A manifestation of the great folly and bad spirit of certayne in England calling themselues secular priestes VVho set forth dayly most infamous and contumelious libels against worthy men of their owne religion, and diuers of them their lawful superiors, of which libels sundry are heer examined and refuted. By priestes lyuing in obedience.

A manifestation of the great folly and bad spirit of certayne in England calling themselues secular priestes VVho set forth dayly most infamous and contumelious libels against worthy men of their owne religion, and diuers of them their lawful superiors, of which libels sundry are heer examined and refuted. By priestes lyuing in obedience.

Table of contents

Title page

¶Of the contradiction of fond men.

THE PREFACE to the Catholike Reader.

THE CONTENTES OF THIS BOOK.

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THERE MANIFEST FOLLY AND APPARANT BAD SPIRIT IN CHOOSING the argument and subiect of these their bookes. CAP. I.

OF THEIR FOLLY AND passionate spirit declared in the maner of handling the former argumentes. CAP. II.

THERE FOLLY AND presumptious spirit in making to them selues such aduersaries, as they do. CAP. III.

OF THEIR FOLLY AND vnshamfast spirit in vttering open and manifest vntruthes and contradictions to their owne discredit. CAP. IIII.

OF THEIR GREAT FOLLY and malignant spirit in obiecting certayne books to F. Persons, which yf they be his, cannot but giue him much credit & commendation, with a brief confutation of a fond pamphlet set forth in answere to the book of succession. CAP. V.

THEIR FOLLY AND DEceaued spirit in persuading themselues to get credit, or recouer that which is lost, with any sorte of men, be they frendes or enemyes by this their maner of proceeding with clamors and libels. CAP. VI.

OF FIVE OTHER BOOKES or rather absurd and sclanderous libels come forth since the answering of the former two; and tenne more promised. CAP. VII.

Of the libel intituled, a sparing discouery of English Iesuites, and of F. Persons proceedings, &c. §. 1.

Of the libel intituled A Dialogue betwixt a secular priest, and a lay gentleman, &c. §. 2.

Of the libel of A. C. to his Cosyn. §. 3.

Of other two libels, the first called a Memorial, the other the Quodlibettes. §. 4.

CERTAINE DIRECTIONS vnto Catholikes, how to discerne the truth; and how to beare themselues in this tyme of contention with an examination of diuers notorious and famous lyes of VV. VV. in his book of Quodlibets. CAP. VIII.

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A MANIFESTATION OF THE GREAT FOLLY AND BAD SPIRIT OF certayne in England calling themselues secular priestes.

VVho set forth dayly most infamous and contumelious libels against worthy men of their owne religion, and diuers of them their lawful Superiors, of which libels sundry are heer examined and refuted.

By priestes lyuing in obedience.

2. Tim. 3.

Their folly, shalbe manifest to all men.

Luc [...].

The vncleane spirit went foorth and took seauen other spirits, more wicked then himself, and all entring dwelt there, and the ending of those men was worse then the beginning.

Superiorum Permissu. 1602.

¶Of the contradiction of fond men.

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PRoficit semper contradictio stultorum ad stultitiae demonstrationem; quia quae ingenio insipientis aut peruersae intelligentiae aduersus veritatem coaptantur, dum & in concussa & immobilis est, necesse est, vt quae è diuerso sunt, & fals [...] intelligantur & stulta.

Hilar. lib. 8. de Trinit.

THe more that vnwise men do contend and contradict others, the more they make manifest their owne indiscretion and folly: for that such arguments as are framed eyther by their owne fond inuentions or peruerse misconstructions against truth (that remayneth euer immoueable and not to be shaken) must needs be found to be false and foolish.

THE PREFACE to the Catholike Reader.

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MVCH against our wils were we forced these dayes past (deare Catholike reader) to interrupt the course of our peaceable priestly labors, and to enter into a certayne contention and warre of wryting, not so much against the comon enemy of our religion (for that had byn comfortable) as against our owne tumultuous brethren, in defence of order, iustice, and innocency, and of the lawful authority of our Superiors intemperatly impugned by them, which defence we called, an Apologie of the English Catholike Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, &c. endeauoring therin so to temper the style of our wryting, as migh [...] be somewhat answerable to the grauity of the subiect, & yet exasperate no further the impugner [...] then the necessary opening of the truth of matters should meerly force vs vnto; and this we hope that euery indifferent Reader wil haue considered, and be ready to beare vs witnesse.

And this office being once performed for the true information of those that desyre to knowe how matters had passed, our meaning was to go no further in this contention but to returne to our reposed lyfe againe, and so our hope was, that we might, but alas we [...] prooue the contrary,Plut. i [...] Sy [...] pos. and that as a graue author saith: facilior est ortus, quam exitus rix [...]rum, the beginning of braulings is easyer then the ending, especially when the passions wheron they are grounded, be inward and permanent, as in our case it seemeth to stand, the ground of al these contentions appearing euidently, to be enuy and emulation, fostered by ambition, anger, reuenge and other such Assistants, which how perilous and pernicious counselors they be to continue debate, rancor, and malice, and to bring all to perdition that harken vnto them, were ouerlong to recyte out of holy mens wrytings, yet can I not omit the saying of an old Saint, Pi [...]mmo [...], the Anachorite recounted by [...] Cassia [...]us almost twelue hundred yeares pas [...]; his speech is this:

[Page] Sciendum sanè est i [...]idiae morbu [...] difficilius ad medel [...]m qu [...]m [...]tera vitia perduci, Cassian. col. 18 Cap. 17. nam eum, quem semel veneni sui peste corruperit, penè dixerim carere remedio: ipsa nam (que) est lues de qua figuraliter dicitur per prophetam: Ecce ego mittam vobis serpentes regulos quibus non est incantatio, & mordeb [...]nt vos, &c. Hier. 2. ‘Yow must know that the sicknesse of enuy is cured more hardly then other vices, in so much that when any man is infected with this venome, I may almost say, that he is irremediable, seing this infectiō is that wherof God speaketh of by Hieromie the prophet figuratiuely: Behould I vvil send vpon yovv deadly serpents, against vvhome no inchauntment shal preuayle, & they shal byte yovv, &c.’ Thus beginneth he his treatese of this matter, wherin for that diuers things are most excellently spoken by him fit to our purpose, and easy to be applyed to the present state of our affayers, we think it not amisse to recyte some part therof more at large: heare then his discourse:

Rightly (saith he) is the byting of enuy compared by the prophet to the venemous stinging of a deadly basiliske serpent, wherby the first poysoned serpent of all others, yea the author and inuentor of all poyson (the diuel) was both slayne and slue. For first by enuy he slue himself, & afterward him whome he enuyed, to wit our first parent, [...]. 2. according to the saying of the scripture: By enuy of the diuel death entred into the vvorld, &c. And as he being once deadly infected with this poyson of enuy could neuer after be cured, eyther by the holsome medicine of pennance or otherwise, but perished eternally: so men that suffer themselues to be corrupted with the same poyson, and bytings of enuy; do become incurable, excluding all helpes of holsome inchauntements of the holy Ghost against the same.

The reason wherof is, for that the enuious are not styrred vp to hate others for any true fault, which they see in them, but rather for their good parts, vertues and gifts of God, and so being ashamed to vtter the true causes in deed of their auersion, they pretend other idle & superfluous external reasons, which being no true causes indeed, but only fayned, it is but tyme lost to go about to remoue them: the true causes indeed lying hidden in the bottome of their entralles, &c. Nay further this pestilence of enuy when it once entreth mās hart it becometh so incurable, as it is exasperated by faire speech, puffed vp by humble offices, and styrred to wrath by gyfts & good turnes;Pro [...]. 22. Secundum 70. Into. in so much as Salomon saith, nihil sustinet zelus, nothing can content or satisfie emulation; for by how much the party enuyed is eminent eyther in humility, patience, munificence, or other vertues; the more potent prickes of enuy hath the enuyer to be styrred vp against [Page] him, nor is he satisfied with any thing but with his death or ruine, &c.

Wherfore so much the more pernicious and incureable is enuy aboue all other vices, by how much more it is encreased, & nourished by those very remedyes wherby other synnes are cured and extinguished; as for example: he that is angry with yow for some hurt receaued, if yow recompence him liberally he is content and satisfied: He that complayneth of an iniury receaued, if yow giue him humble satisfaction he is pleased againe: But what wil yow do to him who the more humble and benigne he seeth yow, the more is he offended to see those vertues in yow? And what seruant of God to satisfie an enuious man wil leaue of vertue and other good things, wherwith God hath endewed him? &c.

Thus wryteth that blessed man, and how fully this falleth out in our affayre, where Gods holy gyfts and vertues themselues are enuyed at, by them that wil not immitate the same, is easy to discerne. And if no other proof were extant, yet their owne books set forth in such number and with such passion to discredit their aduersaryes are sufficient witnesses, wherin they set downe so many high prayses giuen by other men to their said aduersaryes, as albeit the partyes thē selues, do nether chalēge nor acknowledge them, yet is it euidēt, that the enuy of these and other like prayses hath put these mens mynds quite out of ioynt. Neyther remayneth there any way (as it seemeth) for the enuyed in this case to discharge them̄selues of this raging tempest raysed against them, but eyther to chaunge their laudable course of lyfe, wherby they haue gotten that esteeme which these men enuy at: (& this is not tolerable) or for these men to alter their iudgmēts, and se their owne follyes and passiōs herin, which we shal endeauour to lay before them in this our treatese, and that out of their owne bookes and wrytings.

And albeit we had fully purposed (as before is sayd) to wryte no more about this argumēt, yer seing so many libels to come our daylie so false and slaunderous, & so pernicious, not only to Christian vnity but also to the integrity of Catholike faith & verity, and those vnder the names of priests, the very honor of priesthood it selfe hath forced vs to take pen in hand againe (contrary to our former determinatiō) therby to wipe away (if it be possible) some part of that notorious discredit, and slaunder which iustly otherwise may fal vpon our whole order if such intemperate proceedings published in priests names, should passe vncontrouled by all kynd of priests.

Wherfore, our entent in this treatese is, to shew that eyther these [Page] infamous libels set forth in priests names are not indeed of priests, but of some other that play their parts, or if they come from priests indeed, then must we needs runne, in this matter, to the words of our Sauiour touching sal infatuatum infatuated priests,Math. 5. such as haue lost not only all sauour of priestly wisdome,Luc. 14. and shining light of true vnderstanding, but all true spirit also of Christian priests and priesthood, which we shal declare by diuers proofes and considerations, takē out of their owne books, for which cause we haue intituled this treatese. A manifestation of the great folly and bad spirit of some in England that call themselues secular priestes. Luc. 11. Wherunto we were induced the rather as wel by those words of S. Paul. alleadged in our first page, insipientia corum manifesta erit omnibus: 2. Tim. 3. their folly shalbe made manifest to all (speaking of such as made diuision) as also by that dreadful parable of our Sauiour, concerning the wicked vncleane spirit, that leauing men for a tyme, and finding no rest abroad returned, and perceauing the habitation left by him to be wel cleansed, but not wel fenced, entred againe with seauen worse spirits then himself, and so made the ending of those men worse then their beginning.

It were ouer long, and exceeding the measure of a preface, to set downe heer, the interpretations and godly considerations of old ancient Saints about this parable of our Sauiour, especially seing that for so much as appertayneth to this our affayre, it is not hard for any man to see the coherence and application therof for that when these libellers were first made priests (if they be priests) and took that most sacred order of cleargy vpon them, wherby they weare adopted into the peculiar choise and seuered portion of almighty God (for so much importeth Cleargie) they did not only renounce the spirit of Sathan in general, as men do in baptisme by those words: ab renuncio diabolo & omnibus operibus eius, &c. but particularly also the prophane & secular spirit of the world, and all corruption and vncleanesse therof appertayning to libetty of the flesh, by their strait obligation of chastity deuotion & piety annexed to that holy calling aboue other men, which prophane and vncleane spirit being once excluded, by the holy character and vnction of priesthood, and the house made cleane by the broome of holy pennance, adorned also with graces and gyfts of the holy Ghost, if after the same spirit returne agayne, and fynd the guard and defence therof weake by negligence of the keeper, or the dores broken open by the violence of passions (as in our case, alas, it seemeth to stand) he presumeth (saith our Sauiour) not only to enter agayne himself, but to take bad company also with him, to wit [Page] seauen other spirits nequiores se, more wicked then himself, that is to say more spiritual malitious, more couert and hidden, more obstinate and self willed, more opposite to charity, and more like to the diuel himself, that is a meer spirit, and the head patron and fountayne of all wicked wilful spirits.

For albeit the grosse spirit of wordly sensualitie be a foule and vncleane spirit (especially in a priest) and be also from the diuel, yet as Cassianus in the former place doth note, and all other Fathers do obserue in like manner, it is no way so dangerous or wicked as are the spirits of more spiritual sinnes, to witt enuy, pride, ambition, hatred, reuenge & other like, which are so counterset and couered poysons, as often tymes they are not knowne nor held for vices, and consequently neyther cured nor cared for; nay they passe for vertues, & so are often tymes taken by the possessors themselues, as for example; enuy for zeale in Gods cause, pride for corage, ambition for desyre of ability to do much good, and so in the rest; wherby it cometh to passe that he whose house is possessed with these most pernicious guests doth think himself wel furnished, and in good case, and consequently neyther endeauoreth to expel them out, nor confesseth his fault or negligence therin, nor seeketh remedy by the holy refuge of pennance, good counsel or other spiritual helpes, and herby cometh it to passe that which our Sauiour saith: fiunt nouissim [...] hominis istiu [...], peioraprioribus, the ending of this man is worse then his begynning. VVherunto that dreadful commination of the holy Apostle S. Paul. doth wel agree also, who sayth: (wryting to the Hebrues) Impossible est [...]os, qui semel sunt illuminati, &c. & prolapsi, rursus renouari ad poenitentiam. It is vnpossible for them that are once lightened by Gods grace, and fal back agayne, to be renewed by pennance.

Which words howsoeuer we vnderstand them, eyther that the grace of baptisme is here meant, or the word impossible, Hebr. [...] taken for hard and rare, euery way, and in all senses, it is a most terrible sentence, & ought to mooue men greatly, that do see themselues fallen from a better state to a worse, and from a quiet, calme, sweet, humble & modest spirit, to a proud, turbulent, ireful, impudent or contemptuous behauiour towards their brethren or equals, and much more to their betters and superiors. And this shalbe sufficient by way of Preface. The rest yow shal discerne by that which is treated in the Chapters following.

THE CONTENTES OF THIS BOOK.

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THe Preface to the Catholike Reader.

The manifest folly and apparant bad spirit of the wryters of these libels, in choosing the subiect & argument of such late books as they haue set forth. CAP. I.

Their folly and passionate spirit declared in the manner of handling [...]he said Argumentes. CAP. II.

Their folly and presumptuous spirit, in making to the [...]selues such aduersaryes as they do. CAP. III.

Their folly & vnsh [...]mfast spirit in vttering so open and manifest vntruthes, and contradictions to their owne discredit. CAP. IIII.

Their folly and malignant spirit in obiecting certayne books to F. Persons, which if they be his, cannot but giue him much credit and commendatiō: with a brief confutation of a fond paniphlet set forth in answere to the book of succession. CAP. V.

Their folly and deceaued spirit in persuading themselues to get credit or recouer that which is lost with any [...]t of men (be they frends or enemyes) by this manner of proceeding with clamors and libels. CAP. VI.

Of fiue other books or rather absurd and scandalous libels come forth since the Answering of the former two; and of ten more promised. CAP. VII.

Certayne directions vnto Catholikes h [...]w to discerne the truth, and how to beare thēselues in this tyme of contention: with an examination of diuers notorious and infamous lyes of VV. VV. in his book of Quod [...]bets. CAP. VIII.

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THERE MANIFEST FOLLY AND APPARANT BAD SPIRIT IN CHOOSING the argument and subiect of these their bookes.
CAP. I.

FIRST then to beginne with the argument and subiect of these our discontented priests late books, it shal not be needful for prouing our purpose to runne them ouer all which hitherto are six that haue come to our hands, the first in latyn, intituled:The first booke. Declaratio mo [...]uum & turbationum, &c. A declaration of styrres and troubles, &c. which cōteyning nothing els indeed, but a certayne intemperate inuectyue against many good and worthy men, wel deseruing both of them, & of our countrey, and replenished with innumerable slanders most manifestly false, and prooued by no other reasons, authorityes or restimonies, but the words of the passionate wryters, hath made all strangers that haue read the same to haue a strāge opinion of english mens humors, when they are in passion; about which poynt see the table of deceits falshoods and slanders set before our Apologie, and the Apologie it selfe. Cap. II.

The second bookeThe second booke. is intituled: The Copies of discourses, &c. wherof the first part being contrary to the second, doth easily both answere and confound it selfe [...] For that in the formost discourses all these mennes oppositiōs & impugnations of the [Page] Archpriest do stand vpon the want of the Popes owne letters to cōfirme those of the Card. Protector, wherby the Archpriest was appoynted, assuring vs, that whensoeuer any such confirmation should come from his Hol. there would be no more controuersy: and yet the very next ensuyng discourses in the same booke (his Hol. Breue of Approbation being now published) do shew that they were much farther of from obaying the Archpriest, then before.

And this was the first childbirth after their long and troublesome trayuayling thrust out to the world very vnexpectedly to mooue new troubles at that tyme when they made profession to haue appealed to his Hol. and would attend his auswere and resolution therin; which resolution, as synce we have seene, came forth soone after against them, though his Hol. at that tyme knewe nothing of these seditious bookes; the iniquity wherof was and is such, as yf they had byn seene, it seemeth impossible that his Hol.His Hol. second Breue 17. Ang. 1601 would haue answered so myldly as he doth, though we know his nature and disposition, wholy bent to myldnes, and according to the same disposition, we haue also endeauored in our Apology or answere to these two libels, to lay open the iniurious proceeding of our tempted Brethrē in those books, and to mitigate their distempered humors the best we could.The Apology. And for that this Apologie is now in the hands of the Readers to peruse, we will say no more therof, but remyt it, and our selues to their discreet iudgments.

After this came out two other twynnes at one tyme the one in English,Tvvo others libels. the other in latyn; the first is intituled: the hope of peace by laying open the Archpriests vntruthes, &c. The second conteyneth the copies as well of the Card. Protectors letters for the institution of the Archpriest, by his Hol. authority, as also the Popes owne Breue for confirmation therof: The letter also of Card, Burghesi [...]s Viceprotector in reprehēsion of M. Charnock [...] for disobaying of the sentēce giuen by the two Card [...] in Rome against them and other such like wrytings. VVhich two bookes comming to our hāds after our foresaid Apology was ended induced [...] vs to make a certayne Appendix The Appēdix to the Apologie. for vnfolding [Page] their contents; the one hauing nothing but some few handfuls of vanity and scurrility layd to geather, vnfit to be further treated by modest men, and the second representing nothing els, but the reproofe and condemnation of their owne contentious proceedings.

And thus much concerning the foure former books whose arguments being as we haue rehearsed, we remit our selues, how great a manifestation it hath byn of their owne folly, passion and imprudence to take this course of clamorous libelling and defaming their owne frends, and therby also obliging them for defence of their innocency to returne auswere which they were most loath and vnwilling to doe.

But yf there were but an inch of folly in wryting and publishing the former 4 books,A third pay [...]e of libels. there is an ell in these last two, that now are come forth: the one bringing vs a new relation of the sedition and contention passed in VVisbich: the other: Important considerations to mooue all vniesuited Catholikes (as their phrase is) to acknowledge the myld and mercifull procedings of the State of England towards them for matters of religion, synce the beginning of her Maiesties raygne, &c. These two books we say, and the subiect therof togeather with the maner of handling, and other circumstances before mencioned are sufficient, yf nothing els were, to ouerthrow the whole credit of our discontented brethren, with all sorts of discreet and modest men, not only Catholikes, but also Protestāts, as by ripping vp some parts therof shal easily appeare.

For first concerning the relation of matters fallen out in VVisbich, The relation of VVisbich. he that shal haue read the sixt chapter of our Apologie about these affaires where matters are set downe playnly and sincerely with order and perspicuity, without eyther amplifications or exaggerations (as heere is vsed in this new Rhetorical narration) authentically also vnder mens hands and letters, and not in words alone, scoffes and iests, as these men doe; whosoeuer we say, shall read that, and conferre it with this, & consider the different maner of our wrytings and proofes from theirs, will easily (we doubt not) see where truth goeth as also the discreed it which these men do runne into by [Page] ripping vp that matter againe: yet shall we in this place lay before yow some other considerations also to the same effect.

