CHAP. 1.

ABout two yeeres agoe departing from Paris, wee met by chuance vpon the fieldes with sixe in a company that traueld our way: some of them had been at Rome, some at Venice. When we had iournied eyght daies together our horses wearie, one of our consorts told vs, there dwelt a Gentleman not farre of, an olde acquaintance of his, who doubtlesse would esteeme of it as a great honour done vnto him, if (vpon occasion ta­ken to refresh our selues) we would goe visite him. How soeuer some distasled this aduise at the first, yet at last the most voyces caried it, and all of vs forth-with turned out of our way vnto his house, where we found him ac­companied with many other Gentlemen. Who espy­ing his auncient friend, gaue him many cheerefull em­bracings, and said; How commeth it to passe, that I am so fortunate, as to behold my second selfe this day? Sir, at a word you are very welcome, and I thinke my selfe deeply indebted to you, for this vnexpected assault, gi­uen me with so fayre a troupe.

After we had seuerally thanked him one by one, hee commaunded our horses to be set vp, and a cup of wine [Page] [Page 1] [...] [Page]to be brought vs, and so led vs through the Court into his house: vvhere entertayning one another with en­terchangeable greetings, hee gaue order for Supper to be ready in conuenient time, that wee might take our rest: meane-while wee fell into discourse. But as com­monly it hapneth, that we lay our hand vpon that part of our body that grieves vs most; so wee begun princi­pally to complaine of the miseries of Fraunce, brought in amongst vs by diuersitie of Religion, euery man see­king to aduaunce, what himselfe maintaines sutably to his owne priuate passion, which he calls deuotion.

There was a Iesuite in our company disguisd in ap­parell, a man (without question) very sociable: There was an Aduocate also, whom I well perceiued to be op­posite to the Bulles, constitutions, and orders of the Ie­suites. The speech when we parleyd, rebounding from mouth to mouth, the Iesuite made demonstration, how much our Church is bounde vnto theyr societie. And belieue me Gentlemen (quoth he) if God had not sent amongst vs our good Father Ignatius, and his company, our Catholique religion had been extinguisht: but as it commonly falls out, that in punishing our offences, af­ter GOD hath afflicted a Country with some generall plague, he applies a remedie to it againe, that it may not be vtterly destroied: so hauing suffered Martin Luther to infect many Nations with his poyson, it pleased him (for the cause before alleaged) to raise vp another Daniel in his Church, to preserue the head thereof, from all the venomous bitings of that Monster. And to speak what I thinke, I am of that mind, that Ignace Loyhola, had his name giuen him, not by chaunce, but by miracle, to this end no doubt, that by changing one Letter into ano­ther, as C. into R. calling him Ignare Loyhola, for Ignace Loyhola, all posteritie might knowe him to be the man, which had made an end of Luthers ignorance, and of all his followers, which vppon his grounds should set anie [Page 2]other heresies abroach heereafter.

At this speech of his, euery man began to smile, for it was deliuered with so good a grace, as it could not be offensiue to any, vnlesse the Aduocate, vvho vvith change of countenaunce sayd thus vnto him. Sir, I will not suffer your speech to fall to the ground without ta­king it vp againe. I would faine knowe what miracles the Iesuits haue wrought; what bounds they haue set to bridle the course of heresie; and what difference there hath beene in the carriage of the one and the other? For if the Hugonotes on the one side, were the cause of the troubles in Fraunce, in the yere 1561. standing as they did vpon their defence; the Iesuite on the other side as­sayling vs, in the yeere 1565. raysd vp farre more fierce and great tyrannies than the former. As for your newe Anagram, you abuse your selfe. Ignace was in some good sort a Gentleman of Nauarre, not called Ignace Loyhola, but Ignare de Loyhola, as much to say, as Igno­rant of the Law, hold thy peace. For beeing as ignorant as might be, he thought it better to be silent than to speak. VVhich warily acknowledging in himselfe, hee neuer shewed his wit in preaching, teaching or writing, ex­cept it were at first within the gates of Rome, where hee taught young children theyr beliefe, as Maisters of pety Schooles are wont to doe.

This speech mooued no lesse laughter than the for­mer: then said the Gentleman our hoste. I see no great matter of laughter heere; & turning him to the Iesuite, I belieue Sir (quoth hee) that you are of the Societie of IESVS, the tenour of your speech bewraies no lesse. To this the other aunswered, that it was so indeed, and theyr order permitted them to be disguisd, the better to sound euery man in his humor. I am very glad of thys said the Gentleman, and I doe belieue, that some good Angell led you hether into my house, the rather for that I haue beene long time desirous of such good company, [Page]to the end I might know how the case stands with your Order, which I see is balanced betweene two Scales, greatly commended of some, and by the same weights a­gaine much blamed of others. But seeing there is no banquet heere for seruaunts, they shall take away the cloth, and thanks giuen to God for his daily bounty to­wards vs, wee will enlarge our selues with thys poynt a little farther. It was performed as hee had sayd, and all the wayters voyded the place, he desired the Iesuite not to be displeased, if after the manner of a Catechisme, he brought in one like a childe, moouing the question to his Maister, for the better vnderstanding of his first grounds. In this manner dealt the Gentleman with the Iesuite, desirous to be informed of the principall points of his Order, whereunto the Iesuite readily consented. And although in very deed, for any thing I coulde ga­ther by theyr talke, the Gentleman was as skilfull as the Iesuite: yet playing Sacrates part, he rode after him like a Platonist, to draw from him that which hee desired, in such manner as heere ensues.

CHAP. 2. ¶ What the foundation is of the societie of Iesus, which the common-people call Iesuits.

Gent. YOu say you are a Iesuite, there­fore of a newe Religious Order. Iesuit. Nay, rather of a most an­cient, and for this cause haue we taken vpon vs the holy name of the societie of Iesus, as imitators beyond others, of our Lorde Iesus Christ and his Apo­stles. Gent. You preach & teach freely euery one that will heare you. Ies. We doe so. Gent. But tell me then, did the Apostles teach little boyes theyr Grammer, or A.B.C.? Ies. No. Gent. Then haue you great aduan­tage [Page 3]of them, and it is not without some ground, that despising the name of Christians, by which they were called, you particularly terme your selues Iesuites.

Ies. Had they taught as wee doe, their charitie had beene more compleat, and as for the name of Christi­ans, wee take it to bee too proude a stile. Gent. Some­what there is, whereby you passe them in charitie and humilitie. You make three vowes, do you not? of Cha­stitie, Pouertie, and Obedience? Ies. Neuer doubt of that. Gent. Then are you Monkes. Ies. By no meanes, but rather Religious men. Gent. Then your houses be Monasteries. Ies. Nothing lesse, wee call our habitati­ons Colledges, wherein wee haue our Churches. Gent. What kinde of Cabale is this, that these men, who make ordinary vowes that binde them to their office, as other Religious persons doe, yet scorne those holy names of Monkes and Monasteries, which all venerable antiqui­tie hath honoured with so much deuotion? Peraduen­ture you should haue cald your Colledges Gods hou­ses. Yet I thinke you made a conscience of that, because we call those Hospitalls Gods houses, where poore beg­gers are harbourd; and if I be not deceiued, y [...] feare nothing so much as to be poore. VVell, let vs goe on, you weare a Frook as Monkes doe, you dwell in Cloy­sters like other Religious men, doe you not? Ies. We know not what Cloysters meane, we shunne them as a Iakes, which we would be loath to come into; and wee are apparreld not as Monks, but as Secular Pristes. It is true, that by our first institution we fastned a hoode to our long robes, sometime with a point, somtime vvith a claspe, but we quickly left it off againe, after our cause was pleaded, in the yeere 64. against the Vniuersitie of Paris: For the Heretiques saide, our claspe was a fish­hooke, to catch silly peoples goods. And other more impudent then they, reported we did were a point, like the women of the Greene Castle of Tolosa.

Gent. I could wish, for the honour I beare you, that you had not renewed the remembrance of those olde complaints that were made against you. Let vs leaue those bad speeches to blacke mouthes, and suffer vs in good sort to vnderstand what belongs vnto your Or­der. For I desire nothing more, than to see you in good conuersation towards euery man. Although beeing Re­ligious persons, you refuse the name & habite outward­ly appertayning vnto Monkes, yet I doubt not, but for that which is interior, touching Fastes and abstinence from certaine meates, practisd by other Religious men for the taming of the flesh, you obserue these very or­derly. Ies. Quite contrary, for we are expresly forbid­den by our Statutes so to doe, but it is left free to euerie mans deuotion, wherein is the greater merrit.

Gent. there is some meaning in this, for hee that should leaue the Lent arbitrarie to euery man, might as­sure himselfe, it would bring in great disorders: there­fore among other Religious persons, the first Founders haue beene euer carefull to prouide for this in chiefe, iudging a generall law better than the particuler will of any one or other Religious person whosoeuer. But to proceede, what say you to Processions, vvhich the Church hath in all antiquitie much regarded (for as it appeares, they were in vse in Tertullians time) I hope therefore you would not exempt your selues frō them. Ies. We are so farre from approouing them, that on the contrary our Constitutions forbid vs to be there, as ap­peares in the Constitutions afterward authorized by Pope Gregory the thirteenth.

Gent. You are not then as I take it of the body of the Vniuersitie of Paris? but if you had been matricula­ted as you desired in the yere 64. would you haue with­drawne your selues from the professions of the Rector, where the foure Orders of begging Friers, and other re­ligious men are present? Ies. We would. Gent. Well [Page 4]then, tell mee, If such a sollemne Procession should be made in Paris, as wee see, when they goe to Saint Gene­uiefes shrine to appease Gods wrath, when all the Pari­shes, Monasteries, and high Courts also be there, atten­ded on with an infinite number of the Common-peo­ple, would ye not goe with thē? Ies. No. Gent. Make you so small account of the counsell of Trent? Ies. Ve­ry great, as of that where-vppon stands the confirmati­on of our whole Order, manger all our enemies. Gent. Know you not what is precisely set downe there, that as well Secular Priests, as Regulers, and all sorts of Monkes cald to publique Processions, are enioyned to goe; they onely excepted, which liue in some straighter inclosure then the rest? Sure, you are not within the compasse of this exception, for in my oppinion, it is made for the Charter-house-Monkes, and Celestines.

Ies. I conceiue it so, but you must likewise vnder­stand, that Pope Gregory dispensed with vs, in the yeere 1576. to the preiudice of that Counsell, and that not onely by forme of dispensation, but by three expresse prohibitions. Gent. And yet, before this dispensation, you neuer kept them company, whereuppon doe you ground your priuiledge?

Ies. Vppon a perswasion that one day wee shall pre­uaile. Gent. Diseasd horses in one stable are put a sun­der, are you in that ranke among religious men? I be­seech you tell me, euen by way of confession, why were those prohibitions made for you? Ies. Because you coniure mee by the holy name of Confession, I will not lie to you. Some one of our Superiors, foisted into Pope Gregories Bulls, that it was to this end, to wit; that vvee might not be hindered in preaching, reading, & taking confessions: but to speake the truth, seeing the foure Orders of Mendicants did preach, & heare confessions, and reade Lectures in theyr houses as well as wee, and yet forsooke not the said Processions: I take it to bee a [Page]pretence farre fet, and from the purpose, and that there was rather some other cause of it; namely, that accor­ding to the admittance of our Order, our place was to come behind, whereby we should haue wronged great­lie the societie of IESVS, which wee take to be a su­perlatiue of all others. Gent. If it be so, the sanctitie of your deuotion, is not without some Feauer of Ambiti­on. Well, yet let vs goe forward. When you say your canonicall houres in your Churches, do you not sing in two rankes, as wee doe in ours? Haue you not likewise a place appointed for the Priests office, which wee call the Quier, distinct and separate frō the body where the people stay to say their prayers? Ies. To this I will not answer you by roate, but recite the text it selfe of our cō ­stitutions; Let not our Company vse a Quier for theyr ca­nonicall houres, saying of Masse, or singing of other seruice. And if you haue well marked the Church in our Col­ledge at Paris, there was no Quier at all.

Gent. It may be your Law-maker meant by this, that you are so priuiledged, that when you pray without fee­ling or deuotion, onely with a kinde of moouing your lyps softly to your selues, your prayers neuerthelesse are heard of GOD, to ioyne this priuiledge to your other extraordinaries. Ies. You are a scoffer. I will tell you more, that in respect of Canonicall houres, we haue no­thing to binde vs, to doe as other men doe, in singing or saying them out aloude, but we may mutter our prayers as softly as we please. Gent. This prooues our Aunce­stors to be very blunt, sithence your deuout soules cele­brate diuine seruice now, altogether of another fashion, beyond the practise of antiquitie. But what say you to your Aniuersaries? doe you keepe them in fauour of your Benefactors? Ies. Wee are very nimble at taking all that is bestowed on vs, yet are we not thereby bound to keepe any yeerely cōmemorations of it. Gent. Then are you starke fooles. Ies. Not so, but very wise and [Page 5]deuoute: for we are not like other men, that ouercharge themselues with long Mementoes, and are compeld to passe them all through with one Fidelium, as wee say in the common French prouerbe. To be short, wee make too great a conscience of deceiuing our Benefactors.

Gent. See heere a new Church, cleane contrarie to the old. Well, yet let vs goe forward: You tolde mee euen now, that you make three vowes, of Pouertie, Chastitie, and Obedience. Nowe amongst the least of many no­uelties deuiding you frō vs, you haue 3. vowes in shew cōmon with other religious persons. Ies. Our 3. vowes, varie much from theirs. Gent. Wherein? Ies. The first of our vowes is called Simple, the two other Sollemne. Gent. I beseech you decyfer your doctrine that I may vnderstand it, for to say truth, this is high Dutch to me. Ies. You must know, that in these three vowes, we pro­mise Pouertie, Chastitie, and Obedience, as other Reli­gious Orders doe: but true it is, that in the vowe Sim­ple, there is a peculiar streine, by meanes whereof, for so much and so long as we are there appointed, we may be maisters of worldly goods, and take vp successions, as well in a straight line as collaterall. Moreouer, although in respect of a religious state, it is not in any of our own powers to giue ouer our companie, yet after one hath made aboade with vs, ten twenty, or thirtie yeeres, more or lesse, our Generall may absolue him, and send him backe franke and free discharged from his vowe to his owne house, to marry if he will.

Gent. Good God, what manner of vow is this? Ies. Such as Pope Gregorie hath confirmed to vs. It is not strange to me to finde it so strange to you, for the great Canonist Nauarre, the chiefest of all the Doctors in matters of the Canon-law, speaking of this simple vow, giues it the name of Great and Maruailous. Gent. He might rather haue termed it Miraculous, because it lod­ges ritches and pouertie together in one subiect, a thing [Page]impossible, by common course of nature. And that which amazeth me the more, is, that your Generall can release a religious person when he thinkes it meet. This in our Christian religion was neuer practised. Ies. None but the Iesuits may doe it. Gent. What is your second vowe which you call Sollemne, and is as I suppose the first of the two sollemne ones? Ies. Wee doe nothing in that, that doth smell of noueltie, more than in the sim­ple: onely from the time a man enters into it, he looseth all hope of succession, or returne to his house, and is brought within cōpasse of all other religious men pro­fessed.

Gent. Before we proceed to that great sollemne vow, which is your third, I would faine learne of you some o­ther particulars of your Order. Seeing you reade Lec­tures of Humanitie, Phylosophie, and Diuinitie, not onely to your owne company, but to all strangers that repayre to you. I doubt not, but that such as come in a­mong them, are not all alike appointed to their studies, for charitie begins with it selfe: & also that to make thē Priestes (which shoulde bee your intention) they must heare theyr course. Ies. You deceiue your selfe. Wee receiue an infinite company that can neither reade nor write, nor are any way fit for studie afterward, nor yet to be priested, whom wee call Lay-brethren, appointed onely to take care of our prouision, when wee stande in neede. Gent. These be voluntaries, like the Oblates, & Mias-Monkes conuerts of other religious orders, which are but halfe Monkes, whom the people call Halfe-hoods.

Ies. Yet you are awry. Our Lay-brethren are precise­ly of our Order, like the others as well of the vow Sim­ple, as of the first sollemne Vow. Gent. Neuerthelesse, they professe ignorance, like the Lay-brothers among the Friers of Italie. Jes. The very same. Gent. What a mingled religion is this, built with such variety of stones? [Page 6]Blessed God, what would all those good old Doctors say, whose sanctimonie hath placed them in heauen, if they should returne into the world againe, and see thys Familie ru [...]e the roste, ouer the greatest part of our Church? Goe to, let vs talke if you please, of the great sollemne vowe, which is the last. Jes. That is the per­fection of our worke. For in it, beside the three substan­tiall vowes of other religious persons, wee make a fourth in particuler to our Father the Pope, which wee call the vowe of Mission, vvhereby, if it please his holinesse to send vs to the Turkes, Pagans, Heretiques, or Schisma­tikes to conuert them, or to bring them to the Christian fayth, wee are bound to obey him without reward, ta­king neyther gold nor siluer to defray the charge of our iourney. Gent. A very pure and holy deuotion, if it be well imployed. But what true records haue you, that can giue vs sound testimonie of your exployts? Ies. Let it suffice you, that an account thereof is kept in Rome. When the great vowe is made, which is the very cloze of all our vowes, then we begin to be cald Fathers, a dig­nitie incōmunicable to all the rest. Yet is there so much humilitie among vs, that as soone as wee become Fa­thers, we are wedded to so strict a pouertie, that we can­not possesse any moueables in generall, or particular, but are bonnde to begge our reliefe from doore to doore, not by the ministerie of brethren conuerts, as the other foure Orders of Mendicants doe, but by men of most note among the Fathers.

Gent. Loe here a vowe impossible to be imitated. The more you are magnified aboue your fellowes, the more submission and pouerty you take vpon you. When you are qualefied for Iesuits, as true imitators of the Apo­stles, doe you thinke the Apostles by profession went a begging? If you be of that mind, it is an oppinion here­tofore condemned by the Church. Ies. Doe you take it to be euill, that from the abundance of our new zeale, [Page]wee should adde some-what to theyr auncient charitie? Aduoc. This question is from the purpose (pardon me if I interrupt you) you neuer yet sawe a Iesuite beare a wallet vp and downe the streets. Ies. Our state is not worse then the Foules of the ayre, which liue by the grace of God, distributing his Manna to euery man ac­cording to his will, as he did in the old time to the chyl­dren of Israell. Gent. You pay vs with very good coyne, I accept of it sithence you are so content. Doe you con­taine your selues within the bounds of your three vowes of Pouertie, Chastitie, and Obedience. Ies. No, for we will not like Atheists, diuorce state affayres and Re­ligion; we thinke all things shall goe well for the glorie of God, & the saluation of our owne soules, when these be ioyned together. Gent. What a hotch potch of new doctrine doe you bring vs now? And to say the truth, neuer was any thing better spoken, then that wee learne of Optatus, That religion hath beene comprehended in state, not state in religion. Euery one of vs should wish to haue the Gouernours of Common-weales religious, that is, men of fayth & integritie, not playing with theyr consciences to fauour theyr affaires. But for a religious Order, to manage state matters, in the midst of theyr prayers, is great irreligion, or rather heresie. Ies. That which you alleage, was Optatus his oppinion, not Igna­tius.

Gent. What say you to Saint Paule, teaching, that Nemo militans Deo, implicat se negotijs secularibus. If it be fit so to doe, why did you of late yeres forbid your com­panie to meddle therein hereafter. Ies. That was a sta­tute onely for the time. For perceiuing that in the end of the yeere 93. all Fraunce was enclined to peace be­yond our expectation, wee made that constitution to curry fauour with the state. Yet for all this, I would not haue you thinke, that wee haue here stakt our feete into the ground, and goe no farther. For the same constitu­tions [Page 7]permit vs, to resolue in particuler, as occasion coū ­sels vs. Gent. A fearefull permission. But what meane you by the worde, State affayres? Ies. The day would be too short to vtter it. Let it content you that the grea­test and surest counsell we take, is of our owne consci­ences, which we know to be guided by the line and lea­ding of our Sauiour. By this scrue somtime we remoue Kingdoms, punish Kings and Princes whose manners we mislike, and all for the glory & honour of God, and of his holy Church. Gent. All the Christian vvorlde should haue you in wonderfull reuerence for this, and I am sorry you should proue so vnthankfull now, as to a­brogate such a holy lawe. Ies. It is not so repeald but that it liues in our soules continually. For within these three yeeres, we practisd to kill the Queene of England, and the Countie Maurice of Nassau, and howsoeuer by misfortune we faild of those two strokes, yet we are rea­die to reach at them againe, there, and else where, as wee thinke good, and as opportunitie shall be offered.

Gent. Then you mixe mercenary murders with state matters, call you this ioyning of State & Religion both together? Ies. Why doubt you of it? Heresie is a ma­ladie whereto fire and sword should be applyed, as Em­piriks deale with desperate diseases. Gent. You could not haue pickt out a more fit phrase of speech, than to liken your religion to Empiriks medicines, which the arte of Phisicke condemnes. To vse fire and sworde a­gainst an Heretique, is the Magistrates office, into whose hands God hath put the sword, to punish them that are worthy to be punisht, not yours, who as religious men are called to another function. Ies. What Magistrate dares proceede against Kings but we, which are inspird with the holy Ghost? Gent. Is this a poynt of your first institution? Ies. Wee haue put in this our selues, by a rule of Christian-good, to relieue our neighbours. And to shewe you with what pietie wee goe forward, when [Page]wee haue by our holy exhortations gaind any man of worth to execute our dissignements, before hee depart we confesse him, and imploy one part of his penance to confirme him in that holy enterprise, wee make him heare Masse with deuotion; Wee minister the blessed Sacrament of the Altar to him; this done, we giue him our blessing, for a sure pasport to goe directly to Para­dise. VVas there euer a more sacred and meritorious course than this? For to be briefe, it is in defence, and protection, of our Christian Catholike Church. Gent. O christian company indeed: I would be glad to learne why our Sauiour Christ beeing apprehended, was so sore displeased with S. Peter when hee had cut off Mal­chus eare? For at the first blush it seemeth that a man could not haue drawne his sword in a quarrell of greater merit. Ies. You say well, but you doe not weigh the text. Our Sauiour did not forbid Saint Peter to betake him to his weapon, but after the blow was giuen, he cō ­maunded him to put it vp againe. Gent. Pardon mee, this aunswere hath I know not what smack of Machia­uell.

Ies. Adde this vnto it, that S. Peter prouoked with an vndiscreet zeale, would haue hindered a misterie that tended to the redemption of mankind, and wee employ the sword for the maintenaunce of the Church, with­out which man-kinde would perrish. Gent. O braue and holy exposition, are you of opinion that this course is well pleasing vnto GOD? Ies. None but the Here­tiques of our time euer doubted it. Gent. I am none of them, neither haue I at any time enclined so to be: yet I doubt much of this matter. Is there any thing in your Statutes commaunding you to goe farther? Ies. There is. Gent. What is that? Ies. We professe to obey the Generall of our Order, blindfolde, (for those be the ex­presse words of our Constitutions) and wee are bounde to pinne our consciences to his sleeue: to suffer him to [Page 8]rule vs like a boate hauing no motion, but that which they giue to it that row it: to leaue off our worke alrea­die begun; to obey him, and acknowledge the presence of Iesus Christ in him, as if Christ cōmaunded vs. Gent. Pertaines this to your Order? Ies. Yes I assure you. Gent. O admirable paradox of obedience, like that of Abraham. Ies. So it is. That example was euer in the mouth of Ignatius, teaching vs that obedience, is more acceptable to God then sacrifice. Gent. O blessed Fa­thers the Iesuites, nay rather true and onely Patriarches of our Church. Doubtlesse it is not without reason, that you be called Fathers after the accomplishment of your last vow. Well then, the case so standing, if your Gene­rall should commaund you to procure the death, I will not say of a Prince, (for I doubt not but you would o­bey him therin) but of our holy Father the Pope, would you doe it? Ies. I would take time to deliberate. Gent. If you should do so, this were not to tie your conscience any longer vnto his sleeue. Ies. You take me vnproui­ded, I craue respite to make you an aunswere. Gent. Your Order beeing grounded vpon all these godly and holy resolutions, surely our Church is much bounde to you, I meane, not the auncient Doctors of the Church onely, but the Apostles themselues, whom you haue taught their dutie. Nay, what speake I of the Apostles? you haue taught the great Maister of the Mould, where­in wee ought to fashion all our actions: when contrarie to the expresse cōmaundement giuen S. Peter, you pro­cure the death of Kings and Princes. But what reward haue you got by this?

Ies. As much as wee can desire or hope for. And a­mongst others, we are allowed to giue absolution of all sinnes and offences howe foule soeuer they be, except such as are reserued to the holy Sea, wholly extreated & issuing out of Iudgements, Censures, and Ecclesiasticall paines, beside that which is comprised in the Bull vsually [Page]read vppon Maundy-Thursday. And for all that that comes after, to giue such order of penance as liketh vs, as in workes of pietie, vowes of Pilgrimage, except in three cases, of Ierusalem, of Rome, of Saint Iames of Compostella. Also to sing Masse as well before day, as after twelue a clocke at noone-tyde, when our Superi­ours shall thinke it necessary: To confesse, and admini­ster the Sacrament of the Eucharist: to build Chappels, Oratories, and Churches, in all places where our Gene­rall will: and all this without leaue of Bishop or Curat: Trauelling thorowe Countries, to haue portable Altars to say Masse on in euery house, except places interdic­ted by the holy Sea: That no Bishop in his owne Dio­cesse, may giue priestly Orders to any of our Company, though he be fit for it, without demissory Letters from our Generall, who may also dispence with forbidden meates without sute to the Bishops: & in briefe, to ab­solue all those from censures, which are attainted of he­resie.

Gent. Heere is a heape of priuiledges giuen you in­deed, to the preiudice first and chiefely of the Bishops, next of the Curats, and lastly, peraduenture of the holy Sea it selfe. Furthermore, this is a sollemne feast to draw the Common people to you, and pull them from theyr true, naturall, and lawfull Pastors: yea, this is to bring a newe Schisme into the Church of Christ. Ies. Hee that shall come euery yeere to performe his deuotions one whole day in our house, shall haue plenary indul­gence of all his sinnes, though hee say but one Pater no­ster and an Aue Marie. Gent. Another bayte to make men seeke after you. Ies. We enioy all the priuiledges graunted to all the foure Orders of Mendicants. Gent. They may iustly be discontented, seeing you gorged with good things vp to the eares, and enioying all their priuiledges. Ies. If it be so, all other religious Orders haue cause to repine as well as they; for wee enioy all [Page 9]theyr graunts and fauours. Gent. Yet are not you any way tied to theyr vowes and abstinences;Pius 5.7. of Iuly. 1571. Greg. 13.3, of May, 1575. this is ill pro­portiond, for this Aduocate can tell you, the olde Law­yers hold it, Secundam naturam esse, vt quem sequuntur cō ­moda, eundem sequantur incōmoda. And to say truth, this is another ground of iealousie & grudge between them and you. Ies. All that I haue yet deduced, concernes Gods seruice, that which I meane to tell you now, lookes backe towards our Colledges and Lectures. It is lawful for our Generall, or for such as are by him authorized,Greg. 13.10. Octob. 1576. Paul. 3, 1549. Iulius 3. 22. Octob. 1552. Pius 4. 19. August, 1561. Pius 5. 10 May, 1571. Grego. 13. 1598. Greg. 13, 11, Feb. 1576. to build Colledges, to set vp Lectures, euen Lectures of Diuinitie, and other Readers in euery Towne without the Bishops leaue: yea and our company may as well out of the Vniuersities, as in them, take theyr degrees of Bachilars, Licentiates, Masterships, and Doctors, with­out examination, and be found capable by two or three Commissioners appointed for that purpose by our Su­periors, which are not bound to seeke to any Chauncel­lor, or Rector of other Vniuersities. In stronger termes, we may haue whole Vniuersities of our owne company onely, where the Chauncellor or Rector is a Iesuite, as appeares in the Towne of Pontumousson. We are al­so allowed to practise Phisique by the authoritie of our Superiors, if they iudge vs to be capable. Gent. And craue you no other testimony then theirs that neuer stu­died Phisick? Ies. No.

Gent. I thought your Generall might haue made a Iesuite, but no Phisitian, and I would be loth to put my life into your hands vpoon any such warrant. Behold what a fearefull diuision you make betweene the Vni­uersities, especially betweene the great, famous, and an­cient Vniuersitie of Paris and your selues. Ies. What would you more? We may geld, correct, and reforme all manner of bookes, wherein wee finde the least suspi­tion of heresie. Gent. What? after the Diuines of Pa­ris haue allowed them? Ies. Yea, euen so. Gent. I euer [Page]tooke this to be theyr office, and not to haue appertay­ned to any other. Ies. Doe you thinke that wee care a poynt for them? Long agoe (except it were in the non­age of our Company) wee had learnd to set them at naught. True it is, that in the yeere 1554. it so fell out that they censurd vs, when wee were but beginning to creepe out of the shell, yet were wee speedilie reuenged on them, for we made theyr censure to be ouer-waighed by the Spanish Inquisition. Therefore in Spaine (saith a braue Historiographer of ours,) Seeing the Sorbons decree was against the Sea Apostolique, by which our Re­ligion is approued and confirmed, Ribaden. li. 4. c. 11. the Inquisitors of faith haue by their decree, forbidden that to be read, as false, and offen­siue to religious eares.

Gent. You confesse you sent to the Inquisition to cō ­trole this good and holy facultie of the Diuines of Pa­ris, the auncient pillar, proppe, and support, of our Ca­tholique and Apostolique Romane Church: and you make a Trophee of it, as of a great victory. Ies. Let not this offend you, for at a pinch wee will grapple with the Pope, if we take him swaruing neuer so little from his auncient dutie. W [...]e held oppinion a little before King Henrie the fourth came to the Crowne, (whom we now call the man of Bearne) that Pope Sixtus the fist did erre a little in fauouring him: and God knowes wee spared him not in our Pulpits; some likewise sought to per­swade the world, that we gaue him a dram to send him packing. Gent. Regard you not the Pope whose crea­tures you are, and haue no authoritie but from him? If it be so, I take my leaue of you, and lay my hand vppon my mouth. Onely I wish wee had some Cneius Flauius among vs, to lay open your secrets vnto Fraunce, or some Tacitus to set them downe in writing, with as great libertie as your put them in execution.

The Aduocate was som-what silent vntill vve came thus farre, but then hee began to breake out. You shall [Page 10]hold your peace (quoth hee) as long as you please, so will not I, I will be that Cneuis Flauius you desire, for as hee discouered to the Romanes, the perfumes which their chiefe Priest solde them at so high a rate, in ac­knowledgement whereof hee was created Tribune of the people, that is to say, A preseruer of the peoples li­bertie: So will I vncase by peece-meale, that doctrine which the Iesuites haue sold vs heere-to-fore by golden weight. And I perswade my selfe that gratefull poste­ritie finding it by me recorded, will account mee a Pro­tector of the liberty of the Church of Fraunce. And it may bee it will come to passe, that as antiquitie made a Prouerbe of Cneius Flauius, saying, that he hit the birds eye: so will succeeding ages report of mee, that I haue peckt out the eyes of those Crowes, that pray vppon the carkasses and carrion of other beastes, and of the Iesuits, who now liue not by the bare bones onely, but by the fairest reuenewes of our Families. And that I hold you not long in suspence, I say and auerre, there was neuer any Sect more dangerous to our Christian Religion then this: and for such a one it hath been first condem­ned at Rome, afterward at Paris. Neuerthelesse, I will begin with Fraunce, as with her to whom I am most bound, because shee brought me forth.

This first march of the Aduocate made vs stand vp­pon our garde: for hetherto some of the cōpany slept. And for my part, hearing him so hardie in his promise, I turned towards him, saying; Sir, all this while haue I beene mute, but now I see you vpon the poynt ready to take Armes, to giue the on-set vppon thys holy Com­panie, I recouer my speech, as the sonne of Craesus dyd when one would haue kild his Father. If you be the Ie­suites Cneius Flauius, I will be theyr Tacitus, to commit those things faythfully to writing which I learne of you. I euer tooke this Societie to be one of the strongest Bul­warks of our Catholique Religion, and mee thinkes it [Page]were great impietie to slaunder them. Aduoc. Call you that a slaunder, when the truth is spoken? For my part I will say nothing, which I will not proue by writing, & take my direction from their owne Bulls and Constitu­tions, theyr speeches and confessions, drawn out of such bookes, as they themselues haue Printed within these 5. or 6. yeeres, allowed by their Generall to come foorth. Whereunto any of the company that stands in doubt, may haue recourse if it please him. You promise verie much said I againe. Aduoc. I promise nothing but I will make it good: and there-with he pausd a while, as one that makes semblance to retire, that hee may giue the greater shocke. On the other side, I tooke out my tables, to note euery passage he should alleage, which I will shew to you at large. And so euery one of vs clay­ming interest in the Aduocate to whip him, if we tooke him with a lye: and contrary, if hee should speake the truth, then all at once to thrust the Iesuites out of France presently, without respite. After hee had quieted him­selfe a little, he enterd the Listes, and made his carrere in this manner.

CHAP. 3. ¶ The censure giuen of the Iesuits sect, by the Diuines of Paris, in the yeere, 1554.

I Perceiue Fraunce is partiall, some fa­uouring the Iesuites aboue measure, others abhoring them againe. I be­seech you my Maisters, (for I speake to those that of scrupulositie of con­science foster this family in their hou­ses) that it would please you to giue good eare to mee, and if you finde that to be false which I shall produce, or that I am carried with vnbrideled passion, you would not spare me. Likewise, if nothing [Page 11]but the truth commaund me, which ought to redownd to the edification of vs all, doe me the fauour not to cre­dite your first apprehensions, before you giue place vn­to the second. You make great account of these men, as if they were the sole arches that beare vp our Church: Let me request you to take a viewe of the iudgement of the Diuines of Paris, in the yeere 1554. The Court of Parliament then troubled with the importunate sutes of these newe Brethren, bringing the two Bulles of two Popes, Paulus and Iulius the third, sent them to this Fa­cultie for their resolution, whether they were to bee re­ceiued into the Realme of Fraunce againe, or not? They gaue vp their verdict in such forme as followeth.

Anno Domini 1554. die veró prima Decembris, Sa­cratissima Theologiae facultas Parisiensis, post missam de S. spiritu, in aede sacra Collegij Sorbonae, ex more celebratam, iam quartó in eodem Collegio, per iuramentū congregata est, ad determinandum de duobus diplomatibus quae duo sanctissi­mi Domini summi Pontifices Paulus tertius, & Iulius Ter­tius, his qui societatis Iesu nomine insigniri cupiuut, concessis­se dicuntur. Quae quidem duo diplomata, senatus seu curia Parlaamti Parisiensis, dictae facultati visitanda & examinan­da, misso adrem Hostiario, commiserat.

Antequam verò ipsa Theologiae facultas tanta de re, tan­tique ponderis tractare incipiat, omnes & singuli Magistri nostri, palam at (que) aperto ore professi sunt, nihil se aduersus summorum Pontificum authoritatem & potestatem, aut de­cernere, aut moliri, aut etiam cogitare velle. Imò verò om­nes & singuli, vt obedientiae filij, ipsum summum Pontificem, vt summum & vniuersalem Christi Iesu Vicarium, & vni­uersalem Ecclesiae Pastorem (cui plenitudo potestatis a Chri­sto data sit, cui omnes vtrius (que) Sextus obedire, cuius decreta venerari, & pro se quis (que) tueri, & obseruare teneantur) vt semper agnouerunt & confessi sunt, ita nunc quo (que) sincere, fi­deliter, et libenter agnoscunt, & confitentur. Sed quoniā om­nes, praesertim verò Theologos paratos esse oportet ad satis­factionem [Page]omni poscenti de his quae ad fidem, mores, aedificati­onem Ecclesiae pertinent, dicta facultas, poscenti, mandanti, & exigenti curiae praedictae satisfaciendum duxit. Ita (que) vtrius (que) diplomatis omnibus frequenter lectis articulis, repetitis, & in­tellectis, & pro rei magnitudine, per mu [...]tos dies, menses, & horas, pro more prius diligentissimè discussis & examinatis, tum denaum vnanimi consensu, sed summa cum reuerentia & humilitate, rem integram correctioni sedis Apostolicae relin­quens, ita censuit.

Haec nona societas, insolitam nominis Iesu appellationē sibi vendicans, tam licenter & sine delectu quaslibet personas, quantūlibet facinorosas, illegitimas & infames admittens nul­lam à Sacerdotibus secularibus habens differentiam in habi­tu exteriore, in tonsura, in horis canonicis priuatim dicendis, aut publicè in templo decantandis, in claustris & silentio, in delectu ciborum & dierum, in ieiunijs & alijs varijs ceremo­nijs (quibus status Religionū distinguntur & conseruantur) tam multis, tam (que) varijs priuilegijs, indultis, & libertatibus donata, praesertim in administratione Sacramenti paenitentiae & Eucaristiae, id (que) sine descrimine locorum, aut personarum, in officio etiam praedicandi, legendi, & docendi in praeiudicium ordinariorum, & Hierarchici ordinis, in praeiudicium quo (que) aliarum Religionum, imò etiam principium & Dominorum temporalium, contra priuilegia vniuersitatum, deni (que) in mag­num populi grauamen, Religionis Monasticae honestatem violare videtur, studiosum, pium, & necessarium, virtutum, abstinentiarum, ceremoniarum, & austeritatis eneruat ex­ercitium: imo occasionē dat liberè Apostatandi ab alijs Reli­gionibus, debitam ordinarijs obedientiam, & subiectionē sub­trahit. Dominos tam temporales, quā Ecclesiasticos, suis in­ribus iuiustè priuat, perturbationem in vtra (que) politia, multas in populo querelas, multas lites, dissidia, contentiones, aemula­tiones, rebelliones, varta (que) schismata inducit. Ita (que) his omni­bus, at (que) alijs diligenter examinatis & perpensis, Haec socie­tas videtur in negotio fidei periculosa, pacis Ecclesiae pertur­batiua, monasticae Religionis euersiua, & magis ad destruc­tionem [Page 12]quam act aedificationem.

I will not iuggle with you, it may bee some of thys company vnderstands no Latine, therefore this censure beeing the foundation of my discourse, I will put it into French apparrell, that euery man may know it.

In the yeere of our Lord 1554. the first of Decem­ber, the most sacred facultie of the Diuines in Paris, af­ter Masse of the holy Ghost was celebrated in the Col­ledge of Sorbons Chappell, according to their custome, this fourth time, by oath assembled together, to deter­mine of the two Bulles, which two holy Fathers the Popes, Paulus the third, and Iulius the third, are sayd to haue graunted to these men that desire to be honoured with the societie of IESVS. Which two Bulles, the Senate or Court of Parliament of Paris, sent by Hostia­rius to the said Facultie to be perused and examined.

Before they entreated of so high and weightie mat­ters, all and singuler our Maisters in pubique with open mouth protested, that they decreed, deuisd, and inten­ded nothing against the authoritie and power of the Pope, but all and euery of them, like obedient Chyl­dren, as they euer acknowledged and confessed him to be Christes chiefe & vniuersall Vicar, and generall Pa­stor of the Church, whom all sorts of both Sectes are bound to obey, to honour his decrees, and euery one to defend them to his power: So nowe also, they doe sin­cerely, faithfully, and willingly acknowledge & confesse the same. But because euery man, especially Diuines, ought to be readie to giue an aunswere to euery one that asketh them of matters appertaining to fayth, manners, and edification of the Church, the saide Facultie hath thought it meete to satisfie the request, commaunde­ment and entreatie of the Court. Therefore all the Ar­ticles of both Bulles beeing often read, repeated, and conceiued, & for the greatnes of the matter, many daies, monthes, and houres, according to their custome, first [Page]verie diligently discust, and examined, at last with one consent, but with great reuerence and humilitie, submit­ting all to the controlement of the Apostolike sea, they gaue this doome.

This new Societie chalenging to it selfe the rare title of the name of Iesus, so licentiously, and hand ouer-head, admitting all sorts of persons how wicked, illegitimate, or infamous soeuer, diffring nothing from secular priests in outward apparrell, tonsure, canonicall howers, either priuately to be said, or publikely to be sung in churches, in cloistures and silence, in choise of meates and daies, in fasts and other ceremonies (whereby religious orders are distinguisht, and preserued) endowed with so many and sundrie priuiledges, grants, and liberties, especially in administration of the Sacraments of penance, and of the Eucharist, & that without difference of place or per­sons, as also in the office of preaching, reading, and tea­ching, to the preiudice of the Ordinaries, of the Hiera­chicall order, to the preiudice likewise of other religious men, nay euen of Princes & temporall Lords, against the priuiledges of the Vniuersities, and to the great griefe of the people, appeares to defloure monasticall religion: it cuts the sinewes of the painfull, holy, and necessarie ex­ercise of vertues, of abstinence, ceremonies, and austeritie, it opens a gap to Apostacie from other religious orders, it takes away due obedience from the Ordinaries, it vn­iustly depriues the Lords spirituall & temporall of their right: It breeds a garboile in both gouernments, many complaints among the people, many iarres, discords, con­tentions, emulatiōs, rebellions, & sundry schismes. Ther­fore all these and other things of like nature thorowly examined and waighed. This Societie appeares to be in matter of faith daungerous, to the peace of the Church tro­blesome, to monasticall religion ruinous, and more apt to pull downe than to build vp.

Was there euer a better sentence, mixt with a truer [Page 13]prophecie than this? And why? There was no banding then in the field, euerie man slept safe in the sinceritie of his conscience towards God, there were no tumultuary assemblies, but for foure daies togither, & by them that had determined of it long before. Much lesse minded they to oppose themselues against the authority of the holy Sea, as we gather from their humble prote­station. For this cause, the holy Ghost after their deuout inuocation of him by their sacrifice, spake thorough the organe of this sacred facultie. And thus am I perswaded, that for these thousand yeers, there was neuer any worke of the holy Ghost greater, and more apparant to our eies than was this censure. The Court of Parliament of Paris sent those Buls onely of Pope Paulus dated the yeere 1543. And that of Iulius the third, dated the yeere 1550. The Iesuites kept all the other close, bea­ring date of the yeeres 43.45.46.49.

Vpon the sight but of those two ends of their ware they iudged wisely what the rest of the whole peece might be. Without any more a do, remember those three lines. It breeds many complaints among the people, manie iarres, dissentions, contentions, rebellions, and sundrie schismes: and conferre them with your discouery of their order, you shall find the Sorbons speech true. The diuine seruice of their Church is diuided from ours, their priui­ledges make a deuision betweene the Bishops and them, the Monasteries and them, the Vniuersities and them, the Diuines of Paris and them. Their propositi­ons also, make a diuision betweene the holy Sea and Princes. But how be these priuiledges maintaind? By their Colledges, their confessions, their preaching. Their Colledges are traps to catch youth, their confessions, subornations; their Sermons, Mounte-banks Markets. If you beleeue this Iesuite here, he will say: we haue no preachers but them to defend the olde Church. It is not yet aboue threescore yeeres since they were set a foote. [Page]What preachers haue we had of them in Paris? One Aimond Auger, and Iames Commolet. I remember none but these. On the other side, how many hath the facul­tie of the Vniuersitie in Paris bred, of learned and holy men, neuer tainted with innouation? Againe, did euer any man in our time heare a Iesuite handle or expound in Pulpit or open assembly, any one text of Scripture, either to vphold the Apostolike Sea, or lay heresie in the dust? What is the summe of their preaching? To bite them that are absent, not to edifie them that are present, except it be to scandale kings and princes. And that which is most admirable in this censure, is, that our di­uines saw the rebellions, these new masters would raise vp in time to come, against our king. Therefore while I now embarke my selfe against them, it is neither gid­dinesse, malice, nor folly, that caries me with wind and tide. I set the venerable facultie of the diuines of Paris before mine eies, for my Vice-admirall, to carie the light in my nauigation.

CHAP. 4. ¶ How, at what time, and by what sleights the Iesuites crept into Fraunce.

WHen God is determined to scourge a whole Realme: he vseth great and vn­expected means to performe it: it hath so fallen out with vs. Long before the lamentable death of Henrie the second, who liued in the yeere 1559. There sprung vp two sectes in Fraunce, the one, in many pro­positions as dangerous as the other. That of Ignatius which cals it selfe the societie of Iesus: the other of the Caluinists, who say they stand for reformation of reli­gion. Both of them planted in Paris the chiefe citie of the kingdome for a time. It so fell out that the Iesuites [Page 14]made their assemblies, and the Caluinists had their con­uenticles. The Iesuites sect is a bastard religion, of our ancient Catholike & Apostolike Romane religion (for to say true, it hath a few markes and features of it, though none such as it ought to haue) this began to be authori­sed by Ma. William Prat, Bishop of Clairmont, legat du Prats bastard, who lodged them in the house of Clair­mont at Paris, and at his death, bequeathed them (by report) threescore thousand crownes. After that they crouded into more spacious mansions, they bought the great house of Langre in Saint Iames street, where they erected a Colledge and Monasterie both together vnder diuers roofes, they did read publike lectures with­out the rector of the Vniuersities allowance, they admi­nistred the holy Sacraments of penance, and of the altar to all commers and goers, without leaue of the Odina­rie. The Caluinists began to preach and teach, if not al­together openly, yet not so couertly as they did before. Witnesse the great assembly, surprised by the Court of Parliament before Plessies Colledge, where an infinite number of men and women were taken, and after that an Aduocate, a Scholemaister, and a Damsell put to death. Thus may I say, and say truly, these two sects be­gan to set vp their rests within Paris in S. Iames street, re­ching out to fifteen or twentie houses one after another. And after this vowed, the one to haue Iesus name stampt vpon their pistolet crownes, the Iesuits to haue it set vp­on the gates of their Colledges with a crosse aloft, to shew that they did lodge at the signe of the crosse. As the Caluinists cald their religion, the reformed religion, so the Iesuits gloried, that in some part of Italy, namely in Modena, they were cald the reformed also. And as the Caluinists whom we terme Hugonots rose vp in armes in Fraunce, in the yeere, 1561. So the Ie­suits tooke example by them, and had recourse vnto armes about the yeere 1585. to enclarge their bounds.

If I be not deceiued in the time, nor misse my marke, Henry the second died: wherupō the Caluinists thought they might make their way faire without noise, through the midst of Fraunce. This good king left behind him foure young princes his children vnder the Queene mo­thers charge, a stranger princesse, not allied to the great houses of France, thereby was she vnfit to second them in gouernment of the state, and education of these chil­dren. Thus at one instant the two sects began to en­crease: one by the Kings death, the other by a Bishops decease. During the minority of our Kings, the Nobility of France couered their ambition with a cloake of reli­gion. New partialities grew among them, some taking part with the old religion, others with the new: euerie one of them (by the iudgement of the wisest) seeking his owne gaine & aduancement, more then deuotion. In this encounter, the ministers of whose companie some were burnt before, put vp a supplication to Charles the ninth, to giue them audience. This was soone granted, & the town of Poissy appointed for this purpose, where many Cardinals, Archbishops, Bishops, and Doctors of Diuinitie were assembled on the one side: and many Ministers, of whom Thodor Beza was the ring-leader, seconded by Peter Marter, Marlorat, Cimpoll, and some of good place and marke among them, on the other side.

Vpon the sentence of the Sorbons giuen in the yeere 1554. the Iesuits finding their hope to be forlorne, sought to Ma. Noel Brullarte the Kings Procurator ge­nerall, in the court of Parliament of Paris, the seuerest man in his place, that euer was seen. These men that slip no opportunitie to aduance themselues, hearing of the great conference at Poissy, promised to put in their foot among them. At that time one Ponce Congordan was their Agent in Paris, of whom Charles Cardinall of Lo­raine was wont to say, he was the cunningest negotiation [Page 15]that euer he knew though he had knowne many. He then it was that tooke the matter in hand, presented his request to the Court of Parliament of Paris, not in the name of the Societie of Iesus, but in the name of the Colledge of Clairmount, whereby the Iesuits protested to abiure their vowes, entreating the Court to allow of their Colledge. Which if the Court had done, it had beene a meane to allow their legacie giuen them. The Court according to their prudence and pietie, sent this request to the French Church then assembled at Poissy, to determine of it. Neuer was there a fairer assembly, and neuer did assembly bring forth more mischiefe to the state then that. I feare not to put the Placard into his hands that shall write the Historie of our times, for they authorized both sects with­out all consideration. And, which I most wonder at, the instruments hereof were two Cardinals, men of great knowledge and zeale, no young prentizes in the misteries of religion, or affaires of state; one of them had been emploied in the greatest matters of this kingdome, in the time of the mightie king Francis: the other in the time of Henry the second. The two speciall were the Cardinals of Tournon and Lorraine. The first for the grauitie of his yeeres, and consequently for the soundnes of his iudgement, was perswaded that this conference with the ministers was in no case to be admitted, for that the entring into it was a kind of acknowledging them to be a part of our common-weale, whom heretofore we took to be rotten members, howsoeuer the nonage of the king might dispence with their opinions vpō this point. The second, in the flower of his yeeres, vpon the confi­dence he had in his owne wit, seconded by two great diuines Dispence & Salignac, desired to bring the matter vpon the stage, flattering himselfe, that if they might dis­pute vpon Beza, the matter might easily be drawne to a head.

The most voyces went with him. The Cardinall of Tournon, spying himselfe supplanted in his oppinion, beganne to drawe vp the Iesuits, a faire and glorious pretence (as seemed) to giue battaile to the newe Religi­on. Heerein was he followed by a number of other Pre­lates, not because they did not fore-see what an infinite number of inconueniences might arise out of it, but be­cause they thought poysons must be purged by coun­terpoysons. The Scaffolds built, the Cardinall of Lo­raine and Beza, played theyr prizes before the young King, in the presence of many States diuersly affected. The assembly broken vp, after this wee had three Reli­gions openly in Fraunce. The one, sounded nothing but the word of GOD in their preachings: The next, tooke vp the Name of Iesus in their Sinagogues: The third, was our auncient Catholiques, to whom we attri­bute in our Churches, the honour of our fayth by the onely Gospell of Iesus Christ.

CHAP. 5. ¶ The decree of the French-Church against the Iesuits, in the assembly had at Poissy. 1561.

FOr all this I would not haue you thinke my Maisters, but that our French church did put many notable ingredients into this Iesuiticall poyson to qualifie it. For after the recitall all along the Decree, of all the priuiledges and fauours diuersly giuen them, by Paule and Iulius the third, and some Letters-Patents ob­tayned by them, and reckoning made of theyr request presented to the Court, and put ouer to these Prelates, in the end, behold what order they set downe.

The Assembly, according to the matters put to them by the Court of Parliament of Paris, hath receiued and doth receiue, hath approued and doth approue, the said [Page 16]Societie and Companie, in forme of a Colledge, not of theyr new institution of Religion, with expresse charge, that they take another title then the Name of IESVS, or of Iesuits, & that the Bishops of the Dioces, shal haue all superioritie, iurisdiction, and correction ouer this so­cietie and Colledge, to thrust out and expell from the saide Company, all men of euill life and misbehauiour. Neyther shall the Brothers of this Company enterprise or performe, any action temporall or spirituall, to the preiudice of the Bishops, Chapters, Curats, Parrishes, Vniuersities, or other religious, but they shal be bound to conforme themselues wholly to the disposition of the Common-lawe, without hauing any right or iuris­diction, and renouncing all their former priuiledges, ex­presly theyr Bulls contrary to the things afore-said, pro­uided that if they fayle heerein, or shall heereafter pro­cure any other; that then this present Decree shall be voyde & of none effect, or exceptions to be taken to the right of the sayd Assembly, & of others in all cases. Gi­uen in the Assembly of the French Church, held by the kings commaundement at Poissy, in the great hall of the venerable religious men of Poissy, vnder the signe and seale of the most reuerend Cardinall of Tour­non, Archbishop of Lyons, Metropolitane and Primate of Fraunce, President of the said Assembly, and of the reuerend Father in God, the Lord Bishop of Paris, the messenger of this request. Giuen vnder the signes of Maister Nicholas Breton and William Blanchy, actuaries and Secretaries of the said Assembly, vpon Monday the 15. of December, 1561.

Pontius Congordan theyr Agent, now furnisht with this holy Decree, presented it to the Court of Parliament of Paris, where it was soone ratified. Heere I will make a pause and tell you, that if euer, though not all, yet the least part of this decree had beene obeyed, I would here aske them forgiuenes, & assure my selfe that these Gen­tlemen, [Page] Marion, Pasquier, Arnault & Dole, which haue all vowed to make warre vppon them, would doe the like. But if the request they put vp, was but a meere mummery, not onely to mocke the French Church heereafter, but the Court of Parliament, and that they haue made no account of that which was commaun­ded them, they must with one consent confesse, that nei­ther the particular aunswere made by Fraunces de Mon­taignes, against Arnalts impleadment, nor the venomous tooth of one Fon, (I wot not whō) striken into Marion and Pasquier, the one, the Kinges Aduocate in Parlia­ment, the other, of the Chamber of accounts in Paris, nor the hipocriticall request made to the King without the Authors Name, shall euer be sufficient to proue thē any naturall or French brood.

The Facultie of the Vniuersitie of Paris, denounced them at theyr first arriuall, to be Schismatiques, distur­bers of the peace of the Church, and monasticall disci­pline. Afterwards, the Church of Fraunce to prouide for their great disorder, allowed them by way of limita­tion before rehearsed, notwithstanding all the ingredi­ents, & coolers, put in to temper this poyson, the venim ouer-came their vertue. For as soone as they had seazed vppon this sentence, they wrote vppon theyr Colledge gate, The Colledge of the societie of IESƲS. They fol­lowed theyr first course, which they haue continued & will continue so long as they remaine in Fraunce. As it is the nature of the French to be more hardie then men at the beginning, and more cold and feeble then women in continuaunce: So suffred wee our selues to be led a­way at last, by these wit-foundred newe Friers. Euerie man if hee be not hunted hote, abandons the publique affaires, to be wedded to his owne in particular.

CHAP. 6. ¶ Of the request preferd by the Iesuits to the Parliament, the yeere 1564. to bee incorporated into the Ʋni­uersitie of Paris: and howe many sides made head against them.

POntius Cōgordan for his part, did not lay him down to sleep when he saw vs wearie, but thinking hee had got the day, preferd a petition to the V­niuersitie, in the yeere 1564. the te­nour whereof was this. The Princi­pall of the Colledge and company of Ie­sus, called the Colledge of Clairmont, beseecheth you to incor­porate thē into the Ʋniuersitie, that they may enioy the priui­ledges of it. The Vniuersitie hauing giuen them the re­pulse, they fledde to the Court of Parliament, where Congordan Chos Ʋersoris for theyr Aduocate, the Vni­uersitie entertaind Pasquier. The cause pleaded by these two, here was the sport, Pasquier at the first push, shewed them, that to read theyr request onely, was enough to o­uerthrow them. For the foundation of theyr cause de­pended vppon the French Churches decree, which for­bad them expresly to take vppon them the name of the societie of Iesus, which title notwithstanding they had inserted into theyr request. This was to strike thē right vpon the visor, by meanes whereof, they were compeld to flie to a deniall, where they tooke sanctuary for the liberty of their actions, as often as they found themselues driuen into any narrowe streight that might preiudice them. Versoris denied him that framed the request, that was in plaine termes Congordan, who denied himselfe, by the mouth of his owne Aduocate whom hee chose. By the negotiations which haue on their part passed between them and vs, to set vp their [Page]sect, An Asse and a Foxe haue beene tyed together.

A meruallous matter, and worthy to be rung into the eares of all succeeding ages. First, they of the newe Re­ligion, troubled vs about the towne of Amboise, against the Lords protectors of the young King, Fraunces the second, partly by the conference had at Poissy, and Ge­neuian preaching insinuated into Fraunce. Lastly, by the surprize of townes, and a bloody battaile fought be­fore Dreux. In briefe, by a ciuill warre of 18. monethes continuaunce, vpon the parcialities of Papists and Pro­testants, which was afterward luld a sleepe with an Edict of conniuence, our hands beeing yet embrued with the blood of those troubles, and hauing scarce any leysure to take our breath. In this progresse by degrees, the Iesuits request was presented to the Court of Parliament, that had tenne Aduocates, (as Montaignes and Fon do con­fesse in their writinges) in respect of 13. aduersaries,Mont. ca. 22 Fon. ca. 4. which Fon reports, were sixe boysterous & mightie lim­med bodies, to wit, the Vniuersities, the Sorbons, the Mendicants, the Hospitals, and the Parish priests. With other foure Lordes of great authoritie, namely the Go­uernour of Paris, the Cardinall Chastilion, as protector of the Vniuersitie, the Bishop of Paris, and the Abbot of S. Geniueue.

Now, can we be so sencelesse, as to thinke that so ma­ny, both of the better and meaner sort, banded against them without cause, in a matter of so great importance? But what were the commons? those which of late me­morie plagued the Hugonots, out of all measure, raced the walls of Patriarch and Popincourt, where they had theyr exercise of religion: who by order of Lawe pro­curd the death of Gabaston, the Captaine of their garde, and protector of theyr attempts, together with Cagres, both the Father and the sonne. So many Sages of the common people (sworne enemies to heresie) did sette thēselues against the Iesuits, lying but yet in the suburbs [Page 18]of our ciuill warres; against the Iesuits I say, who then vaunted themselues to be the scourge of Hereticks. As­suredly it cannot be, but that all those great personages, who then vndertooke the quarrell against them, were perswaded that this Sect was extreamely to be feared, as well by the libertie of the French Church and generall estate of Fraunce, as of all Christendome. Besides these two great parties, there was yet another, more strong & mightie then them both, namely, Mounsieur Mesnil the Kings Aduocate in the Court of parliament, direct­ly opposite to them.

But for all this great multitude of partakers (sayth the Iesuite) the matter came not to open triall, but was put ouer to coūsell, as a plaine argument that the good­nesse of our cause did craue very much fauour. Poore foole, and young Scholler, hadst thou been brought vp in the light of the Royall pallace, or read the course of iustice of our kings, as thou art nuzled in the dust of the Colledges, thou shouldst haue knowne that the high Courts admit no open triall of great causes, they haue no time nor leysure, duly to informe theyr consciences. As appeares by a like course helde by the same Court in the month of Iuly, 94. And for this cause, Mounsieur Marion pleading against the Iesuits of Lyons, in the yeere 97. said, that a defectiue and imperfect prudence of the yeere 64. was in some sort the occasion that the affaires of Fraunce degenerated with the time, & waxed worse and worse. As for my selfe, I will say more bold­ly with open face. that this matter was in the yeere 64. put ouer to counsell by the wisedome of men, but thys counsaile was guided by the hand of God, who to take vengeance of our sinnes, preserued the Iesuits as a deuo­ted instrument hung aside in the Temple, fit for the fu­ture miseries of Fraunce.

To what purpose is all this, saue onely this, to shewe you that if I detest & abhorre the Sect of Iesuits, I haue [Page]no small shelters for my oppinion: first the venerable censure of Paris, the yere 1554. wherein were the grea­test Diuines that euer were in Fraunce, and by name, Picard, Maillard, Demochares, Perionius, Ory, the Inqui­siter for matters of faith. The first, an admirable prea­cher, whose body after his death being layd forth in his house in the Deanry of S. Germins of Lauxerrois, the people of Paris for the sanctimony of his life, did striue to kisse his feete: the foure other his companions, were extreame persecutors of the Heretiks. I haue the great decree of the French church, in the yeere 61. the iudge­ment that did second it, and finally, many men of marke and communalty, set against them in the yeere 1564. Amongst these, I may speake it for a certainty, which I ought to beleeue because I saw it. There was two hono­rable resemblances of antiquitie, Solicitors in the cause, Bennet the Deane, and Courselles the Subdeane of the facultie of the Diuinitie Schooles in Paris; The one, fourscore yeeres of age, the other, threescore & seauen­teene: both ready to depart from hence, to giue vp an account of theyr actions in another world, at which time euery man standes stricte vppon his conscience. With them was Faber Sindic, one of the wisest men that e­uer was among the Sorbons.

In the winding vp of all, I will set downe Ma. Noell Brullarte, Procurator generall, the great Aristides and Cato of his time, which liuing in the yeere 50. withstood the receiuing of the Iesuites. I tell you this, expresly to discouer how like the iugling of the Iesuits of our time, is to the former. For Fon is so impudent as to report, that Ramus & Mercerus, after they became the Kings Pro­fessors, reuolted from our auncient Religion, and were folicitors in this cause, and that if they had not encoun­tred them, they had won the field: but to auoid sedition, the Court was forced, warilie to strike saile to the tem­pest, by putting the matter off to counsell.

Well, but yet thou lyest most impudently thou Iesuit. (Pardon me, for it is very fit I should be in choller.) Nei­ther Ramus nor Mercerus, for theyr parts euer stirred in this, although they tooke part with their brethren, the Kings Professors, because they would not separate thē ­selues from the body of the Vniuersitie.

Moreouer, what likelihood is there, that the mindes generally of the Parisiens could be so suddenly changed to take part with the Hugonots. Mercerus was so farre from faction, that hee had no skill in any thing but He­brue, wherein he spent all his time without intermission: and became so great a Superlatiue in that tongue, that by the iudgement of the best learned, he was preferd be­fore all the Iewes. In all worldly matters hee stoode but for a bare Cypher. But this is a Iesuiticall priuiledge, to vnderset theyr slaunders with the time by newe cogges. For if this Iesuit Fon durst, he would say that the towne, the Vniuersitie, and the facultie of Diuinitie in Paris, all the foure orders of Mendicants, & the Parish priests, were Hugonots, because they hindred the matriculation of this holy Order: what other consequence can be de­duced from his speech? Oh singuler and admirable im­pudencie, yet to be excused, because it proceedeth from a Iesuit. Neuerthelesse, to shew with what truth & inte­grity I mean to confound thē in their lying, they caused Ʋersoris Plea to be printed in the yere 94. & he to bring the Vniuersity into hatred,In the 24. & 32. leafe of Versoris Plea. saith first & formost, not that Mercerus but Ramus & Gallandius were made solicitors in this cause: but this was so far frō all likelihood of truth, that euery man tooke it for an hyperbole, by reason of the open enmity they caried to all times, which accom­panied them vnto their death. This enmity, Rablays the Lucian of our age, in the preface of his 3. booke, & after him Ioachim Bellay, a gallant Poet, in one of his chiefe Poems, scoffed at, with expresse inuentions, which are the best passages in all theyr bookes. As for Gallandius, [Page]he was neuer of any other religion, then the Catholique Apostolique Romane. I haue quoated out this in par­ticular as I passe along, to giue you to vnderstand, that in euery matter, be it neuer so small, the Iesuite cannot goe by without lying and disguising.

CHAP. 7. How the Iesuits were refused at Rome, and by what cunning they were afterward receiued.

NEuer thinke, that if they were so euill in­treated in Fraunce, they had any better entertainmēt at Rome. At their first com­ming, Ignatius and his new companions arriuing there, plotted (in the yeere 1539) to establish a new sect that should make the three ordi­narie vowes of other religious, & a fourth beyond them all, concerning mission: and that they should haue a Ge­nerall, whom they should be bound absolutely to obey, without any reason yeelded them. I will report it to you word for word, what was the conclusion of their assem­bly, and what Massee the Iesuite saith in the life of Igna­tius, dedicated by him to Aquauiua their Generall, which booke was imprinted by his allowance.

Ergo, without controuersie, one must be chosen to whom all in earth must be obedient as if it were to Christ, Maffee. lib. 2. cap. 9. de vita Ignacij. to his word they must sweare, and esteeme his becke and his will as an Oracle of God. And after, they concluded that their Generall should continue in this dignitie while he liued. Moreouer, that whosoeuer entred this profession, should to the three solemne vowes of all other religious houses, adde a fourth, to go without shrinking to whatsoeuer countrey of beleeuers, or iufidels, it should please the Pope to send them, and that without fee, or so much as petition to defray their char­ges by the way. Thus you see in the first planting of them, another absolute obedience to their General, in all things [Page 20]different from that to the Pope, concerning their mission onely. I will leaue the rest of their rule presented to Paul the third, to the examination it pleased his holinesse to make of it. He committed it to three Cardinals to dis­cusse, which thought good to refuse it, specially the Car­dinall Guidicion. Ignatius whom I haue allowed for one of the most sharpe and worldly wise men our age affor­ded, knew he had plaid the Clarke, and in his new sta­tute couched a greater obedience to the Generall, than to the holy Sea. For this cause he reformed his rule, and made their obedience to the Pope and their Generall in both alike. These be the words of Ribadener a Iesuit, who hath also written the life of Ignatius. Rib. lib. 2. cap. 7. The order of these Clarks must be, that by their Institution they be readie to obey the Pope at a becke, and liue by such a line as he shall well consider and determine of. Which the Pope, at Tibur, the third of September, in the yeere 1539. was glad to heare. From this passage you may gather, that assoone as they offered him absolute obedience in all things, Pope Pau­lus began to lend a fauourable eare vnto them. Neuer­thelesse, he stood a while in doubt to open any broad way freely for them to enter, for in the yeere 1540. he alowed them no number aboue threescore, afterwards in the yeere 43. he laid the gate wide open vnto them.

CHAP. 8. ¶ Of the insolent title of the societie of Iesus vsurped by the Iesuits, and how many sundrie fashions they haue vsed to authorize it.

OVr whole country of Fraunce was ve­ry much offended at the proud and partiall name of Iesuites, which they tooke vpon them. The French Church first, next to it the Court of Parliament, expresly forbad the vse of it. Mesnil [Page]the kings great Aduocate pleaded the cause, shewing how odious the name ought to be among Christians: for ripping vp the reasons that moued the Bishop, the facultie of Diuinitie, and the Vniuersitie of Paris to reiect them at their first arriuall; The maine reasons were (quoth he) first the insolent name & title of Iesuits, and verily by how much the more the name may be tollerated among Iewes, Turks, and Pagans, by so much the more it is to be refused among Christians, which do all make profession of the law of Iesus. It is as worthie to be blamed, as if a man should attribute and vsurpe vnto himselfe alone the name of a Christian, among Christi­ans, the name of a French man among the French, or the name of Parisian among the Parisians. Moreouer the name of Iesus is of such dignitie and excellencie, that his Disciples & Followers left it only to their Head, and neuer tooke but the adiectiue of Christian, where­with they are contented to this day. Vpon the same ground Pasquier said as much in a Plea of his. I will be­gin with their name, and after descend to their proposi­tions. First of all, they call themselues Iesuits in the midst of Christians. Blessed God, is not this an accusation of the Apostles? happie and renowmed were those holy Fa­thers, seeing our Sauiour Iesus Christ face to face, to heare his exhortations daly, and after his ascension into heauen, to receiue the holy Ghost from him. Neuerthe­lesse, knowing with what humility they ought to regard and honour that great and holy name of Iesus, they ne­uer durst call themselues Iesuits, but Christians onely, in the towne of Antioch, where that name was taken vp by them: and as for matters of religion they were after­wards so handled, that as in Rome, the Popes neuer took vpon them the name of S. Peter, for the honour & re­uerence they bare to their Captain: so in Christendome was there neuer any Christian baptized by the name of Iesus. All the old fathers knew it well, that it had beene [Page 21]blasphemie to attribute the name due to the onely Crea­tor and Sauiour of mankind, vnto a meere creature. You must acknowledge then (my maisters Ignatiens) that you blaspheme against the honour of God, when you intitle your selues Iesuits. It may be you will say we do not take vpon vs the name of Iesus, but of Iesuits, to let the people know that we be Iesus followers. Why? did the Apostles & other disciples of our Lord, & they that immediatly succeeded him, briefly all the old fathers of the Primitiue Church, trace any lesse after him then you do? so as by some speciall priuiledge you must borrow this title and not they? Furthermore I would be glad to learne whether we, by withdrawing our selues from the vow of your arrogant superstition, be shut out from the fellowship of our Lord and Maister Iesus Christ? Pas­quier said well, that it is to call the Apostles in question. For Fon the Iesuit defended afterwards, that the Christi­ans title, was a prouder stile then the Iesuits. Ignatius and his companie (as they said) being desirous to draw our Church backe to the steps of the Apostles times, plotted to minister the Sacraments of pennance & of the Altar, and to preach Cods word. And by this deuice they spred farre without the authoritie of the holy Sea, and they likewise desired to be intitled, the company of Ie­sus. The Apostles ministred these two Sacraments, and caried the Gospell ouer all the world, was it then per­mitted to these new vndertakers to do the like? I denie it? For they succeeded not the Apostles, but the Bishops, and vnder them the Curates. The Iesuits deuotion was built vpon ignorance, by reason wherof, they ought not to be called Iesus followers, but his forsakers, as bringers in of a new schisme into the Church. Yet haue they by this erronious proposition, qualified themselues with the title of Iesus company. A stile neuer giuen them by our holy father, but arrogated to themselues, as manifestly appeares in a passage of their request preferd to Paulus [Page]the third, and interlaced in the Bull in the yeere 1540. Whosoeuer in our Society (which we desire to be oderned with the name of Iesus) is willing to warre vnder the banner of the crosse. This clause is repeated word for word, as it lieth in the Bull of Iulius the third in the yeere 1550. which is the confirmation of their priuiledges. It were absurd to thinke Pope Paulus would honour them with so proud a title, who refused them at the first, & after ward allotted them but a certaine number, & that with many scruples of conscience. Neuerthelesse, as the Iesuits neuer lackt new lying inuentions to credit them, so they bruted it a­broad, that they held this title by the faith and homage of the holy Sea. Indeed the first Chapter of their con­stitutions begins in this manner. This little congregation, which by their first institution was called the Societie of Iesus, by the Sea Apostolike. And agreeable vnto this, Ʋersoris the Aduocate pleading their cause,In the 30. leafe of Ver­sons Plea. alleaged this passage, to shew that the Pope was their God-father, and that they held their name by humilitie, not by ambition, these be the words he vsed. I blame not the Aduocate, a man of account: for he pleaded vpon the aduertisements gi­uen him, but I excuse not these wise men the Iesuits, which are made lyers by their owne Buls. There is no lye so impudent as that, but the authoritie of the holy Sea was not sufficient to grace them by this forgerie: they must haue recourse to miracles, that is to say, to their iugling casts.Maff. lib. 2. ca. 5. Rabad lib. 1. ca. 12. Of late yeeres Maffee first, and then Ri­badener found out, that Ignace accompanied with Peter Faure, and Iames Lainez, going through a Church, not farre from Rome, being at his praiers, fell into a trance, wherein God the Father appeared to him, who commē ­ded Ignace & his companions to Iesus Christ his Sonne, then loaded with his crosse, & marked with his wounds, which promised to take him into his protection, & said to Ignace at that instant, I wil assist thee in Rome. And as soone as Ignace went out of the Church, he discouered [Page 22]to his two companions what vision he had. That this is but a tale of a tubbe, I haue no doubt at all. Iames Lainez succeeded him in the Generalship, who being priuie to this miracle, how cōmeth it to passe he neuer signified so much to Congordan his Agent, & Versoris his Aduocate, when the cause was pleaded? Why did he smother this great miracle when it was requisite to disclose it? For that which was chiefly obiected against them in the assembly of Poissie, and afterward in the court of Parliament of Paris, was the insolencie of this proud title of the Society of Iesus. Why (I say) did not Lainez & his crue, giue vs notice of this matter, when the French Church and the court of Parliament forbad them this title. They did not so much then, because neither the diuell, nor his impo­stures, built their nests in their pens, as they did at last. Neuertheles, this lye profited them no more thē another which we see with our eies. For when Maffee had told vs this tale, marke what he puts to it. And this was the chiefest cause, for which after the Society was confirmed, he gaue it es­pecially the name of Iesus. If that be true which this lyer re­ports, it followes, that Ignace & his companions, tooke not the title of Iesus Society, but after their order was cofirmed, yet by their requests put vp to Pope Paul, in­serted into their first Bull of the yeere 1540. they attribu­ted this name vnto thē. And that which greatly waighes it, is, that foure or fiue yeeres after, Montaignes a Iesuit roundly confessing that to be false which Maffee & Ri­badener haue written,Cap. 66. of Truth defended. he fathers this inuention vpon the Pope. I answere you (saith he to Arnault) that it is the Pope which gaue the name to this holy company, & the sacred coū ­sell that allowed them, which suffices to stop your mouth. The verie same saith Fon, Fon. ca. 38. The people gaue them the name of Ie­suits, because the holy Sea called them the company of Ie­sus. And two leaues after, The Iesuits tearmed not them­selues Iusuits, but the holy Sea termed them the companie of Iesus. I commend the conscience of these two honest [Page]Iesuits, who speaking nothing of Ignaces vision mocke themselues in their soules with these two flatteries. But I cannot chuse but excuse their ignorance, for had they red their first Bull of Paul the third, they should haue found that Ignace & his companions were intitled the Socie­tie of Iesus when they preferd their petition to the Pope.

The Aduocate standing vpon these contrarieties, one of the company said to him: Me thinks you labour in vaine. They haue this name of Iesuits, neither from God nor from the Pope: but only from the common people, which is a great Philosopher and controuler of our actions. You see Fon agrees vnto it: but you must vnderstand at large, how matters passe on this side. Being at the first named the companie or Societie of Iesus, the people marking their behauiour called them Iesuists, not Iesuits, pronouncing S. and T. to­gether. For when their cause was pleaded in the yeere 64. The Aduocates cald them nothing else but Iesuists. See the counsell Maister Charles Moulin, one of the best lawyers in Fraunce gaue vpon the receiuing them. The title was this, Whether the Iesuits be to be receiued in the Realme of Fraunce, and admitted in the Vniuersitie of Paris. And all along his discourse speaking of them, he vseth no other terme than Iesuists. A matter which you shal find auouched also in Versoris Plea,Fol. 30. Versoris Plea. put forth in print by them. Men qualified their title (saith he) and called them the Colledge of Iesuists. And so it continued a little after. But they could not leaue it, for so much as they ought to haue a common name fitting the whole or­der and Colledges belonging to them. Which can not bee that of Clairmounte, except peraduenture for the three Colledges sake founded by the Bishop of Clairmounte: It is therefore requisite they should adde the word Iesuists. This verie name was afterward in vse in their owne Colledge at Paris, when they were expeld.

It is true, that in processe of time the common people for the easier pronunciation, discarded the S. and called them Iesuits▪ in steed of Iesuists. And when Pasquier prin­ted his Epistles in the yeere 1586. likewise when the Plea was printed in the yeere 94. And that of the Aduo­cate Mesnil, they were termed Iesuists according to the common custome of time. Neither was this refor­med in Ʋersoris Plea. Take it then for certaine, that they were called Iesuists, as you may better be informed by such as liued in those daies, & this was done vpon graue consideration, for no sparke of true Iesus being in them, but hypocrisie only appareld with his name, the people branded them with the name of Iesuists. In like manner you know that from the Greeke word Sophos, which sig­fies sage, in old time the word Sophister was deriued, to decipher such a one as troubled the waters of Wisdom. Therfore we do noate by the name of Iesuists these new disturbers of Iesus & his Church. After this manner in our time, from the word Deus, some haue wrested a title of men deified, which is a new heresie. And as God shines in his wisdome, so shal it not be from the purpose to couple a Iesuist & a Sophister togither, because a Ie­suist is nothing else but the Sophister of our Catholique religion.

Here said the Aduocate, you haue reason, & not only I subscribe to your obseruatiō, but more, I hold him a hea­uie beast, which shal not acknowledge them to be of the Societie of Iesus. Verely they are, but iust as Iudas was a­mong the Apostles, so many Iesuies so many Iudases, rea­die to betray their princes or their countries, whensoeuer occasion serues to do it. What wil you giue vs (wil be the burdē of their song to those princes that haue most mo­ney) & we will deliuer our Leege Lord into your hands, or troble his state that it may be yeelded to you. Did they not attempt the same in Fraunce, and if our famous Henry had beleeued them, had they not performed it? [Page]But thanks be vnto God, they met with such a barre as the necessitie of our affaires required.

CHAP. 9. ¶ That the Iesuits are called Apostles in Portugall, & in the Indies, and with what deceits they haue wrought it.

QVestionlesse, he is much decei­ued that makes any doubt of the societie of Iesus, for there must of force be a Iesus in theyr companie, sithence they haue had Apostles, & such remaine among them in the Realme of Portugall to this day: an impie­tie certainly shamefull for our Catholique Apostolique Romane Church, that vnder cullour of a paynted obedience, they say they yeelde to the holie Sea, vvee haue suffered these hypocrites to be called Apostles, not in Portugall onely, but in many o­ther Townes and Citties also of the Indies, where they commaund. Thys historie, howe disgracefull soeuer it be to vs, deserues notwithstanding, to be vnderstood & knowne to all good men, that they may be informed how the Iesuits haue not spared for any sleights to rayse theyr reputation, by the downfall of the true Church of GOD.

I must tell you then, that Ignace beeing at Venice with his nine companions, Peter Faure, which in Latine is called Faber, Fraunces Xauier, Iames Lainez, Alphon­sus Salmeron, Nicholas Bobadille, Simon Roderic, Pas­quier Broet, Claudius Iay, and Iohn Codury. One Hosius of Nauarre, Bachelor of Diuinitie, after many doubts clee­red vnto him by Ignace, Ribad. lib. 2. cap. 6. at last ioynd hart and companie with Ignace, and was put into the Cataloge with the rest, [Page 24](saith Ribadener,) and vppon the poynt of theyr depar­ture from the territorie of Venice,Ribad. lib. 7. cap. 5. Maff. lib. 2. cap. 4. after their first re­turne from Rome. Ignatius, (saith the same Authour) Faber and Lainez, went to Ʋiceria, Fraunces Xauier and Salmeron, to mount Celesius, Iohn Codurus & Hosius (late said to be put into their nūber) to Tarnisium, Claudius Iay, & Simon Roderic, to Bassanū, Paschasius & Bobadilla, to Ʋe­rona. It pleased God that after Ignace was appointed by his companions to goe to Rome,Maff. lib. 2. cap. 4. Ribad. lib. 2. cap. 12. as hee was saying Masse at Mount Cassin, hee saw an Angell carry Hosius soule with ioy to heauen. Thus by his death, their com­panie was reduced to their first Cataloge of tenne, that number which (I say) preferd their request to Pope Paule the third; and you shall not finde that they soone afterwardes gathered any more to make vp eleuen or twelue, as they did with Hosius.

Now, the record tels vs, that as they were at Rome at­tending the Popes pleasure to giue order for their plot, Iohn the third of that Name King of Portugall, was desirous to haue some one of these new Pilgrims to send him to the Indies, where hee possest a great part of the Country. The Portugals had by their long and vente­rous nauigations, opened a way to these newe founde Lands, (for so our Auncestors calld them,) and they made thēselues maisters of them, where the most part of the Commaunders continued in their old idolatry, & o­thers, although they were baptized, were but rude Chri­stians. By this meanes Ma. Iames Gouea, sometime prin­cipall of S. Barbes Colledge in Paris, aduised the King to choose some one of these new Pilgrimes at Rome, to conuert his subiects. Gouea by the Kings appointment, wrote to Ignace, who aunswered him againe by Letters, that he had no authoritie in that case, but that all depen­ded vppon the Popes pleasure. After a little coursing to and fro, the charge was committed to Fraunces Xauier of Nauarre, and Simon Roderic a Portugall.

These trauaild to the King, which entertayned them verie graciously. Vppon their arriuall, the Pope enlar­ged this newe companie to the number of threescore: these two men were called Apostles, a title deriued from them to their Successors in that Country. Horace Tur­celin a Iesuit yeeldes this reason of it. Last of all (saith he, speaking of Xauier and Rodoric, Turcel lib. 1 ca. 10. of Xauers life.) the excellencie of theyr vertue, and contempt of the worlde, was miraculous in the eyes of the whole Cittie. It was bruted among the commen people, that twelue Priests, (for two were added to the ten) had combined together at Rome. Two of the which company liuing among them, seemed to carrie (I know not what) shew of an Apostolicall life. This made the people, whether it were for the equalitie of the number, or for the conformit is of life, to begin by too great a title, to call them Apostles, and continued so to tearme them though much against theyr wills. For the Portugalls, beeing no lesse constant in theyr dooings, then religious in determination, they coulde neuer be drawne to recall that name which they had once giuen (as they thought) vnto the truth. Nay the matter proceeded so farre, that this name grew to be imposd vppon the rest of that socie­tie, almost throughout all Portugall.

Trust me, this passage is of such desert, that I should deceiue these good men, if I should not translate it into French, to discouer with howe great pietie they haue purchast this title. For Fraunces Xauier is honoured for a great Saint among all the Iesuits. Was there euer any impietie or imposture greater then this, that these two hypocrits to be counted Apostles, bruted it abroad, that two new supplies were added to their Sect, to make vp the number of twelue Apostles; and that vpon this false alarum they were called Apostles. This was against theyr will (saith Turcelline) belieue the reporter. For Xa­uier tooke speciall care not to loose his tytle when hee came into the Indies.Tincel. 2. booke of Xauiers life, cap. 3. Therefore, as before in Portugall, so in India, he began to be commonly calld an Apostle, and the [Page 25]same title afterwards, flowed from Francis as from the Head to the rest of his fellowes. Tell me (I beseech you) whe­ther this be not to renue the heresie of Manes, whose followers were cald Manichees, he naming himselfe the Paraclet, had twelue Disciples whom he cald Apostles, and for such he sent them abroad one by one, to other prouinces, to spread abroad the poyson of his heresie through their preaching. To say the truth, Ignace neuer tooke on him the name of Paraclet, yet was he willing inough to be accounted for another Iesus by his compa­ny: As I wil discourse to you in his proper place, when I come to speak of their blind obedience. He did not only take this authority & power vpon himselfe. But resigned it ouer also to all the Generals of his order that succeeded him, who in like manner haue embraced the title of A­postles, wherewith their inferiours were endowed in Portugall.

This is apparant in Rome, and yet no man sees it, but quite contrarie, this Family is there had in honour­rable regard, vpon a wrong conceit men haue entertai­ned touching their absolute obedience, whereof these my Maisters make semblance vnto the Pope. And shall we hereafter haue any maruaile to heare a barking at the holy Sea by diuersities of new opinions that fight against it? Pardon me I beseech thee, O holy Sea, for it is the heat of my zeale deuoted to thee, that inforceth me to vtter this speech. Great and vnspeakable are Gods iudgements, to suffer that in the Citie of Rome in your sight and knowledge, there should bee a Manes, continued by successions from one to another, which hath not twelue onely, but infinite Apostles dis­persed here and there: God will reuenge it early or late, though it be by his enemies.

The Aduocate as a man much wounded in heart, was desirous to prosecute this in a chafe, when the Iesuit in­terrupting him, said, Verie well sir, you are in daunger [Page]to be drawen drie. Marking your discourse you put me in mind of those young Historiographers which impu­ted it for folly to Alexander the great, that he would haue all men thinke him to be Iupiters sonne, they at­tributed this to his immoderate ouer-weening, neuer­thelesse it was an excellent wise drift of his. Can you imagine why? so long as the country of king Darius, was the marke he shot at, he was too wise to take that title vpon him, and chose rather to thrust forward his fortune by ordinarie meanes of armes. But as soone as he plotted to passe into India, a kind of new world deuided from ours, he would haue the people perswaded by the great Priest of Aegypt that he was Iu­piters sonne, and from that time he would be adored as such a one, not by the Macedonians his natural subiects, bred in the liberty of a Greeke spirit: But by the barba­rous people, with such respect and beliefe, that from that time forward they should take him not to be a meere Prince, but a great God that came to the conquest of the Indies: this deuice tooke so good effect, that he made himselfe Lord of the country without striking stroke. The Kings, Potentates, and common people, saying, that their countrey was first vanquished by Bacchus, then by Hercules, both sonnes of Iupiter: and that the whole rule and Dominion was reserued for the comming of Alexander, a third sonne of his. Thinke you our Socie­tie followes not this plot? you see we neuer tooke the name of Apostles any where but in Portugall: but when we were to go to the same Indies where Alexan­der had beene, we thought as he did, that it was fit we should be authorized beyond others, by a more ample, sacred, and maiesticall title, which was to be called A­postles. It had beene ill for vs to challenge it in Portu­gall, if Xauier had not continued it, by an entercourse of his companie, after his arriuall in the Indies, to the end he might be reputed another Saint Thomas, sent thither [Page 26]after the passion of our Sauiour Iesus Christ. And it were impossible to recount what conquests of soules we made there, vnder this holy perswasion. Ha, (quoth the Aduocate) verily if this be your fashion, I haue nothing to do with you: for as when you entred Italy you bor­rowed I know not what of their Mountebanks, so would you do the like of Machiauell, in Portugall and the In­dies. Meane while, you my maisters that haue bragged much of your knowledge in Diuinitie, haue verie ill turnd ouer the history of the kings in the the Bible, from whence you gather by a continued ranke, that God tooke away the crownes of all the Kings of Israel as oft as they became Idolaters, eyther while they liued, or in all time to come neuer suffered them to descend vnto their children. How thinke you (I pray ye) that God hath left the true Kings of Portugall without heires, and that their Realme came into the hands of the first Prince that caught it? That one Don Anthonio a bastard, one Ka­therine de Medices, Queene-mother of our King, preten­ded title to it, and last of all, that one Philip King of Spaine became maister of it without any great resi­stance. I will not discourse in partriculer of the goodnes of his title: for mine one part, I thinke that the best title he had, was the iustice of God, whō it pleased, in reuenge of the giddie Idolatrie and blasphemie of the kings and people, to make this realme, without triall of the cause, passe from one family to another, by this holy title of Apostles attributed to these hypocrites. And I per­swade my selfe, that the King of Spayne now raigning, will one day fall into the like mischiefe, if he suffer this impietie.

CHAP. 10. ¶ The impieties of William Postell a Iesuits.

BVt why should we thinke this blaphe­mie strange in them, if within few yeeres after they tooke the title of Apostles on them, some one of them was found so abhominable in the sight of God and man, that he cald the power of our Saui­our Iesus Christ in question, vpon the point of our Re­demption. The man I speake of, is William Postell, against whom Pasquier declaimed in his Plea on this manner.

For so much as they buz nothing in the cares of simple women but their pietie, which they fasten to their Robes with a claspe and a poynt, marke whether they they be such indeed as they protest in words. We haue the Benedictines, Barnardines, Dominicans, Francis­cans, and other like orders. At the beginning of these professions, the authors therof were found to be men of so holy life, that by common consent of the Church they were registred in the Kalender of Saints: Where­vpon many drawen by their good life desired to trace after them. Peraduenture we shall likewise find, that the first of the Iesuits sect were men of so holy and austere life, that we ought to be so farre of from any dislike of them, as on the contrary, we should rather wish to be in­corporated into them. About ten or twelue yeeres ago one of your old Factors came to this towne, a man as farre exceeding you in knowledge, as you do the simple handy-crafts man. This was Maister William Postell: we heard him preach, read, and write. He had a large Cas­sack, reaching down to the middle leg, a long Robe, girt about him, an Episcopal bonnet; accompanied with a pale & withered face, which bewraied nothing but great austeritie: and he said Masse with manie nice ceremo­nies [Page 27]not common in the Church. All this while what did he bring forth? One mother Iane, an impietie, an heresie, the most detestable that euer was heard of since the incarnation of our Lord Iesus Christ. The Donatists, the Arians, the Pelagians, neuer did such a thing. VVhere preached hee? Not in moun­tanie or desert places, where men are wont to plant new religions: it was in the fayre hart of Fraunce, in the Cittie of Paris. Of what Order was hee? Of thys venerable Societie of Iesus. Ha, beleeue mee if your societie bring such monsters foorth, if you ingender so damnable effects, God graunt wee neuer be of this so­cietie.

The Iesuits to this day deny it very stoutly, that Postell was euer of their societie: and not onely deny it, but as soone as Pasquier obiected it when he pleaded the cause against them, they said it was a new addition put to his olde Plea when he printed it.Chap. 42. Pasquier shewes himselfe (saith the wisard Fon) to haue lost all the faculties of his soule, his vnderstanding, his vvill, and his memorie: his vnderstanding is full of darkenes, his will full of gale, his memory fraught with obliuion. For when the cause was pleaded in the yeere 64. Postell was then aliue, confined to the Monasterie of S. Martine of the fieldes at Paris, where hee liued vntill the yeere 1580. Neuerthelesse, this good pleader speakes of him as if he had beene dead long before. And a little after: last of all you must note, that Pasquier spake not this when he pleaded: for he had beene checkt for so impudent a lie, and hissed at by the whole world that saw Postell then present; but this was written one and twentie yeeres after, when he defierd to publish it. And so is he contrary to himselfe, forgetting to take that counsell the Prouerb giues, Oportet menda­cem esse memorem, to the end he may draw vp the peeces of falshood so close, that no body might perceiue the seame.

And if you will belieue me, it was not without cause the Iesuits plaid this Pauin to this Perric dauncer, for if Postell were a Iesuite, they are vndone. Therefore I be­seech you let vs examine three things: The first, whe­ther Pasquier made this obiection. The second, whether Postell were of their companie. And thirdly, what vvas that impietie which he sought to bring into our Religi­on, vnder the name of his mother Iane? For as good fel­lowes vse to say, The sport is worthy of a candle. Con­cerning the first, Pasquier neuer spake of Postell as of a dead man: to prooue it, the beginning of the passage is thus. About tenne or twelue yeeres agoe, one of your com­panie came to this Towne, a man that passeth you, as much as you doe the meane Artificer. By these words you see, he spake as of a man then liuing: but hee added afterward, This was Ma. William Postell, carrying backe all the co­herence of this discourse, to the time of tenne or twelue yeeres past, when Postell built vp an heresie vppon his Mother Iane, as you may gather from the same passage; which shewes that the Iesuits haue neither vnderstand­ing, iudgement, nor memory, stumbling in this manner vpon Pasquier: and this is it which in the yeere 1594. they caused to be imprinted, in Versoris Plea of the yeere 64. which was an answere to Pasquiers Plea: if you take vp the booke and reade it, in the 36. leafe you shal finde these wordes. Jt is obiected against vs, that Postell vvas likewise of our company, & that by these bad fruites you may see what the tree was, I aske them, what were the fruites of Iudas, must we for them condemne our Lord and his Apo­stles? And a little after; Postell was neuer professed in our house, he was a very Nouice and sent away.

Would you haue a more euident demonstration then this, to proue both that Pasquier spake of Postell liuing, and that he made this obiection. For otherwise, Ʋersoris had fought with his owne shadow. Let vs nowe consi­der whether Postell were of their order. And to make it [Page 28]good that hee was, I apply that which I euen now read vnto you, Ʋersoris & Pasquier, were two braue Cham­pions brought to combate in the Lists before the chiefe Senate of Fraunce, at the foyles. The blow deliuered a­gainst Postell offended all the order, in respect of the place he helde among them. Had not hee beene one of them, that great Aduocate Versoris, had neuer winded himselfe away from this stroke as he did, but rather had denied it roundly, as the Iesuits now doe, thinking that the distance of time hath raced it out of remembrance, but knowing that the truth then apparant, would haue complained of him, hee was not so hardie. By meanes whereof, swimming between two billowes, he acknow­ledged him to be a Nouice of theyr Companie, but af­terward shut out of doores.

Of this expulsion you shall not be able to quoate any time. For after hee printed his booke of Mother Iane, that stunke in the nose of all the world, they would ne­uer haue suffered him to become a Nouice, as likewise that is verified, that a little after his booke was condem­ned, and the Authour confined to the Monasterie of S. Martins. As before this hee was too great a man in all kinde of learning, and of the tongues, to shut him out of theyr company: so was he seene publiquely apparrelled after the Iesuits maner in Paris, in the Colledge of Lom­bards, with Father Pasquier Broet, and the other Iesuits, in which house they had theyr first aboade. After thys, when they had a Colledge made ready for them, and gates open in the house of Langres in S. Iames streete, he did eate and drinke with them daily: before hee was confined to the Monasterie of S. Martine. Heereby you may see, that no man then doubted he was a Iesuit.

What was then his impietie grounded vppon his Mother Iane? Beeing nowe to bicker with these pre­tended nauigators of Affrick, euery man must vnder­stand, that they breede as many newe Monsters as men. [Page]When Postell had beene many yeeres the Kings Profes­sor of the Greeke tongue, in the Vniuersitie of Paris, he left his place, desirous to hoist sayle for Palestina, as the good Ignace did: from thence he came back to Venice, about the time of the good Ignace, where hee grew ac­quainted with a supersticious old beldam cald Mother Iane, whom hee made his Mother. A little while after, he returned to Paris to the Colledge of Lombards, with his companions the Iesuits, where hee printed a booke intituled, The victory of Women. In which he maintaind, that our Sauiour Iesus Christ redeemed the superiour world onely, that is, Man; and that his Mother Iane was sent from God to saue the inferiour world, that is, Women, adding Pythagoras dreames to his impietie.

