THERE MANIFEST FOLLY AND APPARANT BAD SPIRIT IN CHOOSING the argument and subiect of these their bookes.
CAP. I.

FIRST then to beginne with the argu­ment and subiect of these our discontented priests late books, it shal not be needful for prouing our purpose to runne them ouer all which hitherto are six that haue come to our hands, the first in latyn, intituled:The first booke. Declaratio mo [...]uum & turbationum, &c. A declaration of styrres and troubles, &c. which cōteyning nothing els indeed, but a certayne intemperate inuectyue against many good and worthy men, wel deseruing both of them, & of our countrey, and replenished with innumerable slanders most manifestly false, and prooued by no other reasons, authorityes or resti­monies, but the words of the passionate wryters, hath made all strangers that haue read the same to haue a strāge opinion of english mens humors, when they are in passion; about which poynt see the table of deceits falshoods and slanders set before our Apologie, and the Apologie it selfe. Cap. II.

The second bookeThe second booke. is intituled: The Copies of discourses, &c. wherof the first part being contrary to the second, doth easily both answere and confound it selfe [...] For that in the formost discourses all these mennes oppositiōs & impugnations of the [Page] Archpriest do stand vpon the want of the Popes owne letters to cōfirme those of the Card. Protector, wherby the Archpriest was appoynted, assuring vs, that whensoeuer any such confir­mation should come from his Hol. there would be no more controuersy: and yet the very next ensuyng discourses in the same booke (his Hol. Breue of Approbation being now pu­blished) do shew that they were much farther of from obaying the Archpriest, then before.

And this was the first childbirth after their long and trou­blesome trayuayling thrust out to the world very vnex­pectedly to mooue new troubles at that tyme when they made profession to haue appealed to his Hol. and would attend his auswere and resolution therin; which resolution, as synce we have seene, came forth soone after against them, though his Hol. at that tyme knewe nothing of these seditious bookes; the iniquity wherof was and is such, as yf they had byn seene, it seemeth impossible that his Hol.His Hol. se­cond Breue 17. Ang. 1601 would haue answered so myldly as he doth, though we know his nature and disposi­tion, wholy bent to myldnes, and according to the same dis­position, we haue also endeauored in our Apology or answere to these two libels, to lay open the iniurious proceeding of our tempted Brethrē in those books, and to mitigate their distem­pered humors the best we could.The Apolo­gy. And for that this Apologie is now in the hands of the Readers to peruse, we will say no more therof, but remyt it, and our selues to their discreet iudgments.

After this came out two other twynnes at one tyme the one in English,Tvvo others libels. the other in latyn; the first is intituled: the hope of peace by laying open the Archpriests vntruthes, &c. The second con­teyneth the copies as well of the Card. Protectors letters for the institution of the Archpriest, by his Hol. authority, as also the Popes owne Breue for confirmation therof: The letter also of Card, Burghesi [...]s Viceprotector in reprehēsion of M. Charnock [...] for disobaying of the sentēce giuen by the two Card [...] in Rome against them and other such like wrytings. VVhich two bookes comming to our hāds after our foresaid Apology was ended induced [...] vs to make a certayne Appendix The Appēdix to the Apo­logie. for vnfolding [Page 2] their contents; the one hauing nothing but some few hand­fuls of vanity and scurrility layd to geather, vnfit to be further treated by modest men, and the second representing nothing els, but the reproofe and condemnation of their owne conten­tious proceedings.

And thus much concerning the foure former books whose arguments being as we haue rehearsed, we remit our selues, how great a manifestation it hath byn of their owne folly, passion and imprudence to take this course of clamorous libel­ling and defaming their owne frends, and therby also obliging them for defence of their innocency to returne auswere which they were most loath and vnwilling to doe.

But yf there were but an inch of folly in wryting and pu­blishing the former 4 books,A third pay [...]e of libels. there is an ell in these last two, that now are come forth: the one bringing vs a new relation of the sedition and contention passed in VVisbich: the other: Important considerations to mooue all vniesuited Catholikes (as their phrase is) to acknowledge the myld and mercifull procedings of the State of England towards them for matters of religion, synce the beginning of her Maiesties raygne, &c. These two books we say, and the subiect therof togeather with the maner of handling, and other cir­cumstances before mencioned are sufficient, yf nothing els were, to ouerthrow the whole credit of our discontented bre­thren, with all sorts of discreet and modest men, not only Ca­tholikes, but also Protestāts, as by ripping vp some parts therof shal easily appeare.

For first concerning the relation of matters fallen out in VVisbich, The relation of VVisbich. he that shal haue read the sixt chapter of our Apolo­gie about these affaires where matters are set downe playnly and sincerely with order and perspicuity, without eyther am­plifications or exaggerations (as heere is vsed in this new Rhe­torical narration) authentically also vnder mens hands and letters, and not in words alone, scoffes and iests, as these men doe; whosoeuer we say, shall read that, and conferre it with this, & consider the different maner of our wrytings and proofes from theirs, will easily (we doubt not) see where truth goeth as also the discreed it which these men do runne into by [Page] ripping vp that matter againe: yet shall we in this place lay before yow some other considerations also to the same effect.

And first we would haue yow to weigh attentiuely that yf all were true which these accusers pretend in this their narra­tiō of VVisbich (for of this vvil vve treat first) about F. VVestōs, desyre to haue that Agency in VVisbich Castle for directing of some in that prison towards a more retyred lyfe, which these men contemptuously call Donatisme, Regular and retyred lyfe called dona­tisme. or that he had taken the foresaid office willingly vpō him when he was elected by the cōpany, or permitted by his Superior to take it, yf all this we say had byn true (as we shal shew after the most points to be false) yet how may that odious consequence be drawne from hence, which these men euery where do inferre, that all the rest of the Iesuits throughout Englād, yf they could haue pre­uayled in this one thing, would by this platforme & presidēt haue gotten the gouernmēt ouer all secular priests within the whole Realme; how we say & by what reason doth this fol­low, or what coherēce hath the gouernmēt ouer secular priests abroad with the priuate direction of a few particular men in VVisbich Castle? doth not euery man discouer great folly heere in this forced inference? But now to the antecedent:

VVhat likelyhood is there that Father VVeston being a man of those parts and qualityes as he is; & hauing byn Pro­uincial (as these men say) of all the Iesuits in England, would seeke so greedyly for so poorea preferment as is to be Agent, Most Impro­bable inferē ­ces and asser­ [...]. and seruāt (for Superior they confesse he refused to be) to a few of his fellow prisoners in that Castle or that F. VValley Prouin­cial for the present (as by these men he is called (and F. Persons his Superior againe in Rome (which two they call afterward most scornefully the one knig, the other Emperor) should so bestyrre themselues & weary all their frends to gett F. VVeston, (looking euery day rather for martyrdome, then otherwise) such an aduancement, with so great trouble and offence in the prison, where he was? And is this credible in men of witt, or to men of reason?

Heere then is discouered extreeme passion and perturbation of mynd in these relators and in nothing more, then that they [Page 4] make it a matter so exorbytāt, & vndecent for a religio [...]s man to haue the direction of secular priests in matters of spirit and deuotion by way of companyes and congregations, wheras themselues cannot be ignorant, that in all Catholike contreys throughout the world where Iesuits liue, it is very ordinary among other meanes which they vse,The vse and vtility of spi­ritual cōgre­gations. for assisting men in spi­ritual affayres to institute seueral congregations & confra­ternityes of all sorts of people, themselues being Prefects and directors therof for exercise of all pious works and godlynes, and this was in Paris and other cittyes of France, while they remayned there, and is at this day in Rome, Naples, Siuill, Toledo, Valencia, Salamanca, and other townes of Italy and Spayne and other places, and the fruite of these congregations is infinite for all kynd of piety, and in Rome it selfe it cannot be denied, but that great prelats noble men and Cardinals themselues are of these congregations, wherin priuate religious men of this order, be euer the heads & prefects for direction and execution of the rules, yet do not those Cardinals or Prelats, thinke thē ­selues disgraced by this, or accompt Iesuits ambitious, proud or arrogant for taking the same vpon thē, as these our haughty mynded brethren do; neyther do they doubt, or feare least by this act the Iesuits pretend afterward a gouernment ouer all Cardinals as these men seeme to feare ouer all secular preists, though the matter in it selfe be ridiculous.

Moreouer wheras the principal butt of these mē is through­out this booke (a graue argument or subiect no doubt) to shew that F. VVeston aspired to this office of Ageny in the pryson among those priests that desyred to liue more retyred and to haue rules of pious conuersation appoynted them, they do first confesse and set downe the quite contrary out of his owne words and doings, (which ought to be the best trials with indifferen men) and then do seeke to proue their purpose by interpreting his meaning to be different from his words and deeds, so as where all spiritual authors do teach vs, that ac­cording to charity we ought to follow this rule that then when mennes words or actions of thēselues cannot wel be de­fended, we should interpret wel at leastwise their intention, [...] [Page] [...] [Page 4] [Page] these men wil needs follow the contrary rule against F. VVeston condemning his intention when his words and actions are outwardly good,Galumnia­ting of intē ­tion vvhen vvords and vvorks cānot be touched. & cannot be condēned as yow may see pag. 8. 9. & 10. of this their narration, where they confessing that he refused the office of Prefect layd vpon him, yet do say, that he was desyrous the thing should be obtruded vnto him, &c. By which rule of sinister interpretation, what man is there liuing that may not be calumniated, and the deuil himselfe is called a ca­lumniator especially for this kynd of inference, as yow may note in his proceeding against Iob, Iob. 1. & 2. & it is most detestable to all good men.

But that which, most of all layeth open the folly of this whole subiect & relation of VVisbich is that our discontented brethren so tel their tale, as whosoeuer shal read the same with any attention, may clerely perceaue of the one side to stād not only the farre greater part of the more ancient company, but that which more importeth, desyre of order, discipline, recol­lection, obedience modesty and temperate behauiour, and on the other side all the contrary, to witt, not only the farre lesse number, but freer also in speech and cōuersation more giuen to liberty, refusing all rules and order, but only, the common Canons of the Church and Sacrament of pennance as they professe,Ibid. condemning for noueltyes and innouations all other helpes to spirit and deuotion. This we say and many other things tending to this purpose, are as cleerly to be seene in this their owne narration (if the Reader stand attent) as they are touched by vs breefly in our foresaidCap. 6. Apologie.

And to this effect it is said of F. VVeston:Vertuōs spe­ches reproche fully alle­adged. He tooke vpon him to control & fynd fault with this and that, as the coming into the Hal of a hobby horse in Christmas, affirming that he would no longer tolerate these aud these so grosse abuses, which his pride & vanity, &c. At which his pride and vanity we greatly maruayled, &c. And a little after brin­ging in the said fathers speech with D. Bagshaw, they report him to say thus: Pag. 9. There are some enormityes which we would be glad to auoyd, and do therfore purpose to impose vpon our selues a more strict order leauing yow and others to follow such courses as yow shal thinke good.

[Page 5] And to the same effect do these men recite in like maner M. South worthes speech to M. Bluet:Pag. Ibid.VVe are determined (saith he) twenty of vs, to draw our selues into à more strict order of lyfe, &c. therby the better to auoyd such synnes as VVhoredome, dronkennesse and diceing, the same being too ordinary with some in this house. Thus they wryte & publish without shame to haue these things rūne in print, the particularyties wherof we of purpose auoyded in our Apologie, and this is their first folly & the secōd is that they report such maner of speches tending all as yow see, to vertue, refor­mation and reproofe of dissolute and disordered lyfe, wheras on their owne side, there is not so much as any such matter pretented. For proofe wherof let vs heare a peece of M. Bluets speech of reproofe to F. VVeston brought in by these men as a matter of great commendation for spiritual feeling:Grosse spe­ches on the contrary side. M. Bluet (say they) proceeded further in effect as followeth: Is not the Sacrament of healthful pennance, a sufficient remedy for men in our cases to keep vs from such enormityes? if the meanes appoynted by Christ haue not suffi­cient force to remedy these euils, what extraordinary grace or power can we expect from your s [...]pposed authority and lawes? Thus they say, cōtemning hereby (as yow see) all particular rules, directions, helpes, and orders, for cōseruation or increase of spirit vsed by vertuous [...] men, who wil not laugh at this doctrine that the Sacrament of healthful penance is sufficient to remedy all enormi­ties? why then are there so many Canons, cōstitutions, lawes, and new ordināces appoynted daylie for restrayning of enor­mities as wel in Colleges, Cloysters, Churches and congrega­tiōs as other where, to preuēt such inconueniēces, if only the Sacrament of healthful penance be sufficient? nay why are there prisons chaynes, gallyes, or gallouses, if only the Sacramētal penance be sufficient & nothing els required, do yow see how these good people are de larga manica? as the prouerbe is.

VVel then, this being the subiect and argument of this their whole narration to declare what the one side (being farre the greater part) laboured to haue, to wit rules order and disci­pline obserued in their cōuersation, as became priests and con­fessors in such a place and tyme,The true state of the controuersy in VVisbic [...]. complayning also of great and foule enormyties already comitted, and worse feared among [Page] them: and then how mightely the other side (being farre the fewer) stryued against this, and would haue no special orders, but such as were cōmon to all men, yea to the loosest sort of Christians in the world, nor any other peculiar help or remedy but only the Sacrament of pennance to be vsed, when, where, and so often as euery man pleased and no otherwayes: This, we say being the stryfe and contention, cleare it is, on which side vertue, holynesse and perfection stood. And albeit this side should haue byn ouerstrict and commytted tomuch rigor in retyring themselues from the scandalous conuersation of the rest: Yet was their fault (as yow see) of zeale & loue of vertue, and consequently much more perdonable then the turbulent resistance and impugnation of the other side, that stood in de­fence of disorder, libertie and dissolution.

And thus much for the first part of the argument or subiect of this former booke intytuled: The Relation of VVisbiche: which hauing byn handled by them with great vntruth and partia­lity in their first books both in latyn and English as we haue shewed in our Apologie, is brought in againe now with great indiscretion and folly, renewing the memory of such their dis­orders in that place as we desyred might be suppressed with silence, and that which is worse, they discend to diuers parti­culars, which wee for modestyes sake passed ouer in general tearmes & so should they also haue done according to the rule of prudēcy: for to what end haue they printed the former ob­iection & cōplaint of M. South worth (so graue & Reuerēd a man) about whordome, dronkennesse and diceing, &c. which we had omitted: the story also of pewter stolne, of Mary the maid found in one of there chābers, to what end is it published by them, or with what wisdome or discretion? And moreouer, they do so wisely handle these matters in their defence (as yow shal see in the next Chapter of this booke) that they leaue things more suspitious a great deale to the Reader then he foūd thē in the accusations: so as in this also they fulfil the Apostles prophesy Insipientia eorum manifesta erit omnibus, &c. 2. Tim. 3.

But besides this subiect of the excesses and scandalous con­uersation of some in VVisbich there insueth also towards the end [Page 5] of this booke another argument of farre worse nature then the former: for which respect it may be they abstayned to make mention therof in the title or first front of their booke, doub­ting perhaps least all good and modest men would be auerted with the very sight and mention therof as proceeding of an extreme surfet of vnchristian malice.

The matter is,The second argument of their relatiō, conteyning intollerable slaunders a­gainst Ie­suits. that wheras in tyme of the tumultuous pro­ceedings of these men and their fellowes both in Rome, Flan­ders, and England, many things were spoken, done, & wrytten against the fathers of the Society by their vngrateful schollers of our nation, without all ground of truth, but only through passion, leuity, anger, and incitation of others, as appeareth not only by the examination of the things themselues, but by the confessions also of the partyes that did accuse, when they were out of passion, and by the sentence of all iudges appoin­ted in these causes (all which we haue shewed largely & par­ticularly in the 3. 4. 5. and 6. Chapters of our Apologie) yet these men knowing in their consciences,Conscience­les dealing. and in the sight of all the world this to be true, and that those calumniations ob­iected (or the most part of them) were meerly false & deuised vpon the causes aforesaid, and denyed afterward by those that obiected them, do notwithstāding set them downe now againe as points iustified or iustifiable, and haue put them also in print for the further infamation of Iesuits, and their whole order, which is a practise of so high and odious malice as we are wonderfully ashamed to mention the same, (but that they haue printed it) as coming from any of our nation, and much more from men, of our order and function. But now lett vs take a vew of the things themselues. The first branch or head of this calumniation hath this tytle.

An abstract of the memorial sent by certayne Englishmen out of the low countreys to the Popes Hol.Relat. pag. 68. Clement the 8. against the Iesuits laboring in the English vineyard: September 1597.

And heere yow must note, that in reporting this only title, our brethren do so behaue themselues, as yow may easily dis­couer their entention to be only to defame; for so much as they know wel inough what Englishmen they weare that [Page] deuised and cast abroad this memorial,About R. Fishers me­morial. to wit, Robert Fisher sent ouer into Flanders by the seditious of VVisbich to that ef­fect, as hath byn shewed at large in the 7. Chapter of our Apo­logie; where we haue set downe the examination of the said Robert vpon his oath before his Hol. Fiscal in Rome, and how he misliked his owne dooings therin, bewrayed the falshood, detected his complices, and confessed all to be deuised vpon malice and stomake, which our brethren knowing sufficiētly by the authentical copie of the said deposition sent into Eng­land, and hauing seene also the publique testimony of six very reuerend and graue Priests Assistants to the Archpriest against that memorial, as also the letters of many other priests which we haue there cyted, it is strange that perturbation of mynd should so much preuayle with our brethren, and the remorse of conscience be so litle, as to reuiue the same now againe, and being only in latyn before, to print it now in English to the vew of all men. And do they not know or remember that the publishers of infamous libels and defamations are as deeply both in the synne it selfe, as also in Church censures; as are the makers and wryters therof? VVho can doubt of this? But now to the contents of the libel.

The first paragraphe after many falsityes alleadged against Iesuits,Ibid. pag. 69 concludeth thus: They hold no doctrine Catholike and sound that commeth not from themselues, no dispensation auayl [...]able, that is not graunted by them (& which is worse) they haue beate into the heads of most, that the masse is not rightly celebrated of any, but of a Iesuite. Thus they wryte. And do our brethren beleeue this to be true? Againe in the fourth paragraph, besides many calumniations they say thus:Ibidem. Foolish ex [...]ggerations. No Iesuite goeth to visit any one (in England) or trauay­leth from one place to another, but he is richly apparaylled & attended on with a great trayne of seruants, as yf he were a Baron or an Earle? Is this true also in the consciences of our brethren? Againe in the fifth paragraph: They neuer send one scholler out of England to the Colledge of Doway to study there, &c. nay they haue laboured by all mea­nes vtterl [...] to dissolue it. Is this true also? Let the President and books of that Colledge testifie?

In the seauenth paragraphe they say: VVomen also are induced [Page 6] by them to become Nunnes, & to leaue such goods, as they haue, to them, &c. And is there any one example (thinke yow) to be giuen of this? Or is it any way probable, seing that Nunnes haue such neede of their dowries for their owne maintenance yf they wilbe receaued into any monasteryes beyond the seas? The eight paragraph beginneth thus: All vniuersity men, and such as haue taken any degree in schooles, the (Iesuits) hate, despise, contemne & reproch. And is this verifiable thinke yow, or likely to be true? Their conclusion is this. To conclude (say they) Catholikes stand in more [...]eare of the Iesuits then of the heretikes, &c. and that indirectly they cause priests to be apprehended by the enimy, &c. The censure of which conclusion, as also of the spirit and pious disposition of these our brethren which do publish these things in print and in vulgar tongues against the whole order of religious men we remit to all good Catholiks iudgment. And so much of this first memorial.

The second and third Catalogue of slanders which they put downe, as well against the whole Society of Iesuits, as also against those that labour in England, are much more deceyt­fully (though yet childishly) handled by our brethren, then the former. For wheras they wel knowe that these poynts of defamation by them published,Most iniu­rious calum­niations vt­tered by Ch. P. and VV. G. reuiued and published by these mē. were wrytten by some of their owne frends, and this very secretly and couertly vnder­hand, & by them sent to Rome therby to incense the flame of the Roman Sedition when it was on fire, with order to spread the said slaunders abroad, but in no wise to discouer the au­thors therof; these our men without eyther scruple of con­science, (for the things themselues being notoriously false) or respect of their said frends credit, haue divulged them now in print vnder this tytle. Certaine cheife poynts of accusations wher­with many Englishmen haue iustly charged the Iesuites, &c.

But marke heere their manifold falshood: for first no man hitherto to our knowledge eyther English or other in the world hath offered to come forth and accuse or prooue law­fully these points against the Iesuits, and much lesse these many Englishmen that heere are insinuated, who writ their calum­niations in corners, as hath byn said, and sent them to Rome to [Page] be spread in secret for so one of them wryteth in theArt. 22. article heere set downe: vse my letters secretly but effectualy, &c. And-fur­ther where heere it is said, that many Englishmen gaue vp these false accusations, we fynd but two named in the latyn origi­nal copy to wit Ch. P. & VV. G. who by these men are guil­fully omitted, in the English and by vs also should not be mē ­tioned but that we are forced in some sort to figure their na­mes by the first letters for testimony of the truth: for seing they denyed the same afterward by many protestations to many, & one of them before a publike magistrate; and the matters ob­iected being so absurd impious and apparantly false in them­selues we would willingly haue held silence therin, & cannot but wonder at the folly of these shamelesse libellers that re­peat them heere againe, and moreouer to auerre (as they doe) that the Fathers were iustly charged with them. And we doubt not but that euery modest man of what religion or profession soeuer he be, wil wonder also with vs when they shal heare and consider both the absurdity of the things obie­cted, and the open apparant malice in setting them forth to the world, with such approbation as heere they do.

For better vnderstanding wherof, we must note that these calumniations which heere they set abroad were certayne briefe articles collected by some of the Fathers in Rome out of a greate masse of seditious letters, which at the making vp of the peace and ending of the stryfes in that cytie, were partly discouered and exhibited voluntarily vpon scruple of con­science by those that had byn troblesome, & partly found by chance, or rather perhaps by Gods prouidence, the better to confirme the said peace within the colledge, which letters had byn wrytten and sent thither by the foresaid two frends C. P. and VV. G. out of Flanders for the intent before mentioned. of increasing those troubles.

And for somuch as the said partyes during the styrres pro­tested euery where that they had no part therin, but rather were sory for them, these letters being found to the contrary were put togeather in a good large booke yet extant, and out of that booke of larger relations were gathered certayne briefe [Page 7] articles (yet in the very woords so neere as might be of the wryters themselues) which articles had this title:See the trea­tese intitu­led Act a se­dit [...]osa C. P. &. G. G. &c. Roma, ann [...] 1596. & 97. contra Patres Societat [...]s. Capita quae­dam, &c Certayne heads of Calumniations, &c. conteyning as hath byn said a briefe some of the cheefest slaunders which the forsaid two men, and some few more of their correspon­dents had wrytten to the schollers at Rome, and by them di­vulged abroad against the fathers of the Society both in Rome, England, and els where, for their defamation, and ther­vpon it was thought best that the said Collection of Articles should be sent vnto them, or at least vnto one of them to be considered of; yf by that meanes perhaps, they entring into the consideration of so great iniuryes offered, where they pro­fessed and owed frendship, might be mooued to cease frō this course; and to that effect were they sent vnto the later to wit VV. G. with a letter wrytten in very frendly manner, laying downe vnto him plainly and sincerely both the iniquity of the thinges thēselues, as also the bad maner of proceeding therin, and after all, the wryter sayth thus:

This was then wrytten, and yow may easily discerne herby the [Page] spirit of peace and quietnesse in the wryter, and how s [...]al an appetite he & his had of reuenge, seeing that for so intollera­ble iniuryes and infamations offered them (which after yow shal heare) they were content with so simple a satisfaction as to haue peace for the tyme to come.Desyre of peace and qui [...]tnes in the Fathers. And truly these things being now past, and wel neare dead, we are exceeding sory to be inforced by the petulancy of our indiscreet brethren to re­peat or renew the memory of them againe, for which cause we passed them ouer in our Apologie, eyther in sylence or ge­neralityes, and heere we endeauour (as yow see) to couer mens names as much as may be without preiudice of the knowne truth, and very loath (truly) we shal be, to be constrayned in our larger promised Apologie to set downe these things at length, with the persons, places and other circumstances. Yet must yow heere note by the way that in the foresaid collectiō of calumniations sent to VV. G. in Flanders, there was adioy­ned in the latyn copy to euery article the author also or wry­ter togeather with the quotation of the place.A manifest falshood & deceipt. or wryting wherin it was to be found, which thing our brethren to make the matter more obscure and intricate, haue purposely omit­ted in their English traduction; to the end it might be thought, that many Englishmen had agreed among them­selues (as they affirme) to iustifie these false and infamous ac­cusations, deuised by some one only of his owne malitious head, which accusations and slanders we shal now repeat vn­to yow, at least wise some of them, for all were ouerlong, and the foule quality of a few wil easily glut your appetite (yf we be not deceaued) from desyring the rest.

First then the very first article concerning the whole Socie­ty or body of Iesuits (for into two branches yow remember they were deuided) is vttered by them in these woords:Relat. pag. 76 The Iesuits are so ambitious, as not còntent with the bounds which their Fa­thers placed, they haue in their insatiable desyre already swallowed vp kingdomes and monarchies: An absurd cō [...]umelious speech. And then was added in the latyn co­pie where yow should fynd this wise asser [...]ion to wit VV. G. epistola ad Temp. 13. April 1596. which quotation our brethren thought good to leaue out as wel in this as in all the other ar­ticles, [Page 8] partly not to discouer their frends, the authors of these calumniations, partly also (as hath byn said) to haue them thought to come from the consent of many togeather. But letting passe this fraud we would aske them sadly & seriously with what conscience can they publish this slaunder to the world of all Iesuits, or of their Society and body as the title [...]aith? VVhat kingdome or monarchie haue they already swallowed vp or de [...]owred (as the latyn woords import) is not this exceeding madnes to proceed with so impotēt blynd­nes of passion? But let vs heare further.

It followeth in the sixt article; Art. 6. that yf this ambition (of the Iesuits) do remayne vnpunished, the age that is to come shal see, that it wil bring in bondage not only prelats, but the very princes and monar­ches themselues, whon [...]yet shee flattereth in her infancy. Thus they report this article, leauing out the citation as before VV. G epi­stolam eadem. And vpon this they inferre for remedy another article immediatly following in these woords: Art. 7. They beseech the Pope (in latyn rogat VV. G. Pontificem) that he wil lay the axe to the r [...]ote of the tree, and cut of this pride of the Society spreading it selfe farre and neere, least yf it once arme it selfe with the authority of his Hol it powre out a ful reuenge vpon all others to their destruction, & make an infinite slaughter and massaker of soules, as already they haue begone in wretc [...]ed England, &c. ibid. VV. G.

And furthermore to in [...]yte his Hol. (yf they had byn able) to cut downe this religious tree of the Society, they tell him of diuers most greuous crymes and faults of Iesuits without pro­uing any one, or shewing them at least to be probable, as for example:Art. 9. pag. 77 That the Pope can comound nothing in all his mandats but the Iesuits find meanes to frustrate i [...] by secular power. And can this be true or probable? And againe:Art. 20. that the Iesuits do eagerly wayte for the death of the Pope, and of the renowned Cardinal [...] Toled, that they may bring vpon all, slaughter & bloudsheed, as they haue long assayed, &c. VV. G. altaep. ad T [...]p. 29. Sept. 1596. The quotation is left out. But is the matter likely? or was it christian charity in the wryter to cause such things to be put into his Hol. head? The one of the two is now dead, and his soule (we trust) with God: and at his death he left great signes of his loue and reuerence to­wards [Page] his mother the Society, as he was bound, and as we haue shewed in ourCap. 4. Apologie: neyther hath any slaughter or bloudshed followed from the Iesuits by his death, nor is like to do, by the grace of God, whensoeuer it shal please him to cal vnto him his Hol. whome we desyre and pray for daylie, that he may liuelong, and so we do assure our selues the Ie­suits do also, whatsoeuer this vnchristian calumniation doth cast out to the contrary, which how wel grounded it is, may appeare by two other that ensue,Art. 23. the one: that the Iesuits seeke the gouernmēt of the Colledge of Doway, Art. 24 and the other immediatly following;Art. 25. that the Iesuits by their Machauillian practises go about to procure the dissolution of the same Colledge. But of these matters the President, Doctors and Ancients of Doway Colledge togea­ther with the facts and effects themselues wil testifie against this slaunderous tongue, as also against that impious obiectiō, wherby they say in another Article:Art. 13. That it is a knowne positiō or maxim among the Iesuits: Diuide & impera: set in diuision and then shal yow gouerne at your pleasure. VVhich is so malitious a con­ceyt against so religious men, that we blush to relate it, albeit they blush not to affirme it; as neyther another cryme more improbable then this,Art. 10. saying, That the Iesuits in Rome do vse to in­tercept all manner of letters of all men what soeuer, not forbearing the packets of Cardinals nor Princes, &c. VVhat forehead would affir­me this, and put it in print? could neuer yet any one be taken with this, seing it is said to be vsed to so many, & so punished for the same?

But that yow may better see their good consciences heare (we pray yow) what true and pious protestations they make of English affayres,Art. 12. and Catholikes there: N. calleth God & his angels to witnes (in latin Deum testatur VV. G. & angelus eius) that the greatest part of the Nobility and Cleargie in England both at home and abroad do be wayle with sighes and teares their most miserable estate, in that they suffer more greuous things vnder these new tyrants (the Iesuits) then by all their other greuous daylie persecutions.Intemperate scolding a­gainst good men. VV. G. ep ad Marc. Now whether this be true or no, that the farre greater part (maxima pars) of the Nobility, and the English Clergie both at home and abroad (wherin no doubt must [Page 9] enter all the Seminaryes also) do thus weepe and bewayl [...] their miseryes and calamityes receyued by Iesuits, and whe­ther this be so certaine a truth, as VV. G. may cal God and his Angels to witnesse therof, and whether these men with a good conscience could publish the same in print, we leaue to any Catholike man or ciuil Protestant to iudge. And yet they repeat the very same againe as most true and notorious in the article following saying:Art. 1 [...]. That the persecution of the Iesuits is more greuous to the Catholiks then that of the heretikes in England: And all this yow must note was wrytten in the yeare 1596. When these later broyl [...]s and reuolts of these our mutined brethren were not yes fallen out.

Further also they tel his Hol. for his better information in English affayres;Very sedi­tious infor­mations. Art. 19. that nothing doth so vex the English Catholiks as the contempt and hatred (in the Iesuits) of the President that now is (in latyn praesentis Pontificis) and the slaunderous reproches impu­ted by them to the renowned Cardinals Toled and Alexandrinus. VV. G. epist. ad Temp. 19 [...] Septemb. 1596. And could enuy her selfe (thinke yow) inuent more odious and malitious stuffe? But yet harken further: Of three hundred priests (say they) which haue entred into England scarse six or seauen haue fallen away,Art. 17.but of twenty Iesuits, eight haue reuolted: And is this iustifiable? Nay is there any one of them that was sent to England hitherto by obe­diēce of his superiors, reuolted or fallen? Yf there be not, what impudensie is it, so boldly to auouch it? what folly also to name so many of their fellow priestes whose number wee pray God that some of these men do not encrease.

But yet let vs hearefurther of English matters and English Iesuits set downe vnder another general head or branch inti­tuled: The second general brād of calumniacions. Art. 1. Touching the Iesuites in England, wherof the first is: The Fa­thers of the Society (in England) do discent amongst themselues F. Hē ­ry the Superior, and F. Edmund in the prison at VVisbich, and there are 26. articles of their dissention. Thus saith this article, and then is quoted, Ch. P. in colloq. cum P. Bonard [...]vt patet ex eiusdem literis 27. Sept. 1597. VVhich quotation our brethren for sparing of their frends do omit though in all their later books they do contra­dict the whole substance of this article also by complayning [Page] that F. Garnet F. Edmund, and F. Persons with the rest are too much vnited, the one obaying the others beck, &c.

After this they lay on load,Art. [...]. saying: [...]hat the Iesuits are the fire­brands of all sedition:Art. 5.enemyes to all secular priests: such notable ly [...]rs, as none wil belee [...]e them,Art. 7.no not when they sweare: That by the schisma­tiks in England, they are called horseliches and bloud suckers. And thus they go on rayling and reuiling without stop or stay eyther of shame fastnes or conscience, [...]. Cor. 6. as though it were not wrytten neque ebriosi, neque maledici regnum Dei possidebunt. both which synnes these men heare do notably expresse by their intempe­rancy of tongue, and yet for very shame they leaue out [...]6. whole articles, which are in the latyn, albeit these which they set downe heere in English are so slaunderous and malitious, as we are ashamed to wade further therin. Yet wil we end with one that wil make yow laugh, or rather pitty the blyndnes of their folly,Art. 11. for thus they wryte: that F. Holt and his companions had gathered such an infinite masse of money (in Flanders) of the Catholiks in England,A notable ri­diculous ex­aggeration.for dispensations, or vnder the colour of ex­pending it to their vses, as many credibly affirmed it to exceed the some of fifty thowsand pounds English which make two hundred milliōs of Ita­lian scudes. VV. G. [...]p. ad Marc. 8. August. 1596. The quota­tion they omit according to their fashion for couering their frēds credit, that wrote this notable excesse, but yet do ouer­throw their owne credit in this ridiculous multiplication of two hundred millio [...]s of Italian scudes, which is more money per­haps then all the princes in Italy orels where in Christēdome can lay togeather [...] In the latyn copy, taken out of VV. G. his letters it is ducenta millia two hundred thousand, which these men eyther by ignorance or malice would needs increase to the number of two hundred millions. And we haue byn credibly informed that whē F. Persons came to Rome in the yeare 1597. Cardinal [...]urghe [...]ius, (who at that tyme was imployed by his Hol. as Viceprotector in compounding the styrres of the tumul­ [...]uous schollers) told the said Father, that no one thing had made his Hol. more cleerly to discouer, and see the passiō both of the [...]rbulent in the Colledge, and of their setters on from Flāders, then this particular accusation wrytten from thence [Page 10] F. Holt of two hundred thowsand crownes gotten by him to the So­ciety out of England; for (said he) yf it had byn some mode­rate summe, it might haue borne some probability of suspitiō, but now it cannot be thought true by any man. VVhervnto F. Persons answered, that yf it could be proued, that the body of the Society or any man therof to their vse had receyued out of England from their first entrance vnto that day, not two hundred thousand crownes, but two hundred pens to be bestowed in benifite of the said Societie, and not on English men or the English cause, that then he was content that all the rest obiected by the slanderers should be graunted for true; which he confirmed by diuers examples of English gentlemen dying beyond the seas, as M. Charles Basse [...], M. George, Gilbert and others, who left diuers good somnes of money freely geuen to the said society, or to be disposed by them at their pleasure, and namely the later of the two, left by testa­ment yet extant 800. Crownes in gyft to the house of proba­tion of S. Andrewes in Rome;Legacies of Englishmen refused by Iesuits. VVherof, or of any other such gyft, the General that now is Claudius Aquauius would neuer suffer any one penny to be admitted, eyther to the vse of the Society or to any frend of theirs, but only to be left and distri­buted to Englishmen in necessity, & to the vse of the English cause, as it was. And the colledg of Rhemes had of this and other money left by the same gentleman when he died to the arbitrement of the said Iesuits, two thousand crownes in gold, and the body of the Society neuer a penny, as to this day appeareth by manifest records.

And thus much by occasion we haue byn forced to vtter in this behalfe, hauing thorowly informed our selues of the truth; and we could say much more in this matter of the exceeding charity and charges also of those good men bestowed vpō vs and our cause, yf the shortnes of this treatise did not prohi­bite to enlarge our selues in such matters. Yet can we not pre­termit, but to aduertise the Reader, that our brethren in the beginning of this their treatise of accusations against Iesuits do remit vs to the 52. Page of their booke where they wryte thus:Relat. pag. [...] VVe wil put yow in mynde that after Cardinal Allens death, the [Page] students in the English colledge at Rome [...]elt no lesse oppression by the Iesuits their ty [...]m [...]ysing gouernours,The sedition of the En­glish colledg defended.then we did at home,&c. It may be that he [...]rafter some of our brethren wil set out those tragedyes at large, which [...] long, and wil appeare to all men of indifferency to haue byn very intollerable; in the meane while you shal vnderstand that two or three did wryte a teat [...]se of the Iesuits dealing and naming it a memorial dedicated the same in latyn to his Holines in the yeare 1597. &c. The imputations wherof were so very sharp and tou­ched their freehould so nerely as no maruel yf F. Garnet bestyrred his stumpes to saue their credits by all the meanes and wayes he could de­uise, &c.

Thus they wryte, and by their very stile yow may learne their spirit, and what maner of imputations were obiected yow haue partly now heard before; & for the story of the Ro­man styrres heere threatned we suppose they wil not be so fōd as to set it forth, especially hauing read what we haue authēti­cally wrytten therof in the 5. Ch [...]p. of our Apology, which these men shal in vayne go about to dif [...]redit by bare scorneful words without proofes. And wheras they here iest at that re­uerend man F. Garnet, for besty [...]ing his st [...]mpes (as their phrase is) for sauing the Iesuits credits, he did no other than any iniured or oppressed innocent man could do in such a case against so false and malitious slanders published against religious men, which was to require the testimonyes of all the good priests in Eng­lād for reproofe therof. And to the end no man should say or testify more then he knewe (wherof it seemeth these men haue litle care, who affirme euery thing absolutely) he suggested vnto them a tryple way of wryting: the one, for them that knew all to be false (as indeed it was, and may be prooued) so to affirme in their letters: the other for such as could not say so much of their certayne knowledge,Great mode­sty in the re­quest of F. Garnet. that the whole accu­sation was false, but only that they knew not the things to be true, nor had themselues any such opinion or matter to accuse the fathers of; & consequently must needs suspect these things to be false, these (we say) to wryte so much and no more: And the third way was, that such as could not or would not in­termedle in the articles or matters themselues objected, yet to [Page 11] testifie that they were no authors therof, nor knew any thing of the said Memorial.

Thus scrupulously,& with so great modesty wrote F. Gar­net to the priests of England for their testimonyes of only truth in this behalfe, for which these gybers say heere now; that he bestyrred his stumpes, Pag. 23. and was content to play smal game be­fore he would sit out, and that he swore by more then his litle honesty, there was not a true word in the said Memorial, &c. And that they sil­dome fal out to be the honestest men who are dryuen to seeke testimonials for their behauiour, &c. which is a style fitter for Ru [...]ians and souldiars, then for sacred and anoynted priests, if they were priests that wryte this, or had so much inward light of reason or conscience as to consider the absurdity of this base kind of comical wryting against such men of their owne religion. And as for the testimonyes themselues required by F. Garnet, we would aske our people what other way could there be taken by any honest and modest men, for their defence in so publike an infama [...]iō, then to remit themselues with such in­differency as they do to the report of their fellow priests, and Catholike brethren? did not the Apostles also do the like when need required, and all good men after them, &c.

VVherfore to end this matter, we say that the good fa­thers both in Rome & heere hauing byn more vngrate­fully and vnworthily,The great patience of the Fathers in beating so intollerable in­iures. and more opprobriously slaun­dered by the intemperate tongues of some of our con­trey mē, then euer perhaps men of such quality were by Cath. people so much obliged to them for their labors and other benefits, as our men are: they haue alwayes hitherto taken and borne the same with the greatest patience that men could expect, and haue neuer fought any other reuenge or satisfaction at their hands that most haue iniured th [...], but their true reconciliation and amendement, nor any further iu­stification of themselues then only to satisfie the bare truth in matters obiected. And this is most apparant besides other argumentes by the end of the forsaid Roman sedition, where such of the troublesome as remayned after quietnes re­stored, were as tenderly soued cherished and made of by the [Page] fathers, as if neuer any such matter had fallen out. By which notorious charity, diuers of them that had byn of those styrs were moued afterward to exceeding great internal sorow for their former proceedings and some of them also resol­uing for better satisfactiō to enter into the said Society it self. And the like effects of better consideration wil ensue also heere after in England, we doubt not, in those that be of good consciences, when this tempest of passion shalbe past, and reason restored to her place,The da [...]nge­rous and la­mentable case of them that slaunder others. for which we shall pray.

And in the meane space for that the pittiful state of our passionate brethrens soules doth [...]ly continually before our eyes, if they should die before they enter into due conside­ration of pennance and satisfaction, we cannot but warne them, especially those that haue eyther wrytten or published or imparted frō hand to hād the foresaid infamations against the fathers of the Society or other men, or haue consented, therunto that according to all Catholike diuinity, consciēce, and reason they are in a damnable state of mortal synne, and subiect also to the censures and punishments appointed therunto, and that they, are bound to restitution in the best manner they can, though it were with the losse of their owne good names by recalling the said reproches & that no ghostly father with safe conscience can absolue them (being in this state) except they promise effectually to make this re­stitution, or rather do really and actually preforme the same.

And this not to be any exaggeration of ours, but rather the common and knowne sense & doctrine of all learned Catholiks, is euident by their wrytings about this matter of infamation, the penaltyes wherof are expressed by both Ciuil and Cannon lawes.Cod. lib. 9. tit. de [...]am. l [...]bell. lege Vnica. The ciuil saith thus: Si quis famo­sum libellum domi, vel in publico, &c. If any d [...]find any infamons li­bel (though vnwittingly) at home or in publike or any other place (and much more yf he should compose it) if he do not teare and burne the same but manifest it to others, he must dy for it, as yf he had byn the author therof.

The Canon law sayth:Decret. causa 5. q. 1. cap. 1. Qui in alte­rius. Qui in alterius famam, &c. He that shal deuise and publish eyther by woord or wryting any contu­melious [Page 12] thing wherby another is infamed, and being found, is not able to proue it, flagelle [...]ur, let him be whipped, and he that first findeth the said contumelious wryting, let him teare it vnder paine to incurre the same penalty with the author. Thus they say; and much more to this effect might be alleadged as wel for other punish­ments, as also their obligation to restitution, if this place did beare it, or the thing it selfe were obsecure, only we shal in the name of the rest, set downe some few words of that most learned and pious wryter [...], and the rather fot that he seemeth to speake in the same sense, and feeling compassion which we do of our brethren: for hauing first defined the case and quality of the synne in his Summarie wryting vpon the decretalles in these words:In decres. de paint. d [...]st. [...]. Cap. Sacerd [...]s. num. 5. & de­inceps. Libellum famosum componere, aut repertum palam facere, graue peceatum est, & grauius. famam [...]aesam non restituere. ‘To compose any famous libel, or to publish the same being made by another is a greeuons synne, but much more greeuous, not to restore the same of them that are iniured.’ Thus he sayth, and then he maketh his further consideration vpon the same:The speech of Nauarre to be mar­ked. Quod multi parum anim­ [...]duertentes, &c. VVhich thing many not weighing wel, do greuously offend both diuine and humane maiest. and do most miserably clog their owne soules with the obligation of restoring the same of those whome they haue stan [...]dered, and which is to be bewayled with [...]eares, they scarse euer disburden their said soules in this behalfe.

