigned in them, during anie storme, or tempests: yow will fynd them much differing from them selfs, and that they wear not allwaies so peacable and regular, (as now they ar,) since they appeared first in the world, as Antagonists to the church of Roome, and with that singularitie, and title of Refor­mers.

For yf maister Fox ded trewlie register his martyrs, and yf the Wiclefists and Wal­denses wear rightlie inserted in Catalogo te­stium veritatis; then may yow fynd cawse enough to dovvbt of ther humors, and quiet disposition. and yf yow ask my rea­son. Bycaus they ded hold (as the knoxians yet doe in Scotland.) That the people might correct Princes, yf they offend: contrarie to all the Theoremes of Catholicks schooles. And therfor Philip Melancton, in his comment vpon Aristotels politicks, saith, Miras tra­gedias, excitauit Wiclefus, qui contendit eos, qui non habent Spiritum sanctum, amittere do­minium.

And in his book, de iure magistratus, Insa­nijt VViclefus, qui sensit impios, nullum domi­nium habere. As yf Princes, should forfeit ther crownes; yf they lost grace, and Gods fauor.

[Page 251] And Osiander witnesseth the same, Cen­turia 9. And yet maister Fox, calleth hym, stellam matutinam in me lio nebulae, & lunam plenam in die us illis. A morning starr, in the midst of a fogg, and yet the full moone, of that tyme.

How plausible he was, in those dayes, no man will maik a Quere, that can Re­member, how Syr Iohn Oldcastel (Lord Cobham) and Syr Roger Acton, (wiclefs disciples) leuied 25. thowsand men, inten­ding to destroye the monasteries of west­minster, Powles, and sainct Albons, and all the howses of friars in London; whearof that actiue king Henrie the fifth, being ad­uertised in good tyme, (by the confession of some of ther partakers:) with great dili­gence he preuented them at S. Gyles fealds (appointed to be ther Rendeuous:) and in­countring those straglers, who weare there attending the generals comming: appre­hended, condemned, and executed 37. of the principalls, for exampl and terror to the rest. And he aftherward hunted ovvt and fownd Oldcastel, and Acton, and put them to death, being attainted of Treason, and Haeresie, as by the records appeareth.

All vvhich maister Fox laboureth to extenuate and falsifie, and disprooueth them as calumniations and slaunders. but [Page 252] with no success; as yow may learn by Iohn Stow pag. 550. and by Doctor Hapsfealds Ecclesiasticall storie, latelie published by a worthie man of our nation.

For it is euident that 1. Henry 5. the Wi­clefists sett schedulles, on powles Church door, publishing that ther vvas a hundred thowsand men, readie to ryse against such as wear ennemies to ther sect. And in a sy­nod holden at London, for diuers poynts of doctrine touching the Sacraments, Old­castle was committed to the towre, (from whence he broke owt.) and afterward one Bennet was executed, partlie for harbou­ring Oldcastle, partlie for seditious libells against the king: whearupon, (as also for some practises at kenelworth against the king) Oldcastl was endited in the Parlie­ment, before the Duke of Bedford, (as an enemie to the stathe.) he answered them with contempt, accompting it as a trifle to be iudged by them, (belike bycause they wear sinners: and bycause (he sayd) he had no iudg emong them, so long as king Ri­chard liued.

And at his deathe, he spake like a man frantick to Syr Thomas Erpingham; that yf he sawe hym rise the third daye, he wold procure quietnes, and fauor to those of his sect.

[Page 253] And surelie yf yovv look into VViclefs ovvn lyfe tyme; yovv shall fynd it no mar­uel, yf his doctrine ded so far seduce Old­cast: hauing procured therby, so great patrons and frends in the court, at his first rising: and such applause in the vni­uersitie of Oxford (the place best able to iudg of his learning, and illumination.)

Iohn of Gand, Duke of Lancaster, ded much fauor: and patronize, this martyr Wi­clef: in so much, that he being summo­ned, to appeare before the Bushop of Lon­don: the Duke ded hym so much greace, to go with hym thither for his better protec­tion, assisted with Syr Henrie Petcie (the Marshall of England.) to discountenanc the Bushop, to encoorage Wiclef, and to animate and encrease his fectaries and fol­loaeers in ther course.

And it was worthie the noting, that Re­ligion was euen then vsed, as a fayre veste­ment, to couer manie fowle practises. for the Duke and Wiclef had seueral ends. the Duke graced hym, bycause he was so gene­rallie plausible: the better to ouerthrovv both the liberties of the Church, and the Charters of London: bot which laye as blocks in his waye, to hinder the course of his aspiring desseins.

And this appeared playnelie, by Ihon [Page 254] Lattimor (an Irish friar) who accused the Duke of manie practises, speciallie of his intention to vsurp the crown. (which mayd hym so popular.) But Latimor being com­mitted by the Dukes meanes to the custo­die of Syr Iohn Holland, in the night be­fore he should come to his ansvver: the poor man, vvas strangled by Holland and Grean.

But to come nearer, to the present age. In Quene Maries tyme, examin how obe­dient these Reformers wear, to that ma­gnanimous Quene, and the Crown. and it is worthie to be noted: that in fiue yeares, (the too short tyme of her raigne:) she had defacto, more open and violent oppo­sition and rebellion by her own sudiects; then Quene Elizabeth had in 45. yeares. (for the treasons of Preasts, and religious men; weare but skar crowes in dead; fic­tions, mayd faults by law: deuised by polli­cie, and mayd offences, rather then being so of them selfs. (How playne was her go­uernement, and how farr from triks? a litl seuear (to which [...]he was oft forced:▪ for thoughe she was a great Iusticer; yet with­all how merciefull she was, appeared mani­festlie by her gracious compassion to the Dutches of Sommerset, to Syr Iohn Cheak, to Syr Edward Mountagevv (the [Page 255] cheaf Iustice,) to Syr Roger Cholmlie, to the Marques of Northampton, Syr Henrie Dudlie, Syr Henrie gates, the Lord Ro­bert Dudlie, (who stood attainted) and to the Duke of Suffolk: whome all she knew, and had before fownd to be enemies of her religion, and no frends to her title, and yet she released them all ovvt of the tovvre, whear they weare prisonners.)

Notwithstanding all this: the Prote­stants wear never quiet, nor suffred her to be quiet. Some ded libell against the regi­ment of voemen: some picked quarrels to her marriage: some published discour­ses and invectiues against her religion: and some conspired her depriuation, to ad­uance her successor (by vvhose aduance­ment euerie Caluinist expected a golden fleace.)

The grovvnd of all these seditious actions, vvas the religion they professed (then nor fullie six yeares old) a religion of more libertie, more pleasing to the gallants of a court; and voyd of these austerities and mortifications, which the ancient Ca­tholiques obserued with reuerence.

But emong manie others, that book of obedienc, prepared most the vulgar, to in­surrections and mutinies. for pag. 94. he affirmeth, that Quene Marie deserued to [Page 256] be put to Death, as a tyrant and monster. Ded euer anie Catholich write so? or ded the pen of anie seminarie man blot the pa­per with so barbarous a sentenc? Yet knox libro, appellat. ad nobilitatem & popul. Scot. ioyneth hands with a Goodman, and bac­keth his opinion. Illud (inquit) audacler af­firmauerim, debuisse nobiles, rectores, iudices, populumque Angl [...]anum non modo refistere & repuguare Mariae illi Iesabeli, quam vocant re­ginam suam, verum etiam de ea & Sacerdotibus eius supplicium sumere. and these, yet vvear not all. Procead Syr Thomas VVyat, is wor­thielie chronicled for his: rebellion: vvho marched as a Cyrus, ouer Shooters hill with his armie: threatning both court and cittie, Prince and people. Yet this holie Good­man, cap. 14 in his Obedienc, commends hym, and saith, he ded but his dewtie: and that it was the dewtie of all that professed the gospell, to haue risen with hym. and pag. 43. He affirmeth, that it is lawfull to resist the superior powers, and vrgeth all states to taik armes against her.

But whear ded Goodman and kno [...] suck this sweat doctrine? at Geneua, (the school of Monarchomachia whear Buchanan, ded learn the same, and all for one end. and mai­ster VVhitingham in his preface to that book; confesseth that it was approoued to [Page 257] be a good and godlie treatise, by the prin­cipal of that cittie, that is Caluin and Beza. And albeyt in Qurne Elizabeths tyme, Goodman is said to haue recalled that opi­nion: yet it was neuer publicklie recalled by hym, and disalowed: and besides it sho­weth in Quene Maries tyme, vnder the cross and affliction of what spirit, he end his faction weare of.

Yf yow dowbt, vpon what pretenc wyat ded rise, (bycause some maik quaestion the­reof:) surelie it was partlie for religion, partlie for bonum publicum, to hinder the Quenes marriage: (for both ioyntlie con­curred, as Stow and Hollinshead agree.) He that shall presume to defend, that it was not for religion; Quene Marie in her ora­tion at the Guildhall in London, doth re­fell hym: for she declared, that she had sent diuers of her counsell to wyat, to demand the pretences of his insurrection: and she sayd it appeared to her counsell, that it vvas a Spanish Cloke to Couer religion.

It is trew, that wyat vrged, to haue the Towr deliuered to hym: and to haue powr to nominate and choose new counsellors: and that he would not trust, but be trusted.

Wear these in different demands af a sub­ject? Or regalities fitt to be offred to his mercie? was this to preseru the Quene? [Page 258] Surelie Violenc, and the Svvord, be vnfitt keapers of a Prince person.

And touching Religion, Fox hym self saith. that for religion they cōspired emong them selfs, and mayd vvyat ther Cheafe: the reason was, that by forren marriage, the Quene vvould bring a seruitude vpon the realme, and establish popish religion ther in.

Vovv vpon these premisses, mark vvhat ensevved. VVilliam Thomas, conspired to kill the Quene: and at his execution, he gloried, that he dyed for the good of his contrie.

Doctor Pendlton preaching at Povvles Crosse, one discharged a peace against hym. and at the same place, an other daye: one threw a Dagger at maister Bourn (being in the pulpit:) wheare the lord Maier could skarselie appease the tumult: so as the lords of the counsell, the next sonday after, to­gether vvith the Garde, vvent thither to preuent, or to punish such disorders (yf anie should there happen againe.)

And at vvestminster, vpon an Easter daye, a desperare fellovv, wounded a preasts as he was saying Masse, in saint Margerets Church.

So great vvas the distemperature of the­se inflamed puritans; vvho complayne so [Page 259] much against the persecution of that tyme, and yet they prouoked it: and hauing no powre to command, yet had they no hu­militie to obeye: and when they might ha­ue liued quiet them selfs, yet vvould not suffer others to liue quiet, in whose autho­ritie it laye to disquiet them.

But I will mount to offences a degree higher. William Fetherston (a counterfet king Edward) was brought vpon the sta­ge, as a Parkin Warbeck, to disturb both the Quene and the state.

What strains of inuention and pollicie; wear these against a Prince, for her reli­gion? but hear they stay not. for One Cle­bar (sometymes a Paedante) remaining at yakeslie in Northfolk, vvas put to death, for a conspiracie against the Quene. Vdal, Stanton, Peckam, and Daniel, wear com­mitted both for conspiracie, and haeresie, and for attempting to robb her threasure, and the Exchecquor, (for which they had there dew punishment,) To let passe the treason of Dudlie and Ashton (who wear sett on, and stirred vp by the French:) Syr Peter and Gawin Carse, (great protestants) together with Syr Thomas Dennie, took armes in Deuonshyre, to hinder and em­peach the king of Spayne his arriual in En­gland: possessed them selfs or Excetor Castl: [Page 260] and afterward perceauing ther own weak­nes, and less assistance then they expected; they fled into France, (which was then the harbour for the malcōtents of his nation.)

Thomas Stafford, (comming vvell in­structed from Geneua) mayd proclama­tions publicklie in seueral places, that Que­ne Marie, was not lawfull Quene, and vn­worthie to be Quene. and so abuse the people, he gaue owt boldlie and falselie, that twelf of the strongest houlds in En­gland, and best fortified, wear committed to the custodie and command of the Spanyards, (to maik them the more odious; whome they hated onelie for ther religion and povver, and no other particuler quar­rel.) and therfor, he Bradford, Procter, and Streatchlie, took Skarborow castle (a fort then of some strenth, in yorkskyre, to hould against the Spanyards: and in recom­penc, of so great a seruice, they worthilie lost ther heads.

Henrie Duke of Suffolk, (to vvhome Quene Marie had once before giuen his lyfe, being father to Ladie Iane, a priuie counsellor to the treasons of Northumber­land, and her prisoner in the towre:) he flijng into Leicestershyre vvith the Lord Gray; in his iournie he likewise mayd proclamations against the Quenes marria­ge [Page 261] vvith Spayn (for that vvas then the grea­test obiect of the Protestants mallice:) and finding his disabilitie, to leuie a comman­ding armie, he fled, and lurked in corners; till the Earl of Huntingron, discouered his hole, apprehended and brought hym vp to the towre (his old lodging,) whear he mayd an vnfortunate end.

I might vrge the practises of Syr Nicho­las Throgmorton (a man of great witt and pollicie,) who was endited of high trea­son, and arraigned at Westminster, vvith Arnold, Warner, and Others. And though the case vvas playne, the Iurie acquited hym, but to ther constand trowble.

Albeyt he had cawse to thank God, that it vvas not in a tyme, vvhen the Aduocates vvear so skilfull to triumph at the barr vpon calamities, and vvilling rather that the prisonner should loose his head, then they vvould loose ther Oration, and the glorie of the daye. Thus vvas Quene Ma­rie tossed in a sea of trovvbles, tantae molis erat, Romanam Condere gentem.

But some haue obiected, that no Mini­sters, had a hand in these tumults: nor vvear the trompettors of sedition, at that tyme. yes surelie both ther heads and ther hands ded cooperate. Doe yovv taik Goodman and Gilbie to haue bean no ministers? [Page 262] Ievvel preached at Gloucester, against the Quens proceadings: D. Sands vvalked vvith the ragged staff, and being vicechan­lor of Cambredg, assisted the proclaymers of ladie Iane. Hooper, Rogers, and Crow­lie vvear enrolled as frends of these actions: and diuers others vvho in Quene Maries tyme, after vvyats fall, ded forsake the realme.

And what think yow of the tvvo A­postles of that tyme, Cranmor and Ridlie? wear not they instruments of the Quenes trovvbles? A great Doctor, vvith great subtilitie laboureth to excuse Cranmor and Ridlie, that they committed no trespass against Q. Marie, nor in her tyme. Syr though the tyme, doth not excuse ther of­fence (yf it had bean fullie committed in kings Edwards dayes) being actions of in­iustice, and against the rules of common reason and conscienc.

Yet y may say, uon bene diuisa sunt haec tem­poribus. D. for it is euident, that Ridlies sermon was after king Edwards death, and so could haue no shelter vnder his authori­tie; bycause all men of vnder-standing know that the raign of a Prince commen­ceth not at the tyme of his coronation, but actuallie vpon the death of his predecessor. Now it is certan, that the Sondaye after [Page 263] king Edward dyed, D. Ridlie (being Bus­hop of London,) sayling vvith the vvynd in his sermon at Powles crosse, (like an Other infamous Shavve) magnifiet and defended the title of the ladie lane, to the crowne of this realme; perswaded the people to accept and obeye her, as Que­ne: and so impugned the inuincible right of both king Henries Daughters, against his ovvn conscienc and knovvledg, and di­rectlie against king Henties will. and ther: for he vvas iustlie convicted and attainted of treason.

As for Cranmor, he was a counsellor and oracle in the busienes: and therfor was arraigned and condemned, with the Ladie Iane, and Guildeford Dudlie, as a contri­uer and principall assistant, of that treason­nable practise, to disherit bothe the Que­nes: and to graft the princelie roses vpon a crabtree stock. (as appeareth by the records in the kings bench.) and I may trevvlie affirm of that Proteus, that in all his actions, he showed hym self ever seruilie plyable to anie humor of the kings.

First a principall instrument of the di­uorce, (whearby the court gates vvear set open, to welcome Ann Boodein.) then af­terward, to serue the kings appetite, he and Cromwel wear the cheafactors, employed [Page 264] for her condemnation and deathe. (as ap­peareth, by the statut, 28. H. 8. c. 7. whear Cranmors sentenc is recorded iudiciallie as of his own knowledg convincing her of that fowle fact.)

So as Quene Elizabeths frends had no cawse to fauour hym, either for dew res­pect of her, or of her father: or for kyndnes to her moother. and all vnpartiall men vvill condemn hym of inexcusable iniqui­tie, that being a counsellor of strate, pri­mate and Metropolitan, and pretending to be a reformer of religion; he would betray his maister (whose creature he was) vvould frustrate and voyd his will, (wheareof he was cheaf executor:) would subscribe to extinguish and root owt his issevv, his tvvo daughters, two Quenes, to set vp Ladie Iane in there places.

And all this baselie, and against his ovvn conscienc: and all to pleas a subiect, all for feare of affliction, against which he was never vvell armed (as appeared by his so manie chainges, relapses, and periuries: offences, which I leaue to God, as faults of frayltie and batges of humain vveake­nes.) But to come to the matter. All the­se aforesayd being overt acts, and treasons in se, and simpliciter, and by the common lawes of the realme, and by the statut of [Page 265] 25. Edw. 3. I think I may, vvell conclude that Caluinism, and the nevv religion, ar most daingerous to princes: and haue bean the greatest cavvse, of all the vvarrs, se­ditions, and depopulation in Europe­ever since Luther (a man of vnhappie me, morie.)

And yet I can not but commend that re­ligion, M [...]toni­mia. bycause it is semper eadem, yovv may allwaies know it, by the coonisance, by the operation, and fruits of it.

It is the same that induced them of Ge­neua, to expell ther Bushop and Lord: the same that mooued them of Sweueland, to depriue ther lawfull king: the same that procured Holland, to depose ther sooue­rain: the same that sollicited subiects to deposeth' Emperor, king of Bohemie. the same that emprisoned, the vertuous mar­tyr, and Quene of Scotland, and cast her into that calamitie, vvhich haunted her euen tho deathe: the same that authorized Rochel, and Montauban, to stand at de­fianc against ther king the same that begot so manie monstruous conspiracies against Quene Marie of England, (as yow haue hard.) So as, in 60. yeares, mo Princes haue bean deposed by the Protestants for ther religion: then had bean by the Po­pes excommunication, or the attempt and [Page 266] meanes of Catholicks in 600. And yet fo­all this, I perceaue all these action, haue some Champions: at least, some men of note, seak to excuse them. as, vvhen vve obiect Svvedia; maister T. M. defends it, and geues reason, that it vvas the demand of the vvhole state, for defenc of ther priuiledges and liberties, and fruition of religion.

A writ is brought de eiectione firmae, against Sigismond king of Svvecia, by hys ovvn subiects; the king is eiected therupon: and T. M. allovves it, bycause it vvas the de­mand of the vvhole state, &c. Consider bet­ter, first doe yovv talk of a vvhole state, and maik the king no part of it? the head no part of the bodie? can ther be a monarchie vvithovvt a king? yovv harp to near kno­xes tune, and a Scots gig.

The vvhol state, id est, the people, (either sollicited or disposed to aduanc Duke Charles, vvithovvt the kings consent to vvear his crovvne) ded elect Charles ther king, and depriued Sigismond.

This was yow say for defenc of ther pri­uiledges and religion. So then yow think for the se two cawses, they might iustlie depose ther king: and so the kings ma­istlie knovveth, vvhat assurance he may haue of you, and vvhat a sure stake yow ar for kings to leane on. can yow defend [Page 267] this fact? it is the same, that Holland and Bohemia committed? then against whome is rebellion, against the people or the king? The law is playne, no warr can be mayd, withowt the authoritie of the prince, sine qua est laesa maiestas: and that is a fundamen­tal law in euerie monarchie; (which yovv turn to a Democratie by leauing the bridle in the Peopls hand.) Yf yovv will vouch safe to hear S. Augustin, he saith l. 22. cap. 75. contra Faustum, ordo naturalis, mortalium paci accommodatus hoc poscit, vt suscipiendi bel­li authoritas atque consilium, penes Principem sit. and he geues a reason, for non est potestas nisi à Deo vel iubente vel sinente. and bycause yow think they ought by force of armes to re­sist ther king, for religion: c. 76. he answe­reth your obiectiō, by exāpl of the Apostles, Isti sunt resistendo interfecti sunt, vt potiorem esse docerent victoriam, pro fide veritatis occidi. Martyr­doome.

Iam sure yow like not this, Occidi, for few perfect Caluinists, prooue perfect mar­tyrs.

Ʋalentius, degreed to banish Eusebius from Samosata; the people resisted, but Eu­sebius appeaseth the sedition, disswaded the people, and obeyed the decree. Theodoret l. 4. cap. 14. Ʋalentinian, sent Calligonus his chamberlain, to threaten S. Ambrose, and terrifie hym, from his opinions, by the na­me [Page 268] of deathe and torments. he ded answer in an other tune, Deus permittat tibi, vt im­pleas quod minaris. Ego patiar, quod est Episcopi: tu facies, quod Spadonis.

Christ hym self, resisted not: but com­manded Peter tu put vp his sword: it vvas no proper vveapon to defend his quarrel. Daniel and the Children of Israel, Cap­tiues in Babilon: when the king comman­ded them to Idololatrize; they resisted not, they reuiled not, they ded not offer to spit in his face, (as Caluin brauelie defended they might.) but refusing his command, they layd them selfs at his feate, to endure his pleasure.

But to touch yow a litl, nearer. I nead alledg no other authors then your ovvn, either to condemn wyat, or the subiects of Swetheland.

Doctor Bilson holdeth it, as an articl of 1 offaith, that Princes ar not to be deposed: and that the Apostles endured the magistra­tes pleasure, but performed not his com­mand. and how much he condemned, warr against Princes; his opinion haith taught me; that he who may fight may kill, and to fight with the Princ and murder hym, be of ineuitable consequenc.