And first we would haue yow to weigh attentiuely that yf all were true which these accusers pretend in this their narratiō of VVisbich (for of this vvil vve treat first) about F. VVestōs, desyre to haue that Agency in VVisbich Castle for directing of some in that prison towards a more retyred lyfe, which these men contemptuously call Donatisme, Regular and retyred lyfe called donatisme. or that he had taken the foresaid office willingly vpō him when he was elected by the cōpany, or permitted by his Superior to take it, yf all this we say had byn true (as we shal shew after the most points to be false) yet how may that odious consequence be drawne from hence, which these men euery where do inferre, that all the rest of the Iesuits throughout Englād, yf they could haue preuayled in this one thing, would by this platforme & presidēt haue gotten the gouernmēt ouer all secular priests within the whole Realme; how we say & by what reason doth this follow, or what coherēce hath the gouernmēt ouer secular priests abroad with the priuate direction of a few particular men in VVisbich Castle? doth not euery man discouer great folly heere in this forced inference? But now to the antecedent:

VVhat likelyhood is there that Father VVeston being a man of those parts and qualityes as he is; & hauing byn Prouincial (as these men say) of all the Iesuits in England, would seeke so greedyly for so poorea preferment as is to be Agent, Most Improbable inferē ces and asser [...]. and seruāt (for Superior they confesse he refused to be) to a few of his fellow prisoners in that Castle or that F. VValley Prouincial for the present (as by these men he is called (and F. Persons his Superior againe in Rome (which two they call afterward most scornefully the one knig, the other Emperor) should so bestyrre themselues & weary all their frends to gett F. VVeston, (looking euery day rather for martyrdome, then otherwise) such an aduancement, with so great trouble and offence in the prison, where he was? And is this credible in men of witt, or to men of reason?

Heere then is discouered extreeme passion and perturbation of mynd in these relators and in nothing more, then that they [Page] make it a matter so exorbytāt, & vndecent for a religio [...]s man to haue the direction of secular priests in matters of spirit and deuotion by way of companyes and congregations, wheras themselues cannot be ignorant, that in all Catholike contreys throughout the world where Iesuits liue, it is very ordinary among other meanes which they vse,The vse and vtility of spiritual cōgregations. for assisting men in spiritual affayres to institute seueral congregations & confraternityes of all sorts of people, themselues being Prefects and directors therof for exercise of all pious works and godlynes, and this was in Paris and other cittyes of France, while they remayned there, and is at this day in Rome, Naples, Siuill, Toledo, Valencia, Salamanca, and other townes of Italy and Spayne and other places, and the fruite of these congregations is infinite for all kynd of piety, and in Rome it selfe it cannot be denied, but that great prelats noble men and Cardinals themselues are of these congregations, wherin priuate religious men of this order, be euer the heads & prefects for direction and execution of the rules, yet do not those Cardinals or Prelats, thinke thē selues disgraced by this, or accompt Iesuits ambitious, proud or arrogant for taking the same vpon thē, as these our haughty mynded brethren do; neyther do they doubt, or feare least by this act the Iesuits pretend afterward a gouernment ouer all Cardinals as these men seeme to feare ouer all secular preists, though the matter in it selfe be ridiculous.

Moreouer wheras the principal butt of these mē is throughout this booke (a graue argument or subiect no doubt) to shew that F. VVeston aspired to this office of Ageny in the pryson among those priests that desyred to liue more retyred and to haue rules of pious conuersation appoynted them, they do first confesse and set downe the quite contrary out of his owne words and doings, (which ought to be the best trials with indifferen men) and then do seeke to proue their purpose by interpreting his meaning to be different from his words and deeds, so as where all spiritual authors do teach vs, that according to charity we ought to follow this rule that then when mennes words or actions of thēselues cannot wel be defended, we should interpret wel at leastwise their intention, [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [Page] these men wil needs follow the contrary rule against F. VVeston condemning his intention when his words and actions are outwardly good,Galumniating of intē tion vvhen vvords and vvorks cānot be touched. & cannot be condēned as yow may see pag. 8. 9. & 10. of this their narration, where they confessing that he refused the office of Prefect layd vpon him, yet do say, that he was desyrous the thing should be obtruded vnto him, &c. By which rule of sinister interpretation, what man is there liuing that may not be calumniated, and the deuil himselfe is called a calumniator especially for this kynd of inference, as yow may note in his proceeding against Iob, Iob. 1. & 2. & it is most detestable to all good men.

But that which, most of all layeth open the folly of this whole subiect & relation of VVisbich is that our discontented brethren so tel their tale, as whosoeuer shal read the same with any attention, may clerely perceaue of the one side to stād not only the farre greater part of the more ancient company, but that which more importeth, desyre of order, discipline, recollection, obedience modesty and temperate behauiour, and on the other side all the contrary, to witt, not only the farre lesse number, but freer also in speech and cōuersation more giuen to liberty, refusing all rules and order, but only, the common Canons of the Church and Sacrament of pennance as they professe,Ibid. condemning for noueltyes and innouations all other helpes to spirit and deuotion. This we say and many other things tending to this purpose, are as cleerly to be seene in this their owne narration (if the Reader stand attent) as they are touched by vs breefly in our foresaidCap. 6. Apologie.

And to this effect it is said of F. VVeston:Vertuōs speches reproche fully alleadged. He tooke vpon him to control & fynd fault with this and that, as the coming into the Hal of a hobby horse in Christmas, affirming that he would no longer tolerate these aud these so grosse abuses, which his pride & vanity, &c. At which his pride and vanity we greatly maruayled, &c. And a little after bringing in the said fathers speech with D. Bagshaw, they report him to say thus: Pag. 9. There are some enormityes which we would be glad to auoyd, and do therfore purpose to impose vpon our selues a more strict order leauing yow and others to follow such courses as yow shal thinke good.

[Page] And to the same effect do these men recite in like maner M. South worthes speech to M. Bluet:Pag. Ibid.VVe are determined (saith he) twenty of vs, to draw our selues into à more strict order of lyfe, &c. therby the better to auoyd such synnes as VVhoredome, dronkennesse and diceing, the same being too ordinary with some in this house. Thus they wryte & publish without shame to haue these things rūne in print, the particularyties wherof we of purpose auoyded in our Apologie, and this is their first folly & the secōd is that they report such maner of speches tending all as yow see, to vertue, reformation and reproofe of dissolute and disordered lyfe, wheras on their owne side, there is not so much as any such matter pretented. For proofe wherof let vs heare a peece of M. Bluets speech of reproofe to F. VVeston brought in by these men as a matter of great commendation for spiritual feeling:Grosse speches on the contrary side. M. Bluet (say they) proceeded further in effect as followeth: Is not the Sacrament of healthful pennance, a sufficient remedy for men in our cases to keep vs from such enormityes? if the meanes appoynted by Christ haue not sufficient force to remedy these euils, what extraordinary grace or power can we expect from your s [...]pposed authority and lawes? Thus they say, cōtemning hereby (as yow see) all particular rules, directions, helpes, and orders, for cōseruation or increase of spirit vsed by vertuous [...] men, who wil not laugh at this doctrine that the Sacrament of healthful penance is sufficient to remedy all enormities? why then are there so many Canons, cōstitutions, lawes, and new ordināces appoynted daylie for restrayning of enormities as wel in Colleges, Cloysters, Churches and congregatiōs as other where, to preuēt such inconueniēces, if only the Sacrament of healthful penance be sufficient? nay why are there prisons chaynes, gallyes, or gallouses, if only the Sacramētal penance be sufficient & nothing els required, do yow see how these good people are de larga manica? as the prouerbe is.

VVel then, this being the subiect and argument of this their whole narration to declare what the one side (being farre the greater part) laboured to haue, to wit rules order and discipline obserued in their cōuersation, as became priests and confessors in such a place and tyme,The true state of the controuersy in VVisbic [...]. complayning also of great and foule enormyties already comitted, and worse feared among [Page] them: and then how mightely the other side (being farre the fewer) stryued against this, and would haue no special orders, but such as were cōmon to all men, yea to the loosest sort of Christians in the world, nor any other peculiar help or remedy but only the Sacrament of pennance to be vsed, when, where, and so often as euery man pleased and no otherwayes: This, we say being the stryfe and contention, cleare it is, on which side vertue, holynesse and perfection stood. And albeit this side should haue byn ouerstrict and commytted tomuch rigor in retyring themselues from the scandalous conuersation of the rest: Yet was their fault (as yow see) of zeale & loue of vertue, and consequently much more perdonable then the turbulent resistance and impugnation of the other side, that stood in defence of disorder, libertie and dissolution.

And thus much for the first part of the argument or subiect of this former booke intytuled: The Relation of VVisbiche: which hauing byn handled by them with great vntruth and partiality in their first books both in latyn and English as we haue shewed in our Apologie, is brought in againe now with great indiscretion and folly, renewing the memory of such their disorders in that place as we desyred might be suppressed with silence, and that which is worse, they discend to diuers particulars, which wee for modestyes sake passed ouer in general tearmes & so should they also haue done according to the rule of prudēcy: for to what end haue they printed the former obiection & cōplaint of M. South worth (so graue & Reuerēd a man) about whordome, dronkennesse and diceing, &c. which we had omitted: the story also of pewter stolne, of Mary the maid found in one of there chābers, to what end is it published by them, or with what wisdome or discretion? And moreouer, they do so wisely handle these matters in their defence (as yow shal see in the next Chapter of this booke) that they leaue things more suspitious a great deale to the Reader then he foūd thē in the accusations: so as in this also they fulfil the Apostles prophesy Insipientia eorum manifesta erit omnibus, &c. 2. Tim. 3.

But besides this subiect of the excesses and scandalous conuersation of some in VVisbich there insueth also towards the end [Page] of this booke another argument of farre worse nature then the former: for which respect it may be they abstayned to make mention therof in the title or first front of their booke, doubting perhaps least all good and modest men would be auerted with the very sight and mention therof as proceeding of an extreme surfet of vnchristian malice.

The matter is,The second argument of their relatiō, conteyning intollerable slaunders against Iesuits. that wheras in tyme of the tumultuous proceedings of these men and their fellowes both in Rome, Flanders, and England, many things were spoken, done, & wrytten against the fathers of the Society by their vngrateful schollers of our nation, without all ground of truth, but only through passion, leuity, anger, and incitation of others, as appeareth not only by the examination of the things themselues, but by the confessions also of the partyes that did accuse, when they were out of passion, and by the sentence of all iudges appointed in these causes (all which we haue shewed largely & particularly in the 3. 4. 5. and 6. Chapters of our Apologie) yet these men knowing in their consciences,Conscienceles dealing. and in the sight of all the world this to be true, and that those calumniations obiected (or the most part of them) were meerly false & deuised vpon the causes aforesaid, and denyed afterward by those that obiected them, do notwithstāding set them downe now againe as points iustified or iustifiable, and haue put them also in print for the further infamation of Iesuits, and their whole order, which is a practise of so high and odious malice as we are wonderfully ashamed to mention the same, (but that they haue printed it) as coming from any of our nation, and much more from men, of our order and function. But now lett vs take a vew of the things themselues. The first branch or head of this calumniation hath this tytle.

An abstract of the memorial sent by certayne Englishmen out of the low countreys to the Popes Hol.Relat. pag. 68. Clement the 8. against the Iesuits laboring in the English vineyard: September 1597.

And heere yow must note, that in reporting this only title, our brethren do so behaue themselues, as yow may easily discouer their entention to be only to defame; for so much as they know wel inough what Englishmen they weare that [Page] deuised and cast abroad this memorial,About R. Fishers memorial. to wit, Robert Fisher sent ouer into Flanders by the seditious of VVisbich to that effect, as hath byn shewed at large in the 7. Chapter of our Apologie; where we haue set downe the examination of the said Robert vpon his oath before his Hol. Fiscal in Rome, and how he misliked his owne dooings therin, bewrayed the falshood, detected his complices, and confessed all to be deuised vpon malice and stomake, which our brethren knowing sufficiētly by the authentical copie of the said deposition sent into England, and hauing seene also the publique testimony of six very reuerend and graue Priests Assistants to the Archpriest against that memorial, as also the letters of many other priests which we haue there cyted, it is strange that perturbation of mynd should so much preuayle with our brethren, and the remorse of conscience be so litle, as to reuiue the same now againe, and being only in latyn before, to print it now in English to the vew of all men. And do they not know or remember that the publishers of infamous libels and defamations are as deeply both in the synne it selfe, as also in Church censures; as are the makers and wryters therof? VVho can doubt of this? But now to the contents of the libel.

The first paragraphe after many falsityes alleadged against Iesuits,Ibid. pag. 69 concludeth thus: They hold no doctrine Catholike and sound that commeth not from themselues, no dispensation auayl [...]able, that is not graunted by them (& which is worse) they haue beate into the heads of most, that the masse is not rightly celebrated of any, but of a Iesuite. Thus they wryte. And do our brethren beleeue this to be true? Againe in the fourth paragraph, besides many calumniations they say thus:Ibidem. Foolish ex [...]ggerations. No Iesuite goeth to visit any one (in England) or trauayleth from one place to another, but he is richly apparaylled & attended on with a great trayne of seruants, as yf he were a Baron or an Earle? Is this true also in the consciences of our brethren? Againe in the fifth paragraph: They neuer send one scholler out of England to the Colledge of Doway to study there, &c. nay they haue laboured by all meanes vtterl [...] to dissolue it. Is this true also? Let the President and books of that Colledge testifie?

In the seauenth paragraphe they say: VVomen also are induced [Page]by them to become Nunnes, & to leaue such goods, as they haue, to them, &c. And is there any one example (thinke yow) to be giuen of this? Or is it any way probable, seing that Nunnes haue such neede of their dowries for their owne maintenance yf they wilbe receaued into any monasteryes beyond the seas? The eight paragraph beginneth thus: All vniuersity men, and such as haue taken any degree in schooles, the (Iesuits) hate, despise, contemne & reproch. And is this verifiable thinke yow, or likely to be true? Their conclusion is this. To conclude (say they) Catholikes stand in more [...]eare of the Iesuits then of the heretikes, &c. and that indirectly they cause priests to be apprehended by the enimy, &c. The censure of which conclusion, as also of the spirit and pious disposition of these our brethren which do publish these things in print and in vulgar tongues against the whole order of religious men we remit to all good Catholiks iudgment. And so much of this first memorial.

The second and third Catalogue of slanders which they put downe, as well against the whole Society of Iesuits, as also against those that labour in England, are much more deceytfully (though yet childishly) handled by our brethren, then the former. For wheras they wel knowe that these poynts of defamation by them published,Most iniurious calumniations vttered by Ch. P. and VV. G. reuiued and published by these mē. were wrytten by some of their owne frends, and this very secretly and couertly vnderhand, & by them sent to Rome therby to incense the flame of the Roman Sedition when it was on fire, with order to spread the said slaunders abroad, but in no wise to discouer the authors therof; these our men without eyther scruple of conscience, (for the things themselues being notoriously false) or respect of their said frends credit, haue divulged them now in print vnder this tytle. Certaine cheife poynts of accusations wherwith many Englishmen haue iustly charged the Iesuites, &c.

But marke heere their manifold falshood: for first no man hitherto to our knowledge eyther English or other in the world hath offered to come forth and accuse or prooue lawfully these points against the Iesuits, and much lesse these many Englishmen that heere are insinuated, who writ their calumniations in corners, as hath byn said, and sent them to Rome to [Page] be spread in secret for so one of them wryteth in theArt. 22. article heere set downe: vse my letters secretly but effectualy, &c. And-further where heere it is said, that many Englishmen gaue vp these false accusations, we fynd but two named in the latyn original copy to wit Ch. P. & VV. G. who by these men are guilfully omitted, in the English and by vs also should not be mē tioned but that we are forced in some sort to figure their names by the first letters for testimony of the truth: for seing they denyed the same afterward by many protestations to many, & one of them before a publike magistrate; and the matters obiected being so absurd impious and apparantly false in themselues we would willingly haue held silence therin, & cannot but wonder at the folly of these shamelesse libellers that repeat them heere againe, and moreouer to auerre (as they doe) that the Fathers were iustly charged with them. And we doubt not but that euery modest man of what religion or profession soeuer he be, wil wonder also with vs when they shal heare and consider both the absurdity of the things obiected, and the open apparant malice in setting them forth to the world, with such approbation as heere they do.

For better vnderstanding wherof, we must note that these calumniations which heere they set abroad were certayne briefe articles collected by some of the Fathers in Rome out of a greate masse of seditious letters, which at the making vp of the peace and ending of the stryfes in that cytie, were partly discouered and exhibited voluntarily vpon scruple of conscience by those that had byn troblesome, & partly found by chance, or rather perhaps by Gods prouidence, the better to confirme the said peace within the colledge, which letters had byn wrytten and sent thither by the foresaid two frends C. P. and VV. G. out of Flanders for the intent before mentioned. of increasing those troubles.

And for somuch as the said partyes during the styrres protested euery where that they had no part therin, but rather were sory for them, these letters being found to the contrary were put togeather in a good large booke yet extant, and out of that booke of larger relations were gathered certayne briefe [Page] articles (yet in the very woords so neere as might be of the wryters themselues) which articles had this title:See the treatese intituled Act a sedit [...]osa C. P. &. G. G. &c. Roma, ann [...] 1596. & 97. contra Patres Societat [...]s. Capita quaedam, &c Certayne heads of Calumniations, &c. conteyning as hath byn said a briefe some of the cheefest slaunders which the forsaid two men, and some few more of their correspondents had wrytten to the schollers at Rome, and by them divulged abroad against the fathers of the Society both in Rome, England, and els where, for their defamation, and thervpon it was thought best that the said Collection of Articles should be sent vnto them, or at least vnto one of them to be considered of; yf by that meanes perhaps, they entring into the consideration of so great iniuryes offered, where they professed and owed frendship, might be mooued to cease frō this course; and to that effect were they sent vnto the later to wit VV. G. with a letter wrytten in very frendly manner, laying downe vnto him plainly and sincerely both the iniquity of the thinges thēselues, as also the bad maner of proceeding therin, and after all, the wryter sayth thus:

And now Sir,Out of a letter of F. P. to VV. G. 20. of Decēb. 1597. as stil a frend that wisheth yow well, and would gladly haue yow make vp these foule matters as cleanly as may be, I am sory they haue fallen out so much against your credit as they haue done, and are like to doe, yf they passe further; and yf yow would haue followed any part of your old and true frends counsel yow should neuer haue waded so farre in them. But a litle anger oftentymes or emulation, or incitation of others with a free nature, doth draw a man by litle and litle to many incōueniences. And now I see but two wayes for yow to choose, the one to set your selfe to proue these thinges that yow haue auouched of our fathers yf yow can, or els to giue some manner of satisfaction to them, laying the fault vpon mistaking, misinformation, or the like. But the best satisfaction of all would be to leaue of this course of contradiction, and to attend to peace and vnion in our nation for the tyme to come, for that our diuisions are odious both to God and man, and none can abide now in this place to heare of them, or of any that wil foster them, &c.

This was then wrytten, and yow may easily discerne herby the [Page] spirit of peace and quietnesse in the wryter, and how s [...]al an appetite he & his had of reuenge, seeing that for so intollerable iniuryes and infamations offered them (which after yow shal heare) they were content with so simple a satisfaction as to haue peace for the tyme to come.Desyre of peace and qui [...]tnes in the Fathers. And truly these things being now past, and wel neare dead, we are exceeding sory to be inforced by the petulancy of our indiscreet brethren to repeat or renew the memory of them againe, for which cause we passed them ouer in our Apologie, eyther in sylence or generalityes, and heere we endeauour (as yow see) to couer mens names as much as may be without preiudice of the knowne truth, and very loath (truly) we shal be, to be constrayned in our larger promised Apologie to set downe these things at length, with the persons, places and other circumstances. Yet must yow heere note by the way that in the foresaid collectiō of calumniations sent to VV. G. in Flanders, there was adioyned in the latyn copy to euery article the author also or wryter togeather with the quotation of the place.A manifest falshood & deceipt. or wryting wherin it was to be found, which thing our brethren to make the matter more obscure and intricate, haue purposely omitted in their English traduction; to the end it might be thought, that many Englishmen had agreed among themselues (as they affirme) to iustifie these false and infamous accusations, deuised by some one only of his owne malitious head, which accusations and slanders we shal now repeat vnto yow, at least wise some of them, for all were ouerlong, and the foule quality of a few wil easily glut your appetite (yf we be not deceaued) from desyring the rest.