Hee sought to perswade men, that the soule of Saint Iohn the Baptist was transfused into her. And in another leafe, that the soule of Saint Iohn the Baptist was once in a Gold-smith. Shee was apparrelled like a Iewe, with a great Gaberdine of a tawny cullour; shee went through the Cittie bare-headed, and bare-footed, wearing a hi­deous long hayre, crying repentance, for the end of the world was at hand. This newe S. Iohn the Baptist, was afterward burnt aliue by the course of iustice, helde in the Court of Parliament of Tolosa, which would neuer take the weakenes of her wit for payment. And in sooth, many men maruailed that Postell was not executed in like manner. For his booke was sold publiquely by Por­ters, and it cannot any way be excused; except the Ie­suits, (by I know not what externall infatuations, wher­with they doe inchaunt vs,) haue their safe conduct for euery thing. I perswade my selfe, that Richeome wil one day bring in this for a great miracle in his booke of mi­racles.

Wee haue to this day other remnants of Postell, for the same Pasquier pleading the cause, saide that Ignace was no lesse factious & troublesome in the Church, then [Page 29] Martine Luther, that both the one and the other, were borne in one centenary of yeeres: Martine in the yeere, 1488. Ignace in the yeere 1491. Each of them erected his sect, saying, he drew all his principles from the pri­mitiue Church, that thereby they might the more easilie draw the simple people to their line, but that the Ignaci­an sect was more to be feared then the Lutherans, run­ning through a ranke of reasons which hee had coucht together. A speciall one was, that euery one of vs would take heede of Luther, whom we iudged an Heretique: contrariwise, that in the behalfe of Ignace, it was an easie matter for men to be ouer-taken, by I knowe not what kinde of hypocriticall countenaunce vvhich they put on.

This sole conclusion (saith Fon) shewes Pasquier to be full of ignorance and malice, and if he speak in good earnest, hee is like vnto that Atheist whom I dare not name, that made such a comparison betweene Moses and his law, and Mahomet and his sect, & called them both deceiuers. How so? Because he that likens Ignace to Luther, is as impious as the other, that compared Mo­ses and Mahomet together. Moses was expresly cho­sen of GOD to deliuer his people out of the captiuitie of Egypt, and the tyrannie of the Pharaos. For Moses sake, the sea miraculously opened it selfe to make him way. God appeared to Moses and talked with him, and by his prayers, all the while he lifted vp his hands to hea­uen, the same great GOD made the children of Israell victorious. I doe not thinke any man was euer so wic­ked, that hee durst make comparison betweene Moses and Mahomet: and if there be any of that stamp, I take our Iesuits to be as bad as he, in comparing Ignace with Moses. This comparison would be strange to mee, but ouer-looking theyr other Iesuiticall bookes, I found it to be a very familiar matter with them. For Father Ha­niball Codret neuer doubted to write, that his companie [Page]tooke theyr name from God, who made them the com­panions of his deere sonne Iesus Christ, which so accep­ted of them. And in their annuall Letters of the yeere 1589. the Iesuits of the Colledge of our Lady of Lo­reto writing to theyr Generall, make mention of a little deuill coniurd by one of thē, in the Name of IESVS, whereat he was some-what angry: but when they pres­sed him with the name of Ignace, then began the deuill to play the deuill indeede, more then he did before, such a feare had he of this holy name. These blasphemies are the least escapes of our Iesuits: this Familie hath good store of others, whereof I trust one day to make you a good and faithfull Inuentorie. But sithence that by lea­ping from one matter to another, I stept before I was a­ware vpon the proces and course of times, I will returne to our Ignace and his companions, to shewe you vvhat theyr craftie conueiance was to purchase entertainment when they came to Rome.

CHAP. II. ¶ The studies of great Ignace.

THE yeere 1524. Ignace began to stu­die at Barcelona, beeing three & thirty yeeres of age, a course of life which he could not well relish; for hauing (as he bragd) his mind wholy mounted vp to heauen, he could not strike the wing to come downe, so low as the declensions of Nounes, which matter (saith Maffe) as it were presaging thinges to come, Maff. lib. 1. cap. 17. Ribad. lib. 1. cap. 13. was furthered by the wicked enemie of mankind, espe­cially at that time offering him many visions, and opening to him the secrete misteries of the holy Scripture, I think that neuer man spake truer then hee, for all these pretended contemplations of Ignace, were meer mummeries of the deuill, who desired to present vs with such a man, as [Page 30]might by his ignorance trouble the whole state of the Church. In this conflict hee spent two yeeres at Barce­lona, about the expiring whereof, iumping ouer his stu­dies, he remoued to the Vniuersitie of Alcala, where he made a shew of study in Logique, naturall Philosophie, and Diuinitie. In Logique (saith Maffe) he began to turne ouer those whom we call Termini. In naturall Phylosophie, Albert. In Diuinitie, the maister of the Sentences. I leaue it to your considerations, whether these bookes were fit for him to handle, as a man that had doone all that was for him to doe, who studied his Gramer but two yeeres, when as yet he had employed his fiue sences, without ta­king his flight to any other dessigne; for the most con­uersant in learning, are much cumbred with vnderstan­ding Albertus, much more with the Master of the Sen­tences, the first foundation of our Schoole Diuinitie. Adde to it, that the two yeres he spent, one while at Al­cala, another-while at Salamanca, another Vniuersitie, these were but prisons & extraordinary proceedings for him: that is as much to say, so much interruption of his imaginarie studies hindred in him. I call them imagina­rie, because he had no other speculations in his soule, but by faire semblance to fashion a new Sect. All thys vvas partly the cause, that hee perceiuing his drifts to take no place in Spayne, desired to see Fraunce, & came to Pa­ris in Februarie 1528. And then (say Maffe and Riba­dener) knowing how little hee had profited in 4. yeeres,Maff. lib. 1. ca. 18. Rib. lib. 18. cap. 16. as well by reason of the precipitation, as the confusion of his studies, he deliberated to follow the broad way: Let vs take Maffees booke into our hands, & marke what he discourseth. And when by his experience he had found the imbecilitie of mans mind to be such, that he can hardly en­dure to haue many yrons in the fire at once, condemning his former hast, and forsaking frō thence forth the shortest cut, he entred the Kings high way, and attempted to begin his studies anew. Therefore beeing at mans state, hee disdained not to [Page]repaire euerie day to the Colledge of Montagu, and in the company of babling children repeat his Grammer rules.

He did also much diminish his set time of prayer, & taming of his bodie, to recouer the more leasure and strength: yet so, that he principally neuer omitted these three things. First, to heare Masse deuoutly euerie day: Next, to refresh him with the bread of heauen euery eight day after the Sacrament of pennance: Last of all, to call himselfe twise in a day; to a straight account, of all that he had spoken, done, or thought: and that comparing the day present, with the day past, one week with another, & one month with another, he might trie & ex­amin at a hairs bredth, how he had gone forward or backward in his soule. Let vs follow the traces of the same Maffee. Ignace being come to Paris,Lib. 1. ca. 19. fel so sodainly poore, that he was constrained to beg his bread euerie day from doore to doore, & to get into S. Iames hospitall by very humble suit, entreating the President of that place, which was indeed a great hin­derance to him. Therefore, in Saint Iames hospitall, which stands farre off in the Suburbes, Ignatius being driuen to verie great streights, by reason of so great distance of place, he strugled with other incommodities, as well in that the schooles began in the Ʋniuersitie before day, and ended not but within the night, he by the statutes of the hospitall, could not get out of the gates easily before sunnne rising, and must returne at eue­ning, before the sunne was set: as also that by going and com­ming though he were a painefull and diligent Scholler, yet he lost much of his Maisters dictates, and of the exercises of the schooles. Hauing no other present remedy for so great de­triment, he determined after the manner of poore Schollers, to serue some of the heads, Dostors of the Vniuersitie: vpon condition, that such vacant times as he had from his Maisters buisines, might wholly be spent in the schooles to get learning. And a little after, seeing how Ignace went forward with his studies. He tooke a farre better course, that when the vacations began, he might runne out into Belgia, and some­time into England, or Britane, to the Spanish factors, by whose [Page 31]bountie, hauing easily obtained a yeerely summe of money to be paid him by certaine pensions at Paris, all the time of his studies, he might the more commodiously giue himselfe to his booke: and when he had spent almost eighteene moneths at the Latine tongue in the Colledge of Montagu, he went in­to a Colledge, cald by the name of Saint Barbara, to studie Philosiphie, tarying there three yeeres and a halfe (which is the full time appointed in that Vniuersitie for the course of Philosophy) he profited so well, that by the honourable verdict of his Maister (which was Iohn Penna the Philosopher) when he had plaid his ordinarie prizes, he was graced with a lawrell, and other ornaments of learning. After this, he did set vpon the studie of Diuinitie in the schooles of the Dome­nicans Monasterie, with great trauell. Ribadiner the supply of Maffees vntruthes, adds, That hauing goue through his course of Philosophie, he gaue the rest of his time, vntill he was fiue and thirtie yeeres of age, vnto Diuinitie, wherein by Gods goodnes, the haruest was answerable to his seed. His meaning was to tell you, that he wonne as great honour in Diuinitie, as he did in Philosophie, wherein he said ve­rie true, sithence he got no more commendation in the one profession, then in the other.

I haue here set forth wares which I tooke out of Maf­fees shop, whereby I desire neither to be a gainer nor a looser. It is sit that euerie historie should either containe a truth, or some likelihood of it: this lier hath neither one nor other. For while Maffee would here represent the act [...]ons of a good and vertuous man, he makes him such a one as knew not well how to speake Latine, or if he did, it was but the verie chattering of a Pye, that spake without vnderstanding. Neuerthelesse, at the end of his studies, he makes him a great Philosopher. It is not inough for a witnesse to depose such a thing was done: he must render a reason of his speech, if he will be be­leeued. Let vs go ouer all that I haue here read vnto you. First Maffee confesseth, that all Ignace his studies for [Page]the space of foure yeeres in Spaine were vnprofitable, so that he was constrained to go back to the lowest formes of the colledge of Montaigu with little childrē, to learne the first principles of his Latine Grammer, wherein he spent eighteene moneths onely, before he entred the course of Philosophie. I will shew you that of all this time you shall not find aboue sixe moneths of studie. During these eighteene moneths he neuer lost one Masse, he kept all his Saboths, this could not be done without deuotion, so that he must at the least take vp the Saturday to prepare himselfe: or if he went to lectures that day, it had beene to abuse the Sacrament of the Altar, to present himselfe before it the day fol­lowing.

Moreouer, euerie day he fell to examining his con­science, and if you will haue me put him into his circle, a braue studie certainly farre passing all other: but while he gaue himselfe time for it, this was to distract him from his other studie whereof we now speake. His first abode, was at Saint Iames of Haultpas, halfe a quarter of a league distant from the Colledge of Montaigu. What a deale of time lost he in going to and fro? The hospitall gate opened late in the morning, and shut soone in the euening, which made him copie out many lessons euerie day: but that which is much more, when you consider that he was compeld to craue almes at mens houses for his reliefe: his dinner was not readie for him. To quite himselfe of this inconuenience, he was forst to serue a Colledge, a state wherein he might more easily find sustenance for his bodie, but not for his soule: for being come out of a hospital, from a kind of beggerie to seruice, neuer doubt but that he was employed in the most base and vile offices of a Colledge seruant, which are, to make the beds, to sweep the cham­ber, to brush his Maisters apparrell, and to beate out the dust, to hang the pot ouer the fire, to runne fr wine, to [Page 32]wash the dishes, and other small duties depending vpon this charge. Iudge you what breathing time hee could haue for his booke. In fine, during these 18. monthes he made many voiages in the vacations, as well into the Low-Countries, as into England, to recouer exhibition. I would be very glad Maffee should tell mee what time of vacation was giuen vnto the Schollers, for it is newes to me. These voyages coulde not be made but by long iournies by a foote-man, driuen to begge his liuing; and the very cut ouer the Sea to passe into England, is som­what to be considered.

Put all these circumstances together, howe much time had he left him for his Grammer studies of the 18. monthes? at the end whereof, they make him leape with a pitch-forke into Phylosophy, which was vnfit for it, and beyond all hope he grew a great Phylosopher, and afterward a profound Diuine. Such Schollers as haue past the streights of Grammer and Rethorique, & haue thereunto ioyned the reading of Oratory Historiogra­phers, Poets Greeke and Latine, become in fiue or sixe yeeres space, hardly able to enter the course of Phyloso­phie: and would they haue vs thinke this man, who ne­uer had sixe monthes free leysure to learne his Gram­mer among chyldren, becam a great Phylosopher? All these things giue the lye openly to this hystorie. For the same man, during the time of the three yeeres & a halfe of his course, was put into the Inquisition, beefore Fryer Mathew Ory, Inquisitour of the fayth; And he was to be whypt in the Hall of the Colledge of S. Barbe, by the hands of Maister Iames Gouea, Principall of the house,Maff. lib. 1. cap. 20. Rib. lib. 1. cap. 3. vpon the complaint of Ma. Iohn Penna his Tutor, be­cause he put his fellowes out of theyr ordinarie course of studies. And I know not with what emptie shewe of holines, he peruerted the excellent state and discipline of that Schoole, Ribad. lib. 2. cap. 3. saith Ribadener. Furthermore, in the three yeeres of his course, he intangled in his net one Faure, Xauier, Lainez, [Page]Salmeron, Bobadilla, Roderic his first companions, or rather to say truth, his first Disciples, with whom he afterward made the first stampe of his Societie at Montmarter.

I learne all this, specially of Maffee, yet is this braue calculator, so vnaduised to tell vs, that to make himselfe capable of Philosophie, hee forgot all the old illusions of the diuell, to giue himselfe the better leasure to stu­die, without consideration calling that the diuels illusion, which Ignace auouched to be deuotion. Lay aside his Philosophie, and call to mind his studie in Diuinity. He proceeded Master of Arts in March 1532. then he fell into a long and tedious sicknes, & by the Phisitions counsell he changed ayre, and went into Spayne in the moneth of Nouember 1535. Can you make him a great Diuine in three yeers, which neuer laid any foun­dation in Grammer or Philosophie? And to shew you that he was a great Asse, I meane in respect of all kind of learning, and not concerning the wisedome of the world, wherein no bodie came neere him, this is couertly acknowledged by the Iesuits themselues, who feed you with no fables. When Painters draw the pic­ture of S. Hierom, they lay a booke open in his hands, to shew he was a man reputed the most learned of all our Church Doctors. And when the Iesuits represent the figure of their Ignace, they giue him a paire of beads in his hand, in token of his ignorance, for vpon these, silie womē say their praiers, which can neither read nor write. So shall you find him portraied by a sweet Ingrauer, be­fore a Crucifix, in the forehead of Ribadiners booke, printed at Lions by Iames Roussin in the yeere 1595. Reue de la Fon, with a kind of synceritie of conscience, a matter very familiar with him, [...]n lib. 1. cap. 38. frankly acknowledges the like, when he saith, That neuer any disgraced Saint An­thonie, nor Saint Frances, nor the Apostles (a speech sure­ly worthie of so deuout a Iesuit, to set the Apostles be­hind [Page 33]hind Saint Anthony and S. Frances.) Were the Apostles studied, saith he? they drew their Diuine knowledge from the holy Ghost: also Ignace fet his from the same holy Ghost, & though it were lesse in quantitie, yet was it deriued from the same fountain. And trust me, I know in good earnest, that Fon is a conscionable man, to a­uouch his Ignace to be learned like Saint Anthonie, who gloried that he knew nothing. It is not so with Ignace of whom I take hold for his ignorance, but with these two ignorant Iesuits, Maffee & Ribadiner which would make vs beleeue he was a great Philosopher and Diuine, not considering that by publishing this in grosse, they belye him by retayle, in reckoning vp the parcels of his stu­dies. Neuerthelesse, I would euerie man should vn­derstand after what fashion the holy Ghost was lodged in Ignace and his companions, when they put vp a supplication to Pope Paul the third, for the approbation of their order.

CHAP. 12. ¶ That when Ignace and his companions came before Pope Paul the third, they were plain Mounte-banks, and that the titles they gaue thēselues were false.

WHich way soeuer I turne me, I find no­thing but trecherie in this Iesuiticall Fa­mily, euen from the beginning of their order, when Ignace & his fellowes pre­ferd their requests to Pope Paul the third, for the authorizing their holy company to take the name of Iesus: the promise they made to him, was to bring the heretikes backe againe in­to the bosome of the Church, and to conuert the Turks, and other miscreants vnto our faith. A worke that not onely required they should bring a willing mind with them, but sufficiencie and capacitie to performe it. For this cause they were euer carefull not to be counted [Page]simple schollers, for then men would haue mockt them and neuer haue called them Diuines. They were too weak to grace themselues so far, hauing no ground, ther­fore after a smoother manner, they tearmed themselues Maisters of Arts, not of Spaine or Italy, but of the great & famous Vninersity of Paris. And in the neck of it, they added, that they had studied Diuinity many yeeres. The Pope, to be resolued what fruite this newe order might bring forth, committed the matter to three Cardinals. Of these three, one was of Luca, Barthelmy Guidicion, a very learned & holy man (by the Iesuits own testimony) who a little before this, had made a booke against new orders of religion. This man standing as it were vpon his own ground, became a puissant aduersary of theirs, & drew the two others to his opinion. But in fine, Ignace won thē al, as wel by long importuning them, as also by a million of Masses which he made his fellows say. These Cardinals did but dispute the question in general, touching nouel­tie of orders, without sounding the bottom in particular, to know whether these great votaries issued out of Ho­race mountaine, that was brought a bed of a Mouse. Let vs now supply their want. Montaignes speaking of their comming, saith thus: First I answere, that this company of Iesus began in Paris, Mont. ca. 30 and that it tooke the first roote there in ten Maisters of Arts of the said Vniuersity, of which Maisters one was a Biscaian, Ignace de Loiola, one a Nauarean, Frances Xauier, two were French men, Pasquier Broet, & Iohn Codury: Three were Spaniards, Iames Lainez, Al­phonse Salmerō, & Claudius Iaius: & one a Portugall, Simon Roderic. It pleased them all to go forth Maisters of Arts in the Vniuersitie of Paris. And that you may learne, by reading the first Buls of Pope Paul the third, the tenor of which was this. For we haue beene of late informed that our beloued sonnes, Ignatius de Loyola, and Peter Faber, and Iames Lainez, also Claudius Iaius, Paschasius Broet, and Fran­ces [Page 34]Xauier, with Alphonsus Salmeron, and Simon Rode­ric, & Iohn Codury, & Nicholas Bobadilla, Priests of the Cities, & Dioceses of Pampilon, Gebennen, Seguntin, Toledo, Ʋisen, Ebredune, and Palestine, respectiuely maisters of Arts graduated in the Vniuersitie of Paris, & many yeers exercised in the studie of Diuinitie, long since departing out of diuers re­gions of the world, by the inspiration of the holy Ghost agreed in one. I leaue that that remaines, containing the admi­rable vow of these wandering Knights, and that which they obtained of the Pope. All these were also inspired touching the life & comming of Pope Iulius the third to the Supream sea, of whom they obtained their confirma­tion in the yeere 1550. By the same quality also you shal find in Ribadiner his 3. booke & 12. chapter, where the Bull is all at large inserted, all of them say, they proceeded Maisters of Arts in the Vniuersitie of Paris, all studied Diuinity many yeers, and all were inspired by the holy Ghost. I neuer vnderstood that the holy Ghost taught vs to be liers, but by these vndertakers. To proue them to you to be such, I will haue no recourse but to their two great historigraphers. For if you beleeue Maffee, neither Lainez, nor Salmerō, nor Bobadilla went forth maisters of Arts in Paris, but in a Vniuersity bordering vpon Spain, which they call Complutensem Academiā, in the Spanish tongue, Alcala. Let vs heare what Ribadiner saith.Rib. lib. 2. cap. 4. Iames Lainez a yong man, hauing gone through his course of Philo­sophie, came to Paris from the Vniuersity of Alcala, with Al­phonsus Salmeron also a verie stripling, that came both to study & to seeke out & see Ignace. In this passage, I cannot perceiue that Iames Lainez was made Ma. of Arts at Al­cala, & as for Salmerō, he was a yong boy that cam to Pa­ris, as wel to studie as to see Ignace, yet Maffee more aduē ­terous in this point thē his cōpanion, hath declared thē to haue taken their Maisterships of Arts in Spain. Iames La­inez, who next after Ignace gouerned our Society,Maff. lib. 1. cap. 4. & Al­phonsus Salmeron of Toledo, very expert in the Greek & [Page]Latine tongues, each of thē hauing ended his course of Phylosophie at Alcala, trauaild to Paris, partly to studie Diuinitie, partly to see Ignace. Make these two passages agree. Ribadiner makes Salmeron a young lad, not pro­moted to any degrees; at the least, hee makes no such mention of him as he did of Iames Lainez: and Maffee publisht him to be accōplisht in al knowledge of Greek and Latine, and to haue receiued his degree of Maister­ship in Spayne. Let vs dwell vppon this opinion, for I take no pleasure to make them lyers, but vpon good ga­ges.

The same Maffe, puts after these two heere, Nicholas Bobadilla, and Simon Roderic, saying; Vnto these, came Nicholas Bobadilla a Palestine, a learned young man, that had publiquely professed Philosophie in Pintia, a towne in Spayne, and also Simon Roderic a Portugall, a man of excellent wit. I will therefore place Bobadilla among the Spanish Maisters of Artes, because hee read a Phyloso­phie Lecture before he came into Fraunce, but not Ro­deric, whom he makes to be a young man of great hope, and no more in these wordes Praestanti indole. I know it well, that Ribadiner speaking of these 7. all at a lumpe, faith; that after they were Maisters of Artes, they made theyr first vowe at Montmartire, in the yeere 1534. vp­pon the Assumption of our Ladie: but he saith not, that they were all made Maisters of Arts at Paris. The truth is then, if you belieue them, that foure of these seauen, proceeded Maisters of Art at Paris, Loyola, Faure, Xa­uier, Roderic, Fod. cap. 4. and the three others in Spayne, Lainez, Salmeron, and Bobadilla. And a yeere after, Claudius Iay, Iohn Codury, & Pasquier Broet, ioynd themselues to their societie. You shall not finde eyther in Maffee or Riba­diner, that any of these tooke any degree of Schoole.

Thus if you giue any credit to them, of these tenne companions, 4. were Graduats in Paris, three in Spaine, and the three other without degree of Maistership. And [Page 35]I will shew you as I passe along, that Pasquier Broet was a great Asse for all his porredge. I speake of him, because I once turnd & wound him, and put him out of breath, when he, in the house of Clairmont in Harpe-streete at Paris, was President of the Iesuits. This fellowe was a great Idole, of whom a man may say, as in old time Au­sonius said of Ruffus the Rethoritian.

And for all this I deceiue my selfe, for he neuer durst come into a pulpit to preache or read a Lecture, know­ing his own insufficiencie. Behold now what time these ten Champions spent in the study of Diuinitie: for they tolde Pope Paule that they had studied it many yeeres. Maffee testifies vnto vs, that when they made theyr first vowe at Montmartir, the greatest part of them had now gone through theyr course of Diuinitie, and the others had begunne it with a good minde to finish it, that they might march forward together, to the conquest of Tur­kish soules in Palestine, by our holy Father the Popes leaue. The passage deserues to be viewed here at length. Ignatius hauing by the goodnes of God gotten these cō ­panions, (speaking of the sixe first companions) deter­mined to put that in practise with al speed, which he had long hamered & cast in his mind, that by the Popes per­mission he might goe to Ierusalem, & either call the bor­dering Nations, which in time past sincerely profest Christianitie, & after were deceiued by Mahomets wic­ked superstition, frō their miserable error to the truth of the Gospel: or take that which followed, shed his blood, and loose his life in so holy and glorious a cause. Neither [Page]was it hard for him to bring the rest to the bent of his bow, which came forward already of their own accord, and were inflamed with the loue of God. And because most of them had not yet finisht their studies in Diui­nitie, that the zeale now begun in them might not coole againe, and also that their obedience might be so much the more acceptable to the maiestie of GOD, by how much the greater necessitie of seruitude & religion they imposed vpon themselues, calling vpon the blessed Vir­gine for her protection, & vpon S. Denise the Areopa­gite, the Parisians Patron, in a Church in the suburbs, called Montmarter, by the misteries of confession & of the Eucharist, euery one bound himselfe, that at the end of his diuinity course, when he should goe forth Doctor of Diuinitie, presently he should forsake the world, and seek the saluation of soules, in perpetuall pouertie; & by an appointed time saile to Ierusalem, with an intent to imploy all theyr endeuours to conuert the Infidels, and with care and studie purchase a crowne of martirdome.

If this resolution should any way be hindered, they should goe to Rome at the yeeres end, & offer their tra­uaile to the chiefe Bishop, Christes Vicar, for the spiri­tuall good of their neighbors, without any contract for reward, or exceptions of times or places. This vow they made in that Church, with great consent & alacritie, in the yeere after Christes natiuitie 1534. 18. Kalends of September, vpon which day, the anniuersary gratulati­on of the virgin Maries assumption is celebrated. And they celebrated the same vow in the same place, the same day together, the next and the third yeere after.

Tis fit this should be translated into French, for it is necessary for my discourse that euery man shoulde vn­derstand it. I haue translated these words, Emēso Theolo­giae cursu, at the end of their course, when they had pro­ceeded Doctors of diuinity. For I see Maffee in like ma­ner, desirous to shew that Lainez & Salmeron proceeded [Page 36]masters of Arts in Spaine, vseth the same form of speech, vter (que) cōfecto Philosophiae curriculo. And Ribadiner repor­ting Ignace and his companions, to haue taken the like degree in the yeere 1534. Confecto (saith he) philosophiae cursu. From this passage you may gather, that in the yere 1534. the most part of these 7. companions, were now Doctors in Diuinitie, and that the others had a purpose to finish their course. That any one of thē was a Doctor at this time, is too loude a lie, for if it had been so indeed, this title had neuer beene smothered, when they put vp their supplication to Pope Paulus, in respect of those which had already taken this degree, & they would haue taken good heede to challenge no other stile then Mai­sters of Arts. I wil goe farther with you, for I wil make it appeare, that none of these 7. or of the other 3. that after came to them, had euer studied diuinitie. For if they had euer begun the course, as Maffee auoucheth, & studied it many yeeres, this word many imports not two or three yeeres onely, but foure or fiue at least; we neuer say, that a man is in companie of many persons, which is accom­panied but with 2. or three. The manner of the Diuines of Paris, is, when a man hath begun his course, at the 2. yeeres end, hee must defend publiquely in the diuinitie Schooles appointed for this purpose, where he answers vnder a Doctor, his moderator, to helpe him when he is hard driuen by the Opponent. Hauing plaid his schol­lers prizes, which is called his probation, he is made Ba­cheler, and from that day allowed to were a hood vpon his shoulders when he goes into the towne, and a redde habite of Bachelers in Schooles. When our ten Iesuits came to Pope Paule the third, they neuer told him they were Bachelers in diuinity, they had not thē begun their course, nor studied diuinitie so much as 2. yeeres: where shall we now finde these many yeeres they speake of?

There can be no answer to this obiection but one, that is, to cōfesse freely, that Maffee lies, when he saith som of [Page]them were Doctors of diuinity, & some had begun their course. It may be some will say, that without matricula­tion in their Diuinitie course in the Colledge of Sor­bons, euerie one of them particularly had studied it some more, some lesse, after they were Maisters of Arts. For my part, I striue not for the victory, but for the truth, and I doubt not, but that Maffee & Ribadiner also haue made no bones to lye in this point. Let vs then examine what time Ignace and his companie could spend in Di­uinitie, without entering into this course. Maffee and Ri­badiner talke of this matter, as blind men speake of co­lours. I will deliuer you the true historie. I haue searched the old Registers of Paris, for those that proceeded Mai­sters of Art, in and after the yeere 1520. vntill the yeere 1556. when Ignace his companions, went out of Fraunce to meet him at Venice. I searched the records of du Ʋale, the Vniuersities Register, and Violet the beadle of Fraunce, for they two keepe the bookes. This did I in the presence of other men of account: And marke what I found according to the order of the Al­phabet which they obserue.

Peter Faure and Frances Xauier went forth Maisters of Arts in the yeere 1529. so saith the Register booke. Petrus Faber Geben: Franciscus Xauier Pampil: Ignace in the yeere 1532. Ignatius Loyola Pampil: Claudius Iay [...] and Simon Roderic, in the yeere 1534. Claudius Iayus Gebon: Simon Rodericus Ʋisensis: Alphonse Salmeron, Iohn Codure in the yeere 1535. by these words Alphonsus Salmeron Tolet: Iohannes Codure Ebrun. I haue faithful­ly drawn all this out of the Register of the French Nati­on, where, in the matter of Licentiats, are comprehen­ded Spaine, Sauoy, Prouence and Italy. As for Maffees and Rabadiners speech, auouching Pasquier Broet to be of the Dioces of Amiens, were that true, they would haue remembred it in their supplication to Pope Paul, where no mention is made of this Dioces. The truth [Page 37]then is, that among three of them, two, without doubt, neuer tooke degree in Fraunce, but in Spayne; Lai­nez and Bobadilla: and Pasquier Broet which is the third, proceeded in neither of both. For that, that remaines touching the studie of Diuinitie, what is become of those many yeeres of Iay and Roderic, who proceeded but Maisters in March, 1534. and of Salmeron and Codury, which came after them in the same degree in the yeere 1535? for both our Historiographers agree, that in the moneth of Nouember 1536. they forsooke Pa­ris, to tender themselues in Italy to their Maister Ignace. As for Ignace himselfe, you cannot tell how to giue him aboue three yeers time of studie in Diuinity at the most, and much of that lost by a lingring sicknes, for which the Phisitians councelled him to chaunge the ayre, whereupon he returned in o Spayne, in Nouember, 1535. yet did these great Clarkes promise by their learning, to conuert heretiques and infidels to our reli­gion. Thinke you that if the three Cardinals put in commission by the Pope to examine them, had soun­ded the bottome of them, they should not haue des­cried, that vpon their comming into Italy, they had euen with the ayre, drunke downe I know not what manners and dispositions of the Mounte-banks, who vtter their Triacle in euerie towne, & take vp their stan­ding in the market place, with a long Oration promising to heale al manner of griefes and diseases, with their oynt­ments, pouders, oyles, and waters: faire shewes, that com­monly come to nothing.

CHAP. 13. ¶ That we haue great likelihood to proue, that the approba­tion of the Iesuits sect made by Paule the third, is nothing worth.

THe aduocate hauing ended his discourse, the Iesuit replied and said: Why haue you held vs so long with this friuolus matter? I see our first Fathers the founders of our order, were not all Maisters of Arts in Pa­ris: I see some of them were no Graduates: I see neuer a one of thē was Bacheler, much lesse Doctor of Diuinitie: I see none of them studied it: Briefly, if it may pleasure you, I grant all you would haue me. What of all this I pray you, sith Pope Paule the third authorized them, & ten yeeres after, Iulius his successor confirmed our new profession? Popes that deserue to be beleeued, aboue all the rules of Lawe, by reason of their absolute power and dignitie. Let me tell you freely, that though our good Fathers were but simple Schollers, men should hardly finde you match them, sith you inde­uour by your curious speech, to call their state in que­stion after it was allowed. You must vnderstand, that the Pope supplies, by the scroule of his thoughts, whatsoeuer wants, either in law or action.

This had beene well spoken (quoth the Aduocate) if the Clarks of the Court of Rome coppying out the Bull, had by some expresse declaration, put in a clause derogatorie to the truth of the matter. Yet is not this proposition altogether approued; as for my selfe, I will take good heed that I neuer doubt of the authoritie of the holy Sea, confirmed by infinite places as well of ho­ly Scripture, as of the works of the auncient Doctors of the Church. Yet the case standing as it doth in that which followes, we haue great reason to be perswaded [Page 38]that the approbation Paule the third made of their Sect, is of no force, not for lacke of authoritie in him, but by reason of a plaine surreption vsuall among you. Marke I beseech you what I shall say vnto you, assoone as euer Ignace forsook the warres, to betake him to another kind of life: he had a purpose to become a Captaine of our Church militant. The first shew he made of it, was a­bout the yeere 1536. in the Vniuersitie of Alcala, where he drew three Spanish Schollers to him, Artiague, Calliste, Cazere: Maff. lib. r. cap. 17. Rib. lib. 1. cap. 14. and from that time had he a motion of Iesuitisme in his head. He had heard, that Saint Iohn the Baptist pointing to our Sauiour Iesus Christ, in the sight of the Iewes, cald him the Lambe of God that came downe from heauen, to take away our sins: Hereupon this wise man, taking the barke from the sappe, thought he could not immitate our Sauiour Christ more truly, then by wearing a wollen garment that was neuer died, but of the same colour it hath when it is taken from the sheeps back, thus were his three companions, and hee sutably clad in Say, Quos propterea (saith Ribadiner) [...] panni similitudine, Cap. 14. Ensaialados vulgó Hispanico vocabulo ap­pellabant: that is, Men in Say. And before him, Maffee reported, that Natiui coloris lanea veste cuncts vtebantur. Marchants ordinarily call it cloath, serge, or wooll, bea­ring the colour of the beast. These foure were all of one companie, and among other things, they made a shew of studying Diuinitie. Imagine you what a pretie maske it was to see these foure great Clarkes in the Diuinitie Schooles without gowne or cloake, onely suted in Say of one colour. One Francis ioynd himselfe to these, who had no leasure to apparrel himselfe like the rest. This new kind of habit, cast them into the Inquisition,Maff. lib. 1. cap. 17. from whence they were brought before Master Iohn Figuero Vicar generall to the Archbishop of Toledo, who char­ged them to change their habit, commaunding Ignace and Artiagu to go in blacke, Callist and Cazere in tawny, [Page]as for Francis, he altered not his at all. A few moneths af­ter, perceiuing Ignace to be vnlearned, [...] l [...]b. 1. cap. 14. he forbad him to catechize the people for the space of foure whole yeeres, in which time he might grow capable of that of­fice. His Disciples being vnwilling to come within the compasse of law any more, forsooke him vtterly, and he spying his affaires go backward, after the same manner that a little before certain hipocrits, called the Illuminates were suppressed in Spaine, he determined to come into France, hoping to haue better successe here; and that he must be singular in some point whatsoeuer it were, if he would preuaile. I haue told you what his ca­riage was in Paris. At the last, he Faure, Xauier, Laniez, Sabacrō Bobadilla, & Roderic, made a vow in the Church of Mon [...]marter, in the yeere 1534. vpon the day of the Assumptiō, that as soon as they had proceeded Doctors in Diuinitie, they should go to Palestine at the Popes pleasure, to conuert the Infidels, as I told you of late: and if any thing fell out crosse to hinder this enteprize, they should put the matter into the Popes hands, to giue such order for it, as he thought meet. There must be much time to furnish them for the accomplishment of this vow; For by the order of the facultie of Diuinitie in Paris, after the degree of Maistership, there was a surcease of fiue yeeres, which was afterward reduced to foure, be­fore a man might begin his Diuinity course. Of the seuen first, & three last compamōs, there were but two, that ac­cording to this graue order, were sit to begin this course: that was, Peter Faure, and Francis Xauier, Maisters of the yeere 1529. and so were not to be admitted before the yeere 1535. As for all the rest, not one of them had made his fiue yeeres preparation after his Maistership: and one of them, Pasquier Troet, was no Maister at all, and two others, Lainez and Bobadilla, hauing gone forth Maisters in Spaine, were not adopted in the Vniuersitie of Paris, & so consequently were incapable of admission. [Page 39]Notwithstanding the tenor of their vow, they neuerthe­lesse to the preiudice therof, left France in the yere 1536. and in 37. they were at Venice, where when they had rested a fewe months, at mid-lent they went to Rome, as well to get leaue of the Pope to take holy Orders of priest hoode,Maff. lib. 2. cap. 3. as also to goe to Ierusalem to preach the Gospell, faining themselues, not onely to be Maisters of Arts, of the chiefe Vniuersitie of Europe, but to haue studied diuinitie there for many yeeres.Ribad. lib. 2. ca. 7. The Pope en­tertaind their request without any great sifting the cause, forasmuch as they confined themselues to Palestine, & that without charge to his holinesse coffers, many of the Spaniards themselues contributing to this matter, in fa­uour of them.

Thus these newe Pilgrims receiued 210. Ducats, by bills of exchange at Venice, to set their new pilgrimage afoote. I haue portraied out Ignace to you for one of the cunningest worldlings in our age. Finding his cause drawne vp to such a head, he beganne to forget his first vowe, and to feede many townes in the state of Venice with new assemblies. There it was cōcluded among thē, to diuert their voiage backe againe to Rome, to shewe Pope Paule, that newes was come of warre between the Venetians and the Turke, vvhich vvas a great barre to their pretended pilgrimag [...] In the Cittie of Rome, they erected a new frame of their societie, much diffe­rent from the former, and they followed it two whole yeeres; in which space, Pope Paule coulde not by anie meanes finde in his hart to graunt them theyr peticions, although he were vrged and importuned by many, and by Cardinall Contarer himselfe: for neuer was yet no­ueltie destitute of a Patron.

Now let me [...]ell you an expresse miracle of God, that happened about the same time, to discouer these tenne newe enterprizers to be very cheaters. They reported that the Seas were stopt, by reason of the warres against [Page]the Turke, & that by this meanes they could not effect theyr first dessigne. Behold here a new way, beyond all expectation opened to them, for the conuersion of In­sidels to our religion, without any danger. All that I haue spoken of in this place, concernes their two Euan­gelists, and doubtlesse this historie deserues to be sent by sound of Trumpet through all the world.

I remembred vnto you before, that Iohn the third of that name King of Portugall, possest a great part of the East Indies, ill peopled, which he desired to haue con­uerted to the truth. The fame of the deuotion of this newe companie, that said they had vowed these conuer­sions, was spred ouer many Nations: the King summo­ned them by Letters to come to him, that vnder his pro­tection they might be dispatcht into the Indies. But Ig­nace beeing subtile & whilie, turnd the deafe eare to this motion, remembring no more his first vowe made at Montmarter, nor his second vowe renued at Rome, by which hee got a good sum of money, and sent forth Xa­uier and Roderic onely, keeping the other seauen about him. Doe not you see by this, that Ignace was a states man, no religious man, who dalied with his vowe made at Montmarter?

By the matters heere discoursed, you haue heard what was their vow at Montmarter, to goe for the con­quest of soules after their doctorship in Diuinitie. That some of them said they were Maisters of Arts in Paris; that they had bestowed many yeeres in the studie of Di­uinitie; meere fables. The pause Iulius the third made in their allowance, euen when hee tooke them at theyr word, to be such men as they reported themselues to be, and that he was verie much pressed by Cardinall Conta­ren, their Solicitor and Protector, what would hee haue done then think you, if his holines had receiued any true intelligence of their history? Me thinks that with admi­rable maiestie, of those venerable yeeres hee carried, I [Page 40]see him speake to them in this manner.

All new orders of Religion are to be suspected, and for this cause were they forbidden by two generall coū ­sels, the one held at Rome, the other at Lyons; you pre­sent vs a new religious Order, vnder the name of the so­cietie of Iesus, as true followers of him and his Apostles. Your intention is derogatorie to your profession, or to speake more properly, your profession is contrarie to your petition, and implies a contradiction. For if you be the Apostles Schollers, one of the first lessons they taught vs was, that looke what hath beene ordred in a generall Counsell by the heads of the Church, ought to be kept inuiolable, vntill it be repeald by another Coun­sell vppon iust occasion. As if all did shoote out of one stocke of the holie Ghost, Placuit spiritui sancto et nobis, they spake in such cases, as men that diuorced not the holy Ghosts cause frō the Churches, nor the Churches cause from the holy Ghosts. If you trace after the A­postles so precisely as you protest, how comes it to passe that by a new found order, you goe about to breake the auncient canonicall cōstitutions of the Church? I know it well, that beeing Christes Vicar, I may dispence with you, and I much commend your obedience to the holy Sea. But setting aside that which hath beene decreed in generall, & looking in particular toward you, all things degenerate from that you now intend: I perceiue that your beginning had some taste of God, your procee­ding sauours much of man, and your end smacks three or foure times more of the deuill.

Betaking your selues to a deuotion full of perrill, you made choice of the Martirs Church neer Paris, to shew you would all be ready to shed your blood for the truths sake, as oft as occasion serued. A braue and holy resolu­tion, which cannot be praised enough. Vpon this point you went to confession, all of you heard Masse deuout­lie, after that you receiued the Sacrament, vpon the day [Page]of the Assumption of our Lady, the most solemne feast of hers: desirous that the blessed virgine should bee a witnesse to your vow, you continued it two yeeres after, the selfe same day and place. Heere be holy circumstan­ces enow to tie you to the vow you made then: Let vs consider nowe what this vowe was. You promised to God, that when euery one of you had ended his diuini­tie course, you would renounce the world, and goe to Palestine to conuert the enemies of our fayth, and that if you should within one yeere after your Doctorships, be any way hindered of your voyage, you should seeke vnto me to receiue my direction. For the first execution of so faire a plot, you made choice of the Citty of Ve­nice, for the generall Rende-vous of these Pilgrims that were to goe to Ierusalem.

Before you proceeded any further, thou Ignace, (for to thee I speake in particular,Mass. lib. 2. capit. 2. as to the ring-leader of them all) didst wisely take thy iourney into Spayne, to take order for your affaires and fellowes. And after that, with great zeale you tooke shippe at Valentia to goe for Venice, without any feare of Barberosse the Turks scou­ring of the Seas, all of you met at Venice; you came af­ter that to me to receiue my blessing, and passe for your trauell and inhabiting Palestine. You obtained at my hands all that you craued, you receiued much gold and siluer, giuen you by diuers men for your first earnest of the voyage, vpon this blessing you returned back to Ve­nice, with a purpose to performe your promise. I would saine know who diuerted you? You say the warre sud­denly made betweene the Venetians and the Turke. What Gallies mand, what ships rigged, what preparati­on sawe you for this exployt? The Turke and wee are continuall enemies, yet doth hee not refuse to giue pas­port and safe conduct to poore Pilgrims, paying him his auncient trybute: did this warre driue away the reli­gious persons that dwell neere the holy Sepulcher?

Furthermore, who compeld you to alter your vow, for that which is prolonged from one yeere to another,Paul. Ioui. lib. 32. hist. is not quite broken off. Likewise, the Venetian and the Turk are now vpon entreatie of peace, & the matter ei­ther already concluded, or at a point so to be. Besides, if the passages be stopt that way, they lie open for you to the Indies, there is no feare in that passage, the King him selfe leades you by the hand, why doe you draw back? You that so late made shewe to goe to Palestine, a voy­age subiect to a thousand dangers of your liues, go now in Gods name to this new world, and come not heere to plant a new world in our old Church.

It is not the warre betweene the Venetian and the Turke that driues you frō your first vow, it is your selues that vow what you lust. This sauors of man more then I would it did. At your first comming frō Venice to my Court, you little knowe what cheere was made you by me and mine: and whether good or bad, which of the two, I haue no leasure to tell you; you founde more fa­uour then you looked for; good countenaunce, kinde entertainement, gold & siluer to spend by the way. For this cause you returned to Venice, you tooke your shor­test cut to recoyle back againe to Rome, with more pro­mises of submission to the holy Sea, forgetting your ori­ginall vowe. But let vs yeelde a little to you as you are men, & let vs take your new excuse for payment. How can I winke at the lies you flap me in the mouth withall, to circumuent mee and betray mee. You say you are all Maisters of Arts, of the great & famous Vniuersitie of Paris, I find three of you neuer tooke degree. You say you haue studied diuinitie many yeeres: where shall I finde these manie? in two of the companie, that vvere but Maisters in the yeere 1534. & two others in the yere 1535. and these came to Venice in the yeere 1536. Where shal I find then (I say) these many? in Ignace, that forsooke Paris three yeeres before he was Maister, or in [Page]that other, that neuer tooke degree? To be short, I see but two of your companie, Faure and Xauier that euer could haue any leysure to follow this studie. I knowe it well, that if you make any lie on your part, you will say it is to be borne withall, because it is done to a good end. A ghostly deceit, and I tell you at a word, that Chistia­ni [...]e brookes no fraudulent pietie. Set these two particu­lers apart, let vs come to the naked truth. Howe can I dissemble the breach of your vow, wherein it cannot be but the deuill had a finger? You promised and swore to God, that you woulde goe no further with your enter­prizes, before you had ended your Diuinitie course: where is the end, nay where is the beginning of it? Prick mee out the time, when euery one of you seuerally be­gan it. If you began it, who hindered your finishing of it? for there was nothing in Paris to feare you. The vvarre betweene the Emperour and the French King, God be thanked, is ceased: Nothing constrained you to make such a hote vow at Montmatter, it proceeded from your zeale, which tied you to nothing at the first, but now the vow is made, you are bound to keepe it.

Before it was made, was not this worke necessarie for the winning of soules, which you promise to performe? You like auriculer confession in our Ministerie, a most holie thing: the transsubstantiation of the bodie of our Sauiour Christ in the Sacrament, a most holy thing: If the word (most) import no more. These be meanes to keepe the Catholiques to theyr old religion, yet are they not sufficient, to conuert men of a long time nousled vp in Idolatry and Mahometisme. Euery one of them hath in his impious superstition, certaine Maximes contrarie to the Christian fayth. Besides this, doe not you know, that the deuill Martine Luther, (so I meane to call him, as an impe of the deuil of S. Martins) is in complet Ar­mour against the two Sacraments, by an infinite sort of Sophistications, ill deduced from the holie Scripture, [Page 42]if you learne of him to dosse out your hornes, as you haue promised, this is no young Schollers worke, nor for a simple Maister of Arte, but for one of the wisest and best learned Diuines to take in hand. For otherwise, while you thinke to defend our cause, you will betray it. What weapons must you haue to foyle these miscre­ants? The foure Euangelists, with the Commentaries of the good Doctors of the Church, S. Hierom, S. Ambrose, S. Augustine, S. Gregory Nazianzen, Gregory the great, the first Pope of that name, S. Iohn Chrisostome, S. Ber­nard, and many others, whom the Church hath enroled in the Kalender of Saints.

All these hold a course of morrall Theologie, a verie trenchant sworde to destroy the euill life of Christians: but that blade which I meane to speake of now, is fittest to bring you to close fight, with poynt to poynt; One Peter Lombard, maister of the Sentences, and S. Thomas of Aquine, men worthy to be followed in Schoole lear­ning. These be two Champions, by whose help we may be sufficiently armed to buckle with our enemies, & this is no studie of two or three yeeres, ancient discipline re­quires at the least sixe yeres trauell in them for publique exercise, besides all the rest of our life in particular.

Sith you haue vowed to GOD to distill your wits through this Limbec, why would you haue me dispence with you? You that haue dedicated your selues, as wel to conuert Infidels as Hereticks, why haue you not doone it? It became you to doe it, except you meant to present vs with Phaetons fable of newe Coach men, who vnder­taking to driue the horses of the Sunne, cast the whole earth into a combustion. Had you any sparke of religi­on in you, you haue no power at all to reuoke your vow made alreadie vnto God; the place, the day, the miste­ries, the Church, (twise or thrise frequented) the things you bring with you, bind you, without hope of dispensa­tion. As for me, I neither wil nor can dispence with you, [Page]the law of God, and the Gospell, our canonicall consti­tutions, my fayth, my religion, & the vniuersall Church whereof I am the head, forbids mee.

Howe thinke you, would not Pope Paule haue flatly reiected them, if hee had beene aduertisd of theyr false degrees, and their fained studies of diuinitie, and of their vowe made at Montmarter, seeing there belongs much labour to gaine it before it be consented to. Heereupon I doubt not, but that their order beeing receiued and al­lowed by a manifest surprize and obreption, theyr au­thorising is voide. Consequently, that all that is built vp­pon thys foundation, is of no effect or validitie. That the Iesuits, let them fortifie themselues as much as they will, by the Bull obtaind of him successiuely after the first, of the yeere 1540. seeing the roote it selfe it rot­ten, the tree can beare no fruite at all.

Hetherto I haue shewed you what an Asse Ignace was, and what notable lyers hee had to his companions, men altogether ignorant in diuinitie. I will nowe make plaine to you, that theyr sect, which they call the societie of IESVS, stands vppon ignorance of the antiquitie of our Church.

CHAP. 14. ¶ That the Oeconomie of our Church consistes, first, in suc­cession of Bishops: secondly, in the ancient orders of religion: thirdly, in the Ʋniuersities: and that the Ie­suits Sect is built vpon the igno­rance of all these.

NOt only the religious orders allowed by our Church, but true. Christians, by what name or title soeuer they be called, are not of the Iesuits Sect, (Christian humili­tie forbids vs to speake so proudly) but follow our Sauiour and Redeemer Iesus Christ, after whose example and his Apostles, we ought to frame our life as neere as we can: that of his great & infinite mer­cie, he may take pleasure in vs. Ignace a very nouice, and young apprentise in the holy Scriptures, made choise of nine companions, as raw in these matters as himselfe. They bringing in their Sect, imagined themselues euerie way to be cōformable to the first grounds of the Primi­tiue Church, & for this cause, cald themselues the Socie­tie of Iesus. Let vs then examine what were the first, se­cond, & third sort of plants by which our Church grew and what the Iesuits institutions be: that by matching & confronting the one with the other, we may iudge of ther title, they attribute to themselues this partiall and ar­rogant name of the Societie of Iesus, aboue all other Christians. When our Sauiour was to ascend vp into heauen, he commaunded all his Apostles to haue a care of his flocke. This charge was three times giuen in par­ticuler to Saint Peter, as to the rocke vpon which he had before promised to build his Church. After that, hauing cast the fiery flames of his holy spirit vpon them, their whole intent and purpose was, to sow the seeds of his gospell ouer all the world. Their ordinarie seat was [Page]at Ierusalem, from whence they sent foorth at the beginning, heere one, and there another of their company, into diuers parts of the East, which after their trauell, came backe againe to giue vp an account of their labours, in a course held by them. And although Saint Iames were by common suffrages chosen (saith Iustus) particularly to be gouernour of the Church of Ierusalem: yet had Saint Peter superintendance and ge­nerall primacie among the Apostles, which was not ta­ken from him. And in the whole historie of their acts written by Saint Luke, the principall miracles were done by him, and the generall rule of this holy company was put into his hands.

Among them, were many persons deuoted to reli­gion: some cald Bishops, some Priests, of the Greeke word that signifies Elders. This we learne of Saint Luke chap. 15. & 16. of the Acts, and in the 20. following, Saint Paule, who taking his leaue of the Ephesians in the end of the Oration made to them, cals them Bishops whom he named Priests in the beginning. Tis true that this gouernment continued not long among them, in so much, that as well for the good of the Pastors of the Church, as for the flockes, the seuerall charges of seue­rall prouinces, were giuen to such men as were most fit, they were called Bishops, and to men of meaner gifts were committed Townes, Villages, & Parishes. These the Church cald Priests, who exercised their ministerie by the Bishops authority, & they were in time cald Cu­rates, you may see a verie faire picture of all this antiqui­tie drawen by venerable Beda. Sicut duodecem Apostolos, formam Episcoporū praemonstrare nemo est qui dubitet, Bede in. 10. ca. L [...]c. sic & hos septuaginta Discipulos figuram presbyterorum, id est, se­cundi ordinis sacerdotes gessisse sciendum est. Tametsi primis Ecclesiae tēporibus, vt Apostolica scriptura testis est, vtri (que) Pres­byteri, vtri (que) vocabantur Episcopi. Quorum vnum sapientiae maturitatem, alterum industriam curae pastoralis significat. As [Page 44]no man doubts but that the twelue Apostles represented the state of Bishops, so must you vnderstand that the 70. Disciples were a figure of the Elders, that is of Priests in the second place, although as the holy Scripture testi­fies, both sorts of Priests, the first & second were in the Churches infancie cald Bishops: yet the one of them sig­nifies soundnes of iudgement, the other pastorall trauell in his Cure. I haue quoted the words expresly, to bewray the ignorance of a new Iesuit, which affirmes,Fon. ca. 27. that Bi­shops and Priests were at the first both equall; herein re­nuing the heresy of Aerius. Our Church general,Fuseb lib. 3. Eccle. Hist. ca. 1. & 4. rested fifteene or fixteene yeeres in Hierusalem, which was the common resort of all their missions. And after, the Apostles chose diuers prouinces to themselues, and bestowed the others vpon Bishops; among others, the prouincè of Aegypt was allotted to Saint Marke, Saint Peters scholler; his Sea was establisht in Alexandria, the eight and fortith yeere after the natiuity of our Sauiour: that is, about fourteene yeers after his ascention. Lo here the first plant of our Church, wherein you may gather agreeably to the course of times, the primacie and au­thoritie of the holy Sea of Rome: the Patriarches of Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, and Hierusalem, the Archbishopricks, & Bishopricks, the particular Rec­tories, and Curates, of Townes, Burroughs, & Villages.

The Church continued long in this state, but after­ward the extraordinarie persecutions of some Empe­rours draue them to flye into the Deserts, to saue them­selues from those cruelties, where beyond all expectation of the common people, they deuoted themselues by vow to a solitarie life. Their Patrons were two great Pro­phets, Plias in the old Testament, & S. Iohn the Baptist in the beginning of the new: but this latter was speedily put to death by Herods commandement, & with his life, as much as lay in him, caried away with him from hence this great deuotion. Philo the Iew, seemes to attribute a [Page]renouation to the Sea of Saint Marke in Aegypt, when he saith, that some one or other of his nation, forsooke their goods, and vowed a societie recluse, in the exercise of prayers and Orisons: which was a kind of shadow, but no liuely picture of the Monasteries that afterwards grew vp in the Church. They that Philo speakes of, were Iewes, which being Christians, seated themselues about the lake Marie in Aegypt, where, not being throughly instructed in our religion,Soz. lib. 2. ca. 16. Niceph. li 8. ca. 39. Euseb. lib. 2. ca. 16. they iumbled Christianitie and Iudaisme togither: so Sozomen and Nicephorus teach vs, and Eusebius himselfe swarues not farre from this matter.

The first of our side, which vpon deuotion entertand a solitarie life,Saint Hier. in vita S. An­thonij. Saint Hier. epist ad Eusto. begin. audi. fili [...]. hetherto not put in practise, was Paule the aged: so saith Saint Ierom, that he learned it of Ma­caire and Aneathas, Saint Anthonies schollers, who farre exceeded him in holines of life & deuotion: Huius vitae (saith the same S. Hierom) autor Paulus, illustrator An­tonius, & vt ad superiora veniam, princeps Iohannes Baptista.

This course of life, tooke beginning (saith he) of aged Paule, Saint Anthonie promoted it, and if you will go higher, S. Iohn the Baptist was standard-bearer to them all. A matter worth the nothing, that as God establisht in his Church two great and holy companies, one of Bi­shops and Priests, the other of Abbots, Monks, and re­ligious persons: so it pleased him to make Saint Paule a chosen vessell of his in the first ranke; and to lay the first planchers, & open the first doore, to our Monaste­ries, by the other Saint Paule, in the second ranke. Saint Anthonie (as I tolde you) succeeded him, from whom, as from one great fountaine, there issued many riuers, Macharius, Aniathas, Iulian, Paule the younger, and others, in whom, God made himselfe knowen by many miracles. This extraordinarie solitude, could not easily be embraced by all deuout men, but by such as were (if I may so terme them) Paradoxes. [Page 45]Thus some vowed a solitarie life, but after the manner of Monkes. For although they withdrew themselues from the common people, yet liued they in a Socie­tie shut vp within themselues, sequestred from the rest of the people, which course being more easie to be borne withall, was more frequented then the first. Saint Hierom writing to Rusticus, a man desirous to betake himselfe to a solitaie life. Primum tractandum est, vtrum solus, an cum alijs in Monasterio viuere de­beas. Mihi quidem placet, vt habeas sanctorum con­tubernium, nec ipse te doceas. You must first be aduised (saith he) whether you will liue alone, or in the com­pany of others in a Monasterie. For my part, I thinke it best you should haue companie, and not be your owne Maister. When Sant Anthonie, liued in Aegypt, Saint Hillarion led the same life in Syria and Palestine that he did: and prouoked by the great fame that was spred of him ouer all Christendome, he went to see him, and returned verie well instructed from him: Neuerthelesse, by a new deuotion, he began to make himselfe more sociable after, then he was before: On this manner many Monasteries, neuer knowen before, were by his example erected in Palestine, which he visi­ted at certaine times, as the Generals of religious orders doe, accompanied with many Monkes. Saint Hierom discourseth this at large, in his life: and this brings me halfe into a beliefe, that the Monasteries tooke their first beginning from him, and grew to be such as we see at this day. I may well say, that at one and the selfe same time, there were Anacorits in Aegypt vnder Saint An­thonie, and Monkes in Palestine vnder Saint Hilarion, Saint Hier. in vita Hila [...]ionis. of whom I will speake anone. Ante Hilarionem nulla Mo­nasteria erant in Palestina, nec quisquam Monacum ante sanctum Hilarionem nouerat in Syria: ille fundator huius conuer sationis & studij, in hac prouincia fuit. Habebat Do­minus Iesus in Aegypto senem Antonium, habebat in Pa­lestina [Page]Hilarionem iuniorem. Before Hilarion came, there were no Monasteries in Palestine, nor Monks in Syria: he was the first founder of this Societie and studie in this Prouince; our Sauiour Iesus Christ had aged Anthonie in Aegypt, and Hilarion, younger then he, in Palestine. Saint Anthonie was foure-score and tenne yeeres when hee died, and Saint Hilarion foure­score.

Now had all these men (I meane such as dwelt alone in the Desartes, and such as liued in Couents) apparrell distinct and different from the Common people. This made Cyprian say (speaking of badde Monks) that neither the solitarie life, nor the frocke in steed of other rayment, nor the fastes, defended Monks:Sanct Cyp. se [...]m. de dupl. martir. Ep. 104. but vnder this habite, many times a verie worldly minde is couered. And Saint Hierome in the life of Hilarion. Igitur Hilarion 80. aetatis suae anno, cum absens esset Hesechius, quasi testamenti vice, breuem manu sua scripsit Epistolam, omnes diuitias suas ei derelinquens, Euangelium scilicet & tunicam sacceam, cucullum & Palliotum. Therefore Hilarion at foure-score yeeres of age (Hesechius being absent) wrote a short Epistle to him, in steede of his last will, bequea­thing him all his riches, to wit, the Gospell, his gar­ment of sack, his hoode, and his cloake: This kind of habite hath beene continued to this day in the Mo­nasteries, their exercises consisted in Fastings, Pray­ers, and Orisons, not so much to get their liuing by it, as to shunne the snares and temptations of the Di­uell: Hereupon none might be admittied into their companie in Aegypt, that was not skilfull in some manuarie trade. Thus likewise, the least part of their care, was to become learned; this lesson they learned of their great Patron Saint Anthonie, who profes­sed that hee knew nothing, beeing of opinion, that the studie of learning, would hinder spirituall medi­tations, [Page 46]and being such kinde of men, they tooke no orders of Priesthood.

This made Saint Iohn Chrysostome, (comparing a Priest and a true Monke together) say, that a Priest in respect of a Monke, is like a King sorted with a simple man that liues a priuate life: therefore the Monks office was, neither to preach, nor to teach the common people. Saint Hierome writing to Pau­linus a Monke, saith, If you will take the charge of a Priest vpon you, if you desire to be called to the high degree of a Bishoppe, dwell in townes and Ca­stles, that by winning other mens soules, you may saue your owne: But if you will be a Monke, that is to say, solitarie, what make you in townes, which are no habitations for sole men, but for troupes and mul­titudes?

The Bishops and Priestes, haue a looking glasse of the Apostles, they then succeeding in their charge, make themselues successors of their merits. And as for vs, let vs set before our eies Saint Paule, An­thonie, Iulian, Hilarion, Macharius, Captaines of our profession; and not to forget what the holy scrip­ture tels vs, an Elias and an Eliseus. Our Table▪ is the ground, our diet is hearbes, and sometime a fewe small fishes, which wee account for great banquets. The same Saint Hierom, beeing intreated by a good sonne, to preach to his Mother,Sanct. Hier. tract. de vi­tand. susp. cont. thereby to reconcile her to a daughter of hers; you take me for a man (saith hee) that may croud into a Bishops chaire, you vnderstand not that I am shut vp in a Cell, sequestred from companie, by vow deuoted onely to lament my sinnes past, or shunne the sinnes present.

Time (as I haue told you) culd out two sorts of these men, the one dwelt solitarily in the desartes, cald Ancors, the others, in Couents, which the Greeks cald Coenobites, [Page]whose order and discipline Saint Hierome describes in that notable Epistle, that begins (Audi filia.) And although the Monkes were neither Priests nor Clarks, yet by course and compasse of time, their superiours were permitted to be Priested, that they might admini­ster the Sacraments to them.

Thus became Saint Hierom an Abbot and Priest togither: Likewise Iohn, Bishop of Constantino­ple, reproouing Epiphamus Bishop of Cypres his in­feriour, for Priesting some Monkes in Saint Hie­romes Monasterie, hee made his excuse by the mul­titude of Monkes, which then wanted Priests to mi­nister vnto them. And Saint Ambrose in a funerall Oration he made for Eusebius Bishop of Vercellis, a­mong other particularities for which he commended him,Saint Amb. serm. 69. this was one, that he had Priested all the Monkes of his Dioces. In processe of time, Religious per­sons, ioyning holy orders to deuotion, became great nurseries of our Church: In that some of them were made Archbishops, some Bishops, who by their holy liues, and deepe learning, promoted Christian Religion greatly. Such were Gregorie Nazianzen, and Basill, both Monkes, and both Bishops, which seuerally erected an infinite number of Monasteries, and re­ligious orders, the one, in the Realme of Pontus the other, in Cappadocia: and in them begunne the dis­cipline of Religions, which is in part transmitted ouer euen vnto vs. I omit heere of purpose to touch the nouelties brought in by time, contenting my selfe with shewing you the first roote of all.

It remaines, that I speake a word or two to you of our Vniuersities, erected as well for diuinitie Lectures as o­ther humaine Sciences. Neither in the Apostles times, nor long after, as our Church particularly charged with Lectures. The Apostles office, & successiuely the [Page 47]Bishops, consisted in preaching the Gospell and admi­nistring the holy Sacraments. VVee are debters to the Church of Alexandria for this first institution: where, in the dayes of Commodus the Emperour, Panthen, a man of great learning, first opened a Diuinitie schoole, by the authoritie of Iulian the Bishop. And frō that time,Euseb. lib. 5, hist. ecclesi. ca. 9.10. (saith Eusebius) the custome begun in the Church of Alexan­dria, was continued vnto vs: namely, to haue men that excelled in all knowledge and learning, to be Doctors, & Diuinitie Readers.

Clemens Alexandrinus succeeded Panthen, a man ve­rie famous for his learning among the best learned in his time. After him came Origen, who tooke to him Heraclas the best of all his Schollers, these two parted the pub­lique Lectures between them. Origen read Diuinitie, A­stronimie, Geometrie, and Arithmatique, leauing the meaner Lectures of the Church of Alexandria to Hera­clas. The other Bishops borrowed this commendable custome of trayning vp of youth: this custome spred so farre in this manner, that the Vniuersities beginning to set learning abroach, the Bishops became the first and last Iudges of theyr endeuours: and for this purpose haue they a Chauncelour ouer them, with whom the examination of this course, and these matters dooth reside. As for Monkes, and religious persons, they haue no authoritie to read Lectures but to their own com­panies.

I haue heeretofore related, what was the first and ori­ginall Oeconomie of our Church, in Bishops, Abbots, and Vniuersities, vpon which three great Pillers our re­ligion stands. Now let vs bring the Iesuits to the touch, that we may know what they are. They be men appar­relled like our Priests, bearing no outward marke of Monks, yet do they make the three substantiall vowes of Chastitie Pouerty, and Obedience, common with other religious persons, and they ioyne pouertie with it, as well [Page]in generall as particuler, by them of the last vow, which are called Fathers, men aboue others deuoted to preach, to administer the holy sacraments of Pennance, and of the Altar, to reade publique Lectures in all Sciences to all sorts of schollers, without any subiection to the aun­cient statutes of the Vniuersities: yea and without ac­knowledgement of superioritie of the Bishops ouer thē, hauing their prerogatiue apart. But in conclusion, for the accomplishment of their deuotion, they offer to goe into all quarters of the world, where it shall please the Pope to commaund them, to conuert Infidels and vn­godly men, thereby to renewe in some sort, the ancient practise of the Apostles. Therefore let vs now consider, whether this innouation of theyrs, may by the auncient order of the Church, deserue any place among vs, and whether they may be calld the companie of Iesus; if not by priuation, at the least by preuention of al other Chri­stians.

CHAP. 15. ¶ That no man can tell, where to place the Iesuits among all the three auncient orders of our Church: and that this is the true cause, for which they neuer yet durst set in theyr foote into Pro­cessions.

MEn say, that dreames for the most part a­rise out of a long meditation imprinted in our heads the day before, by a reflec­tion vppon some subiect, which hath presented it selfe againe in the night vnto our fantasies: Thus hath it happened vnto mee of late, for as one of the principall things I bent my mind vnto, was the Iesuits proceedings, so it fortuned, that one night among the rest, I dreamed this which I will rehearse vn­to you. And I beseech you my Maisters, not to thinke [Page 48]I tell it you, to make you merry, but in the soberest man­ner that I can; the matter is of such moment, that if I should doe otherwise, I should deserue to be punisht. If you will not accept it for a dreame, take it at the least for a heauenly vision, such a one as Ignace had, when God the Father appeard to him, recommending him to his sonne Iesus Christ: or els, when hee shewed him all the tooles with which hee made this great frame of the word: or when Durus, Xauiers first disciple, sawe in a desolate Chappell, our blessed sauiour Iesus Christ in the shape of a childe, come to reconcile himselfe to the virgine his Mother that was angry with him.

As I was a sleepe, me thought I saw GOD take a generall surueigh of his Church, from the passion of our sauiour & Redeemer Iesus Christ, vnto this day: where (as it were) in a great procession, the Apostles went for­most, followed by Popes, Patriarches, Archbishops, and Bishops, Curates, priestes, and all those Ecclesiasticall persons which are calld Seculars, because they bee no Monks. In the second ranke, marched those good olde Fathers, the Hermits, vvho were the first founders of Monasteries. After them, traced many great Abbots & religious Orders of S. Augustine and S. Benet, from whom as from two great conduits, flowed all other reli­gious Orders, called Regulars.

In the reareward, came the Vniuersities, led by their Rectors, and the foure faculties, of Diuinitie, Law, Phi­sick, and Arts, with all their Officers, & a huge compa­nie of schollers great and small. S. Peter carried the strea­mer before the first, Saint Anthonie before the second, and because some haue thought good so to place him, Peter Lombard, Bishop of Paris and Maister of the Sen­tentences, before the third; a man framed for this pur­pose at this time, without looking backe towards Mai­ster Iohn Gerson, Doctor of Diuinitie, and in his time Chancelor of the Vniuersitie of Paris.

Last of all came the good Ignace, with his equipage of Faure, Xauier, Salmeron, Bobadilla, Roderic, Breet, Iay, and Codury, his first companions. And after them, Iames Lainez, Fraunces Borgia, Euerard Marcurian, Clau­dius Aquauiua, all of them successiuely, Generalls of their order. Behind these, were the Prouincialls, Rectors, Fa­thers, Principalls, Regents, Presidents, spirituall & tem­porall coadiutors, and schollers admitted. All which, marching after theyr Captaine Ignace, desired to bee marshald vnder the banner of S. Peter first, next vnder S. Anthonies; lastly, vnder the Vniuersities.

At the first, Ignace neuer doubted to be receiued of the Apostles, because their preaching, administration of the sacraments of Pennace & of the Altar, and the great vowe of Mission made by the Fathers to the holie Sea, seemed to paue the way thether very faire for them; this made him steppe boldly to S. Peter. You shal be parta­kers of the whole discourse that passed between them. I beseech you let it not displease you to see my Dreame enioy the priuiledge of dreames, which make what per­sonages they lust, play theyr parts with those that come into our fantasies, without respect of any rule or inter­position of time, which commonly we obserue in other matters.

S. Peter. Good Fathers, you are very welcome; for the maine scope of our calling, hath beene to winne as many soules to God as possibly wee could. Ign. This is the marke we aime at, by the particular vow of Mission which wee make to your successors in Rome. S. Peter. This is well done, howe are you called? Ign. As our vocation craues, to wit, The societie of Iesus. In respect whereof, the common people, by inspiration of the ho­lie Ghost, haue called vs Iesuits: a name which at thys day, appeares to be miraculously spredde ouer all the world, it hath pleased God it should be so. S. Pet. Nay rather the deuill; which hath vnder your habite, gone [Page 49]about to circumuent all the world, this is not the first taste we haue taken of his trecheries, neither will it be last: he watches euerie day to surprize the Church of God. How cōmeth it to passe? We which were fostred euerie day in the companie of Iesus, to whom he impar­ted all his secrets, all the while he was debased here in the flesh, and after he ascended vp to heauen, made vs per­takers of his companie by his holy spirit, we (I say) ne­uer durst take this name vnto vs, but the name of Chri­stians; first in the Church of Antioch, where our holy brethren Paule and Barnabas did gouerne: A title ap­prooued by the Church from our time to this day: and do you that desire to be among vs, by a new and ar­rogant title call your selues Iesuits? Ign. I beseech you hold vs excused, it is not pride but humilitie that pro­uokes vs to it: our Sauiour had two names, one pro­per, which is that of Iesus, this at that time was a com­mon name to many Iewes, though men of base and vile condition: the other is that of Christ, much more noble and honourable: for it appertaind to none but Kings, Priests, and Prophets,Fon. ca. 38. men cald Gods annoin­ted: for which cause you haue chosen this name, and we contrarywise, the other of Iesus, for the small ac­count the Iewes made of it, as meaner and lower then the other. Thus if there be any greater pride in the choice of the one, then of the other, it may easily be iudged from whence it comes. Moreouer, we doe not thinke, that the name of Christian was imposed vpon you by the Church of Antioch, but accidentally by the voice of the common people without iudgement, it was receiued to be by a secret inspiratiation of God.

At this speech a great many saints and deuout men standing in the first ranke, began to murmour softly one to another, and some mutined out aloud: saying, that without giuing any further hearing vnto Ignace, he and all his followers were to be banished our Church. [Page]And that by this proposition, (the foundation of their order) there is much Iudaisme, in Iesuitisme: for iust as the olde Iewes arraigned our Sauiour Iesus Christ: so deale these new Iewes at this day with the Apostles. The Primitiue Church vsurped not the Name of Iesus, although it seemed to them to be common among the Iewes, but because the Apostles, and other true and faithfull Disciples of Christ Iesus, knew the force, en­ergie, and exceeding greatnes of this holy name. Then Saint Mathew and Saint Luke, stepping forth, defen­ded,M [...]h. ca. 1. Luc. ca. 1. that God the Father himselfe gaue this name by the mouth of the holy Ghost his Embassadour, expres­ly sent by him, when he told the Virgin Marie, that he that should be borne of her pure wombe, should be called Iesus, (a name that signifies a Sauiour,) because he should be the Sauiour of the world. Hereupon, Eu­sebius Bishop of Cesarea,Fuseb lib. 1. ca. & lib. 2. ca. 6. made a faire commentarie vpon the difference of the two words. And Saint Au­gustine that famous Bishop of Hippon, shewes, that if God the Father gaue this name of Iesus, it was done by a secret mysterie prophecied by his great Prophet Moses, whom GOD told, hee had chosen him to lead his children of Israel to the land of promise: and for this cause, did he take another to succeed him in his place before he died. Moses made choice of Auses, but in the choice,Aug tom. 1 [...]. hom. 27 chaunged the name of Auses into that of Iesus, that in time to come (saith this notable Affricanian, Bishop) men might know, that not by Mo­ses, but by Iesus, that is to say, not by the law, but by grace, Gods people should enter the land of pro­mise. And as the first Iesus, was not the true Iesus, but onely a figure of him: so the land of promise, was not the euerlasting land of promise, but a figure of it.

There was no Bishop of note, nor any of the aun­cient Doctors of the Church, in all the first squadron, [Page 50]which was not of this opinion, or brought not out some matter of attainder against Ignatius. Then Saint Peter, by his authority and primacy ouer all the Church, spake to them with an admirable Maiestie on this manner. It is neither for you, nor for vs, to yeeld a reason of that which was done at Antioch, when the Church of God gaue the name of Christians: this was a worke of the holy Ghost. And as it is not the seruants duty, to aske any reasons of his Maister, why he commaunds him this or that, but he ought only to obey him: so God ha­uing charged vs by his holy Spirit, to call our selues Christians, it is not fit for any man whatsoeuer, to en­quire the cause of it. There is no speedier way to make men heretiques, then to become curious questionists in such matters. Therefore neuer thinke, that this name was imposed vpon vs by the Suffrages of sim­ple people.

As the name of Iesus came from God the Father, so I may speake it for a certaine truth, that by the faith and homage I yeelded to our Sauiour at the first, vpon this word Christ, he built his Church vpon me, and gaue me the Keyes thereof, among the rest. For hauing as­ked the question of vs all, what men reported of him, some of the Disciples aunswered, that some tooke him to be Saint Iohn the Baptist; others said, hee was Eli­as: others one of the olde Prophets.Math. 16. Luc. 8. But whom doe you (quoth hee, to vs his Apostles) iudge me to bee? I, taking the tale out of the mouth of all the rest of my fellowes, by the greatnes of zeale wherewith I was transported, aunswered him, Thou art the Christ, the Sone of the liuing God: and presently he replied, that I speake not this of my selfe, but by Reuelation from God his father. And after this he declared me to be Peter, and that vpon this Rocke, he would build his Church, and whatsoeuer I bound on earth, should be bound in heauen. Sith that vpon this confession of Christ, he [Page]built his Church vpon me, this was a silent lesson he taught vs of his will and pleasure, that after his ascen­tion into heauen, he would haue his Church to bee called Christian; and vpon this proiect, all our bre­thren doubted not to take vp that name at Antioch. I my selfe afterward, making Euodius Bishop of that Sea,Suidas in verb Chri­stianus. confirmed that name of Christian in the Church. I maruell said Saint Peter, (turning himselfe to Ignace) that you honouring, as you say ye doe, the Sea of Rome, where my successours sway the gouernment, and yet at the first dash, you haue despised my decrees: were there nothing else but this to be weighed in you, you may not so be admitted into this ranke. Ign. Will you not receiue vs vpon the three vowes we haue with great holinesse made, of Chastitie, Obedience, & Pouertie; and that which is more, of generall and particular po­uertie, when we became fathers of our order? S. Peter This is another barre that shuts you out, for although Chastitie, Obedience, and Contempt of the world, were familiar matters with vs, yet did we not this by vow; that was brought into the Church after our time, by those whom you see stand in the second ranke, and to say the troth, wee neuer tyed our deuotion to po­uertie.

Ign. Wee minister the Sacraments of pennance, and the communion as you did, and we are readie to go foorth for the aduauncement of Christianitie, whither soeuer it shall please your Successours to send vs. S. Peter These two Sacraments are likewise mi­nistred by the Mendicants, of which order there be many now in the Indies, in Palestine, and at Pera, neere vnto Constantinople, to conuert the Infidels, yet are they not ranged in our Squadron; you must go to them, and let them know, there is too great oddes betweene vs and you, to yeelde you anie place heere.

Ignace, finding himselfe excluded from the first stati­on in this procession, he was some-what amazed, neuer­thelesse, he thought to speed better with the second, be­cause he should there haue to doe with S. Anthonie, the honour of all the first Hermits. For I know (quoth he) that in the heate of his holy meditations, hee gloried in ignorance: & I am sure, that if he doe but trie me there­in, he shall find me nothing inferior vnto himselfe. Thus deuising with himselfe, what might best bee doone to creepe into his fauour, he shewed him, that he had pas­sed his time in heauenly contemplations, and not in lear­ning, as hee had done before. Yet true it was, that hys ignorance had made many learned men, which were all priested ministring the holy Sacraments; some of them were Preachers, and some Regents.

The holy and venerable yeeres of this good Hermite, gaue Ignace this aunswere: Brethren, I commend your intention, but it is nothing like vnto ours. Our deuoti­on, and the deuotion of all the good Fathers, first foun­ders of the religious orders, was a solitarie life, without schollership or priesthood: our wisedome consists in continuall lifting vp the minde toward God, taking all humaine learning to be meere vanitie. And as for Eccle­siasticall functions, we take no charge of them, they de­pend vpon the Bishops, that feede vs by theyr inferiors in the Church. Your Rulers are not like ours.

In Gods name my good brethren, goe your way in peace, leauing vs to our sweet life, in quietnes of consci­ence, within our Cells. Neuerthelesse, it may be you shall find behinde vs, some shreds and remnants of ours, in in whom you may take some roote, namely, those which by permission of the holy Sea, are called to the orders of priesthood, and may both preach, and minister the ho­ly Sacraments of Penance and the Alter, as you doe.

Ignace passing from them to the other, Saint Benet perceiuing him comming by his gate, tooke the speech [Page]to himselfe, and said; If you be of our companie, you must either be Ancors and Hermits, or Monks & Con­uentualls. Your profession, denies you to be Ancors, & we may be easily entreated to excuse you of it, because that life is too painfull. But if you be Monks and Con­uentualls, as we are, where is your frock, your hood, & your cloake? For Elias, the first image of our Order, and after him S. Iohn the Baptist, both differd from the cō ­mon people in apparrell. VVhere is the great shauen crowne vpon your heads, by which S. Hierom said, that in pouertie we are like to Kings and Monarches? where be the extraordinarie fasts your societie keepes, not on­lie beyond the cōmon people, but beyond the Bishops and Curats? Where be the Cloysters within your Mo­nasteries? Heereto Ignace and his companions briefely and roundly answered him, that they were no Monkes, but religious persons onely.

Is it euen so, (saide S. Benet) then are you a kinde of quintessence of Monks. And as the facultie of Phisicke admits none of these Paracelsian abstractors of quintes­sences into their schooles: so may not we receiue the Ie­suits. To reiect a Paracelsite and a Iesuite, both rime and reason will beare vs out. Therefore get you some whe­ther els: for as you disdaine the holy name of Monks, so are you disdained by Monkes. You proceeded Maisters of Art in the Vniuersitie of Paris, at the least, you pre­sented your selues for such men to Pope Paule the third, I counsell you to returne as Maisters of Art to the Vni­uersitie, you shall finde some of your acquaintance there, it cannot be, but that some one or other of them wil en­tertaine you.

Ignace perceiuing his case grow worse and worse, mi­strusted some misfortune in his attempts, whereuppon, turning himselfe to his companions, he said: Nowe we are in question to goe toward the Vniuersitie, I knowe what my behauiour must be; and although it will bee [Page 52]easie for them to goe beforme me, if I come to the great Doctors, yet sith at the first I tooke no course, but to teach pettie schooles for children, and you after me, haue read Lectures to all sorts of schollers against our first in­stitution, I pray you (quoth he to Father Claudius Aqua­uiua,) seeing that now all my superioritie ouer our com­panie rests in you, that as Generall of thē all, you would take the charge to sway Maister Iohn Gerson, it may bee you shall find more fauour at his hands then all the rest. Aquauiua, not onely gaue him no deniall, but thought his commaundement very fit to be obeyed.

Then began hee and his to bragge, that they taught freely, wherein he thought his companie had very much aduantage of the other Regents, but his feete were in­tangled: for he was more roughly handled by them then by the former, and when they came to pell mell, because both sides had beene nousled in Schoole Ergoes, there was the best sport of all. Nowe let vs see them beginne theyr disputations. Aquauiua hauing framed his propo­sition, and propounded his question, Gerson, one of the chiefest Doctors of Diuinitie that euer were in Fraunce, spake thus to Aquiuaua. Ger. You would faine be of our companie, will you then acknowledge our Bishop, for your superiour and ours, especially in matters con­cerning the instruction of youth: for hee is our chiefe Iudge in this cause. And now as his substitute in the of­fice of a Chauncellour, and Chanon of the Church of Paris, I cary the flagge of the Vniuersitie of Paris, which is the chiefe of all others. Aqua. I doe not vnderstand your speech, we haue a greater Maister our holy Father the Pope, which hath dispenced with vs in this point, a­gainst the Bishops authoritie. Gers. You faile in the first marke, this one poynt must send you backe againe to Rome, to learne your lessons, and banish you out of all the Vniuersities in Fraunce. But let vs proceed: our Vniuersities are compounded of two sorts of men, the [Page]one are Seculars, the other Regulars, in either of these, the rule and gouernment differs. The Seculars may be Maisters of Art, Doctors of diuinitie, Law, or Phisicke, and read Lectures after they haue theyr degrees, to all commers, as well within as without the Colledges; the Regulars are permitted but to goe forth Doctors of di­uinitie, and to reade to the nouices of their orders onely. Which of these two sorts are you? Aunswere mee not I beseech you, as in the yeere 1564. you aunswered the Rectors, and officers of our Vniuersitie of Paris: they moouing the like question to you, you replied twise or thrise, that you were, Tales quales vos curia declarauerat. For the Aduocate that pleaded against you, standing vpon this poynt, argued that you were such as were vn­worthy to be enrolled in the Vniuersities register.

Aqua. I maruell not at that, we were at that time like vnto the Beare, whose whelps seeme at the first to be but a rude lumpe of flesh, but by the Dams continuall lick­ing of them, in time they recouer the shape of a Beare: so was it once with vs; for (to tell you truth) Ignace and his companions, neuer prict it out perfectly what wee were; but after we had many wayes exercised our wits, vppon an obscure platforme of theirs, we were not cal­led Monks, but regular Clarkes: for so hath our great Ribadmere entiteled vs;Rib. lib. 2. capit. 17. and before him, if I be not de­ceiued, the Counsell of Trent gaue vs the same stile, which was publisht a fewe months after our cause vvas pleaded, to haue recourse to the first day of May follow­ing.

Gers. This is not to aunswere my question, you must aunswere categorically, to bring you into one of these two predicaments, of Seculars, or Regulars. Aqua. Did I not aunswere you at large, when I tolde you wee are Regular Clarks? For beeing such, we are not bound to stand to the old statutes of your Vniuersities, beeing neither pure Seculars, nor pure Regulars. And we may [Page 53]with all our vowes, be graduated throughout all your fa­culties, and read publique lectures to youth in all scien­ces, without seeking to, or acknowledgement of, the au­thoritie of your Bishops. Gers. Then are you a kind of Hermophroditicall order, such as Pasquier hath publisht you to be in his researches of Fraunce, for being Secu­lars and Regulars both together, you are neither of both. And sith you are not bound to obey our statutes, we likewise are not bound to immatriculate you in our V­niuersities. Aqua. Why do you refuse vs, that teach freely? Gers. Because you be verie coniecatchers. The first that euer came to teach in Paris, were Alcuin, Ra­ban, Ian, and Claudius, venerable Bedaes schollers, they made proclamation, that they had learning to sell: you quite contrary, bestow it gratis. Yet is it true, that in three score yeeres space, you haue got more treasure twice or thrice told, then all the Vniuersities in France euer had, since the first stone of their foundation was laid. More­ouer, were you not censured by the Vniuersitie of Paris? in the yere 1554? Aqua. You may say what you wil, but of later memorie, the same facultie of Diuinitie, allowed vs against the old censure; for some particular persons, hauing abused the name of the Vniuersity of Paris in the yeere 1594. in the Court of Parliament; the Sorbons made a Decree in fauour of vs, by which the pursuit of our aduersaries was disalowed.

At this speech all the Sorbons shouted, you be lying Sophisters, and verie bad Grammarians. We know it well that the Aduocate that first pleaded for you, would faine haue beene your buckler, and after him, Montaignes of your companie, then Fon: But this is to enioy your ordinarie priuiledge, you know whereof. Let the Beadle bring out our Decree and read it, for this is too much impudencie to be laid vpon Christian people. Die nona Iulij, Anno Domini, 1594. viso & audito a facultate The­ologie Parisiensi legitimè congregata, in maiore aula Sorbonae, [Page]libello supplici, à venerabilibus patribus sociotatis Iesu, ipsi facultati proposito, quo quidem exposuerunt superioribus mensibus, D. Rectorem, tam suo, quam omnium facultatum nomine, libellum supplicem supremae Parlam [...]i Curiae obtu­lisse, quo petierit vt ipsi, corum (que) societas vniuersa, ex toto Gal­liae regno pelleretur, ac credibile non esse sacratissimam facul­tatem, huic petitioni consensum prebuisse. Ac propterea sup­plicarunt quatenus placeret dictae facultati, declaratione tes­tificari, huius petitionis & litis intentae, nullo modo participes esse. Ipsa facultas, matura deliberatione super hoc habita, in hunc modum censuit. Se quidē censere praedictos patres redi­gendos et recensendos esse in ordinem & disciplinam vniuersi­tatis, regno autem Gallico esse nullo modo expellendos.

Signed, Panet dictae facultatis Bidellus.

This Decree was inserted at large in your Plea of the yeere 1594 and in the 44. Chapter of Fons Booke: it is fit that euerie man should vnderstand it.

The ninth of Iuly, in the yeere of grace 1594. a view being taken by the faculty of Diuines in Paris, then law­fully assembled in the Sorbons great Hal, of a bil of sup­plication, put vp to the facultie, by the venerable fathers of the society, wherein they declared, that a few moneths since, the Rector of the Vniuersitie, as well in his owne name, as in the name of all the faculties, preferd a sup­plication to the high Court of Parliament, wherein he required, that they, and all their societie, might be thrust out of Fraunce, and because it was not credible that the most sacred facultie had consented to it, therfore they desired the said facultie, to testifie by some speciall decla­ration, that they had no hand in this matter. The facul­tie vpon good consideration had, certified in this man­ner, that for their parts they iudged it fit, that the said fa­thers should be brought into the order and discipline of the Vniuersitie, but not by any meanes to be cast out of Fraunce.

The word redigere is more significant, then to bring, [Page 54]or reduce, which I haue vsed for lacke of other: for the Calepins of the Latine tongue teach vs, that, Redigere, est vi quadam vel industria ducere ad aliquid vel aliquò. Cal you this an approbation of your companie, when by strong hand we would haue you brought in subiection to the Vniuersitie, and that in this case you are not to be hunted out of the Realme? Away with the whole cluster of new vowes, draw your selues into the Vniuersities or­ders, acknowledge the Bishop your superiour, as we do, take degrees in Diuinitie onely, and read to none but to your owne Societie, as other religious do, euery one in their place: we shall then agree with you, and take your parts stoutly in the highest Courts in Fraunce, that you ought then to liue among vs. Meane while, by your writings, you doe impudently and falsely, make a Trophee of this Decree, as if wee had laid the bri­dle in your necks; but the verie sight and reading of this, foyles you. Therefore get you packing, your Rules and Maxims impeach ours, which we of a long time haue kept in all holy and venerable anti­quitie.

When Gerson had pronounced this sentence, Ignace and all his first companions vanisht out of fight, and presently after that, Aquauiua spying himselfe and those that were with him, left in the lurch, he cried. Sith you afford vs no place in earth, maugre all the rout of you, we will haue place in heauen with Ignace and Xauier: or it shall cost vs all the treasure we haue here and there in banke, but they shall be canonized. Then began all the little frie to hisse, & the greater sort of schollers whoopt; A Foxe, A Foxe, will they giue money to make Ignace a Saint? Aquauiua somewhat dismaid, thought they had cried, Osanna, Osanna, and to requite them, set him down in a chaire, offering his hand vnto them to kisse, as he did to all those that came to his chamber, the same day he was made Generall: but so dainly he saw that he was [Page]deceiued: For this company of wilde youths baited him worse then they did before. Gerson to pacifie them, said, My sonnes, neuer thinke that in Rome they will haue so little wit as to make these two men Saints. The Iesuits haue desired it a long time, and to compasse it, they haue imployed not their coyne (for I thinke there is no such trafick in Rome about sanctifying of soules) but all man­ner of lies, cogs, & hypocrisies, to surprize the holy Sea. For how comes it to passe thinke you, that within these few yeeres, the pens of Maffee, Ribadiner and Turcelline, haue hatched so many fabulous visions, & miraculous tales of Xauier, but to make their false testimonies ser­uiceable for this canonization? But the best sport I see, that as plaiers, to grace their Enterluds, bring them vpon the stage by day, with the windowes shut, and candles lighted; So the Iesuits spare for no burning Tapers in Rome, about Iguace Tombe, to make some better shew of the sanctimonie of the place.Turcel. lib. 1 ca. 16. And the same Tur­lelline saith, that when Xauiers bodie was carried in­to the Towne of Gonea, where it now lieth, there was a great waxe Candle onely of a Cubite length, ligh­ted and set in the place, which burned continually two and twentie dayes, and as manie nights without wasting.

Yet haue not all these Torches, to this day beene able, to lighten the hearts of the Consistory of Rome, to make these two new Saintes, neyther will they euer doe it, as I am perswaded. Neuer thinke so Sir, said a little wagge in the companie, for lyes, and importunate suits, (matters proper to the Iesuits) will worke it out at last. Haue you forgot in Boccace, how Chappellet de Prat, a notable knaue, was canonized for a Saint, by some silly soules in the Cordeliers Monasterie at Dijon? And why may it not so fall out with Ignace Loyola, founder of the Iesuits order, seeing William du Prat, Bishop of Clair­mont was their first benefactor here in Fraunce?

Presently vppon this speech they made such a noyse, that if it had thundred, you would scarce haue heard it. Continuing this hurly burly, some of the best Schollers began to clap their hands, as they doe in the Schooles, when the one side and the other haue argued long, and disputation ceaseth.

With this I waked, very much astonied at this dreame, wherein I find that verified, which one William of Lor­rey spake, in the beginning of his Romant of the Rose, saying, that euery dreame is not false. My dreame doth make it good: I know what account the Iesuits doe, and ought to make of the counsell of Trent, as that where­vpon the approbation of theyr societie is partly groun­ded. Although they haue expresly commaunded all Clergie men, as well Seculars as Regulars, to goe the processions, except the close Monks, Carthusians, and Celestines. Neuerthelesse, the Iesuits neuer came there, eyther before that Counsell was held, or after. It is verie true that they coggd a Die, when they got a Bull from Gregorie the 13. to forbid them this matter: But thys was before their constitutions bare anie prohibition.

I come nowe to another matter, which is, that Eliza­beth Rossell, one of Ignace fauourers,Rib. lib. 3. cap. 14. Maf [...]. lib. 2. cap. 17. seeking to erect a Iesuiticall order of women in Rome, Ignace would ne­uer agree to it; hee knewe it well, that this would haue ministred matter of laughter to all the world: for what kinde of habite or place should these women haue had in their Monasteries? The religious men of Saint Benits order, S. Barnards, S. Dominicks, and S. Fraunces, do all weare the habite appertaining to their orders. The Ie­suits are apparrelled as priests, if women should haue ta­ken that attire to, you must haue called them vvomen priests.

Let vs returne to our processions, which all good and free Catholiques religiously embrace, Ignace bragged euery where he was a Catholique, why then did he for­bid [Page]his societie the processions? Because hee knew, that if they came among other Ecclesiasticall orders, they were vncertaine what place they should take, theyr sect being a newe bastard religion, a very hotch potch of all our orders, without any thing pure in it, or any poynt of our auncient Church. Therefore, to call them the socie­tie of Iesus, is to goe out of the way, but I wil now giue them a name more agreeable vnto them. I remember I haue read in the Romante of the Rose, late alledged by me, that when Saint Lewes brought the Carmelites into Fraunce, from Mount Carmell, they vvere called the Pred-coats, because their cloakes were striped & welted with black & white. Sith then we see the Iesuits to be a partie-colourd religion, of diuers peeces of our ancient Church, ill suted & sowed together, you may call them and theyr religion, the new Motley.

Heere the Aduocate held his peace, which ministred matter of talke vnto the Gentleman, who said to him, I know not how true it is, that you had such a dreame as you haue told me, yet I may well say, there is much truth in it. And more then that, you cannot paynt out these matters more liuely, then by the picture of a dreame. But seeing you make reckoning of the Romant of the Rose, me thinks by the modell of it, wee may more fitlie call the Iesuits, Papelards, and theyr companie, Pape­lardie. Heere-vnto saide the Aduocate, I beseech you let vs not ingage the authoritie of the holie Sea, by the quarrell of these hypocrits. I will not, saide the Gentle­man, sith you haue bound mee to harken till you haue made an end.