Besides, maister Beza, some tymes (when 2 he was not transported vvith passion) affir­med. [Page 269] Nullum remedium proponitur hominibus tyranno subiectis, preter preces & lachrimas. Parson whytes own argument against the fathers of the Catholick religion; (that 3 they teach nothing but treason, to murder Princes, and to disturb states:) I must re­flect vpon them, that either defend wyats rebellion, or the fact of the Svvecians. What nead I alledg, L. Baylie, Ormero­de, or suke like men: dij maiorum gentium: 4 all your greatest Doctors, haue wiselie and neadfullie, defended that position for 50. yeares. And yf it wear trew, iust, and law­full 5 in the raign of Quen Elizabeth: I see no reason, why it should not be so taken in Quene Maries case? for the differenc of Religion, doth not alter the authoritie and power of Iudisdiction.

And yf Princes should for feit ther authoritie, when they err in faith. Then vvho should taik the forfeiture thereof? and who should be iudg whether he haith forfeited yt? I know yow ar not so gross, 6 as to think the people maye, (that is an opinion generallie reiected:) nor that officers share authoritie vvith the king; that is also cast owt of the schools.

Xiphilin, in the lyfe of M. Anto­nius, saith, Solus Deus, iudex Principum. Belloy, in his Apologie Cathol. part. 2. [Page 270] Orationibus pugnandum, armes against Prin­ces haue no warrant. Quis est iudex, si [...] ex transgreditur conditiones regni? Solus Deus. §. 21. and how farr we ought to obey prin­ces, and Quatenus: see sainct Augustin serm. de verbis Domini in Matth. And common reason will and may teach eue­rie 7 man the misterie of this thesis. For the king, is anima corporis, spiritus vitalis, caput membrorum, vinculum per quod cohae­ret respublica: sine quo nihil respublica ipsa fu­tura, nisi onus & praeda, si mens illa Imperij detrahatur. This was Senecas opinion, and a sownd proposition. for yf the sowle of­fend the bodie, the bodie can not punish it vvithovvt participating of the punish­ment: neither is it a proper facultie of the bodie, to iudg. but of the sowle, and vnder­standing. Examin, what the law meaneth, by bodie politick; and yow shall better dis­cern, 8 all my growndwork.

It is a dignitie Royal annexed to the na­turall bodie, whearby he is mayd Lord Paramount, and is not surnamed as others ar, but stiled by the name of the bodie politick declaring his function, as Iacobus Rex. and to show the nature, qualitie ma­iestie and prerogatiue of that bodie, 1. It can not hold lands in ioyntennancie, (nor endure a partner:) 2. it can not be seazed [Page 271] to vses, (and so limited:) 3. it is not bovvnd to geue liuerie and season of lands, (nor tyed to the circumstances of a naturall bodie:) 4. it can not doe ho­mage hauing no superior: 5. and that bo­die is so precious, as the imagination one­lie to compasse his death is treason, (tho ther be no attempt.) 6. and that bodie vested in a blood, ought to discend: and tho the natural bodie be attainted of fel­lonie or treason before, yet by access of this body politick, he may taik his inheritanc, for that dignitie purgeth the blood, as it ded H. 7. and H. 4. (for this bodie was founded vvithovvt letters pattents, by the Common lawes, and for the defenc of the people.)

And yf criminal cawses can not disable the discent, it can less when it is discended. for the crown of England is independant (for his iura regalia) holden of no Lord, but the lord of heauen: so it can not escheat to anie being holden of none.

What then? from this fowntain is all authoritie, and honor deriued. Iudges at created, and haue ther commission to iudg from the king, for criminal and ciuil caw­ses: the Constable and marshals court for armes and honor: the Chancerie for equi­tie: the Checkor, for reuennues of the [Page 272] crown. So to conclude, the king giuing, and appointing all iudges, who in his real­me is to iudg hym? or to censure his counsells of state, and politike temporall actions? and yf be he iudg, they ar vvi­thowt iudgment, that attribute it to the states; but they err most that arme the people vvithe that authoritie. For tho I know what a parliement means; and what power it vvoorthilie carrieth: yet as it is euer summoned by the king; so ther acts must be iudged, allowed, and confirmed by the king, before they be lawes.

In the senate rests consilium: but in the king is the powre, and Maiestie of the real­me, and he is iudg to allow, or disallow what he liketh. and by the coniunction of these, Foskevv sayd trewlie, no state is ber­ter tempered, nor more temperatelie go­uerned: nor by more excellent municipall lawes, then England is.

So to conclude, what reason can be pre­tended for wyats insurrection against his soouerain the bodie politick. was it for matching with Spayne? that was no stra [...]g motion, for her father had once before de [...] ­seigned to match her in that familie. besi­des the conditions vvear honorable: and profitable to the crovvne (yf God should bless them vvith issevv:) the person most [Page 273] noble; and the reasons allowed by all the counsel.

But the Quene ded not obserue the la­wes of the realme, she abrogated the statuts of 1. E. 6. (which all the kingdome approo­ued:) and the vvord of God by Moyses commandeth, that Princes should obserue the lavves. and those Princes dishonor them selfs, vvho doe not acknowledg that of Theodosius, tantùm tibi licet, quantum per leges licet.

Well, aliud ex alio malum. As Moyses prescribed vvhat a Prince should doe, so Samuel, what he may doe: Moyses tould hym his dewtie, Samuel his power: and it is trew, and a Christian profession of kings, legibus se subiectos esse profiteri. But yow must consider, the lavv haith two properties, the one to show what a man should doe: the other to punish them, that doe it not. To the first the king is subiect; but tov­ching the second, for criminal cavvses; I know no court, aboue the kings bench, nor no iudg aboue the king.

Moreouer yf Quene Marie shold be tyed to her brothers lavves: vvhy vvas not Quene Elizabeth to hers? vvhy vvas not king Edvvard to his fathers lavves? but that religion of Quene Marie was corrupt, vnpure and superstitious. So still hear is [Page 274] philautia and presumption, yow will cen­sure your iudg; and yow (a lay man) wil iudg, of his religion. that is the Quaestion yet, and not decided by anie orderlie Councels, or Synodes on yovvr part. and S. Austen, libro vbi supra, Si vir nistus sub rege sacrilego militet, iuste posset illo iubente bellare: 1. ciuicae pacis ordinem seruans: 2. cui quod iubetur, vel non esse contra Dei praeceptum certum est, vel vtrum sit, certum non est. Tho the king be sacrilegious, yet he is to be obeyed; and hovv 1. ciuicae pacis ordmem seruans, (that is the course; and that is the end, for indiuidua bona sunt pax & libertas; vvhich is to be noted for them that plead so stronglie for ther liberties:) secundo, yf the kings commandements be not direct­lie against Gods vvords, yf vel non esse cer­tum est; vel vtrum sit, certum non est. Novv tho all Catholicks, knevv the certum est, in ther conscienc: yet the protestants, for the vtrum sit, vvear vncertan, bycause both the lavv of the realme, the general coun­sels, the vvhole state of the Churche Mi­litant, was against them; and they had one­lie the testimonie of priuate spirits, to op­pose against publick authoritie. But, vvhat yf Quene Marie had erred in some supersti­tions; what yf the present king ded err in his gouernement, in his courses, in his [Page 275] iudgment, or in matching his sonn, withowt the consent of the realme: should either of them, be censured or excommunicated by the ministers: or depriued, or commit­ted and emprisoned by a vvyat.

Salomon, ded fall into greauous sinnes, ad profundum Idololatriae lapsus atque demersus (saith S. Austen:) and ded directlie against Goods commandement, (to keap and mar­rie straing voemen of the gentiles) non ingrediemini ad illas: besides, he worshipped Moloch, and Astarthes (the goddes of the Sydomans.) yet neither Preasts, nor peo­ple ded rise against hym, or depose hym: they left it to the proper iudg of hings, who in his wrathe ded appoynt and raise vp Hieroboam to ruine his sonn: and yf wyat could haue showd such an immediat war­rant, he had bean excusable.

Iulian prooued in Apostata: yet tho the Doctors of the primatiue Church, as G. Nazianzen and others, sharply reproo­ued, and detested his impietie: yet they never perswaded nor taught the people to depriue hym.

He that proclaymed the prerogatiue of kings, vos estis d [...]: he taught the world, that as Gods haue summum imperium; so the people ar to obey, and therfor called sub­diti, for ther subiection. and yow neuer [Page 276] hard of anie but Gyants, that wear fayned to fight with the Gods; and they perished, for all ther greatnes: for that hand must neads vvither, vvhich toucheth Gods anoynted: for he that taiks armes against hym, doth prouoke the king to the feald: and when the flame rageth, who can tell whear the sparks will light. Some limita­tions ther ar: and those neadfull. For I as­cribe not: an infinite, vnlimited diuinitie to kings, nor a powr to tyrannize, and liue as atheists: he that gaue the that glorie, vos estis dij: ded likewise geue them, this caueat that for iniquitie and impietie, trans­feram regna de gente in gentem. He is the Iudg of Princes, and his audit is dreadfull; and to that we must leaue them.

TITVLVS SECVNDVS.

HItherto Schisme raigned; but the se­cond plague, was the ruine and wrach K. Evv. 6. of the Church for the authoritie and na­me of king Edward was vsed, to break down, and forciblie subuert the vvhole Church of England. but see how craftie a statesman the Deuel is: though the way to Anarchie and confusion was layd leuel by king Henrie, (who was onelie fitt for such a work, in regard of his greatenes, and crewell imperiousnes:) yet he lett religion stand a while longer, knowing well that all could not be effected at once; but as he se­duceth Sowles, so states by degrees: and being also confident, that the forts of pietie and religion being razed, and the Church being brought vnder a laye supreme head; he might by a second hand easilie ouer­throw religion it self.

King Henrie at his Deathe, appointed by his will sixtean Executors, who during the minoritie of his sonne, should be his aydors and counsellors, for the better go­uerning the realme. Emong whome One, and who mayd hym self the Principal, was the lord Edvvard Seamor Earl of Hart­ford [Page 297] (who took vpon hym, being the kings vncle, to be protector:) and that was as good as a dispensation (as he took it) for his executor ship, and lifted hym too ma­nie degrees higher then his fellowes, which king Henrie neuer intended, that he might ouer-rule the rest, by his title, and supere­minencie. One of the first things of impor­tance, he contriued and compassed, vvas innouation, and the establishing of a new religion: not so much for deuotion, as by­caus he knew that nothing could quench his thirst so vvel as a chainge, and bring the game he hunted after into the toyles. and hearof Cranmor, was a principal wor­ker, (tho he was but a few moneths before, of king Henries religion, and a patrone of the six articles.) The better, both to per­swade the people, and geue harting and strenth to ther sect: Peter Martyr, and Bucer vvear sent for ovvt of Germanie, (vpon whose fame, and learning, as vpon tvvo great Arches, they might build and raise ther Churche (tho) bothe wear Apo­states.

By Cranmor, Ridlie, Lattimor, and the­se two Rabbins, was the new Liturgie framed, and the old banished; these wear the authors of the first Alteration of reli­gion, (which so manie hundred yeares, [Page 298] had bean heare professed and continued vvith all dew reuerence.) So povvrefull was the Protector, (by vsing the king na­me, a child then but of 9. years old) but he was well seconded, by the Duke of Nor­thumberland, the Admirall, and the Mar­ques of Nortampton (all affected, or sea­ming affected, to the chaing of religion:) who over-ruled all, that mayd anie show of opposition, or dislike of ther procea­dings. Which was verrie strainge conside­ring, there wear so manie vvise and emi­nent men, who had aequal authoritie with them both, as Counsellors and executors: and vvear most different in religion from them, as the lord Priuie seale, the lord Saint Iohn of Basing, Bushop Tonstal, Syr An­tonie Brovvn, and (thewise sectetarie,) Syr W. Paget: and speciallie that noble Chan­celour, (the lord Writheoslie, a man of ex­perienc, knowledg, and prudenc, and a di­rector and pattern to his posteritie, to be preferred before anie new guides.) but to content and please hym, he vvas created Earl of Sowth-Hampton; yet neither wonn so, nor contented, nor safe.

All things afterward grew to confusion, ther remained no face, and skarse the na­me of Catholick Church in England. and tho ther wear great multitudes of men well [Page 299] affected to the ould religion, and discon­tented, that the Church was driuen into the wildernes, and forced to lurk in cor­ners: yet ded they show loyaltie, humilitie, and peace, and ded not taik armes and di­sobey that shadow of the king.

But what mooued the realme, how wear men inchanted to embrace this religion, and applawd the authors of it? Noueltie euer pleaseth daintie stomachs, and auarice is no small temptation. at Syracusa, Dyoni­sius the tyrant comming into the temple of Apollo, (full of sumptuous and goodlie ornaments:) and seing Aesculapius appare­led with clothe of hould, and full of Iewels, hauing a long whyte siluer beard: and Apollo (the father,) carued, with a floo­rishing yowthful gould beard, and a playne cote of siluer▪ he gaue order, to shaue both Apollo and Aesculapius. for it was inde­corum, that the sonn should haue a graye, and his father a read beard; and also vnde­cent, that a Phisicion should wear so rich a cote: so he ded not like that Apollo, should be drawen so gawdilie, and like a Barbaros­sa: and a grauer gown (he sayd) would be­come a God better, (for gould and Iewels wear fitter for Princes then gods, fitter for pomp then perfection.

The Duke of Sommerset ded rightlie [Page 300] imitate Dionisius. for seing the Church rich, remembring the exampl of his old maister, and hauinng taisted at Aumesburie hovv svveat a Morsell a Priorie is: he thought it not decorum, to see the Cleargie so rich, there wealth was not suitable to ther cal­ling: ther lands vvear giuen to noorish de­uotion, not to choke it: to stirr men vp to prayer, not to ease and luxurie; and therfor he would shaue and share with them.

Tvvo Bushops hovvses he took in the Strand, which serued hym vvel to build Sommerset hovvse for Quene Ann.

He procured an act, whearby all Col­ledges, Chantries, free Chappels, Hospi­tals and fraternities, wear suppressed, and giuen to the king. and how greadilie he in­truded into the Bushop of bathe and wells his hovvses and mannors: that Churche can never forget. (and yet Bushop Bourn by his industrie recouered some again; but no­thing to the Spoyles. a poor releaf, rather to fead then to fatt a Bushop.)

Yet was he not satisfied. for shortlie af ther, contrarie to all law, against king Hen­ries vvill, and against his own couenants (when he was mayd protector) he commit­ted to the tovvr, the Lord Chancelor: he deposed Busbop Tonstal both from the Counsel, and his bushoprick (as too sta­telie [Page 301] a Seigniorie for a man of religion, and too daintie a bitt to be swallowed by the Churche:) therfor he dissolued yt and brought it within the survey of the exchec­kor, and he never prospered after. It was directlie against the law. 1. Edvv. 3. cap. 2. that the lands of Bushops should be seazed into the kings hands: and that his father by the aduise of euel counsellors commanded them to be seazed withowt cawse, but hea­rafter it should not be so.

Yet hear he set not downe his staff. he committed Gardiner the Bushop of Win­chester: and after depriued hym. He dis­solued Stoke Colledg: fleaced all Cathe­drall Churches, and committed infinite sa­criledge (vvherto the Nonage of the king gaue opportunitie.) Neither ded he hunt after his praye, onelie emong the Churche liuing: for yf yovv look in the Parliamant rolls, of that tyme, yovv shall fynd that (with a wolfs stomach) he ded seak to de­uowre, that most ancient and honorable Earldome of Oxford.

In all this glorie; he was cut of for his sin­nes; and arraigned and executed for acting so grosslie, the part of a Protector. And though he was badd enoug, an other suc­ceaded much worse.

For novv begon the tree of Dudlie, to [Page 302] spread owt his brainches vvith glorie (vvho could not be, except he vvear great:) novv vvas the tyme for his common vvelth to floorish. and bycause he vvould not seam to doe anie thing, but by Iustice: he be­gonn 1549. to vvrastl with Sommerset, till he gaue hym a fall.

First he proclamed hym to be a man, that subuerted all lavves; and that he bro­ke the orders of H. 8. appointed for his sonns good: that he keapt a Cabbienet counsell, and litl esteamed the aduise of his fellowes: that he took vpon hym to be protector, expresslie vpon conditions, to doe nothing in the kings affayres withovvt consent of the executors.

And vpon these and such like accusa­tions, God stirred one of these reformers, to vvrack an other. Novv as that shovved his iustice: so to seame religious, he cavv­sed the book of common prayer, 1552. to be first published; for that religion he knew vvould best serue his turn, (vvho vvas all readie novv farr engaged in the plat to ad­uanc his ovvn hovvse, by the ruine of his maisters.) and by that coolor, he discerned that he might best vvinn the Duke of suff. to hym.

And bycaus he supposed, the Lord Threasorer, vvas not vnlike to cross hym: [Page 303] he took order at the counsel table (vvhear he vsed to leaue his spectacles, yf he vvear soodainlie cald for vp to the king) to maik the same before his return, be so svveatlie anoynted and perfumed, that therby he lost his nose, and skaped nearlie vvith his lyfe, (and yet he liued to requite hym.) and for his better strenth vvhile king E­dvvard vvas sick, as yf all had bean fixed in a sphear to mooue vvith hym, he cavv­sed at Durham hovvse his sonn to be mar­ried to ladie Iane: the Earle of Pembrocks sonn to the ladie Katharin: and the Earl of Huntingtons sonn, to his ovvn daughter. and all vpon one daye, all to serue for one end: and to maik it impossible for anie to bayt the beare, hearafter. Then vvas king Edward mayd away, by his means: and that potticarie who poysond hym, for the horror of the offenc, and disquietnes of his conscienc, drowned hym self. and the landres that washed his shirt, lost the skinn of her fingers. ther be some yet liuing in the court that haue sean weaping eyes for it.

Yet was all so ouer shadowed with the name of religion; that not manie could discern the impietie. yf yow would see the oration, he mayd to the Lords (when he was to depart from the towr to go, towards Cambredg, and proplayme his daugther in [Page 304] law Quene:) yow shall see how Raignard had gotten on a minister cloke, and mayd that is cawse, which he was furthest from.

Now consider thre things 1. for the men: vvear not they both, fitt instruments to en­crease pietie and vertue, and to reforme a Church? vvear not rhey like men, to haue bean chosen by the spirit of God, for so godlie ends? and like to be labourers in the haruest of Christ? wear ther pietie, zeale, and charitie such, as became them vvell, and vvear suitable to reformers, to Iosias, and Ezechias? No, nisi hominus edificauerit ciuitatem; they labor in vayne: he will ge­ue them a fall, whear they purposed to taike ther rising. 2. For ther ends, both of them concurred in chainging religion; both of them lost ther heads; one of them vvas a butcher to an other: and both vn­ded ther ovvn famililies, and hazarded ther frends. but for Dudlie as he ded ruine the king, so he endaingered the whole realme: and yet his end was a demonstration to the world, that all his ayme vvas ambition, and not religion (for either he dyed a Ca­tholick, or certanly an Atheist.)

And as his ambition, so Sommersets aua­rice, was not withowt his plagues. for his weakenes was ouer maistered by a wyfe: his eldest sonn, was disinherited: he [Page 305] executed his own brother: he liued to see the loss of bullen, the crown and the realm ingaged in debts and vvants; confusion and commotions vvithin the realme, (by ther ill government,) and contempt withovvt. 3. Novv consider te patienc of the Preasts and Prelates, vnder these Cormorants: they suffred all withowt resisting, or re­belling: and neuer prouoked the nobilitie to taik armes, hauing bean bredd in the school of vertue, to bear ther crosses with patienc; and to affect rather the glorie of a Martyr, then the svvord and fortune of a conqueror. And so I leaue them, till hea­rafter.

TITVLVS TERTIVS.

THe last and greatest tempest, vvhich shaked the verrie fovvndations of the The Q. Elizabeth. Church of England, and threatned the vtter ruine and subuersion thereof, vvas raysed by Quene Elizabeth: vvho reuiued the Protectors new religion, and reestablis­hed it.

The vvhich was effected, quicklie and quietlie, sine sanguine & sudore, and as M. Camden noteth well, Christiano orbe mir ante. And surelie, it vvas a strainge alteration. [Page 306] bycause the Quene (during her sisters lyfe) daylie hard Masse, & ad Romanae religionis Camden. annales. normam, saepius confiteretur. Which is conso­nant to the report of Syr Frances Engle­feald: that the ladie Elizabeth (being exa­mined at Hatfeald, by Q. Maries commis­sioners,) sayd to one of them, it is not possi­ble that the Quene vvill be persvvaded, Iam a Catholick? and therupon she ded sweare and protest, that she was a Catholick.

And it aggreeth well with the Duke of Feria his letter to king Philip (yet extant to be seane;) vvhearin he certified the king, that Q. Elizabeth ded profess and assure hym, that she beleaued the real pre­senc, and that she vvas not like to maik anie great alteration for the principall poynts of religion.

I nead not relate, the like speaches vsed by her to Monsieur Lansack; seing manie honorable persons haue affirmed the same: and seing her external profession in publick, and her priuate chappell ded testifie, that either she was then sincearlie in dead, or would be taken then to be a Catholick. And that was the cawse, which mayd the world maruell more, at her great and soo­dain chainge of religion.

And the rather, bycause at her corona­tion, she vvas orderlie consecrated, and [Page 307] anointed at a Masse, by the Bushop of Car­lisle: and she took the oath then, to man­tain the Church, and vphold the liberties thereof, as her predecessors had doone.

Which, vvithovvt aequiuocation, must neads be intended of that Church then being in esse, and whearin she was consecra­ted, and took that oathe: and not of the Idea of a new Church (a castle in the Ayre, to be hearafter erected and fownded, by lier authoritie and the Parliement.)

But how euer she was before perswa­ded; she was now altered, and became too soodainlie Retrograde: and so, as in the opinion of manie prudent and great per­sons, it a bated much the glorie of her wi­sedome and heroicall spirit: and gaue the world occasion to suspect that all her for­mer actions wear counterfeit and campo­sed for her securitie to temporize: and to misdowbt, that she was not innocent and cleare, of these great not capitall crymes layd to her charge (for vvhich, she had stood in no smal dainger.)