First then the very first article concerning the whole Society or body of Iesuits (for into two branches yow remember they were deuided) is vttered by them in these woords:Relat. pag. 76 The Iesuits are so ambitious, as not còntent with the bounds which their Fathers placed, they haue in their insatiable desyre already swallowed vp kingdomes and monarchies: An absurd cō [...]umelious speech. And then was added in the latyn copie where yow should fynd this wise asser [...]ion to wit VV. G. epistola ad Temp. 13. April 1596. which quotation our brethren thought good to leaue out as wel in this as in all the other articles, [Page] partly not to discouer their frends, the authors of these calumniations, partly also (as hath byn said) to haue them thought to come from the consent of many togeather. But letting passe this fraud we would aske them sadly & seriously with what conscience can they publish this slaunder to the world of all Iesuits, or of their Society and body as the title [...]aith? VVhat kingdome or monarchie haue they already swallowed vp or de [...]owred (as the latyn woords import) is not this exceeding madnes to proceed with so impotēt blyndnes of passion? But let vs heare further.

It followeth in the sixt article; Art. 6. that yf this ambition (of the Iesuits) do remayne vnpunished, the age that is to come shal see, that it wil bring in bondage not only prelats, but the very princes and monarches themselues, whon [...]yet shee flattereth in her infancy. Thus they report this article, leauing out the citation as before VV. G epistolam eadem. And vpon this they inferre for remedy another article immediatly following in these woords: Art. 7. They beseech the Pope (in latyn rogat VV. G. Pontificem) that he wil lay the axe to the r [...]ote of the tree, and cut of this pride of the Society spreading it selfe farre and neere, least yf it once arme it selfe with the authority of his Hol it powre out a ful reuenge vpon all others to their destruction, & make an infinite slaughter and massaker of soules, as already they haue begone in wretc [...]ed England, &c. ibid. VV. G.

And furthermore to in [...]yte his Hol. (yf they had byn able) to cut downe this religious tree of the Society, they tell him of diuers most greuous crymes and faults of Iesuits without prouing any one, or shewing them at least to be probable, as for example:Art. 9. pag. 77 That the Pope can comound nothing in all his mandats but the Iesuits find meanes to frustrate i [...] by secular power. And can this be true or probable? And againe:Art. 20. that the Iesuits do eagerly wayte for the death of the Pope, and of the renowned Cardinal [...] Toled, that they may bring vpon all, slaughter & bloudsheed, as they haue long assayed, &c. VV. G. altaep. ad T [...]p. 29. Sept. 1596. The quotation is left out. But is the matter likely? or was it christian charity in the wryter to cause such things to be put into his Hol. head? The one of the two is now dead, and his soule (we trust) with God: and at his death he left great signes of his loue and reuerence towards [Page] his mother the Society, as he was bound, and as we haue shewed in ourCap. 4. Apologie: neyther hath any slaughter or bloudshed followed from the Iesuits by his death, nor is like to do, by the grace of God, whensoeuer it shal please him to cal vnto him his Hol. whome we desyre and pray for daylie, that he may liuelong, and so we do assure our selues the Iesuits do also, whatsoeuer this vnchristian calumniation doth cast out to the contrary, which how wel grounded it is, may appeare by two other that ensue,Art. 23. the one: that the Iesuits seeke the gouernmēt of the Colledge of Doway, Art. 24 and the other immediatly following;Art. 25. that the Iesuits by their Machauillian practises go about to procure the dissolution of the same Colledge. But of these matters the President, Doctors and Ancients of Doway Colledge togeather with the facts and effects themselues wil testifie against this slaunderous tongue, as also against that impious obiectiō, wherby they say in another Article:Art. 13. That it is a knowne positiō or maxim among the Iesuits: Diuide & impera: set in diuision and then shal yow gouerne at your pleasure. VVhich is so malitious a conceyt against so religious men, that we blush to relate it, albeit they blush not to affirme it; as neyther another cryme more improbable then this,Art. 10. saying, That the Iesuits in Rome do vse to intercept all manner of letters of all men what soeuer, not forbearing the packets of Cardinals nor Princes, &c. VVhat forehead would affirme this, and put it in print? could neuer yet any one be taken with this, seing it is said to be vsed to so many, & so punished for the same?

But that yow may better see their good consciences heare (we pray yow) what true and pious protestations they make of English affayres,Art. 12. and Catholikes there: N. calleth God & his angels to witnes (in latin Deum testatur VV. G. & angelus eius) that the greatest part of the Nobility and Cleargie in England both at home and abroad do be wayle with sighes and teares their most miserable estate, in that they suffer more greuous things vnder these new tyrants (the Iesuits) then by all their other greuous daylie persecutions.Intemperate scolding against good men. VV. G. ep ad Marc. Now whether this be true or no, that the farre greater part (maxima pars) of the Nobility, and the English Clergie both at home and abroad (wherin no doubt must [Page] enter all the Seminaryes also) do thus weepe and bewayl [...] their miseryes and calamityes receyued by Iesuits, and whether this be so certaine a truth, as VV. G. may cal God and his Angels to witnesse therof, and whether these men with a good conscience could publish the same in print, we leaue to any Catholike man or ciuil Protestant to iudge. And yet they repeat the very same againe as most true and notorious in the article following saying:Art. 1 [...]. That the persecution of the Iesuits is more greuous to the Catholiks then that of the heretikes in England: And all this yow must note was wrytten in the yeare 1596. When these later broyl [...]s and reuolts of these our mutined brethren were not yes fallen out.

Further also they tel his Hol. for his better information in English affayres;Very seditious informations. Art. 19. that nothing doth so vex the English Catholiks as the contempt and hatred (in the Iesuits) of the President that now is (in latyn praesentis Pontificis) and the slaunderous reproches imputed by them to the renowned Cardinals Toled and Alexandrinus. VV. G. epist. ad Temp. 19 [...] Septemb. 1596. And could enuy her selfe (thinke yow) inuent more odious and malitious stuffe? But yet harken further: Of three hundred priests (say they) which haue entred into England scarse six or seauen haue fallen away,Art. 17.but of twenty Iesuits, eight haue reuolted: And is this iustifiable? Nay is there any one of them that was sent to England hitherto by obediēce of his superiors, reuolted or fallen? Yf there be not, what impudensie is it, so boldly to auouch it? what folly also to name so many of their fellow priestes whose number wee pray God that some of these men do not encrease.

But yet let vs hearefurther of English matters and English Iesuits set downe vnder another general head or branch intituled: The second general brād of calumniacions. Art. 1. Touching the Iesuites in England, wherof the first is: The Fathers of the Society (in England) do discent amongst themselues F. Hē ry the Superior, and F. Edmund in the prison at VVisbich, and there are 26. articles of their dissention. Thus saith this article, and then is quoted, Ch. P. in colloq. cum P. Bonard [...]vt patet ex eiusdem literis 27. Sept. 1597. VVhich quotation our brethren for sparing of their frends do omit though in all their later books they do contradict the whole substance of this article also by complayning [Page] that F. Garnet F. Edmund, and F. Persons with the rest are too much vnited, the one obaying the others beck, &c.

After this they lay on load,Art. [...]. saying: [...]hat the Iesuits are the firebrands of all sedition:Art. 5.enemyes to all secular priests: such notable ly [...]rs, as none wil belee [...]e them,Art. 7.no not when they sweare: That by the schismatiks in England, they are called horseliches and bloud suckers. And thus they go on rayling and reuiling without stop or stay eyther of shame fastnes or conscience, [...]. Cor. 6. as though it were not wrytten neque ebriosi, neque maledici regnum Dei possidebunt. both which synnes these men heare do notably expresse by their intemperancy of tongue, and yet for very shame they leaue out [...]6. whole articles, which are in the latyn, albeit these which they set downe heere in English are so slaunderous and malitious, as we are ashamed to wade further therin. Yet wil we end with one that wil make yow laugh, or rather pitty the blyndnes of their folly,Art. 11. for thus they wryte: that F. Holt and his companions had gathered such an infinite masse of money (in Flanders) of the Catholiks in England,A notable ridiculous exaggeration.for dispensations, or vnder the colour of expending it to their vses, as many credibly affirmed it to exceed the some of fifty thowsand pounds English which make two hundred milliōs of Italian scudes. VV. G. [...]p. ad Marc. 8. August. 1596. The quotation they omit according to their fashion for couering their frēds credit, that wrote this notable excesse, but yet do ouerthrow their owne credit in this ridiculous multiplication of two hundred millio [...]s of Italian scudes, which is more money perhaps then all the princes in Italy orels where in Christēdome can lay togeather [...] In the latyn copy, taken out of VV. G. his letters it is ducenta millia two hundred thousand, which these men eyther by ignorance or malice would needs increase to the number of two hundred millions. And we haue byn credibly informed that whē F. Persons came to Rome in the yeare 1597. Cardinal [...]urghe [...]ius, (who at that tyme was imployed by his Hol. as Viceprotector in compounding the styrres of the tumul [...]uous schollers) told the said Father, that no one thing had made his Hol. more cleerly to discouer, and see the passiō both of the [...]rbulent in the Colledge, and of their setters on from Flāders, then this particular accusation wrytten from thence [Page] F. Holt of two hundred thowsand crownes gotten by him to the Society out of England; for (said he) yf it had byn some moderate summe, it might haue borne some probability of suspitiō, but now it cannot be thought true by any man. VVhervnto F. Persons answered, that yf it could be proued, that the body of the Society or any man therof to their vse had receyued out of England from their first entrance vnto that day, not two hundred thousand crownes, but two hundred pens to be bestowed in benifite of the said Societie, and not on English men or the English cause, that then he was content that all the rest obiected by the slanderers should be graunted for true; which he confirmed by diuers examples of English gentlemen dying beyond the seas, as M. Charles Basse [...], M. George, Gilbert and others, who left diuers good somnes of money freely geuen to the said society, or to be disposed by them at their pleasure, and namely the later of the two, left by testament yet extant 800. Crownes in gyft to the house of probation of S. Andrewes in Rome;Legacies of Englishmen refused by Iesuits. VVherof, or of any other such gyft, the General that now is Claudius Aquauius would neuer suffer any one penny to be admitted, eyther to the vse of the Society or to any frend of theirs, but only to be left and distributed to Englishmen in necessity, & to the vse of the English cause, as it was. And the colledg of Rhemes had of this and other money left by the same gentleman when he died to the arbitrement of the said Iesuits, two thousand crownes in gold, and the body of the Society neuer a penny, as to this day appeareth by manifest records.

And thus much by occasion we haue byn forced to vtter in this behalfe, hauing thorowly informed our selues of the truth; and we could say much more in this matter of the exceeding charity and charges also of those good men bestowed vpō vs and our cause, yf the shortnes of this treatise did not prohibite to enlarge our selues in such matters. Yet can we not pretermit, but to aduertise the Reader, that our brethren in the beginning of this their treatise of accusations against Iesuits do remit vs to the 52. Page of their booke where they wryte thus:Relat. pag. [...] VVe wil put yow in mynde that after Cardinal Allens death, the [Page]students in the English colledge at Rome [...]elt no lesse oppression by the Iesuits their ty [...]m [...]ysing gouernours,The sedition of the English colledg defended.then we did at home,&c. It may be that he [...]rafter some of our brethren wil set out those tragedyes at large, which [...] long, and wil appeare to all men of indifferency to haue byn very intollerable; in the meane while you shal vnderstand that two or three did wryte a teat [...]se of the Iesuits dealing and naming it a memorial dedicated the same in latyn to his Holines in the yeare 1597. &c. The imputations wherof were so very sharp and touched their freehould so nerely as no maruel yf F. Garnet bestyrred his stumpes to saue their credits by all the meanes and wayes he could deuise, &c.

Thus they wryte, and by their very stile yow may learne their spirit, and what maner of imputations were obiected yow haue partly now heard before; & for the story of the Roman styrres heere threatned we suppose they wil not be so fōd as to set it forth, especially hauing read what we haue authētically wrytten therof in the 5. Ch [...]p. of our Apology, which these men shal in vayne go about to dif [...]redit by bare scorneful words without proofes. And wheras they here iest at that reuerend man F. Garnet, for besty [...]ing his st [...]mpes (as their phrase is) for sauing the Iesuits credits, he did no other than any iniured or oppressed innocent man could do in such a case against so false and malitious slanders published against religious men, which was to require the testimonyes of all the good priests in Englād for reproofe therof. And to the end no man should say or testify more then he knewe (wherof it seemeth these men haue litle care, who affirme euery thing absolutely) he suggested vnto them a tryple way of wryting: the one, for them that knew all to be false (as indeed it was, and may be prooued) so to affirme in their letters: the other for such as could not say so much of their certayne knowledge,Great modesty in the request of F. Garnet. that the whole accusation was false, but only that they knew not the things to be true, nor had themselues any such opinion or matter to accuse the fathers of; & consequently must needs suspect these things to be false, these (we say) to wryte so much and no more: And the third way was, that such as could not or would not intermedle in the articles or matters themselues objected, yet to [Page] testifie that they were no authors therof, nor knew any thing of the said Memorial.

Thus scrupulously,& with so great modesty wrote F. Garnet to the priests of England for their testimonyes of only truth in this behalfe, for which these gybers say heere now; that he bestyrred his stumpes, Pag. 23. and was content to play smal game before he would sit out, and that he swore by more then his litle honesty, there was not a true word in the said Memorial, &c. And that they sildome fal out to be the honestest men who are dryuen to seeke testimonials for their behauiour, &c. which is a style fitter for Ru [...]ians and souldiars, then for sacred and anoynted priests, if they were priests that wryte this, or had so much inward light of reason or conscience as to consider the absurdity of this base kind of comical wryting against such men of their owne religion. And as for the testimonyes themselues required by F. Garnet, we would aske our people what other way could there be taken by any honest and modest men, for their defence in so publike an infama [...]iō, then to remit themselues with such indifferency as they do to the report of their fellow priests, and Catholike brethren? did not the Apostles also do the like when need required, and all good men after them, &c.

VVherfore to end this matter, we say that the good fathers both in Rome & heere hauing byn more vngratefully and vnworthily,The great patience of the Fathers in beating so intollerable iniures. and more opprobriously slaundered by the intemperate tongues of some of our contrey mē, then euer perhaps men of such quality were by Cath. people so much obliged to them for their labors and other benefits, as our men are: they haue alwayes hitherto taken and borne the same with the greatest patience that men could expect, and haue neuer fought any other reuenge or satisfaction at their hands that most haue iniured th [...], but their true reconciliation and amendement, nor any further iustification of themselues then only to satisfie the bare truth in matters obiected. And this is most apparant besides other argumentes by the end of the forsaid Roman sedition, where such of the troublesome as remayned after quietnes restored, were as tenderly soued cherished and made of by the [Page] fathers, as if neuer any such matter had fallen out. By which notorious charity, diuers of them that had byn of those styrs were moued afterward to exceeding great internal sorow for their former proceedings and some of them also resoluing for better satisfactiō to enter into the said Society it self. And the like effects of better consideration wil ensue also heere after in England, we doubt not, in those that be of good consciences, when this tempest of passion shalbe past, and reason restored to her place,The da [...]ngerous and lamentable case of them that slaunder others. for which we shall pray.

And in the meane space for that the pittiful state of our passionate brethrens soules doth [...]ly continually before our eyes, if they should die before they enter into due consideration of pennance and satisfaction, we cannot but warne them, especially those that haue eyther wrytten or published or imparted frō hand to hād the foresaid infamations against the fathers of the Society or other men, or haue consented, therunto that according to all Catholike diuinity, consciēce, and reason they are in a damnable state of mortal synne, and subiect also to the censures and punishments appointed therunto, and that they, are bound to restitution in the best manner they can, though it were with the losse of their owne good names by recalling the said reproches & that no ghostly father with safe conscience can absolue them (being in this state) except they promise effectually to make this restitution, or rather do really and actually preforme the same.

And this not to be any exaggeration of ours, but rather the common and knowne sense & doctrine of all learned Catholiks, is euident by their wrytings about this matter of infamation, the penaltyes wherof are expressed by both Ciuil and Cannon lawes.Cod. lib. 9. tit. de [...]am. l [...]bell. lege Vnica. The ciuil saith thus: Si quis famosum libellum domi, vel in publico, &c. If any d [...]find any infamons libel (though vnwittingly) at home or in publike or any other place (and much more yf he should compose it) if he do not teare and burne the same but manifest it to others, he must dy for it, as yf he had byn the author therof.

The Canon law sayth:Decret. causa 5. q. 1. cap. 1. Qui in alterius. Qui in alterius famam, &c. He that shal deuise and publish eyther by woord or wryting any contumelious[Page]thing wherby another is infamed, and being found, is not able to proue it, flagelle [...]ur, let him be whipped, and he that first findeth the said contumelious wryting, let him teare it vnder paine to incurre the same penalty with the author. Thus they say; and much more to this effect might be alleadged as wel for other punishments, as also their obligation to restitution, if this place did beare it, or the thing it selfe were obsecure, only we shal in the name of the rest, set downe some few words of that most learned and pious wryter [...], and the rather fot that he seemeth to speake in the same sense, and feeling compassion which we do of our brethren: for hauing first defined the case and quality of the synne in his Summarie wryting vpon the decretalles in these words:In decres. de paint. d [...]st. [...]. Cap. Sacerd [...]s. num. 5. & deinceps. Libellum famosum componere, aut repertum palam facere, graue peceatum est, & grauius. famam [...]aesam non restituere. ‘To compose any famous libel, or to publish the same being made by another is a greeuons synne, but much more greeuous, not to restore the same of them that are iniured.’ Thus he sayth, and then he maketh his further consideration vpon the same:The speech of Nauarre to be marked. Quod multi parum anim [...]duertentes, &c. VVhich thing many not weighing wel, do greuously offend both diuine and humane maiest. and do most miserably clog their owne soules with the obligation of restoring the same of those whome they haue stan [...]dered, and which is to be bewayled with [...]eares, they scarse euer disburden their said soules in this behalfe.

Thus saith he, which in our opinion, ought much to be considered and remembered by our brethren especially seeing that bothNauar. in s [...]m cap. 27. num. 109. this man andS. Antonin. 3. part. tit. 2 [...] c. 7 [...]. other wryters do record, that for [...]nfaming a whole order of religion, their is a special excommunication, the absolution wherof is reserued to the Pope himselfe. And whether the fore-related slanders vttered with such a tooth against the Iesuits (who by the Sea Apostolike are made partakers of that and other like priuiledges) may bring our brethren within that case,Caet. in s [...]m. v [...]. excomm [...] we leaue to them and their ghostly fathers to consider and weigh for their owne security,Iacob. de Gr [...] [...]is lib. 2. cay. 137. num. 1 [...]. which we admonish them sincerely, and as in the fight of God almightie, considering that the foresaid obligation of restitution byndeth not only in the case of true libels [Page] (if any would so fondly flatter themselues, as to thinke these not to be such) but also in euery false or vniust infamation whatsoener.

And this shal be sufficient for the present about this matter, except we be forced to ad any thing hereafter when the said story of the Roman styrres shal come forth. And hitherto the discreet Reader wil easily consider what manner of subiects and arguments these two are of the proceedings of VVisbich, and of the accusations layd against Iesuits brought in by our brethren in this former book, which they cal A Relation.

But the other arguments which followeth in the book intituled:The booke of important cōsideratiōs, and argumēt therof. Important Considerations, &c. surpasseth all the rest in folly and phrensy, contayning not only a furious in [...]ectiue against particular men, wherunto our Countrey, and the wryters themselues are most bound and behoulden, as the forenamed Fathers of the Society, Doctor Sanders, Card. Alle [...] and others by name, but all the rest also of the learned Catholike men of our nation, D. Stapleton, D. Bristow, M. Gregory Martyn M. VVilliam Raynolds, yea those of other countreys also, and the very Popes themselues and their doyngs, as also the holy martyrs in like maner, of our nation, that haue suffered and all other good and godly men are iniured in this most odious booke as by the sequel of this our narration shal appeare.