CHAP. 16. ¶ That without wrong to the authoritie of the holy Sea, you may call the Iesuits Papelardes, and theyr sect, Pape­lardie, that is, hypocrits, and theyr order hypocrisie.

WEe haue euer yet in Fraunce embraced Poperie, with all honour, respect, and deuotion, and euer yet in Fraunce, hath this holy name, by many men, been by false shewes abused. VVhen you see a soaking Vsurer, & adulterer, or a thiefe, mumble manie Pater nosters daily at the Masse, without amendement of his euill life; or a Monk within his cloi­ster, vnder his habite, his sad looke and thin visage, nou­rish rancor, auarice, enuie, and brocage in his hart, wee call both the one and the other Papelards, and their ac­tions, Papelardie, what say you then to Poperie? It is the cleere spring and fountaine, from whence we ought to draw the vnitie of our Christian fayth. What is this papelardie? A maske of poperie in them, which out­wardly would be esteemed to be better men then others, and inwardly are worst of all.

This one lesson haue I learned in that Romant of the Rose, where William Lorrey represents vs an Orchard, enuirond with high walls, painted with the portraitures of Hate, Enuie, Robberie, Auarice, Sorrow, & Pouer­tie; among which, was the picture of Hypocrisie, drawn in this manner: I will set you downe the old language, with the newe of Marot, the first for his authoritie, the second for his grace.

VVhen this Romante was compilde, Wickliffe, Iohn Hus, Ierom of Prage, Martin Luther, and Iohn Caluine, were not yet borne, to make warre vppon the holy Sea; for William of Lorrey, liued in the time of S. Lewes, yet was the word (Papelardie) then in vse, marke whether [Page 57]all these particularities set downe by him, doe not en­counter our Iesuits? I confesse, that none of them lye in hayre, and likewise, that they take no knowledge of the extraordinarie fasts which other religious persons keep. They are wisely dispenst withall, by their statuts, but to passe ouer all other poynts, they repose thēselues whol­lie vpon the authority of the holy Sea, as if they were the first-borne children of the Popedome. And at other times, when you see thein vpon theyr knees, saying ouer their Beades one by one, before a Crucifix, or an image of our Ladie, and after, marke theyr confessions & com­munions before the people, with I knowe not what lea­den lookes, fraught with hipocrisie, and notwithstand­ing, they worke vnder-hand the ruine of the Countries where they dwell, and the murder of whatsoeuer Kings and Princes it pleases them: and that theyr Masses, con­fessions, and cōmunions, are the directorie starres of their Machiauelian tricks, what better name can we giue them then Papelards? As for the name of the societie of Ie­sus, it is so proude a title, as no good men can make a­gree with them, except it be to grace their hipocrifie the more. Their sect (as they say) was first cōsorted in Paris, and sworne at Montmarter in the hart of Fraunce. The words of Papelard and Papelardie, are French words, I thinke we shall find very many that will resigne them o­uer vnto them, as words euery way fitting theyr profes­sion. Neither is it any disparagemēt to the merit of Chri­stes crosse, that these men haue abused the name of Iesus, nor by their counterfet mortification (that I may speake as William of Lorrey doth) vnder the false shew of pope­rie, is the authority of the holy Sea encreased or dimini­sed: it is strong enough to beare vp it selfe, without any helpe of this new seruice, or rather of this new deuice of the deuill, to surprize vs by the name of Iesus, & so rui­nate & turne topsie turuie, all religious orders, and the holy Sea it selfe.

You shall neuer be inhibited by me, (saide the Aduo­cate) nor by any in this company, for ought I know: for if, to folow your proposition, a Papelard be such a one, as makes a faire shew outwardly, vpon his stall, but hath a false shop behind, within his soule, where all is contrarie, you haue proceeded master of the Art of hipocrisy, ma­king vs vnderstand that of Iesuitisme, which wee neuer knew, and you are able to read a lecture of it. And fith I see you forward enough to second me, let mee end that which I haue begun, and when I haue spoken of the Ie­suits sect in generall, let mee like an Aduocate speake a word or two of good Father Ignace, who is the marke I shoote at.

CHAP. 17. ¶ Of the fabulous visions of Ignace, and the miraculous fables of Xauier.

NO body durst write the life of Ignace after his death, which hapned in the yere 1556. it was too great a taske. The first that e­uer attempted it, was Iohn Peter Maffee, a priest of that societie, that dedicated 3. bookes of this argument, to Claudius Aquauiua theyr Generall. This flesht Peter Ribadiner, another priest of the same societie, to make a reflection vppon his fellow, with fiue other bookes, ten yeeres after; wherein, at the first setting out, hee endeuours to make his historie ap­peare to be without check, because that before the esta­blishing of their company, he, beeing not yet 14. yeeres of age, followed Ignace at Rome, so throughly deuoted to him, that he brags he could speake of many things he sawe himselfe, and faithfully reckon vp others, vvhich Lewes Gonsalua, a man to whom Ignace discoursed them at large a yeere before, had reported to him. Both the one & the other, were diuersly instructed in the Latine [Page 58]tongue, the first, by Christopher Seuere, the other, by Christian Simon Liton, both men of an other religion, whom I may not belieue more then the Iesuits, which be naturally lyers, in whatsoeuer they thinke wil serue to aduance their sect; perswading themselues, that it is no fraude offerd vnto God, when they beguile the world with a lie for aduantage.

I will rip vp heere, the most famous visions, which they say theyr great Sophy had. Ignace, by theyr com­putation, descended of the noble house of Loyhola, was in his tender yeeres, sent by his Father & Mother to the Court of King Fardinand, surnamed the Catholique, & in the yeere 1522. put in trust to keepe the towne of Pampelune, then besieged by the French, where one of his legs was shiuerd with a shot, and the other verie sore hurt: the towne deliuered, and hee taken prisoner, our Nation sent him away with much kindnesse to his owne house. And beeing so sicke, that the Phisitions and Sur­gions almost dispaired of his recouerie, in the night of his great crisis,Maff. lib. 1. capit. 2. Saint Peter (in whom hee did euer put his trust) appeared to him, promising to cure him, as he did indeede: for from that time, his sicknes beganne mi­raculously to decline, and hee grewe better and better. And when hee was recouered, spending his time in rea­ding amorous discourses, because he could get no other bookes, one gaue him the life of our sauior Iesus Christ, and the Legend of the Saints, which he read; and from that time grew admirable deuout desirous to change his old life, into a more austere & religious course: where-vpon, the virgine Mary appeared to him night by night, with a smiling countenaunce, holding her little babe in her armes: vpon this vision, hee forsooke the world for euer after. But Ribadinere goes farther, and hee reports, that Ignace being at his pravers and Orisons vppon his knees, before the Image of our Ladie, there happened a great earth quake in the house where he prayed.

Now while he was drownd in his deuotion, the deuill appeared to him,M [...]ff. lib. 1. capit. 6. R [...]bad lib. 1. capit. 6. sometime faire and beautifull to looke vpon, sometime gastly & hideous, seeking to diuert him from his purpose, now by faire promises, anon by feare and terror, presented to his eyes. Entring the Domini­cans Church,Maff. lib. 1. capit. 7. Rib. lib. 1. capit. 7. he was so rauisht, that rapt into heauen, he saw the holie Trinitie in three persons and one essence, a matter that ministred argument vnto him to write a booke of the Trinitie, Quoquo modo potuit stilo: & here was not the end of his miraculous visions, (saith Maffee) for GOD shewed him the patterne he laid before him when he made the world.Maff lib. 1. capit. 8. Moreouer, hearing Masse in the Dominicans Church, as the Priest lifted vp the host, Ignace saw Iesus Christ in it, in body and flesh, iust as he was when he liued vpon the earth.

Maflee sets it downe better in Latine, Dum à sacerdote de more salutaris hostia attollitur, vidit Ignatius tllaspecie Christum, Deum eundem, et hominem verissime continere. Ribadiner saith, that Ignace being very attentiue to a ser­mon he heard in Barcellona,Ribad. lib. 10. ca. 10. Isabel Rousset, a Lady of ho­nor, saw his head crowned with glistering beames, like vnto the sunne. And in another place, that he continued 7. daies together and would eate nothing,Rib. lib. 1. capit. 6. and hee spent seuen houres euery day in continuall prayers, and in the meane while, whipt himselfe thrice euerie day. Hee would haue held on this course, with the expence of his life, if his Confessor the Sonday following, had not com­maunded him to take sustenaunce, or els he would giue him no absolution, as a murtherer of himselfe: This he did broad waking, but harken to another history more admirable then this.

Vpon a Saturday at euen-song, hee fell into such an extasie,Rib. lib. 1. capit. 7. for the space of seauen vvhole houres, without moouing hand or foote, that euery man iudged him to bee dead; at the last, some one or other, perceiuing his heart to beate a little, they resolued to waken him: [Page 59]And the next Saturday, about the same time of Vespers, as if he had beene rouzed out of a dead sleepe, he began to open his eyes, calling vpon the holy name of God.Maff. lib. b. ca. 5. Ribad. lib. b. ca. 11. Both the one and the other Historiographer, speakes of the apparitiō of God the Father, & Iesus Christ his Son beaten and wounded, bearing his crosse, and that God the Father, recommended him to his sonne, entreating him to take the Iesuits cause in Rome, into his protectiō; which accordingly he promised to doe. And that Ignace being retired into the Monasterie of Mount Cassin, to spend forty daies togither in deuotion,Maff lib 2. cap. 6. Rib. lib. 2. ca. 12. as soone as he had said Masse, Ozius, one of his companions that died at Padua, appeared vnto him, mounting vp to heauen with some other cōpanie, Splendidiore quam reliqui, habitu, glo­ria (que) multó illustriore. Ignace hearing that Simon Roderic, one of his crue was sick, going to visit him,Rib. lib. 2. ca. 9. he was certi­fied from heauen, that he should recouer, wherin he was not deceiued. He assured Peter Faur of this matter, one that gaue much credit to him. See here in effect, the visi­ons and miracles of Ignace, nothing inferiour to those that are spoken of in the Gospels, and in the Acts of the Apostles, nay rather in some points, far exceeding them.

To make vs way to Paradice, we passe through the Sacrament of Baptisme, & when our Sauiour was bap­tized by Saint Iohn the Baptist, at his comming out of the water, he saw the heauens open, and the holy Ghost descending in the shape of a Doue, and resting vpon his head, and therewithall, a voice was heard, Thou art my deere sonne in whō I am well pleased. When Ignace de­uised to open a way to his company, he saw God the Fa­ther & Iesus Christ his son, who said to him, Go in peace, for I wil take thy part in the citie of Rome. Whē the ho­ly Ghost was represented by the shape of a bird, it was inough: but me thinks it is more, that Ignace saw God the Father, and God the Son also, in his proper body. Ie­sus Christ was tempted but once, one maner of way by [Page]the diuel: Ignace twice tempted diuersly, & by very per­swasiue speech. Iesus Christ fasted fortie daies in the wil­dernes without meat or drink: Ignace fasted only seuen daies, & to counterpoize the rest of Christs fasting, he disciplind himself thrice a day, & spent seuen houres of the day vpon his knees in praier. The man whom our Sauiour singled out for a chosen vessel to himselfe, was S. Paule: when he wrought his conuersion, he appeared not to him, but assaulted him only with sharpe speeches, Saul, Saul, why dost thou persecute me? and he was three daies blind, & did neither eate nor drink. This miracle is nothing in comparison of Ignace, whose soule was caried into heauen, where he saw the Trinitie in three persons, and one essence: and after that, was in a traunce seuen whole daies together, without sight, meat, or drinke. Beside all this, he had one thing in particular shewed to him (beyond all that is spoken of in the olde Testament) he saw the tooles God himselfe occupied when he fashi­oned & fitted this great frame of the world: A blessing neuer bestowed vpon any man, but Ignace. All we con­fesse the transubstantiation of the body and bloud of Christ in the Sacramēt of the Alter: a matter we cannot see with bodily eies, but by the eies of faith. Ignace herein passed vs all, when at the eleuation of the host, he saw Ie­sus Christ there, God & man. I leaue the shaking of the house where he was, by an earth quake, like vnto that of Paule and Silas. I omit many other visions, specified by me heretosore; and credit me, when I had read ouer Ri­badiner, I found nothing in his sir-name and his booke, but baldarie. And as for Maffee, I thinke he is transfor­med into Morpheus, which presents sundry shadowes to men a sleepe.

I doubt not, but that God was able to worke all these miracles by Ignace, and much greater to, if it had so plea­see him: he is the same God now that he was in the A­postles daies: God without beginning, and without [Page 60]end: but that he hath done any such thing, I [...]tterly de­nie, and auouch these to be blasphemous impostures, dropt by the Druell himselfe out of the pennes of two Iesuits, to snare simple people with their cursed super­stition. I will make this matter cleare and euident. The most pregnant proofes of all are those, which we call presumptions of law and of fact, which arise out of ma­nie particularities, when they meet together, and when they do not agree with them, this is to deceiue, against the common sence and vnderstanding of the people. The greatest iudgement that euer was giuen, was that of Salomen, betweene the true and the supposed mother, for which hee was called Salomon the wise, yet was this grounded vpon presumption. For my part, I thinke I haue greater presumptious than that Salo­mon had, to proue, that the pretended visions, where­with these two hypocrites bleare your eyes, are mists and illusions.

I will make this matter manifest, and omit the scruple tucht by me before, that the writers hereof be Iesuits: no, this is not the point whereupon I meane to rest. I could be content to tell you, that I make no reckoning of Maffee. He hath written so, therefore it is true, I denie it; & desire to be enformed who told it him: and I will shew you my reason hereafter. The reason is, be­cause in the historie, I build more vpon Ribadiner, who saith he was in his young yeeres in Ignace company at Rome, and that whatsoeuer he reports: he heard it of Lewes Gonsalua, to whom Ignace imparted it a yeere be­fore he died.

Therefore this honest man the Iesuit, might well speake of all those things which Ignace did at Rome, af­ter he was chosen Generall of their order, and of that which fell out before. I should be a scrupulous gaine­sayer, if I should say, that you may not beleeue Ribadiner, when he tels you, Gonsalua spak it: neither is Gonsalua, if [Page]he were aliue, any Saint, but such as for whom we keepe no holy-day, although he auouch he heard all these tales of Loyola. I will tread all these matters vnder foot, I do beleeue that Ribadiner heard it of Gonsalua, and Gonsal­ua, receiued the newes of all these miracles from Ig­nace. Let vs now giue credit to Ignace in his own cause, for none but he can say, that Saint Peter appeard to him first, and then the Virgin Marie, that he was two seuerall times visibly tempted of the diuell: that he saw the Trinitie in heauen, Christ Iesus in flesh and bodie in the host, the soule of Hozius his companion caried to heauen, that God shewed him how he made the world, that Christ promised him to assist him in Rome: all this rests vpon Ignace onely, none but he can giue vs testi­mony of it, and this makes me say, that if we should be­leeue it, we were verie heauie headed.

If I were to rest vpon this point, I should haue inough to prooue you ought neither to receiue nor reiect all these miracles, but I will proceed. When I asquier plea­ded the cause, one of the fairest parts of it was that, with which he stoutly chalenged the Iesuits, to choake him with any one miracle that euer Ignace wrought: he said, that all the holy Fathers, Saint Benet, Saint Dominic, Saint Frances, and others, confirmed their new orders by many miracles done by them, as we read in their Le­gends: but not any one could be found done by Ignace. I haue deliuerd you that passage, word for word, wher­in he spake of Postles impiety. Ignace was dead eight yeeres before this was pleaded. After his death, all ha­tred towards him ceased, when men talked of his mi­racles; for we cannot speake so freely of the liuing. This cause was prolonged seuen moneths and more, both in the Vniuersity of Paris, and in the Court of Parliament, when they stood vpon the maine making or marring of their order. Iames Laniez, companion & successor of Ig­nace in his generalship, either knew these things, or ought [Page 61]to know them, and leasure and time inough had he to certifie. Neuerthelesse, in all Ʋersoris Plea, there is not one word spoken of visions or miracles. A signe, that these lies, were new coyned by these Papelards after the cause was pleaded. Put this to it, that all the visions Maf­fee and Ribadiner reckon vp, hapned in Spaine, before Ignace either had the Popes blessing, or his order was allowed. And that after hee was chosen Generall, you shall not find in these two Iesuiticall Priests, any vi­sion shewed him from heauen, nor any miracle done while he liued, nor after his death: yet if any miracle came from him, of force it must be either then when the holy Sea confirmed him, or after. In Rome, you see Ignace his forecast was good,Turs. lib. 5. ca. 16. to bring a new ty­rannie into our old religion, but no marke of miracles at all. And why thinke you? because all his visions hapned to him in Spaine, two of them onely excepted, which he had in Italie, in corners: but neither durst he, nor his ministers, broach so grosse matters in Rome. I speake expresly of Rome, where,

Will you haue me lay this imposture open to your eies, by some other issuing from the same root? Among the cōpanions or disciples of Ignace, there was one Fran­ces Xauier, appointed by him to go to the Indies at the request of King Iohn of Portugall. Ribadiner wrote his historie, onely vpon report of the countrie, as the farther a Iesuit goes, the louder he lies: so Horace Tursellin, com­ming after the rest, reflects vpon his companion, with great increase and interest. For neuer did our Sauiour Christ while he was vpon the earth, nor after his ascen­tion, nor Saint Peter, not Saint Paule, worke so great mi­racles as Xauier did in the Indies. He was a Prophet that foretold thē things to com, he did read means thoughts,Turs. lib. 6. ca. 1. Turs. lib. 2. cap. 18. he made the crooked to go vpright, the dumb to speake, the deafe to heare, he cured the leapers, he rid the sicke [Page]of their diseases when the Phisitians had giuen them o­uer: saying but a Creed, or a Gospel ouer men, he had a facultie to raise the dead. For in the seuenth Chapter of his second booke, he finds, that he had raised six: ano­ther time, vpon his returne from Iappon, spying one of his companions laid out vpon the Bere, and ready to be put into the ground, he restored him to life againe, as he had done a Pagans daughter.Turs. lib. 4. cap. 3. But the grace of the tale is, that she returning on foot, knew Xauier, and told her father, this was the man, that had puld her soule backe againe out of hell. And that which was neuer heard of before in our religiō,Turs. lib. 4. cap. 7. & lib. 5. cap. 7. he cōuerted many people by Mediators and Interpretors. Likewise, he wrought many miracles by the ministerie of others, namely, by such as scarce had any knowledge of our Church. For after he had Baptized and Catechized little infants,Turs. lib. 2. ca. 7. he gaue them his beads, wherewith the ficke being tou­ched, they recouered health. Being at Meliopora, there was a rich Citizen possessed with many diuels, Xauier was intreated to go to him, but hauing other busines, he sent a little child to him with a crosse, which being laid vpon the possessed, and a Gospel said ouer him, in such manner as Xauier had commaunded, presently all the di­uels were cast out, very much angred, that they were eiec­ted by such a one as was yet but a nouice in Christianity. Hoc magis indignantes (saith the author) quod per puerum pellebantur, Lib. 2. ca. 7. & eum Neophylum. Another time it fell out so, that being requested to helpe one that was posses­sed, because he could not goe himselfe in person, he put some little children in commission, teaching them their lesson what they should do, and putting a crosse in their hands. These came to the possessed, whom they made to kisse the Crosse, according to their direction, saying certaine prayers ouer him, vvhich they had learned by heart, and presently, as well by the faith of these little brats, as by Xauiers, the diuell went out of the man, but [Page 62]he was reuenged on him at the last: For when Xauier was vpon his knees before the Virgin Marie, the diuell so scracht him by the backe, & belly, that the poore man had none to flie vnto but the Virgin, crying vnto her: Domina opitulare, Domina non opitulaberis? And after this, was constraind to keepe his bedde vntil his skinne was healed.

I omit a great many particulars, that I may come to other of Xauiers miracles, as well in his life as in his death: for departing this life at Siues, his bodie was rold vp in quicke lime, that beeing speedily consumed, it might not putrifie: neuerthelesse, being sixe moneths after caried to the Towne of Goa, where he lieth, hee was found to looke as fresh and sound, as when he liued.Lib. 5. ca. 12. After he was brought to this Towne, there was a waxe Candle of a cubit long, placed at the foote of his Tombe, which burnt two and twentie daies, and as many nights, and was not wasted. A man that neuer saw further then the length of his owne nose, hauing got so much fauour of the Priests, as to open him Xa­uiers Tombe, tooke the dead mans hand and rubbed his eies with it, and presently recouered his sight.Lib. 5. ca. 4. Many other miracles were done by his dead corps: But I find none so famous as these two: for one of his Disciples, hauing stollen away the whip wherewith he beat him­selfe, and a woman called Marie Sarra did cut of a peece of his girdle, which she wrought into siluer, and wore it about her necke, these two deuout persons, cu­red an infinite number of all sorts of diseases, by the bare touch of these two reliques.

All these miracles were done in the Indies, and ma­ny other moe if you beleeue Tursellin. After the appro­bation of their order, Xauier was not to be compared in sanctitie with Ignace, his Superiour and first foun­der of that societie being inspired with the holy Ghost, although not in so great measure as the Apostles were, [Page](saith the wisedome of Fon.) And all visions ceased in him, that day that his order was allowed, and he sea­ted in Rome; but contrariwise, they budded a fresh in Xauier: what causeth this difference? I will tell you: If Ignace had set downe his staffe in the Indies, and Xauier abode in Rome, Ignace had wrought many mi­racles, and Xauier none, for in these cases, it is a great deale better cheape to beleeue them, then to trauell from place to place, to enquire whether they be true or no.

All these stories, are in verie deed such, as by common prouerbe we call old wiues fables, that is to say, fit to be told to simple women, when they sit spinning by the fire side. One Iustinian, a Iesuit in Rome, called Father Iustinian, counterfeited himselfe to be leaprous, to make his cure miraculous: Againe, he would haue made men beleeue, that being shot with a Pistoll through his gar­ment, the bullet rebounded backe againe from his body, without hurt, and so by the wonderful grace of God, he was not wounded. These matters were beleeued by the simple people at the first, but after they were found to be false, this marred the whole roast of the Iesuits cookerie in Rome, for when they did speake of a facer out of matters, and an Imposter, they were woont to call him, a second Iustinian the Iesuit.

It may be you will iudge it straunge. I tell you, we need not looke into Spaine, nor the Indies for their forgeries, sith of late yeeres they bruted it abroad in Fraunce, that Theodore Beza was dead, and that at his death, he was conuerted to our Catholique Apostolique Romane Religion, by one of their companie: by whose example, many Citizens of Geneua had done the like, through the trauels of the Iesuits. We tooke it to be true a while, but after that Beza was knowne to be risen againe, hee wrote certaine French and Latine Let­ters, by which he conuinced their impudencie. What a [Page 63]mint of fables will they haue in strange countries, which euen in the midst of vs, feare not to feede vs with such bables?

Last of all, to make the matter plaine, what notable lyers Maffee and Ribadiner are, (for as I begunne with them, so will I end,) Ribadiner shewes vs one Ignace in Spaine, who all vppon the suddaine hauing abandoned the world, caesariem elegantem habebat, Rib. lib. 1. capit. 5. solutam et impexā reliquit, vngues et barbam excrescere sunt. He had a fayre head of haire, which he layd out loose & vnkempt, fla­ring in the wind; he neither cut his beard, nor pared his nayles. Looke vpon his picture in the beginning of Ri­badiners booke, there is nothing so slick as hee, neyther his locks, nor his beard, nor his nailes growne. You may imagin by this, what is in the rest of al theyr bookes. And to say the truth, when I see Maffee, Ribadiner, and Tur­celline, bestow so good Latine vpon such lying matter, it makes me remember our old Romants, of Piers Forrest, Lancelot Dulac, Tristram of Lyons, and other aduentu­rous Knights of the Round-table, which had all strooke hands in amitie, and sworne reciprocally on to another: in honour of whom, many gallant pennes haue been set a work to make idle tales, in as good French as that time afforded. In like manner haue these three Iesuits writ­ten, not a historie, but a Romant full of fables, touching the life of Ignace & his fellowes, all wandering Knights of the trauailing Robe, linked together in a band of in­dissoluble societie; it is fit that euery thing should haue his turne.

CHAP. 18. ¶ Of Ignace his Machiauelismes, vsed to set his Sect a floate.

WHen the Aduocate had ended his dis­course, the Gentleman said to him. You may iudge what you will of those two that haue written the life of Ignace, if you can perswade me, that our age neuer af­forded a brauer man, nor more fit to make a new sect then he, I will take no exceptions to Is­maell the Persian Sophie. When I speake of a sect, I be­seech you my Maisters be not you offended: for I take the word in his natiue signification, for such a forme of life and discipline, as in old time was attributed to the Philosophers. I see three men combined by the myste­rie of our time, Martin Luther, a Germane, Iohn Caluin, a French man, and Ignace de Loyola, a Spaniard, all three great men, I will not speake of the doctrine of the two former, which I condemne; yet neither was Luther nor Caluin, so great as Loyola.

The first, made an vproare in all Germanie: the se­cond, so troubled Fraunce, that there was no safety for him but in Geneua: & the last, hath made a pudder, not onely in Spaine, and the prouinces depending vpon that Kingdome, but in many other Nations also. And that which is more admirable, the two former, got their cre­dit with their pen, and the last, by writing nothing. For as you your selfe haue truly discoursed, Ignace was aboue thirty yeeres of age before hee learned his Accedence. Long before this time, he compiled three books in Spa­nish, one of them was intituled, Spirituall exercises: ano­ther, was of the Trinitie, and the third, was of the life of Iesus Christ, the virgin Marie, and some of the Saints: neuerthelesse, hee did wisely to stop the breath of those [Page 64]bookes againe betimes, hee knewe well the weakenes of the stile, and with what broken timber they were built. Luther and Caluin were brought vp, the one in a Mona­sterie, the other in Colledges, where they began to push at the chiefe Gouernours of the Church of Rome, and scholler-like spent their time, in contentious wits and writers. Loyola, borne of a noble familie, in his youth trai­ned vp in a great Kings court, drew his busines to a head very Gentleman-like. For beeing desirous to continue the newe tyrannie which he had plotted, in sted of wri­ting, which happily might be confuted, he drew all out of heauen, that no body might speake against it.

Doe not you remember, that Minos King of Creete, going about to make new lawes to his subiects, perswa­ded them that he had conferd with Iupiter: Lycurgus in Sparta, with Apollo: Numa Pompilius in Rome, with the Nymph Aegeria: and Sertorius, to purchase the more authoritie with his souldiours, said he was familiar with a Doe, as if one of theyr imaginarie Gods had beene transformed into her. These are the Machiauellismes of which the old world was deliuered before Machiauell was borne. And there be a great many Machiauells a­mong vs at this day, who neuer read his bookes; I think the same deuises glided through the soule of this great Ignace, & I assure my selfe, that hee reckned vp to Lewes Gonsalua before he died, (for so Ribadiner tell vs) all his visions of God, of the virgine Marie, of S. Peter, and of our sauiour Iesus Christ, promising him all the helpe he could to further him at Rome; whereby hee grew in hope that in time to come, all the Generals his succes­sors, should become the highest Commaunders.

And that which makes mee wonder more, is a matter I will now acquaint you with. We read, that when Au­gustus had lockt himselfe fast into the saddle of the Ro­mane Empire, yet tenne yeeres after, to auoyd all enuie, he counterfeited before the Senate, that he would giue [Page]vp his gouernment, betake himselfe to a priuate life, and lay aside all that imperiall maiestie which he had gotten: hee was much hindred herein, by the humble sute of all the Senators his slaues; and thus by the consent of all the chiefe Rulers of the Cittie, he held without feare or ielo­sie, the extraordinary power hee had got into his hands ouer that state.

Ignace had the like conceit of his Generalship: for when he had gouernd tenne yeeres, or there about, with absolute authoritie, hee called together the greatest part of the Fathers the Iesuits at Rome, and before the whole assembly, desired them to dispence with him in the go­uernment heereafter, because the charge was too hea­uie for his shoulders: But they with all meekenesse, commending his modestie, denied him his request, as a matter very preiudiciall to theyr Order. And contrari­wise, they entrated him to take care of theyr constitu­tions,Rib. lib. 4. capit. 2. to augment, or diminish, or qualifie them as hee thought good. From that day, he tooke the reines into his hand, to commaund them in such maner as you see: but hee would not haue his statuts publisht, before they were confirmed by a generall meeting. Meane while, he left a writing in a little coffer, in manner of a Iournall, how things passed betweene the holy Ghost and him, and the visions set downe, where-with hee was inspired when he made his constitutions.

These remembrances were found after his death, and with great wonderment presented to the generall con­gregation held at Rome, in the yeere 1558. where all that he had ordred was cōsidered of, and frō thence pas­sed through the hands of theyr Printers and Stationers. You blame Ignace in your discourse, for all his appariti­ons, & you say they were impostures contriued by him, vpon which ground his societie hath coyned manie fa­bles. Pardon mee, I pray you, for you iudge of these matters like a Punie, not like a Statesman. I tell you a­gaine, [Page 65]I doubt not but that Ignace hath told you all his visions, whereof he himselfe alone was witnesse. But when? Not in the flower of his age, when he was in ac­tion; but when sicknes and age had broken him, and he saw himselfe at the graues brinke; perswading himselfe, there could be no better meane to establish his order af­ter his death, and confirme his statutes, then to feede them, not with these holy, but rather fained illuminati­ons, which he opposed without printing of Bookes, a­gainst all Martin Luthers & Iohn Caluins vaine disputes and Ergoes. Was there euer playd a brauer, a wiser, and a bolder pranke then this?

CHAP. 19. ¶ The conclusion of the first booke.

THe Gentleman had scarce ended his dis­course, but the Aduocate answered. You and I will enter the List together to fight it out. For all that Maffee and Ribadiner haue written of Ignace, is false, & all that you haue said is true. That which I haue spokē hetherto, is by way of an introduction to the sport, I am determi­ned to shew you now what theyr vowes be, which I will proue to be stuffed with erronious and hereticall doc­trine, and an infinite mingle mangle of Machiauellismes and Anabaptistries, vvhich time hath measht toge­ther.

The Aduocate prepared himselfe to goe forward, not remembring that it was high mid-night, then said the Gentleman: If you haue any such purpose, it is best to deferre it vntill to morrow morning, the night is farre spent, and you my Maisters (my new guests) are wearied with your iourney, & you in particular my good friend, (quoth he to the Aduocate) are tired with talking, and we with hearing. I arest you all, you are nowe my pri­soners, [Page]and thinke not that I will let you go to mor­row: let vs take a little truce with our eyes, our tongues, our eares, and our thoughts, me thinks this discourse de­serues to be prosecuted with a fasting wit: it were fit, it should not be taken vpon a sudden, but that you should pause vpon this which is already spoken, if sleep will suffer you. Neuer yet was good Aduocate, how well soeuer he were prouided for a great cause, agree­ued to haue put it off to another day, that he might be better furnisht: and I think you neuer spake to a matter of more importance then this.

The Gentlemans aduice was taken, and euerie man retyred him into his chamber, vntill seuen of the clocke in the morning, then euerie one hauing been at Church to render vnto God, not what euerie man is bound, but what euerie man was able to performe: the whole com­panie met in the Hal. The Gentleman gaue his seruants straight commaundement, that none of them should be so hardie as to interrupt them, whatsoeuer busines fell out. Now let vs go on with our tale (quoth he) for we cannot doe a better deed then this: but vpon this con­dition, that in our speech, we raile vpon no bodie. We may not easily be drawen to persecute so harmelesse a companie, as many men take the Iesuits to be.

The Aduocate promised to deale honestly herein, protesting againe that he would not speake for any par­ticular grudge he bare them, but for the common good of all men. And to make it so appeare to you (quoth he) I leaue all affectation, and flowers of Rheto­rique, wherewith men of my profession vse to grace their speech. I will read those passages plainely to you, vpon which, all that I intend to doe, is groun­ded; and if anie man will put any better stuffe to it when I haue done, I giue him leaue. For the best Art I obserue, is to shew no Art at all. But sith the Iesuits do now sue for a re-establishment of them in [Page 66]Fraunce, I will begin with that, that toucheth vs neerest. The Aduocate hauing in one of his Portmantewes all the Buls, and constitutions, that concerne the Iesuits, and many other bookes of like argument, as well with them, as against them, he laid them forth vpon a greene Carpet, thus as he had done the night before, so procee­ded he now to verifie his speech. Let vs see him play his part vpon the stage.

CHAP. 1. ¶ That our Church of Fraunce, and the Sect of the Iusuits, cannot stand together.

LEt vs tread all choller vnder foote, (saith the Aduocate) not as if it were not verie fit to be angry with heresie, yea and to sleep vpon that anger, but because chol­ler sometimes besots vs, & makes vs faile in the duties of our vnderstanding. The Iesuits desire to be setled againe in Paris, where-into they entred at the first like Foxes, and afterward, fild themselues like raue­ning beasts with the blood of the French: and yet, if their order haue any possibilitie of agreement vvith our Church of Fraunce, let vs forget all the miseries and ca­lamities, that haue been brought vpon vs by their means in our last troubles; and let vs not enuie thē their aboade in the principall Cittie of Fraunce. It is no small aduan­tage for them, that would plant and spread a new religi­on, to be placed in the chiefe Cittie of a kingdome, by the authority of the soueraigne Magistrate.

They cast in our way two great words, to stoppe our mouth altogether; the name of Iesus, to which euerie knew must bow, and the name of the Pope, which wee must receiue with all submission and honour. But to whom doe they sell theyr trash? Are wee any other but followers of Iesus? Are we any other then the children of the holy Sea?

1. All of vs acknowledge, by a common and generall faith, that we are a part & portion of the church of Iesus, by the merit of his passion, euer since that we haue been regenerat by the holy sacrament of Baptisme.

They, by an arrogant name applyed, entitle them­selues and their sect,Conference at Poissy, 1561. Act of parliamēt in the same yeere. the societie of Iesus: a title forbid­den them, both by our Church of Fraunce, and by the Court of Parliament at Paris, in the yeere 1561.

2. Wee in this country of Fraunce, auow with all hu­militie and readines, our holy Father the Pope, as Pri­mate, but not as prince of all Churches. In this fayth we liue and die vnder him, renewing the oath of allegiance, from the day of our baptisme, to the day of our death.

Part 7. of their const. c. 1. arti. 2.The Iesuit, as a vassaile peculiar aboue others, ac­knowledges him for his prince, to whom hee specially renewes the oath of his allegeance, at the change of eue­rie Pope.

3. Our church of Fraunce holds, that our holy father the Pope, is vnder a generall & oeconomicall counsell: so we haue learned of our great diuine Gerson: so of the councell of Constance: and so, when in former times a­ny decree came out from his holines, to the preiudice of our Kings, or their realme, our auncestors appeald from it, to a generall Councell to be held afterward.

Cap. Noui de iudie. ext. cap. ad Apostolicae de re iudie. capit. vnam san [...]tam de maior. et obed.The Iesuit maintaines a cleane contrarie opinion, & that in the same sort as the courtiers of Rome doe.

4 With what dissimulation soeuer the Iesuit cloakes his writings now a dayes, hee acknowledgeth the Pope prince of all kingdoms, as well in matters temporall as spirituall, because the Popes haue acknowledgd them­selues for such, in their decretall sentences, and namely, of late, in their Bull of the great Iubile, publisht for the yeere 1600. S. Peter and S. Paule, whose successors they are called, princes of the earth: if the Iesuite doubt of this article, he is an hereticke in his sect.

Our church of Fraunce, neuer belieued that the Pope [Page 68]had any power, ouer the temporal estate of our Kings.

Looke the chap. of this book, where wee entreat of blindfold obedience.5 The Iesuit obayes the Pope, by an obedience which he calls blindfold: a proposition of a hard consequence for the King, and all his subiects.

A proposition also which we obserue not, but stoutly improue in our Church of Fraunce.

6 By an auncient tradition, which wee hold as it were frō hand to hand frō the Apostles, euery Dioces hath his Bishop, ouer whō it is not lawful to vsurp any authority.

Bellam. lib. 1. de indulg. cap. 11.The whole sect of the Iesuits, is nothing els but a gene­rall infringing of the authoritie of Archb. and Bish: yea the hold, that the Bishop hath no other iurisdiction or power, then that which he holds of the Pope.

7 The administring of the word of God, and of the Sacra. appertaines principally to the Archb. & Bishop: after, to the Curats within their parishes, & to none o­ther, except a man haue permission of some of them within their charges.

By the Buls of 1540. & 1550.The Iesuit giues to himselfe, full power to preach the word of God, and to administer the holy sacrament of Pennance and the Eucharist, wheresoeuer it please him, to the preiudice of the Ordinaries.

8 Only the B. in his dioces, can dispence with the vse of meats forbidden, according as necessitie requires.

The Buls of Iulius the 3. 1552.The Iesuit acknowledges herein, none but the Supe­riors of his order.

9 We admit not to the order of priest-hood, any that are borne in adultery or incest.The Buls of Paule the 3. 1546.

The Iesuit admits them without difference.

10 By our ancient canonicall constitutions, Church­men may not say Masse but before noone.

The Buls of Paule the 3. 1545.The Iesuit may sing Masse after none▪ if it please him.

11 Our priests are forbidden to say Masse any where but in our Churches, except for the succouring of them that are sick, and that by the permission of the Curat.

The Iesuit may make a particular oratory within his [Page]house, and in all places where soeuer he comes: & there say Masse, and haue an Altar to carry about with him.

12 One of the auncientest parts of deuotion, that we haue in our Church,Te [...]t. lib. 2. ad v [...]o [...]em. Sib. Apul. lib. 5. epist. are the Processions, for euen Ter­tullian makes mention of them: and we find, that Ma­mercus Bishop of Vienna, brought in the Rogation, which wee obserue euery yeere, in the weeke of the As­cention of our Lord Iesus Christ.

The Puls of [...] 13. 1576.The Iesuit, doth not onely disalow of them, but main­taines that they are forbidden him.

13 We celebrate Anniuersaries in our Church, in the remembrance of them, that lately bestowed any goods on vs by way of almes,

The Iesuit receiues a pace what soeuer almes are gi­uen him to this end;Part 6. of th [...]r const. ca. 3. art. 6. but yet he admits not of the Anni­uersaries, nor the Obits.

14 We haue in our Church, a certaine place neer the Altar, which we call the Quire, where our priests say di­uine seruice,Part 6. cōst. ca. 3. art. 4. I [...]b. lib. 3. cap. 22. The bull of Gre. the 13 [...]. of Octo. 1576. apart from the common people.

The Iesuit hath no such place.

15 We say our canonicall houres aloude in our chur­ches, of ordinary, that euery man may pertake thereof.

The Iesuit is not bound, but that he may say them in a low voyce.

16 As our country of Fraunce hath alwaies abounded in deuotion aboue all other Nations; so it hath had spe­ciall priuiledge of God, that all the heads of religious or­ders, that haue been graffed vpō the ancient orders of S. Austin & S. Benet, haue vowed theyr perpetuall houses amongst vs French men: as the orders of Clugnie, the Cistercians, the Premonstratenses, and Gramont.

There is neuer an order but that of the Charter-house Monks,The Plea of the Kings Aduocate of M [...]n [...]l. whose General hath not taken his habit in Dau­phine. And if there be any that make not their abode there, at the least they come often times to visit their sheep in this our countrey of Fraunce. Besides that, the [Page 69]Generals of the Iesuits haue vowed their abode within Rome, neuer any of them is seene to come into Fraunce to visit theirs: so little of any French nature haue they in them.

17 We receiue no Prouincials in France, of what re­ligious order soeuer they be, vnlesse they be Frenchmen.

The Generall of the Iesuits sends vs such, as it pleases him: A Marchandize that cost vs deere in our last troubles.

18 We in our Church of Fraunce, allow of no religi­ous persons, which vow themselues to the saying of Di­uine seruice in the Church, but such as weare their habits and other monasticall weeds, assigned to them by re­uerend antiquitie.

There is no difference betwixt the habit of a Secular Priest, and a Priest Iesuit.

19 We haue alwaies confin'd our religious men with­in the cloisters; as well, that there they might lead a soli­tary life, as also, that they might serue them for walkes, and refreshings, after their studies.

The Iesuit should haue wrongd his greatnes, if he had conformd himselfe to the fashions of other orders.

20 After that our religious men haue made the three ordinarie and substantiall vowes, of Pouertie, Chastitie, and Obedience, they may not returne to the world, to follow againe their former course of life, no not with the consent of their Abbots.

The Iesuits, hauing added to the simple vow of Ie­suitisme,Greg. 13. Bull. 1584. after the two yeeres of their Nouiceship, the three vowes common to all religious orders; may not­withstanding, be turnd ouer to the world againe by their Generall, whensoeuer it pleaseth him.

21 Our religious persons, after they haue made those three vowes, are vncapable of all kinds of suc­cession.

The Iesuit as long he continues in his simple vow,Greg. 13. Bull. 1584. [Page]may enioy any of them, as if he had not at all giuen ouer the world.

22 No man enters into other orders of religion, but with an intent to studie, that he may in time be pre­ferred to the order of Priesthood.

The Iesuit receiueth men into his order, vnder the name of temporal coadiutors, which make profession of ignorance, and are neuer admitted into holy orders.

23 All other religous persons, haue certain daies, wherin they keep extraordinary fasts & abstaine from meat, which daies are not cōmon for fasting to the rest of the people. The Iesuits, though from their verie entrance they take the name of religious persons,Rib. lib. 3. ca. 22. yet at no hand obserue any such day.

24 The auncient ordinances of our Kings, Charles, 5.6.7. admit no principals of Colledges that are straun­gers, and borne without the Realme, vnlesse at the least they be made denezens.

The General of the Iesuits establisheth in the Colled­ges of his order such Rectors and Principals, as pleaseth him, without respect whether they be French, or no.

25 In our religious orders, the religious are not suffered to read Lectures of humane learning, to any but those of their owne order.

The Iesuit reads to all goers and commers.

The Bull of Pius 4. 156126 The degree of Maisters of Arts, is not giuen with vs to any religious person, but onely the Doctership of diuinitie, if they be fit for it.

The Iesuit takes the degree of Maisters of Arts, as well as of Doctor of Diuinitie.Bull of Pius 2. 1552. and Pius 4. 1571. Pius 4. Bull 1556. Greg. 13. Bull in May. 1573.

27 The order, that we obserue in our Vniuersities, is, that the Bishop is the chiefe Iudge: and for this cause, in euerie Cathedrall Church, where there is an Vniuersitie, to whom there is also a Chauncellor of the Vniuersitie, to whom there is a Prebend annexed, which giues the degrees of Bachilers, Licentiats, Maisters, and Doctors, after [Page 70]the disputations and publike trials made, in the places of old herevnto appointed.

The Iesuit is ignorant of this forme: he must haue a stable by himselfe. At the first, the Generall made Mai­sters and Doctors of his absolute power: afterward, these degrees were takē by the authority of the Prouincial, vpō examination by 2. or 3. deputed by him to that purpose.

28 Yea more then that, in this our country of France, no man may receiue the degree of Maister or Doctor, but in famous Vniuersities. The Iesuit, turning topsie turuy all our ancient discipline, may make Ma. of Arts,Pius 4. 1561. and Doctors of Diuinity, wheresoeuer they haue Col­ledges, though they be not in any Vniuersitie.

29 In al alienations of the Church goods, which depēd vpon Bishopricks or Abbies, the communalty must as­semble thēselues togither with the cōsent of their heads, to contract, & afterward, the authority of the superiour must concurre; who must depute a Promoter as he that is proctor for the good of the Church: al which is done, to discusse & examine, whether it be fit that such aliena­tion be made. To the alienation of the goods of the Ie­suits,Pius 5. 1568 Cōst. par. 9. cap. 3. art. 5. there is nothing required, but the will and absolute power of the Generall, without any other ceremonie.

In their first confer. Ge­n rall. 1558. Greg. 13.18. Decemb. 1576. Pius 4. 1561. 19. Art. Monta. in his boo [...]e of the truth defended. cap. 15. Pellar. de translamp. Montaign. Chap. 15.30 Our kings receiue a subsidie of beneuolence, from the churches of their Realme, which we cal Tenths.

If you will giue credit to the Iesuits priuiledges, they are exempted from it.

31 Our kings may not be excommunicated by the Popes, as we will proue in his place.

This rule is charged to be vntrue by the Iesuits.

32 It is not in the Popes power to transsate our Realm to whom it pleases him, for default of obedience to him, as I hope also I shall proue. The Iesuit maintains for­mally, that the Pope according to the occasiōs of matters, may transfer, not onely kingdomes, but the Empire also, And to the end I may file on a row other propositions, [Page]wherein they contradict vs.

33 Cleargie men may not be iudged by a Secular Iudge,Bellar. de exem. Cler. cap. 1. Propo. 3. Propo. 4. Propo. 5. although they kept not ciuill lawes.

34 A Cleargie mans goods, both ecclesiasticall, and temporall, are free from tributs to secular Princes.

35 The exemption of Cleargie men in matters po­liticke, as well for their persons, as their goods, was brought in both by humane and diuine law.

That which I will certifie to you in my speech fol­lowing, is, the doctrine of Emanuel, a Doctor of Diuiniy, a Iesuit of Antwerp, in his Aphorismes of confession; wherein, as he declares in his Epistle by way of preface, he laboured 40. whole yeeres: and sets downe his vn­doubted propositions of confession, by order of Al­phabet.

36 A Cleargie mans family, is of the same Court with himselfe.

37 A Cleargie mans goods, may be confiscated by an ecclesiasticall Iudge, in such cases as a Lay-man may be so punisht by the law.

38 A Cleargie man may not be punisht by a Secu­lar Iudge, for a false testimonie giuen before him.

39 A Clergie man being smitten by on of the Laitie, may sue him before an ecclesiasticall Iudge.

40 A Cleargie man may vse the custome and statute of Lay-men for his owne profit. His meaning is, that the custome binds him not, vnlesse it please himselfe.

41 A Bishop may constraine men vpon paine of ex­communication, to bring in the Testaments of the dead, and see they be executed.

42 A Bishop may charge a benefice, which hee be­stowes, with a yeerely pension for the maintaining of a poore scholler, or Clarke.

43. A woman is not vsually to haue succession in Fee.

44. A Cleargie man dying intestate, and hauing no [Page 71]kinred, the Church which he serued, must be his heire: but now perhaps, the chamber of the Apostolique Sea inherits.

45. A prisoner going to execution, is not bound to confesse that, which before he vntruly denied, vnlesse otherwise some great harme may ensue.

46. A prisoner is not to be compelled by his confes­sor to confesse his fault.

All which Propositions, directly derogate from those, which we obserue by the common law of Fraunce. And yet, that which is more mischieuous & intolerable, is that which he hath in two other Articles written in this sort.

47 The rebellion of a Cleargy man against his Prince, is not high treason, because he is not subiect to the Prince.

48 If a Priest in confession, haue intelligence of some great daunger intended to the state, it is sufficient to giue a generall warning to take heed. He also against whom euill is intended, may be warned to take heed to himselfe, at such a place and time, so that the penitent be not in daunger to be discouered thereby.

Good God: Can we abide this order in our countrey of Fraunce? I know, that although (God be thanked) our kings were neuer tyrants, yet the Iesuits propound two Maximes, which if they should take place, eue­rie soueraigne Prince, must stand to the mercie of his people.

49 A King may be deposed by the State for tyranny, and if he do not his dutie, when there is iust cause, an other may be chosen by the greater part of he people. Yet some thinke, that tyrannie onely is the cause for which he may be deposed.

50 He that gouerns tyranously, may be deposd by the peoples sentence, yea though they haue sworne per­petuall obedience to him, if being warned, he will not amend.

If these two Articles take place, there is no Prince, be he what he will, that can be assured in his estate. And I pray you suppose, that this confessionary was printed in the yeere 1589. that is to say, to confirme & autho­rize, that which was purposed against the King de­ceased, in the beginning of the yeere, when certaine ill disposed persons would haue declared him to be a ty­rant.

51. We haue in this countrey of Fraunce, an appeale, as it were a writ of Errour, of the thundring of the Apo­stolike Buls; when they are found to enterprize anie thing, eyther against the maiestie of our Kings, or against the auncient Councels, receiued and approued in our Church of Fraunce, or against the liberties thereof, or a­gainst the authoritie Royall, or Acts of the high Courts. This appeale as from the abuse, I tell you, is one of the principall sinewes of the maintenance of our estate.

The Iesuit will not acknowledge it, for many causes, which touch him neere, which I will not here dis­couer.

52 The Iesuits acknowledge none for their Iudge, but the Pope, or their General, desiring by this means, to fend vs backe againe to that old labyrinth of Rome, wherof our good Saint Bernard, complaind to Pope Eugenius in his bookes of consolation. And thereof we saw a notable example in Burdeaux, when Lager, Rec­tor of the Colledge of the Iesuits, declared that he would not obey the Maire and Iurats, who had sent for him for the preuenting of a certaine sedition: saying, that he acknowledged: them for ciuil Magistrates ouer the Bur­gesses of the Citie, but that neither they, nor any other Iudges, of what nation, qualitie, dignitie, and authority soeuer, had any power ouer their societie, but onely our holy Father the Pope, or the Generall of their order. And shall we then suffer this family to liue in the midst of vs? That were indeed to receiue in a vermine, which [Page 72]at length will gnaw out the heart of our estate, both spi­rituall and temporall.

Then said the Iesuit to the Aduocate, I will not be long in aunswering your curious collections.Sess. 25. ca. 16. de regu­lar. For a­gainst all that you haue said, I oppose in one word, the generall counsell of Trent, by which we are approued and authorized.

53 Whereto the Aduocate aunswered, I grant that you haue thirtie on your part, but we haue 45. aboue you. This Councell concerning the doctrine, is an a­bridgement of all the other auncient Councels, therfore it is in that regard, to be embrast by all deuout soules: but wholy to be reiected concerning discipline, as well Se­cular as Ecclesiasticall; as that Councell, by which our whole Realme of Fraunce would be set on fire, if it should be receiued. And they that can sent well, smell that all which was then decreed, came from the Iesuitish soules: I meane, as concerning matter of gouernment. If there were no other respect but this, ye were to be ba­nisht out of Fraunce: because we cannot allow of you, without allowing of this Councell: and the approuing of it, were to make a great breach, both into the Maie­stie of our Kings, and into the liberties of our Church of Fraunce.

CHAP. 2. ¶ That the Popes authorizing the Iesuit, at his first comming, neuer had any perswasion, that ey­ther he could, or ought to inhabit in Frannce.

WHen the Aduocate had made an end of this discourse, the Iesuit, thinking he had some great aduantage against him, began to speak thús to him. Let vs lay aside the counsell of Trent, though it be a strong fort for the confirming of our order. At [Page]the least, you cannot deny, that we are assisted with an in­finite number of the Buls of diuers Popes, Paulus and Iulius the third, Pius the fourth and fifth, and Gregorie the thriteenth: by all which, they do not onely approue vs, but gratifie vs with many great priuiledges, such as neuer were granted to any other order of religion, as you might vnderstand by me yesterday. Whereupon it fol­lowes, that you and all other, that set themselues to fight against vs, ought to be held for heretiques.

Aduoc. A great obiection forsooth: for you could not possibly fight against me with any better weapons: & I am right glad, that my whole discourse, begins, con­tinues, & ends, according to the authority of the holy sea.

The holy Sea hath approued of you, (say you) I grant it, only to pleasure you. Therefore they that allow not of your societie, are heretiques: I denie that. The Col­ledge of Diuines, and the Vniuersitie of Paris, our whole Church of Fraunce, so many societies, so many of worth and honour, made themselues parties against you, in the yeere 64. and disalowed of you: yet for all that, ye neuer heard, that they were decleard at Rome to be heretiques. Insomuch, that the Popes which authorised you, neuer thought that you were to inhabit in France. They knew that their dignitie, is the mother of vnitie in the Vni­uersall Church. They were not ignorant of the liber­ties of our Church of Fraunce, wholy contrarie to the profession of the Iesuits: and that to settle them in Fraunce, had beene to plant a huge sort of schismes and diuisions. Whereby you may perceiue the reason, why they repeald not the iudgements that had past against these goodly Maisters, as well in the conuocation of our whole Cleargie at Poisie, as in the Parliament at Paris. Following herein, by a good inspiration of God and his holy Spirit, the steps of Paulus the third, to whom when the Iesuits presented themselues at the first, fai­ning [Page 73]that they would goe into Palestine, and there settle theyr aboade for the cōuerting of the Turkes,Masf. lib. 2. capit. 3. Ribad. lib. 2. capit. 7. they were not onely fauourably entertaind by him, but, which is more, he caused money to be deliuerd to them for the defraying of the charge of theyr voyage. But when they returnd the second time, to haue a confirmation of their new determination, Pope Paule was two whole yeeres before hee could yeelde to it. And why so? Because in theyr first proiect, there was no danger to Christen­dome, but onely to themselues, that were the vnderta­kers of this matter. In the second, there was assurance for their persons, but great hazard & danger to all Chri­stendome. And after many denialls & refusals, although he suffered himselfe to be carried away by Cardinall Cō ­tarens importunitie, yet he was of opinion, that not one­ly they were not to take vp theyr dwelling in Fraunce, but not to continue in any other part of Christendome, but verie sparingly.

Howe then? Shall wee thinke that this great Pope, would leaue desolate this new Order approued by him? No truly. And if you will examine this storie aright, you will rest satisfied. If in the yeere 1539. the Iesuits had made promise of no more, but the 3. substantiall vowes of other religious orders, he would neuer haue admitted them in such a fashion as they presented themselues: Munks, who by a title appropriated to themselues, were termed of the societie of Iesus, wearing no religious ha­bite at all. Munks, that would not tie themselues to their Cloysters, there to leade a solitarie life, nor reduce them­selues to the extraordinarie abstinence from meates, and to the fasts of other religious orders. Munks, that would preach and administer the holy Sacraments, without the permission of the Bishop. For all these circumstances layd together, promise (I cannot tell what) great disso­lution, rather then edification.

What then prouokt him to receiue them? First, their [Page]vow of absolute obedience to the holy Sea: afterward, that of their Mission: by which Ignace and his compa­nions promised, that when soeuer they should be com­maunded by the Popes, they would goe into all heathen Countries, to dispeople them (as it were) of Idolatry, & to plant Christianitie in them. They were a company of Argonautes, which promised to embarque themselues, not to goe conquer the golden Fleece, like [...]ason, but to transport abroade, the fleece of the Paschall Lambe, vn­der the ensigne of Iesus.

A goodly profession doubtlesse, in fauour whereof, Pope Paulus suffred these newe pilgrims, which tooke the crosse for the glorifying of the Name of Iesus, to terme themselues the societie of Iesus, to weare the ha­bits of Priests, not of Munks, not to shut themselues vp in Cloysters, to minister the word of God, and the holy sacramēts, one with another: for as much as they vowed themselues to the conquest of those Countries, wherein there were no Bishops not Curats: a conquest to be made, not with materiall armes, but only with spirituall. Send them to the new found Lands, according as they promisd to goe, neuer was there order in greater request then this, prouided, that they acquit themselues of their promise, not by word, but effect. Transplant them into the midst of the Christian Churches, & especially of this our Church of Fraunce, in sted of order, you shall make disorder, of as dangerous a consequence, as the sect of the Lutherans.

And that no man may thinke I make fantasticall and idle discourses, in the Bull of the yere 1540, repeated all at large in that of 1550, they promise to goe, without shifting or delay, whether soeuer the Pope will send thē, for the sauing of soules, and aduauncing our fayth, whe­ther to the Turks, or to other miscreants, euen to those parts, which they call the Indies; or to any heretikes or schismatiks, or to any belieuers.

If the meaning were, to make new seminaries of them through all Christendome, it were a ridiculous thing, to set the coūtries of belieuing Christians, in the last place: besides, it seemes, that these words [or to any beleeuers] are added but by the way, and as it were for a fashion. But these great promisers and trauailers, forgetting what theyr first institution was, haue set vp onely some doo­zen Colledges, such as they be, in Countries vnknowne to vs, (at the least if we must belieue them) & haue erec­ted an infinite sort in the midst of vs, to plant thereby a newe Popedome, and to trample vnder foote the old, vnder which, the Church militant hath triumphed.

Wee are not out of the Church of S. Peter, because we condemne these new Friers in Fraunce, but we con­forme our selues without Sophistrie, to the originall and primitiue wills of the Popes, Paulus and Iulius the third; and though their wills had been otherwise, yet our Ch. of Fraunce, hath time out of minde, beene accustomed, most humbly to make the case knowne to the Popes, when they were to be carried away by the vniust impor­tunitie of particuler men, to the preiudice of the church. So did S. Martine, Bishop of Tours, an Apostle gar­dian of our Country of Fraunce: so did our good Saint Lewes: and yet they were iudgd to be hereticks there­fore, no more then Saint Paule, when hee withstood S. Peter, who in that case yeelded vnto him.

CHAP. 3. ¶ That it is against the first institution of the Iesuits, for them to teach all sorts of Schollers, humaine learning, Phi­losophy, and Diuinitie: and by what proceedings & deuises they haue seazed vppon this new tyrannie, to the preiu­dice of the auncient discipline of the Ʋniuersities.

YE may not thinke Gentlemen, that Ig­nace and his companions, when they presented themselues to Pope Paulus, made offer to teach the youth, in such sort, as the Iesuits since that time haue done. I haue shewed you what his suf­ficiencie was in all parts of good learning. It was he that set the first plant of theyr societie, and knowing his own small forces, hee promist onely to teach little children theyr Creede, as our Curats doe, or their Vicars in pet­tie Schooles: which I wil proue to be true by the course of this storie.

When they came first to Rome, to receiue the Popes blessing against their pretended voyage into the holie Land, Maffee saith, that during their aboade, according to the auncient custome of the Church,Mass. lib. 2. capit. 9. they endeuourd to catechize the common people and the children from streete to streete. And afterward, when they were as­sembled to draw theyr articles for their future societie: Ac simul concepta verborum formula sese obstringerent, puerisi aetati per Catachesim instituendae. The same thing is repeated by Ribadiner, Ribad. lib. 2. cap. 13. who saith, that this article was then agreed on by them, Pueros rudimenta fidei doceant.

Let vs come nowe to theyr Bulls, and first to that of 1540. by which, the wise Paulus 3. fearing all the af­faires of these new Associats, after much importunitie, signed their Bill, but with this charge, that they should [Page 75]not be aboue three-score. See what the beginning and promise of this supplication was, Quicunque in societate, quam Iesu nomine insigniri cupimus, vult sub crucis vexillo, deo militare, et soli Domino, ac Ecclesiae ipsius sponsae, sub Ro. Pontifice, Christi in terris vicario, seruire, post solemne casti­tatis, paupertatis, et obedientiae votum, proponat sibi in animo, se partem esse societatis, ad hoc potissimum institutae, vt ad si­dei defensionem, & propagationem, et profectum animarum in vita &. doctrina Christiana, per publicas praedicaciones, & verbi dei ministerium, spiritualia exercitia, & cantus opera, & nominatim per puerorū. & rudiūin Christianismo institui­tionē. And because this latter clause might receiue some doubtfull construction, it is in a fewe wordes expoun­ded, a little after in the same Bull. Et nominatim commen­datam habeant institutionem puerorum et rudium in doctri­na Christiana, decem praeceptorum, et aliorum similiter ru­dementorum. Thys is cleere, & yet they might haue Col­ledges, not euery where, but in approoued Vniuersi­ties; and not to receiue for schollers, all commers and goers, but onely them that are of their Seminarie.

Possint (saith the same Bull) in Vniuersitatibus habere Collegium, sen Collegia habentia reditus, census, seu posses­siones, vsibus & necessitatibus studentium applicandas, re­tenta penes Praeponū & societatem omnimoda gubernacionē, seu superintendentia super dicta collegia. Sith the goods of the Colledges, were appointed for them that should be students therein, it cannot be vnderstood of strangers, but onely of them, that vow to be of their order: whom since, they haue called schollers approued. As for o­thers, they were onely to teach little children their creed, as we see the Maisters of our Presbyteries doe. That ap­peares by this word (Puer) which signifies an age, som­what, but not much, exceeding thē whom the Romans calld Infants. And indeed, whē we would noate an old man, who by the feeblenes of his yeeres becomes a child againe, we say that he doth Repuerascere. An infant is he [Page]that can neither goe nor speake. Puer, is an infant that begins to goe and speake, and so is he exprest by Horace, in his booke of the Art of Poetry.

In the yeere 1543. it was permitted the Iesuits to re­ceiue, without any limitation of number, all them that would be of theyr order. And as Pope Paulus opened the doore to them on this side, so did hee shuth on ano­ther. For in the Bull of 43. there is rehearsal made, word by word, of the priuiledges that were graunted them by the first, of 1540. but cōcerning the instructing of chil­dren in their Creed, there is no mention at all, which I beseech you to consider. In the yeeres 45. and 46. theyr priuiledges were greatly encreast, and singulerly in the yeere 49, yet there is no speech in any of them, of teach­ing children, although in these latter, there is expresse mention made againe, of Colledges ordayned for them of theyr Order.

If you desire to know the reason, and whence this di­uersitie proceedes, I will tell you. When by theyr first creation, there might be but three-score of theyr society, Pope Paulus made no great dainties to open the pettie Schooles for them, to teach little children theyr Creed: but whē be set open a wide gate for all men that would, to be of their societie, then his meaning was, they should be framed after the fashion of other religious orders and Monasteries, which may teach no other youth, but such as are of their seuerall Orders.

In this estate they liued till the yeere 49. in which Pope Paulus died, whom Iulius the third succeeded. They had to do in the beginning with a Pope, who, al­beit being ouercom by the importunities of a great ma­ny, he yeelded in the end, yet still kept them vnder. But vpon the suddaine, after his dicease, they learned Lisan­der the Lacedemonians lesson, who saide, that a good [Page 76]Captaine must be clad in the skinne of a Foxe and of a Lion: a lesson afterward recommended by Machiauill in his institution of a Prince. Looke not in the course of this storie following, for any thing in your Iesuits, but Foxe-like, and Lyon-like: and so doing you shall finde that they haue proued braue schollers of Machiauell. Ignace a verie wise worldling, vnderstanding that there were many nouelties brought into the societie, which he had deuised, contrary to the auncient order and dis­cipline of our Church: so that a man could verie hard­ly like of them, conceiued that it was needfull for him to haue a new confirmation by Iulius; marry he would get some new priuiledge by the bargain. I told you, that by the first Bul of Paulus, the Iesuits were permitted to teach little children the first enterance into their Creed, to preach and to haue Colledges founded to bring vp, and instruct their youth, the nurserie of their Societie, and none other, & that afterward, in al the other Buls follow­ing, although all their priuiledges were confirmed, yet there was no mention of this ordinaunce for instru­ction.

They presented their supplication to Iulius, decla­ring at large their former, of the yeere 1540. and with a tricke of foxerie foisted in this word Lectiones, which was not mentioned in the former Bull, and then they set downe all that, which had past in the other Buls: and for their Colledges, they bring in a new passe-right. But it is best to read the places themselues. Ignace by this new supplication, takes vp againe his Quicunque in societate nostra &c. Proponas sibi in animo se partem esse societatis ad hoc potissimum institutae, vt ad fidei defensionē & profectum animarū, in vita & doctrina, Christiana per publicas praedicti­ones Lectiones, & aliud Dei quodcun (que) ministeriū ac spiritu­alia exercitia Puerorū, ac rudiū in Christianismo institutionē. Behold the first surprise, which lies in two points, the one in this word Lectiones, newly put in, after the word, Prae­dicationes; [Page]the other, in the Catechizing of young children, which hath beene taken from them euer since the yeere 1543. And yet, all this is not inough for the establishing of their Colledges, & their ordinary tea­ching of the youth, in such sort, as they afterward en­crocht vpon these things. By these Buls, they were permitted to read now and then publikely in Diuinitie, as we see their fellow Maldonatus did, twise vpon festi­uall daies: first in expounding the Canon of the Masse, afterward, vpon the Psalme, Dixit Dominus Domino meo. Otherwise, that last restaint to the teaching of little chil­dren, had beene in vaine, if the word Lectiones, might reach to the publike exercise of all sorts of learning, such as is in other Colledges.

And in these publike Lectures of Diuinitie, that were to be read, as Sermons and Instructions for the aduna­cing of our faith, there was no innouation at all against our auncient discipline. For although religious persons might not teach any, but them of their owne order, hu­mane learning and Philosophie, yet they were not for­bidden to read publiquely in Diuinitie: and so our Fa­thers, saw one Cenomani a Iacobin, and one De Cornibus a Franciscan, and we of late yeres, Panigarole, read pub­lique Lectures of Diuinitie in Paris.

All the alteration that I gather, out of this Bull 1550, is, that whereas by that of 1540. they were forbidden to haue Colledges any where, but in approued Vniuersi­ties, in this of Iulius the third, they are permitted to haue them in all other places. Let vs read the text of the Pull, Quia tamen domus, quas Dominus dederit ad operandum in vinea ipsius, & non ad scholastica studia, destinandae erunt, cùm valdè opportunum fore alioqui videatur vt ex iuuenibus ad pietatem propensis, & ad litterarum studia tractanda, ido­neis, operarij eidem vineae Domini parentur, qui Societatis nostrae, etiam professae, velut quoddam Seminarium existant, possit professa Societas, ad studiorum commoditatem, Scho­larium [Page 77]habere Collegia, vbicumque ad ea construenda & do­tanda, aliqui ex deuotione mouebuntur. Quae simulac con­structa & dotata fuerint (non tamen ex bonis quorum colla­tio adsedem Apostolicā pertinet) ex nunc authoritate Apo­stolica erigi supplicamus, ac pro erectis haberi. Quae Collegia habere possint reditus, census, seu possessiones, vsibus & necessi­tatibus studentiū applicandas, retenta penes Praepositū, vel So­cietatem omnimoda gubernatione, seu superintendentia super dicta Collegia, & praedictos studentes, quoad Rectorū seu Gu­bernatorū ac studentium electionem, et eorundem admissionē, emissionem, receptionem, exclusionem, statutorum ordinatio­nem, & circa studentiū instructionem, eruditionem, aedificati­onem, ac correctionē victus, vestitus (que), & aliarum rerum ne­cessariarū eis ministrandarum modum, atque aliam omnimo­do gubernationem, regimen ac curam, vt ne (que)studentes dictis bonis abuti, neque societas professa in proprios vsus cōuertere possit, sed studentium necessitati subuenire.

This was the supplication which they presented, and Iulius signed, wherein you may find some obscuritie in these words [Societie profest] and in other, which I will cypher vnto you when opportunitie shall serue. Let it suffise, that in this passage, there is no other noueltie, but that wheras by their first Bull, they might haue no Col­ledges, but in approoued Vniuersities, by this, they are permitted to haue them in all places, wheresoeuer anie man will found any Churches of theyr Societie, which they in their language, call Houses. These words, Chur­ches and Monasteries, offended their daintie eares. And moreouer you see, that the Colledges which are spoken of, annexed to their Houses, are not ordaind but for the schollers of their Order. And in this new alteration, yet this was not to alter any thing in the auncient gouern­ment of the Vniuersities. For all other orders of religion in theyr Monasteries, scattered heere and there in theyr Prouinces, teach their Nouices, & afterward send them to the Vniuersities, there to perfect their studies, and to [Page]take degrees in Diuinitie, if they be found fit for it. And thence it comes, that there is not a Monasterie of anie noate, that hath not a house in that great and famous V­niuersitie of Paris, to lodge the religious of their Order, which are to proceed in Diuinitie.

See heere the beginning of the ruine and generall change of the auncient estate of our Vniuersities. Wee knew not what it meant, to make religious persons Mai­sters of Arts, and much lesse, to make them take theyr degrees in Diuinitie, other where then in Vniuersities, whether all sorts of publique trialls for learning are brought. Iulius the third ouerthrew this wise custome, in fauour of the Iesuits. For hee ordaind that a Iesuit, wheresoeuer hee haue beene student, in Vniuersitie, or otherwise, should take gratis all degrees, of Bachiler, mai­ster, Licentiat, Practitioner, and Doctor, in any facultie whatsoeuer; and that if any man would exact of him, that which by an honest & laudable custome hath been receiued of antiquitie, notwithstanding, hee should goe out Maister or Doctor, vpon the onely credit & autho­ritie of his Generall, and should enioy from thence for­ward, all the priuiledges, freedoms, and liberties that o­thers doe.

This Pope was of a very fantasticall iudgement. You know the storie of his great Ape, that would not be ruld by any body, but a little begger boy, of which hee, bee­ing then Cardinall de Monte, tooke such a liking, that afterward beeing made Pope, hee gaue ouer to him all his Benefices, and made him a new Cardinall: where­upon, the vertuous & honourable personages of Italie, called him Cardinall Ape. I doe not thinke it strange then, that this Pope, pricked forward by such an other fancy, would needs aduaunce to extraordinary degrees, and neuer before seene in the Vniuersities, these Apes of our Catholique religiō. And that you may not think, that I will encroch vpon the Iesuits priuiledges, & feede [Page 78]you, as they vse to doe with an impudent lye, let vs read the text of the Bull, Nec non scholaribus (speaking of the schollers approoued of their Colledges) Collegiorum So­cietatis huiusmodi, in Vniuersitatibus alienius studij genera­lis existentium, quod ipsi (si praeuio rigoroso & publico exa­mine eisdem Vniuersitatibus idorei repertifuerint, Rectores Ʋniuersitatum huiusmodi, & eos gratis & amore Dei, abs (que) aliqua pecuniarū solutione promouere recusauerint) in Col­legiis praedictis à Praeposito Generali pro tempore, existente, vel de eius licentia à quouis ex inferioribus Praepositis, vel Rectoribus huiusmodi Collegiorum, cum duobus etiam, vel tribus Doctoribus, vel Magistris, per eosdem eligendis: scholaribus verò Collegiorum eorundem, extra Ʋniuersitatis existentium, studiorum suorū cursu absoluto, ac rigoroso ex­amine praecedente, à dicto Praeposito Generali, vel de eius li­centia à quouis ex Praepositis, vel Rectoribus huiusmodi Col­legiorum cum duobus etiam vel tribus Doctoribus, vel Ma­gistris, per eosdem eligendis, quoscunque Baccalaureatus, & Magisterij, Licentiaturae, ac Doctoratus gradus accipere, Praepositis, vel Rectoribus, cū Doctoribus huiusmodi, vt eos­dem Scholares ad gradus ipsos promouere, eisdem (que) schola­ribus, vt postquam promoti fuerint, in eis legere, disputare, ac quoscunque alios actus ad haec necessarios, facere, exequi, omnibus & singulis priuilegijs praerogatiuis, immunitatibus, exemptionibus, libertatibus, antelationibus, fauoribus, gratijs, indultis, ac omnibus & singulis alijs, quibus alij in quibusuis Ʋniuersitatibus studiorum huiusmodi, rigoroso examine prae­uio, ac alias iuxta inibi obseruari solitos & requisitos vsus, ordinationes, ritus ac mores, pro tempore promoti, de iure vel consuetudine, aut alias quomodolibet vtuntur, potiuntur, & gaudent, ac vti, potiri & gaudere poterunt, quomodolibet in futurum, non solùm ad ipsorum instar, sed pariformiter, & aequè principaliter abs (que) vlla penitus differentia, vti, potiri, gaudere in omnibus & per omnia, perinde ac si gradus huius­modi in eisdem Ʋniuersitatibus, & non eorum Collegijs acce­pissent.

They that haue been brought vp in the Latine tongue, shall finde, that Iulius speakes onely of Iesuits schollers. It is a clause that hath relation to all other the former Bulls, wherin there hath been speech of their Colledges, and in this particularly it is ordained, that, although the schollers of this Order haue been students in Vniuersi­ties, or out of them, if after they haue been well and du­ly examind, they be found fit, they should be freely ad­mitted to the degrees of Practitioners and Doctors, (a word which cannot reach to strangers) and that, if any man would make them pay duties, it should be in the power of their Generall, to creat them, or to cause them to be created: and after they haue taken their degrees, they may read, dispute, and keepe all other acts heerun­to requisit; in short, that they may receiue the same pre­rogatiues that others doe.

What? will you stretch this worde (read) to all goers and commers, as in other Colledges of Maisters that are Secular? No truly. For what power soeuer is here gran­ted them, it was graunted as to persons that were Regu­lar, (for so they haue termed themselues) and therefore, it was to giue these new Maisters and Doctors, leaue to read to theyr schollers allowed, as if theyr degrees had beene giuen them by the Vniuersities. Let the Iesuit, ac­cording to his good custome, bring all the shifts of So­phistrie hee can, this passage, (if a man read it from the beginning to the end) can not be otherwise vnderstood. If Iulius had meant that the Iesuit graduated, might read to all goers & commers, as the Seculars doe, assure your selfe, hee would not haue forgotten to make expresse mention of it.

But you see (will some man say to mee) howe manie termes he hath giuen to the Iesuits Lectures to authorize them. Doe you thinke that strange? how could he doe lesse? sith that by a new deuise, neuer seene before, hee ordained, that vpon the simple credit of the Generall of [Page 79]this Order, the Iesuits might read Lectures to them of their order. This pollicie, that so weakens all the aunci­ent sinewes of the Vniuersities, could not be sufficiently exprest for the authorizing of it.

I haue hitherto declared vnto you, what, as then, was the estate of their Buls, concerning their Colledges, you shall now vnderstand their historie to this purpose. Al­though neither by the auncient custome of the Vnuer­sities, nor by the new grant of their Buls, they were per­mitted to set open their schooles to all sorts of schollers, nor to haue in their Colledges any other but of their se­minarie: yet finding themselues to be supported by Maister William du Prat, Bishop of Clairmont, they set­led themselues in one of the Townes of his bishoprick, called Billon, where they opened their Colledge not on­ly to them of their order, but also to all other the stu­dents. O singular obedience of French-men to the Church of Rome? They bragge that they haue Buls from Iulius the third, permitting them so to doe. At this word we thought, that the onely alledging of the title, ought to be held for a good and sufficient title: And yet they had no title but of their owne Villaine, quoth I to a Gentleman of Gascoigne: who aunswered me very readily, that he be beleeued it, because they had cho­sen for their chiefe, Colledge in Fraunce, the Town of Villon. They vsed this word for Billon, as the Gascoigns are wont to pronounce Ʋ. for B. and B. for Ʋ. To which I replyed, that we need not to make any change of the letter; because by our lawes, we were commaun­ded to bring into Bullion, all false and counterfait mo­neyes, and that the Colledges of the Iesuits, were of that stampe.

In the Towne of Billon this villanie tooke beginning, which afterward they spread abroad: first to Tolosa, thē to Paris, by meanes of the great legacies, that du Prat had giuen them. Neither durst any of vs make head a­gainst [Page]any of their vnlawful enterprises, so much did our coūtry of France honor the Sea Apostolik, vnder which they shielded themselues, though falsely. We are indeed reuerently to yeeld obedience to that Sea, but cooseners are not to be suffered to abuse it for their aduantage, and there is none, whom it more concernes to looke to this, then our holy Father the Pope, if he meane to preserue his authoritie ouer all, and against all. Good God, where are our eies? Let vs runne ouer all their Buls of 1540. 43.45.46.49. if you find, that they are permitted to hold and open their Colledges, in such sort as others of the Vniuersities, I will yeeld my selfe to any sentence, that shall be giuen against me. All their worthie actions are but coosinages, and if you speake of them in secret to them, they will tell you, that they are the miracles which God hath wrought by their Saint Ignace. When they first presented themselues to Paul the third to be admitted, they termed themselues Maisters of Arts, proceeded in the Vniuersitie of Paris, and at this day, Maffee flouting the whole consistorie of Rome, is of opinion, that three of them had proceeded Maisters in Spaine, and that himselfe and Ribadinere, would not giue any place of maistership to Broet, Iaye and Codury. And setting open their Colledges in Fraunce, they did but shroud themselues vnder the authoritie of the Sea Apostolike; an authoritie falsely supposd by them. Whence came these illusions? From the miracles for­sooth of great Ignace, who blinded all mens eies.

I will now returne againe to the course of their Buls, that you may vnderstand, when this power to read Lec­tures to all schollers, was graunted them. After this, en­sued the troubles in Fraunce, 1561, about diuersitie of Religion: in the beginning whereof, the Iesuits finding this a fit time for their aduantage, not by reason of any fauour to theyr sect, but because of displeasure against that ciuill warre, obtayned by a manifest forgerie, newe [Page 80]Bulls of Pope Pius the fourth, the tenure whereof is this.

Insuper tibi moderno, & pro tempore existenti Praeposito, Generali dictae Societatis, vt per te, vel illum, vel aliquen ex Praepositis, vel Rectoribus Collegiorum vestrorum, tam in Ʋniuersitatibus studiorum generalium, quam extra illas v­bilibet consistentium, in quibus ordinariae studiorum, artium liberalium, & Theologiae lectiones habentur, cursus (que) ordina­rij peragentur, vt dictae Societatis Scholares & pauperes ex­ternos, qui dictas lectiones frequentauerint, & etiam diuites (si officiales Vniuersitatum eos promouere recusauerint) cùm per examinatores vestrae Societatis idonei inuenti sint (solu­tis tamen per diuites, suis iuribus. Vniuersitatibus) in vestris Collegijs Ʋniuersitatum quarumcumque, & alijs extra Vni­uersitates, consistentibus Collegijs vestris, alios quoslibet Scho­lares, qui inibi sub eorū obedientia, directione, vel disciplina studuerint, ad quoscun (que) Baccalauriatus, Licentiariae, Magi­sterij, doctoratus, gradus, IVXTA IVLII PRAE­DECESSORIS NOSRI TENOREM, promouere, ipsi (que) sic promoti, priuilegijs, alijs (que) IN EIS­DEM LITERIS contentis plenariè vti, potiri, gau­dere liberè ac licitè valiant, authoritate praefata cōcedimus, & amplianius: nec non praesentes literas, & in eis contenta, de subreptionis vel obreptionis, aut nullitatis vitio, seu intentionis defectu, puouis praetextu quaesitóue colore, nullo vnquam tem­pore notari, vel impugnari possint.

This decretall, was the first opener of their Colledges to all manner of schollers: but whereupon was it groun­ded? Vpon the Bull of Iulius the third, as it is twice re­peated. Was there euery any greater forgery, or more craftie conueiance then this? For Pope Iulius neuer had any such thought; and that is the reason why these So­phisters, haue caused to be added in the end of Pius the fourths Bull, that no man may accuse them of obrepti­on, or surreption, or of any wilfull fault; being desirous that euery one of vs should shut his eyes, and blindfolde his vnderstanding, that wee might not take any know­ledge [Page]of that apparant shame, which is brought in a new, against the auncient honour of the Vniuersities, by which our Church hath alwayes beene kept in strength. But the Pope hath added this word (Ampliamus) will some Iesuite of the lowest forme say to me. Was there euer any poynt either of state or Religion, more impor­tant, or of greater consequence then this? I let passe that these newe Maisters were permitted to be Graduats in all faculties, as it was graunted by Iulius his Bull.

I graunt, that by this last Bull of Pius, there Colled­ges were opened to all commers and goers: both the one & the other notwithstanding, being new schismes in our Vniuersities. But who can abide this, that theyr schollers must be admitted to practise, whether they be Iesuits or strangers, vpon the testimonie of two or three of their order, so they pay their duties to the Chauncel­lours, Rectors, Presidents, & vnder-Gouernours of the Vniuersities? Is not this to make the Superiors of Vni­uersities, no better then Registers to the Iesuits & theyr schollers? Is not this to disgrace the Gouernours of the Vniuersities without desert?

Is not this, by submitting them to the conscience of their Generall, and two or 3. of his, to bring in a Chaos, hotch-potch, and confusion of all thinges in our Vni­uersities? And to say the truth, there is no better meanes then that, by making a Seminary of Iesuits, to make al­together a nurserie of Hereticks, by committing the Doctorships & Maisterships of schollers, to the iudge­ment of these new Templars. Sith this depends vppon this one word (Ampliamus,) which was craftilie foysted in, by these maister workmen in such tricks of legerde­maine, we shall admit this new disorder: thereupon the Pope shall stop his owne eares, and our mouthes, that the shifts, obreptions and surreptions of these reuerend Fathers in God, may not be discried, & all because this last clause was added, by a Clark of the Court of Rome, [Page 81]that copied out the graunt. Read all the 7. former Buls, ye shall find no such clause in any of them. Why did they cause it to be added in this? Because they knew in their conscience, that this last Bull was obtained by obreption, contrarie to all reason. If I should appeale to their consciences, they would make a mocke at me. For the same yeere, that they got this Bull at Rome, (which was 1561.) they promist in a full assembly of the Church of Fraunce, that they would renounce all the extraordinarie priuiledges, that had beene graun­ted them at Rome. This abiuration they confirmed by publique oath in a full Court of Parliament, but they neuer performed it. And that which is especially to bee considered, they lookt to themselues verie carefully, for presenting the Popes priuie Buls, either to our Cleargy, or to our Parliament. For if they had shewed them, they had beene not only derided, but also abandoned, as men that had no wit. Hitherto you haue descried in them, good store of the Foxes craft, now you shall see how they haue playd in Lions. For, the yeere 1571. they got other Buls of Pope Pius the fift, of this forme and substance.

Decernimus & declaramus quod praeceptores huiusmodi Societatis, tam literarum humanarum, quam liberalium ar­tium, Philosophiae, Theologiae, vel cuiusuis earum facultatū, in suis Collegijs, etiam in locis vbi Vniuersitates extiterint, su­as lectiones, etiam publicas legere (dummodò per duas horas de mane, & per vnam de sero, cum lectoribus Ʋniuersitatum non concurrant) liberè & licitè possint: quod (que) quibuscum (que) scholasticis liceat in huiusmodi Collegijs, lectiones, & alias scholasticas exercitationes frequentare, ac quicumque in eis, Philosophiae vel Theologiae fuerint auditores, in quauis Ʋ ­niuersitate, ad gradus admitti possint, & cursuum quos in eis [...] fecerint, ratio habeatur. Ita vt si ipsi in examine suf­ [...]ientes inuenti fuerint, non minus, sed pariformiter, & abs (que) vlla penitus differentia, quam si in Ʋniuersitatibus praefatis [Page]studuissent, ad gradus quoscumque, tam Baccalaureatus, quàm Licentiariae & Doctoratus, admitti possint & debeant, eis (que) super praemissis licentiam & facultatem concedimus. Districtius inhibentes, Vniuersitatum quarumcumque Rec­toribus & alijs quibuscum (que), sub excommunicationis maio­ris, alijs (que) arbitrio nostro, moderandis, infligendis, & impo­nendis poenis, ne Collegiorum hutusmodi Rectores & Scho­lares inpraemissis, quouis quaesito colore, molestare audeant, vel praesumant. Decerrentes quoque praesentes litteras, vllo vnquam tempore, de subreptionis, vel obreptionis vitio, aut intentionis nostrae, vel alio quopiam defectu notari, vel impug­nari nullatenus posse minus (que) sub quibusuis similium, vel dissi­milium gratiarum reuocationibus, l [...]mitationibus, & alijs contrarijs dispositionibus comprehendi posse.

O admirable, not Philosophers, nor Diuines, but pe­tifoggers in the Court of the Church. He that shal haue need of a forme of petifoging, were best haue recourse to these Buls, wherein notwithstanding with an infinite hardines, they haue coucht the furie of the Lion. To the other they added, I know not by what sophistrie, the word Ampliamus; but in these last, there is nothing but thunder from heauen, and Superlatiue excommu­nications against any man, that shall but dare to looke vp in opposition against their tyranny. True it is indeed, that least I should fall foule on thē by mistaking, I could wish, that some Oedipus among the Iesuits, would disci­pher and expound to me, that last clause: which they should not haue added, if they thought that this Bull was such an one, as that men could not be discontent with it. In this Bull Pius the fift, had made exception of two houres in the morning, & one in the afternoone. Gregerie the thirteenth by another of 1578. in steed of the two houres in the morning giues but one. There hath alwaies beene in our Iesuits, enteprise vpon enter­prise, to the preiudice of antiquitie. You see in effect the whole historie of the pretended instruction of the [Page 82]youth, by the Iesuits, and how by little and little they haue got ground, against the auncient orders of the V­niuersities. Hauing employed all sorts of vnlawfull de­uises and shifts, which are familiar, not to learned men, but to the basest of the people; who abusing the ab­solute power of the holy Sea, bring, if I may dare to say so, the Popedome and the rest of the people to liue vpon almes. By these clauses of the Chancery of Rome, they thinke to fight with vs, with edge tooles. And a Procter generall, might rebate them brauely by an ap­peale, as by abuse, because these Buls were not onely wrung out by deuises, but doe also, directly vsurpe vpon the liberties of our Church of Fraunce, the ordinarie rights and priuiledges of our Vniuersities. For why should not this appeale be receiued, sith that the Signo­rie of Venice, according to their wise carriage in all their actions, knowing the disorder, that these newe people bring with them, haue expresly forbidden them by an act made the 23. of December, 1591. to reade publique or priuate Lectures to anie, but those that are of their Societie? Which act, a man cannot suffici­ently commend, and which proues, that we are verie dul­lards if we doe not follow their example. It is a light which ought to serue all nations as a Lanterne to bring them into a safe Hauen.

CHAP. 4. ¶ That the foundation of the deceits of the Iesuits, proceeds from the instruction of the youth: and why our aun­cesters would not that the young folke should be taught in houses of Religion.

ALL things (saith the Iesuit) are to be taken for good, that are done to a good end. What skils it that there haue beene deuises and shifts in [...] Buls, so long as the Pope dispenceth with vs for [Page]them: and that our intent was not grounded but vppon a Christian charitie, such as the instruction of youth is, the very plant of our Order, wherein we desire to be al­waies the principall labourers.

It is well said, (quoth the Aduocate,) and for my part, I thinke that all the charitie that you haue brought with you to this worke, is a very coosinage. Let a man take your charitie away, and by the same meanes he shal take away your coosinage. Pardon mee, I pray you, if this word haue escapt mee, it shall heereafter be familiar to me. For, by ill hap, thinking that all your profession is nothing but coosinage, and hauing no dexteritie in va­rietie of my speech, as many of you haue, I am one of those, who call that bread and wine, which is bread and wine, and so coosinage, that which is coosinage; vnlesse you like better, that I should rather call it sometimes vil­lanie: and because this poynt lies heauie vpon my sto­mack, I will to the depth of it out of hand. If the disci­pline that is tollerated in your Order be good, why is it not generall in all other, who esteeme as much of chari­tie as you doe? Why are they not suffered to receiue all sorts of schollers, though strangers, as well as you? Can it be, that our good old Fathers, faild in iudgement, and that wee are now constrained to haue recourse to these new Fathers. There neuer was wiser discipline then that of theirs. For they thought, that alwaies the first obiects seeme fairest to children, & that their wits, like wax, re­ceiue very easily all sorts of impressions.

They thought, that they ought not to suffer them to be seduced, but to let them enter into religious Orders, with an honest libertie of their consciences, whereas by going ordinarilie to the Munks lectures, they might be conuerted in hast to that, whereof they would repent themselues afterward at leysure; when there was no time f [...]it. And by this deuise, the Iesuits verie easily surprise many children of good houses, there being no snare so [Page 83]easie to entrap them as this. If they perceiue any of their schollers begin to affect them, them they drawe to their net, and as soone as they haue taken them, they make them vanish out of their Parents sight, to the end they may not be recouerd. It is a good coosinage, you will say, that frees a child frō the vaine seruice of the world. Nay rather, it is a coosinage woorthy to be punisht for example sake, as you wil confesse when you vnderstand the proceedings. The Rectors informe themselues by the Regents, of the capacitie of those in their formes, of their wits, and of their behauiours. Hereof they make a Catalogue, the figure wherof I will shew you, for I haue one here readie printed, as followeth.

And vnderneath the titles, they sette in euerie Cell, the name of some childe, his forme, and his age, acccor­ding to the qualitie which they suppose to bee in him. Now so it is, that euery yeere, they send from euery Col­ledge Letters to their Generall, which they call, yeerelie Letters, by which they aduertise him how great a num­ber of soules they haue gained, & how much their con­fessions haue auailed them in this regard; and their Let­ters they accompanie with this Catalogue, which being aduisedly considered by their Generall, he commaunds the Prouincialls or Rectors, to beware that they suffer not this bird to escape out of theyr cage. After this war­ning, they all employ themselues in diuers maner in this goodly and fruitfull labour, one, by auricular confessi­ons, another, by allurements, a third, by priuate exhor­tations in his chamber, and it is meruailous hard for a poore youth to rid himselfe out of their nets, especiallie beeing so watcht.

Yet I will tell you a storie of a young man of great hope, in the surprisall of whom, they faild of their pur­pose. They perceiued, that hee had many good parts, & yet had his mind greatly inclind to deuotion: they ima­gind thereupon, that hee would be a very fit pray for them. This youth, being pencioner in their Colledge at Paris, one of their Fathers began to set his fowling Nets for him, and among other talke, askt him, if it so fel out that it should please God to call him out of the world, what would most disquiet him at the houre of his death. The feare of the other world, (quoth the youth) because of the sinnes I haue committed. What would you say then, (replies the Iesuit) to him that should free you of this feare? I would think my selfe greatly bound to him, said the youth. You may assure your selfe of deliuerance from this feare, (concludes the Iesuit) if you will wholie become one of ours. For our societie of Iesus, is an ac­quittall from all sinnes. This young boy beeing thus [Page 84]managed, gaue full credit to his speech, and had quickly trust vp his pack to be gone, according to the instructi­ons hee had receiued, which were, that without taking leaue of Father or mother, he should first goe to one of their houses which they would name to him, and there he should receiue certaine money to serue his turne, till he came to another; & so hauing in euery of these hou­ses mony to defray the charges of his voyage, he should come at the last to Rome, there to receiue such instruc­tions as theyr General would giue him.

When hee was vpon the very poynt of his departure, by good hap his Father came to see him, and found him quite changed: hereupon, he was desirous to know the cause of his change: the boy refusd to tell him, but the Father prest him hard, and coniurd him with a fatherly seueritie, not to hide the matter from him. At the last, he vnderstood all that had past, whereupon hee presently tooke him away from that house, and after that all these fumes were vapourd out of his braine, sent him to ano­ther Colledge, where hee profited so well, that I assure my selfe, he will proue very rare in the vocation which now he followes, and will prayse & thank God as long as he liueth, that it pleased him of his gracious mercy, to deliuer him from so dangerous a shipwrack.

CHAP. 5. ¶ With what cunning the Iesuits enrich themselues with the spoyle of theyr Nouices.

THe Iesuits winning in this sort the youth of their Colledges, as well pencioners as strangers, would thinke this a small mat­ter, if they did not also enrich themselues with their spoiles. It is a generall rule, ve­rie well vnderstood by them, That he that confiscates the body, confiscats the goods.

I will not here make an Inuentarie of the great wealth they haue gotten, as hauing not been in theyr purses to see it, but this I will tell you, that this practise hauing been often obiected to them, hee that made The humble supplication to the King, affirmed, that of three or foure hundred that haue vowed themselues to their Societie, there are not aboue three or foure that haue presented it with their goods: and Frances Montagnes, that made the booke De la veritè defendue, saith, that of two thou­sand, there were but two hundred. The art of wise lyers is, not to disagree in their tales, & yet both these reports are faultie: They should say, that of three or foure hun­dred there were not foure, & that of two thousand there were not 2. hundred that had not bestowed their goods on them. And indeede it were vnpossible for the No­uice to keepe his goods from theyr fingering. For they haue a meruailous art, and that infallible for this effect. They haue two bookes of Statuts, the title of the former is, Coustitutio Societatis Iesu, which is deuided into two parts: the second is entituled, Constitutiones & Declara­tiones examinis generalis. These Bookes I haue in my possession, as also that, in which all their Bulls are regi­stred. In their Examination, you shall find in the fourth chapter, and in the first, second, and third Article, that which followes for the distributing of their goods that enter into their societie.

1. Quicunque Societatem ingredi volunt, antequam in domo aliqua vel Collegio eius viuere sub obedientia incipiant, debent omnia bona sua temporalia quae habuerint distribuere & renuntiare, ac disponere de his, quae ipsis obuenire possent: ea (que) distributio primùm in res debitas & obligatoria, si quae fuerint, & tunc quàm cirtissimè fieri potuerit, prouidere oportebit. Si verò tales nullae fuerint, in pia & sancta opera fiet, iuxta illud: Dispersit, dedit pauperibus: & illud Chri­sti▪ Si vis perfectus esse, vade & vende omnia quae habes, & da pauperibus, & sequere me. Dispensando tamen haec [Page 85]bona iuxta propriam deuotionem, & à se omnem fiduciam submouendo, eadem vllo tempore recuperandi.