Ant to speak frelie and trewlie my opi­nion, she was a Prince of great Maiestie and magnificens, but fitter for governe­ment, then deuotion: and of more pollicie then religion: and not as her sister vvas, the same in a storme and a calme; a [Page 308] Quene and a subiect, nor semper eadem.

But how, and by what means, ded she Hovv reli­gion vvas chainged. contriue and work, this admirable muta­tion of state: I vvill breaflie declare: for tho it be not proper to my quaestion, it is not impertinent, and may be of some vse.

1. First the long sicknes of Q. Marie ga­ue her great aduantage, and tyme both to deliberate, and draw her plattformes, pre­pare her instruments in readienes; maik choyce of her means, and resolue of the fittest counsellors to aduance her ends.

2. Secondlie she layd her honor to paw­ne, and mayd protestation in open parlia­ment, that she would never trovvble the Roman Catholiques, for anie differenc in religion: vvhich ded geue the Cleargie great hope, of some more indifferencie, and tolerable fauors. (the which is related by Hows in prefat. of Q. Elizabeth.) for kno­wing well, that a king can not create a new religion as D. Bilson sayd trewlie, (meaning that it must be the act and work of a parlie­ment:) therfor to winn the Bushops, either to silenc or patienc, she wiselie vsed that peace of art. The which thing vvas vvell noted by Monsieur de Mauuissier (vvho was long french Embassador in England, and a curious searcher and obseruer of mat­ters of that nature:) saith he (lib. 2. pag. 61. [Page 309] in Les memoires de Monsieur Mich Castelnau.) Quene Elizabeth purposing to chainge re­ligion, that she might the better vvinn the Bushops, she promised to follow ther adui­ses in all things, and therby preuayled not a litle. And though manie fyne sleights wear vsed, frownes and fauors, promises and threats: yet notwithstanding by that parliement, both the statuts for the supre­macie, and the abrogation of the old reli­gion, wear enacted.

3. Add also, that when the act vvas mayd for supremacie, (vvhich must ever be, as the first great vvheale of motion:) bycause, by king Henries lavv, Bushops and Barons stood in dainger (for Syr Thomas Moor, and Bushop Fisher had giuen them vvar­ning to look to ther heads.) therfor novv, in this nevv edition of the supremacie, first the vvords of supreme head vvear chainged into supreme gouernor; (vvhich qualification of the vvords being aequiualent, vvas vsed but as a mask and shadovve, to bleare the eyes of the people.) and secondlie the Ba­rons and Lords vvear exempted from the rigour of the Oath, to vvinn them the ra­ther to consent, to the act; and so to leaue the Bushops in the briars, to beare the brunt of the storme ensewing.

4. I knovv yow will admire, and yow [Page 310] maye, how this chainge could be vvrought in the vpper howse, by most voyces; con­sidering, so manie Bushops, and so manie Lords vvell affected to religion, had ther suffrages there. Remember first, that king Henrie pulling dovvne the Abbies, vvea­kened the strenth of the Cleargie; taking avvay by that meanes, twentie fiue voy­ces of Abbots, who satt there as Barons of Parliement. and besides, Sinon (who mana­ged that busienes) showed all his conning therin, and as a maister of his art. For the noble Earl of Arōdel, (abused and fed with a vayne hope) by the ayd of the Duke Nor­thfolk engrossed into his hands the proxies, and voyces of so manie Lords, to be dispo­sed at his pleasure, and to serue and further the Quenes desyre and ends, that the Ca­tholicks wear overswayed and born downe, by the pluralitie of six voyces onelie. And how God rewarded these tvvo great Prin­ces, (the instruments of that seruice:) the world may iudg, by ther afflictions as spi­rits that haunted them. (tho to expiat that fault, the religious and noble, Earl Philip, suffred the martyrdome of a languishing sowl.) A strainge, and memorable mattet it was, to haue a new religion introduced, and no Bushop nor religion man, to con­secrate and aduance it with one voyce. for [Page 311] the vehement oration of Abbot Fecknam aginst it, is fresh yet in memorie: and how all the Bushops, obstinate refragati sunt, Camden doth witnes. and that noble Lord Montagew (sensible of the scandall the­reof) opposed it vvithall his force, (vvho together vvith D. Thurlebie Bushop of Elie, had so latelie bean employed, at Roo­me abowt it,) and vrged that the vvorld would disgrace fullie censure such a soodain chainge and innouation; proposing also the daingers which weare like to ensew, and so ded by excommunication.

But for ther better assurance, to pre­uayle in the vpperhowse, and more stron­glie to ouer-rule the Bushops, and the Abbots: the Quene created diuers nevv lords, VVilliam lord Parr, Marquis of Nor­thampton (a good speaker, and a wise man:) the Earle of Hartford, the Vicount Bindon, the lord Saint Iohn of Bletso, and the lord Hunsdon, (all Protestants and men fitt to build a new Churche.)

And to be better armed: the Catholick partie was weakened, by discharging from the counsell table, manie of the old coun­sellors, the lord Chancelor, the lord Priuie seale, Secretarie Boxall, and Syr Frances Englefeald. and in ther roomes, wear pla­ced Syr Nicholas Bacon, the Marques of [Page 312] Northampton, the Earl of Bedford, S^r A. Caue, Syr Frances Knolls, Rogers, Parrie, and secretarie Cicil, (all fitt men, to beare parts in that Pageant.) And further she de­posed manie of the old Iudges: and mayd also new Iustices of peace: and gaue order to vse all vvarienes, in the election of knights and burgesses: that they might li­kewise maik ther partie good in the lovver hovvse (which yow would wnder to heare, how politicklie it was performed.)

Furthermore, to taik all scrupule owt of the heads, and harts of the people, and that they might conceaue, that the seruice and religion still continued, the same the ould was (but transtated into Englishe one­lie for ther better edification, and vnder standing:) they directed, that the alteration should be framed as near to the old, as they might well doe.

And so it was in dead, verrie politiclie handled. For they bothe admitted and continued the title and iurisdiction of Bus­hops, (vvith some litl grace, and authori­tie:) and they permitted the vse of surplises, caeremonies, anthems, Organs, and manie prayers in the forme of the old. Whearby the Quene, vvas the better able to excuse her fact, to forrein princes, for this great chainge, as she ded vse the same for her rea­son [Page 313] to Secretarie d' Assonuile, who was sent by king Philip to congratulate her aduan­cement.

7. And touching the communion book, it vvas composed by certan commissioners appointed for that purpose, Parker, Grin­dal, Horn, VVhytehead, May, Bill, and Syr Thomas Smith: and it vvas, mayd according to the liturgie of the straingers of Frank­fort (1544.) all of them of Bucers stamp, and not much varijng from that in king Edvvards tyme. The which Parr, Russel, Grey of Pytgo, and Cicil approoued: but all those of Geneua vtterlie disliked, (not knowing the Quenes reasons, nor regar­ding them.)

8. Lastlie, the instrumentall cawses, and cheafe artificers for building this new work, wear choyce men all bothe for expe­rience and pollicie. Syr William Cicill, (mayd second Secretarie in king Edu­uards dayes, in an age whearin a man might learne more conning, them vertue.) a wise man for practise, and one that knevv well, how much this alteration would serue his turn, and raise his fortune. and at that tyme he vvas hongrie, hauing onelie the personage of VVimblton, and certan lands abowt Stamford, (as appeared by his letter, to the lord Marques 1560. vvhen Syr Ro­bert [Page 314] Cicil vvas borne? desiring the lord. Threasorers furtherano, that the Quene would grant hym some means and mainte­nanc, for these two C. C.) solike to be famous in England herafter.

Syr Nicholas Bacon, was an others; his brother in lawe, a man of Deap iudgment, of more knowledg in the lawes, and a more plausible Orator.

I may not forget the Lord Robert (who solelie to posses the Quenes fauor, by a trick discarded Syr Williā Pickering, then a fauorite and a courtlie gentlman.) nei­ther can I omitt Seigneur Nicholas Thro­gmorton, S. Tho. Smith, and manie others: who wear now in hope to fynd that, which they had long gaped for; such offices and preferments, as they wear like to loose, who held them in Quene Maries tyme.

Better Enginers, and fitter men, could, neither haue bean wished nor fuwnd, then all these wear to vndermine and cast dow­ne, the Cleargie, and the old Church go­vernement. vvho possessing vvholie the eare and grace of the Quene, satt vvith command at the stearne, and as pylots of great estimation, guided the course both of the Church and commonwelth at ther pleasure, (thoughe manie men vvondered how maister secretarie could so soone, for­get [Page 315] his beads, and his breuiarie whearwith he counterfeited a Catholick, and vvonn Cardinal Pool to stand firmelie his frend.) Notwithstanding all this choyce of men, and preparation of meanes: ther courses and cownsells, gaue occasion of more trowbles, continual feares, and greater ha­zards and daingers to the Quene the realme, in all her tyme: then ever anie ar­chitects of innouation committed.

And no maruel, for ludit in humanis diuina potentia, God doth skorn and frustrate the pollicies and shifts of men, that haue no­thing els to trust to but shifts: and he vvill euer teach the wisest, to see ther follies; and (a litl to humble them,) those that ar most prouident shall by ther errors learn, that plus est in arte, quam in artifice.

For now the Quene, (by this act of In­nouation, left destitute of all her allies and confaederates) vvas driuen to stand vpon her own gard, and lie open to all stormes: hauing France an enemie, and Spayne (a frend skarse contented.) and so was driuen euen at first, to ronne vpon a rock, (forced to assist the rebells in Scotland against ther Soouerain) and to send them ayd to expell the french, employed ther for ther Quenes seruice.

It may de, yow think this a trifle: mark [Page 316] the rest. To succor the Admirall, and re­bells in France: she Inuaded Normandie, and took possession of Nevvhauen and Deape, deliuered to her by the Vidame of Chartres. was this a glorie? the disgrace in loosing and ill defending Newhauen, was a greater bleamish to them: then it was ho­nor to haue them yealded and offred to the Quenes disposing. and speciallie, seing they might therby either haue brought Callice home againe; or haue locked vp the gates of Roan and Paris.

And they ded neither; but bring home the great plague, (as a scourge to the real­me for that offence.) furthermore, for the securitie of the realme, and to diuert all warres from home, they wear driuen, (not withowt touch of the Quenes honor) to kindl the fyre, in all other adiacent na­tions; and then to publish a declaration and reason of ther actions (as yf the world could not read the trew cavvses of actions, vvithovvt the spectacles of those ancient Senators.) Whearupon they ded ayd the Princes of Orenge against king Philip, (vnder pretenc of amitie and league vvith the howse of Burgondie, and the kings of England.) which was a litl to grosse for so excellent vvitts; considering that the amitie vvas contracted with no subiects [Page 317] nor states, but betwean the kings of E. and the Dukes of Burgondie wheareof the sta­tes had the benefit, and wear partakers but not authors: comprehended in the treaties, but not treators. fayre coolors, for fovvle errors.

And why? for so she gaue a president against her self, that forrein Princes might be vvarranted by her example to inuade her ovvn kingdomes, to releaue her sub­iects yf they should rise for religion, and to learn the waye to Ireland and requite her.

And, the showe of Religion, serued them fitlie for there purpose. But surelie, I haue hard verrie wise men much condemn the course.

Bor though England ded assist there neighbors on all sides, vpon the reason of state which Polibius prescribed, Vicinini­mium crescentis potentia, maturè quacunque ex causa deprimenda, (which is an axiome, that is oft inconuenient, and ofter iniurious, and sometymes pernicious:) Yet the counsell of Thucidides, vvas more proper and safer, Nullus princeps à suis subditis iuste puniendis ar­cendus est: & qui id facit, parem in se legem statuit, ne suos & ipse puniat delinquentes.

And heare I must commend hym to ha­ue said this vviselie, who saith all things wittielie, The vvisidome of the latter tymes [Page 318] in princes fayres, is rather in fine deliueries and shifting of damgers, vvhen they ar near: then solid and grovvnded courses to keap them aloaf.

The grownd of all these trowbles, vvas the pretenc of Sinon, Viz. Actum esse de ea, si pontificiam authoritatem, in quacumque re agnosceret, (as Camden saith:) the Quene vvear vndoone yf she acknowledged the Popes authoritie. Mark his reason, duos namque pontifices matrem illegitimè nuptam pronunciasse. and by that argument, he sug­gested, that it was best to alter religion, inuest her self in the sooueraintie, and ba­nish the Popes bulls (from grasing in this kingdome) and all obedienc to that sea.

This was a course neither at home, nor abroad, to keap daingers aloofe. and vn­dowbtedlie, yf Henrie the 2. or Frances the 2. of France had liued: that error was like to haue wrapped the realme, into ineuitable perills: and might by all probabilitie haue serued as a bridg, to haue let the Quene of Scots passe over into England vnder her own title, and the banner of the Church. solliciting for her better warrant the rene­wing of the bulls of Clement the 7. and Paulus 4. against her moothers marriage, and her own illegitimation. and the rather this might haue bean doon, by the error of them, that left open the port of aduanta­ge: [Page 319] hauing not repealed in England the act of her illigitimation, as Quene Maries counsell wiselie had doone before.

But now at lenth, to returne to the mat­ters proper and pertinent, to the quaestion, Iam to handle.

The Quene before her coronation, put all the bushops to silence, and comman­ded they should not preache. and after the parliement, all those that refused the oath (being called before the Quenes com­missioners,) wear depriued from all honors liuings, or employmēt, either in the church or common welth: and wear also commit­ted to prison, and so both lost ther liberties and liuing together▪ Dignities they could not loose, (as appeared by B. Bonners case, whome they could not degrade from the Dignitie of a Bushop, though he ded loose London.) There vvear in all 14. Bushops, (most vertuous and learned prelates) of England, and 10. of Ireland deposed. 12. Deanes, 15. maisters of Colledges, 6. Ab­bots, 12. Archdeacons, 160. preasts, toge­ther with maister Shellie, Prior of S. Iohns of Hierusalem.

Now touching, ther Demeanor, and the course of ther proceading before ther De­priuation. These B [...]shops sitting in Par­liement at Quene Maries Deathe, acknow­ledged [Page 320] by diuers proclamations, Quene Elizabeths title, and right to the Crowne. And the Archbushop of york, D. Heath, then Chancellor of England, calling toge­ther the nobilitie and commons assembled, in both howses: by a graue oration exhor­ted them, to accept and obey Quene Eli­zabeth: and by the best course he could, endeauoured to dispose and setl the harts of subiects to loue and serue her.

And all the Bushops ioyntlie, ded ther homage and fealtie to her Maiestie in dew­tifull manner. And although they vvear not ignoranc of her determination to alter the course of religion: yet ded they neuer practise, neither Scotising nor Geneuating: nor neuer incensed the people and Catho­liks against her: nor attempted anie vio­lent resistance: nor sought the support of forrein Princes, (whome they knew at that tyme, readie vpon so fayre pretence to ha­ue ayded them.) but they ded so respect fullie, tender both the Quenes safetie, and the peace of the realme, (more then ther own liues, liberties, or liuings:) that though diuers emong them, mayd a quaestion yf it wear not most conuenient for the good of the Churche, to procead to excommuni­cation against her (to vvhich her case laye verrie open, and subiect:) yet the most [Page 321] voyces disswaded that course, least yf they should vse the sentenc and censures of the church against her, the people might be induced to taik armes for the protection of religion. and therfor they ded aduise rather to referr it to the popes determination and pleasure, then to talk vpon them to doe yt them selfs, (though they thought they might lavvfullie doe yt, as the case then ded stand.) Ther was also, an other secret frend, that ded much fortifie the state of the Quene. King Philip knowing all the platts of France, and ther secret inten­tions, and vvat motions they mayd at Roome, and vpon what tearmes they ded stand, to offend England: albeyt he had buried all offences at the treatie of Cam­bray, yet loath to see France growe so great as to haue footing in England, and as loath that Religion should loose her howld and honor there: though he ded wish the end, he ded not like the meanes: and therfor he employed his ministers in England to doe good offices betwean the Quene and the Cleargie.

But Alas, what became of all these graue prelates? Trewlie nothwithstanding all ther publick disgraces, and priuate sufferings: they ded rather choose a Durate, then an Armate; and euer professed and well per­formed, [Page 322] Preces & Lachrimae, arm a nostra.

Obserue how long, and how heauilie ther burden lay vpon them. D. Scott Bushop of Chester dyed at Loouain in exile. Goldvvel of Asaph, at Roome. Pate of vvorcester, subscribed at the counsell of Trent, for the Cleargie of England, and never returned. D. Oglethorp of Carlile, dyed soodainlie and shortlie after his depriuation; and so ded learned and famous Tonstal, die a per­sonner at Lambeth. Bourn of wells, was prisonner to Carie deane of the Chappel: Thirlebie of Elie first vvas committed to the towre, and afterward he and secretarie Boxal vvear sent to Lambeth (vvhear they ended there dayes.) Abbot Fecnam, Bus­hop Watson, Bushop Bonner dyed priso­ners: and Prior shel lie in exile.

This was the Catastrophe of the worthie Prelates of England, a tragedie of the Downefall of the whole Cleargie. a thing incredible to posteritie, and never hard of in former ages: that the third and most re­uerend state of the realm, the Cedars of Li­banus, (who ever sinc king Etheldred, floo­rished as the Oaches of a realme) should be all at once cut downe, cast into disgrace, and prisons, or exile, and liue withowt releaf or comfort as men forlorne and abiects: yet neither taynted for vice: nor convinced [Page 323] for trespas: nor accused for anie treason, but that which they would never subscribe to aknowledg treason, the refusing the oath of supremacie (a poynd of religion to them, and vvhich touched ther sovvles to the quick.) And wear they depriued for that? then surelie had the ministers of Geneua great luck to escape the high Commission, for yow shall hear ther opinions: and see the differenc of ther spirits.

1. Gilbee in admonitione ad Anglos, calls king Henry the 8. libidinosum monstrum, & monstrosum aprum, qui Christi locum inuasit, & Ecclesiae Anglicanae caput dicivoluit, cum ta­men omnis religionis expers esset. This mon­struons bore, must neads be called Head of the Church, vnder payn of Treason, dis­placing Christ our onelie head, who alone onght to haue the title. why ded he call hym bore? Partlie for his qualities, partlie for Ann Boolens sake, who was that Hele­na, cuius causa peribat Ilium, (as both Me­lancthon in his Chron. and G. Bellay in his Comment. declare.)

2. And that yovv may knovv, vvhat an haeresie and flatterie of kings the school of Geneua, censureth the Oath of suprema­cie to be: I pray yovv heare the Oracle. in cap. 1. Osee & in cap. 9. Amos; Et hodie (in quit) quam multi sunt in papatu, qui regibus [Page 324] accumulant, quicquid possunt iuris & potestatis (of this poynt I dare avowe Geneua is not guiltie:) ita vt ne qua fiat disputatio, sed po­testas haec sit penes regem vnum, vt statuat pro suo arbitrio, quicquid voluerit, & sine controuer­sia hoc firmum maneat. Qui initio tantopere ex­tulerunt Henricum regem Angliae, certe fuerunt inconsiderati homines, dederunt illi summam rerum omnium potestatem, & hoc me semper grauiter vulner auit: erant enim blasphemi, cum vocarūt illum summum caput Ecclesiae sub Chri­sto. Ded Syr Thomas Moor, or Bushop Fisher say more? nay, not so much, against the matter: nor in so rude and violent manner. such vvas the violenc of king Hērie that he pressed them to speact, and yf they ded speak they wear in dainger of law? yf they ded not speak, in danger of his wrathe. o miserable tyme, vbi tacere non licet, quid cuiquam licet?

3. To this opinion Luther subscribeth; and (which is rare) they both C. and L. accord against the supremacie of Princes, in cawses Ecclesiastical. for tom. 2. fol. 259. saith Luther, quid ad not mandatum Principis Electoris Saxoniae? Princeps, secularis est mo­gistratus quem gladium, non munus predicandi, curae habere debet. as yf a secular magistra­te, had nothing to doe, vvith Cleargie busienes.

[Page 325] And tom. 1. Latin, he expownds hym self fol. 540. Non est regnum aut principum, etiam veram doctrinam confirmare, sed ei subijci▪ & seruire. Which is quite contrarie to the acts of parliement, either of H. 8. of E. 6. or Quene Elizabeth.

4. It may be yow will Imagin that though Luther was so singuler, yet the Lutherans arr not: but yow ar deceaued, and that yow shall fynd, by ther greatest and most lear­ned Champion.

M. Chemnicius, epist. ad elector. Branden­burg, first he shouweth, that it is not conue­nient, vt punitionis officium contra Caluinistas, interea temporis penitus quiescat, (which is to be noted, as a thing, he much regarded.) and shortlie after, of the religion, and the Quene of England, he giueth this senten­ce; that 1. no good thing is further to be ex­pected of her: 2. that she vsed the Prote­stants of Germanie hardly: 3. that she noo­risheth a new sect risen in her realm of Pu­ritans: 4. and lastlie, he maiks it a [...]east that she being a woeman, haith taken vpon her, to be maker of Ecclesiasticall Lavves, & quod femineo & à seculis inaudito fastu, se Papissam, & caput Ecclesiae fecit, these ar his words, and surelie none of our Bushops de­priued, could saye more, tho more maner­lie. for the statut, consisting of two brain­ches, [Page 326] the one they defend stowtlie, that the king ought not to haue the supremacie: in the other they disagree emong them selfs.

5. Cartvvright, haith vvritten manie chapters in his last book against this su­premacie: who yet was neuer conuented in the starchamber, nor arraigned for yt: nei­ther was forced to recant his writings. The Puritans ar as earnest, as the Catholicks, that it ought not to rest in the king, but differenc is in whome the power should rest: whether by a monarchie, in the Po­pe; or in an oligarchie of the elders. The English Puritans of Amsterdam in ther Confessio fidei, 1607. pag. 50. art. 2. ded re­solue that vnicuique Ecclesiae particulari, est par as plenum ius ac potestas exercendi, fruendi, & exequendi, institutaomnia, quaecunque Chri­stus Ecclesiae suae dedit obseruandae in perpetuum. So then euerie parish-preast, is a Pope in his parish, and haith par & plenum ius: and whe­ther this aduancement of the Consistories be not more preiudicial to princes, then the Conclaue: more subiect to mutinies, more open to confusion and anarchie, I referr my self to learned Hooker.