For first these men to grace themselues with my L. of London, and other higher Magistrates by his meanes and mediation, and to wreake their spite vpon others of their owne coate, calling and religion, whose vertues they can neyther beare nor immitate, and whose other gifts and graces they do highly enuy; are come at length not only to be priuy mutiners against their Superiors, and conspirers with the common aduersary (as hitherto) but openly also as publike enemyes to impugne their owne cause, bydding warre and defiance, to all those that haue or do defend the same contrary to their appetite and fancy, which point of madnesse, they do prosecute in this whole [Page] book by six or seauen most absurd positions or paradoxes, iustifying first, the proceeding of heretiques and persecutors against Catholiks for cause of religion: then excluding all spiritual authority and Iurisdiction of the Sea Apostolike from England, as forrayne and subiect to the law of Premunire: 3 Thirdly denynig the said Sea and Bishops therof all authority to restrayne punish or force by way of armes eyther by him selfe or others any temporal prince for heresy, Apostasy, or whatsoeuer other cryme pertayning to Religion. Fourthly 4 affirming, that if any Pope should attempt such matters he may and ought to be resisted by Catholike subiects, and that themselues would do it though he came in person. Fifthly 5 they lay all the fault of so long and greeuous persecution as hitherto English Catholiks haue suffered for religion, vpon themselues, and their owne doings, not excepting heerin, the very martyrs and Saints of God; and further they are not ashamed to affirme, that yf they had byn of the Counsel themselues they could haue done no lesse, then to haue agreed to the said persecution, and to the lawes and statutes made for the same. Sixtly that they meane hereeafter to change their 6 former course, and (as their phrase is) to turne ouer the leafe, and with such resolution as yf they should know any disignments or treatese of his Hol. or other Catholiks for reformation or restraynt of heresy by way of force in England they would reueale the same to the persecutors. The 7. and last poynt is, that they condemne the Semynaries and education of our youth therin beyond the seas, wherin themselues or the most part of them haue byn brought vp, and made that they are now (excepting their sedition) and they dehort all Catholikes 7 with great vehemency from sending their children thither counseling them rather to keep them at home, where they assure them, that God wil prouide other masters euen of the ministers themselues, yf need be, to instruct them better then in the Seminaryes they are instructed.

These are the wise and holesome: positions which these men haue in this booke set downe, and do handle as the subiect and argument therof, which yow see of what quality & [Page] consideration they are; to wit, the first ful of adulation, and meerly parasitical, the second third and fourth pernicious erroneous, and heretical; the fifth wicked and reprochful; the sixt trayterous, and the last ridiculous or rather impious, which in part shal appeare by these few words which in this place we are to say of each of them in order.

The first point of this argument is set downe in the title it selfe of the book,The first point of the argument. which they cal: Important considerations to mooue all true Catholikes that are not wholy Iesuited (to wit not so base or wickedly mynded as themselues to flatter and fawne vpon tēporal fauour) to acknowledge all the proceedinges of the state of England against Catholikes (since it excluded the Roman faith and fel to heresy) to haue byn not only iust, but also myld and merciful, &c. Thus they say, adding further another peece of the said title in these words: Published by sundry of vs the secular priestes in dislike of many treateses, letters, and reportes, which haue byn wrytten and made in diuers places to the contrary, with our opinions of a better course hereafter, for the promoting of the Catholike faith in England.

Thus they frame their title: wherby (as yow see) they first make themselues publike proctors for the heretiks and presecutors, and then open accusers against the presecuted Catholikes on their owne side. That which they adde of the publication of this booke, by sundry of them secular priests, we easily beleeue that they were rather sundy and sundered also, then many vnited in so wicked an attempt, and that they were not only secular in order and degree, but in mynd also hart and desyres which S. Paul conioyneth with impiety, when he saith: abnegantes impietatem, & saecularia desideria. As for the treateses,Tit. 2.letters, and reports which haue byn wrytten and made in diuers partes of the world, against the persecution vsed vpō Catholiks in England, which our new doctors heere do protest to mislike; they hauing byn wrytten and made by the grauest and most learnedestD Sand. de visib. mon. l. 7. & de schismate. D. Al [...]ē Card. men of our nation, and others; and vpon the grounds and proofes which in their books they haue set downe, little importeth, what these men may like or dislike therof now, being vnworthie to be admitted for iudges or cē surers [Page] of their Maisters doings and wrytings,In Apol & cont. Iustit. Britan. especially seing them so transformed by the passion of enuy & malice, as they seeme to haue sold their tongues to the common enemy,D. Bristovv in his motiues. to contradict whatsoeuer others haue done before them; for which cause also their offered opinions of a new and better course hereafter, D. Staplet. in Didimo verid. & alibi. for turning ouer the leafe (as after they cal it) is ridiculous and contemptible to all Catholiks of discretion,Philopat. against the Proclamatiō. Pernius against [...]e same. cō sidering the learning, vertue, grauity, seuerity, constancy, wisdome and other commendations of these that went before, and the very effects and fruits themselues of their labors hitherto, and comparing the [...]with the con [...]rary in firmityes and imperfections of these men, and that th [...]y set vp nothing but seeke to pul downe. And when they come to the end of their book, and should shew vs what this new course of theirs is, which they cal, better for promoting of Catholike Religion herafter in England, yow shal find no other thing prescribed by them but only a flattering persuasion to sticke to the State against the Pope and Sea Apostolike (wherin we persuade our selues that the aduersaryes themselues do not beleeue them) & then a vehement exhortation to Catholiks to send their children no more to the Seminaryes beyond the seas least they be infected with the contrary doctrine, which is so foolish and absurd as we are ashamed to mention or relate it.

And thus much touching the first point.The second cheefe point of the subiect. The second is about the law of Premunire many tymes mentioned before by them, and now againe greatly vrged in the preface of this book, where hauing rayled without all modestie or measure against F. Persons and all other Catholiks and priests vnited with him in admitting his Hol. ordinance about the Archpriest, they say thus:Epist. pag. 14 As by this meanes (to wit by admitting the Archpriest) he and his confederates haue incurred a double premunire as in another place (siz in the booke of Quodlibets. I meane God willing to declare) so entendeth he therby to draw yow all (good Catholiks) into the same predicament premunireal and of treason with him.

Touching this booke of Quodlibets heere mētioned, yf these men do meane therby that they may say or vnsay therin what they list without controlment, then may all the other [Page] books also hitherto set forth be called Quodlibets The booke of Quodlibets. no lesse then this, hauing tyed themselues therin to no law eyther of truth, probability, proof or modesty. Neyther can we immagine what occasion this booke of Quodlibets may bring to handle more at large this matter of Premunire, then heere, and in other their wrytings hath byn expressed, seing that applying that law as they do, to ouerthrow therby the Popes institution of the Archpriest, their intention must needs be consequently to exclude all Papal authority and iurisdiction from the kingdome of England, except the prince of what religion soeuer, agree thervnto. VVhich doctrine of what quality it is, no man can but see.

And for better explication therof we are in this place to aduertise the Reader, that albeit we haue said so much already in ourCap. 2. Apologie about this matter as was needful for that place,About the lavv of Premunire. and the obiections made by these people did require; yet hauing both thought and sought more of that poynt since, by occasion of the often vrging it, we find somwhat to be added heere, to wit, that the Appellation to Rome in the first instance which there we mentioned was rather an antecedent or preamble to the law it selfe of Premunire then the cheefe substance therof, which preamble was begon specially vnder K. Henry the second in the cause of S. Thomas of Canterbury about the yeare 1170. and continued on vntil towards the later end of the raigne of K. Edward the 3. to wit about the yeare 1375. which was but a yeare before the said Kings death, when VVickclif now had begone to styrre against Cleargie men, and the king being impotent permitted the gouernment most to Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster his fourth some, at great variance in those dayes with the bishops, namely VVickam and Courtney, the first of VVinchester, the second of London, and himselfe not a litle incensed with Iohn VVickcliffes new diuelish persuasions against the cleargy and religious men.

VVherfore a contention being in those dayes about the collation of benefices and bishopricks in England, wherof the Popes were wont to dispose for the most part, they concluded in England after many contentions and disputes and [Page] many sendings forth and back to Auinion in France where the Popes at that tyme resided, that such prouisions of benefices should not be sought nor made from the Pope immediately for the tyme to come, but only in England by consent of the prince and confirmation afterward of the Pope for the most principal benefices and dignityes; and whosoeuer should contrary to this procure prouisions immediately from the Pope or any other power or iurisdiction contrary to this lawe, should incurre the penaltyes therof. And this to haue byn the only true meaning and intent of the said law and lawmakers, that were Catholiks,Policron. lib. 7. c. 44. Tho. VValsingh ab an 1343. vsque ad an. 1376. ex ar [...]hiuis Reg. & stat. impressis. is euident by all authors that haue wrytten therof. And in this sense there is no controuersy among vs, for that later Popes haue eyther agreed thervnto or permitted the same; and we see the like in vre also in other Catholike countreys at this day by agreement and composition betwene the Sea Apostolike, Princes, and Catholike Cleargie.

But besides this sense and meaning of the law there hath byn another inuented by heretiks and enemyes synce that tyme,Registrum Symonis Islepij. as though by this law all external iurisdiction of the bishop of Rome should be vtterly excluded from England not only in prouiding of benefices whervnto are annexed temporalityes,Nicol Harpes feld in hist. Eccles. Angl. saeculo 14. Cap. 5. but euen in matters also meere spiritual. In which sense K. Henry the eight Father of her Maiestie was persuaded by some of his Counsel infected with Luthers Doctrine at that tyme, to condemne the Card. of Yorke, and all his English Cleargie,Sander de Schisma [...]e li. 1. in the losse of all their temporalityes by pretence of this law,Iohn Stovv anno 1530. for admitting the authority and iurisdictiō of the Popes legats Campegius & the said Cardinal without the kings expresse licence.

And in this sense also hath the Popes authority byn called forrayne and external and vtterly excluded from England by diuers lawes statutes & oathes set forth by Protestants against the same, since that tyme. And in the same sense and signification (being plainly false and heretical as yow see) do these libellers vrge it now against the Archpriest and others that admit and approue his authority, though meerly spiritual, as all the world seeth, as hauing nor benefice nor temporality [Page] annexed to it or ioyned with it. And so we see with what kynd of people these men are drawen by passion to conspire and iump.

The third point of their argumēt in this book is to shew that nether the Pope nor any other ecclesiastical power what soeuer hath any authority to restrayn,The [...] point of the argument. punish, or presse by way of force or armes immediatly or by others any Christian tēporal prince whatsoeuer, for any delict of heresy, Apostasy, impugnation of Christian faith, extirpation of religion or other cryme whatsoeuer, though neuer so much danger or damage should e [...]s [...]e by his default to the commouwealth or to the rest of Christendome.

And this irreligious paradox they go about to maintayne throughout their whole book, alleadging fond & childish argumēts for the same:Pag. 19. as that the word of the spirit & not the swords of the flesh or any arme of man, is that which giueth life, and beauty to the Catholike Churche and that the promise made to S. Peter is a sure and sufficient ground to defend Catholike religion without armes: And other such fācies which the Anabaptistes do vse to proue that there should be no external force or ciuil magistrate vsed by Christians; and as Martyn Luther disputed, when he would prooue that warre was not to be waged against the Turke for religion, especially at the Popes direction. And yet are our men so confident in these their follies as they are not ashamed to say in the same place to Catholiks:Ibidem. Giue no eare (deare Catholikes) to any priuate VVhisperings or Iesuitical persuasions; to the contrary; all arguments that can be brought assure your selues are false and vnlearned sophistifications.

Thus they say, and thus they assure Catholiks, but much more sure are wee, that this is pride, ignorance, [...]olly, and falshood in them; for that they cannot but know, that all the Catholike learned men of Christendome are against them in this position: and that the proofes and reasons, which they alleadge for the same (called by these men heere priuate VVhisperings, Iesuitical persuasions, and vnlearned sophistications) are so learned and weighty, as they are not able to answere one of them; and if we should heere set downe the ranke of authors [Page] that haue wrytten of this point within these 400. yeares, as also in our dayes against heretikes and atheists, and conuinced the same by most learned demonstrations both out of scriptures, councelles fathers and theological reasons, to wit, that albeit directly the supreme pastor of Christs Churche (according to the cōmon opinion of diuynes) haue not temporal dominion or iurisdiction ouer christian temporal princes that are supreame in their owne states, yet indirectly for conseruation and defence of religion when it is impugned or put in hazard by them, he may also vse the sword or help of temporal forces for his restraint, eyther immediatly from himself or by other princes at his direction; if (we say) we should cyte heere all the learned Catholike authors of all nations that haue wrytten and affirmed this against our mennes new flattering paradox, we should fil vp this whole Chapter with quotations of authors and books; which esteeming to be needlesse and inconuenient, we haue thought better to passe them ouer, cyting only someDeuines. D. Th. 22. qu. 40. artic. 2. & q. 12 art. 2. Caetan. in Apol. [...]om. 1. Op [...]se. tract. 2. l. 13. ad [...], & 22. qu 43. Th. VValdē sis l. 2. doct. fidei artic. 3. cap. 67. 77. 78. Franc. de Victor [...]elect. 1. de pie [...]ate Eccles. q. penultima, cum relect. de Indis Insulanis p. 1. Paludanus l. de pietate Eccles. So [...]. i [...] 4. sent. dist. 25. q. 2. art. 1. Dominic. Baunes in commēt. 22. q. 12. artic. 2. few in the margent for the Readers direction, if it please him to peruse.

And as for reasons, one or two only may suffice for reasonable men in this so cleare a matter; wherof the first & ground of all other is, the subordination that is and ought to be beweene the temporal and spiritual ends of ciuil and ecclesiastical Magistrats, and their powers; which subordination according to the most excellent declaration of S. Gregory Nazianzen, and other fathers is, and ought to be as the body to the soule, the flesh to the spirit, and earthly things to heauenly things. And as the body is subiect to the soule, the flesh to the spirit, and earthly and temporal affayres to those that are heauenly and eternall; so is the end of the ciuil common welth subiect and subordinate to the end of the spiritual common wealth, to wit the Church of Christ. And as the soule may and doth restrayne or correct oftentymes the body, and the spirit the flesh when they go out of order, so may the spiritual gouuernour do the same to the temporal, when he breaketh this subordination and goeth about to impugne [Page] the same and ouerthrow religion,Molina 22. tract. 2. disput. 29. art. 3. Bellarm. Car. to 1. cōt [...]ou. Ibi. 5. ca 6. 7. & 8. wherunto he and his power ought to be subiect and subordinate, &c.

The second reason proceeding of this first, may be, that if some such supreme superiority for restrayning of particular princes were not left in gods Churche,Greg de Valent. 22. disp. 1. qu. 12. puncto 2. then had not his deuine prouidence left sufficient remedy in the Christian common wealth for conseruation and cōtinuation therof (which notwith-standing he hath promised shal endure to the end of the world) seing that euery temporal prince without subordinatiō to any on head,Canonists. S. Anton. 3. p. tit. 22 l. 5. §. 2. may beleeue, teach, chaūge, or alter religion at his pleasure,Siluester de verbo Papa. q. 7. & à qu. 10. vsque ad 14. & verbo legitimus: q. 4. without any remedy or redresse, which were contrary to the high wisdome of almightie God, shewed in all other things to which he hath left sufficient power and prouision to defend and conserue themselues and their owne beeing.

And this is so plaine and euidenta truth euen by the light of nature her selfe (where any soule or spirit,Ioan Paris de pietate regla & papali in principio &c. 11. or higher end then earth or earthly things is acknowledged) as not only all sectaryes of our tyme whatsoeuer do confesse the same,Nauar. I nono de indicijs notab. 3. & alij. or substāce therof, but Iewes also and Turks wil not deny, but that for defence and conseruation of religion any prince may be restrayned that goeth about to ouerthrow [...]the same;Greg. Naziāz. in orat. ad populum trepidatem & Imper. comotū. which we see in like mauer practised by innumerable examples recounted both in scriptures ecclesiastical and prophane historyes, as also by experience of our owne dayes. And this base flattery of these our new fawning brethren to the contrary, is not only fond but also impious.

There followeth the fourth part of their argument in this book which conteyneth a braue and resolute protestation against the Pope,The 4 point of their argument. to wit: that if the Pope should come in person with an army where they are, vnder pretence to establish Catholike religion by force, they would oppose themselues against him, and spend the best bloud in their bodyes (if any be good) in that quarrel, &c. Behold valiant Souldiers brought vp in the Popes seminaryes brauing against him: who would beleene this to be spoken by preests, except they auowed themselues to be authors of the book? And how are these men (think yow) so soone [Page] of priests made souldiars? A litle before they talked much of the word, and now vpon the suddayne they haue taken vp the sword, to fight against their cheefe pastor and bringer vp, and this also in defence of heresy. VVhence (think yow) is this mutation? VVe are thorowly presuaded (say they) that priests of what order soeuer ought not by force of armes to plant, water,Ibid.or defend religion. But we would aske them what good arguments haue persuaded them herin, or what learned maister hath taught them this new lesson, so contrary to their old? Surely we can immagine none, but my L. of London, nor other arguments then anger, enuy and other like passions.

The fifth poynt of their subiect is to cast vpon Catholiks (as hath byn said) yea vpon the best and most zealous sort,The fifth point of their argument. and vpon the martyrs themselues all the fault, hatred and enuy of the long and greeuous persecutions and sufferings for religion in England, and to drowne them (as men are wont to say) in their owne bloud and (which is more impious) to defame them with all sorts of people both at home and abroad, as traytors, conspirers, and practisioners against the State, and as men of maleuolent mynds towards both their prince and contrey: And is this priestlike? is this piety? nay they lay the fault vpon the Popes themselues (as before hath byn shewed) and is this tolerable?

But yet they go further, and say that some of themselues, if they had byn of her Ma. counsel, and knowing what they now know,Pag. 17.would haue giuen their consents to that which hath byn done against Catholikes Lo heere, they giue their consent à posteriori to participate the spilling of so much bloud, and the guylt of so many spoilings and vexations of Catholiks as hitherto haue byn vsed, and great probability there is that the iustice of almighty God may admit them to that participatiō at the day of iudgment, seing they desyre it so earnestly, and so importunatly thrust themselues in now, by offering their postconsent. But would any man beleeue this of Catholike preeists that are in their right wits?

If a man should pose them about the proceedings in England for aboue twenty yeares before the comming of the [Page] Iesuits thither (whome now they make the authors of al persecution & sufferings) as of the chaunge of religion it selfe the deposing and imprisoning of all the Cath.Aposing of the iumultuons. Bishops, the abolishing of the masse, with the greeuous punishmēt appointed for hearing it, the ministring of the oath about the supremacy and other articles of faith, the inforcing to heretical seruice, sermons and communion, the expulsing from colledges, benefices and dignityes, the imprisoning of diuers presons, the putting to death of diuers as wel priests as others. M. VVoodhouse, M. Mayne, D. Story, M. Shirwood, &c. yf all these proceedings and persecutions were vsed before the Iesuits came into England, or that Catholikes styrred, how do these accusers of their brethren lay all the fault of rigour and persecution vpon Iesuits and other Catholiks of their side? How wil they answere or defend this?

The sixt poynt of their book,The sixt point of their argument. Pag. 5. is an intimation of their intention and resolute purpose to chāge their former course for the tyme to come: Better late them neuer (say they) we haue thought it our parts, being her highnes natural borne subiects to acknowledge the truth of the carriage of matters against vs, & the apparant causes of it that the blame, may in deed from point to point light and ly where it ought to do, &c. This is their flattering and perfidious preface, and the persons wheron this blame and bloud of martyrs must light and ly are not only the Iesuits and true zealous priests and Catholiks ioyned with them; but the Popes also themselues to wit Pius 5. Gregor. xiij. Syxtus 5. named by them, Card. Allen also, D. Saunders, and others called heere their instruments. And then they proceed in their forsaid intimation and denuntiation in these words:Pag. Ibid. If the State hereby, may in any sort be satisfied, our owne former courses bettered and the realme secured (we promise) that the like shal neuer her after be attempted or sauored by any of vs, but be reuealed, yf we know them, and withstood yf they be enterprised, withal our goods, and our lyues, to our vttermost ability, be their pretences neuer so fayre for religion or what els can be deuised.

Lo heere new Champions that wil fight euen with God himself yf he should come with force to root out heresy. [Page] But wil any prorestant liuing beleeue them, seing them so notoriously perfidious to their owne people, or rather meere sicophants in seeking to accuse all other Catholikes, but thē selues, of treasons and machinations against the prince and state? what spirit of the former wicked seauen may we hold this to be? VVherfore seing they do affirme so plainly heere that better late then neuer and that they meane to turne ouer the leafe (which God of his mercy grant it be not to open heresy and apostasie) it is better also for Catholiks that they know these men rather late then neuer. And this is all the aduertisment we wil giue them in this behalfe.