Thus saith he, which in our opinion, ought much to be considered and remembered by our brethren especially seeing that bothNauar. in s [...]m cap. 27. num. 109. this man andS. Antonin. 3. part. tit. 2 [...] c. 7 [...]. other wryters do record, that for [...]nfaming a whole order of religion, their is a special ex­communication, the absolution wherof is reserued to the Pope himselfe. And whether the fore-related slanders vttered with such a tooth against the Iesuits (who by the Sea Apo­stolike are made partakers of that and other like priuiledges) may bring our brethren within that case,Caet. in s [...]m. v [...]. excom­m [...] we leaue to them and their ghostly fathers to consider and weigh for their owne security,Iacob. de Gr [...] ­ [...]is lib. 2. cay. 137. num. 1 [...]. which we admonish them sincerely, and as in the fight of God almightie, considering that the foresaid obli­gation of restitution byndeth not only in the case of true li­bels [Page] (if any would so fondly flatter themselues, as to thinke these not to be such) but also in euery false or vniust infama­tion whatsoener.

And this shal be sufficient for the present about this matter, except we be forced to ad any thing hereafter when the said story of the Roman styrres shal come forth. And hitherto the discreet Reader wil easily consider what manner of subiects and arguments these two are of the proceedings of VVisbich, and of the accusations layd against Iesuits brought in by our brethren in this former book, which they cal A Relation.

But the other arguments which followeth in the book intituled:The booke of important cōsideratiōs, and argumēt therof. Important Considerations, &c. surpasseth all the rest in folly and phrensy, contayning not only a furious in [...]ectiue against particular men, wherunto our Countrey, and the wryters themselues are most bound and behoulden, as the forenamed Fathers of the Society, Doctor Sanders, Card. Alle [...] and others by name, but all the rest also of the learned Ca­tholike men of our nation, D. Stapleton, D. Bristow, M. Gregory Martyn M. VVilliam Raynolds, yea those of other countreys also, and the very Popes themselues and their doyngs, as also the holy martyrs in like maner, of our nation, that haue suffe­red and all other good and godly men are iniured in this most odious booke as by the sequel of this our narration shal appeare.

For first these men to grace themselues with my L. of London, and other higher Magistrates by his meanes and mediation, and to wreake their spite vpon others of their owne coate, calling and religion, whose vertues they can neyther beare nor immitate, and whose other gifts and graces they do highly enuy; are come at length not only to be priuy mutiners against their Superiors, and con­spirers with the common aduersary (as hitherto) but open­ly also as publike enemyes to impugne their owne cau­se, bydding warre and defiance, to all those that haue or do defend the same contrary to their appetite and fancy, which point of madnesse, they do prosecute in this whole [Page 13] book by six or seauen most absurd positions or paradoxes, iustifying first, the proceeding of heretiques and persecutors against Catholiks for cause of religion: then excluding all spiritual authority and Iurisdiction of the Sea Apostolike from England, as forrayne and subiect to the law of Premunire: 3 Thirdly denynig the said Sea and Bishops therof all authority to restrayne punish or force by way of armes eyther by him selfe or others any temporal prince for heresy, Apostasy, or whatsoeuer other cryme pertayning to Religion. Fourthly 4 affirming, that if any Pope should attempt such matters he may and ought to be resisted by Catholike subiects, and that themselues would do it though he came in person. Fifthly 5 they lay all the fault of so long and greeuous persecution as hitherto English Catholiks haue suffered for religion, vpon themselues, and their owne doings, not excepting heerin, the very martyrs and Saints of God; and further they are not ashamed to affirme, that yf they had byn of the Counsel them­selues they could haue done no lesse, then to haue agreed to the said persecution, and to the lawes and statutes made for the same. Sixtly that they meane hereeafter to change their 6 former course, and (as their phrase is) to turne ouer the leafe, and with such resolution as yf they should know any disignments or treatese of his Hol. or other Catholiks for reformation or restraynt of heresy by way of force in England they would reueale the same to the persecutors. The 7. and last poynt is, that they condemne the Semynaries and education of our youth therin beyond the seas, wherin themselues or the most part of them haue byn brought vp, and made that they are now (excepting their sedition) and they dehort all Catholi­kes 7 with great vehemency from sending their children thither counseling them rather to keep them at home, where they assure them, that God wil prouide other masters euen of the ministers themselues, yf need be, to instruct them better then in the Seminaryes they are instructed.

These are the wise and holesome: positions which these men haue in this booke set downe, and do handle as the sub­iect and argument therof, which yow see of what quality & [Page] consideration they are; to wit, the first ful of adulation, and meerly parasitical, the second third and fourth pernicious er­roneous, and heretical; the fifth wicked and reprochful; the sixt trayterous, and the last ridiculous or rather impious, which in part shal appeare by these few words which in this place we are to say of each of them in order.

The first point of this argument is set downe in the title it selfe of the book,The first point of the argument. which they cal: Important considerations to mooue all true Catholikes that are not wholy Iesuited (to wit not so base or wickedly mynded as themselues to flatter and fawne vpon tēporal fauour) to acknowledge all the proceedinges of the state of England against Catholikes (since it excluded the Roman faith and fel to heresy) to haue byn not only iust, but also myld and merciful, &c. Thus they say, adding further another peece of the said title in these words: Published by sundry of vs the secular priestes in dislike of many treateses, letters, and reportes, which haue byn wrytten and made in diuers places to the contrary, with our opinions of a better course hereafter, for the promoting of the Catholike faith in England.

Thus they frame their title: wherby (as yow see) they first make themselues publike proctors for the heretiks and presecutors, and then open accusers against the presecuted Ca­tholikes on their owne side. That which they adde of the publication of this booke, by sundry of them secular priests, we easily beleeue that they were rather sundy and sundered also, then many vnited in so wicked an attempt, and that they were not only secular in order and degree, but in mynd also hart and desyres which S. Paul conioyneth with impiety, when he saith: abnegantes impietatem, & saecularia desideria. As for the treateses,Tit. 2.letters, and reports which haue byn wrytten and made in di­uers partes of the world, against the persecution vsed vpō Catho­liks in England, which our new doctors heere do protest to mislike; they hauing byn wrytten and made by the grauest and most learnedestD Sand. de visib. mon. l. 7. & de schis­mate. D. Al [...]ē Card. men of our nation, and others; and vpon the grounds and proofes which in their books they haue set downe, little importeth, what these men may like or dislike therof now, being vnworthie to be admitted for iudges or cē ­surers [Page 14] of their Maisters doings and wrytings,In Apol & cont. Iustit. Britan. especially seing them so transformed by the passion of enuy & malice, as they seeme to haue sold their tongues to the common enemy,D. Bristovv in his moti­ues. to contradict whatsoeuer others haue done before them; for which cause also their offered opinions of a new and better course hereafter, D. Staplet. in Didimo ve­rid. & alibi. for turning ouer the leafe (as after they cal it) is ri­diculous and contemptible to all Catholiks of discretion,Philopat. against the Proclamatiō. Pernius a­gainst [...]e same. cō ­sidering the learning, vertue, grauity, seuerity, constancy, wis­dome and other commendations of these that went before, and the very effects and fruits themselues of their labors hi­therto, and comparing the [...]with the con [...]rary in firmityes and imperfections of these men, and that th [...]y set vp nothing but seeke to pul downe. And when they come to the end of their book, and should shew vs what this new course of theirs is, which they cal, better for promoting of Catholike Religion herafter in England, yow shal find no other thing prescribed by them but only a flattering persuasion to sticke to the State against the Pope and Sea Apostolike (wherin we persuade our selues that the aduersaryes themselues do not beleeue them) & then a vehement exhortation to Catholiks to send their children no more to the Seminaryes beyond the seas least they be in­fected with the contrary doctrine, which is so foolish and absurd as we are ashamed to mention or relate it.

And thus much touching the first point.The second cheefe point of the sub­iect. The second is about the law of Premunire many tymes mentioned before by them, and now againe greatly vrged in the preface of this book, where hauing rayled without all modestie or measure against F. Persons and all other Catholiks and priests vnited with him in admitting his Hol. ordinance about the Arch­priest, they say thus:Epist. pag. 14 As by this meanes (to wit by admitting the Archpriest) he and his confederates haue incurred a double premunire as in another place (siz in the booke of Quodlibets. I meane God willing to declare) so entendeth he therby to draw yow all (good Catholiks) into the same predicament premunireal and of treason with him.

Touching this booke of Quodlibets heere mētioned, yf these men do meane therby that they may say or vnsay therin what they list without controlment, then may all the other [Page] books also hitherto set forth be called Quodlibets The booke of Quodli­bets. no lesse then this, hauing tyed themselues therin to no law eyther of truth, probability, proof or modesty. Neyther can we immagine what occasion this booke of Quodlibets may bring to handle more at large this matter of Premunire, then heere, and in other their wrytings hath byn expressed, seing that applying that law as they do, to ouerthrow therby the Popes institution of the Archpriest, their intention must needs be consequently to exclude all Papal authority and iurisdiction from the king­dome of England, except the prince of what religion soeuer, agree thervnto. VVhich doctrine of what quality it is, no man can but see.

And for better explication therof we are in this place to ad­uertise the Reader, that albeit we haue said so much already in ourCap. 2. Apologie about this matter as was needful for that place,About the lavv of Pre­munire. and the obiections made by these people did require; yet hauing both thought and sought more of that poynt since, by occasion of the often vrging it, we find somwhat to be added heere, to wit, that the Appellation to Rome in the first instance which there we mentioned was rather an antecedent or pre­amble to the law it selfe of Premunire then the cheefe substance therof, which preamble was begon specially vnder K. Henry the second in the cause of S. Thomas of Canterbury about the yeare 1170. and continued on vntil towards the later end of the raigne of K. Edward the 3. to wit about the yeare 1375. which was but a yeare before the said Kings death, when VVickclif now had begone to styrre against Cleargie men, and the king being impotent permitted the gouernment most to Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster his fourth some, at great va­riance in those dayes with the bishops, namely VVickam and Courtney, the first of VVinchester, the second of London, and him­selfe not a litle incensed with Iohn VVickcliffes new diuelish per­suasions against the cleargy and religious men.

VVherfore a contention being in those dayes about the collation of benefices and bishopricks in England, wherof the Popes were wont to dispose for the most part, they con­cluded in England after many contentions and disputes and [Page 15] many sendings forth and back to Auinion in France where the Popes at that tyme resided, that such prouisions of benefices should not be sought nor made from the Pope immediately for the tyme to come, but only in England by consent of the prince and confirmation afterward of the Pope for the most principal benefices and dignityes; and whosoeuer should con­trary to this procure prouisions immediately from the Pope or any other power or iurisdiction contrary to this lawe, should incurre the penaltyes therof. And this to haue byn the only true meaning and intent of the said law and lawmakers, that were Catholiks,Policron. lib. 7. c. 44. Tho. VValsingh ab an 1343. vsque ad an. 1376. ex ar­ [...]hiuis Reg. & stat. impres­sis. is euident by all authors that haue wrytten therof. And in this sense there is no controuersy among vs, for that later Popes haue eyther agreed thervnto or permitted the same; and we see the like in vre also in other Catholike coun­treys at this day by agreement and composition betwene the Sea Apostolike, Princes, and Catholike Cleargie.

But besides this sense and meaning of the law there hath byn another inuented by heretiks and enemyes synce that tyme,Registrum Symonis Is­lepij. as though by this law all external iurisdiction of the bishop of Rome should be vtterly excluded from England not only in prouiding of benefices whervnto are annexed temporalityes,Nicol Harpes feld in hist. Eccles. Angl. saeculo 14. Cap. 5. but euen in matters also meere spiritual. In which sense K. Henry the eight Father of her Maiestie was per­suaded by some of his Counsel infected with Luthers Do­ctrine at that tyme, to condemne the Card. of Yorke, and all his English Cleargie,Sander de Schisma [...]e li. 1. in the losse of all their temporalityes by pretence of this law,Iohn Stovv anno 1530. for admitting the authority and iurisdi­ctiō of the Popes legats Campegius & the said Cardinal without the kings expresse licence.

And in this sense also hath the Popes authority byn called forrayne and external and vtterly excluded from England by diuers lawes statutes & oathes set forth by Protestants against the same, since that tyme. And in the same sense and signifi­cation (being plainly false and heretical as yow see) do these libellers vrge it now against the Archpriest and others that admit and approue his authority, though meerly spiritual, as all the world seeth, as hauing nor benefice nor temporality [Page] annexed to it or ioyned with it. And so we see with what kynd of people these men are drawen by passion to conspire and iump.

The third point of their argumēt in this book is to shew that nether the Pope nor any other ecclesiastical power what soeuer hath any authority to restrayn,The [...] point of the argu­ment. punish, or presse by way of force or armes immediatly or by others any Christian tēporal prince whatsoeuer, for any delict of heresy, Apostasy, impugnation of Christian faith, extirpation of religion or o­ther cryme whatsoeuer, though neuer so much danger or da­mage should e [...]s [...]e by his default to the commouwealth or to the rest of Christendome.

And this irreligious paradox they go about to maintayne throughout their whole book, alleadging fond & childish ar­gumēts for the same:Pag. 19. as that the word of the spirit & not the swords of the flesh or any arme of man, is that which giueth life, and beauty to the Catholike Churche and that the promise made to S. Peter is a sure and sufficient ground to defend Catholike religion without armes: And other such fācies which the Anabaptistes do vse to proue that there should be no external force or ciuil magistrate vsed by Christians; and as Martyn Luther disputed, when he would prooue that warre was not to be waged against the Turke for religion, especially at the Popes direction. And yet are our men so confident in these their follies as they are not ashamed to say in the same place to Catholiks:Ibidem. Giue no eare (deare Catho­likes) to any priuate VVhisperings or Iesuitical persuasions; to the con­trary; all arguments that can be brought assure your selues are false and vnlearned sophistifications.

Thus they say, and thus they assure Catholiks, but much more sure are wee, that this is pride, ignorance, [...]olly, and fals­hood in them; for that they cannot but know, that all the Catholike learned men of Christendome are against them in this position: and that the proofes and reasons, which they alleadge for the same (called by these men heere priuate VVhis­perings, Iesuitical persuasions, and vnlearned sophistications) are so learned and weighty, as they are not able to answere one of them; and if we should heere set downe the ranke of authors [Page 16] that haue wrytten of this point within these 400. yeares, as also in our dayes against heretikes and atheists, and con­uinced the same by most learned demonstrations both out of scriptures, councelles fathers and theological reasons, to wit, that albeit directly the supreme pastor of Christs Churche (according to the cōmon opinion of diuynes) haue not tem­poral dominion or iurisdiction ouer christian temporal prin­ces that are supreame in their owne states, yet indirectly for conseruation and defence of religion when it is impugned or put in hazard by them, he may also vse the sword or help of temporal forces for his restraint, eyther immediatly from himself or by other princes at his direction; if (we say) we should cyte heere all the learned Catholike authors of all nations that haue wrytten and affirmed this against our mennes new flattering paradox, we should fil vp this whole Chapter with quotations of authors and books; which esteeming to be needlesse and inconuenient, we haue thought better to passe them ouer, cyting only someDeuines. D. Th. 22. qu. 40. artic. 2. & q. 12 art. 2. Caetan. in Apol. [...]om. 1. Op [...]se. tract. 2. l. 13. ad [...], & 22. qu 43. Th. VValdē ­sis l. 2. doct. fidei artic. 3. cap. 67. 77. 78. Franc. de Vi­ctor [...]elect. 1. de pie [...]ate Ec­cles. q. penul­tima, cum re­lect. de Indis Insulanis p. 1. Paludanus l. de pietate Eccles. So [...]. i [...] 4. sent. dist. 25. q. 2. art. 1. Dominic. Ba­unes in com­mēt. 22. q. 12. artic. 2. few in the margent for the Readers direction, if it please him to peruse.

And as for reasons, one or two only may suffice for reaso­nable men in this so cleare a matter; wherof the first & ground of all other is, the subordination that is and ought to be be­weene the temporal and spiritual ends of ciuil and ecclesia­stical Magistrats, and their powers; which subordination ac­cording to the most excellent declaration of S. Gregory Nazian­zen, and other fathers is, and ought to be as the body to the soule, the flesh to the spirit, and earthly things to heauenly things. And as the body is subiect to the soule, the flesh to the spirit, and earthly and temporal affayres to those that are heauenly and eternall; so is the end of the ciuil common welth subiect and subordinate to the end of the spiritual com­mon wealth, to wit the Church of Christ. And as the soule may and doth restrayne or correct oftentymes the body, and the spirit the flesh when they go out of order, so may the spiritual gouuernour do the same to the temporal, when he breaketh this subordination and goeth about to impugne [Page] the same and ouerthrow religion,Molina 22. tract. 2. dis­put. 29. art. 3. Bellarm. Car. to 1. cōt [...]ou. Ibi. 5. ca 6. 7. & 8. wherunto he and his power ought to be subiect and subordinate, &c.

The second reason proceeding of this first, may be, that if some such supreme superiority for restrayning of particular princes were not left in gods Churche,Greg de Va­lent. 22. disp. 1. qu. 12. pun­cto 2. then had not his de­uine prouidence left sufficient remedy in the Christian com­mon wealth for conseruation and cōtinuation therof (which notwith-standing he hath promised shal endure to the end of the world) seing that euery temporal prince without sub­ordinatiō to any on head,Canonists. S. Anton. 3. p. tit. 22 l. 5. §. 2. may beleeue, teach, chaūge, or alter religion at his pleasure,Siluester de verbo Papa. q. 7. & à qu. 10. vsque ad 14. & verbo legitimus: q. 4. without any remedy or redresse, which were contrary to the high wisdome of almightie God, shewed in all other things to which he hath left suf­ficient power and prouision to defend and conserue themsel­ues and their owne beeing.

And this is so plaine and euidenta truth euen by the light of nature her selfe (where any soule or spirit,Ioan Paris de pietate regla & papali in principio &c. 11. or higher end then earth or earthly things is acknowledged) as not only all sectaryes of our tyme whatsoeuer do confesse the same,Nauar. I no­no de indi­cijs notab. 3. & alij. or sub­stāce therof, but Iewes also and Turks wil not deny, but that for defence and conseruation of religion any prince may be restrayned that goeth about to ouerthrow [...]the same;Greg. Naziāz. in orat. ad populum trepi­datem & Im­per. comotū. which we see in like mauer practised by innumerable examples re­counted both in scriptures ecclesiastical and prophane histo­ryes, as also by experience of our owne dayes. And this base flattery of these our new fawning brethren to the contrary, is not only fond but also impious.

There followeth the fourth part of their argument in this book which conteyneth a braue and resolute protestation against the Pope,The 4 point of their ar­gument. to wit: that if the Pope should come in person with an army where they are, vnder pretence to establish Catholike religion by force, they would oppose themselues against him, and spend the best bloud in their bodyes (if any be good) in that quarrel, &c. Behold valiant Souldiers brought vp in the Popes seminaryes brauing against him: who would beleene this to be spoken by preests, except they auowed themselues to be authors of the book? And how are these men (think yow) so soone [Page 17] of priests made souldiars? A litle before they talked much of the word, and now vpon the suddayne they haue taken vp the sword, to fight against their cheefe pastor and bringer vp, and this also in defence of heresy. VVhence (think yow) is this mutation? VVe are thorowly presuaded (say they) that priests of what order soeuer ought not by force of armes to plant, water,Ibid.or de­fend religion. But we would aske them what good arguments haue persuaded them herin, or what learned maister hath taught them this new lesson, so contrary to their old? Surely we can immagine none, but my L. of London, nor other ar­guments then anger, enuy and other like passions.

The fifth poynt of their subiect is to cast vpon Catholiks (as hath byn said) yea vpon the best and most zealous sort,The fifth point of their argument. and vpon the martyrs themselues all the fault, hatred and enuy of the long and greeuous persecutions and sufferings for religion in England, and to drowne them (as men are wont to say) in their owne bloud and (which is more impious) to de­fame them with all sorts of people both at home and abroad, as traytors, conspirers, and practisioners against the State, and as men of maleuolent mynds towards both their prince and contrey: And is this priestlike? is this piety? nay they lay the fault vpon the Popes themselues (as before hath byn shewed) and is this tolerable?

But yet they go further, and say that some of themselues, if they had byn of her Ma. counsel, and knowing what they now know,Pag. 17.would haue giuen their consents to that which hath byn done against Catholikes Lo heere, they giue their consent à posteriori to parti­cipate the spilling of so much bloud, and the guylt of so many spoilings and vexations of Catholiks as hitherto haue byn vsed, and great probability there is that the iustice of almighty God may admit them to that participatiō at the day of iudg­ment, seing they desyre it so earnestly, and so importunatly thrust themselues in now, by offering their postconsent. But would any man beleeue this of Catholike preeists that are in their right wits?

If a man should pose them about the proceedings in En­gland for aboue twenty yeares before the comming of the [Page] Iesuits thither (whome now they make the authors of al persecution & sufferings) as of the chaunge of religion it selfe the deposing and imprisoning of all the Cath.Aposing of the iumul­tuons. Bishops, the abolishing of the masse, with the greeuous punishmēt appointed for hearing it, the ministring of the oath about the supre­macy and other articles of faith, the inforcing to heretical ser­uice, sermons and communion, the expulsing from colled­ges, benefices and dignityes, the imprisoning of diuers presons, the putting to death of diuers as wel priests as others. M. VVoodhouse, M. Mayne, D. Story, M. Shirwood, &c. yf all these pro­ceedings and persecutions were vsed before the Iesuits came into England, or that Catholikes styrred, how do these accu­sers of their brethren lay all the fault of rigour and persecu­tion vpon Iesuits and other Catholiks of their side? How wil they answere or defend this?

The sixt poynt of their book,The sixt point of their argument. Pag. 5. is an intimation of their in­tention and resolute purpose to chāge their former course for the tyme to come: Better late them neuer (say they) we haue thought it our parts, being her highnes natural borne subiects to ac­knowledge the truth of the carriage of matters against vs, & the appa­rant causes of it that the blame, may in deed from point to point light and ly where it ought to do, &c. This is their flattering and per­fidious preface, and the persons wheron this blame and bloud of martyrs must light and ly are not only the Iesuits and true zealous priests and Catholiks ioyned with them; but the Popes also themselues to wit Pius 5. Gregor. xiij. Syxtus 5. named by them, Card. Allen also, D. Saunders, and others called heere their instruments. And then they proceed in their for­said intimation and denuntiation in these words:Pag. Ibid. If the State hereby, may in any sort be satisfied, our owne former courses bettered and the realme secured (we promise) that the like shal neuer her after be at­tempted or sauored by any of vs, but be reuealed, yf we know them, and withstood yf they be enterprised, withal our goods, and our lyues, to our vttermost ability, be their pretences neuer so fayre for religion or what els can be deuised.

Lo heere new Champions that wil fight euen with God himself yf he should come with force to root out heresy. [Page 18] But wil any prorestant liuing beleeue them, seing them so notoriously perfidious to their owne people, or rather meere sicophants in seeking to accuse all other Catholikes, but thē ­selues, of treasons and machinations against the prince and state? what spirit of the former wicked seauen may we hold this to be? VVherfore seing they do affirme so plainly heere that better late then neuer and that they meane to turne ouer the leafe (which God of his mercy grant it be not to open heresy and apostasie) it is better also for Catholiks that they know these men rather late then neuer. And this is all the aduertis­ment we wil giue them in this behalfe.

But not to enlarge our selues any further,The 7 poy [...] of the sub­iect. there remayneth the last part of this subiect or argument, wherin they beseech all Catholiks to pleasure them so much, as not to send their children any more to the Seminaries beyond the seas:Pag 4 [...]. It re­mayneth then (say they) that yow would be pleased to be intreated by vs not to send or suffer your children or frends to go beyond the seas to them that so they may be driuen yf needs they wil trayne vp youthes, to make them traytors, to gather them vp in other contreys, wherby they shal not be able so much to infect or indanger vs, &c. This is their re­quest, where at we doubt not, but yow wil laugh; especially considering that yf Iesuits had not gathered op diuers of them in other contreyes, they had yet layen on the ground as con­temptible things both their and heere, but heare the reason of their request and yow wil laugh more.Ibid. 4 [...]. For God (say they) is able to rayse vp priests out of our owne vniuersityes and from among the mini­sters themselues.

Lo heere a new generation of masters made of ministers insteed of Iesuits. For bringing vp Catholiks children, but besi­des teachers they must offer vs colledges and mayntenance, also or els they bid vs to our losse. And so with this as they do end their booke, so shal we end this first Chapter, remyt­ting it to the iudgment of the discreet Reader, concerning both the wit and spirit wherwith it is wrytten, which yet wil more perhaps appeare in the others chapters following.

OF THEIR FOLLY AND passionate spirit declared in the maner of hand­ling the former argumentes.
CAP. II.

YF yow haue taken pitty (good Readers, as truly we haue) of our discontented and distempered brethren their indiscretīon and demonstration of bad spirit in taking vpon them to handle and defend so odious ar­gumēts, as before haue byn related out of their two last books, the one treating a defence and patronage of disorder and li­berty against vertuous, regular, and retyred life, the other two (for now they are three in number as yow haue seene) of farre worse quality tending to open rayling and rebellion against Superiors, with manifest errors also in doctrine: much more (no doubt) wil yow do the same, or rather feele a farre deeper sense of compassion in yow toward them by vewing ouer their manner of handling these subiects, which is co­monly euery where with such extreame passion, lack of iudgment, modestie, and moderation, as truly in men of their coate and vocation is most lamentable.

For wheras an euil argument may somtymes by cunning and smoth handling,The extreme passionate proceeding of the sedi­tious. or by shewing wit & learning of zeale, or modestie be made plausible to the vulgar reader, these men do so treat the argument or subiect of these two books, as yf they were good and tolerable of them selues, yet could they not but become contemptible and odious by their man­ner of treating, seing they manifestly declare therin, that no reason, desyre of truth, zeale of reformation, loue of vnion, or any other good cause or motiue induced them to take this en­terprize in hand, but spite and rancor only, enuy and malyce desyre of reuenge and other such pernicious inductions; and in the manner of handling their pretentions, they so beare themselues, as euery child may discouer not only great insuf­ficiency in wisdome and learning, but in all other vertues [Page 19] besides belonging to men of ther profession, and that only they are carried away with the fury of passion and rage of reuenge, not caring what or how or of whome they say any thing, so they may vtter their gaule and disgorge their choler vpon thē, whome they enuy, feare or hate. Some few examples we shal heere set downe, wherby yow may easily make a gesse at the rest.

And first of all we shal note one that might seeme only to comprehēd folly and lack of discretion, if other things vtte­red by the same party afterward in his discourse did not bring also suspition or rather demōstration of venome and malice. For thus he beginneth his Preface to the book intituled, Im­portant considerations, &c.

Thus he wryteth, and were it not that the gauling and spiteful speech which after he vseth against diuers men of [Page] great worth, do argue the wryter of somwhat more then sim­plicity and folly, this might passe with laughter as yow see, but hearing him say afterward;Pag. 1 [...]. VVe do disdaine and renounce from our hartes both Archpriests and Iesuits as arrant traytors, &c. And againe in the very next page thus to glory and professe: Disobedient VVe are to the Archpriest as an vsurper on the [...]ehalfe of the Cath. Sea of Rome. Pag. 19. And then againe for further explication of his meaning: Disobedient we are to the diuel, and all his instrumental vsurped authorityes. Malitions speeches of VV. VV. And yet further: Neuer shal the Cath. Church or common welth of England find so wicked a member as a VVolsey, a Persons, a Creswel, a Garnet, a Blackwel, &c. These we say, and many other like speches beeing foūd euery where in this pre­face, do manifestly shew, that not only wisdome wanteth in the wryter, but some other more necessary vertues also to a Christian Catholike, and much more a priest as he professeth himselfe to be.

But now wil we shew yow another example of folly and malice ioyned to geather out of the beginning of their second books preface to the end yow may see that both were wryt­ten by one spirit,An example of folly and malice ioy­ned to gea­ther. their words are these, yeilding a reason of publishing thersaid book against the Archpriest. And at this tyme (say they) we are the rather moued so to do (to set forth this narration of matters passed in VVisbich) because it hath pleased M. Blackwel our said Archpriest very lately to send to his twelue Assi­stants to be diuulged a certaine censure, Praef Relat. VVisbich Pag. 1. or (we know not what to tearme it) a sheet of paper fraught nether with wit, honest dealing, discretion or learning, but in effect with as many shifts and lyes almost as lynes in de­rogation not only of some of the said books set out by our brethren, tear­ming the same (as if eyther he himselfe or some of his commaunders the Iesuits had made them) to be seditious books: but likewise taketh vpon him to touch the said contention, not in many words, but with much folly and great vntru [...]h, we wilbe bold by way of Preface a little to touch them, &c.

By these words the reader may take a scantling of their cō ­temptuous spirit, who speak so disorderly of their lawful Su­perior, a man of knowne vertue and learning, for so myld and modest an admonition vpon their first two libels, as [Page 20] yow shal now heare by their owne relation. For thus they wryte.

These are (say they) his words,The Arch­priests mild and fatherly speech proudly censured by his sub­iects. (to wit the Archpriests in his admonition:) The first point of your books (sayth he) (meaning the diuision at VVisbich) was a thing long since ended with great edifica­tion, and by the meanes principally of those which are most condemned by yow; It toucheth the greater and better part of that company; it nothing concerneth our authority, it being more ancient and hauing orders taken at the attonement by their owne consent. It is wel knowen at Rome, by whose meanes they were disanulted, nether is it more vnsit­ting for those which liued in one house to institute rules for such as vo­luntarily demaunded and accepted them, then to procure a sodality abroad.

Thus wrote our Reuerend Father the good Archpriest and as these men do confesse, it is all he wrote of this point of VVisbich and let the Reader be iudge whether any Superior in the world could wryte more myldly & more humbly, espe­cialy if he consider the outragious iniuryes done him in these two first books or libels set out by his Rebellious subiects against him, and notwithstanding all this his patience and modesty, consider we pray yow with what intemperance they do canuase these few words of his heere set downe. For hauing recyted his words they say.

Thus farre our Archpriest. and it is all he wryteth to his Assistants of this matter which we the rather note to shew the extremity of his pride in supposing by such an answere to the said books concerning that diui­sion to w [...]pe away those imputations & matters wherwith both F. Gar­net and F. VVeston, and he himselfe in some sorte are charged.

Thus wryte these men, being angry (as it seemeth) that their patient Superior vouch-safed not them more words of contention about this matter of VVisbich in his admonition to his Assistants, which how iust a quarrel it is let wiser men iudge, but much more, whether so few, so modest and so fa­therly words vttered by a Superior without naming any, do merit so contumelious a censure from subiects, as to accuse him of extremity of pride lack of wyt and honesty, discretion, lear­ning, truth and humility in wryting them. Is it possible that so [Page] high pride as heere is obiected can be gathered out of so lowly words without high folly and higher maleuolence?

But we shal aleadge yow another example in a different kynd of foly, or rather frenzie, vsed by these passionate people which is to grace and praise indeed their aduersaryes whome they seek most to disgrace, by telling good things of them, and deprauing them only by their owne comentaryes, as in this example last alleadged of M. Blackwel,Another kynd of strāg folly and me­dres. whose words recited by them selues being most commendable as yow haue seene they endeauour by fond and childish in [...]rpretations of their owne to make them reprochful. And the like they do oftentymes concerning F. VVeston, alleadging both his words and deeds worthie of praise in themselues, and then seking to discredit the same by their wresting comentaryes, wherof we haue giuen some examples in the former chapter, and we may ad therunto now this, which they relate of him, his be­hauiour and speech when M. Dolman one of their owne side came vnto F. VVeston to request him & the residue (who made the greater part of the company) to returne to the common conuersation of the troublesome and dissolute againe, whose answere to their demaund they set downe thus.

VVould God (said F. VVeston with most earnest affection,Pag. 17. F. VVest. reli­gious vvords malitiously interpreted. as it see­med) that yow M. Doleman were as able to persuade the rest, as yow haue done me; for my owne parte I mynd to giue ouer and meddle no further, but to commend the cause to God, assuring yow, yf I could do the least of this house good for his soules health, by laying my head vnder his feete, I would most willingly do it, &c. And thus farre this dissembling Iesuite.

Let any true Christian man iudge now of this vnchristian censure of so myld, godly and Christian words; let our bre­thren but aleadge vs truly some such of any of their side, and we shal both beleeue them and praise them; But they can bring nothing of like quality from theirs, and yow haue heard the quite contrary by their owne letters and subscri­ptions alleadged by vs in ourCap. 6. Apologie, and heere in these books yow may reade them in euery line shewing a plaine opposite spirit both of speaking and doing. For within a few pages after this againe they shew their said spirit in scof­fing [Page 21] at this blessed mans recollecting himself to prayer, when he was to treat any matter of moment (a thing as all godly men know most laudable, and vsed by all old saints, as also by the best religious men of our dayes) for when the foresaid M. Dolman (and as these men say also M. D. Bauyn with him) en­duced by them and their clamors to desyre some final end whatsoeuer of so odious braules, came to the forsaid Father to treat about the leauing of, for peace sake, that fraternity or spiritual congregation, which the bigger and better part of the prisoners had made to themselues, for orderly lyfe and avoyding the disorders comytted by others; these men relate the matter thus.

But M. VVeston after the new fashion, Pag. 23. desyred them first to fall downe and pray with him, which done he arose, and framing his countenance as though he would haue wept said vnto them, &c. Lo thus with contempt they relate as yow see the good mans recollection of himselfe by prayer, before he would treat so weightie an affayre, which custome of prayer, these men cal the new fashion, for that it is like they vse it not, and yet they confesse the argument of his speech to haue byn such, as it caused M. D. Bauyn a wise and learned man to shed teares which these pleasant men also turne to a iest:Pag. Ibid. Then D. Bauyn (say they) to pay M. VVeston with his owne coyne, pretended to be so mooued with his words, as yf he likewise could scarsely haue refrayned from teares, which we obseruing doubted to find him but an halting ar­bitrator, Note this ob­seruation. &c. Heere yow see nothing but scoffing at all pietie and godlynes, condemning so graue and learned a man, as M. D. Bauyn is knowne to be, of halting, for that he was so easily moued to teares, wherwith their harts and eyes are little ac­quainted.

The like course they take with that Reuerend and lear­ned man F. Garnet, setting downe most godly words of his, in his letters vnto them, and then condemning his inten­tion (a thing proper to the diuel as before we shewed out of Iob) calling him also a diuelish polititian for the same,Iob. 1. & [...]. Pag. 44.trans­forming himself into an angel of light; and then for that the said Father wrote to them for their comfort, that not only he, [Page] but certaine gentlemen also, that had byn with him at VVisbich remayned much edified of their reunion and pea­ceable conuersation, adding also those words of S. Paul. Testis enim est mihi Deus, quomodo cupiam omnes vos in visceribus Iesu Christi: ‘for God is my witnes how much good I wish yow all in the bowels of Iesus Christ; and then of his companions:’ I assure yow that their being with yow hath wrought such effect in the harts of all that were with me that they neuer saw place or persons which more delighted them, &c.

To which words our brethren do adioyne this scoffe: In deed (say they) these were three or foure gentlemen,Ibid.whome we after­ward tearmed his deacons and subdeacons: Lo their good interpreta­tions; who can deale with such kind of spirits? i [...]rrisores (as the Apostle calleth them) scoffers and scorners, but as another Apostle sayth: [...]al 6. Deus non irridctur, God wil not be scorned; and so to him we leaue them, though we cannot leaue of yet to prosecute this vayne of foolish cauilling and calumniation in them, euen against very good things, as appeareth by this other example, about the same F. VVeston his sitting at table, wherof they relate, that he would not keep any certaine place at the vpper table as other auncients did, but only tooke his place as he came, they endeauour to turne all against him by malitious interpretation of his meaning:Pag. 46. M. VVeston (say they) did not long sit at the vpper table with vs, and below M. Bluet and M. Bagshaw, where his due place was, but that he desyred, and had it easily graunted vnto him, that he might leaue his said place, and sit in some other as he thought good, wher-vpon as disdayning to sit where he did before, be bound himself afterward to no certayne place but sate (yow must thinke for humilityes sake) now heere, now there as he list, &c.

Lo heere a greeuous accusation of disdayne to sit at the vpper table, and togeather yow may note, the great humi­lity and ciuility of these two their frends heere named that tooke place alwayes as due vnto them aboue F. VVeston, whome yet in this booke they say to, haue byn the Pro­uincial of Iesuits before he came into the prison, which yf it be so, what the place of a religious prouincial is throughout [Page 22] the Christian world in respect of M. Bluet and M. Bagshaw all men know that are of experience. but F. VVeston, was as for­ward to contend in humilitie, and seeke alower place as the other were in striuing for a higher, and yet this humilitie also they condemne in him, for that he would not stryue with them, nor yet accept any place at the higher table, but sit as he came: which promiscual sitting vsed by reli­gious men and others liuing in community we haue shewed (yf yow remember) in our Apologie out of M. Bagshaws owne letters, that he condemneth, as fit for Anabaptists reuiued Arrians and those of the Cynedrical congregations of, Geneuae, &c. Apol. cap. [...]. & 9. and what stir there is amongst them for sitting and keping places euen vnto the fifteenth difference and degree; appeareth by the forme of their new common wealth set downe by watson their Secretary (who now is sayd to haue gotten a place also at the Bishop of Londons table) cited by vs in our Apology.

VVe might heere alleadge many other examples in this kynd of folly and passionate proceeding, wherby our bre­thren, not seing what maketh for them or what against them, do go about to discredit others by such meanes, as do giue greatest credit & honour vnto them, as for example when desyring by all meanes possible to bring in contempt and discredit the venerable, godly and learned Society of religious men called the Iesuites, they tel vs euery where how strong and powerable they be in all countreyes, how greatly in credit throughout all Christendome calling also the most famous men of our age secular and religious, priests and lay men, Iesuits or Iesuited, when they make against them though they neyther are nor euer were of that order, and so they cal M. D. Sanders, D. Bristow, Card. Allen and others of our owne nation, Iesuites, though they were neuer so; but only frends vnto them. And the like also they do with many principal men of other nations yea though they be lay men; as Don Bernardino de Men­doca late Ambassadour for the Catholike king in France, and diuerse principal gentlemen in England, which is rather to [Page] commend and grace the Society then otherwise.

And the very same course they hould with F. Persons, whome to disgrace they affirme to haue led our late Card. Allen at his pleasure, made his bookes for him, induced him to this, and to that, as he listed; and the like authority they attribute vnto him with the late K. of Spaine, and this that now is, saying that he did and doth with them what he pleaseth; sending men into Ireland, making armadas and the like.Great folly & passion not to see vvhat maketh for thē or against them. The same authority also they affirme him to haue with this Pope & with the Card. Protectors getting forth Breues & other orders at his appointmēt, cōplayning moreouer, that he hath byn able to make so many new Seminaryes in Spaine and Flanders, and to send so many priests into England, and to haue so many vnder him at his comandement: all which things and other the like which they aleadge against him tending rather to his credit if they be true then any wayes to his discomendation do argue great folly and sim­plicity, and great blyndnes of passion in our brethren, that bring them in against him, seing they do plainly demon­strate, that ether F. Persons is a man of more wisdome, religiō, and better parts then they would haue him seeme to be, or that the Popes and princes which esteeme him so much, are very silly and simple people, both they and their coun­selors, to be euery where so much ouerruled by him.

To this kynd also of folly and passion not to see what helpeth or hurteth their owne cause, appartayneth that which they aleadge in their Relation of VVisbich of the contentions betweene the bigger and lesser part of the Ca­tholike prisoners about certaine disorders and enormous cry­mes in lyfe and conuersation obiected by the maior part to haue byn comytted by the fewer, and was the cause of their seperation and making rules wherof we haue treated somwhat in the former chapter of this book, but much more largely in our Apologie:Apol. c. 6. which crymes and accusa­tions (say these men) being gathered togeather in wryting contayned three whole sheets of paper (so simple and pas­sionate they are as to put this in print) the arbitrement [Page 23] wherof was comytted the first tyme to the forsaid M. D. Bauyn and M. Dolman who meeting to geather to heare that matter,Seauen arti­cles giuen vp by the quiet part for reformation of the rest. the bigger part which stood with F. VVeston gaue vp for better decision of the matter seauen Articles to be con­sidered by the arbitrators, which were these, as these men themselues relate them.

First whether (say they to the arbitrators) wil yow stay the 1 tyme to examine these articles which any may be accused of?Pag. 25.

VVhether yow think it secure for vs that liue and meet togeather 2 many tymes in the day (not haunig the meanes to auoyd each other) to haue those things proposed and examined,Care of kee­pinge peace and charitie. and whether yow can compasse our quiet?

That whosoeuer doth come to declare any matter, shal submit 3 themselues to yow, as to their ordinary, to declare without allLoe these men also ad­mit not equivocation incase of lavv­ful tryal. equi­vocation or lying, any thing which yow think necessary to the ma­nifestation of the veritie.

That yow do take the promise of euery one that is called before yow 4 to behaue themselues with modestie and good tearmes.Care of mo­desty.

This supposed: we are all for our parts contented, that they obiect 5 what they can against vs.Great confi­dence.

VVe require also that they shal giue their consent, that they are all 6 contented,Ponder this. to heare what may be layd out against them.

Euery thing being heard, that yow pronounce sentence against 7 those that yow shal find culpable.

By these articles it is euident what the quiet part meant, to wit, to haue the matter decyded priuately and secretly, and the defects and disorders that had byn cause of separation betwene them, to be vttered modestly by common consent, but yet so as both parties should be contented therwith, and no mans [...]ame publikely hurt.