2. Quod si statim propter aliquas honestas caussas non re­linquet, promittat se promptè relicturum omnia post vnum ab ingressu, absolutum annum, quandocumque per Superio­rem et iniunctum fuerit, in reliquo tempore probationis, quo completo, post professienem professi, & ante tria vota publi­ca, Coadiutores re ipsa relinquere debēnt, ac pāupēribus, vt dictum est, dispensare, vt consilium Euangelicum, quod non dicit, da Consanguineis, sed pauperibus, perfectiùs sequantur; & vt melius exemplum omnibus exhibeant, inordinatum er­ga parentes affectum exuendi & incommoda inordinatae di­stributionis, quae à dicto amore procedit declinandi, atque vt ad parentes & consanguineos recurrendi, & ad inutilem ip­sorum memoriam, additu praecluso, firmius & stabilius in sua vocatione perseuerent.

O holy and Christian lesson of the Iesuits who would haue a young man, that vowes himselfe to their society, to dispose, before he enter thereinto, not only of all such goods, as are fallen to him, but also of all such, as may fall to him: and it is yet more holy & meruailous, when they teach him to forget all that affection, which God com­maunds the child to beare to his father and mother; and after them, to his neerest kinred, and that they [...]all this affection disordered. And that further they ordaine that within the two yeerers of his probation, he giue all his goods in almes to the poore, & that he doe not leaue them to those, who being next of kinne, should he his heires. And all this is, because he might neuer after vp­on any loathing of their new rebellion, returne home to his fathers house. But I beseech our Iesuits to remēber this holy lesson: for I hope to put them in minde of it hereafter, to better purpose in his proper place. In the meane while, let vs marke what the Catastrophe of this deuout Comedie will be.

3. Si tamen dubitaretur num maioris foret perfectionis, [Page]dare vel renuntiare consanguineis, huiusmodi bona, quàm a­lijs propter pacem, vel maiorem ipsorum penuriam, & iustas alias ob causas, nihilo minus ad declinandum errandi in hu­iusmodi iudicio periculum, quod ab effectu sanguinis solet pro­ficisci, contenti esse debebunt hoc, arbitrio vnius, duorum aut trium, qui vita & doctrina commendantur (quos vnusquis­que cum Superioris authoritate elegerit) relinquere, & in co conquiescere, quod illi perfectius, & ad maiorem Christi Domini nostri gloriam esse censebunt.

This is that I lookt for of them: after that they haue made their approach step by step, they are at last come to the wall, and there lacks nothing but to scale it, or to enter the breach, for the winning of the Towne. What may we looke for of this award vpon arbitrement, but that we read of Q. Fabius Labeo, who being chosen Arbitrator by the Senate of Rome, to decide the con­trouersie betwixt the Nolans and Neopolitans, concer­ning their bounds, after he had surueyed the place, tal­king with each of them apart, he councelled thē not to be wedded to their own wils, but rather to choose peace then pursue their quarrell. To which when both parts had condescended, for respect they had to him, after he had set each of them their bounds as pleased him, he ad­iudged to the people of Rome, all the ground which remained betwixt them, and for which they had beene in strife. Wherein they could not complaine (saith Valerius) because they had put the matter to his honestly, and so (saith this author) by a dishonest shift, the Citie got a new tribute. I know well, the iudgement I giue of them, will be subiect to cauelling, and that some will say, that the Glosse goes beyond the text, for some par­ticular grudge I beare them. But I call God to witnes, that I wish not their hinderance in any thing, but as I conceiue it makes for the common good. I enuie not other Monasteries, for that they which enter into them, present them with their goods, because I do not [Page 81]see that they enter thereinto by craftie enticements, but vpon deuotion guided by the holy Ghost: but as for the Iesuits, they take quite another course. There is nothing but the hand of man that cunningly workes the matter by a long traine. First of all, in teaching the yong boyes, whether Pencioners or others, they cast their eyes vpon them that are for their purpose, and make a Catalogue of their sufficiency and capacities, which they send (as I told you) to their Generall, winning them afterward with sweet allurements. When they are once won, they steale them away from those, to whom they appertaine, and send them into other countries, to make them for­get their friends. After, when they are fast in their nets, and are now readie to giue their farewell to the world, they are perswaded by force, to leaue nothing to their fa­ther, mother, or kinred, but to giue all to the poore. But to what poore? That is not exprest. And surely, he were of a verie dull capacitie that would not iudge, that vn­der this generalitie, they meane to speake for themselues in particular; and that in this choise, the young man wil ayme chiefely at their society, vnto which he is about to vow himselfe, and which he thinks to be the vphol­ding of the Catholique Church. To conclude, if his ti­morous conscience, haue any scruple by reason of the pouertie of his parents, yet is he not suffered to extend his liberalitie to them, but this doubt or perplexitie is committed to the iudgement of two or three of their Iesuits. What is all this, but to tyrannize ouer this poore man, by a long trayne of words and cariage of matters, and to constraine him, when all comes to all, to bestow his goods on this poore Societie, vpon which so much wealth is heapt? But if hee would contest to the contrarie, they will make him at his first enterance beleeue, that hee will prooue a disobedient childe, and one that neuer will haue anie deuotion to their order.

But (as thought is free) let vs suppose that these two or three pretended wise men hauing giuen sentence in fauour of their societie, what appeale shall this new Iesuit goe seeke to plead against them? He (I say) who for his first lesson, receiues commaundement, to forget that holy trust committed to him by God, I meane, the loue of his father and mother, to obey his superiours, will he think you, dare once lift vp his eye lid to make head against them? And yet notwithstanding, why should we blame them for this sentence? For they may say without going so about the bush, that they are the Apostles of our time, as they haue caused themselues to be called in Portugall, and that as in the primitiue Church at Ierusalem, they that would be Christians, were bound to bring all their goods and reuenewes to the Apostles feet; so these holy and deuout soules, will haue all bound, who will enter inter into their societie, to make them partakers of all their goods. And for all this doe you say that I am not their most humble, and most affectionnate seruant? To conculde, in all Riba­ner, I find nothing so fine, as when he tels vs, that Igna­tius, Rib. lib. 2. cap. 8. and his fellowes, hauing for a time setled their a bode with the Venitian, went twice a day through the Citie to begge almes: and that one of them, ordina­rily stayed in their house, to prouide for them of that little, which was giuen them vpon almes: And that it was Ignace that gaue this charge, who declared thereby, that what deuotion soeuer he made shew of, he had a moneth mind to the kitchin too. This lesson his suc­cessors haue learned verie perfectly.

CHAP. 6. ¶ That the craftie liberalitie of the Iesuit, in teaching the youth, hath brought the Ʋniuersitie of Paris to ruine.

I Will be more charitable to them then they are to vs. Let vs not enuie them the good that they get by theyr newe guests, if by theyr Lectures they haue furnisht vs with many braue men for the gouernment of our Realme. I pray you tell me Gentlemen, whether your children, vvhich you haue committed to their teaching, haue gone be­fore their companions, in matter of learning or publique charge, or no? Shall you finde in the high Courts, anie Presidents or Counsailers of the Iesuits bringing vp, that excell others? I do not only see none such, but quite contrarie, eyther we haue none such at all, or very few; in whom likewise, you shall finde no other disposition but sad and heauie, no way sociable with pubilque per­sons.

They that are brought vp in other Colledges, not with fantastique assemblies, but with courage, in our an­cient religion, are preferd to all places of charge, as well temporall, as Ecclesiasticall. The Iesuits shoote at no o­ther marke, but the growth and greatnes of theyr owne Cōmon-weale, because (that I may not lie to you) theyr Schoole brings forth some men of marke, pickt & cho­sen among their schollers. These are such, as in theyr youth suborned by the auncients, haue beene taken by craft, in whom age cannot quench the naturall fire that was in them. Afterward vnprofitable for the Common­weale.

And verily, it was fit that God should muffle our eies, when we first suffered the Iesuits, not onely to read, but [Page]to read gratis: that we might not perceiue, that the offer they made to the Vniuersitie of Paris, was like the artificiall horse the Greeks said they had made to offer to Palladiū, the Image of the goddesse Pallas, which was in Troy. A horse, which notwithstanding, caried in it selfe the ruine and destruction of the Citie. In this man­ner are we beguiled by the Iesuits, who counterfea­ting to present a Pallas to Fraunce, in Paris, to wit, their Colledge, they haue laid our famous Vniuersitie in the dust.

A generation of Vipers, no sooner brought forth, but they killed their mother. For Ignace and his nine companions, when they presented themselues to Pope Paule, were no further qualified then Maisters of Arts in Paris, as I told you of late. But with what eies shal we see, that they who by their vowes promised pouerty, as well in generall, as particular, either would or could, shew liberalitie worthie of a Monarch, that is, to teach and take nothing? Before they came here, the V­niuersitie flourisht, it was a common Port, where the greatest part of all the Nations of Europe did ride at an­cor. Which you may perceiue, as well by the foure anci­ent and great schooles standing in Straw street, as by the Proctors of the Nations, next the Rector: For there is one schoole and one procter for for the Germane Nation, vnder which is comprehended, the English, Scotish, and others. If any speake of this Vniuersitie, they said, learning was come to found Athens in Rome, and Rome in Paris. The ofspring of the good houses of Fraunce, eyther when they were first sent out to learne, or if they had begunne their studies in other Townes, yet at last, their generall Rende-Vous, was in Paris, to attaine to the accomplishment of learning there.

The Principalls, lodgd in their Colledges the schol­lers, whom they call Pentioners, with moderate penti­ons; [Page 87]and of strangers, they tooke for theyr admission, one shilling, or two at the most. The Regents had cer­taine beneuolences of their Auditors, which they called Fayrings, of one more, of another lesse, as it pleased their Parents to bestow: for no man was bound, but onely by a certaine shame, which hee conceiued by the honest li­beralitie of his fellowes. The Regent had no action at all against them for the recouering of one penny, and yet the matter was carried with such modestie, that the Regents hauing swet and trauaild about the instruction of their youth, they were bound to feast them one day in a Garden, where they brought into practise that aun­cient libertie, which the Maisters of Rome were wont to giue to their schollers in their Saturnalia.

No man can say, that there was one iot of couetous­nes in all these proceedings, neither did you euer see a­ny Principalls or Regents growe to great wealth: and yet euerie one studied to his vttermost endeuour, with no other intent, but to enrich himselfe with a good re­port, by beeing compast about in his Lectures with a great multitude of Schollers: as indeed there is no shar­per spurre to well doing then honor. The Principalls stroue by a certaine enuie one with another, who should haue the best Regents to winne commendation, and by this means, the fame of the Vniuersity of Paris was spred euery where.

But vpon a suddaine, when it was not permitted, but tollerated in the Iesuits, that they should open theyr shops, all this honorable ambition, vanisht into smoake. They called themselues Protectors of the Catholique re­ligion: by meanes vvhereof, the Fathers of Children, that could see no farther before them then the length of their noses, sent theyr sonnes thether, to abide and be in­structed by them.

The schollers being not well confirmd, were verie glad to saue their Gate-mony, their Fayrings, and their [Page]candles: and so their Colledges being stuft full, these li­berall Iesuits, beganne to take twice or thrice so much of their schollers for pention, as they tooke in other Col­ledges; which the foolish fathers besotted, neuer denied them. Hereupon, by little and little, the Readers & Re­gents of the Vniuersitie, waxt cold in that desire which before they had to make themselues famous. This was, as it is with the Spleene in our bodies, which cannot grow, without the decay of other parts. In like sort, the growing of the Iesuit by this vnlawful cunning, was the ruine of the Vniuersitie of Paris, which God be than­ked, now riseth againe, euer since the Act of the Court of Parliament, in the yeere 1594.

But what is become of all this? The Principalls and Regents, in the midst of their famous couetousnes, re­maine poore, and the Iesuits, in the midst of their craftie liberalitie, are become exceeding rich. And this is that, which Monsiure Du Mesnill, the Kings Atturney ge­nerall, very wisely said to Ʋersoris and Pasquier, when as they reasond of the case of the Iesuits, and the Vniuer­sitie at the Kings-bench barre; Timeo Danaos & dona fe­rentes. I know that the meeke Iesuit, in his supplication presented to the King, affirmes, that our holy Father the pope, hath in Rome cōmitted to them, the instruction of the young Romane Nobilitie, amounting to the nūber of 2000. schollers, and of fiue Seminaries of young men, Romans, Greeks, English, Dutch, Scottish. Wee enuie not either Rome or Italie this great happines, much lesse the Iesuits, who finde themselues there to be very well and warme. They are permitted to become wholly Ita­lionate, so they get them out of Fraunce, and let vs liue in quiet: and to that end, I giue them these two verses following, to serue them for Letters demissories.

Or rather, by way of amplification, let them take this heere.

Nay more, to passe the time as they trauaile ouer the Alpes, I will giue them with all my hart a Latine Poëm, that Adrian Turnebus made in fauour of them, a fewe months after their cause was pleaded, translated since that time verse for verse, by Stephen Pasquier.

CHAP. 7. ¶ That the sect of the Iesuits, agrees in many things with the heresie of Peter Abelard.

AFter that Pasquier had by his Plea layde open, the impieties and blasphemies of the Iesuite Postell, he set himselfe to buc­kle with their▪ Metaphysicall Maldonat, who some fixe weekes, or two months before, in a great auditorie of young boyes, playing with his wit to the dishonour of GOD, had read contrarie Lectures. In the first, he labourd to proue by naturall reasons, that there is a God. In the se­cond, that there is none. The Iesuits maintaine at this day, by the pen of Rene de la. Fon, that the God-head must be prooued by naturall reasons, & that a man may dispute both pro & contra, and that hee which thinkes otherwise, and relyes onely vppon fayth, is impious. Thys proposition, together with theyr practise, which I haue obserued since their comming to abide in Paris, makes me remember Peter Abelard, who was so toucht to the quick by S. Bernard: and I thinke I shall not at all [Page 91]wander from my purpose, if I recount you the storie,Maff. li. b 1. cap. 16. the better to make comparison betwixt him and the Ie­suits; especially, because Ignace had for his first Regent in Barcelonne, one called Ardebal, in whose name you shall find Abelard, without difference of any one letter.

Peter Abelard, comming of a verie auncient and no­ble house of Britaine, being the eldest of fiue brothers (which is no small priuiledge in that countrey) gaue ouer all and euerie whit of his goods, that he might de­dicate himselfe to learning: wherein he was verie for­ward, before he went out of the countrey. But to the end he might be better furnisht, he came to Paris, which then began to be the fountaine of all good litterature. There he found two Maisters, William Campellensis in Philosophy, and Anselm in Diuinitie, who read diuers lectures in the Bishops Pallace, where the Vniuersitie then was. Abelard had not studied Philosophie, but that, as he was of a great, but a running wit, so he farre out-stript his companions, and became equall euen to Campellensis his Regent. And as one that was so, without taking any degree of licence, of his owne priuate autho­ritie, he tooke the Doctors Chare: which being forbid­den him, he went and read at Corbueil, afterward, at Melun; from thence he came backe to Paris, where he read in the Suburbs. A certaine space after, he studied Diuinity vnder Anselm, wherein he profited exceedingly, and vpon like extraordinarie confidence in himselfe as before, he vndertooke to teach, without the approba­tion of the Vniuersitie, to the great mislike of all the auncients, yet not of the younger sort, who common­ly take pleasure in such nouelties. As he grew wonder­fully in all things, so there befell him a verie great mis­hap. For he got a maide of good sort with child, called Heloise, whom he was constrained to marry priuily, to satisfie her vncle, being a Canon of the Church of Paris. [Page]Afterward, being desirous to conceale the marriage, and hauing put his wife into a cloyster of Nuns at Argētueil, her vncle taking offence thereat, caused him a little while after to be taken at vnawares, and those parts to be cut off, by which he had offended. In the end, ouercome with shame, his wound being perfectly whole, he be­came a Monke in the Abby of Saint Denis in Fraunce, and Heloise, a vailed Nunne in the Nunnery of Argen­tueil: yet could not this working spirit be restrained by the auncient discipline of our Church. For he began to set open a schoole, as well of Philosophy, as of Diuini­tie, within his Monasterie, drawing to him an infinite sort of schollers. This thing made the Vniuersitie of Paris to stirre against him by complaint to the Prelates. Which himselfe also conceales not, in a long Epistle be­ing the generall storie of his life, out of the which I haue copied this passage.

Cum autem in diuina Scriptura non minorem gratiam, quam in seculari, mihi Dominus contulisse videretur, coepe­runt admodum ex vtraque lectione scholae nostrae multiplica­ri, & caeterae vehementer omnes attenuari. Vnde maximè Magistrorum inuidiam atque odium aduersum me conci­taui. Qui in omnibus que poterant, mihi derogantes, duo praecipuè absenti semper obijciebant: quod scilicet proposit [...] Monachi valdè sit contrarium, secularium librorum studio detineri, & quod sine Magistro ad Magisterium diuinae lec­tionis accedere praesumpsissem, vt sic inde omne mihi doctrina scholaris exercitium interdiceretur. Ad quod incessantur, Episcopos, Archiepiscopos, Abbates, & quascumque pote­rant Religiosi nominis personas incitabant. This passage I especially note vnto you, as seruing meruailous fit, to be employed in this my discourse. As he made his fame to grow by reading, so did he also by writing; for hee wrote a booke, De Ʋnitate, & Trinitate diuina [...], in fa­uour of his schollers, as he saith. Qui humanas & Phi­losophicas rationes requirebant, & plus quàm intelligi, quâm [Page 92]quae dici possint, efflagitabant. Dicentes quidam verborum superfluam esse prolationem, quam intelligentia non sequere­tur: nec credi posse aliquid nisi prius intellectum, & ridiculo­sum esse aliquem alijs praedicare, quod nec ipse, nec illi quos doceret, intellectu capere possent: Domino ipso arguente, quod caeci essent ductores caecorum.

This booke offended all the Cleargy of France. Wher­vpon, there was a Councell assembled in the Towne of Soissons, where Conan, Bishop of Preuoste, and Legate in Fraunce for the Sea Apostolique, was President. A­belard being heard speake for himselfe, and his booke being read; that was condemned as heriticall, and ap­pointed to be burnt in open market, and he the author of it, was confined for euer into the Monastery of S. Me­dard, and expresse charge giuen him not once to come abroad. He had many schollers, whereof some were become Cardinals, and were neere about Pope Innocent the second. Insomuch, that by their intreatie, he found means to be receiued again into the Monastery of Saint Dennis; where again he plaid the foole, though he scapt punishment for it. Thus he continued, till at last, hee had leaue of the king to withdraw himselfe into Cham­paigne, and there he built an Oratory, which he dedi­cated to the trinitie, rather for reuenge, then deuotion, that he might set himselfe against them that had con­demned his booke. But percerceiuing that it dis­pleased the Prelates, and that he brought himselfe into danger to be censured againe, he changed his name in­to Paraclet (which signifies Comforter) a name parti­cularly consecrated to the holy Ghost: meaning, that this place had beene the Hauen of his comfort, after he had past many tempests and stormes. Which againe offended our Church; as he himselfe confesseth. For al­though all Churches, (as I gather out of of him) had beene consecrated in the name of the Father, of the Son, and of the holy Ghost: yet there neuer was any conse­crated [Page]to God the father, to God the Sonne, or to the blessed Spirit. To this obiection, he being a great So­phister, aunswered, that if Saint Paule to the Corinths, commaunded that euery man should build in himselfe a spirituall Temple to the holy Ghost, no man should thinke ill of it, that he had made a materiall temple. In this place, as he that sought for nothing but nouelties, he opened publique schooles of Philosophie and Di­uinitie. Whereof many schollers, that were curi­ous, being aduertised, they left the Townes to come to him, and to stay with him, building themselues little Lodges and Cels, where they lay vpon the straw: et pro delicatis cibis (saith he) herbis agrestibus, & pane pro cibario vtebatur. This indeed was, for him to set vp a new Sect, who had beene condemned by the Church and Vni­uersitie. The preachers declaimed against him, as a prin­cipall heretique, that displeased by his meanes, the Lords Temporall and Spirituall: but aboue all other, Saint Bernard tooke this quarrell in hand, as we see in his Epistles. For perceiuing, that notwithstanding the sentence of condemnation giuen by the Councell, Abelard continued opinionatiue in the teaching of his error, vnder the shadow of supports, and fauours he had in the Court of Rome, writing to Cardinall Yues. Dam­natus est Suessione, Bern. Epist. 193. cum opere suo, coram Legato Romanae ecclesiae, sed quasi non sufficeret illi, illa condemnatio iterum fatit, vnde iterum damnetur, & iam nouissimus error pe­ior est priore. Sequutus est tamen, quoniam Cardinales & Clericos Curie se discipulos habuisse gloriatur, & eos in defensione praeteriti & praesentis erroris adsumit, à qui­bus iudicari timere debuit, & damnari. And further: Magister Petrus Abelardus, sine regula Monachus, sine solicitudine Praelatus, nec ordinem tenet, nec ab ordine tene­tur. Homo sus dissimilis est, intus Herodes, foris Ioannes, totus ambiguus, nihil habens de Monacho, praeter nomen & habitum. And writing to Pope Innocent the second. [Page 93] Habemus in Francia nonum, de vtere Magistro, Theolo­gum, qui ab incunte aetate sua, in arte Dialectica lusit, & nunc in scripturis sanctis insanit. Olim damnata & sopita dogmata, tam sua videlicet, quàm aliena suscitare conatur, insuper & noua addit. Qui dum omnium quae sunt in coelo sursum, & quae sunt in terra deorsum, nihil praeter nescio quid nescire dignatur, point in coelo os suum, & scrutatur alta Dei, rediens (que) ad nos refert verba ineffabilia, quae non licet homini loqui. ET DVM PARATVS EST DE OM­NIBVS REDDERE RATIONEM, & contra rationem praesumit & contra fidem. Quid enim magis contra rationem, quam rationē transcendere? Et quid magis contra fidē, quam credere nolle quicquid non possis ratione at­tingere? Deni (que) exponere volens illud Sapientis: Qui credit citò, leuis est corde. Citò credere (inquit) est adhibere fidē ante rationem. Cùm hoc Salomon non de fide in Deum, sed de mutua inter nos dixerit credulitate. Nam illam quae in De­um est fidem, B. Papa Gregorius plane negat habere meri­tum, si ei humana ratio praebeat experimentum. Laudat au­tem Apostolos quod ad vnius iussionis vocem, sequuti sint Re­demptorem. Scit nimirum pro laude dictum: in auditu au­ris obediunt mihi: Increpatos è regione discipulos quod tardi­us credidissent. Denique laudatur Maria quod rationem fide praeuenit: & punitur Zacharias, quod fidem ratione tentauit. Et rursum commendatur Abraham qui contra se in spem credidit. At contra Theologus noster: Quid (inquit) ad doctrinam loqui proficit, si quod docere voluimus & ex­poni, exponi non potest vt intelligatur.

Doth not Saint Bernard heare bring proces for our new Iesuits, when by their naturall reasons they prooue and disproue, pro & conta concerning the Dietie? Saint Bernard (I say) whom in this the Archbishop of Reims followed, and the Bishops of Soissons, Challons, and Arras, who in the end of their letters, write thus to the Pope: Qui ergo homo ille multitudinem trahit post se, & populum qui sibi credas, habet, necesse est vt huic contagio, [Page]celeri remedio occurratis. In the end, Pope Innocent in­terposed his decretall sentence in these words: Commu­nicato fratrum nostrorum Episcoporum & Cardinalium consilio, destinata nobis à vestra discretione, capitula, & vni­uersa ipsius Petri dogmata, sanctorum Canonum authoritate, cum suo authore damnauimus, ei (que) tanquam haeretico perpe­tuum silentium imposuimus. Ʋniuersos autem erroris sui sectat res & defensores, à fidelium consortio sequestrandos, excommunicationîsque vinculo innodandos esse censemus.

The Iesuits say, that Pasquier impiously accuseth Maldonat the Iesuit, of impietie, (these are the words they vse) because in one of his Lectures,Fon. ca. 36. he had proued to his schollers by naturall reasons, that there is a God, in another, that there is none. And they themselues are wholly heretiques, by the proposition they main­taine, when as thinking by the wings of their wits, to lift themselues vp aboue Heauen, they fall downe into the bottomlesse pit of Hell; or else Pope Innocent the second, Saint Bernard, and our whole Church of Fraunce, are deceiued. But because this is not the marke I ayme at, my intent being onely to examine, the like­nes and vnlikenes, that was betwixt Ignace and his fel­lowes vpon the one part, and Abelard that great here­tique and disturber of our Vniuersitie of Paris, on the other: I will put you in mind, that both the one and o­ther, came of great and noble houses. The difference between them was, that Abelard was the eldest of his bre­thren, Ignace the yongest: he learned, & of a great spirit, Ignace vtterly ignorant of all good learning. Thence it came, that the one would violently set vp his Sect like a Lion; and thereby sunke vnder the waight of his hope: the other like a Foxe, who by that meanes, enlarged his.

But if you take away these differences, they were very like in many other things. Abelard writ a booke of the Trinitie, which was condemned by the Church, Ignace [Page 94]made another of the same matter, which he himselfe condemned; shewing himselfe therein more wise and aduised then the other; Abelard without any degree of licence, would needs at the first marry himselfe to the Chair, to read in the Vniuersity of Paris. The very same thing did, not Ignace, who was a meere ignorant fellow, but his followers, the Iesuits. So that you shal neuer find, any one of their first Regents which read in the Vni­uersity of Paris, to be a Graduate. Abelard, being a religi­ous person of the Abbey of S. Dennis, taught both Phi­losophie and Diuinitie: the verie same that our religious Iesuits do. The Vniuersitie at that time tooke it ill, that Philosophie was read by a Munke, to forraine schollers and strangers: and it is also one of the principal articles of controuersy with the Iesuits. Abelard read Diuinitie without any degree of licence, whereof the Vniuersitie complaind to the Prelats of Fraunce, yet did he nothing which the Iesuits did not afterward, and do euen to this day: and it is one of the principall complaints of the V­niuersity against them. Abelard, was condemned by our Church of France: Ignace & his fellowes, first by the fa­cultie of Diuinitie in Paris, afterward, by our Church as­sembled at Poissy. Abelard, brought in the heresie, to proue that by natural reasons, which depends vpon our Christian faith: the Iesuits, not only follow this damnable opinion, but maintaine that he is an Athiest, & impious, who beleeues in God with all humility, & likes not that a man should by naturall reasons, proue to boyes, that there is a God, & that there is none. Abelard was great­ly supported in the Court of Rome by Cardinals; and that is it, which spoiles vs at this day. For the Iesuits fin­ding all fauour there, abuse it, and call all thē heretiques that rely not vpon their heresies. Abelard, was a religi­ous, not religious, hauing indeed, nothing of a religi­ous but the habit: Which gaue Saint Bernard occasion to say, that hee was, Sine ratione Monachus, qui nec ordinem [Page]tenebat, nec tenebatur abordine. I pray you tell me what order the Iesuits keepe, and by what order they are held. True it is, that Abelard was in his habit religious, and these men know not what it meanes. Saint Bernard said, that Abelard represented Iohn Baptist outwardly, and inwardly Herode. As for our Iesuits, I neuer could acknowledge any thing of Saint Iohn Baptist in their sermons, but much of Herode in their cruelties, to make Princes be murthered, and to driue them out of their Realmes and Dominions. Yet there is one diffe­rence, for these fellowes liue fat and faire, and are not bound by their constitutions to keepe extraordinarie fasts, as other orders doe: contrariwise, Abelards schol­lers and followers, lay vpon the straw in little cabins, and for their dyet, contented themselues with bread and hearbs.

To conclude, Abelard tooke to himselfe apart, the great and holy name of Paraclet, for which he was con­dēned by our Diuines: and with a like zeale, the Iesuits haue taken the name of Iesus, which was forbidden thē. The conclusion was alike, for notwithstanding the mis­like of our Prelats, the name Paraclet remaines yet to A­belards Oratory, which at this day by a corrupt name we call Paraclit; and it is a house of Nuns, whereof Heloise, Abelards wife, was the first Abbesse: in like sort the name Iesus continueth with the Iesuits, that they may in all points enioy Abelards priuiledges. And in my opiniō, there is not any one of them, that hath hit righter vp­on their agreement with Abelard, then he that in the yeere 1594. defended the Colledge of Clairmont. Who, when Arnault, had freshly obiected against them in a full Court of Parliament, the name & quality of a Iesuit, answered in scorne, that, that obiection, had beene made against them before, by Master Stephen Pasquier, and that it was out of date. One thing onely is wanting in this generall corespondence of Abelard with our [Page 95]Iesuits: namely, such a worthy personage as S. Bernard, to be a meanes to the holie Sea, against these new trou­blers of our Church, and our Vniuersities. For when I speake of him, I dare be bold to say, that God did spread in his hart, the beames and rayes of his holy Spirit, as much & more then in any man that liued since his time.

CHAP. 8. ¶ That the Iesuit giues himselfe licence to bring into his Colledge children, out of the bosoms of their Fathers and Mothers, without theyr leaue.

AS the Iesuits put euery peece of holie scripture in practise, not for maintenance of our Church, but onely of their sect, so doe they maintaine, that they may drawe all children to them, whether theyr Fa­thers & Mothers wil or no, (their consent being a thing not necessarie) for the loue and honour of God. Thys rule they put in practise very religiously vppon all chyl­dren of good Houses, or at least, vpon as many as by a­ny means they may lay hold on. Among whō, hauing conuayed away out of sight a youth, of 15. yeeres old, the eldest sonne of Airault, Lieuetenant criminel in the siege Presidiall of Angers, a man of especiall reckning. He put vp a supplication to the Court of Parliament of Paris, that his sonne might be restored to him.

The parties being heard at large, the Court tooke or­der by an act of the 20. of May, 1586. that a commission should be graunted him, to informe himselfe of the in­ticements vsed by the Iesuits to his son: & in the meane while, inhibitions & restraints were sent, to the Prouin­ciall, Rector, and Principall of the Colledges of Clair­mont, forbidding them to attempt any thing to the pre­iudice of the supplication presented by Airault, or to re­ceiue [Page]his sonne into theyr Societie, vppon paine of a­mends: and it was farder enioyned them, to giue know­ledge of this act, to the other Colledges of their Socie­tie.

This notwithstanding, these holy Fathers would not deliuer the youth againe, so that the poore Father vvas faine to comfort himselfe, first with his teares, and then with his penne, by writing and printing a booke of the power of a Father, wherein hee shewed, that it was im­pudently to abuse the holy Scripture, to take them raw­lie, according to the Letter onely, as the Iesuits did, to the disaduantage of Fathers. He spake like an honest & worthy man, as hee that felt no small griefe, for the stea­ling away of his sonne. I will speake without passion, & say, that it is a hard thing, that the child should enter in­to orders of religion, against the will of his Father and Mother, of whō himselfe is a good part. And yet I think it not onely excusable, but commendable, when beeing of a competent age, a man betakes himselfe to a Mona­sterie, though his Father and mother consent not to it: but when these things are carried by the crafty conuey­ance of Munks, the matter deserues extraordinarie pu­nishment.

A fewe yeeres since, there was great blame layd vp­on the Charter-house Munks of Paris, for hauing with­out the Fathers knowledge, receiued a young man into their Order. The Prior being sent for about the matter, by the Court of Parliament, maintaind with a wonder­full resolution, that hee was not bound to turne him a­way. We goe not to seeke them (quoth he) we liue a so­litarie life, seuerd from the Towne, within the Towne: we allure them not to vs by Lectures or by conferences. Yea, contrariwise, wee make expresse profession of si­lence, and they of our order, speake to no man without leaue of their Superiour. If any man of ripe age, moued by the grace of the holy Ghost, be desirous to become [Page 96]one of our Order, why should wee goe to procure any others good will, whom wee know from his infancie by the instinct of nature, not to be disposed to such deuo­tion. This were to enuie God a goodly sacrifice, readie to be offered to him, and wee should be coutned tray­tors to the generall good of the Church, if wee should deale otherwise.

The Court hauing heard his defence, dismist him, without pressing him any further, which they did not on the behalfe of the Iesuits, in Airaults case. You shall vnderstand hereafter the reasons of this diuersitie. Sure­lie, if wishing might preuaile in such matters, I could de­sire, that all children, before they make thēselues Munks, would followe the example of Elizeus, who would not become seruaunt to E [...]as, till hee had taken his leaue of his Father. Which if perhaps they doe not, beeing not won to that course but by themselues, through the in­spiration of God, I doe not thinke (I will say it yet once againe,) that a man can blame them, or the Monasterie that receiues them. But for the Iesuit, the matter stands quite otherwise; and I remember, that I was one day with a poore Father enraged, who, hauing his sonne stolne & caried away, letting loose the reines to his chol­ler, with a troubled minde, spake on this manner to the Rector of the Iesuits in Paris. I did not commit my son to thee to make a Iesuit of him, but to instruct him in humane learning, that hee might not stray from our Catholique religion, with intent to make him heyre of my will, of my goods, and of my estate, supposing that thou hadst some religion in thee. But where hast thou found (thou lewd fellowe) that it is permitted thee, by auricular confession, by a counterfeit deuotion, by hy­pocriticall speeches, to seduce my poore child, to steale him frō himselfe, to steale him from his Father, to steale him from GOD? For why should I not call it, stealing from God, when as for the first worke of his deuotion, [Page]thou teachest him, to steale himselfe from his Father? An innocent I may call him, to whom by reason of the weakenes of his age, and vnderstanding, thou hast giuen no leysure to bethinke himselfe in conuenient time, of that which he hath promist to God, by making a vowe to liue a Munks life. Thou Iugler in matters of Christi­an religion, which playest tricks of passe and repasse, to make a child passe, by inuisibilities, (it is, it is not,) to the end thou maist withdraw him, both frō his Fathers pre­sence, and also frō the Magistrats. And when thou hast thus done, thou hast vp thy generall prouerbe, These be the works of thy holy spirit; whom thou hast alwaies in thy mouth, as harlots are alwaies prating of their cha­stitie.

Doost thou thinke (thou wr [...]tch) though my first proiect was to bring him vp in mine owne calling, yet if after he was come out of thy house, and come to yeeres of discretion, he would haue forsaken the world, that I would haue enuied him that felicitie? Not to make him a Gypsie, to rogue about as thou doost all ouer the world, feyning that hee can tell euery man his fortune, whē he cannot tell his own: but to frame him after the mould of our auncient orders of religion, and at once to shut him vp in a Cloyster, there to leade a solitarie lyfe, to giue himselfe to fasting and prayer, to weare hayre-cloth, & so to behaue himselfe, that his Cloyster should be a Pallace to him, fish as Manna from heauen, and hayre-cloth, more soft then the finest Holland shirt of Linnen.

And, that after hee had employed his solitarinesse in long watchings, and deuotions, hee might come out of his Cloyster, as a worthy and valiant warriour, not to murder Kings, not to conquer Realmes, and to sel them to him what would offer most, but to kill sinne, to sub­due disordered soules, by preaching in the midst of the churches, that which appertaines to euerlasting blessed­nesse. [Page 97]I call not to the Iudges of this world, for reuenge of this wrong, thou detestable coosner, the great Iudge of Iudges shall be my auenger, euen then, when after he hath chastizd the Magistrate, either for his feare, or for his long winking at thy lewdnes, he shall cast thee into the fire, as the Father doth the rod, when he hath beaten his childe there-with.

I saw a poore Father, in the Iesuits Colledge in Paris, play hys part in this sort: and to say the truth, I coulde haue wished, that the good olde man, had some-what brideled his choller, which me thought past the bounds of modestie: but what modestie can a man looke for in a Father, that hath his sonne stolne from him? There is no remedie, but he must needes be out of patience. In a worde, consider I pray you the first griefe of a poore desolate Father, who complaines not that his sonne is become a religious person, but that it is wrought by the Iesuits seducing, alluring, and coosning.

Did you neuer heare it sayde, that it is a great burden to our conscience, when wee marry our Chyldren vn­der age, because it is to teach them to hate theyr vviues, before they can vnderstand what it is to loue them? So stands the case with these young youths; enticed to this spirituall marriage. For howe soeuer at theyr first en­traunce, euery thing laughs vppon them, by reason of the charmes and sweet entertainment of theyr ghostlie Fathers, yet afterward, there settles an imperfection in theyr mindes, of a long repentance for their hastinesse: and they fall to curse the yere, the month, the weeke, the day, the houre, and the moment, in which they were so deceiued And if there be any that scape this repentance, alas they are very few.

To conclude, as long as wee mingle the bringing vp of our youth with this pretended Munkerie, wee shall neuer be able to saue our selues from this vnhappy con­fusion, wherof the Cittie of Paris, (thankes be to God) [Page]is at this day discharged. But I speake to them, who be­ing coozned, protect, as yet, this new monster with their authoritie.

CHAP. 9. ¶ Of the vow of the Iesuits, which they call the simple vow.

INtending to entreate now from hence­forward, of the Iesuits simple vowe, I heere vow, not to deale with them, but at their owne weapons. They haue bin alwaies hetherto so cunning that fewe men haue had any knowledge of theyr dealings. Their Bulls and their statuts are, to this day, printed within their Colledges, so that no man knowes the Printers name, neither can they easily com into any strangers hands: which hath beene the cause, that no man heeretofore, durst speake so boldly of them. But as the force of truth is such, that in time it wil be discouerd, so the Caball of these Rabbines; could not be kept so secret, but that in tract of time, their bookes haue gotten out of their Colledges, vpon which I haue framed thys present discourse. I will begin with their simple vowe, a vow, which I may say is new, and monstrous, and which cannot be tollerated in our Church, without the ouerthrowing thereof, at the least in regard of religious Orders and Monasteries.

By the Lecture which the Iesuit read vs yesterday, you vnderstand, that the first vow of their Order, is that which they call the simple vow, by which, hee that will vow himselfe to their Societie, makes at the first the 3. ordinarie vowes of all other religious Orders, namelie, of Chastitie, Pouertie, and Obedience. And although, in respect of himselfe, hee may not after this vow, giue ouer his profession, yet is it in the power of the General, [Page 98]when he will to dismisse him, though hee haue beene a Iesuit 25. yeeres: and, which is more, as long as he goes no farder then this simple vow, he is capable of all inhe­ritances direct and collaterall, notwithstanding the vowe of pouertie hee hath made. Let vs not detract any thing from the honour due to the one and to the other, but let vs see what discourse Montaignes hath made of these matters.

By this discourse (saith he,Montag. ca. 50. de sa ve­rite defen­due. speaking to Arnault) two lyes that you haue made shal be refuted; The one is, that no man euer makes this vow of pouertie, but that there­by all hope of succession is lost. For it is made in the end of the Nouiceship, as hath been said. Now, if notvvith­standing this vow of Pouertie, they retaine sometimes for many yeeres the proprietie of their goods, by theyr Superiors leaue, and are capable of inheritances, be not offended thereat, neither call the Iesuits couetous there­fore. For this retayning, is not for them who haue re­nounced this right, as I said before, but for the benefite and commoditie of those, that are vnder theyr gouern­ment. For if it should chaunce, that vpon iust cause they were to be dismist out of the Societie, according to the priuiledges thereof, they shoulde thereby receiue no wrong, but bee able to liue of themselues: whereas o­therwise, beeing depriued thereof, they should be dri­uen eyther to begge, or to continue in the Societie, not onely to the hurt and preiudice thereof, but also to the endangering of their owne bodies, yea and theyr soules to.

It is a nevve Lavve (you will say,) true. It is new and vvonderfull, sayth the great Canonist Nauarre. It is a new Lawe, as also the simple vow of Chastitie is, which this Societie makes, vvhich hinders marriage to be con­tracted, and disanuls it after it is contracted. But it cea­seth not to be right, by beeing newe, as long as it is rati­fied by the Prince and head of the Church, who made [Page]the Lawes of other religious Orders, and the rest of the Canon Law.

The newnes of a thing, hinders not the nature of it. The newe Raisins are Raisins, as well as those of the Vine that Noe planted. All right was nevve in the be­ginning, and yet ceast not thereby to be right. Sixteene hundred yeeres hence, this will bee more auncient then the Canons of the Apostles are at this day, which were as young fifteene hundred yeeres a goe, as this is now. The other lye, which is also refuted by this discourse, is, that the Iesuits cast men off, when they are spent with trauaile. For as they are not retayned for hope of theyr goods, so are they not cast off by reason of theyr pouer­tie, but for some other iust cause. Otherwise, at the last, they must needes dismisse all that make profession, be­cause they are depriued of all their goods; and they should receiue none that is not rich, neither of which they doe.

If there be any of so obstinate a nature, that he wil not be amended, after that he hath beene lookt to, and me­dicind a long time, it is reason that hee should beare the punishment of his stubbornnesse, and that the societie should vse their right. VVhich notwithstanding is not done but very sildome, and that by the authoritie of the Generall onelie, and almost alwaies with the liking of them that are dismist: whom we haue not so much em­ploied, as endured, and waited for their amendment, 10. and sometimes 20. yeeres. With such griefe of hart doe they vse this remedie; and so deerely loue they the sal­uation of those that are damageable to thē. And so it is plaine, that you are in all things altogether vniust to the Iesuits, in slaūdering thē, that they seduce men, by recei­uing thē into their society, & dismissing them out again.

Some man more scrupulous,Chap. 51. & of better vnderstan­ding then you, will demaund, vvith what conscience they can be dismist and absolued, that haue once made [Page 92]vow of religion, since the vow is a bond to God, which he onely can release, as a right belonging properly to him. To that I aunswere, that a vow binds, according to his intent that makes it. If any make a vow to fast after the order of the Chartehouse Munks, he binds himselfe to fast, as the Charterhouse Munks do, not as one of an other order, who obserueth no such fast. They that make vowes in this Societie, make them according to the intent and fashion thereof; the intent is, that they should be in such sort bound to abide in it, as that, when there shall be any iust occasion, they may be dismist, and acquited of their bond. Wherefore, hee that is bound, hath no wrong done him, if he be constrained to keepe his promise, or if hee be dismist, because he can­not, or will not doe his endeauour, to amend himselfe and accomplish it. For he hath made his vowe with such a condition, & volenti non fit iniuria: and he that forsakes the Societie without leaue, is an Apostata, and beares reproach, and the marke of his sinne. But he that departs, by the aduise, or good pleasure of his Generall, who thinks it meete, vpon some necessitie of minde or bodie, or of his parents, or for the pub­lique good, or for some other iust cause, that hee should be licenced to giue ouer, is thereby absolued from his vowes.

CHAP. 10. That it cannot be excused, but that there is heresie and Macchiauelisme in the Iesuits sim­ple vow.

THus much the Iesuit Montaignes. Now I instantly beseech out holy Father the Pope, and adiure all Kings, Princes, Po­tentates, and Lords, which fight vnder his banner in our militant Church, that [Page]they would open their eies, and euerie one particularly examine his conscience, for the good of our Christi­an world. With whom haue I here to do? with the Ie­suits; who making aunswer to Arnaults Plea, would haue thought they had wrongd their holinesses, if ac­cording to the ordinary simplicity of others, they had intitled their discourse thus, A defence against Arnaults Plea; but with a proud title, they haue set on the front of their booke. The truth defended for the Catholik religiō, in the Iesuits cause, against the Plea of Anthony Arnault. I take them at their word, & wil labour for the Catholike religion with them: there is nothing more commaun­ded vs by God & his Church, then the performance of our vowes. I should abuse both the time & my pen, if I would proue this by texts out of the old and new Te­stament, and by the authorities of the auncient Doctors of the Church, sith deuotion first brought into our Church, the orders of Religious Monasteries, by which wee enter the three substantiall vowes of Pouertie, Chastitie, and Obedience. This rule hath beene so strictly obserued, that the Pope himselfe, though hee haue fulnesse of power ouer our consciences, yet neuer gaue liberty to himselfe, to dispense wholly with a religious person; vnlesse it be in fauour of some soueraigne Prince, for the succouring of some ve­rie vrgent necessitie in his estate. And our Lord being desirous to shew, that such dispensations please him not, sometimes interposes the rigour of iustice verie ma­nifestly. That was seene long since in the Realme of Naples, where, when all the royall line was ended in Constance, who had beene a long time a professed Nun, the publique necessity seemed to claime, that she should be disuayld, that the blood royall might be renewed by her. She was absolued from her vow by the holy Sea, and presently married to the Emperour Fredericke the second, of which marriage, Manfrey was borne, and of [Page 100]him Conradin. But neuer marriage brought greater ru­ine to Italy then this: because the Pope and the Em­perour were thereby in continuall diuisions vnder the names of the Guelfes and Gibbilins, which lasted an in­finite while. And as for the children that came thereof, Manfrey was slaine in a pitcht field, & afterward, Con­radin his sonne taken by Charles of Aniow, king of Na­ples, who causd him to be beheaded vpon a scaffold. I haue purposely toucht this example, to shew how little God likes these vnmunkings, what authoritie soeuer he haue giuen to our holy father the Pope: who also hath beene drawne thereto with an infinite number of re­spects, before be yeeld. But aboue all, it is a generall rule in Rome, that in all other families not soueraigne, the Pope neuer makes a religious man lay, but only chan­ges the rigour of the first vow, into an other more easie to beare; as we saw of late in this our country of France. When as the Lord of Bouchage, comming of a verie noble house, had made himselfe a Capuchin, and that after the death of all his bretheren, the necessitie of the time seemnig to call him again to worldly affairs, all that his friends could obtaine at Rome, was, the chaunging of his vow into that of Saint Iohn of Ierusalem. It was neuer permitted, a religious man in our Church, that had made the vowe of pouertie, to succeed his pa­rents: much lesse to be releast out of his Monasterie to enter againe into a secular life. The Pope giues not himselfe this libertie.

And shall wee suffer in our Church, a religious Ie­suit to succeed, and his Generall to giue him leaue to doo so, when it pleaseth him? Dij talem terris auertite postem. This is no priuiledge, this is a new monster,Montaig. ca. 50. & 5 [...] ▪ which is brought into our Christian profession. For all this, the Iesuit thinkes to bee acquitted by God, of this heresie; when hee saith, that there is no more in anie vowe, then a man puts into it: hee should [Page]say there is no more in the play. For by rendering this reason of simple vow, hee playes with God; and is one of those scorners, of whom Dauid speaketh in in the first Psalme. In summe, the Iesuits would say, that there simple vow is a vow, of a pettie dissimulation, and that they thinke to deceiue God by the same Sophi­strie, which the old Pagan vsed, when he said, Iura [...] lingua, mentem iniuratam habeo: Which protestation, was condemned by them of the time, though they were not Christians. So saith that Iesuit, I vowed pouerty with my tongue, but in my mind I had a bird that sung an other song.

And thinking by this shift to make vs like of their new doctrine, hee playes three parts at once, the Iesuit, the Heretique, & the Macchiauelist. And whereas they say, that the great Canonist Nauarre calleth their simple vow, Nouum & mirabile. Saint Bernard reprouing A­belards heresie, said no lesse, that, Ambulabat in maguis et in mirabilibus.

CHAP. 11. ¶ Of the Iesuits engaging the aut horitie of the holy Sea, to excuse the heresie of their simple vow.

BVt these two priuiledges (saith Montag­nes) are granted vs by the Head & Prince of the Church. See how these honest men wrong the authority of the holy Sea; and into what disorder they bring it, by making it a defence of their heresie. I will neuer abide, that this come to the ears of the enemies of our Church, but that withal, they shal vnderstand how al things haue past. The truth is, that before Gregorie 13. neuer any Pope was of aduise to grant them these priuiledges, and yet euer since the comming of Ignace, they haue practi­sed [Page 101]this simple vow, as we may see by the same Gregories Bull, 1584. Whereupon euerie good Catholique will maintaine, that it was a new heresie brought in by them, against the holy and auncient decrees. Tell me honest men, what is become of the soules of your Saints Ig [...]a­rius Loiola, Iames Lainez, Frances Borgia, & Euerard Mo­rouie, the foure first Generals of your Sect? Where is Frances Xauier, that was canonized a Saint amongst the barbarous? Where is Peter Faurs, Nicholas Bobadilla and Pasquier Broet? In briefe, where be the soules of all them of your Sect, that liued from the yeere 1540. vntill the yere 1584. and died in this herefie? In which yeere, you obtaind permission for the time, to come, not abso­lutiō for that which was past: so that it came too late, for thē that died before. In the meane while, we haue these for Maisters, & Lecturers of our youth in their Colled­ges, for holy fathers, & Diuines in our Church, to preach to vs. And yet, as profest heretiques, in steed of establishing againe our afflicted religion, by establishing their owne greatnes, they haue wholy ouerthrowne ours alto­gither: and haue had no other foundation of their he­resie, but their owne detestable couetousnes.

This indeed might haue beene obiected against vs heretofore (will the Iesuit say) but not now, by reason of this new Bull. This answere at the first sight may seeme verie sufficient to stop our mouthes: but when you shall vnderstand how, at what time, and by what cunning it was gotten, you shall find nothing in it, but sauours of a Iesuit. They haue diuers vowes, but I find none so solemne, as that which I will presently declare to you; which is, to put in execution their deuises, be they good or euill, of their own priuate authoritie, with­out any respect had of the holy Sea: and when they haue a long time vsed this verie ill, they spy out occasions of troubles for the authorizing of that their practise, as men most necessarie for the maintenaunce of our reli­gion. [Page]By doing wherof, they giue law to him, of whom they make shew to receiue law. The fisherman fishes in a troubled water, and the Iesuit in our troubles. In this sort began their Societie, and after many refusals, was confirmed by Pope Paule the third in the yeeres 1540. and 43. in consideration of the troubles that were at that time in Germanie, betwixt the Catholiques and the Lutherans. In this sort they obtained of Pope Pius the fourth, their great priuiledge, to disturbe the ancient discipline of all Vniuersities, in the yeere 1561. That is to say, when the troubles began to rise in Fraunce, be­twixt the Catholique and Hugonot. The fame was practised by them in 84. when father Claudius Ma­thew, their Prouinciall of France, stirred the humours of Rome, not only against the Hugonots, but also against the most Catholik King deceased, as if he had fauoured them. And feeding Pope Gregorie with an infinite sort of vaine hopes, they thought they might without daun­ger pull of their maske, and get that approued by him, which they neuer durst discouer to any Pope before, namely, the dishonestie of their simple vow. In such sort, that in Iune 1584. they obtaynd the confirmation of this vow, and fiue moneths after, the deceased King Henrie the third, who wanted not his spies, made a Commission to be publisht in open Parliament, against them that practised any league in straunge countries. If there were nothing but the opposition of this time, it were sufficient to deface the memorie of that Bull of Pope Gregorie, and also many decretals of Boniface the eight, which was a profest enemie to Fraunce.

But I haue yet strōger reasons on my side, for I see not that any man thinks, that Pope Gregorie euer gaue any sufficient consent thereto. And that it is so, after he hath briefly discourst of the Nouiceship, he saith, that the reli­gious making their first simple vow: In Societatē cooptan­our ac quantū est ex parte ipsorū perpetuò, ex parte verò So­cietatis [Page 102]IVXTA APOSTOLICA INDVL­TA, ET CONSTITVITIONES PRAE­DICT AS, tamdiu obligati sunt, quaudiu Praepositus Ge­neralis eos retimendos censuerit. Quod ad Societatis conser­nationē maxime est necessariū, ID QVE AB ILLI­VS EXORDIO PROVSVIM, & post, experi­mento cōprobatum est. Id (que) initio ingressus, illis explicitè mani­festatur, atque ipsi conditionē haue amplectuntur: quae eis si quos dimittere opor [...]eat, multò est commodior, vt liberi potiùs, quàm votis obligati dimittantur, alijs (que) iustis & rationalibus de causis. That is to say, that after the time of their No­uiceship, and when by vow they haue sworne Pouertie, Chastitie, and Obedience, they are incorporated into ou [...] Society, for as much as to thēselues belongs, for the whole terme of their life: but forasmuch as appertaines to the Societie, according to the Apostolicall indults and constitutions spoken of before, they are bound to abide with vs so long, as it pleaseth the Generall to retaine them. A matter verie necessarie for the preser­uation of the Societie, and prouided for in the first be­ginning of this order, afterward, found to be very profi­table by experience. And this is at euery mans first ente­rance, expresly made known to him, and he accepts the condition; which is the more cōmodious for such as are to be admitted, that whē they shal be sent away, they may depart acquitted & discharged of their vow, vpon some iust and reasonable considerations. By this Article, you learn not, that a religious person hauing made his simple vow, may inherit: but that is supplied by an other that followeth in these words: Et licet qui ad gradus professorū & Coadiutorū formatorum nondū peruenerunt, bonorū suo­rum ius at (que) dominium, tum alias ab iustas causas, tum etiam vt maiorē habeat Societas libertatē, illos si opus fuerit remit­tēdi, & cum minori [...]ffensione dimittēdi. And although (saith the Latine) that they which are not yet come to the de­gree of those that are professed, and of formed coadiu­tors, [Page]may possesse their goods & demaines, for many waighty reasons, especially, that the Societie may haue li­berty, to turne them out again, if it shal be needful, & dis­misse thē with the lesse scruple, or doubt of conscience. Out of these two Articles you may gather; First, that it is permitted to the General to absolue his religious from their simple vow, whensoeuer it please him, and to send him backe to his owne house, freed and acquitted from his vow. Secondly, that this religious man, may possesse tēporall goods, which clause they haue stretched to suc­cessions, as you see in Montaignes. Thirdly, that since the beginning of their order, they haue vsed to do so. And lastly, that Gregory hath cōfirmd these two priuiledges to thē, according to the grants that before were made thē, & their constitutions. I wil make this controuersie very plaine. Let vs run ouer the Buls, that they had obtained before, there is not any one wherein you shall finde, that their Generall was permitted, to dismisse them, when he would, or they to inherit during their simple vow. There are 23. of thē, those of Pope Paul the 3. 1540. 43.45.46.49. Those of Iulius his successor, 50. & 52. of Pius 4.61. of Pius 5.65.68.71. in March & Iuly, of Gregory 13.72.73.75. in Ianuary & May 76. in February, Iuly, October December 78. in Ianuary & May. There is no mention in any of these, either for distinguishing, or for inheriting or possessing of goods. All these Buls haue beene printed by them, in one volume, that of 84. is inserted at large in the summary of Buls, gathered by Mathew Toscan and in Ribadiner, in the third booke of Ignace life, Chap. 23. If they pretend that they haue any other, let them shew them, because, where none are shewen, it is presu­med there are none. If I haue proued as I haue, that in all the former Buls, there is neuer a word spoken of these two priuiledges, the truth is, that by these last Buls, they haue circumuented the religious care of the holy Sea: as they did before, in the yeere, 1561. when to disturbe all [Page 103]the auncient customes of the Vniuersities, they gaue Pope Pius to vnderstand, that, that which hee granted them, was but a confirmation of a grant made to them by Iulius the 3. This then was a cooznage, [...], and surrection, and consequently, there is [...] to be made of this Bull of 84. I am of opinion with th [...], (GOD forbid that I should steale away any part of the truth frō them in this matter,Part. 2. de const. ca. 4. art. 3. & form exam. ca. 6. art. 8. &c. 7. art. 1. or in any other) thus in their constitutions, there is speech that the Generall may dis­misse when he wil. But Pope Gregory put in his permis­sion, not onely in consideration of these constitutions; but of the former Apostolique graunts, which notwith­standing cannot be found. For a simple constitution of their Order, would neuer haue beene sufficient to make Pope Gre. cōsent to the infringing of all the ancient con­stitutions of the Church, in fauour of these new people.

I acknowledge also, that, as for this poynt, the No­uices, when they entred into the course of Iesuitisme, were not ignorant of it: For 4. or 5. dayes after that the Nouice entreth into the house of Nouiceship, there to accomplish his two yeeres of probation,Const. part. 3. c. 4. art. 5. the Exami­ners are charged to deliuer to him all their letters Apo­stolick, theyr Statuts, and Constitutions; yea, the gene­rall examination that is to be made of him: to the end, that hee may informe him selfe of the weight of the burden bee must beare, vvhen hee shall bee admitted into this Order. and that hee may not haue any ground to repent himselfe afterward. Now sith it may be found by their constitutions, that theyr Generall is permitted to absolue the religious from theyr simple vow, when­soeuer he will, and sith these constitutions are imparted to them, it cannot be sayd, that they are ignorant of this priuiledge of their General; and a man may say of them in this regard, as the Iesuit Montaignes doth volenti non fit imuriac if so be that this permission be lawfull to be admitted into our Christian Church, and that Gregorie [Page]was not coo [...]d in graūting it to the Iesuitish Church.

But for the second priuiledge, whereby the religious is permitted, during the simple vow, to inherit and pos­sesse temporall goods, not onely there is nothing for it in theyr auncient Bulls, but also not [...] any of theyr con­stitutions: Yea all things fight against this intention. At the entrance into this Order, they are bound to make a vow, both particularly and generally, of Pouertie, say the Bulls of Paulo the third, 1540. and those of Iulius, 1550. And because that perhaps may require a more precise explication they expresse it at large in the 4. c. of their generall Examination, where they enioyne them, as I said ere-while, to dispose, not onely of the goods that they haue in possession, but also of those, which they haue no otherwise but in hope. Debent omnia bo [...]asua temporalia quae habuerint distribuere & renunciare, a [...] dis­ponere de his quae ipsis obuenire possent. They must sayth the Latine) renounce all the temporall goods they haue, & distribute them; and likewise dispose of all that here­after may fall to them.

You shall note by the way, thys wise resolution of the Iesuit, who appoynts, that he, which will enter into this order, shall dispose of goods which hee hath not. They are commaunded to giue their goods for almes to the poore, and not to leaue them to th [...]ir kindred, to re­nounce all loue they beare them, euen that which is due to their Fathers and Mothers, and all this is, to the end they may take from them,Cap. 4. de Examin. art. 42. all mind of returning to their Fathers houses. Vt ad parentes & consangu [...]neos reourren­di, & ad inutilem ipsorum memoriam, firmius & stabilius in sua vocatione perseuerāt. That the way to returne to their kindred, and the needlesse remembrance of them, may be stopt, and they may perseuer the more firme & sta­ble in theyr calling.

In the conclusion of all this, they haue no sooner a­bandoned all their goods, during the first yeere of theyr [Page 104]Nouiceship, but that they are permitted, after their vow of pouertie, to be heyres vnto them whom they were cō ­maunded to forget, yea the loue and memory of them. Therefore I conclude, that this priuiledge, for him to in­herite that hath made the vow of Pouertie, is first against the holy decrees of God, and of his Church. Secondly, against common sence. Thirdly, grounded vppon two inexcusable and very manifest lyes, The one, when it is supposed by the Bull, that their Constitutions permit them to inherit, during theyr Simple vow, The other, when according thereto, they giue their Nouices to vn­derstand, that they may inherit after they haue made the simple vow. For contrariwise, all theyr Constitutions gaine-say it in very plaine termes. Turne therefore and wind this Bul of Gregory which way you wil, there is no­thing in it, that engages the holy Sea in fauour of them.

I confesse freely, that when the Iesuit Montaignes al­leaged, that the Prince & head of the Church, had per­mitted them this vnhappy vowe, I beganne to tremble, weighing with my selfe, of what consequence this per­mission was to all Christendome: but when I had satis­fied my selfe by reading the Bull, ô impudent coozners, (quoth I then) who draw in the holy Sea for warrant of your impietie. Did euer any man set the popedom for a fairer mark then this, against our aduersaries? I would not wish any other thing in their hands then this, to try­umph ouer vs, if it were true. This is the charitie that you honest men, which preach nothing but charitie, shew, to the desolation of the holy Sea, of which you make shew to be the only Protectors. And yet, if Pope Gregorie had otherwise made this grant, then to gratifie you at that time, when you promist nothing lesse, then to giue Lawes to all soueraigne Princes, and to the Pope himselfe, I would not seeke to preuaile against his Bull, eyther by the auncient liberties of our famous Church of Fraunce, which cannot beare in Fraunce [Page]such extraordinary permissions, or by the maiesty of our Kings, the Defenders of our liberties, or by the authori­tie of our Parliaments vnder them, to which the main­tenaunce of the Ecclesiasticall discipline appertaines. And much lesse would I aduise, to appeale to a gene­rall Councell to be held hereafter, as our ancient French were wont to doe in such affayres. Neither would I stir vp the faithfull care of all generall Proctors of Parlia­ments to appeale, as from abuses, from the thundring of this Bull: which were the shortest way.

God forbid that I should furnish the world with pre­sidents that might be preiudiciall to the holy Sea. But if this great Pope were aliue, I would cast my selfe at his feete, and appeale from him to himselfe, & beseech him in all humilitie, that it would please him to cōsider, whe­ther by his absolute power, he be able to make two con­traries agree in the same subiect; that cōtrarie to the law of God, a man should lodge riches in pouertie: so that, in this article it should seeme, that both Gods law, and cōmon sence is forgotten. I would farder beseech him to consider, whether it were his meaning to giue such a permission, as he giues not to himselfe, and to graunt without exception, that thing to the Generall of the Ie­suits, in which the Popes neuer dispence with thēselues: and that without regard of the vow of Pouertie, Chasti­tie, & Obedience, to which the religious are bound, the Generall of their order, might absolue them when it pleased him?

Moreouer, I would shew him, that the Monasticall vowes, which one makes to God, ought to be simple: but not according to the new learning of the Iesuits, but to the auncient doctrine of Christians. And that as whē of old time in Rome, one past from one Familie to an­other by adoption, it was to be pure, simple, and with­out any condition; so by greater reason, when wee for­sake our carnall Fathers, to be adopted a new into the [Page 105]familie of our spirituall Father, the Father of Fathers, we ought to enter purely and simply, & not to bring in the Foote-like craftines of the Iesuits simple vow. Manie o­ther particularities I could shewe him, which I remit to the examination of our Diuinitie, both scholasticall & morrall. I will content my selfe onely for the present, to say, that all those demonstrations, should be superfluous, because Pope Gregory neuer consented to this vow, but was deceiued and coozned by the Iesuits false informa­tion: whereas nothing is so contrary to consent as error.

CHAP. 12. ¶ That besides the heresie which is in the Iesuits simple vow, there is also in it a manifest cooznage.

I Cannot stay my selfe heere, when I see these hypocrits raigne in our Church, & seeke to giue lawes to all faithful Christi­ans: and yet sometimes it is not necessa­rie to make a generall change, but a re­formation from good to better. And therefore, when it was demaunded of the Oracle, which was the best Reli­gion, hee aunswered, The auncientest. Beeing asked a­gaine which was the auncientest, he answered, The best. Intending to teach vs, that we are not to reiect all newe things, when they are warranted by good & strong rea­sons.

The Iesuit Montaignes, to shew that there is no cause why we should feare the noueltie of theyr simple vow, tells vs, that 1600. yeeres hence, it wil be more auncient then the Canons of the Apostles are now. Wherein hee flouts both God and the world. For the same may be alleaged, in defence of the erronious doctrine of Luther, which is ancienter then that of Ignace, by three or foure and twentie yeres: and of all the other, who in our time [Page]haue gone astray from the auncient way of the Church I finde not fault in the simple vowe, with the noueltie thereof, although that be much to be feared in matter of Religion, and especially of the Catholique Apostolick [...] Romane religion; of which a man may truly say:

Romes state doth stand on ancient men & manners.

I onely finde fault with the heresie that is in this no­ueltie, which cannot be amended by length of time. Ve­ritati praescribere nemo potest, non spatium temporum, non patrocinia personarum, non priuilegium regionum. No bo­die (saith Tertullian) can possibly prescribe vnto the truth,Tertul. de virg. velan. neither distance of times, nor patronage of per­sons, nor priuiledge of Countries. Let vs then consider the reasons, by which the Iesuits would giue a pasport to the noueltie of theyr simple vow. Montaignes rende­ring the reason, for which it is permitted the Iesuit reli­gious to enherit and enioy goods, for all the vow of po­uertie made by him, saith thus; Because it may come to passe, that, after ten or twentie yeres, the Iesuit that shall be found incorrigible, may be dismist by the Generall of our Order, and beeing sent home againe, wee are desi­rous so to deale by christian charity, that he may haue no occasion to beg. Besides, wee vse not this chastisement but very sildome, and almost alwaies with the liking of them that are dismist. And truly this is a very charitable reuenge.

In other Orders of Religion, if any religious person behaue himselfe disorderly, sometimes he is disciplind openly in the Chapter-house, sometimes he is made to fast with bread & water in a darke prison, more or lesse, according to his deserts, that he may serue for an exam­ple to his Brethren. By so dooing, without ouerthrow­ing the auncient vow of our Catholique religion, and making things scandalous; that is drawne frō the Munk [Page 106]by rigour, which by faire meanes could not be obtaind. But in the holy order of the Iesuits, in sted of chastising their disorderly religious, they are honestlie inuited to ill dooing, and to make themselues incorrigible when they are wearie of staying there; to the end, that theyr Generall may haue occasion to send them home againe to their owne houses, there to end theyr dayes, fat, fayre, and rich.

What newe Idea of a Common-wealth or religion is this, sith they seldome vse this punishment, which I call a recompencing and reward of lewdnes? Is it meete to turne vpside-downe the ancient constitutions of our Church, and to damne an infinite sort of soules infected with this new fayth, to the end that three or foure lewd Iesuits may liue at theyr case?

Let vs speake plaine, this is not the matter. For Mon­taignes himselfe, acknowlegeth in the end of his chapter, that their Generall may send them home to their hou­ses, not onely when they haue offended, but vpon eue­rie other occasion. But hee (saith Montaignes) that de­parts, with the aduise and good liking of his Generall, who thinks it meet, that for some necessitie of minde or body, or of his kindred, or of the publique good, or som other iust reason, hee should be dismist, is absolued by this meanes from his vow. Whereby you may see, that it is not vnder the colourable pretence of chastizing them, that they are suffred to enter vppon inheritances, (which yet were a ridiculous and impious chastisement) but to fauour their Generalls power, which is greater & more absolute, then euer the Popes was ouer the Vni­uersall Church.

But I pray forsooth, why doe not you practise that which other religious persons doe, without innouating any thing in our Catholike, Romane Church? You would be very sorry to doe so. It is not Christian chari­tie that leades you to that course, but Iesuitish charitie▪ [Page]Your whole profession, is nothing els, but a particular coozning of our priuate Families, and a generall vil [...] ­nie of all the countries where you inhabite. I wil make it plaine, that both these are vndoubtedly found in this simple vow. You looke not after any thing but worldly goods, riches, & possessions, though you make a shew to ayme at no other mrak but heauen: If you know that your Nouice, after his two yeres of probation are expi­red, is capable of inheriting, vvherefore doe you con­iure him with such circumstances and deuises during his Nouiceship, to giue away his goods before hee be ad­mitted to the simple vowe? Surely, hee must needes be a man of weake capacitie, that will not imagin, that after this first assay, when you haue made him (for your be­hoofe) dispossesse himselfe of his goods, before hee be­come one of your Order, you holde him still in a lease, tenne, twentie, or thirtie yeeres: that is to say, so long as there is any likeli-hood of his comming to any inheri­tance, that afterward, when all hope of his inheritance fayles, you may make him enter into the second vowe, which is your first solemne vowe: which beeing once made, hee may not afterward possesse any temporall goods, nor be dismist by his Generall, though he be ne­uer so incorrigible; and frō that time forward, you take such courses with him, as they doe in other Monasteries with their religious persons that offend.

But before he make this vow, the goods must eyther fal to him that first catcheth thē, or the Iesuit must again dispose of them to the benefit of the poore. I leaue it to you Gentlemen, to thinke who shall be these poore. For, if before he was taken in their nets, hee could not rid himselfe, without gratifying them with his goods, what may one hope for of him whē he is intangled, but the same liberalitie? As if it were to be presumed, that hauing beene brought vp a long time in the midst of them, and farder, beeing desirous to marry himselfe to [Page 107]the second vow, which is a solemn one, he wi [...] or ch [...]st, would, or could, distribute his goods otherwise, then to their profit, vnder whose power he makes account to end his life, without any hope of release.

But to say the truth, this question is idle. For Mou­taignes hath answered roundly, when he saith.Chap. 50. That this reseruing of the goods, is not for them, who haue tenounced this right, but to helpe them afterward, if happily they should be dismist. Therefore, if they bee not dismist, these goods appertaine to their order. Was there e [...]er more no [...]o [...]ions cooznage then this? Alas, I wonder not indeed, that they very seldom dismisse their disorderly Iesuit: for in so doing, this fat morsell would fall out of their mouth.

But why is the Iesuit during this simple vow, kept a­way from his kinred, why is he sent out of one countrey into another, but to the end that if any new inheritance should fall vnto him? no man might certainely know what his condition is, nor know how to call in question the right he pretend [...]? Well, in the end he is freed from his vow, that he may be out of daunger of all empeach­ments, and hindrances. Which done, he shall prooue himselfe to be the right heire, and yet by a watch word betwixt him and them, he shall returne afterward to the Iesuits, to bestow his goods in almes vpon them. Adde hereunto, that this is a point, that toucheth the estate; that by this meanes it is easie for the Iesuit to make himselfe in time, maisler and head of many Cities, Townes, Vil­lages, and Castles, according to the qualitie of them, whom he hath drawne vnto him. Let vs put case, that there are a doozen Gentlemen of good houses, that haue made themselues Iesuits, and that some ciuill or forraigne warres, hath taken away all their brethren: who now, but the Iesuits of the simple vow shall succeed in their inheritance, and so being admitted to their first solemne vow, shall enrich their order there­withall? [Page]And in time they will become Monarches.

But let vs leaue this point of goods: I am content that it be permitted their Generall to dismisse them, and to beleeue that he will not enrich himselfe with the spoiles of great houses. See I pray you of what consequence this dismissing is, to send into the midst of vs a man, that hath beene trained vp 10. or 20. yeeres, in the hy­pocrisie & doctrine of the Iesuits; or to speake more truly, in their more then barbarous impieties, such as that I will declare to you in their place. Is not this by indirect meanes to infect our countrey of Fraunce, as we see by the effect? For how many are there in this Realme, that onely by hauing beene their Schollers and Disciples, foster opinions, of murthers, massacres, watch-words, and rebellions against their Prince? What may you then looke for of them, that hauing bi [...] brought vp 10. or 20. yeeres, in their houses, returne a­gaine to vs, in their owne countrey? Further I would note vnto you, that in this simple vow, there is lod­ged a race of men, which make expresse profession of ignorance, whom they call temporall Coadrutors, by whose meanes they may people a Towne, and make it full of Iesuits. I conclude, that this simple vow contains vnder it, Heresie, Machiauelisme, Cooznage, and aboue all, a grosse deceiuing of the Sea Apostolique. All which, tend to the ruine of the Familes, and common­wealths, where the Iesuits inhabit.

CHAP. 13. ¶ That the Iesuits Prouincials, take vpon them to dis­charge their inferiours of the simple vow, in the same sort that their Gene­rall doth.

IN all that I haue hitherto discoursed vnto you, I see not that the Iesuits haue any thing at all to alleadge in excuse of their simple vow. And yet that no man may thinke that I am stirred against them vpon any par­ticular quarrell, I shall be very wil­ling to excuse them, if none but the Generall of their Society may grant dismission, especially, when he is con­strained to doe it, by some great & vrgent necessitie. Let vs grant him this omnipotency ouer them of his order, which our holy Father the Pope, dooth not giue to himselfe, ouer any other religious of our Catholique Church. But to permit a Prouinciall to doe it, for and in his prouince: not vpon necessity, which hath no law, but to pleasure him, that requires absolution from his vow; I beleeue, that how much soeuer we can be con­tent to winke at their doings, there is no good Catho­lique, that in any sort can beare it. This was practised in the yeere 1594. in the Iesuits Colledge in Paris. There was in [...]at Colledge a Iesuit of the simple vow, promo­ted by them to the holy orders of Priesthood, and who for many yeeres had ruled at Bourgesse, Neuers, Pont­á-Mousson, and then had their first forme at Paris. This man, being wearie of the hypocrisies, and other euill fashions, which he saw raigned in all this Societie, not able to beare this water any longer in his stomacke, presented himselfe to Father Clement du Tuits, Prouici­all of Paris, and besought him that he might be dismist, [Page]because it was not his intent to abide any longer with them. Father du Puits, perswaded him to the con­trarie, shewing him, that although he had not made profession by the great vow, yet hauing made the sim­ple vow, of Pouertie, Chastitie, and Obedience, he was bound to the keeping of that, so long as he liued there, as well as the religious of other Monasteries; and that he might not go from it, without the consent of his Supe­riour. Hereto the Iesuit replied. That he neither meant, nor would goe from it, of his owne authoritie, but that his Superiour might not denie him leaue, as long as hee requested it. That herein, there ought to be a mutuall consent of will and power, and that as the Superiour might dismisse the inferiour, without his liking, so the inferiour might compel the Superior to discharge him, though he were not well disposed to do it: that their was as much irrigularitie in the the first proposition, as in the second, and that if there were iustice in the one, there was like in the other. This question, surely was one of the hardest that belongs to their Societie, and if the obedience, that they all vow to their Generall, bee such, as I will shew in this place, this doubt had need to to haue beene cleered by him, and his assistants. Not­withstanding, Father du Puits being long practised, and throughly instructed in the statutes of his order, without sending to Rome; gaue him of his owne priuate authoritie, his Letters Pattents of such tenour as fol­loweth.

Clemens Puteanus Praepositus Societatis Iesu in Prounicta Franciae, omnibus quorum interest & in quorū manus hae lit­ter a venerint. S. in Domino nostro Iesu Christo. Fidē facio N. quamuis in Societate nostrae aliquandiu vixerit, professio­nem tamen in ea non emisisse, quin potiùs ex causis rationi consonis, ipso petente, liberum ab omni, erga ipsam, obligatione esse dimissum. Testamur etiam eum ad omneis sacros ordines in eadem fuisse legitimè promotion, nec vllum scimus impe­dimentium [Page 109]quò minus eis Domino ministrare possit. In cuius rei testimonium, eidem N. has litteras maru nostra scriptas, sigillo Societatis nostra obsignatas dedimus. Parisiis vigefimo quarto Augusti, 1594. That is to say, Clement Puteanus, Prouost of the company of Iesus, in the prouince of Fraunce, to all persons to whom it may appertaine, and to whom these presents shall come, greeting in our Lord Iesus Christ. I giue you to vnderstand, that al­though the bearer hereof, haue liued a certaine time in our companie, yet was he not professed, but vpon some good considerations mouing him to request it, we haue franke and free dismist, and set him at libertie, from any thing that might tie him to our Societie. Fur­thermore we certifie, that he hath with vs beene promo­ted to all holy orders, and that we know no impediment why he may not exercise his function. In witnes where­of, we haue made him this Pasport vnder our own hand writing, and sealed it with the Seale of our Socieitie. Gi­uen at Paris the 24. and 25. of August. 1594.

I name him not to you, in fauour of whom these letters were graunted. He is a man of excellent learning, and knowne for such a one in the Vniuersitie of Paris. A man (I say) that had spent not onely some, but ma­ny yeeres among the Iesuits, and had taken holy or­ders, and read in diuers Colledges of their Societie. Yet not being one of the profest fathers, but onely of the simple vow, he procured letters dimissorie as you haue heard, wherein, though it be said (for iust cause) yet if you talke with him, he will tell you, that there was no other but onely this, hee would continue with them no longer, as I haue learned of himselfe; and you see it was at his owne request, that he came away, and not at the motion of the Superiour. And surely, sith Clemēt du Puits, vsed the matter thus, I assure my selfe, he might doe it by some mysterie, that is kept secret amongst them, without seeking the authoritie of the Gene­rall: [Page]and if he might, I doubt not but the like authority is graunted to all the other Prouincials. Good God, what a discipline is this? What respect and obedience sheweth it to the holy Sea? The General may now de­fend himselfe by the Gregorian Bull, of 1594. but in what Buls will the Prouincials find, that this power is graunted them? If that vpon the importunitie of an inferiour, he may dismisse him, to the preiudice of the 3. religious & ordinary vowes of all substantial orders, Pouertie, Chastitie, and Obedience? What a Religion is this, wherein all things are permitted him against our Religion? Are not all these iolly Maisters verie cooz­ners, liuing in the midst of vs? But you shall find other manner of stuffe in the rest of their vowes, if it please you to giue me audience, as hitherto you haue done.

CHAP. 14. ¶ How the Fathers Iesuits, voning pouertie, by their great and third vow, make a mocke of God.

YOu haue vnderstood of the Father Iesuit here present, that after the simple vow, they make a solemne vow, by which they adde nothing to the former, but onely that by making this second, they can­not any more inherit, nor be dismist by their Generall. There remaines now the third, which is the vowe of three steps, by which, besides Pouertie, Chastitie, and Obedience vowed by them, they make a particular vow of Mission to our holy Father the Pope, which is to goe to the Indies, and Turkie, for the winning of soules, if they be commanded by his holines. But a­boue all, I make great account of that precise Pouer­tie, which is enioyned them by their constitutions. Runne through all the orders of religion, there is not one of them, in which Pouertie is so recommen­ded, [Page 110]as among the Capuchins, which liue from hand to mouth, and put ouer the care for to morrow, to the onely goodnes of God.Buls of the yeere, 1540. and 1550. The foundation of the pro­fest, which are the Iesuits of the great vow, is to vow pouertie, as well ingenerall, as in particular, as it is in all the orders of begging Friers. But because their pouer­tie had need to be expounded, let vs see the commen­taries they bring vs by their constitutions.Part. 3. constit. ca. 1. Art. 27. They haue three sorts of houses, one for their Nouices; another, for their religious bound by their solemne vowes, which they call the house where there Church is, and another, which they call a Colledge, for the religious, that are bound only by the simple vow: wherof some are schol­lers probationers, others coadiutors, some spiritual, some temporall.

In domibus vel ecclesiis quae à Societate, ad auxilium ani­marum admittentur, redditus nulli, ne Sacristiae quidem, aut fabricae applicati, haberi possunt, sed nec vlla alia ratione, Part. 6. constit. ca. 2. Art. 2. ita vt penel Societatem, eorum sit vlla dispensatio, sed in solo Deo, cui per ipsius gratiam, ea inseruit, fiducia constituatur, sine reditibus vllis, ip sum nobis profecturum de rebus omnibus conuenientibus, ad ipsius maicrem laudem & gloriam.

Professi viuant ex eleemosynis, in domibus, cum aliquò non mittuntur, nec officium Rectorum, ordinarium, in Collegiis, Art. 3 vel vniuersitatibus Societatis habeant, nisi ipsarū necessitas, vel magna vtilitas exigeret, nec reditibus aorum in Domibus vtantur.

Parati sint ad mendicandum ostiatim, Art. 10. quando vel obedi­entia, vel necessitas id exiget. Et sit vnus; vel plures, ad elec­mosinas petendas, quibus personae societatis sustententur, de­stinati, quas eleemosinas simpliciter, amore Domini nostri petent.

Non solum redditus, sed nec possessiones habeant in par­ticulari, Art. 5. nec in communi, Domus vel Ecclesie.

That is to say, In those houses and Churches, which the Societie shall accept of, for the saluation of soules, [Page]there shall be no reuenewes proper, eyther to be applied to the vestrie, or to the frame and buildings, or for any other purpose whatsoeuer. That the Societie may haue nothing to dispose of, but onely depend vpon God, whom by his grace they serue, trusting that without reuenewes he will prouide things necessarie for vs, to his praise and honour.

They that are professed (that is, men of the last great & solemne vow) shal liue by almes in their houses, when they are not sent forth to any countrey, nor take the or­dinarie charge of Rectors of Colledges, or Vniuersities, except it be vpon necessitie, or vrgent vtilitie require it, neither shall they vse the Colledges reuenewes in their houses.

They shall be readie to begge from doore to doore, when obedience or necessitie requires it. And to this purpose let there be one, or two, or more appointed, to craue almes for the sustenance of the Societie, which shal begge the almes simply: For the loue of our Saui­our Iesus.

The houses and Churches of the Societie shall not onely haue no rents, or reuenewes, but no possessions or inheritance, in generall or particular.

Gather all these particulars together, was there euer pouertie more obstinately vowed then this? And there­fore it was, that first Pius 5. and after Gregorie 13. or­dained, that this Societie should be placed among the orders of Mendicants. If they would obserue that which heere is enioyned them, I would excuse them with all my heart, of the heresie of their first vow. And that, because that after they had a long time enioyed goods, during the time of theyr simple vowe, at the last to make satisfaction to GOD for it, being come to the period of their great vow, by reason whereof, they haue the name of Fathers aboue the other religious, yet not onely they vow from thence forwards a beggery, but al­so [Page 111]so themselues to become treasurers thereof. I would ho­nour them, as the true followers of S. Peters repentance, after he had denied his maister, & would esteeme them aboue all the other orders of Mendicants: But when saw you thē goe with a wallet vp and down the towne? For all this they liue richly and plentifully, not with the Manna of God, (for they are not children of Israel) but by a notable poynt of Sophistrie, & see how.By the Bul of Pau. 3. 1540. and that of Iuli­us, 1550. The hou­ses, where these holy Fathers dwell, are not permitted to haue any goods, but onely their Colledges are.

Nowe so it is, that vnder theyr Generalls authoritie, they haue all the care and gouernment of their Colled­ges. These are the old Cincinnati of Rome, that bosted they had no gold, but commaunded them that had. In like sort these Maisters, though they may haue no pro­per reuenews but theyr wallet, yet doe they gouerne them that haue good store.

This foundation presupposed, you may easily iudge what will follow. For it is reason, that being fathers, they should be fed and maintained by their chyldren: and it is more honestie for thē to aske almes of their Colledges where they cōmaund, then to straggle vp & downe the Townes to craue it. See howe carefully they make sheaues of Fearne for God, as Caine did. And yet heere­in they are the true & lawfull children of their good Fa­ther Ignatius, who in all his actions, reserud for himselfe the principall care of his Kitchen.

Rih: dinere teacheth vs, that he, Iames Lainez, Ribad. ca. 2. lib. 2. & Pe­ter Faure, soiourning in the Venetians territorie, while the other two went about the Towne to begge for theyr liuing, Ignatius tarried at home, to make ready dinner of that little they had gotten: And that afterward, when he was created Generall of his Order, hee began first of all with this charge, Atque vt quò altius ascenderat, eò se gereret submissius, Ribad. c. 11. lib. 3. exemplo (que) suo omneis ad pietatis studium prouocaret, culinam statim est ingressus, in ea (que) per mulios [Page]dies, & coquum agens, & alia vilia ministeria obire [...]pit. And to shewe (saith Ribadiner) that the higher Ignace was aduaunced, the more he would debase himselfe, to prouoke all to pietie by his example, hee betooke him presently to the Kitchin; where he playd the Cooke, & spent many daies in meane and homly offices.

Well, among these matters, you see the Kitchen goes first. This was to teach his Disciples, that in the house of godlines, which he was desirous to build, aboue al things they must begin with the Kitchen: a lesson which they haue learned, and obserued very well. Nothing is more familiar to them by their Bulls and Constitutions, then beggerie, & yet neuer had any men better skill to scrape vp coyne, that they might liue at their ease. In this occu­pation, they played more tricks of legier du maine, then Maister Peter Patelin, or Frances de Villon, or Panurge de Rabelais: for all that these three worshipfull Doctors did, was but in matters of trifles. But to doe as our reue­rend Fathers the Iesuits doe, is to fish for Whales, not for Gudgins; for which purpose they haue, first the in­structing of youth, which is their first hooke, viz. the allurements they vse to thē, theyr auriculer confessions; which they know how to employ to the benefit of their house: the visiting of the sicke, the wayting vpon them to the very last gaspe, that they may neuer bee out of sight; the extraordinarie absolutions, which they say they can giue them, wherewith they feede their humor, that they may drawe some rich legacie from them; the deuises of their simple vowe, and a thousand other hy­pocriticall shyfts, which they call charitie; but with this condition, that their charitie begin at them selues: be­cause the Predicament, Ad aliquid, is not an accident to them, but wholly the substance of their Sect.

So that one may iustly call them, not the Order of Ie­suits, but the ordure of Iesuits: onely by taking one let­ter from the one word, and putting it to the other. For [Page 112]although they make shewe, not to meddle with retay­ling, yet they sell by whole sale the administration of the holy Sacrament, deerer then Giesie, Elizeus man, would haue solde the spirituall gifts to Naaman. And I neuer read so braue a passage as this notable sentence of Mon­taignes the Iesuit.

If God (saith he) loue to be importund by them that pray vnto him, rich men, which haue a desire to good,Chap. 58. de la verite de­fendu [...]. and to imitate so good an example, must haue patience, when the poore doe to them, as he that giues riches, de­sires that one should doe to him. The blessing of God light on thee, thou Iesuitish soule. For my part, I find this short instruction so worthy of a Iesuit, a Maister pro­ceeded in the Art of beging, that falling frō his mouth into the eare of a poore patient, it may bring forth mer­uailous effects, to the behoofe of this holy Order. At once, so it is, that within these threescore yeres, they haue raked together more treasure, by this their sophisticall beggerie, then all the Monasteries of France haue done in two or three hundred yeeres.

CHAP. 15. ¶ That the Iesuits vow of Chastitie, containes a newe here­sie: and withall, a briefe discourse of the title of Fa­ther, which the Iesuits of the graund vow giue themselues.

PErusing ouer all the vowes of our Iesuits, I found something to be reprooued, as you haue perceiued by my former dis­course, and shall by that which followes in due place. But in the vow of Chastity, me thought there was nothing new: at the least, I found no new thing, either in their Bulls, or in their constitu­tions. Yet, reading Montaignes in his 50. chapter of his booke called, Truth defended, I perceiue they haue a mi­sterie, [Page]that is not yet come to the knowledge of the ho­lie Sea, or of the Church, no more thē their simple vow, which they vsed by the space of fortie yeeres without a­nie lycence. For, see I pray you, what Montaignes saith when hee would excuse the simple vowe. It is a newe Lawe, as well as the vow of Chastitie, which they of this Societie make, which hinders marriage not yet con­tracted, and dissolues it being contracted.

Sith Montaignes affirmes it, I holde it for very true. For although it be not so thought, yet so it is, that the au­thour of this booke, the Prouinciall of Paris, was a bot­bomlesse Fountaine of the Iesuits doctrine. At the first, I thought that his meaning had been, that after the vow of Chastitie made by them, none might marry, vnder paine of hauing his marriage disanuld, and the children that shall come thereof, declared to be incestuous: But afterward, when I had bethought my selfe, that this law was not new, but very ancient, and that this Iesuit calld their vow of Chastitie a newe one, by which, marriages alreadie made were dissolued and disanuld, I assured my selfe, that by this new vow, a married man becomming a Iesuit, breakes the holy bond of mariage, which cannot be dissolued but by naturall death.

VVas there euer any heresie more preiudiciall to Christendome thē this? It is Gods law, that they which are married by him, that is to say by his Church, may not be seuerd & put a sunder by man, except in the case of adulterie. Which ordinaunce hath been so strictly ob­serued in all times of old, that when the woman for her fault, is shut vp in a Monasterie, though there bee no fault at all on her husbands part, yet is it not permitted him to marry againe, in our Catho. Apostlick Romane Church, but he must beare his part of penaunce, for the sinne cōmitted by his wife. So hath our Church thought these two bodies indiuisible. I wot well, that som think, that the wife beeing conuinced of adulterie in court of [Page 113]iustice, the husband may marry another wife: But in whether of the two is there greater error, them that so thinke, or the Iesuit? They cleauing onely to the letter, imagine, that God hath giuen libertie to marry againe, because that in all other cases, saue adulterie, he hath for­bidden the seuering of man & wife: & yet the Church neuer thought, that the breach of mariage was intended in these words; for marriage is a Sacrament that cannot be dissolued but by death: onely there may be a separa­tion of bodies. Wherein the Auncients were so resolute, that they thought, some, as Tertullian, vppon cōmaun­dement, some, as Ierome, vppon counsaile, that neither of the married parties, might make any second marri­age, as if their marriage had not beene dissolued by the death of the former wife or husband.

I speake this, not to approoue their oppinions, for Tertullians was condemned by the Church, and Ieroms contrould by many great personages: but to shew you, that at the least, as long as we liue, the sacrament of mar­riage may not be dissolued, no not for adulterie. What new monster then is that, which our Iesuits bring into the Church, that he which becomes one of theyr order, may breake off his marriage, without sinning thereby against his wife? So that vppon a bare discontentment of the husband, the poore desolate wife shall remaine vnmarried, according to the lawes of Iesuitisme, & yet may not marry another husband, because the Lawes of Christianitie forbids it. I haue heard it said of other Or­ders & Monasteries, that it hath faln out sometimes, that some intemperate and ill aduised men, haue become Munks, rather by despaire then deuotion, because they could not obtaine that folly which they sought for of theyr Mistresses; but to the breach of marriage, saue for adulterie, vppon the onely discontentment of the hus­band, possessed with a sottish deuotion, there neuer was any that opend a gappe, but the Iesuits, men without [Page]Christ since first our Christian Religion began. If they so much abhorre marriage, whence comes it, that ha­uing attaind to their last vow, they call themselues Fa­thers? A title indeed not so arrogant as that of Iesuit, but yet full of ambition & pride. At the least I am sure, that S. Ierome would not haue thought well of it, who vpon the fourth to the Galathians, saith, that the word Ab­ba, signifieth Father in Hebrue, and that our Sauiour hath declared, that the name of Father, appertaines not to any but to GOD his Father, therefore it was not to be liked, that in some Monasteries, there were that were called Abbats, or Fathers. I thinke his meaning was, to speake to the heads of the Munks, which were calld Ab­bats: what would he say now, if he should see the Iesuits of the great vow take this title of Fathers? For in other Orders, we call theyr Superiour, Abbat, as him whom the Religious persons must acknowledge for their Fa­ther; and as for them, they are called Brothers, as if they were all his chyldren.

This name, Father, appertaines not but to the prin­cipall dignities of the Church, as Pope, Patriarck, and Abbat: and whereas euery Iesuit of the great vow, takes it as his portion, they shewe thereby, that vnder the fey­ned simplicitie of theyr Friers weede, they couer meruai­lous arrogancie. I know they will tell mee, that the Ca­puchins, who seeme to be an order not to be reproued, doe the like: and I will aunswere them, that this fault of the Capuchins, may not serue them for a warrant. Dio­genes the Cynick, making a shew of despising the world, was as proud as Plato, when he vaunted in his beggerie, that he trode Platos pride vnder his feete: and I will not say, that there is no ambition vnder a Capuchins gray patcht gowne. But yet there may be some excuse for him: For hee among them, that first thought to bring som reformation into S. Fraunces order, meant to make them Munks like the good old Hermits, whom of old [Page 114]they called Fathers. As in deede, when we reade theyr liues, we call them the liues of the Fathers; and when I see the Iesuits beggerie brought to that passe the Ca­puchins is, I shall easily be perswaded to excuse this title of Fathers in them. But a man may see in them, a verie manifest ambition; because, that beeing not content to call themselues so, they make the worde (Reuerend) to be added thereto, which belongs not to any but to Car­dinalls and Bishops. Looke vppon Bellarmins works, printed before hee was a Cardinall, for example, his booke of Pardons, their title is, R. P. Roberti Bellarmi­ni, &c. which is by abridgement, that which we call Re­uerend father. Looke on the life of Frauncis Borgia, (the third Generall of their Order,) translated out of Spa­nish into Latine, by Andrew Scot, a Iesuit. The priui­ledge to Troguse, the Printer at Antwerp imports, that hee had leaue to print; Ʋitam Francisci Borgiae, ter­tij Societ. Iesu Generalis, à Reuerendo Patre. Andrea Shòt­to Latinè scriptam. The life of Frauncis Borgia, the third Generall of the Societie, written in Latine by the Reue­uerend Father, Andrew Scot.

And truly I am sorry, for the loue I beare them, that they haue so ambitiously desired this name of father, be­cause it hath been a cause, that certaine curious fellowes, haue employed their time in writing Anagrams vppon these two wordes, SECTA IESVITARƲM, wherein they haue found matter of shame and reproch. As it fell out the other day, when I was in cōpany where there was speech of that title which they haue taken, a good fellow said, that there was no reason we should en­uie them that title of fathers, sith they tooke so good or­der to be so. To which another replied, that it was not so, because the conceit that ariseth from these vvordes, SECTA IESVITARƲM, refutes that slaūder, whereunto he for his part gaue great credit. For if the prognostication of our fortunes and manners (said he) [Page]depend vppon names, according to the rule that Ier [...] Cardan hath giuen in his books Do Sabtilitate, there is as much and more reason, to iudge the like of Anagrams, which a man may finde in the names without loosing a­ny one letter; as we fay in that of king Frauncis, the first of that name, FRANCOIS DE VALOIS, DE FACON SVIS ROYAL. And in that of Estienne Iodelle, a great Poet, Io le Delien est né. And if that which is to be found in these two words, SECTA IESVIT ARƲM be true, it is an absolute impossi­bilitie for them to be Fathers.