But not to enlarge our selues any further,The 7 poy [...] of the subiect. there remayneth the last part of this subiect or argument, wherin they beseech all Catholiks to pleasure them so much, as not to send their children any more to the Seminaries beyond the seas:Pag 4 [...]. It remayneth then (say they) that yow would be pleased to be intreated by vs not to send or suffer your children or frends to go beyond the seas to them that so they may be driuen yf needs they wil trayne vp youthes, to make them traytors, to gather them vp in other contreys, wherby they shal not be able so much to infect or indanger vs, &c. This is their request, where at we doubt not, but yow wil laugh; especially considering that yf Iesuits had not gathered op diuers of them in other contreyes, they had yet layen on the ground as contemptible things both their and heere, but heare the reason of their request and yow wil laugh more.Ibid. 4 [...]. For God (say they) is able to rayse vp priests out of our owne vniuersityes and from among the ministers themselues.

Lo heere a new generation of masters made of ministers insteed of Iesuits. For bringing vp Catholiks children, but besides teachers they must offer vs colledges and mayntenance, also or els they bid vs to our losse. And so with this as they do end their booke, so shal we end this first Chapter, remytting it to the iudgment of the discreet Reader, concerning both the wit and spirit wherwith it is wrytten, which yet wil more perhaps appeare in the others chapters following.

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OF THEIR FOLLY AND passionate spirit declared in the maner of handling the former argumentes.
CAP. II.

YF yow haue taken pitty (good Readers, as truly we haue) of our discontented and distempered brethren their indiscretīon and demonstration of bad spirit in taking vpon them to handle and defend so odious argumēts, as before haue byn related out of their two last books, the one treating a defence and patronage of disorder and liberty against vertuous, regular, and retyred life, the other two (for now they are three in number as yow haue seene) of farre worse quality tending to open rayling and rebellion against Superiors, with manifest errors also in doctrine: much more (no doubt) wil yow do the same, or rather feele a farre deeper sense of compassion in yow toward them by vewing ouer their manner of handling these subiects, which is comonly euery where with such extreame passion, lack of iudgment, modestie, and moderation, as truly in men of their coate and vocation is most lamentable.

For wheras an euil argument may somtymes by cunning and smoth handling,The extreme passionate proceeding of the seditious. or by shewing wit & learning of zeale, or modestie be made plausible to the vulgar reader, these men do so treat the argument or subiect of these two books, as yf they were good and tolerable of them selues, yet could they not but become contemptible and odious by their manner of treating, seing they manifestly declare therin, that no reason, desyre of truth, zeale of reformation, loue of vnion, or any other good cause or motiue induced them to take this enterprize in hand, but spite and rancor only, enuy and malyce desyre of reuenge and other such pernicious inductions; and in the manner of handling their pretentions, they so beare themselues, as euery child may discouer not only great insufficiency in wisdome and learning, but in all other vertues [Page] besides belonging to men of ther profession, and that only they are carried away with the fury of passion and rage of reuenge, not caring what or how or of whome they say any thing, so they may vtter their gaule and disgorge their choler vpon thē, whome they enuy, feare or hate. Some few examples we shal heere set downe, wherby yow may easily make a gesse at the rest.

And first of all we shal note one that might seeme only to comprehēd folly and lack of discretion, if other things vttered by the same party afterward in his discourse did not bring also suspition or rather demōstration of venome and malice. For thus he beginneth his Preface to the book intituled, Important considerations, &c.

Right honorable,

A ridiculous beginning or entrance.

VVorshipful, welbeloued, Lords,

Ladyes, Earles, Contesses, Vicounts, Vicountesses, Barons,

Baronesses, Knights Ladyes, Gentlemen, gentlewomen,

Batchelers, virgins, Married, Single.

All dearly affected of both sexes of all three ages in euery degree,Epistle to Important Considerations, &c. state and condition of life, as wel for the gyfts of graces giuen yow, as yow are Catholike (which to God, to our holy mother the Catholike Roman Church, and to the Sea Apostolike doth make yow grateful) as also for the gifts of nature giuen yow as yow are English (which to your prince and countrey make yow loyal, seruiceable and faithful, and of both myneful) giue me leaue by an epistle pathetical in one general passage to speake vnto yow all alike, in two adoptiue surnames, Catholike and English: with sentences Apostrophal of as great weight and warynes, as the worth of the matter exacteth at my worthlesse hands: by so much the more made worthier, by how much I might be worthied with a fauorable conceyt had of yow all, not for my vnworthy sake, but for your owne indemnity for hope of leauing a posterity: for your deare soules health, deare Catholikes dearly affected English, deeply affied, voluntary religious, it is for yow, and to yow I speake.

Thus he wryteth, and were it not that the gauling and spiteful speech which after he vseth against diuers men of [Page] great worth, do argue the wryter of somwhat more then simplicity and folly, this might passe with laughter as yow see, but hearing him say afterward;Pag. 1 [...]. VVe do disdaine and renounce from our hartes both Archpriests and Iesuits as arrant traytors, &c. And againe in the very next page thus to glory and professe: Disobedient VVe are to the Archpriest as an vsurper on the [...]ehalfe of the Cath. Sea of Rome. Pag. 19. And then againe for further explication of his meaning: Disobedient we are to the diuel, and all his instrumental vsurped authorityes. Malitions speeches of VV. VV. And yet further: Neuer shal the Cath. Church or common welth of England find so wicked a member as a VVolsey, a Persons, a Creswel, a Garnet, a Blackwel, &c. These we say, and many other like speches beeing foūd euery where in this preface, do manifestly shew, that not only wisdome wanteth in the wryter, but some other more necessary vertues also to a Christian Catholike, and much more a priest as he professeth himselfe to be.

But now wil we shew yow another example of folly and malice ioyned to geather out of the beginning of their second books preface to the end yow may see that both were wrytten by one spirit,An example of folly and malice ioyned to geather. their words are these, yeilding a reason of publishing thersaid book against the Archpriest. And at this tyme (say they) we are the rather moued so to do (to set forth this narration of matters passed in VVisbich) because it hath pleased M. Blackwel our said Archpriest very lately to send to his twelue Assistants to be diuulged a certaine censure, Praef Relat. VVisbich Pag. 1. or (we know not what to tearme it) a sheet of paper fraught nether with wit, honest dealing, discretion or learning, but in effect with as many shifts and lyes almost as lynes in derogation not only of some of the said books set out by our brethren, tearming the same (as if eyther he himselfe or some of his commaunders the Iesuits had made them) to be seditious books: but likewise taketh vpon him to touch the said contention, not in many words, but with much folly and great vntru [...]h, we wilbe bold by way of Preface a little to touch them, &c.

By these words the reader may take a scantling of their cō temptuous spirit, who speak so disorderly of their lawful Superior, a man of knowne vertue and learning, for so myld and modest an admonition vpon their first two libels, as [Page] yow shal now heare by their owne relation. For thus they wryte.

These are (say they) his words,The Archpriests mild and fatherly speech proudly censured by his subiects. (to wit the Archpriests in his admonition:) The first point of your books (sayth he) (meaning the diuision at VVisbich) was a thing long since ended with great edification, and by the meanes principally of those which are most condemned by yow; It toucheth the greater and better part of that company; it nothing concerneth our authority, it being more ancient and hauing orders taken at the attonement by their owne consent. It is wel knowen at Rome, by whose meanes they were disanulted, nether is it more vnsitting for those which liued in one house to institute rules for such as voluntarily demaunded and accepted them, then to procure a sodality abroad.

Thus wrote our Reuerend Father the good Archpriest and as these men do confesse, it is all he wrote of this point of VVisbich and let the Reader be iudge whether any Superior in the world could wryte more myldly & more humbly, especialy if he consider the outragious iniuryes done him in these two first books or libels set out by his Rebellious subiects against him, and notwithstanding all this his patience and modesty, consider we pray yow with what intemperance they do canuase these few words of his heere set downe. For hauing recyted his words they say.

Thus farre our Archpriest. and it is all he wryteth to his Assistants of this matter which we the rather note to shew the extremity of his pride in supposing by such an answere to the said books concerning that diuision to w [...]pe away those imputations & matters wherwith both F. Garnet and F. VVeston, and he himselfe in some sorte are charged.

Thus wryte these men, being angry (as it seemeth) that their patient Superior vouch-safed not them more words of contention about this matter of VVisbich in his admonition to his Assistants, which how iust a quarrel it is let wiser men iudge, but much more, whether so few, so modest and so fatherly words vttered by a Superior without naming any, do merit so contumelious a censure from subiects, as to accuse him of extremity of pride lack of wyt and honesty, discretion, learning, truth and humility in wryting them. Is it possible that so [Page] high pride as heere is obiected can be gathered out of so lowly words without high folly and higher maleuolence?

But we shal aleadge yow another example in a different kynd of foly, or rather frenzie, vsed by these passionate people which is to grace and praise indeed their aduersaryes whome they seek most to disgrace, by telling good things of them, and deprauing them only by their owne comentaryes, as in this example last alleadged of M. Blackwel,Another kynd of strāg folly and medres. whose words recited by them selues being most commendable as yow haue seene they endeauour by fond and childish in [...]rpretations of their owne to make them reprochful. And the like they do oftentymes concerning F. VVeston, alleadging both his words and deeds worthie of praise in themselues, and then seking to discredit the same by their wresting comentaryes, wherof we haue giuen some examples in the former chapter, and we may ad therunto now this, which they relate of him, his behauiour and speech when M. Dolman one of their owne side came vnto F. VVeston to request him & the residue (who made the greater part of the company) to returne to the common conuersation of the troublesome and dissolute againe, whose answere to their demaund they set downe thus.

VVould God (said F. VVeston with most earnest affection,Pag. 17. F. VVest. religious vvords malitiously interpreted. as it seemed) that yow M. Doleman were as able to persuade the rest, as yow haue done me; for my owne parte I mynd to giue ouer and meddle no further, but to commend the cause to God, assuring yow, yf I could do the least of this house good for his soules health, by laying my head vnder his feete, I would most willingly do it, &c. And thus farre this dissembling Iesuite.

Let any true Christian man iudge now of this vnchristian censure of so myld, godly and Christian words; let our brethren but aleadge vs truly some such of any of their side, and we shal both beleeue them and praise them; But they can bring nothing of like quality from theirs, and yow haue heard the quite contrary by their owne letters and subscriptions alleadged by vs in ourCap. 6. Apologie, and heere in these books yow may reade them in euery line shewing a plaine opposite spirit both of speaking and doing. For within a few pages after this againe they shew their said spirit in scoffing [Page] at this blessed mans recollecting himself to prayer, when he was to treat any matter of moment (a thing as all godly men know most laudable, and vsed by all old saints, as also by the best religious men of our dayes) for when the foresaid M. Dolman (and as these men say also M. D. Bauyn with him) enduced by them and their clamors to desyre some final end whatsoeuer of so odious braules, came to the forsaid Father to treat about the leauing of, for peace sake, that fraternity or spiritual congregation, which the bigger and better part of the prisoners had made to themselues, for orderly lyfe and avoyding the disorders comytted by others; these men relate the matter thus.

But M. VVeston after the new fashion, Pag. 23. desyred them first to fall downe and pray with him, which done he arose, and framing his countenance as though he would haue wept said vnto them, &c. Lo thus with contempt they relate as yow see the good mans recollection of himselfe by prayer, before he would treat so weightie an affayre, which custome of prayer, these men cal the new fashion, for that it is like they vse it not, and yet they confesse the argument of his speech to haue byn such, as it caused M. D. Bauyn a wise and learned man to shed teares which these pleasant men also turne to a iest:Pag. Ibid. Then D. Bauyn (say they) to pay M. VVeston with his owne coyne, pretended to be so mooued with his words, as yf he likewise could scarsely haue refrayned from teares, which we obseruing doubted to find him but an halting arbitrator, Note this obseruation. &c. Heere yow see nothing but scoffing at all pietie and godlynes, condemning so graue and learned a man, as M. D. Bauyn is knowne to be, of halting, for that he was so easily moued to teares, wherwith their harts and eyes are little acquainted.

The like course they take with that Reuerend and learned man F. Garnet, setting downe most godly words of his, in his letters vnto them, and then condemning his intention (a thing proper to the diuel as before we shewed out of Iob) calling him also a diuelish polititian for the same,Iob. 1. & [...]. Pag. 44.transforming himself into an angel of light; and then for that the said Father wrote to them for their comfort, that not only he, [Page] but certaine gentlemen also, that had byn with him at VVisbich remayned much edified of their reunion and peaceable conuersation, adding also those words of S. Paul. Testis enim est mihi Deus, quomodo cupiam omnes vos in visceribus Iesu Christi: ‘for God is my witnes how much good I wish yow all in the bowels of Iesus Christ; and then of his companions:’ I assure yow that their being with yow hath wrought such effect in the harts of all that were with me that they neuer saw place or persons which more delighted them, &c.

To which words our brethren do adioyne this scoffe: In deed (say they) these were three or foure gentlemen,Ibid.whome we afterward tearmed his deacons and subdeacons: Lo their good interpretations; who can deale with such kind of spirits? i [...]rrisores (as the Apostle calleth them) scoffers and scorners, but as another Apostle sayth: [...]al 6. Deus non irridctur, God wil not be scorned; and so to him we leaue them, though we cannot leaue of yet to prosecute this vayne of foolish cauilling and calumniation in them, euen against very good things, as appeareth by this other example, about the same F. VVeston his sitting at table, wherof they relate, that he would not keep any certaine place at the vpper table as other auncients did, but only tooke his place as he came, they endeauour to turne all against him by malitious interpretation of his meaning:Pag. 46. M. VVeston (say they) did not long sit at the vpper table with vs, and below M. Bluet and M. Bagshaw, where his due place was, but that he desyred, and had it easily graunted vnto him, that he might leaue his said place, and sit in some other as he thought good, wher-vpon as disdayning to sit where he did before, be bound himself afterward to no certayne place but sate (yow must thinke for humilityes sake) now heere, now there as he list, &c.

Lo heere a greeuous accusation of disdayne to sit at the vpper table, and togeather yow may note, the great humility and ciuility of these two their frends heere named that tooke place alwayes as due vnto them aboue F. VVeston, whome yet in this booke they say to, haue byn the Prouincial of Iesuits before he came into the prison, which yf it be so, what the place of a religious prouincial is throughout [Page] the Christian world in respect of M. Bluet and M. Bagshaw all men know that are of experience. but F. VVeston, was as forward to contend in humilitie, and seeke alower place as the other were in striuing for a higher, and yet this humilitie also they condemne in him, for that he would not stryue with them, nor yet accept any place at the higher table, but sit as he came: which promiscual sitting vsed by religious men and others liuing in community we haue shewed (yf yow remember) in our Apologie out of M. Bagshaws owne letters, that he condemneth, as fit for Anabaptists reuiued Arrians and those of the Cynedrical congregations of, Geneuae, &c. Apol. cap. [...]. & 9. and what stir there is amongst them for sitting and keping places euen vnto the fifteenth difference and degree; appeareth by the forme of their new common wealth set downe by watson their Secretary (who now is sayd to haue gotten a place also at the Bishop of Londons table) cited by vs in our Apology.

VVe might heere alleadge many other examples in this kynd of folly and passionate proceeding, wherby our brethren, not seing what maketh for them or what against them, do go about to discredit others by such meanes, as do giue greatest credit & honour vnto them, as for example when desyring by all meanes possible to bring in contempt and discredit the venerable, godly and learned Society of religious men called the Iesuites, they tel vs euery where how strong and powerable they be in all countreyes, how greatly in credit throughout all Christendome calling also the most famous men of our age secular and religious, priests and lay men, Iesuits or Iesuited, when they make against them though they neyther are nor euer were of that order, and so they cal M. D. Sanders, D. Bristow, Card. Allen and others of our owne nation, Iesuites, though they were neuer so; but only frends vnto them. And the like also they do with many principal men of other nations yea though they be lay men; as Don Bernardino de Mendoca late Ambassadour for the Catholike king in France, and diuerse principal gentlemen in England, which is rather to [Page] commend and grace the Society then otherwise.

And the very same course they hould with F. Persons, whome to disgrace they affirme to haue led our late Card. Allen at his pleasure, made his bookes for him, induced him to this, and to that, as he listed; and the like authority they attribute vnto him with the late K. of Spaine, and this that now is, saying that he did and doth with them what he pleaseth; sending men into Ireland, making armadas and the like.Great folly & passion not to see vvhat maketh for thē or against them. The same authority also they affirme him to haue with this Pope & with the Card. Protectors getting forth Breues & other orders at his appointmēt, cōplayning moreouer, that he hath byn able to make so many new Seminaryes in Spaine and Flanders, and to send so many priests into England, and to haue so many vnder him at his comandement: all which things and other the like which they aleadge against him tending rather to his credit if they be true then any wayes to his discomendation do argue great folly and simplicity, and great blyndnes of passion in our brethren, that bring them in against him, seing they do plainly demonstrate, that ether F. Persons is a man of more wisdome, religiō, and better parts then they would haue him seeme to be, or that the Popes and princes which esteeme him so much, are very silly and simple people, both they and their counselors, to be euery where so much ouerruled by him.

To this kynd also of folly and passion not to see what helpeth or hurteth their owne cause, appartayneth that which they aleadge in their Relation of VVisbich of the contentions betweene the bigger and lesser part of the Catholike prisoners about certaine disorders and enormous crymes in lyfe and conuersation obiected by the maior part to haue byn comytted by the fewer, and was the cause of their seperation and making rules wherof we haue treated somwhat in the former chapter of this book, but much more largely in our Apologie:Apol. c. 6. which crymes and accusations (say these men) being gathered togeather in wryting contayned three whole sheets of paper (so simple and passionate they are as to put this in print) the arbitrement [Page] wherof was comytted the first tyme to the forsaid M. D. Bauyn and M. Dolman who meeting to geather to heare that matter,Seauen articles giuen vp by the quiet part for reformation of the rest. the bigger part which stood with F. VVeston gaue vp for better decision of the matter seauen Articles to be considered by the arbitrators, which were these, as these men themselues relate them.

First whether (say they to the arbitrators) wil yow stay the 1 tyme to examine these articles which any may be accused of?Pag. 25.

VVhether yow think it secure for vs that liue and meet togeather 2 many tymes in the day (not haunig the meanes to auoyd each other) to haue those things proposed and examined,Care of keepinge peace and charitie. and whether yow can compasse our quiet?

That whosoeuer doth come to declare any matter, shal submit 3 themselues to yow, as to their ordinary, to declare without allLoe these men also admit not equivocation incase of lavvful tryal. equivocation or lying, any thing which yow think necessary to the manifestation of the veritie.

That yow do take the promise of euery one that is called before yow 4 to behaue themselues with modestie and good tearmes.Care of modesty.

This supposed: we are all for our parts contented, that they obiect 5 what they can against vs.Great confidence.

VVe require also that they shal giue their consent, that they are all 6 contented,Ponder this. to heare what may be layd out against them.

Euery thing being heard, that yow pronounce sentence against 7 those that yow shal find culpable.

By these articles it is euident what the quiet part meant, to wit, to haue the matter decyded priuately and secretly, and the defects and disorders that had byn cause of separation betwene them, to be vttered modestly by common consent, but yet so as both parties should be contented therwith, and no mans [...]ame publikely hurt.

And truly we do not see, neyther can wel imagine what better aduertisments might haue byn giuen to the arbitrators and iudges for vpright, indifferent, secret and quiet decyding of al matters then these; yet shal yow heare what censure our wrangling brethren do giue of them, and what quarrels they pick against them; and let the prudent reader be iudge betwene both partyes. VVe shal relate [Page] their owne words as themselues haue set them downe: VVhen our said arbitrators (say they) had perused these interrogatoryes, Pag. 26. no maruayle though they troubled them heing so coutrary to their expectation and deuised of purpose to break of all hope of reconciliation by their meanes, and such likewise, as by Iesuitical shifts might haue byn prolonged, if they had list for (we know not) how many yeares, &c.

This is their comentary vpon the former articles, but why the Arbitrators should be so troubled with them as these men affirme, or how they might seeme so contrary to their expectation, and deuised of purpose to break of all hope of reconciliation by prolonging matters for many yeares; no man (we thinke) but these, can gather out of the Articles themselues, seing they all tend directly both to clearnes, breuity, peaceable and modest treating of all things among themselues, secresy, indifferency and final frendly and brotherly determination of all matters in stryfe. And the reader that seeth our brethren to cauil and calumniate so manifestly in this poynt, wil discerne their humor also (if he be wise) in all the rest, which yet wilbe more euidently discouered in the opposite articles which themselues gaue vp to contradict these, and to ouerthrow in deed all hope of true, syncere, and brotherly trial in the crymes obiected. They are but 4. in number but yet of much substance to shift their necks out of the collar; we shal set them downe in their owne words as heere they haue printed them.