And truly we do not see, neyther can wel imagine what better aduertisments might haue byn giuen to the ar­bitrators and iudges for vpright, indifferent, secret and quiet decyding of al matters then these; yet shal yow heare what censure our wrangling brethren do giue of them, and what quarrels they pick against them; and let the prudent reader be iudge betwene both partyes. VVe shal re­late [Page] their owne words as themselues haue set them downe: VVhen our said arbitrators (say they) had perused these interro­gatoryes, Pag. 26. no maruayle though they troubled them heing so coutrary to their expectation and deuised of purpose to break of all hope of reconciliation by their meanes, and such likewise, as by Iesuitical shifts might haue byn prolonged, if they had list for (we know not) how many yeares, &c.

This is their comentary vpon the former articles, but why the Arbitrators should be so troubled with them as these men affirme, or how they might seeme so contrary to their expectation, and deuised of purpose to break of all hope of reconciliation by prolonging matters for many yeares; no man (we thinke) but these, can gather out of the Articles themselues, seing they all tend directly both to clearnes, breuity, peaceable and modest treating of all things among themselues, secresy, indifferency and final frendly and bro­therly determination of all matters in stryfe. And the rea­der that seeth our brethren to cauil and calumniate so ma­nifestly in this poynt, wil discerne their humor also (if he be wise) in all the rest, which yet wilbe more euidently discouered in the opposite articles which themselues gaue vp to contradict these, and to ouerthrow in deed all hope of true, syncere, and brotherly trial in the crymes obiected. They are but 4. in number but yet of much substance to shift their necks out of the collar; we shal set them downe in their owne words as heere they haue printed them.

VVith these 7.Pag. Ibid. Articles (say they) we were no soner acquayn­ted but presently we set downe these soure, in some sort to answere them.

1 VVe require that sufficient satisfaction may be made for the slan­der,Pag. 26 Satisfaction required for­matters past. and defamation of vs by their breach and letter, if sufficient causes cannot be proued for their so doyng.

2 VVe require that euery accusation,A threat to all accusers. be set downe in wryting vnder the accusers hands sub poena talionis, yf it be not proued.

3 VVe wil answere in all things according to the order in the can­non law supposing these men to be our lawful iudges.A mere e [...]a­sion.

[Page 24] VVe wil sustayne any censure,A confession vvith a Pro­uiso. with this condition that being cen­sured by these men, we may be secured therby from all other cen­sures concerning the matter.

These are their articles which (as you see) are no answers but playne exceptions, cautions, and cauillations to auoid iudgement and to procure a worse breach then before, seeing in the first they require peremptorily satisfaction for things already past, and in the second the name of him that shal vtter their defects with obligation to be punished with the same punishment which the syn in it selfe by law de­serueth if he should not be able to proue it Canonicially, which Canonical proof required by them in the third ar­ticle, is a thing of such length and difficulty for cityng and bringing forth witnesses,Shifts and cautions to [...] anoyd all cō ­petent vvay of ending matters. and for the multitude of iudicial exceptions and delayes permitted therin, as it was not pos­sible to vse it in a prison: and yet besides all this they ad moreouer for more security these cautelous words, supposing these men to be our iudges, wherby they reserue to them sel­ues a refuge to deny their authority of being iudges, when­soeuer they should iudge against them. And finally the last article requiring, that in case they were condemned and censured by those iudges, they might therby be secured from all other censures concerning that matter, sheweth wel how gilty consciences they had, and how grosse disor­ders they had comytted that needed this assecuration.

And now whether this were not as grosse folly in these men to bring forth these matters againe vpon the stage of the world let euery wise man consider, and much more to runne to the publication of particular faults obiected there priuately against themselues, and tending all to dissolution, as whoredome, diceng, playing, and dronkennes, bringing in of hobby horses into the hall, the mention of Mary the kepers mayd, embe­seling of pewter, and other such base things which howsoeuer they confesse,Very grosse folly in rela­tinge their ovvne perti­culies abuses. that their aduerse part had three sheets of pa­per of like faults ready to lay against them; and to stand to the lawful proof therof in particular (as betwene bre­thren only for reformation, and not iudicially and cano­nically [Page] to their infamation in publike iudgment) yet ne­ther they in those priuate informations nor wee in our publike Apologie thought it euer expedient to name the same with the circumstances and parties accused, as these men do heere, who seeme so much to be ouergone in blynd passion, as that they nether would conceale such matters nor could probably defend them, and do leaue themselues ether conuicted or suspected of all the particu­lars mentioned and brought in heere by themselues, and of many more in that kynd, which is a point of egregious folly in our opinion.

But now followeth the highest folly of all, which is most to discredit them,Their hi­ghest foly. (yf we be not deceaued) with all ciuil and discreet men of what sort, sect, or religion soe­uer, who shal heare or read their books, and this is their immodest, scoffing and rayling speech. which doth so set out the spirits of them, from whome they come, especially in this our case (the matter, the causes, the wryters, and those against whome they are wrytten being considered) as truly the consideration therof doth deeply greeue vs; and first letting passe those things which yow haue hard before in the precedent Chapter, concerning the whole religious order of the Fathers of the Society, let vs heere begyn with their speches to M. Blackwel their lawful Superior, confir­med now after his first institution by two Apostolical Bre­ues commanding them dutifully to obay and reuerence him in the place of almightie God, how do they vse him think yow? how do they treat with him?

First yow haue hard before how they take him vp,Most intolle­rable railing sueches of these distra­cted priests against their Superior. Pref. to relat. for halfe adozen lynes most fatherly and modestly wrytten by him, exhorting them to peace in the matter of VVisbich as a thing already ended with edification, but they tel him that there are as many lyes almost as lynes in his words; that their is nether wit, honest, dealing discretion or learning in them but extremiti [...] of pride, &c. Yow haue hard also before their open Appellation from him;Epist. before Impert. Con­sid. as an arrant Tray [...]or, vsurper from the Sea of Rome, forcibly, violently and most vniustly foisted in vpon them. And in [Page 25] this manner of myld spirit, they go forward calling him euery where, trayterous Archpriest, vnlearned, without wit, Iesui­ted, and vassal of the Iesuits: Ibid. and comparing him to Iohn of Leyden king of Anabaptists, and to Donatus and Arrius Archeretiks of Asrick and Egipt,Epist. Ibid.&c. And then further calling him a puppy, dauncing after the Iesuits pipe;Ibid. pag. 49.a Iesuitical idol without conscience or common honestie, borrowing discretion of others, and his credit gotten by falshood, a man of a quicker penne then eyther of wisdome or sincerity, a false brother. And yet further: An Archpriest of clouts,Relat. pa 57. 5 [...]. 65.& [...].sunburut with Iesuitisme, a che [...]fe parasite of the Iesuits; wryting false letters against his owne conscience; taken with manifest forgery about his authority, a begger on horsbacke; and other such like sutable tearmes: And when they come; to reason with him as good children and obedient priests they say: Your mastership was f [...]re to blame, &c. Speake truly man, for in a right good sense we are your good maisters, and so yow ought to esteeme vs. And then agayne:Epist. relat. pag. 5. We are euery man as honest as your selfe at least. And then further waxing angrie with him, they say: In good faith we are sory that wee are compelled to disclose this fellowes falshood, &c.

Lo here how they scarse account him for their fellow, whome the Sea Apostolike hath appointed for their Pre­late and Superior. And wheras the said Sea and authority had made them his subiects, they by pryde call themselues his good Maisters, and can we doubt of what spirit this co­meth? But heare what followeth of the same spirit against other men.

The whole religious Society of Iesus, they cal, the Society of the Diuel, Against Ie­suits relat. pag. 42. and the schole of Macheuillisme. Marke these modest good men, and their whole doctrine and doings wherin themselues haue any mislike, they cal by a special contempti­ [...] name of Iesuitisme, Epist. relat. pag. [...]. and phanscisme though yet they confesse the whole body of Catholike learned men to agree with them therin, and consequently for this cause, they cal them as occasion is offered eyther Iesuits or Iesuited, and so they cal by name their old masters and teachers Card. Allen D. Saunders and others, and this is the fancy or rather phrēsy of these our distracted brethren.

[Page] But harken yet further and be ashamed with vs in their behalf when they talke of the first mission of the Fathers of the Society into England procured by the earnest sute of D. Allen in the name of the Catholiks (without which it is likely the most part of themselues had not byn Catho­likes at this day, and much lesse priests:) These good, Fa­thers (say they) as the diuel would haue it came into England, Import. Con­siderat pa. 14. & intruded themselues into our haruest, &c. wherby as yow see they affirme the woorke it self to be of the deuil and Cardinal Allen the deuils instrument in procuring the same, And then talking of F. Persons in particular,Epist. pag. 9. they say: he did as much as art, wit or malice of man or diuel could affourd him. And further speaking of M [...] South worth a worshipful reuerond priest, and knights sonne,Epist. relat. pag. 10. frend to the Iesuits, they say; that he was an Italianated companion, and a diuel incarnate: which often naming of the diuel in such sense as this is, was much noted in Martyn Luther at the beginning (if yow remember) of his Apostasie and obiected to him by. B. Fisher & S. Tho. More, and other the first Catholike wryters against him; and is much to be remembred by these our brethren, so long as they re­maine our brethren, which we wish may be euer, but fol­lowing this spirit is not like to be long.

Besides this they call generally thesaid Iesuits,Ibid. pag 34. 35. &c. Epist. Import. pag 4 & 5. proud Nērods, boisterous hunters, Ies [...]nical hu [...]erists, m [...]a [...]ill ian practisers, furious spirits m [...]n without consere [...]e [...] companions, ambitious hipoerits, and the like, yea they go so farre in rancor and malice against these men, as they do allow by name Thomas Bel the heretical Apostata, and relapsed priest his shamelesse slaunders and raylings against them. And further they tearme all Catholiks that are conioyned with the Archp [...]eist and the sayd fathers infected with [...], gallants, abroad, they of the new guyse [...] fanciful, &c.Ibid. pag. 3 [...]. And as for the 19. or 20. graue men that were of contrary opinion, and conuersation to the [...] same prison, of wis­bieh they cal them cuery where,Relat. pag. 3. 4. 7. & 23. the [...] oft separation, and themselues the priests of the vnity. They [...] so, poore fooles, conspiring companions, and that the ve [...]yer [...] this better luck, [...]. VVestō they cal yoncker dissembling [...] of the Hall, [...] [Page 26] his cook M. Bra [...]ston (à reuerend ancient priest) an hipocritical pa­rasyte, Ibid pag 22. 23. 30. &c. procuring his Agenage amongst the rest with machauillian pra­ctises, &c. Of M. D. Bauyn their iudge, they say, that he was stesse lyned with Iesuitisme, and a halting arburator, &c.

Of three Reuerend priests, that were procurators of the Archp. in Rome, the one a deane and Doctor of diuinity, the other a prouost, and the third now an Assistant to the said Archp. they wryte thus: Standish that honest man must haue ac­cesse to the Popes Hol. with two runagate priests D. I [...]addock and M. Martyn Aray, &c. Import. Con­sid pag. 55. who like very lying wretches, dishonest companions, &c. Of Father Garnet they say: he was a diuelis [...] polititian trans­formed into an Angel of light, abase [...]assal of F. Persons that be,Ibid. pag. 36. 43 53. sw [...] ­teth by his little honestie, &c.

And as for F. Persons himself, whome they make the spe­cial obiect, as it seemeth of all their malice, it would re­quire halfe a book to set downe what they [...]could against him, and we doubt not but that it wilbe no smal part of his great merits in setting forward gods cause, to beare with patience (as we heare he doth) such insolent and intempe­rate raylings at these mens hands, who haue byn so greatly many wayes beholding vnto him, and diuers of them brought vp by him, wherby their notorious ingratitude is so much the more hateful both to God and man.

Now then we would end this Chapter of their folly (in handling their affayre) but that we thinke good to end with some more pleasant phrases of theirs (as we began) then are these bitter gauling and venemous speches now last rehearsed. Heare then how they protest and conclude: Neuer shal any royal lady of the court, mayd of honour, Epist. Impor­tant pag. 20. 22. 23. Extreme foo­lish vvanton speache. or da [...]sel of rare aspect, qualities indowments or graces, distil the accents of their sorrowes in the heceades of cares, carks, and greeses, be led away as wyues or concubynes to base villaynes swaggering, mishapen, s [...]addes, &c. Neuer shal the angels faces the flowre of Englands youth, the beauty of Britaynes ocean be appald, empared, ouer-clowded with a steep downe showre of stormy sorrowes, &c. Neuer shal the vermillian [...]iush of English virgins, the womanly modest look of marryed wyues, or the ancient matronlike countenance, of any widdow with in the Isle [Page] of Albion, be made common to the abortiues of the hote Spanish Clime, by our doyngs, &c. Neuer shal any tender mother nourse, or sweet babe weep, or any hand wring or hart hurle out volleyes of sighes and teares, &c. Neuer shal any mans or womans angel be offended or Saynt gree­ued, nor soule punished or passe to purgatory, much lesse to hel by our meanes, &c.

Heere now may we see and note diuers extreemes of the self same spirit, as first in bitternes of rayling, spiteful, and venemous slaundering and defaming, and then soft and deli­cate nicenesse in words for womē, and if those of their partie in the Castle of VVisbich were of this later spirit, no mar­uaile though those of the other side were forced to seeke for rules, and no maruayle though their last iudges and arbitra­tors in that contention (who yet were knowne to be their frends and fauorits M. Mush we meane and M. Dudley hauing brought both sides to liue togeather agayne (as in our Apo­logie we haue shewed) did yet ordayne and leaue in wryting also vnder their hands (as in this relation is confessed) with the quiet party,Relat pa. 46. that they might separate themselues againe afterward if they should think it conuenient, that is to say, yf these other amended not their former lyfe and conuer­sation, but should fal to the same scandalous behauiour againe, which is likely they would neuer haue done except they had seene in their consciences the great causes of the for­mer separation and some Feare also and likelyhood that the same enormytes and disorders might come in vre againe,A great pre­iudice against the conten­tious parte in V Visbich. by which wryting in deed they iustified the former separation to haue byn made vpon iust and vrgent causes, and do giue testimony of great disorders on the other side, &c. consequently, this also was not a point of wisdome in our discontented brethren to publish the same in print.

And [...] now or the most part is about the matters of VVisbich as yow haue seene, and little hath byn spoken about the second booke (their sixt in order) intituled Important Con­siderations, &c. The argumēt of the sixt booke inti ruled Import. [...] whose argument yow haue heard in the former Chap. to haue byn the iustifying of the proceeding & perse­cution of hereti [...]s, and other aduersaryes against vs, and the [Page 27] whole Cath. cause, laying the fault where it is, and ought to be (as they say) to wit on Catholikes themselues, which sub­iect or argument being such as it is, yow must imagine is handled by them with no lesse passion, and consequently with no more wisdome reason or temperance thē the former seing that wheras passion entreth reason flyeth, as euery man kno­weth wherof also insueth, that wheras the Philosopher saith: Prudentia consistie maximè in eligendis medijs, wisdome consisteth most in choosing fit and apt meanes to bring our ends to passe. These men being al-togeather in the fury of passion, no mar­uaile though they do erre, in choosing those meanes both of words and deeds wherby they should effectuate wel their de­signments yf they were good.

And this we haue ashewed swel in our Apologie vpon euery occasion offered as also much more in our litle Appendix to their other two books,The Appēdis of the Apologie in ans­vvere of the 3. and. 4. libels. The hope of peace, and Relatio Turbarum, &c. wherin they growing more into passion then before (for that this tempest alwayes groweth when the dore is once opened vnto it) they tooke to themselues quyte opposite meanes to their owne ends; as there we haue shewed, nothing being more contrary to peace with their Superior, which in the title of the former book tbey precend, then the words themselues of the same title, to wit that this hope of peace was by laying open manifest vntruthes against their said Superior the Arch­priest, thē which attempt nothing could be more effectual to continue warre, as euery one wil confesse; and in the second book of pretending to relate compendiously the troubles & contentions past in England and to iustifie themselues therin, they take the meanes which are quite contrary therunto, which is to set downe both the Card. Protectors letters and viceprotectors against them, with the Popes Breue also and other authentical wrytings of most authority to condemne them; and what blyndnes or obscurity of passion this was, all men that are out of passion may easily descerne; and this is their wisdome in eligendis medijs.

Moreouer their principal end being in that book which they cal the pope of peace to excuse themselues from dealing [Page] with my L. of London and other aduersaryes in religion against their owne brethren, both in VVisbich and abroad, and against the Fathers of the Society and other Reuerend priests vnited with their Superior the Archpriest, they take this me­dium to do it by authority of scripture, telling the Reade [...], that wheras Christes disciples, saw at a certayne ryme one casting out diuels in his name, who yet did not follow on with them, they forbad him, but Christ willed them to let him allone, saying.Luc 9. He that is not against yow, is with yow wher­with they seeme to persuade themselues, to haue defended wel their owne fact by this example,A fond appli­catiō of scri­pture to de­fend their dealing vvith the aduersary. imagining my L. of London his pursuiuants and others persecutors to represent that man that did cast out diuels, themselues to be the Apostles and dis­ciples following Christ, that looked on misliked the same vn­til Christ said vnto them, let them alone. The diuels cast out must needs be heere the Archpriest and all other good priests ioyned with him to geather with the Fathers of the society.

And thus farre the comparison seemeth, to rūne with them roundly; but now with what piety these men may be ac­compted diuels by them that are their brethren and of the same religion; and how they may be said to be cast out in the name of Iesus by protestants that persecute them; and how my L. of London his casting thē out, may further or aduaunce the cause of Christ (as the other did in casting out diuels in Christs name, though perhaps he was no Christian) all these poynts we say our men must accomodate themselues, for we cannot ty them to-geather with any conuenience of reason, wit, religion or piety and yet notwithstanding we see them so delighted with this proof of theirs and so resolute in the mat­ter it selfe, as they dare auouch a litle after, that if any of their ecclesiastical Catholike superiors should stand against them in this,Hope of pea­ce. pag. 13. & 14. Appendix fol. 14. they would hold them for Principes tenebrarum Princes of darknes, &c.

Thus they proceed in that book, and do thinke this their dealing with the heretiks a good meaues to pacific matters; & the very like, or rather worse course do they hold in this book of Important Considerations by excepting first against [Page 28] the Popes authority spiritual, vnder the pretence of the law of Premunue, and then by protesting to oppose themselues openly in the field against him, if he should vse any power temporal, and thirdly by condemning whatsoeuer hath byn said or done hitherto in that affayre by Catholiks to the con­trary, bringing their bloud vpon their owne heads (such as haue byn put to death) and finally defaming them with all the world for practisioners, vnquiet people, vnfaithful, and traytors indeed to their prince & countrey, ioyning heerin with the greatest and most bloudy enemyes, that euer our cause or brethren had in our Countrey. And is this also a good meanes, think yow to make themselues grateful to Catholiks eyther at home or abroad? And wil they go to Rome (as they pretend) with this good cause of pacification in their hands? VVho doth not see the folly of this proceeding?

But yet ere we leaue this matter we would haue yow con­sider, what a kind of Preface these people do make to there treatese, wherin they meane to accuse and make odious all Catholiks that are against them to the state and gouernmēt and they speak it by way of interrogation to the Catholiks themselues, making them their owne iudges and condemners for thus they say:Epi. Import. Con [...]id. Is there any synne (deare catholiks) rysing vpon in f [...]rmyrie and frailty of man, committed by an Apostat [...], an infidel, an he­retike, a schisama [...]ke, an Atheist cast out of the sauour of God and accus­sed out of his church, but a catholike may and often hath fallen into the same and yes remayned constant in his religion to death? Questionles there is nor.

Thus they say and we say the contrary, questionles there are many things:A most ab­surd a [...]ertiō about the synnes of a Cath. man. for that an infidel denyeth God; an heretik contemneth his Churche, a so [...]ismatike seperareth himselfe from his head; a [...] Atheist bele [...]ueth nothing [...] all which synnes Catholike remayning constant in his religion can do. But we do ghesse at the fond which the wryter may haue in this place, though his intent be impious to lay this absurd foundation to all that they are to say afterwards against any sort of Catholiks, especially the Fathers of the Society against who [...]e they are to rail their fil, and do not dissemble [Page] it euē at the first entrāce,Ibid. pag 3. for thus they wryte: The intent of this discours is in the name of secular priests in general not to impeach any one perticular person of the cath [...]laity of matter of treason and state, &c. nor yet to accuse, excuse, nor any way call in question our common ad­suersary. togeather with the present state, as a point very impertinent to the purpose, &c. for that to medle with such edge-tooles, as the very band­ling of them roughly would rent vs quite in peeces (our frownd on state con­sidered) were a very preposterous course for men in afflaction, &c.

This they say of that they wil not do;A [...] catiō [...] and then after a long treatese of this negatiue they signify to the reader what they meane to do, which is to ioyne with the said comon ad­uersary in defacing of Iesuits and their frends & by name with Thomas Bel the heretical and relapsed Apostata, who they say hath touched the Iesuits with pryde, Intolerable spyte and malice a­gainst Iesuits ambition, intrusion, vsurpatton, in­crochment ouer the secular priests, affectation of soueraygnty and the like, which they wel allow of, and approoue his spirit therin, and then they make a certaine obiection to themselues as cō ­ming from some Catholiks, how it can stand that Catholike priests may ioyne with heretiks to lay open the defects (if any such were) of their owne brethren, or rather to lay the faults of heretiks vpon them, as the persecution of protestants vpon Iesuits their most opposite aduersaryes; and for the first part of the obiection they answere it easily, affirming that (in their diuinity) it is not only lawful to ioyne with heretiks in defa­ming of Iesuits,Ibid. pag. 5. but needful and necessary also, for that the con­trary (say they) should quite cut of the order of iustice stop the course of fraternal correption, hinder the effects of Christian Charity, violate the lawes of God and man [...] &c.

The second part of the obiection and answere to it was forgotten or left out in the text, and therfore hauing conside­red better of the matter, they haue put it in afterward, in a long marginal note or commentary in these words: The ob­iection of many that are of the spanish faction is very friu [...]lons (if [...] malitious) when they say; why do the priests lay the faults vpon Iesuits, [...] cause of the cath. persecution seing it is welknowne, that the aduer saryes to both priests and Iesuits and all Catholiks are cause therof, &c. VVbich admitte it were true, yet the Iesuits being equally guilty [Page 29] with them it belongeth to priests to cleare the innocent Catholiks and leaue the Iesuits iu the suddes, and our aduersaryes to those that haue to do with them, &c.

Lo heere the answere or resolution of this obiection, that though it were true, that as wel protestants as Iesuits were the cause of persecution in England (which point notwithstanding it seemeth they would haue held for doubtful and only Iesuites to be the cause) yet do they think it reason to leaue of the protestants, and to attend only to accuse Ie­suits and to leaue them in the suddes. And is not this plaine malice and passion confessed by themselues? what wit, what spirit is there in this handling of their affayres? who wil beleeue them, what they say or do heerafter? hauing allready so farr discouered, their meanings actions, and in­deauours? VVherfore heere also we must conclude, as in the former, and all the rest of the Chapters that ensue,2. Tim. 3. In [...]ipien­tia eorum manifesta fit omnibus: there folly is euident to all men, and their passionate spirit is hidden to none.

THERE FOLLY AND presumptious spirit in making to them selues such aduersaries, as they do.
CAP. III.

AS wisdome doth consist in considering wel first be­fore a man make breaches or enter into warre, what manner of aduersaryes they are with whome he hath to fight; so is there no point of folly greater then not to forethinke of this, as it seemeth these our angry men, haue not done, but only for satisfying of their present passion haue lauished out, and bid bataile to as many, as euer stood in their way: among which though there be many personages of great consideration and respect, yet none (in our opinion) ought to haue byn of so great in this affayre as the [Page] man most contemned, iniured, and impugned by them (as in the former Chapter hath byn seene) we meaue their prelate and lawful imediate Superior M Blackwel not so much in re­spect of his owne person and gifts of God annexed therunto, which are knowne to be both many and great, but of his place and authority giuen him by Christ and his substitute ouer the whole body of English Catholiks both priests and laymen, which make at this day our true Cath. Church of England.

For albeit some others here iniured also may for other considerations, and ought to be more regarded by them, yet he in that he is Gods substitute among them, ordayned con­firmed and reconfirmed by the Sea Apostolike, and conse­quently in the place of Christ to guide and gouerne them (of which kynd of men Christ himselfe expressely saith qui v [...]s spernit, Luc. 10. me spernit, & qui spernit me, spernit eum qui misit me. He that contemneth yow, cōtemneth me, and he that contemneth me,Rom. 13. contemneth, him that sent me, and S. Paul said, qui potestati re­sistit, damnationem sibi acquirit he that resisteth, power appoin­ted ouer him doth draw damnation vpon himselfe) for these causes we say all holy Fathers and spiritual wryters do agree that our spiritual superiors are most of all other men to be respected by vs,Their vvarre vvith M. Blackvvel the Archpriest. yea before angels themselues, yf they should conuerse with vs vpon the earth, for that these mens autho­rity is knowne euidently to be from God, which in angels is not, except by reuelation, and consequently that the grea­test synne of all other, yea the highest point of spiritual synne, pride, and presumption is, to molest, & make warre against them, but much more to despise and abuse them.

And albeit our discontented people may haue this con­ceyte for their refuge, and seeke also to persuade others the same (as they do) that hauing appealed from him and his iurisdiction they are free and not bound to any obedience, or respectiue behauiour toward him, yet to all men of any capacity and learning this is knowne to be otherwise, both in reason, conscience and constitution of Ecclesiastical ca­nons. For albeit a man may appeale from one Superior to [Page 30] another in certaine cases,About their appeale from the Arch­priest. yet that doth not take away the said Superiors authoritie, but restrayneth him only (when the Appeale is lawful and vpon good grounds) not to pro­ced in that particular case vntil the higher Superior haue gi­uen his decision. And if he admit not the Appeale, but do remit the Appellantes backe againe to obey the said imme­diate superior (as his Hol. hath done in this our case by his breue of the 17. of August last past) then is their case as it was before, and they more obliged to obey then before. But howsoeuer any Appeale succedeth, most cleare it is that the parties appealing are bound to obey and shew themselues dutiful in all other things while the Appeale dependeth be­fore the higher iudge, no lesse then yf any such Appeale had neuer byn made; and much more after the controuersy en­ded and decyded, as ours now is, and the Authority of our Archpriest both established and reestablished, and therfore for our disordinate brethren to vse him contumeliously togeaher with all those of their owne coate or others lawfully ioy­ned with him in due subordination,Se the Apo­logie cap [...]. as they do in these their books, cannot but be a most presumptious & haynous synne in the sight of God, and infinite discredit vnto them in the eyes and iudgements of all good and godly men to haue such a one, and so many dependent of him for their open ad­uersaryes, as they are not ashamed to confesse and professe in these their books,

This then in our opinion cannot be but a great poynt of folly,Their abu­sing of the Iesuits. as was also that to take so vniuersally and generally against the whole order of Iesuits vsing so opprobrious names against the whole body, as in the former Chapters yow haue heard, for by so doing they can gaine no credit but with the heretiks that hate the whole order for religions sake; and euery Catholike wil easily see and consider, that a whole body or society cannot haue offended our brethren in any parti­cular matters, and consequently seing that they concurre with Protestants in deprauing the whole order it must needs be eyther of great passion and folly in hating the whole for a parte, or for that in iudgement and affection they concurre [Page] heerin with Protestants, and hate them euen for religions sake, that is for their eminent zeale in Catholike religion. And what credit this may be to them throughout the world with all good Catholiks, themselues may easily consider; as also what wisdome it is to exasperate without cause so great a multitude of men dispersed ouer all Christendome, who haue done them euery where much good, and may do, and both they and theirs haue need of them in diuers places of our ba­nishment abroad, and persecution here at home, being sub­iect to so many necessityes both spiritual and temporal, whe­rin these mens help vnto vs hath and may be very bene­ficial.

And in this kynd also is the inconsideration of our said brethren,Inconsidera­te exaspera­ting the K. of Spaine notorious, that hauing receaued for so many yeares, and receyuing daylie in forraine contreys most principal re­leefe from the kinges of Spaine both the father now dead, and the sonne raigning, and our Cathol. English mens affayres beyond the Seas and namely our Seminaryes depending in such sort of their good likings and liberalityes, as yf they should faile vs the greatest part of all our stay must fal ther­with: these men not-withstanding, as though they had byn hired by the common enemy to ouerthrow our owne cause, seeke occasion in these books to alienate them both, and the whole nation together by contumelious iniuryes layd vpon them with so intemperate a tongue as no mouth of heretike or other enemy, could vtter worse. Let vs heare yf yow please some of their speches touching both the one and the other king.

The K. of Spaine (say they) ayming at the crowne of England with the death of her Ma.Epist. p 67. and subuersion of the whole state, togeather with the vtter ruyne desolasion and destruction of the whole Isle and the an­cient inhabitants therof, neuer once shewed any care or respect he or his had, to the restoring of the Catholike R [...]mish faith amongst the English, nay his direct course was taken quite contrary, scilicet, to extirpate the name of all Catholiks that were English out from the face of the earth.

Thus they wryte of his Cath. Ma. And further they are not [Page 31] ashamed in the same place to assure the reader, out of the Duke of Medina his owne confession, that he had order rather to spare protestāts yf he had peruayled in warre then Catholiks. And what heretike was yet euer so impudent as to affirme this? seeing that both the kings owne Edict published in Spayne concer­ning that enterprise, as also the declaration of the late Cardi­nal from his Hol. do testifie and protest the quite contrary, namely that the old good kinges intention was principally for the aduancemēt of Catholike religion and relief of poore afflicted Catholikes, himself often protesting as most cer­taynly wee are informed that he neuer ment or pretented in his life any temporal interest for himself to the crowne of England, and that if he might haue had any reasonable hope or satisfaction in the other two poynts by any competent moderation or toleration he was desyrous to haue helde peace and good frendship with her Maiestie and the crowne of England aboue all other princes and kingdomes in Eu­rope and the self same disposition wee persuade ourselues by many and great argumentes to be in his sonne the king ca­tholike present, of whome notwithstanding our men that spare none do ad also diuers contumelious speches saying;Ibid. that it is not religion which the king present doth care for, more then his Father did before him, but maketh that only a pretence to seduce all Catholiks, &c. Making them and yow all (deare Catholiks) to cut one anothers throat &c. thus they say of him. And as for his na­tion and people the Spaniards, they raile at them most im­pudently,Epist. pag. 2. Ibid. 41. calling them base villaynes, swaggering mishapen swads and knowne to be the cruellest tyrants that liue vpon the earth, &c. which intollerable spiteful insolency comming to their eares, as it cannot choose but do, let vs imagine what that bountiful king and his people, that haue so many of our brethren and children in their hands and dominions, and do cherish them most tenderly, may or wil thinke of this bar­barous ingratitude not only in heretiks which were more tolerable, but also in Catholiks yea priests and most of them maintayned and brought to that they are, eyther in Doway, Rhemes or Spaine, by the said king and nations liberality.

[Page] And this is the deep wound indeed which these incon­siderate and passionate people (not to vse more greeuous tearmes) haue giuen & do giue vnto their nation and to the publike cause of religion,A deep vvoūd giuen to the publike cause by these pas­sionate peo­ple. which they wil neuer be able to cure wholy, nor scarse perhaps any other for them. But pas­sing forward from the kings of Spaine, they go to the Popes themselues according to that saying in the psalme:Psal 73. superbia corum ascendit semper, their pride mounteth higher and higher, and truly a man would not easily beleeue that priests pro­fessing themselues Catholiks and to haue byn brought vp in the Seminaryes, and that they would haue no other iudge of their cause but his Hol. himselfe wold presume to be so audatious,Insolent dea­ling against his Hol. and diuers his Predecessors. as to cal in question and condemne the actions of so many Popes togeather noe lesse contemptiously then those of the K. of Spaine before mentioned, whome co­monly they do conioyne with the Popes and Sea Aposto­like affirming that both Pius 5. Gregory the xiij. and Sixtus 5. did conspire with him, yea thrust him into the inuasion of England:Against Pius quintus. Pag. 9. ibid. Did not Pius 5. (say they by way of a fayned obiection) practise her Ma. subuersion she (good lady) neuer dreaming of any such mischeefe? &c. Did not Pius 5. mooue the K. of Spaine to ioyne in this exployte, &c. Had not the Pope and K. of Spayne de­signed the duke of Norfolke to be the head of this rebellion? Did not k. Philip at the Popes instance determyne to send the duke of Alua into England with all his forces, &c.

Thus and much more they complayne of that holy Pope,Against Gre­gory the xiij. and the like of his successor in these words: Now whilst these practises were in band in Ireland, Gregory the xiij. reneweth the said [...] Bull of Pius 5. & denounceth her Ma. to be excōmunicated,Pag 14.with intimation of all other particulars in the former Bull mentioned. And of the same Pope Gregory they ad further thus: The attempts both of the Popes and Spaniard fayling in England, his Hol as a tem­poral prince displayed his banner in Ireland, &c.

Of Sixtus 5. also his successor,Against Syx­tus quintus. Pag. 27. they complayne in like manner speaking of the armada in the yeare 1588. VVe doubt not but that the Pope as a temporal prince, did ioyne and contribute towards this intended inuasion, &c. And marke that alwayes [Page 32] they ad as a temporal Prince, for that as a spiritual and Eccle­siastical Magistrate they hold throughout the whole book, that he hath no power at all to concurre or appoynt any such action, protesting their vpon (asSupra ca 1. before yow haue heard) that yf he should attempt any such thing they would resist him.

And finally laying the greatest part and occasion of all our English persecutions vpon these Popes inconsiderate and vnlawful actions,Pag. 39.they say: If the Pope and K. of Spaine had neuer platted with the duke of Norfolke; yf the Bull of Pius 5. had neuer byn knowen; if neuer Stukely nor the Pope had attempted any thing against Ireland; yf Gregory the xiij. had not renewed the said excommunication: yf the Pope and the k. of Spaine had uot practised with the duke of Guise:Pag. 40. yf the pope had not thrust the k. of Spaine into the barbarous action against the Realme, &c. Then (say they) we are fully persuaded in our consciences, and as men (besides our learning) that haue some experience, where there is one Catholike now, there would haue byn ten, &c. VVherby yow see that the Popes and Sea Apostolike are iudged by these learned and wel experienced men to haue byn the hinderers of the increase of Cath. religion in England, and the original cause of afflictions and persecutions.

VVe leaue out of purpose, how they deale with this Pope,There dea­linge vvith Clem. viij. condemning his action euery where in instituting the Archpriest by the Card. Protectors letters, telling, vs ‘that he could not do it; Se the Apo­logic cap. 3. 4. & 11. that it was not lawful, conuenient, decent, or profitable; that he appointed him without their consent, against the prescript of Church Cannons; intruded him vpon, them, gaue him authority without limitation and greater, in some respects, then euer creature had,’ which is as much, to say, that it was more then the Pope had himself to giue. His Breue also for the confirmation of his office is contemned by them, and that both in woords, saying: that they know not out of what office it was gotten; and that is was lawful for them to demurre vpon it, (as in the Apologie and Appendix hath byn shewed) as also much more in fact and deed,Apol. cap. 11. Appēd. Pa. 10. obeying nothing therin conteyned.

[Page] And further more reprouing and condemnig the whole course of his Hol. proceeding with their two messengers Bis­shop and Charnocke affirming among other things his Hol. to haue shewed so great inconstancy in that affayre about their audience, as to haue said and vnsaid 4. seueral tymes that he would heare and not heare them,Epist. to Im­port. Consid. pag. 15. at the instance of two op­posite Embassadors, which beside the falshood therof (no such thing hauing euer been) is as great a contumelie as to so high a personage (his great grauity considered) can be as­cribed. All which besides many other things declared in the first and sixt Chapter of this book, touching their intempe­rate behauiour to-wards his Hol. his predecessors and the Sea Apostolike do euidently declare, that they make warre also where the commodity of their cause requireth, against this supreme and highest authority, howsoeuer now and than they cast out some words of submission for a shew, and to delude such Catholiks as wil beleeue them.

And these now are 4. general heads or bodyes of aduer­saryes which these men haue taken to fight against; there re­mayne some other though more priuate and particular, yet very important to be considered by vs, and by them also, yf force of passion did not transport them from all due consi­deration. And first of all offereth it selfe their aduerse part in the castle and controuersy of VVisbich Where their part (as we vnderstand) especially these later tymes being not aboue 7. or 8.Their aduer­saryes in VV isbich. and the other side wel neere 30. it ought greatly to haue mooued them in all reason wisdome and humility of spirit, to haue ether yeilded or compounded those matters with lesse noise, or at least wayes being once compounded and ended by others, not to haue brought them in disputa­tion and breach againe, especially with such intemperate speches as before yow haue heard,Sc Apol. ca. 6. calling them [...]naues, con­spiring companions, authors if separation, Donatists, reuiued Arrians, a Cynaedrical congregation, and the like: For whatsoeuer man of iudgement and indifferency shal consider the oddes and dif­ferences of these two parts, to wit the number and quality of each side, wil easily enclyne to giue sentence against them.

[Page 33] And first the very circumstance of F. VVestons person, his learning, wisdome, moderation, religion, mortification, and other rare vertues related & admyred euen by heretiks them­selues must needs make a greate preiudice against them. And then if we go forward to consider the persons also of many of the rest, as of M. Barlow the first Seminary priest of all the rest (if we be not deceaued) a man of approued vertue and cō ­stancy;M. Barlovv. M. Thomas Pond the most ancientest confessor which now perhaps liueth of lay gentlemen,M. Pond. and euer accounted a most zealous constant Catholike; If we consider these (we say) and many other of that company; and on the other part, be­sides the fewnes, compare the men themselues with these, to wit the two of the oldest and authors of all the contention, what men they are, theM. Bagshavv one a doctor of his owne procuring without licence or order of superiors, and dismissed out of Rome by publike authority for his vnquiet behauiour; theM. Bluet. other first a minister, and then so vnquiet a priest, as appea­reth both by his ordinary intemperate woords, and his violent laying hands vpon others of the same order;Se the Apo­logy cap. 6. and two other yong men of the same company whome now they carry with them out of England Champney and Barnaby lately come from the sedition at Rome,M. Chāpney & M. Bar­naby. wherin they had byn actors; these cir­cumstances we say considered and wayed, though otherwise the cause it selfe were not knowen, which wee haue handled at large as well in our Apologie,Apol. ca. 6. as in the first chapter of this book, these were sufficient to make a man of iudgment and indifferencie to resolue on which side truth and vertue standeth, and consequently it was great indescretion in these our brethren to publish the forsaid men for ther enemyes as they do.

There follow in the same ranke of their aduersaryes,Cardinal Al­len and Do­ctor sanders ther aduersa­ryes. cōcer­ning the argument of their booke of Important Considerations, two special men of worthie memory of our owne nation, and so called by them in all other poynts, Wherin they are not against them, and their designments, to wit D. Saunders, and D. Allen late Card. we shal shew in few words how vnwor­thely they handle them both, and therby do yow iudge of [Page] their spirit, how desperately they are set to defend their owne fancies, seing that what they reprehend in these men was not only their owne iudgements but of all other [...]earned Catho­liks also of our nation, D. Stapleton, D. Bristow, M. Gregory Martyn, M. VVilliam Reynolds, yea of all learned Catholike men in like manner of Catholike contreys, as before we haue shewed: against all which these new petty doctors, to flatter the State and my L. of London wil needs oppose themselues, as yf they knew more than the forsaid learned men of our nation, whose books they are not worthie to beare. But let vs see som what of their dealing with D. Sanders and the Card. in particular.

It little became eyther M Saunders (Say they) otherwayes an excel­lent man or M. Persons or any other of our nation to haue intermedied with these matters,Pag. 7. and to wryte as they haue very offensiuely done in di­uers of their books and treateses, &c. Lo heere their censure and reprehension. Pag. 12. But let vs heare further: In the yeare 1572. (say they) out cometh M. SandersAgainst M. D. Sanders. book de visibili monarchia, wherin he ta­keth vpon him to set downe how the Pope had sent M. Morton and M. VVebbe two priests before the Rebellion of the North to excite the Lords and gentlemen to take armes. And the rather to persuade them therunto they signified vnto them by the Popes commandement that her Ma. was excommunicated, &c. Behold here the condemnation of three ancient Doctors ioyned by these our yong maisters with that of the Pope himselfe, and then they go for­ward.

Then M. Sanders building castles in the ayre amongst his books doth magnifie the said Rebelles to the great discredit of the Church of Rome,Pag. 13. and his Hol actions in such matters, &c. And from this passing to his goyng into Ireland, they say thus: Pag. 14. The Pope himselfe in the yeare 1579. abused stil by false pretences, did set forward that course, and sending thither certayne forces M. Saunders too much Iesuited did thrust himself in person into that action as a cheif ringleader, &c.

But heere we would aske these men how they do know that D. Saunders did thrust himselfe into that action, wherin all good men do wish that he had neuer byn, considering the great good he might haue done to all Christendome by his most learned books, yf his lyfe had not byn shortened that [Page 34] way? But these yonkers his schollers, or rather not worthie to be his schollers that so resolutely do accuse him heere of voluntary putting himselfe in that peril how can they proue it? and much les that he was a cheife ringleader in that warre? or what sure ground haue they of this malitious imputation? For sure we are, that we haue both heard and seene by let­ters, that he was not only induced, but also commanded in his Hol. name by Bishop Sega then Nuntius Apostolicus in Spayne and afterwards Card. to go in that voyage, not to be ringlea­der in matters of warre, as these men do odiously obiect, but rather to be a moderator and vmpire in Ecclesiastical affayres for direction to that people as occasion should fal out. But howsoeuer that was, those things being now past, and the man dead, and with almightie God, as we hope and persuade our selues, for these men now to reuiue the same againe with so great hatred and enuy as they do for flattering of the pre­sent state (which yet we persuade our selues beleeueth, them little) sheweth with what spirit they are replenished, and we feare we shal daylie more and more see the fruits therof. And this of him.