6. I will conclude with D. whiracre, and that vvith some admiration (he Doth so boldlie affirm a matter, so notoriousle vn­trew [Page 327] pag. 4. against M. W. Raignolds in his preface.) The title saith he of supreme head of the Church, haith bean misliked, by diuers god­lie learned men and of right it belongeth to the sonne of god: and therfor neuer ded our Church, geue that title in such vvords, vnto the Prince; neither ded the prince euer challeng it. I vnder­stand not vvhat this meaneth: for yf he meane plainlie and withowt aequiuocating, then certanlie, he abuseth his reader with a fable. yf I obiect the statut of 26. H. 8. c. 1. or 35. H. 8. c. 3. I knovv he vvill say, it vvas not our Church that gaue that title. But Syr, that will not serue yow, for 1. E. 6. cap. 12. yf anie person, after the 5. of March next, shall affirm, that the king his heyrs or successors, kings of this realme, is not or ought not to be supream head, in earth of the Church of England and Ire­land, immediatlie vnder God: it shall be treason, for the third affirmation. so hear is the act of your own Church; for vvhich Gardiner was sent to the towr: and these godlie men sc. Gilbie, Caluin, Knox, Lu­ther who so much misliked it in king Hen­rie: had not cawse to like it better 1. Eliz. when it was chainged into supream gouer­nor, for the one had as much powre as the other.

And surelie D. Whit. rather shifteth of [Page 328] the obiection, then answereth it. for these godlie he meaneth, wear Caluin, Gilbie, the Lutherans, and his ancient frend mai­ster Cartwight (who all condemned the vse of that title of supreme head.) and think yow that he ded hym self like it? I imagin, that he vvould not othervvis haue mayd so she an euasion. for his cōmendation of the men that denied it: his own reason, deriued from ther vvords, (that it belonged onelie ond properlie, to the sonne of God:) his fable, that neuer ded the Prince Challeng that title,) show fullie the Doctors mynd, that he would not subscribe voluntarilie to that opinion and taik the oath, and desy­red to euade.

But vvhat euer his opinion vvas of the matter; he commended those that most impugned it. Novv to return to the Bus­hops, seing the supremacie and the oath, vvas the main and the mean, obiected to depriue them (vvhich vvas as much im­pugned by ther ovvn half brethren, Lu­therans and Caluinists, as by the Bushops) seing Cartvvright, pvas tolerated, licen­sed to preache, not restrained nor punis­hed for his opinions: and seing so manie, and so eminent men, concurred vvith the Bushops in that opinion? (as I haue sho­vved:) ther vvas and is some reason, to ha­ue [Page 329] expected, yf not a more merciefull sen­tenc, yet a more fauourable execution of the sentenc and seing they fovvnd so litl fauor and releaf: it doth vvitnes to all pos­teritie, ther exceading patienc, to taik vp ther cross and follovv ther maister.

For not vvithstanding all this aduersitie, disgrace, vvants, and loss of libertie, the magistrates never had cavvse to complayne of anie inuectiues or libells. No Reueile­matin, no homelies of sedition wear dis­persed: no VVyat, no Oldcastel appeared in the feald: the soldiers and knights of the Rhodes vvear not detected of anie conspi­racie: the Realme was not disquieted nor embroyled.

A miraculous patienc, by a supernatural grace: they ded rather choose to suffer them selfs, then the realm should. which was a great happienes to England, and the like not hard of, (vpon so great a mutation of state:) and which was neither to be as­cribed to the pollicie and prouidenc, of the Chancelor or Secretarie; nor anie feare of punishment, vvhich might be inflicted vpon the Bushops (for they could fall no lower, being all readie cast down to the grownd: and they, that could hope for no­thing, nead not feare anie thing:) but real­lie and trewlie, it was to be imputed to the [Page 330] nature, patienc, humilitie, and obedienc, innated in religious and vertuous men who ar trewlie Catholique.

These vertues, and this there patience, showeth well the nature of the English pa­tients that suffer, and beare there crosses, either within, or vvithowt the realme. wi­thowt the realme, wear and arr the Semi­naries of Preasts, religious men, and stu­dents. within the realme, ar the Recusants, vvho daylie, taist of affliction, and haue not a light or small burden to beare. vvho all suffer for ther conscienc; and secundum magis, vel minus, participate of the miseries, incident hear to Catholicks.

Touching the Seminaries: when the ould Cleargie, and preasts wear some Languis­hing The Semi­naries. in prison, some in exile, manie dead, and all in disfauor: the Secretarie and so­me politcik protestants, both hoped and promised that preasts and preasthood, would be shortilie worne ovvt, and extin­guished (and in dead, abovvt the yeare 1576. there wear not aboue 30. of the old preasts, remaining in the realme.) whearupon D. Allen, (a man born to doe God seruice) and others of the Cleargie: owt of ther prouidence, and Charitie, be­gonn the Seminaries at Douay. 1569. and why? To preuent the decaye of religious [Page 331] professors; to setl a continuanc and encrea­se of preasts (for the better propagation of religion:) to preserue a visible and Ca­tholick Church in England: and for the instruction and trayning vp of yong schol­lers, in a setled course of studie, conferen­ce, and exercise: and so to bread in that nurcerie yong plants, continuallie fitt to be drawen owt, for employments in En­gland: to vvinn sowles, to instruct them in cases of conscienc, and so spreade abroad ther knowledg and vertues into all ports of the land.

And that Seminarie vvas not erected against lawe; for the statute was mayd long after, when they had taken deap roote: and then was it too late, either to transplant them home, or by threats and terror to prohibit ther proceadings.

But these ar sayd to be, schooles and harbours to noorish such men, as ar 1. base and fugitiues: 2. such as corrupt the land with false doctrine: 3. and such as ar mi­nisters of practises, to disturb the kingdo­me, to stirr vp rebellion; and to with draw the subiects from ther obedienc. And ther for the proclamation 1580. and other sta­tutes wear iustlie mayd against them.

But how doe they answer it? In dead it is trew, that great Pronotharie and clark [Page 332] of the execution of Iustice, obiected so For ther basenes at Douay and S. Omers. much against them. but for ther basenes; I haue obserued well, and am assured, that at Douay, ther be gentleman both in the Col­ledg and monasterie, of as good families, as well bred, and as learned schollers, as I ha­ue knowen in the vniuersities of England (whearin I was no strainger.) I will not compare them, (for so I might maik them odious:) nor yet will I detract from the milk of my own nurces; but I may trew­lie ovowe, that they ar so orderlie gouer­ned, as maikes ther demeanor ciuil, and supra aetatem religious and deuowt. and how can it be otherwise? for they spend there tyme most in studie, in exercises of lear­ning, and in matters of deuotion. Nei­ther ar they in such dainger of Debauch­ment, or the infections of disorder; for they be strictlie keapt to ther task, and ra­ther vvonn then forced to yt: and tho they be brideled with a hard bitt, it is car­ried with a gentl hand. and greater care is had, bycause manie of them ar of eminent families, and noble parentage: who though they can not dravv ther pettigrees from Lewlin Prince of Wales, as the Pronota­rie doth: yet can they show a discent both ancient, and honorable, neither yeomen of the wardrobe, nor yeomen of the gard.

[Page 333] And touching ther being fugitiues; they answer well for them selfs, that they deserue not properlie such a title. for they liue not ther as owt lawes, but for conscienc sake and to auoyd the rigour of the new lawes, opposite to the doctrine of the Churche.

Secondlie, they liue not there, for faction 2. Fugitiues. or vndewtiefull affection, to his maiestie; but compelled by extreme necessitie: the Catholiks hauing in England no Churches, no Catholick seruice, no dew administra­tion of the sacraments nor vse of the sacra­fice of the alter. and so they saye, they should liue in England, as bodies withowt sowles, or sowles withowt food; and so ei­ther be starued for want thereof, or become Apostates from ther religion, or liue as Atheists, withowt religion. Thirdlie yf yovv put vpon them, the disgrace full na­me of fugitiues, onelie bycause they doe not accommodate them selfs to your Ca­nons, and the iniunctions of the present ty­me, and therfor depart owt of the realme. To let pass, Bartie, Knolls, Hales and others, yow must not forget, that your great Doctors, Iewel, Horn, Cox, Pilkin­ton, Poynet, and manie others, ded taik the like cours in Quene Maries tyme. And yf these men wear not fugitiues, and deserued in your iudgment no disgrace, for [Page 334] remaining at Frankfort, Strasburgh, and speciallie Geneua (noted for the Semina­rie of all Conspiracies in France:) how co­mes it to pass, that those at Douay and S. Omers (being in the same case) ar so hate­fullie censured to be fugitiues? And yf they wear fugitiues,) as the lawe also then ded iudg them,) yow ded so welcome them home, with the titles of Lords, and Bus­hops: that I perceaue, to be a fugitiue of your making, is but a verball obiection, and not a reall scandall.

Besides, they answer trewlie, and reaso­nablie. As they can not remain in En­gland, withowt dainger and offenc of lawe: so when they come over hither, they com­mitt treason: and yf they returne, a promo­ter or a purseuant vvill shovv them the waye to Nevvgate, (except they renounc, ther religion, vvhich yovv esteame perad­uenture but a Peccadilio.) and that is eui­dent, by the statut 25. Elizab. c. 2. (wherby yong men that returne not from the Semi­naries, and abiure not ther religion, ar mayd guiltie of treason.) and they, vvho send them releaf and exhibition, fall into the dainger of a Premunire. what remedie can yow teache vs, against this Dilemma? Yf they might fynd grace, and haue the happienes to be freed from the dainger [Page 335] of these Lawes, and (vvhich they hum­blie craue) toleration of ther consciences and religion: neither Doway, nor S. Omers, could hould them: they would quicklie show ther dewtiefull affection to ther Prin­ce, ther naturall loue to ther contrie; and for ther parents and kindred, (from who­me they ar separated to ther great discom­fort) they should playnlie fynd, that kyn­denes would not creape, when it may sa­felie go. 3. They cor­rupt no [...] the Land.

Now touching the next poynt, (whear with they ar charged,) for corrupting the land with false doctrine. First, in this ac­cusation, as yovv presuppose Caluinism and your religion to be an infallible veritie; so the preasts and religious heare, ar as confident, that it is impietie. On both sy­des, ther ar learned, and vertuous men: and one will not vayle bonnet to the other. how then should the quarrel be decided? or shall it remain perpetuall, and a skour­ge to the world? The Bushops in the first parliement of the Quene, ded vrge and of­fer to defend the principles of ther religion by disputation: vvhich the protestants would not accept, Camden. nisi Baconus in theologicis parum versatus, tanquam iudex praesideret. and he being a professor of the common lawes, vvhy he should be chosen moderator of [Page 326] such a Diuinitie disputation; Cambredg can neither geue reason, nor president; nay rather yf yow ask ther opinion, they will answer, Spectatum admisi, &c. for it is a ti­diculous Solaecism. Since, Father Parsons, and diuers others haue mayd the same chal­leng, desirous to bring I ruthe to the Tryal and touchstone, in solemn and publick manner. And let no man obiect, the col­loquies at Poissy, Ratisbon, Wormes, Al­tenburg, Murbrun, &c. which wear fruit­les, bycause formeles: they ded not produ­ce the effects expected, bycause they erred in ther course of proceading; and I con­fess I vnder stand not, the misterie vvhy the protestants in England now draw bach, seing Ievvel in the beginning was so for­ward, and mayd so liberal offerts: which yf anie would now defend, it would quicklie appear, which religion weare counterfeit, and which currant: whether doctrine wear solide, and vvhether not. speciallie ha­uing a moderator, who could discouer eva­sions, guid the disputers; and iudiciouslie determin, to whome the prize should be giuen.

And yf perhaps some would except, and alledg the conferenc betwean M. Hart and D. Reignolds: betwean Gode and Cam­pion, which wear honored and diuulged as [Page 337] triumphes: and that these ought to stand as sufficient proofes, co convinc the Catho­licks, yf the truthe so well sifted by dispu­tation, may satisfie them, and preuayle. I answer, it is iniquissima conditio, for a man armed, to sett vpon a prisoner, to insult vpon a man weakned with fetters; and de­stitute of books; withowt preparation and vvarning: and (which is worst) in the face of a rack and torments, whear Campion had bean posed with crewel quaestions be­fore: and in a place of no indifferencie, whear they may sett down what they list, and frame a combate at ther pleasure, as Roynolds ded.

And whear as perhaps for politick cavv­ses, the king and the Lords may dislike anie publick disputation, vpon the grownds of religion: yet this may well be granted, (and the french kings president, may in­duce it.)

The preasts and fathers, offer to prooue that Iewel (the mainster Carpenter of that Apologie of the Churche of England:) that Luther, Caluin, Melancthon, and the later Doctors (Colonells of the new plantation,) haue overcrowed and born down the Ca­tholicks (for opinion of truthe, sinceritie, and learning) onely by false quotations, cor­ruptions, falsifications, misrecitalls: and that [Page 338] both of scriptures and fathers, both of the text and the gloss. And this they humblie pray and hope, that his Maiestie in his own tyme vvould be pleased to grant; by­cause these be heynous offences; and the temple of veritie can not be builded vpon error and false grownds: and bycause illu­sions and forgeries, be stratagemata satanae: that at least he would permitt the triall of that iust accusation; and so afthervvard es­team of ther integritie, as they shall acquite them selfs.

Concerning the third poynt, that the 3. Preasts ar no pra­ctisers. Seminaries bread such preasts, as ar minis­ters of practises, and stirr the people to re­bellion: as they ar charged both by the book of execution of iustice, and by the proclamation 1580. whearin particularly they ar accused to haue bean priuie and ac­cessarie, to the counsells and proiects of the king of Spayne, the Pope, and others, who intended and combined at that tyme, to invade England, to depose the Quene, and subdevv the realme.

I must freelie answer, that iealousie is trewlie described to be full of eyes, and yet all pur-blind: fearefull of her own shado­we, euer in motu trepidationis, and contrarie to the motions, of other starres.

And tho they vvear great statesmen, ye [Page 339] with all ther Opticks they could not fore­see the great daingers like to fall vpon them, till they wear at ther doors. And ha­uing by error drawen and prouoked them; yet took they the course, rather to conti­new the flame, then quench the fyre: to encreas the mallice then preuent the mis­cheaf.

For first yf anie such confaederation had bean, (which never yet could be discoue­red, nor was recorded in anie historie was it probable, that so great and so wise Princes, would acquaint the poor speculatiue preasts at Reams or Douay, or the fathers of the societie, with ther plats and intentions? is it credible that they would manage mat­ters of state so vveakelie? yea, but these Princes purposed by the meanes of the preasts and religious, to prepare a partie assistant in England; how? by reconciling the people to the Pope, that they might ioyne, vvith hym and the king of Spaynes armie. One error begets an other: for preast doe not reconcile men to the Pope, but to God and his Churche.

1. And yet surelie it was a miracle, that emong so manie preasts, and in so long ty­me, and when Spies and intelligencers wear employed and rewarded; neither anie such preast could be nominated, (who was then [Page 340] or after, so corrupted or induced by these great Princes:) nor anie was afterward ap­prehended or discouered, for anie such trespasse. and which is most to be marked, not anie subiect was called in quaestion, or accused for entertaining anie preasts to that end. then how phantastical was this feare? what an imagination of Chimeraes and ter­rors? most iniurious, to touch the reputa­tion of all the English preasts in generall, and by statuts and proclamations, to call ther names and ther liues in quaestion: and to haue no su sufficient vvitnesses to accuse them. no euidenc against them, nothing but presumptions and probabilities to at­taint them of treason. the lyfe and honor of subiects, wear wont to be esteamed more pretious: and the function of preasts, more reuerenced.

2. I may also add this: that when the king of Spaynes armado, was vnder sayle to­wards England, not a preast nor Semina­rie man was fownd in it. And though in the proclamation, they wear traduced to be men suborned for preparation and ma­king the way leuel for ther better landing: yet hovv vvell they prepared it, appeareth by this, that neither preast nor Catholick, vvear apprehended and attainted for anie such offenc, as is afore sayd.

[Page 341] 3. Besides hovv litl affianc the king of Spayn had in the English preasts and Ca­tholicks of that tyme, was demonstrated by this; that all the religious English at Valladolid and Burgos 1589. wear fettered and committed close prisoners, when the armie of England assaulted Lisbone, and invaded Portingal.

Furthermore in all the actuall treasons and conspiracies, supposed to be mayd against Q. Elizabeth: ther was never preast, or monk, or friar touched or taynted for anie of them. For certanlie the holie al­tars of God will not suffer nor indure so vn­godlie machinations: and cloysters, bread better humors, eleuate ther sowles from the world. they think not of Princes but in ther prayers; and venite ad iudiciū sownding ever in ther eares, requires a continual pre­parate in ther harts (which is an antidote against treason.) And that I think the caw­se, vvhy in the 45. yeares of the Quenes raigne as I haue hard, ther vvear onelie 2. secular preasts convinced and attainted for actual Treason, Ballard (for knowing and concealing the attempts of A. Babington:) and ovvld parson Plometree (for saying Mass at the rising in the Northe, for I ne­ver hard of anie other treason he commit­ted.) yet it is straing to see, vvhat a mali­cious [Page 342] extension of offences they make, vvhat inuectiues vvear published against them and ther vocation: what sermons, proclamations, lawes wear mayd in thun­der and [...]e [...]or against these poor soldiers of the Churche militant vnder the banner of Christ? and what crosses and sufferings ha­ue they not endured? the onelie Colledg of Rheams and Douay besides all other reli­gious orders, can best testifie the rigor, who smarted most by it; sending into the Har­uest of the Lord aboue 100 labourers, who all suffred for res mere spirituales, for being preasts, and doeing the office, and for no other treasons, (as hearafter shall be ex­plained.)

5. But, fullie to cleare and purge them, from all iust scandall and calumniation, I will confirme and iustifie ther innocentie, and ther loyall harts to Quene Elizabeth, obsignatis tabulis.

Anno 27. Elizab it vvas mayd fellonie to receaue and harbour a preast, and trea­son to be a preast. and the act ded look back verrie crevvellie to 1. Elizab. that who vvear mayd preasts since, should be branded with that mark.

The which lawes vvear mayd, in regard of Parries treason, of Frances Throgmor­ton, of Babington and his complices, and [Page 343] of Fa. Campion, and the peasts vvith hym arraigned: vpon the conceipt and opinion had, of there practises and combinations, for restoring religion, and for deliueranc of the Quene of Scotts: all vvhich vvear then fresh in memorie.

Whearupon the preasts then being in England, framed a supplication by com­mon consent, and deliuered the same to the Quene at Gren vvich by the hands of mai­ster Shellie (for the vvhich secretarie Wal­singham committed hym to the marshal­sie, vvhear he dyed: bycause the counsell vvear not mayd first acquainted vvith yt.) In that petition, first they renounced and condemned Parrie his practises; then they declared ther opinion in these vvords.

1. We for our parts vtterlie denie, that either the Pope or the Cardinalls, haue po­vver or authoritie, to command or licens anie man to consent to mortall sinn, or to committ or intend anie fact, contra ius di­uinum.

2. Who soeuer he be spirituall or tem­porall, that deliuereth or mantaineth so apparent sacriledg; we renounc hym and his opinion as deuelish.

3. For our trew purgation we protest be­fore God, that all preasts who ever con­versed with vs, haue acknowledged your [Page 344] Maiestie ther lavvfull Quene, tam de iure, quam defacto, and pray for yow, and exhort your subiects to obey yow.

4. They preciselie admonish vs, that it is haeresie for anie subiect, to lift vp his hand against Gods annoynted.

And so by this supplication, they ans­wered all the six articles, which wear vsual­lie tendered and obiected to all preasts. Then how doe these men deserue, to be charged for defending propositions of trea­son? or corrupting the subiects, or attem­pting against the sacred person of Gods anointed? ded those ther opinions, geue anie cawse to maik such seuear lavves a­gainst them? or to continew them? But I will maik ther loyaltie yet appeare more plainlie. after the Gunpowder Treason, (the name and memorie wheareof, doth yet greaue the harts of all good Catholicks.) first the Archpreast, ded vtterlie condemne it, by writing, as a most detestable and irre­ligious deuise.

And the preast them self, aswel for ther own purgation, and to clear ther vocation and societie from an imputation so odious; as also to testifie and approoue ther obe­dienc, and loyaltie: they exhibited thre pe­titions. One to his Maiestie: an other to the Parliament (by the hand of Seigneur [Page 345] Frances Hastings, and Syr Richard Kinght­lie:) and an other to the Earl of Salisburie (protestations of there innocentie, and te­stimonies of ther fidelitie and dewtiefull­nes.) What could they doe more, or what could be desyred more of them? therfor his Maiestie, in his proclamation 7. Nou. graciouslie declared his good opinion and assurance of the Catholicks in these words. VVear, sayd he, by good experienc, so vvel persvvaded of the loyaltie of diuers subiects, of the Roman religion, that they doe, as much abhorr this detestable conspiracie, as vve our selfs. and good reason, for therby all should haue perished togeter, of both religions.

Which induced father Garnet, (who was there confessor) to protest his dislike all­waies of it, and to repent his fault sorrow­fullie, (which vvas onelie in concealing it; and vvhich he conceaued, that he ought not to reueal; knovving it onelie by ther confessions.) and vvhich also mooued Syr Euerard Digbie, to lament his ill fortune, that he should leaue behind hym the me­morie of such a loath some stayne: tho he was not mayd priuie to ther drift and pur­pose.