VVith these 7.Pag. Ibid. Articles (say they) we were no soner acquaynted but presently we set downe these soure, in some sort to answere them.

1 VVe require that sufficient satisfaction may be made for the slander,Pag. 26 Satisfaction required formatters past. and defamation of vs by their breach and letter, if sufficient causes cannot be proued for their so doyng.

2 VVe require that euery accusation,A threat to all accusers. be set downe in wryting vnder the accusers hands sub poena talionis, yf it be not proued.

3 VVe wil answere in all things according to the order in the cannon law supposing these men to be our lawful iudges.A mere e [...]asion.

[Page] VVe wil sustayne any censure,A confession vvith a Prouiso. with this condition that being censured by these men, we may be secured therby from all other censures concerning the matter.

These are their articles which (as you see) are no answers but playne exceptions, cautions, and cauillations to auoid iudgement and to procure a worse breach then before, seeing in the first they require peremptorily satisfaction for things already past, and in the second the name of him that shal vtter their defects with obligation to be punished with the same punishment which the syn in it selfe by law deserueth if he should not be able to proue it Canonicially, which Canonical proof required by them in the third article, is a thing of such length and difficulty for cityng and bringing forth witnesses,Shifts and cautions to [...] anoyd all cō petent vvay of ending matters. and for the multitude of iudicial exceptions and delayes permitted therin, as it was not possible to vse it in a prison: and yet besides all this they ad moreouer for more security these cautelous words, supposing these men to be our iudges, wherby they reserue to them selues a refuge to deny their authority of being iudges, whensoeuer they should iudge against them. And finally the last article requiring, that in case they were condemned and censured by those iudges, they might therby be secured from all other censures concerning that matter, sheweth wel how gilty consciences they had, and how grosse disorders they had comytted that needed this assecuration.

And now whether this were not as grosse folly in these men to bring forth these matters againe vpon the stage of the world let euery wise man consider, and much more to runne to the publication of particular faults obiected there priuately against themselues, and tending all to dissolution, as whoredome, diceng, playing, and dronkennes, bringing in of hobby horses into the hall, the mention of Mary the kepers mayd, embeseling of pewter, and other such base things which howsoeuer they confesse,Very grosse folly in relatinge their ovvne perticulies abuses. that their aduerse part had three sheets of paper of like faults ready to lay against them; and to stand to the lawful proof therof in particular (as betwene brethren only for reformation, and not iudicially and canonically [Page] to their infamation in publike iudgment) yet nether they in those priuate informations nor wee in our publike Apologie thought it euer expedient to name the same with the circumstances and parties accused, as these men do heere, who seeme so much to be ouergone in blynd passion, as that they nether would conceale such matters nor could probably defend them, and do leaue themselues ether conuicted or suspected of all the particulars mentioned and brought in heere by themselues, and of many more in that kynd, which is a point of egregious folly in our opinion.

But now followeth the highest folly of all, which is most to discredit them,Their highest foly. (yf we be not deceaued) with all ciuil and discreet men of what sort, sect, or religion soeuer, who shal heare or read their books, and this is their immodest, scoffing and rayling speech. which doth so set out the spirits of them, from whome they come, especially in this our case (the matter, the causes, the wryters, and those against whome they are wrytten being considered) as truly the consideration therof doth deeply greeue vs; and first letting passe those things which yow haue hard before in the precedent Chapter, concerning the whole religious order of the Fathers of the Society, let vs heere begyn with their speches to M. Blackwel their lawful Superior, confirmed now after his first institution by two Apostolical Breues commanding them dutifully to obay and reuerence him in the place of almightie God, how do they vse him think yow? how do they treat with him?

First yow haue hard before how they take him vp,Most intollerable railing sueches of these distracted priests against their Superior. Pref. to relat. for halfe adozen lynes most fatherly and modestly wrytten by him, exhorting them to peace in the matter of VVisbich as a thing already ended with edification, but they tel him that there are as many lyes almost as lynes in his words; that their is nether wit, honest, dealing discretion or learning in them but extremiti [...] of pride, &c. Yow haue hard also before their open Appellation from him;Epist. before Impert. Consid. as an arrant Tray [...]or, vsurper from the Sea of Rome, forcibly, violently and most vniustly foisted in vpon them. And in [Page] this manner of myld spirit, they go forward calling him euery where, trayterous Archpriest, vnlearned, without wit, Iesuited, and vassal of the Iesuits: Ibid. and comparing him to Iohn of Leyden king of Anabaptists, and to Donatus and Arrius Archeretiks of Asrick and Egipt,Epist. Ibid.&c. And then further calling him a puppy, dauncing after the Iesuits pipe;Ibid. pag. 49.a Iesuitical idol without conscience or common honestie, borrowing discretion of others, and his credit gotten by falshood, a man of a quicker penne then eyther of wisdome or sincerity, a false brother. And yet further: An Archpriest of clouts,Relat. pa 57. 5 [...]. 65.& [...].sunburut with Iesuitisme, a che [...]fe parasite of the Iesuits; wryting false letters against his owne conscience; taken with manifest forgery about his authority, a begger on horsbacke; and other such like sutable tearmes: And when they come; to reason with him as good children and obedient priests they say: Your mastership was f [...]re to blame, &c. Speake truly man, for in a right good sense we are your good maisters, and so yow ought to esteeme vs. And then agayne:Epist. relat. pag. 5. We are euery man as honest as your selfe at least. And then further waxing angrie with him, they say: In good faith we are sory that wee are compelled to disclose this fellowes falshood, &c.

Lo here how they scarse account him for their fellow, whome the Sea Apostolike hath appointed for their Prelate and Superior. And wheras the said Sea and authority had made them his subiects, they by pryde call themselues his good Maisters, and can we doubt of what spirit this cometh? But heare what followeth of the same spirit against other men.

The whole religious Society of Iesus, they cal, the Society of the Diuel, Against Iesuits relat. pag. 42. and the schole of Macheuillisme. Marke these modest good men, and their whole doctrine and doings wherin themselues haue any mislike, they cal by a special contempti [...] name of Iesuitisme, Epist. relat. pag. [...]. and phanscisme though yet they confesse the whole body of Catholike learned men to agree with them therin, and consequently for this cause, they cal them as occasion is offered eyther Iesuits or Iesuited, and so they cal by name their old masters and teachers Card. Allen D. Saunders and others, and this is the fancy or rather phrēsy of these our distracted brethren.

[Page] But harken yet further and be ashamed with vs in their behalf when they talke of the first mission of the Fathers of the Society into England procured by the earnest sute of D. Allen in the name of the Catholiks (without which it is likely the most part of themselues had not byn Catholikes at this day, and much lesse priests:) These good, Fathers (say they) as the diuel would haue it came into England, Import. Considerat pa. 14. & intruded themselues into our haruest, &c. wherby as yow see they affirme the woorke it self to be of the deuil and Cardinal Allen the deuils instrument in procuring the same, And then talking of F. Persons in particular,Epist. pag. 9. they say: he did as much as art, wit or malice of man or diuel could affourd him. And further speaking of M [...] South worth a worshipful reuerond priest, and knights sonne,Epist. relat. pag. 10. frend to the Iesuits, they say; that he was an Italianated companion, and a diuel incarnate: which often naming of the diuel in such sense as this is, was much noted in Martyn Luther at the beginning (if yow remember) of his Apostasie and obiected to him by. B. Fisher & S. Tho. More, and other the first Catholike wryters against him; and is much to be remembred by these our brethren, so long as they remaine our brethren, which we wish may be euer, but following this spirit is not like to be long.

Besides this they call generally thesaid Iesuits,Ibid. pag 34. 35. &c. Epist. Import. pag 4 & 5. proud Nērods, boisterous hunters, Ies [...]nical hu [...]erists, m [...]a [...]ill ian practisers, furious spirits m [...]n without consere [...]e [...] companions, ambitious hipoerits, and the like, yea they go so farre in rancor and malice against these men, as they do allow by name Thomas Bel the heretical Apostata, and relapsed priest his shamelesse slaunders and raylings against them. And further they tearme all Catholiks that are conioyned with the Archp [...]eist and the sayd fathers infected with [...], gallants, abroad, they of the new guyse [...] fanciful, &c.Ibid. pag. 3 [...]. And as for the 19. or 20. graue men that were of contrary opinion, and conuersation to the [...] same prison, of wisbieh they cal them cuery where,Relat. pag. 3. 4. 7. & 23. the [...] oft separation, and themselues the priests of the vnity. They [...] so, poore fooles, conspiring companions, and that the ve [...]yer [...] this better luck, [...]. VVestō they cal yoncker dissembling [...] of the Hall, [...] [Page] his cook M. Bra [...]ston (à reuerend ancient priest) an hipocritical parasyte, Ibid pag 22. 23. 30. &c. procuring his Agenage amongst the rest with machauillian practises, &c. Of M. D. Bauyn their iudge, they say, that he was stesse lyned with Iesuitisme, and a halting arburator, &c.

Of three Reuerend priests, that were procurators of the Archp. in Rome, the one a deane and Doctor of diuinity, the other a prouost, and the third now an Assistant to the said Archp. they wryte thus: Standish that honest man must haue accesse to the Popes Hol. with two runagate priests D. I [...]addock and M. Martyn Aray, &c. Import. Consid pag. 55. who like very lying wretches, dishonest companions, &c. Of Father Garnet they say: he was a diuelis [...] polititian transformed into an Angel of light, abase [...]assal of F. Persons that be,Ibid. pag. 36. 43 53. sw [...] teth by his little honestie, &c.

And as for F. Persons himself, whome they make the special obiect, as it seemeth of all their malice, it would require halfe a book to set downe what they [...]could against him, and we doubt not but that it wilbe no smal part of his great merits in setting forward gods cause, to beare with patience (as we heare he doth) such insolent and intemperate raylings at these mens hands, who haue byn so greatly many wayes beholding vnto him, and diuers of them brought vp by him, wherby their notorious ingratitude is so much the more hateful both to God and man.

Now then we would end this Chapter of their folly (in handling their affayre) but that we thinke good to end with some more pleasant phrases of theirs (as we began) then are these bitter gauling and venemous speches now last rehearsed. Heare then how they protest and conclude: Neuer shal any royal lady of the court, mayd of honour, Epist. Important pag. 20. 22. 23. Extreme foolish vvanton speache. or da [...]sel of rare aspect, qualities indowments or graces, distil the accents of their sorrowes in the heceades of cares, carks, and greeses, be led away as wyues or concubynes to base villaynes swaggering, mishapen, s [...]addes, &c. Neuer shal the angels faces the flowre of Englands youth, the beauty of Britaynes ocean be appald, empared, ouer-clowded with a steep downe showre of stormy sorrowes, &c. Neuer shal the vermillian [...]iush of English virgins, the womanly modest look of marryed wyues, or the ancient matronlike countenance, of any widdow with in the Isle[Page]of Albion, be made common to the abortiues of the hote Spanish Clime, by our doyngs, &c. Neuer shal any tender mother nourse, or sweet babe weep, or any hand wring or hart hurle out volleyes of sighes and teares, &c. Neuer shal any mans or womans angel be offended or Saynt greeued, nor soule punished or passe to purgatory, much lesse to hel by our meanes, &c.

Heere now may we see and note diuers extreemes of the self same spirit, as first in bitternes of rayling, spiteful, and venemous slaundering and defaming, and then soft and delicate nicenesse in words for womē, and if those of their partie in the Castle of VVisbich were of this later spirit, no maruaile though those of the other side were forced to seeke for rules, and no maruayle though their last iudges and arbitrators in that contention (who yet were knowne to be their frends and fauorits M. Mush we meane and M. Dudley hauing brought both sides to liue togeather agayne (as in our Apologie we haue shewed) did yet ordayne and leaue in wryting also vnder their hands (as in this relation is confessed) with the quiet party,Relat pa. 46. that they might separate themselues againe afterward if they should think it conuenient, that is to say, yf these other amended not their former lyfe and conuersation, but should fal to the same scandalous behauiour againe, which is likely they would neuer haue done except they had seene in their consciences the great causes of the former separation and some Feare also and likelyhood that the same enormytes and disorders might come in vre againe,A great preiudice against the contentious parte in V Visbich. by which wryting in deed they iustified the former separation to haue byn made vpon iust and vrgent causes, and do giue testimony of great disorders on the other side, &c. consequently, this also was not a point of wisdome in our discontented brethren to publish the same in print.

And [...] now or the most part is about the matters of VVisbich as yow haue seene, and little hath byn spoken about the second booke (their sixt in order) intituled Important Considerations, &c. The argumēt of the sixt booke inti ruled Import. [...] whose argument yow haue heard in the former Chap. to haue byn the iustifying of the proceeding & persecution of hereti [...]s, and other aduersaryes against vs, and the [Page] whole Cath. cause, laying the fault where it is, and ought to be (as they say) to wit on Catholikes themselues, which subiect or argument being such as it is, yow must imagine is handled by them with no lesse passion, and consequently with no more wisdome reason or temperance thē the former seing that wheras passion entreth reason flyeth, as euery man knoweth wherof also insueth, that wheras the Philosopher saith: Prudentia consistie maximè in eligendis medijs, wisdome consisteth most in choosing fit and apt meanes to bring our ends to passe. These men being al-togeather in the fury of passion, no maruaile though they do erre, in choosing those meanes both of words and deeds wherby they should effectuate wel their designments yf they were good.

And this we haue ashewed swel in our Apologie vpon euery occasion offered as also much more in our litle Appendix to their other two books,The Appēdis of the Apologie in ansvvere of the 3. and. 4. libels. The hope of peace, and Relatio Turbarum, &c. wherin they growing more into passion then before (for that this tempest alwayes groweth when the dore is once opened vnto it) they tooke to themselues quyte opposite meanes to their owne ends; as there we haue shewed, nothing being more contrary to peace with their Superior, which in the title of the former book tbey precend, then the words themselues of the same title, to wit that this hope of peace was by laying open manifest vntruthes against their said Superior the Archpriest, thē which attempt nothing could be more effectual to continue warre, as euery one wil confesse; and in the second book of pretending to relate compendiously the troubles & contentions past in England and to iustifie themselues therin, they take the meanes which are quite contrary therunto, which is to set downe both the Card. Protectors letters and viceprotectors against them, with the Popes Breue also and other authentical wrytings of most authority to condemne them; and what blyndnes or obscurity of passion this was, all men that are out of passion may easily descerne; and this is their wisdome in eligendis medijs.

Moreouer their principal end being in that book which they cal the pope of peace to excuse themselues from dealing [Page] with my L. of London and other aduersaryes in religion against their owne brethren, both in VVisbich and abroad, and against the Fathers of the Society and other Reuerend priests vnited with their Superior the Archpriest, they take this medium to do it by authority of scripture, telling the Reade [...], that wheras Christes disciples, saw at a certayne ryme one casting out diuels in his name, who yet did not follow on with them, they forbad him, but Christ willed them to let him allone, saying.Luc 9. He that is not against yow, is with yow wherwith they seeme to persuade themselues, to haue defended wel their owne fact by this example,A fond applicatiō of scripture to defend their dealing vvith the aduersary. imagining my L. of London his pursuiuants and others persecutors to represent that man that did cast out diuels, themselues to be the Apostles and disciples following Christ, that looked on misliked the same vntil Christ said vnto them, let them alone. The diuels cast out must needs be heere the Archpriest and all other good priests ioyned with him to geather with the Fathers of the society.

And thus farre the comparison seemeth, to rūne with them roundly; but now with what piety these men may be accompted diuels by them that are their brethren and of the same religion; and how they may be said to be cast out in the name of Iesus by protestants that persecute them; and how my L. of London his casting thē out, may further or aduaunce the cause of Christ (as the other did in casting out diuels in Christs name, though perhaps he was no Christian) all these poynts we say our men must accomodate themselues, for we cannot ty them to-geather with any conuenience of reason, wit, religion or piety and yet notwithstanding we see them so delighted with this proof of theirs and so resolute in the matter it selfe, as they dare auouch a litle after, that if any of their ecclesiastical Catholike superiors should stand against them in this,Hope of peace. pag. 13. & 14. Appendix fol. 14. they would hold them for Principes tenebrarum Princes of darknes, &c.

Thus they proceed in that book, and do thinke this their dealing with the heretiks a good meaues to pacific matters; & the very like, or rather worse course do they hold in this book of Important Considerations by excepting first against [Page] the Popes authority spiritual, vnder the pretence of the law of Premunue, and then by protesting to oppose themselues openly in the field against him, if he should vse any power temporal, and thirdly by condemning whatsoeuer hath byn said or done hitherto in that affayre by Catholiks to the contrary, bringing their bloud vpon their owne heads (such as haue byn put to death) and finally defaming them with all the world for practisioners, vnquiet people, vnfaithful, and traytors indeed to their prince & countrey, ioyning heerin with the greatest and most bloudy enemyes, that euer our cause or brethren had in our Countrey. And is this also a good meanes, think yow to make themselues grateful to Catholiks eyther at home or abroad? And wil they go to Rome (as they pretend) with this good cause of pacification in their hands? VVho doth not see the folly of this proceeding?

But yet ere we leaue this matter we would haue yow consider, what a kind of Preface these people do make to there treatese, wherin they meane to accuse and make odious all Catholiks that are against them to the state and gouernmēt and they speak it by way of interrogation to the Catholiks themselues, making them their owne iudges and condemners for thus they say:Epi. Import. Con [...]id. Is there any synne (deare catholiks) rysing vpon in f [...]rmyrie and frailty of man, committed by an Apostat [...], an infidel, an heretike, a schisama [...]ke, an Atheist cast out of the sauour of God and accussed out of his church, but a catholike may and often hath fallen into the same and yes remayned constant in his religion to death? Questionles there is nor.

Thus they say and we say the contrary, questionles there are many things:A most absurd a [...]ertiō about the synnes of a Cath. man. for that an infidel denyeth God; an heretik contemneth his Churche, a so [...]ismatike seperareth himselfe from his head; a [...] Atheist bele [...]ueth nothing [...] all which synnes Catholike remayning constant in his religion can do. But we do ghesse at the fond which the wryter may haue in this place, though his intent be impious to lay this absurd foundation to all that they are to say afterwards against any sort of Catholiks, especially the Fathers of the Society against who [...]e they are to rail their fil, and do not dissemble [Page] it euē at the first entrāce,Ibid. pag 3. for thus they wryte: The intent of this discours is in the name of secular priests in general not to impeach any one perticular person of the cath [...]laity of matter of treason and state, &c. nor yet to accuse, excuse, nor any way call in question our common adsuersary. togeather with the present state, as a point very impertinent to the purpose, &c. for that to medle with such edge-tooles, as the very bandling of them roughly would rent vs quite in peeces (our frownd on state considered) were a very preposterous course for men in afflaction, &c.

This they say of that they wil not do;A [...] catiō [...] and then after a long treatese of this negatiue they signify to the reader what they meane to do, which is to ioyne with the said comon aduersary in defacing of Iesuits and their frends & by name with Thomas Bel the heretical and relapsed Apostata, who they say hath touched the Iesuits with pryde, Intolerable spyte and malice against Iesuits ambition, intrusion, vsurpatton, incrochment ouer the secular priests, affectation of soueraygnty and the like, which they wel allow of, and approoue his spirit therin, and then they make a certaine obiection to themselues as cō ming from some Catholiks, how it can stand that Catholike priests may ioyne with heretiks to lay open the defects (if any such were) of their owne brethren, or rather to lay the faults of heretiks vpon them, as the persecution of protestants vpon Iesuits their most opposite aduersaryes; and for the first part of the obiection they answere it easily, affirming that (in their diuinity) it is not only lawful to ioyne with heretiks in defaming of Iesuits,Ibid. pag. 5. but needful and necessary also, for that the contrary (say they) should quite cut of the order of iustice stop the course of fraternal correption, hinder the effects of Christian Charity, violate the lawes of God and man [...] &c.

The second part of the obiection and answere to it was forgotten or left out in the text, and therfore hauing considered better of the matter, they haue put it in afterward, in a long marginal note or commentary in these words: The obiection of many that are of the spanish faction is very friu [...]lons (if [...] malitious) when they say; why do the priests lay the faults vpon Iesuits, [...] cause of the cath. persecution seing it is welknowne, that the aduer saryes to both priests and Iesuits and all Catholiks are cause therof, &c. VVbich admitte it were true, yet the Iesuits being equally guilty [Page] with them it belongeth to priests to cleare the innocent Catholiks and leaue the Iesuits iu the suddes, and our aduersaryes to those that haue to do with them, &c.