But now let vs heare a little how they handle their old good maister and foster father and late Superior Card. Allen, Their spe­ches against D. Allen Card. of whome in their first two books both in latyn and English they glory greatly, that he was their common father and founder that begone the Seminaryes and brought them all vp therin, taught and directed them most prudently and kept all in right good order while he was aliue, and that he ‘misliked on the other syde the Iesuits education and gouern­ment of our youth, and that he was disunited with F. Persons as misliking his nature and manner of proceeding, himself gi­uing contentment to all, beloued and approued of all, &c.’

These things and diuers others were in their first two books often incultated, which now are contradicted in these later ac­cording to the growth of their spirit in passion malice and folly and according to the necessity they haue put themselues in vpon these motiues to bid warre not only to D. Sanders Card. Allen and all the good and learned men of our nation besides, [Page] but to all Cath. wryters of other Nations also as before hath byn said about their fond and foolish assertion set downe in these their absurd libels; But yet especially and abo [...]e all others to Card. Allen, who hauing seene a false and pestiferous libel of the very same argument with this of Important Consideratiōs, cast abroad in the years 1583. made by some malitious here­tiks in defama [...]ion of Catholiks and their sufferings who [...]e little was:D. Allēs ans­vvere to iu­stit. Britan­nica. The execution of iustice in England, the said learned man made an answere therunto, intituling it: A true, sincere, and mo­dest defence of English Catholikes that suffer for their faith both at home and abroad, &c. And then is added another paragraphe wherin is declared, how vniustly Catholiks are charged with treason, how vn­truly their persecution is denyed to be for religion, and how deceytfully he­retiks seeke to abuse straungers about the cause, grearnes and manner of their sufferings, &c. And finally is added: vt obstr [...]atur [...]s loquen­tium imqua, all this is done to stoop the mouthes of such as speake vniustly. VVhich these our priests may take now also to themselues as all the rest in like māner which in that lear­ned booke of the Cardinal (contayning nyne large chapters) is vttered against slanderous heretiks, and that lying libeller that set forth the said Execution of iustice seing these men haue aduentured to take their parts and persons vpon them and to rayle, ly and defame the actions and intentions of the best Catholiks no lesse then the other did.

VVhich things being so, and the said late good Card. being indeed the most opposite and earnest enemy which they haue or many haue in this their last argument of Important Considera­tions, hauing shaken in peeces by his former booke, all the fond reasons and flaunderous calumniations which they al­leadge, before they came forth, no maruaile though they do handle him contēptuously, and most spitefully in this book, though tempering the matter somtymes in respect of their former praises giuen him with saying that the good man was abused, that whatsoeuer he did or wrote to their dislike was by F. Persons induction,Reproches against the Card. help and persuasion, which in a man of his wisdome and authority is the greatest reproch that can be obiected, as though he had byn able to haue done nothing of [Page 35] himself, but that all he did, camefrom F. Persons, so they say of him concerning his booke or epistle vvrytten in the yeare 1587. about the lawfulnes of the fact of S^r. VVilliam Stanley his giuing vp Dauentry to the true owner, wherof we shal haue occasion to speak afterward in this book; now we shal adde a word or two of their reprehension or rather calumnia­tion in that behalf.Pag. 24. The defence of that disloyal [...]y (say they) made by a worther man, but by the persuasions as we thinke of Persons, was greatly disliked by many, both myse and learned, especially that he layed this for a ground in iustifying the said Stanely, that in all warres which may happen for religion, euery Catholike man is bound in conscience to im­ploy his forces by the Popes direction, &c.

Lo what they mislike both in his ground and action. And after this mentioning againe an other book of his which they cal; a Treatese penned altogeather by the aduise of F. Persons in the yeare 1588. they rayle and iest at him extremely, saying;pag. 25. that he laboured with all his Rhetorike to persuade vs to ioyne with him to all our destructions, telling vs many fayre tales, & alluring vs with sundry great promises all being meereillusions. falshoods, an [...] mast trayterous instiga­tions and iuglings, &c. And then yet further they wryte thus of him:Page. 26. & 27. This Iesuite also telleth all Catholiks (lo now he is made a Iesuite, who was said by them to haue byn an enemy to Iesuits before) the better to comfort them, but in deed to the great scandal for euer of all priesthood, that there was diuers priests in the k. of Spaines army ready to serue euery mans spiritual necessity by confession, counsel, and all consolation in Christ Iesus,Pag. [...].&c. Which kind of persuasions (say they) some being ridiculous, the most very traterous and these last most blasphemous, as tending so greatly to dishonour of religion we detest and abhorre, &c.

Moreouer they wryting of the said Card. speech vsed at that tyme about the sentence of Sixtus 5. abuse him excee­dingly by contemptuons words, affirming first that he was not to be beleeued, shewing nether B [...]eue nor any other publike instrument; and that his owne testimony and book wryt­ten was of so smal trust or authority as by VVarrant therof (Say they) we are persuaded it was not lawful for vs to hane killed a goose, yf her Ma. had forbidden vs so to do. And a little after speaking of [Page] the said book, they cal it a scurrilous and vnmanly admonition, or rather most prophane libel.

And thus yow see how they pay home their so much pray­sed father and maister when he cometh in their way. And yf there were so great disunion and mislike of nature and condi­tions betwixt him and F. Persons (as these men haue giuen out in their other books) how is it probable now that he wrote all these things by F. Persons persuasions as now they say; yea that the Card. set his name to some books that F. Per­sons, & not himselfe, had made and compounded; these things (we say) do not stand to-geather, and the very truth is that these men in the humour that now they be in, are as great ene­myes in hart; hatred, and Faction to the Card. as to F. Persons, and so would shew themselues yf he were alyue to contradict or resist them in these their follyes and madnes, as F. Persons (God be thanked) is.

And now by this occasion we are mooued in this place to say somwhat also (which otherwayes we had purposed not to haue done) of this their enmity & principal hatred against F. Persons vttered so intemperatly throughout all their libells,Their vvarre against F. Persons. as they may seeme especially to haue byn wrytten against him and against others only or cheefly for his sake. The reason wherof notwithstanding the more we seeke, the lesse we fynd, excepting only that general reason which we haue touched before in our Apologie, that he beeing the man that hath most benifited them, & aboue others by way of the Seminaryes, and after the said good Card. decease, by reason of his place and office (being Prefect of the English mission for those of his Society) may seeme cheifely to hold togeather that cause which these men would deuide and dissipate. For this reason (yf it be a reason) they being angry with him by the very imagination of his beeing in place and credit to hin­der their designments, they turne all their obligation of gra­titude into the passion of hatred, conspiring, and coniuring against him, as the only imagined obstacle of all their factious attempts and desyres, though hithertoo we do not see, that they haue alleadged many opposite acts of his parte, but only [Page 36] by their owne apprehension or interpretation, or suspitions for the tyme to come.

For proof wherof, yf we runne ouer all their clamorous books hitherto come forth, what one thing of substance do they alleadge against, the sayed father,Apol. ca. 12. yf we set aparte, slaun­ders, scoffes and contumelious speaches? & for as for his going and comming out of England it is so iustified by vs in our Apologie, and so many vtilityes shewne to haue ensued therby to our common cause, as they may be ashamed euer to make that obiection againe, his ioyning afterward with Card. Allen, and his proceeding ioyntly with him both in Flaunders, and Rome for aduancing our comon Catholike cause and the Card. perferment it selfe, are such things as they must needes be a­shamed to seeme to mislike: his founding of Seminaryes after­ward both in Spaine and Flaunders wherby diuers of themselues haue byn made schollers & priests, though with much malig­nity they do carp at the same, in these libels, yet is it shame­ful to them in the eyes of all ciuil men be they Catholiks or Protestants: His comming backe to Rome againe after­ward in the yeare 1597. we see by experience was the sauing of that Colledge, and the present fruits and effects of peace, vertue, and learning there, do reject all slanders that in this point can be obiected; his concurring afterwards to procure vs a Superiour of our owne order, vpon our owne petition, & letters, as in theCap 6. Apology we haue shewed is no wayes sub­iect to any iust obloquie.

His proceeding after that againe with the two messengers sent to Rome to contradict, was such as their owne letters yet extant did commend the same; The end also taken by his Hol. was then approued and praysed by the cheefe of the aduerse part,Apol. ca. 9. and all that followed afterward from F. Persons as appeareth by his letters set downe in our Apologie, ten­deth to nothing els but to conserue that end, peace and vnion which his Hol. and his high Comissioners the Card. Pro­tectors had made, and to this end had he continually written to the Archpriest and Fathers of the Society as wel, as to the other side, and that most earnestly and effectually, as his letters [Page] do yet testifie. And yf any new breach or exasperation haue byn made or giuen heere in England by any, it hath byn without his consent, & cōtrary to his desyre and indeauoures, as by infinite wayes appeareth, and not only priuate men but the said Card. Protectors and his Hol. himselfe are wit­nesses therof in Rome as we are most certainly informed; and all this being so; how and with what conscience, credit, or wisdome can our passionate brethrē make him their publike enemy, as they do, raging and rauing against him as though he were the woorst man liuing, & the greatest enemy that our publike cause of the Catholiks hath, laying all the faults of other men also, eyther true or imagined vpon him: surely this cannot but come from wonderful extreame passion of our brethren, & incitation of the heretikes as also from some high prouidente or sec [...]ete permission of almighty God for the greater merit of that man, who is so iniuriously handled for so many and singular good deeds done.

And this shal suffice for him in this place, whome yf reli­gious modesty and humility did not restrayne from iust de­fence of himselfe, we see not why he might not vse the very same that Cicero doth in a certaine place against his detractors and enuiers,An example of defence out of Cicero Orat. Pro Milone. obiecting (as it were) the selfe same or very like matter against him, which these men do heere and els where against F. Persons, which was his power in the Senate: quotidie (sayth he) meam potentiam inuidiosè criminabantur, cùm dicerent se­natum, non quod sentiret, sed quod ego vellem, decernere: They com­playned dayly (to bring me into enuy) that my power was such in the Senate, as they determined not that which they themselues thought best, but that which I would haue them, this was their complaint of him, and the same is now of F. Persons by these men, to wit that he can do all with his Ho­lines and with the K. of Spaine, and with the Archduke, and with the Card. Protectors in Rome, and with the rest euery where. But what answered Cicero. Thus: Quae quidem sipotentia est appellanda potius, quam propter magna in Remp. merita, mediocris in bonis causis, authoritas, aut propter officiosos labores me [...]s, nonnulla apud bonos gratia: appelletur it a sanè dummodo ea nos vtamur pro salute bo­norum, [Page 37] covtra amen [...]am perditorum. ‘VVhich kynd of credit (saith he) yf yow wil needs cal power, rather then a meane kynd of authority in good causes gotten by my merits towards the common wealth or a certaine grace or fauour which the bet­ter in respect of my dutiful labors to profit al men doe beare me, I am content yow cal it power in this sense, so we vse the same for the health and defence of good men, against the fury and madnesse of the wicked.’ Thus said he and whe­ther F. Persons may say the same in his defence, if he would, we leaue it to your consideration, hauing thought good only to cite the place.

There remayneth yet another sorte of aduersaryes which these men make to themselues whome we are sory to name, considering what they brag of themselues in these their books, saying,Ca pag. 6. that they are the designed martyrs of our countrey, the worthy confessors of this age, &c. yet are they not ashamed with open mouth and most violent spirit to impugne the true martyrs of our countrey that haue gone before them in a farre different spirit,Their vvarre vvith the martyrs of England. whome God knoweth, whether euer these men wilbe worthie to follow; and in the course which now they take of flattering the state and betraying their companions there is smal likelyhood therof, but rather of the contrary, least they make other men martyrs by bringing them into trouble. And yf [...]hese blessed men whome we hold for true martyrs already were aliue againe, and their opinions and cogitations knowne to these men, they were obliged according to their protesta­tion made in this book to reueale them to the persecutors, & then thinke yow what goodly designed martyrs and worthie confessors these men are, that doe willyngly put themselues in this obligation, but let vs heare what these designed mar­tyrs do wryte of actual martyrs.

First speaking of these twelue wherof D. Allen wrote the hi­story in the yeare 1582. they wryte thus:Pag. 16. & 17. From the tyme of the said Rebellion (in the North) there were few about 12 [...] that in ten yeares had byn executed for their consciences as wee hold, though our ad­uersaryes say for treason. And of those twelue some perhaps can hardly be drawne within our account hauing byn taynted with matters of re­bellion: [Page] the most of the said number were Seminary priests, who yf they had come ouer into England with the like intents that some others haue done, might very worthily haue byn vsed as they weare but in our consciences nay some of vs doe know it, that they were farr from these seditious humours, &c. Thus they say, going about, as appeareth by their whole discours to make difference in the cau [...]e of se­cular priests from Iesuits that were condemned with them, and for the selfe same deuised crymes of treason; which crymes these good men would haue thought to be true in F. Campion & those of the society,Cōtradicting them selues. but not in the secular priests. And yet in the very next page going before talking of the said crymes,Pag. 15. they say thus: In all these plats none were more forward then many of vs that were priests, &c. And when they begin their narration or rather accusation of the said twelue martyrs, the first which they name of that ranke as guilty of treason is M. Sherwyn a secular priest: for thus they wryte.

The calousy of the state was much increased by M. Sherwins answere vpon his examination aboue 8. Pag 1 [...]. moneths before the apprehension of M. Campion: For being asked whether the Queene was his lawful souei [...]i­gne notwithstanding any sentence of the Pope, he prayed that no such question might he demaunded of him, and would not further ther [...]to an­swere. Calūniatiōs against M. Shervrin. Two or three other questions much to the same effect were like­wise propounded vnto him, which he also refused to answere vnto. Thus they say of M Sherwyn to discredi [...] him and his suffering meerly for religion, which is as false and malitious a calumniation as possible could be deuised by any enemy. For he that shal read the whole story of his apprehension, imprisonment, araignmēt and execution wrytten by the said D. Allen vpon relation of eye witnesses shal not find that any such questions were euer proposed or so answered by him. For yf they had but the least shew of any such answere of of his, they would haue vrged it at the barre, or at leastwise at his death, where S. Francis Knowles hauing hard his protestation, confessed that he thought him not guilty of the fact, for which they all were condemned, but yet that he was a traytor by a certayne consequence. And as for his acknowledging the Q. Ma. to be true Queene, he shewed it openly at his death praying for her by name.

[Page 38] But let vs heare how they go forward vpon this false ground. For in the very next leafe after they say as followith: This sommer in Iuly M. Campion and other priests were apprehended,Pag. 20. whose answeres vpon their examinations agreeing in effect with M. Sher­wyns afore mentioned did greatly incense the State, &c. For among other questions that were propounded to them this being one; Yf the Pope do by his Bul or sentence pronounce her Ma. to be depriued and after the Pope or any other by his appointment and authority do inuade this realiue which part would yow take, &c. some answered that when the ca [...]e should happen they would then take counsel,Calumniariō against F. Campion & his felovv Martyrs groū ded vppon ignorance. another, that when that case should happen he would then answere and not before; another, that for the present he was not resolued; another, that yf such depriua­tion and inuasion should be for faith and religion, he were than bound to take part with the Pope, &c.

Thus they relate the case and do condemne all their answe­res for trayterous, yelding this most fond reason for the same: The duty (say they) which we owe to our Soueraigne doth not consist in taciturnity or keeping close within our selues such alleagance as we thinke sufficient, Pag. 27. to offourd them: But we are (especially when we are required therunto) to make open profession of it, that we may appeare vnto them to be such subiects as we ought to be, &c. Lo heere these martyrs cause decided against them very learnedly, as yow se, by these our new designed Martyrs. And a little after rendering their principal reason for iustifying of the state in putting so many to death they say:Pag. 28. VVe find her Ma. to be excommunicated by Gregory the xiij. M. Sherwyn and the rest of our brethren too much I [...] ­suited refuse to answere whether they wil take the Q. part, or the Popes, yf he should come by force of armes, &c.

Here yow se M. Sherwyn againe iniured, and all the fault is laid vpon the Pope and priests put to death, yea the secular priests also, so as now by their accompt, nether secular nor re­ligious of the forsaid number were true martyrs: And yet (if yow remember) they make a great complaint in their first la­tyn booke against F. Heywood as though he had prohibited the reading of these martyrs liues which was most false. Quin (say they) & act a martyrum nostrorum duodecim ab ipso Alane ap­probatorum, Declaratio Motuum. Pag. [...]. & eiusdem iussu editorum promulgationem eidem placuit [Page] prohibere. It pleased him to forbid also the promulgation of the acts of 12.Amere calū ­niation. martyrs approued and set forth by D. Allen. VVhich accusation as we haue said being notoriously false and inuented only by themselues, for that neuer any such thing fel out, yet here now themselues do deny them to be martyrs, and so contradict both D. Allen and themselues. And to this absurdity doth passion bring men, in whome it beareth rule and excludeth reason. And thus much for their hostility which our designed Martyrs haue with our true & actual martyrs.

But surely if it were not ouer redious we would aske them by whome they were designed to be martyrs, for yf it be by themselues,Cypr. de mortalitate ver­sus finem. S. Cyprian that had the true spirit of martyr do me (as by the euēt appeareth) sayth it is vanity and presumption for any man to brag of that, or thinke himselfe fit or worthie or designed to any such high matter;Bragging designed mar­tyrs. And some of these men can remember the saying of a learned godly man in Rome now a Cardinal, who hearing them brag so much euery where of their purpose to be martyrs when they were most trouble­some and seditious against their superiors in the college, sayd: Ego nunquam vidi martyres superbos neque refractarios. [...]. Baronius. I neuer yet saw proud or disobedient martyrs: And another hearing them often say Nos volumus mori pro fide Catholica, answered pious [...]y those words of S. Paul:Rom. 9.Non est valentis neque currentis, sed mise­ventis Dei, it is not in the wil of him that runneth, but in the mercy of God. And truly we would aske these designed Mar­tyrs, how many of them haue come hitherto to be martyrs indeed? VVe know some that were opposite to their faction to haue byn martyred not long synce, as may appeare by the letter of M. Bensteed set downe in the Apologie; but of these designed martyrs we know none, nor any like to be by all probability except they chaunge their course. And finally we shal conclude with those holy words of S. Cyprian, Cyprian. Ibi. spea­king of this very matter: Nihil prodest verbis praeferre virtutem, factis destruere veritatem. Yt profiteth little to preferre vertue in words & to ouerthrow truth in deeds. And how this agreeth to our brethren, let their owne consciences and other mens wisdome consider.

[Page 40] And with this we meane to end this Chapter or considera­tion of the aduersaryes which they make to themselues; for to higher aduersaryes than martyrs raigning with God, it is hard for pryde to ascend or oppose it self, yet may their folly and lack of discretion be noted, in that they stick not euery where to exasperate all sorts of people against them, as in mentioning the Duke of Norfolk, the Earle of Northumberland and many other of great houses and familyes with reproch & many principal men yet liuing of our nation with contempt. They say also of all priests beyond the seas at this day in the Seminaryes. VVhat will the State heere think of the priests that shal come from any of those seminaryes hearafter, Pag [...] 35. where they must be brought vp according to the Iesuitical humour, & be sent hither with such direction as shalbe therunto agreeable?

Note the word herafter, as who would say that these men haue so done their errands and so belyed the Seminaryes and the manner of education therin, as whosoeuer shal come herafter from thence shal be accounted traytors though they were not before. And these be the good offices that these false brethren haue done and seeke to do not only against all priests, but against themselues also, and those of their crew, though in very deed their woorst offices of all are against themselues. For we are so wel persuaded both of the great wisdome and most honorable disposition of the Lords of her M [...]. Counsel, that seing these people to proceed in passion, as they do, and ther vpon betray their owne side, they wil little esteeme or beleeue wha [...] they say or do on any side, but rather take compassion on them, as of men en­raged by force of choler and impotent appetite of reuenge, and so do we, and pray for their recouery.

OF THEIR FOLLY AND vnshamfast spirit in vttering open and manifest vntruthes and contradictions to their owne discredit.
CAP. IIII.

AMong all other follyes that may be deuised none cā be greater in the sight of wise and modest men, then for one that desyreth to be beleeued, and creedited to vtter such improbabilityes, yea manifest open vntruthes in the spech or wryting as may be discouered by euery chyld, & therby worke his vtter discredit, by which meanes it cometh to passe that he is not only esteemed false but foolish also, and not only distrusted when he anoucheth lyes, but not beleeued euen when he telleth truth. In which kynd we feare the like effect wil ensue to these our passionate brethren, who hauing litle care (as it seemeth) what they say or wryte, so they say much and vtter vgly things against those, whome they mislike and would discredit, and affirming the same with great ve­hemency, yea vpon solemne protestation of their soule and consciences, it followeth we say) that when the matters after­ward come to be examyned and are found false and without foundation (as euery where lightly they are, and heere also are like to be in diuers particulars declared by vs) the conclusion must needs be with the discreet and indifferent Reader, that eyther these men haue very bad, or no conscience at all; or els so litle discretion and such a wonted custome of telling vn­truthes, as they reflect not vpon eyther conscience or credit, when they tel them; and consequently that both truth and falshood is all one with them, and both vttered with like fa­cility, and therfore the same credit to be giuen to the one as to the other.

For proof of this yow haue heard and seene (yf yow haue read our former Apologie) how notorious falshoods and vntruthes these men haue vttered and printed in their libels [Page 39] about euery one of the cheefest poynts and matters handled by them and refuted by vs in thirtene chapters set downe by order, but especially in the 2. 3. 4. 11. and 12.Vntruthes before de­tected and refuted. And yf yow wil see a greate company bound vp togeather in few words, yow may read the litle briefe Catalogue set before the pre­face to the Catholiks which is intituled. A table of certayne principal deceyts falshoods & slanders contayned in the two libels, &c. Some other also yow shal see noted and layd forth in our Appendix to the said Apology for answering the secōd coople of books set forth by them afterward in the same kynd; Now we are to consider of a third payre (for by cooples & payres they come forth as twynnes in birth) and for more breuity and perspicuity we shal lay togeather a whole far­del of them (we meane manifest and open vntruthes) in this one Chapter, wherby the reader hauing taken a vew of there spirit may trust them afterward as hee shal se occasion.

And first we may begin with the cheefest point of their purpose through out all their books,Import. con­sid. and especially these last two,Pag. 14. which is to discredit (yf they might) and make odious the Fathers of the Society by laying load of slaunders and ca­lumniations vpon them, as yow haue heard a [...] large in the first Chapter of this book, which being not any way able to proue or make probable (as there we haue shewed) heere they take another way (we mean [...] in their sixt book called Important considerations) which is to sweare, protest and pawne their consciences for the truth of what they say. But with what conscience they do this yow shal see by the euent, for thus they wryte:

These good Fathers (say they) as the diuel would haue it came into England in the yeare 1580.Ibid. pag. 24. being the men in our consciences who haue byn the cheefe instruments of all the mischeefes that haue byn intended against her Maiestie synce the beginning of her raigne, and of the mise­ryes, which we or any other Catholiks haue vpon these occasions [...]ustey­ned. And agayne in another place: The Iesuits, as we still think in our consciences and before God, haue byn from tyme to tyme the very causes of all the calamityes which any of vs haue indured in England since her Maiesties raigne.

[Page] Thus they protest and sweare; and by this let euery man iudge of these good consciences, it being an easy matter to gesse how true this assertion may be, seeing the Iesuits came not into England in xxj. yeares and more after her Maiesties raigne, neyther was there any English Iesuite abroad all that tyme of such state or condition or in such place as he might be so much as suspected to deale in any such English affayres, and yet in this tyme were there many, great, and greuous at­tempts against her Maiestie as these men now affirme, wher­by the state was exasperated and the persecution of Catholiks both begone and increased; as the rysing of the northerne. Earles, the matter of the Duke of Norfolke, the excommuni­cation of Pius 5. the setting vp of the bul. by [...]. Folton, the dea­ling of D. Story in Flaunders; the attempt of S^r. Thomas Steukley for Ireland, the going thither of D. Sanders and other such of­fensiue things as these men haue gathered togeather to make Catholiks odious therwith,Their slaun­ders conuin­ced to be false by many particu­lers. all which were done before any English Iesuite set foot in England or had any doings abroad; and how then in these mens good consciences could Iesuits be the cheef instruments of these mischeefes, and of the calamityes theron ensuing, as here is protected, sworno, and forsworne by them?

Besides this were not the two doctors named heere by them, to wit D. Morton, and D. VVebbe whome they affirme to haue byn the cheefe dealers with the Earle [...] of the North, were they not secular priests and no Iesuits? VVas Pi [...] 5. a Iesuit? VVas not D. Story a secular doctor and no Iesuit VVas not D. Lewes in Rome a secular priest, who principally (yf not only of our nation) is knowne to haue assisted the action of S^r. Thomas Steukley for Ireland, and ye [...] is not so much as named heere by these true men, for that they would haue, vs think he was of their faction against D. Allen? And finally was not D. Sanders a secular priest also and no Iesuite? how then do these men sweare so solemnely vpon their conscience, that Iesuits were the very causes and principal instruments of all the mischeefes and calamityes ensued in England from the beginning of her Maiesties raigne? Do not these men condemne themselues heere [Page 41] of so many lyes and false calumniations as there be matters by themselues mentioned? For seing they auouch that euery one of the things before touched exas perated the state and conse­quently were causes of the mischeefs and calamityes ensued against Catholiks, and that ioyntly they do or must confesse that no Iesuite was then in England or had to do therin; it followeth that to lay all vpon Iesuits with such asseueration of conscience, as heere they do, argueth litle conscience, and gayneth them litle credit with men of good consciences.

And this is now concerning Iesuits before their entrance into England in the yeare 1580.Slaunders against Iesui­tes after their coming int England. wherin all men wil graunt them to be most fondly slaundered; it remayneth that we prosecute the tyme that ensued synce, which may be some other 21. yeares, wherin yow shal find the like or worse; for that the poyson of malice being once admitted and fostered in mens brests without resistance, buddeth forth dayly more malignant fruits, as yow shal see by this examination: and yow must note that the end and principal purpose of these men being to shew that all the attempts in this space both against her Ma. person and the state came originally from the Iesuits, (a fit argument no doubt for such as professe themsel­ues Catholike priests) they do not proue any one or halfe one to haue proceeded from them, especially from him whome they would make the author of all, which is F. Persons, against whome yf they had any one scrowle or script, memory or witnes, or any auth [...]ntical testimony in this kynd there is no doubt but they would heere haue alleadged it, seeing their malice against him is so ranke, as euery way appeareth; and for so much as they alleadge none at all nor any other enemy of his, heretike, politike or Atheist hath hetherto donne, to our knowledge yow may be wel assured, there is nothing ex­tant, and so these good fellowes do supply with cryes and cla­mors, oathes, and protestations that which they cannot shew by any sufficient proof or substantial argument, as yow shal better perceaue by the examples that ensue, brought in and handled by themselues against Catholiks, and Iesuytes and especially against the sayd father.

[Page] And first we shal beginne with that they mention of M. Francis Throgmorton his attempt for which he died (yf any such were at all as he was charged with, we would aske, was this by Iesuits counsel and incitation or not? no man we think can say yea; for that it is too much knowne, how that poore gentleman not long before by his brother Thomas his iorney into England was drawne into that new crew and vnluckly association which was lately begone in Paris by M. Paget, The ouer throvv of M. F^r. Throg­morton by the factious. Morgan, and himselfe as adherent against D. Allen F. Persons, and their frends, as in the first and fourth chapters of our Apologie is touched. And yf any man wil doubt of this, let him read but the pamphlet set out by the state at that tyme an. 1584. intituled: A discouery of the treasons of Francis Throgmorion, &c. where they wryte: Item he confessed that he was made acquainted by his brother Thomas Throgmorton by letters and conference, and by Tho­mas Morgan his letters, (two of the principal confederats and workers of these treasons residing in France) with a resolute determination agreed on by the Scotish Queene and her confederats, &c.

VVe would aske further of D. ParryAbout D. Parry. his sending into En­gland a little after that tyme to kil the Queene, (as he told her Ma.) was this also by any English Iesuits plotting? No truly, for that it is notoriously knowen and can be proued by witnes that D. Allen and F. Persons being at that very tyme in Paris when he was there, and whence he tooke his iorney into England would not so much as talk with him, or heare his plots, as the two forenamed gentlemen of the contrary part entreated them; wherupon he being offended protested to M. VVats an English priest in Roan (his contrey man) at his passing that way, that he would be their enemy in England; and yf all other proofs fayled, yet his owne confession extāt in print doth cleare by name the said D. and Father from all dealing with him or consenting to his attempts. For thus he wry­teth in his owne confession set forth after in print.

In October I came to Paris,In the booke intituled a true & [...]layne declaration of vvilliam where I found my credit wel setled, & being one day at the chamber of Thomas Morgan a Catholike gentleman, greatly beloued and trusted on that side, &c. I was (after other talk) desyred by Morgan to go vp with him to another Chamber where he [Page 42] brake with me &c.Parry his treasons at Lon­don by C. B. 1584 pag. [...]3. & 14. I told him it were soone done yf it might be law­fully done and warranted by the opinion of some learned diuines, &c. diuers diuines were named, D. Allen I desyred, Persons I refused by chance came M. VVats a learned priest with whome I conferred, and was oueruled, &c. that it was vtterly vnlawful, &c. And by this we see not only D Allen and F. Persons deliuered from all counsel and participation of this matter but Parry also by his manner of speech to shew himselfe no frende to F. Persons, nether to haue durst to comyt his plots to his iudgement: and yet heare what these our charitable brethren do wryte of this and ano­ther case.

Two gentlemen (say they) about that tyme an. Import. Con­sid. Pag. 23. 1583. M. Arden and M. Someruile were conuicted by the lawes of the Realme to haue purpo­sed and contryued how they might haue layd violent hands vpon her Ma. sacred preson, &c. And D. Parry the very same yeare was plotting with Iesuits beyond the seas how he might haue effected the like villany. About M. Arden & M. Someruile. Thus they say and would lay this villany as yow see vpon the Ie­suits, as also the other of Someruile & Arden, yf any such weare, wherin yet neuer Iesuite (we thinke) was so much as named in there proces or otherwise hitherto so as the malice of these men seemeth to exceed that of the heretikes against Iesuits by many degrees, as it doth also in another point following touching the ouerthrow of the Earle of Northumberland M. Shelley,The Earle of Northum­berland M. Shelley. and others, by the going of one Mope into England, wherof these men wryte in these words:Ibid. How the worthie Earle of Northumberland was about this tyme brought into the said plot of the Duke of Guise, we wil pretermit, M. Persons that was an actor in it could tel the story very roundly, &c. it wrought the noble Earles ouerthrow 1585. Which may iustly be ascribed to Iesuitical practises of the Iesuite Mendoza and others of that crewe.

Marke heere gentle Reader the malignant proceeding of these men: first they say they wil pretermit how it was done, and yet they name F. Persons wherin are two malignityes;Very great falshood and malignity in these factious priests. first in pretermitting Mope knowne to be the actor, for that he was and is a cheefe pillar of their faction; the other in naming F. Persons, who in all that affayre was neuer so much as mentio­ned hitherto to our knowledge, the third malignity also is in [Page] naming for a Iesuite Don Bernardino Mendoza, the K. of Spayne his Embassadour in England a lay gentleman yet aliue and no Iesuite nor euer was. And whether he had any thing to do in those actions or no we know not, but su [...]e we are that this is a great malignity to cal them Iesuitical practises as these men do,Discouery of the treasons &c. by Frācis Throgmortō &c. 1584. seing that in the forsaid book set forth by the here­tiks against M. Throgmorton is set downe among his confessions that the forsaid Mope alias Spring that came ouer and dealt with the said Earle and M. Shelley was otherwise called Charles Paget, and that Thomas Morgan residing in France hauing brought the said Francis Throgmorton into dealings of state matter with the Q. of Scots and forsaid Embassador, he and Mope sent M. Thom. Throgmorton to his said brother in England to aduertise him by word of mouth of those attempts heere obiected, all which three actors how they were affected to Iesuits & how litle vnion they had with them in their plots and actions all Englishmen know beyond the seas, and may easily be ga­thered by that we haue wrytten in the first & fourth chapter of our Apologie, wherby may appeare to whome the ouer­throw of this good Earle (ascribed by these men to Iesuitical practises) may truly be attributed and besydes is to be remem­bred that in M. Shelley his araignmēt certaine cōfessiōs of D. Bagshaw highly cōmended by the Q. solliciter were alledged against the sayd Earle.

After this there followeth in these mens narration: Import. Con­sid. Pag. 23. Hitherto (say they) we might adde the notable treasons of M. Anthony Babingtō and his compl [...]ces,About the matter of. Ba­bington and his fellovves. in the yeare 1586. which were so apparant as we were greatly abashed at the shamelles boldnes of a yongF. South­vvel. Iesuite, who to excuse the said traytors and qualifie their offences presumed in a kynd of supplication to her Maiestie to ascribe the plotting of all that mischeef to M. Secretary VValsingam, &c.

Marke heere the exceeding malice of these men, who to ex­cuse the persecutors, (though neuer so eager enemyes and he­retiks) seek to lay all hurts vpon Catholiks, and for that (yf yow remember) these particular examples are brought in, to prooue not only that Catholiks are culpable & guilty of their owne afflictions, but also to confirme their former general [Page 43] proposition, that all mischeefes synce her Maiesties raigne haue byn wrought principally by Iesuits. And not finding in this fact of M. Babington, not so much as any one Iesuite to haue byn accu­sed or named as participant or consenting to this action, they take occasion to name one at least, that sought afterward to qualifie their offenses in a supplication to her Maiestie. But what is that to the poynt it selfe that any Iesuite was actor, counselour, consenting, or priuy thervnto? Yf that blessed man whome they insinuate (now a martyr) did go about to mitti­gate the matter to her Maiestie (they being all Catholike gēt­lemen that died for the same) and did also signifie that M. VVal­singham had entertayned for diuers monethes the knowledge and notice of that association as it is most certainly knowne that he did,Ant. Ty. G. G. &c. by the confession of diuers that dealt with him therin, and therby also most probable that the poore gentle­men were drawne thervnto by his malice and craft, what is this, we say, to proue that Iesuits were any dealers, attemp­ters, or counselers therof? VVas there any Iesuite so much as named in all the processe against them at the barre or other­wise? VVere not D. Allen, and F. Persons, F. Holt and F. Creswel all at Rome or Naples at that tyme, and no one English Iesuite remayning eyther in Fraunce or Flaunders to treat with any in that affayre? VVere not all the consultations about that matter made in Paris with those that were of the opposite fa­ction? VVere not the three priests Ballard, Gyfford, Euident re­proof of th [...] falshood. and Gratley that dealt therin secular priests and deuided from the Iesuits as by their owne confessions appeareth, which we haue cyted in our Apologie? nay did not Tyrel the priest being made ac­quaynted therwith, and opening the same in general tearmes to another priest in London being asked that point confessed plainly, that Ballard had told him that neyther D. Allen nor F. Persons were priuy thervnto, whervpō the said priest disclay­med from it, and refused to heare any further therin; which act of the said priest (soone after taken by the detection of Tyrel and charged with that conference) was cleered for that he had refused to heare therof; And this to be so appeareth by the register and examinations taken at that tyme. And so by [Page] this yow may see the vpright dealing of these our brethren yf any way they may be called brethren:

It followeth in their Catalogue of accusations against Catholiks & their doyngs: Import. Cō ­siderat. Pag. 24. The treachery (say they) of S^r VVilliam Stanley the yeare following 1587. in falsifying his faith to her Maiestie and in betraying the trust comytted to him by the Earle of Leicester who had giuen him thè honorable title of knighthood, as it was greaty preiu­dicial to vs that were Catholiks at home, so was the defence of that disloyalty made by a worthie man, but by the persuasion (as we thinke) of Persons, grratly misliked of many both wise and learned.

Heere marke (good Reader) first the odious manner of speech of these priests (yf they be priests) against so worthy a man of their nation and religion as is S^r VVilliam Stanley, About Sir VVilliā Stan­leyes rēdring of Dauentry. calling his rendring of the citty of Dauentry to the King of Spaine; treachery and falsifying of his faith to her Maiestie, & betraying the trust commit­ted vnto him, &c. which is both malignant and false, for that the place which S^r VVilliam gaue vp was not vnder her Maie­sties obedience at that tyme nor S^r VVilliam or this soldiars that held the same, were in her pay, but in the pay of the re­belled states, vnto whome (those of Dauētrie being free before and without any garrison) the Earle of Leicester by deceipt and force made them subiect, by drawing in an English garrison against their willes.

It is manifestly false also that S^r VVilliam was made knight by the Earle of Leicester as these men heere most fondly affirme, for that he had his knighthood by S^r VVilliam Drury deputy of Ireland long before the Earle of Leicester had charge in Holland; neyther can he be said to haue falsified his faith to her Maiestie as these calūniators obiect, for so much as he was not sworne to her Maiestie in that gouernment, as hath byn shewed, hol­ding not the towne for her, but for the States whome kno­wing in his conscience to be rebels, and most wrongfully to detayne from ther true Lord and lawful king that and other townes, the good religious knight thought himselfe bound vnder paine of greuous sinne (as indeed he was by all true diuinity) to make restitution therof to the true owner when it lay in his hand, no lesse then when a theefe hauing robbed [Page 44] or spoyled any honest man, and put the booty in pawne or de­position in another mans hand he is bound (knowing the truth) not to keep it for the theefe, nor to restore it to him againe, but to the true owner, and this we thinke our brethren in their diuinity wil not dare to deny, as nether this case follo­wing:An example clerely con­uincing the calūniators. suppose any Spaniard, Italian or other subiect of the King of Spayne should hold any towne at this day in Ireland of the Earle of Tyron, and vnder his pay, and becoming a Pro­testant should therwith thinke it iust and reason and himself bound in conscience to yeld the same freely and frankely without reward or couenant to her Maiestie as to the true owner, would our men (trow you) cry out heere of treachery and breach of faith against the King of Spaine? And yet yf they be Catholiks, (as they pretend) they must needs confesse the case to be no lesse fauorable on S^r VVilliams side, yf not much more, both in respect of his great zeale in Catholike religion, and rare piety of lyfe, shewed euer synce (wherin would God the wryters of these books, being priests (as they say) had any resemblance or would follow him) as also for that (as we are certainly enformed) besides the former war­rant of conscience and iustice, he had also for safegard of his honour a particular Patent from his General the Earle of Leicester when he returned into England, with expresse licence therin conteyned to leaue the seruice of the States at his plea­sure, which Patent we vnderstand he caused to be shewed to her Maiesties Commissioners at Bullen in the late treaty there, about peace with Spayne and Flanders which no man more than he and other Catholiks desyred to haue byn ef­fectuated. And he being of that renowned vertue and valour that all men know, we doubt not, but he would spend the last drop of his bloud in her Maiesties seruice, setting the only cause of religion and his conscience a side; so as euery way these honest men to flatter the State, and gaine some crum­mes of grace to themselues, do iniure this worthie knight, but hurt him litle.

And this now were sufficient in our opinion to cleare this case, both for the actor himself, the vertuous knight, as also the [Page] defender our late good Cardinal and F. Persons the counselor (as these men say) but yet for that the fact is notorious,The fact of Sr. VVillem Stanley exa­mined by Cath. diui­nity. Ep. to Im­port. Consid. Pag. 1. and hath byn twise now impugned by some seditious of our side ioyning heerin with enemyes and heretiks first in the yeare 1588. by G. G. and E. G. as in our Apology we haue shewed, and now by these pathetical people (as they terme themsel­ues) but indeed cynical rather or sycophantical calling them­selues Catholike priests and so Catholike as none in the world (yf we wil beleeue them) shal go before them in that poynt; we thinke it not amisse to ad a word or two more in this place about Catholike doctrine and diuinity what it is herin for better iustifying of the forsaid honorable gentleman his noble and most Christian fact and resolution.

First then the case being proposed, as before we haue set downe,The first point about restitution. the resolution of Catholike doctrine and schooles is this: that yf a man haue in his hand or custody by what meanes from whome or with what conditions soeuer, the goods of another wrongfully taken from him, eyther by theft, violence, or other vnlawful meanes whatsoeuer, yea though he were possessor bonae fidei; that is to say, that he ney­ther knew when he tooke them, that they were other mens goods, nor did consent help or aid the same wrong done; yet yf afterward he should come to know the iniustice therof & that it lay in his hands to restore the same, to the true owner it were euer lawful for him so to do, yea he were bound in conscience therunto vnder paine of restitution of his owne part, except only in two cases, to wit when eyther he could not restore them of himselfe to the owner, but with his great losse and daunger, or that he had hope that restoring them to the vsurper he would make restitution therof himselfe, and so saue his owne credit therin; and this first poynt is cleere and without all doubt amongst all learned Catholiks, as may appeare first by the law it selfe: l. officium, F. de rei vendicatione, & l. si bonae fidei possessor, ff. de petitione haereditatis. L. in Causa 1. §. vlt. ff. de minuribus, & ibid. l. plane, & l. sed vbi. And then secondly by all the most learned and approued wryters that treate therof as a thing whereof there is no controuersy at all.

[Page 45] The 2. pointThe 2. poynt about resti­tution of goods vvrōg­fully betey­ned. of Catholike doctrine is in this case (which comprehendeth the fact and state of Sir VVilliam Stanley more fully and properly) that yf he which receaued another mans goods to keep from him, be malae fideif possessor, that is yf he know indeed the goods to be another mans, and that he did consent or cooperate to the taking or detayning therof, as Sir VVilliam cannot be excused (as it seemeth) but that he did, then is there likewisse no question among diuines or Cano­nists, but that he is absolutely bound by all meanes possible that he can to restore the same to the true owner, and not to the vsurper from whence he had them, notwithstanding any oath or any pretended obligation whatsoeuer made to the contrary: yea he is bound to this by two bands, the one in that he not only knoweth certainly now that they are the goods of another, but did also know the same when he took them: and secondly that he did and doth cooperate and con­sent to the vniust vsurpation so long as he withholdeth them from their rightful owner, which two bands are so great, as they do not only oblige him to deliuer his hands with all speed possible from this vniust detention of the said goods, but further also, that yf he should restore them to him of whome he receaued them, he should sin damnably, & moreo­uer be bound to restitution of the whole to the true owner, out of his owne, in case the Vsurper otherwise should not re­store the same. VVhich poynt yow may see handled and de­termined most learnedly and piously as wel by diuinity as law, by S. Thomas 22. q. 62. art. 7. & Caet. ibidem in Commentaris, and other wryters vpon that place; And for Canonists Nauarre in Manuali: Cap. 17. n. 18. & 19. Siluest. verb. Bellum 1. §. 3. & verb. Restitutio 3. q. 8. §. 7. Fumus verb. restitutio §. 16. & verb. Bellum §. 11. Caet. in sum. verb. restitutio. cap. 4. &c.