What nead I say more? how farr Preasts and Catholiques ever detested sedition and treason, appeareth by the treatise of that [Page 346] learned Bushop, D. Christopherson against rebellion. and vvould yovv knovv hovv much those of Rheames condemned trea­son and disobedienc: Read pag. 301. ther notes vpon the testament latelie printed: Subiects vvear bovvnd in temporall things, to obey the heathen being lavvfull kings, and to be subiect to them euen for conscienc, to keap ther temporall lavves, to pay them tribut, to pray for them, and to doe all other natur all devvties. And yet Do­ctor Kellison goeth further, for in his lear­ned Suruey, he giueth a good reason for it. Bycaus (saith he) faith is not necessarily required to iurisdiction, neither is authoritie lost by loss of faith. which opinion Waldensis ded long since defend with great iudgment against that monstruous opinion of Wiclef. Nay further, they teach obedienc for conscienc sake, not for onelie feare of punishment, and penalties of the law (for lawes ar never so vvel obserued, as when they ar enacted in the conscienc of the people:) he that obeyeth for pollicie onelie, may disobey for pollicie, which varieth vpon occasions, and so doth his obedienc with it.

7. But yf yow desyre yet to be better assu­red and satisfied: I will show yow the opi­nion of the Bushops, and prelates of Que­ne Maries tyme. The new deuised six arti­cles (composed by D. Hammon) vvear [Page 347] proposed to all preasts, as the touchstone to trie ther loyaltie. 1. whether the bull of Pivs V. wear a sentenc to be obeyed? 2. whether Q. Eliz. wear a lawfull. Quene, not withstanding the bull. 3. whether the Po [...]e had power to geue authoritie, to her subiects, to rebell and depose her, &c. Vpon these quaestions, Bushop Watson, Abbot Fecknam, D. Iohn Harpesfeald, D. Nicholas Harpesfeald and others, wear cu­riouslie examined. Some of them answe­red they never see the bull: but all of them professed ther obedienc notwithstanding the bull, et vt verae reginae obediendum. And fullie Nichol. Harpesfeld resolued them, ego regalem eius authoritatem in omnibus rebus causisque ciuilibus & temporalibus agnosco. the which Goldastus (tom. 3. de Monarchia S. Im­peri [...] Rom.) doth report.

8. But to conclude, with a demonstratiue argument: against vvhich I know no iust exception or opposition yow would know, how Princes can be assured of Catholicks, and hovv farr they may repose confidenc in them! and vvhether ther religion tyeth so ther consciences to devv obedienc, that merciefull and good Princes may rest se­cured, they will neither reuolt from ther allegianc, nor attempt against ther persons, nor mooue the people to seditious practi­ses. [Page 348] S. Thomas lib. de regimine princip. cap. 6. 1 negat posse tirannum à quoquam priuata autho­ritate interfici. (quite contrarie, to the rules of Parreus and knox.) and so doth D. Ger­son, 2 (the learned Chancelor of Paris) determin and define. And touching the 3 Canon lavv. Decret. 2. part. caus. 23. q. 8. de Episcop. it doth decree, de Episcopis vero, vel quibus licet Clericis: quod nec sua authoritate, nec authoritate Romani pontificis, arma accipere valeant, facile probatur.

And yet bycause there maye be Cauils and obiections drawen vpon some words of the Canons, to maike dowbt of the tru­the and certantie of this opinion: the Ca­non lawes of England doe explain it fullie. 4 for in the Prouincial constitutions, in the Councel at Oxford holden by Stephen of Canturbury. 1228. anno 8. H. 3. an ex­communication is decreed against all those, qui pacem & tranquillitatem Domini regis & regni perturbant.

And to voyd all quaestions, the generall Councel of Constance, sess. 15. concluded, that is an error in faith, to hould that sub­iects maye kill ther Princ being a tyrant. the words ar these. Nuper accepit sancta Sy­nodus quod nonnullae assertiones erroneae dogmati­zataesunt, reipublicae statum euertere cupientes, &c. scil. vt quilibet tyrannus, potest & debet [Page 349] licitè & meritorie occidi, per quemcunque va­sallum suum & subiectum, etiam per clanculares insidi [...]s, non obstante quocunque iuramento, nec expectata sententia & mandato indicis, &c. And therupon, the councel decreed, eam esse doctrinam erroneam in fide & moribus: and then condemneth it, and enacteth, Quicun­que pertinaciter doctrinam hanc perniciosissi­mam asserentes; sunt haeretici; & tanquam tales iuxta Canonum sanctiones sunt puniendi. The which act, after the parricide of Henry the III. the parliement of Paris published, both to condemn such infernall practi­ses, and to shovv hovv sacred the Church holdeth the persons of Princes. So novv yow haue sean (as in a glass) the face, and integritie of the Catholiks, and how they ar tyed, to obedienc of magistrates: yovv see the dogmaticall principles of ther reli­gion, touching ther loyaltie. yf yovv vvill iudg of them, by ther doctrine, yovv see the basis vpon which they build: yf by ther proceadings, ther petitions, ther protesta­tions, and publick profession acquite them: yf by ther course of lyfe, ther frequent con­fessions, and continuall prayers, show ther innocentie. and to speak confidentlie all Princes, ar more secure, and haue a more and better tye and obligation of Catholiks; then of anie Caluinists or Lutherans vvhat [Page 350] soever. And yf he vvho writ that Pamphlet of Romish doctrine, in case of Conspiracie and rebellion, and marked vpon euerie leaf, Romish positions and practises of re­bellion: vvill read this plain rec [...]mination, and relation (mayd to recompenc his tra­uel:) he shall fynd, hovv false and scanda­lous these Chimaeraes, and fictions vveare: and hovv iniurious to all preasts and reli­gious, to call ther names and reputation therby in quaestion, vbi de capite fiunt comitia.

But Coolors vvill best appeare, vvhen they ar compared therfor examin yf anie sectaries overmatch this fidelitie? and ge­ue so good assuranc to Princes, to leane and relie vpon ther loyaltie. Philip Melācthon, in his epitome of Moral philosophie, saith, Violare leges ciuiles, seu edicta magistratuum ci­uilium est peccatum mortale▪ (thus farr he agreeth with the Churche, vvhich taught hym that lesson:) and therfor he addeth, sciamus conscientiam fieri ream, si non obt [...]m­peremus, & consider a quantum est hoc vinculum obedientiae, & publicae tranquillitatis? in dead ther can be required, no greater or stron­ger a tie, and so simplie ar all Catholicks tyed. but hauing mayd vp this hedg, to keap owt disorder: he leaues a gap open, to bread nevv trovvbles, and break all bonds. for saith he, debet autem haec sententia de magi­stratuum [Page 351] edictis prudenter intelligi, scilicet de ijs edictis quae non iubent facere, contra mandatum Dei. For then all is, naught, as before he showed ex libro consil. Euangel. that inferior magistrates may alter religion, and ouerthrouu Idolatrie. and so hear is neither left anie tye; nor yet anie instruction, how to be able to iudg whether and when the Prince doth idolatrize or doe contramandatum Dei. But yf the iustices of peace, and Consta­bles be perswaded, in ther conscienc, that the Prince erreth in his then at they au­thorised by Melancthon, both to iudg and geue lavv to the Prince and not to obey hym.

2. Luther, prescribeth that men should obey municipal lawes, (as I haue cited, tom. 3. Witteb before in the first title:) but yf yow obiect to hym, ne excitetur tumulius contra Episcopos: then he falleth into Me­lancthons gap, an ideo negligetur verbum Dei, & peribit populus?

3. And this, his backed with a generall consent of the more precise protestants, that subiects may by armes mantain ther religion. what to resist and defend onelie: yea and to offend also, as appeareth by Da­naeus l. 6. polit. c. 3. and by P. Martyr in cap. 11. Iudic. and in locis com. and Althusius polit. c. 35. pag. 37. maketh thre iust cawses [Page 352] of warr, 1. iustitiae denegatio, 2. purae religioni [...] defensio. 3. repetitio rerum ablatarum.

4. It may be thought I choose owt, the worst of ther opinions, and misreport them: therfor I will cleare my self, sufficientlie. Doctor Swinglius, teacheth, dum flagitiosi loco non mouentur, totus populus à Deo punitur. So he warrants them to depose Princes.

The famous minister Sureau (called Rosieres, who was after emprisoned at Pa­ris) writ a book to prooue, that it was law­full, to kill Charles the 9. and the Quene moother, yf they would not obey the gos­pell, (id est Caluinisme) so witnesseth Bel­forest l. 6. c. 103.

In the confession of the french Church art. 39. they saie, affirmamus parendum esse legibus, soluendatributa, subiectionis iugum tole­randum, etiamsi infideles fuerint magistratus. but what fellowes? that which corrupts all, dummodo, Dei summum imperium integrum maneat. Now, bycause in this dummodo, maye lurk an aequiuocation: it is explained in the Synod of Bearn, 1572. Dei imperium dicitur manere illibatum, cum rea exterminata Catholica religione, solam veram & puram ex­tollit. God is trewlie worshipped, obeyed, and serued, when the Catholick religion is banished, and onelie the truth is professed (which is in effect all one, as tho say when [Page 353] Caluinism is established:) for they con­cluded all men enemies that ar not of that profession, as Poplonnier restifieth l. 34.

This is the doctrine of ther Synodes: and in ther publick Apologies the same lesson is read. in Com [...]ent. de statu relig. part. 2. l. 12 c. 1▪ the warr, which subiects maike against there Prince, is defended. and fol. 349. yf the kaing mantain his ovvn religion against them, what then? Rex à populo potest exauthorari, per ordinum in regem authoritatem and again, nec omnes regni par­tes in solidum committuntur regi, sed tantum su­perior regni dignitas: cuius tamen suo modo & certis conditionibus, inferiores magistratus, sunt participes, maximè officiarij coronae. all states and members of the realm, ar not commit­ted to the king, but the cheaf and prime dignitie of state: wheareof, in some mea­sure, and condition, inferior magistrates doe participate, speciallie the officer of the crown. but this is a gross paradox, not worth the skanning. yet that vvhich follo­weth is not better. In populi iuramento, tacita aut expressa est conditio semper, se obtemperatu­rum regibus, quamdiu iusto imperio rem gere­rent. They haue one evasion or an other, shifts to cussen the law. obiect, that sub­iects ar bownd dy ther oath, to obey ther Prince: he answers it with a quamdiu. So [Page 354] long as the king serues God, we will serue hym, then that must be a clawse in the oath of allegianc, yf a Caluinist taik it. and I will satisfie yow, why I say so. The Prince of Condie, 1577. gaue this as a rule: Pro­missum In his pro­testation contra con­uent [...]le­sensem. illud Euangelicorum, de armis contra regem non ferendis, & de abiurata religione, factum est, contra Deum, & bonos mores, &c. & tale promisium seruare non tenentur. the Gospellers of France, ar not tyed to per­forme ther oath and promise (scilicet not to beare armes against ther king, or to abiure religion:) for it was, both against God, and good manners. Poplonnier l. 41.

And this he learned of Caluin, l. 4. c. 13. § 21. Institut. Quibuscunque huius Euangelij lux affu [...]get, &c. ab omnibus laqueis & iura­mentis absoluitur. That man who is so hap­pie, as to see the sonn shyne of the Geneus gospel (huius Euangelij▪) he is absolued and discharged from the dainger of all oaths, and snares to enthrall the conscience. A maruellous priuiledg; and such a priuiledg the Prince of Oreng had, as appeareth by his aduises to Monsieur, in his letters inter­cepted and published, as Surius declareth anno 1581. And doe yow imagin, that the­se beams of the sonn, ded never shine in England? maister Dudlie Fenner, who iumpeth right with the Apostles of Gene­ua, [Page 355] lib. 5. cap. 13. of an euel Prince, he gi­ueth this fearfull sentence. Hunc tollant vel pacificè, vel cum bello: vel regnt Ephort, vel om­nium ordinum connentus.

So, tollant, is decreed, the king must be pull dovvn: but by whome? by Regni Ephort. who ar they; bycause it concerneth the crowne, ask the kings atturnie, or the Clark of the Crowne, whether they ack­nowledg anie such officer: and I am per­swaded, they will read hym a lecture, against scientia inflat, which will teach hym discrea­tion. but, go on.

When maister William Raynolds, ob­iected the tumults, and sedition of the gos­pellars in France D. Whitacre, in his prefa­ce, answereth hym thus. As though it vvear sufficient for ther condemnation, that they re­sisted: so then, he thinketh that not sufficient, or bycause he speaks not categoricè, taik it onelie as the doubt of a Doctor.) And ded not admitt vvhat violenc vvas offred to Gods truthe, or them selfs: contrarie to oath, promise, edicts, or lavv: (vvhearby they vvear vvarranted to doe vvhat they ded.) Then the Huguenots of France, in D. Whitacres opinion, vvear warranted, to resist the king, to assault his tovvnes, to fight with his officers, and to doe all acts of rebellion. examin the vvar­rant; the law was against them, the edicts of [Page 356] the king wear against them (for the admi­ral was proclaimed traytor) and the court parliement ded verifie the edicts. But he addeth, they wear cleared from the crime of rebellion, by iust defenc of ther doeing, and by edict, of Princes. hear be tvvo bucklers, ther Apologies ar the first: the kings proclamation the second. Doe not yovv imagin that he is much driuen to his shifts, that fights with so weak vveapons. yf an apologie vvear sufficient to clear a man who would be condemned? Scotland had a Bucchanan; France an Hottoman; Holland, Oreng, (who generallie, sought to excuse hym self, and the contrie, and lay all the burden on the kings back.) yet an apologie, serued not. And for edicts, they wear proclamations of the kings mer­cie, edicts of pacification: not to vvarrant that which the Huguenots ded, but to par­don them. and so that Doctor so esteamed for his diuinitie; erreth much in matters of humanitie and defenc of his brethren. and speciallie yf he lead them to Melancthons gapp, to resist, to oppugne princes, or to defend ther opinions with the sword (which S. Peter ded not teach, 1. Epist. c. 2. v. 19. c. 4. v. 15. 16. c. 5. v. 9.)

But hear, I must maik a stand: for seing An obiection that preasts. and Iesuits teach mur­dering of Princes. I haue so much touched, and so personalie, [Page 357] the opinions of the Lutheran, french, and puritan Churches: I see a tempest of toungs rising against me, to pay home and requite my obiections (for it will not be easie to answer them.) And first I will encounter, the Picture-maker, Ormer.

Who accuseth D. Allen, for teaching 1. D. Allen. men to murder princes; and that in his Apo­logie of the Seminaries, he citeth. 25. of Numeri, that subiects may taik ther soo­uerains and hang them vp. (a thing so im­pious, that it never cam into a religious hart.) For they ar much deceaued that think it a propertie of Catholicks; (as this man and P. white doe,) but that it is not proprium quarto modo, omni, soli, & semper, it is all readie plainelie and demonstratiuelie prooued. but I will show, maister Orm. the picture of a minister of Geneua of the first edition, that whotelie defends the sa­me, yow accuse D. Allen for.

Goodman l. de obedientia, saith he, factum illud, quod memoratur, Num. 25. perpetuum est exemplum in omnem aeternitatem, & certa denunciatio populi, vt in simili defectione à cul­tu Dei, rectores suos qui a Deo ipso abducunt, ad furcas abripient & suspendant. Et quanquam posset videri haec magna confusio, vt populus sibi tantum assumat: tamen cum magistratus officio suo fungi desinit, populus it a considerandus est, [Page 358] ac si careret omni magistratu, & tum Deus ipse gl [...]dium in populi manus tradit: & Deus ipse, ef­f [...]c [...]tur imme [...]iate eorum caput.

As now, yow imputed to D. Allen, the citing of that text in Num. to be a position and principl of Papists, to depose and mur­der Princes: I shovv a Caluinist, that affir­mes the same, and overmatcheth hym. Iam sumus ergo pares. but yet is ther odds: for D. Allens words, and scope differ from Goodmans.

Goodman warrants the peopl to execut ther Princ; geues them reasons, shovves the vvay, and to confirm them maiks it Gods act. D. Allen, complayning against the rigour and seueritie of the lawes of E. showes, they ar not to obey and perform them, but stirrs not vp the peopl to rebell: he showes what resistanc may be warran­ted, but incites not to resist. I vvill cite his own vvords. cap. 5. [...]ro Catholica religione certaere, praeclarum: sed modo▪ & tempore. Ʋt conscientiae lex sacra, supremi pastoris sententia dirigant. So then he recites Deuter. 13. and Num. 25. and infers. Illud autem in omni­bus ijs exemplis notandum, populum, non sua voluntate & impetu ad has Caedes, sed à prophe­tis & Sacerdotibus commonefacti: id quod omni posteritati sequutur examplo est, ne aliâs priua­to odio, superbia, &c. in errores ruamus, & im­brobitatem [Page 359] nostram religionis velo, tegamus. So hear is more discreation, and more dewtie, then ad furcas abripere: more order and go­vernement, then suspendere, (as in furie:) more religion, then to teach that God ded authorise the peopl to so desperate actions. Doctor Sutclif, in his book called Tur­copapismus 2. F. Parsons. obiected, this against Fa. Par­sons. Lopez à personio Iesuita, & Hispanis qui­busdam, ad reginam interficiendam magna pe­cunia conductus, nisi vigilantia Essexij scelus de­prehensum. I will tell the Doctor, such an other tale, to maik hym amends. Peter Pannie a Cooper, was reported to haue bean hyred by Mauaraeus rector of Douay, prouincial of the Iesuits, to kill Count Morrice: and vpon examination of the matter it was found a fable, as this is, which the Doctor deliuereth so confidentlie. for in that action of Lopez, ther was no man accused, but Portingals and Spanyeards: and in the examinations which I haue sean and read (whearin all the circumstances ar declared) all the aydors, moouers, and actors ar nominated: there is not one word of Fa. Parson. And vvhen maister Eger­ton, ded in the Guildhall, most largelie and eloquentlie vrg all he could, against Lopez; not a word was spoken of F. Par­sons (which he would not haue omitted, yf [Page 360] ther had bean cawse.) and all men knevv, that knew hym, that he was not a like man, to venture his reputation, in a for­rein bottom, subiect to so manie leaks, and so much dainger as that was. and therfor this was a scandalous fiction.

But the Threason of Parrie, is low dlie 3. Parrie. sownded in all mens eares, as a reproach and stayne of Catholick religion: bycause the Pope by his letters, had prouoked hym to kill the Quene. hear is some probabili­tie. yet this is no stayne at all; for Parrie confesseth, that maister Wats a seminarie preast, (with whome he had conference) disliked both his motion, and attempt: and tould hym, that it vvas an vnlawfull practise. and that diuers other preasts ded the like.

Besides at Lyons, when he cam to Fa. Creighton (a Iesuit) after his confession, he opened to hym his intentions, (belike perswading hym self, that the good father would byte, at such a bate. But Fa. Creigh­ton vertuoushe resolued hym, quod omnino non liceret, it was against Gods lawe: and by diuers reasons disswaded hym. and thus much he hym self confessed to the Quene: Hollinshead in his chron. wituesseth it; and few men that ar of experienc abowt Lon­don but know and acknowledg it. So ther [Page 361] is a discharg both, to the fathers, and preasts, for Parries treason. Now touching the Popes letter; yow must vnderstand, that this counterfeit, had bean long vsed in Italie, as a spie. and fynding vpon his return, so litl encooragement at Lyons, by the fathers: he trauelled to Paris. whear he sought to insinuate hym felf into D. Allen and Fa. Parsons, (who wear there with the Lord Paget:) But not fynding such enter­tainment at ther hands, as he expected; he was brought by means to the Nuncio, to whome he deliuereth a letter, written by hym self in Italian and directed to the Po­pe. 1. Whearin first he confessed the wrongs, he had doone to Catholicks. 2. That he was going into England, to maik some sa­tisfaction by his seruices; and 3. desiring his bsnediction and approbation (vvithovvt specifi [...]ng anie particularitie, he meant to performe there.) which letter is yet extant, at Room, vpon record. and to this letter, Card. Como answered: and vpon this is all the triumph.

The letter of C. Como. is common: examin it, and see yf either ther be anie particuler seruices intimated, or anie sedi­tious directions giuen from the Pope, more then an encooragement in genere, to an of­fer in genere. What then can yovv reaso­nablie [Page 362] infer vpon this to disgrace Catho­licks: yow may inferr, that the Popesho­wed a fatherlie affection to England, that would vouchsafe to write to Parrie, (pro­mising to doe some good seruice.) but by that letter, yovv can not infer that he ex­horted, or encooraged Parry to anie trea­sonabl act; speciallie considering, that such actions be notoriouslie condemned by the sea Apostolick, Councels, fathers, and schoolmen.

But it vvas Parries deuise, to procure that letter to serue his turn in England, and to vse the Popes name, both to abuse the Catholicks, and deceaue the Quene. vvhen he departed secretlie from Paris, vvithovvt an Adieu to F. Parsons, (vvith vvhome he vvas not vvel pleased, for being ill regar­ded) he vvrit to the Lord Burlie, for a pass­port, that he might come over, and im­part to the Quene great matters. he vvas admitted; the Quene hard hym: and he informed, that the Iesuits mooued hym to kill her. yet in the Parliement hovvse, he defended boldlie Catholicks, and reli­gion, (for vvhich the hovvse, committed hym to the tovvre: not knovving that the Quene vvas priue to his purposes, and that her intention vvas therby to geue hym re­putation, and credit vvith the Preasts and [Page 363] fathers. for now he had continuall accesss to the Quene, he hoped to be maister of S. Katharins) vvas in great fauour vvith the lo. Threasorer; and was employed to dis­couer the plats and intentions of forreiners: and at home to betray the Catholicks: and particulerly the Lord Lattimor, (whome the Threasorer, studied to haue caught in Parries nett.) But he that was trew to no man, prooued false to hym self, and vvas taken in his own snare: (hauing met vvith witts overreaching his:) and perished so worthilie, as I may trevvlie conclude, quis paena eius mouebitur, qui id commiserit, pro quo, nemo misereri, misericors potest?