To which I aunswerd him, that it was meere follie to giue any credit to names, or Anagrams, as Iulius Scali­ger hath very elegantly proued against Cardan. Besides, I am out of doubt, that you Anagram is a lyer, as I will proue by another, that is contrarie to it.

The diuersitie of these two Anagrams, which is a plaine contrariety, of doing & vndoing, teacheth vs, that there is no credit to be giuen to them. And I hold it for certaine, and an Article of faith, if you will giue me leaue to say so, that the Iesuits keepe their vow of cha­stitie, as strictly, holily, and religiously, as they do that of beggerie, wherefore let vs not trouble our talke with this ordure.

You are verie desirous (quoth the other) to fauour them without ground, and you consider not that your Anagram lackes one letter, E. whereas mine fits all. That which I haue said to you of them, is an insepara­ble accident, which the Logicians call, Poprium quarto modò. Remember the Templers, who were allowed heretofore, vnder the cloake of Religion, to wander o­uer the world, to enlarge our faith by their swords, and what was one of the principall points, for which they were condemned. See if the Iesuits now adaies doe not follow their steps: the actiōs of a man, that rogues about the world, as the Iesuits doe, are to me meruailous suspi­cious. I beleeue no part of that you say, (quoth I) it is all but lies and slaunders.

CHAP. 16. ¶ Of the vow of Mission, and that by it the Iesuits mocke vs all, and especially our holy Fa­ther the Pope.

IN all other orders, they that are admitted make three vowes. In this of Ignace to en­thrall the good liking of Pope Paule the third, that of Mission is added: not for his fellowes, but for them, which are of the last, and great vow. The words of their Buls are, that they promise without shifting, to go whether soe­uer the Pope shall commaund them. Ad profectum animarum & fidei propagationem, siue miserit nos ad Tur­cas, siue ad quoscumque alios infideles, etiam in partibus quas Indias vocant, existentes, &c. He that caused the defence of the Colledge of Clairmont against the Vniuersity of of Paris to be printed 1594. saith thus, speaking of the greatnes and excellencie of his new vow. The de­fendants haue a particular vow of obedience to the Pope, but circa Missiones tantùm, which is grounded vpon this, that they being called by God to ayde the Church, and to defend it against the enemies thereof, such as the Infidels and heretiques are, must of necessi­tie be sent abroad. And a little after: And they cannot be more rightly sent then by him, that is set in Saint Pe­ters chaire, and gouerns the whole Church: who as the Pilot in the sterne, sticking to the helme, appoints some to the fore-ship, some to the ancor, some to the sailes and tackles, and other, to other offices in the ship. Let vs dwell a little vppon this goodly sentence, ere we passe any further.

The first promise of this vow, is for the conuersion of the Turks, which follow Mahometisme, then, of all other infidels, yea euen of them that inhabit certaine [Page 116]countries vnknowne to vs, which they call the Indies. I pray you tel me, if euer you vnderstood that they went either to the country of the great Turke the Emperour of Constantinople, or of Sophy, the Emperour of Persia, to acquit themselues of this promise. They were neuer commaunded to goe thither by our holy Father, will some man say to me; I grant, because those places were too hot for them. Whither then haue they gone? Into those countries that are farre from vs, quas Indias vocant, which Ignace cunningly added, as a thing harder to per­forme, then the conuersion of Turkie: and yet he knew, being a Spaniard, that nothing was so easie, as to vnder­take this charge, as you haue vnderstood by me, when I recoūted to you the Embassages of the Iesuits into Por­tugall,Maff. lib. 2. chap. 10. Rib. lib. 2. chap. 16. & the Indies, which were vnder the subiection of Iohn the third, King of Portugall. Do yoe thinke, Gen­tlemen, that if it had pleased the Pope to send thither any of the foure orders of the Mendicants, they would haue drawne backe from this seruice, permitting them to goe in a secular habite, as the Iesuit dooth? In steed of one Xauier, that was sent thither by Ignace, there would haue beene found, 500. men full of deuotion and learning to performe this holy voiage. And why so? Because it was a deuotion without daunger, for going thither vnder the banner of a Christian king, who had power of life and death ouer them, whom by faire meanes he would bring to our Christian Religion, it was a voyage without feare. But as for all Turky, which is vnder Princes, enemies to Christianitie, I see not that eyther the Pope would giue them commaundement, or these worldly-wise Iesuits be any thing hastie to goe thither: and yet read the first bull, and it appeares that Ignace set downe the voyage of Turky, as the more easie to be vndertaken. I would to God it had come into the head of one of the Popes that succeeded Paule the third, to commaund our Iesuits, to go to Constantinople, to [Page]conuert the Mahumetans, to trie in good earnest wha [...] obedience they would yeeld to this vow of Mission we should haue seene what miracles they would haue wrought there. Heare notwithstanding, not a new Cur­rier, but a discourser of his most humble supplication & request presented to the king. We liue not vnder christi­an princes only, but vnder heathē Potētates, & those that are ignorant of the law & feare of God. We haue Colled ges euen in Iappon, scituated to the East of our Hemis­phere; we haue to the West, in Brasil, which is the begin­ning of America: in Lima, & Cucham, which is the end of Peru, and the vtmost part of the West: in Mexico, which is in the middle of the two countries. To the Northward, we haue in Goa, a City & country that lies by ⅔ as far from Iappon, as Iappon from Lisbon, some 6000. leagues. We haue Colledges in many places of the east & west Indies. That I may say nothing of those we haue in Europe, which are a great many more then our enemies would, & fewer by a great many then the godly & zealous of our faith desire. Besides, the labou­rers of this Societie, without hauing Colledges prepared for thē, for the conseruation of Christians, & conuersion of the heathen, frequent the countries of Mount Liba­nus, of Aegypt, of Africa, & of China. When I read this passage with a friend of mine, I told him that this Iesuit without name, played in the dark; and the verie lyer. As of old, Apollonius Tianneus the coozner did, alleaging to the Greekes for witnesse of his miracles, the Gym­nosophists, that were in India. Whereupon Aeneas Goseus, in his, Theophrast, saith, that it was not without reason, that this impudent coozner, tooke for warrant of his cooznages, them that were a farre of, and dwelt as it were in an other world. I said, that our Iesuits Thea­tins, did the like at this, day; who to feed vs with toyes, send vs to the same Indies, and other countries, where­of we scarse know the names. But at this word my [Page 117]friend smiling, said, that there was some Picrochole in their doing. What Picrochole (quoth I?) I think it is the name of a diuel, as Macrobe is. I perceiue, quoth he a­gain, that ye haue not studied our Rabelais, who discour­sing of a great warre, that king Picrochole made vpon Grandgosier, after that his foolish noule had reckned vpō the whole coūtry of France, which he took to be already conquered: his gallants that followed him, added therto; And moreouer, you shall assault, the kingdomes of Tu­nis, of Hippo, Argier, of Bone, of Corode, & valiantly all Barbarie. Passing further, you shall take into your hands, Maiorca, Minorca, Sardinia, Corfu, and the o­ther Islands of the Ligustick and Balearick Sea: and in coasting on the left hand, you shall beare rule ouer all Gallia Narbonensis. Prouence, the Allobroges, Sion­na, Florence, Luca: you shall take Italy, euen Naples, Calabria, Apulia, and Sicill and sacke them all, & Mal­ta to. Afterward, we will take Candy, Cyprus, Rhodes, and the Cyclades, & we will set vpon Moria. It seemes that this wise foole Rabelais, meant then in the person of Picrochole, to paint out the imaginarie victories of our Iesuits with their wallets, though they were not then hatcht. You are a merrie man (quoth I) but let vs leaue these trickes for the Iesuit De la Fon: For I see nothing in this matter, but to laugh at. If the Iesuit had taken Munsters Cosmography, he might haue added many other sauage countries, and it had beene hard for vs to haue proued him a lier. I remember that the wise Tule­nus, seeing vpon a time the lawyer Balduin walking with Andrew Theuet the trauailer, said, that they took no care to disproue one with another; because the one, had been alwaies in his chamber, wedded to his booke, and the other, had employed his whole time in trauaile, with­out looking vpon a booke: That the one might quote many false authorities without being reproued, & the other, name many countryes where he had neuer beene, [Page]without being contrould. The very same you shall find in this case of the Iesuits we haue in hand. It is aboue 40. yeere since they bragd, that they had made these great conquests in the most part of those countreyes. Their Statutes ordaine, that when their General is dead, all the fathers of our prouinces, that are in any estate or dignitie, must come to Rome, to proceed to the election of a new successor. After the decease of Ignace, in the yeere 1556. many came thither, where Iames Lainez was chosen, he dead, in the yeere 1565. Fraunces Borgia was chosen; in neither of these elections, though there was a great care had that the titles of all the fathers Prouincials might be sent thither, yet I find not any one of those farre countries: and yet the names and titles of all the fathers that were brought thither, were verie carefully set downe. They are bound to send letters to their Generall euery yeere from euerie Colledge, to cer­tifie him how their matters stand. I haue runne ouer all that were sent to their Generall Aquauiua, in the yeere 1583. yet find no mention among them of any of these Colledges. It should seeme their winning of soules hath beene meruailous great since that time.

Let vs leaue things as they be, & let vs not speak vpon idle imaginatiōs but agreeable to common sense: If they be scattred in so many barbarous countries, & haue there conueried so many soules to our Christian faith, they must needs haue had the gift of tongues to conuert thē. It is in the power of our holy Father, to send them into these vnknown countries, but not to bestow vpon them the gift of tongues. That was a grace of the holy Ghost particularly reserued for the Apostles, for the spreading of our Christian faith. Consider I pray you whether there be not likelihood of reason in that I say. Besides, where are the sauage Kings, Princes, & Lords, which after their conuersion, haue come to kisse the feet of the holy father to receiue his blessing? I vnderstand that once in 60. yers [Page 118]they haue had a Maske in Rome, of 3. beggers disguisd like kings, & this is all. I place therfore their vow of Mis­sion in the chapter of money counted, but not receiued: It is a very cooze [...]age, by which these honest felowes dal­ly with vs. And yet this cooznage is nothing in compa­rison of that, whereby they abuse our holy father. It must be granted by euery man, that he only and none but he, hath authority to send into heathen countries, for their conuersion, so that no man in this case may be ioyned in commission with him. But for all this, there is nothing, wherein the Iesuits despise his authority more, then in this: the least part of this Mission depends vpon the holy Sea, and the residue is in their Generall.Bull of Paule the 3. the yeere 1549. Pos­sit tamen ipsemet Praepositus pro tempore existens, suos quo­cum (que) locorum, etiam inter Infideles, cùm expedire in Do­mino iudicabit, mittere ac reuocare: & per nos ac successores nostros, ad locū aliquem missos sine temporis certi limitatione, cùm id expedire ad Dei gloriam, & animarum auxilium vi­sum fuerit (super quo conscientiam dicti Praepositi oneramus) ad alia loca transmittere liberè & licite valeat. Yet let their Generall (saith the Bul) for the time being, whensoeuer he shall thinke it expedient, send them of his order into any heathen country whatsoeuer, and when he list, call them home againe: and if we, or our successors shal send any of them to any place without limitation of time, let him, whensoeuer he shal see it expedient for Gods glory & the good of soules (wherin we charge the said General vpon his conscience) remoue them from thence whi­ther he shall think meet. From hence you may gather, that the Generall not only may send them, as well as the Pope, but, which is more, may alter, clippe, & curtall the Popes letters Patents, as please him. Besides, there are none but the fathers of the last vow, bound to the Pope in this Mission, & they make account that the holy Sea is infinitely beholding to thē for it. There Generall can do more. For he is permitted by their constitutions, to [Page]send, as well some of them of the great vow, as of the other, whither soeuer he will, without partialitie, or ex­ception of any person.

Idem Generalis in Missionibus omnē hababit potestatem, in tamen nulla ratione repugnando, 9. Par. const. ca. 3. art. 9. quae à sede Apostolica (vt in septima parte dicitur) proficiscuntur. Mittere ergo poterit omnes sibi subditos, siue professionem emiserint, siue non emi­serint, quos mittendos iudicauerit, ad quaslibet mundi partes, ad quoduis tempus, vel definitum, vel indefinitum, prout ei videbitur ad quamuis actionem, ex his quibus ad proximorū auxilium, Societas solet, exercendant. Poterit etiam missos reuocare, & in omnibus denique, vt ad maiorem Dei glori­am fore senserit, procedere. The said Generall (saith the Latin) shall haue all authoritie in Missions, yet without derogating any way frō those, which are granted by the Sea Apostolick, as it is said in the seuenth part. It is law­ful for him therfore, to send any of his inferiors, whether they haue made profession of the vow or not, (whom he shal think meet) to any part of the world, for what time he please, prefixed or not prefixed, for any purpose, in which the Society is wont to be employed, for the good of their neighbours. It is lawfull for him also, to call home them that are sent, and to doe in all things, as the shall thinke it most conuenient for Gods glory.

I doe not thinke it straunge, that their Generall may countermaund them that are sent by the Pope, because he had leaue to do it, by the Bull of 1549. But con­cerning that point, which depends only vpon their con­stitutions, that the Generall may send whither he will, not only the fathers profest, but all other inferiors of his order, I cannot choose, but he greatly offended at the matter. For to grant such libertie, is to giue too much to their Generall, and too little to our holy Father the Pope. Therfore, as oft as they trumpet out to vs this vow of Mission, by which their fathers of the great vow are bound to the holy Sea, they mocke both him, & vs. For [Page 119]this vow is superfluous, their constitutions being such for their Generall, as I haue shewed you. Of which constitutions also, they haue no Pope for warrant, and they are extraordinarily punishable for hauing vsurped this priuiledge vpon the holy Sea, of their owne pri­uate authoritie.

CHAP. 17. ¶ Of the blindfold obedience which the Iesuits owe the Pope, which at this day they impudently denie by theyr new bookes.

PAsquiier, pleading for the Vniuersi­tie of Paris against the Iesuits, ob­iected to them, that they yeelded a certaine particuler submission to the Pope, that was vtterly contrarie to the liberties of our Ch. of Fraunce. A submission, that first brought in a schissme into the Church, betwixt the popish Iesuit, & the true catholique French-man. Besides, of such con­sequence, that if any quarrell should happen betwixt the Popes & our Kings, the Iesuits would be as sworne ene­mies to the Crowne of Fraunce, as any that we foster in Fraunce.

When this obiection was made against them, Ʋerse­ris theyr Aduocate, answered neuer a word to it, as you may see by his Plea. But as the time hath refined theyr wits, so they haue bethought themselues of a buckler for this blow, by a new kind of Sophistrie, saying, that they make no other particular vow to the Pope, then that of Mission, and that in all other poynts, they are confor­mable to vs. So they would haue defended themselues, in the yeere 1594. when their cause was pleaded the second time in the Parliament at Paris, as you may vn­derstand by that which I alleaged out of their defences. [Page]And Montaignes in his book of the Truth defended, faith, that their vow is containd in these wordes of their pro­fession,Mont. c. 24. after the three vowes of Religion, Insuper pro­mitto specialem obedientiam summo Pontifici circa Missio­nes. Which signifieth nothing els, but that they which are profest, promise to obey their holy father the Pope specially, without delay or excuse, to goe into any part of the world, to the Indies, or to the Turks, among the Infidels and heretiques to conuert them, or to the Chri­stians to ayde them.

But aboue all, he best pleaseth me, which made The most humble supplication and request to the King, for the Societie of Iesus: who after he had daubd ouer his cause with many hypocriticall reasons, when he comes to this poynt of obedience to the Pope, his booke beeing shut vp, as if by ouer-sight he had forgot to aunswere it, adds by way of an appendix beside the Booke, about some twentie lines to this effect. Addition to page. 56. The same Author, hath taught our enemies to take vp mat­ter of reproch, about a vow that the profest of our Soci­etie make to the holy Sea, vppon which they haue glo­zed, that wee promise to obey it wholy in all thinges, whatsoeuer it shall commaund: and that if the Pope be a Spaniard, we will be so to if he please: which glosse, is not onely contrarie to the truth, but also beside the pur­pose and matter. This vow, (my Liege) containes no­thing but a promise, readily to employ our selues when it shall please the holy Sea, among the Infidels, Pagans, and Hereticks, to conuert thē to the fayth. The words of the vow are. Further, I promise speciall obedience to our holy Father, in the matter of Mission.

This vow contains no other particular obligation, & cannot be but commendable, in a time wherein there is so great need of good labourers, to succor the church in danger. And it weakens not, nor hinders in any poynt the submission, obedience, & allegeance, which all sub­iects [Page 120]owe to their Princes; the French to the King of Fraunce, the Polanders to the King of Poland, and so of others. What cause haue they then to cry out, that wee make a vowe to obey wholy in all thinges, whatsoeuer shall be commaunded? and that this vow will make vs Spanyards, if the Pope please? What agreement is there of such an antecedent, with such a consequent? Let the word Spayne goe. I will make no aduantage of it, ey­ther for or against the Iesuit. Euery Prince playes his part vpon this great stage of the world, as well as he can for the aduauncement of his estate: A thing which is not vnseemly for him, according to the rules of state matters, which giue Princes leaue to loue treasons, and hate Traytors. Some such a one, may haue ayded him­selfe by the seruice of the Iesuits in our late troubles, who shall one day find, that they are very dangerous officers in his Country, & that by experience of that which hath past in Fraunce.

Let vs speake onely of that which concernes our pre­sent question, but without Sophistrie, at least if I may entreat so much of our Iesuit. I will assaile them with none but theyr owne writings. In the third part of their Constitutions, chap. 1. where theyr vow of obedience, as well to the Pope, as to their Superiours, is at large de­scribed, you haue these words following; whereby eue­rie man may see, with what impudencie the Iesuits lye, and that euen in their humble request which they pre­sented to the King.

Et quoniam quae ad votū castitatis pertinent, interpreta­tione non indigent, cúm constet quàm sit perfectè obseruanda: nempe enitendo Angelicam puritatem imitari, & mentis & corporis mūditia. His suppositis, de sancta obedientia dicetur, quam quidem omnes plurimum obseruare, & in ea excellere studeant, NEC SOLVM IN REBVS OB­LIGATORIIS, SED ETIAM in alijs, licet nihil aliud quàm signum voluntatis Superioris, siné vllo prae­cepto [Page]vider [...]tur, Ʋersari autem debet ob oculos, Deus [...]a­tor, & Dominus noster, propter quē homini obedientia pra­statur, & vt in spiritu amoris, & non cum perturbatione ti­moris, procedatur, curandum est. Ita vt omnes constanti a­animo incumbanus, vt nihil perfectionis cum diuina grati [...] consequi possimus, in absoluta omnium constitutionum obser­uatione, nostrique instituti peculiari ratione adimplenda, pr [...] ­termittamus, & exactissime omnes neruos virium n [...]strar [...] ad hanc virtutē obedientiae, imprimis SVMMO PON­TIFICI, DEINDE SƲPERIORIEƲS SOCIETATIS exhibendam, intendamus. Ita vt om­nibus in rebus ad quas potest se cum charitate obedientia ex­tendere, ad eius vocom, perinde ac si à Christ [...] Domino egre­deretur (quando quidem ipsius loco est, ac pro ipsius amore ac reuerentia, obedientiam praestamus) quàm promtissimi simus, re quauis, at que adeo litera à nobis inchoata, nedum perfecta, studio obediendi, relicta, ad cum scopum vires omnes ac in­tentionem, in Domino conuertendo: vt sancta obedientia, tū in exequutione, tum in voluntate, tum in intellectu, sit nobis semper ex omni parte perfecta, cum magna celeritate, spiri­tuali gaudeo & perseuerantia, quicquid nobis iniunctum fuerit, obeundo, omnia iusta esse nobis persuadendo, om­nem sententiam ac iudicium nostrum contrarium C [...]AE­CA QƲADAM OBEDIENTIA, abne­gando: Et idquidem in omnibus quae à Superiore dispo [...]u­tur, vbi definiri non possit aliquod peccati genus intercedere. Et sibi quisque persuadeat quod qui sub obedientia vi [...]nt, se ferri ac regi a diuina prouidentia per Superiores suos, sinere debent, perinde ac si cadauer essent, quod quoquo versus se fer­ri, & quacunque ratione tractari se sinit: Ʋel similiter atque senis baculus, qui vbicumque & quacumque in re velit, eo vti, qui eum manu tenet, ei inseruit. Sic enim obedi [...]us rem quamcunque cui eum Superior, ad auxilium totius Religio­nis velit impendere, cum animi hilaritate debet exequi. Pro certo habens quod ea ratione potius, quàm re alia quauis, quā praestare possit, propriam voluntatem, ac iudicium diuersum [Page 122]sectindo, diuinae voluntatiō respondeb [...]t. Vppon which pas­sage, the glosse hath these words, Obedientia quod ad exe­cutionem attiues, [...]unc praestatur, cum res iussa completur▪ quod ad voluntatem, cùm ille qui obedie idipsum vuit, quod ille qui iub [...]t: Quod ad intellectum, cum idipsum sentit quod ille, & quod iubetur, benè iuberi existimat: Et est im­perfecta ca obedientia, in quae praeter executionem, non est haec eiusdem voluntatis & sententiae, inter cum qui iubet, & cui iubetur, consensio. I will recite it vnto you in French, as neere as possibly I can. And because those things which belong to the vow of Chastitie, need no inter­pretation, for that it is certaine that it must be perfectly kept; namely, by labouring to imitate the puritie of Angels, in cleannes both of mind & bodie. These things graunted, we will speake of Obedience, which all must labour strictly to obserue, and to excell therein And that not onely in those things which they are bound, but in other also, though they saw no commaundement for it, but only a signe of your Superiours will. God the Crea­tor, and our Lord Iesus Christ, for whose sake Obedi­ence is performed to man, must alwaies be before their eies, and they must prouide, that they stil proceed in the spirit of loue, and not with perturbation of feare. So that all of vs with resolute mindes, frame our selues in such sort, that we omit not any of that perfection, which by Gods grace we may attaine to, by the absolute fulfil­ling of all the constitutions; and particularly, by fulfil­ling our purposed intent, and that we bend our whole strength to the performance of the vertue of obedi­ence, First to the supreme Bishop, and then to the Superi­ours of the Societie. So that we be readie at this call in all things, to which obediēce with charity maybe extended as if it were our Sauiour Christs owne voice, sith he is in his place, and we yeeld obedience for loue & reuerence of him: And such must our care and obedience, as that if we haue begunne to make a letter, we should [Page]leaue in the midst of it, beeing called, and apply in the Lord, all our strength and intention to obey. That our holy obedience may be perfit in euery part, in the exe­cution, in the will, and in the vnderstanding; that with great hast, spirituall ioy and perseuerance, wee accom­plish whatsoeuer shall be enioynd vs: perswading our selues that all things are iust, denying by a certaine blind­fold obedience, all opinion and iudgement of our own to the contrarie; and this must be obserud in all thinges which are decreed by our Superiour, where it is not cer­tainly knowne that there is some kind of sin.

And let euery one perswade himselfe, that all they which liue vnder obedience, ought to suffer themselues to be carried and gouernd, according to the prouidence of GOD by their Superiours, euen as if they were dead carkasses, which suffer themselues to be turned & tum­bled, how soeuer, and which way soeuer a man will: or as an old mans staffe, which serues him that holds it in his hand, to whatsoeuer he will vse it, where and how he list. For so must he, that is obedient, with cheerefulnes of mind execute, whatsoeuer his Superior will employ him in, to the benefit of all Religion. Assuring himselfe, that he shall fulfill the wil of God better by that meanes, then by any other thing that he can doe, following his owne will and iudgement differing from it. Vpon this passage, the glosse hath these words.

Obedience, concerning the execution of it, is then performed, when that which is commaunded, is done: concerning the will, when he that obeyes, wills the same thing that he doth which commaunds: concerning the vnderstanding, when hee is of the same iudgment with him, and thinks that which is cōmaunded, to be rightly commaunded. And that obedience is vnperfect, wher­in besides the execution, there is not this consent of the same will and iudgement betwixt him that cōmaund [...], and him that is cōmaunded. Doe you not see, that the [Page 122]Iesuits are impudent lyers, when they say, that their par­ticular vow to the Pope, is tied to nothing but Mission, and when they call them slaunderers that speake other­wise of it? For this which I haue here shewed you, makes it manifest, that they are bound to obedience, not onely in matters of their order which bindes them, but also in all other things; and that with as straight and absolute commaundement, as any possibly can be. But before whom are they lyers? Before the maiesty of their King: because the humble supplication & declaration before mentioned, was addrest to him onely.

The Iesuit thinks he sinnes not at all by lying impu­dently before his Kings face, yea, and confirming his lie with periutie, by laying his hand on the holy Gospells. And why so? Because, hauing receiued a commaunde­ment from his Generall to lie, his vow of obedience is so precise, that he thinks hee is freed from all sin, and that hee had faulted much more, if by telling the truth, hee had not obeyed him. I cannot stay my selfe from being angry. For if this vowe of blindfold obedience be euill, howe is it that these wicked men obserue it? If it be good, howe chaunce they disclaime it, especially, in so high a poynt, and of such importance this is? As for my selfe, who meane to liue and die in that fayth, which at the day of my Baptisme, my God-fathers and sureties promised to God for me, I will neuer doubt to acknow­ledge my selfe, in the midst of all our aduersaries, a Ca­tholick, Apostolick Romane, as my predecessors haue beene.

They must needes vnderstand one thing in this theyr disclaime, which I am constraind to tell them. Doe not think, that the Iesuits are such men as we are. They haue two soules in theyr bodies, the one, a Romane soule in Rome, the other, a French in Fraunce. That they may be welcome to Rome, they speake there of nothing so much, as this absolute obedience, in all things that may [Page]be commaunded them by the Pope. In Fraunce they flatly denie it, for feare of beeing banisht from thence. For, that you may know how the case stands, our church of Fraunce, liues vnder the obedience of the Church of Rome, but with certaine liberties, by meanes whereof, it is preseru'd against the practises of the court of Rome, as well in temporall things as spirituall. The Popes are men, made of such parts as all other men are, so that in their holinesses, there is somtimes a little of humane cor­ruption. If a Pope, wunne thereto by deuises, and false informations of them that are about him, should make warre vppon our Kings, assure your selues, the Iesuits would be as great enemies to them.

The Pope smites with his principall sword; which is his censures; a declaration of heresie followes quicklie after them, & then a publishing of the Croysade. Min­gle with this, the factions and preachings of the Iesuits, and this vow of blindfold obedience, vnknowne to all antiquitie, and assure your selfe, this were to bring our Realme into a meruailous disorder. Call to minde in what sort Pope Sixtus the fourth fayled to surprize the estate of Florence, from the house of Medices, where Iulian was slaine in the church as he was hearing Masse. Imagin how it had been possible for those Lordes to haue saued themselues from that vnlookt for conspira­cie, if there had beene a band of Iesuits in their towne. Call to minde that which past of late memorie in thys Country of Fraunce, vnder Pope Sixtus the fift, and how we were at the first afflicted, by his winking at and furthering our troubles. Both these had beene begging Fryers, and afterward became Popes.

The one set himselfe against the pettie Common­wealth of Florence, but at such time; when as yet there were no Iesuits in the world. The other, led by the Ie­suits hand, was brought against the florishing Realme of Fraunce. You shall find, that it is not without great rea­son, [Page 124]that they disclaime their Particular vow of blind­fold obedience to the Popedome: because they know in their consciences, that no state can euer be secure from the Popes anger, so long as they continue there.

CHAP. 18. ¶ What shifts the Iesuits vse, to couer the impieties of theyr blindfold obedience.

AS the Aduocate ended this discourse the Iesuit thinking that hee had a newe ad­uantage against him, spake thus to him. You trim vs heere after a strange fashi­on, and are so blind, that you see not in the meane while, that the passage, which you haue alleaged against vs, brings with it the solution of all that which you vpbrayd vs with. For what precise obedience so euer be enioynd vs,Chap. 25. & 29. of Truth defended. yet is it with this con­dition, Ʋbi definiri non possit aliquod peccati genus, there, and in such case, as that a man can perceiue no kinde of sinne therein. And this is that which Montaignes, one of our Order, alleaged ere-while by you, hath very wise­ly aunswered.

You teach mee no new thing (quoth the Aduocate) and I would not haue fayld to tuch this string, though you had not interrupted me. But it is wel, that you haue, had some pittie of men, that by this little pause, I might take my breath awhile. For indeed, to tel you the truth, I begin to wexe wearie, yet ere I make an end, I will ac­knowledge, that this clause alleaged by you, is interla­ted. For you gallants, neuer want shifts to couer your shame. Make these foure or fiue words, agree with the rest of the article, and I will yeeld you the cause. Your vow constraines and bindes you to belieue, that when our holy Father the Pope, or your Superiours enioyne [Page]you any thing, though it bee not such as by your Order is obligatorie, you are to thinke that GOD is in theyr mouthes, and that as soone as you are commaunded, in the twinckling of an eye, without gain-saying, all worke set apart, yea, if it be a Letter begun, you must of neces­sitie obey. That in your obedience, you must bring the hand, the hart, & the iudgement all together. That you are in this matter, as a dead carkasse, or a staffe, which receiue no motion, but as they are thrust by him that guides them; and to conclude, that the obedience, you must performe is blindfold. This in short, in your vow, which you make a shew to limit by these words (so that a man find no apperance of sin in it;) can it possibly be, that I should iudge that he commaunds me any sinne, in whom you will haue the presence of God acknow­ledged in commaunding? Besides, doe you giue me leasure to thinke on it, though I might perhaps doe it, when as in the twinkling of an eye I must obey? More, you ordaine, that my will and iudgement assist the exe­cution of this commaundement. Whereby you take from me all examination, meaning that I should be like a staffe in the hand of an old man. And for conclu­sion, this obedience, which you wil haue to be blindfold, should haue eyes, if it were permitted me to settle my iudgement vpon the goodnes or badnes of the com­maundement. And indeed a man must haue neither eye nor iudgement, no more then you haue in your blind obedience; or else he must needs say, that these foure or fiue words, which haue beene foysted by Ignace into this Article, are void, and to no purpose. If I had nothing but this to say, yet it were inough to make your Sophistry appear: but I wil not tarry in this broad way. It was Ignace that made this constitution. For Ri­badiner acknowledges; that all your constitutions came from him. There is not then any more faithfull inter­preter of Ignace intent, then himselfe. Peter Maffee, a [Page 124]Priest of your Societie, hath written his life, and that with the approbation of your GenerallAquauiua; for to him the booke is dedicated. I doe not thinke that he would haue suffered it to be printed, and much lesse de­delicated to him, if he had not thought that it made much for their order. Marke now what a commentary we may draw out of this booke, to shew that Ignace meant, that the obedience of them of his order should be blind.

Obedientiae studium, quibuscum (que) rebus potuit semper of­tendit: Romano quidem Pontifici, Maff. lib. 3. cap. 7. cuius in verba praecipuo quodam sacramento iurauerat, it a erat praesto, vt ad ipsius nutum sese paratum exhiberet. Confectaiam aetate, vnius baculi adminiculo, pedibus, quocunque opus esset, peregre pro­ficisci, vel etiam nauigium ascendere planè exarmatum, seque eodem poutifice iub [...]nte, mari ventisque, sine vlla dubitatione committere. Quem ipsius animum vir quidam primarius cum haud satis probaret, & in eiusmodi re, consilium pru­dentiam (que) requireret, Prudentiam quidem non obedientis, verùm imperantis esse respondit Ignatius. Et sane cum in so­cietate nostra, virtutem hanc, caeteris virtutibus anteferret, tum [...]ihil huic laudi tam contrarium dicebat esse, quàm in Superiorūiussis & consilio examinando, moram, vel potius ar­rogantiam, negabat (que) obediētis nomine dignū haberi oportere. qui legitimo Superiori, non, cum voluntate, iudicium quo (que) submitteret. Id enim gratissimum esse Deo holocaustum, cum omnes animi vires, ac praesertim intelligentia & mens, quae summum in homine obt [...]t locum, in obsequium Christi co­guntur. Qui verò i [...]iti ac dissentientes, actu exteriore dum­taxat, iussa praeposit orum exequerentur, hos inter vilissima mancipia, vel pecud [...]s potius numer andos aiebat. And a little after. Quinetiam in sermone quotidiano vsurpare saepe con­sueuerat, qui ad Superioris nutum, voluntatis propensionem solummodo, non etiam iudicij consensionem accomoodarent, eos, altero tantum pede intra Religionis septa versari.

Hee alwaies shewed his care and obedience, by all [Page]means he could: He was at the Bishop of Romes beck, to whom he was sworne by an especiall oath. When he was verie old, he went afoot on pilgrimage, whither so­euer it was needful, hauing nothing but his staffe to rest on. Neyther did he refuse to goe by Sea, whensoeuer the said Bishop commaunded him, though in a ship ne­uer so ill prouided. Which mind of his, when a certaine principall man mislikt, as finding therein want of wise­dome & discretion, Ignace aunswered, that wisdom was not for him that must obey, but for him that commands. And as in our Societie he prefers this vertue before o­ther, so he was wont to say, that nothing was so contrary to the commendation of obedience, as delay, or rather arrogancie, in examining the reason of our Superiours commaundements, and he denied that he was worthie to be called obedient, that did not submit both his wil, & his Iudgement also, to his lawfull Superiour. For that, said he, is a most acceptable Sacrifice to God, when all the powers of a mans mind, and especially the iudge­ment and vnderstanding, which are the most principall, are brought to the obedience of Christ. As for them that vnwillingly, and with mislike performd the com­maundements of their Superiour, onely in outward act, he made no more account of them, but as of most base Vassals, or rather brute beasts. And a little after. More­ouer, he was wont to say in his common speech, that they which brought onely a readie will, and nor a con­sent of their iudgement to the fulfilling of their Superi­ours will, had but one foot within the cloyster of their order.

You see what obedience Ignace would haue perfor­med, first to the Popes, & then the superiors of his order. Let vs gather the chiefe points of it. Behold a man, that hath one foot in the graue; he must go trauaile. Behold a broken Barke in the midst of a tempestuous Sea this poore man must go aboord her, if the Pope command. [Page 125]God forbids mee very expresly to be amurtherer of my selfe, vpon paine of euerlasting damnation In these two commaundements, I see my death present before mine eies, was there euer any greater reason to say, that a man is not bound to obey? And yet by this obedience enioy­ned by Ignace, not onely we are bound to obey, but if we doe not, we commit a great and grieuous sinne. O­bey, and you sinne against the expresse law of God. Refuse to obey, and you sinne against Ignace law, which the Iesuits take to be greater then Gods. If Tertulian were reproued by our auncestors, because he forbid a Christian to flee from one Citie to another, to saue him­selfe from persecution for religion, as if therby he would haue vs become murtherers of our selues, what shal we at this day say of this cruell proposition of Ignace? Once you see our Iesuits are but mockers, when as to excuse the impietie of their blind obedience they adde: There, where they discerne not that there is any sinne. For Ig­nace did not only not suffer them of his order to discern that there was any, but contrariwise, accoūted thē worse then slaues or brute beasts, if they withstood that which was commaunded them. And that you may see better and better, what the intent of this great Law-giuer was, see what Maffee addes. Atque ad sapientem hanc sanc­temque stultitiam caecae (vt ipse aiebat) Obedientiae, suos vt essent ad subita & seria promptiores, interdum etiam fictis in rebus erudiebat. And that they of his Order, might be the redier vpon a sodaine in earnest matters, by this wise and holy foolishnes of blind Obedience, as he called it, he did sometimes put them to it in iest, by occasions de­uised for the nonce. And vpon this proposition, he tels a tale, that one day a Priest of their Societie, being atti­red in his. Vestments, comming out of the Vestrie with the Challice in his hand, as he went to say Masse, recei­ued a message from Ignace to come to him presently; The Iesuit obeied him and left his Vestments and Cha­lice. [Page] Ignace askt him, if he did not mislike this com­maundement. No (quoth he) I hold it for verie good, sith it came from you. Know then, quoth Ignace, that I sent not for thee, because I had any thing to say to thee, but onely of purpose to make triall of thy obedience. And thou hast done a more meritorious worke, in lea­uing the Sacrifice thou wast about to offer, then if thou hadst offered it. So that although the Sacrament of the Altar of God, be of such importance, as it is, yet Obedi­ence is better then Sacrifice, as it is writtē. Another time, as a Iesuit priest was hearing the cōfession of a yong gen­tleman, Ignace sent for him, to whō when the Priest had answered, that he would not faile to come to him, as soon as he had giuē absolution to the penitēt, Ignace not con­tent with this answer, sent for him the secōd time. Which this Confessor seeing, intreated the Gentleman to haue patiēce & went presently to Ignace, who at the first word spake thus to him. What? Must I send twice for thee? And sharpely rebukt the man with verie bitter words: not because he had any thing for him to do, but to make him know, what obedience he must vse in things that are seriously enioyned him. If he might haue entred in­to an examination, and consideration of the sinne, the honour, dignitie, good order, and dutie to the Church, forbad these two Iesuit Priests to obey their Generall. But he would not take this for payment, because it ap­pertained not to the inferiour, to enter into consideration, whether there were sinne in the matter or no; neither is wisedome to be lookt for, at his hands that is commaun­ded, but at his that commandeth. These are then indeed very dallyings, these are mockeries, these are illusions and fancies, by which the Iesuit would abuse vs, when hee alleages, that he is not boūd to obey, if he find any appa­rence of euill in the commandement. For contrariwise all sinnes are couered, and blotted out, when he obeyes. This is that (Gentlemen) which I had to say this mor­ning: [Page 126]and because after we haue fed our mindes with discourse, it seemes to me high time to refresh our bo­dies with some nourishment, I pray you hold me excu­sed, if I proceed no further: yet with protestation that after dinner I will declare to you at larg, all that seemes to me to be behind of this matter.

CHAP. 19. ¶ Of the wisedome of Ignace, and the sottishnes of the newe Iesuits. A Dialogue betwixt the Iesuit, and the author of this discourse.

THe companie not onely yeelded to the Aduocates motion, but also thankt him for the paines he had taken, and promist to take: all of vs being resolued to heare him as fauourably after dinner, as we had doone in the morning. But the Gentleman said, If I be King in my house, as the Collier is in his, I appoint this afternoone be spent in walking, and especially you particularly my good friend, quoth he, to the Aduo­cate; are permitted to giue your thoughts leaue to play, till to morrow morning, when, if it please God, we will make an end of our discourse. As he appointed, so it was done.

Dinner was brought in, the cloth taken away, euerie man rose vp to go whither it pleased him, into the Gar­den, into the walks into the Parke, into the fields, mea­dowes or woods: For our hosts house had all this vari­etie. For my part I went to the Iesuit, whom I found reasonable wel disposed, after we had walkt two or three turnes togither. I said to him; What thinke you of our Aduocate? For in my opinion, though much of his speech were to verie good purpose, yet he went some­what too far in reproaching thē of your order. It is not for me to iudge of him, quoth he. For if I say, he spake well, I shall wrong our Societie: if ill, you will thinke [Page]it is to flatter my felowes. In fine, which way so euer you take it, I may well be accepted against.

Away with these points of Rhetorick (quoth I) you and I are heere in a place of truth, where wee are not to dissemble. Do you not remember you haue read in He­rodotus, that when the wise puts off her smock in bed, by her husband, shee puts of shame to? Sith you haue cast off the habite of your Order. I suppose it is very easie for you to cast off also that hypocrisie, which your il­willers say lodges in your Houses. You are a trauailer, and Homer could not tell how to represent the wisedom of men better then in an Ʋlisses, that had seene diuers Countries. Sith you were chosen by your Generall to passe from countrey to countrey, to sound the diuersity of our behauiours and opinions, that you might make report thereof to him, it is not likely, but that at one time or other, when you are alone in the fieldes, you vvill finde leysure to play the Phylosopher, in consi­dering the carriage of your Societie. Therefore I harti­lie pray you; tell me plainly and trulie, what your opini­on is of them, and withall, of this discourse of our Ad­uocate. For although you are meruailously kept vnder by your Constitutions, yet your thoughts are free. The Law-maker of your Order, was not able to take any or­der for them.

Then said the Iesuit, sith you cōiure me in so friendlie a manner, I should be very discurteous if I should not satisfie you. The Aduocate is too blame, but not so much as some man would thinke. If he haue spoken ill of our Societie, wee are the cause of it. No man is hurt but by himselfe. The greatest secret that I finde in mat­ter of religion, is, that the secret [...] of them be not made commonly knowne, & that euerie religious person, ac­cording to the profession he makes, liues in peace of cō ­science. I see, that amongst the olde Priests of the Hea­then law, greatest account was made of the Druides, & [Page 127]there was nothing that got them so much credit, as an auncient policie, of not leauing theyr doctrine in wry­ting, but to keepe it secret, and deliuer it from hand to hand, by a long tradition from their auncesters to their successours. If wee had followed the wisedome of our great and wise Ignatius, wee had neuer faln into this in­conuenience. For it was his opinion, that wee should keepe our selues close and hidden, so that the people might haue no knowledge of our gouernment. To the end, that our ceremonies, or to speake better, our deuo­tions might be seene of the people, but not read.

Our enemies then spake of vs (if I may so say) but by gesse. Now our Bulls and Constitutions are suffered to come to this and that mans handling, I doubt mee wee shall be vndone, and whereas many in former time ho­noured vs, heereafter they will abhorre vs. And this is a poynt wherein I can not sufficiently praise our Ignatius his wisedom. For although he had not onely deu [...]sd, but put in practise his Constitutions for the gouernment of our Order, along while in his life time, yet would he ne­uer publish them, neither came they abroad till after his death; namely, till after the assembly that wee held in Rome in the yeere 1558. We made account then, that we shewed our selues worthy men, but indeed, there was neuer any thing doone more foolishly, as the euent bea­teth witnesse.

He had besides, another very wise rule, that he would neuer at any hand, suffer that any of our Order, should set pen to paper to defend or iustifie vs when wee were accused. It may be he did it in Christian charitie, it may be also in wordly wisedom. Spreta (saith the wise Taci­tus) exolescum: Si irascare, agnita videntur. There neuer was any thing that seemed to be so preiudiciall to our Societie, as the censure of the Diuines of Paris, in the yeere 1554. Some whose fingers itcht at it, woulde needes haue aunswered it, and those of the most woor­thy [Page]and sufficient of our Order, who perswaded them­selues, that they should get the better of them: But Ig­nace, more subtile and wise then they,Rib. lib. 4. cap. 11. forbad them very expresly. And it is not to be doubted, but that by this aduise, he got more aduantage by silence, then all our blotters and scriblers of paper since, haue done by wry­ting. For it is certaine, that this censure by length of time, was buried in the graue of forgetfulnes, if we had not giuen occasion to renew it, by pushing as wel at the generall estate, as at some particuler men in Fraunce.

While Ignace liued (as I told you) wee were not per­mitted to set out our conceits lightly to the view of the world, how well so euer wee were perswaded of them. Now adaies, there is none of our Societie so meane, but abuseth both his pen and his wit, without considering what good or hurt may redound to the whole order by his writings. They please themselues in their own con­ceit, by a certaine itching desire to write, which after­ward costs vs deere, while they set abroch many false & erroneous propositions, squared by the rule of their owne follies. And God wot, our ill-willers knowe too well how to make theyr aduantage of them.

One Iohn Peter Maffee, first, in the yeere 1587. and after him, one Peter Ribadinere, in 1592. did set out the life of our good founder Ignatius, and Horace Tur­celline, the life of Fraunces Xauier, with so many flatte­ries, (I must needs say so to my great griefe) absurdities, and contrarieties, that I assure my selfe, I shall see some man or other ere long, that is full of leysure and spight, make an Anotomie thereof, to the disgrace of the me­morie of those two holy Fathers, and the confusion of our Order. You may thinke he is as wise a Priest as our Emanuell Sa, who entiteld himselfe Doctor of Diuinitie of our Societie, vvhen hee caused his Aphorismes of confession to be printed, wherein he bragges hee had la­bourd fortie whole yeeres.

How many Articles find you among them, that tend not to the desolation of Kings & kingdoms? If hee had beene as wise as our first Fathers, these had beene good lessons to whisper into the eares of these Idiots, that take vs to be the great Penitentiaries of the holy Sea, and to such as ordinarily come to vs to confesse theyr great sinnes: but by blowing abroade all these circumstances of sinnes ouer all his Booke, it teacheth vs, that this E­manuell Sa, hath labourd fortie whole yeres, to make all the world in the end perceiue, that hee is none of the wifest.

As for our reuerend Father Robert Bellarmin, I ac­knowledge him to be a very sufficient man, as one that by his writings, hath found meanes to purchase a Cardi­nalls hat. But I may say to you, as a thing too true, that he marrs our market in making his owne, as you may perceiue by his bookes of the Translation of the Empire, & Of the Indulgences of Rome. In the latter of which, he hath toucht many particulars, which concerne not par­dons, and for which he had need aske pardon of Kings & Bishops. It is not my meaning to offend him by thys speech, but if euer he and I meete together alone, I will speake two or three words to him in his eare, & request him to write a little more modestly heereafter, as I as­sure my selfe hee will doe, hauing now attayned to that which made him write so; were it not, that perhaps he hopes to be Pope one day. But I thinke him so wise, that hee will not tie his thoughts to such an impossibi­litie. For the wise Consistorie of Rome, will neuer suf­fer a Iesuit to come to that high degree of the Pope­dome, for an infinite number of reasons, which I had rather conceale then vtter.

Since the sentence pronounced against vs, 1494. in Paris, I find fiue bookes set out by our men, the rules whereof are these: 1. The Plea of Maister Peter Ver­soris, Aduocate in the Parliament for the Priests and Schol­lers [Page]of the Colledge of Clairmont, founded in the Ʋniuersitie of Paris, plaintiues against the said vniuersity being defendant. 2. The defence of the Colledge of Clairmōt, against the Com­plaints & Pleas printed against them heretofore. 3. A most humble remonstrance & supplication, of the religious of the Societie of Iesus, to the most Christian King of Fraunce and Nauarre, Henrie the fourth of that name. 4. The truth defended for the Catholique Religion, in the case of the Iesu­its, against the Plea, of Anthonie Arnault, by Frances Montaignes. 5. An aunswere made by Rene de la Fon, for the religious of the Societie of Iesus, against the Plea of Simon Marion, made against them, the: 16. of Octo­ber. 1597. With other notes vpon the Plea, and other matters concerning Stephen Pasquiers Researches.

Assure your selfe, there is neuer a one of these gentle Writers, that in defending vs, accuseth vs. And al­though you shall find some tough-points here and there in others, yet I cannot tell how, euerie where they sauour of a Scholler. When I haue said this, I haue said all. Our company pleaseth not all. No not many French Catholiques. It is a misfortune that accompa­nies vs in the midst of the blessings we receiue of God. But such a misfortune, as we make well the worse by an other. For if we find any man, that doth not like vs, by and by we pronounce him an heretique. It is a new Priuiledge, that we haue giuen our selues to turne cursing into religion, and we thinke our selues acquit­ted of it, if we father our iniuries vpon some counter­fait name. Benot Arias, a Spaniard, a man that neuer erred from our Catholique Religion, caused the Bible to be printed in Antwerpe, 1584. with some points of importance, wherein hee complaines of great wrong that was done to him by our Society, Qui cùm sibi soli sa­pere (saith he, speaking of vs) soli benè viuere, Iesumque propius insequi & comitari videantur, at que id palam professi iactitent, me qui minimum atque adeo inutilem Iesu Christi [Page 130]discipulum ago, odi [...] b [...] gu [...]ie. Atque hi quod [...]tem [...] [...]as ba [...] audiat improbar [...] audent, alio­rum quos ad cam ro [...] occultē inducere possins, ingenijs & nominibus abutuntur. Who, thinking themselues onely wise (saith he speaking of vs) that they onely liue well, and seeme to follow Iesus verie neere and strict­ly, and openly make profession thereof with boasling, hated me without any cause, that am a poore & vnpro­fitable seruant of Iesus Christ. And these men, be­cause they dare not mislike any man, that is otherwise [...]el spoken of abuse the names & wits of other whom­soeuer they can vnder hand perswade to such a course. His meaning is, that we abuse other, mens pens against him, not daring to deale with him, by our owne. That was our our practise at that time, but since, wee haue found a new course, to make bookes vnder supposed names; such as those two bookes that goe vnder the name of Frances Montagines and Rene de la Fon, which I was not able to read without choller. And touching that book, that is said, to be made by Montaignes, I find, that the author made choise of a name fit for his booke.

See what a goodly peece of worke he hath made, by discouering the secrets both of our simple vow, and that of chastitie, and into what daunger he hath brought vs amongst Kings by committing their Crownes, to the ful and bare disposition of the holy Sea. I will adde here­vnto, that as our fingers are still itching, this booke is translated into Latine by one of our order, who hath called Montaignes, Montanus, which was the name of a notorious old heretique, that he might still giue our e­nemies occasion to speake euill of vs. As for la Fon, he that deuised that name, should rather haue termed him Foole, so many follies, and flatteries are there in that booke. Stephen Pasquier hath writter many bookes which are wel liked, both in Fraunce and in other coun­tries [Page] Montaignes in his booke Of Truth defended, maketh fauourable mention of him. This little foole, la Fon, to supply his companions default, breaks out with rayling on him, worse thē a strumpet out of the stewes: And I am afraid, Pasquier that hath not the gout in his hand, will not let him be long without an aunswere. And so there will be one good [...]rne for another.

Thinke not so, (quoth I) to the Iesuit, for when I spake with him of it, he aunswered me thus. Sir, my good friend, this disguised Iesuit, is like one of the Shrouetuesday Maskers, who by the libertie of the day, carry blacking about them, with which they marke euery one that comes in their way; who should be but a laughing-stocke to the people, if they would be angrie at it. My collections of Fraunce, amongst which my Plea is, carrie their safe conduct in their faces; If a man will read them, they wil answer for me. If any man will not read them, let him come to me, & I will answer for them. If any man of learning, finde any obscuri­tie in them, I will thinke my selfe honoured by him, if it will please him, to let mee cleere the doubt to him. For in few words, I perswade my selfe, that this Mountebank, thinking to accuse me, accuseth sometime Saint Paule, sometime Saint Luke, one while Lactantius Firmianus, an other while, Saint Bernard, and venerable Bede: and which is more, their owne fellow Bellarmine, whose authoritie is of greater worth with them, then Saint Pauls. It is a singular vertue that Iesuits haue, that the further they goe, the more fooles thy proue.

Would you know the reason of it? The first lesson, that is taught thē when they enter into their nouiceship, is absolutely to acknowledge Iesus Christ, not onely in the person of their Generall, but also in all other thei [...] Superiors. Now, as soone as euer any of them commeth to any degree, he maketh account, that he is to other, such as his Superiours were to him. Insomuch that hee [Page 130]beleeues, that his f [...]n [...]as [...]ll imaginations [...] articles of our faith: and vpon this vaine beliefe, he powreth out himselfe into a thousand fooleries. Let it suffice you, that I meane not to giue life to this abortiue booke by my answer. When their Librarie was fold at Paris, they [...]d my Latin Epigram [...], in the s [...]t booke wherof, they shall find these foure verses, which I giue for a full aun­swere to this foole.

You see (quoth I to the Iesuit) what I can report to you of Pasquiers aunswere, whereby you may per­ceiue, that he despiseth your la Fon. Whereunto the Ie­suit answered. He may deceiue himself. For do not think that our Societie is engaged in all the bookes that I na­med. The pollicie wee obserue in publishing our bookes, is this. The Author is like the Quiristers in Cathedrall Churches, which carrie the bookes be­fore others, and after that one of them hath sung a verse, he is followed by the whole bodie of the Quire. So is it with our company. He that is the bearer of his booke, sings first, imparting it to the Prouinciall, the Rector, Fathers, and Regents, as well of the house, as of the Colledge where they abide. All which by a com­mon consent, contribute thereto particularly: so that the generall frame is the Authors, but the most part of the seuerall peeces are many other mens. This is the first shape we giue to this matter, after which followes ano­ther. [Page]For we are expresly for bid [...] by the consti [...], to set out any booke without our Generals leaue. The booke is viewed by him, or by his foure Assistants, or by other deputed by him. In briefe, hold it for a most cer­taine ground, that all the bookes mentioned by [...] ­ning had this course, are approued by our whole ord [...]. If it be so (quoth I) your order is mer [...]ai [...]ous ignorant, to suffer all these furious bookes to run vp & downe the streets: And there need but a few of these to make your order come backe to the wallet, whence your Hi­storiographers say it had the beginning. That is the thing (quoth he) that greeues me most of all, to see that out Superiours, should be so set vppon a blind reuenge, that thereby they became fooles with fooles. But in the meane while, what said Pasquier to that noble Epitaph, which our De la Fon makes of him, in these words?

Well, let him liue yet ioyfully, and write and raue if he will against the Iesuits, hee shall doate at last in his old age, vntil some one of this Societie, or if they disdain it, some other, for the publique good, take agenerall suruey of that which he hath printed, and a collection of his follies, rauings, asscheadnes, spightfulnes, haresies, and Machiauelismes, to erect a Tombe of ba [...]full me­morie, wherein he shall be coffind aliue, whither the Rauens and Vultures may come a hundred leagues by the sent, and to which, no man may dare to approch by a hundred paces, without stopping his nose by reason of the stinck: where brambles & b [...]yers may grow, where Vipers and Cockatrices may nestle, where the Skriech-howle and Bitter may sing; that by such a Monument, they that now liue, and they that shall liue hereafter, may know, that the Iesuits had for their accuser and slaunde­rer, a notorious lyer, a capitall enemie to all vertue, and all that are vertuous; and that al slaunderers may learne, by the losse of one proude ignorant fellow to bethinke thēselues better of that which they write against religious [Page 131]Orders, & not impudently to slaunder the holy church of God, by their infamous & blasphemous writings.

Doe you aske mee (quoth I to the Iesuit) what Pas­quier saide of it? I will tell you. Hee said to mee in fewe words, that this Pasport did well beseeme a Iesuits soule: and he was desirous it might be engrauen ouer the gates of all theyr Colledges, as a true portraict of theyr chari­tie: that euery man might know, that they did not name themselues the Societie of Iesus without great reason, who vppon the Crosse, prayed to God his Father for them that crucified him.

I and the Iesuit, past the afternoone in these & such like discourses, by which I perceiued that this honest man had many good parts in him, not cōmon to other Iesuits. Also I found, that there is great difference be­twixt him that being shut vp in his chamber, hath all his wisedome from his bookes, and him, that besides his bookes, pertakes of wise mens discourses by word of mouth. The studie of the former, hath his times of brea­thing, but the latter, that studies without studying, hath great aduantage ouer the other. For my part, I was wil­ling to be in his company, and I think I had spent the rest of the day with him, but that ill hap (enuious of my content) depriued me of it, by the comming of two or three foolish fellowes, who began to iest at mee, saying, they saw well my intent was to become a Iesuit. You may be sure of that (quoth I) if all Iesuits were of thys mans temper. So wee walkt, and talkt one thing or an other, till supper time: during which there was nothing but iesting and merry talke, all carnest matters beeing layd aside till next morning: when all of vs beeing met together in the Hall, euery one cast his eyes vppon the Aduocate, whom the Gentleman requested to make an end of his carriere, which hee did in such sort as you shal presently vnderstand.

CHAP. 1. ¶ Touching the Anabaptistrie which is found in the vowe that the Iesuits make, concerning their blinde obedience to theyr Superiors: also, that by the meanes thereof, there is not any King or Prince that can defend himselfe from theyr stings.

I Haue (saith the Aduocate) discour­sed vnto you, touching the Iesuits doctrine and theyr coggings, as also, how that obtayning theyr priuiled­ges, they haue maliciously circum­uented the holy Sea Apostolick. But I haue reserued this morning time, to treat of the affaires of the state, which they haue ad­ioyned to theyr doctrine, within which, (by meanes of their abounding pietie that raigneth amongst them) they haue also intermingled that lesson which we learne out of Machiauell, in his Treatise touching a Prince, & in the Chapter of wickednes. For the murthers and kil­lings of Kings & Princes, are as common among them in their consultations, as amongst the most vvicked murtherers that are in the world. Besides, they haue gi­uen themselues libertie, to trouble those Realmes and Kingdoms, wherein they haue once had anie footing.

It may be euery one amongst vs, will much meruaile at it, but if you will examine, (and that without passion) [Page]that blinde obedience which they vowe vnto this Su­periors, it shall be an easie matter for you, cleerely to see the truth thereof. And marke I pray you, that I doe ex­presly say, (vnto theyr Superiors,) because, though they likewise vow the same vnto the Pope, yet it is not with so precise a declaration. And that it is so, you may well perceiue by this, that in the Article which yesterday I read vnto you, they speake but once of the Pope, and many times of their Superiours: So great a desire had Ignatius Loyola (their first founder and Law-maker) to teach, how much this obedience ought to be esteemed of, in regard of themselues, and their owne respects.

Concerning which poynt, I wil freely say thus much, that though in Fraunce wee admit not this particular o­bedience of the Iesuits towards the Pope, yet is it with­out comparison much more tollerable then the other. For in respect of my selfe, I will easily belieue this, that the opinions of these great Prelats, are so well ruled and grounded, that though one should vow vnto them, [...]he most exact obedience that can be, yet they would not abuse it. Those Prelats are the men (the greatest num­ber whereof, comming from meane place) which were for their vertues, merrits, and sufficiencies, at the first made Bishops, afterwards Cardinalls, and at the last ad­uanced to that high throne of the supreme Pastor. In so much that theyr faithfulnes, holines, great experien­ces and auncientie, haue (as it should seeme) drayned and dryed vp in them, all those foolish passions, which commonly transport and carry vs away. But to speake the truth, I cannot, I dare not, I will not giue the like iudgement, touching the Superiors of the Iesuits [...]le [...], because the honour reuerence, and respect that I beare to the holy Sea, forbid me so to doe.

Yet notwithstanding, in their Chapter of obedience, as I haue alreadie said, after that they haue once mentio­ned the Pope, they speake of nothing but theyr Supe­riours, [Page 134]that is to say, of their Generall, their Pro­uincials, their Rectors: for these are they, who eue­rie one of them in regard of their Order, beare the name of Superiours ouer others. And you haue al­readie heard, that by the obedience that the inferi­our oweth them, they are enioyned to beleeue, that by their meanes, the commaundement floweth from Iesus Christ himselfe, and that therefore they ought, euen at the twinkling of an eye, not onely to obey in such things of their Order, as binde them, but in all others: yea, that without lo [...]ing or bidding, as wee say they should obey, and tie the will to the execution, and the iudgement to the will, to the end, that the inferiour may beleeue, that the commaundement is verie iu [...], seeing that is was giuen vnto him. And who seeth not, that this may well be resembled to a dead bodie, or to staffe that receiueth no motion, but by an other mans hand: yea to be short, that this commaundement or law is w [...]h­out eies. And that therefore, to commit this abso­ [...] comaundement, to an Vsher or vnder offi­c [...], and that vnder the maske of Gods supposed pre­sence, is properly to put a sword into a madde mans hand.

And when I consider this vow, me thinkes I see the Anabaptists, who said, that they were sent from God, to reforme all things from good to better, and so to reestablish them. And as men that hammer such mat­ters in their heads, they caused a booke of reformation to be published and dispersed. And they had for their king, Iohn Luydon, and vnder him, certaine false Prophets who were their Superiours, who made the people be­leeue, that they [...]lked and conferred with God, some­times by dreames, s [...]metimes by lies and forgeries, and that they vndertooke nothing but by Reuelation from him. Afterwards, they breathed their holy Ghost, into the mouthes of those whom they found best fitted for [Page]their furious opinions, distributing and diuiding th [...] thorow their Prouinces, as their Apostles, to draw and bring vnto them, the most simple, and easie to beleeue, By meanes whereof, they brought to their lure and whistle almost all Germanie, especially within the t [...] of Munster, where they had established and set vp their monstrous gouernment, one while commaunding mur­thers and massacrings, and an other while, executing them with their owne hands, in which they pretended nothing but inspiration from God. And going about to make as a pray vnto themselues, all the Kings, Prin­ces, and Potentates of th [...] part of the world, they published, that they were expresly sent from GOD to driue them away. Wh [...]upon, they made account to murther them, if men had not preuented their purpo­ses and practises. Now then tell [...] pr [...]y you, what doth the great vowe of the Iesuites toward [...] their Superiours, else import, but the obedience of the Ana­baptists? For further proofe whereof, let vs set be­fore vs a General of their Order, who eyther thoro [...] certaine vnruly passion, or particular ignoraunce, went (but verie ill fauouredly) to make himselfe a Re­former, as well of our religion, as of all politique states: who also being in the middle of his companions, spake vnto them after this manner.

My little children, you know, that I being here present with you to commaund you, our Lord Iesus Christ is in my mouth, and therefore that you ought thorowly, and in euerie respect to yeeld obedience: God powred out his holy Spirie, vpon out good Fa­ther Ignace, the better therby to sustaine &c vpholde his Church, which was readie to fall by reason of the er­rours of the Lutherans; errors. I say which are spred thorow al Europe to the great griefe of al good Catho­licks. Now then [...]ith i [...] hath pleased God, to make vs the Successors of that holy-man, so it beh [...]th vs, that a [...] [Page 134]he himselfe, so we also, should be the first workemen, vne [...]ly to root out the same. Wee see heresies raigne in many Realmes, where also the subiect armeth himselfe against his King. In some other places we behold Prin­ces tyrannizing ouer their Subiects. Here a Queene [...]ogither hereticall: not farre from her: A King pro­fessing the same thing: and other some feeding vs, with farre shewes & allurements, the more deeply to de­ceiue vs. It belongeth to vs, yea, to vs I say, to defend the cause of God and of poore subiects, not in some small s [...]blance, as our forefathers haue done, but in good earnest.

They that in former time occupied themselues there­in, haue drawen a false skinne ouer the wound, and by consequent haue marred all. But we shall doe a merito­rious work, to vnburthen countries, & kingdomes ther­of. We must needs become executione? of the soue­raigne iustice of Almightie God, which will neuer be grieued or offended, with any thing that we, as Arbitrers and Executors of his good will and pleasure shall doe, to the preiudice of such Kings as rule wickedly, and suffer their kingdomes to fall vnto them, whom in our consciences we shal know to be wor [...]me thereof. How be it, you thinke not your selues strong inough in your selues, to execute my commaundements, yet at least, let this be a lesson vnto you, that you may teach in the midst of Gods Church. Wherein also you must im­ploy all the best meanes you haue least the danger, dis­ease, and Gangrene; get so deepe a roote, that it will not easily be remooued. Wee shall at the length finde good store of workemen and Surgions, to helpe vs for­ward herein. But aboue al things, apply & refer to this, all holy and necessarie prouision of Confessiō, of Masse, & of Cōmunicating, to the end, that we may with greater assurance of their consciences, proceed on in this holy worke and busmes. The necessitie of the affaires of [Page]Christendome commaundeth it, and the dutie of o [...] charge, bindeth vs thereto. These are the aduices and councels, that I haue receiued, from our Sauiour and Redeemer Iesus Christ, who suffered his death and passion for vs, and for whose sake, as it were in coun­terchaunge, we ought rather to die, then not to ridde our selues of these wicked Princes. And these, euen these I say, are the aduises which I haue from God, whose Vicegerencie I exercise and execute ouer you, though I be vnworthie.

I leaue heere to your owne considerations, the pla­ces, examples, and authorities of holy Scripture, which are mistaken, and this Monsiure might alleage. For of this assure your selues, these Atheologians, or mai­med Diuines, will no more faile therein, then the Ne­gromancers do, in the inuocation of their spirits, and diuels, or in their healing of diseases. And yet all these matters tend but to Anabaptistrie: or else, to the com­maundements of that old dotard of the Mountaine, (mentioned in our Chroniclers) and called the Prince of the Assasines, who charmed and charged his sub­iects, to kill handsmooth our Princes that went into the East to recouer the holy Land. Whereupon al­so, there hath remayned amongst vs, and that euen to this day, the word Assasine, as proper against all mur­thering Traitors.

But is not all this found in our Iesuits? And is not this doctrine scattered in the midst of that holy Order? Haue we not seene the splintors & shiuers of it? When the last Prince of Orange was not at the first time slaine in Antwerpe, was not this by the instigation of the Ie­suits? And when at the second time he was slaine, in the yeere 1584. by Balthazar Girrard, borne in the countie of Burgundie? And where also Peter Pan a Cooper, dwelling at Ipres, vvas sent to kill Maurice Prince of Orange and Earle of Nassaw, the other prin­ces [Page 135]s [...]ue, of whom I pray you did they take counsell? As [...] Girrard, before hee was examined he confessed, that he went to a Iesuit, whose name hee knew not, but that he was of a red haire, & Regent in the Colledge of Trers, who also assured him, that hee had conferd tou­ching that enterprise with three of his companions, who tooke it wholy to be from God; assuring him, that if he died in that quarrell, he should be enroled and registred in the Kalender of the Martirs.

And the second confessed, that the Iesuits of Doway, hauing promised him, to procure a Prebend for one of his chyldren, the Prouinciall gaue him his blessing be­fore he went about it, & said vnto him, Friend, goe thy wayes in peace, for thou goest as an Angell vnder Gods safegard and protection. And vpon this confession, he was put to death in the Towne of Leyden, by solemne sentence giuen the twentie-two of Iune, in the yeere 1598. Neither am I ignorant of this, that the Iesuits will say, that they gaue that councell to kill two Princes, who had armed thēselues against their King. But I tell them, that then the King himselfe must put them to death, be they neuer so many, because they were the first enter­prisers and attempters of our last troubles in Fraunce, as well against the King that dead is, as against the King that presently raigneth.

But their murthers haue a further reach then that. For minding to stirre vp Robert Bruse, a Scottish Gentle­man, e [...]her himselfe to kill, or to cause to bee killed by some other, my Lord Iohn Metellinus, Chauncellour to the King of Scots, euen of hatred towards him, because hee was the Kings very faithfull subiect, they caused the said Bruse, because hee would not condiscend & yeelde vnto them, to be summoned, and sore troubled at Brux­elles. And were they not pertakers with the Iacobin, in the assault and murther that was committed against the last French King? And haue they not at sundry times. [Page]and by sundry meanes, attempted to take away the [...], of the Lady Elizabeth, Queene of England? And to be short, haue they not doone the like against ou [...] King, both by the meanes of Peter Barrier, and Iohn Ca [...]ill? frō which, God hath miraculously preserued him. To euerie of which particularities, I will allow his proper discourse, and begin the storie of their assaults and mur­thers, that should haue been committed by the Scottish Gentleman.

CHAP. 2. ¶ Touching an extraordinarie processe and course, that was held in the Low-countries, against Robert Bruse, Gentle­man of Scotland, vpon the accusation and information of Fa­ther William Chrichton, Iesuit, because he would me cause the Chauncellour of Scotland to be murthered.

MEn ordinarily giue out, and grant extra­ordinarie processe, against such as mur­ther, or consent to murther, but to pro­cure it, or make it against one that would not consent thereto, this is the first of that qualitie that euer was heard of. And this is the very ar­gument of this present chapter.

A little after the death of Mary Queene of Scots, the late King of Spaine, cōmaunded the Duke of Par­ma, (who was then Gouernour for him in the Low­countries) to send Robert Bruse, a Gentleman of Scot­land, to the Scottish King with Letters, in the which he promised him, men & money enough, to reuenge him selfe, for the death of the Queene his Mother, vnto who he protested, that hee bare alwaies a singuler affection, because she had vowed, and so declared herselfe, to the last gaspe of her life, to be of our Catholique Religion: which affection, hee would continue to the King her [Page 136]sinne by successiue right: but yet so, as hee should pro­mise, to become the inheritour, of the vertues and reli­gion, of that good and worthy Princesse.

My purpose is not largely and by peece-meale, as me say, to meat and declare, howe this matter proceeded, though I haue good and faithfull▪ Intelligences of it. This onely I will tell you, that the said Gentleman, had at the same time, charge of certaine great sums of mo­ney, for the fraight of threescore shipps, to the end, that they might first serue, for transporting of victualls and munitions into the Low-countries, and afterwards, for men of war, which the Spanyard resolued to send into England, hoping that the Queene of England, should be assaulted on both sides.

A short time after Bruses arriuall in Scotland (he ha­uing beene all his young dayes brought vp and nouri­shed with the Iesuits) there came thether, Father William Crichton, a Scottish man, who some-time had berne Rector of the Colledge of the Iesuits at Lyons. And he was in the company of the Bishop of Dumblaine, who was sent by Pope Sixtus the 5. to the King of Scotland, to make him offer of a marriage with the Infant of Spaine, so that hee would become a Catholique, and ioyne with them against the English.

My Lord Iohn Metellenus, set himselfe against thys negotiation, and for sundry good and weighty reasons, councelled his Maister not to regard it. Insomuch, that the Bishop returned thence, without effecting any thing, leauing Crichton in Scotland, who ioyned him­selfe with Bruse, and was his companion. And because hee conceiued, that Metellenus alone had turned the King from accepting the offers made him, he purposed to shew him a Iesuits [...]ick indeed. And that was this. A catholick Lord, had inuited the King & his Chauncel­lour to a banquet. Crichton solicited Bruse, if it would please him to lende him so [...] mony, to compasse thys [Page]Lord, that should giue order for procuring the slaugh­ter of the Chauncellor, assuring himselfe, that by [...] of the mony, he should make him doe whatsoeuer hee would.

Bruse flatly refused, and that not onely because hee was sent to another end, as hee made it appeare to him, by the iustructions and memorials which hee had from he Duke of Parma; but also, and that much the rather, by reason of the shame that would fall out vpon the ex­ecution of that enterprise: especially, he hauing before, made shew of friendship & familiarity with the Chaun­cellor. Yea that, that murther, would neuer be thought good and lawfull, beeing committed in the midst of a banquet, and in the Kings presence, against whom the iniutie should specially be performed, as well by reason of the small account they made of his Maiestie, as for the slaughter they should commit, vpon a person, whō he entirely affected for his fidelitie and wisedome. And that if he did this deede, they should minister matter to the King, to exasperate him against the Catholicks, as murtherous, infamous, and trayterous persons to God and the world, who to that present houre, had receiued all bountifull kindnesses & curtesies from their King.

Crichton, seeing he had missed of this his match, we [...] to moue him to another, and to perswade Bruse to giue fifteene hundred crownes to three Gentlemen, that did offer to kill the Chauncellor, after some other lesse flaū ­derous and offensiue manner. But Bruse answered him, that, as in respect of the fault or sin, it was all one, to kill a man with his owne handes, and to giue money to procure such a purpose and act to be doone. And that for his part, hee was a priuate person, that had not anie authoritie ouer the life of any man, & lesse ouer the life of the Chauncellour, who was a chiefe man, in the ex­ecution of the iustice of the Land. Furthermore hee ad­ded, that besides, hee had no charge from the Prince of [Page 137]P [...], to employ his money in such stade [...]d Mer­chandize.

Matellinus beeing w [...]beloued of the King his Mai­ster, had two offices! to wit, the Chauncelloure, & the chiefe Secretaries of estate: & that after his death, there were two great Lords, worse then he to the Catholicke▪ who beeing favoured of the King, would part between them the spoyle of the other. To be short, that for an vncertaine good thing, which a man might promise vn­to himselfe, hee should not accomplish a certaine euill thing, no, though a man were assured of good to come therby. And seeing the question was▪ touching the ad­uancing of Christian religion, this should be the meanes wholie to ruinate the same, in as much, as men went a­bout to promote i [...], by slaughter and murther, and that to the great scandale of all in generall, & the perpetuall dishonour of the holy order of the Iesuits in speciall.

And thus spake Bruse in his conscience, as one that hauing spent all his youth in theyr Colledges, bare them all manner of reuerence. And yet Father Crichton, would not yeeld for all this: for hee & his companions, haue they common places of antiquitie (but yet euil al­leaged) to prooue, that murthers and such like vvicked practizes are permi [...]ted. By meanes whereof, Bruse be­ing more importuned then before, demaunded of him, whether in a good conscience hee might consent to that enterprise, or whether he could dispence there-withall? To which the Iesuit replyed, that hee could not but this, that the murther beeing committed by him, and hee comming to confesse himselfe vnto him, hee would ab­solue him of it.

Then Bruse replyed in these [...]; Sith your reue­rence acknowledgeth▪ that I must confesse my selfe of it, you also, thereby acknowledge, that I should commit a sinne: and I for my part know not, whether, when I haue done it, God would giue me grace, and inable me [Page]to confesse it. And thereto I verilie belieue, that the co­fession of an euill, that a man hath done of set purpose, vnder a [...] intent to confesse himselfe thereof, & to haue absolution of it, is not greatly au [...]lable, and therefore the surest way for mee, is not to put my selfe into such hazard and danger.

And so my Maister Iesuit missed at that time of his purpose. But afterwards, hee know verie well, to haue his reuenge for it. For the Duke of Parm [...] being dead, and the Countie Fuentes a Spaniard, and Nephew to the Duke of Alua, comming in his place, Crichtou ac­cused Bruse of two crimes before the said Countie. The one, that he had ill managed the Kings treasure. The other, that he was a Traytor, because he would not dis­burse money, to cause Metellenus to be slame and thys was the principall marke, at which the Accuser aymed. A great fruit certainly in the Iesuit common wealth, & for which, hee was worthily kept prisones in Bruxells, full fourteene months together. For as concerning the first point, Crichton made no great account of that: but touching the second, he to the vttermost stood vpon it: and that so much the more, because the prisoner demind not the crime.

The processe had his course. At the last; after that Bruse had beene a long time troubled and afflicted, the prisons were opened to him, and he was set free, but not with any commaund to that holy Father the Iesuit, no not so much as to repayte his good nume, or to pay his costs, dammages, or losses whatsoeuer. The reason whereof was)▪ (as a man may easily belieue it) that hauing attempted this deuout accusation, he did nothing at all therein, but that which might be directly referd to the holy propositions of his owne Order.

CHAP. 3. ¶ Concerning the murther, which William Pa [...]y a [...] [...]man (thrust [...]the [...] by the Iesuits) [...] against Elizabeth. Queene of England in the yeere [...]84.

HE that writ the humble temon­s [...]ance & petition to the King▪ (minding to make it appeare, that men slaunde [...]ou [...]y accused the Iesuits, of hauing a purpose, to attempt any thing against the Queene of England, sayth thus In respect of English peo­ple, those that [...] [...]rite of these matter, [...] witnes our faithfulnesse and neuer yet durst accuse vs of attempting any thing against the Queene in her estate; & those that meant to calum [...] & charge vs there with all, could neuer fasten their lies and leasings vpon out b [...]b [...]s, and cause g [...]t of [...] selues, by any probable or likely reason of truth▪

But now I will shew, that this Iesuit, is a second Here­dotus. And let him not thinke but I doe him great ho­nor, when I resemble him to that great personage, whō men say, was the first Father of a lying historie.

William Parry. Doctor in the Lawes, a man full of vnderstanding, but ye [...] more full of his pleasures & de­lights, after that [...]e had consumed all his owne stocke & substance, and the greatest part of his wiue [...] also, ye [...], & charged with a great contro [...]s [...]e and question, against H [...]gh Hare, Gentleman of the Temple, purposed in the yeere 1582. to take the mind and to faile into Pr [...]ce, where being arriued, and come particularly to the cittie of Paris, and purposing to be familiar with certaine En­lish Gentleman, that [...]led ou [...] of theyr Co [...]y for [Page]theyr religion, they doubted to be familiar with him, thinking that he came expresly to them to spy out their actions. By meanes whereof, hee tooke his iourney to Lyons, and from thence to Venice, where, euen at his first entrance, because hee was an Englishman, hee was put into the Inquisition: but he yeelded so good an ac­count touching Catholique religion, that his Iudges found he had a desire and dutie to returne: beeing [...] ­beloued of all the Catholiques, and particularly, of Fa­ther Bonnet Palmeo, a Iesuit of great reputation amongst his owne brother hood. After wards, he tooke a conc [...]t, to do such an act, as be once did that in old time burned the Temple of Diana at Ephesus; that so hee might be spoken of for it. Hee plotted to kill the Queene, his na­turall Ladie and Soueraigne, & by the same meanes, to set fire on and in the fo [...]e corners and quarters of Eng­land, making thys the ground vvorke of his practise and enterprise, and that as well to deliuer his Countrie, from tyrannie and oppression, as to aduaunce to the Crowne, Marie the Queene of Scots, vvho vvas a Catholick Princesse, & [...]erest of the bloud to succeed. An oponion and conceit, that came from his owne in­stinct and motion, without acquainting the Scottish Queene any whit at all before his departure, as hee af­terwards confessed, when hee was in person. But be­cause, this enterprise and attempt was verie hawtie, and that he vndertooke it with a great blow to his conscience before God, he conferred hereof with Palmi [...] the Ie­suit, (who according to the ordinarie Maxim and prin­ciple of that Sect) did not onely, not discourage or turne him there-from, but greatly confirmed him, and prouoked thereto: affirming, that there was nothing in that buisines, that could hinder him, vnlesse it were protracting and delay. After this, hee tooke againe the way to Lions, where, discouering himselfe to the Iesu­its, he was greatly praysed and honoured of them. A [Page 139]little while after, he returned to Paris, where certaine English Gentlemen, that were fugitiues out of their countrie, vnderstanding of his purpose and practise, began to embrace him: and by name, Thomas Mor­gan, who assured him, that so soone as he should be in England, and should haue executed his [...]teprise, hee would take order, that a puissant armie should passe out of Scotland, to assure the kingdome to the Queene of Scotland.

Now, though that Parrie seemed altogither resolute, yet was he in some sort hindred by▪ sundrie remorses of his conscience. And indeed, [...]he communicated the same, to certaine Englishmen, that were Ecclesiasticall persons, who all labouned to remoue him from it, and particularly a learned Priest, named Watell, who wisely declared & shewed vnto him, that all the rules of God, and the world, were directly contratie to his deliberation and purpose. In this his irresolution and want of s [...]ednes, he purposed to conferre with the Iesuits of Paris: amongst whom he addressed himselfe to father Hanniball Coldretto, to whom also in confession he dis­couered his first aduice and councell, and the vncertain­ty into which Watell had brought him. But the Iesuits, that lacked not perswasiue reasons, maintained vn­to him, that Watell, and all the other, that put these scruples into his minde▪ were heretiques. And hauing againe set him in his former course, caused him (accor­ding to their ordinarie custome in such cases) [...]o [...]eciue the Sacrament, with diuers other Lords and Gentle­men. The English man being thus perswaded, tooke his leaue of them, and returned into England, fully pur­posed to bring his treason to effect and issue, whereunto the better to attaine, he sought all the meanes he might, to kisse the Queenes Maiesties hand, saying that he had certaine things of verie great▪ importance, to acquaint her withall. And this was about the moneth of Febru­atie, [Page]in the yeere 1585. At the last, being brought be­fore her Maistie, he largely discoursed vnto her, the hi­storie of his trauaile, and how, that counterfaiting the fugitiue, he had discouered all the practises and plots, that the English Catholiques had brewed or deuised a­gainst her Maiestie; yea, that he had promised them, that he would be the first that should attempt her death, which had purchased him verie great credit amongst them. And yet notwithstanding, that he would rather choose a hundred deaths, then to defile his soule with so damnable at thought.

He was a well spoken man, of a good countenaunce, & such a one, as had prepared himselfe to play his part, not vpon the sodaine, but wel prouided. The Queene (who wanteth not her spies) knew, that one part of that which he had spoken; was verie true; which also cau­sed her to credit the rest: and graciously accepting of that honest libertie and freedome, which he pretended, charged him not to depart farre from the Court: and that in the meane season, he should by letters, sound the affections of her enemies: which thing he promised, and vndertooke to do: and vpon this promise, feeding the Princesse with goodly shewes, he did many times talke verie priuately with her. And amongst other, she going one day to hunt the fallow Deere, he followed her, neuer suffering her out of his eye. At last, being a good way, from her owne people, and dismounted from her horse, to refresh her selfe at the foote of a tree in the wood. Parry being nigh vnto her, twise had a desire to kill her; but he was with-hold there-from, by that graci­ous familiaritie which her Maiestie vsed towards him. At another time, he walking after Supper with her▪ in the garden of her Pallace; called white Hall, which stan­deth vpon the Thames side, (where also be) had a boate readie, with the greater speed to saue him; and to carrie him away, when he had giuen the blow, as also he sought [Page 130]opportunitie for it) the Queene escaped from him to this manner.

He supposed, to draw her some-what farre from the the house, and that then he would kill her, at the gar­dens end. But she returned towards her Pallace, and said vnto him, that it was time to betake her to her chamber, being troubled with heat, and the rather, be­cause she was the next day, to take a bath by the ap­pointment of her Phisitions: And thereupon laugh­ing, she withall added, that they should not drawe so much bloud from her, as many people desired. And with this speeth she with drew her selfe, leaning Parrie much arnazed at this, namely, that hee had fayled, in that his so worthie an enterprise.

Now as he behaued himselfe after this manner about the Q. he supposed, that he wanted a trusty friend to se­cond him in his attempt, & therupon he addressed him­selfe to his friend Edmond Neuill, an English Gentleman, who for his Religion and conscience sake, had his part amongst the afflictions & troubles of England, whom also he diuers times visited: and after that he had sworne him vpon the Euangelistes, not to reueale or discouer that which he should tell him, did particularly, and by peace-meale discourse to him, his whole intention, & prouoked him to take part with him therein, as one that had great reason, liuely to feele the iniuries that had bin c [...]mi [...]ed against him: And that this was the time and outly [...]ane to reestablish the Catholique Religion in England, and to set vp there the Queene of Scotland: and that in doing this, both of them should haue a good portion in the bootie that should be deuided. But Nenill, could at no hand well fauour or like of this new counsell. Whereupon; Parrie demaunded of him, whe­ther he had Father Allens booke, which would stand him in steed of a continuall spurre, to prouoke him to this enterprise, though that of himselfe, he were not well [Page]disposed and prepared thereto, that by that booke, i [...] was permitted to excommunicate Kings, & to depose them, yea; and to constraine and enforce them: and that ciuill warres for the cause of Religion were honourable and lawfull. I haue verie good and readie accesse to the Queene, said he, as you also may haue, after that you are once knowne in Court. After that we haue giuen the blow, and done the deed, we will get into a boate, which shal be readie for vs, to go downe the Riuer with­all, and from thence, we will be imbarked vnto the Sea, which you and I may easily doe, vpon my credi [...], with­out trouble or hindrance. Neuill, entertaining him with goodly words, & faire promises, yet neuer giuing him an absolute yea, or nay, at the last resolued with himselfe, no longer to delay the matter, but to aduertise the Queene thereof: vnto whom vpon the eight of Februarie 1584. he related all that had passed betweene him and Parries, who that night supped with the Earle of Lei [...]ster. The Queene being much amazed thereat, comman­ded Walsingham, her chiefe Secretarie of estate, to ap­prehend both the one and the other, and yet notwith­standing, to deale gently with Parrie, the better to draw the truth from him. Which also he did, declaring unto him, that the Queene had receiued some new intelli­gence, of a conspiracie against her. And because the discontented Sect, had some good opinion of him, he prayed him to tell him, whether he had heard any thing thereof. And being twise or th [...]ce asked▪ touching the matter, he said, that he vnderstood nothing of it at all.

If he had confessed the storie▪ touching himselfe and Neuill, and for excuse had ioyned this vnto it, that what he had done therein, was done colourably, and that so he vsed it, the better to sound the opinions of them, that hatched some discontentment in their minds, Wal­singham said afterward to sundrie persons, that they, had [Page 141]sent him away, fully clewed and absolued. But hauing stoutly denied it, he set before his eyes Neuils deposi­tion, which greatly astonished him; and so for that night became his host, to hold him fast. On the morrow morning; Parrie went to him in his chamber: and told him, that he remembred, that he had held some discourse with Neuill, touching a poynt of doctrine, contayned in the aunswere that was made, to the booke intituled, The execution of Iustice in England: by which a [...]swere it was proued, that for the aduauncement of the Catholique Religion, it was lawfull to take away a Princes life: But for his owne part, he neuer spake word touching any enterprize against the Queene. Parrie and Neuill, were sent to diuers prisons, the latter, be­cause he concealed, that conspiracie sixe: moneths and more, the former, for the treason whereof he was ac­cused: both the one and the other were examined, and afterwards vppon charge giuen vnto them, they put downe their confessions in writing. Neuill did it the 10. of Februarie, and Parrie the 11. and the 13. Neuils contained the subornations, pursuits, and procurements, that Parrie had made in respect of him: Parrie his, that he had first plotted this Treason at Venice, being heartned thereto, by the exhortations of Palmio the Ie­suit: and that he was afterwards confirmed therein, by the Iesuits of Lyons: and at the last he was wholly soe­led in it, by Hanniball Coldretto, & other Iesuits of Paris: where, vpon this deuotion, he had beene first confessed, and afterwards receiued the Sacrament. And this is one poynt, that me thinketh should not be kept in si­lence, that being demaunded and examined by his Iudges, he acknowledged, that when he first discoursed with, and discouered vnto the Queene, the conspira­cies, that the fugitiue Catholiques practised against her, that so they might be brought againe to their houses, she aunswered him, that it was neuer her mind, to deale [Page]hardly with any for religion, but because that vnder the colour & shadow therof, they had purposed to attempt mischieuous matter, against her & her state: and that for the time to come, none should be punished for the Popes Supremacie, so long onely, and so farre forth, [...] they carried themselues, like good and faithfull subiect. Neuill being called againe, & confronted before Parrie, persisted in his deposition, and yet it was of no great weight whether he had done so or no, but frustrati [...]e ra­ther and needlesse. For Parrie had confessed inough, yea, there was found in his house, sundrie letters, instruc­tions, and memorials, which condemned him. Besides, whiles he was in prison, he wrote letters to the Queene, by which he verie humbly besought her, to absolue him from the fault, but not from the punishment which it deserued.

There were appointed vnto him for his Iudges, Sir Christopher Wray, Knight, Lord chiefe Iustice of Eng­land, and diuers other great Lords of note and marke, who caused him to be brought from the prison to Westminster, and there againe being asked and exami­ned, in the presence of all the people, he confessed his treasons: yea, there were read vnto him, his former con­fessions, and the letters that he had sent to that purpose, and other writings, tending to verifie vpon him the of­fence wherewith he was charged; all which, he confes­sed to containe truth in them: adding withall, that there had not beene any conspiracie, for the matter of Reli­gion, from the first yeere of the raigne of the Queene, till then, whereof he was not partaker, excepting that touching the Agnus Dei, or Bull rather: and that be­sides all this, hee had put downe his opinion in writing, touching the Successour to the Crowne, that so hee might the better stirre the people to rebellion. This criminall cause, was in handling, from the eight day of Februarie, in 84. vntil the 25. of the same moneth. Vpon [Page 142]which day, Parrie was condemned to behanged by the necke, and that the rope presently should be cut in two, and that he should be ripped vp, and his bowels taken out, and cast into the fire, and burned before his eyes, and that afterwards his head should be cut off, and his bodie hewen into foure quarters, and that he should be drawen vpon a hurdle, from the prison, all along the Citie of London, till he came to the place of execu­tion. This sentence was then pronounced against him, but yet it was not presently executed. But the se­cond of March, Parrie was committed to the power of such as execute soueraigne Iustice: whereof being aduertised by the Sherieffes of London and Middlesex, he arrayed himselfe (as if a man had beene going to a mourning) with a faire long gowne of blacke Damask, and set vpon the stocke of his shirt a great cuffe curious­ly set, such as was neuer at that time in the land. And ta­king his leaue of other prisoners, he did with a gallant countenance, offer for a present, to the Lieutenant of the Tower, a Ring: In which there was set, a rich Dia­mond, deliuering it with this speech, that he was greatly grieued, that he was not able to pleasure him more. From thence he was drawen vpon a h [...]dle to the place of execution, and being vpon the ladder some say, that he prayed the hangman that assayed to [...] the rope a­bout his necke, that he would not disorder or marre his cuffe: and thus died this great Martyr of the Iesuits, promising to himselfe nothing lesse then Paradise, for this his detestable enterprise.

And thus haue I related vnto you a historie, of 14. or 15. moneths, for he returned into England, in the moneth of Ianuary 83. and he was executed in March 84. Maister Antho [...]ie Arnauld, in his pleading, obiec­teth against the Iesuits this attempt and wicked facte whereunto Montaignes. that wrote against him, hath aunswered nothing at all, acknowledging by his silence, [Page]that the obiection was verie true. For in obiections of lesse consequence and waight, he aunswereth, and sp [...] ­reth him not. He that made The defence of the Colledge of Clairmont, confesseth, that Parrie was put to death for that pretended treason: but yet it was a charitable worke done to him, by the deadly enemies of the Ies [...] ­its: which indeed is nothing else but to couer himselfe with a wet sacke. The processe against him, is kept in the Records▪ and Roles of Iustice: And particular enmitie or hatred, could not easily preuaile so farre, that there he should be condemned to death, who by his dissimulations and hypocrisies, had in some sort gotten the Queenes fauour. But now ye shall heare an other tragedie, played against the verie selfe same Princesse and Queene.

CHAP. 4. ¶ Of an other assault and murther, procured in the yeere 1597. by the Iesuits against the Queene of England.

THe Iesuits miracle, when they conuer­ted Parrie, was great; but yet not so great, nor yet of so good stuffe, as that which I will now declare vnto you: for Parrie in his last confessions acknowled­ged, that he had had, part in all the conspiracies, that for religion were directed against the Queene; except it were one. But this man, of whom I will presently speak, alwaies was and had bin, of the religion of England, and yet notwithstanding, he was by an English Iesuit, not only happily turned to our religion, but also induced to kill his owne Queene. Insomuch, that if his enterprise had taken good effect, it had deserued, to be ioyned to the booke of miracles that Lewes Richeome, of the So­cietie of Iesus, made and published.

Edward Squ [...], Englishman, who [...] acquaintance & place in the Q [...]he [...] stable, did in the y [...]e [...]95 [...]m­barque himselfe in the [...]e [...]e with Dr [...] to the New­found world. The Vessell wherein Squire was, beeing by the fortune of the Sea scattered frō the rest, hee was taken at Gad [...]ap, & was brought as a prisoner or cap­tiue into Spayne: where beeing breathed vpon and fa­uoured by Father Richard Wallpole, a man of great au­thoritie there, he was set at full libertie, by the intercessi­on and sute of that Iesuit, who began to dog and watch him, and to deale with him: notwithstanding, finding him firme in his English religion, hee procured another prison for him, which went to, or touched the consci­ence. And beeing committed to the Inquisition by in­terposed persons, hee knew so well and skilfully to han­dle him, that at the last he became Catholicke, perhaps vppon no other respect or deuotion, but that hee might get out of prison. Whatsoeuer the matter or manner were, there is nothing in all this but praise woorthie to the Iesuit.

Now, hauing gotten this first aduantage against him; he suffered him not to breathe, but sought out all sorts of cunning. to make him fall into his Nets, declaring vn­to him the afflictions of the English Catholickes that were in that Country; and more particul [...]rly, of them that had forsaken it, and all their goods, to the end they might liue in the libertie of their conscience: and that the Earle of Essex (then great Marshall of England, and afterwards Viceroy of Ireland) was the chiefe Author of all these euils and miseries: that he must rid the coū ­try of him by poyson, and that hee would giue him the meanes to archiue thereto, without hazard or danger.

Whereunto, hauing in some sort perswaded him; hee proceeded further, and treated with him concerning the Queenes life, which also he might as easily bring to an end as the Earles. That this also shold be a goodly sacri­fice [Page]to God▪ and that Squire need not feare the [...]ger of his life or person, by reason of the meanes which h [...] had opened vnto him. And though this his enterprise might fall out otherwise then hee might desire, yet hee should assure himselfe, that he should change his pre­sent condition, into the state of a glorious Saint & mar­tyr in Paradise.

And he persued him in such earnest & cōtinuall man­ner with his perswasions, that in the end, hee made him to yeelde to his will and pleasure. And seeing him now and then to wa [...]er▪ hee oftentimes confessed or shro [...] him, to confirme him therein: declaring further vnto him, that he should no more admit any cōsultation with himselfe, touching this poynt, because he was quiet in his conscience, and that he should no more make que­stion of it whether it were good or ill, but stand vppon the maintenaunce & vpholding of his vow: wherein if he failed, he should commit an vnpardonable sinne be­fore God, and throw, himselfe headlong into the deepe pit of hell; alleaging for that purpose vnto him, the ex­ample of Iephtha, who liked rather to kill his daughter, then to infringe the vow he had made.