The 3. poyntThe 3. poynt about him that svvea­reth not to restore. is more in particular touching the forsaid oath pretended to be made by Sir VVilliam for keeping the towne of Daeuentry, for the vse of the States against the king of Spaine the true and lawful owner, which oath by the doctrine of all Ca­tholike deuynes though it were a synne in him if he did take it, yet being taken it byndeth not at all, being made against iustice [Page] and right and consequently of no force. Yea the said diuines do ad further that it weare an increase of synne to keep such an oath. And consequently each man is bound to breake the same. Thus do teach. S. Thomas 22. qu. 89. act. 7. in crop & ad 2. & ibid. Caet. in Comment. siluest. verb Iuramentum 5. q. 1. Nauar. cap. 12. num. 15. Toletl. Instruct. sacerd. cap. 22. § Primus est. &c. Fumus verb. Iura­ment. §. 9. & 10. & 17. Conditione 4. & §. 38, &c. and besydes these and the rest of this kinde may be alleaged all the fathers and Interpreters of scriptures treating of the vnlawful oath of Herode for the killing of S. Iohn Baptist.

And this may suffice for Catholike men and all other also that are of good conscience and louers of iustice for the clee­ring of S. VVilliam Stanleys fact concerning lawfulnes & obli­gation of conscience.S. VVilliam incurred no dishonor by restoring, but rather the contrary. There remayneth to say a word or two concerning his honour as a souldiar and subiect of her Ma. wherin albeit his cheef defence and iustification be indeed the forsaid obligation of equity, right and conscience towards al­mighty God which is to be preferred before all other obliga­tion to temporal princes, yet the points before specified or in­sinuated by vs, are sufficient also, though this so strict diuine obligatiō had not byn, to excuse him from the opprobrious & contumelious calumniatiōs of treachery and faith-breaking wher­with these seditious people so iniuriously do charge him. For yf he held not the said city of Dauentry of her Ma. as before hath byn said, but for the Hollanders, Knowne subiects at that tyme of the K. of Spaine and that he was not only priuy but also present and consenting to the vsurpation of that Citty by the Earle of Leicester against the willes of the cittizens bringing in a garrison vpon them by sleight; yf afterward becomming more Catholike and better instructed in religion, he came to know (as he did) a christian mans obligation in this behalfe. And that besides all this he had a patent of his General (to whome he made his oath) to depart from that seruice when he should think good: the motiue of which graunt was (as we haue heard) not to be vnder the obedience of S. Iohn Norrice left cheefly in the Earles place. If furthermore S. VVilliam did not sel or make any temporal aduantage of that place as [Page 46] souldiars are wont to do, but only as a most christian knight aduentured for meere conscience and loue of iustice to restore the same to the true owner with his owne great daunger, and with the losse of his father, wife, and children, inheritance, of­fices, grace of her Ma. and all the rest that his countrey did, or could yeld vnto him, only for the same effect and ende: If all this be so, and diuers other circumstances concurring in his fauour, then is there no least spot of dishonour to be layd vpon him for this fact, but rathe [...] great honour hath he gotten therby both before God and man: and most barbarous is the insolency of these slanderous companions that go about to dishonour him therby as they do.

And the like course they hold with our late good Card. their father and maister,Card. Allen greatly abu­sed by them. whome Ironice they cal worthy man (as before yow haue heard) but do handle him so vnworthily, as all men may see their contempt and hollow harts towards him, their desyre being indeed vtterly to discredit him espe­cially about this act of S. VVilliam Stanley; in proof and iusti­fication wherof the Card. wrote a very christian and learned epistle, which these men do calumniate, condemne and scofat saying among other things that it was made by F. Persons help and counsel, which they say as wel to discredit the Card [...] for making his books by other mens help and counsel, as also to bring in the mention of F. Persons or some other Iesuite in euery act which they desyre to make odious, as though the only naming of a Iesuite, (though they had no part at all therin nor were pryuy or consenting to it (as in this of S. VVilliam Stanleys they were not, nor could he) were sufficient to con­demne both the act and them, and to iustifie their former oath and consciencelesse protestation, that in their consciences Iesuits hunc byn the cause of all mischeefes and calamityes from the beginning of [...]. And this much of this matter.

Now let vs go: forward & follow them in their most spite­ful and iniurious arraignment of Catholiks by succession & dissent of by [...].Pag. 25. Now we are come (say they) to the yeare 1588. & to that most (bloo [...]) [...] not only against her Ma. & our common ene­myes; but against ourselues, and all Catholiks, &c. The memory of which [Page] attempt wilbe (as we trust) an euerlasting monument of Iesuitical trea­son and cruelty, &c.

Note that they trust it wil be so, which argueth their charita­ble meaning. But what yf it prooue that no one English Iesuite eyther was in that Armada or in Spaine at that tyme to giue counsel or consent therunto? wil not this assertion then be a perpetual monument of their perfidious and vnchristian malice? Remember then what passed at that tyme, and con­fesse with vs that they are no priests, but rather lost lads that auouch, so apparant false calumniations. For, as before we haue touched most true it is, that both F. Persons, F. Holt and F. Creswel being at Rome with Cardinal Allen and no English Iesuite at all residing eyther in Spaine or Flaunders when this enterprice was resolued; not only they went not in this. Ar­mada from Spaine, but were neuer so much as asked their opi­nion or conferred with about that matter as we haue often hard them affirme, and is euident to this day by a letter of S. Frauncis Inglefield wrytten into Fraunce at that very time to a certayne confident friend wherin he greatly complayneth,The letter of S. Frauncis Inglefeld to M. Hopkins in Paris anno 1588. that wheras all the world talked that the said armada went for England, yet that neyther he nor any other English was ad­mitted to know any thing therin. But let vs heare the proof of these men against themselues.

It is apparant (say they) in a treatese penned by F. Persons aduise altogeather as we do verely think that the K. of Spayne was especially moued and drawne to that intended mischeefes against vs by the long and daylie sollicitation of the Iesuits, &c. Import. Con­sid. Pag. 25. This is somwhat if it were true, but if there be no such thing in that whole treatese, as we most certainly affirme not to be (hauing read ouer the whole for examination of the matter) then iudge yow with vs, what manner of men these be, that against their owne con­sciences do ly so notoriously. For if the Card. in that book haue these words, or do euer name Iesuits or any of their or­der to this effect or this sense, then neuer beleeue vs more: and if he do not, then good reason it is, that they hold them for such as they are, wherby also yow wil se how little they are to be credited in the rest which they say in this place, that [Page 47] this treatese of the Card. was penned altogeather by the aduise of F. persons which if it had bene so it is likely he would not haue layd the matter vppon the Iesuytes? but heare as true an asser­tion as this; for it followeth presently after:About this point they bely M. VVinstade. The Duke of Medina Sidonia had giuen it out directly, that yf once he might land in England both Catholiks and heretiks should be all one to him, his sword could not discerne them, &c.

Thus they say: But how directly or indirectly these men might come to know any such thing yf it had byn spoken; or how likely it is, that the Duke would say so, the discreet reader may imagine. And a litle before in the same booke they say (as yow haue heard) out of the same duke of Medina his mouth also;Epist. Pag. 7. that he would rather spare Protestants then Catho­liks. All which put togeather sheweth euidently out of what forge all these deuises do proceed, to wit, of blynd rancor, wilful malice, lack of conscience, and the like.

VVel; this Chapter of vntruthes groweth somwhat long, and yet remayne there a huge heap sufficient for many books yf we would prosecute all, yea those only which are about F. Persons would make vp a volume so fraught or ra­ther ouercharged with malignant passion against him, who of all other seeketh most to do them good, yf they had vn­passionate eyes to see it; VVherfore we shal runne ouer breefly some few more that concerne him especially, and so make an end, hauing receyued from him and others particular information of the truth and falshood of the matters ob­iected.

VVherfore to touch them briefely as they [...]ly in this their book of Important Considerations (for we wil omit eyther all or the most part of those that are in their other libel tearmed their Relation of wisbich) wherin there are so many heaped to­geather in a certayne mad and furious innectiue of VV. VV. prefixed in name of the rest before the said book [...] as these only with the spiteful maner of vttering the same are sufficiēt to make them knowne, and to discreedit not only the wryter, but all his ayders and approuers with all honest and sober men of what religion soeuer.

[Page] For first they affirme heere, Vntruthes vttered against F Persons Se the 12 Chap. of the Apol. that F. Persons hath se [...]t sundry of his subiects into Ireland already in the behalf of the Spaniard, and that that warre was plotted and sollicited by him and his: that he hath inti­tuled the K. of Spayne to all the 3. kingdomes of England, Scotland and Fraunce,Epist. to Im­port. Consid. Pag. 7. 8. 9. 10. &c. and the lady Infanta to the same kingdomes; that he did con­strayne the students of the Semynaryes in Spayne to subscribe to her inte­rest, forcing them to promise that when they should returne into En­gland they would aduance her title to their vttermost abillity, power and poyse of words; that for not applauding to this Spanish pretence of the Infanta, the L. Dacres was dryuen out of Spayne, and all other Spanish dominions, being slaundered to be a spy for England, and to haue inten­ded to haue set the Spanish fleet on fyre: That F. Persons hath caused diuers of our countrey to be vtterly disgraced, discredited, yea and to leese their lyues in Spayne, for not yeilding to his desyre therin: That after he came in post to Rome and would needs haue the book of Tytles read in the Refectory of the Colledge yf it had not byn resysted, and that for ha­tred to the secular Seminary priests he gaue out, that book of Tytles to haue byn made by M. Dolman a secular priest, &c.

These and a great multitude more of like accusations and calumniations, which for breuity and lothsomnesse we omit, are heaped togeather in this place, and sprinkeled againe throughout the whole book as occasion is offered. And al­beit the most of these are so euidently false and ridiculous, as theyneed no answere, yet wil we say somwhat to each of them in order: and first of that of hauing sent diuers of his subiects already into Ireland to set forward that warre, all men knowe that F. Persons hath authority ouer none,About the late attempt in Ireland. but only English Iesuits: wherof yf any one can be proued to haue byn sent hitherto into Ireland or any one to be there at this day or any one priest of those Seminaryes to haue byn directed by him that way for diuerse yeares then may these slaunders haue some shew or pretence of this their malicious sycophancy but none being at all it maketh them more in excusable.

Moreouer we [...] ad [...] that we haue seene a letter lately wrytten out of Spay ne by a man o credit,The Prote­station of Sr. VV. Stanley and M. Th. Fitzherbert about the protestation of two worshipful and honorable gentlemen, Sir VVilliam Stanley and M. Thomas Fitzherbert concerning this affaire of Ireland, [Page 48] wherin they bothe affirme and protest vpon their soules and cōsciences,about the af­fayre of Irlād that to their knowledge neyther they nor any one English-man els was euer so much as asked his opinion in this late affayre of Ireland, nor any one hitherto of our na­tion imployed or sent in that action. And M. Thomas Fitzher­bert nameth in that letter one Hewghe Boye an Irish-man Agent for the Earle of Tyron in the court of Spayne, who resi­ding there many monethes to deale in this matter, and seing M. Fitzherbert euery day, as lying in the same court, neuer yet broke the matter with him, nor was willing that any Eng­lish-man at all should be priuy thervnto, as whome both he and other Irishmen treating therabout,The like pro­testation for dealing vvith the K of Spayne. presumed to be contrary to their desires and designments therin. And this can and wil the said Boye testifie, seing since that tyme he is passed from the said Earle of Tyrone to her Maie­sties seruice.

And further more the said two gentlemen do protest in like maner (vpon occasion offered) that both they, F. Persons and F. Creswel, who haue had hitherto most dealings with the spanish King and counsel did neuer treat in their lyues, nor consent that the said king should haue any temporal interest in the crowne of England, for himselfe, and much lesse that any such conquest of our countrey should be made or at­tempted, as these folish malitious people do faygne and giue out. And further they protest by the same asseueration, that neyther the old king now dead, nor his sonne now raigning, did euer pretend the same, in word or deed, but alwayes as­sured the contrary to wit that their only meaning and desire was, and is by their warres against England, that the Catho­liks might be releeued from their most greeuous pressures and oppressions for religion, and themselues deliuered from con­tinual molestations which in Flanders, Indies and other places they receyued from England, hauing a desire in themselues to lyue in peace and loue with that crowne aboue all other forraine nations, as in former tymes they did when the State was Catholike. This and diuers other such poynts do the foresaid two worthie gentlemen auow in manner aforesaid, [Page] & is testified by the foresaid letter which we haue seene dated in Madrid the first of October last past 1601.

By this then most of the foresaid calumniations against F. Persons are discouered concerning his dealing with and for the king of Spayne, About a let­ter of F. Per­sons inter­cepted. which is greatly confirmed and made eui­dent by a certaine letter wrytten by the said Father himselfe in great confidence and cyphar also (as his aduersaryes say) to F. Holt in Flaunders from Genua vpon the 15. of March 1597. when the said father arryued there towards Rome, which letter or the copy therof being stolne afterward (as it see­meth) from F. Holt and giuen to his aduersaryes, which in some places they haue shewed, and is like to be that which heere they brag of, saying; that his owne books & handwrytings wilbe brought out as witnesses against him. But hitherto they are not brought or alleadged, and it semeth that this in particular wherof we haue the copie serueth not their turnes so much, as they dare to alleadge it, finding more sincerity, religion, wisdome and grauity conteyned therin (though wrytten in secret and confidence) where he might vtter himselfe boldly) than their malignant enuy wil suffer them to be glad to see, which yet we be inforced in this place through their maligni­ty, not to thinke amisse to acquaint somwhat the Reader therwith.

The superscription was thus: To the Reuerend Father, F. VVil­liam Holt, &c. And then within was wrytten this in cyphar, as the rest of the letter also is said to haue byn: A note for F. Holt & such other confident frends as he shal thinke good to communi­cate the same withal: A lettere of F. P. to F. holt 15. of March 1597. And then began the letter thus: ‘The prin­cipal causes of this my iorney are to setle with his Holines and F. General all such poynts as shal seeme necessary for the vp­holding of the Seminaries of Spayne, Flaunders, Italy, and of the mission of the society to England, and therfore whatsoe­uer shal offer it selfe vnto yow about any of these points (to wit) for facultyes, gouernment, priuiledges, maintenance, or the like, I pray yow and other frends to aduise me with the best speed that may be, for I meane to procure that my aboad in Italy be as litle as may bee, and so I haue promised in [Page 49] Spaine and for diuers reasons it wilbe necessary.’

‘Yf I can do any good also in compounding or ending the troubles of the English Roman Seminary, and of our con­trouersyes betweene those of our nation els where; I shal do my best, at least I hope I shal make his Hol. and other principal persons vnderstand the true causes and grounds therof.’

By these two first points we may see that F. Persons iorney to Rome was neyther in post (as these men say, being 5. or 6. monethes in coming) nor to cause the book of English tit­les to be read in the Refectory (as fondly heere is deuised) about which whole matter of succession, he speaketh in his letter so temperatly and indifferently, as may shame his ad­uersaryes to alleadge it, for he saith in substāce. ‘That he mea­neth to proceed therin very softly and coldly, letting his Hol. only to know how matters do stand, & that English Catholiks do only desire (after her Maiestie) some sincere Catholike Prince, F. Persons dealing vvith the Pope about the succession of England. without respect of English, Scottish, Spanish, or other nation in respect of reli­gion, that F. Persons is not an enemy, to the king of Scotland nor Agent for king Philip, as some haue enformed shewing in the first what good offices he hath done for the king of Scotland for many yeares, whilst their was hope that he would be a Catholike, and in the second shewing by testimony of the Nuntio of Madrid, Patriarke Caetan (who hath wryt­ten effectually in that behalf) that F. Persons hath alwayes persuaded the king & his counsel, that it wil not stand wel for his Maiestie to pre­tend England for himself, & that he hath obtayned of the king ful pro­mise therof, about which poynt the Nuntio hath seene the papers, & byn priuy to the speches which F. Persons from tyme to tyme hath had vnto that effect.’

‘These are the words of this secret letter, and finally he con­cludeth; that the best of all would be, yf to auoyd conten­tion, opposition and garboyles after her Maiestie, such a person might be thought of as would be fit, and stand wel both for his Hol. and Maiestie Catholike, Inglish and Scotish Catholiks, the kings of Fraunce, Denmarke, and all the rest, but who that person or persons be he meaneth to suffer his Hol. to thinke vpon, &c.’

Thus he wryteth (as yow see) in great confidence and se­cresy [Page] to his dearest frend, and was to treate to the same effect with the Pope by the commission (as heere is insinuated) of the king of Spaine himselfe; And his Hol. can be witnesse whether he did so or no, and whether he hath changed his course or no vntil this day. And then let the discreet reader iudge whether these cogitations and endeauors of F. Persons do not tend more to peace, vnion, composition, sauing of his countrey from warres, and garboyles, pacifying of Princes round about, and furthering the Catholike religion, which principally is sought by him as the first and cheef meanes of all ioy and felicity, both in this lyfe and the next, then the distracted passionate clamors of these few discontented peo­ple that cry out to pul downe; but set vp nothing, that ca­lumniate other mens actions, but can do nothing themselues, being only fit to vndo, discompose, wrangle, trouble, cry and curse: but let vs see yet a litle further.

They obiect,A vayne [...]aunder. that F. Persons hath intitled the king of Spaine to all the 3. kingdomes of England, Scotland and France, & the Lady In­fanta to the said three kingdomes, Let them shew this out of any wryting of his; and if they cannot (as is most certaine) let them be ashamed of this their shamelesse calumniation. For in the book of succession, which they attribute vnto him, is no such matter, eyther about the kingdome of France or Scotland for eyther of those two persons, but rather the quite contrary, which proueth these men not to speak by line or measure or regard of verity, but only what they imagine may sound odiously. And is this fit for priests? yea Catholike priests?

The tale of the students subscribing,A [...]ond tale of the schol­lers svvearing in the Spa­nish Semi [...]yes. swearing and promi­sing in Spaine to promote with mayne and might, poyse of words dentibus & [...]nsibus (as our Orators say) the Infanta her title is much like poetical comentaryes and fictions vpon some litle ground of truth: For all are lyes but only this; that our late good Cardinal thinking seriously towards the later end of his dayes of the perilous state of our countrey yf her Ma. should faile, and what great contention and warres were like to ensue about the succession of a new prince, he was [Page 50] greatly troubled and afflicted in mynd, and casting diuers wayes about how these mischeefes might best be preuented and matters wrought to some moderation and composition both to the contentment of forrayne princes and probability to reduce the Cath. faith agayne into England, he took his pen in hand, and set downe a very wise, moderate and pious discourse of his opinion and iudgment therin sending the same into Spayne with desyre to heare the opinions of his frends about the same, who liking it very wel and being desyrous to haue the same continued and set forward, diuers of the cheef English there, as wel lay men as Ecclesiastical, as namely S^r. Frauncis Inglefield, M. D. Stillington, and others, wrote their likings and approbation therof and requested that the like might be performed frō the Semynaryes for encouraging the good Card. to go forward in that pious cogitatiō. And this is all that in that matter was done or attēpted without any promise, oath or obligation at all, so as all the rest which these men ad is eyther poetical fictions or exaggerations, as we haue sayd.

The calumniation about the L. Dacres is most false & slaun­derous,About the L. Dacres. and hath many malignant vntruthes; That which passed betwene him and F. Persons is this, as we are certaynly enformed by them that know it: He went out of England to Vallidolid in Spaine about the yeare 1590. where finding F. Persons begynning his new Seminary, he was most curteously receyued and treated by him therin, and after some dayes re­commended by his letters very effectually to the court at Madrid where also he was honorably vsed, from whence he passed to Rome, and there had 60. Crownes a moneth in gold, payed him by the Spanish Embassador, which after some tyme misliking his abode there he left; to returne into Flaun­ders, where it may be that he fel into some discontentements as banished men are wont to do, but this could not be by any reason or probability with F. Persons, seing he neuer dealt with him after his departure from Spaine, and is presumed to haue had the forsaid prouision in Rome by his special comē ­dation. VVherfore to say heere as these men do that he was [Page] held for a spy and suspected that he would burne the K. fleete (wherof we neuer heard before) is open calumniation laid vpon the good noble man himselfe, towards whome we vn­derstand by very certaine and sure meanes that the said Father is and alwayes was very wel affected in respect both of his religion and house, whatsoeuer this seditious wryter and make-bate goeth about to persuade to the contrary.

As for the other,Another im­pudent ca­lumniation. that F. Persons hath caused diuers of our nation to be vtterly disgraced, discredited, yea and to leese their lyues in Spaine for being contrary to his designes, is so manifest a slaunder as we are ashamed to repeat: For what one example can these men alleadge for sauing their credit and honestie heerin? It is wel knowne that he hath saued the lyues of diuers, both by deli­uering them out of the gallyes as also out of the inquisition, as diuers can beare witnesse that are now in England deliue­red by him. And more it is to be noted, that from the tyme of F. Persons comming into Spaine in the yeare 1588. vntil his departure from thence in the yeare 1596. no one Englishmā in any of the Tribunals of all those kingdomes was publikely punished or put to death during those 8. yeares, wheras be­fore many had accustomed to be. And this change is knowne to haue come principally by the information and intreaty of F. Persons with those Ecclesiastical Iudges, letting them vn­derstand first and aboue all other things, the true state of men in England, touching religion at this tyme, to wit, that very few especially of the yonger sort (how earnest protestants soeuer they shew themselues) are to be accounted heretiks properly and in rigour of the Canons,Qentle pro­ceeding vvith english heretikes in Spayne by F. Persons mea­nes. as they appoynt pu­nishments vnto them, for that they lack sufficient knowledge of the Cath. faith, or at leastwise instructions, hauing neuer byn actually Catholiks. And albeit this were not so, yet other circumstances there are of great moment to mitigate the ordi­nary proceeding of Canonical lawes and punishmēt towards them seing that by experience it was found, that the most part of such m [...]n being prest vpon the suddayne or at their first apprehension were ordinarily so proud and wilful as they would rather burne or abide any other punishment then leaue [Page 51] or renounce their fancyes, but geuing them tyme and instru­cting them by reason and good arguments they were easily conuerted, and so it was seene by experience, that in all the foresaid tyme, & euer synce there haue not byn found perhaps two Englishmen, which being taken or otherwise comming to conferēce haue not byn turned and made Catholiks, albeit some of them afterward againe for [...]emporal respects may haue perhaps relented at there arriual in England, wherof also many haue stood constant. And this is and hath byn the man­ner of F. Persons proceeding with Englishmen in Spayne while he was there, quite contrary to the malitious fictions & lying detractions vsed heere against him, for procuring the ruine & death of his countrey men, &c.

And finally where these accusants obiect against F. Persons that he caused the book of succession to be set forth in the name of one Dolman a secular priest,VVhy the Author of the book of succession vvas called Doleman. and this for hatred of that order, we are informed that it is no lesse false then a malitious ca­uillation, & that the author of the booke neyther knew any priest to be named Dolman when he wrote that book, nor so much as thought on him, but alluding to the word of the scri­pture vir dolorum he called himselfe Dole-man in respect of the greife and sorrow he bore in his hart for the affliction and ca­lamity of his Countrey.Ezai. 5 [...]. Afterward it fel out that there was a priest in England called Dolman who being drawne by these men to fauour their faction as it seemeth, was persuaded also to cōplaine that he was made to be the author of the book, which no man yet we think that knoweth him and hath read the book, wil easily beleeue or accuse him of, his talent being knowen to be farre inferior to such a labour, and conse­quently their complaint in this is both fond and ridiculous.

There ensueth in the said Epistle, that F. Persons in Greenewat made the case cleere;Pag. [...]. that difference in religion or matters of faith neyther ought nor could by the law of God, A notoriously of F. P. speech in Greenevvat. of nature, of nations, or cu­stome euer hard of in any natio [...] depriue any one inferior subiect (much lesse said he in the same place any Soueraigne) from the right of inheri­tance or lawful succession by byrth or bloud to any thing they had right vnto otherwise, &c.

[Page] Heere now hearing them to name a perticular place and to auow a matter so stoutly, yow may perchance thinke with your selfe (gentle Reader) whether all or some part of this may be true or no, but doubt not therof; For we assure yow vpon most certayne information had from the original­les themselues, that all is most false; F. Persons protesting by his letters that he remembreth not any such place called Gree­newat that euer he was in in his lyfe,L Manichae­us. l. Arian. l. quicunque Cap. ad abo­endam Cap. excommuni­camus extra. de haereticis &in 6. de hae­ret. cap. super leo. Consil la tera. cap 3. de. haereticis. nor knoweth what, nor where it is. And for the doctrine heere ascribed to him he detesteth it, as fond, absurd, and tasting both of heresy and atheisme (though allowed heere as it seemeth by our people) he being not ignorāt that both ciuil lawes and Church Canons doe depriue heretiks of inheritances, as our men ought to know also. And yf the foresaid book of Titles or succession alle­adged by them were wrytten by F. Persons (as they affirme) then is there proofe inough therin to shew him to be contrary to this doctrine, seing that the whole drift of the first book (especially the 6. 7. 8. and 9. Chapters) is principally directed against this doctrine taught (as there is said) by one Belloy a French man, and whome the said first book of titles re [...]uteth by many arguments: so as these men by running headlong vpon F. Persons do breake their owne hornes, and see not their folly.

But heare yet another calumniation more absurd then this against the same man.Ibid. Pag. 14. There is (say they) a letter of F. Persons owne wryting wherein is set downe in playne tearmes to this effect sci­licet. How the Iesuits are the most infest enemyes both to the Cath. Church and common welth, that are this day in the world to be found, &c.

But heere againe we require the letter, and aske why it is not alleadged with the date and place, and then consider moreouer, good Reader, how likely it is that F. Persons (except he were mad) should wryte these words of himself and of his whole order and whethet these men may be iudged to be in their right senses, and fiue wits that wryte and put such things in print; though wee haue heard of a certayne letter de­uised amongst some of them to be printed as writen by him which yet others of the sayd company not so mad as the rest [Page 52] dissuaded them from as a thing that would easily be disco­uered, yet haue they here another assertiō within a few leaues after as bold and ridiculous as this,Import. Con­sid Pag 15. saying: F. Persons so labou­red himself and others in England about matters of state how he might set her Ma. crowne vpon anothers head (as appered by a letter of his owne to a certayne Earle) that the Catholiks themselues threatned to de­liuer him into the hands of the ciuil magistrate except he desisted from such kynd of practises, &c.

And heere also we would aske why they do not expresse this letter more particularly, & set downe the words therof. For yf they meane a letter of his wrytten to the Earle of Anguise in Scotland and intercepted heere in Englād concerning his dutiful affection and good merits towards the K. of Scot­lād;The letter of F. P. to the Earle of An­guise Ian. 24. 1600. there is no such woord ther in sense nor meaning; if they haue any other (which we assure our selues they haue not) why do they not cite it, as plaine dealing men ought to do, & as we haue done towards them and theirs in our Apologie? VVhy also do they slaunder the Catholiques of England with so base and absurd a cogitation, as to deliuer vp F. Persons to the ciuil magistrate, which we assure ourselues neuer passed through their imaginations, esteeming his discret and feruent labours for them, and their common cause a hundred tymes more then all these vnprofitable wrangling people ioyned togeather.

And now hauing byn much more longer in this matter then we purposed at the beginning, we would gladly end, pretermitting infinite other such like stuffe of the same kind, as in these books are euery wheare found, yet must we not passe ouer one narration of theirs, for that it toucheth great personages. The story is this;Epist. to Im­port. consid. Pag. 15. that when their two legats M. Bishop and M. Charnock came to Rome in the end of the yeare 1598. they went (as heere is said) first to the frēch Emba­sador residing there, requesting his help to procure thē audiēce of the Pope,A notorious fiction and contumely to his Hol. who enquiring if they had brought the K. his ma­sters letter in their fauour, & perceauing they had not, told thē that albeit he would with the said letter, if they had brought it, more willingly enter into the said action with them, yet [Page] without it also would he speake to his Hol. in their fauour, and so he did, making a speech which heere in their book they take vpon them to set downe, and the very words he vsed wherby he obtayned ful promise of their audience, with fa­uour at his Hol. hands. VVhich the Spanish Embassadour vnderstanding of, went presently to the Pope, and made ano­ther speech in the behalfe of his maister, to whome the Pope promised that they should not haue audience, which being vnderstood by the french Embassadour, he returned to his Hol. againe and renewed his oration and petitiō for their au­dience more earnestly then before, and it was resolutely graunted him; which being brought to the Spanish Embas­sadour he went to the Pope with great vehemency the second tyme, and as it were threatning him from his king made him recal the second tyme his former promise.

Lo heere a sharp combat framed in the ayre, neuer thought of by the partyes as we are informed from Rome it selfe. And first it is to be considered, how bold a deuise this is, and how iniurious to his Hol. himselfe, who is made heere like a doore, opened by one and shut by another, and geuing a creake to each one that moueth it, which contumely how farre it is from the wisdome, maturity and knowen constancy of his Hol. in his resolutions all men do know who haue dealt with him, and it is extreame audacity for these to deuise such absurd and ridiculous matters of him as to say and vnsay fower tymes one thing to so great personages. And thus much of his Holines person.

But now for the matter it selfe concerning the narration,Great proba­bilityes that the vvhole is fayned. how or whether the two messengers went to the French Em­bassador in Rome; whether the matter be wholy fayned or no, we cannot precisely affirme, but great probability there is that they were neuer with him, seing that their arriual in Rome being about the 11. of December (as in our Apologie we haue declared) at what tyme the said Embassador was not there, but in Ferrara with the Pope, or in his way towards Rome, his Holines entred not the citty, but some 2. or 3. dayes before the floud, which happened on Christmas eue, and so [Page 53] empestred the citty, as there was no going vp and downe, and much lesse negotiating, from that tyme to S. Thomas of Canter­bury his day Decemb. 29. when they were restrayned and com­mitted to ward by his Holines order, and therby had no tyme afterward to go to the said Embassador.

But howsoeuer this was, we are acertayned by due infor­mation taken at Rome both from Cardinal Burghesius Vice-protector of England priuy to all the whole negotiation, and of the Duke of Sessa and Vayena, the King of Spaynes Embassa­dor, whome our brethren appoint for cheef actor and orator of pleading this cause (for of the other two Cardinal Caëtan the Protector and Monsieur Syllarie the king of France his Em­bassador, the one is dead, and the other gone from Rome) these two great men (we say) do affirme that all this matter to their knowledge is a meere fiction, and that his Hol. when he shal know it (as before this it is likely he hath done) can­not but laugh, and yet be much offended with such audacity to be published in print.

And of the said Duke of Sessa Embassador of Spayne they write from Rome that he laughed hartily when he heard the Story,The speech of the Duke of Sessa a­bout these priests audu­city. saying: wel then they make me at least the better ora­tor of the two who finally preuayled with his Hol. But after his laughter past, he asked seriously. But is it possible that English Catholike priests should haue so litle shame & con­science as to vtter such deuises of their owne in print, and fa­ther them vpon vs heere who neuer thought nor dreamed therof what may be expected of them for the tyme to come? These men (said he) wil not stick to fayne letters, wrytings and speeches to wreake their wrath against any man. To whome it was answered, that this indeed was doubted against some, and F. Persons by name, whose letters they threaten in many places to bring forth, and yet alleadge none hitherto, for that perhaps they are not yet made, or deuised.

VVel then there were no end yf we should prosecute all they say and rayle against F. Persons as before we haue noted, but especially about the restraynt of their forsaid two Embas­sadors (a pittiful case) of whome they conclude their former [Page] narration thus:Imp. Consid. Pag. 16. Ep. By this meanes (say they) they were excluded from doing their message, cast into prison, cruelly handled, iustice violated, all lawes broken of God and man, the Popes Holines nor any other competent iudge vnder him neuer as yet hearing of the matter nor of the egregious coggery, A heape of folyes. preiudice & blasphemy against the Sea Apostolike and the sa­cred Maiestie of our Soueraigne and all other Princes and Prelates abused by these men.

Heere now yow may see as many impertinent follyes and open falsityes as almost there are words for we may go back againe, denying truly euery parte & percel as they are heere set downe. For how were they excluded from doing their mes­sage, who were heard for 3. monethes space togeather both by word, and wryting? How can they be said to haue byn cast into prison and cruelly handled, that were retyred only vnto two good chambers of the college, and as tenderly cared for and treated as the best in the house? VVith what probability can they say that iustice was violated and all lawes both of God and man broken, by this their restraint, seing it is an ordinary thing daylie vsed vpon lesse occasions then this, to farre better and greater men then they? with what shame can they auouch, that nether his Hol. nor any competēt iudge vnder him hard their cause, seing two principal Cardinals and his Hol. Fiscal, both heard, examined and determined the same after three monethes hearing, conferring all first with the Pope himself, as appea­reth by publike records?

VVe let passe their immodesty in calling this act of so tem­perate iustice, coggery, preiudice and blasphemy against the Sea Apo­stolike, and the sacred Ma. of our Soueraigne; And we would only aske them how they ioyne these two togeather, and how the selfe same thing of restrayning a coople of priests may be blas­phemy both to the Sea Apostolike and to her Ma [...] and wherin this blasphemy consisteth?

VVe might follow this vayne of our passionate and in­considerate brethren their folly and falshood (yf we would) to the making vp of a whole volume, but we find ourselues so wearyed and glutted with these (being so grosse as they are) as we are ashamed further to discouer their infirmityes in this [Page 54] behalf for there is nether end nor measure in their fond ray­ling against F. Persons, yea though they be forced to say things to his praise and comendations as before hath byn noted: But let vs heare one example more yf yow please.

VVhen they speak of his iorney into Spayne in the yeare 1588. and his doyngs there, they wryte thus: He departed from Rome,Pag. 28. Ibid. went into Spayne and became a courteour to attend K. Philippe wher by Mendoza his fellow Iesuits meanes he grew shortly into so great estimation (not for any goodnesse in him towards this Realme yow may be sure, but rather in respect of his deadly hatred against it) that he pro­cured a Seminary to be erected in Vallidolid. 1589.

Consider these words (gentle Reader) and weigh the ex­ceeding folly and malice of the wryters; He went to Spayne to be a courteour, got great estimation, and yet hath gotten nothing for himself in all these dozen yeares, by al his fauour and esti­mation, but only to erect some Semynaries for our nation, what courting is this? or what courteour followeth this course to get nothing for himself but for others? yea for those that professe themselues his enemyes as secular priests do; yf we may beleeue these men affirming it euery wheare. These are meere insulsityes.

Againe they say;About Don Bernardino de mendoza & his frend­ship vvith F. P. that he got his credit in Spaine by Mendoza his fellow Iesuits meanes, &c. But we haue shewed before that Don Bernardino de mendoza was neuer Iesuite but a lay nobleman. He was not in Spaine when F. Persons went thither, nor for di­uers yeares after, for that he resided in Paris as Embassador for his king, where he had much more frendship and correspon­dence with M. Charles Paget and M. Tho. Morgan men of the op­posite party (as is knowen) then with F. Persons betweene whome and him we haue vnderstood for certayne that no one letter or message passed for many yeares togeather, to wit after the most disastrous affayre of Ballard, Babington, &c. wher­vnto he being drawen perhaps to intermedle more then was expedient by the forsaid men and others (though we cannot accuse him therin) and perceauing both Card. Allen and F. Per­sons then in Rome greatly to haue misliked and complayned therof as a matter so highly preiudicial to the life and states of [Page] many good Catholiks in England and of the Q. of Scotland her self, he neuer had any great confidence afterward with the said two men, and when he returned after some yeares to Madrid, where F. Persons was, we vnderstand that there passed greate expostulations betwene them two about that & some other such matters, wherin the said Embassador had byn thought to haue byn ouermuch misled by the foresaid men & their mates.

By this then yow may see in part how likely it is that F. Persons should get his estimation and credit in Spaine by Don Bernardino de Mendoza his meanes, and much more how proba­ble it is that the said Father procured a Seminary for English priests and students in Vallidolid not for any goodnes in him to­wards this realme, but for his deadly hatred against it, &c. who could imagine such fond malice to be in men? And yet if we would enlarge our selues vpon this poynt, we should neuer make an end; for against this man it semeth their vvhole conspiracy lighteth; And he may wel say out of the psalme opprobria, exprobrantium ceciderunt super me, read the Catalogue of slaun­ders set before the preface of our Apologie and the 12. Chapter of our said book that treateth of this man in parti­cular, and then lay them with these which we say heere and that we haue related in the first Chapter of this book and yow wil see sufficient store, and yet more wil ensue after, for that no one part can be touched by them without his particular impugnation, whome they imagine to stand more in their way (for letting their seditious designments) then many others ioyned togeather. And so consequently they are forced by their owne folly and passion to assayle him euery where, and this we feare to their owne confusion in the end, God graunt it be not. And so inough of this.

OF THEIR GREAT FOLLY and malignant spirit in obiecting certayne books to F. Per­sons, which yf they be his, cannot but giue him much credit & commendation, with a brief confutation of a fond pam­phlet set forth in answere to the book of succession.
CAP. V.

TRuly it is said that enuy and emulation are two blynd guides, and that anger and passion do oftentymes wound more deeply the assaylant, then the assayled. Yow haue heard how boysterously (not to say fu­riously) these passionate people haue runne euery where vpon F. Persons dentibus & ensibus, (to vse their owne phrase) and surely if we did not know F. Persons and his merits to­wards our common cause and them, in particular as we do, yet knowing them, as we may by these their books and li­bels, and beholding their outragious dealing with him, we must needs think the better of him for it, and that there is some great good thing in him, for which they enuy him so exceedingly, and discouer such rancor and malice against him, as they seeme to be content (we meane of the principal that wryte these books) to put out both their owne eyes according to the prouerb so they might put out one of his. But this is the nature of enuy. Let vs now examine some more parti­culars of their proceedings with him.

Besides all their former rayling and calumniation against F. Persons,4 bookes specially obie­cted to F. Persons. wherof we haue treated hitherto, they obiect now further (to leaue nothing vntouched) the wryting of cer­tayne books foure in number, wherof 3. are extant in print, and one only in wrytten hand. The first is in latyn vnder the name of Philopater conteyning an answere to the English Edict, and most rigorous law set forth against Catholiks in the yeare 1591. The second is in English named a VVardword to the VVatchword of Sir F. Hastings by N. D. which two books these men do inueigh against by name,Philopater contra [...] Edi­ctum 1591. and yet in the first of them their owne cause (if they be Catholike priests) as also [Page] the Seminaries and English martirs are so diligently de [...]en­ded (especially in the 3. 4. and 5. sections) as if enuy had not vtterly extinguished in these people the sense and feeling not only of vertue and gratitude, but of humanity also and ciui­lity, they would neuer so enueigh against this book wrytten in their behalfes, as neyther against the second, to wit the VVardword, VVardvvord An. 15 [...]8. which is wholy to the same effect, and to defend the most innocent Catholike recusants of our countrey against the bloudy slaunders and imputations of that cruel mynded knight.

The 3. and fourth books obiected by them are the confe­rence about Succession or Titles as they cal it, and the high coun­sel of Reformation, (for so they fondly terme it) of which two books we shal speake somwhat more in this place, but most of the last, for that it is not in print, as all the other three are, and so may be vewed and examined by the Reader himself, to whome we giue only this aduertisment, that none of the forsaid three haue F. Persons name vnto it, and consequently are no otherwise knowne to be of his making but only by their owne coniectures, albeit all three are such, as be they his or no, they yeild litle matter of aduantage to these poore men but much rather of greef and enuy, as by reading them will appeare. And as for the third of Succession we shal discusse some points therof afterwards beeing vrged therunto by their often carping therat and a childish answere set forth against it in print. Now we wil begin with the fourth, wherof they write thus.

This Polypragman Persons (say they) set out a booke intituled:Epist pag 12. to Import. consid. The high counsel of Reformation of England, &c. wherin he wil haue the old Roman Agrarian law, so firmely established in this land, & no fee simple of inheritance shal be left for any English from the Prince to the free­holder to possesse, enjoy, and leaue by succession of birth, and bloud to his posterity, as to his next heyres, further then as the Spanish Iesuitical court, counsel and gouernors shal appoint for them.

Lo heere a great and heynous charge, and if any one sentēce therof be true or sincerely set downe then shal we be content to beleeue them in all the rest, and if we proue them to be all [Page 56] and euery one of them meerly false, then yow know what to think of them.

First then we graunt,The Treatese intituled: A memorial for Reformation vvhen time shal serte. that vpō search made we haue found that the said Father (not altogeather vntruly called heere Polypragmon, for the multitude of his cares and labors in our publique cause) hauing had occasion aboue others for more then xx. yeares, not only to know the State of matters in England, but also of many forraine nations and Catholike kingdomes abroad, hath vsed like diligence from tyme to tyme to obserue and note to himselfe certayne excellēt things found in other places, which are not so much in vse among vs in England nor were when it was Catholike: VVhich ob­seruations he hauing imparted somtymes with certayne con­fident frēds, they seemed to them of so great importāce for the tyme to come, as they intreated him earnestly to put them at least in wryting for himselfe and for others after him; to pu­blike good; when tyme might serue to vse them, if now he would not make them common, as he signified in no wi [...]e he would.

Herevpon he then being at Siuil in the yeare 1596. and re­ceyuing letters from his Superiors to returne to Rome for ap­peasing the tumults there he was more earnestly intreated, that before his departure he would performe the same, and so he did, calling it, A memorial or Remembrance for them that shal lyue when Catholike religion shalbe restored into Eng­land, wherin he proposeth with all indifferency such matters as he hath obserued and noted to be thought and considered of at that tyme, and eyther to be taken, or reiected limited, chaunged or altered as they should think best, all which appeareth by his owne Preface to that treatese, which for more satisfaction of the Reader and fuller declaration of his intent and purpose, we shal heere set downe word for word as we find it in the said book, wher­of we haue procured a true copy out of the original, though with great difficulty, for that no copyes are giuen abroad but only to some few confident frends to haue a sight therof, and giue their iudgement of the matter.