Yet this was, generallie iudged the mo­re 4. Fa. VVal­pool, and Squire. probable, that the Pope and the papists ded employe Parrie: bycause Fa. Richard Walpool, was accused to haue encooraged Squire, to the like attempt. and surelie vpon examination, it vvill haue the like success. This Squire, and one Rolls 1596. wear taken prisoners (in a pinnace of Syr Franc. Drakes, by Don Pedro Tellio) and brought to Siuil; whear Fa. Parsons pro­cured for them, both libertie and apparrel, (though they professed them selfs to be protestants:) and so they wear sent away, when they cam to S. Lucars, by indiscrea­tion, they fell into the inquisition, (an [Page 364] argument sufficient to vvitnes ther reli­gion,) and so they wear brought back to Siuil: whear Fa. Walpool ded them much fauor, set them at libertie, engaged his cre­dit for ther foorth comming, and placed Rolls in the Iesuits Coll. and Squire in a monasterie. 1597. til they both secretlie fled avvay, and left father VValpool in the briars, to answer for them.

And afterward, they sent letters, to ex­cuse there soodain departure to Fa. Wal­pol, (which letter he ded showe for his discharg. Now then weigh well, all cir­cumstances: and examin the enditement. Squire is accused that Fa. Walpool, pro­uoked, and instructed hym to poyson the Quene: and preached to hym at his depar­tur, to perswade and confirme hym. Is not this probable? 1. they fled secretlie awaye, withowt his knowledg, (and that was ge­nerallie knowen to be trew) Squire was a man, who ever professed hym self a pro­testant, and so dyed. 3. a man, that at his arrainment and death, denied it. (And tho being vpon the rack 5. tymes, the torture compelled hym, to accuse hym self; yet an argument from the rack, is not a suffi­cient euidenc, being after denied.) 4. a man, that had wyfe and children in En­gland: and not like withowt some great and [Page 365] present temptation, to be dravven into suca a plat: and Fa. VValpool, was as vn­like and vnfitt, either to promise or per­form anie recompenc of valevv. 5. then what should be the motiue? his religion, would not perswade hym; for he regarded no merite. Rewards hear weare none, and vvithovvt some end, he vvould not cast avvay hym self. 6. Besides Fa. VValpool as he was not like, to trust a protestant, with a matter of that weight, and secrecie: so neither was he of that credit, nor autho­ritie, that he durst doe it withowt the li­cenc of his superiors (Fa. Parsons. and Fa. Creswel, being his ancients. 6. Besides examin, how it was proued. by his ovvn confession? it was extorted, and by the same breath denied. by Stallenge his testi­monie? he had it but by hearsay. a vveak proof. and how was this to be performed? by poison deliuered to hym in Spayne. a straing secret, which his fellow Rolls never knevv of vvho returned vvith hym. and how was it to be doon? the sadl vpon the hors back vvas to be poisond.

Hear was art. how could the Quene be poisoned with it so, and he scape that is sayd to hauesqueased it vpon the sadl? or yf it wear squeazed (as they tearmed it) how could part be reserued, to poison the Earl [Page 366] of Essex? and speciallie hovv could it be doone, that the groomes of the stable, and the querries (vvho ordinarily attend the horse for the Quene) could not discern it? but to conclude, was euer anie man hard of that took hurt by that poyson? or was sick of it? no, no, then surelie seing he denied it, seing ther was no probabilitie, and speciallie seing ther was no witnesses to prooue it, I can not esteame it, as a stayn, to be iustly imputed to the Iesuits.

But all these, and such like deuises, pas­sed as currant, in England (vpon a false sup­position) that Mariana a Iesuite, and the fathers ded mantain that vngodlie position, of murdering and deposing Princes for re­ligion.

1. Touching Mariana: it was a personall 5. The Iesuits. fault, Marianas proper opinion; yet was he not resolut in that opinion, but handled it problematice; he inclineth to the worst part, but absolutelie affirms it not. his words ar, falli possum vt humanus, siquis meliora attulerit gratias agam.

2. Secondlie his quaestion was not, for kil­ling of kings, but for killing tyrants (which is to be noted as a great differenc.)

3. Againe, his whole order disauows his position, and categorice determin the con­trarie. Card. Tolet in his summa. l. 5. cap. 6. [Page 367] decreeth that it is not lavvfull, to attempt against the lyfe of a Prince, tho he abuse his povver: and that it is haeresie to man­tain the contrarie. So also holdeth. Greg. de Valentia part. 2. q. 64. and of the same opinion is Card. Bellarmin. cap. 13. of his Apologie. and Salmeron, tom. expovvnding the 13. C. Rom. (vvheare he referreth the fact of Aod, against king Aeglon, to Gods expresse commandement.) I may alledg, the authoritie of learned Lessius, de iustitia & iure, l. 2. c. 9. dub. 4. Serrarius in c. 13. Iud. Azor in his Institut. Becanus in his ansvver to the 9. Aphorism. Gretser in his Vesper­tilio, Haeretico politicus, vvho confuteth Ma­rianaes grounds. and so doth L. Richeome in his Apologie.

4. What nead I say more? yet to put all ovvt of dowbt, this opinion of Martia­na, was condemned both by a prouincial congregation of the same societie holden at Paris. 1606. and the condemnation vvas ratified, by Claudius Aquauiua, general of the order.

5. And bycause, no man shall dovvbt vvhether it be a droctrin so generall recea­ued in the Church: anno 1413. by the de­claration of the Doctors of Sorbonna the same is averred; as also renevved, 1606 that it is an vnlawfull and vngodlie position.

[Page 368] 6. And lastlie, the doctrine of Mariana, was iustlie condemned by the court Par­liament of Paris, the seame year.

And that yow may not stumble at Si­mancas words: yow must know he was a lawyer no deuine: and yf yow read Heisius ad Aphorismos, yovv shall perceaue that both he and Becanus, ar not guiltie of this error. see pag. 85. and 91. And all this stan­deth and concordeth, with the agreement of Gods ancient Church. for Ireneus l. 5. c. 14. setteth it down emong heresies, to think that kings ar giuen to men casuallie; and not by prouidenc, and appointement of God: quia omnis petestas a Deo. And S. Ambrose contra Auxentium. ait, lachrymae meae, arma mea, aliter nec debeo, nec possum resistere. Nauar, Cunerus, and all that I ha­ue sean (and I haue curiouslie searched for it) agree in one sentenc. and the reason I am so curious in this; was not onelie to satisfie my own conscience; but diuers good and vertuous protestants in England my frends, who wear much offended that a Thesis so scandolous, should be protected by the learned fathers, of the societie, as was giuen owt.

Ther remaineth yet certan staines in the 6. C. Mayne. Cote of Preasts, and fathers, which ar ho­nestlie to be taken owt. I haue hard it much [Page 369] vrged, that the greatest argument for the rigour against preasts; vvas necessitie to free the state from dainger, bycause they vvear the likest men, to bread it. and that vvas speciallie discerned as they sayd by the comming in of C. Mayne, (who corrupted maister Tregion, and diuers others, and with drew them from ther obedienc.)

Bycause it is a matter (which concer­neth all preasts:) it is necessarie to exa­min it with deliberation. Cuthbert Mayn was indited at Launston 1577. that he had, and obtained from Roome, a bull, and instrument for absolution, and that maister Tregion, knowing hym to haue obtained the same 20. April, after ded ayd and man­taine hym, and was reconciled These wear the accusations, and iudg of them.

1. First for his reconciling, Mayn answe­red, that they wear deceaued, preasts ded vse to reconcile men onelie to God: nei­ther by reconciliation, was euer anie man withdrawen from his remporal obedienc, by anie consequenc, but rather had a grea­ter obligation.

2. And touching his being at Room, and procuring this bull of the Pope: he sayd he vvas never at Room▪ nor sought to ob­tain from thenc, anie Bull at all for absol­uing anie man.

[Page 370] 3. Moreover, that it was copie of a bull printed which he bought at Douay, onelie to pe [...]ule and see the manner of it.

4. But that, which is most to be noted, is: that it was printed at Douay; and by the enditement, he was accused that 1. Octob. 1597. he ded obtain from Room the afore sayd instrument. for the law intended, that the trespassor should obtain immediatlie from, the Pope, not a copie, but the instru­ment it self. and that it should contain so­me matter preiudiciall to the Quenes per­son, or the quiet and good of the state, or to seduce and corrupt the subiects (for it is not to be imagined, that the parliement would maik that treason, by which no hurt nor dainger can ensew to the state.)

5. But what bull was this? that maketh the matter cleare. it was a bull, concerning the Iubilie, which by the Pope is granted of course, and not at the suit of anie pri­uate person, and for all contries not for anie one, and once in 25. yeares. and that bull ded continue in force, butone yeare: which yeare was ended 1575. (and so the date of the instrument was expyred, before he bought it: much more, 1. Octob. 1597. when he was endited. so yow see par [...]u [...] iunt montes Yet bycause he had the bull, tefu­sed to come to the Church, and obey the [Page 371] Quenes proceadings, iudg Manhood tould the iurie, whear manifest proofs can not be had, persumptions must be allowed; and therupon the iurie fovvnd hym guiltie. (though the enditement contained altoge­ther matter insufficient, and impossible, and neither answearable, to the words, nor senc of the statut.)

For in this bull, ther wear neither words nor matter, to withdraw or seduce anie subiect from dew obedienc: neither vvas ther anie thing preiudicial to the Q. to be executed. Notwithstanding maister Tre­gion lay long in prison, emong fellons, in a dongeon noysom for smells, toads, &c. fed with bread and water: and was after­ward condemned in the premunire, and his lands seazed by writ from the excheckor: and the date of the vvrit vhas before the iudgment giuen, (as yf they knew it should be so.) he was prisoner 16. yeares; an ancient gentlmen, and honorablie allied: and his lands 1000. pownds of old rent.) and tho it was entayled: yet the knight marshall fownd means to avoyd it who had begged his lands of the Quene. And all this vvas, but for religion: and vpon false accusation of one Twigs a parish Clack, who affirmed that he had speach with Mayn at Christen­mas 1575. and at that tyme was Mayn at [Page 372] Douay. But to go forward ex pede Herculem by this iudg of the rest. (which is so much obiected.)

Touching the rising in the North, and 7. The Bull of Pius V. the attempts of Babington and his compli­ces: they wear mixt actions, not for religion onelie, or state onelie, but for bothe: and not procured by the suite and sollicitation of religious men, but owt of ther ownzeal, and compassion of the Quene of Scotland, whome the Earles accoumpted, nearest al­lied to the crovvne.) And such actions, ar not comprehended vvithin the compass of the Question I am to cleare and discusse.

1. But concerning the bull of PIVS V. Preasts vvear not to ask the reason of the Popes doeings. yet yovv may fynd some of the reasons specified in the bull.) diuers haue ascribed it, partlie to the soodain re­uolt of England from the Church; partlie to the prouocations mayd by the ministers there, (who in euerie pulpit vvhotelie and slanderouslie proclaymed the Pope Anti­christ, and the man of perdition:) and some haue attributed it, to minsinformation of the Quenes case, and the Catholicks. But I am sure, manie graue men vvear sorie, that it vvas either procured, or defended.

2. And C. Allen vvitnesseth, multos illud factum agre tulisse, (as before, yovv see, Bus­hop [Page 373] Watson, and the rest ded) and he wis­hed, that it had bean Dei iudicio reseruatum.

3. And Fa. Parsons, and Campion, solli­cited the mitigation thereof, (as appea­red at his arrainment) that it might not bynd the consciences of subiects, to diso­bey the Quene. Whearupon Gregorie the 13. declared (withowt anie limitation or restraint) that subiects ought to performe all dewties to Quene Elizabeth, notvvith­standing the censure.

4. Lastlie, yow may probablie coniectu­re, that the Popes ar not lightlie induced to vse so extream courses: seing they nei­ther sought, by such censures, to disturb the peace of k. Ed. 6. of the kings of Scot­land, Denmark, Svveden; the Duke of Sa­xonie, or Marques of Brandenburg.

Neither doth it at all, touch the Catho­licks, nor the present state (for actio moritur cum persona:) which is the thing most con­cerning vs.

The greatest blott is: that ther vvear 8. The preasts. more treasons by the preasts committed in Q. Eliz. tyme, then euer wear in anie age, by protestants. and that is no quaestion dis­putable, bycaus it is manifestè verum; near 200. preasts and religious haue bean execu­ted for that offenc. In dead Norton, D. Hammō, and Topclif affirm that it is trew: [Page 374] but bycaus Catholicks denieit, let vs exa­min, whether it be a trew Thesis, no preasts wear executed for religion but for Treason.

1. And to, determin that the better: en­quire what be the acts for which they ar condemned, to be a preast, to come ouer into England, to refuse the vath, to say mass. 10 absolue and [...]econcile, to preach, and minister Sacra­ments, and to bebred vp in the Seminaries Ar these matters of State, and not of con­science? temporall and not spiritual? cri­mes of treason, and not religion. Ther must then be a new lexicon de verborum si­gnificationibus: for els in forrein contries, they will exclayme, bycause it toucheth them all (by participation) both in con­scienc and c [...]edit, who ar preasts, and fynd ther function and profession so tainted.

2. Th [...]n consider and defyne what is trea­son. The best definition thereof is the sta­tut 25. Ed 3. (which was mayd according to the common lawes of England.) how know yow that? maister Ploydons opinion directeth me.

In that act, the Question vvas, what was treason by the common law: now saith he. it is a principle in the exposition of a statut, that yf the preambl showeth anie dowbt to be before, either in common law, or some statut, and afterward doth enact, that thus [Page 375] it shall be: in that case it must be taken, that the lavve doubted of, vvas so before For ab expositors of dowbts, they would not ordaine it otherwise, then the law was.

Now it appeareth, by that statute, scili­cet, by the common lawes of England, and by I. Stanford, in the pleas of the crown. 1. that Treason must ever be an action, not an opinion, nor a profession (for a man can not properlie be called Traytor, till he committ an act, that geues hym iusthe that denomination.) For Oldcastel vvas condemned a Traytor for his act in one court: an heretick for his opinion, in an other court; and so wear Cranmor and Ridlie for ther actions. 2. yt must be the act of a subiect, against his soouerain. Now what hurt, had euer king H. 7. or his pro­genitors, by anie subiect, who was a preast, sayd mass &c. or can yovv show, that anie real treason by preasts was committed▪ or intended against the late Quene? ded they euer procure sedition, or stirr rebellion actuallie? 3. and that was neadful to be prooued; for Treason must be for offen­ces in the highest degree: bycause the pu­nishment extends it self, to all his posteri­tie (that offends so,) to the ruine of his fa­milie, and to terrifie others.

3. So then by the common lawes, it is not [Page 376] treason. But D. H. elench was, quatenus he is a preast, he is not a traytor: but quatenus, he doth the office of a preast, in England. Subtilissima subtilitas: and yet bycaus false, it preuails not. For the function it self is mayd treason: and therfor the act looketh back to 1. Eliz. (to maik all preasts tray­tors, that had ther orders sinc that tyme.)

4. Besides by the prouiso of the act 25. and 27. Eliz. yf anie preasts (committed) shall submitt them selfs to the Quenes la­wes, and taik the oath; they shall be freed from the penaltie of this act: and so they shall not be iudged traytors, yf they re­nounc ther religion. as Bell, Io. Nicholls and others ded. wherby it is playn they ar not traytors simpliciter but secundum quid: not for fact but opinion, and to be enlar­ged vpon condition. and seing it is in ther powre to maik them self in instanti no tray­tors; It appeareth, ther offenc is not pro­perlie treason: for yf it vvear so by 25. E. 3. ther acknowledgment onelie and confor­mitie, and repentanc, neither could not would haue discharged them from the Iu­stice of the law.

5. Exampls wil maik the case playner. Wilm Anderson, a Seminarie Preast vvas executed, (45. Eliz.) for being in En­gland contrarie to the statut. so was M. [Page 377] Barckvvorth. anno 1600. that vvas ther treason.

Tho. Pormort. 35. Eliz. was attainded, for being a preast residing in England, and reconciling: and Barvvis vvas executed for being reconciled. that vvas ther treason: both spiritual matters. yovv may as vvell call Mithridate, poyson; black, whyte: vertue vice, as to call religion treason. but the lavv haith so called it. A nevv name alters not the operation of an old vertue: the cavvs of the death, maiks the martyrdome, not the name. And sure­lie this act of generall diffidenc, encreased more discontent.

But vvhat ded force the state to vse such violent and extraordinarie remedies vvhat ded bread such intricate trovv­bles? the extraordinary chaing of reli­gion ded cast them into this laborinth, bred these discontents, procured all these enemies; and forced the counsellors, so to punish preasts. 2. (as Camden noteth) the opinion of the Quenes illegitimation, a­broad. 3. the iealouslie had, of the Quene of Scots; (whome they dowbted most for her religion, allianc in France, fa­uor of the Pope, and her proximitie and near kynred to the crown: 4. the bull of PIVS V.

[Page 378] And 5. the dowbt of the howse of Guise, in the behalf of ther neace. and 6. lastlie the offenc of the k. of Spayn, for ayding Oreng, and intercepting his moonie. the­se wear the cawses, that induced the State, to prepare, arme, and vse means to preuent all mallice and mischeafe. And knowing, how strong a wall England haith for her protection: and yet vvith in them selfs, what a partie, religion had both in E. and Ireland: and no men wear so like, as preasts, to stirr vp all the humors in the bodie of the realmes: therfor to keap then owt, to expell them, and to curb them yf they ca­me in tey wear driuen to vse this pollicie, to maik yt treason, to be a preast, or to mantain a preast. And as this was mayd law, by that glorious Prince (who neaded such a deuise:) so it may be abrogated, by hym that neadeth it not.

It remaineth, that I shovv yovv, vvhat Recusants. men these Recusants arr, vvho suffer in England, and hovv they haue bean put to the triall of ther vertue.

The Recusants ar such, as by the nevv lawes, ar men marked owt, that refuse for ther conscience, to frequent the ordinarie prayers, sermons, and communion, ap­pointed by the Church of England. this is all ther offenc; and the sole trevv cawse, they [Page 379] the lavv doth take notice of them, and that fault, bycause it showeth onelie that they ar not conformable to the Quenes iniun­ctions, and the Canons of that Church: and doth not conuinc them of anie disloyall af­fection to the Quene, and the state: ther for they ar subiect to a pecuniarie mulct, vvhich the Scots men name verrie proper­lie and significantlie (Saule moonie.)

They haue allvvaies bean, and yet arr, persons of good qualitie, manie of noble parentage; most of vnder standing: fevv of the meaner sort: and all, men of vertue and pietie, vvho haue learned, vvhat accoumpt is to be mayd of conscience. And of this sort of subiects, diuers haue bean euer sin­ce the first alteration. It vvas an informa­tion of more mallice, then truth (by that profownd Casuist and Reporter of the lav­ves:) that from 1^o Elizab. No person ded refuse to come to the Church (to publick and vsuall prayers) till the bull of Pius 5. vvas published.

As yf that bull had bean the sole meane, to induce recusants, to disobey the Quenes lavves; and so to maik disloyaltie and dis­obedience, the Original of recusancie. I knovv, he could not be ignorant, that all puritans, refused to come to Church, or to communicate: and wear best content to [Page 380] walk in the Church, till sermon begonn; so much they ded dislike the liturgie of En­gland.) Besides he forgot, hovv manie Bushops, and preasts, wear then knowen and professed recusants: and how manie noble men, and gentlmen of accoumpt, ded forbeare to show them selfs members of that Church. I maruel hovv he could conceaue, that onelie Leuites and Prelates, wear left to pray and serue God; for a peo­ple, who showed no religion nor constan­cie, to wards Gods worship in tenn yeares? No S^r England had manie worthie men at that tyme, vvho never bowed ther knee, to Nabugodonosors statua; as Lanhearn, Grafton, Dinglie, Ashbie, and manie other places can witnes. and the author of the execution of Iustice, giueth better testimo­nie thereof; and vseth it as an argument of the Quenes rare clemencie, and her confi­dence of ther loyaltie. further more, yf yow look curiouslie and iudiciouslie into it, that bull ded not concern ther going to the Church and seruing God: but touching the Quenes being lawfull Quene, and ser­uing her, (after the excommunications.)

Now How these noble gentlmen, and others succeading, wear vsed and oppres­sed: to what reproaches they wear subiect, by the basest skoome of men: it is a lamen­table [Page 381] storie, and would mooue a hart of flint.

It was not affliction enough, to autho­rise purseuants to search ther howses: and Promoters to informe against them: but they must also haue a Felton, surue yor of ther lands, and estates: What losses ded they sustain, by the leases of the third part of ther lands? what loss of goods, by rapi­ne? what spoyle of woods? what bribes wear they forced to geue, gratiam emendi­cando? I nead not repeat them: I haue sean some part of the proceading.

For ther committing to W [...]sbich, Banhu­rie, Elie, the Fleat, York, or Ludlovv: though they ded suffer ther restraint patientlie: yet I must neads pittie them, bycause ther they lost ther libertie, hazarded health, wear for­ced to neglect ther state: vvear detained from ther wiues and children: and mayd subiect to the contempt of the world.

And touching ther being Disarmed: yt was more disgrace then loss: it prooued they wear distrusted, which was a course rather to prouoke, then reclayme them. But for ther twentie povvnds a month, payd into the excheckor: that ded lie heauie, and mayd the meaner sort grone (though I know by the lo B. the rigor and extremitie, was a litl qualified.) Compare these with [Page 382] the Puritans recusants (who will beare no such burdens:) yow shall fynd in the Ca­tholicks, more vertue, and less insolencie: more humilitie and less dainger to the state. Compare them, with the recusants of Fran­ce: and yow will think our gētlmen preasts, and ther ministers Capitains: our Catho­licks vnwilling to offend, theyrs vnwilling to obeye: they defend ther faith with ther swords, and resist the magistrate; ours en­dure, and s [...]io, cui credidi, is ther comfort; and bycause they haue no Bezaes, no Kno­xes, no Synodes, no boutefeus, they can not shovv yow a Mountauban, or a Mountpel­lier, nor anie other place of assuranc and re­trayt, but the Fleat, or the Gatehows.