Lo heere the answere or resolution of this obiection, that though it were true, that as wel protestants as Iesuits were the cause of persecution in England (which point notwithstanding it seemeth they would haue held for doubtful and only Iesuites to be the cause) yet do they think it reason to leaue of the protestants, and to attend only to accuse Iesuits and to leaue them in the suddes. And is not this plaine malice and passion confessed by themselues? what wit, what spirit is there in this handling of their affayres? who wil beleeue them, what they say or do heerafter? hauing allready so farr discouered, their meanings actions, and indeauours? VVherfore heere also we must conclude, as in the former, and all the rest of the Chapters that ensue,2. Tim. 3. In [...]ipientia eorum manifesta fit omnibus: there folly is euident to all men, and their passionate spirit is hidden to none.

THERE FOLLY AND presumptious spirit in making to them selues such aduersaries, as they do.
CAP. III.

AS wisdome doth consist in considering wel first before a man make breaches or enter into warre, what manner of aduersaryes they are with whome he hath to fight; so is there no point of folly greater then not to forethinke of this, as it seemeth these our angry men, haue not done, but only for satisfying of their present passion haue lauished out, and bid bataile to as many, as euer stood in their way: among which though there be many personages of great consideration and respect, yet none (in our opinion) ought to haue byn of so great in this affayre as the [Page] man most contemned, iniured, and impugned by them (as in the former Chapter hath byn seene) we meaue their prelate and lawful imediate Superior M Blackwel not so much in respect of his owne person and gifts of God annexed therunto, which are knowne to be both many and great, but of his place and authority giuen him by Christ and his substitute ouer the whole body of English Catholiks both priests and laymen, which make at this day our true Cath. Church of England.

For albeit some others here iniured also may for other considerations, and ought to be more regarded by them, yet he in that he is Gods substitute among them, ordayned confirmed and reconfirmed by the Sea Apostolike, and consequently in the place of Christ to guide and gouerne them (of which kynd of men Christ himselfe expressely saith qui v [...]s spernit, Luc. 10. me spernit, & qui spernit me, spernit eum qui misit me. He that contemneth yow, cōtemneth me, and he that contemneth me,Rom. 13. contemneth, him that sent me, and S. Paul said, qui potestati resistit, damnationem sibi acquirit he that resisteth, power appointed ouer him doth draw damnation vpon himselfe) for these causes we say all holy Fathers and spiritual wryters do agree that our spiritual superiors are most of all other men to be respected by vs,Their vvarre vvith M. Blackvvel the Archpriest. yea before angels themselues, yf they should conuerse with vs vpon the earth, for that these mens authority is knowne euidently to be from God, which in angels is not, except by reuelation, and consequently that the greatest synne of all other, yea the highest point of spiritual synne, pride, and presumption is, to molest, & make warre against them, but much more to despise and abuse them.

And albeit our discontented people may haue this conceyte for their refuge, and seeke also to persuade others the same (as they do) that hauing appealed from him and his iurisdiction they are free and not bound to any obedience, or respectiue behauiour toward him, yet to all men of any capacity and learning this is knowne to be otherwise, both in reason, conscience and constitution of Ecclesiastical canons. For albeit a man may appeale from one Superior to [Page] another in certaine cases,About their appeale from the Archpriest. yet that doth not take away the said Superiors authoritie, but restrayneth him only (when the Appeale is lawful and vpon good grounds) not to proced in that particular case vntil the higher Superior haue giuen his decision. And if he admit not the Appeale, but do remit the Appellantes backe againe to obey the said immediate superior (as his Hol. hath done in this our case by his breue of the 17. of August last past) then is their case as it was before, and they more obliged to obey then before. But howsoeuer any Appeale succedeth, most cleare it is that the parties appealing are bound to obey and shew themselues dutiful in all other things while the Appeale dependeth before the higher iudge, no lesse then yf any such Appeale had neuer byn made; and much more after the controuersy ended and decyded, as ours now is, and the Authority of our Archpriest both established and reestablished, and therfore for our disordinate brethren to vse him contumeliously togeaher with all those of their owne coate or others lawfully ioyned with him in due subordination,Se the Apologie cap [...]. as they do in these their books, cannot but be a most presumptious & haynous synne in the sight of God, and infinite discredit vnto them in the eyes and iudgements of all good and godly men to haue such a one, and so many dependent of him for their open aduersaryes, as they are not ashamed to confesse and professe in these their books,

This then in our opinion cannot be but a great poynt of folly,Their abusing of the Iesuits. as was also that to take so vniuersally and generally against the whole order of Iesuits vsing so opprobrious names against the whole body, as in the former Chapters yow haue heard, for by so doing they can gaine no credit but with the heretiks that hate the whole order for religions sake; and euery Catholike wil easily see and consider, that a whole body or society cannot haue offended our brethren in any particular matters, and consequently seing that they concurre with Protestants in deprauing the whole order it must needs be eyther of great passion and folly in hating the whole for a parte, or for that in iudgement and affection they concurre [Page] heerin with Protestants, and hate them euen for religions sake, that is for their eminent zeale in Catholike religion. And what credit this may be to them throughout the world with all good Catholiks, themselues may easily consider; as also what wisdome it is to exasperate without cause so great a multitude of men dispersed ouer all Christendome, who haue done them euery where much good, and may do, and both they and theirs haue need of them in diuers places of our banishment abroad, and persecution here at home, being subiect to so many necessityes both spiritual and temporal, wherin these mens help vnto vs hath and may be very beneficial.

And in this kynd also is the inconsideration of our said brethren,Inconsiderate exasperating the K. of Spaine notorious, that hauing receaued for so many yeares, and receyuing daylie in forraine contreys most principal releefe from the kinges of Spaine both the father now dead, and the sonne raigning, and our Cathol. English mens affayres beyond the Seas and namely our Seminaryes depending in such sort of their good likings and liberalityes, as yf they should faile vs the greatest part of all our stay must fal therwith: these men not-withstanding, as though they had byn hired by the common enemy to ouerthrow our owne cause, seeke occasion in these books to alienate them both, and the whole nation together by contumelious iniuryes layd vpon them with so intemperate a tongue as no mouth of heretike or other enemy, could vtter worse. Let vs heare yf yow please some of their speches touching both the one and the other king.

The K. of Spaine (say they) ayming at the crowne of England with the death of her Ma.Epist. p 67. and subuersion of the whole state, togeather with the vtter ruyne desolasion and destruction of the whole Isle and the ancient inhabitants therof, neuer once shewed any care or respect he or his had, to the restoring of the Catholike R [...]mish faith amongst the English, nay his direct course was taken quite contrary, scilicet, to extirpate the name of all Catholiks that were English out from the face of the earth.

Thus they wryte of his Cath. Ma. And further they are not [Page] ashamed in the same place to assure the reader, out of the Duke of Medina his owne confession, that he had order rather to spare protestāts yf he had peruayled in warre then Catholiks. And what heretike was yet euer so impudent as to affirme this? seeing that both the kings owne Edict published in Spayne concerning that enterprise, as also the declaration of the late Cardinal from his Hol. do testifie and protest the quite contrary, namely that the old good kinges intention was principally for the aduancemēt of Catholike religion and relief of poore afflicted Catholikes, himself often protesting as most certaynly wee are informed that he neuer ment or pretented in his life any temporal interest for himself to the crowne of England, and that if he might haue had any reasonable hope or satisfaction in the other two poynts by any competent moderation or toleration he was desyrous to haue helde peace and good frendship with her Maiestie and the crowne of England aboue all other princes and kingdomes in Europe and the self same disposition wee persuade ourselues by many and great argumentes to be in his sonne the king catholike present, of whome notwithstanding our men that spare none do ad also diuers contumelious speches saying;Ibid. that it is not religion which the king present doth care for, more then his Father did before him, but maketh that only a pretence to seduce all Catholiks, &c. Making them and yow all (deare Catholiks) to cut one anothers throat &c. thus they say of him. And as for his nation and people the Spaniards, they raile at them most impudently,Epist. pag. 2. Ibid. 41. calling them base villaynes, swaggering mishapen swads and knowne to be the cruellest tyrants that liue vpon the earth, &c. which intollerable spiteful insolency comming to their eares, as it cannot choose but do, let vs imagine what that bountiful king and his people, that haue so many of our brethren and children in their hands and dominions, and do cherish them most tenderly, may or wil thinke of this barbarous ingratitude not only in heretiks which were more tolerable, but also in Catholiks yea priests and most of them maintayned and brought to that they are, eyther in Doway, Rhemes or Spaine, by the said king and nations liberality.

[Page] And this is the deep wound indeed which these inconsiderate and passionate people (not to vse more greeuous tearmes) haue giuen & do giue vnto their nation and to the publike cause of religion,A deep vvoūd giuen to the publike cause by these passionate people. which they wil neuer be able to cure wholy, nor scarse perhaps any other for them. But passing forward from the kings of Spaine, they go to the Popes themselues according to that saying in the psalme:Psal 73. superbia corum ascendit semper, their pride mounteth higher and higher, and truly a man would not easily beleeue that priests professing themselues Catholiks and to haue byn brought vp in the Seminaryes, and that they would haue no other iudge of their cause but his Hol. himselfe wold presume to be so audatious,Insolent dealing against his Hol. and diuers his Predecessors. as to cal in question and condemne the actions of so many Popes togeather noe lesse contemptiously then those of the K. of Spaine before mentioned, whome comonly they do conioyne with the Popes and Sea Apostolike affirming that both Pius 5. Gregory the xiij. and Sixtus 5. did conspire with him, yea thrust him into the inuasion of England:Against Pius quintus. Pag. 9. ibid. Did not Pius 5. (say they by way of a fayned obiection) practise her Ma. subuersion she (good lady) neuer dreaming of any such mischeefe? &c. Did not Pius 5. mooue the K. of Spaine to ioyne in this exployte, &c. Had not the Pope and K. of Spayne designed the duke of Norfolke to be the head of this rebellion? Did not k. Philip at the Popes instance determyne to send the duke of Alua into England with all his forces, &c.

Thus and much more they complayne of that holy Pope,Against Gregory the xiij. and the like of his successor in these words: Now whilst these practises were in band in Ireland, Gregory the xiij. reneweth the said [...] Bull of Pius 5. & denounceth her Ma. to be excōmunicated,Pag 14.with intimation of all other particulars in the former Bull mentioned. And of the same Pope Gregory they ad further thus: The attempts both of the Popes and Spaniard fayling in England, his Hol as a temporal prince displayed his banner in Ireland, &c.

Of Sixtus 5. also his successor,Against Syxtus quintus. Pag. 27. they complayne in like manner speaking of the armada in the yeare 1588. VVe doubt not but that the Pope as a temporal prince, did ioyne and contribute towards this intended inuasion, &c. And marke that alwayes [Page] they ad as a temporal Prince, for that as a spiritual and Ecclesiastical Magistrate they hold throughout the whole book, that he hath no power at all to concurre or appoynt any such action, protesting their vpon (asSupra ca 1. before yow haue heard) that yf he should attempt any such thing they would resist him.

And finally laying the greatest part and occasion of all our English persecutions vpon these Popes inconsiderate and vnlawful actions,Pag. 39.they say: If the Pope and K. of Spaine had neuer platted with the duke of Norfolke; yf the Bull of Pius 5. had neuer byn knowen; if neuer Stukely nor the Pope had attempted any thing against Ireland; yf Gregory the xiij. had not renewed the said excommunication: yf the Pope and the k. of Spaine had uot practised with the duke of Guise:Pag. 40. yf the pope had not thrust the k. of Spaine into the barbarous action against the Realme, &c. Then (say they) we are fully persuaded in our consciences, and as men (besides our learning) that haue some experience, where there is one Catholike now, there would haue byn ten, &c. VVherby yow see that the Popes and Sea Apostolike are iudged by these learned and wel experienced men to haue byn the hinderers of the increase of Cath. religion in England, and the original cause of afflictions and persecutions.

VVe leaue out of purpose, how they deale with this Pope,There dealinge vvith Clem. viij. condemning his action euery where in instituting the Archpriest by the Card. Protectors letters, telling, vs ‘that he could not do it; Se the Apologic cap. 3. 4. & 11. that it was not lawful, conuenient, decent, or profitable; that he appointed him without their consent, against the prescript of Church Cannons; intruded him vpon, them, gaue him authority without limitation and greater, in some respects, then euer creature had,’ which is as much, to say, that it was more then the Pope had himself to giue. His Breue also for the confirmation of his office is contemned by them, and that both in woords, saying: that they know not out of what office it was gotten; and that is was lawful for them to demurre vpon it, (as in the Apologie and Appendix hath byn shewed) as also much more in fact and deed,Apol. cap. 11. Appēd. Pa. 10. obeying nothing therin conteyned.

[Page] And further more reprouing and condemnig the whole course of his Hol. proceeding with their two messengers Bisshop and Charnocke affirming among other things his Hol. to haue shewed so great inconstancy in that affayre about their audience, as to haue said and vnsaid 4. seueral tymes that he would heare and not heare them,Epist. to Import. Consid. pag. 15. at the instance of two opposite Embassadors, which beside the falshood therof (no such thing hauing euer been) is as great a contumelie as to so high a personage (his great grauity considered) can be ascribed. All which besides many other things declared in the first and sixt Chapter of this book, touching their intemperate behauiour to-wards his Hol. his predecessors and the Sea Apostolike do euidently declare, that they make warre also where the commodity of their cause requireth, against this supreme and highest authority, howsoeuer now and than they cast out some words of submission for a shew, and to delude such Catholiks as wil beleeue them.

And these now are 4. general heads or bodyes of aduersaryes which these men haue taken to fight against; there remayne some other though more priuate and particular, yet very important to be considered by vs, and by them also, yf force of passion did not transport them from all due consideration. And first of all offereth it selfe their aduerse part in the castle and controuersy of VVisbich Where their part (as we vnderstand) especially these later tymes being not aboue 7. or 8.Their aduersaryes in VV isbich. and the other side wel neere 30. it ought greatly to haue mooued them in all reason wisdome and humility of spirit, to haue ether yeilded or compounded those matters with lesse noise, or at least wayes being once compounded and ended by others, not to haue brought them in disputation and breach againe, especially with such intemperate speches as before yow haue heard,Sc Apol. ca. 6. calling them [...]naues, conspiring companions, authors if separation, Donatists, reuiued Arrians, a Cynaedrical congregation, and the like: For whatsoeuer man of iudgement and indifferency shal consider the oddes and differences of these two parts, to wit the number and quality of each side, wil easily enclyne to giue sentence against them.

[Page] And first the very circumstance of F. VVestons person, his learning, wisdome, moderation, religion, mortification, and other rare vertues related & admyred euen by heretiks themselues must needs make a greate preiudice against them. And then if we go forward to consider the persons also of many of the rest, as of M. Barlow the first Seminary priest of all the rest (if we be not deceaued) a man of approued vertue and cō stancy;M. Barlovv. M. Thomas Pond the most ancientest confessor which now perhaps liueth of lay gentlemen,M. Pond. and euer accounted a most zealous constant Catholike; If we consider these (we say) and many other of that company; and on the other part, besides the fewnes, compare the men themselues with these, to wit the two of the oldest and authors of all the contention, what men they are, theM. Bagshavv one a doctor of his owne procuring without licence or order of superiors, and dismissed out of Rome by publike authority for his vnquiet behauiour; theM. Bluet. other first a minister, and then so vnquiet a priest, as appeareth both by his ordinary intemperate woords, and his violent laying hands vpon others of the same order;Se the Apology cap. 6. and two other yong men of the same company whome now they carry with them out of England Champney and Barnaby lately come from the sedition at Rome,M. Chāpney & M. Barnaby. wherin they had byn actors; these circumstances we say considered and wayed, though otherwise the cause it selfe were not knowen, which wee haue handled at large as well in our Apologie,Apol. ca. 6. as in the first chapter of this book, these were sufficient to make a man of iudgment and indifferencie to resolue on which side truth and vertue standeth, and consequently it was great indescretion in these our brethren to publish the forsaid men for ther enemyes as they do.

There follow in the same ranke of their aduersaryes,Cardinal Allen and Doctor sanders ther aduersaryes. cōcerning the argument of their booke of Important Considerations, two special men of worthie memory of our owne nation, and so called by them in all other poynts, Wherin they are not against them, and their designments, to wit D. Saunders, and D. Allen late Card. we shal shew in few words how vnworthely they handle them both, and therby do yow iudge of [Page] their spirit, how desperately they are set to defend their owne fancies, seing that what they reprehend in these men was not only their owne iudgements but of all other [...]earned Catholiks also of our nation, D. Stapleton, D. Bristow, M. Gregory Martyn, M. VVilliam Reynolds, yea of all learned Catholike men in like manner of Catholike contreys, as before we haue shewed: against all which these new petty doctors, to flatter the State and my L. of London wil needs oppose themselues, as yf they knew more than the forsaid learned men of our nation, whose books they are not worthie to beare. But let vs see som what of their dealing with D. Sanders and the Card. in particular.

It little became eyther M Saunders (Say they) otherwayes an excellent man or M. Persons or any other of our nation to haue intermedied with these matters,Pag. 7. and to wryte as they haue very offensiuely done in diuers of their books and treateses, &c. Lo heere their censure and reprehension. Pag. 12. But let vs heare further: In the yeare 1572. (say they) out cometh M. SandersAgainst M. D. Sanders. book de visibili monarchia, wherin he taketh vpon him to set downe how the Pope had sent M. Morton and M. VVebbe two priests before the Rebellion of the North to excite the Lords and gentlemen to take armes. And the rather to persuade them therunto they signified vnto them by the Popes commandement that her Ma. was excommunicated, &c. Behold here the condemnation of three ancient Doctors ioyned by these our yong maisters with that of the Pope himselfe, and then they go forward.

Then M. Sanders building castles in the ayre amongst his books doth magnifie the said Rebelles to the great discredit of the Church of Rome,Pag. 13. and his Hol actions in such matters, &c. And from this passing to his goyng into Ireland, they say thus: Pag. 14. The Pope himselfe in the yeare 1579. abused stil by false pretences, did set forward that course, and sending thither certayne forces M. Saunders too much Iesuited did thrust himself in person into that action as a cheif ringleader, &c.

But heere we would aske these men how they do know that D. Saunders did thrust himselfe into that action, wherin all good men do wish that he had neuer byn, considering the great good he might haue done to all Christendome by his most learned books, yf his lyfe had not byn shortened that [Page] way? But these yonkers his schollers, or rather not worthie to be his schollers that so resolutely do accuse him heere of voluntary putting himselfe in that peril how can they proue it? and much les that he was a cheife ringleader in that warre? or what sure ground haue they of this malitious imputation? For sure we are, that we haue both heard and seene by letters, that he was not only induced, but also commanded in his Hol. name by Bishop Sega then Nuntius Apostolicus in Spayne and afterwards Card. to go in that voyage, not to be ringleader in matters of warre, as these men do odiously obiect, but rather to be a moderator and vmpire in Ecclesiastical affayres for direction to that people as occasion should fal out. But howsoeuer that was, those things being now past, and the man dead, and with almightie God, as we hope and persuade our selues, for these men now to reuiue the same againe with so great hatred and enuy as they do for flattering of the present state (which yet we persuade our selues beleeueth, them little) sheweth with what spirit they are replenished, and we feare we shal daylie more and more see the fruits therof. And this of him.

But now let vs heare a little how they handle their old good maister and foster father and late Superior Card. Allen, Their speches against D. Allen Card. of whome in their first two books both in latyn and English they glory greatly, that he was their common father and founder that begone the Seminaryes and brought them all vp therin, taught and directed them most prudently and kept all in right good order while he was aliue, and that he ‘misliked on the other syde the Iesuits education and gouernment of our youth, and that he was disunited with F. Persons as misliking his nature and manner of proceeding, himself giuing contentment to all, beloued and approued of all, &c.’

These things and diuers others were in their first two books often incultated, which now are contradicted in these later according to the growth of their spirit in passion malice and folly and according to the necessity they haue put themselues in vpon these motiues to bid warre not only to D. Sanders Card. Allen and all the good and learned men of our nation besides, [Page] but to all Cath. wryters of other Nations also as before hath byn said about their fond and foolish assertion set downe in these their absurd libels; But yet especially and abo [...]e all others to Card. Allen, who hauing seene a false and pestiferous libel of the very same argument with this of Important Consideratiōs, cast abroad in the years 1583. made by some malitious heretiks in defama [...]ion of Catholiks and their sufferings who [...]e little was:D. Allēs ansvvere to iustit. Britannica. The execution of iustice in England, the said learned man made an answere therunto, intituling it: A true, sincere, and modest defence of English Catholikes that suffer for their faith both at home and abroad, &c. And then is added another paragraphe wherin is declared, how vniustly Catholiks are charged with treason, how vntruly their persecution is denyed to be for religion, and how deceytfully heretiks seeke to abuse straungers about the cause, grearnes and manner of their sufferings, &c. And finally is added: vt obstr [...]atur [...]s loquentium imqua, all this is done to stoop the mouthes of such as speake vniustly. VVhich these our priests may take now also to themselues as all the rest in like māner which in that learned booke of the Cardinal (contayning nyne large chapters) is vttered against slanderous heretiks, and that lying libeller that set forth the said Execution of iustice seing these men haue aduentured to take their parts and persons vpon them and to rayle, ly and defame the actions and intentions of the best Catholiks no lesse then the other did.