But yet before we set downe the said Preface we may note [Page] the falsity of these first words of our brethren, affirming the book to be intituled: The high counsel of Reformation for England, &c. wheras it is only intituled; A memorial for Reformation, &c. conteyning certaine notes and aduertisments, &c. gathered, and set downe by R P. 1596. Secondly it is not nor euer was set out or pu­blished (as these men falsly affirme) but is kept in secret to the author and his nearest frends only, to the end aforesaid. Many foule falsities and calumniatiōs vttered to­geather. Thirdly the whole calumniation that follovveth of the old Romaine Agrarian lawes pretended therby to be so firmely esta­blished, as no fee simple of Inheritance shal be left for any English, &c. All this (we say) is so notoriously false, as the plaine con­trary is therin to be found. First for that nothing proposed in this Memorial is firmely established or set downe by way of re­solution but only suggested to be considered of,Memorial part. 3. C. 4. secondly it is both often and expresly prouided in this book, that the old auncient lawes customes and vses of Englād, how so euer some of them may seeme incommodious, and different from other natiōs in diuers poynts, yet are they not easily to be chaunged or altered, but rather conserued and persited, by other good things to be added vnto them, which being considered, and the peeuish and maligne calumniation of these men therby vnderstood, we shal leaue them to their wrangling and lying humour and so passe to set downe the said promised preface of the memorial whose title is this.

This is the Preface verbatim, and by this yow may in part conceyue of the Authors whole drift and meaning, which he prosecuteth afterwards according to the former three parts, to wit of the whole body iointly, and then of the Cleargie, Churches, schooles and vniuersityes particularly, and lastly of the laity or temporalty, making 10. Chapters of the first part, 7. of the second, and 5. of the third, proposing di­uers and sundry most excellent obseruations concerning each one, quite contrary to all that, which his detractors, do heere or els where set downe or insinuate vpon meere suspition, coniectures and vpon the very name or hea­ring of this book without reading or seing it, only to contra­dict his endeauors, whome they haue neyther vertue nor ability to imitate.

It were ouer long and not standing with our purpose of breuity in this place to alleadge (as we might) many excellent places out of this memorial for our comfort, yet some few peeces shal we touch as it were for a tast, and to discouer these mens malitious enuying humour. The first Chapter of the first part hath this inscription. Some special reasons why England aboue all other Realmes ought to procure a perfect reformation when tyme shal serue, &c. And then it followeth in the Chapter thus:

This is his first reason, wherunto he addeth 4. more of no lesse moment, which we notwithstanding are forced for bre­nityes sake to pretermit, our intention being only to giue a tast, both of the argument handled in this book, and of the maner how it is handled, yet for that the fourth reason being further considered by vs, seemeth to beare with it an euident demostration as wel of F. Persons syncere and plaine meaning as also of his good opinion of these priests that now make so many clamors against him, we are induced to set it downe al­so, being wrytten, as is euident, before these broyles fel out. VVherfore let vs heare yf yow please his words.

These are his words. And by this now may any man con­sider what euil mynd F. Persons had in gathering these notes of Reformation, and whether he were deceaued or no in his opinion and hope of these priests good concurrance therin that impugne so fearsely now the very name of Reformatiō, saying that it was made to put Iesuits in gouerment, wheras throughout the book we find not so much as once any men­tion to be made of them, but all the high Counsel of Reformation (as scoffingly they cal it) to be comytted by name to Bishops and Noble men to be appoynted by the Prince and parla­ment, &c.

The second chapter is intituled thus,The second third and 4. chapter of the 1. part of the Memo­rial. what maner of Refor­mation is needful in Englād, &c. And the third: How this Reformation may best be procured, and what disposition of mynds is needful for it in all partyes, &c. And the fourth: How all sorts of people, to wit Catholiks, Schismatiks and heretiks may be charitably dealt withall at the next chaunge of Religion: VVhich fourth Chapter beginneth thus, being forced for breuitie to pretermit the other wholy.

Thus he wryteth with much more of this first sort of men, which we are forced to passe ouer for auoyding prolixitie; and no lesse charitably wryteth he of the second sort called commonly Schismatikes, of whome he sayth thus:

Thus he wryteth and then sheweth the best and most pious manner of reconciling them, and from thence passeth to the third poynt which concerneth heretikes, as wel such as easily wil returne, whome he iudgeth most courteously to be dealt with all, as with those that are obstinate, towards whome, and their reduction he persuadeth most charity, labour, and patience to be vsed, standing longest vpon this poynt of all other. And surely to shewe the charitable disposition of this man, most contrary to that which the enuy of his emulators do point out and ascribe vnto him we are resolued in this place contrary to our former purpose to set downe some good part of his speech in this behalfe which is this ensuing.

This is the beginning of his discourse, wherof he addeth afterwards many reasons, & setteth downe also diuers meanes & wayes in particular, how heretikes might best be persuaded or conuinced, wherof one is, free, publike and in different dis­putation to be graunted them, with most equal and sure Lawes and conditions, wherof he saith thus.

Thus he wryteth, and then setteth downe diuers particu­lars about the meanes, lawes and conditions that might be prescribed for the good preformance of this affayre, cōcluding in these words.

So saith he, and much more which we omit; and by this we may see in part this mannes disposition, & that he resol­ueth nothing of himself, but only propoundeth to be taken or left in parte or in whole, as shalbe thought best. And thus much for a tast of the first part of this Memorial.

The second part of this worke concerneth the Cleargy,The second parte of the Memorial. contayning Bishops, Priests, Churches, vniuersities, and re­ligious orders both men and women; and hath this title to the first Chapter therof: Of the Cleargie in general, Pag. 1 [...]6. what they are, and ought to do at the next chaunge, and how soundly to be vnited with the laytie, &c. which Chapter beginneth thus.

This is his beginning of the second part, and conforme therunto is the prosecution therof, shewing in the second and third chapters how bishopricks, deanryes, and other cheefe prelatyes ought to be prouided with the first and what maner of men are to be procured for them. And wheras some of these calumniators, haue giuen out and wrytten also in books, that this father would first destroy the auncient subordination and hierarchie of the english Church this is refuted by the very titles of these chapters and much more by his whole discourse therin, and secondly haue affirmed that he would haue no clergie man to haue any propriety in any ecclesiastical lyuing, but only to be put to pensions, this also is euidently false, in Bi­shopricks, deanryes, Archdeanryes Canonryes and the like, as may appeare in the chapter heere mentioned; for that he per­suadeth these first of all to be prouided of incumbents and thirdly it is no lesse false in particular cures and common be­nefices, as is cleare by that he suggesteth Cap. 2. for their fur­nishing with fit men by way of opposition and trial both for learning and maners. And wherof then thinke yow arose the calumniations of putting priests to pensions? yow shal heare it out of the fathers owne words:

Lo heere that which is spoken to great good purpose for [Page] some few preachers only to be free from any particular charge, and this for a while, to the end, they may attend to all places, is turned odiously by these men to all priests in gene­ral. VVhat wil yow say of this malitious kynd of dealing? but the narrownesse of this place suffereth vs not to passe herein any further.

There remayneth then the third part of this book concer­ning the laytie,The third perte of the Memorial. conteyning the Prince with his counsel, the nobility & communalty, and hath this title in the first chapter therof: Of the laity & temporalty in general, & of their agreement, and concurrance with the Cleargie most needful for both their good, the difference also of both their states. And then the Chapter begin­neth thus:

VVe cannot prosecute the rest at large but only giue yow a gesse what manner of matter it is, which ensueth by the first entrance; and so the next chapter being of the Prince and the counsel, begynneth thus:

The 3. Chapter is of the nobility and gentry beginning in these words:Pag. 247. Nobility and gētry. Mem. Pag. 247. ‘By the nobility of England, we do vnderstand according to the fashion of other countreys, not only noble men of title but gentlemen, esquyres, knights and other degrees, that be aboue yeomen, husband men, and the communalty; in which inferior sort of nobility beneath Barons (I meane of knights esquyres and gentlemen) there is not that distinction obserued betwixt their degrees in forraine countreys, as in ours, and I take ours farre the better, and more laudable order.’

The 4. Chapter of this part is intituled; Of the Innes of Court and study of the common lawes, The Innes of Court and study of lavves. with diuers considerations also about the [Page] lawes themselues, &c. About which subiect diuers important points are suggested for making that study to florish with more honour and profit of the weale-publike and the stu­dents good.

The 5. Chapter is;The commu­nalty Mem. Pag. 283. Of the common people of England, and how greatly they are to be cherished and made of: which Chapter begin­neth thus: ‘The communalty being the body and bulk of the Realme, and those that sustayne the poyse and labour of the same, they are greatly to be cherished, nowrished, esteemed & conserued; and next after the planting of true religion and knowledge of God, greate care is to be had of their en [...]it­ching, for that as Constantius the Emperour was wont to say, the princes true treasure, are the coffers of his subiects, and especially of the communalty, who if they be poore, and needy can neyther pay their landlords nortil or mannure their ground, nor help the Prince in his necessityes.’

Thus wryteth he there, laying downe many excellent meanes for comfort of this communalty, which we wil not prosecute in this place for breuityes sake, nor say any more at all of this whole book or Treatese, but only remit our selues to the iudgment of the indifferent Reader to gesse by this litle he hath seene what manner of matter, and with what piety, moderation, and tender loue of our countrey the whole is wrytten; which these men so spitefully do maligne and ca­uil at. And this shalbe sufficient for a tast of this fourth book.

Touching the third intituled:About the book of Succession. A conference, about the next suc­cession to the Crowne of England, had in the yeare 1593. for that it is [Page 63] in printe, and in the hands of many, and the contents therof sufficiently knowen, we shal need to say lesse, but only to note vnto the Reader, the like great passion and intemperate folly of these our brethren, in exclaming now so eagerly against it, which not long ago when they were in good tune they liked wel and highly commended, and wheras it is knowen that it came forth with the consent, liking and ap­probation at least of our late Cardinal Allen, Sir Francis Engle­field and others, the most principal Catholiks of our nation beyond the seas, as by their owne hands is yet extant, what malepert saucinesse is this of a few yonglings so bitterly now to inueigh against it?

And if we wil consider the contents therof we shal more maruaile at so insolent dealing of these indiscreet and rash greene heads,Rash [...]aucines in greene heads. deuowed wholy (as it semeth) to carp at other other mens actions, though they vnderstand them not. For what argument (we pray yow) could there be more impor­tant, graue, serious, and necessary to be handled at that tyme when this book was wrytten (English affayres standing as they did, and do) then the matter of succession to our crowne, wherof both religion and Realme, spirituality and tempora­lity for the most part dependeth, especially the subiect of the former book, (for two they are in number) is of such weight and consideration, and so ought to be with Catholiks, as it were irreligious to be ignorant or carelesse therin, to wit, that in all pretence and pretenders ro reigne ouer Christians and succession to crownes,The first booke of suc­cession. the consideration of true Cath. religion is the principal point to be respected, and that this is confor­me to all lawes both diuine and humane but especially to the ancient accustomed lawes of our land, and that no good Ca­tholike may or can dispence with himselfe or others in this point for any humaine respect or consideration whatsoeuer, which point is so substantially prooued by all variety of learning both ecclesiastical and prophane, and by so many examples and customes of all nations in 9. seue [...]al chapters, as our enuious brethren cannot turne their hands to answere any one thing therin contayned, though neuer so much they [Page] maligne both the matter and the wryter. And this of the first book handling matters in general against heretikes and Atheists.

But the second book of this conference conteyning ten Chapters passeth further on from generalityes to particula­rityes setting downe all the particular titles,The 2. book of Successiō. pretēces, and pre­tenders which are or may be probably of the blood royal of our land with an open protestation of all indifferency therin vsed, without hurt, hinderance, or preiudice to any, which Protestation for that it wypeth of all the cauillations which these men or others of their humour do endeauour to lay against the wryter, as though he had penned the same par­tially in fauour of some particular prince, we haue thought good to set his owne words downe in this place, which ate these.

Thus wryteth and protesteth he, and seing that whatsoe­uer he putteth downe in this affayre, is registred in our owne cronycles, and both the authors and places alwayes cyted by him for his defence, and for the discent of blood and ge­nealogie in euery preson named, and that the obiections and arguments to and fro in euery pretence and pretenders are layd forth clearly without partiality, we do not see what reason or probability in the world our discontented preists can haue [Page 64] (yf they be Catholiks) so intemperatly to exclayme against this book, which in the iudgment of farre wyser Catholiks and more disappassionate then themselues was most needful at that tyme, when it was wrytten, and is greatly profitable now and wilbe most of all hereafter for so much as the first parte therof openeth mens eyes to se their due obligation to religion aboue all other respects and considerations,The effectes of the tvvo bookes of succession. and the second shewing the variety of pretenders togeather with their reasons and propinquityes of blood and other pretences, & giueth more scope to thē that shal haue to do therin, that yf the said due circumstance of Cath. religion be not foūd in one, it may be sought and preferred in another, which is no smal help and comodity to right meaning consciences.

And thus much now being opened and declared, we would aske of these our out cryars, what they haue in reason to say or reply in this case? They tel vs in diuers places of this last li­bel of Important Considerations, and other where, that the wry­ting of this worke is greatly misliked and thought preiudi­cial; and that for this cause that one M. Paget (a cheef man of their crew) hath answered the same,About M. Pagets ans­vvere to the conference about suc­cession. which maketh vs somwhat to maruaile. For albeit we haue seene a certayne vayne pamphlet set forth about this matter, & said to be prin­ted at Colen 1600. (others think rather at Paris) Intituled: A discouery of a conterfes Conference, &c. And though we doubt not much of M. Pagets affection in these affayres, neyther of his desyre to contradict the supposed author of the said book of succession (as yow may wel perceaue) by that we haue al­leadged more largely in our Apologie:) and albeit on the other side we easily persuade our selues that the wryters of this last rayling and heretical libel of important considerations do know sufficiently who was the true author of the forsaid foolish pamphlet for the good intelligence they haue one with another of that contradicting company, yet hardly can we yeild to thinke so basely of M. Pagets wit (howsoeuer his wil be) that so contemptible a thing should come from him and his pen: we would rather thinke it to be of a certaine neighbour of his, of greater title in learning, but of lesse dis­cretion [Page] and capacity in wit or reason, wherunto yf nothing els yet the very fond and ridiculous title would induce vs which yf yow wil heare it all,A fond title of cōterfeits. is this: A discouery of a counterfet Conference, held at a counterfet place, by counterfet Trauellers, for the aduauncement of a conterfet Title &c. VVherunto yf he had added By a counterfeite Catholike or companion, all had byn ful of coun­terfets, & it had fitted both the knowen vanitie of the coun­terfet doctors stile, and the quality of his person.

There followeth the Preface or Epistle to the author of the Conference, A foolish preface. wherin no one thing of moment is handled, but a quarel pickt against him for not putting downe his name, wherunto we may answere with those words of S. Paul: Rom. 2. Inexcusabilis es o homo, qui iudicas, in quo enim iudicas alterum teipsum condemnas, cadem enim agis q [...]ae iudicas. Thow art inexcu­sable that iudgest another condemning thy selfe by iudging him, seing thow doest the selfe same thinges wherwith thow findest fault in him. The wryter of the Conference putteth downe his name R. Doleman and whether it be his true name or no, it little importeth, the reason therof is before by vs declared in the next precedent Chapter. This other pamphle­ter cometh forth without any name at all, and yet quarreleth with the other, for not putting a name; is not heere more then S. Paules condemnation against so impudent a cauiller?

But let vs passe from a vayne and idle Preface to the barren bulke of the worke it selfe, which is more ridiculous and absurd then the preamble; what do yow thinke that this discouerer hath performed in his whole little barking pam­phlet against the forsaid book? Hath he answered (think yow) any one reason, argument, example or discourse therin set downe throughout those nynteene large Chapters cōtey­ned in the conference? No truly, nor hath so much as gone about to do it. And wherin then doth he spend his tyme and paper in this discouery? yow shal heare breefely, and therby know the man.

1 First he sheweth himselfe very angry at the common opi­nion of men about the estimation and credit of this book ge­nerally (wherat also VV. VV. doth storme exceedingly in his [Page 65] epistle to the Important Considerations:) The author (saith he) is so extolled for sharpnes of wit, Discouery [...]ol. 1. Enuy against the author of the book of Succession. plenty of much reading, cunning in con­ueyance, aboundance of eloquence, and other graces, as none can find any want or default, &c. Do yow not see heere enuy accuse and condemne her selfe?

Secondly he taketh in hand, and this in diuers parts of his 2 Discouery to shew that the setting forth of this book could not be with the priuity of the K. of Spaine that is now dead, or he that now raigneth, nor pleasing to eyther of them, for that it hurteth his cause (a very wise and pertinent argument) and that other betrer meanes might haue byn deuised (yf he for­sooth, and his fellowes had byn called to counsel) for the aduauncment of the K. honorable designes, Folly and flattery. seruices and offices (for so are his words (Marry (saith he) in ordine ad Deum & vsque ad aras, and more then this I am sure (quoth he) so good a king wil not re­quire, &c. Do yow se how careful this discouerer is to hold good opinion with the K. of Spaine? how desyrous to further his honorable designes and seruices? in ordine ad Deum & vsque ad aras? shal we thinke this to come from M. Paget? VVe can hardly beleeue it.

Thirdly he taketh in hand to giue many graue notes vpon 3 the reasoning of the two lawyers in the book of Conference, and first of all he complaineth that the speakers in the dia­logue or conference about succession, as also the place named by the author are counterfait as in the title of his answere yow haue heard him auouch, which is so egregious a foolery as no­thing can be more, for with this substantial reason he may re­fute euery thing wherin fayned persons are brought in to speake; and consequently condemne and reiect for counter­fet things, all Plato and Tullyes works wrytten in dialogue ma­ner, affirming that those their conferences and persons therin named were for the most part fayned and counterfetted. And is not this also a point of great wisdome?

Fourthly he findeth great fault with this book for that 4 therin two lawyers should be brought in to reason and be iudges of so great and weightie a controuersy about the suc­cession & not law it self? But what a iest is this? As though [Page] law is not best vttered by lawyers? or as though to determine weightie controuersyes, the rediest way were to bring many law bookes into the place without lawyers to expound them? VVho seeth not the cauilling vanity of this man?

5 Fifthly he misliketh and com [...]layneth greeuously that the ciuil lawyer should speak first and before the temporal lawyer in this Conference wherof he inferreth; that the inten­tion of the wryter is (when tyme shal serue in England) to haue the ciuil law of Caesar (for so his words are) preferred before the auncient mu­nicipal lawes of our Country; which municipal lawes he affir­meth Pope Eleutherius to haue appoynted to Lucius king (saith he) of all the great Britany and to haue commanded this at the request of the Brytish nob [...]lity and people (aboue 1400. yeares past) that Caesars ciuil lawes should be Abolished, &c.

Mark heere (we beseech yow) the learned discourse of our wise Doctor, because the ciuilian speaketh first & more largely in the first book of the Conference, and contrary wise in the second; and for that the said first book is before the second book therfore he inferreth, that the wryter had a purpose to preferre the ciuil law before the temporal.Many ridicu­lio [...]s ab i [...]di­tyes of the disco [...]erer. Is he, not worthie a doctorship (trow yow) that so reasoneth? As for the second point about Eleutherius the Pope that he appointed K. Lucius to banish Caesars ciuil lawes and to plant municipal lawes, or that these municipal lawes that now are in England (brought in principally by the Conque [...]oun and increased synce by acts of Parliamēt, as all men know) were in Britany in Pope Eleutherius his tyme; or that K. Lucius, was king of all the great Britany as heere is a [...]ouched vnto vs; or that the said K. Lucius or his nobility did demaund these municipal lawes at the Popes hand, as this wise discouerer affirmeth, these things (we say) being such strange noueltyes as they are, required some proof, at least at the Doctors hand, yf he wil not be held ridiculous, as most of these things are alleadged by him: but citing none at all, euery man wil iudge of him accordingly.

6 In the sixt place after much cōplaint (as hath byn touched) that the Ciuilian lawyer in the first book speaketh more then the temporal, he saith thus:Discou. Pag. 10. The temporal lawyer for his part must [Page 66] follow an eccho, not betweene two hilles vpon stoppage of breath for modesty and feare but in playne fields not subiect to rebounds boldly without blushing to correspond,Most fond complaints.&c. Consider heere a very graue complaint for that the temporal lawyer is made to answere and allow the Ciuilians speech. But heare yet a much gra­uer and earnest against the trauellers which being present at the speech do speake also themselues sometimes for varietyes sake telling the lawyers what seemeth best to them; which thing greatly misliketh this wise discouerer, for which cause he wryteth thus against it.

Furthermore (saith he) the trauailers for their parts must help the credit of these lawyers,lbid. Pag. 1 [...]. by a coople of od shifts, els all wilnot go straight, for by the meanes of their ranging throughout diuers countreys we must haue a common opinion settled eurey where, that all is true which these two haue said, and agreeable to the lawes of nature; and consequently the common [...]ame of their horrible blasts must [...]course both ayre and earth, &c. This is his complanit for that poynt.

In the seauenth place yow are to ponder certayne notes of 7 his set downe in the margent of his book, wherby (for bre­uityes sake) we leaue yow to gesse what is handled more at large in the text. First then he complayneth in one note thus: That the Queene must seeme to be put in security for her tyme (for these are the words of his marginal note) and from that he passeth to other matters of like substance and quality, as may appeare by these other marginal notes following, to wit, first,Discou. Pag. 20. that the wryter of this conference, neyther profiteth the king nor the common cause by discourse of succession. And then againe to the same effect he maketh this other annotation: The disseruice done to the king by this Conference. And yet further in another margent:Ibid. Pag. 22. The book of Conference was not printed with the late Kings priu [...]y or liking: And yet againe [...] This author and lawyer do mock and abuse the K. of Spaine. By all which yow may see how dutiful a seruant to the K. of Spaine this discouerer would make himself,Great profes­sion tovvards the K. of Spaine his s [...]ruice. which yet lying in Paris, we maruaile much that he would professe so openly, as also how he wil like of these confederates of his faction now gone thither out of England (we meane the reuolted priests) who in all their late books and libels do band against [Page] the said king and shew egregious hatred and enmity to­wards him.

But each one of these good fellowes speaketh for himself and for the tyme present, and as it standeth best for him at that instant, hauing no other vnion or agreement with his followes but to impugne a third: and all their barking is, but as of little whelpes, against them that passe athwart them; and when all is done they may be gotten againe with a bit of bread. And we haue seene a letter of one of them wrytten from Paris to Spaine not long since, wherin he offe­reth that yf he might haue but 4. or 5. Crownes the moneth from that king, he would be content as before. And we haue the original letter to shew yf need be, though for this tyme we wil conceale his name.

And the like may yow presume of this eager discouerer, that yf any least commodity might be had from Spaine or els where he would quickely bite at it (as he did while it was to be had) though for the present, they say he is most busy and earnest in Paris to set forward the seditious that seek to lay the founda­tion of their fauour and credit, as wel in England, as with the K. most Christian by professing auersion from Spaine; and this is thought a wise politike course by them, but the end wil prooue all. And so we returne to the treatese of our counterfet discouerer againe.

8 VVe haue shewed hitherto what trifles he hath handled in his vayne and idle discouery not touching any one substan­tial point of so many of great moment as are contayned and handled in the said two books of succession. For to speak nothing of the second book wherin matters are treated hi­storically for the most part what more weighty or important matters can be handled about the right and interest, of the suc­cession of any crowne then is treated in the first book by the author of the cōference,Great & im­portāt points handled in first book of succession. as for example, whether gouernmēt [...]e by law of nature, diuine, or humane? how monarchies and kingdomes were begon and continued, and by what right? how great and high reuerence is due vnto Princes? and yet how in some cases they may be restrayned or chasisted by the common wealth? what interest Princes haue in their sub­iects, [Page 67] goods, lands and lyues? How oathes made vnto them do bynd, and what oathes princes themselues (as namely those of England) do make in their coronation to the common wealth and how farre they bynd? VVhat is due to only succession by birth or propinquity of blood without other needful circumstances concurring therwith? what are the principal points which a Catholike and godly common welth ought to respect in admitting or excluding any pretender to a crowne or Prin­cipality, and how greuously they do synne that neglect these considera­tions, for interest feare negligence, or other humane respects, &c.

All these and diuers other most worthie and weighty points are handled in the first book only of the conference (to say nothing of the second, which is yet of more variety) with great aboundance and store of proofes, arguments, and demonstrations, wherof no one at all is answered, or so much as touched by this discouerer, but only certaine impertinent trifles, as hath byn said, and therby is discouered his owne weaknes, and his folly displayed. And yet to the end not to seeme wholy to say nothing he standeth finally vpon two fond calumniations: the first: that the conference conteyneth popular 9 doctrine, perilous to Princes, states and common wealthes, &c. Ibid. Pag. 18. And herof he giueth certayne vayne and foolish examples of An­tonio Perez, Tvvo ridicu­lo [...]s cauils. that raysed some trouble against the K. of Spaine in Aragon, and of George Buchanan in Scotland, and of the Prince of Ore [...]ge in Flanders, &c. But this cauil is answered at large in the third Chapter of the said first book of Conference & others that ensue, shewing that there is no reason why the lawful, graue iust, and orderly proceeding of true subiects and mode­rate commō wealthes against pernicious or vnlawful princes should be stayned or their iust authority left them by all law both diuine, and humane, should be denied, for that some wicked and trooble some subiects haue against law and order misbehaued themselues against their lawful princes.

The other cauil is, that this conference is iniurious to the king of Scotland, The 2. cauil more mali­tious about the K of Scotland. with whome the discouerer would gladly get some credit by malitious impeaching of others, and to this end he noteth in his margent these words: The authors extreame malice against the king of Scotland. Ibid. Pag. 14. But whether this lightheaded [Page] discouerer doth shew himselfe more malitious in setting downe so malignant a marginal note, or the author of the conference in wryting so tempera [...]ly and reuerently, as he doth, as wel of the king of Scotlands pretence to England, as of all other princes and pretenders to that crowne besides, let the indiffe­rent reader be iudge. Sure we are that in reading ouer that part which toucheth his Maiestie of Scotland, we neuer disco­uered any the least malice at all in the wryter, but rather a very indifferent mynd to haue the vttermost right of euery man knowne without offering wrong or iniury to any; ac­cording to which indifferency the said king of Scotlands title is set downe in the very first place in that book as first and cheef pretender among the rest, neyther is there any one thing emitted (to our knowledge) that truly and rightly may be said or added in setting out of the same title. And when the exceptions made by the opposite pretenders against him are declared, nothing is auouched, which is not openly knowne to be true neyther any thing vrged or exaggerated more, then against the rest: neyther doth this flattering ma­lignant discouerer so much as obiect any such thing done or attempted by the author of this conference, nor can he with any shew of truth so do. And if the said author any where doth shew lesse desyre of the aduancement of the King of Scots his title towards England (which yet in words we find not expressed) while he is of different religion from him, and no Catholike, his Maiestie is wise inough to consider that he could not do otherwise according to the cheef and mayne principle set downe throughout that book about the neces­sity of true religion (that is to say Catholike) required in all pretenders that must or may be admitted by Catholike sub­iects. VVhich principle being granted (as in the Conference it is prooued and demonstrated by all arguments both hu­mayne and deuine) to be a most true, Christian, religio [...]s, and necessary principle, it followeth (we say) that the author being a Catholike could not possibly according to the since­rity of that religion (though otherwise he louing and reue­rencing the K. of Scotland neuer so much) wish or desyre his [Page 68] preferment ouer Catholiks whilst he remayneth of the oppo­site Religion.

Nether can this flattering discouerer, or his mutinous par­teners (how desyrous soeuer of gayning fauour) say or do the contrary, yf they be Catholikes (as they professe) and haue Catholike consciences, and wil conforme their actions therunto, for that all true Catholike doctrine and piety is against them in this behalf.

And finally whatsoeuer this maleuolous calumniator doth prattle in this place of the Authors euil affection to­wards the king of Scotland to grace himselfe by another mans iniury, yet yf he be the man that he is taken for, and that the author of the Conference be the party, whome the other and his consorts [...] giue out; it is easily seene and discryed by their former doyngs, who do beare most true good wil to that king the one being constant in de­syring his conuersion to Catholique religion, and therby all true aduauncement, both in this life, and the next; the other variable vp and downe, heere and there, and after many windings and turnings and castings about, as offe­ring their seruices now to one, and now to another, do now at length fawne vpon him for priuate interest whome before they most impugned, and this vpon bare need, being broken of, where once they hanged on. And this is sufficient for the present argument in hand, and for confutation of so fond an answere to the book of Suc­cession.

THEIR FOLLY AND DE­ceaued spirit in persuading themselues to get credit, or re­couer that which is lost, with any sorte of men, be they frendes or enemyes by this their maner of proceeding with clamors and libels.
CAP. VI.

IT is said by a certayne spiritual wise man of some others that in their owne sight seemed farre more learned and wise then he: obscuratum est insipiens cor eorum: [...]om. 1. their foolish hart was blynded, not to see and consider (though they were learned philosophers) that which euery simple man of meane vnderstanding being lightened with Gods grace may see and behold, to wit, that they ran to their owne perdition; which folly also and blyndnes, we feare hath so possessed the decea­ued spirits of these our passionate (if not possessed) brethren, as we may say thesame words of them: Obscuratum est insipiens cor eorum: for that hauing suffered their harts, to be obscured, and ouerwhelmed with the perturbation of enuy, emulation malice, reuenge, anger, and other like inchauntments and sor­ceryes of their soules, yea rather [...]uryes (as we may say) of spiritual madnesse do rage and runne a desperate course of rayling and rauing against all that stand in their way with­out any respect of persons, state, degree or merit, or of their owne condition, calling, or function, or credit therof, and haue not so much inward light of vnderstanding or consideration as once to ponder or weigh with themselues (as it seemeth) what other men wil think of them, or wether it wil turne to their credit or discredit, help or hurt, releef or ruyne, thus to proceed, wherfore to assist them somwhat in this conside­ration and to the end that we may lay before their eyes some few pointes of that which is most probable to ensue in this behalf, and therby to styrre vp their memory and help their iudgment in this contemplation. VVe shal runne ouer breefly the cheef partyes or persons with whome they may persuade themselues by this their manner of outeryes and printing li­bels [Page 69] to gaine or loose credit, and to repayre or vtterly ouer­throw their owne reputation.

And first of all we may consider of forrayne Catholiks in all countreys Christian,The con [...]ide­ration of for­rayne Catho­liks vvhat they vvil think and say. what they wil think of them, when hearing (as they haue and do) of the tumults raysed by them heere in England, and before in Rome, and other places, which are now renewed againe and more published then euer in other nations, sending abroad lately their cheef Captaynes to diuulge the same by their iorney through Flanders, France and other kingdomes and prouinces towards Rome as they pretend and giue out, but as we persuade our selues they meane not to go thither (hauing done, said and wrytten as they haue) no more then they went or sent thither for prosecuting of their Appeale, when lawfully they might, and should haue done, before his Hol. determination made theron, but they (as now for certaine we vnderstand) neuer so much as caused the same to be exhibited in Rome from them or in their names, and much lesse prosecuted or proo­ued according to law, notwithstanding all their clamors and vaunts in the meane space made heere in England as though they had made the same appeale lawfully and with true intention to follow it, which was not meant in deed, but only to gaine tyme and liberty, and to persuade simple men that they were out of all obligation of obedience to their Superiors, whilest that controuersy lasted, & to make a playne delusion of themselues and others.

VVel then this is their manner of proceeding hitherto (which is of all mutinous and seditious people) to make out­cryes and great noyses that they haue receaued great iniuryes and intolerable oppressions, and other like greuances, & that they wil both say do and proue, and yet do meane nothing lesse, but onely as curst childrē to vex their mother and trouble the whole house where they are, by crying without cause only of stomack and stubbernesse and the more they are sought to be quieted and appeased by reason, the more they cry and skrich.

VVe haue hard of their late iorney from Douer to Calis, from [...] [Page] [...] [Page 69] [Page] Calis to Newport in FlandersThe late [...]or­ney of the seditious by Flanders. where the Popes Nuntio was, sending first a messenger or two before like great men that dout of their owne estate to aske a pasport or safe conduct (consider how confident these men are in Cath. Coun­treys, that they need such protections of his Hol. ministers) which being graunted, they went thither. And it is to be noted, that one of their precursors sent before, and falling into the company of a certayne Irishman in the way that went to the Camp., he told him, and by him others, that he was a Ie­suite, therby to get the greater fauour at Cath. mennes hāds [...] so as yow see, that when they are among good Catholiks they say they are Iesuits, and when they are among heretiks & other of that humour they say they are enemyes to Iesuits. But now to their dealing at Newport.

First they shewed there diuers pasports,Tvvo kind of pasports frō England. the first as of ba­nished men (and this yow must think was to serue for de­ceauing some good Catholiks, and to mooue them to com­passion of their state) but after being vrged they plucked out another much more general and ample ful of fauour and pri­uiledge to passe how, when and where, and with what they would; and this was aswel for their safty and protection at the ports as also to grace themselues with all sorts of prote­stants or other aduersaryes of Iesuits or catholike religion beyond the seas, seing that in Genena also this pasport would make them very grateful.

Hauing shewed their pasports, they began to deale with the Nuntio of their affayres, telling him first a notorious [...]ly, to wit, that the cause why they durst not come vnto him [...] without a pasport, nor had dealt with him before, was for that they had heard him paynted our vnto them (by some of the otherside yow must imagine) for a seuere, inhumane, bitter and tetrical nature (for these are the words of the Nuntio reporting them afterwards) and that now finding the con­trary by experience, they would deale confidently with him: and then conforme to this principle of flattery and false preoc­cupation they related vnto him many other vntruthes in like manner no lesse grosse and odious as this; as for example that [Page 72] many priests in England being of their side and faction durst not wryte their mynds freely vnto him for feare and terror of the Archpriest and Iesuits, in which kind of false detraction against those men they [...]o enlarged themselues as though they were the greatest tyrants in the world, and themselues ful innocent, myld and meck creatures not offering but receauing wrongs and iniuryes, and that for their owne parts they were most ready to conforme themselues to his Hol. wil and his L. in all points; which when we saw wrytten these dayes we remember the lowly answers giuen by Luther and his frends at Augusta to Card. Cae [...]an the Popes legate, registred both by Coclaeus Surius and others in the yeare 1520. and what insued after, we wil not forbode in matter of religion (God forbid) but in sedition we see it already, and God graunt the other do not follow also in some of them at length. But let vs returne to their dealing with the Nuntio at Newport.

After many complaints the Nuntio at length as a wise man passing ouer their clamors,The causes vttered of their tumults and pressing neere the point it self, he vrged them to vtter the principal causes of this their so scandalous tumultuation, they resolued all vpon two prin­cipally. The first that the Archpriest had taken away some of their facultyes for smal and light causes; the other that he had not giuen them and theirs, part of certayne almes sent vnto him to distribute. The Nuntio maruayled to heare no greater causes of so great motions, and offerred yf this were all, he would take vpon him himself to end the matter, wryting back first to the Archpriest to require his answere, which they accepted of, offering moreouer that two of theirs should go back into England to carry the said letters, whilst the rest, to wit M. Bagshaw and Bluet passed further to Paris to conferre with certaine of their companions there about this matter, and so the Nuntio accepted all for that tyme, not being acquaynted with their deceytful manner of speaking and dea­ling, nor hauing vnderstood of their malitious books printed against Catholiks, and the Popes Hol. himselfe, wherof soone after their departure he had notice, and consequently he wrote into England in another stile concerning their being with him, [...] [Page] [...] [Page 72] [...] [Page] [...] [Page 72] [Page] then he would haue done (as after he said) yf he had byn so farre priuy to their doings and meanings before. He shewed them also an authentical copy of his Hol. Breue of the 17. of A [...]gust last past, wherin their whole cause of Appellation is reiected and decided against them, and they commaunded most seuerely to obey and to be quiet. And the like also did shew to them or their fellowes, the Nuntio in Paris, but all was not sufficient to quiet them or bring them into order againe, hauing promised (as is likely) to their true patrons in England to passe further in this stryf.

VVherfore they departing from Newport towards Paris they past by Lisle and Doway, D. Giff. and as in the former place they re­ceaued (yow must imagine) no smal good cheere and inco­ragement from one of their cheefe Captaynes residing there, whose hand and hart is knowne to be deeply in these broy­les for many years; so in the second, to wit, in the Colledge of Doway, Their being at Lile and Dovvay. though for treaty, they receaued all competent curtesy, and were conuited twise or thrise by the President, Do­ctors, and other graue men of that house, yet were they dealt withall notwithstanding plainly, touching their negotiation and told the truth, and the greeuousnes of that scandalous and sinful action was layd open vnto them, but in vayne as it semeth, for they vttered by words no lesse folly and fury in diuers points, then in their shameful libels is contayned, which being testified by the witnesse of them that heard them proueth the said libels to be theirs, or at least to be writtē and set forth by their consents; From which notwith-standing some of their crew haue seemed of late to disclayme, but these men shewing to disauouch nothing we shal attend to heare what they wil do in Rome.

And thus now haue we brought our Appellants so farre as Paris (for thither they went from Doway where they are further to demurre vpon that they haue to do or how to proceed in their interprise, being cryed out of in the meane space by all principal English Catholikes beyond the Sea [...] (as we are certainely informed) for this so horrible a scandal giuen by them. And if Englishmen do so, then much more would [Page 71] we haue yow consider what Catholike men of other na­tions abroad in the world ( [...]ve began to say) wil think and speak of these men, that haue set such a fire and made such a diuision in our owne litle afflicted Church at home, such a one and with so great and daungerous dammage of the publike cause of religion, as neuer they wilbe able to re­compence or satisfie.

And truly it is strange to heare what is already wrytten vp and downe through other contreys about this their af­fayre and manner of proceeding: For we haue seene letters both from Germany, Flanders, Venice, Rome, Paris, Speches and reports in o­ther coun­treys of these mens negotiation. & other places euery one telling diuers particulars of them, their iorney, and messuage: but the common agreeing in this, that they are messengers sent by the Queene and Counsel of England to the Pope to offer liberty of conscience vpon condition, that the Iesuits with the Archpriest & his frends may be recalled out of England: others go further (for suspition yow know hath no end, affirming that they are hyred to make debate and set sedition, and to deuide Catholiks one against another, and finally to be spyes against them, both at home & abroad, and that they are in the way also to be heretiks themselues or worse, &c.

These things are wrytten, related and easily beleeued by many: and now consider yow, whether this be a good way for our brethren to recouer their same againe, which they fondly say was taken from them by Iesuits and the Arch­priest before, while they were quiet, which yet we cannot see how it can be veryfied in the sight of any wise man, seing that the litle pamphlet of schisme (wherof they most com­playne as calling them schismatikes,A vayne quarrel about the pamphlet of Schisme. for their first rebellion) though it were somwhat sharp yet was it nether printed nor published to the world nor did it name any one man in particular, and was soone after recalled againe by the Arch­priest vpon the first attonement, and consequently could not be said truly to infame any man, but he that would name himself to be within the compasse of those censures and hard speeches vsed therin and cyted by the author out of Church [Page] Cannons (for they are not his words but of the said sacred Canons) against Schisme and [...]atikes.

But suppose there had byn iust offence giuen by that treatese, was this other a good meanes ( [...]ow yow) to re­medy their fame? VVas not this according to the fable of Esope of the fish that leapt out of the frying pan into the fire? But let vs passe from these other countreys to Rome it selfe, and to the censure of men there, where their cause is like to be tryed and ended (and so we wish withal our harts) what (think yow) wil men iudge and speak of them there, euen vpon the first rumour of these their new styrres? so many hauing ben made by them and their fellowes there before, & so obstinately maintayned by the cheefe of these that are tumultuous heere now? VVil not his Hol. remember what passed for three yeares togeather almost in that most scanda­lous tumultuation of turbulent students in the Colledge?VVhat men vvil think & s [...]y in Rome. VVil he not remember the end that ensued, the means that were vsed, the manners of the men, and the effects that they brought forth? VVil not the Card. Protectors, Visitors, and other officers imployed by his Hol. in appeasing those tumults (such we meane as yet are liuing, & knew how these matters past) think wel of our nation and tel a good tale for these people there, when they shal heare of their new attempts? VVil not Baronius, Bellarmine, Boscius, and other learned men, that haue wrytten so high praises of our English priests hertofore, be more then half ashamed now when they shal vnderstand of these mens wrytings and doyngs to the contrary?

And as for the Roman broyles and seditions and other raysed afterwards els where by the same men and their con­sorts there are extant diuers letters, and wrytings of three principal Card. Ca [...]tan, Burghesius and Sega the first two being Protector and viceprotector, whose latyn letters these men of meere folly and vainty haue printed of late as testimonyes against themselues in their book intituled Relatio compendiosa turbarum, &c. The third was appointed Vi­sitour of the said Colledge and tumultuous people by his Hol. [Page 70] that now is. So as all thre [...] being lawful superiors and iudges in this preiudicated naughty cause, their condēnation against them must needs be of vndoubted credit and authority with all wise and indifferent men.

And for that of the foure priests which are said to be in Paris for the present of these tumultuous, we find two by name in the Catalogue of the said Card. Sega prefixed be­fore his visitation and intituled Catalogus eorum alumnorum, qui in Collegi [...] Anglicano tumulinantur ann [...] Domini 1596.The trouble­some novv vvere tumul­tuous befor [...] in Rome. A list of the students that are tumultuous in the English Colledge, which are. Anthony Champney and Francis Barnby, and that a third is found in the register of the same Colledge to haue byn expelled by the Protector Card. Boncompagno nephew to Pope Gregory the xiij. in the yeare 1585. vnder the name of Christophor Bagshaw and that we vnderstand further that many of their other cheefe companions remayning in En­gland are contayned also in the same catalogue or list of the Card. Visitour (which list hath 38. names) and furthermore for that moreouer the true causes of that tumultuation were the very same which haue byn since and are for the present of these of England, to wit, liberty and freedome from all subiection with hatred of order discipline and superiority, & that the same men were principally impugned there which are now, to wit the fathers of the society that held them in order: and besydes all this that the very self same poynts were pretended then by the tumultuous which are now, to wit, that the fathers of the Society should be called forth out of En­gland and be put from the gouernment of the Seminaryes: for these cau­ses and considerations (we say) though in our ApologieApol. cap. 5. we haue set downe some points of this wise and learned Card. Sega his iudgemēt in this matter so long and diligently handled by him, aswel about the spirit of these our tumultuous people, as also, of their manners & merits, we think good in this place to ad somwhat more of his deliberation and graue resolution in this affayre taken out of his formentioned book of visita­tiō of the Colledge dedicated to his Hol. vpō the 14. of March 1596. especially we shal let yow heare what he wryteth [Page] about the two foresaid demaund [...] and petitions made by the troublesome of that tyme, and renewed now againe by these of ours, to wit the remouing of the fathers out of England, and from the gouernment of the Seminaryes, of which matter he wryteth to his Hol. thus, in the 25. Chapter of his book, the title of which Chapter is this: Petitiones alumnorum tumultuantium, &c. The petitions of the troublesome schollers togeather with the breef answers of the fathers, &c.