And yet neither in these plotts and trea­sons, supposed to haue bean against her per­son in Quene Elizabeths tyme; nor in that inuinc [...]bl armado 1588. nor in that inuisible armie (the skarcrowe of London) 1599. nor in the vvarrs of Ireland (whearin the Quene, required ayd of her subiects:) no men, ded shovv them selfs more forward, to doe her maiestie seruice: nor performed more readilie and franklie what was impo­sed vpon them: nor behaued them selfs, vvith more devvtie, and less dainger. The reason is playne; they that refuse to go to Protestant Churches, in respect of ther [Page 383] conscienc: vvill far more refuse for con­science sake, to committ treason (a sinn of so highe degree:) and surelie they that re­gard so litl ther own bodies, for safetie and saluation of ther sowles; will never attempt or consent to anie desperate act, against the kings person, or the state of ther contrie: and by such greauous and crijng sinnes, ha­zard the destruction of both bodie and sowle.

Now yf yow will compare the greauan­ces The Inqui­sition. of Recusants, Preasts and Catholicks in England, vvith the Inquisition of Flan­ders (one of the long cawses of that warr.) yow shall fynd heare, moe burdens, and theirs not heauier. It is a rule taught com­monlie, but learned of fevv, quod tibi fieri non vis, alteri ne feceris. The protestants of E. condemned the name of Inquisition in Flanders, bycause ther brethren groned vnder that burden: and yet a more grea­uous load being imposed vpon ther con­triemen, frends, and kinsmen at home, they taik no remorse, no compassion. ther for I will set before yow a glass, which shall trewlie represent vnto yow, the face, form, and differenc of ther punishments.

Charles the 5. at Worms 1521. decreed against Luther, onelie Exile, and Fyre for his books. Anno 1526. at Machlin, he set [Page 384] dovvn this penaltie against Hereticks, or those that disputed of controuerses of reli­gion, or that keapt books prohibited: for the first offenc 40. shillings: for the second 4. povvnds: and for the third 8. povvnds, and perpetual banishment (as a proper re­medie to remooue them from infecting others.)

Anno 1529. yf at a tyme limited, they ded not repent ther errors, nor disclayme then, he adiudged Viris ignem, mulieribus fossam (as the Canons ancientlie prescribed, and as Calum hym self vsed Seruetus.)

Anno 1531. he confirmed the former acts, adding that these who keapt such books, and defaced and puld downe images (male animo,) should loose ther goods. and yet he vsed some limitation. and for heresie, yf he vvear worth 6. l. and be conuicted of it, the delinquent should pay. 3.

And to avoyd all quaestions, 1555. he in­terpreted and explayned hym self, for the penaltie of thes lawes, with the aduise of Viglius. to taik avvay all occasions that might hinder traffick: he limited that the penaltie against those that vvear receauors or abettors of such men; should not exten­de to inkeapers, victuallers, marchants or mariners. and yf the accusors ded slander anie iniuriouslie, they should be punished [Page 385] for example sake. this though it wear ge­nerallie enacted, yet it was both intended, and accordinglie more seuearly executed against Anabaptists and Libertines (the grea­test plages of a state.) After ward king Philip 1555. set down instructions, rules, and orders, direct (this court properlie erected for heresie, and to preuent secret conuenticles the moothers of sedition:) and these regia mandata exquisitorum, I refer yow to see in the storie of Vander Hare. Whea­rin the king addeth no new amerciements, nor deuiseth anie new seueritie: for as he answered Montigny, he purposed not to bring in the Inquisition of Spayne, but to reuiue his fathers lawes: nor to create anie new offences, but such as wear of old cen­sured for offences both in the Churche and state. And yet this proceading ded work ill effects: bred in the Catholicks a commi­seration of ther contriemen, and a greater obstinacie in the protestants.

Now look vpon E. match and compare The lavves of England against Catholicks. them together: and yow will fynd the pe­nalties far moe, and more seuear.

To acknowledg the Popes suprematie in spiritualibus, is Treason. To be reconciled, is Treason.

To refuse the oath of supremacie, is for the first offenc premunire, for the second, [Page 386] Treason. For preasts to come over into E. is Treason. (1585. or yf they stay in E. 40. dayes after the parliement: or yf they wear mayd preasts sinc 1. Elizab. To harbour a preasts is fellonie.

Yf yong students continue beyond the seas, and return not, and abiure ther reli­gion, and show them selfs conformable: it is Treason. To bring in an agnus Dei, beads, or crosses, is premanire. To bring a bull from Roome; or anie sentenc of excom­munication, which toucheth the Quene; is Treason.

To absolue or reconcile anie man, is Treason. He that commeth not to Chur­che vpon each sonday, was to pay 12. d. and be further censured: but afterward he that refused to hear ther prayers, and com­municate, (27. Eliz.) is to pay for euerie month 20. povvnds: and he that can not pay it, his bodie shall fyne for it in prison. To depart owt of the realm withowt the Quenes licens, and not to return within 6. months after the proclamation, is an of­fenc so great; that the offendor shall forfeit his goods, and his lands during his lyfe.

To hear mass▪ is an offenc fyned at a 100. marks. Yf a man suffer his sonn or his seruants (being not a merchant) to go beyond seas: he shall forfeit 100. l. Ther [Page 387] ar manie mo: but these ar too manie. now, whether of these, ar whipped with the grea­test scourge? vvhether of these lavves ar most seuear, and haue most nead of miti­gation? the name onelie of Treason, is terrible, and overgoeth far the rigor of the most rigourous and capitall lavves of the Inquisition: and when I haue named that, I sleightlie pass ouer the loss of goods, emprisonment, reproaches, chaynes and fetters, exile, aggrauation of offences, (which vvould haue appeased the vvrathe of Minos or Rhadamanthus.)

But the rigour of the execution of these lavves, is most to be noted. The tovvre, vvas full of such patients; and nevv prisons erected to entertain them: and hovv they vvear at that tyme vsed; yovv may best knovv by the exampl of dealing vvith mai­ster Tregion at Lanson, of maister Rigby; of maister Christophor watson, vvho pe­rished at york, vvith the infection of the prison, as 18. other prisoners for religion ded, 1581.

Add to this, the strict examination of Iustices; the proceading of the high com­missioners (the inquisitors in E.) the Har­pies, at visitations; the promoters in tempo­rall courts informing against them: purse­uants searching the hovvses of men but [Page 388] suspected: and how much they wear noted, that affoorded anie charitie or almes to such persons. And surelie it is a thing I maruelat, that so great and wise counsel­lors would not remember that note of Ta­citus as a stayne of gouernment; that [...]o [...] esse delatores in republica, vvas a certan sumptome of a diseased state.

I can not forget, tho I would Racks and torments, (the examino [...]s of Fa Campion, and Fa. Sowthwel, and manie others:) but satius est pertransire calamitat [...]m publi [...]am.

Therfor I may iustlie affirme, that the Catholicks in England, ded endure greater torture by the lawes of the realm: then the Geuses ded by the Inqu [...]sition, and had therfor nead of more commiseration, (spe­ciallie vvhen pu [...]itans, Anabaptists, Ar­rians, nor Atheists wear so curiously sear­ched for, nor so terriblie afflicted.

But the great cross Crosslet, is this, exceading all punishment, that they gene­rallie gaue owt in proclamations 1591. and in the book of execution of iustice: that no man was punished for religion, no mans conscienc was examined for his faith.

A politick deuise, to blind the world with show of humanitie, and to preserue the opinion of the Quenes mercie vnstay­ned vvith anie aspersion of creweltie: so [Page 389] they abuse the credulitie of forrein states, to aggrauate the offences of preasts and prisoners.

But was no man punished for religion in Q Eliz. tyme? 1. ther vvas a general pardon 1581. whearin, a strict caution and prouiso was. that the benefit thereof should not be extended to anie person in prison, or recusant, for matter of religion (and yet all malefactors, had ther part in the par­don.) and was this no punishment, nor partialitie? 2. the Recusants pay 20. li. povvnds a month, in regard of ther reli­gion: is this no punishment? is not this properly called Sawl moonie? The Turk layeth not such a tribut, vpon the con­scienc of Christians, nor Christians vpon the Iewes. 3. the old prelates and Cleargie all dyed in prison, or in exile, for ther reli­gion: and yet no man is punished, either in goods, or bodie, or libertie. What con­tradictions ar these? and how palpable.

The Ladie Morlie La. Brown, and La. Guildeford. 1575. Hollinshead recordeth, as a matter to be noted, that thresuch ho. persons, wear committed to prison onelie for hearing Mass. and was this no punish­ment? leases wear mayd of two parts of di­uers of ther lands: and was that no punish­ment?

[Page 390] But to conclude, the loyaltie of these Recusants might appeare to the king plain­lie, by ther petition to his maiestie 1604. and manie tymes after: and euer by ther obedienc. and in Q. Eliz. tyme, by ther pro­testation 1588. mayd at Ely whear they wear keapt prisoners: by the offers they mayd to the Lord North (Liuetennant there) by the iustification of them by the letters of the Lords of the counsel, (and by ther submission sent to the Lords not withstan­ding all excommunications.) and so the Irish Recusants ioyning ther forces vvith the Quenes. 1600. at Kinsal, showed them selfs subiects àbsolutè and not ex conditione.

Now it is tyme to draw to a conclusion, An ans­vver to the questions proposed in the begin­ning. and deliuer vp an accoumpt and somme of all. and decide those quaestions, proposed in the beginning of this discourse, that Princes may know, how farr, and how sa­felie, they may repose them selfs, ther persons, and states, vpon the loyaltie of Catholick subiects. First therfor, touching the last quaestion, vvhether to be a protestant and a loyal subiect, be not more in compatible, and more improbable; then to be a Catho­lick and loyal? It is in this discourse, lar­gelie demonstrated, both by ther first ge­neration in Germanie and Geneua: by ther progresse in France, by ther proceading in [Page 391] Holland, and by ther sedition in Scotland. The scope and end of them all was, to sett vp the doctrine of Luther and Caluin, to ruine the Church, and aduanc the desseins of ambition (oft intermingled with these fayre showes of Reformation.) Novv as yow can never plant anie new sect withowt, faction, conuenticles, associations: so to faction and schisme, sedition is an accident inseparable; for therupon all magistrates and lavves ar resisted, and that vvith vio­lenc (for no vvar is so passionate, as the vvars of conscienc.)

Remember the natiuitie of Lutheranis­me, the Huguenots, and Geuses: and how vvell they vvear mantained by the svvord, euen from ther Cradle: so as they grevv to that height of presumption, that either they vvould vnking ther soouerains, and create them selfs Lords, as in Holland: or by tyring and terrifijng ther Princes vvith armes and tumults, force them to pacifi­cation, as in France: or absolutelie de­pose ther Princes, (vvhen they became maisters and commanders of the state) as Scotland can vvel remember, and haith cavvse.

So likevvise on the contrarie part, con­sider exactlie; vvhether it be so impossible (as some by ther books haue misinformed [Page 392] the vvorld, for a Preast or a Roman Ca­tholick to be a good subiect, vvhich ques­tion concerneth vs most.

Yf yow look back to former ages yow shall fynd that from the Saxons, to king E. 6. To be a Catholick, vvas never taken as a barr to loyaltie; neither vvas ther euer anie opposition fovvnd in the essenc and nature of loyaltie, and the grownds of the Catholick faithe, And good reason; for that religion, which most aymeth at mor­tification of the bodie, and best armeth hym to combate vvith sinn: and disposeth best the consciences of men, to peace and devv obedienc; and is aprooued by expe­rienc of all ages, least to embroyle and en­dainger a state vvith practises, and treasons: must neads (of all indifferent men) be estea­med more consonant and agreable, to alle­gianc and fidelitie, then that vvild and po­pular doctrine of the consistorians; vvhich (owt of presumption and licensiousnes) vvill be confined into no circle of order; but euer contemning lavve, will dominer and rule as transcendents, and taik vpon them the iurisdiction both of preasts and kings in a kingdome.

2. Secondlie no man can denie, but that Spayne, Italie, France, he Empyre, and Po­land, accōpt hym the best affected subiect, [Page 393] and least daingerous to the state, who is most deuoted to Catholick religion. And then yf to be a Catholick ded bread and ingender anie ill blood in the bodie, or se­cret infection of disloyaltie, and so vvear in regard of the state, malum in se, and natu­rallie; then vpon the generall tryall of na­tions, in so manie ages, it vvould haue bean discouered and detected, for that imperfe­ction. vvhich it never haith bean charged withall, neither in all these forren contries; nor heartofore at anie tyme in England.

Therfor, seing it is not malum in se and simpliciter, (as T. M. and parson Whyte, haue in ther books scandalouslie slandered that religion, and the Preasts and profes­sors thereof:) seing, it can not be verified [...], neither genarallie of the pro­fession (as Calyinism may iustlie, yf the Lutherans say trewlie;) nor particularlie of the persons professing it: nor originallie and ordinarilie in precedent ages, neither for doctrin or exampl, they can be taxed: I may iustlie infer, they ar acquited.

And surelie it was an error both vnciuil and vndiscreat, to maik ther proposition so general, and therby to maik the whole Churche so odious to the people, and so much suspected to the king: for we ack­nowledg, that there ar of ther sect, verrie [Page 394] manie calm, and moral men, boni viri, boni ciues, of sociable nature, and not apt to blow the coles of sedition, of persecution.

And so also the autho of the execution of Iustice, ded geue a good testimonie, of the loue and loyaltie of diuers worthie and noble Catholicks to Q Elizab. (euen when they had greatest cawse to the contrarie, when oppressions and contempt might ha­ue prouoked flesh and blood to mutinies.) and though each man wisheth the propa­gation, and aduancement of his own reli­gion: yet in the means to procure it, and in the course to seak, and in the manner and order of proceading to fynd it, this treatise heith prooued, that ther is great oddes and differenc betwean them. as the confession and supplication of the preasts; the pa­tienc, and obedienc of recusants; the pietie and doctrine of the Seminaries haue suffi­cientlie prooued.

3. Now let vs compare, and parallel them (to maik it more playne.) The Catholicks generallie both in France, Germanie, and England, ar the patients, the Protestants ar the agents.

1. The one stand as defendors, the other as inuadors.

2. Preasts songht to keap that de iure they had, Ministers to get that they had not, for [Page 395] haeresie being a separation from the bodie, could not enioye the liberties, or benefit of the Church, til it vvas mayd no heresie.)

3. The Preasts vvear possessors: the mi­nisters disseisors, and iniurious.

4. The Catholicks obey ex conscientia, and absolute: the protestants conditionaliter and with a quatenus, and onelie for pollicie and gouernement.

5. Preasts ar punished, not for anie iniu­stice inhaerent, but by imputation onelie, and not for trespasses, but for opinions. not for that which is, defacto, but to preuent fien­dum (yf Priscian vvill pardon me.) But Caluinists, ar guiltie both of action, vsur­pation, and treasons reallie, as this last year Lescun (president of the assemblies at Ro­chel,) Haute-Fontain, Chaumier (preacher of Saumur suffred in France. and P. Gom­bault, (all for real treasons.) And Bischar­cy in Polland, for attempting to kill the king, whome he wounted greauouslie (as he went to the Church.)

6. And there practises, and ther spirites differ as much: foras.

7. They obiect, the positions of some priuate and disauowed persons, and words onelie: the Catholicks obiect ther rebel­lions in dead, ther battels, ther real con­spiracies, at Amboys, and in the wayle of [Page 396] Charmentras near Meaux, to surprize the king.

8 They reforme per populum and tumults: the Catholicks by order, law and superiors.

9. They charg the Catholiks, with trea­sons newlie enacted, strayned, and vpon suspicion: contrarilie they ar condemned by ancient lawes, currant in all Ghristen­dom by consent, and by all ciuil and muni­cipal lawes.

10. The Catholicks seak not to hinder succession of kings that ar protestants: as knox holdeth null is Pa [...]ista in regno uthe­rano aut Calumiano, in regis principis aut aliam quam cunque dignitatem euehi potest.

11. The Catholicks prefer a Monarchie: Caluin, Wolfius & Swinglius, an Aristo­cracie.

12. Yet the Catholicks, and our English protestants agree in this (as in manie other weightie matters) that princes ar not to be deposed: but the Caluinists hold the contrarie. and therfor maister T. M. by [...]. sovvnd propositions; condemneth, both the practise of the Hollanders, Bohemians, Sweuelanders, Parraeus, &c. and that iudi­ciously. 1. in his 6. reason. they vvho sug­gest a doctrine, of forcible deposing Prin­ces, ar manifestly rebellious. 2. in cap. 4. they that vpon anie pretenc, denie the [Page 397] right of election or succession of Princes, ar seditious (for tho he saith is of prote­stant princes, I taik it he meaneth a [...]l, and generallie, or els h [...]s gap it to vvyde and partiall.) 3. when the king is established in his throne, who seduceth the harts of subiects, and withdrawes ther obedienc, ar traytors. applie these well, and commend maister T. M. for his playne dealing with Holland, and ther fellowes.

But I perceaue they will obiect that the state of England, euer since. 13. Eliz. vpon iealousie and distrust had of Catholicks: ar­med ther magistrates with seuear lavves, against them (as the most capitall enemies of the crown:) and therfor haue branded the Preasts, with the bleamish of treason, (as a character inseparable, and a stayn ne­ver to be taken owt.) From whenc procea­deth it, that to be a preast, should be repu­ted as a poyson to corrupt obedienc? surelie vpon certan new lawes, mayd in the tyme of Q. Elizabeth: whearby that is made ma­lum prohibitum, which before was neuer iud­ged in England, to be malum in s [...]: and that vocation vvas mayd Treason; which was wont to sit in the chayre of gouernement, and by whose oracles and decrees, the peo­ple was directed, bothe in Chancerie, Rolls, and all Ecclesiasticall courts. I haue before [Page 398] reuealed ther reasons: and puld of all vi­sards, which hyde the face of truth. After the supremacie was enacted, and the Oath commanded: the next care was; to compell men to the exercise of the religion then established. but the seminaries being ere­cted, the societie of Iesus encreasing, and preasts being often sent ouer into England; then begonn fyre and sword to rage: the acts of 13. of 25. of 27. the proclamations of 1580. and 1591. wear published against the preasts and fathers. and no man is so blynd, but may discern, the occasion of this rigour, was for religion (being for hea­ring mass, and confessions, which ar the foundation and pillers of religion: and yet I confess the iealousies, fears, and suspicious of the tyme set for ward these seuear cour­ses. for thes prouident Counsellors, ded think it necessarie by the horror of lawes, to maik the seminaries of no vse by barring owt of the realme the Seadsmen. for tho they ded obserue hovv far the zeal of the Church, had transported the preasts, that they preferred the Triumph of Truth be­fore ther liues: yet by all wordlie coniectu­res they probablie conceaued, that the na­me of Treason (as a Medusaes head) would haue amazed and terrified them: 1. bycause it stayned them all with a most reproachfull [Page 399] blott: 2. and speciallie, bycause they tought it depriued and robbed them of the crown and glorie of martyrdome, the trophees of religion. 3. besides they suppo­sed, that the loss of ther liues (in so infa­mous manner) the bleamish and hazard of ther frends, and the punishment of ther partakers and abettors, would haue vtterlie discooraged them, from resorting anie mo­re to England.

But this deuise ded not prosper, it proo­ued quite contrarie; ex cineribus Phoenix, re­ligion encreased by persecution owt of the ashes of martyrs: so these politick lawes wrought not the effect, they wear enacted for, and yet wear verrie offensiue to all for­rein princes, as leges Draconis, and phalaris­mus, (for these ar euer held to be most god­lie lawes, that ar least sanguinarie, and yet mantain.

Now forasmuch, as vpon worldlie res­pects, A petition and reasons for miti­gation. manie acts haue of passedin parlie­ment, to trie what operation and cure they would works in the state: and yf they proo­ued fruitles medecins, or as empirical pur­gations (too violent, fitter to kill then to cure,) then to be repealed. and bycause these prouisions and lawes against religious persons, ar prooued to be such: so they li­kewise ex gratia speciali, and ovvt of his [Page 400] maiesties gracious compassion, may be wel abrogated. for as they wear mayd for the fears, and suspicions of that tyme: so by the grace and mercie of this tyme (when they ar both neadles and causeles) they may with honor be cancelled (yf his ma­iestie shall please,) and the execution the­rof suspended: to vvhose royall considera­tion, I most humblie offer. these few lines, as petitions rather then reasons, not for iustice but mercie.

1. It was euer held against the wisedome and pollicie of this realme, to fetter them selfs with too manie shacles of treason and dainger. and therfor as 25. Edw. 3. at the petitions of the subiects, the king ded de­clare and determin, what should be taken and iudged for a case of treason, by the com­mon lawes of the realme. so 1. Henry the 4. c. 10. it was confirmed and established, that nothing hearafter should be deamed treason, otherwise then was expressed by E. 3. And albeyt diuers actions wear strayned, vp to be treason for a tyme (vvhich vvear not within the list of 25. E. 3.) as H. 6. the taking and surprising of persons and goods in Wales, (so to stand for the space of 7. yeares onelie.) and 8. H. 6. burning of howses: and 22. H. 8. poysoning, &c. which of ther own nature, and simplie wear [Page 401] not treason, (and therfor had a limitation of tyme annexed to them. yet prudently all such former acts vvear repealed and mayd voyd 1. E. 6. for a more indifferent and merciefull proceading vvith subiects; that the remedie might not be more dain­gerous then the disease; and that the Lil­lies and roses of the crown, might not be dyed with innocent blood. For both in the tyme of Ciuil vvarrs, and now (while this great controuersie of religion dependeth in England vndecided) such statutes open the gate, to let in ruine, desolation, and confiscation bothe into the prisons of preasts, and into the castles of the nobili­tie and gentrie: as appeared by the exampls, and daingers of Arondel, Northumber­land, Arden, Sommerfeld, and diuers others: ane what ded happen to them, maye endainger all.