This poore miserable man, beeing thus dealt withall, passed at the last his setled resolution to the Iesuits, who caused him yet once againe to come to confession or shrift, as the perfection of that theyr holy plot; he gaue him his blessing, comforted him, and put his left arme about his necke, and with the right hande making the signe of the crosse, after that hee had mumbled betwixt his teeth certaine words in Latine, hee said distinctlie in Englishe: My sonne, God blesse thee, and make thee strong; bee of good courage, I pawne my soule for thine: and beeing either dead or aliue, assure thy selfe thou shalt haue part of my prayers. Vppon thys em­bracing, Squire tooke leaue of Wallpole, and returned into England.

Now the instruction that the Iesuit has giuen him, was touching a secret poyson, betweene two hogs bladders, which he gaue him for a present: with charge, that he should not touch it, but gloued, least he poyso­ned himselfe: and that when the Queene would goe to horseback, he should make sundrie smal holes in the first bladder, with which he should rubbe the pummell of her saddle, assuring himselfe, that of necessity the Queen laying her hand thereupon, and bringing it to her face, this poyson should be of such power, that she should die thereof. And that hee must doe the like to the Earle of Essex, who prepared himselfe to set sayle for the Ilands of Terseras, and had gathered great troups when Squier arriued: who presenting himselfe to the counsel of estate, and seeing he was verie fauourably re­ceiued at his arriuall, he purposed to put in execution, his designe and practise against the Queene, before the Earle should take shipping, whom also he meant to fol­low in that voyage: supposing, that if the poyson did not worke, but with length of [...], and brought forth the effects thereof whiles he was absent, he should be altogither free from suspi [...]ion. Vpon this conceit, he watched all the meanes to worke his enterprise: he vn­derstood that the Queene would goe abroad on horse­backe, and entred thereupon into the stable; where also he found the horse sadled? Then making shew to see all things fit and neat, he rubbed the pummell with the bladder, that was hid vnder his hand, which also was couered with a gloue, all according to the instruction that the father his Confessor had giuen him; and as he was occupied about this worke, he sing and said aloud, God giue the Queene long life, repeating that word sundrie times. But God would not that the poyson should work. But for all this, the wicked man let not his hope goe, but supposed it would declare the working of it in some time afterwards. Vpon which opinion he [Page]embarqued himselfe six daies after. And as the E [...]l [...] was at the Sea betweene Fayall and Saint Michaell, and was readie to go to dinner, Squier rubbed the leaning pla­ces of his chaire with the same poyson. And it so [...]l our, that [...] suppertime, the Earle found [...]at [...]so menes, and distaste in himselfe whereupon Squier supposed that he had gotten the goale, but he was deceiued in this, e­uen [...] he was in the first attempt.

Moreouer, many moneths possed away and Wa [...]pole receiued no newes touching the Queens death: wher­fore supposing that Squier had mocked him, herefo [...]ed to reuenge himselfe vpon him therefore▪ and did ex­presly send an other English man, who affirming that he was escaped out of the Spanish Inquisition, related par­ticularly and laid open all this conspiracie: and [...]hat hee was of purpose come from thence, to aduertize the Queene thereof. And though at the first, some suppo­sed, that this was but some stuffe or scout, hole inuented, by some one o [...] other of Squiers enemies, yet (as in a ma [...]er of such consequence, men may not counte­nance any thing, plaine processe was made thereof and vpon this re [...]ne he was taken, and men were thereby better informed, touching the truth of this point. And perceiuing himselfe conuicted, by such as held and de­termined truth against him, and being also inforced by his owne conscience, he confessed all the matier euen as it, was. And in the end, was by sentence condemned to death, and executed in the yeere, 1598. A punish­ment indeed fi [...] and meet for a Iesuit, and yet verie ad­mirable also, that the Queene of England, had not in­telligence of this treason by any other, then by him that had giuen the first counsell touching the same. And if Richeome would credit me, he shall adde this miracle to his booke.

CAAP. 5. ¶ That the Iesuits doe at this day make shew to condemne their wicked doctrine, in all things concerning eyther the murthering of Princes, or rebellion against their States.

BEfore the comming of Iusuits into our countrey, we knew not what it was, hand­smoth, as we say, to kill Kings and Soue­raigne Princes. This is a certaine kind of Merchandize and ware, that hath come out of their ships, by reason of that wicked vow of blind obedience, which they make to their Superi­ours, Insomuch, as Princes lawes depend at this day, vpon the good minde of these honest people. And though their profession bee, as you haue heard, yet doe they at this day in their bookes disaduance the same with many goodly speeches, of which they are neuer without store. And because amongst all manslaugh­ters and murthers, there is none more plaine and eui­dent, then these that Barriere, and afterwards Chastell, meant to commit against our Kings, I will first deale with that of Barriere, concerning which Montaignes speaking, saith that it was a deceit or coozning, and that the Iesuits are altogether cleare of it.

The truth is (saith he aunswering Arnault) that Bar­riere deposed that he had asked councel of a Iesuit,Chap. 59. in his booke of Truth defended. con­cerning his purpose and practise, that is true indeed: for he came to Ʋarade a Iesuit of Paris, from whom, he was sent away and sharpely reproued: he declaring by his countenance and speech, that he was so farre car­ried against him in it, that hee would not heare it in confession or shrift. This also is true (which you made no account to deliuer) that this man Barriere, asked aduice of all the world touching his enterprize, and that [Page]long time before he did it, caused to assemble at Lyons, the Diuines on the other side of Saon, there to haue their aduice therein, where there was not one Iesuit present. Also, that in the Church of Saint Paule in the same Citie, he caused his funerals on the second day of August to be solemnly kept, leauing there his blacke scarfe, and armes, as the badges and pledges of the fore-pretended victory that would follow. Againe, that he deposed, that a Iesuit of Lyons, disswaded him from that enterprise. All which things declare in that act, the vanitie of this man, and the innocencie of them, whom thou hast accused, with so cruell amplifications, and ex­aggerations, all tending to manifest the ouer-running of of thy lying tongue. And though there were such a dis­position (as indeed there was not) and that it were as forcible against the Iesuits, as any thing in the world could be, yet being wrung from them by torture and torments, it was not any matter of importance forcible, soundly to proue it.

This Iesuit Montaignes, denieth the fact: the rea­son is, because euerie villanous and foule fact, must be denied. And he reproueth Arnauld of lying, though in all that, which I haue alreadie laid downe out of him, there is not so much as one word of truth. Let vs goe forward to the sentence of condemnation, which the second Iesuit giueth against his owne Order, in the verie humble petition which he presented to the king.

The second crime (saith hee) concerning your Ma­iestie in particular, is more tedious and troublesome, and indeed had more need to be confuted, for to say that we are enemies to Kings and states, without mentioning particular of speciall poynts, is to forme a proposition of too large a reach, and which cannot easily be defen­ded: but to affirme it in the speciall, will draw the point into a narrow roome. And therefore our ene­mies haue endeuoured, to bring vs within the limits [Page 146]and listes of the particular, saying, that we are the ene­mies of your Maiesty in particular, and of the state. The generall porposition, would serue for hound and horne to set the game on foot: But the particular proposition, would blow the fall of the Deere, and finish the chase. Sir, before in this place we declare our innocencie, we humbly beseech your Maiestie, that that which is alrea­die past, specially if you hold an opinion, that you haue forgoteen and forgiuen it, may not be preiudiciall to our iustification.

May it please your Maiestie to remember, the aun­swere full of magnanimitie of one of your auncestors, which is in euerie mans mouth, by reason that it is wor­thie to be noted. It behooueth not a King of Fraunce to pursue the quarrels of a Duke of Orleans. Sir, you are no lesse couragious then this King was, neither shall you haue lesse praise, but rather greater, if you vouchsafe to say: it behooueth not the King of France to reuenge the quarrels of the King of Nauarre, nor the eldest sonne of the Church, to be incensed against all, by reason of one mans opinion repugnant to the same Church.

May it please your Maiestie then, to shew vs that wonted fauour which you haue extended vnto all your subiects, and to burie in euerlasting forgetfulnes, euery thing which hapned in that season. May it please your Highnes, here to be informed, that we neuer intended any thing against your Royall person in perticular, as our aduersaries haue sought often times to prooue a­gainst vs, and yet could neuer doe it: And that amongst all things whatsoeuer, which the Clergie, the Prea­chers and others, haue done or said, wee haue said or done farre lesse then they reported of vs vnto you; and that they alwaies carried a tange rather of a bad glosse, then of a true text in whatsoeuer they did or said. For if they now dare at high noone, and in the bright Sun­shine [Page]of our peace, charge truth with a thousand in­uentions contrarie to truth indeed: what might they haue done then, when as amidst all the rumours and foggie clouds of warre, lying had his full course with­out encounter? and where truth durst not shew it selfe. For the time of warre, is the time of lying, saith the old prouerbe.

If happily wee may obtaine that of your Maiestie, we doe thereby obtaine the vpper hand, and the second accusation will be without force: for it hath nothing to vphold it from falling to the ground with the least touch. For by what argument can they prooue, that we in particular are enemies against your Maiestie? From what spring doe they meane this hatred must proceede? And from what premises doe they in­ferre this conclusion? Is it by reason that you are a King? Why, our Societie honoureth Kings: and this is approued by witnesses, by experience, and by rea­son. Is it because that you are the eldest sonne of the Church? We respect this qualitie as much, yea and ra­ther more then the first. Is it by reason that you are King of Fraunce? Fraunce is our natiue countrey, and you as King are our Father. Whom shall wee loue, if we loue not our Father and mother? Is it by reason that you are a worthie warrier, and Captayne of Kniges, and King of Captaynes? This vertue maketh it selfe at all times to be beloued both of frends and foes. Is it by reason that you are milde in your conuersation, wise in your sentences, free in your manners, stedfast in your promises, prompt in your actions, ready to labour, bold in daunger, forward in combat, moderate in vic­torie, and in euery thing royall? These qualities cannot ingender or bring forth hatred. but on the contrary, they are amiable in all, but admirable in the person of a King.

This speech was appropriated in particular, to the [Page 148]Kings owne royall person; and a little before, neere the same place, is another sentence, by which this honest man the Iesuit vpheld, that men had wronged them, in imputing vnto them, to haue as it were wrastled against the state. To these witnesses, dread Soueraigne, we adde a second argument taken from the cause. Where­upon we building, doe demaund, what true likelihoode there is in our profession, that we should bee ene­mies of Kings and of their States. Are wee so igno­rant of the law of God, that we know not, that it is God that giueth them? that by him kings doe gouerne, and by him Legifers make and giue good lawes? That both the name & action of a king is a right of patronage proper to the Diuine and Supreme Maiestie? and that kings beare in their royaltie the image of God; and in this calling God willeth vs to obey them, to honour and serue them for the safetie of their persons and the State. And if wee know these things, hauing both preached and written them, and againe doe preach and write them: how may it be that we haue so little conscience, as to hate that, which we beleeue that God loueth: to dispise that, which he alloweth; to destroy that which he maintaineth; to haue so little iudgement, as to pub­lish one thing and doe another? Are we to be reputed religious? Nay, rather more heathenish then the hea­thens themselues, then Canibals and Mainelnes, who though they can do nothing, but shew hatred and re­uenge, yet doe they notwithstanding loue their Princes.

I praise those two sentences, (Iesuit be thou whatsoe­uer thou art) and would to God, that thy soule were as cleane, as thy wit is fine, and as I perceiue thy words to be smoothly couched together. I cannot but loue thee, inseeing thee draw to the life, the counterfait of those singular and admirable vertues of soule & bodie, which shine in our King: and with all I must honour thee, in seeing thee set out the picture of Obedience, which the [Page]subiect oweth vnto King. And sure if thy heart and my penne agree, I know thou wilt condemne them all that would haue attēpted any thing against the person of this great Prince, who hath not yet met with his pa­ragon, as one who in martial prowesse, hath far surpas­sed all others. Thou carriest too noble a mind (were it not that thou art a Iesuit) to Iudge of it any other­wise. Go to now, I will shew thee, that all that which thy fellow hath said, in his Truth defended, is but a starke lie: for that which toucheth the deed of Barrier when he came to murther this king, whom thou so much exaltest, was contriued by the expresse counsel of thy fellowes, & copartners. Not only then, when he was but simply king of Nauarre, but since he was called to the Crowne of Fraunce, & reduced into the bosome of our Catholique Apostolique and Romane Church. If againe I shew vnto thee, the generall rebellion of Fraunce, enterprized vnder the title of the holy League, which was first begun after conducted by your holy religious persons, against one Henrie the third, King of Fraunce, one of the most Catholique kings that euer France enioyed, what iudge­ment wilt thou passe against thy owne party? I remit it euen to thy owne conscience, yea to the conscience of any good Catholique, that is not a cloaked Iesuit: Nay further I say, that these two parties, are the onely vphol­ders of your condemnation, and vpon them grounding my opiniō, I take vpon me directly to shew, that to esta­blish you again in France, were great lack of iudgement & experience. I wil therfore lay down these two points in order, and first I will begin with Barriere: afterwards with Chastell: then with the Vniuersall reuolt, of the which you Iesuits (take it amongst you) were the first authors within this Realme.

CHAP. 6. ¶ A prodigious historie of the detestable paricide attemp­ted against King Henry the fourth of that name, the most Christian King of Fraunce and Nauarre, by Peter Barriere, for the raysing vp of Iesuits.

I Will recite vnto you faithfully this historie of Barriere, and that you may beleeue mee, I will speake it vpon perill of my goods, of my bodie, and of mine honour: for I haue learned it of a friend of mine whom I esteem of as my selfe, which was then present at Melun, when this deed was done: and who spake twice vnto Barriere in the presence of Lugoly his Iudge, who saw him executed to death, heard all that he maintained during the time of his tortures, vntill the last breathing of his life, who handled the knife of the which I will hereafter speake, who since drew out the Copie of his triall, and who by posts sent it with speed, by commaundement of the King, to make it ma­nifestly knowen through all this Realme; and lastly, be­ing drawen forth, he made me partaker of a Copie thereof which I haue kept vnto my selfe: and thus it is.

The King, hauing made peace with God, and truce with those that were his enemies, tooke his progresse from the cittie of S. Denys, to come to Fountane-bleau, and as he entred Melun, hee was aduertised by Lodowic Brancaleon, an Italian Gentleman, vnto him vnknown, that a souldier departed purposely from Lyons to kill him: He told the King, that he had not onely seene the partie, but that he had drunke twice with him in the Ia­cobins Couent. And besides he said, that this man was of a tall stature, mightie and strong of his ioynts: his [Page]beard was of an abrun cullour: hee had on a Spanish leather Ierkin, and a paire of Oringe-tawney culloured stockings vppon his leggs. The King not easily astom­shed, yet full of prudence, sent for Lugoly, beeing then Lieftenant general of the long gownes in the Prouostie of the Altar. To whom when he had recited that which he had vnderstood, commaunded him to make a priuie search through the Cittie, for this man who had beene thus set forth and thus described vnto him.

The same day, the reporter saw this fellow whom he looked for in the Kings house; but as hee was in the midst of many people, so lost hee the sight of him vn­wares, as God would, to the end the partie should be remitted vntill the next day. Which Traytor, hauing lodged in a Hamlet, a part of the ruinated suburbs of S. Liene, as hee would haue entred the Cittie by S. Iobs gate, he was taken vpon presumption of the fore-saide marks. This was the 27. of August, 1593. Lugoly cau­sed him to be put in prison, where hee examined him: and finding him some. what variable, caused yrons to be put on his hands and feet, as the importance of the mat­ter did require.

Presently after his departure. Anna Rousse the Iaylors wife, asked the prisoner what he would haue to dinner: He answered her, that he would neither eate nor drink, vnlesse that hee might haue poyson brought him. This aunswere being well noted of the assistants, caused him more to be suspected, and his actions more narrowly to be looked into. Amongst the rest, there was a Priest prisoner, called Maister Peter the Ermite, who accor­ding to the loosenes of the time▪ became a souldier de­termined for the League, Barriere, hauing learned of him, that they were both of one Societie; acquainted himselfe with him. So, after some conference the priest enquired of him if he had not a knife; the other think­ing to haue met with his mate, aunswered him yea, and [Page 149]at that instant time drewe foorth from his hose a knife, whereof the making was thus, the blade thereof very strong about two ynches neer vnto the handle, hauing a backe as other kniues haue, and the rest of the knife be­ing fiue ynches long, di [...]cut on both sides like a two ed­ged sword, the poynt was made in manner of a Barly corne, or poynard: the knife of a right murtherer, as one who would not fayle of his stroake. The Priest in a smi­ling manner told him, it was a fit knife to payre nayles, but if it were seene it would be his death. Barriere now requested him to lay it vp for him, the which the other did promise him. But at the same instant, he sent for Lugoly, vnto whom he discoursed what had hapned be­tweeene them, and deliuering the knife into his hands, Lugoly informed and examined the Iailors wife, touch­ing the poyson, the Priest touching the knife, and the I­talian Gentleman of that which had past at Lyons the 28. of August. The prisoner being diuers times ex­amined, you shall vnderstand, that in all his examina­tions, hee named himselfe Peter Barriere, alias, La Barre, borne at Orleans: by his first trade, a Basket-ma­ker, and since that, inticed by one Captaine De la Cour, being in a Ladies seruice, whom he forsook & became a souldier of the cōpany of the Lord of Albigny, the space of one whole yeere making warres for the League, vntil he was taken by the Lord De la Guest, Gouernour of Is­soire, where he remayned some certayne daies. And from the time that he serued this great Lady, he had pur­posed to kill the king, eyther with knife or pistoll, in the midst of his Guards. By which act, he thought, to haue made a great sacrifice to God, in killing a King of a contrarie religion to his owne. Vpon which motion, being sent backe againe by the Lord De la Guest, he in­tended to passe by Lyons, where he would inquire of some religious, if he might iustly kill the King, being conuerted to our religion: to whom was aunswered, no. [Page]And beeing constrained in the same place to sell his cloake, and a paire of silke slockings to get him victu­als, from Lyons he passed by Burgonie, then to Pa­ris, and in the ende, arriued at Melun, where hee had lien in a barne neere Saint Liens Church. Neere which place, a little before he had receiued the blessed Sacrament at Bricontre-robert vpon a working day, and that he was come to the kings Court to seeke a ma­ster. And that if he were put to death, those of his con­federacie would find themselues grieued. He said also, that the knife had cost him 18. pence in Paris, and that he bought it to no other purpose but to vse at the Table.

The next day being the 29. he was examined the 4. time vpon the same articles: and amongst other points whereof he was examined, he affirmed, that being at Li­ons, he might haue had the Liuetenantship of the Mar­ques of S. Surlin, or vnder him, the leading of a com­pany of light-horsemen, if he had beene willing. Then Lugoly pressed him, and asked him, why he held for the League, and parting thence, came to seeke seruice in the kings Court. At these words he remayned dumbe for a time, and at last said, that he had aunswered alreadie as the truth was. Foure witnesses were examined against him. Brancaleon, who gaue information of Barriers counsel takē at Lyons to slay the King, & who had kept nothing hid from the Commissioners that he knew: the Iaylors wife, examined of the poyson: Maister Peter the Ermite, concerning the knife: and Maister Thomas Bow­cher, the Curate of Bricontre-robert being called for, de­clared to haue confessed him eight daies before, and the next day after communicated with him, and further, that he had told him how he had confessed himselfe 4. daies before in the Citie of S. Dennis, but not a word of any thing concerning his attempt against the king. All these witnesses, who of him were imbraced as coadiutors, and [Page 150]councellers, are not onely not reproued, but withall, they attest their depositions to containe the verie truth of all they knew; Brancaleon excepted, who affirming, that he had communed with him of this enterprise against the King, acknowledged therewith, that he had eat & drunk twise with him in the Lacobins house. The matter after this manner examined by Lugoly, the king caused by his Letters-patents, six Counsellers of the councel of State, accompanied with two Presidents of soueraign Courts, to adiudge and giue sentence of him as he had deserued. Heere needed no doubt to be put of the lawfull pro­ceeding against him. For was it not sufficient, yea and by too too many proofs, to declare him guiltie and conuin­ced of that crime, in the execution whereof he was pre­uented? Was it not ynough to conuince him of the fact, who had confessed he had a mind to kill the King be­fore his conuersion; and missing of his purpose then, had since deliberated with 4. Munks at Lyons about the same act, to wit, whether he might iustly kill him or no. In witnes whereof, he that drunke with him at that time as he pretended to come to the Court for that pur­pose, had pointed him forth to the King by euery parti­cular marke to make him known. Was there not matter ynough to iudge him guiltie, who had iudged himselfe euen by his owne conscience from his first committing into prison, as wel by demaunding for poison, as also, for the murtherers knife, whereof hee was found seazed? Was there not euident proofe to condemne him, who confessed, he had left the League of purpose, to come to the Court only to seeke a Maister? Questionies, he was iustly iudged to die: And therefore by decree the 31. of August he was condemned to be drawne vpon a sledge or tumbrell, & as he past through the streets, his flesh to be pulled of with hot irons. This being done, to be led to the great market place, and there to haue his right hand burnt off with the knife in it: after that, to be laid vpon [Page]a scaffold, and so to haue his armes, legs, and thighes broken by the Executioner, and after his death, his body first to be consumed to ashes, and then to be cast into the Riuer: his house razed, his goods confiscated to the King. Moreouer, before his execution, he should be pli­ed with questions, aswell ordinarie as extraordinarie, to learne by his owne mouth, who had induced him to this wicked enterprise. This was the summe of the sentence denounced against him.

Hitherto you haue seene nothing in this prisoner which chargeth the Iesuits of Paris, neither likewise that he was distracted in mind, as Montaignes would de­scribe him, but rather a man aduised, who bare off euery blow in the best maner that he could: and from whom the Iudges drew by foure seueral examinatiōs, what they could for searching out the truth. The sentence the same day being pronounced against him, the Interro­gatories were committed to two of his Iudges, and Lu­goly to see them propounded vnto him, and to examine him. This poore wretch being there brought forth, requested them, that he might not be quartered quick, but rather giue him leaue, and he would to the vtter­most, confesse the truth of euery particular poynt for that matter.

First then he began to lay open euery particuler con­cerning the passage at Lyons, from poynt to poynt, at Brancaleon had deliuered of him to the King, and ac­knowledged, that in the said Citie, he had conferred with foure religious persons, to wit, a Carmelite, a Iacobin, a Capuchin, and a Iesuit: with whom he agreed to com­mit this murther, and thereupon departed the next day after the Assumptiō of our Lady, to this intēt arriued he in Paris, and lodged himselfe in the street, called De la Huchet, where he inquired who was the most zealous of Gods Church and honour in Paris. Whereunto one an­swered him, saying, the Curats of S. Andrewes of Arts.

Hereupon, he presently went to visite him, and reci­ted vnto him his whole determination; where-with the Curate seemed well pleased, and made him drinke: say­ing, hee should gaine by that act, both great glory and Paradise. But before hee proceeded any further, it were very cōuenient, that he should first goe visit the Rector of the Iesuits, of whom he might take more certaine re­solution.

Whereupon, he went to the Iesuits Colledge, spake with their chiefe Commaunder, & vnderstood by him, that he had beene chosen Rector not past three weekes before. Marry after many faire speeches, and friendlie entertainment, hee concluded, that his enterprise vvas most holy, and that with good constancie and courage he should confesse himselfe, and receiue the blessed Sa­crament; and so led him into his Chamber, and gaue him his blessing. And the next day following, hee was confessed by an other Iesuit, to whom hee would not discouer himselfe by his confession, but afterwards recei­ued the Sacrament in the Colledge of the Iesuits. Hee likewise spake of it to another Iesuit, a preacher of Pa­ris, who spake often against the King, & adiudged this counsell most holy, & most merritorious: And for this act intended by him, bought the knife that was deliue­red into the Iustices hand, the poynt whereof he caused to be made sharpe like a dagger poynt, as heeretofore hath beene recited.

But to returne, he thus parting from Paris, went to S. Denys, where the King was, with a firme resolution to kill him in the Church. But seeing the King so de­uoutly at Masse, as appald with feare, hee stayed his hand from that fact, euen as if he had lost the vse of his armes, or beene lame of his lymmes. From thence hee followed him to the Fort of Gournay, afterwards, to Bricontre-robert, where, after that he had beene confes­sed & communicated againe, the King passed by, & so [Page]escaped him, while he was drawing the knife out of his hose. Thus to be briefe, he arriued at Melun, where he was taken. And nowe when these Iudges came to in­struct him, and told him that it was ill done, to haue re­ceiued twice the holy Sacrament, hauing this bad inten­tion in his minde, knowing (as hee could not be igno­rant thereof) that it was to his damnation.

Then began he to lament, and said, that hee was vn­happie, and gaue thanks vnto God, in that he had pre­uented him from such a wicked stroake. His confessi­ons were read vnto him, to the which he stood, without deniall of one word. His confessions (I say) made ere e­uer he felt one twitch of the rope. So being frō thence drawne to the place of execution, as hee was vppon the Scaffold. Lugoly willed him to tell the truth, warning him to take heede that hee should not charge any one wrongfully. Vnto which he aunswered, that all which he had said in the place of examination was true. Of which hee asked God, the King, and the Iustices for­giuenes.

This done, he had his right hand burned in flaming fire, afterwards, his armes, legs, and thighes broken, & he was put vppon the wheele, where the Iudges meant to haue left him languishing, till hee had giuen vp the ghost. But there againe examined, if hee would say a­ny thing for the discharge of his conscience? Hee aun­swered, that whatsoeuer he had said, was true, and no more but the truth: and that there were two blacke Fri­ers, which went from Lyons to the same intent, but hee tooke vpon him to be most forward to archiue the act, for the honour of the enterprise. Thus most humbly re­questing the Iudges to ridde him out of his paine, that his soule by despaire might not be lost with his bodie. Vpon these words, Lugoly, by the commaundement of other Iudges, caused him to be strangled: and the next day, his body was consumed into ashes, and the ashes [Page 152]cast into the Riuer. After the execution doone, which was vppon Tuesday, the 31. of August, newes vvas brought by a Cittizen of Melun to Paris, (for the pas­sages were free whersoeuer, by reason of a truce made:) And vpon the Sonday following, one Commolet, a Ie­suit, made a sermon, about the end whereof, he reque­sted his audients to haue patience, for you shall see (quoth he) within fewe dayes, a wonderfull miracle of God, which is at hand, you shall see it, yea, esteeme it as alreadie come. These words vttered openly in the pre­sence of an innumerable multitude, caused the Iudges to be most assured, that what soeuer Barriere had spo­ken, was most true.

CHAP. 7. ¶ How the heathenish impietie of the Iesuits, had been pre­iudiciall in our Church, if their execrable counsell had come to an effect.

I Haue most faithfully discoursed vn­to you, what was the proceedings of Barriere, now ye may well gather, that what-soeuer is penned downe by the Pleader of Clairmont Colledge, and againe by Montaignes, within his fa­bulous truths, are as it were old womens fables, such as we read in the most part of their anuall Epistles, sent a­mongst their friends. And moreouer, that Barriere was not a plaine simple and innocent man, but rather one most resolute, and stoute, who stoode vppon his garde as much as in him lay: yea, before the Magistrate, and who after his condemnation, had his memory so per­fect, as he could intreat that he might not be committed to the mercie of the Wheele, or other torture. And ther­fore most false is that which Montaignes giueth out of him; that he was frighted, and his memorie past him, by [Page]meanes of the torments hee suffered. This (I say) vvas false; for he was neuer tortured, vntill his confessions of the fact were all ended, as is before set down at large.

Before the sentence of death was denounced, the Iudges shewed no great suspition had of the Iesuits, but hauing found sufficient matter to condemne the male­factor to death, then they all gaue consent (by reason of his fact) that he should be plyed with questions, where­by he might reueale his pretences. So that without be­ing put to the tortures, (seeing it was in vaine to delay) hee declared each thing in particuler of that which was past. And thereupon, as you haue heard, he accused 4. religious persons of Lyons, & amongst others, a Iesuit, without naming him. But the Gentlemen, by his de­position haue informed vs, that it was one Petrus Ma­iorius. Afterwards he recited what had beene done with him at Paris, in the Iesuits Colledge there, by him that held the first place, to wit, the Rector, whose name al­so hee knewe not. But Montaignes hath discouered him vnto vs by the name of Ʋarade.

As indeede it was a thing easily knowne, for that he then commaunded in the Colledge: adding thereun­to, that the King beeing since entred into Paris, Ʋarade saued himselfe by agilitie of body, taking himselfe to flight; as one that knew full well, there was no surer witnes against him then his owne conscience.

As touching Commolet, there needed no other vvit­nesses then those which were at his sermon. Moreouer, passages on each side were free and at liberty, by reason of the truce made: so that many honest persons, which had with-drawn themselues by flight into Melun, being now come backe againe into Paris, vnderstood this great miracle of which he prophecied. Concerning the rest, the prisoner before hee was put to death, persisted vpon the Scaffold in all that hee had said and spoken in the place of examination: & againe after that, vpon the [Page 153]wheele, beeing full of good memory and vnderstand­ing; for they had medled with no part about him, but onely the breaking of his armes, thighes, and legs. And after he had perseuered a while in that paine, he reque­sted Lugoly not to occasionate his fall into despaire, and that loosing his body, hee might not also there-with loose his soule. Vppon which wordes, the saide Lugoly caused him to be strangled, after that he had giuen his last report vnto the Iustices of all, and had receiued per­mission to doe it.

Therefore, it is a most shamefull lie, to publish it a­broade, that Ʋarade found him so weake of vnderstan­ding, that hee could not in any wise giue credite vnto him. It was a most notorious lie to say, that the confes­sions of Barriere, were forceably taken from him at his examination, notwithstanding that he was not questio­ned withall but twice at seuerall times vppon the Scaf­fold, where he persisted vpon those poynts which hee had confessed in other places, as I here haue said. As touching other matters, of the meeting of the Diuines, & the Scarffe which was hung at S. Paules, if there had beene any such thing, no question but hee would haue confessed it as willingly as he did the rest. I come again to those flattering speeches, which the second Iesuit fee­deth the King withall, to the end that his Societie might be reestablished. Where are now these faire speeches?

It behoueth not (saith he) the King of Fraunce to re­uenge the quarrels of the King of Nauar, neither the el­dest son of the Church, to be mooued with an opinion contrary to the Church. Is not this a shamelesse Piper, who would againe vnawares ouercome our king by the sound of his pipe? I haue here from the beginning re­cited the plausible perswasions of the Iesuits, to the end euery one might know, that there is no better to be loo­ked for, to come frō such lying lips as they haue. I haue here frō the beginning, set down the history of Barriere, [Page]to the end, that each one might know, that it is impossi­ble to doe worse, and that there is not in the world any beast more cruell, subtile and fierce, then is the Iesuit: wherefore, all men ought by all meanes possible to be­ware of his treasons. But I pray you, howe were these Nets spred, & of what stuffe were they? Marry so long as the King was of another religion then ours is, the Ie­suits neuer made shew of any willingnesse or intent to haue him murdered; no not in the greatest broyles of our troubles: And now, being recōciled to our church, vppon some feare which was resident in them, as they fayned, least that the King made himselfe a Catholicke vpon dissimulation, this (said they) was cause of offering vnto his Maiestie such cruell warres. But when? in the midst of the sworne truce, when euery man esteemed himselfe to be at rest wheresoeuer he liued, by the pub­lique and mutuall fayth which euery one had giuen one towards another, then began this newe counfell to pro­ceede.

This Iudas had neuer any purpose to kill the King before hee became a Catholicke: because they deemed, that as long as hee was plunged in his error, the people whom they helde in theyr rebellion, would neuer be drawne to liue subiected vnder his obedience. But as soone as he was conuerted, they doubting of theyr for­tunes, fearing least his reconciliation might reduce them beeing his subiects, to theyr accustomed dutie, they hereuppon endeuoured with all their power to preuent it, and thought by one meanes or other hee should be slaine, to enioy afterwards that priuiledge which they vse, and likewise to place such a Monarch in the king­dome, as esteemed himselfe most strong, and one that should stand to theyr deuotion.

My intent & meaning is, that this matter be handled, not onely before our holy Father the Pope, & his Con­sistorie, but also, that it should come before the meanest [Page 154]person in the world, if he haue any sparke of religion & iudgement. For was there euer impietie more abhomi­nable then this? That our Iesuits should haue charmed such a weake spirit as this was, by the holy Sacraments of the Church, & haue inticed him to murder the king? Not because that he was an heretick, but by reason that they suspected there was dissimulation in his conuer­sion.

Be it that they suspected hee was but dissemblinglie conuerted, which I beleeue not. But admit that they had suspected it, yet is it therefore of necessitie, that the life of so great a King, should depend vppon theyr vaine imagination? and that vppon this pretence, they should counsell such a detestable murther? and barter likewise to haue compacted with those, that would vn­dertake it, to giue them Paradise for a counterchange? Besides, in giuing more scope to theyr wickednes, they haue abused the holy Sacrament of the Altar. O God, was there euer a wickeder Atheisme since the world was a world?

It was not onely a simple King of Nauarre whom they shot at, but the greatest King that euer Fraunce enioyed. It was not a Prince of a contrary fayth to ours, but rather him, vvho vvith all humble submis­sion, had reduced himselfe into the bosome of the Church. Now will we giue care to this cogging Iesuit, I deceiue my selfe: but wee will heare him to the end, that, that which hee hath handled, may serue for a con­demnation against him, and all his.

But behold, what fruite had our Catholick Aposto­lick and Romaine Church brought forth, if this hateful counsell had come to an effect. Doubt you not, but that the conuersion of our King, was vnto the Hugo­nots a great cut in their harts. So that if any mischance had hapned vnto him, as touching his life, by the Cler­gie, good God, how would they haue set vp their ban­ners [Page]against vs in their assemblies? What subiect might their Ministers haue had to haue thundred out, yea, e­uen in their Pulpets, bringing heauen and earth toge­ther, and to haue said, that it was a blowe come from heauen: by reason that the King hauing forsaken their Church, (these be the wordes which they would haue vsed) God had permitted it that hee should be so soone taken out of the world, yea, & by those religious Priests vnto whom hee yeelded himselfe. Mighty they not haue had great occasion to haue said vnto them; Our Prea­chers in theyr Pulpits, handle a thousand matters with lesse losse then that was?

Had it not beene a meanes to maintaine them in their errours in stedde of preuenting them? Did not all thys turne to the ruine and desolation of the holy Aposto­licall Sea of Rome, of which our Iesuits say they are Protectors. Theyr proposition is not Catholicke, but rather Anabaptisticall, the which they reuiue againe in minding to take away the life of Kings.

CHAP. 8. ¶ Of the murther which Iohn Chastell (brought vp at Paris, in the Iesuits Schoole,) sought to at­tempt against the King, in the yeere 1594.

IT happened vpon Saint Iohn Euangelists day, beeing the 27. of December, 1594. after the reducing of Paris vnder obedi­ence to their Soueraigne, that the King going to his Chamber, accompanied with many Princes and Lords, founde himselfe vnlookt for suddenly strooken in the mouth with a knife, so that neither he, nor those that were with him, could perceiue it: for assoone as Iohn Chastell who was the Traytor, & [Page 155]but nineteene yeeres of age, had giuen the stroke, he dropped downe the knife, and sette himselfe in the midst of the prease. He was but young and none would haue deemed this furious enterprise to haue beene in so tender yeeres.

Euerie one was in a maze, and busie to thinke who had done that traiterous deed, and it wanted not much, but that this yong youth had made an escape. Notwith­standing, God would not permit, that this detestable act should remain vnpunished. By chance it was, that some one casting his eyes vpon him, he became as one sore affrighted and appald with feare. But as he promised himselfe to haue the Paradice of Iesuits if he died one of their maytyrs, so also he confessed this fact more rea­dily and promptly then was looked for at his hands. Whereupon, by decree of the Court of Parliament in Paris, he was condemned to die. Now here the Iesuits make a great boasting of their innocencie, saying, that in his examination, and out of it also, he neuer charged any one of them: but all that he had done proceeded of his owne will, and that in this confession he perseuered vn­till the last gaspe of his life. As for my part, I haue no greater argument then this, to shew that the trade of murthering was lodged within their Colledges. And where there was any exercise of good education and studie, no scholler would haue vndertaken such a dam­nable determination, but such a one as was brought vp vnder them. Wherefore we remayne all in one minde, that he had there studied and passed his course in Philo­sophie. True it is, that it was reported, that he had not beene conuersant there for the space of eight moneths past.

The reason of this diuersitie is most easie, for in the other Colledges, they know not what it meant to in­struct schollers how to murther Kings, and specially in ours. But in the Iesuits Colledges, it is contrarie, and [Page]preached in their owne assemblies nothing so much as that alone. Of the which indeed they were but too pro­digall in their Sermons: so as this young boy, hauing as yet his soule infected with their poyson, being newly departed from their schooles, was not altogether healed.

Behold how that vpon the auncient instructions and memories of the Iesuits, their Disciples suppose to of­fer a holy sacrifice vnto God in committing murther, yea, and that of Princes. The same hapned sometime in Italy, where there was one Cola Mentcuan, who taught they youths of Millan in studies of humanitie, and amongst the chiefest discourses of his Dictates, he trea­ted ordinarily of no other thing, but happie is he who with the price of his blood, redeemeth a commō-wealth from the bondage of a Tyrant. These discourses tooke such hold with three Gentlemen of a Towne named Cases, and of the families of the Empoignane, Viscont, and Olgiate, that hauing attained to ripenes of yeeres, they cosulted together to put in execution the instructi­ons of their Maister. And in conclusion, vpon S. Ste­phens day in Christmas, as Iohn Galeas, Duke of Mil­lan, went into the great Church to heare Masse, they doubted not but to murther him in open sight of all the people: though they were assured, that hardly they should escape the furies of the Dukes guard, as it hap­ned vnto them. For in the same place there were two of them slaine, and the third who had escaped, was taken some few dayes after, and led to the gallowes, where he confessed, none but himselfe and his fellowes, as Chastell did. And neuerthelesse, the truth is so well noted and knowen by the Historiographers of Italy, that the in­structions of Cola their Maister, had been their first stir­rer or prouoker. By these meanes, our Iesuits are verie scoffers, when they think to excuse themselues vpon the answers of Chastell. I know not whether they were such [Page 148]as they affirme, but wel I wot, that al their Lectures and Sermons, tend to no other but bloodshed, exhorting men to murther: therby yeelding themselues sole pled­ges and sureties, for their Paradice that will vndertake this great maister-peece of worke.

CHAP. 9. ¶ That it is an heresie to approoue the killing of Prin­ces, though they be heretiques.

WIth what hypocrisie soeuer the Iesuits now disguise themselues in their mo­derne writings, yet without doubt they haue both made profession of, & taken a glory, in the murther of Kings and soueraigne Princes. Besides an ins [...]te number of examples which I could alleadge, there is one Peter Mathew, a Doctor of both lawes, who in the yeere 1587. made a collection of many Latin Poems, written by Italians; and the yeere following, heaped to­gether sundrie decrees of Popes, frō the time of Gregory the 9. vnto Sextus Quintus. Now, euen as among those Poems, the fayrest peeces are the most shamelesse ones, as the Priapus of Bembus, wherein he suffers his wit to play vpon the resemblance there is between the word Mints, an hear be, and the Latin Mentula; and the S [...]phi­lis of Fracastor, wherin he describeth the beginning, and and proceedings of the Poxe; so in this second collec­tion, among all the Orders of Religion, allowed by those Pontificall decrees, he commendeth none so highly as that of the Iesuits: who valewe greatly the iudgement so honest a man giues of them, and often bring him on their stage. Now marke his discourse vpon the Pauline institution of the yeere 1545. Dum super seminat ini­micus ho [...] Ziza [...]ia, adsu [...] di [...]i [...]o P [...]umate [...]cciti Patres societatis Iesu, qui Petri sedem illustrant▪ in L [...]berum arma [Page]diuini eloquij parant, TYRANNOS AGRE­DIVNTVR, Lollium ab agro Dominico euellunt, & fidei Christianae praeclarissimi buccinatores, verbo & exem­plo cunctis praelucent. This passage copied out word for word by Montaignes, is withall, translated in this sort; Whilest that the enemie of mankind,Chap. 58. soweth Tares, be­hold, the fathers of the Societie of Iesus, called by the ho­ly Ghost, who adorne S. Peters chaire, vse the weapons of Gods word against Luther, Assaile Tyrants, pluck vp those Tares out of their Maisters field, & as most excel­lent Trumpets of the Christian faith, excell all others both in doctrine, & example. Montaignes saith, hee was not a Iesuit that writ this; and I am of his mind: but this Peter Mathew was a man (I know not whither he be now aliue or no) whose spirit was altogether Iesuited, and vnto whom the whole Sect is very much beholding: for besides the Elegie, which he hath made in their behalfe vpon the Bull of Paulus 3. he addeth vnto that of Grego­rie 1584. a catalogue of all their Colledges, and houses, (though there be many of them in it, but imaginary) and vnderstands their busines no lesse then he, who vnder the disguised name of Montaignes, hath falcified the truth it selfe. Now were it as naturall, and familiar to Iesuits to assaile Tyrants, as Lutherans, I perswade me, that who should offer to exempt murther from their order, would resemble a foolish Phisition, that finding a body halfe taken, and benumbd with a palsie, cuts off that halfe to saue the other; for so he might be sure to ruine both to­gether. Here Montaignes, by a sophistical quidditie, saith in the same Chapter, that the name of a Tyrant, hath no affinitie with that of a king: a good meanes to make one kill a Prince, and after to fall into dispute whether hee were to be held a King, or a Tyrant: for to what pur­pose; if not to this end maketh he such a distinction?

This question hath beene long agoe resolued, and it displeaseth me, that I must now bring it in doubt gaine. [Page 157]After that Iohn Duke of Burgundie, had caused Lewes Duke of Orleans, son and brother of a king, to be slaine at the gate Barbets, he produced a yong Doctor of Di­uinity, named Iohn Petit, whom he had maintaind at stu­die. This fellow came vnto the porch of our Ladies Church in Paris, and there preached before an infinite number of people this doctrine, that the murther was iustly committed, as vpon the person of a Tyrant, and proued by many false reasons, & wrested authorities the action to haue bin most tollerable. Thus got the Burgo­nian Duke his sute in the common opinion of the base vulgar: and therupon, the same error crept into the harts of many young Diuines, who stifly maintained, that it was lawful to kill a Tyrant: vntil that Maister Iohn Ger­son, Chancellor of the Vniuersitie of Paris (and one of the greatest Diuines that euer were in the Church) not enduring that this damnable opinion, should win more ground, got him to the Towne of Constance, where a general Counsel was then held, and there procured this proposition to be denounced hereticall, as we learne by the 15. Session. Praecipua sollicitudine volens haec sacrosancta Synodus ad extirpationē errorū & haeresum in diuersis mundi partibus inualescētiū prouidere, sicut tenetur, & ad hoc collec­ta est, nuper accepit quod nonnullae erroneae assertiones in fide & bonis moribus, ac multipliciter scandalosae, totius Reipubli­cae statū & ordinem subuertere molientes, dogmatizatae sunt: Inter quas haec assertio delata est. QVILIBET TY­RANNVS potest & debet licitè & meritoriè occidi per quemcun (que) Vasalum suū & subditum, etiam per insidias, vel blanditias, vel adulationes, non obstante quocun (que) iuramento, seu confoederatione, factis cum eo, non expectata sententia, vel mandato iudicis cuius [...]nn (que). Aduersus hunc errorē satagens haec sancta Synodus insurgere, & ipsum funditus tollere, decer­nit, & definit huiusmodi doctrinam erroneam esse in fide & in moribus, ipsam (que) tanquam scandalosam, & ad fraudes, decep­tiones, mendacia, proditiones, periuria vias dantem, repro­bat [Page]& condemnat. Which is to say. This holy Councell chiefly desiring (as it is bound, & therfore assembled) to prouide for the rooting out of errors, & heresies, which now begin to spread abroad in diuers parts of the world, hath lately beene enformed, that some divulge opinions, erronious in faith, against good manners, and verie scan­dalous, tending to the subuersion of the whole State, and order in States, among which this assertion passeth for currant. Euery Tyrant may, and ought lawfully and meritoriously to be killed by any his Vassal, & subiect, euen by ambushments or flatteries, or faire allurements: notwithstanding any oath passed vnto him, or League made with him, and without attending the sentence, or commaund of any Iudge whatsoeuer. Which this holy Counsel endeauouring to resist, and wholly to root out, decrees, ordaines, and iudgeth, to be erronious both in matters of faith, and manners: and reprooues and con­demnes it as a point most scandalous, opening the way vnto all manner of guiles, deceits, lies, treasons, and per­iuries. An ordinance which I respect, and reuerence, not only because it was enacted in that great counsel of Con­stance, wherby the abuses of the Church, and heresie, were rooted vp, but in that it was deriued from our Fraunce, Gerson being the first, and principall Solicitor against the new Diuines, who then had intertained this opinion; which since that time, our Iesuits haue reuiued in the death of good king Heny, whom they called a Ty­rant, & had done the like to our great King now liuing, if God by his holy grace had not preserued him. But be­cause the Iesuits would seem to deny their Peter Mathew, as not being of their Sect, what say they to father Ema­nuel Sa, terming himselfe a Doctor of Diuinitie, and of their Societie; who by two artcles in his Aphorismes of confession, hath maintained, that it is lawfull for sub­iects to kill the Tyrant, and to expell a misbeleeuing Prince out of his Realme: as if the people could, or [Page 158]should giue lawes vnto their King, whom God hath gi­uen them to be their soueraigne Magistrate.

I am ashamed that I must prooue, no subiect ought to attatch his Prince, what part soeuer he doth play: but hauing vndertaken to combate an heresy which Iesuits haue practized by deeds, & now would faine go from it in words, I purpose to giue thē a fulsome gorge therof. Learne therefore of me this lesson, Iesuit, (for I owe this duty to al Christians) we ought to obey our kings what­soeuer they be, (I will say) good or badde, this is that the wise man teacheth vs in his Prouerbs, S. Peter in his Epi­stles, S. Paule vnto the Romans, to Titus, & to Timothie, the Prophet Baruch, speaking of Nabuchodonozer, whō God, of all other Princes, had made to fall into a repro­bate sense; the goodly example of Dauid persecuted by Saul. Such Kings as God bestoweth on vs, such are we to receiue without examining, as thou dost, whither they be Kings, or Tyrants. The hearts of Kings are in the hands of God; they execute his iustice euen as it pleaseth him to punish vs, or more, or lesse, whereto we are not to op­pose our selues, but by our humble praiers vnto him: if we deale otherwise, we resemble those ouerweening Gi­ants described by ancient Poets, who offring to skale the heauens, there to sit cheek by iowle with Gods, were in a moment tumbled down to hel by their god Iupiter. Yet ought not a King abuse his power, but know he is a fa­ther, not to prouoke his subiects, his children, vpō euery sleight occasion; for if he do, God the father of Fathers, & king of Kings, wil (when he least thinks of it) dart his vengeance against him with a most dreadful & horrible arme. To conclude, seeing that thou Iesuit, yeeldest a blind obediēce to thy superiors, who are but thy adopted Lords, thou owest it in greater measure a hundred-fold vnto thy King, thy true, lawfull, naturall Lord, & father. Therfore art thou a most dangerous yonker, to propose vnto vs in thy writings, this distinction of a King & Ty­rant; [Page]not that I know not the great difference which is betweene the one & the other; but we are to blindfold our eyes vnder their obedience, otherwise we shroud a rebellion of subiects against their Prince; Rebellion which produceth much more euell then the tyrannie whereunto we were subiect.

CHAP. 10. ¶ A memorable act of Ignace, whereupon the Iesuits haue learnt to kill, or cause to be killed, all such as stand not to their opinions.

THere remained in the confines of Spain, certaine dregs of the Marranes, whom king Ferdinand had chased out of that realme, & therfore got the title of Catholique, a surname wherwith his successors haue since adornd themselues. One of these rascals, mounted on a Mule accoasted Ignace on the high way (somwhat after he had changed his former life:) ha­ning told one another to what place they were bent, they entred into sundry discourses, & at length fell into talke of the blessed Virgin Mary, whom the Moore ac­knowledged for a true Virgin before her Conception, but not after: grounding his opiniō on natural reasons, the which haue no affinity with our faith. Ignace vrged the contrary, with good deuotion, that she was a Virgin both before, & at, and after her deliuery, & searched eue­ry corner of his braine to make it good. But being then a simple nouice, & if you wil needs know it, but an a. b. c. man in points of religiō, it was not for him to manage so high misteries: so that supplying the want of arguments (wherof he had none left) with a iust choller, the Moore who laughed at him in his mind, spurring his Mule, and giuing him a ful carriere, left Ignace all alone, who cha­fing that he was not able to get the victory at the blunt of the tongue, went yet to win it at the sharp with the sword; and so resolued to pursue him amaine, & presently to kil [Page 159]him. Notwithstanding, like a man of a good conscience, he found himselfe extreamly perplexed. For on the one side, it vexed him to see a monster fraught with impiety and blasphemie, goe vpon the ground; on the other, he weighed his owne feare of offending the Virgin, in sted of defending her. In this cōtention, suspended between yea and no, at length hee determined to take his Mules aduise. Hee sawe the fellowe passe into a crosse way, and knew whether it led: wherefore, in admirable wis­dome he resolued, not to slacken the reynes of his chol­ler, but to giue his beast the bridle; on condition, that if of her owne instinct she followed the tract of that Infi­dell along the crosse-way, he would dispatch him with­out all remission: but, as God would haue it, she chose another path, by meanes whereof, Ignacius suddenly appeased himselfe, supposing the matter happened to his Mule by diuine inspiration.

God sometimes giues aduise vnto false Prophets by their beasts; as we read of Balaams Asse, and this Igna­tius his Mule, without the which he had most furiously executed his disseignment. Therefore I finde no whit strange the resignation he hath made of the same furie vnto his successors, with whom I list not dispute whe­ther it be fit or no, but send them, after his example, vn­to a Mule for resolution.

At this word, the Iesuit woulde needes lay himselfe open: Excuse me, I pray you, quoth he, me thinks you deliuer not the vvhole matter: For Ribadinere, one of them of whom you borrowed this historie, sayth, that Ignatius at that time, was surprised with a remembrance of his old Adam. Homo quippe militaris fallaci veri hono­ris ir [...]itatione olim elusus: he was falne into this foolish o­pinion of reuenge, but that afterwards, arriuing at our Ladies Church of Mountserrat, hee hung before her al­ter all his weapons, after hee had confessed himselfe, by writing, of all his sinnes, three dayes together. Ibi optimo [Page]confes­sario, totius vitae suae crimina per triduum ex scripto confes­sus est, illique homini omnium primo, animi sui propositum aperuit, iumentum reliquit, gladium pugionem (que), quibus Mundo meruerat, ante aram beatissimae Matris Dei apen­di iussit: which was in the yeere 1522.

Truly, replyed the Aduocate, I heeded not those 4. or 5. lines when I perused Ribadinere, and I thank you hartilie for putting mee in minde of them; for I will vse but this one poynt, to shewe your Sect to be most wic­ked, and most vnhappy, that hauing this faire, & good­lie mirror of your Father and Author before your eyes, your heads haue entertaind no other obiects but the dis­quiet of the Realmes you liue in, especially of our coun­trey of Fraunce, as I will proue immediatly.

CHAP. 11. ¶ Of the holy League, brought by the Iesuits the yere 1585. into Fraunce: and that they are the cause of the Hugonots new-footing a­mong vs.

HEtherto I haue discoursed vnto you, of the murders, paricids, and massacres of Kings & prin­ces; now I will shewe you the ruine, and desolation of king­doms, procured by them, and beginne first with our owne. It is not for a King of Fraunce, (saith the Iesuit in his Most humble Request) to reuenge the quarrell of a King of Nauarre; nor fits it the Churches eldest sonne, to be sencible of what was done against an opinion contrarie to the Church.

Goodly words, which I remember often, so wel they please mee: as though the Iesuits had onely warred a­gainst [Page 160]the King now liuing, and no way touched the last, Henry the third, not onely adorned with the title of Most Christian, a title long agoe bestowed on our kings, but who among the most Christian, was in par­ticuler the most Catholick. We saw him in the begin­ning of his raigne follow the Iesuits, beeing charmed by them, and holding them the soundest Catholicks: af­terwards, the Priers Minims of Nigeon, hard by Paris, where hee had his chamber for his priuate prayers by night, on festiuall dayes, and for his deuotion at theyr Mattins at certaine other seasons; then haunted hee the Capuchins and Feuillants: and with a like zeale insti­tuted the brotherhood of the Penitentiaries, & Whip­pers; and after all this, the congregation of the Hiero­nimits at our Ladies of Vincennes, where hee and his companions, changed theyr habits, as Munks, on those dayes and feasts, whereon they were confined the­ther.

I know well that his enemies, imputed all this to hy­pocrisie, for his ill hap, or to say more truly, their vn­happie shifts, would haue led men to turne all his acti­ons to the worst. If you say, that the greatest part of such as ioyned with him, did it for hypocrisie, onely to please him, I belieue you say most truly, but as for him, I doubt not but he did it onely to please God. It were a want of common sence to auerre, that a King, nouri­shed in the midst of delights, and fulnes of all pleasures, would haue chosen this painfull course, had hee not beene drawne vnto it by true zeale and deuotion: hee who otherwise had tenne thousand means to credit him selfe by: such leud hypocrisies may fall into the harts of meane companions, who by religions maske striue to seaze on new greatnes, but not into theirs, whose aunci­ent right assures it them alreadie.

Then must the Iesuite, the hypocrite, raze this clause out of his paper, that the warre, whereof I will hereaf­ter [Page]speake, was vndertaken against a King of any other opinion then the cōmon: it resteth to know, by whom the warre was vndertaken. Some charge Princes and great Lords with it, & therein altogether are deceiued. I will deliuer it at large vnto you.

After the decree of the yeere 1564. had passed, we liued in some rest throughout all Fraunce, vntil the yere 1567. about which time, the enteruiew had at Bay­on betweene vs and the Spanyard, vndid vs. For it put iealousies (perhaps not without cause) into the hart of such as were not thorowly setled. Ielousies that bred in Fraunce tenne thousand mischiefes, which to remem­ber, makes my haire to stare. Nowe let vs examine the Iesuits carriage during this loose & generall corruption. A surceasing from Armes being appointed in councel, the yeere 64, they thought also to haue had leysure e­nough for the venting their ambition. Whē their cause was pleaded, that irregular profession of theirs was one­lie dealt against: the wiser sort foresaw, as in a clowde, that this Impostume could not chuse in time, but yeelde a malignant and lothsome matter, though to poynt at it in particuler, none either could, or durst; because that outward simplicitie wherewith they shadowed their in­ward thoughts, surprised euen such as wished thē most euill; for they imagined the Iesuits would haue forwar­ded our Religion, by good examples, zealous prayers, wholesome manners, holy exhortations, and not by Armes.

But stayed they in these termes? nothing lesse, they brought into their houses, the knowledge of State mat­ters; they made themselues Iudges of Princes actions, disposing them at their owne pleasure; they contriued warres thereby to compasse their dessignes: and the Pulpits out of which they preached, were to no other vse, but as Drums, Fifes, and Trumpets, to incense our Princes in theyr combats one against another. And [Page 161]especially, we are not to doubt of their beeing the Au­thors, solicitors, and cherishers of our last troubles, a thing which not onely they denie not, but make theyr boast of in their bookes, as you may find in that of the Iesuit La Fon. I vndertake not in this place to recite at large the storie of these troubles, this only I wil tel you, that before the yere 1576, wee neuer had put the word League in vse: it was onely familiar in Italie, the chiefe harbor of Iesuits. VVhen the Parliament was held at Blois, a Lord of some note in Paris, (whom I will not name) whose hart was wholly Iesuited, and who on fe­stiuall dayes, left his own Parish-church to be present at their Masses sent to the Deputies of Paris these instruc­tions following.

In this assembly, some laboured harde to make im­mortall & mercilesse war, against the Hugonots, & yet demaunded an abatement of Subsidies: a proposition ill sorting with the former, those Subsidies hauing heen introduced of purpose to further the warres. By means whereof, the man of whom I speake, taking first aduise of the Iesuits, propounded a third course, to league thē ­selues against the Hugonots, and that such as willing lie enroled themselues vnder the League, should be bound to contribute vnto the charge of this new warre. These instructions receiued and published, the Deputies did nominate a certaine Prince to be their head. The last King, knowing of what consequence this practise was, and that succeeding, it would make 3. parties in France, his owne, (which was not one properly) that of the League, another of the Hugonots: to breake this blow, discreetly affirmed, that he approued well this League, but that be would be chiefe thereof: which was to the end the League should flie no further then he was plea­sed to giue it wings.

The first stone of our ruine beeing cast in this man­ner, the Prouosts of the Merchants, and the Sheriffes [Page]of Paris, returning home, and loath that thys opinion of a League (which they held most holy) should miscarie, sent theyr Commissions throughout all the Wards, to to the end, that such as would contribute, should sub­scribe their names. The Constables bare them vnto e­uerie house, some hardier then the rest, opposed them­selues, the greater number, fearing worse, subscribed. The Commission was brought to Christopher le Tou, chiefe Iustice, whose memorie vvee cannot honour too much: this good Lord, refused not onely to sub­scribe, but detayned the Commission it selfe, and the next day, in open Court detested this vnhappy inno­uation, as an assured desolation to our state. His autho­ritie, his honestie, his reasons, wrought so great effect, that euery one allowed, and followed his aduise. From thence-foorth, this opinion of the League did weare a­way, or rather vvas remitted to another season, that better might befit the purposes of such as broached it.

Suddainly, after the Parliament was ended, Father Aimon Auger, a Iesuit, got the King to giue eare vn­to him through his plausible hypocrisies: And after him, Father Claudius Matthew of Lorraine; both the which had so great part in his good fauour, that (as Montaignes testifieth) hee some-times caused them to ride along with him in his owne Coach. At length, this good King, founde that these coozeners, were desirous to incroach vppon the managing of State-matters a­bout him, Auger especially; whom for that cause, hee gaue order to his Embassadour at Rome, to get him re­mooued out of Fraunce, by Letters of obedience from his Generall.

The King departing from the Parliament, pacified his subiects by an Edict of the yeere 1577. the which hee sayd was vvholly his owne; and yet had by his wise­dome, cleane dashed the reformed Religion without [Page 162]bloodshed, if the Iesuits would haue vouchsafed him the leisure to finish what he had begun: Wageing in the midst of peace, a gentle warre against the Hugonots: gentle, but more forcible in great mens oppinions then any weapons could haue made it. For although that the Edict of 77. gaue some libertie vnto them, yet the king neither called them to places of iudgement, nor vnto offices in his Exchequer, nor to the gouernments of Prouinces and Townes.

Hee had moreouer deuised the order of the holie Ghost, reserued wholly for Catholicke Princes and Lords, as also, that of the Hieronimitans of our Lady of Vincennes, where none were to appeare, but Aposto­licall Romane Catholiques, and with whom (laying a­side his most high authoritie) he fraternized in all kind of deuotion. Nowe, the presence of these, causing the others absence, belieue it was no small meanes to force them into the right way. For there is nothing which the French Nobilitie affect so much, as to be neere theyr King, nor any thing that afflicts the common people more, then to be kept from Offices: this is a disease of minde that spoyles the Frenchman.

As soone as a Lawyer, or Marchant, haue by theyr endeuours, stuffed theyr Closets and Storehouses with siluer, the thing they chiefely ayme at, is to bestowe it on places of Iudgement, or roomes in the Exchequer for theyr Children: so that the newe Religion beganne alreadie to dissolute, and it grieued not the Auncients thereof (vvho for shame, and to auoyde the imputation of lightnes, stucke vnto it) to suffer their chyldren to be instructed in our Schooles, and consequently to learne there the principles of our Religion.

All matters in this sort proceeded, from ill to well, from well to better; the Countriman plyed harde his plough; the Artificer his trade; the Merchant his traf­fique; the Lawyer his practise; the Cittizen enioyed his [Page]reuenew; the Magistrate his stipend; the Catholick his owne religion throughout all Fraunce, without im­peachment. The remainder of those Hugonots that li­ued, being sequestred into a backe corner of the king­dome; when our Iesuits seeing themselues remoued frō theyr Princes fauour, beganne to lay this snare to intrap him.

Euen as the Societie of Iesuits, is composed of all sorts of people, some for the pen, others for practise; so had they amongst them, one Father Henry Sammier of Lux­embourge, a man disposed for all assayes, and resolued vnto any hazard. This fellow was sent by them in the yeere 1581, towards diuers Catholicke Princes to sounde the Foorde: And to say truly, they could not haue chosen one more fit; for he disguised himselfe in­to as many formes as obiects, one while attired like a sol­diour, another while like a Priest, by and by like a coun­try Swaine: Dice, cardes, and women, were as ordina­rie with him, as his prefixed houres of prayer; saying, he did not thinke he sinned in this, because it was done to the furtherance of a good worke, to the exaltation of Gods glorie, and that hee might not be discouered: changing his name together with his habite, according to the Countries wherein he purposed to negotiate. He parted from Lorraine, and thence went into Germany, Italie, and Spaine. The summe of his instructions were, that foreseeing the eminent danger of our Catholick re­ligion, the seeming conniuence which the King gaue to it, and secret fauour hee yeelded on the other side to the Hugonots, whereof the Duke his brother had made himselfe an open Protector in the Lowe-Countries, their holie societie had resolued to vndertake this quar­rell vnder the leading of a great Prince, making sure account of Gods assistance, seeing that it was directed to the aduauncement of his holy Name, and good of his Church.

Thus Sammier got intelligence from each part, and tooke assurance on all hands: but presently to manifest their proiects, the season fitted not; because the Duke was aliue, and the two brothers forces once vnited, were sufficient to swallow all such as had made head against them. And this was but the preamble vnto our Trou­bles. In the yeere 83. he died. That let remoued, the Iesuits imbarqued in their quarrell such Lords as they thought good: and from thence forward, Father Clau­dius Mathew Prouinciall of Paris, deales in the matter more earnestly then before; sits and assists in all delibe rations, and counsels, takes vpon him a iourney vnto Rome, & Father Henry Sammier, another into Spayne; where they so wel acquitted themselues in their Embas­sages, that Pope Gregorie the 13. and the Spanish King promised, each for his part, a great summe of money towards the maintenance of this warre. The Embassa­dors being once returned, we beheld Ensignes displaid, Fraunce couered with souldiers, and many Townes sur­prised, wherein there neuer had beene any exercise of new Religion.

Now might you see three parties on foot, the Kings, very much entangled; that of the holy League; (so was the Iesuits warre intituled) & that of the Religion; for so the Hugonots did terme their faction. Pope Gregorie died: then feared the Iesuit he should loose halfe of his credit, for which cause father Mathew returned backe to Rome, where he found Pope Sixtus chosen, of whom to his exceeding great contentment he obtained the like promise his predecessor had made him before. In his re­turn he died at Ancona, the yere 1588. by means wherof a new suit is begun by Father Odon Pigenat a Burgonian (thē elected Prouincial of France by decease of Mathew) which was not reiected by Sixtus. This gaue occasion to certaine Catholiques, not onely to propound a peace, but euen to wish it in their soules. Yet not withstanding [Page]some there were, that would haue bridled our thoughts: for this proposition disliked our Iesuits. There be two sorts of Catholiques, the one called Pollititians, of worse condition then Hugonots, because they wisht for peace; the other zealous Catholiques, or Leaguers, be­loued of the commmon people, because they desired an endlesse warre: a distinction that planted a Nurse­rie of warres betweeene Catholique and Catholique, and withal, procured a peace with our common enemy. What say I, a peace? we put hereby a sword into his hands to beat vs with, we opened him the way to raunge in, to come forward, to thriue, to increase without our resistance, we who had enfeebled our selues by this same new diuision.

Armes were taken on all hands, and yet was it not a ci­uill warre only, it was a general throat-cutting all France ouer: which to remedy, our two Kings had successiuely need of all their peeces: and so the Hugonot came by a good part in their quarrell, for the maintenance, & sup­port of the State. And the Iesuits Colledges were mani­festly the places whereto the other side vsually resorted. There were forged their Gospells in Cyphers, which they sent into diuers countries: there were their Apo­stles bestowed into sundry Prouinces, some to vpholde the troubles by their preaching, as their father Iames Commolet within Paris, and their father Bernard Rouillet within Bourges, others to commit murther, and bloud­shed, as Ʋarade, & the same Commolet. Not so much but father Odon Pigenot seased in all credit, prerogatiue, and authoritie among the Sixteene of Paris, (dregs of the vulgar, and entertainers of sedition:) A thing all Ie­suits agree on, in the bookes which they haue pub­lished since the yeere, 94.

I haue said (and truly said) that Iesuitisme, argeeth with the Anabaptists opinion in two propositions: In medling with State matters; and in causing Princes [Page 164]and Kings to be murthered, accordingly to the conue­niencie of their affaires. I will adde, that in the carriage of this Iesuiticall warre within Fraunce, there was some conformitie of names betweene, this, and that the Ana­baptists vndertooke in Germanie the yeere 1535. For they had one Iohn Mathew their chiefe Prophet, vn­der Iohn Leydon their king, and one Bernard Rotman, and Bernard Cniperdolin, principal actors in their faction for the seducing of simple people: euen as our Iesuits had their father Clauaius Mathew, & Bernard Rouillet. I will not here recite the other particulars of our troubles, being contented plainely to haue shewed vnto you, that our Iesuits were the first Seminaries thereof: onely I will discourse what fruit we haue reaped by them. God withdrawing his anger from vs, would in the ende ap­pease all matters. In this reestablishment, the Hugonots, who during our troubles thinke they haue beene some instruments of keeping the Crowne on the Kings head, as well as other Subiectes, which were Catholiques, haue also thought, that after the peace was made, they ought not to bee accounted as outcastes from among vs: therefore haue they importuned the King by sun­dry requests, to restore them to their auncient Priui­ledge, graunted them by the Edicts of Pacification, from which, since the peace of the yeere 77. they haue beene almost wholly driuen.

Wee haue, said they, followed yours, and the last Kings fortunes during your troubles, we haue expo­sed our liues and goods for the vpholding of your royall estate, against the Iesuiticall faction, which cal­led in a Sraunger to make him Lord, and Maister of your Kingdome. Is it meete, that wee, for our good seruice to you, should loose our part in your com­mon-wealth and gouernment, and that the Iesuits, for hauing vsed all the badde practises they could against you, should beare sway, rule, and triumph in your [Page]Realme of Fraunce? What could a wise and prudent King doe in this case, being prest with so iust a Peti­tion as this was? What? but assent thereunto: to auoid of two mischiefes the greater, and not to fall backe in­to that gulph, out of which we were newly but escaped. Tell me, I beseech you, to whom are we beholding for this last Alarum in Fraunce, but onely to our Iesuits, the firebrands of our latest troubles? Which troubles had they not beene, the Hugonots credit had beene vtterly ouer-throwne. This is one bond amongst o­ther, wherein we stand obliged to that holy Societie of Iesus.

CHAP. 12. ¶ That Auriculer confession hath beene vsed by the Iesuits, as a chiefe weapon for the rebellion, and in what sort they are wont to manage it.

IN vaine doe wee leuell our course to the works of pietie, vnlesse confessi­on leade the way, and a due & wor­thy repentance follow. This is the Iesuit licenced, to exercise vppon all in generall that present themselues before him, (to the preiudice of Or­dinaries) but by a meruailous priuiledge, such as vvas neuer graunted to any Munk, no not to Curats them­selues, who of all Ecclesiasticall persons, next vnto Bi­shops, are most authorised that way. The tenor of the Bull, graunted by Paulus tertius, in the yeere 1545. is thus. After he hath giuen them permission to preach in all places, where they pleased, he addes: Nec non illis ex vobis qui presbyteri fuerint, quorumcun (que) vtriusque sex­us Christi fidelium ad vos vndecun (que) accedentium confessio­nes audiendi, & confessionibus eorum diligenter auditis, [...]psos & eorum singulos ab omnibus & singulis eorum peccatis, [Page 165]criminibus, excessibus & delictis quantumcunque grauibus & enormibus, etiam sedi Apostolicae reseruatis, & à qui­busuis ex ipsis casibus, resultantibus, sententijs, censuris & poenis Ecclesiasticis (exceptis contentis in Bulla quae in die Coenae Domini solita est legi) ac eis pro commissis, poeniten­tiam salutarem iniungendis. That is, we giue leaue, and permission, to as many of you, as are Priests, to heare the Confessions of the faithfull of the one, and the other Sexe, from what part soeuer they come vnto you, and them, being diligently heard, to absolue from all and singuler their sinnes, crimes, excesses, and offences, how great and enormous soeuer: yea, e­uen those, that are reserued to the Sea Apostolique, and all circumstances thence arising, by sentence, cen­sure or paines Ecclesiasticall, (those excepted, which are contayned in the Bull, accustomed to be read on Maun­die Thursday) and to ordayne to the Penitents, for the faults by them committed, wholesome and profitable penaunce.

As the priuiledges, which they perswade themselues haue beene graunted them for the Catechising, and in­structing of youth, haue peruerted all the auncient order of famous Vniuersities: so this large and extra­ordinarie licence, permitted them in matter of Con­fession, hath beene the cause, that the greatest part of the people, haue in great and haynous sinnes, forsaken the auncient custome, of resorting to the Penitentia­ries of Cathedrall Churches, and had recourse to the Iesuits, whom wee see by vertue of this Bull, to be all of them authorized for Penitentiaries. And God knowes how farre these holy and blessed Fathers haue abused it. The first breaking forth of our troubles, was in the yeere 1585. at which time all that resorted to them to be confessed, if they affirmed themselues to be good subiects, and loyall seruitors to the King (for they were [Page]questioned vpon that article) they were sent backe by the Iesuits without receiuing absolution. Which beeing obiected against them by Arnauldus, marke I beseech you, the cold aunswere which they make in their de­fence against his accusations. For in the 17. article it is obiected (saith Arnauldus) that the said Defendants, haue at diuers & sundry times, denied absolutiō to them that stoode for the late King, from the yeere 1585. The said Defendaunts aunswere, that the article is vn­true, although themselues know, that it hath beene often by sundrie persons auouched, yea and deposed against them in the presence of the late King in his clo­set: and what witnesse could there be produced against them in this case, saue only those, who had been by them denied absolutiō? There is no smoak without some fire.

Read their annuall letters of the yeere 1589. when griefe, rage, and furie of the last troubles beganne, you shall find, that the number of their confessions was infinitely encreased, and specially in the Colledge of the Iesuits at Paris. Totius vitae confessiones auditae trecentae. Wee haue heare 300. totall confessions, wrote the Substitutes of the Colledge to their Generall Aqua­uiua. If you aske me whence this new deuotion of the common people to them proceeded, I wil tell you. Our Kings represent the true image of God: Against whom this yeere there hapned three straunge and vnu­suall accidents; first, the rebellion against the late king, which they coloured with the title, and pretext of tyran­nie: for the fairest title they could affoord him, was the name of Tyrant: secondly, the parricide committed vppon his person by a Munke: and lastly, the conti­nuance of that rebellion, against the King that now is, for his religion.

Be you assured, that all such, as did not hold their consciences at as low a rate, as many of the Cleargie [Page 166]doe, found themselues much disquieted vpon these accidents. Which was the cause, that during these troubles, they went to be confest by these vpstart Peni­tentiaries, some were to be resolued by them, whether it were sin not to yeeld obedience to their King, others to be absolued for the same. But this was to commit the Lambe to the Woolues custodie: for their confessi­ons were as many instructions, or rather destructions, to teach Rebellion: refusing to absolue them, which eyther were not in their consciences fully confirmed in their reuolt from the two Kings, or had any inclination to acknowledge them for their Soueraignes. And, (which is full of horrour and detestation) their ordina­rie course was, before they would absolue them, to make them sweare by the holy Gospell contayned in their breuiaries, neuer to take these two Kings for their lawfull Soueraignes.

That which I speake, I haue by good information from many, that were fayne to passe through that strait, and I know one amongst the rest, more neere mee then the rest, who rather then hee would giue credit to their doctrine, departed from his Confes­sour, without receiuing absolution. This teacheth to the whole bodie of the Realme. But as concer­ning priuate Families, the Iesuits make a double vse of ministring Confession: One is, to take information from the Penitent, not onely of his owne sinnes, but of their demeanour likewise that dwell with him, or with whom hee dwelleth; nay of the whole neigh­bourhoode: as if it were a sinne in him, not to disco­uer an other mans sinne in confession, eyther if hee know it, or suppose that he knowes it. Which is as much in effect, as to make so many spies and carrie-tales in a Towne, as there be Iesuits Confessors. The second vse, which toucheth them in a neerer respect, is, [Page]that in sucking by the eare the soule of a timorous con­science, they sucke or rather swallow there-withall his goods, and possessions: by promising abundance of Spirituall goods in the world to come after their death, to those that shall, in their life time, be cha­ritable to them out of their temporall goods. A course whereby they haue carried away an infinite masse of wealth, if you beleeue those, that haue ta­ken vppon them to write their Legend; for I know not by what other name to in title the liues of these ho­ly Fathers.

One point more I will adde (whereof I desire to be resolued by our auucient Doctors in Diuinitie) they haue a rule in practise, that men are bound to accuse themselues to their Confessour, and not themselues onely, but all their confederates likewise, and (as for the Magistrate) the malefactor being condemned to die, after he hath once made confession of his sinnes to his ghostly father, is not tyed to reueale it to his Iudge: nay it is lawfull for him to stand in stiffe deniall there­of, at the time of his execution, as being cleere before God (although he persist in a lie) after he hath once discharged the depth of his conscience to his Confessor. A thing that breedeth much scruple in the minde of a Iudge, who otherwise is greatly quieted in conscience, when an offender adiudged to die, howsoeuer he haue before time stood in deniall of the fact, yet at the time of his death confesseth the truth.

CHAP. 13. ¶ Of a generall assemblie of the Iesuits, holden in Rome in the yeere 1593. wherein they are prohibited to entermedle in matters of state.

I Haue formarly in this discourse, char­ged the Iesuits to haue beene both the first sparkes and the chiefest flames of our last troubles: for proofe whereof I wil seeke no more assured testimonie then this. Aquauiua their Generall, perceiuing that he could not make so good aduantage of these troubles, as hee had at the beginning promised vnto himselfe, caused the Prouincialls, Rectors, & most auncient Fathers of theyr Societie, to be summoned to meete at a generall Synode, which he appointed to be holden in Rome. This depended some sixe months, in which meane time, the King taunged himselfe into the bosome of the Church, in Iuly 1593. From that time forward, euery man bent his studie to mediate a good peace through Fraunce, and to make way thereunto, were concluded two or three seuerall truces, the vsuall Kalender of a peace to ensue.

During thes [...] cessations, men had safe enter course frō one partie to the other. This opportunitie doe the Iesu­its lay hold on, (as being sent them frō heauen) to worke an attempt vpon the Kings person. Barriere is the man that freely offers himselfe to this seruice, but without successe. These honest Fathers, perceiuing that all their practises, as well in generall as in particuler, fell short of their dessignes, made shewe, as if they would by theyr Synode make a finall end of the warres betweene the Princes.

In the month of Nouemb. 1593 was this decree made, Vt ab omni specie mali abstineatur, & querelis etiam ex falsis suspicionibus, This decree is at large set down in the accusa­tion of the Iesuits, in the yeere 1594. prouenientibus, praecipitur nostris omnibus, in virtute sanctae obediētiae, & sub poena inhabilitatis ad quaenis officia & diguitates, seu praelationes, vocisque tam actiuae quā passiuae priuationes, ne quispiam publicis & seculariū Prin­cipum negotijs, vlla ratione se mimiscere, nec etiam quantum­uis, per quoscum (que) requisitus, aut rogatus, eiusmodires trac­tandi curam suscipere audeat, vel presumat. Id (que) serio com­mendatur Superioribus ne permittant nostros ijs rebus vll [...] modo implicari, & si quos ad ea propensos animaduerterent, eos loco mutandos quam primum commutent, si alicubi sit oc­casio, vel periculum se eiusmodi implicationibus irretiendi.

That there may bee an abstinence (sayth hee) from all appearance of euill, and to meete vvith all com­plaints, howsoeuer grounded vppon wrongfull sur­mises, be it enioyned to our Collegiats, in vertue of the holy obedience, and vpon paine of beeing made vnca­pable of any office, dignitie, or promotion, & to loose their voice or suffrage, as wel actiue as passiue, that none of thē presume (be he neuer so much therevnto praied, and required by whomsoeuer) to entermeddle in mat­ters publique, and belonging to secular Princes. And be it straightly commaunded to the Superiours, not to suffer those of our Societie, to entangle themseles by a­nie meanes in such affaires: and in case they shall ob­serue any of them to be thereunto enclined, that they remoue them to another country out of hand, if in that place there be opportunitie, or danger, to wrap them­selues into such intangles.

The Iesuits make great vse of this Article, in preten­ding that by vertue of this Decree, they are restrayned from entermedling in those matters, and I as great, in af­firming, that notwithstanding this Decree, they haue intermedled. But ô holy blinded obedience, vvhere doost thou now reside? If thou be of the first & princi­pall [Page 168]essence of their vowes, it must needer followe, that all the chiefe Fathers of that Order, are hereticks in their sect. For, since this great and holy decree. Father Iames Commolet, did notwithstanding intermeddle in those af­faires: who in a Sermon, taking his text out of the third chapter of the Iudges, wherein was mention of one E­hud, that murdred Eglon, and saued himselfe by flight. After he had long time thundred, touching the death of Henry the third, and placed the Iacobin, that accursed Iudas, amongst the soules of the blessed, at last, exclay­ming with open throate, he said: We stand in neede of an Ehud, be he Munke, or souldier, or souldiers boy, or shep­heard, is skills not, but wee neede an Ehud. Wee want but that feate, to bring our matters to the passe which our soules desire. This was strōgly enforced against thē by Arnault, but neither he that wrote the Defence against his Accu­sation, nor Montaignes, haue toucht it in their aunswer: which perswades mee, that they are agreed vppon that poynt. Wallpole the Iesuit, in the yeere 97. deliuered a poysonous confection to Squire, there-with to make a­way the Queene of England his Soueraigne. The Ie­suits at Doway, in 98 sent the Cooper of Iper to kill Graue Maurice of Nassaw: haue all these performed obedience to this synodall decree?

Adiew religion of the Iesuits, (as I said to a friend of mine of that Societie) seeing your obedience hath bro­ken rank. For you doe not onely disobey your particu­ler Superiors, but that also which hath beene decreed in foll chapter by your whole Order. Whereunto he wise­ly made aunswer, that I did much misinterprete the Ar­ticle, which did not beare an absolute; and simple re­straint from medling in those affaires, but in case, the Superior perceiued, there might danger growe by in­termedling therein, Si alicubi sit occasio vel periculum se eiusmodi implicationibus irretiendi. This decree then is but meerly to blind the eyes of Princes, that they may [Page]stand lesse vppon their guard then heretofore they haue done. And to speake truth, to deale in state matters, and to practise the death of Princes, are as essentiall parts of their function, as their Confession it selfe.

CHAP. 14. ¶ Whether the Iesuits haue Spanish harts, as their enemies charge them to haue, or if they be, for Who giues most.

I Heare many thunder against the Iesuits, charging them to be Spanish in hart and affection; they on the otherside, seeme to feare nothing more, then to incurre thys opinion in Fraunce. I purpose presentlie to deliuer them of this feare, and for a neede to become their Aduocate in this poynt, not so much for the good affection I beare them, as that the truth enioynes mee thereunto. It's true they fauoured the Spanish procee­dings, about the middle and end of our troubles, (which makes them feare least the memorie thereof should be reuiued) but that their harts are Spanish, I vtterly deny. It proceeded not of any especiall deuotion, which they had to the late King of Spayne, more then to any other Prince, but for that (following the course of Iesuits, who measure the right and iustice of a cause, by the aduaun­tage of theyr owne affaires) they deuote themselues v­sually to him, whom they suppose to haue the strongest partie, and from whom they stand in expectation of greatest commoditie, which is no small secret in matters of state, for them which in their harts stand neutrall, & indifferent.

The same lesson was likewise put in practise in time of our last troubles, by Pope Sixtus the fist, a man of as great wisedome & gouernment, as euer came in Rome. Such was the contagion of those times, after the death [Page 169]of the two Brothers at Blois, that certaine young Di­uines, infected with the poyson of the Iesuits, loosed the reines to subiects against their King, in the yeere 1589. notwithstanding, themselues confessed at that time, that their aduise in this poynt ought not to take place, with­out the formall confirmation of the Sea Apostolicke. Neuerthelesse, Commolet the Iesuit, and his adherents, the day following, sounded the Trumpet of warre in their Pulpets, against the King deceased, affirming with­all, that it was confirmed by Decree. Whereupon insu­ed those outragious disorders, which wee haue seene in Fraunce since that time. To take Armes against his So­ueraigne, was heresie, but much greater heresie was it, not to tarrie for the allowance, or disallowance of the holy Sea. So that this was to offer violence to two So­ueraigne powers at once, the spirituall power of the A­postolicall Sea, and the temporall power of the King. And Pope Sixtus, if hee had pleased, might with one stroake of his pen haue extinguisht all our troubles, by excōmunicating all those, who without his knowledge & authoritie, had presumed to arme themselues against their King, whom hee knewe to be a most deuout Ca­tholique. But he kept himselfe well enough from that, for in so dooing, he should haue excōmunicated them, who at that time had all the strength on their part, in fauour of a poore King, against whom, heauen & earth seemed to conspire. Contrariwise, he conuented him to Rome, to answer that he had done, against al the lawes. customs, liberties, and priuiledges of our Countrie of Fraunce.

Our King now raigning, was at his first comming to the Crowne, of a contrarie religion to ours, and it plea­sed the Pope at the first to censure him for such a one: but when hee once came to knowe his valour, and that his enemies did but feede his holinesse with false bruits of imaginarie victories, he began to shrink his head out [Page]of the coller, and would neuer after haue any hand in the matter. And from that day forward, vsed the King vnderhand with all the curtesie that coulde be desired. Neither doe you thinke for all this, that Sixtus stood the worse affected to the King that dead is, or the better to him that now raigneth, but he thereby out of his vvise­dom, fauoured the more his owne proceedings. Albeit certaine foolish Schollers charged him a little before his death, that hee was inclined to the Kings partie: And vppon this challenge, some rash spirits haue not spared to say, that he was poysoned: whereunto I will giue no credite, although it were true.

The like may be said of our Iesuits, who ayme at no­thing else but the aduauncement of theyr Common-wealth, which they entitle, The Societie of Iesus: which as it hath take his originall and increase from nothing but from the Troubles; so doe they shoote at nothing, but to disturbe those countries wherein they remaine, & in that disturbance, they euer encline to those which are able to maister the weaker part, as I will make good by an ocular demonstration.

After they had set fire to the foure corners and midst of Fraunce, and that the late King was brought to a nar­row straight, they deuoted themselues to him aboue the rest that was the Captaine generall of the League, be­cause all things fell happilie on his side. And as long as Fortune smiled vppon him, all theyr Sermons vvere of nothing but his greatnes and merrits. But when they once perceiued that hee beganne to decline, and that he was forced to call to the King of Spayne for assistance, then beganne they likewise to turne theyr face from the Duke, wedding themselues to the partie of a King, whom they esteemed to be exceeding mightie.

There is at this day a new King in Spayne, what his good or ill fortune shall be, is knowne to GOD one­lie. For my part, it shall neuer grieue me, to see as many [Page 170]Crownes on his heade, as were on his Fathers, the late deceased King. Imagine, that for a new opinion of war, (vvhich is easily harboured in the braine of a young Prince) he should breake with vs, and that our affaires should haue prosperous successe in his dominions, bee assured you should see our Iesuits altogether French, al­beit they were Spaniards by birth. These are true birds of pray, that houer in the ayre.

It was wel befitting the person of a soueraigne prince, to play that part which Sixtus did, but for a subiect it is an ill president, & a matter of dangerous consequence. This is to prooue, that which way soeuer you turne your thoughts, you shall finde no reason, why the Ie­suits should be nourisht within a kingdome, who are as many (I will not say espialls, but) enemies to theyr Prince, if he fortune to prooue the weaker. And for a neede, if there should happen newe factions in Rome, and that the Pope were put to the worst, hee himselfe should feele the effects thereof, notwithstanding the particuler homage, which they sweare vnto him at eue­rie change of the Sea.

Scarcely had the Aduocate finisht this discourse, but the Gentleman replyed, Take heede you be not decei­ued, and that this your position doe not imply a con­tradiction. For if the Iesuit bee naturallie addicted to him, that is, most beneficiall to him, as you hold, then must it of consequence followe, that hee is naturally Spanish, and not French. VVill you know the cause? hee is sure, that what trouble soeuer hee may breede in the consciences of these, and these priuate men, by his nevve kinde of confessions, yet shall hee neuer be able to get such footing in the whole Realme of Fraunce, as hee hath alreadie in Spayne, wherein the supreame Ma­gistrate is fallen from one extremitie into another. For the Spaniards, beeing of olde accused to be halfe Pa­gans, as holding a mungrell Religion, and not wholie [Page]Christian, doe novve in these dayes, to purge them­selues of that calumnious accusation, (for so I will sup­pose it to be) they speciallie, and aboue all others, em­brace the Iesuits, esteeming them vassales to the Pa­pacie, without all clause or exception. And vpon thys opinion, they graunt them in theyr Citties, an infinite number of prerogatiues, aboue the common people, yea, euen aboue the Magistrates themselues, whom they rule at their pleasures.

And albeit antiquitie haue giuen vs in Fraunce, the title of the eldest sonnes to the Catholique Apostolick Romane Church, yet is it with certaine qualifications, vvhich the Iesuits shall neuer be able to remoue out of our heads, what soeuer shewe of continuation they bring to the contrarie. And that is the cause, why they, supposing their commoditie vvould be greater, if the Spaniard were Maister of all Fraunce, then at this pre­sent it is, will euermore leane to that side, rather then to ours, albeit they were naturally French. These are pol­lititians, which cleaue rather to the certaine, then to the vncertaine.

Thinke not your selfe interrupted by thys short Parenthesis, but if you please, fall againe into your dis­course. I will doe soe (aunswered the Aduocate) and I vvill tell you a strange thing, which I haue obserued in all their practises.

CHAP. 15. ¶ That the Iesuits were the cause of the death of Mary the Queene of Scots, together with a briefe dis­course, what mischiefes they haue wrought in England.

HAuing hitherto discoursed of our countrey of Fraunce, it will not bee amisse to cut o­uer into England, where Ma­rie the Scottish Queene was sometimes detayned as a pri­soner to the State, for the space of 19. yeeres. This Princesse was a most zealous Catho­lique, and was mightily bent, to take an order with the Puritans of England, their Queene being once gone, who had none neerer of blood to succeede her, then the Queene of Scots. As then the Iesuits in the yeere 1582. stirred the minds of great personages, inciting them to take Armes, so did Father Henrie Sammier their Embassadour, goe ouer into England, to trouble the State there. He was then in the habite of a souldier, in a doublet of Orenge tawny Satten, cut and drawne out with greene Taffata, a case of pis­tols at his saddle bow, his sword by his side, and a Scarfe about his necke. I haue it from them, that were not farre from his company. Thus attired as he was, hee practised a secret reuolt with certain Catholique Lords, against their Queene, which afterwards cost them deere by the wisedome of the Lord Treasurer.

After that, he fell in with the Queene of Scots, bearing her in hand, that hee, and those of his Societie, treated with all the Catholique Princes, as well for the reesta­blishing of Catholique Religion in England, as also for [Page]the libertie of this poore desolate Princesse, coniuring her by all manner of obtestations to listen thereunto, and to dispose all her seruants and subiects to the ac­complishing of so high an enterprise, assuring her for his part, to make good to her the Realme of England. This proiect he laid with her, but (as these Iesuits haue naturally two hearts) he plotted farre otherwise with the aforesaid Noble men of England, in the behalfe of a more puissant Prince, to defeat his poore Ladie of her future right, both he and his adherents diuerting the principall Catholiques from the seruice, which they had vowed to this Princesse, signifying vnto them, that her meanes was too weake and feeble, for them to build any hope of rising thereupon. And accordingly about the same time, did the Iesuits publish in print, the title which that other Prince pretended to the Crowne of England. Which libel they dispersed in sundrie places of Christendome.

And albeit this was the principall marke they shot at, yet did not Sammier desist to follow the said Queene tooth and nayle. At the first hearing whereof, she seemed to pause, foreseeing the mischiefe that might ensue: whereupon the audacious Iesuit said vnto her, that if she were so cold in the matter, he knew a meanes, how to cut off both her, and the King of Scotland her sonne from all hope of England for euer: and that it was a clause in his instructions: quod si molesta fuisset, nec illa, nec filius eius regnarent. Insomuch as she was constrayned to yeeld thereunto. And at that time the late Duke of Guise, not knowing of the factions and partialities which these men wrought vnder hand in behalfe of the other Prince, promised to be wholly for the Queene his Coosen. And certainely I make no question, but hee as a noble and valiant Prince, would haue gone thorow withall, had not the Iesuits engaged him in another new quarrell: which he em­bracing [Page 172]on the one side, and on the other forsaking his Coosens, was left in the lurch in the end. The Queene vpon the first intelligence of this new designe, shedding aboundant teares, and falling vpon her knees, cried out: Wo is me, for both my coosen, and my selfe are assurdly vndone. In this meane time the troubles set footing, in England by the practises of the Iesuit: the Scottish Queenes conspiracies were discouered, where­in she wanted a head: the law proceeded against diuers: the poore Catholiques, which till that time were not molested for their consciences, were forced to forsake their wiues and children, and to leaue their houses, to auoid the Magistrates seueritie. Moreouer, William Par­rie, who was executed in 84. confest, that the murther of the Queene of England, which he had conspired, was to establish the Scottish Queene in her throne, al­beit she were not priuie to this plot: which confession of his, made the Queene and Counsell of England to start, and to stand better vpon their guards.

In conclusion the Scottish Queens processe was com­mēced & prosecuted to effect, she was adiudged by Par­liament, to lose her head, & not long after died a Catho­lick with meruailous resolution. By this you may collect, that the Iesuits were the sole contriuers of her death: and that they are so farre from hauing established Catho­lique Religion in England, that contrariwise, by their meanes, both it hath beene quite banisht, and a number of great and worshipfull houses brought to vtter ruine and destruction. By reason whereof they haue confir­med the erronious doctrine of the Puritans, and depri­ued those of our religion, of all hope, to set in foote a­gaine, vnlesse it be by speciall miracle from heauen.

CHAP. 16. ¶ That the Iesuits entermedling in matters of State, af­ter they haue troubled whole Realmes, yet doe all things fall out quite contrarie to their expectation.

WHen our Sauiour Christ taught vs, that we should giue vnto God, that which belonged vnto him, and to the Empe­rour of Rome, his right likewise, his meaning was, that paying the Empe­rour his tribute, we ought also to giue God his, and in regard of him not to exceed the limits of our calling. By which reason, the good and true re­ligious person, ought to giue himselfe wholly to fasting, prayer, and heating of Sermons. I know, that the kings of this land, doe sometimes call Prelates to be of their Councell, according as their owne disposition leads them, or as they finde those persons meet and able for the place, yet doth it not therefore follow, that they should make that a generall rule, and president for the whole Clergie.

Were not the spirit of Diuision, otherwise called the Diuell, seated within the breasts of Iesuits, I would say, that there was neuer wiser Decree made, then that of their Synode, in the yeere 1593. whereby they were prohibited to meddle in State affaires: not only because it is forbidden by God (for that is the least part of their care) but for that in reasoning the matter, as a States-man, I cannot see that euer they brought their practises to those ends which they aymed at. They are like a March Sunne, which stirreth humors in our bodies, but is to weake to dispatch and dissolue them. I will goe further, such is their ill fortune, that if they fauour any partie, af­ter they haue shuffled the cards al they can, yet when the [Page 173]game is at an end, he whose part they take, euermore prooues the looser. Insomuch, as albeit to humane rea­son the Iesuit may seeme to be an enemie of some value, yet so it is, that by Gods secret iudgement, it is more for our profit to haue him our enemie, then our friend. I will prooue it by fiue or sixe notable examples.