And here yow must note that he had in foure and twenty former Chapters set downe all the complaints and accusations of the said tumultuous with the fathers answers and reproof anexed to euery thing obiected: and now heere in the 25. Chapter he setteth downe the exorbitant demaunds of the said tumultuous for redresse of all of which demaunds the first is this that followeth:An insolent demaund. Vt amoueantur Patres Soc. non tantum ab Anglia, verum etiam à regimine huius Collegij Romani: that the Fa­thers of the Society be remooued not only from England, but also from the gouernment of the Roman Colledge.

This they demaunded then, being two cheef points (as yow see) in one demaund, though they moderated the se­cond by naming only the Roman Colledg where they re­sided: but our tumultuous now not contented with that, go further, and do demaund to haue them remoued from all the Seminaryes, yea from those also that were erected by them and their peculiar labors. But what answere doth the said Card. Visitour set downe of the Fathers made to this demaund, yow shal heere it in his owne words and we shal recite them first in latyn to the end the Reader may see the pure and elegant stile also of that learned man besides his wisdome, piety & experience. Thus then he putteth downe the fathers answere.

These are the very words of that good Cardinal as they ly in the book of his Visitation; and for more perspicuity to the vulgar reader we haue thought good to put them downe also in English thus:

Thus he wrote in this Chapter,Cap. 25. and then in foure other that do ensue he setteth downe first what the speech and reasons of the quiet schollers were against these tumu [...]ous, Cap. 26. and then in the next:Cap 27. [Page] what their petitions were for restoring of discipline and good order to the Colledge ouerthrowne by these men. Cap. [...]8. To which end also followeth another Chapter, conteyning: The petitions of the Fathers to the same effect. And after that againe a distinct Chapter intituled:Cap. 29. A catalogue of abuses brought in by these tumults and seditions to the manners and conuersation of the schollers against both study and piety, which of necessity are to be reformed. Al which Chapter & discour­ses being ended he setteth downe in the 30. Chapter this title:

‘Quid de tota remihi videatur:Cap. 30. what is my iudgement of all this affaire.’ And then beginneth he the Chapter thus: ‘Iam ex ijs quae ab vtraque parte prolata hic exhibui nō solum videt Sanctitas vestra, in quo statu, res huius, Collegij sint, sed etiam pro sua singulari sapientia intelligit, quid de tota re statuendum sic, vt me de eadem pluribus disserere iam non magnoperè necessarium videatur, praesertim cum adsit Illustriss. Card. Caëtanus Anglicanae nationis Protector, cuius consilio atque pru­dentea facilius, & commodius quaecunque huc pertinent transigi, explica­rique possint. Vetunt amen vt vel aliquam villicationis meae rationem red­dam, cum bona S. vostrae venia, meam de praecipuis huius negotij capitibus sententiam hoc loco paucis aperiam.’

Thus wryteth he,Cap. [...]1. & then to the next Chapter he maketh this title for the beginning of his resolution: Patris Societatis ex Anglia nullo modo esse reuocandes, vt tumultuantes censent. That the [Page 74] Fathers of the Society are no wayes to be recalled out of En­gland, as the tumultuous do think expedient. And this point he proueth by many reasons and prudent considerations which we for breuityes sake cānot alleadge at length as they ly in his book,VVhy the Iesuits are not to be re­called out of England. but in effect, these are the principal, to wit, that the said Fathers being of a spiritual body which besides the ordinary helpes of secular priests, for spirit, discipline and 1 mortificatiō haue diuers other special helpes also to the same effect by the institute of their order, and are more practised therin by the excercise both of their nouitiate and the rest of their lyfe, and more bound therunto by their seueral vowes, cannot but haue more force, skil, and vse in spiritual manna­ging of soules, then euery other priest, that lacketh those particular helpes. And consequently to remooue them out of the English Cleargy or mission now, were as it were to let forth the best and most digested blood out of a mans body thinking therby to cure and preserue [...]im.

Moreouer he addeth that the said Fathers being men of 2 direction and hauing correspondence both with those of their owne body that gouerne the Seminaryes abroad, as also with them in England and els where; and being vnited togeather with a more special linck than other men are, that depend each one of thēselues, haue therby better notice of the vertue, talents and merits of euery particular priest that cometh into England, and consequently can better assure the Catholiks what is in them, and how farre they may confide of each one, then any other sort of men can, which is no smal point of moment in these dangerous dayes for true information and assurance of Catholikes in like cases. And then they being moreouer subordinate, as we haue said, the one to another with in the Realme, and all to a general superiour abroad, more certainty may be had of them, and better remedy against any one of them that should misbehaue himselfe, then there can of any other that haue not any such particular Superiour nor wil not, as appeareth by these mēnes dealings. And albeit there be many also amōg the secular Cleargie most graue, wis [...], [Page] learned and vertuous, who do also the same good offices as oc­casion is offered, yet are they principally assisted and holpen therin by the said Fathers good correspondence, &c.

After this the Card: alleadgeth the knowne fruits of the Iesuits labors, industry, and piety euery where not onely in other countreys, but also in England, and in this mission it self and that this demaund of the troublesome commeth but of enuy, emulation and malice and so concludeth: Quis sanus vnquam dixerit magis indulgendum esse paucorum quorundam improbi­tati & inuidiae, quam multorum pietati & industriae? Certè quisquis infoeslicissimo illi regno Soc. operam aufert, ille planè totius illius terrae sa­lem, imò & afflictissimae illius Ecc. solem tollere videtur. ‘VVhat man that is in his right wits wil euer say, that we ought rather to attribute more to the naughtinesse and enuy of a few; (trou­blesome) then to the piety and industry of so many good men? Truly whosoeuer goeth about to take from that vnfortunate kingdome of England [...] labors of the Society in these dayes he seemeth to me to take away not only the salt of that land, but euen the Sunne also of that afflicted Church, &c.’ Thus wrote he, and this was his iudgement both of the matter and men.

And hauing thus determined their first demaund, he co­meth to treat the second in the Chapter following making this title therunto:Cap. 32. Patres à regimine Collegij non esse remouendos, vt alumni inquietiores postulant. VVhy the fa­thers ought not to be re­moued from the gourn­mēt of the Colledge. That the fathers of the society are not to be remoued from the gouernment of the Colledge, as the vnquiet students do demaund. And then he beginneth thus: Quot autem ijdem [...]lumni a [...]rius vrgent, vt videlicet à regimine Collegij Patres amoueantur in eo etiam iuunilis animi impetus, at (que) vt lenissimè dicam imprudens eorum Consilium agnosco. ‘That which the selfesame troublesome schollers do vrge most eagerly to haue the Fathers remoued from the gouernmēt of the Colledge, in this point also I do discouer both the rashnes of their yong mynds (and to speake most temperatly) their imprudēt coun­sel, &c.’ Thus saith he for which he alleadgeth many particular reasons and testimonyes also of principal English men that [Page 75] are no Iesuits whose iudgments & opinions about this point of the fathers gouernment he had required by letters as wel from England, as Flanders Spaine and other places, who all agreed, that it was neyther conuenient nor possible (without ouerthrowing all) to depriue the Seminaryes of the Fathers gouernment and assistance. And as for reasons he alleadgeth diuers, saying among the rest, thus:

Si impotenti & lubricae isti aetati fraena laxentur, vt in sua manu po­situm esse sentiant à quibus velint ipsi gubernari, quorsum res tandem euasura sit, quis non videt? ‘If the bridle of matters should so be let loose vnto this impotent and britkle youth, so as they should vnderstand that it lay in their hands to be gouerned of whome it pleaseth them; who doth not see whether the matter would come at length?’ to wit, euery day to change their Superiors, and demaund new maisters, teachers, and the like. And then he demaundeth them where they would find so many sufficient and expert priests both able and wil­ling to take the labour to gouerne so many Seminaryes, both in Rome, Spaine & Flanders? Diuers other reasons & conside­rations he alleadgeth which we are forced for breuityes sake to omit; But thus yow see their two principal demaunds de­cyded negatiuely.

But yet he resteth not heere, but goeth further to treat of the remedy and reformation of the troubles raysed by those seditious, and so frameth his sequent Chapter therof vnder this title: Quaenam remediae praesentibus his tumultibus videantur, ad­hibendae; nimirum vt seditiosi dimittantur, caeteri rectè instituantur. Cap. 33. ‘what remedyes were best to be vsed for pacyfying these present tumults, to wit, that the seditious he sent away, and the rest that remayne be wel instructed in good order and dis­cipline.’ Heere yow see both the question propounded and answered also in the very title; yet about this matter he dis­puteth at large with [...]n ample discourse putting downe first this ground: praestat proculdubiò paucos habere modestes, A ground of the Card for Reformatiō. & docilet quam multos per [...]icaces & dyscolos, praestat habere nullos, quam omnino pra [...]uos. ‘It is better to haue a few modest and tractable studēts [Page] then many disobedient and dissolute, yea it were better to haue none, then altogeather euil.’

And thē passing a step further, he sheweth that the way to tame these troublesome is not to graunt them what they de­syre, or to remit any thing in discipline for their outcryes: nisi fortè dicamus (saith he) equi faerociter lae [...]ciuientes impetus, detractis pe­nitus frenis facilius atque commodius posse cohiber [...]. ‘Except perhaps any man would say, that the most easiest and commodious way to tame the fury of violent wanton colts, were to take quite away their bridles and let them runne & do what they list.’ Lo his opinion being a stranger vnto vs; and what coltish behauiour he saw in some of our troublesome at that day to make him haue this conceyt is easie to gesse.

But what would he say now, if he were aliue to see some elderly horses also become col [...]s againe, & ferociter lafciuientes, fearcely wanton? would he not giue counsel (think yow) not only to put on bridles and sadles, but also good spurres for their better taming?

And this if wee respect their merits and deserts, but as the same good Cardinal notwithstanding all this, when he cometh to put downe his iudgment in particular how the said tumultuous should be dismissed and sent away, he per­suadeth it to be donne with all sweetnes and gentle vsage; so would he do no doubt in this other case of our new turbulét crew, if he were in Rome at their arriual these. And the like course by all probabilitie wil his Hol. according to his accu­stomed clemency take with them,According to his accu­stomed cle­mencie if they go thither; and so we all do most earnestly desyre and that all may be wel and soundly examined and ended.

And yet to prosecute the argument of this Chapter som­what further, to the effect we haue begone, we cannot but ad­uertise our said brethren of their great folly and indiscretion in taking this course of clamors in their way towards Rome for [...]ecouering as they pretend their same, nothing being more op­posite and cōtrary theirunto then to professe a cause so many wayes reiected, and condemned there already as partly by his [Page 76] Hol. owne Breues, partly by this Card. sentence of visitation, you haue already heard, especially they adding publikely two circumstances, which must needs with his Hol. make their matter farre worse.

The first, that whoras in the former styrres of Rome,1. Naughty circūstance. it was but suspected that heretiks and the common enemy had se­cretly their hand therin, and were eyther ayders or abetterers to make those demaunds of remouing Iesuits from England and from the Colledges, now it is openly knowen and con­fessed, that they are the cheef dealers and styrrers therunto.

The second not much vnlike to this, is,2. VVicked circumstāc [...]. that wheras in the former broyles of Rome, some of the troublesome did vnder hand only and by indirect meanes seek to bring in some prin­ces Embassadors, to fauour their sedition by making it a mat­ter of State, as though they had byn contradicted only by men depending of Spaine: now these our brethren do mani­festly in the sight of all the world attempt the same seditious course, by running to [...]aris, and seeking to informe falsely his most Christian Maiestie that he hath interest in their tumul­tuations, and that it is a matter of State for him to fauour them, for that they oppose themselues against Spaniards and Iesuits deuoted to them, VVhich vnchristian deuise, tending to set Christian princes togeather by the eares about our coun­trey affayres, as it cannot be but odious to God and all good men that heare of it, so aboue all other it is iniurious to his Holines whose spiritual authority and ordinations are dra­wen by these men to matters of state (as we haue before both in the Apologie, and this book noted) about his Hol. institu­tion of the Archpriest malitiously drawne by them to matter of Premunire, and no lesse malitious is this to entangle now their obedience to wards his Holines with interest of secular princes.

For we would aske them heere seriously in all law of rea­son or honesty,A point to be considered of tumultuous proceeding. what can it concerne the state, eyther of the King of France or Spaine, that these men should obay or diso­bay the Ecclasiastical substitute of his Holines in England? Is [Page] this to be made a matter of state by these new Statists? is this a thing to intrecat secular Princes and monatches with all? no truly, but only where there is intent to set sedition, and to put in garboyle and variance secular princes with the Pope, & therby themselues to be free to say and do what they list vn­der the protection of some of those princes abused by them, as Martin Luther and his parteners did vnder the protection of Fredericke Duke of Saxony when they ment to be tumultuous, and to break with the Pope himself, protesting on the other syde no lesse obedience then these men do now, though we hope these meane better, but the course is not vnlike nor other effects hitherto.

These points then and circumstances (as we said) his Hol. of his wisdome cannot but consider; and then hearing fur­thermore (as is probable he eyther hath or wil do) of their bold and intemperate speches vttered already in their books [...] as that his Holines could not appoint them an Archpriest without their consent, and that in doing so he did against the Church Canons, war­ning him also very presumptuoufly of his da [...]nger of damna­tion therby in those woords of the scripture,Lib. Copies of discoutles. Qui amat pericu­lum, peribit in eo. He that loueth danger shal perish therin; af­firming moreouer, that they had sufficient power to examine and de­murre not only vpō the Cardinal Protectors letters, as they did, though written in his Holines name expressely, [...]ope of Peace. but vpon his Holines let­ters also them selues if they had come from him, &c. And conforme to this when his Breue came, they saying therof; that they knew not out of what shop it was procured. And then further,Relat. Pa. 57. that his Hol. was not endewed with the worthy gyft of the holy Ghost, tearmed dis­cretio spirituum, when he made his deputation to the Card. Protector for ordayning the Archprist, &c.

And then againe, Import Con­sid. Pag.11. that his Holines was deceaued in sesting vp the Archpriest, as Pius 5. was in his fact against her Maiestie, and that it was no vnusual thing with Popes so to be deceaued in matters of fact, &c. And yet moreouer; that the Archpriest is an vs [...]rp [...]r in the behalf of the Sea of Rome,Imp. Consid. Pag. 20. 21. 22. that F. Campion M. Sherwyn and other martyrs ought plainly and reseluttly to have professed to stand against the Pope if he [Page 77] should mooue armes for religion, and not hold their peace or eschue the question as they did, &c. That his Hol. hath no authority. to mooue warre for religion against any temporal prince whatsoeuer, or for what­soeuer cause or pretence, &c. And that they wil oppose themselues against him yf he should come in person in any such attempt, and that they wil also reueale whatsoeuer they shal come to know therin.Imp. Consid. Pag. [...] ‘And finally that all the hurts, damages, losses, deaths, rackings and other calamityes hitherto suffered by Catholiks in England are to be layed not so much vpon the persecutors, as vpon the rash, vn­lawful and inconsiderate doings and wrytings not only of Englishmen, but especially of Popes themselues, as Pius 5. Gregory the 13. Syxtus Quintus. and now this Pope, for concur­rance in this last attempt in Ireland, &c.’

VVhen all these things (we say) shalbe read, heard and vnderstood by his Hol. and that they professe to do this for recouering of their good names and credit both with his Hol. & others abroad, yow may easily gesse what wilbe thought of them, and what opinion wilbe conceaued both of their af­fection & wisdome in choosing such meanes to obtayne their purpose. And so much shal suffice for Rome and forraine na­tions and countreys.

And now it shal not be amisse to returne to England againe, and to consider what credit or reputation, they can gayne there, by this their maner of proceeding. For first with Catholiks who doth not see the infinite iniuryes which they haue done them and do lay daily vpon them,Their credit vvith Catho­liks. by discrediting so much as lyeth in them, both their cause and persons, and that with all sort of men both at home and abroad; Their cause, in that they would persuade the whole world that all is seditiō; conspiracy and rebellion among them, and not matter of re­ligion: Their persons in that they make them the true authors and occasioners of all their owne troubles, vexations and da­mages by their owne indiscreet and temerarious actions, as hath byn said. They iustifie also the cause of the persecutors & do lay the fault vpon the presecuted: & what greater iniuryes can be offered then these: [...] [Page] [...] [Page 77]

[Page] Moreouer by these their later books and libels (they disco­uering notoriously, their passion venome of stomake, indis­cretion, intemperance, lack of conscience modesty, shame and other such poynts, as are euident to those, that read their said books) this cannot but worke in all Catholiks whose mynds are holylie bent, and indued with the contrary vertues a great disreputation and auersion from them. VVe passe ouer their follysh speches vsed comōly against all Catholiks, whome they thinke not to fauour them (which are in effect all) calling them,Epist. to Imp. Consid. Pag. 17. mad dogges, set on by Iesuits to barke and byte & deuour their deare ghostly Fathers, &c. And then againe a litle after in the same place: VVheras (deare Catholiks) many of yow do account vs disobedient, true it is that we are so, and a pious vvish. would to God that yow were so likewise. Yow inferre heervpon that we are factious, se­ditious rebellious, malecontents, schismatiks, &c. (marke how good opinion Catholiks haue of them by their owne confession) but therin yow do bely vs by false suggestions, put into yowr greene ignorant, passionate, affectionate, indiscretly zealous heads.

Lo what Epythetons they giue them. And in other place they cal them,Epist. Pag. 8. fancyful fellowes of the new fashion, infected with the Spanish pip, iniesuitated, and the like. But it litle importeth what names or cōtumelious speeches they vse towards them in respect of the thinges themselues, and crimes obiected, and vrged against thē, as before hath byn said, wherby they seeme to labour to ouerthrow directly (so much as in them lyeth) the whole merit and honor of the Cath. cause, and of Cath. mens sufferings, making them not to be for conscience, but for pra­ctise against the Prince and state, a most wicked and iniuriōs deuise practised principally by Constantius the Arrian heretik, and Iultan the Apostata as Ecclesiastical historyes do recount. And this is held for the principal point, wherin these vnfor­tunate men are thought to be hyred by the publike aduersary in religion to ioyne with them in this Capital slaunder against their owne brethren and cause confirming herin the reports of our heretikes in forraine countreys who tel staungers that no man is troubled in England for matters of conscience, but [Page 78] all that are punished are chastised for other delicts: then which vnworthy reproch all men of iudgement do see that nothing can be more falsely, s [...]aunderously or iniuriously laid vpon our publike cause. For auoyding of which our late good Card. stryued so much in his learned book against the libel of English iustice, as all men know, and these men iest at and im­pugne. This then being the effect of these mens labors and en­deauors, and their whole stryse and contentiō, beeing to de­uyde, disgrace, and discreedit both Catholiks and their cause, we may immagine what credit they are like to gaine with them by these their doings. And so much of this.

But yet further it shal not be amysse to ponder also what reputation they are like to wyn at length with the very ad­uersaryes themselues,Their discre­dit vvith the aduersaryes. who (setting a side the contrariety of religion) being many of them very wise and discreet men, and of no euil nature and condition (especially of those, with whome these men are said to deale) they wil easily discouer the great and strange passion of these men togeather with their intemperate spirit, and that they do not this, they do or say for any loue towards them, but for reuenge towards vs, not of iudgemēt or affection, but of enuy and precipitation, and ther vpon it must needs follow that albeit their treason for the tyme he admitted yet must the traytors be contempti­ble; and to this effect haue we a notable story recounted both by Eusebius & Zozomenus of Constantius, Father to our great Con­stantine, who was gouernour, once of England, and perhaps the fact it self fel out heer, & so much the more to be noted by vs.

The forsaid two authors do recount, that this Constantius being a notable wise man,A notable fact of Con­stantius fa­ther to Con­stantine. though a heathen, at the same tyme, when Dioclesian and Maximinian the Emperors to whome he succeded afflicted infinitely Chirstians euery where, he (though misliking that extreme cruelty) yet to seeme also to do somwhat, for that he was declared Caesar & successor of the Empyre, made an edict or proclamation, that so many of the Christians about him as would sacrifice to his Gods should [Page] not only haue his fauour and enioy honors in his court and common welth, but be vsed and trusted also by him aboue other men, and such as would not, though he meant not to put them to death, yet would he exclude them from his frendship and familarity, and from all dignityes, &c. This being done, euery man began (say the forsaid authors) to shew his affection, some retyred themselues with greef and sadnes, some held their peace, some denyed flatly, but none of all these had intention to please the Prince in his demaund: others there were, that thinking by this occasion to wyn the spurres, and get themselues credit and authority aboue the rest, came fawning to Constantius and his officers, offering to do what he would haue them, and therby shew their true du­tyful affections towards his Ma. and the state, with other such like flattering protestations,A iust re­vvard to flattery. wherof when Constantius heard, and had cōsidered wel of the matter, he caused them all to be thrust out of his court, depriued them of the honors and of­fices which before they had, and the other that had refused of conscience so to do against their owne religion, he willed to be called back from exile, aduaunced and trusted aboue the rest, vsing that notable wise saying, as Eusebius recounteth it: Quomodo fidem erga Imperatorem (saith he) seruare poterun [...] inuiola­tam, Euseb. l. [...]. de vita Constà­tini ca. 4. & 1. Zozom. li 1. Ca. 6. Eccles. historiae. qui aduer sus Deum persidi esse manifesto conuincuntur? Quapropter hos procul à regali suo domicilio statuit ainandandos; illos verò stipatores suos & custodes regni consti [...]uit. ‘How can they keep their faith inuiolate towards their Emperor (saith he) that are con­uinced to be prefidious toward God: (and their owne re­ligion) For which cause he comaunded these (that flatte­red) to be banished farre from his royal pallace, and these other (that dealt plainly and syncerly, though contrary to his wil and comaundements) he took them into his owne gard and defence and made them guardians of his king­dome.’

Behold heer a worthy wise example, which our English magistrats cannot but remember and think of, and our bre­thren ought not to forget to doubt rather, and feare least the [Page 79] like may happen vnto them in tyme. For albeit our aduer­saryes be content to vse them for a tyme, as for a rod to beate vs with all, and therby to increase our affliction, yet rods cō ­monly are cast away or burnt afterward when the turne is serued or the occasiō past. And this (we say) in case the Prince and state should meane to punish vs more by their incita­tion or assistance offered, which yet we hope they do not, but rather (as noble mynds are wont to do) wil conceaue the more compassion of our greeuous sufferings by that they see vs betrayed also and iniuriously vexed by our owne, and if God almighty should at length mooue their harts (for which we pray dayly) to harken vnto that most honorable and hol­some motion so often propounded by the best Catholiks for some toleration in religion, wherof these men also do whis­per and brag much in corners as they passe through forrayne countreys, as though they were designed Embassadors for the same, and that at their demaund the matter were in con­sultatiō: yet do we most certainely assure our selues, knowing the grauity, honor, and wisdome of our Counsel as We do, that this is but a vayne vaunt; and that when God shal inspire them to harken to this proposition, they wil deale with other manner of men of the Cathol. party then these, who being deuided from the rest, that is from the body, head, and princi­pal of that cause, can haue litle credit to treat or set forward any such weighty affayre, in the name of the rest, being like s [...]ayles that beare each one their castle on their owne backes, that is hauing no further reputation then themselues beare about with them in their owne heads and immaginations, or giue it out by their owne tongues to such as wil beleeue them. And so much of this.

There remayneth to say a word or two of forraine Prin­ces,Their credit vvith for­raine princes. whose fauour they seek to gayne by this their dissenting from their fellowes, as namely with the king of Scotland, to whome they sent first to offer themselues, as diuers wayes we vnderstand, and after that to the K. of France by their knowne Agents in Paris, promising to be at his disposition, and to op­pose [Page] themselues against all pretences for Spayne, &c. but these are deuises so ordinary in court, and with so great Monarches as these are (we meane to offer mountaynes, and to curry fa­uour by accusing others) that it cannot worke any great im­pression in them, especially considering how litle these men cā do eyther pro or cōtra in the weighty affaire which they pre­tend about the succession of England, and this, whether we consider eyther the protestant party or the Catholike of our realme, for that with the former they haue but very poore credit hitherto, except they go forward, and with the second perhaps much lesse except they turne backevvard; and so for the tyme they rest betweene both, which the wisdome of princes and their counselors wil soone espy and discerne; espe­cially his Maiestie of Scotland (being very wise as he is repor­ted) wil easily heare and come to know,His Maiest. of Scotland. that since they dealt with him by their late messengers to offer their seruices, they haue dealt againe another way in England, and haue deuised a new discourse about the successiō (as we are credibly infor­med) more to the taste of some great personages of our State, whose present fauour they most desyre.

He wil ponder furthermore, that if they be truly Catho­like as they pretend, then can they not with a good consciēce to God and to their owne religion desire sincerely, and from their harts, whatsoeuer they say or pretend, his Maiesties go­uernment ouer Catholiks, except he be of the same religion, which if it were, then is the desire of his preferment not on­ly theirs, but common to all Catholiks: and if it be not, then are they in the case of those flatterers of Constantius, wherof we spake before, and not vnlike to be so esteemed by him as those were by the other, though not so roughly handled. And finally his Maiestie of Scotland wil weigh and remember that whatsoeuer these men do say or doe, they being of so smal consideration and credit as they are, and so mutable as we haue shewed, and their motiues so weake and passionate (as by their owne wrytings and doings appeareth) no great account is to be made therof.

[Page 80]And the like may be said of his Maiestie of France, who being so great and potent a monarch as he is, must needs euery day haue store of such poore sawning people running vnto him for their owne interests, but yet with pretence of offe­ring seruices against Spayne, whome though in wisdome and law of princely royalty he cānot presently reiect, yet conside­ring with maturity of former points and circumstances, to wit, what they are, why they come, from whome and against whome? what groūds they haue to worke vpon, to what end they tend, what they can performe, and other the like, he wil quickely both discouer and discard them, for seing by his wisdome, that to deale much with these men, can neyther be honorable not profitable, as tending rather, to alienate then oblige, or gayne the Catholike party in England. And this wil prooue the true euent of this action, if we be not decea­ued, and when they shal haue spent in Paris the good som­mes of money which they carryed out of England with them, and shal want the supplyes, which now perhaps they hope and expect, and shal heare from all places (as already they do and wil daylie more and more) the general bad opinion that is of them among all good Catholikes, both English and other, they wil then begin (if we be not deceyued) to see the folly of this bad and mad course taken in hand, which we beseech God they may so do before it be to late to amend it. And this is all we shal say of this matter, for the present.

OF FIVE OTHER BOOKES or rather absurd and sclanderous libels come forth since the answering of the former two; and tenne more promised.
CAP. VII.

MOST pittiful it is to consider how the frailty and infirmity of man once beginning to slyde, commeth soone after to rush on with violence and precipita­tion if stay be not made in tyme, lik as when a violent riuer stopped, or bayed vp beginneth to breake forth at a chinke or two and the breaches not remedied at the first it ouerflo­weth all, making a deluge irremediable, euen so falleth it out in this disorder of our transported brethren, who beginning to exceed the limits of modesty and truth vpon anger emula­tion and other such passionate motyues as before haue byn mentioned, and not staying themselues with the consideratiō eyther of reason, conscience, or religion, haue now made such an open breach to all licentious liberty of vnshameful rayling, and being (as the prophet saith) de [...]rita fronte haue so inured both tongues & pennes with a certaine veyne of opprobrious and contumelious scolding, as euery day there come forth and appeare new books from them, the later euer worse and more intollerable then the former. In which kynd, since we took in hand the answering or examining of the former two, fiue other are come to our knowledge, & in the last of these ten more are promised, not books but volumes: so as yow may see whether this breach of modesty that seemed but litle in them at the beginning is now come in so smal tyme, yow wil remember the poet, amisso frontis, petulans, rupto (que), pudore, proruit in praeceps inuenis, &c.

But to the fiue last books already come forth,Propetuis. albeit in truth they are such as do easily answere themselues, and pu­nish also sufficiently their authors with contempt and in­famy for their intemperate style, nor do deserue eyther to be [Page 81] read by discreet men, or refuted by them that haue no tyme to loose, yet we haue thought good for this once to giue a stort taste of each of them in this Chapter aduertising the rea­der, that yf he wil vouchsafe to reduce them and all their substance, to the former heads & Chapters by vs mentioned, to wit what argument or substance they conteyne; with what wit, grace or modesty the argument is handled; against whome and by what sort of men, what notorious lyes, mani­fest slaunders and cleare contradictions they conteyne; these poynts (we say) and such other being considered in each of these books, the iudgment wil quickly be made both of them, their substance, quality and authors, as by these ensuing short notes analisis or anotamy is easily also to be seene.

CERTAINE DIRECTIONS vnto Catholikes, how to discerne the truth; and how to beare themselues in this tyme of contention with an exa­mination of diuers notorious and famous lyes of VV. VV. in his book of Quodlibets.
CAP. VIII.

ALbeit we doubt not (good Catholike Reader) but that yow are weary to heare and peruse these things al­ready vttered against our brethren, and no litle gree­ued to behold such scandalous contentions raysed & continued among professors of one and the self same Cathol. religion, yet cannot we let passe to trouble yow somwhat fur­ther, and to ad a few words more of this matter in the end of this treatese which may serue for some direction in this trou­blesome and perilous tyme, for such as haue not so great ex­perience of like euents.

And the first aduertisment amongst others may and must be to fly to the contemplation of Gods inserutable proui­dence, wherby he permitteth these scādals to fal out; in which high prouidence we shal fynd not only the necessitie or ine­uitability of these disgustful accidents, but the profit and vti­lity also, albeit the first be more easilie seene and confessed by vulgar men then the second, but both are most certayne. For as for the first about the necessity of these accidents it is suf­ficient to remember the word [...] of the Apostle, oportet haereses esse, 1. Cor. 1 [...]. it is necessary that heresyes and diuisions should be; and then the words of our Sauiour:Math. 1 [...]. necesse est vt veniant scandala; Of the ne­cessity of scandals. it is of necessity that scandals should fal out, &c. And furthermore he that wil but consider the practise of almighty God in this behalf, from the first planting of Christian religion vntil this day, how among the Apostles, the Deacons, the disciples, the first beleeuers, the bishops, pastors and other learned men that followed in all ages, how this prouidence and discipline of almighty God did exercise them in this kynd, of scandals, [Page] breaches diuisions, contradictions, contentions, treasons, af­flictions and combustions of mynd (called so by the Apostle, when he saith:2. Cor. 12. Quis scandalizatur, & ego nonvror, who is scanda­lized, and my hart borneth not for it) he that considereth this (we say) wil easily see the necessity and ineuitability of this probation euery where in Gods worke, and consequently in our English cause also and reduction of our contrey, being so great and weighty a matter as it is, and no man wil greatly maruaile to see the diuel rage and rayse vp so many scandals & stumbling blockes therin as he doth, but rather wil maruayle that he doth not more, and that he had not done it sooner cō ­sidering matters how they haue past. And this for the first point of the necessity.

As for the second of vtility,Of the vtili­ty of these scandalous contentions. D [...]ut. [...]2. more men doubt, as not seing so easily what profit or emolument may be expected at least wise in our English cause) by these scandalous and enormous at­tempts, which bring with them so many apparant hurts, pe­rils and damages, but God that draweth out mel de petra, oleum­que de saxo dur [...]ssimo, hony from stones and oyle from the har­dest rockes, can bring forth good also (if he wil) of these so great euils. And to speake of that we see, and begin to feel already of his Fatherly mercy therin, one great and important good effect mentioned by S. Paul in the place before touched, [...]. Cor. 11. hath begun now to shew it selfe, which is, vt qui probati sunt in vobis manifesti fiant; that those that be of proof amongst vs, may comme to be knowne publikely by these meanes; that is to say, ther zeale, their feruour, their fidelity to God and his cause, their vnion with his seruants and other such like poynts.

Another effect is vttered by the holy prophet S. Simeon in S. Lukes ghospel, who hauing said of our Sauiour yet an in­fant: Ecce positus est hic in ruinam & in resurrectione [...] multorum & in signum cut contradicetur, &c. Luc. 2. Behold this child is set for the ruine and resurrection of many, and for a signe which shalbe contradicted, &c. he addeth presently, vt reuelentur ex multis cor­dibus cogitationes; all this shal happen to the end that the cogi­tations [Page 101] of many harts may be reuealed, as though he had said, that one principal end and purpose why God sent his sonne into the world to be contradicted by many troublesome spi­rits was therby to make knowne the good from the bad, and reueale the cogitations of many mens harts which otherwise would be hidden, and this to the ruine or resurrection of many, &c. behold heere a misterious effect, and such a one as is deeply to be wayghed and pondered by those that desyre to comfort themselues in the secrets of Gods iudgments for permitting so great strife, contention and scandals in his Church as he doth.

But now if we wil apply this to our owne particular case,The applica­tion of the former places of scripture in our case. therby to instruct and comfort our selues in this doleful and disgustful affayre of our brethrens scandalous clamors & con­tradictions, and that any should aske vs what particular good or vtility may be expected therby, in England or to English Catholiks? we answere: First that the effect mentioned by S. Paul, to manifest those that are of proof among vs, is euidently already seene, for that many good Catholikes both in Englād and abroad as wel of other nations as our owne seing the in­dignitie of this scandalous fact of diuision set in our church by these disordinate and discōtented priests haue maruelously shewed their compassion, loue and zeale in behalf of vnion, order and disciplyne and of all good men impugned by the seditious which otherwise perhaps they would not haue done, if this occasion had not byn offered; others also that liued on­ly to themselues before and medled with no other mens actiōs seing now this, manifest assault of Sathā (vnder priests coates) against our whole cause and religion haue styrred vp them­selues to knyt and ioyne with others of the same zeale to resist the enemyes malice herin. And this for the first important effect prophesied by S. Paul: vt qui probati sunt, in vobis manifesti fiant. A manifestation (no doubt) which wil turne to the euerlasting prayse of many, for standing zealously in this breach against sedition, whose feruour and fidelity would not perhaps otherwise so much haue byn knowne, or published, [Page] seing that the standing against open knowne enimyes is not so markable oftentymes as the withstanding of dome­stical.

But now the second effect, of reuealing mens h [...]rts and inward cogitations, mencioned by S. Simeon, is also diligently to be con­sidered by vs, for that the same is more pertinent and impor­tant also to this our English affaire then the former, for that by this reuelation made of harts and mynds by this conten­tion, English Catholiks do come to know what substance & weight there is in euery man, and how farre he may be credi­ted when tyme shal require, which is a point of no smal mo­ment as matters stand with vs, for if this reuelation and dis­couery had not byn made by this occasion, but that so great a depth of daungerous and poysoned humors, as now is broken out, had lurked in mens brests vntil such tymes as their ability might haue byn equal to their naughty wil for setting of diui­sion and raysing broyles in our cause & contrey; what reme­diles hurts might haue byn wrought (think yow) both in the one and the other? but now being reuelated, the predictiō of S. Paul, so often by vs repeated before wil no doubt take place,2. Tim. 3. vltra nō proficient, insipientia enim eorum manifesta erit omnibus. They wil not be able to go much forward in this their at­tempt, for that their folly wilbe manifest to all men.

VVel then,Reuelation of 3. sorts of people. and what wilbe the end, think yow, both of men and matters in this affaire? Surely for the matter we haue no doubt at all, but that it wil receaue vtility by this tempta­tion, for that the holy ghost hath auouched it, factet cum tenta­tione prouentum, God wil giue profit also with temptations, and this profit is euidēt for that our church after this storme past, wil remayne as,Math. 3. Luc. 3. area purgata & ventilata, as a barne floore swept and cleansed and our corne both winowed and purged.

But as for the men that haue mooued this tempest, though we would be loath to make our selues prophets in their cause and successe, but rather do pray hartily for them, that it may be good, yet if we wil consider matters according to the former prophesies of scripture or els by the foresight of reason [Page 102] and discourse (which are the best grounds of prophesies of temperate and wise men in these our dayes) we may proba­bly make this triple coniecture that some (especially the wryters & publishers of these late libels and principal dealers with the aduersaryes) are like inough (if God worke not a miracle) to passe further, and become as Th. Bel and others haue done before vpon like and perhaps lesse ground of passion, & malice; and these are to be deplored as yow see: others that do offend vpon euil information only, or haue byn misled by other mens persuasions, not seing the daunger wherunto they are drawne wil (we trust) vpon sight of the truth returne a­gaine, and these are as hartily to be imbraced and highly estee­med, as if they had neuer runne away, the ground therof not being euil intention; but sinister information.

A third sort there is, that probably wil stand indifferent, & doubtful for a tyme, and according to this, wil good mens opinions be also of them, to wit dubious and vncertayne vn­til they see the final issues of their actions, and thus cōmeth our Church of England as yow see, to knowe her people di­stinctly, as wel by manifestation of their actions as reuelation of their thoughts which are the two effects mentioned; prophe­sied by S. Symeon and S. Paul.

It followeth that we say somwhat how Catholiks are to beare themselues in this tyme of trial, which poynt may be considered eyther in respect of the enemy, and persecutor, or of the trouble some of our owneside, that vaunt to be in cre­dit and fauour with them, and say that the fault is ours,VVhat carra­ge is expe­dient to­vvards the persecutors [...]. that we are not also: And towards the former sort of men togea­ther with our Prince and State, there is no doubt or question but that the dutiful maner of carriage hitherto vsed by our English recusant Catholiks in all humility, patience longa­nimity, obedience and true spirit of Christian sufferance (whatsoeuer these brabling people do or haue calumniated them to the contrary) is absolutely the best way, and most pleasing in the sight both of God and man, and the principal meanes wherby we may hope that God wil one day haue [...] [Page] [...] [Page 102] [Page] mercy vpon vs and our countrey and inspire the harts both of our Prince and State to deale more myldly and mercifully with vs.

Yet notwithstanding if any question or matter should be vrged against religion, faith or conscience in any one poynt of Christian Catholike doctrine and beleef, therin it is neces­sary for euery good man to stand firme and immoueable,VVhere and vvhen Ca­tholiks must stand immo­ueable. and to say with the Apostles:Act. 5. Oporiet mag is Deo obedire quam homini­bus. VVe must obay God more then men. And in this point we do not thinke that any one religious Protestant in the world holding his faith for true, would not do and say the like, if the case were his, and concerned his religion, and con­sequently the yeilding or going further of these our vnquiet spirits in matters that be against true Catholike Doctrine, & to vrge other men also to the same for gayning to themsel­ues some temporal fauour & credit, or to make therby others odious whome they enuy or mislike, is more perfidiousnesse to God, then fidelity to the Prince or State, and so ought it to be held by all men of wisdome and iudgment of what reli­gion soeuer, and no wayes to be imitated by those that be true and sincere Catholiks. And thus much for their carriage towards the Prince and state, and persecutors in Religion.

And as for the second sort, which are our passionate disor­dered brethren, broken out from vs these monethes past by intemperate heate of emulation and contention, the best dire­ction that we can giue for Cath. mens behauiour and carriage towards them is,Carriage to­vvards the troublesome as towards brethren and frends in a frenzie or traunce, or as men rather possessed with violent and raging spirits; that is to say to wish and worke all good vnto them that may be procured by good meanes, but yet to beware of comming into their fingers, or within their reach whiles they remayne in the fit of their fury, and to the end we may know and consider with what spirits they are possessed or ruled by for the present albeit we haue discussed the matter somewhat particularly in the preface of this book, and more largely throughout our Apologie, but especially in the last Chapter [Page 103] therof, yet now hauing seene and discerned more of their con­dition and state by reading their later bookes and by the man­ner of their proceeding and progresse in their affaires. VVe meane in this place to ad somwhat to that which we haue said before, noting first by the way, that the difference of spi­rit betweene man and man,Difference of spirit, vvhat great diuer­sity and con­trariety it maketh. is the greatest and most impor­tant difference that in moral matters can be obserued which holdeth also in beasts, byrds, and other creatures according to the proportion of their inferior spirit or natural instinct, as for example, two egges put in one nest, the one of a doue, the other of a hauke do bring forth two yong byrds, whose bo­dyes at the beginning are not so easily discerned as the diffe­rence of their spirits is seene as soone as they grow vp. And the like is in the whelpes and cubbes of dogges and foxes the one naturally running to mans conuersation the other flying, which diuersity of spirit, and inward instinct, bewrayeth quickely the contrariety of their natures, nor is this only seene in creatures of diuers kynds, but euen in those that be of the same, as two yong colts of one breed the one of a generous, the other of a iadish inclination are so opposite the one to the other in the whole course of their future lyfe by this diuer­sytie of spirit as the one is of much value, the other contemp­tible.

And if this hold in horses & other vnreasonable creatures, that haue only the participation of the inferior sensual part of soule or spirit, how much more is the difference to be noted in man, whose higher part guiding all the rest, dependeth of the worthinesse of his spirit for life and action, wherin two men that be brethren in birth, and as like one to the other other­wise as nature can proporture them, yet by this diuersity of spirit may they be as opposite one to the other not only as things of diuers kinds that be enemyes by nature, as haukes & doues wolues and lambes, foxes and dogges but farre more, euen as much as heauen and hel. And this we se by example as wel of Cain and Abel Esau and Iacob, Lucifer and Michael borne brethren, as also by euident reason, seing that the spirit of man [...] [Page] [...] [Page 103] [Page] is that wherby he is ruled, and the sterne of all his actions go­uerned, so as if that be naught, corrupted, peruerted or coin­quinate with malice, enuy, pride, ambition, or other such pla­gues and spiritual poysons, he followeth that with all violēce, as a bark carried away vnder ful sayle with perniciōs wynds to her assured ship wrack vpon rockes of perdition.