2. It vvill be a thing incredible to posteri­tie, that so vvise a nation vvould maik that to be treason, by parliement: vvhich so generallie, so perpetuallie, ane so ancientlie haith bean honoured end approoued, by all lavves. vvas not preasthood vsed and exercised by the patriachs, vnder the lavv of nature? established by Moyses, and the lavv of God? continued yet in Christ, and his Churches, and never repealed by anie [Page 402] nevv decree, vnder grace and the gospel? and yf vvhich is impossible,) the Church erreth in that poynt of preasthood, all ages, all fathers: all counsels, all nations, haue li­ued (as blindmen) in darknes and a chaos, till Luther dispersed the mist: is it not li­kelie?

Religion and preasthood, wear like Hip­pocrates twins, born and bred, laughing and weaping beginning and ending toge­ther. for in Moyses law, the preast, wear the inquisitors, inspectores omnium, iudices controuersiarum, punitores damnatorum: as Iosephus l. 2. contra Appion, sets Down. yf anie difficultie arise, venies ad Socerdotes, 17. Deu­ter. and in c. 44. Ezech. Sacerdotes populum meum docebunt, quid intersit inter Sanctum & prophanum, and so Philo. l. 3. de vita Moysis, Iosaphat 2. paral. and the Sanhedrim it self doth witnes it. the reason of these remai­neth yet in the tyme of the gospel, and ther for by the lawes of England, such re­uerenc vvas euer showed to religious men: that yf a bond man ded enter into a cloy­ster, the law held it more reasonable, that the king should loose his interest in the bo­die, then to be taken ovvt of his order. the like vvas iudged: yf the kings wards should enter into religion: besides an alien can hold no lands in E. yet yf he be a preast [Page 403] he may be a bushop hear, and enioy his temporalties, as Lanfranc, and Anselm wear (vvho wear never dennisons.) Besides the state reposed so great trust in them, that they wear, maisters of the Rolls, Six Clarks, nay oft, Chancellors and Threasorers of the realm. And therfor it was a course of Summum ius, by new lawes, to punish men for an ancient vocation, and so generallie receaued (speciallie vvhen the storme is overblowen.)

3. Besides, in Germanie, Charles V. punished Luther by Exile: and in Scot­land by Baratre, banishment they punish haeresie. so they ded vviselie distinguish Haeresie and Treason, as seuerall offences, by seuerall punishments.

4. Add also, that yf yow preiudice it so farr, to be a preast or religious man, as to think it opposite to religion: then both ther fault and ther punishment had bean more properlie marshalled in the rank of Here­sies, then of treasons. So ded Caluin deal with Seruetus at Geneua: so ded the Bushop of London latelie with Leggat the Arrian. for Haeresie, is most properlie to be iudged by the Church, as appeareth in the preface of the statut, 24. H. 8. C. 11. that by the lawes and customes of this realme, and by the goodnes of the Princes, the knowledg [Page 404] of Testaments, matrimonie &c. of ould appartained to the spiritual iurisdiction. and all Canons for heresie wear mayd and iudged by the Cleargie, as by 25. H. 8. C. 19. and by Linvvoods constitutions appea­red; and by the act 32. H. 8. whearby preasts wear mayd iudges to enquire of the 6. arti­cles. and the tvvo iurisdiction be distinct as D. Ridlie prooueth; and no prohibition can lie in the courts at vvestminster for matters of heresie. Therfor these great and politick men, to avoyd infinite disputs for religion; and to insinuate to the Q. there rare, prouidenc, and preseruation of her, and the preuenting of manie daingers, (to vphold ther credit dailie with her, and show hovv much she neaded them) they ded think it best, to accuse them for treason.

And yet ther was an other cawse also, for ther vvas no Canon in esse, to maik them haeretikes.

For yf yovv vvil maik papists, to be a sect: it is so old a sect, as it vvill trovvble the best Doctor, to fynd directly anie other beginning, them from S. Peter: (of vvhose sect and fowld all the fathers desired to be.)

5. Lastlie and principallie, seing that as Sayles so Lavves, ar to be turned; and as oc­casion tyme, circumstanc, and reason of state shall direct, either to be altered, or [Page 405] reuoked. and seing also, as the case, so the caws of Quene Elizabeth, and his maiestie ar farr different (for the king haith no Competitor; no reason for such iealousies and fears as Q. Eliz. was subiect to: he hol­deth amitie and good correspondenc, with these forren princes the Q. dowbted; the roses grow not vp now emong thornes, as heartofore.) and Therfor his Maiestie may be pleased, to grant that owt of grace to his subiects, which other Princes haue permit­ted to ther subiects, for occasions of state. and to stopp and stay a litl the passionate humors of those that ar aduersaries to that grace: I humhlie offer these few considera­tions, to qualifie and cool the heat of vn­discreat zeal, and a supposition of incom­patibilitie.

For I dowbte noting on his maiesties behalf, who haith bean euer constantly disposed to mercie, (if ther had bean no crooked instruments to hinder it.) he who at first, tould vs, My m [...]nd vvas euer free from persecution, or thralling my subiects, in matters of conscienc. he, who in writing told the world, Fate or me non libenter suspendere Presbyterum, pro sola religione, aut celebratione Missae. he, who iudged that it can no way becom a man, to pronounc lightlie, sentenc in so ould controuersie: what preast or reli­gious [Page 406] man could appeal to a better iudg? or expect a iudgment of more compassion. he that sent to Franc to mediate for the peace of straingers: who can dowbte, but he will as gracioustie deal with his ovvn: for cha­ritie beginus with it self, and tho they differ in religion, they agree in obedienc: ther bodies ar at the kings command, and sowles he vvil lean to God: put them to be tryed on all actions, and seruices, he vvill fynd cawse to trust them. who would not them burie a quaestion or 2. in silenc, to saue the liues of subiects, and to be assured of loyal­tie? for the greatest offenc is verbal, but the hart is reallie loyal.

If the rules of ciuil societie, and moral conversation, may beare anie swaye: then I dowbt not, but mercie, and grace will ever sit in the highest place of the throne, and becom it best.

1. For is maiestie owt of his wisedome Reason for the tolera­tion of Ca­thol. in E. haith long obserued, that too seuear perse­cution, maketh men desperate, non coercet, sed prouocat violentia. and too heanie a hand vpon those, that the law casteth down: sho­wet a will rather to oppresse the offendor, then cure the offence. It is the greatest honor to a king that his mercie is more then his iustice; and that his benches and courts can witnes compassion. for he that [Page 407] setts open the prison doors, (in so wise, and gracious manner:) meaneth not to conquer the harts and consciences of his subiects by torments, but winn them, by mercie and vertue.

2. If yow respect the ancient Aphorisms of state: It haith bean ever in such cases the wisedom of the greatest princes, punire raro. It was ascribed, as a title of honor, to Aug. Caesar, nunquam ciuilem sanguinem fu­disse. And great reason, for clemencie is a vertue royal, sometymes of as great polli­cie as pietie: bycause yt begets loue, and loue breads loyaltie: commands the verrie sowl, and layetha the bodie at his feat. A kings mercie kindleth fyre and zeal in the harts of subiects; pittie and toleration, as they maik the obligation of the offendors greater; so it maiks them repent to haue offended hym, who haith so obliged them. the reason is infallible in all noble spirits, fidelem si putaueris, facies: vvho euerac­coumpt, that the greatest disgrace, is to be distrusted.

3. It haith bean a common rule, and sel­dome fayles, being so trew, malus custos diu­turnitatis metus. and therfor Tacitus, could not describe the tyrannie of Tiberius, but he must declare the morks, and properties thereof, vbi delatorum authoritas magna, lesoe [Page 408] maiestatis crimen frequens obijcitur, ac boni cu­iusque viri inuadendi, vel tollendi pretextus est, and he addeth frequens accusatio, & in quouis crimine adiuncta, de laesa maiestate principis. Nothing showeth more euidentlie, that authoritie inclineth to tirannte; then the mul­titud of promoters, continual informations, and the name of treason mayd as a liuerie to put vpon all offences: and it fitteth well both the case of preasts, and of ther en­tertainors. Seneca (who liued vnder a Ty­rant) fownd by experience, that frequens vin­dicta paucorum odium reprimit, omnium irritat. and is not that an error? but it is a greater error to punish, all crimes, with the penal­tie of treason. Vltima supplicia supplicijs vl­timis ponat; vt nemo pereat, nisi quem perire etiam pereuntis intersit. The speach of Ab­nar, to Ioab. 2. regum. c. 2. may not be for­gotten, Num vsque ad inter necionem huius mucro deseuiet? an ignoras quod periculosa est desperatio? vsque quo non dicis populo, vt omit­tat, persequi fratres suos? it is both good counsell, and good exampl. Germanicus is noted to haue vveapt, vvhen he see the slanghter of the soldiers of the legions, that mutined; non medicinam illud, sed cla­dem appellans. And doe yow think that pit­tie dyed with Germanicus, or that there wear not manie, and great persons, mooued with [Page 409] the butcherie in England of some preasts? it is the propertie of commiseration, to be touched rather vvith the calamitie it seeth, then to examin the cavvse, it seeth not.

4. I must plead this, as an argument, (by exampl of a pagan Prince) for compassion. Marcus Aurelius, (tho the law was strict at Room, Deos perigrinos ne colunto:) yet he permitted toleration to Christians, as Ter­tullian in Apol. c. 5. Theodosius and Gra­tian, (the most Christian Emperors) wear content, to tolerate the Arrians, (enemies reallie of Christ.) and Iosephus noteth of Onias Megalita, the same permission, to continew brother hood for the peace of the state l. 14. c. 13. Antiq. The Venetians suffer the Iewes to liue emong them, as the king of Spayn ded the Moores, (till neces­sitie forced hym to expell them.) Hovv much more reasonable is it to tollerate Ca­tholick religion, the moother of the nevv religion: and the law maker and iudg hear­tofore of all religions.

5. It is a fals proposition, and proceaded from gall and Splean, that Catholicks ar vnsociable: that they can not liue vvith protestants in one common welth; withowt iarrs and tumults: and lasthe (vvhich is giuen owt, onelie to bread an exulceration [Page 410] in the harts of the people) it is not tolera­ble in a Christian and wel gouerned com­mon welth, to grant toleration to papists.

Touching the first poynt, the better and more charitable sort of protestants, vvill not endure to hear so gross a paradox, which day lie is before ther eyes prooued false. for the Recusants in E. liue emong yow, both peaceablie and neighborlie, and withowt scandall. yow buy and sell with them: they performe all the offices of neighborhood, they denie no temporall dewties, neither tithes to ministers (tho for sacraments.) nor devvtie to magistrates, nor societie euen with puritans. and it is a fals Surmise, that Catholicks hold Protestants, as haere­tiques and excommunicate (a skarcrowe, to keap them a sonder, and noorish diui­sion, as yf ther vvear a natural antipathia betwean them) But these Doctors, (who playe therin the Boutefeus,) remember not, that the Catholicks, deseru more respect, and fauor, by the law of Senioritie (as the right heyrs of the Church, disinherited of ther patrimonie.) The old Church ded leaue them ther priuiledges, and honor: she erected ther Cathedral Churches for our preasts, she endowed ther colledges for our professors, she builded ther alters for our sacrifices. Most of ther ancients haue [Page 411] ther baptism from her the Bibles, Cread, and ceremonies: and surelie it requireth some better respect, for yf they had not left them, yovv could not haue fovvnd them, and they hope, they shall not fynd charitie buried in England: the conten­tion is not general, and personal, but for opinions: so yf yow force them not to be insociabl by scandals and prouocations, yow can not fynd them vnsociable; tho they meat not at Church, they may meat at market. Hitherto they haue liued emong yow, and withowt iust complaint, and should they be vvorse respected, yf the king be pleased to show them mercie? re­member, that chacun à son tour; forget not, that sinc k. H. 8. religion haith had his chainges; and what God pleaseth to deter­min, man must obey: they that ar now in Gloria Patri, may be hearafter Sicut erat in principio. The Pure Caluinists will not en­dure Bushops, therfor further not oppres­sion, least yow fynd suppression when yow look not for it. Continew amitie; and for­get not, that the bonds of religious vnitie ar so to be strenthned, as the bonds of hu­main societie be not dissolued.

I dowbt to mutiners, yf the king please: for reasō of state is a kings priuiledg, which may dispenc with ciuil ordinarie courses, [Page 412] for his own safetie, and preseruation of the realm. and he deserues not to be respected as a subiect, that vvill seak to bynd the hands of his Princ, and bar his beneuolenc.

6. And touching the last poynt, that reli­gion will not permittanie such toleration. I know and acknowledg, ther ar manie reuerend, learned, and good men (prote­stāts in E.) who ar verrie charitable, nor ene­mies to ther persons, tho to ther profession: with whome frendlie and safelie they may conuerse, withowt offenc: for how can ther be offenc, where ther is discreation? But heartofore most, of the ancient protestants ded defend, and desyre this toleration (whearat now mallice doth so snarle. Vrba­nus Regius, locis Theol. Deus non docet com­burere errantes ouiculas, sed sanare infirmas, pascere macilentas. The same is Luthers opi­nion and assertion art. 33. de non comburendis haereticis. The same Musculus teaceth loc. com. de haeres. and Osiander, Epitom. Cen­tur. 7. the same Acontius mantaineth lib. Stratagem. Satanae. Dominus, non permittit haereticorum supplicia, (& definite declarauit magistratus non esse idoneos iudices dogmatum, & interdixit illis talis iurisdiction is vsum.) And to omitt Castalio, Chytraeus in his Chron. Anno 1593. showeth how much the Pro­testants of Swecia desyred toleration. And [Page 413] D. Fulk l. de successione Ecclesiae. reprooues the king of Spayn for too much austeritie and seueritie in that poynt. Hispaniarum Rex vnicus est, tam alienus à nobis, vt nec fo­ueat, nec palam coire Ecclesias permittat in di­tionibus suis. Caluin ded once hold the same opinion. and yow your selfs, generallie and continuallie obiect, the Creweltie of Quene Maries bonefyres: and yf yow so dislike it then, why doe yow like it novv? but it is now against the law: and vvas it not so then, prohibited by law? but yet we clay­me nothing by law, but appeal to grace. It is trew, that rigour to Catholicks, is the way to bread Atheists, when they ar barred from all exercise of ther own religion they ar not easilie drawen to an other, and so they cast away all religion. and that vvas the reason, why (these wise protestants,) M. Lanoue, in his discourses, perswaded prin­ces to grant toleration: vvhy Cassander, Sturmius, held that opinion: why Belloy, in his Apol. and Melancthon consented to the like: why at first, the Geuses in the lovv contries ded so vrgentlie solli­cit the Religions Vried, and by so manie books: and vvhy Erasmus, libro de sar­cienda amabili concordia Eccl [...]siae, donec Syno­dus, laboured to prooue the necessitie of it.

7. I will geue yow examples; for matters [Page 414] of fact, mooue more, and ar subiect to less dispute. At Hieusalem, in the tyme of our Sauior Christ, ther wear two sects much differing in religion, and yet ded li­ue sociablie together, and withowt offenc either to the Church or the state. The Pharisei, and Sadducei. and they vvear not men, of one religion, and differing onelie in rites, and orders: but they vvear of opposite religions. No man will dowbt, but that the Sadduces vvear haereticks, for they denied the resurrection, and the im­mortalitie of the sowle (an articl of our beleafe, and the foundation, both of faith and hope.) that ther vvas opposition bet­vvean them and the Pharisees, it is eui­dent, by cap. 5. Acts, exsurgens Pontifex & omnes sadducei qui cum eo errant, &c. and c. 23. Sciens Paulus, quod vna pars esset saddu­ceorum, altera phariseorum, exclamauit, &c. yovv may then conclude, they vvear opposites, and ded contradict one an o­ther. The Sadduces mantained the templ of Garisim, and agreed vvith the Samari­tans, and sacrifised there (contrarie to the lavv, and to the preiudice of the templ at Hierusalem.) The people fellovved the Pharises, the scribes and Elders applau­ded the Sadducees: and both vvear here­sies (as Sigonius de repub. Hebrea p, 538. and [Page 415] Epiphanius l. 5. c. 11. doe testifie:) and all the cittie vvas deuided into these two sects, in the tyme of Herodes Antipas, (as Io­sephus saith, lib. 18. antiquit.) and yet ded they liue, quietlie vvithowt discord, riots, or tumults.

8. To come home to these tymes: in Swizzerland, (tho Swinglius was violent, owtragious, seditious, and by armes sought to compell, the fiue pages to the reli­gion of Barn and Zurich;) yet by agree­ment, all is pacified; they hould ther pri­uate Churches in ther particular tovvnes, and yet mantain the liberties, the Com­mon-welth of the Cantons, all contribu­tions, confaederations, traffick and so­cietie.

To pass ouer Svvecia: that famous king­dom of Poland, and the Empyre of Mos­ko, haue thought it neadfull, to suffer the Religions Vried, in ther dominions: both to taik away all domestical quarrels, and by a general vnitie (as a brasen vvall) to fortifie them selfs against the Turk. and shall England degenerate so farr from ther ancient glorie and vertue, as to show mo­re barbarism then Mosko or more vnna­turalnes then Poland? (vvho reserue the blood of ther neighborts to be shed vvith honor in the feald against the common [Page 416] enemie, rather then by tyrannie to weaken the bodie.)

Germanie also may be an exampl that toleration is expedient, and that it is both possible and faisibl, that two different re­ligious may liue together in peace. call to mynd, hovv quietlie the Catolicks haue suffred and conuersed with Lutherans, the­se 100. yeares, and withowt anie tumults. And surelie Charles the V. and Ferdinand, as they wear great and wise Princes, so wear they prouident and merciefull: ther grownd was the same, the kings Maiestie stands vpon, Salus populi suprema lex esto. And therfor they ordered that caueret vtra­que pars ne in suis dominijs, quenquam ad suae religionis professionem cogat, aut reuocet, aut de­pellat, contra ipsius consc [...]entiam, à religione quam profitetur. So saith Dresserus; and af­terward, confidentlie (against those, that ar so preciselie scrupulous) nec hic metuo eo­rum reprehensionem, qui putant, non nisi vnam religionem tolerandam. For conscienc can not be compelled, it may be perswaded.

9. How oft and hovv merciefullie ded the french kings, grant ther edicts of paci­fication. And to vvhat conditions, vvear they content to discend, onelie to pre­serue lyfe, and avoyd bloodshed of ther people.

[Page 417] Look vpon the ould articles of peace, grāted for the libertie of cōscienc, set down by Laual. l. 3. fol. 141. and by Pig. l. 6. c. 7. Poplonnier l. 18. a general freedom, to preach in all parts of Franc: to reuoke the condemnation of the admiral: to licens them, to hold ther forts, as pledges for ther assuranc: and that the king should pay the Germans, ther wages, who cam to ayd the protestants, &c. The present king Levves, in Oct. last. 1622. vvas content to let Maiestie discend, to article with his subiects; onelie for pax publica, and bonum publicum. He granted, 1. that the edict of Nantes should continevv, as yt ded in his fathers tyme 2. that the exercise of Catholick religion, should be reesta­blished in all places, vvhear it had bean interrupted: and the like was agreed for these of the reformed religion, (except onelie Nerac.) 3. the Caluinists to be dis­charged of all iudgments against them for matters of religion, no iudges nor the kings counsel to proceade or pursew them, but to grant them an vlterius non vult prosequi. 4. all prisoners to be set at libertie. Ro­chel and Montauban to stand as townes of suretie: with manie other articles; vvhea­reof the Catholicks of England, vvould be glad, yf they ded but participat a share [Page 418] of such grace. to ther is some differene: for in E. they pray for it, in France they vvrested it: princes intercede for vs, arms for them.

10. Now to conclude all, seing the Turk permitteth Christians to liue freelie in his dominions; seing the President and exampl of the greatest Princes, in Europe, doth set yt forvvard: the Preasts and recusants hope they shall not fare worse, bycause of ther patienc and obedienc, (vvhich deser­ueth more.) Ther ambition is to be ac­coumpted good subiects to the king, and seruants to God: all ther platts and vvarrs ar against sinn, and the vvorld: and ther onely suite is hanc animam concede mihi, [...]ua caetera sunto. And to vvhome shall his ma­iestie doe this grace? to men that grone vnder the cross of Christ: to men that euer prayed, as by his great grandfather he vvas right heyre to the roses vnited, so he might liue to inherite the kingdomes vni­ted. to which title no man better knoweth then hym self, vvho haue bean the grea­test hinderers, and vvho the most assured frends (not onelie in his vertuous moo­thers tyme) but euer sinc. He knovveth vvho employed Beal in forrein vniuersi­ties, to aduanc the howse of Sussolk: how Hales ded sweat by lavv and litl art to set [Page 419] forward that title: what a volum S. N. B. ded write to maik a royal nest for the Phae­nix: he knoweth likewise, who vvear the trevv Champions of his clayme, S^r A. Brown, the wise and nobl author of the book against the E. of Leicester: and that Aiax (whome no man euer durst encoun­ter therin) maister Ploydon. all Catho­licks, all welwillers.

Who now hope, that ther ancient, and tryed fidelitie shall so mooue the king, that he will refresh and eas them (as he may with his breath;) that they may fynd the vvarmenes and comfort of the sonn shyne at last, in England: and that he will grant ther humbl supplication, subscribed with the seruices of so manie worthie man, presented by men of Pietie, religion and obedienc: and signed with the blood of his royal moother.

So as he cam to the crown with peace and applause: he shall end the catastrophe of his dayes, with the general plaudite of the whole world. and this vvil follovv (as the fruit end effect:) peace vvithin, and honor vvithovvt: loue at home, respect abroad: and so maik a concord of discords, an vnion of diuisions, and a religious con­tention an both sydes; for deuotion and good lyfe, for peacable conuersation, [Page 440] obedience to magistrates, excellencie of learning: vvho shall doe most good in the state, and deserue the prize.

And such an Vtropia, onelie can he make England; who shall deserue the Oli­ue brainches for mercie and peace, and the laurel for wisedome, gouernment, and con­stancie (the crowne of all.)