They went about to make alteration in the State of England, and to that end bent all their strength: what followed of that their enterprise? the ruine of a number of poore Catholiques misse-led by them, which before time liued at ease in their owne houses: the death of the Scottish Queene, the establishing of the Queene of England for a long time both in her Religiō & estate.

I come next vnto Scotland, as being next in place to England, where Father William Crichton, and Iames Gourdon, both Scots by birth, had their residence, Crich­ton tooke a conceit, vpon some discontentment, to de­part the land: he takes his course directly into Spayne, by the licence, and permission of his Generall. Whe­ther he is no sooner come, but he practiseth to insinuate himselfe into the Kings fauour: and to that effect, drawes a tree of the descent, and petigree of the Infanta his daughter, shewing therein that the Crownes of Eng­land and Scotland, did by right appertain vnto her: and to incite him the rather to take armes against the Scot­tish King, he scattred abroad diffamatorie libels against him. Whereunto the King of Spayne giuing no eare, Crichton determined with himselfe, by letters to sollicite the Catholick nobility of Scotland to the same purpose; and to that end, wrote letters in the yeere 1592. to Gour­don, and other Iesuits remayning in Scotland, whereby he gaue them to vnderstand, in what grace he was with the King, who by his incitement was resolued, aswell for the inuasion of England, as for the restoring of the anci­ent religion in Scotland. But this mightie Prince, desired to haue assurance before hand from the Catholique [Page]Lords of their good affection towards him, from whom he willed them to procure blanks readie signed, to be supplied afterwards by himselfe with deputations in their names, which being obtained, he had the Kings promise for two hundred, and fiftie thousand crownes, which should be sent ouer to be distributed amongst them. The Iesuits of Scotland, vpon this aduertisement, drew many blanks from diuers persons, which they deli­uered to George Ker to carrie, who being discouered by the folly and indiscretion of Robert Albercromi a Iesuit, was apprehended with his letters and blanks: and the Scottish King, supposing this aduertisement giuen by Crichton to be true indeed, caused the Baron of Fentree, a Gentleman endued with many good parts, to be be­headed. The like had hapned to the Earle of Anguis, the chiefe Earle of that country, if he had not cunningly es­caped out of prison. After, in continuance of the trou­bles, his Castles were ruinated, as also the Earle of Hunt­lies, a man of the greatest power of them all, & the Earle of Arrols, the Constable of Scotland. All which, since that time, haue made profession of the pretended refor­med religion, as wel to returne into fauor with the king, as to liue within their owne countrey in securitie of their goods, & persons. Insomuch, as in conclusion, Scotland hath lost that small remainder of our Catholique Reli­gion in the yeere 1596.

The like fell out as well in the Realme of Portugall, as of Arragon, I will first speake of Portugall. To say that the Iesuits procured the death of King Sebastian, as some in their writings haue charged them, is hard to beleeue: for as Montaignes hath very well declared, they were too highly in his fauour. But marke the proceedings: among all the nations of Spaine, there is none so superstitious, as the Portugall, and of all the kings of Portugall, there was neuer any more superstitious then Sebastian. The Iesuits being cunning, and subtle headed, thought this [Page 174]to be a fit soyle for them to plant their vineyard in. And to win the more credit, they caused themselues at their first comming, to be called, not Iesuits, but Apostles, put­ting themselues in rank with those, that followed our Sa­uiour Christ in person. A title thich they hold as yet in that place, as being generally assented to. The kingdome being fallen to Sebastian, these holy Apostles conceiued a hope, that by his means it might descend vnto their fa­mily, & dealt with him many times, that no man might from thence forward, be capable of the Crown of Por­tugal, except he were a Iesuit, & chosen by their Society, as at Rome the Pope is by the Colledge of Cardinals. And for as much as he (although as superstitious, as su­perstition it selfe) could not, or rather durst not condes­cend thereunto, they perswaded him, that God had ap­pointed in should be so, as himselfe should vnderstand by a voice from heauen neere the Sea side. Insomuch as this poore Prince, thus caried away, resorted to the place two or three seuerall times, but they could not play their parts so well, as to make him heare this voice. They had not as yet got into their cōpany, their impostor Iustinian, who in Rome fained himselfe to be infected with a lea­prosie. These Iesuits seeing thy could not that way at­taine to the marke they shot at, yet would they not so leaue it. This King being in heart a Iesuit, determined to lead a single life. Therefore to bring themselues into neerer employment about him, they councelled him to vndertake a iourny for the conquest of the kingdom of Fesse, where he was slaine in a pitcht field, losing both his life and his kingdome together. This then is the fruite which King Sebastian reapt by giuing credit to the Iesu­its. And this which I haue here discoursed vnto you: I had frō the late Marques of Pisani, an earnest Catholick, who was then Embassador for the king of France in the Spanish kings Court. I omit all that hath since passed in that Realme, as being impertinent to my discourse.

I come vnto that which hath since hapned within the Realme of Arragon: wherein you shall see the like accidents by the indiscreet dooing of the Iesuits. The people of Arragon, had in their foundation from all an­tiquitie, verie great priuiledges against the absolute power of their kings: and the oath of fealty, which they tendered their King at his Coronation ranne thus. Nos qui valemos tanto come vos, y podemos mas que vos, vos elegemos Rëy, con estas y estas conditiones intra vos y nos, que el á vn que manda mas que vos. That is: We that are as great in dignitie as you, and of greater power then you, doe elect you our King, with this and this condi­tion between you and vs, that there shal be one amongst vs, who shall commaund aboue you. And vnder that, they specified all their priuiledges, which the King promised by oath to obserue most exactly.

These liberties hauing beene infringed in the person of Antonio de Peréz, their countriman, and Secretary of Estate to the late King of Spayne, he escaping out of prison, wherein he had beene long detayned in Ca­stile, takes his way to Arragon, where hee recounts the wrongs that had beene done him, to the preiudice of the auncient priuiledges, and liberties of their countrey. His complaint was generally applauded by all, and es­pecially by the Iesuits, who inwardly reioyce at any oc­casion of trouble and commotion. They begin by their confessions, (one of their chiefe weapons) to winne the hearts of diuers subiects, against their King, in Sarra­gossa, the mother Citie of the Realme, giuing thē coun­sell to rise vp in armes, & in this heat euerie man betakes himselfe to his weapons. The king of Spayne on his part, armeth himselfe in like manner. The Iesuits seeing the forces of the Arragonians on foot, readie to put themselues into the field, to encounter the kings power, they turning their coates, began by their sermons, and confessions to runne a new course.

There was no more talking of priuiledges, they made no reckoning of the world, but of their consciences to­wards God, who commaunded them precisely to liue in obedience to their King: that if they would submit themselues vnto him, he would take them to mercie: a thing whereof they were well assured, hauing Letters signed by him to that effect.

Vpon this promise of theyrs, some particuler per­sons retyre themselues to the Kings Lieutenant gene­rall, and obtaine their pardon. By whose example ma­nie others doe the like. By this meanes, the Armie of the Arragonians is dissolued of it selfe. The King of Spaynes forces enter Sarragossa, without any stroake strooken, where they beginne to play theyr parts, they pull downe diuers houses to the ground, as well of the Cittie as of the Countrie, put the chiefe of the Nobility to death, raise a Citadell within the Towne, and put a garrison into it. And since that time, the King of Spaine hath commaunded there absolutely, as hee doth in the rest of his dominions.

Those that are ill affected to the Iesuits, giue out, that they sowed the first seedes of this rebellion, by a double carriage of the matter vnderhand, which kinde of dealing is very common and familiar with them. If that be true, they are the more to be condemned. I, for my part, who am enclined to iudge the best, impute it wholy to theyr simplicitie, and that in medling in mat­ters of state, wherein (God wot) they are but Nouices, they ouerthrow those, that fondly giue eare vnto them. Wherunto the gentleman replying; I am not (saith he) of their number, that wish them ill, for they neuer deser­ued ill of me, yet I make no question, but when they incited the Arragonians to reuolt, it was but a iugling trick, to further the King of Spaines intendments. For, as you know much better then my selfe, Kings are ma­nie times well pleased with such rebellions, that they [Page]may thereby take occasion to suppresse, and restraine the auncient priuiledges of theyr subiects, and to re­duce them into euen ranke with theyr fellowes. And this leades me, persisting in my former opinion, to con­ceiue more and more, that the Iesuit beares a Spanish hart, that is, a hart naturally deuoted to the King of Spaine. Besides, if you take this Arragonian historie e­uen in that sence, yet should your rule fall short: for this practise of theirs, fell out most successefully vnto them.

The Aduocate made aunswere to the Gentleman, saying: The matter is not great, you may conceiue of it as please your selfe: as for mee, I am of another minde, & I am perswaded my opinion comes neerer the truth. But not to digresse from the matter in hand, you shall finde no historie more strange, as touching the argu­ment in question, then that which of late memorie hath happened to the King of Poland, Stephen Batori, bee­ing also King of Sweden. This Prince being altogether Iesuited, and hauing beene mightily importuned by them, to be admitted into his Realme of Sweden, at last resolued to satisfie their desire. His ordinarie residence is in Poland, and for Sweden, Duke Charles his Vncle, is his Lieutenant generall. The King, desirous to accom­plish what the Iesuits requested, signified his pleasure directly to his vncle: Charles made him aunswere, that the people would neuer be brought to like of that So­cietie, and besought the King his nephew, not to grow into termes with his subiects, to whom he had giuen his promise, at the time of his coronation, neuer to receiue the Iesuits into his Realme; wherunto the chiefe States of the Land had likewise subscribed.

But he, that saw not, but by their eyes, & heard not, but by their eares, resolued to goe thorow withall, (notwith­standing these humble admonitions) and to enter his realme with an Armie, to make his subiects belieue that [Page 176]he meant good earnest: for preuenting whereof, they arme themselues likewise on their part. The matter was so carried, that the Prince was first ouerthrowne by sea, afterwards discomfited by Land, and taken prisoner: within a while after, he was set at libertie, and restored to his Crowne, vnder promise to call a Parliament, and to obserue, what should therein be concluded and agreed vpon.

The States were summoned, he in time of the Par­liament, conueyed himselfe away, leauing garrisons in certaine places, which were at his deuotion. Beeing re­turned backe againe to Polande, by the instigation of the Iesuits, who wholy possest him, hee gathered toge­ther the scattered boordes of his shipwrackt Armie, & implores ayde of the States of Poland, to reuenge the wrong which he sayd was done him.

In the meane time, while hee was about his prepara­tions, (as yet he is, the Polanders lending a deafe eare to the matter) his vncle tooke frō him those places, which were remaining in his subiection within Sweden, and is at the poynt, to put him quite besides his kingdome, which was gotten by the prowesse of Gustaue his grand­father, and kept by the wisedome of his Father; Poland beeing not very firme to him withall. And for all thys his fall and ouerthrow, he may thanke none but the Ie­suits, whose protection he would needs vndertake.

After I haue trauailed into all these farre Countries, I will returne to mine owne. The Iesuits raised troubles in the state of Fraunce, vnder pretence to roote Calui­nisme out of the land. In this quarrell the Spaniard was called to for assistance, who entertained no meane hopes, seeing himselfe commaund within Paris with o­pen armes, and aboue all other, fauoured by the Iesuits, who had the whole rule and superintendencie ouer that Anarchie, or confused gouernment of the sixteene Ty­rants, set vp by the multitude.

I will not say what the departure of the Spaniard was, this I will say, that the Kings entrance into Paris was so tryumphant, as the Spaniard thought himselfe happie, that he might hold his life of him by fealtie & homage. Moreouer, the trayterous practises of the Iesuits, which vanished into smoake, were the occasion, that by a de­cree made in the high court of Paris, themselues vvere banisht and expelled, as well out of the good Cittie of Paris, as out of the iurisdiction of that Court.

To conclude, I see not after they haue raised tumults in all Countries, that theyr designements sort to effect.

CHAP. 17. ¶ That the Pope hath not power to translate the Crowne of Fraunce from one to another, against the dangerous position of the Iesuits: and some other discourse ten­ding to the same effect.

THe Iesuits, not content to haue offered violence to our King in time of the trou­bles, doe at this day in the time of peace, by theyr pennes, offer violence to the Royaltie it selfe. Hee that maintaines in Rome, that the Pope may transfer Empires and King­domes from hand to hand at his pleasure, deserueth a Cardinals hat, as Father Robert Bellarmine the Iesuite: he that maintaines the same position in Fraunce, is wor­thie of a hat of that colour, but not of that kinde as the Cardinals. Kings die whē it pleaseth God to call them, the Roialtie neuer dies. Which is the cause that the Par­liament Court of Paris, when they accompanie the fu­nerall obsequies of our Kinges, are not in mourning weedes, but in Scarlet, the true marke and ensigne of the neuer dying maiestie of the Crowne or Royaltie. One of the chiefe flowers of our Crowne is, that our Kings, cannot incurre the censures of the Church of [Page 177]Rome, nor their realme be interdicted, nor conse­quently transposed. It is a law not made, but bred with vs, which we haue not learned, receiued, or by long in­struction imprinted, but a law, which is drawne, inspi­red, and deriued into vs out of the very breasts of our Mother Fraunce, wherein we are not nurtured, but nur­sed, that if any thunderbolts fortuned to be sent from Rome against the maiestie of our Kings, so as in con­sequence thereof, the realme might fall vnder the sen­tence of Interditement, we are not bound to yeeld obe­dience thereunto. Neither yet for all this, did our kings euer loose the title of Most Christian, nor wee of the El­dest sonnes of the Church.

The Iesuit hath beene condemned by a decree of the Court, he drawes his chaine after him still, yet will hee not cease to be a Iesuit: that is, a Seminarie of diuisions, factions, and dissentions within our country. Let vs then heare what he saith, who vnder the name of Montaig­nes, hath publisht the booke of the Truth, as hee intitles it, but of the forged and lying Truth. After hee had dis­coursed, that the Temporall state onely appertained to the King, and the Spirituall to the holy Father, who clai­med no interest in their souerainties, hee affirmes, that if the king happē at any time to transgresse, God hath put a rod into the Popes hand to chastise him, and depriue him of his kingdome. And this is for the behoofe,Mont. cap. 15. of the Truth de­fended. & for the good of Princes, (saith he) who most common­lie are reclaimed, and brought to their duties, rather for feare of their Temporall estate, which they euer-more hold deer, (though otherwise ill giuen) then of their Spi­rituall, which they set not by, vnlesse their conscience be the better, which is not generall to all of them.

But the Pope is no God: no more was Samuell, who executed that sentence against Saul. So as God had annointed Saul King by the Prophet, so doth he send the sentence of his deposition by him, and by him trans­late [Page]the kingdome, & annoint Dauid king.

In the time of Osias king of Iuda, the high priest (no more a GOD then Samuell,) gaue the kingdome from the father to the sonne, he being strooken with leprosie for his presumption. This transposition of the Crowne, was doone by the appointment of the high Priest, (ac­cording as by the Law was ordained) and consequently the deposition of the Father.

Iehoiada was no God, but a priest, and Gods Lieute­naunt, when, after he had caused Athalia the Queene to be put to death for her tyrannous gouernment, hee put the scepter into the handes of Ioas, a prince of the blood, and lawfull successor to the Crowne. All those were but Gods ministers to execute his decrees, as the Pope likewise is.

And seeing God hath infinite meanes to translate a kingdome, by the force and weapons of Pagans, as of Moores, Turks, and other strange Nations, making the Assyrians conquerours ouer the Greekes, the Greekes ouer the Assyrians, both of the Iewes, and the Romans of both, what milder course could he haue ordained a­mong Christians, what way more reasonable, or more secure, then by the mediation and authoritie of the head of the Church, and the common Father of all Christi­ans, who beeing specially assisted by God, and by men both learned and religious, will in likelihood doe no­thing preiudiciall to the right of the lawfull successors, and will proceede without passion, and withall mode­ration and mildnes in a case of that importance, hauing an eye euermore to the honour of God, and vnto the publique and priuate good.

In conclusion, by this learned position, which our pernitious Iesuit maintaines, the Pope hath authoritie to transferre kingdoms frō one hand to another, when he seeth cause so to doe, and dooing it, hee is subiect to no mans controule: inasmuch as if God himselfe may [Page 178]doe it, then is it lawfull for his Vicar to doe the like: the Pope hauing no lesse preheminence ouer Kings, in these times of Christianity, then the Prophets had in the time of Moses law.

This fond opinion of thine, brings mee to a meruai­lous straite, forcing mee to combate against the autho­ritie of the holie Sea. First, if you will argue this positi­on morallie, where shall you finde that a King consti­tuting his Lieuetenants generall in Prouinces, giueth them in all poynts as ample authoritie, as himselfe hath ouer his subiects? And to say, that God hath transfer­red his omnipotent power into any man whatsoeuer, is a poynt of blaspemie against the Maiestie of GOD. Besides, tell mee Sophister, where finde you that you ought to beg such examples out of the old Testament, to transplant them into the new?

But with such illusions doe you and your associats, surprise the consciences of the weake & ignorant mul­titude. For if that reason of yours were of any value, or consequence, we should by the same, bring Circum­cision into vse againe at this day, because it was vsed vn­der the Law of Moses. And by the same pretext, it shall be lawfull for the subiect, to lay violent handes vppon his Soueraigne,Iudges. 3. because Ehud murthered Eglon King of Moab, vnpunished.

Seeing you terme your selfe a Iesuit, let vs follow the footesteps of Iesus Christ; for to this marke ought all our cogitations to leuell, whereunto restraining our dis­course, I will make it appeare, that I am a true Catho­tholicke liegeman to the Pope, and thou a true Catho­lique Impostor. VVee consider the power of our Sa­uiour Christ in two different times: one was, vvhen for our Redemption hee descended from heauen into the earth: the other, vvhen after his death and passion, hee ascended from earth into heauen. The first was the time of his humilitie, in respect whereof hee professed, [Page]that his comming was not to be an vmpire of their con­trouersies, which they would haue referred to him: at what time he distinguisht the power of God, from the power of the Romane Emperour, saying; That wee must yeeld vnto God, that which belonged vnto God, and vnto Caesar, that which was due vnto Caesar. And being demaunded of Pilate, whether he were a king or no, he made him aunswere, that his kingdome was not of this inferiour world. The second was the time of his glorie, whereunto all those excellent sayings of the pro­phet Dauid are to be referred: as when he said, that the earth was the Lords: Aske of mee, and I will giue thee nations and heritages, and they shall be vnto thee for a pos­session vnto the vttermost bounds of the earth. And in ano­ther place, that hee was Lorde of Lordes, and King of Kings.

Let vs not falsifie the holie Scripture: For the more you ambitious Iesuits apply out of it to the Pope, to au­thorise, not his greatnes, but your owne, the more you take from him. At what time did Christ assigne Saint Peter to be his Vicar? Surely while hee was yet on earth, and at the poynt to finish his pilgrimage, that he might represent his person heere below, in his estate of humilitie: and so gaue him the keyes of heauen, & not of earth, to signifie vnto vs, that he gaue him the charge of spirituall matters, without mingling there-withall temporall busines.

And certainly our auncient Popes were very igno­raunt, if giuing them-selues the title of Seruus seruo­rum, they meant to represent Iesus Christ, as hee is in the fulnesse of his glorie, and after hee ascended in­to heauen, to sit on the right hand of GOD his Father. In like manner was it an heresie in Luther, to teach his folowers, that the Pope was wrongfully termed head of the church, & Vicar general to Iesus Christ: & no lesse heresie was it in Ignacius, when to oppose Luther, hee [Page 179]affirmed that the Pope was Christs Vicar, not onely in his estate of humility, but euē in his estate of glory like­wise. Hee then is a true Catholique liegeman to the Pope, who doth acknowledge and approue his authori­tie, according to the originall institution thereof, with­out any augmentations, or additions from men.

Iesuit, I now come vnto thee: let vs weigh how ful of danger this position of thine is. Our Kings know best, what is expedient for the maintenance & preseruation of their estate: and like skilful Pilots, are faine somtimes to strike sayle in a tempest. This course the Pope, being carried away with other respects, will not like of, & will perhaps summō our kings to cōform their proceedings to his mind. After some two, or three admonitiōs, if they obey not, he wil proceed to censure thē, & consequētly to make a diuorce between them & their subiects: or if not so, to interdite the Realm, & expose it for a pray to any Prince, that shal be first able to possesse himselfe of it. Good God! into what a confusion dost thou bring our State?

Iesuit, learne this lesson of me; for I wil not suffer, either our countrimē to be infected with thy poysonous propositions, or straungers that shal read this booke of thine, to conceiue, that the Maiestie of our kings is, by thy comming, any whit empayred. First we maintayne, and vphold it for an article inuiolable in Fraunce, that the Pope hath no authority, to be liberal of our Realme, for any mans aduantage whatsoeuer, what fault soeuer our king shall be found culpable of, none excepted. The Pope hath no power, but what is giuen him by commission from God; he is neither that Samuel, nor that Iehoiada, who were commaunded by God to doe, what they did vnder the olde law: for vnder the new, which we call the new Testament, there is no mention of any such matter. The Pope cannot by the power of his spirituall sword, controule the temporall. I say not [Page]therefore, that any king of Fraunce should forget him­selfe, eyther in the Catholique Religion, or in the go­uernment of his subiects, to whom he ought to be a second father: for if he doe, let him be assured, that God will sooner, or later forget him, and auenge himselfe by some meanes vnexpected, and vnthought of, but that we are to seeke this redresse at Rome, I flatly denie.

For this first position, I hold it to be cleere: that which now I will deliuer, may seeme more questionable. We hold it for another article firme and indubitable in this Realme of Fraunce, that our kings are not subiect to the Popes excommunication. A thing, which we haue re­ceiued from all antiquitie. I remember I haue read that Lothaire king of Austracia deceasing, left Lewes his bro­ther, who was Emperour, and King of Italy, to be his successor. King Charles, the Bald, vncle to them both, seazed on it by right of occupation, as lying fit for his hand. Lewes had recourse to Pope Adrian, who vnder­tooke the quarrel for him, and summoned Charles to do his nephew right, vpon payne of excommunication: but Charles would giue no eare to him. By reason wher­of, the Pope went on to interpose his censures with bit­ter curses and comminations: and knowing the high authoritie, which rested in Hingmare, Archbishoppe of Reims, he enioyned him not to admit the king, to com­municate with him, vpon paine▪ himselfe to be depri­ued of his Holinesse his communion.

There was neuer Popes Iniunction, more iust, & holy then this. For what colour could there be for an vncle to intercept his nephewes right in succeeding his owne brother? Yet neuer was I niunction worse entertayned then this. For Hiagmare after he had imparted the let­ters Apostolical to diuers Prelats and Barons of France, to be aduised by them, how to carry himselfe in the mat­ter, he wrote backe to Pope Adrian, what he had drawn and collected out of their aunsweres; namely, that all [Page 180]of them were much offended, & agreeued with that his Decree, alledging, that the like proceedings had not beene seene, no not when the kings were Heretiques, Scismatiques, or Tyrants: and maintayning that king­domes were purchased by the edge of the sword, and not by the excommunications, or censures of the Sea Apostolique, or of Prelates. And when I vrge them (said Hingmare) with the authoritie, which was dele­gate by our Sauiour to Saint Peter, and from him deri­ued by succession to the Popes of Rome; they aun­swere me. Petite Dominum Apostolicum vt: quia Rex & Episcopus simul esse non potest: Et sui antecessores Eccle­siasticum ordinem (quod suum est) & non Rempublicam (quod regum est) disposuerunt. Non praecipiat nobis habere regem, qui nos in sic longinquis partibus adiuuare non possit, contra subitaneos & frequentes Paganorum impetus: & nos Francos iubeat seruire, cui nolumus seruire. Qua istud iugū sui antecessores, nostris antecessoribus non imposuerūt. Quia scriptum in sanctis libris audimus, vt pro libertate & haeredi­tate nostra vsque ad mortem certare debeamus. That is, Tell our Apostolicall Lord, that he cannot at once be a King and a Prelate, and that his predecessors ordered the Ecclesiastical State (which belongeth vnto him) and not the temporall, (which pertaines only to kings.) Let him not inioyne vs to receiue a King, who remayning in a countrie so farre distant, cannot ayde vs, against the sodain, & oftē incursions of the Infidels. Neither let him commaund vs (who of our Franchise and Freedome beare the name of Franks) to serue him, whom we list not to serue: which yoake his predecessors neuer im­posed vppon our Auncestors. And we finde it writ­ten in holy Scripture, that we ought to fight to the death, for our libertie and inheritance. And a little after, Propterea si Dominus Apostolicus vult pacem quaere­re, sic quaer at vt rixam non moueat. That is; Therefore if our Apostolicall Lord seeke after peace, let him so seeke [Page]it, as he be not an occasiō of war. And in conclusiō, Hing­mare shuts vp his letter with these words. Et vt mihi expe­rimento videtur, propter meam interdictionem, vel propter lingue humanae gladium, nisialiud obstiterit, Rex noster, vel eius Regni primores non dimittent, vt quod coeperunt, quaniū potuerint, nō exequantur. That is; And as I find by proofe, our King, or the Peeres of his Realme, are not minded, eyther for my excommunication, or the sword of mans tongue (vnlesse some other matter come to stop them) to desist from prosecuting what they haue begun.

By which letters you may vnderstand, that the Pope tooke vpon him, not onely to censure King Charles, the Bald, for his disobedience in so iust and rightfull a cause, but to make himselfe Iudge also of Empyres and King­domes: wherevnto neither the king, nor his subiects would euer assent: auouching, that the Pope could not confound Religion with State, and that they were resol­ued to withstand him, whatsoeuer it cost them: as be­ing a new law, which he meant to obtrude vpon the land, to the preiudice of our kings.

It may be, some honest meaning man will say: How doth this hang together? You allow the Pope all prima­cie, and superioritie in spirituall causes, and yet limite his general power in your owne king, though he should runne astray out of the right way. For in respect of tem­porall matters, I grant it; but as for this high point of spirituall authority, all things make against that position. Whom I aunswere thus. We acknowledge in Fraunce, that the Pope is supreame head of the Catholique and Vniuersall Church, yet is it not therefore absurd, or in­consequent, that our Kings should be exempted from his censures.

We see that all auncient Monasteries, are naturallie subiect to the iurisdiction of theyr Diocesans, yet are many of them by speciall priuiledge exempted from the same. Our auncient Kings haue beene the first pro­tectors [Page 181]of the holy Sea, as well against the tyrannie of the Emperous of Constantinople, as against the incur­sions, and inuasions of the Lombards, which were dai­lie at the gates of Rome. One king alone, Pepin, con­quered the whole state, or Herarchie of Rauenna, which he freely gaue to the Pope, deliuering their Cittie from the long siege, which Astolpho king of the Lombards had held about it. And Charlemaine the sonne of Pepin, chased out of Lombardie, Didier their king, and his whole race: making himselfe Maister, as well of the Cittie of Rome, as of all Italie, where he was afterwards acknowledged, and crowned Emperour of the West by Pope Leo, whom he restored fully and wholly to his auncient libertie, against the insolencie of the people of Rome, who repined and mutined against him. And at that time was it concluded, that the Popes elect, might not enter vpon the exercise, or administration of theyr functions, vntill they were first confirmed by him or his successors.

I am certainly perswaded, that hee and his posterity, were at that time freed, and exempted from all censures and excommunications of the holy Sea. And albeit we haue not the expresse Constitution to shew, yet may it be extracted out of the Ordinaunces of the said Empe­rour, recorded by Iuon, Bishop of Chartres: Si quos culpatores Regia potestas, Epist. 123. & 195. aut in gratiam benignitatis rece­perit, aut mensae suae participes fecerit, hos & sacerdotum, & populorum conuentus suscipere Ecclesiastica communione debebit, vt quod principalis pietas recepit, nec à Sacerdoti­bus Dei extraneum habeatur. If the king shall receiue a­ny sinner into the fauour of his clemencie, or make him partaker of his owne table, the whole companie of the Priests and people, shall likewise receiue him into the cōmunion of the Church: that, that which the princes pietie hath admitted, be not by the priests, held as cast off or reiected.

If then the table, or the fauour of our Kings, did ac­quite and absolute the excommunicated person, from the Ecclesiasticall censures, wee may well say, that our kings themselues were exempt from all excommunica­tions. Our kings had right to confirme the Popes after their elections, a right which the Popes alledge, to haue beene by them remitted; then why should we be more enuied then they, if the auncient Prelacie of Rome, haue priuiledged our kings from all excommunications and censures whatsoeuer?

Sure I am that Pope Gregorie the fourth, going a­bout to infringe that prerogatiue, to gratifie the sonnes of king Lewes the Milde, the sonne of Charlemaine, the good Bishops and Prelats of Fraunce, sent him vvord, that if he came in person to excommunicate their king, himselfe should returne excommunicated to Rome. A peremtorie speech I must confesse, but it wrought so, as the Pope, to couer his packing, pretended hee came into Fraunce for no other intent, but to mediate a peace betweene the Father and the sonnes, as indeede he did: and had he stood vppon other termes, hee would haue gone out of Fraunce greatly displeased.

So much doe wee embrace this priuiledge of our kings, as wee dare affirme, that it had his beginning ey­ther with the Crowne it selfe, at what time Clouis be­came a Christian, or at least in the second line, within a while after our kings had taken in hand, the defence & protection of the Church of Rome: for so doe we find it to haue beene obserued successiuely in Charlemaine, Lewes the Milde, his sonne, and Charles the Balde, his grand-child. And since in the third line, when our kings seemed some what to forget the right way, and that it was requisite to extend the authoritie of the Church to­wards them, the Pope, or his Legates, were fayne to ioyne the Clergie of Fraunce with them. In briefe, as long as all thinges were quiet and peaceable betweene [Page 182]the King and his subiects, the censures of Rome were neuer receiued against our Kings.

In our auncient Records, wee finde a Bull bearing date from Pope Boniface the eyght, the tenor whereof is, Vt nec Rex Franciae, nec Regina, nec liberi eorum ex communicart possint: That neyther the King nor the Queene of Fraunce, nor theyr chyldren can be excom­municated.

It fell so out after that time, that the same Pope, fal­ling at variance with king Phillip the fayre, hee needes would excommunicate him, but there was neuer ex­communication cost Pope so deere, as that did him. For his Nuncios weare committed prisoners, his Buls burnt, and Boniface himselfe, being taken by Naugeret, Chaun­celor of Fraunce, presently after died, for very sorrow & despight that he had receiued so foule a disgrace at the hands of his enemie. Wherein Phillip did nothing, but by the counsell and consent of the whole Cleargie of Fraunce. So farre was this excommunication, from fal­ling to the preiudice of the King and his Realme, that contrariwise, it turned to his shame and confusion, by whom it was decreed.

Benet the 13. otherwise called Peter de Luna, keeping his sea or residence in Auignon, hauing interdited Charles the sixt and his realme, the king sitting in the throne of iustice in the Parliament, or high Court of Paris, the 21. of May, 1408. gaue sentence that the Bull should be rent in peeces, and that Gonsalue & Con­seloux, the bearers thereof, should be set vpon a pillorie, and publiquely notified, and traduced in the pulpit: the meaning whereof was, that the people should be taught and informed, that the king was not liable to any excō ­munication. Which decree was accordingly put in ex­ecution in the month of August, with the greatest scorne that could be deuised, the two Nuncios or Legats hauing this inscription vppon their Miters: These men [Page]are disloyall to the Church, and to the King. Iulius the se­cond, offered the like to king Lewes the twelfth, & his censures were censured by a Conuocation of the Cler­gie of Fraunce, holden at Tours, 1510.

Not to goe too farre from our owne times, the like censures came from Rome in time of our last troubles, in the yeere 1591. & by the sentence aswel of the Court of Parliament of Paris, then remoued to Tours, as of the soueraine or high chamber, holden at Chalons in Champagnie, it was ordered, that the Bulls should be burnt by the publique Executioner, as accordingly they were. A Maxime so grounded in the realme of France, that in the treatie of peace, which was made in the towne of Arras, in the yeere 1481, between king Lewes the 11, and Maximilian the Arch-duke of Austria, and the States of the Low-countries, the Deputies for Max­imilian and the States, treated with ours, that the King should promise to keepe & obserue this agreement, and to that end he and his sonnes should submit themselues to all Ecclesiasticall censures: Notwithstanding the pri­uiledge of the Kings of Fraunce, Whereby, neither hee nor his Realme, might bee compeld by Ecclesiasticall cen­sures. Which treatie, was afterward confirmed by king Lewes the same yeere at Plessi, neere vnto Tours, the confirmation carrieth these words: Wee haue submitted vs, and our said sonne, and our Realme, to all Ecclesiasticall censures, for the keeping and obseruing of the saide treatie: notwithstanding the priuiledge which we haue, that wee, nor our successours, nor our Realme, ought not to be subiect, nor liable to censures. VVhich thing hath beene since that time confirmed, by a decree made in the yeere 1549. Charles Cardinall of Lorraine, Archbishop of Reims, to make his memory immortall, by a most honourable action, founded an Vniuersitie in Reims, with manie great priuiledges, hauing first obtained leaue and per­mission of the King, Henry the second, and next of the [Page 183]Pope, Paule the third, for so much as concerned the spiritualties: who graunted forth his Buls verie large, and ample, contayning amongst other clauses, this one.

Nos igitur piū & laudabile Henrici Regis, & Caroli Car­dinalis desiderium, plurimū commendantes, praefatum Hen­ricum Regē à quibusuis excommunicationis, suspensionis & interdicti, alijsque Ecclesiasticis sententijs & censuris, poenis à iure vel ab homine, quauis occasione vel causa latis, si qui­bus quomodolibet innodatus existat, ad effectum presentium duntaxat consequendum, harum serie absoluentes. What greater fauour, or courtesie could we expect from Rome, then that our king without any suit of his, should be absolued from all censures, which he could incurre de iure, or de facto? Neuerthelesse, this courtesie was by the Court of Parliament at Paris, as frankly refused, as it was offered. Because in the verification aswell of the Buls, as of the kings Letters-patents, it was enacted by a decree in Court, giuē the last saue one of Ianuary 1549, with this prouiso, that notwithstanding this pretended absolution, it be not inferd, that the king hath beene, or hereafter may be, any way, or for any cause whatsoeuer, subiect to the excommunications, or censures Aposto­licall, or thereby preiudice the rights, priuiledges, or preheminences of the king, and of his Realme. As also the sentence giuen against Iohn Chastell, the 29. of De­cember 1594. contained this peculiar clause, that amon­gest other things, he was condemned, for hauing main­tayned, that our king Henry the fourth, raigning at this present, was not in the Church, vntill he had the appro­bation of the Pope: whereof he did repent, and aske forgiuenes of God, the king, and the Court.

This that I haue deliuered in this present dis­course, doth not proceed of any sinister affection, which I beare to the holy Sea (sooner let GOD bereaue me of my life) but onely to make it appeare, [Page] [...] [Page 183] [...] [Page]that our kings carrie together with their Crowne, their safe conduct in all places, and are not subiect to the trecherous practises of their enemies neere the Pope. Notwithstanding you see, how these accursed Iesuits, enemies of our peace, instruct vs in the contrarie, that is, kindle and prepare vs to reuolt, in case our kings should stand in ill termes with the Pope: which prooues, that it is not without iust cause, that by a Decree of the Par­liament of Paris, they haue beene banisht out of Fraunce.

CHAP. 18. ¶ The Decree of the Parliament of Paris, against the Iesuits, in the yeere 1594. and a Chapter taken out of the third booke des Recerches de la Farunce, by Stephen Pasquier.

HAuing dedicated this booke, (saith Pasquier) to the liberties of our Church of Fraunce,Lib. 3. de [...] Recer, ca. 32 I hope I shall not digresse from my purpose, if I entreat some­what of the Sect of the Iesuits, which, to the subuersion of our State, maintayneth principles quite contrarie to ours. The Ie­suits hauing got into their hands the great legacies, giuen and bequeathed them by Maister William du Part, Bishop of Clairmont, they bought Langres place lying in Saint Iaques street in the Citie of Paris, where they, after their manner, established the forme of a Col­ledge, and of a Monasterie in diuers tenements: and ta­king vpon them to instruct youth without the autho­ritie of the Rector, they made sute sundrie times to be incorporated into the Vniuersitie. Which when they [Page 184]could not obtayne, they exhibited a petition to the same effect, to the Court of Parliament in the yeere 1564. The Vniuersitie did me the honour, to choose me in a full congregation for their Aduocate. Hauing prepa­red my selfe for the cause, (being armed with that sacred Decree, which the facultie of Diuinity had pronounced against them in the yeere 1554. where those two great pillers of our Catholique Religion, Monsieur Picard, and Monsieur Maillard were assistants) I was perswa­ded, that I was able with a free and vncontrouled con­science, to encounter hand to hand, with this monster, which being neyther Secular, nor Regular, was both to­gither, and therefore brought into our Church an am­biguous, or mungrell profession. We pleaded this case two whole forenoones, Maister Peter Ʋersoris, and I, he for the Iesuits, I for the Vniuersitie, before an infinite multitude of people, who attended, to see the issue thereof: Maister Baptist du Menill, the Kings Ad­uocate, a man of great sufficiencie, was for me. In my declaration, I alledged the irrigularitie of their pro­fession; the iudgement, and determination of the whole facultie of Diuinitie, pronounced against them tenne yeeres before: the obiection made by Monsieur Bruslard, the Kings Attorney Generall against their admittance, for that their vow was cleane contrarie to ours, that if we should harbour them in our bosome, we should bring in a Schisme amongst vs; and besides, so many espials for Spayne, and sworne enemies to Fraunce, the ef­fects whereof wee were like to feele, vpon the first chaunge that the iniquitie of time might bring vp­on vs.

Notwithstanding for the conclusion, we were re­ferred to Counsell. Eyther partie both got, and lost the day. For neither were they incorporated into the Vni­uersity, nor yet prohibited to continue their accustomed readings. When God hath a purpose to afflict a realme, [Page]he planteth the roots thereof long time before hand, These new-come guests, blind and bewitch the people by shewes of holines, and fayre promises. For, as if they had the gift of tongues, which the holy Ghost infused into the Apostles, they made their boasts, that they (for­sooth) went to preach the Gospel in the midst of barba­rous, and sauage people, they that (God knowes) had ynough to do, to speake their mother tongue. With these pleasant baits did they inueigle and draw the mul­titude into their snares. But as they had brought in a motly religion of Secular and Regular, disturbing by meanes thereof all the Hierarchie of our Church, so did they intend, to trouble thence-forward, all the politique states in Christendome. In as much, as by a newe inuented rule, they beganne to mingle and confound the State with their religion. And as it is easie, to fall from liberty to vnbridled licence, so did they, vpon this irriguler rule of theirs, ground the most detestable heresie, that can be deuised: affirming, that it is lawfull to murther any Prince, that should not conforme himselfe to their principles: treading vnder foot both the checke, which our Sauiour gaue to Saint Peter, when he drew his sword in his defence, and the Canon of the Councell of Constance, whereby they were pronounced accurst, that set abroach this position.

When I pleaded the cause, I mentioned not these two propositions against them. For though they bred them in their hearts, yet had they not as yet hatched them: on­ly I said, that there was no good to be hoped for of this monster: but that they would euer put in practise ey­ther that principle, which was broched by the old Moū ­tainer, who in time of our wars beyond the Seas, dispersed his subiects, called cut-throats, or murtherers, through the the Prouinces, to slay the Christian Princes: or that hor­rible Anabaptisme, which sprung vp in Germanie, when we were young: this should I neuer haue imagined. [Page 185]Notwithstanding, both the one and the other Maxime, hath beene by them put in execution, in the sight and knowledge of all Christendome. For as concerning the first, there is no man but knowes, that they▪ hauing set foot in Portugall, not vnder the title of Iesuits; but of Apostles, they sollicited King Sebastian by all maner of illusions, to make an vniuersall law, that none might be called to the Crowne, vnlesse he were of their Societie: and moreouer, elected by the consent, & suffrages of the same. VVhereunto they could not attayne, albeit they met with the most deuout and superstitious Prince that could be. And not to lead you out of our owne coun­trie of Fraunce; they were the men, that kindled the first coales of that accursed League, which hath beene the vtter ruine and subuersion of the land. It was first of all debated amongst them, and being concluded, they constituted their Fathers, Claudius Matthaeus a Lorrain, and Claudius Sammier of Luxembourg, (for so are their Priests of greatest antiquitie called) to be their trumpets for the proclayming thereof ouer all forraine nations. And after that time, did they with open face, declare themselues to be Spaniards, as well in their Sermons, as publique Lectures. In fauour of whom, they attempted to bring their second principle into practise, not all the while that the King was diuided from vs in religion (for they knew, that was a barre suffi­cient to keepe him from the Crowne) but as soone as they saw him reclaymed into the bosome of the Church, they set on worke one Peter Barriere, a man resolute for execution, but weake and tender in consci­ence: whom they caused to be confessed in their Col­ledge at Paris, afterwards to receiue the Sacrament, and hauing confirmed him by an assured promise of Paradise, as a true Martyr, if he died in that quarrell, set forward this valiant Champion, who was thrise at the the verie point to execute his accursed enterprise; and [Page]God as often miraculously stayed his hand, vntill at length being apprehended at Melun, he receiued the iust hyre of his trayterous intention, in the yeere, 1593.

I speake nothing, but what mine eyes can witnesse, and what I had from his owne mouth when he was pri­soner. View, & peruse all the impieties, that you will, you shall find none so barbarous as this. To perswade an impietie, and then to couer it with such a seeming maske of pietie: In a word, to destroy a soule, a King, Paradise, and our Church▪ all at a blow, to make way for their Spanish and halfe-Pagan designements. All these new allegations, caused the Vniuersitie of Paris, the Ci­tie being brought vnder the Kings obedience, to re­new their former suit against them, which had beene stayed before time by the Counsels appoyntment. The cause was pleaded effectually and learnedly, by Maister Authonie Arnald: but when the processe was brought to the verie poynt of Iudgement, there fell out another accident, which made them proceed roundly thereunto. Iohn Chastell, a Paritian of the age of 19. yeeres, a graft of this accursed Seminarie, stroke our king Henris the fourth with a knife in his Royall Pallace of the Louvre, in the midst of his Nobilitie. He is taken, his processe be­ing commenced and finished, sentēce ensueth dated the 29. of December, 1594. the tenour wherof followeth.

Being viewed by the Court, the great Chamber, and the Tournel being assembled, the arraignement, of pro­cesse criminall, begun by the Controller of the kings household, and since finished at the requisition and de­maund of the Kings Atturney generall, plaintise a­gainst Iohn Chastell of the Citie of Paris student, ha­uing made the course of his studies in the Colledge of Clairmont, prisoner in the prison called the Concierge­rie of the Pallace, by reason of the most execrable and abhominable parricide attempted vpon the person of the King: The examinations and confessions of the [Page 186]said Iohn Chastell: the said Iohn Chastell being heard and examined in the said Court touching the said parricide: there being heard also in the same, Iohn Gu [...]ret Priest, cal­ling himselfe of the Companie and Society of the name of Iesus, abiding, & continuing in the said Colledge, and sometimes Schoolemaister of the said Iohn Chastell, Pe­ter Chastell, and Denise Hazard, the father and mother of the said Iohn Chastell: the conclusions of the Attur­ney generall, all waighed and considered. BE IT KNOWNE, that the said Court hath declared, and doth declare, the said Iohn Chastell, attaynted and con­uicted of the crime of treason, against God and man in the highest degree, by the most wicked and detestable patricide, or murther attempted vpon the person of the King. For repayring of the which crime, it hath condē ­ned, and doth condemne the said Iohn Chastell, to make an honourable amends, before the gate of the principall Church of Paris, naked in his shirt, holding a Torch of waxe burning of the waight of two pounds, and there on his knees, to say and declare, that accursedly & traiterously, he hath attempted the said most barbarous and abhominable parricide, and wounded the King in the face with a knife; and through false and damnable instructions, he hath said in his said triall or processe, that it was lawfull to murther Kings, and that the King, Henrie the fourth, now raigning, is not in the Church, vntill he haue the approbation of the Pope: whereof he is heartily sory, and asketh forgiuenes of God, she King, & the Court. This done, to be drawn in a doung­cart to the place of execution called the Gre [...]e [...] there to be pinched with hotte pincers, on his armes, & thighs, and his right hand, holding in it the knife, wherewith he attempted, to commit the said murther or parricide, to be cut off: after that, his bodie to be dismembred, and drawen in peeces with foure horses: and his quarters & bodie to be cast into the fire, and consumed to ashes▪ [Page]and the ashes to be cast into the winde, and it hath de­clared, all his goods to be forfeyted, and confiscate to the King. Before which execution shall the said Iohn Chastell be brought to the racke or torture, as well ordi­nary, as extraordinary, to know the truth of his confede­rates, and of certaine cases arising out of the processe: Hath made and doth make inhibition, and restraint to any persons, of what qualitie or condition soeuer, vpon paine of being guiltie of high Treason, not to speake or vtter the said speeches, which the said Court hath pro­nounced, & doth pronounce to be scandalous, seditious, and contrarie to the word of God, and condemned as heretical by the sacred decrees: It doth ordaine, that the Priests and students of the Colledge of Clairmont, and all other, calling themselues of that Society, as corrupters of youth, and disturbers of common quiet, enemies of the King, and State, shall auoid within three daies after the publication of this present sentence, out of Paris, and other Cities, and places where their Colledges are; and fifteene daies after, out of the Realme, vpon paine, wheresoeuer they shall be found, the said terme expired, to be punished, as guiltie and culpable of the said crime of high Treason. The goods aswell moueable, as im­moueable, to them belonging, shal be employed to cha­ritable vses, and the distribution and disposing thereof to be, as shal be ordained by the Court. Moreouer, it for­biddeth al the kings subiects, to send any schollers to the Colledges of the said Societie, being out of the Realme, there to be instructed, vpon the like payne to incurre the crime of high Treason. The Court doth ordaine, that the copies of this present sentence, shall be sent a­broad to the Bayliages, & Shriualties of this iurisdiction, to be executed according to the forme & tenor therof. It is enioind to the Baylifs & Shriefs, their deputies general and particular, to proceed to the execution therof after the terme, or respite thereni contained, & to the deputies [Page 187]of the Atturny generall, to further the said execution, to giue information of all lets or hinderances thereof, and to certifie the Court of their dilligence heerein perfor­med, vppon paine to be depriued of theyr seuerall pla­ces and offices. Signed by Tillet. Pronounced to the said Iohn Chastell, executed the 29. of December, 1594.

During these proceedings, whereupon this sentence ensued, certaine Barons of the Court, were appointed to goe vnto the Colledge of Clairmont, who hauing caused diuers papers to be seazed, they found amongst others, certaine bookes written by the hand of Maister Iohn Guignard, a Iesuit priest, containing many false & seditious arguments, to proue, that it was lawful to mur­der the late king Henry the third; and instructions for the murdering of King Henry the fourth his successor. In conclusion, this was the end both of the Iesuits, bee­ing the Schoolemaisters, and theyr vnhappy schollar.

CHAP. 19. ¶ The Iesuits vnder couert termes, chalenge the sentence giuen against Iohn Chastell, of iniustice: and how GOD suffered him to be punished, to make the punishment of the Iesuits more notorious to all posteritie.

AGainst this Sentence, touching Iohn Chastell, doe our Iesuits outragiouslie exclaime, and making shew, as if they would excuse the Court, they accuse it of vniustice, by it committed, in con­demning them.

VVee are (saith the hypocriticall Iesuit in his most humble petition presented to the King) enemies to Kings, the state, and your person, & seducers of youth. Against these generall accusations, we first oppose the [Page]testimonie of the Court of Parliament of Paris. The Court had heard the Aduocates, which brought, and emptied their baggs, loden with these weightie accusa­tions: it had beene with all importunitie sollicited to condemne vs: It had aboue 9. months respite to weigh and ballance the cause; that is, from the last of Aprill, vntill Christmas following: It condemned vs not, but suffered vs to remaine in peaceable possession of our rights, reseruing it selfe to a fitter season, to call them to account, which had most vncharitably suggested these calumnious accusations against vs.

Thinke you, that this body of Iustice, composed of the most famous ornaments of the Lawe, vvhich the world yeelds, and of the strongest & firmest members of the state, if it had seene the least of these crimes, as suf­ficiently prooued, as they were maliciously obiected, thinke you, I say, that it would not haue proceeded, to condemne vs in the very instant? And hauing not con­demned vs, hath it not, by his silence, condemned our Accusers, and giuen most assured testimonie of our in­nocencie? If since that time it haue condemned vs, that proceeded not of the due and formall pleadings of the Aduocates, or of any aduantage of law, which our ad­uersaries had against vs: it is an inconuenience vvhich hath condemned vs in costs, but not ouer-throwne our cause.

And vvithin a fewe leaues after: In Iuly 1594, at what time the processe was reuiued by two pleading Aduocates, they charged vs with Barriere, and framed many like imputatiōs, to agranate this crime against our credite and reputation. But all these were but blunt as­sertions, not sharpe proofes, proceeding frō the tongue, and not from the truth, the Court made no reckoning of them, and by their silence cleered & acquited vs.

Rene de la Fon followeth his steppes, and goeth about to proue in like manner, that the cōdemning of Chastell, [Page 190]is the acquiting of all their Societie: in as much as hee being racked and tortured, appeached none of them. But theyr intelligence was very bad in this matter: For albeit this wretched fellow by his aunswers, and inter­rogatories to him ministred, spared the names of parti­culers, yet did he accuse the whole Order in generall, as I wil verifie hereafter more at large. Moreouer, these Ie­suits seeme to be both of them, altogether ignorant in the course of Iudgements, pronounced by those high Courts.

The Court (saith the first) hath not forthwith procee­ded to iudgemēt in this cause, notwithstanding the sharp accusations wherewith we were charged: Ergo, by his silence it pronounced vs guiltlesse. Furthermore, Bar­riere his fact was laid to our charge, yet the Court would not presently condemne vs; Ergo, the Court intended by silence to acquite vs thereof. I beseech you, seeing you professe your selues to be Logicians, & to haue the start of all men in scholasticall Diuinitie, by what prin­ciples can you make good these conclusions? Yet are they not strange, to proceede from a Iesuits pen. For these reuerent Fathers are in place and authoritie, to cō ­demne Kings without hearing them, and to abandon their realmes, and lay thē open for a pray, to him that can possesse himselfe thereof [...] as they did to the last King.

High and soueraigne Courts, obserue another man­ner of proceeding. They heare the Counsell on both parties, yet rest not thereupon: but in such important causes as this especially, they remit their iudgement or sentence, to their better leysure, and to theyr second thoughts. The like course was held in their cause. Ar­nauld and Dole, vrged in their Declarations, the tragical historie of Barriere, the Court gaue no credite there­vnto, and not without good consideration. In as much as it was requisite for them to view Barriere his triall or processe, which was made at Melun by Lugoly, that they [Page]might be throughly informed of what had there passed. But alas Iesuit, what is become of thy wit? Thou doost acknowledge this Court to consist of the greatest orna­ments of the Law, which the world yeeldeth: as else­where also, that referring both parties to counsell, they had proceeded without passion, or partialitie: and yet in the instant, thou changest thy note, challenging it to haue done iniustice, in grounding their sentence against you vpon Chastell, who had not accused you. Iudges proceede indirectly, when eyther they want skill to iudge, or that their iudgements are corrupted by hatred, fauour, or other such partial affections. Neither of these defects can be shewed in the managing of your cause, as your selfe confesse: therefore it is presumption in vs both: in you to assay by Sophistrie, out of your shal­lowe braine to elude this sentence: in mee, to endeuour by reasons and arguments, to maintaine and vphold the fame.

Let it suffice vs, that it is a Decree, or Arrest, and it is our part therefore to rest our iudgements there-vppon. In all causes, especially in those of weight, and im­portance, like this, GOD is in the midst of the Iud­ges to inspire and direct them. Many times a man, that hauing heard a case pleaded on both sides, prepared himselfe in his minde, either to acquite; or condemne, this or that partie, yet, when hee heares the first Iudge deliuer his opinion, hee changeth his mind: yea, often­times it falleth out, that one word vttered by the first, giueth new light to him that secondeth, when as happe­ly he that spake it, dreamt not thereon: and when it cō ­meth to the casting of the Bell, (for by that by-word doe the Lavvyers terme the vp-shot, or conclusion of all) they gather and collect out of the precedent opini­ons, a generall ayre, or abstract, whereuppon this sen­tence is built.

Doost thou think, that Chastells fact was the sole oc­casion [Page 191]of your fall? thou art deceiued. The Court had wisely referred the cause to counsell, giuiuing thereby to vnderstand, that it meant not to proceed therein ey­ther with passion, or rash hastines, two great enemies of iustice. In the meane time hapned this damnable act, committed by one of your schollers: the principals which were before disposed to your condemning, were taken in hand a fresh: in the handling of Chastels cause, your cause is adiudged all vnder one.

The indignitie and detestation therof, awaked iustice in the hearts of the Iudges, which in your cause might peraduenture haue slept, had it not beene thereby stir­red, and excited. And in all this, there is nothing wrought by man, but by a speciall iudgement of God, which wee ought to proclayme through the whole world. It is well knowne, that your Colledge was the fountayne, and seminarie of all those calamities, which we endured, during the last troubles. There was the rebellion plotted and contriued, there was it fully and wholly nourished and maintayned; your Prouincials, your Rectors, your deuout Superiours, were the first that troad that path, they that first and last dealt with this merchandise. Your Colledge was the retreat, or Randeuous, of all such as had vowed, and sold themselues aswell to the destruction of the State, as to the mur­ther of the King: in which your doings, you at that time gloried, and triumpht, both in your Sermons and Lec­tures.

The true hearted subiects, who had the Flower de Luce imprinted in their breasts, beheld this tyranny, and sighed in their soules, for they durst not giue breath to their sighes; all their recourse was to God, that it would please him to haue compassion on their miserable e­state. God suffered you to raigne fiue yeeres and more, (swaying both people, Magistrate, and Prince) to trie whether there were any hope of your amendment in [Page]time. The King was no sooner entred into Paris, but the iust hatred of the people towards you, brake forth: the Vniuersitie of Paris stirreth against you, and reui­ueth their former suite, which had beene referred to Counsell in the yeere 1564. the occasion thereof was founded vpon your owne fresh practises, and lewd mis­demeanours: the cause is pleaded by two worthie Law­yers, Arnauld and Dole, heard with patience discreetly, not iudged forthwith, by reason of the waightines: be­sides, the heat and choler of those which prosecuted the cause against them, might in time coole, and asswage (as the manner of French men is.) The Iudges neuer stirre in any cause, but as they are vrged thereunto; o­therwise they should doe themselues wrong, and men might say, they were rather soliciters, then Iudges. In this pause, the iudgement of your cause was likely to haue beene forgotten, when on a sodain, beyond all ima­gination, this fact of Chastels came to paste, whereby the humors both of the Iudges, and of the parties are stirred a fresh.

This was the houre of Gods wrath, who hauing long temporized with your sinnes, thought it good to make Chastell a spurre in the hearts of the Iudges, to incite them, to doe iustice aswell vpon you, as vpon him, and that you might all serue for an example, for posteritie to wonder at. To the accomplishing of this worke, he permitted that Chastell (who had beene nurtured, and brought vp in your schoole) should assay to put in prac­tise your deuout Lectures, and exhortations against the King, not in the countrie, but in the Citie of Paris, and that his dwelling should be, not in any obscure corner of the Town, but in the verie hart of the City, standing as it were in the midst of two other Townes, & moreouer, in a house right opposit to the gate of the Palace, the anci­ent habitation of our Kings, & of the supreme and soue­raigne Iustice of Fraunce. This house belonged to the [Page 192]father, who was so infortunate, as not to reueale to the Magistrate the damnable intention of his sonne, wherof he had knowledge, as himselfe confessed. God made speciall choise of that place, of purpose to make the pu­nishment more notorious. For in like offences of high Treason, the Iudges are in dutie bound to their Soue­raigne, to cause the habitations of the malefactors to be raced, and pulled downe, and there to be engrauen a memoriall of the whole proceeding: for which cause this house was ruinated, & raced by order, & in the place thereof a Pyramis or piller raised, bearing the memoriall, not onely of Chastells offence, but of the Iesuits also, and this to stand in opposite view of this great and Roy­all Pallace. To the end, that our posteritie may know hereafter, how highly Fraunce is beholding to this holy Societie of Iesus. Was there euer, I say not in Fraunce, but in the whole world, a more famous or notorious punishment, then this?

CHAP. 20. ¶ Of the Pyramis, which is raysed before the Pallace of Paris, and of the sentence giuen in Rome, by the re­nowmed Pasquill, concerning the restau­ration of the Iesuits, sued for by themselues.

TEll me, Marble, (saith the hypocriticall Iesuit in his most humble petition, spea­king of the Pyramis) to record, and te­stifie to posteritie, the happines of a great King, and the misfortune of a great offender, what hast thou to doe with a poore guiltlesse Societie? hast thou not inough of thy iust burthen, but thou must charge thy selfe with his slaunder and defamation, that had no hand at all in this fact? But sith thy backe hath a tongue to vtter falshoode, let thy tongue aunswere me: and speake [Page]the truth. Who hath engrauen vpon thy backe, that the Iesuits did prouoke, or perswade an vnhappie French­man, to murther the most Christian King of France? what witnes, what deposition, what confirmation hast thou hereof, seeing thou doest take vpon thee to witnesse it, to depose it, to confirme it so assuredly to all the world? Hast thou heard more without eares, & seen more with­out eyes, then fiue & twentie thousand eares, & as many eyes, were able to heare or see, at that executiō of iustice in the place of the Greue? Dost thou in a brauerie say more, then that offender durst say, being vrged therunto with such rigorous tortures? Assuredly, the force of a strong fancie or imagination is great, and wonderfull: not only to cause these prodigious effects in our minds, but euen in our bodies themselues. For so we read, that Craesus his sonne beeing dumbe, recouered speech, seeing his father in daunger to be slaine: and Cippus a King of Italy, sitting to behold the fight of the Buls, with a fixt and stedfast apprehension, fell a sleepe, and when he awaked, he felt his forehead planted with a paire of hornes.

One Lucius Cossitius, greedily and furiously appre­hending the pleasure, which he expected of his wife that should be, the first night of his mariage, was chaun­ged into a woman. Which makes me greatly feare, least this honest Iesuit, reading in this Pyramis, the generall condemnation of his brother-hood, should be trans­formed into a stone, as Niobe was, when she saw her children slaine. For I alreadie perceiue by him, that he hath lost the eyes both of his bodie and mind, setting forth with such eagernes, the innocencie of his Order, and bearing vs in hand, that this sentence was builded vpon no other ground, but Chastels offence. Seing therefore, that of a wilfull blindnes, thou art ignorant euen in that, which the walles themselues can testifie, and teach, and that thou framest thy speech to a stone, [Page 193]I thinke it best that thou shouldest be aunswered by a stone, but a most auncient, and authentique stone, the great and venerable Pasquils of Rome, who suiteth and resembleth you in many poynts. For as you iudge Kings and Princes by certayne texts of Scripture, wrested and misunderstood, so hath Pasquill beene allowed from all memorie, to do the like by Popes and Cardinals, vp­on the same texts, ordered after his owne liking, and appetite. And as you by meanes of confession, come to to the knowledge of a thousand secrets, as well of the publique State, as of priuate families, so is be priuiled­ged by aunciēr foundation, to receiue intelligence from all countries, whereby he layeth open to the world, that which men presumed to be hidden from all know­ledge.

Considering which sympathie & argreement betwixt you & him, I make no doubt but you will be the rather inclined to beleeue him. For do not think, but this cause hath beene by him handled in Rome, and with mature deliberation adiudged, that for the interest you haue in him, he hath left nothing vndone, aswell to disanull the sentence, and deface the Pyramis, as to restore you into Fraunce, howsoeuer his endeuours haue wanted suc­cesse. Heare therefore, what he hath written to thee in Italian, which I haue translated into French, as faithfully as I could; it may bee thou wilt rest satisfied thereby.

Thrice reuerend Father, I haue perused at large the humble remonstrance and petition, preferred by you to the Most Christian King, Henrie the fourth of that name, as also the notes and instructions deliuered to Fa­ther Magius, to present vnto his Maiestie for your re-establishment: which wrought in me great pleasure, and displeasure both at one instant: Pleasure, to see the choise and varietie of good words, that abound in you, displeasure, to vnderstand in what euill manner your Fa­therhoods haue beene entreated. If I mistake not, the [Page]chiefe marke you ayme at, is to destroy and pull downe the Pyramis: for what boote were it for you to be re­stored, vnlesse this stone be taken away, whereby you are charged with sundry crimes, which you esteeme false and calumnious?

Seeing therefore your intent was to commence suite against a stone, I presumed that the hearing of the cause, belonged absolutely to my selfe, and to none other. And that you may vnderderstand, with what diligence and iustice I haue proceeded in the examination thereof, I remembred that your cause had been twise pleaded, and twise referred to counsell: First, in the yeere 1564. wherein you were plantiues, suing to bee incorporated into the Vniuersitie of Paris: Secondly, in the yeere 1594. wherein the Vniuersitie of Paris were plantiues, requiring that you might be instantly banished, and ex­pelled the land. To be throughly informed of the first, I required a Copie of Pasquier his declaration against you, Ʋersoris his Plea for you, as also of the latter, by Mesmll, the Kings Aduocate. By all which I found, that the onely matter in question at that time, was the nouel­tie, and straunge rule of your Order, being contrarie to the auncient liberties of the Church of Fraunce. And being desirous to be yet further instructed in the mat­ter, behold certaine mutinous spirits, present me with three bookes on your behalfe: In the first, were contai­ned, the Buls by you obtayned for your commoditie and aduantage: In the second, were your orders or con­stitutions, diuided into tenne parts: In the third, the Examen, or, if I may so terme it, the Abstract, or a­bridgement thereof. Out of which, I collected ma­ny poynts, which before time were to me altogether vnknowne: a simple and absolute vow, which your e­nemies alleage to be full of subteltie, and heresie; ma­ny extraordinarie vsurpations vppon the Ordinaries, and Vniuersities: a rich kind of pouertie professed by [Page 194]vow: a blinded obedience to your Sup [...]ion: (for as for that to the Pope, I meddle not ther withal.) your prin­cipall Buls, wherein it seemes you haue surprised, and a­bused the sanctitie of the holy Sea. Whereupon I said, that, that villaine, whatsoeuer he was, that brought these bookes out of your Colledges, deserued to be hanged for his paynes.

It is not meet the world should know the secrets of a profest Societie: It doth but open mens mouthes to scanne, and descant thereupon at their pleasures, to the discredit and disgrace of the whole Order. But seeing the offender cannot be discouered, I thinke it best, that these three bookes be sent backe into one of your Col­ledges, there to receiue open discipline for this offence. This is not the first time, that sencelesse things haue beene dealt withall. For in that manner doe we read, that the Sea hauing trespassed against Zerxes, that wise and prudent king of Persia, who had purposed to passe ouer into Greece vpon a bridge of cordes, was by him condemned to be whipt. As contrariwise, the Signio­rie of Venice, to flatter and infinuate with the Sea, is wont yeerely vpon Ascension day, to espouse and wed it with a Ring, which they present vnto it. I assure you, when I compared the priuiledges of the Church of Fraunce, with yours, I stood greatly perplexed, what to thinke: holding this with my selfe for a law inuiolable, that housoeuer all lawes were wauering and vncertaine, according to the chaunge and alteration of times, yet this stood firme, stedfast, and immutable, that we are to liue according to the lawes of that countrey, wherein we defire to liue. And finding your Buls and constitu­tions, to goe slat against the liberties of the Church of Fraunce, it bred no small scruple in my mind, howsoe­uer I was inclined or deuoted to fauour your cause.

Hauing viewed and reuiewed, the bookes and eui­dences, concerning the first cause, which was referred to [Page]counsel: I passed ouer to the second instance, of the yere 1594. wherin I employed all the powers of my braine. Herein you were not called in question for your doc­trine, or profession any more, but for your attempts, and practises, made aswell against Princes and Princesses, as against the seuerall countries, wherein you are resident, and especially against the Realme of Eraunce. A mat­ter full of waight, difficultie, and of daungerous conse­quence: which caused me, for the discharge of my place and conscience, to interpose my selfe in this cause, con­trarie to that custome which I haue hitherto learned and practised. For in other cases, I receiue such pac­kets, as my Vassels and Subiects list to impart, giuing credit thereunto vpon their bare relations. But in this, I haue taken a farre other course. For hauing perused your petitionarie booke, full of pittie and compassion, I sent forth summons to all quarters without exception, to come in, and speake their knowledge in the matter: I directed out Commissions ouer all countries (accor­ding to the prerogatiue, which from all antiquitie hath beene graunted me through the whole state of Chri­stendome) to informe me aswell by letters, as by wit­nesses, of what I thought requisite for your iustifica­tion, commaunding all Iudges, of what qualitie foe­uer, (vpon payne of a grieuous fine at my pleasure) to send me the whole processe, aswell criminall, as extraor­dinarie, which had passed in your cause; being resolued, your innocence once verified, and confirmed, to cast downe this Pyramis, and to preferre this sentence into the Inquisition. As your selues sometimes caused the censure and determination of the Sorbone, pronoun­ced against you in the yeere 1554. to be censured by the Inquisition of Spayne. For it is not for euerie man to iustle with your holy Fatherhoods.

And that which pronoked mee the rather hereunto, was your booke, wherein reading, to my great discom­fort, [Page 195]the hard measure which hath beene shewen you, by the Court of Parliament of Paris, yet you acknow­ledge the said Court, to excell all other in knowledge, iustice, and religion. Vpon my summons (I must con­fesse the truth) there appeared at the first dash a great troope of French, English, Scottish, Arragonians, Por­tugalls, Polanders, Flemings, Swethlanders, who repor­ted much more then I desired to heare. And albeit the peoples voyce be the voyce of God, (if you belieue the cōmon prouerbe) yet would not I for the sequell build my iudgment thereon.

Your owne booke, increased my scruple & doubt, much more then before, when for your iustification you say, that in the yeere 1593. by a generall Synode, holden by your Societie at Rome, those of your Order were forbidden to entermeddle henceforward in mat­ters of State: which poynt I could not well conceiue. They are prohibited (said I) to entermeddle hence-for­ward in State matters, therefore it is presupposed, that heretofore they haue medled therein. I cannot be per­swaded, that these deuout and holie men, did euer ap­ply themselues that way: because such is the calamitie of our times, that in our State affaires, wee harbour com­monly more impietie then Religion, to bring our de­signements to passe. And standing thus in suspence, one rounded me in the eare, and bad mee be cleere of that poynt: for he that made The Defence of the Colledge of Clairmont, in 1594, hath inserted (saith he) the whole article in Latine. I called for the booke, & found it true, as he told me.

Another brought me Montaignes his booke: reade this place (saith he) heere you shall find the foundation and originall of our last troubles. In this booke I finde, that Father Claudius Mathew, and Aimond Auger, were sometimes in high fauour with Henry the third: in so much, as oftentimes hee tooke them into his Coach: [Page]after hee addeth; That sathan hauing cast into the Realme the Apple of strife, suspition, and ielousie, all things changed their course, and then was brewed that vineger and gall of ciuile dissentions, which since that time wee haue seene and tasted. As to all texts, there want no comments: so in the reading of this place, thys fellow said vnto me, that two words sufficed to a good vnderstander, and that this alteration fell out by meanes of the repulse, which these two blessed Fathers receiued of the King, when he saw them begin to set their hands to matters of State: and that they played as did Narses the Eunuch, whom the Empresse commaunding to goe and spin her distaffe: he made aunswere, that he would spin her such a quill, as shee, or her husband should ne­uer be able to vnwind. And indeed kept promise with her, by bringing the Lombards into Italie.

Euen so, these two honest Iesuits, beeing estranged from the grace and fauour of the King, would let him know, they could skill of somwhat else, then to say ouer our Ladies Psalter. And to speake freely what I think, I neuer knew mon of a better conscience, then are those of your Societie, nor that lesse feared to incur the cen­sures of Rome. First Father Henrie Sammiere, (a stir­ring pragmaticall fellow) confessed, that about the yeere 1580, or 81, (if I mistake not) he was sent by you in­to diuers Countries, to treate or commune about the generall reuolt, which you intended to stirre vp against the late King of Fraunce. And albeit I maintained, that it was neyther true nor probable, in as much as you had no cause at that time to attempt it; he bad me, seeing I beleeued not his words, to looke but vpon the arraign­ment and triall of William Parry an Englishman, vvho was executed the third of March, 1584. that there I should finde at the latter end of a certaine Letter, which he wrote to the Queene during his imprisonment, That shee should finde, the King of Fraunce had enough to doe as [Page 196]home, when shee neede of his helpe.

Parry (as Sammiere told me) departed out of England in 1582, and came into Fraunce, where hee was dealt withall by our Societie to destroy the Queene of Eng­land, and to make an innouation in the State, and when he obiected, that it would hardly be brought to passe, in as much as she were like to be ayded, and assisted by the King of Fraunce, we made him aunswer, that we would cut out the King of Fraunce so much worke, that his hands should be full of his owne busines, without stir­ring to ayde or succour another. Whereby it appeares, that euen in those daies our web was on the loome.

I had not at that time the acts of Parry his tryall, but hauing since procured them, I haue read the Letter, & haue found all true that Sammiere reported. Who in a good meaning proceeded further, and confessed, that himselfe, and Roscieux, were sent in 1584. to the King of Spaine, and Father Claudius Mathew, to Pope Gre­gorie the 13. to vnderstand, what summes of mony they were willing to contribute, towards the charges & main­tenaunce of the holy League: whereunto Roscieux re­plyed; Yea, but this honest Munk telleth you not, what a cast of his office he shewed me. For hee and I riding post together, he, perceiuing one night, that I, beeing wearied with trauaile, was buried in a dead sleepe, cau­sed fresh poast-horse to be brought him, and away hee went, leauing me in bed for a pawne: and such speede and diligence he vsed, as that our whole busines was by him, almost dispatched with the King of Spayne, before I could ouertake him.

To bring this processe to a conclusion, I caused to be brought vnto me the pleadings of Arnauld, Aduocate for the Vniuersitie, and Dole, who was retaind for the Curats of Paris. The aunswere to the same, vnder the name of the Colledge of Clairmont: Frauncis de Mon­taignes his booke De la veritè Defendue, against Ar­nauld: [Page]and certaine other bookes, or euidences, seruing to the state of the cause. I belieued Sammier for so much as concerned himselfe: but as for Father Claudius Mat­thew, I would not the memorie of him should be tou­ched vpon another mans confession. Wherefore I had recourse to the litterall proofe, and read Arnauldus his pleadings, wherein he toucheth him to the quick: and the aunswere thereunto, contained in that Plea, which is as followeth; And whereas Arnauldus alledgeth, that Claudius Matthew, of the Order of the said Defendants, hath beene the Authour, and contriuer of the League: the said Defendants aunswere, that Claudius Matthew, ha­uing spent his whole time in their Colledges, & amongst chil­dren, liuing euer in the course of a Scholler, could not haue iudgement, policie, industrie, and authoritie requisite, for the contriuing and knitting, of so great & strong a League. And be it, that the saide Mathew, endeuoured to fortifie the sayd League, as many others of all estates & cōditions haue like­wise doone, that prooues not therefore that he was the Au­thour, or beginner thereof. Besides, this is but one particular. And fiue or sixe lines after, There was not one of them at the first acquanted with his actions, and had they beene, yet could they not haue hindered them, inasmuch as hee vvas their Superiour.

Comparing Arnaulds obiection with this colde and faint solution, mee thought you were agreed, that Fraunce should thinke her selfe beholding to none but your selues for her last troubles. And desiring more ful­lie to informe my conscience, as touching the Reuolt, which happened in Paris, euen in the Sorbon it selfe, the seauenth of Ianuarie, 1589, there came a crew of Di­uines, beeing men of credit and reputation, who cer­tified me, that in truth, they were at that time assembled to debate the matter, & that all the auncienter sort, were of a cōtrarie opinion, howsoeuer the younger were not, the greater part whereof, had beene schollers to the Ie­suits [Page 197]of Paris. So as the voyces being numbred, and not weighed, it was carried away by pluralitie. Neuerthe­lesse, they did not as yet altogether loose the reynes to rebellion, but determined to suspend the effect of thys their conclusion, vntill such time as it were confirmed and ratified by the Sea Apostolick. But the day follow­ing. Father Iames Commolet, a Iesuit, sounded the drum within Paris. And that I might be assured, if not of the whole, yet of the greatest part of the premisses, by the annuall Letters of the Iesuits, of the yeere 1589, and moreouer, by their Pleas, I went directly to theyr Let­ters, and found in those, which were written from your Colledge of Paris, Doctores Sorbonici, quorum magna pars discipuli nostri fuere: The Doctours of the Sorbone, a great part whereof haue beene our Schollers. And by your Pleas: It is certaine that for those fewe yeeres, a great part of the Bachelers of Diuinitie, & the better sort of them, haue spent the course of their studies in our Colledge. Which caused mee somewhat to suspect, that thys conclusion, had been before handled frō time to time in your Lec­tures.

I read in the same Letter, that notwithstanding you were inhibited by Gregorie the 13. to come at any Pro­cessions, yet as soone as the Reuolt was concluded on, one of your Societie, to stirre the people against theyr King, assembled three or foure thousand boyes, which he led in procession all ouer the cittie, with a rabble of all sorts of people at their heeles. I read in another place, that about that verie time, you instituted in Lyons, the Brotherhood of our Lady, and in Burges, of the Paeni­tents, vnder the name of Ieronomitans, not to appease the wrath of GOD, but to prouoke it against the late King.

And as I was turning ouer your Letters, there com­meth in Father Iames Commolet, (whom I name with al due title of honor) who with teares standing in his eyes, [Page](as one that at al times hath teares at commaundement) confessed vnto me, that the day following this determi­nation of the Sorbone, hee in a Sermon made at the Church of Saint Meri, publiquely preached, that the whole Sorbone, was resolued to take Armes against the King, & if any should oppose themselues, to withstand it, they ought not to thinke it strange, in asmuch as in that number which followed our Sauiour, (the most perfit societie that euer was) there was one Iudas found. And that thereuppon, the people ranne head-long to Armes. Wherein hee ingeniously confessed his fault, in concealing from the people, that this Resolution, vvas referred to the pleasure and arbitrement of the holie Sea.

Furthermore, that the 15. of the same Month, cer­taine of the chiefe and principall Iudges of the Court of Parliament, beeing committed prysoners to the Ba­stille, he went to visite and comfort them: and for theyr consolation, preached nothing else but of the tyrannie of King Henrie the third; thereby to stirre and excite them to rebelliou: & that he who had been their king, should be so no longer.

Moreouer, that as long as the Troubles endured, hee was a Trumpet in all Churches, to rend and deface the reputation, as well of the late King, as of him that nowe raigneth: but that this was vsuall with all Preachers, and therefore the more excusable in him. Which Montaig­nes did not denie, excusing it by the heate and choller vvhich is incident to Preachers when they are in the Pulpit.

With that, a troublesome fellow whispering mee in the care, bad me, looke to my selfe: For (saith he) that which he termes choler, he would say it were the holie Spirit, if he durst. I told him, hee was a busie compani­on, and bad him hold his tongue, if hee could. All thys did Commolet cōfesse he had done in Paris: but Father [Page 198] Bernard Ronillet proceeded on further, & acknowled­ged, that by his packing and preaching, hee had vvith­drawne the cittie of Bourges, from the obedience of the King. But aboue all, the Confession of Father Alexan­der Hayes did most satisfie me, who entertained me with these words.

Right honourable Pasquill, seeing you charge and coniure me in the name of God, and in vertue of the Apostolicall censures, I will deliuer my whole knovv­ledge, as well concerning the proceedings of our Col­ledge at Paris, as mine owne particuler actions in thys busines. As touching the generall; I must confesse to you, that vppon the first breaking out of the Troubles, wee presently instituted within our Colledge of Paris a Brotherhoode, which we named a Congregation in the honour of our Lady, beeing for that cause, called the Congregation of the Chappelet, because the Brethren of that Companie, were bound to carry a Chappelet, or payre of Beades, and to say it ouer once a day. Into this Congregation, did all the zealous and deuout persona­ges of our holy League, cause themselues to be enrol­led, the Lord Mendoza, Embassadour for the Catholick King of Spayne, the Sixteene Gouernours of Paris, with their whole families, and diuers other holy & reli­gious persons, whereof I haue kept no register, neither was it any part of my charge.

Our Congregation was kept euery Sonday in a cer­taine high Chappell, where all the brotherhood vvas bound to be present, if there were no necessarie cause of let or impediment. There were we all seuerally con­fessed on the Saturdayes, and on Sonday wee receiued the Sacrament. When Masse was done, one of our Fa­thers went into the Pulpet, and there exhorted all the Audience to continue stedfast in their holy deuotion, which at this day is in Fraunce called Rebellion, (sith it pleaseth the Magistrats to haue it so, I cannot be against [Page]it). This done, all the common sort departed, and those of greatest place and authoritie stayed behind, to con­sult about the affayres of the holy League. Our good Father, Odon Pigenat, vvas long time President of that Counsell. And this briefely in the summe of what I am able to deliuer, as touching the generall proceedings of the whole Colledge.

As concering my selfe in particular, you must vnder­stand, that those that know mee, call me Father Alex­ander Hayes the Scot, who, during the troubles, was Re­gent of the first Forme of our Colledge, for the space of 3. or 4. yeeres. Not to recapitulate the whole, but some of the principall, and most notable acts of my historie, which may peraduenture giue light to the residue: I read to mine Auditours, Demosthenes his Inuectiues a­gainst Phillip king of Macedonia, where in I some-what suited with our good Father Commolet: for as hee wre­sted to his purpose, all the texts of Scripture against then="*" A by­name, which the leaguers gaue the king that now is, for that he was borne in Bi­arne. Biarnois, (giue me leaue to vse that terme before your Highnes, which was then currant in Paris,) so did I play by the Philippica, which to say truth, were not Lectures, but despightful railings against him, which I amplified accordingly, as I was caried by a violent kind of deuoti­tion, which I was neuer able to bridle or restraine. For it was an ordinary braunch of my Lectures, that he were a happy man whosoeuer could kill him; & if he fortuned to die in the execution of so blessed an enterprise, hee should goe directly into Paradise, and though his soule were stained with some veniall sinnes, yet should it be exempted from the paines of Purgatory. And if God should so much afflict the citie of Paris, as that the Biar­nois should enter, & passe through S. Iames his gate, I made open protestation, that I would leape downe vp­on him frō the highest window in our Colledge: being assuredly perswaded, that this fall, would serue me for a ladder, to clime vp into heauen.

That day, that hee first heard Masse at Saint Den­nis, vnderstanding that certaine of my Auditors had beene present thereat, I debarred them the day follow­ing from my Lecture, as persons excommunicated, for­bidding them to enter, vntill they were absolued for it by some of our Societie. When men began to muner a­bout a peace, I commaunded one of my Auditors, the best scholler among them, to declaime in Greeke, touching the miseries of Fraunce, and the lamenta­ble gulph of calamities to ensue, whereinto she was a­bout desperately to plunge her sellfe: (this was, as I said, the time of the conference, when euerie man on both parties breathed nothing, but vnitie, and reconcilement) the scholler, forgetting those particulers, which I had prescribed him, onely propounding to himselfe the ge­nerall subiect of the miseries of Fraunce, declaimed and discoursed first of the miseries and calamities, which happen in a Realme, by the rebellion and disobedience of the subiects: which, he said, to be the gulph, wheinto God suffered a nation to fall, when after his long pa­tience, he would haue them feele his hand, for some transgressions, which he had long time suffered to go vnpunish [...]. Aterwards he declared, that the misgouer­nance of a Prince, could not exempt the subiects from their alleageance: which he likewise confirmed by an infinite number of examples, shewing what ill successe they euer had, who were of a contrarie minde. I seeing him forsake the path, that I had prescribed, and take a farre different course, grew mightily out of patience, and made him come downe out of the seat; calling him caytife, and heretique, with many other reprochfull termes. The first day that the Reading began, after the Citie of Paris was reduced to the obediēce of the Biar­nois, one of my schollers, cōming into the colledge before the houre, wrote all about my Forme, God saue the King. When I came in, and espied this shamefull act, my cho­ler [Page]turned into rage, and with a fell and terrible voyce, I exclaymed, Quis ita infecit parietes nostros? Who is it, that hath thus berayed our walles? If I knew what he were that hath made these scribble-scrabbles, (for that was my terme) I would cause the President of the Col­ledge to punish him openly: and after dinner, I made it to be wiped out, adding withall, that if I might know any man hereafter, that should bescribble the walles in that order, I would make him feele, how much I was displeased withall. I confesse freely, (right honoura­ble Pasquill) what I haue done, neither doe I feare to speake it, seeing I am now in the Citie of Rome, and none of the Biarnois his Subiects, being a Scot by birth, and be it that I were a natural Frenchman, yet am I per­swaded, that all these vnkindnesses, ought to be pardo­ned me, who haue alwaies carried so good a conscience, as in playing with my fellowes, or others, I neuer med­led for money, but for Pater noster, and Aue Maria onely: and doe stedfastly beleeue, that this merite alone towards God, saued me from the Parliament of Paris, where I was in some perill: and I assure you, had I beene put to any torture eyther of bodie or mind: (of bodie, being laid on the rack, of mind, by any censure of the Church) I had beene quite vndone.

Thus much did I get out of father Alexander, whom I found to be another Alexander the great amongst you Iesuits, that is, a Prince of an inuincible spirit. After I had heard him, I examined the litterall proofes. By your Pleas I learned many things which me thought made very much against you. For Arnauld and Dole charging you, that your Colledge was the Spanyards Randenous, wherein they consulted of the affaires of the holy League: you confesse in your aunswere, that the Embassadour Mendoza, came thither indeed on holy-daies to heare Masse, and that afterward, you en­treated [Page 200]him, to refraine, for the auoyding of suspition. A friuolous excuse to my iudgement, for why should you pray him to forbeare that, which at that time, you tooke for a great honour done vnto you (if at least a man may beleeue the common report.) Further­more, it being by your aduersaries obiected, that a Father of the Societie, Odon Pigenat, was Captaine, and Ring­leader of the Sixteene, that commaunded within Paris, not onely ouer the ordinarie Magistrate, but ouer the chiefe and soueraigne, you confesse that article, as well in your Pleas, as in Montaignes his booke: marry you say withall, it was to temper and moderate their ac­tions.

At the reading of which two places, all that were present fell on laughing, knowing Pigenat, euen in those daies when he had some sparke of wisedome, to bee e­uermore ouer-caried with heat and choller. Since which time he is growne so franticke, that he is kept within a Chamber bound and manacled. In the same Plea, I found these words. They suppose they haue de­serued well of the Citie of Paris, in as much as during the whole time of the troubles, they neuer ceased to teach their youth, there being at that time no other Colledge in the Vni­uersitie, whereas those exercises were entirely kept. Will you know the cause? (saith a man of good sort stan­ding by) the Principals of other Colledges, had let their hands fall, as bewayling in their soules, the miseries that grew by this rebellion: whereas these fellowes, lifted their hands vp to heauen, as thinking they had pre­uailed conquerers in the matter they had vndertaken. But nothing amazed me so much as a letter, which was sent into Spayne, but intercepted by Monseur de Chaseron, Gouernour of the Prouince of Bourbon, the bearer whereof was father Matthew the Iesuite. This letter was sent me to peruse, and the tenour of it, was as followeth.

Most high and mightie Prince, your Catholique Ma­iestie hauing beene so gratious vnto vs, as to let vs vn­derstand by the most godly, and reuerend father Mat­thew, not onely your holy intentions in the whole cause of religion, but also more especially the good affection, and fauour towards this Citie of Paris. &c. And a little after. We hope, that shortly the forces of his holines, and your Catholique Maiestie being vnited, shall free vs from the oppression of our enemies, who from be­fore a yeere and a halfe vntill this present, haue so hemd vs in on all sides, as nothing can come into the Citie, but eyther by chaunce, or by strong hand: and would strayne themselues to go further, were it not that they feare those garrisons, which it hath pleased your Catho­lique Maiestie, to appoint vs. We can certainly assure your Catholique Maiestie, that all the Catholiques wish & desire, to see your Catholick Maiesty enioy the Scep­ter of this kingdom, and to raigne ouer vs, as we do most willingly offer our selues into your armes, as to our Fa­ther, &c. And on the margent somewhat lower. The Reue­rend Father Matthew, this present bearer, by whom we haue receiued much cōfort, being thorowly instructed in our minds, shall supply the defect of our letters, to your Catholique Maiestie, humbly beseeching you to giue credence to his report. This letter did mightily in­cense me against your iustifications, wherupon I desired to see the aunswer hereunto in your Pleas. Tenthly, Ar­nauld alledgeth, that the yeere 1591. Monsieur de Chaseron intercepted certayne letters written to the king of Spayne, carried by Father Mathew, of the Order of the said defendants. We aunswere, that Arnauld, vnder correctiō of the Court, is ill informed, for the said father Mathew died three yeers before at Ancona in Italy, that is, in the yeere 1588. and by consequent could not, but by a greater miracle, then Saint Dennis, go and come into Spayne. And addeth moreouer, that that Mathew was [Page 201]a Spanish Frier, of one of the four orders of the begging Friers. I see the same aunswere to be likewise made by Mo [...]g [...]es, one of the chiefe men of your Order, which made me presently exclaime against Arnauld: O straunge impudence of an Aduocate, against an inno­cent Societie! But one of the companie interrupting me, prayed me to take better aduisement: for (saith he) if there be any impudence herein, it is on the Iesuits part; nay rather want of common sence. For Arnauld was farre from saying, that father Cl [...]d [...]s Mathew was the bearer of those letters, but an other Iesuite, whose Christen name iumpt with Mathew his sur­name. Let vs read his Plea. When King Philip (saith he) by the Iesuits perswasion had sent a garrison of Spa­niards into Paris, and desired to haue some colourable title for that, which he held alreadie by force, whom sent he thether but father Mathew the Iesuite, whose Christē name was all one with the other Mathewes surname, the Iesuit, that was the principall instrument of the League in the yeere 1583. This Mathew in fewe daies, that hee abode in this Citie, being lodged in the Colledge of the Iesuits, caused this letter to be there written and signed.

Marke (saith one of the companie, who against my will insulted therupō) the foolish sophistrie of these fellowes. For in their Pleas they make Arnauld say, that which he neuer meant, hauing in plaine termes distin­guished betweene the two Mathewes. Likewise to al­ledge, that it was a Spanish Frier, whose name was Mathew, carieth lesse probabilitie: because the foure or­ders of the begging Friers are not called Fathers, but Friers or brothers, and much lesse Reuerend: whereas in this letter the bearer is stiled, the Reuerend Father Ma­thew. Which proueth palpably, and to the eye, that how­soeuer the letter were written in the name of the Sixteen seditious Gouernours, and Tyrants of Paris, whereof [Page] Pigenat was the Superintendent, yet came it out of the Iesuits shop, who were aswell the composers, as the bearers thereof. Compare the date of the letter, which is of the 2. of Nouember, 1591. with the sauage cruelty vsed the same month by those Sixteen, against him that was then chiefe President of the Parliament of Paris, and two other personages of name, who were attached, and executed all at one instant, it will appeare, that in all this buisines, there was nothing but proceeded from the Iesuits. If all these euidences in writing, and con­fessions by mouth, doe not yet satisfie you, read the booke of René de la Fon: you shall see, that he acknow­ledgeth the Iesuits to haue been the authors, & originals of our last troubles, and of the generall ruine of France. But forasmuch as this Pamphlet is of great conse­quence to our present purpose, you must vnder­stand, that Pasquier in two or three places of his plea­dings, fortuned to say, that the sect of the Iesuits, once taking root in France, would bring forth a Seminary of diuision, betweene then="*" The French, and the Spay­niard. Christian, and the Catholique: & in the end of his pleading, protesteth, that whēsoeuer this misery should come to passe, yet at the least they that should liue in those daies, should acknowledge, that this age was not vnfurnisht of such, as had long before, as it were from a high Tower, foreseen the tempest to come.

In the yeere 1597. Monsieur Marion the Kings Aduo­cate in the court of Parliament of Paris, pleading against the Iesuits of Lions, recounting the mischiefes, which this sect had caused, added these words. Wherein ap­peareth a notable example of the true predictiōs, which God, when he pleaseth, inspireth into those whom he loueth. For the cause being solemnly pleaded aboue thirtie yeeres agoe, for the admittance, not of their Or­der, which was neuer approued in Fraunce, but of their Colledge into the bodie, & priuiledges of the Vniue­sity, the wisest men of that time, hauing indeed a singular [Page 202]insight into the course of the world, foresaw euē in those daies, that in tract of time, they would kindle the flames of dissension in the midst of the Realme. La Fon, the Iesuit, supposing that he meant it specially by Pas­quiers Pleas, takes vpon him to aunswere it, but in so pleasant a manner, as I cannot but acquaint you withall. But what are these Diuine Diuiners (saith he) that pro­phecied, so well, so truly, so effectually of the Iesuits? Is it not possible for vs to diuine at their names, and Diuinations, although our breasts swell not with the en­thusiasmes of these inspired spirits? Is not Pasquier one of them? And Marion in the prophecies which he al­ledgeth, doth he not directy poynt at those which were vttered by Pasquier? If I prophecie truly, Pasquier his Pleas haue made me a Prophet. This Plea hauing lyen buried for thirtie yeeres, and digged vp againe within these three yeeres, like an old Image loaden with newe Pardons, hath like a ridiculous Pasquill, spoken, and prophecied backward. That which in the yeere 1564. he neither could nor durst say: returning out of hell in the yeere 1594. & 95. better instructed in things, which were past alredy, he hath pronoūced thē like an Oracle from the tripode: & from him haue I learnt them. But the mischiefe wil be, whē these pleadings shalbe one day brought forth in their originall forme, to discouer the new Pardons that are pasted vpon this plastred Pasquin, and when the reward of his prophecies shal be branded vpon his backe.

O mightie and worthie champion, meriting to haue his statue set vp in the mids of all your Colledges for ha­uing so valiantly hunted, not to couert, but to death, the auncient enemie of your Order; was there euer man, that behaued himselfe better with his perme, and his wit? Onely this troubleth me, that giuing such a braue onset vpon this poore old man, he chargeth him at last to haue new forged his pleadings, and set downe vnder [Page]the yeere 1594. in manner of a prophecie those things which he had seene come to passe through Fraunce, the yeere 1564. whereby this honest man doth con­fesse, that all the miseries of Fraunce haue proceeded from the Iesuits: for this was the scope of Pasquier his Plea. And my selfe also acknowledge, that the holy Ghost was minded to speak by the mouth of this Iesuit.

O how great is the force of truth, which cannot but break forth, whatsoeuer fig-leaues of cunning, cloaking, or hypocrisie, we apply to couer, or disguise it withall. Then what need haue you, Right Reuerend Pasquill, to trouble your braynes, with searching so many records, to know whether the Iesuits were the authors, and con­triuers of our troubles? There needeth no more, but this confession alone, which cannot be disauowed by the Generall, and other the Superiours of this Order: ha­uing such a statute in the 18. article of the first Chap­ter of the third part of their constitutions. Libri edi non poterunt in lucem sine approbatione atque consensu praposits Generalis, qui eorum examinationem tribus committat. No bookes shall be published without the allowance, and consent of the Generall, who shall commit the exami­nation thereof, to three of the order. Be assured that in a matter of so great importance, all the Iesuits bookes which haue beene produced before you, were by them published, and set forth by the authoritie and approba­tion of their Generall, or other Superiours by him au­thorised, and assigned to that purpose. Therefore you may hold for true, all the confessions by them made, concerning our troubles, and in especiall, that of René de la Fon.

I beleeue as much (aunswered I to this pra­ring fellowe) neyther dooth that trouble mee, but that this lewde foole, La Fon, vnder the allusion of two names, should compare pasquier to Pasquin. In as much as I doe not thinke there liueth that man [Page 203]of what degree soeuer, which may enter comparison with mine Excellencie. It is true that you say, (replied the other) but when you once know what this Pasquier is, it will not trouble you at all: for he is one, whom the Iesuits feare more then they loue.

In conclusion, this was the course I tooke, to be tho­rowly informed in the first poynt of your Accusation, which concerneth the last troubles of Fraunce. The se­cond remaines, which toucheth your violent attempts vpon the persons of Kings, princes, & other great par­sonages, which are in dislike with your opinions. Set­ting my selfe to the enquirie of this poynt, I was presen­ted with a booke of Peter Mathew, one of your Agents, intituled, Summa summorum Pontificum: who speaking of you (my Maisters) with all honour and respect vseth these words; Tyrannos aggrediuntur, they encounter ty­rants. VVhich some construed, as spoken in hatred of the late King, Henry the third, who was slaine in 89. a­bout which time, that booke was first printed at Lyons. And your Aduersaries maintained, that these vvordes were purposely inserted, after the particide of the said King, whom you were wont to entitle by the name of Tyrant.