And on the contrary side he that is blessed of God with a good spirit, he floweth on sweetly, though more softely and calmely to the assured port of euer lasting saluation, and these two men though neuer so like in shape of body, or neare in propinquity of flesh, office, charge, degree, vocation or other such coniunction vpon earth, yet are they indeed more op­posite and contrary the one to the other, then any reasonable or vnreasonable creatures whatsoeuer, except only the good and bad angels Michael and Lucifer, by vs before mencioned so as a good and bad spiri [...]ed man do differ much more then a man and a beast, or then a wolfe and a sheep, which cannot be expressed sufficiently by any other example then by Sathan and Christ, when he was vpon earth which very contrariety remayneth stil betweene men that participate the one or the others spirit. So as to conclude yow need not (for true dis­cerning of men) to seek any other note, signe or argument, but only to look vpon their spirit & markes therof, whether they be of Christ or his enemy Sathan, according to the coūsel S. Iohn:1. Ioan. 4. Probate spiritus si ex Deo sunt, proue spirits whether they be of God or no.Rom. 3. The reason wherof S. Paul giueth: Quicun (que) enim spiritu Dei aguntur, hij fitij Dei sunt. For whosoeuer are ruled by the spirit of God, they are his children, and contrary wise those that are not gouerned by that spirit are children of Sa­than & not of God: for so the same Apostle affirmeth playnly in another place:Rom. Ibid. Si quis spiritum Christinon habet, hic non est eius. He that hath not the spirit of Christe pertayneth not vnto him. For which cause he addeth so carefully in the end of his letters: [...]. Tim. 4. Dominus Iesus Christus cum spiritu suo vobiscum. Our lord Iesus Christ be among yow with his spirit. And when he would commend himself and his determination in matters [Page 104] of virginity, marriage, diuorce, and other such of great impor­tance, he alleadgeth this for cheefest argument:1. Cor. 7. Puto autem quod & ego spiritum Dei habeam. I do persuade my selfe that I haue the spirit of God my Sauiour.

So then all the controuersy or doubt, which heere may be; is, who haue the spirit of Christ or go neerest ther unto in this contention,VVho are li­kest to haue the spirit of Christ in this contention. for that this being knowne it cānot be denied but that whosoeuer followeth or fauoreth the worser spirit, (ex­cept vpon misinformation) he sheweth himself to be ruled by the same spirit. And as for the spirit of Christ our Sauiour which must be our paterne heerin it is euident both by testi­mony of all scriptures, as also by the example of his lyfe while he was vpon earth, what it was: For EsayEsay 11. the prophet fore­told a seauen fold spirit should be in him, to wit the spirit of VVisdome and vnderstanding, of Counsel and Fortitude, of knowledge and piety, and of the feare of God. But himself appearing after­ward vpon earth, not only confirmed all this to be true, and other things wrytten of him by the prophets; but preached further, and sheweth in his actions, the spirit of humility, mansuetude, meekenes, patience, modesty, sobriety, truth obe­dience, pouerty, charity and the like, which spirit, whether our discontented brethren, in their late actions words, and wrytings haue shewed or no, or rather the quite contrary spirit of pride, enuy, renēge, elamors, slaunders, calumniation, disobedience, and the like, is easy to iudge by that which be­fore we haue represented out of their bookes and doings.

And now yf we would but relate vnto yow the hundreth part of that which is vttered of this wicked spirit in their last book (hitherto seene by vs) called Decacordon or Quodlibes, we should tyre yow and make your eares glow and yowr chari­table harts to rue with the hearing therof. For first yf we would begin with the very name & nature of Quodlibets which the author setteth downe in his preface, saying; that in this kind of wryting it is lawful for him to d [...]spute, whether God or the diuel he to be honoured? whether our blessed lady were an adulteresse or cōmon woman or not? &c. VVho wil not say, but that this Quodlibe­tical [Page] companion, calling himself a quilibet, hath a prophane, audacious and impudent spirit to propose and put in print such questions; and then that he hath a spirit also of foolery & lack of vnderstanding in conioyning with these questions other against himself, to wit, whether a Seminary priest or a Ie­suite ought sooner to be credited, esteemed of, and followed? &c. VVhether a Iesuite be a good or bad man? whether their doctrine be crroneous, Ibid. treacherous and seditious or not? &c. VVhich questions being ioyned by him with the former, may seeme no lesse absurdly brought in and called in question then the rest. And finally he concludeth his preface thus.

I wil hold the indifferent, The conclu­sion of VV. VV. epistle to the Deca­cordon. dispassionate and diligent Reader with no longer discourse of a peramble, but leauing all to his best conceats, I comit his sharp wits or her swyft thoughts to the speedy encounter of this buck of the first head in the quest at euery Quodlibetical relay, set in the pursuite of their gaine, &c. And now we would aske the same dispassionate reader, what wit or sense is there in this wry­ting? VVhat grauity, what maturity, what consideration worthie of a priest or sober witted man? Is Spiritus sapientiae & intellectus (the first spirit of Christ mencioned by I say) to be found heere? But let vs passe from the Preface to his book, or as he calleth it, his buck of the first head.

The first and most notorious point of his wicked spirit (contrary to that of Christ, and all good Christians and Ca­tholike men synce that tyme) is against religious men, and their profession, affirming first, that all are corrupted. I haue made (saith he) an historical discourse, of the beginning, Quodlib. Pag. 49. progresse, end, and fal, of euery religious order, as wel of the Basilians, Antonians, and other among the greeks, as also of the Benedictines, Augustines, Francis­canes, &c. among the latynes, &c. Secondly he taketh, a position in hand refuted & condemned not only by S. Thomas of Aquine and other wryters of that tyme,D. Tho. but S. Chrisostome also, & other auncient Fathers, wryting against such irreligious companiōs in their dayes & the position is, that the lyfe & State of secu­lar priests is more perfit, thē the state of religious men; for thus he frameth his first article of his third general Quodlibet [...].

[Page 105] VVhether the Iesuits,Pag [...]. or any other religious order be to be preferred before secular priests or not? And then he holdeth the negatiue. VVho euer hard (saith he) or made any question,Pag. 15. but that a secular priest was to be preferred before a monastical person? And againe in another place; All seminary and secular priests are Superiors to Iesuits,Pag. [...]. or at least their betters. And yet further in another place. Pag [...]. The se­cular priests, as worthier and superior presons, are euer to be credited and preferred before the Iesuits in matters of any account. And that yow may know how humble he is, he describeth these his high mynded secular priests thus: Pag. 6. A gallant troup of as graue sages, and as fine a breed of wits as the world this day enioyes, &c.A ridiculous definition of a secular priest. Pag. 4. Rightly called seculars because they haue the cure and charge of soules layd on their backes to direct all that liue in a secular wordly, and temporal State.

Thus he saith: & to the end yow should not mistake him, as though he meant of the Iesuits only, or of any other parti­cular religious order, he setteth downe this general proposi­tion:Pag. [...]. Therfore stil (saith he) is a secular lyfe of more perfection then a religious, &c. Now we would aske what spirit this is? what sanoureth it of? what doth it breath forth? Is there heer any thing els, but pride, emulation, ignorāce, temerity and folly? But let vs heare further the effects of their good spirit?

He signifieth page 42. that he would haue,Pag. 42. all Iesuits except (saith he) they amend their manners and reforme their order damned for [...]eretiks, and thrust out of Gods Church, as Apostatates, and Atheists, &c. as those ietting iuglers (the Pharasyes) were out of the temple of Ieruss [...]Iem, &c. Do yow see what spirit of fraternal charity here is? Nay he goeth further to affirme, that their order is no religion at all, and the persons therof neyther secular nor religious, wherby he in­curreth a plaine excommunication ipso facto, Pag. 61. by the Bul of Gregory the xiij. which beginneth: Ascendente Domine in [...] ­lam, &c. confirmed and ratified againe by Gregory the 14. But it seemeth this man litle esteemeth cēsures of Church or Pope, being ingulfed in the mayne Sea of outragious malice, which sheweth itselfe most egregiously,Pag. 35. in that he persuadeth Ie­suits to become Apostatates and leaue their religion. I pray God (sayeth he) they may reforme themselues in tyme by comming [...] of [Page] their order and Society, &c. and then conformable to this good & godly prayer he saith of F. Iohn Gerrard (who both for his birth education, learning spirit, wisdome religion zeale, modesty, and all other Christian vertues,Persuading men to Apo­stacy. is more fit (as yow know) to be this mans maister, then he worthie to be the others man) VVel wel poore man, I pitty his simplicity, that being otherwise of a good nature, he is much blynded and corrupted in his life and manners by being a Iesuite, Pag. 4 [...]. ad marg. which society would God he did and would forsake, &c. VVhat spirit is this? could Martyn Luther himself or any other Apo­stata, giue other counsel in such a cause?

And for that this fellow and his compagnions do delight themselues so much with secularity and Apostasy, and diuers yea the most of the cheefest heads of this factiō are notoriously knowen to haue slydden back eyther from the habit or vo­cation of religious lyfe to secular, and that it is probably sus­pected, that a notorious Apostata or two haue had their hands also in the compiling of these wicked Quodlibets vve shal put, them only in mynd of the sentence and iudgment of S. Bernard as good and wise a man no doubt as any of them, and knowne to haue had the true spirit of Christ by the publike testimony of his Cath. Church, who talking of this very matter of going out of religion, wherunto these fellowes exhort Iesuits, doth make it such an horrible act, and the syn so great in him that goeth out, and others that cooperate with him therin, as is dreadful to read. But his conclusion is this: Quid plura? dissi­mulatur lex,Bern. Serm. 63. in Cant.abdicatur ius, fas proscribitur, derelinquitur timor domini, dantur postremo impudentiae manus, praesumitur ille remeraerius, ille pu­dendus, ille turpissimus, plenus ille ignominia & confusione saltus, de ex­celso in abyssum, de pauimento in sterquilinium, de [...] in eloacam, de caelo in caenum, de claeustro in saeculum, de paradiso in infernum. ‘VVhat shal we say more of this horrible fact of Apostasy or going out of religion?S. Bernard. iudgments of Apostatas. VVhen once a man is come to this resolution, he dissembleth the law of God, he casteth from his sight all equity, he banisheth all iustice, and the feare of God is cast away, and so he giuing himself lastly ouer to impudenty he presumeth to make that rash, that shamful, tha [...] filthy leape [Page 108] ful of ignominy and confusion, from a high state to a dongton from a fayre pauiment to a fowle donghil from a seat of di­gnity to a loathsome place of filth, from heauen to earthly myre, from a monastery to the world, and from paradise to hel.’ Thus sayth S. Bernard, and by this may wil VVatson who calleth himselfe here, Iohn indifferent and wilful VVil, Pag. 28 [...]. se what good counsel he geueth to Iesuits in persuading them to make this wicked and miserable leap so described by so great a Sayn [...]. And herby also we see the difference betwene these mens spirit and that of S. Bernard.

VVherfore being ouer long to treate matters in order we shal touch only certayne breef heads of his discourses heer and there, wherby yow may better discerne his spirit. He in­ueigheth greatly & at large against the Fathers of the Society pag. 140. and after that for diuers pages to geather for that they admit not into their Society euery man that offereth him­selfe but,Pag. 48. ad marg. that they examine them wel, and take their chayse, &c. for which most laudable diligence hereuyleth thē in these words: Tow progeny of vipers, yow offalles of scribes and pharasyes, who hath taught yow to eschue iram venturam, to sequester your selues from the world? to take vpon yow the state of perfection? and to include and ex­clude, to chase and refuse whome ye list, and to thrust, back whome yow like not of that gladly would This is spoken per­haps for that diuers of that crevv, haue byn re­fused by Gods proui­dence and vvisdome of the Fathers that foresavv their condi­tions. enter in &c. Is this your perfection of lyfe? is this your zeale of soules? &c. [...]y blasphemous wretches yow prei [...] ­dice christ, &c. No no seditious Choristes, Dathanians and Aby [...]onistes, there is no [...]ne Scripture, no Canon, no decree, no tradition of Church, no consent of Doctors, no rule, no principle, no least clause in the foundation of your society, that makes for yow in this poynt, of singularity election & choyse. And then a litle after agayne.

No no proud pharasyes, yow are deceaued, non est personarum acceptio coram Deo nether hath be left the kingdome of beauen to be giuen to one more th [...]n to another &c. Railing at the fathers for vsing choys in ad­mittinge m [...]. And what spirit think yow cometh this of? Is it folly or madnesse? Is it spiritus vertiginis or arre­ptitius, that so inuigheth against the spirit of discretion and probation in the Fathers before they admit men to the high calling of religious lyfe? VVe would aske him what he wil [...] [Page] [...] [Page 108] [Page] say to S. Paul wryting to Tymothy a Bishop, about admitting men to priesthood, [...] Tim. [...]. saying: Manus citò nemini imposueris, &c. do not lay thy hands easily vpon any man to admit him to holy orders. And yf any Bishop should admit all that offer them­selues vnto him to serue God in that vocation, & this without trial or notice had of their worthines; would he prayse this man so much trow yow as he rayleth at the Iesuits for making diligent trial of those whome they receiue into their order? who seeth not this madnes?

Againe page 279. and 280. he would haue no more youthes sent to the Seminaryes, but new lawes rather to be made for inflicting greeuous punishments vpon them that send them thither. And this also yow see from what spirit it proceedeth. Furthermore he threatneth the Catholikes page 305. that he & his fellowes, wil surceaese from the execution of their functions, and from the increasing of that number, that wil not be aduised by them, &c. that is to say, to be enemyes with them against the Archpriest, and Iesuits, and consequently also against the Pope himself. And further: They wil conuert no more (as few God wote they haue done already) yf this be not graeunted them. Of what spirit proceedeth this, trow yow? Is this the spirit of Christ? is this of his Apostles?

But yf yow wil see the paterne of a strange spirit indeed fra­med wholy of deadly hatred and temerity, do yow read what this author of the Quodlibets doth write in diuers places of his bookes most intemperately against F. Persons, that neuer per­haps saw or knew him, nor he the other, for yf he had, and were in his right wits he would neuer wryte as he doth. Pag. 236. 237. 238. 239. &c. I meane, saith he (after much reuiling vsed against him) the great Emperour, irregular, abstract, quintessence of all coynes, coggeryes, and forgeryes, who flying hence with the spoyle of many poore Catholikes, practised in Paris to be exempted from the check of the Parisian Prouin­cial vnder pretence that the Queene had hyred certayn [...] persons to murder him, &c. This is that famous conquer [...] that hath bathed all England in priests bloud, &c. This is he of whome his owne General reported that he was more troubled with one Englishman, then with all the rest of his [Page 107] Society: This is he of whome Cardinal Allen held opinion that he was a man very violent and of an vnquiet spirit,Diuelish [...]ayling against F. Persons. and of whome M. Blackwel said that his turbulent head and lewd lyfe would be a discredit to the Cath. cause; and in few, the general conceate of all that euer haue thorowly conuersed with him is this, that he is of a furious, passionate hot, chole­rike, exorbitant humour, &c. a most diaholical vnnatural, and wicked fellow, vnworthy the name, nay cursed, be the houre in which he had the name of a priest, nay of a religious person, nay of a temporal or lay Iesuite, nay of a Catholike, nay of a christian, nay of a humayne creature, but of a beast or a diuel, a violator of all lawes, a contemner of all authority a stayne of all humanity, an impostume of all corruption, a corruptor of all honesty and a monopole of all mischeef, &c.

VVe leaue out ten tymes as much as this in the same and other places.Ansvvere to diuers ca­lumniations against F. Persons. And seing his lack of shame, charity and ho­nesty is such as to wish that F. Persons had not byn a man nor Christian but a beast or diuel, consider whether the diuel himself could speake more like himself than this fellow doth, not only by rayling but also by open lying: For as for his going out of England with the spoyle of many poore Catholiks, it is a most malitious falshood, asApol. Cap. 12. other where also hath byn shewed, seing that F. Persons and Father Campian both being wholy mayntayned by the liberality of that most excellent zealous Catholike gentleman M. George.M. George Gilbert.Gylbert took nothing els in effect of any other, neyther had they need. And as for a cer­tayne contribution and collection that certayne gentlemen made at F. Persons instance to be sent to D. Allen for printing of the new testament in English which arriued to some 2. or 3. hundred pounds, we hauing informed our selues, do find that neuer any one peny therof entred into F. Persons power, nor can this calumniator, or any other euer bring proof in any one poynt to the contrary.

The other Parysian fiction, is refuted in the former Chapter; and for the three foule lyes that do enfue concerning the spe­ches and iug [...]ments of the General, Card. Allen, and M. Blackwel, they all are witnesses of the falshood therof; the General yet liuing, and esteeming of F. Persons, as the offices and charges [Page] committed vnto him both of the English Colledge in Rome, with the ouersight and Praefecture of all other Seminaryes & English men of the Society do testifie. And for the Card. do beare witnes not only his actions and letters set downe in the Cap. 4. Apologie, but his nephew also M. Tho. Allen, and M. D. Hadock his kinsman,Three noto­rious lyes fa­thered vpon F. Claud. A­quauiua, Card. Allen, M. Blackvvel and maister of his chamber, M. Roger Baynes his Secretary and Mator domo all most intrinsecal to the Card iudg­ment, sense and meaning, who liuing this day in Rome do detest this wicked fiction of the Card [...] euil opinion or speech of F. Persons. The third is heere in England to answere the matter both by word and wryting, accounting himself nolesse in­iuriously slaundered by this wicked forgery, then by other in­finite like douises framed against him, which these malitious people haue deuised of their owne brayne.

VVherfore leauing this odious and ireful vayne of rayling, which hath no end meane or measure when it beginneth against F. Persons, it is a strange thing to consider their passion in this behalf, for this fellow hauing alleadged in one place a very moderate letter of F. Persons wrytten by him from Naples in the yeare 1598.A lettere of [...] much abused. though somwhat corrupted both in word and sense in the allegation as by the true copy we haue discouered; in which letter the said Father doth very grauely set downe for excuse of the troubles in the English Colledge at Rome, some extrin secal causes also not knowne or cōsidered by others, this fellow was so much troubled therwith that he wrote as followeth:Pag. 128. & 129. &c. I could not (saith he) with patience set band to paper after I had read this letter, but walked two or three tymes vp & downe my chamber trembling in anger with my hart as high as my head, to think on the villany of this Persons; cursed be the houre wherin he was borne, this filius peccati, sacrilegij, iniqu [...]t atis, diaboli, &c. ô monster! wo worth the wretch, we worth thee and all thy Iesuicical brood! &c. Behold heere, did yow euer heare Hercules fureus vpon a stage Is this preistlike? is this christian man̄er of wryting against our euen Christian? To what manner of spirit wil yow ascribe this?

And yet must yow note heer, that this man or mad fellow [Page 106] rather is brought by Gods iust iudgment to condemne him­self in a marginal note,He condem­neth detra­ction and vseth it. Pag. 124. not ful three leaues before these ou­tragious rauings which note sayth thus: Of all other synnes de­traction is holden of deuynes to be most daungerous, because fame styeth furdest, and would the back byter neuer so fayne make restitution, yet he can neuer possibly performe it. Thus he saith and more to this purpose in that note, whervnto we add only those words of our Sauiour: Deore tuo te iudico, serue nequam: Luc. [...]9. I do condemne thee by thy owue mouth & confesion thow wicked seruant. And so much for this.

VVe are weary, and therfore we desyre to make an end. If yow wil see more of these mens spirit, read pag. 134. 135. where they affirme Iesuits doctrine, to be erroneous & heretical, for that they teach the Popes ordinations to be obayed. Read their contemptuous discourse, of the litle respect due to his Holynes excommunications, pag. 178. 183. how they cal their Arch­priest and immediate Superior, Antipape, Antichrist, & golden calfe. They say that in matters of succession for our Realme, they meane to abstract the same clerly from matters of religion: pag. 150. as though religion were to be had in no consideration at all, about the next successor; and in the meane space, they wryte, that they desire nothing to themselues,An abiect quiet sought by the sedi­tious. but an abiect quiet, in a froundon state, page 198. which is as much to say, as to eat and drink and liue quietly with other sensual abie­ctions without care of gayning soules or procuring other per­fection in them that are gayned, if it be conioyned with daunger of persecution or temporal trouble. And who then doth not see this spirit what it is, and whether it tendeth. But let vs yet heare some other markes therof.

Yow haue heard in ourCap. 9. Apologie what a styrre VV. VV. kee­peth in his spiritual common-wealth about places and pree­minences, and sitting at table iust as our Sauiour describeth the matter in the ghospel of pharasaical vanity,Matth. 22. amant primos recu­bitus in caenis, &c. they loue to haue the highest places at the ta­ble, &c. But now in this book as a fuller treatese of all their spiritual designments he handeth the matter much more largly [...] [Page] [...] [Page 106] [...] [Page] [...] [Page 106] [Page] in diuers places, shewing therby how he and his fellowes are mightely impressioned with this vanity of sitting in the hi­gher place, and himself telleth storyes of his owne shame­lesse striuing for the same with men of great calling, being fitter for his owne basenes, euil feature, and contemptible qua­lyties to sit lowest at the tables end, or to be thrust out of the parlour into the hal or kitchin, then to sit with such men as he braggeth that he hath done, if he be the man of whome he wryteth. Heare his first complaynt.

Old Pinny (sayeth he) the Inkeper of Broadway in Somersetshire,Pag. [...]. would alwayes take the highest place at the vpper end of the table,A graue complaynt a­gainst hostes for sitting at the vpper end of the table. who­soeuer had byn his ghest, which though in some sort his old age might ex­cuse, yet is the contrary course more commended among ciuil gentlemen & nobles generally, &c. And I once being in company where [...] secular preists being at supper with a noble person, his L. would not sit downe vntil they all were set, iesting merily, that priests and women had al­wayes the preeminence in the land of peace, &c. But now that a religious man should haue or look for a place of honour or preeminence, among men, hauing by sollemne vow renounced all earthly honors and digni­tyes, &c. was neuer hard of before this day. And this much in that place against Pinny his host, that sate aboue him, and in comendation of the noble man, that gaue him the vpper place.

But in another place he handleth the matter more largely shewing three valiant exploits done by a certaine priest (which we may immagine was himself) at the table side against other three all gentlemen and the one a priest, that would haue set before him: Pag. 117. A very fit example (saith he) taking his argument about stryuing for places at the table) was of la [...] shewed by a secular priest to three sundry persons all Catholiks, and one of them a priest also iesuited, the first being a lay gentleman, but of meaner calling then eyther of the other to whome he gaue place at table, hand, wal and stile, because he saw it proceeded of simplicity, inciuility and rude­nes in him, &c. To the second hauing giuen place also before tyme, be­cause he was an intruding person, and one that thought himself no smal fo [...]le, being able to dispend eight hūdred pounds by the years, the said secu­lar [Page 109] priest reasoning with him at one tyme about these matters, &c. took him by the sleeue, as they were going to dinner in a Catholike company, where they were sure, and thrust him back sitting downe before him & telling him in playne tearmes that the case was altered, & that albeit he had winked at his arrogancy before, yet now for the honor of priesthood, he must make him know his duty & giue place to his better, &c.

To the third (which was a gentleman priest) vnderstanding that he had boasted of this gentility & noble alliance, & that therfore he was to be preferred before any other secular priest, that was not a gentleman of equal calling with him, they iumping iust togeather vpon a tyme at dyn­ner, he put him back, and after the table was drawne taking him a side he said: Sir,Extreme va­nity and fo­lye. I vnderstand yow boast much of your gentility preferring it before your priesthood, it is a foule byrd that defiles his owne nest, a base mynded, ignorant, and vnworthie priest, that knowes not whether he ta­kes his place according to his dignity & calling or noe, & as worthy to haue his skyn razed, cut of, & fleaed both from head and hand, & so degraded, as an abuser of noblenes and gentry deserues to haue his co­lours reuersed, his armes pulled downe, & his coat pulled ouer his eares, & so degentred for euer after. Know yow therfore Sir, &c.

Mark heer the spirit of humility and meeknesse in these men, and to what case they are come, that dare not only do these things and commit these insolencies, but brag of them also in wryting. Heer is fulfilled the saying of the holy Ghoste,Prou. 2. gloriātur, cū malè fecerint, & exultant in rebus pessimis. They do glory in doing euil and triumph in the greatest wicked­nesse which they commit.

VVe might heer consider of many other things as vayne, false and wicked as these infarced throughout this book, without all conscience, modesty or respect of christianity, if tyme did permit vs, and that we were not ouercloyed with these.Pag. 12. 13. 37. VVe might set yow downe how wickedly many gentlewomen, and noble personages are heere discouered, discryed and dishonored, some by name, some by signes and letters and other like most perfidious detections. VVe might lay open vnto yow how seditiously the author of this book goeth about to set rancor,Pag. 3 [...]. 113. malice and sedition betweene the [Page] noble houses of Arundel, Howards Dacres, and others. How he threatneth Catholiks with new persecution, if they abandon not the Archpriest, with the rest of his clergie and Fathers o [...] the Society,Pag. 194. against whome he threatneth, that he and his companions,Pag. 25. like angry sleeping dogges vnwillingly awaked by them, wil now both bark, byte, & leap in their faces, &c. all which she­weth the quality of their spirits.

But no one thing sheweth the same so much (as often we haue noted) as their most impudent deuised and forged lyes both against the Society in general,A notorious spirit of lying. as page 311. That the King of Polonia is defeated of the kingdome of Suetia only by their treacherous, ambitious & tampering aspyres (a thing notoriously false as is moste euident) as also against F. Persons in particular without number or limitation. As for example that he wrote a letter to the Marques Huntley of Scotland about that kinges title (to whome we vnderstand he neuer wrote letter in his lyfe) & that he sent a Iesuite preist to the late Earle of Essex to haue him take a pension of the king of Spaine (a meere forgery as we are acertayned) & that the said Father (vnder benedicite be it spoken (saith he) cosened a very reue­rend priest and auncient gentleman old M. Midleton of three hundred pounds at least;Pag. 150.and that he dealt with him about the succession of the lady Infanta to England,Pag. 306.& her marriage there.

These (we say) and infinite such other bold assertions being altogeather knowne to be false, and vttered without all re­morse of conscience, do plainly discouer the spirit of Sathan delighted principally with lying.Confutation of the lyes about Mid­dleton. For as for this Midleton amōg the rest which often is mentioned by these companions, we haue informed our selues of graue men, that were in Ciuil when he came thither and know all that passed there in his affayres, and do auouch that this Middleton, whome he calleth old being of some forty yeares of age coming out of England into Spayne with some store of money hidden about him (though not halfe so much perhaps as heer is mentioned) about the yeare 1594. bringing with him a youth that was his brothers sonne, and arriuing first at the English Colledge of Vallidolid, and hearing that F. Persons was at Ciuil, he resolued [Page 110] to go thither, but yet in such miserable poore sort, as though he had byn a very beggar in deed in respect wherof he did not only take the almes of the said Colledge of Vallidolid, but of all other houses also of the Iesuits in the way, which is 300. myles, offering to ly in their stables and hayloftes amongst their seruants, when they had no roome within the house, as at Cordu [...] by name where he got 30. spanish ryals of almes, which had byn gathered in the Church at a sermon for a poore Italian, this man making his necessity to be greater then his, and then comming to Ciuil he so assaulted F. Persons with weeping and teares, and by intercession of D. Stillington and M. Martin Aray his countrey men and others, as he took his nephew for scholler into the house, and himself also for com­moner through their infinite importunity, but yet so as he of­fered to pay his owne commons, and somwhat also at the be­ginning for his nephew, who being a very proper youth died soone after, and that greatly occasioned (as he said) by his vncles vntemperate dealing with him, and after P. Persons was departed from Ciuil to Madrid, his said vncle the old Midleton was remoued also by the Rector out of the Colledge for his in­tolerable, passionate and vnruly behauiour, which yet the Fa­ther returning to Ciuil did seek to remedy most charitably, and being importuned by his continual sollicitations with teares and cryes, yeilded also at length to haue him made priest by priuiledg of the Seminary,The ingrate­ful behauiour of M. Midleton to­vvards F. Persons. which he once hauing obtayned & F. Persons departed thence againe he fel out with the Rector againe and with M. Martin Aray and other friendes, and so went he away from Ciuil insalutato hospite, and going thence to Madrid he found F. Persons there, who offered againe to prouide for him in the Seminary, or residence of Lisbone, but he refu­sing to go, stole away secretly from Madrid also and went to­wards Rome in the yeare 1596. and in the way falling into the company of a Spanish gentleman that loued greatly F. Persons, he made himself his dearest frend and scholler, and therby got the most part of his charges; but when he came to Rome, he ioyned againe which the troublesome there, where [Page] F. Persons arriuing soone after he excused the matter, and asked him pardon, by whome he was very courteously vsed, and often tymes inuited to the Colledge, and being afterward ta­ken in a certayne tauerne with some disorderly schollers and put in prison, he was deliuered againe soone after by F. Persons meanes, and besides this when he meant a litle after to de­part from Rome the said Father not only procured him the graunt of xxv. Crownes in gold of his Hol. for his viaticum, but also agreed with one Don Andrea de Cordua a noble Spanish gentleman in Rome auditor of the Rota that M. Middleton should go downe with his nephew a yong noble man, into Flaunders in forme of a certayne tutor, and therby haue his charges born by the way, which yet took no effect, for that two dayes before they should depart according to his former tricks he delighting more in priuate begging then otherwayes to be prouided for, departed secretly out of Rome, without taking his leaue of F. Persons, or any of the En­glish Colledge, in so much as great doubt was cōceaued what was become of him vntil some monethes afterward it was vn­derstood that he had passed beging through Germany into France where he placed himselfe in seruice with a certayne Bishop, and thence againe in the yeare 1600. he returned to Rome, and repayring to F. Persons was by him most cour­teously receaued and entertayned for diuers dayes in the Col­ledge, notwithstāding all the former prankes played and in­gratitude shewed, which he fel vnto afterward againe, ioy­ning with them that were factious abroad, and so went from Rome againe without saluting him.

And this is the whole true story of M. Midleton so often ob­iected by our seditious people in their libels, for which cause we haue thought best to relate the same once at large, to the end yow may by this one exāple iudge of many more of like kynd alleadged against F. Persons, the truth wherof we haue receaued by the relation of diuers graue and Reuerend priests that do know all this to be most true, and can proue it by many witnesses, and that F. Persons neuer so much as talked [Page 111] with Midleton in his whole lyfe of the Infanta to his remem­brance, or of her succession or marriage in England, he being no fit man for such treatyes, and much lesse that F. Persons euer had penny of his money by cosenage or other wayes, but that whatsoeuer he brought to Ciuil with him, he carryed away againe, excepting only that litle contribution which for him­self and his nephewes commons he paid to F. Peralta the Rector of that Colledge, as he wil testifie, which was much lesse then they spent, or otherwayes could haue had for dou­ble in other places. So as heerby yow may see the truth of these libels, or rather the lying spirit of the wryters.

There were no end if we should go forward to repeat but the hundreth part of notorious slaunders and lyes which are diuulged in this infamous book of Quodlibets, About the book or Me­morial of Re­formation. nay it would aske a particular volume to answere the manifest vntruthes, and shamelesse assertions, that are in one only article of one of his Quodlibets, to wit the second article of the fourth Quod ­libet where among many other absurdityes and notorious lyes, he presumeth also like a bold blynd bayatd to put downe resolutely and particularly, the Decrees & particular statutes (as he tearmeth them conteyned in the fornamed book ascribed to F. Persons about the reformation of our English Church in a Catholike tyme, of which book we haue wrytten suf­ciently before in the 5. Chapter of this worke, and only haue to ad in this place, that the audacity of these people, is such, as not hauing seene or read that book as appeareth by their wryting, yet do they euery where vrge the same, first vnder a knowen false title deuised by themselues, calling it, the high Court of Reformation, Supra Cap. 5. the true title being, A memorial for Reforma­tion, &c. as hath byn declared; and then setting downe such decrees (wheras indeed nothing is decreed but suggested only throughout that book) as neuer were made, wryttē or thought of by the author, but rather the quite contrary.

As for example they say, the first decree is, that when En­gland shalbe restored to the Cath. faith, no orders of religious people, shalbe suffered to returne into England or be permitted to liue [Page] within the Brytans Ocean (as their words are) but only Iesuits & Capuchynes, & this for that Capuchines taking no rent or temporal pos­sessions, the Iesuits shal remayne with all, &c. VVheras first he that readeth the said Memorial shal not fynd the Iesuits so much as once named throughout all that book; and secondly there is no speech of Brittish Ocean or Scotland therin contayned, but only of England. And thirdly the plaine contrary to that which they affirme is expressely set downe in diuers parts of the said Memorial, to wit, that all religious orders approued in the Church of God, without exception should be restored in respect of the publike iniury done to all by their expulsion, which is set downe in one place thus:

The second act enacted or Statute (saith he) made in that high infer­nal Consistory,Pag. 93. was concerning Church & Abbey lands, &c. all which must be vnder the holy Society of Iesus, presently vpon the establishing of the spiritual monarchie, which done, their Father General must cal out 4. Iesuits and two secular priests, (who must be also demy Iesuits) & these six vicars (I pray God not of hell, for of heauen they are not) like six Duch peeres shal haue the lands,Pag. 94. meanes, &c. resigned ouer to their hands, for to allow to Bishops, persons, & Vicars, &c. a competent stypend only to liue on, euen as the Turkes Bassaes & Genisaryes do lyue vnder him.

Thus wryteth he as out of the said book wherof no one word is there but all to the contrary. The third Statute (saith he) was made concerning the nobility & gentry, such as (to omit others) Sir Robert Cecil, Sir Iohn Fortescue, &c. with sundry other knights and Squyres, all which were limited by that blynd prophane parlament, what retinue they should keep, how much should be allowed them to spend yearly, &c. And do yow not think these men to be more then half frantick that publish such deuises in print?

The fourth Statute (saith he) was made concerning the common lawes of this land, & consisted in this principal poynt, that all the great Charter of England must be burnt,Pag. 94.& all the manner of holding lands in fee simple, fee tayle, franke almayne, &c. must be brought into villany, schoggery and popularity, &c. Thus he saith; but if yow read the book it selfe yow shal find the playne contradictory of all put downe in the said Memorial. For in the fourth Chapter of the third part therof which is intituled: Of the Innes of Court and [...] [Page] [...] [Page 114] [Page] study of common lawes, &c. the whole course of the same lawes is persuaded to he continued with supply of some points that may be found wanting and reformation of others that may be abused, so as all this heer alleadged is a meere fiction in the ayre.

The fifth Statute (saith he) was concerning Calumniation, with a prouiso in the forsaid Statute that whosoeuer did offend a Iesuit, or speak against this high Counsel of Reformation, it should be lawful for the Fathers or their Synodical ministers to defame, detract & calumniate him or her at their pleasure; be who they shal be, noble peere, or Prince, Bishop, Cardinal or the Pope himself, &c. To this deuised Statute, we know not what ro say, seing there was neuer any such word or thought.

The sixt Statute (saith he) in the forsaid high Counsel of Reforma­tion, may wery wel be called the Statute of Retractation, which is a hoate counterblast to the former horneblast of Calumniation, & it goes vnder the tenour of a prouiso, that if such & such things do happen, then the persons defamed, contemned and condemned ad inferos aliue, shalbe as highly exalted, aduaunced and elcuated ad caelos after their death, &c. This they wryte, which being matters of meere madnes, as yow see, and neuer dreamed of by the author, deserue only contempt and compassion for answere, especially seing that in the end of all their babling about this book of reformation & Statutes therin conteyned, they conclude their whole treatese thus:

Happie were some men,Pag. 109.yf they might but haue a sight of that Statute book, &c. No doubt, but he should fynd notable stuffe in it, that would serue for many purposes, &c. Confession of their ovvne foly & malice [...] This he seemeth to say of himself cō ­fessing herby that he neuer saw the book by him impugned, so that whatsoeuer he hath set downe in almost 20. pages to­geather against the same is not ouely without book but also must needs be forged and deuised hy himself. And this is sufficient to shew the mans honesty and the credit of his compagnions and cause.

All which being considered litle more needeth to be said in this place, for direction of discreet & prudent Catholiks how [Page 113] to beare themselues (which is the argument of this Chapter) in this tyme of controuersy and contention raysed by the common aduersary and mayntayned by his instruments, wherin we can say no more, but as the holy Apostle S. Iohn said vnctio docebit, 1. Ioan. 2. the sweet direction of Gods holy spirit wilbe a sufficient guide vnto Catholiks in this behalf;1. Cor. 12. and the dis­cretiō or discerning of spirits so often and highly commēded by S. Paul,Hebr. 5. and by vs before recommended wil yeild aboundāt light for the same.

For he that shal but a litle consider with himself on what side goeth the spirit of modesty,Some consi­derations for discerning the spirit of our conten­tious. patience, longanimity, obe­dience, truth, charity, mortification, feare of God and the like, and on the other side the playne contrary spirits of clamors, rage, reuenge, enuy and emulation, audacious speches, disobe­dience, contempt, resistance, temerarious assertions, false and slaunderous asseuerations, as out of their books haue byn she­wed. He that wil weigh further with himself, where how and when, and by what men, and against whome and vpon what causes and motiues these emulations and contentions were first begone, and haue byn continued synce and what manner of men out of all sorts of discontented people haue runne vnto them against their Superiors, maisters, Fathers, & benefactors, & what ends the most of thē haue had or are like to haue, according as in ourCap. 2. 3. 4. & 5. Apologie we haue declared. He that wil ponder moreouer how, and by whome this great worke of Englands conuersion was begonne, and hath byn mayntayned synce, and is brought to the state wherin now it standeth, and that the vnion of this body hath euer consisted in due subordination of one to another, which these men now cannot abide; it wilbe very easy to frame a sound iudgment of the whole cause and men that handle it.

For first denyed it cannot be, that priests and Iesuits ioy­ning all togeather at the beginning of the Seminaryes, both at Doway, Rhemes, Rome, and other places afterwards, to wit, D. Allen, D. Saunders, D. Stapleton D. Bristow, D. VVebbe & many other graue men of our nation,VVho do ga­ther & vvho do disperse. togeather with the help, credit, and [Page] assistance of the Fathers of the Society, both there and els [...] did set this cause first on foot, and haue promoted the same euer synce, with conioyned labors of teaching, prea­ching wryting bookes and the like, and God hath prospered their labors, as by the effects we see, which being so it is easy to perceaue what spirit this is now which goeth about to se­perate and disioyne all this agayne, vnder fond and odious pretences, that they are of diuers bodyes of diuers Societyes and of different vocations? &c. Is not this that diuelish spirit of dispersing; so much detested by Christ himself in the ghos­pel? Consider we pray yow, who do gather and who do disperse.

And then further yf we consider wherfore these dispersers haue made all this trouble and diuision, all this foule breach in our publike cause that was so highly honoured and admyred by straungers before, and haue alienated so many mens harts from vs, and giuen so much matter of ioy and laughter to our enemyes at home:VVhy our contentious priests haue styrred so much. yf we examine what hath byn the founda­tion of all this we shal fynd no other by their owne confes­sion, but for that an ecclesiastical Superiour was put ouer them without their asking or consent. But was this a sufficient cause (trow yow) to make so great broyles in such a tyme and place, as this is? Suppose he had byn an euil man that was so appoynted (as no moderate Cathol. or Protestāt we think wil affirme that know him) had it not byn more modesty, meek­nes and prudence also to obay, as the rest of the Cleargie did (being twenty to one of them and their faction) then to haue made these scandalous broyles, for which their soules must one day answere to almighty God?

And yet further when afterward vpon their first tumul­tuation that litle treatese of schisme was wrytten with diuers sharper words then some could haue wished, but yet takē out of the Canons themselues, and suppose it had byn ouersharp­ly and vnaduisedly done, yet seing it was neuer printed, nor passed furrher then the hands of particular men at home, can this be an excuse to such multitudes of horrible sc­launderous [Page 114] bookes and libels published fynce for reuenge both in English and latyn, to the vtter infamy of our cause and Nation?

No heretike or Archeretike,All heresyes haue some shevv of iust cause giuen them at the beginning. that euer was, wanted some probable shew of offence or expostulation at the first breach, as may be shewed in euery one of them: and yf we beleeue the wryters of our tyme Martyn Luther had no smal occasion giuen him by the Dominicans, for depriuing him and his order of the preminence to publish the Popes Bulles. Iohn Caluyn also had a great exasperation by the Bishop of Noyon in France, that burned him in the back; But was this inough (think yow) to iustifie or excuse the scandals that after ensued by their see­king of reuenge? One thing is certayne in this our case, & not vnlike to theirs (especially to that of Luther) that as he kno­wing wel his superiors mynd and iudgment to be against him, and not daring openly to contradict them, gaue fayre words and promises for a good space, but euer did the contrary and passed from worse to worse: so our trouble some people know­ing from the first beginning of the institution of the Archpriest yea before he was appoynted, that his Hol. iudgment and af­fection was wholy against them in this contention and emu­lation against the Fathers of the Society (for he had told di­uers of them so by his owne mouth in Rome before they came from thence and this with very sharp speech as in theCap. 4. & [...] Apo­logie is shewed) yet went they forward in protesting in their first bookes, that their quarrel was only against Card. Cai [...]tans letters, and the credit therof, and that any least word of his Hol owne wryting should quiet them and end all controuer­syes; and yet now after two Apostolical Breues wrytten to content and satisfie them, and diuers other letters both of the Card. Cai [...]tan, and Burghesius, and others to the same effect to testifie his Hol. wil, desyre, iudgment, resolution, determina­tion, and commandement therin, yet are they more trouble­some and lesse satisfied then before and do break to further scandals euery day more then other as yow see.

Yf any man wil maruayle at this, and aske the true causes, we can answere no otherwayes, but that this is Gods iudgmēt [Page] against them for breaking vnion and vnity so highly co­mended, and earnestly commaunded by Christ in his worke. But if we wil seeke for some other causes also a parterei, Causes of obstinacy. there want not diuers, especially that of ambition, liberty of lyfe, and their promises and obligation to their new patrons my L. of London and orhers; All which being considered; no man ought to maruay le if they hold out with great obstinacy in she contraspem, as M. Bluet sayth in his letter to M. Mush, euen against the remorse of their owne conscien­ces. God send them his holy grace to see the daunger wherunto they runne. And with this we end this whole trea­tese.