Contrariwise, your fellowes alledged, as well in their Pleas, as in Montagnes his booke, that Mathew vvas not of your Order, and that therefore his sayings ought not to be preiudiciall vnto you. In this controuersie, I commaunded Signior Marforie, to looke ouer the eui­dences fully, and wholly, and to make mee a true and faithfull report thereof. His report was, that indeede Mathew was not of the Order of the Iesuits, but that he speaketh exceeding partially on their behalfe, wher­soeuer he hath occasion to talke of them: marry it vvas hard to iudge, whether his booke were published be­fore, or after the death of Henrie the third.

That skilleth not: (saith another) for when he com­mendeth [Page]them for encountring Kings, he must needes meane it, either by the breaking forth of the Troubles, which were at that time wrought against the good King, or by the murder committed vppon his person. Take it whether way you please, they cannot cleere thē ­selues of it, beeing for that poynt by name infinitelie commended by him, who through his whole Booke, dooth countenaunce and grace them all he may.

Besides, the Iesuits of Burdeaux, would neuer pray for the late King, as Montaignes also confesseth. And to prooue that Mathew maintaineth nothing, but the ge­nerall position of the Iesuits, I referre you to The Apho­rismes of Confession, made by Father Samuell Sa, Doc­tor in Diuinitie, one of their Societie, who vnder the let­ter Princeps, affirmeth, that a King may be deposed by his subiects from his Crowne and dignitie, if he doe not performe the dutie of a king. And vnder the letter Ty­rannus: that the prince, who beareth himselfe like a Ty­rant, may be expelled by his subiects, albeit they haue sworne perpetuall obedience and allegeance vnto him, in case, after he haue beene admonished, he doe not re­forme himselfe.

By this meanes, bringing all soueraigne princes vn­der the danger of theyr craftie confessions, for them to resolue ignorant people, who they be, that beare them­selues vprightly in their gouernment; the rest, that doe not so, beeing forthwith depriuable. Which position, a­greeth with that of Mathew, by them ere-while disa­vowed and disclaimed.

To say truth, I wanted no sycophants in this vvhole inquitie of the processe against you: although I assure you, you had stout Champions, that very skilfully could ward their blowes. In this meane time, I had sent mee out of diuers countries, the sundry arraignments & tri­alls of seuerall persons, who by the instigation of Iesuits, had made, or conspired to make, attempt vppon the [Page 204]liues of princes. Out of England, the triall of William Parry, in the yere 1584. and another of Edward Squire, in the yeere 1597. Out of the Low-countries, the try­alls of Baltazar Girard, in anno 84, and of Peter de Pen­nos in 98. Out of Fraunce, the trialls of Peter Barriere, in 93, and of Iohn Chastell, in 94. Aboue all the rest, I did most relie vpon Poter Barriere his processe, wherein I found the whole order to be deeply charged, & espe­cially the good Fathers, Varade and Commolet. Immedi­atlie after that, comes me in a huge traine of young fel­lowes, who, for discharge of their consciences doe con­fesse, that beeing schollers in the Iesuits Colledge, they had nothing else preached vnto them, but the murder of the Biarnois, (for so they termed the King of Fraunce that now raigneth.) In the end, I cast myne eye vppon Chastells processe, which did mightily confirme mee in all that the young youths had reported. For beeing de­maunded by the Court of the Parliament of Paris, as touching the murder which hee had attempted vppon the Kings person, marke the very words of the Interro­gatorie, and his aunswers.

Beeing demaunded, where hee had learnt this newe Diuinitie? (which was to kill Princes) He aunswered, it was by Philosophie.

Beeing demaunded, whether hee had studied Philo­sophie in the Colledge of the Iesuits? Hee aunswered, yea: and that vnder Father G [...]eret, with whom hee had beene two yeeres, and a halfe.

Being demaunded, whether he had not beene in the chamber of Meditations, into which the Iesuits vsed to bring the most enormous sinners, to the intent, that in that chamber they might behold the pictures of manie deuils, in diuers terrible shapes, vnder pretence to reduce them to a better life, thereby to affright theyr mindes, and incite them, to vndertake some great exploit? Hee aunswered, that hee had beene oftentimes in the sayd [Page]chamber of Meditations.

Being demaunded, by whom he had beene perswa­ded to kill the King? He aunswered, that he had heard in many places, that it was to be held for a most true principle, that it was lawfull to kill the King, and that those who said so, called him Tyrant.

Being demaunded, whether that argument of killing the King, was not ordinarie with the Iesuits? Hee aun­swered, that hee had heard them say, that it was lawfull to kill the King, and that he was out of the Church, and that they ought not to obey him, or hold him for theyr King, vntil such time as he was absolued by the Pope.

Againe, beeing demaunded in the great Chamber, (my Lords the Presidents and Counsellours therof, and of the Tournel being assembled) he made the same aun­swers, and did in especiall propound & maintaine, that Maxime, that it was lawfull to kill princes, & by name the king that now raigneth, who was not in the church, as he said, because he had not the Popes approbation.

The truth is, this poore seduced fellow, doth not par­ticularly designe, or note any of your Societie, to haue taught him this damnable lesson, yet doth hee not spare the whole bodie of your Order. And musing somwhat thereat, this controller of your actions, that stood neere vnto me, told me, it was a thing not to be wondred at: because the Iesuits lesson, when they would procure a­ny prince to be murdered, consisted of two braunches: the first was, to giue an assured promise of Paradise, to whomsoeer could atchiue this high peece of seruice, & that they should not spare to kill him, though hee were in a Church in the midst of diuine seruice. The second, that if the partie that should attempt this, were intercep­ted, and deliuered into the hands of the Magistrate, to be made an example, he ought aboue all things to be­ware of discouering, or reuealing theyr names, by whō hee vvas set on worke, vppon paine of eternall damna­tion: [Page 205]& certainly, in Barrieres processe it appeared, that these instructions had beene giuen him, albeit, (not ha­uing beene bred vp in the schooles of the Iesuits, as Chastell was) hee did not obserue them before his Iud­ges.

After I had examined this processe, I lookt vpon the triall of Robert, Bruce, a Scottish gentleman, who was appeacht, and accused by Father William Crichton a Ie­suite, because he would not procure Metellinus, Chaun­cellor to the King of Scots to be murdered. I enquired from whence all these tricks of Matchiauelisme, & A­nabaptisme might arise. Whereupon they shewed mee your Constitutions, which enioyne you a blinded ob­dience to your Superiours, and with as constant resolu­tion to follow their commaundements, as if they had is­sued out of the mouth of our Sauiour Christ. And ther­withall, they bring me The Aphorismes of confession, made by your Emanuell Sa, & a booke composed by the Prin­cipall of the Seminarie at Reims, wherein they main­taine, that in certaine cases, it is lawfull for the subiect to kill the King.

But aboue all, Father Iohn Guignard his Booke, one of your Priests: wherein he laboureth to prooue, as well that the late King. Henry the third, was iustly slaine, as also that hee who now raigneth, ought to be serued in the same manner. The wordes of his booke are these. That cruell Nero, was slaine by one Clament, and that counterfet Munke was dispatched by the hand of a true Munk. This heroicall act; performed by Iames Clement, as a gift of the holie Spirit, (so termed by our Diuines) is worthilie commended by the Priour of the Iacobins, Burgoin, a Confessor and Martyr. The Crowne of Fraunce may, and ought to be transferred frō the house of Bourbon, vnto some other: And the Biarnois, al­though conuerted to the Catholick fayth, shal be more mildly dealt withall, then he deserues, if rewarded with [Page]a shauen crowne, he be shut vp into some strict Couent, there to doe penance, for the mischiefes which he hath brought vppon the Realme of Fraunce, and to thanke GOD, that he hath giuen him grace, to acknowledge him before his death. And if without Armes he cannot be deposed, let men take Armes against him, if by war it cannot be accomplisht, let him be murthered.

These are the scandalous, and if I durst so call them, the blasphemous words of a booke, sprinckled with an infinite number of others. In conclusion, I read with all diligence, your Petition made to the King, full of pretie flourishes, whereby you condemne all those attempts, as forbidden by all lawes both of God and man. While I was beating my braines about these euidences. mea­ning to rest vpon the Sentence of the Parliament of Pa­ris, pronounced as well against Chastell, as against the whole Societie, one of the companie said vnto me; Re­member that notwithstanding this Sentence, the prints of rebellion remaine still in their harts: And to prooue that this is so, you shall see Montaignes a Iesuit, extoll Iames Commolet, Claudius Mathew, Hanniball Coldrett [...], Bernard Rouiliet, Ambrose Ʋarade. And after Mon­taignes, you shall see his Ape La Fon, increase that num­ber by many more, which are notoriously knowne to haue proceeded Doctours in the profession of murder and rebellion.

You shall see the booke of miracles composed by Richeome, their Generall of Aquitania, wherein a­mongst other things, hee saith, that our Ladie of Buy, wrought many miracles, during the troubles, to pre­serue the Cittie against her enemies, that is, against the King, for this Citty was of the contrary partie. But as for the miracles that S. Gene [...]iefue shewed for the King, hee is not too hastie to recount them. Yet were they most euident in three cases. The first: whē the League being to set forward towards Diepe, this Saints shrine [Page 206]was taken downe, to carrie in solemne procession: the second, was when the Chenalier d' Aumalle, the night of this Saints feast, attempted to surprise the Towne of Saint Denys: the third, when the said shrine was a­gaine taken downe in March, anno 1594, and generall procession made, for the withstanding of the Kings for­ces.

Notwithstanding, all these vowes, prayers, and pur­poses, turned to the cōfusion of his enemies. For about Diepe he obtained a famous victorie, beyond all hope or expectation. The Chenalier d' Aumalle was slaine within the cittie of Saint Denys, vvhen hee thought himselfe Maister of it, and all his Companie put to flight. And in conclusion, Paris yeelded vp to the King, within two or three dayes after the taking downe of the said shrine. S. Gene [...]iefue is the holy Patronesse of Paris. The Cittie of Paris did in right appertaine to the king; and was therefore by her miraculously preserued, in the preuenting of these three chaunces. These mira­cles, this worthie reporter Riche [...]me is far enough from mentioning: hee makes a conscience of that, seeing it is in fauour of the King.

Furthermore, read Montaignes, who maintaineth, that the Pope may translate kingdoms from one to an­other, in his booke De la veritè Defendu [...]. A plausible, and true position in this Cittie of Rome, but scanda­lous in Fraunce, and subiect to corporall punishment. These three bookes were printed since the Sentence of the Court of Parliament: whereby you may gather, what deuotion, euen at this day, the Iesuits beare to their King.

All this was brought to my handes, and to say truth, the greatest part of these proofes came out of your own Colledges, a large Inuentorie framed as well for you, as against you. I thoughts it not good to trust mine owne iudgement in this processe, but rather in the determi­ning [Page]thereof to ioyne others with me, that were of long experience, and practise in these matters. Signior Mar­forio aduised mee, to request two great personages of Fraunce to be of the Commission:n="*" A stone in our Ladies church at Paris. Maister Piorre du Coignet, which of long hath held his seate & iurisdicti­on, within the Church of Paris: and another who ha­uing vowed perpetuall pouertie, hath from all antiqui­tie kept his residence before the Hostel-diu, or Hospitall of Paris, and for his strange austeritie of life, is called then="*" Le Ieus­neur, a stone of great an­tiquitie in Paris. Faster. I wrote my Letters to them, they at my sum­mons appeare. I deliuer the euidences to Signior Mar­forio, to be diligently and exactly by him perused. Wee prefixed a day for iudgement. Being assembled, I made it knowne to the companie, how mightily you founde your selues agreeued with this piller, or Pyramis, as be­ing a monument, to continue for euer the fresh memo­rie of that which had hapned in Fraunce. That the mat­ter in question was, your Restoring, and consequentlie the defacing of this Pyramis. For which cause, I entrea­ted them to lay aside all affection, inasmuch as thys iudgement by them pronounced, should be for euer celebrated by all posteritie.

Marforio reporteth the whole processe faithfully, shewing himselfe to be no learner in this trade. Hauing read, and pondered all the euidences on both parts, and proffering in the end to deliuer his opinion first, (as is the manner of those, that make report of any cause to the Court) I entreated him to forbeare. Let vs giue thys honour (quoth I) to the strangers. We are to sit in iudg­ment vppon a Stone, and in my opinion, thys honour is most due to Maistern="*" Stone. Pierre, whom I would request to speake his opinion first, & to remember, that we are in question to restore this worthy Order of the Societie of Iesus, so much honoured in Rome.

Maister Pierre needed not much entreatie; for pre­sently he stood vp, & with a rough kind of speech be­gan [Page 207]in this manner. How long shall these lewde Impo­stors freely abuse our patience? how long shall we be so simple, to suffer our selues to be abuse die an it be, that the Iesuits hauing giuen both fire, & fewell to our last trou­bles, their Colledge at Paris, hauing beene the common retreat of all such, as came into Fraunce, with a resolute determination to make themselues Maisters thereof: their Lectures so many trumpets, to encourage their schollers to the parricides of Kings, and their principall Agents hauing put weapons into the hands of many desperate soules, to murther our King; can they (I say) be so shameles, as at his hands to craue, that they may be restored? This were cunningly, and vnder-hand, to commence processe against the sacred Court of the Par­liament of Paris, which neuer did or that receiue, the least touch of imputation for any sentence passed by her, but onely herein, that in condemning this sect, she did not send all their adherents, which were within Paris, to the gallowes. For a farre lesse offence did that famous; and honourable Senate of Rome, long agoe adiudge sixe hundred slaues to death, because their maister was nour­thered in his owne house, it beeing not knowne by whom.

In this manner would Maister Pierre haue runne on, had not I interrupted him with these words: Haue patience Maister Pierre, haue patience. Little men, like you, are euermore subiect to [...] You must remem­ber, that you are not Aduocate; but Iudge in this cause Maister Pierre knowing that he had forgot him­selfe, chaunged his tune: and turning to me, said in this [...]ner. Right honourable Pus [...]p [...]ll, I humbly entreat your excellencie, to excuse that iust griefe, wher­by I am caried in behalfe of my countrey. Seeing then it pleaseth you to honour me so much, as to heare my opinion first in this matter. I must tell you, before you proceede further, that the cause be longeth properly to [Page]your owne iurisdiction. For which way soeuer I turne my selfe, I see nothing but stones. Your excellence, Signior Morforio, the right reuerend Faster, & my selfe, are stones, the Pyramis, a stone, the Iesuits themselues, suing to be restored (as men altogether innocent) are vn­doubtedly no better them fooles and innocents, or to speake more properly very stones: say what you will, they are as voyd of sense, as stones, in striuing to reuoke the sentence of the Court, pronounced against them. There was neuer sentence had more formall procee­ding then that: and though it had not, yet could it not be retracted, but by the ordinarie forme of lawe, which course they follow not. But admitte, that treading vnder foot all the essentiall formes of law, we should restore them to their former estate, what fortune could they expect hereafter, but worse then that before? we shall need no other witnesse, but the walles themselues, to prooue that the people of Fraunce hath worne baire loth, caried the skrip, and done pen­naunce for their transgressions during the space of fiue yeeres. I passe one all other proofes, their bookes, wherunto onely I haue recourse, wil serue to condemne them. Antiquitie teacheth vs, that Morcurie transfor­med Battus the shepheard into a stone, for a trecherous part, which he plaid him.

There was neuer Societie that euer committed so ma­ny trecheries, as this of the Iesuits against the King, and Countrey of Fraunce. Mercurie making shew to fa­uour, and affect them, sometimes playeth with their pens, and into them infuseth the gift of Battologie, or Loquacitie; but nothing their trecherous practise [Page 208]hee turneth all their bookes into a kind of Index, or Touchstone, making them the true touchstones or be­wrayers, & the assured proofes of their own lewdnes. I should wrong both the time, & your patience, to stand vpon particular recitall of all their doings. It shall con­tent me, in briefe to say thus much, that the Iesuits are to be pronuonced, Not receiueable.

And to this purpose doe I cite that sentence, which the Iesuit, author of The most humble Remonstrance and request, hath giuen against his owne order. But as con­cerning the generall state of the cause, seeing by aunci­ent prerogatiue, you are the soneraigne of soueraigne Iudges in cases extraordinarie, my aduise is, that by ver­tue of your absolute authoritie, you adde this clause vn­to that sentence. First, that their house, and Colledge at Paris, be raced and laid louell with the ground, as sometimes was the Palace of Beutiuolio in Bologna in Italy, whereof there remaynes no memorie, but the rubbish, called at this day the ruines of Beutiuolio. Se­condly, that there be sale made of all and singuler the temporall goods of the Iesuits of Fraunce, and the mo­ney thence arising, to be employed to the redeeming, or recouering of those demaines of the Crowne; which our King hath beene forced to alienate, and sell for the maintenance of the warres, whereof they were Authors.

At these words all the companie stood amazed: for he tooke the matter in a farre other sence, then we ex­pected, and some muttering there was about thin sale of their goods. Wherupon he said further: Let not this o­pinion of mine seem any whit [...]e [...]unge vnto you. If you had beene bred vp vnder the same law that I haue been, you would not thinke it so. The possessions where with they are indowed in Fraunce is in respect eyther of their Monasteries, (which they call houses) or of their Col­ledges. In the first respect, they can enioy none: for [Page]their owne statuted forbid it in the fecond much lesse; because they were neuer receiued, or allowed in Fraunce for true and lawfull Colledges, capable of legacies, and charitable contributions, further then as they promised in the assembly at Poissi 1561. to renounce all their vowes, & to raunge themselues; (as all other Colledges did) vnder the obediēce of their Ordinaries: which they neyther haue, nor would performe since that time: and consequently neyther may, nor ought to be reputed Colledges. If you will returne to the common & aunci­ent rules of the Roman law, which we are with all dili­gence to embrace, (the common lawes of a countrey, being not against it) there you shall finde, that if a Te­stator bequeath any Legacie to a Colledge, the Legacie is good and sufficient, if the Colledge be approued by the Magistrates: if not, it is to be conuerted to the be­hoofe and benefit of some other Colledge which is au­thorized.

The Iesuits cause was referred to Counsell, in the yeere, 1564. in which meane time their qualitie was suspended vntill in 1594. it was adiudged flat against them, they being condemned to auoyde the Realme of Fraunce. Wherefore we may by the sequell truly pro­nounce, that all the charitable deuotions, bestowed vp­on thē, are to be conuerted to another vse, for the benefit of the common-wealth. The Iesuits were authors of the troubles, the troubles were the causes that some part of the Crowne-land was sold, which consequently ought by them to be made good: that they may be the Scorpi­ons of Fraunce, in whose death she may find a medicine and remedie for their ve [...]emous bitings Christian cha­ritie, wherewith they abound (as themselues boast) the pouerty of their order, which they proclaime quite tho­row their statutes, the necessitie, wherein our State now is, the execution of iustice for example, will haue it so, for the discharge of their owne consciences.

With this word Maister Pierre dis Coignet concluded, and was in some sort seconded by the Faster his com­panion: not for any deepe vnderstanding that was in him, but for that rule, which is common to men in miserie, who are much eased, when they haue copart­ners in their affliction: he also would gladly haue seene the Iesuits kept poore, and Fasting like himselfe. Wher­vnto Signior Morforio, and my selfe, would in no wise condescend, in so much as the processe was at the point to be broken off, we supposing it to be but a matter compacted betweene the two Doctors of Fraunce. By meanes whereof, Morforio after a little altercation began to speake.

To what purpose (saith hee) are all thsee censures? Rectè quidem, sed quorsum quaeso tam recte? I say not, but they are wisely handled, but to what end? Here is much good talke spent to little purpose. You argue the mat­ter as if the Iesuits had now in their hands all those lands, or possessions, which haue beene by way of almes bestowed vpon them. I tell you, they are almost all sold, and turned into money. Their money is in diuers banks out of your Realme, to relieue them in a rainie day, in case they should be forced to forgoe the countrey of Fraunce. And if at all they haue any certayne reuenew, that consisteth wholly in benefices, which they haue caused to be vnited to their Colledges, and are not ca­pable of alienation. Haue they sold them say you? (re­plied Maister Pierre) by what right could they doe so? By authoritie from their Generall onely, which we ney­ther approoue, nor receiue in Fraunce. Our lawes are farre other in that poynt of the sale, and alienation of possessions, belonging eyther to the Church, or to Soci­eties in common. In a word all these pretended sales are void in law. Wherat I brake into these words. You open a gap, to an inconuenience that would spread far, & at one blow, extend to the hurt of a number, who haue no [Page]hand at all in this quarrell. Whereby you should bring another Chaos, or confusion into the countrey of Fraunce, and therefore I referre you to the auncient law of the Romans: Communis error facit ius. A common error makes a right. Finally, after much wrangling and contention, it was concluded and agreed amongst vs, to leaue the matter as we found it, and that both the Py­ratnis and the sentence of the Parliament, should stand without any alteration in eyther. This was all I could obtayne of the companie, and that not without some bitter words at litle Maister Pierre his hand, who tolde me in mine eare, that he saw, I was at the poynt to turne Iesuit, to vphold mine ancient greatnes in the Citie of Rome, with men in highest place and authoritie. Of all which proceeding I thought good to aduertise your Fatherhood (Right reuerend Father) as he that is who­ly deuoted to your seruice. Beseeching you not to pro­clayme your innocency henceforward, because some turn it to a scoffe, others to a scorne. It is a puddle, which if you did well, you should let rest; for the more you stir it, the more wil your doings stink. Your selfe are the first, and last iudge to giue sentence against your Order. I speake to you by name, that are the author of the Most humble Petition to King Henry the fourth: wherein you acknowledge, that he is more barbarous, then the Bar­barians themselues, who setteth himselfe against his So­ueraigne. And your Montaignes confesseth,Mont. ca. 34 that to band himselfe against his Prince, is the humor of an heretique. Enter into your owne consciences, and tel me if this hu­mor did not raigne in you (my Maisters) during the last troubles of Fraunce. In conclusion, I would aduise you to giue order, that those of your Societie forbeare to write any more, or if they doe, that they be more discreet hereafter, vpon paine of being expelled out of your number.

CHAP. 21. ¶ Of the diuision which seemes to be in the Parlia­ments, or iurisdictions of Fraunce, as concerning the Iesuits, and what may be the cause thereof.

THe Aduocate, hauing ended his long discourse, paused a while, which gaue the Gentleman occasion to say vnto him. I assure you Sir, I cannot but much com­mend your inuention, in representing, this matter in the person of Stones. For seeing men will not speake, stones must: their dealinges bee­ing such as you haue shewed and prooued, not by proofes at randon, and vncertaine, but most infallible, and drawne out of their owne bookes. But how com­meth it to passe, that this being so notoriously knowne, and remayning of record, yet neuerthelesse there be cer­taine Courts of Parliament within the Realme, which doe not onely receiu [...] [...]em, but honor, cherish and em­brace them, within their Cities and iurisdictions. I did expect, you should aske me that question (quoth the Aduocate) and was about to haue entred thereinto of my selfe, had you not preuented mee. Thinke it not straunge it should be so: it is a mysterie hidden in the secret counsell of God, who hath not wholy withdrawn his wrath from vs, but intendeth one day to vse these, as his instruments to bring more plagues vpon vs. Neuer­thelesse, doe not you thinke, but that those other Par­liaments, haue some great shew of reason for their doings.

Did you neuer see a new Testament, wherein the histories were drawne in pictures? In that place of the Gospell, where our Sauiour is tempted in the desart, Sathan is pictured in the habit of a Munke. Some Lu­cianists [Page]sticke not to say, that thereby is vnderstood, that the life and conuersation of Munks is Diabolicall. But I am of a contrarie opinion. For whosoeuer the Painter was, that in this matter of the temptatiō, deuised to cloth the Diuell in those weeds, he did it not without great consideration: iudging, that this being the true habit of piety, there was no way more readie & certain to sur­prise the consciences of well meaning men, then by it.

The Diuel, after he had set forth diuers mommeries of religious Orders, he meant, to set his rest vpon this: and (transforming himselfe into Ignacius, and his adhe­rents) to pretend the holy name of Iesus, and to pro­mise by the mouth of the Iesuits, not onely terrestriall kingdomes to Princes, wherewith they would inuest them, (as Sathan did to our Sauiour) but also the king­dome of heauen to such as would execute their malice, against those Kings, that were their enemies. Wherein the Diuell hath not much missed of his ayme. For vn­der this glorious name hath he abused and onerreached our Popes their holines, and consequently a number of religious soules. And as himselfe is the Spirit of Di­uision, so is it no meruaile if the Iesuits (his true and lawfull children) enioy the same priuiledge, that their father doth. They haue caused diuision between them­selues, and our Prelates of Fraunce, betweene them­selues and the Vniuersities, betweene Popes, and Kings, betweene Popes and other Prelats, if now they cause a new dissension, amongst our Parliaments of Fraunce, they haue done that, which onely was wanting to the ful and absolute accomplishment of the Sorbones prophe­cie, when in her censure of the Iesuits Sect, in the yeere 1554 she saith: Multas in populo querelas, multas lites, dissidia, contentiones, aemulatioues, variaque schismata inducit: It breadeth many quarrels, controuersies, dis­cords, contentions, emulations, and many divisions a­mongst the people.

The Parliament of Paris, vpon mature & wise delibe­ration, hath banished thē out of their iurisdiction. Some other Parliaments doe retaine them, albeit the attemps of Barriere and Chastell vppon the person of the King, be vnto them notoriously knowne, and that they were the first plotters, and contriuers of our troubles. When I thinke of these dissentions, I am put in minde of a dis­creet aunswere made by King Henry the second, tou­ching the case of Pelisson, President of the Parliament of Chamberi, who by the sentence of the Parliament of Digeon, was depriued of his office, besides sundry o­ther disgraces, which he receiued, vpon the complaint, and information of Tabouè Atturny generall. After­ward, obtayning Letters for a second examination, and and the cause being remoued to the Parliament of Pa­ris, he was restored to his office, and Tabouè condemned to make him honourable amends, bare-headed, & in his shirt, with a halter about his neck.

The King beeing informed of these proceedings in both the Courts of parliament, wisely made aunswer, that he esteemed all his Iudges to be men of honestie & vprightnes: but that they of the parliament of Digeon, had iudged according to their consciences, and they of Paris, according to right and iustice. I make no doubt, but that all the Iudges of other parliaments, are by their consciences induced thereunto, but this I say, that there was neuer any thing decreed in Court, more sufficient­ly and sincerely, then this was by the parliament of Pa­ris.

The other, as I suppose, are swayed by the authority of the holy Sea, supporting the Iesuits: which is no small aduantage for them to leane vnto: notwithstand­ing, I will oppugne them by the same authoritie, be­seeching them not to take in euill part this admonition, which in all dutie & humilitie I offer vnto their cōside­rations, not doubting, but after they haue heard me, (if at [Page]least they please to giue me hearing) they will thēselues condemne this their opinion.

You haue heeretofore vnderstood, how at two seue­rall times, our Iesuits had practised the murder of the King, and not at that time when hee was deuided from vs in religion, but euen then when he was reconciled to our Church, in the time of a truce, desiring nothing else but a generall vnion, and reconcilement of all his subiects throughout the Realme. They are highly fa­uoured at Rome, as the Iuie, which seemeth outwardly to succour the wall, when as inwardly it eateth into it: but if they had euer conspired any attempt against the Popes person, I am out of doubt, that by the Decree of that great, and holy Consistorie of Rome, theyr Order would haue beene put downe, and abolished for euer. At the least I haue seene the like practise in a case not vnlike, for a matter not so dangerous for example, nor of such consequence as that, shewed vppon the whole Order of the Humiliati. I will acquaint you with the historie.

CHAP. 22. ¶ How the Order of Humiliatj was suppressed by Decree of the Consistorie of Rome: and that there is greater cause to suppresse the Iesuits, then the Humiliatj.

THis Order in outward appearance, (like this of the Iesuits) promised so great sanc­titie, and deuotion, as Cardinall Borrho­mao, the Archbishop of Millan, vvould needes take vpon him the patronage and protection thereof. This good Prelate, perceiuing that the greatest part of them, gaue themselues ouer to a voluptuous, and dissolute kinde of life, tooke in hand to reforme them: which some of them tooke in such in­dignitie [Page 212]dignitie, as that they vowed his death.

There was a Guardian of that Order resident in the Cittie of Versellis, his name was Girolano Lignana, who with certaine other his confederats, vndertakes this ex­ecution. And to make way to their purpose, they re­solued to kill Frier Fabio Simonetta, which had the trea­sure of their Monasterie at Millan in keeping, and vvas the head of theyr Order. Vppon this resolution they come with a steadfast purpose to strangle him, and find­ing him in the Church at prayer, God diuerted them from executing their malicious purpose, by meanes of a certaine iarre, that happened amongst them: but in sted thereof, they stole diuers peeces of gold, and siluer plate, whereof they made mony. This done, Lignana goeth to Donato Facia, a brother of their order, a despe­rate companion, and altogether set vppon mischiefe, whom he ouercommeth, and corrupteth with monie, to vndertake the murder of the Cardinall Borrhomaeo. Hee beeing in this manner ouer-come, like an honest man wil not breake his word; but espying a time, when this great, & holy personage was at prayers in a chappel with his owne familie, he dischargeth a pistol vpon him, which by a great miracle, passed but through his gown. Within a while after, both hee and Lignana are appre­hended, and beeing manifestly conuicted, they are exe­cuted, and therewithall, their Order wholie suppressed in a full Consistorie at Rome, by Pius Quintus.

The Iesuits (as I will heereafter declare) alledge that this was a general cōspiracie of the whole Order against Borrhomaeo. Wherein they lie impudently: for it cannot be found that euer any man had a hand in the plotting, or contriuing thereof, saue onely Lignana, Guardian of the Priorie of Saint Christopher, in Versellis, with cer­taine other priuate Munks. The Order was distributed into many other Monasteries, scattered heere and there throughout Italy, who were not of counsell with thys [Page]enterprise. Yet neuerthelesse, this onely attempt against Cardinall Borrhomaeo, though voyde of successe, was the chiefe cause, that the Order was finally suppressed.

Compare this historie, with that of the Iesuits (I speak to the Iudges of other Parliaments) are we not inward­lie ashamed, that at Rome there should be such an ex­ample of iustice shewen vpon the Humiliati, for that one of them made an attempt against the life of one onelie Cardinall, whose death could be no great preiudice to the whole Colledge of Cardinalls, and that wee should suffer this sect of Iesuits to liue amongst vs, which (as our selues knowe) hath procured two seuerall attempts vpon the person of the King, being but one in a whole kingdome, vpon whose life depend the generall quiet and welfare of all his subiects: beeing the worthiest prince, that euer raigned in Fraunce, any time these 5. hundred yeeres.

The dignitie of a Cardinall, hath beene very great in Rome, but yet inferiour to a King of Fraunce, especi­ally in his owne kingdome. For in Rome there be many Cardinals, but in France there is but one King. Among all the Cardinalls, I haue euer honoured the memory of Cardinall Borrhomaeo, but yet I cannot conceiue howe the losse of him should be of so fatall consequence to I­talie, as the death of our great King to Fraunce. Nay further, (howe euer I may be censured ouer-partially preiudicate against the Iesuits) sith by the last confession of Barriere, there are challenged three other. Religious persons of Lyons, one a Carmelite, another a Iacobin, and a third a Capuchin; notwithstanding (say our Ie­suits, in their foure Bookes publisht since the last Arrest of Parliament) wee must punish the particuler offen­ders, and not censure the whole Order.

The punishment should be proportioned to the of­fence. The offence beeing personall, the punishment should be so to, and not inflicted vppon the Order. I [Page 213]will not here say, that such proceedings, as else where are iniustice in affaires of State, may be auowed for iust, and that in the decimations which were anciently made among the souldiours, when there was question to pu­nish a Regiment, as soone died the faultlesse as the of­fender: and yet was there neuer any exemplary iustice more agreeable to gouernment, nor more necessary for the maintenaunce of a Common-wealth. Much lesse will I say with the great Tacitus, Habet aliquidex iniquo omne magnum exemplum, quod in singulos vtilitate publica rependitur.

I will not heere alledge the opinion of one of the greatest Lawyers in Rome, who was wont to say, That in cases of sedition, the first executions should be verie sharpe: Afterward, when thinges were well appeased, the Magistrate might slacke his hand, and growe more milde. I will not now heape vp all the rules & axiomes seruing to this purpose, although that which concer­neth the life of a King, and the dependencie thereof, ad­mitteth no example, nor cannot well be compared with any other. And howsoeuer some Romane Manlius may be of opinion, that a whole body or corporation, should be liable to the personal attempt of any of their cōpanie, especially in an attempt against the life of theyr king; yet so it is, as hetherto Fraunce hath not receiued thys position. As it was manifest in Iames Clement, Iacobin, who although hee murdred our king, yet proceeded they not against the Order of the Iacobins, but onely a­gainst him and his Prior, who was torne in peeces with foure horses in Tours, after hee was discouered to haue beene his principall counseller.

Now, if there were but some few in the sect of the Ie­suits, traded in this misterie of treason, it were happilie sufficient to punish the particuler offender: but the vow of treason is as familiar with them, as theyr other foure. That this is thus, we shall need no further proofe [Page]then the tragedie of Barriere, wherein you shall finde such a packe, as besides the particulers mentioned in the Inditement, it cannot be auoyded but the whole bodie of theyr sect, was therein much engaged. I sawe of one side, a Iesuit in Lyons, verie deepe in the practise. I saw the murtherer, not well resolued in his attempt, come purposely to Paris to learne his lesson. But where dyd they bestow Aubri, Curat of Saint Andrewes of Arts, one of the most seditious of all their troope? Happilie they sent him to the Iacobins, in regard of the mischance which fell out vnder the other gouernment. Or to the Carmelites would they send him, or to the Capuchins rather? Nothing lesse, for hee was not assured, that in theyr Monasteries, murther, especially the murther of a King, would be approoued.

Whether then? Marrie he sendeth him to them, who were great Maisters in this Art: to the house of the Ie­suits, where he knew the resort of the cursed crew to be. Iesuits, who knew by the modell of confessions framed, to make strange Geometricall proportions of sinnes & merrits. That to kill a king of Fraunce, there might bee a sinne Ad quatuor: But to kill him with an intention to inuest the king of Spayne in his kingdome, it were a merrit Ad octo. So as the merrit so much surpassing the sinne, the murther was not onely tollerable, but iust and lawfull.

This Curat, was he in this troope? No. For Barriere found one Varade Rector of their Colledge, who was of old acquainted with these courses. Hee found like­wise one Commolet, who secretly subscribed to Ʋarades counsell, and afterwards, by way of parable, in great iol­litie before the people, maintained it in the pulpit. And yet were there but this sole example in this kinde, I should be verie iniurious to challenge theyr whole sect: but when wee see it is theyr continuall practise, what shall we say.

As for instance, theyr attempt against the deceased Prince of Orange, at Antwerpe: Afterwards, in the towne of Trierres, where he was murthered: At Doway likewise, against the Counte Maurice his sonne: At Ve­nice, Lyons, Paris, against the Queene of England, in the yeere 1584. Againe, against her in Spayne, in the yeere 1597. In Scotland, against the Chauncellor Me­tellinus. Againe in Fraunce, & that in Paris, against our King, in the yeere 1594, by one of theyr schollers, Cha­stell, who in open Court, before the face of the Iudges, was so shamelesse to maintaine, that in certaine cases, it was lawfull to kill his king.

Now if the rule of Logitians be true, that from ma­nie particulers a generall may be concluded, I thinke I may truly affirme, that their axiom, whereuppon they ground theyr massacring of Kings, Princes, and great personages, is as naturall, and as familiar vnto them, as the rest of theyr vowes. It is most certaine, they consen­ted to the death of the late king, and that Guignard, one of their order, since executed, made as I told you, a booke wherein hee maintaineth, that the death of such offenders is meritorious: and that the king now liuing, should be serued so to.

Hetherto you haue heard mee discourse vnder the name of the venerable Pasquill of Rome: notwithstan­ding the things themselues are serious and true. Among others, there is a booke made by the Iesuit Montaignes, Principall of the Seminarie of Reims vppon the same subiect, Arnauld hauing in his pleading obiected it vn­to him. Montaignes made no hast to aunswere it, al­though in things more friuolous, his pen hath euer been too busie. For conclusion, all their actions, all theyr plots, are barbarous and bloodie. Which occasioned a pleasant Gentleman of Fraunce, hauing in a little Poem briefly discouered their deuilish practises, in his conclu­sion to say thus of them.

Notwithstanding any thing can be sayde to the con­trarie, yet this conclusion still must stande inuiolable. The particuler offender is to be punished, the Order not to be touched, as beeing farre from the thought of such impietie. Who is so braine-sicke to belieue it?

I vvill not abuse your patience, by reckoning vp the tumults and seditions they haue caused in our state. I knovve the great Maisters of our Common-wealth, re­spect them as men very zealous ouer the good of their Country, I beseech them to consider, whether that I haue sayd be true or no: Other Rhetoricke I will not vse to draw them to my opinion. And because I haue begunne this discourse vvith the Decree graunted in Rome against the Humiliati, I vvill vrge the same a­gaine, to make it plaine vnto you with what impuden­cie the Iesuits ward thys blow.

CHAP. 23. ¶ The impudencie of the Iesuits, to saue themselues from the processe of the Consistorie of Rome, gran­ted out against the order of the Humiliati.

ARnauld first of all in the yeere 1594. Marion the Kings Attorney since, in 97. declare, that the Order of the Humiliati, was in our time suppressed for lesse cause then the Iesuits deserue to be. The one and the other, in few words. This is the position I main­taine. Let vs see how the Iesuits will ward this blow. Montaignes writing against Arnauld sayth.Montaig. ca. 59. To strengthen your weake assertion, you bring the exam­ple of the Order of the Humiliati, which were suppres­sed in Italy: You are farre wide, the cases are nothing alike. The causes of their suppression are mentioned in the Bull, namely, that they were irrigular, imperious, and incorrigible. They conspired against their Prelat, their Protector and reformer: and the executor of the con­spiracie being taken, discouered the rest, who likewise confessed the fact. You cannot affirme the same of the Iesuits, could you, it is like you would not spare them. I am of the Iesuits mind, they are nothing like indeed. For the question was there but of a Prelat, wherof there is plentie; here of a King, of which fort we had no more, who is Gods true annoynted. The conspirator of the Humiliati was punished as soone as he was taken: the Iesuit was not, for after they had brought him backe from Paris (as to them nothing is impossible) they found meanes for his escape. In truth this defence of Montaignes is full of preuarication, and therefore La Fon denieth it. Concerning the Humiliati, (saith hee) it hath beene answered heretofore by Francis Montaignes, [Page]that they were sensual & licentious, vnlearned, irregular, without discipline, scandalous, whose houses were Prin­ces Pallaces, their chambers garnished like Kings Cabi­nites. Their Cloisters & Galleries, full of lasciuious pic­tures. Their Prouost keeping a publique Curtisan, & all the rest, of the Prouosts diet. In the end, they were con­uict of treasonable practise against the person of their Prelate, the Cardinall Borrhomeo, a man of verie holy life, labouring by all meanes to reclayme them. Their cause was exactly heard, the crimes examined, debated, and iudged by our holy Father the Pope, to whom the cognisance of such causesproperly belongeth; who con­dēned them not to depart out of Italy, but to liue confi­ned vnder other religious, as Pentioners depriued of their possessiōs, of whom some liue at this day in Milan. And hereof all Millan is witnesse, togither with the Bull thereof likewise extant. My purpose was to haue made a comparison betwixt the Humiliati & the Iesuits, therby to show, that there is much more reason to suppresse the Iesuits now, then there was cause then to dissolue the Humiliati. But the impudencie of this last Iesuit pres­seth me to encounter him before I passe any further. What a strange comment is this he maketh vpon his fellow Montaignes? Where findeth he either in Montaig­nes, or in the Bull, those crimes which he mentioneth? where findeth he this same conspiracie in person against the Cardinal Borrhomaeo? where findeth he the Prouosts Curtisan? was there but one Prouost in this order? Had not euery Priory one? Had this Prouost no name? It is an vse the Iesuit hath gotten, when hee begins to tell tales, he leaues not till he haue told twentie. But to bring him to the touch. Let vs see the Bull of Pope Pius Quintus, it wil easily appeare, whether his allegations be Alchimie, or no.

CHAP. 24. ¶ That the Sect of the Iesuits, is no lesse dangerous to our Church then the Lutherans.

THis position may seeme at the first sight Paradoxicall, but it is true. The distri­bution of the hierarchicall Order of our Church, hath a proportion and corres­pondēcy with the humane body, wherin the head cōmandeth ouer the other members, amongst the which there are certaine noble parts as the hart, the liuer, & the lungs, without which the bodie cannot con­sist: [Page 223]So as hee who would take from the head to adde to the noble parts, or diminish them to giue vnto the head, disordering the proportion and correspondency which should bee betwixt the members, hee should confound & destroy the bodie: So is it in our hierarchy, the head of the Church, is our holy father the Pope, the noble parts vnder him, are the Archbishops Bishoppes, Cardinals, Priors, & Abbots; I will adde Princes, Lords, & Vniuersities; as for the rest of the people, they repre­sent the other members of the body. Martin Luther was the first who durst traduce this head, bringing in a form of Aristocratie into our Church, making all the Bishops in their seueral dioceses, equall to the Sea Apostolique.

There succeeded him, Ignactius Loyhola, some yeeres after, who by a contrarie course, defended the autho­ritie of the holy Sea, but after such a fashion, as hee no lesse endamaged our Church then theirs. For preten­ding more zeale to the Sea, and our holy Father, then the rest, and still intituling him to more predominant and new authoritie ouer the Ordinaries, hee and his successiuely obtaynd from diuers Popes, so many Priui­ledges, Indulgences, and Graunts, in disaduantage of the Prelats, Monasteries, and Vniuersities, that suffering them to liue in the midst of vs, you disfigure & stain the face of the Catholique and Vniuersall Church. Re­mēber what the Iesuit said to you this other day, & you will find my words true. The difference betwixt Luther and Ignace, is, that hee troubled our Church, fighting against the head: And this, warring against the noble parts. All extremitie is a vice, vertue is [...]ympiere be­twixt both. For mine owne part, I belee [...] [...]hat the true Catholique Apostolick Roman faith, is that, which hath bin in vse euer since the passion of our Sauiour and Re­deemer Iesus Christ, and that which hath been approo­ued be all our auncient Doctors of the Church, of whom the meanest, had more learning and true Chri­stian [Page]feeling in his heart, then Luther and all his adhe­rents, then Ignace with all his complices. It is the religion wherein all good and faithfull Christians ought to liue and die.

I will adde further, that I had rather erre with them, then runne the Wild-Goose chase, endaungering my soule with these night-growne mushrumps. But wee will be moderate in a subiect of such a nature. I will not say then that I had rather, but that I should lesse feare to erre. For to say that Iesuits are the onely clubs to beat downe the blowes of Caluin and Luther, I am so farre from beleeuing it, as I thinke it is a special meane to confirme them in their erronious opinions. I re­member a friend of mine being at a Sermon, rather for nouelty then deuotion, a Minister cryed out to his disciples; My brethren, saith hee, God hath beheld vs with a mercifull eye: Although Martin Luther had beene sufficient to giue the Pope battell: yet so it is that Ignacius Loyhola is come besides to ayde vs. For hee cunningly, vnder colour of support, supplanteth him. What readier meane to ouerthrow a State, then faction and intestine quarrels. And I pray you what other milke giue these Iesuits in the Church of Rome? Then sith this Sect is his last refuge, & his principal support, be of good cheere the day is ours. For without question the head must be verie daungerously sick, if for cure therof, fauouring this new Sect, they vtterly ouerthrow the no­ble parts. But what should be the cause of this disorder? An imaginarie vow of Mission, in fauoure whereof the Pope pr [...]ecteth their quarrell. For this therefore let vs prayse God and say as Demea said to his brother Mitio in the Poet, Consumat, perdat, pereat, nihil ad me attinet.

These sixe or seuen Latine wordes vttered a­gainst the holy Sea are blasphemous. But this is the vnbridled licence of these new Preachers, who when [Page 224]they are transported with their preposterous zeale, may say any thing. This dissension concerned not the Mi­nister: it had beene his part to touch the conscience of euerie good Catholique, who desireth to liue and die in the bosome of the Catholique Apostolique and Ro­mane Church: yet it should be our care, that these my Maisters the Ministers insult not ouer vs, & that their tri­umphs be not grounded on the Iesuits. Consider whe­ther they haue cause to say thus or no, for among other particulars of the censure of our Diuines, in the yeere 1554. this was, one, that the Iesuits would be­come Seminaries of Schisme, and diuision in our Christian Church, & that they were rather brought in, for the ruine and desolation of it then for the edification thereof. Wherfore, if I may be thought to erre in saying that the Sect of the Iesuits is no lesse preiudiciall to the Church then that of the Lutherans, I doe it not without iudgement, hauing for my warrant heerein, the censure of that venerable facultie of Diuines in Paris.

CHAP. 25. ¶ Of the notorious enterprize or vsurpation, of the Ge­nerall of the Iesuits ouer the holy Sea, and that there is no new Sect which in time may bee more pre­iudiciall to it then this.

WHen the venerable facultie of the Di­uines of Paris, censured the Sect of the Iesuites, in the yeere 1554. they only considered of the inferiour orders aswell spirituall as temporall. But for matter which concerned the holy Sea, they went not so farre, neither were they acquain­ted with their Bulls and constitutions. But now that it hath pleased God of his grace to enlighten vs, I will [Page]not doubt to say, that the Gouernour of the Iesuits, re­presents the person of Lucifer, who would equall him­selfe to his Creator. So this fellow being a creature of the Popes, doth not onely vsurpe equall authoritie ouer his subiects, but farre greater then the Pope doth exer­cise ouer the Vniuersall Church. They giue out in Rome, that they absolutely obey the Pope, not onely in the matter of Mission, but in all other his commaunde­ments. And vnder this plausible pretence, they haue ob­tayned, and daily do obtayne verie many extraordi­narie priuiledges, in preiudice, and (if I might presume to say so much) in disgrace of Archbishops, Bishops, Orders of Religion, Vniuersities, and the whole Catholique Church. Notwithstanding, the truth is, that they hauing two Maisters to serue, doe without com­parison, more homage to their Generall, then to the holy Sea.

Ignatius Loyhola, Rib. lib. 1. Chap. 3. a Spaniard, verie honourably dis­cended, chaunging his condition, chaunged not his nature. Ribadinere reporteth, that when hee was to leaue his Fathers house, pretending to goe to visite the Duke of Naiare, Martin Garsia, his eldest brother iealous of his intention, came to him priuately to his chamber, and said thus vnto him; Brother, all things are great in you: Wit, Iudgement, Courage, Nobilitie, Fa­uour of Princes, the peoples loue, Wwisedome, Expe­rience in warre: besides, youth and an able bodie. All these promise much of you, & are exceeding full of ex­pectation. How then, wil you now frustrate on a sodaine all these our fayre hopes? will you defeat our house of those garlands, whereof we in a sort assured our selues if you would but maintayne the course you haue be­gunne? Although in yeeres I am much your aun­cient, yet am I after you in authoritie. Beware then, that these high hopes, which sometime we conceiued of you, prooue not abortiue, ending in dishonour. [Page 225]Whereunto Ignace shortly aunswered, that he was not vnmindfull of himselfe and his auncestors, from whom he would not degenerat in the least degree, nor obscure their memorie. And beleeue mee, he kept his promise. For after this vnexpected chaunge of life, he neuer en­tertained any petrie ambitions, howsoeuer he altered his habit, or any pilgrimage he made to Ierusalem not­withstanding. Cloath an Ape in Tissue, the beast may happily be more proud, but neuer the lesse deformed.

Neyther the meanesse of his habit, nor his pilgrimage, could abate those spirits which were borne with him. Whē he & his six first cōpanions, made their first vow at Mont Marter, he made himselfe their head without any election of their part. The which you shal finde in Maf­feus, who witnesseth, that when by the aduise of the Phi­sitions, he was to chaunge the ayre for the recouerie of his health after a long sicknes, taking his iourny to­ward Spayne, he left Vicegerent ouer his companions, Peter Faure, in whom he reposed a speciall trust. Cae­terum (saith Maffee) nequid é suo discessu res parisiensis caperet detrimenti, Maff. lib. 2. cap. 1. primùm commilitones ad fidē & perseue­rantiam paucis adhortatus, Petrum Fabrum & annis & vo­catione antiquissimum, illis praeposuit, cui interim obtempe­rarent. He had then cast off all authoritie and prehemi­nence ouer them, as it is manifest by that which fol­loweth. For it was hee whom they promised to meete at Venice at a certaine day prefixt: It was hee which afterwards assembled them at Vincintia, to deliberate whether they should returne to Rome, or no, there to erect their new Sect: it was he which vndertooke the charge as principall. This was the cause that hee, assu­ring himselfe, that when they should proceed to elec­lection [Page]would make choise of him for Generall of their Order, prouided before hand, that this office should not be annuall, but for life and all: with all, that the Gene­rall should haue absolute authority ouer his subiects. Er­go sine controuersia deligendum videri, cui omnes in terris, tanquam Christo parerent, Maff. lib. 2. chap. 9. cuius in verba iurarent, denique cuius sibi nutum ac voluntatem instar diuini cuiusdam ora­culi ducerent. His ita constitutis deinceps quaesitum de hu­ius ipsius potestate, vtrum certo dierum spatio definitam, an vero perpetuam esse oporteret: perpetuam esse placuit omni­bus. After the Order was established in Rome, and Ig­natius chosen Generall, and that vpon termes of an ab­solute Gouernour: He who from his youth had beene in armes, not in Arts, began to bring in amongst them a tyrannous gouernement, willing that all his Decrees, and the Decrees of his successors, should bee held iust and inuiolable. For although they made shew to vowe like obedence to the holy Sea, & vnder this protestation they were authorized in Rome, yet is it manifest, that they do yeeld more obedience to their Generall, then to the Pope.

I say not onely to their Generall, but to all their other Superiors, as their Prouincials and Rectors, and especi­ally, in their vow of Mission, their Generall hath more commaund ouer them then the Pope: euen all, as I haue more particularly discoursed, speaking aswell of the vow of Mission, as of the blinded or hoodwinckt obedience. Therfore I conclude, & concluding shal not be withstood by any man, which is not verie passionatly partiall, that the commaund which the Pope and the Generall haue ouer the Iesuits, is in all points soueraigne and absolute; but without comparison, more precise in the things which concerne the General. Which maketh mee beleeue, that if euer the holy Sea receiued a breach, there is no Sect liker to make it, then this of the Iesuit, their General residing in Rome. We exclaime againsts [Page 226]the Lutherans, and not without cause, inasmuch as they were the first in our age that troubled the peace of the Church. Notwithstanding, I hold not thē of more dan­gerous consequence then the Iesuits. Some childish or young scholler, will not sticke to say perhaps, that in maintayning this position, I am an heretique. All those whom we terme in Fraunce of the pretended Religion, of the Reformed, or of the new, haue no head ouer them: If they should admit any, they should contra­dict themselues, denying the Popes primacie, and yet receiuing another. They liue in an Oligarchy, or an Aristocracy. Insomuch as he, who for his knowledge or antiquity, hath any preheminence ouer the other Mi­nisters, it is an inherent authoritie for time of life, not transmissible from him to his Successors. Besides, they want outward ceremonies, without the which, Religion worketh not easily in the hearts of simple people. He a­mong them is held a great minister, who neuer read ouer but Caluins Institutions, or Peter Martyrs Common­places, and some other moderne writers. So as I doubt not, but this Sect in time will fall of it selfe, as I thinke it had beene downe ere this time, if the vnhappie ambi­tion of the Iesuits, had not so factiously withstood the wise designes of our deceased King. I know this is not a stile greatly to content the Ministers, neyther doe I affect their fauour: all my ambition is, to see our Ca­tholique Apostolique Roman Church in that dignitie, and discipline, wherein it flourished in the dayes of our fore-fathers. For conclusion, our Kings being Catho­liques as they must be, if they will raigne, I feare not the Hugonote in Fraunce, who whether he will or no, shall be brought in vnder obedience well ynough.

But I feare the Iesuit aboue all, not onely in Fraunce, but in Rome, because their pollicy tendeth to the esta­blishment of a tyranny ouer all, which they will recouer by little and little, if they be not preuented. They haue [Page]a Generall which is not annuall, or for terme, as those of the Friers: But perpetuall, as the Popes. Some one will say, that the like is in the chartre house, I agree, but they are recluse & lead a solitary life in their Cloysters, seque­stred from trafficke and entercourse with the world. Some will reply, that there are diuers heads of Orders, as of Clugni, Premonstre, and Grammond, which are for terme of life, I graunt it, but yet they haue Statutes and Decrees inuiolable within which they are limited and confined, so that they can do nothing preiuditiall to the rest of the Religious.

It is not so with the Iesuits, for they haue nothing so certaine as the vncertaintie of their constitutions. The which they can change in their Chapters without crauing ayde of the holy Sea: yea, and the Gene­rall himselfe, in ordinarie affayres of his owne absolute authoritie, may doe his pleasure. Euerie man know­eth, that a perpetuall Magistrate is more absolute then a temporary. In the first general congregation which was held by them, in the yeere 1558. Pope Paule the fourth, sent to them purposely the Cardinall Pacochus, to ad­uertise them his pleasure was, that their Generall should be chosen for certain yeers, foreseeing the extraordinary greatnes which he might grow vnto by this perpetuall regency: Notwithstanding, ouercome with their im­portunities, he was in a sort content, yet sent he the Car­dinal Taruense, to signifie, that he held it more cōuenient to be temporarie, then perpetuall.

This Generall, beeing thus perpetuall, yet are all the dignities of his Order temporary. Vnder him are the Prouincialls, according to the deuision of Prouinces: vnder them are the Rectors, who haue particuler au­thoritie ouer theyr houses and Colledges; and conse­quently ouer theyr Fathers, & ouer the Coaiutors, spi­rituall and temporall; & ouer the schollers elected: For the heads of Colledges, they are principally appointed [Page 227]to be Superintendems of the stranger schollers. These offices hold vsually for three yeeres together, yet may they be cōtinued or abridged at the pleasure of the Ge­nerall: he disposeth of the temporalties absolutly, with­out any consent, and exerciseth a world of prerogatiues, which are not permitted to our Bishops. I will deliuer you euery particuler in his place.

The Prouincialls are their Bishops, the Rectors are their Curats: as we likewise call in Languedoc, Rectors, those which in all other parts of Fraunce are called Cu­rats. None of these I haue named are perpetuall, but at the will of their Generall. No other dignitie of Chri­stendome, is comparable with that of our holy Father, and yet his compared with the Generalls, is lesse. For af­ter his holinesse hath confirmd a Bishoprick, or any o­ther promotion, his hands are bound, he cannot displace them of his owne absolute authoritie; they are not Te­nants at will, as the Prouincials & Rectors Iesuits. Our holy Father, by the ancient Cannons and constitutions, cannot giue power to Bishops and Abbots, to alienate their temporalties, without speciall cognisance of the cause. There is required an especiall assemblie to giue aduise, and after consent obtained, one presenteth him­selfe to the Superior, who appointeth a Proctor for the Church, to see if such alienation be necessarie.

Theyr Generall may sell, morgage, allienate, and dis­sipate the goods of the Church, and is not accountable when he hath doone. And that which is a tyrannie, the like whereof was neuer heard, hauing deputed such as shall please him to make his sales, he may frustrate and disanull any act of theirs, although they haue not excee­ded the limits of their commission. Our holy Father as­sumeth no such authoritie, to permit such as haue vowed Chastitie, Pouertie, or Obedience, to recouer theyr possessions, much lesse to marry, except Kings & souerainge Princes, and that in cases of very vrgent ne­cessitie. [Page]The cleane contrarie is practized by the Iesuits in their first vow, which they call the simple vow: is not this, to attribute more to theyr Generall, then our holie Father will assume?

I told you yesterday, that in matter of Missions, the Generall may send all vnder him, whether hee will, not onely of the last vowe, but of the first and the second. This you may finde in the ninth part of their Constitu­tions, chap. 3. Artic. 9. Heere I desire to knowe from whence hee deriueth this power, for from the holy Sea he hath it not: search all the Bulls of their Order. Well I know, that in that of 49, of Paul the third, it is lawfull for the Generall to send as well as the Pope, into di­uers countries for the propagation of our fayth. But this clause is to be vnderstood of Fathers, in the last solemne vow: for the mission of the holy Sea extendeth onely to them. Then this must proceede from some particular dutie the other Iesuits owe vnto theyr Generall. But where is that? For neither in their simple vow, nor in theyr first solemne vow, they binde themselues, eyther to the Pope or their Generall to the vow of Mission, but onely to the three substantiall vowes of other religious Orders. Where then is this bond, where lieth this dutie hid? I belieue, in the tyrannie of their Generall, and in their blinded obedience. And that which is strange, this same blinded obedience, is by all them promised and sworne vnto the Pope, yet doth hee not exercise it, but vppon the Fathers of the great and the last vow onely. Whence springeth this diuersitie? the reason is at hand. In a vvorde, our holy Father hath not so much power ouer the Iesuits, as their Generall, whom theyr soueraine Pope, and in their irregular gouernment, they acknow­ledge ours but for fashion sake.

Let vs goe a little further, & looke a little into their o­ther behauiours. They say they are subiect to the ordi­nances of the holy Sea, I rather think they impose lawes [Page 228]vpon it. That so it is, before the Bull of the yeere 1540, first foundation of their Order, they exercised of theyr owne authority their assemblies, in the Charter house of Paris, they opened since theyr shops to all cōmers. Be­fore the permission they obtained in the yeere 1561, they exercised fortie and foure yeeres their simple vow, which is contrarie to all the constitutions of the church, before Gregory the 13. had giuen a safe conduit. And as they wrought our Popes still to second theyr greatnes, so this same remissnes & relenting of the holy Sea, hath giuen meanes to theyr Generall, to equall himselfe vn­to him.

Let vs consider our holy Father the Pope ordained of GOD, such as he is when hee is chosen by the Col­ledge. The Cardinalls bow themselues before him, ho­nour him, and kisse his handes. I thinke this honour is proper to his holines.Part. 8. Con­stit. cap. 6. art. 6. The Generall of the Iesuits hath the selfe same kneeling, and hand-kissing when hee is chosen. And yet I will not wrong him, for I must con­fesse, that in some Monasteries, this likewise is obser­ued, specially in publique ceremonies: but to take this homage of others, it is inexcusable.

I will goe no further for an example then Father Claudius Aquauiua their present Generall. After that he was chosen in the yeere 1581, and after all his schol­lers had done their homage, and he had taken his cham­ber, Inde pater saith the first of their Letters annuall for that yeere, cubiculum ascendens, eo die salutanti turbae om­nis generis hominum, exosculandas manus praebuit. Which is to say; After that the Father had taken his Chamber, hee offered his handes to kisse to all manner of persons which came to salute him. What newe idolatrie is this? Is not this to erect a newe Pope in Rome, triumphant ouer the true & auncient?

We haue in our Church but one head, whom we ac­knowledge to be about all other Prelats, the Vicar of [Page]God. The Generall of the Iesuits arrogats the same title. In al the vowes which the Iesuits make before him, they terme him Gods Lieuetenant:Part. 5. con­stit. cap. 3 & part. 6. cap. 1 betwixt Lieuetenant & Vicar, the difference is so nice, that I see none. And in one place of their Constitutions, the glosse made by a Iesuit, termeth him expresly Gods Vicar. Nay they are so shamelesse,Gl. part. 4 Const cap. 3. that they are not content their Gene­rall should assume this state, but forsooth theyr Superi­ours may exact likewise of their inferiours. Omnibus iti­dem commendatum sit vt multum reuerentiae, & praecipuè in interiore hominis, Part. 6. Con­stit cap. 1. suis superioribus exhibeant, & Iesum Christum in eisdem considerent & reuereantur. That it is likewise to all in generall enioyned, to giue great reue­rence inwardly in their harts to their Superiours, and that in them, they reuerence and acknowledge Iesus Christ.

The Iesuit Montaignes, speaking of the reuerence they vow vnto theyr Generall, without disguising go­eth plainly to the poynt. If they promise (saith hee) to o­bey their Generall, Montag. cap. 27. it is in regard that he is Gods Vicar ouer his company. If hee had said, Vicar of our holy Father, appoynted by him ouer his companie, he had commit­ted lesse incongruitie. But as the Iesuits neuer want pre­tences to make their shifts more salable, they force a place or two of Scripture, to make good the vsurpati­on of their Generall the Popes riuall, they say, Qui vos audit, me audit, In the Plea of the Col­l [...]dge of Clairmont, the yeere 1594 Fol. 61. & Mont. cap. 27. & qui vos spernit; me spirnit. And they allude to the place of Dauid speaking of the Iudges, Ʋos dij estis, & Deus stetit in synagoga Deorum: And that S. Bafill said, that the Praelate representh the person of Ie­sus Christ. And S. Gregory of Nazianzene, addressing his speech to the Emperour, sayth, Thou holdest thy Empire with Iesus Christ, with him thou commaundest on earth, thou art the image of God.

I might more strongly alledge one thing which I haue from themselues, for when the Popes, Paule and [Page 229] Iulius the fift, in their Bulls of the yeeres 1540. & 50. speaking of their Generall, sayd: In illo Christum velut praesentem agnoscant, was this with any purpose that they should vsurpe ouer theyrs this great title? No question­lesse, but to vse it as we see in the Coūsel of Trent, where it is said, that our Lord ascending into heauen,Sess. 14. ea. 15. where it speakes of confession. Sacerdotes sui ipsius Vicarios reliquit, tanquam praesides & iudices, ad quos mortalia crimina deferantur, in quae Christi fideles in­ciderint, to giue them absolution.

And in another place, when recōmending the poore to the beneficed men, he addeth,Sess. 24. ea. 8. where it speakes of reformatiō. Memores eos qui hos­pitalitatem amant, Christum in hospitibus recipere. That is to say, that they remember to be hospitals to the poore, for entertaining them, they entertained Iesus Christ. Words vttered to excite charitie, not to builde an Ana­baptisme, which the Iesuits seeme to ground vpon these wordes, that they should acknowledge Iesus Christ in their Generall, as Iohn Leiden, the king of Anabaptists, gaue out of himselfe, and would haue had others to be­lieue it. But because already I haue heereof discoursed at large, I will nowe content my selfe onely to tell you this, that their Generall, taking vpon him the authority of Gods Vicar, hath brought in a schisme and deuision betwixt our holy Father the Pope and him.

And although to maintaine this authoritie, Montag­nes & his suffragans, ayde him with all the places aboue alledged, they breede withall their cunning another schisme, of more dangerous effect then that: for that Emperours, Kings, and Iudges, may euery one vsurpe the same state. And so at vnawares, wee shall slippe into the heresie of the Lutherans, who would equall Arch­bishops and Bishops to our holy Father, whom not­withstanding in their seuerall iurisdictions, we acknow­ledge the Vicars of God: and yet they take not this ti­tle vpon them neither, though wee yeeld it them, it is a title which belongeth onely to the Pope, a title which [Page]no honest and faithfull Christian can denie him, and whereof he may be iustly iealous, if any endeuour to rob him of it.

But whether wander we? There is none but know­eth, that they are in their seuerall charges, the true crea­tures and deputies of God, and that such, since the time of the Apostles, downe to this day they haue cōtinued. There is none likewise but knoweth, that the Iesuits are the Popes creatures: if any should assume this title, the Bishops haue most interest to challenge it, yet they take it not vpon them, but modestly leaue it to our holy Fa­ther, and the Iesuit, who deriueth his reputation from him, will hee be thus immodest? By the Counsell of Trent, so much renowned in Rome, there are many ar­ticles, whereby the Bishoppes are restrained of many things, the which our French Church thinketh to be groūded on ordinary right; yet is it so orderd, that they may be knowne to be Vicars vnder the holy Sea: and yet shall vvee permit, that these vnderminders of our Church, shall vsurpe authoritie as immediate Vicars of God, and not as Vicars of the holie Sea?

I confesse that ordinarilie, we giue the terme of most Reuerend to our Cardinalls, & to those which are prin­ces most illustrious. Their generall Cōsistorie hath not the title of most illustrious: as we see in the great Cano­nist Nauarre, Aduertendum est, sayth he, quod per solam gestionem habitus, Naua. com. de reg. num. 76. per vnum, vel plures annos, in illustrissi­mo societatis Iesu ordine, non videtur fieri professio tacita. You must consider (saith he) that by wearing the habit onely for one or more yeeres, in the most famous order of the societie of Iesus, a man is not thought to make se­cret profession.

Nauarre liued in Rome vnder Gregory the 13, & did more honour to his hypocrits, then we doe to the great & venerable Consistorie of Cardinals, which are Coun­sailers in ordinarie to the holy Sea. Writing to Bishops, [Page 230]we entitle them, Reuerend Fathers in God, and thinke herein we honour them sufficiently: there is no Father Iesuit of the great vowe, who hath not this title of a Bi­shop. The Letter written to the king of Spayne in the troubles, by our Sixteene Tygers of Paris, speaking of Father Mathew a Iesuit, termes him in three seuerall places, the Reuerend Father Mathew. And in a great part of the Booke, there be added to the mention of his name these two Letters R. P.

When we speake vnto our holy Father, we say, Your Holinesse; when you speake to the Generall, or other Superiour of this Order, yea but vnto the meanest Fa­ther amongst the Iesuits, he taketh his greatnesse much wronged, if you vse not this terme, Your Reuerence: yet wee must say, they encroche not vpon the authorie of the holie seate. But why should they not impeach the authoritie of his holines, sith they vsurpe and insult vpon Christ himselfe, vnto whom onely, our Christian Church permitteth Apostles? Yet suffers the Generall his, in some places, to be called Apostles. This is not to turne our holie Father out of his seate, but to put Iesus Christ out of his throne. This is not to be Gods Vicar, but to belieue that he is God himselfe.

When Ismaell, afterwards called the Sophi, about the yeere 1503, attempted, by putting the Easterne parts in combustion, to ouerthrow the Estate; by that means to equal himselfe with the Othomans, Emperors of Con­stantinople, he began first to alter and trouble the aun­cient religion of Mahomet, pretending that hee would reduce it to a farre better passe; alledging that Maho­met, who neuer tooke vppon him higher title then the Prophet of GOD, had a brother called Hali, vvho brought in vnder the Banner of his Brother, a Religion more austere, whereof Ismaell tooke vppon him to be the Restorer. And vnder thys plausible pretext, hee made himselfe to bee called a Prophet as well as Ma­homet, [Page]altered the auncient forme of Turban among his owne people, insomuch as they beganne to adore him as the true Image of God, and resolutly to follow his aduertisements. So that he assembled at the first a hand­full of men, after, added to them multitudes, and shortly after, like another new Mahomet, so encreased his Ar­mie, that he was followed with sixe hundred thousand men, both horse and foote, making the East to tremble. And in these his proceedings, so mingling religion with state, conquered a great part of the Country, which his posterity enioyeth, vnder the great & redoubted name of Sophi.

The comparisons sute not in euerie particuler, but if it please you to consider what hath passed, and is now in practise among our Iesuits, you shall find they follow the same steps in Christianisme, which Ismaell first trode in Mahumetisme. Their prophet Ismaell is the great Ig­natius, who with his fabulous visions, would beare the world in hand, that sometimes hee spake with GOD. sometimes with Christ, sometimes with our Ladie, or Saint Peter. And as Ismaell fetched out of Hali, the pre­tended Brother of Mahomet, a new branch of Religion, taken from the old stocke: So Ignatius, christning him selfe with this new name of a Iesuit, in sted of the name of a Christian authorized frō the Apostles, buildeth vp a religion neuer auncientlie obserued by our Church.

Ismaell, vnder this new vowe, changed the auncient Turban: Ignatius inducing a new Monachisme amōgst vs, yet retaineth not the auncient habite of Munks. Ismaell first assembled a handfull of people, after raysed millions: Ignatius doth the like. Ismaell, to make him­selfe great, mingled pollicie and religion together; hath not Ignatius followed him? Ismaell and his successours, were adorned and magnified by their followers: Ignati­us hath been so idolatrized, and the rest of his successors in the Generalship. But they goe beyond him, for the [Page 231]Generall of the Iesuits, will not only be honoured by his followers, but by those which are not of his sect, though happily somwhat tainted with his superstitious hipocri­sie. Ismael made himselfe be called the Prophet of God: The Generall termeth himselfe Gods Vicar. In all these proceedings and practises, Ismael troubled and tormoy­led the Mahometical state: And shall not we mistrust in Rome this same new Iesuited Sophi? Whosoeuer suspec­teth them not, is no true and legitimate child of the holy Sea. I pray you obserue a little their encreasing and their growth. The Iesuits at the first beginning, were con­tent to be some threescore in number; some three yeeres after, they kept open house, come who would and welcome: which was an anticipation preiudiciall to Ordinaries and Vniuersities, to Kings and their kingdomes. In the end they were not content to equall themselues with Bishops in their Diocesse, vsurping their iurisdiction, but exacted more obedience ouer their followers, then the Pope ouer vs. And although there can be no certaine iudgement giuen of future things, yet I dare say, & it is true, that in matter of State, the predictions of good or ill, are no lesse infallible then iudgements Mathematicall.

Toward the declining of the popular state in Rome, there grew a ciuill warre in Fraunce, betwixt two great factions, the Sequanois and the Heduans, which diuersly aspyred to the chiefe gouernment. The Heduans, confederate with the Romans, deman­ded their ayde, Iulius Caesar, who from his cradle ne­uer brooked small attempts, obtayned the command of the French, aswell on this side the mountaynes, as beyond, for fiue yeeres. Besides, there were giuen him foure legions of souldiers, paied by the State. He, as he was a man of great leading, and verie valiant, soone brought his affaires to such a passe, that pretending to succour the Heduans, he made the Gaules tributary [Page]to the people of Rome. In regard whereof, at the in­stance of his friends, he obtayned great priuiledges. As for one, he obtayned that Pompey, or his kinsman, might be vndertaker generall, who besides the bond of alli­ance, might doe much in fauouring of Caesars greatnes. Hee was of great place in the Towne, and conse­quently verie much followed. Wise Cato the Vticen, seeing how these things were carried, often tolde him verie earnestly, hee would ouerthrow the state ere he were aware, by teaching Caesar to play the Tyrant, which he should finde when it was too late. His prediction came to passe: for after much ciuill warre, the Empyre fell to his family. I wish to God I might be a false Pro­phet.

But when I consider seriously the history of our Ie­suits, I am full of feare and pensiuenes. Martin Luther directly opposed himselfe against the holy Sea. The Ie­suits, cunning statesmen, couer no lesse ambition vnder their long cassocks, then Caesar, and proffer to support the Popedome, but with a proposition of new obedi­ence; as if I durst I would say, that they make vp a third religion betwixt the true Catholique and the Lutheran. Caesar vanquished the French: these if we wil beleeue it, subdued a part of the Indies with their prattle, but yet vnder the fauour of the Kings of Portugall, in places where he had command. For, as for our wandring soules I do not see they had done any great seruice in reducing them to the fold. Caesar, in regard of his victories, obtaind of the State, many extraordinarie priuiledges, not before imparted to any: The Iesuits in recōpense of their ima­ginarie conquests, in vnknowne countries, haue obtai­ned many priuiledges of the holy Sea, neuer hertofore graunted to them. Cato cried out, that the priuiledges giuen to Caesar, would ouerthrow the common-wealth: The great facultie of Diuines in Paris, declared in the yeere 1554. that this Sect would become the vt­ter [Page 232]desolation and ruine of our Church. And some diuining spirits, foretold long before, the tragedies they should act in Fraunce. Caesar chaunged the popular State into a Tyrannie: what the Iesuits will attempt a­gainst the holy Church, is in the hand of God; yet one thing comforteth me, that this great Sea, is builded vpon a surer foundation then the Romane common-wealth. Only this I wil adde, that euen as our Lord Iesus Christ lodged his Diuinitie in a humane body for our redemp­tion, so long as our Prelates harbour holines and inte­gritie in their hearts, all will goe well with them and vs. But when they shall fall once a brewing, mingling cun­ning and pollicie with Religion, thereby thinking to maintaine their greatnes, then will they ouerthrow them selues and our whole Church.

CHAP. 26. ¶ That there is no credit to be giuen to the promises and protestations of Iesuits, for that they haue no o­ther faith, but such as maketh for the effecting of their purposes.

YOu haue hetherto vnderstood, the he­resies, Machiauelisms, & Anabaptismes of the Sect of Iesuits, the treasons, the troubles they haue brought to France, & whersoeuer else they haue remaind: it is now time to sound retreat. And yet before I do it, we must haue a little skirmish with the reestablishment by them procured, against the processe of the Parliament at Paris, giuen rather by God his iust iudgement then by men. Now in this new pursuit, hee which shall obserue the time, wherein they beganne to remoue, and the authoritie of him whom they imploy, shall find them cunning and worldly wise, rather then religious. I cannot tell whether in the end they wil pre­uaile [Page]or no: For to speake truly, importunitie, and per­seuerance, their two principall vertues haue great ad­uantage ouer the French, which are naturally without gaule when they are flattered. I assure you, the annals of the Iesuit Magius their Deligate, giue thē leaue to vse all the faire promises that may be, till they become owners of their desire, then they may cassiere their promises, when they can doe them no further seruice. And that this is their practise, I can verifie by infinite instan­ces. They were vowed to GOD as they say, in the Church of Mont-Marter, in the yeere 1534. and pro­mised to goe to Ierusalem, to conuert the Turks to the Catholique Religion. And to this purpose, they came to Venice in the yeere 1537. resolute to take their iourney, after they had receiued the blessing of Pope Paule the third, by whom they were well receiued by the mediation of some who brought them thether, and there they receiued money for the voyage.

Nothing hindred their enterprise, saue only the fauour of some Lords, with whom they grew acquainted in Rome, by whose meanes they hoped to set vp an easier Sect, excusing the breach of their vow, vnder pretense that the passage was stopt, by reason of the wars betwixt the Turke and the Venetian. Yet certaine it was, that the verie yeere of their approbation, which was in the yeere 1540. there was not onely truce betwixt the Turke and the Venetian, but a firme peace. What then altered their resolution? Marrie euen their ease, and some other busi­nes they had at home.

In the same Church of Mont-Marter, they swore to vndertake the cōquest of lost soules after they were pro­ceeded Doctors of Diuinitie. That was a promise made before the face of God, very wise & reasonable. Where­unto, besides ther synceritie of conscience, there was fur­ther required soundnes of iudgement & knowledge, to conuert the Infidels. When they found a better bar­gaine [Page 233]at Rome, they remembred to forget their pro­mise. These two first assayes, made them after­ward Maisters in matter of deceit & trechery, vpon all occasions that were offered them for the aduancement of their designes. In the assembly of Poissy, the yeere 1561. they promised to renounce their vowes, and to submit themselues to the ordinarie discipline of other Colledges. A promise which afterward they renewed in open Parliament. Whereupon they were admitted, onely vnder the title of the Colledge of Clairmont in Paris. Notwithstanding, in the same yeere, they obtaynd Buls of Pope Pius the fourth, altogether contrarie and derogatory to all the ancient priuiledges of our Vniuer­sities. In 64. when they preferred a petition to the Par­liament, to be matriculated or incorporated into the Vniuersity, forgetting the decree of the French Church confirmed by processe, they entitled themselues the So­cietie of Iesus, an order forbidden them.

Pasquier, hauing at the first beginning of the cause obiected, that the title they tooke vpon them, disabled their petition, they denied themselues by the meanes of Versoris their owne Aduocate, auouching, that this hap­ned by the fault of Pons Congordon, who was their first principall soliciter in the cause: insomuch, that Congor­dan was driuen to deny himselfe. In Rome they obey the holy Sea in all things by a blinde obedience, as I haue showed you by their constitutions: In Fraunce (if you beleeue it) by the vow of Mission onely, as you may find in their defence made in 94. for the Colledge of Clairmont, and by Montaignes his booke, and by the humble petition exhibited to the King by a namelesse Iesuit. In Rome they acknowledge the Popeto be Lord spirituall and temporall ouer all Christian Princes: Else they must directly contradict all the extrauagant de­cretals which impose the same vpon all Monarchies. It is a proposition verie familiar in the Cour [...]e of [Page]Rome. And in the Buls appoynted for the publica­tion of the Iubily, in the yeere 1600. Saint Peter and Saint Paule, are called Princes of the earth. In Fraunce they are of another opinion, for in their pleading in the yeere 94. and in the booke of Montaignes, they giue out, that the Pope, hath no title to temporalties, but such as he hath by long succession of time gotten in Italy. Ribadinere in the life of Ignace, acknowledgeth, that all their order prayed particularly for the health of the deceased King of Spayne: now read their bookes, they know nothing but this particularity, yet pray they generally for all Princes, vnder whose protection they haue built their nestes. In the verie heat of our troubles, there was no Cardinall so much withstood the Duke of Neuers, and the Marquesse of Pisani, sent by the King to his Holines, as the Cardinall of Toledo, a Iesuit, the troubles drawing to an end, none was so for­ward as he, to further our affayres.

During our last troubles none did so much michiefe as they, if you credit men of great integrity & reputation, who were beholders of their tragedies. Read their hum­ble request and remonstrance preferred to the King, there is nothing which this poore innocent people hath in greater detestation, then that which they some­times so much adored. This is called among chiefe Pragmaticall fellowes, a fayre pretence for a foule ex­ploit. They neuer made question to mingle their holy deuotions with affaires of State, as they made vs feele to our payne. Seeing our troubles vpon the poynt of ap­peasing, and the Kings affayres successefull and prospe­ring, they called in anno, 39. a general assembly in Rome, wherin it was forbidden, that any of them should inter­meddle, yet they did it. But wil you haue a better and more euident example then this? If you will beleeue them, there is nothing▪ they abhore more then the Hu­gonots Religion, inasmuch as they inhibit their bookes, [Page 234]of what argumēt soeuer, forbidding expresly their scho­lers to read them. Oh holy men! Notwithstanding, whē they presented their request to the king, to be establi­shed, they chose a Hugonot to be their spokseman, that by this retaining him, they might be assured not to haue him against them. These are states-men & temporisers, who hold all things honest and lawfull, which serue their turne. As in former times, whē they spake of a per­fidious people, they named the Carthagenians, where­of the common prouerbe grew, Fides Punica. The like we may now say of the Iesuit, Fides Iesuitica: and apply that to them, which Liuie speaketh of Hanniball, Perfi­dia plusquam Punica, nihil veri, nihil sancti, nullus Deûm metus, nullum iusiurandum, nulla religio: They priuately among their friends, make a iest of perfidiousnes & tre­cherie; for if you aske them, What is a Iesuit? their an­swere is, Euery man. Implying, that they are Creatures which varie their colours like the Camelion, according to the obiect. A verie fit comparison for them, for no more then the Camelion can they borrow the colour of white, which in holy scripture figureth vertue & inno­cencie. A little before the King entred Paris, Father A­lexander Hays, a Scot, seeing the affayres of the League very much decline, it was his chaunce to disgorge out of the aboundance of his heart, these words in a great audi­ence, in the Colledge of Clairmont, where hee read the principall lecture; Hetherto to (saith he) we haue beene Spaniards, but now we are constrained to be French: it is all one, we must formalize vntill a fitter season. Ceden­dum erit tempori. These were the words he vsed.

And that you may not thinke that this Maxime pro­ceedeth from the pliantnes of their consciences, which they restraine or extend, as best fitteth their profit, their good Father Ignace, first taught them this dispensation, whereof since; they haue made a particular constitution. The other holy Fathers, founders of diuers orders of [Page]Religion, established diuers ordinances which they faste­ned, if I may so speake, with nailes of Diamond in tombs of brasse, which should perpetually be obserued by their Munks and other Religious. In the Sect of Iesuits, there is nothing so certaine as their vncertaintie, as I said of late. In the Bull of Pope Paule the third, it is written as followeth.

Et quod possint constitutiones particulares, quas ad Societatis huiusmodi finem, & Iesu Christi Domini no­stri gloriam, ac proximi vtilitatē conformes esse iudieauerint, condere: & tam hactenus factas, quam in posterum facien­das constitutiones, ipsas iuxta locorum, temporū, & rerū qua litatem & varietatem mutare, alterare, seu in totum cassare & alias de nouo condere possint & valeant. Quae postea alte­ratae, mutatae, seu de nouo conditae fuerint, eo ipso, Apsto­licae sedis authoritate praefata, confirmatae censeaniur, cadem Apostolica authoritate, de speciali gratia indulgemus. That they may make (saith Pope Paule) particular ordinan­ces, which they shal iudge fit for the Societie, to the glo­ry of our Lord Iesus Christ, and the profit of their neighbour. And that such as are alreadie made, or shall be made hereafter, they may chaunge, alter or abolish, according to the varietie of place, time and occasions, and in steed of them, make new: the which so chaun­ged, reuoked, or new made, we will that they be con­firmed by the foresaid authoritie of the Apostolique Sea: and by the same authoritie, of our speciall grace and fauour we confirme them. I haue translated this place word for word, and yet when the Bull saith in Latine, that the constitutions may be chaunged as shall be fit for the Societie, it must be vnderstood, for the maintenance and aduancement of the Order. Out of this generall constitution, they haue drawne one parti­cular which is woorthie to be knowne, in the 16. part of their constitutions, Chapter, 5. the title beginning thus.

Quod Constitutiones, peccati obligationem non inducunt. Cum exoptet Societas, vniuersas suas Constitutiones, decla­rationes; ac viuendi ordinem, omnino iuxta nostrum institu­tum, nihil vltraan re declinando, obseruari: Optet etiam ni­hilominus suos omnes securos esse, vet certè adiuuari, ne in laqueum vllius peccati, quod ex vi constuationum huiusmo­di, aut ordinationum proueniat, incidant, visum est nobis in Domino, vt excepto expresso voto, quo Societas summo Pon­tifici pro tempore existente tenetur, aec [...]tribus alijs essentiali­bus, Paupertatis, Castitatis, & Obedientiae, nullas Constitu­tiones, declarationes, vel ordinem vllum viuends, posse obli­gationem ac peccatum mortale; vel veniale inducere. Nisi Superior ea in nomine Domini Iesu Christi, vel in virtute obedientiae, iuberet. And a little after, Et loco timoris offen­sae, succedat amor & desiderium omnis perfectionis, & vt maior gloria & laus Christi creat [...]ris ac Domini nostri con­sequatur.

That the constitutions may not bind any man in con­science, sith the Societie desires, that all their constituti­ons, declarations, and order of life, should be without euasion, conformable to our direction: and also, neuer­thelesse wisheth to be secured, or at least succourd, that they be not snared in any sin which may grow by theyr constitutions or ordinances: We haue thought good in the Lord, (exception taken to the expresse vow, where­with the societie is bound to the Pope for the time bee­ing, and the three other essentiall vowes, of Pouertie, Chastitie, and Obedience,) that no Constitutions, de­clarations, or any order of life, shall impose any yoake of mortall or veniall sinne vpon them; vnlesse their Su­periour commaund those thinges, in the name of our Lord Iesus Christ, or in the vertue of obedience. And a­gaine: In stedde of feare of offending, let loue and de­sire of all perfection come in place, and let the glory & praise of Christ our Lord and Maker, be the more ex­alted.

By the first article, it is lawfull for them to change & rechange their constitutions at their own pleasure (for­sooth) for their good. By the second, their constituti­ons are held (in regard of the soule) indifferent; so that the Iesuit may breake them, without committing mor­tall or veniall sinne. A law which their great Law-giuer gaue them, to the end, that to Gods honour and glory, there might be fewer sinners in theyr societie.

Oh holy soules! oh pure consciences! Who restray­ning their inferiours from sinne, take themselues the reines, committing all manner of sinne vncontrouled. Let vs examine these poynts without passion, and let vs consider the scope of these two propositions. By the first, no Prince shall be assured of his estate: and by the second, no Prince shal be secure of his person in his own kingdome. Concerning the first poynt, call to minde howe matters haue beene carried for these 25. or 30. yeeres. There hath beene no Nation, where they be fo­stered, but they would be tempering with their affaires of state. I think they are such honest men, as what here­in they haue done; they haue vndertaken to doe it, by vertue of their silent Constitutions, (which the auncient Romans termed, Senatus-Consulta tacita,) or if they did it by their owne priuate authoritie, the Generall vvere vnworthy of his place should he suffer it. Further, this was forbidden them in the yeere 1593, when they sawe all their plots meere frustrate.

Admit newe troubles should arise, these gallants will cassiere and disanull this last Ordinaunce, suffering their companions to intermedle as before. This same Pauline, will it not breede in them a trouble-state where euer they become? [...]manuel Sa [...]n his Apho­ [...]ismes of confession. Montag. cap. 58. But what are their rules in such af­faires? Marry that it is lawfull to kill a Tyrant. That a King breaking and contemning the common lawes of the Land, may be depriued of his Crowne by the peo­ple. That there are other causes, for the which Princes [Page 236]and great personages may be slaine. In what a miserable condition shall Princes liue, if the assurance of theyr E­state shall depend vpon these fellowes?

Let vs see their newe constitutions of 93. I will that they meddle not at all in affaires of state in generall termes. And that particulerly, they practise not vpon the person of Princes. Are they bound to obey this? Nothing lesse. Inasmuch as their Lawgiuer chargeth not their consci­ences, but in expresse termes, he would otherwise haue charged them, by vertue of their blinded obedience. And this is the cause that Commolet, preaching since this new Statute, that there wanted a newe Chud to kill our King, and Walpoole furnishing Squire with poyson and instructions to kill the Queene of England his Mistres, thought therein they sinned not, for that in their con­sciences they belieued, that they were to present these two soules to God.

The Anabaptist, had but one absolute obedience which hee ought to his Superiour. The Iesuite hath two. The one depending of his Superiours; and the other, in his particuler conscience, perswading himselfe, that all hee doth, ten deth to the glo [...]ie of God, and the aduauncement of his Church.

CHAP. 27. The conclusion of the third Booke, containing the restoring of the Iesuits, by them procured.

YOu may iudge by this, said the Aduo­cate, of what consequence, the reesta­blishment is, where-with they dailie haunt and vrge the King, sith to them all things are indifferent, saue such as tend to the disabling & impeachment of their Sect. All lyes, trecheries, and fraudes, change theyr propertie, and become holy thinges, when they [Page]make for the aduauncement of their Sect. GOD hath twice miraculously preserued our King from their vio­lence, it is not due to his wisedome & fore-sight, how so euer verie great: he oweth it to God his diuine proui­dence. These preseruations are aduertisments, whereof he and his subiects should make their profit. The grea­ter increase of blessings hee hath receiued, the more ought he to acknowledge it in all humilitie.

My Maisters the Iesuits, matchlesse for importunity, vse the authoritie of some great personages, hoping to recouer interest in the King, notwithstanding the pro­cesse of Parliament, graunted out against them in Pa­ris. I beseech you call to minde, that these venertable trechers tooke a time to practise against him, not in the heate of our troubles, but when they were well calmed, when he was reconciled to the holy Church, in time of the truce: it was the cōmon place as well of their Prea­chers as Regents. I humbly beseech his Maiesty to con­sider, that vpon his safetie, the peace of his subiects de­pendeth, and that in vaine he blameth the Sea, who ha­uing escaped two seuerall shipwracks, will try his for­tune yet the third time. Further, I beseech him to ob­serue, what befell in Portugall, and lately likewise hap­ned within our memory in Fraunce. He who in Portu­gall most idolatrized this Sect, was the King Sebastian, whom the Iesuits, his principall fauourits, counsailed to vndertake the conquest of another kingdome, where the oppinion is he was slaine in the battaile, yet he could not be found amongst the dead. Great p [...]ie, if he there miscarried, the body of a King should want his buriall, but more lamentable, if he liue, as the brute is, that he is not acknowledge.

It fell out much otherwise to our great King Henrie, for so soone as he had driuen the Iesuits our of his good towne and Parliament of Paris, God sent him a gene­tall peace aswell within his kingdome as without, and as [Page 237]prosperous successe in all his affaires as he could desire. These are no faigned, or imaginarie, examples which I place before your eyes, they are generally knowen, and there is none but may easily iudge, why this mis-for­tune befell the one, and this blessing fell to the other. In this most humble request, not fained, as the Petion of the namelesse Iesuit, consisteth the summe of my desire, and GOD graunt my discourse may haue accesse vnto him.

I desire heerein, hee could be pleased to followe the counsaile of the great Consistorie of Rome, against the order of the Humiliati, who after they were once sup­pressed, were neuer after restored, although theyr of­fence was much lesse against the holy Sea, then this of the Iesuits against his Maiestie: assuring you my Mai­sters, that there is nothing doth more solicite me to this quarrell against them, then the generall peace of our Fraunce, and heerein I appeale to God, before whom I doe truly and sincerely speake.

The Aduocate, hauing ended his discourse, as the o­pinions of men are variable and vncertaine, so were wee diuersly affected with that which was by him deliuered, some, grieued with the Anatomie made of their order, others, much meruailing, neuer imagining there had beene so much shame and abhomination among them, others, very angry, that with such vnrestrained libertie, they haue beene suffered to range in many parts of Fraunce vncontrouled: beeing absolutely of opinion, that there was nothing neere so great cause to suppresse the Templers, as to suppresse these Iesuits.

Whereuppon the Iesuit, for the honour which hee ought to his Faction, said vnto the Aduocate; I cannot tell wherein you haue been wronged by our companie, and know as little what hope of reward hath hired you to this combat; but well I wot, you haue no small ene­mies that make head against you, and that you must cut [Page]off an infinite number of heads, (which is almost a mat­ter impossible) before you can well come vnto the head. Consider that our company is a venerable Senate, like vnto that which was in Rome in the time of Pyrrhus, to whom his Embassadours reported at theyr returne, that they had seene as many Kings as Senators. They vvere wont to call those auncient Senators, Fathers, so call we ours: and as they were the sinewes of auncient Rome, so are these of the newe, I meane of the Papacie, which farre passeth the vaine greatnes of the olde Romans. Therefore before they attempt against vs, let them be verie well aduised: remember what hapned to Minos King of Creet, for his busines with the Athenians. It was there I looked for you, quoth the Aduocate, for your Companie is not the Senate you speake of, but a Monster, which hath farre more heads then a Hydra, a­gainst the which I will be another French Hercules, to maule and massacre them. Yet one boone I would en­treate of you, that when you returne to Rome, you would report to your Generall, as I know you will, all you haue heard discoursed, and would vouchsafe the rather (at my instance) to present him with these foure verses, the which I send him in the nature of a Cartell of defiance.

Euerie one then beganne to smile, and especially the Gentleman said vnto him: I will not suffer you to goe any further, it is time to cry hola, I will stoppe your mouth, dinner shall decide your difference. And if you will doe me the honour to belieue mee, all which hath betherto been said, shall be wrapt vp in the cloth: The [Page 238]lawes of my Table are, Odi memorem compotorem. That speech had beene well vttered, said the Aduocate, if we had not discoursed fasting. Presently one couerd the ta­ble, and after dinner, our horses beeing made readie, we thanked the Gentleman for his entertainement, and he likewise thanked vs for the honour he said we did him.

We were some sixe in companie, whereof hee de­tained the Aduocate, pretending he was to pay him the arrerage of his long absence. The other fiue, after they had passed the Mountaines, three of them tooke theyr way to Venice, intending to trauaile to Ierusalem, to acquite themselues of a vovve, which they had made to visite the holy Sepulcher. The Iesuit and I went to­ward Rome, hee to yeeld account of his voiage, and I to see the Iubile, but especially to visite two great Pre­lates, both of them bearing the name and qualitie of Fa­thers: our holy Father Pope Clement the 8, a Father of concord & vnion, hauing by the trauaile & intercourse of the Cardinall of Florence his Legate, mediated a peace betwixt two great Kings, for the which Christen­dome is greatly indebted to him: the other, father Clau­dius Aquauiua, Generall of the Iesuits, a Father, or (to speake more properly) a Fountaine of all diuisions, factions, and discords, as he who by his bookes, set them first a-broche in Fraunce, to the great damage and spoyle of our state. God graunt, that by the example of Tho. Aquinas, frō whose house they say he is descended, hee and his may heereafter, learne the obedience & loy­altie, which a subiect oweth in dutie to his King.