VVhich things being so, and the said late good Card. being indeed the most opposite and earnest enemy which they haue or many haue in this their last argument of Important Considerations, hauing shaken in peeces by his former booke, all the fond reasons and flaunderous calumniations which they alleadge, before they came forth, no maruaile though they do handle him contēptuously, and most spitefully in this book, though tempering the matter somtymes in respect of their former praises giuen him with saying that the good man was abused, that whatsoeuer he did or wrote to their dislike was by F. Persons induction,Reproches against the Card. help and persuasion, which in a man of his wisdome and authority is the greatest reproch that can be obiected, as though he had byn able to haue done nothing of [Page] himself, but that all he did, camefrom F. Persons, so they say of him concerning his booke or epistle vvrytten in the yeare 1587. about the lawfulnes of the fact of Sr. VVilliam Stanley his giuing vp Dauentry to the true owner, wherof we shal haue occasion to speak afterward in this book; now we shal adde a word or two of their reprehension or rather calumniation in that behalf.Pag. 24. The defence of that disloyal [...]y (say they) made by a worther man, but by the persuasions as we thinke of Persons, was greatly disliked by many, both myse and learned, especially that he layed this for a ground in iustifying the said Stanely, that in all warres which may happen for religion, euery Catholike man is bound in conscience to imploy his forces by the Popes direction, &c.

Lo what they mislike both in his ground and action. And after this mentioning againe an other book of his which they cal; a Treatese penned altogeather by the aduise of F. Persons in the yeare 1588. they rayle and iest at him extremely, saying;pag. 25. that he laboured with all his Rhetorike to persuade vs to ioyne with him to all our destructions, telling vs many fayre tales, & alluring vs with sundry great promises all being meereillusions. falshoods, an [...] mast trayterous instigations and iuglings, &c. And then yet further they wryte thus of him:Page. 26. & 27. This Iesuite also telleth all Catholiks (lo now he is made a Iesuite, who was said by them to haue byn an enemy to Iesuits before) the better to comfort them, but in deed to the great scandal for euer of all priesthood, that there was diuers priests in the k. of Spaines army ready to serue euery mans spiritual necessity by confession, counsel, and all consolation in Christ Iesus,Pag. [...].&c. Which kind of persuasions (say they) some being ridiculous, the most very traterous and these last most blasphemous, as tending so greatly to dishonour of religion we detest and abhorre, &c.

Moreouer they wryting of the said Card. speech vsed at that tyme about the sentence of Sixtus 5. abuse him exceedingly by contemptuons words, affirming first that he was not to be beleeued, shewing nether B [...]eue nor any other publike instrument; and that his owne testimony and book wrytten was of so smal trust or authority as by VVarrant therof (Say they) we are persuaded it was not lawful for vs to hane killed a goose, yf her Ma. had forbidden vs so to do. And a little after speaking of [Page] the said book, they cal it a scurrilous and vnmanly admonition, or rather most prophane libel.

And thus yow see how they pay home their so much praysed father and maister when he cometh in their way. And yf there were so great disunion and mislike of nature and conditions betwixt him and F. Persons (as these men haue giuen out in their other books) how is it probable now that he wrote all these things by F. Persons persuasions as now they say; yea that the Card. set his name to some books that F. Persons, & not himselfe, had made and compounded; these things (we say) do not stand to-geather, and the very truth is that these men in the humour that now they be in, are as great enemyes in hart; hatred, and Faction to the Card. as to F. Persons, and so would shew themselues yf he were alyue to contradict or resist them in these their follyes and madnes, as F. Persons (God be thanked) is.

And now by this occasion we are mooued in this place to say somwhat also (which otherwayes we had purposed not to haue done) of this their enmity & principal hatred against F. Persons vttered so intemperatly throughout all their libells,Their vvarre against F. Persons. as they may seeme especially to haue byn wrytten against him and against others only or cheefly for his sake. The reason wherof notwithstanding the more we seeke, the lesse we fynd, excepting only that general reason which we haue touched before in our Apologie, that he beeing the man that hath most benifited them, & aboue others by way of the Seminaryes, and after the said good Card. decease, by reason of his place and office (being Prefect of the English mission for those of his Society) may seeme cheifely to hold togeather that cause which these men would deuide and dissipate. For this reason (yf it be a reason) they being angry with him by the very imagination of his beeing in place and credit to hinder their designments, they turne all their obligation of gratitude into the passion of hatred, conspiring, and coniuring against him, as the only imagined obstacle of all their factious attempts and desyres, though hithertoo we do not see, that they haue alleadged many opposite acts of his parte, but only [Page] by their owne apprehension or interpretation, or suspitions for the tyme to come.

For proof wherof, yf we runne ouer all their clamorous books hitherto come forth, what one thing of substance do they alleadge against, the sayed father,Apol. ca. 12. yf we set aparte, slaunders, scoffes and contumelious speaches? & for as for his going and comming out of England it is so iustified by vs in our Apologie, and so many vtilityes shewne to haue ensued therby to our common cause, as they may be ashamed euer to make that obiection againe, his ioyning afterward with Card. Allen, and his proceeding ioyntly with him both in Flaunders, and Rome for aduancing our comon Catholike cause and the Card. perferment it selfe, are such things as they must needes be ashamed to seeme to mislike: his founding of Seminaryes afterward both in Spaine and Flaunders wherby diuers of themselues haue byn made schollers & priests, though with much malignity they do carp at the same, in these libels, yet is it shameful to them in the eyes of all ciuil men be they Catholiks or Protestants: His comming backe to Rome againe afterward in the yeare 1597. we see by experience was the sauing of that Colledge, and the present fruits and effects of peace, vertue, and learning there, do reject all slanders that in this point can be obiected; his concurring afterwards to procure vs a Superiour of our owne order, vpon our owne petition, & letters, as in theCap 6. Apology we haue shewed is no wayes subiect to any iust obloquie.

His proceeding after that againe with the two messengers sent to Rome to contradict, was such as their owne letters yet extant did commend the same; The end also taken by his Hol. was then approued and praysed by the cheefe of the aduerse part,Apol. ca. 9. and all that followed afterward from F. Persons as appeareth by his letters set downe in our Apologie, tendeth to nothing els but to conserue that end, peace and vnion which his Hol. and his high Comissioners the Card. Protectors had made, and to this end had he continually written to the Archpriest and Fathers of the Society as wel, as to the other side, and that most earnestly and effectually, as his letters [Page] do yet testifie. And yf any new breach or exasperation haue byn made or giuen heere in England by any, it hath byn without his consent, & cōtrary to his desyre and indeauoures, as by infinite wayes appeareth, and not only priuate men but the said Card. Protectors and his Hol. himselfe are witnesses therof in Rome as we are most certainly informed; and all this being so; how and with what conscience, credit, or wisdome can our passionate brethrē make him their publike enemy, as they do, raging and rauing against him as though he were the woorst man liuing, & the greatest enemy that our publike cause of the Catholiks hath, laying all the faults of other men also, eyther true or imagined vpon him: surely this cannot but come from wonderful extreame passion of our brethren, & incitation of the heretikes as also from some high prouidente or sec [...]ete permission of almighty God for the greater merit of that man, who is so iniuriously handled for so many and singular good deeds done.

And this shal suffice for him in this place, whome yf religious modesty and humility did not restrayne from iust defence of himselfe, we see not why he might not vse the very same that Cicero doth in a certaine place against his detractors and enuiers,An example of defence out of Cicero Orat. Pro Milone. obiecting (as it were) the selfe same or very like matter against him, which these men do heere and els where against F. Persons, which was his power in the Senate: quotidie (sayth he) meam potentiam inuidiosè criminabantur, cùm dicerent senatum, non quod sentiret, sed quod ego vellem, decernere: They complayned dayly (to bring me into enuy) that my power was such in the Senate, as they determined not that which they themselues thought best, but that which I would haue them, this was their complaint of him, and the same is now of F. Persons by these men, to wit that he can do all with his Holines and with the K. of Spaine, and with the Archduke, and with the Card. Protectors in Rome, and with the rest euery where. But what answered Cicero. Thus: Quae quidem sipotentia est appellanda potius, quam propter magna in Remp. merita, mediocris in bonis causis, authoritas, aut propter officiosos labores me [...]s, nonnulla apud bonos gratia: appelletur it a sanè dummodo ea nos vtamur pro salute bonorum,[Page]covtra amen [...]am perditorum. ‘VVhich kynd of credit (saith he) yf yow wil needs cal power, rather then a meane kynd of authority in good causes gotten by my merits towards the common wealth or a certaine grace or fauour which the better in respect of my dutiful labors to profit al men doe beare me, I am content yow cal it power in this sense, so we vse the same for the health and defence of good men, against the fury and madnesse of the wicked.’ Thus said he and whether F. Persons may say the same in his defence, if he would, we leaue it to your consideration, hauing thought good only to cite the place.

There remayneth yet another sorte of aduersaryes which these men make to themselues whome we are sory to name, considering what they brag of themselues in these their books, saying,Ca pag. 6. that they are the designed martyrs of our countrey, the worthy confessors of this age, &c. yet are they not ashamed with open mouth and most violent spirit to impugne the true martyrs of our countrey that haue gone before them in a farre different spirit,Their vvarre vvith the martyrs of England. whome God knoweth, whether euer these men wilbe worthie to follow; and in the course which now they take of flattering the state and betraying their companions there is smal likelyhood therof, but rather of the contrary, least they make other men martyrs by bringing them into trouble. And yf [...]hese blessed men whome we hold for true martyrs already were aliue againe, and their opinions and cogitations knowne to these men, they were obliged according to their protestation made in this book to reueale them to the persecutors, & then thinke yow what goodly designed martyrs and worthie confessors these men are, that doe willyngly put themselues in this obligation, but let vs heare what these designed martyrs do wryte of actual martyrs.

First speaking of these twelue wherof D. Allen wrote the history in the yeare 1582. they wryte thus:Pag. 16. & 17. From the tyme of the said Rebellion (in the North) there were few about 12 [...] that in ten yeares had byn executed for their consciences as wee hold, though our aduersaryes say for treason. And of those twelue some perhaps can hardly be drawne within our account hauing byn taynted with matters of rebellion:[Page]the most of the said number were Seminary priests, who yf they had come ouer into England with the like intents that some others haue done, might very worthily haue byn vsed as they weare but in our consciences nay some of vs doe know it, that they were farr from these seditious humours, &c. Thus they say, going about, as appeareth by their whole discours to make difference in the cau [...]e of secular priests from Iesuits that were condemned with them, and for the selfe same deuised crymes of treason; which crymes these good men would haue thought to be true in F. Campion & those of the society,Cōtradicting them selues. but not in the secular priests. And yet in the very next page going before talking of the said crymes,Pag. 15. they say thus: In all these plats none were more forward then many of vs that were priests, &c. And when they begin their narration or rather accusation of the said twelue martyrs, the first which they name of that ranke as guilty of treason is M. Sherwyn a secular priest: for thus they wryte.

The calousy of the state was much increased by M. Sherwins answere vpon his examination aboue 8. Pag 1 [...]. moneths before the apprehension of M. Campion: For being asked whether the Queene was his lawful souei [...]igne notwithstanding any sentence of the Pope, he prayed that no such question might he demaunded of him, and would not further ther [...]to answere. Calūniatiōs against M. Shervrin. Two or three other questions much to the same effect were likewise propounded vnto him, which he also refused to answere vnto. Thus they say of M Sherwyn to discredi [...] him and his suffering meerly for religion, which is as false and malitious a calumniation as possible could be deuised by any enemy. For he that shal read the whole story of his apprehension, imprisonment, araignmēt and execution wrytten by the said D. Allen vpon relation of eye witnesses shal not find that any such questions were euer proposed or so answered by him. For yf they had but the least shew of any such answere of of his, they would haue vrged it at the barre, or at leastwise at his death, where S. Francis Knowles hauing hard his protestation, confessed that he thought him not guilty of the fact, for which they all were condemned, but yet that he was a traytor by a certayne consequence. And as for his acknowledging the Q. Ma. to be true Queene, he shewed it openly at his death praying for her by name.

[Page] But let vs heare how they go forward vpon this false ground. For in the very next leafe after they say as followith: This sommer in Iuly M. Campion and other priests were apprehended,Pag. 20. whose answeres vpon their examinations agreeing in effect with M. Sherwyns afore mentioned did greatly incense the State, &c. For among other questions that were propounded to them this being one; Yf the Pope do by his Bul or sentence pronounce her Ma. to be depriued and after the Pope or any other by his appointment and authority do inuade this realiue which part would yow take, &c. some answered that when the ca [...]e should happen they would then take counsel,Calumniariō against F. Campion & his felovv Martyrs groū ded vppon ignorance. another, that when that case should happen he would then answere and not before; another, that for the present he was not resolued; another, that yf such depriuation and inuasion should be for faith and religion, he were than bound to take part with the Pope, &c.

Thus they relate the case and do condemne all their answeres for trayterous, yelding this most fond reason for the same: The duty (say they) which we owe to our Soueraigne doth not consist in taciturnity or keeping close within our selues such alleagance as we thinke sufficient, Pag. 27. to offourd them: But we are (especially when we are required therunto) to make open profession of it, that we may appeare vnto them to be such subiects as we ought to be, &c. Lo heere these martyrs cause decided against them very learnedly, as yow se, by these our new designed Martyrs. And a little after rendering their principal reason for iustifying of the state in putting so many to death they say:Pag. 28. VVe find her Ma. to be excommunicated by Gregory the xiij. M. Sherwyn and the rest of our brethren too much I [...] suited refuse to answere whether they wil take the Q. part, or the Popes, yf he should come by force of armes, &c.

Here yow se M. Sherwyn againe iniured, and all the fault is laid vpon the Pope and priests put to death, yea the secular priests also, so as now by their accompt, nether secular nor religious of the forsaid number were true martyrs: And yet (if yow remember) they make a great complaint in their first latyn booke against F. Heywood as though he had prohibited the reading of these martyrs liues which was most false. Quin (say they) & act a martyrum nostrorum duodecim ab ipso Alane approbatorum, Declaratio Motuum. Pag. [...]. & eiusdem iussu editorum promulgationem eidem placuit [Page]prohibere. It pleased him to forbid also the promulgation of the acts of 12.Amere calū niation. martyrs approued and set forth by D. Allen. VVhich accusation as we haue said being notoriously false and inuented only by themselues, for that neuer any such thing fel out, yet here now themselues do deny them to be martyrs, and so contradict both D. Allen and themselues. And to this absurdity doth passion bring men, in whome it beareth rule and excludeth reason. And thus much for their hostility which our designed Martyrs haue with our true & actual martyrs.

But surely if it were not ouer redious we would aske them by whome they were designed to be martyrs, for yf it be by themselues,Cypr. de mortalitate versus finem. S. Cyprian that had the true spirit of martyr do me (as by the euēt appeareth) sayth it is vanity and presumption for any man to brag of that, or thinke himselfe fit or worthie or designed to any such high matter;Bragging designed martyrs. And some of these men can remember the saying of a learned godly man in Rome now a Cardinal, who hearing them brag so much euery where of their purpose to be martyrs when they were most troublesome and seditious against their superiors in the college, sayd: Ego nunquam vidi martyres superbos neque refractarios. [...]. Baronius. I neuer yet saw proud or disobedient martyrs: And another hearing them often say Nos volumus mori pro fide Catholica, answered pious [...]y those words of S. Paul:Rom. 9.Non est valentis neque currentis, sed miseventis Dei, it is not in the wil of him that runneth, but in the mercy of God. And truly we would aske these designed Martyrs, how many of them haue come hitherto to be martyrs indeed? VVe know some that were opposite to their faction to haue byn martyred not long synce, as may appeare by the letter of M. Bensteed set downe in the Apologie; but of these designed martyrs we know none, nor any like to be by all probability except they chaunge their course. And finally we shal conclude with those holy words of S. Cyprian, Cyprian. Ibi. speaking of this very matter: Nihil prodest verbis praeferre virtutem, factis destruere veritatem. Yt profiteth little to preferre vertue in words & to ouerthrow truth in deeds. And how this agreeth to our brethren, let their owne consciences and other mens wisdome consider.

[Page] And with this we meane to end this Chapter or consideration of the aduersaryes which they make to themselues; for to higher aduersaryes than martyrs raigning with God, it is hard for pryde to ascend or oppose it self, yet may their folly and lack of discretion be noted, in that they stick not euery where to exasperate all sorts of people against them, as in mentioning the Duke of Norfolk, the Earle of Northumberland and many other of great houses and familyes with reproch & many principal men yet liuing of our nation with contempt. They say also of all priests beyond the seas at this day in the Seminaryes. VVhat will the State heere think of the priests that shal come from any of those seminaryes hearafter, Pag [...] 35. where they must be brought vp according to the Iesuitical humour, & be sent hither with such direction as shalbe therunto agreeable?

Note the word herafter, as who would say that these men haue so done their errands and so belyed the Seminaryes and the manner of education therin, as whosoeuer shal come herafter from thence shal be accounted traytors though they were not before. And these be the good offices that these false brethren haue done and seeke to do not only against all priests, but against themselues also, and those of their crew, though in very deed their woorst offices of all are against themselues. For we are so wel persuaded both of the great wisdome and most honorable disposition of the Lords of her M [...]. Counsel, that seing these people to proceed in passion, as they do, and ther vpon betray their owne side, they wil little esteeme or beleeue wha [...] they say or do on any side, but rather take compassion on them, as of men enraged by force of choler and impotent appetite of reuenge, and so do we, and pray for their recouery.

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OF THEIR FOLLY AND vnshamfast spirit in vttering open and manifest vntruthes and contradictions to their owne discredit.
CAP. IIII.

AMong all other follyes that may be deuised none cā be greater in the sight of wise and modest men, then for one that desyreth to be beleeued, and creedited to vtter such improbabilityes, yea manifest open vntruthes in the spech or wryting as may be discouered by euery chyld, & therby worke his vtter discredit, by which meanes it cometh to passe that he is not only esteemed false but foolish also, and not only distrusted when he anoucheth lyes, but not beleeued euen when he telleth truth. In which kynd we feare the like effect wil ensue to these our passionate brethren, who hauing litle care (as it seemeth) what they say or wryte, so they say much and vtter vgly things against those, whome they mislike and would discredit, and affirming the same with great vehemency, yea vpon solemne protestation of their soule and consciences, it followeth we say) that when the matters afterward come to be examyned and are found false and without foundation (as euery where lightly they are, and heere also are like to be in diuers particulars declared by vs) the conclusion must needs be with the discreet and indifferent Reader, that eyther these men haue very bad, or no conscience at all; or els so litle discretion and such a wonted custome of telling vntruthes, as they reflect not vpon eyther conscience or credit, when they tel them; and consequently that both truth and falshood is all one with them, and both vttered with like facility, and therfore the same credit to be giuen to the one as to the other.

For proof of this yow haue heard and seene (yf yow haue read our former Apologie) how notorious falshoods and vntruthes these men haue vttered and printed in their libels [Page] about euery one of the cheefest poynts and matters handled by them and refuted by vs in thirtene chapters set downe by order, but especially in the 2. 3. 4. 11. and 12.Vntruthes before detected and refuted. And yf yow wil see a greate company bound vp togeather in few words, yow may read the litle briefe Catalogue set before the preface to the Catholiks which is intituled. A table of certayne principal deceyts falshoods & slanders contayned in the two libels, &c. Some other also yow shal see noted and layd forth in our Appendix to the said Apology for answering the secōd coople of books set forth by them afterward in the same kynd; Now we are to consider of a third payre (for by cooples & payres they come forth as twynnes in birth) and for more breuity and perspicuity we shal lay togeather a whole fardel of them (we meane manifest and open vntruthes) in this one Chapter, wherby the reader hauing taken a vew of there spirit may trust them afterward as hee shal se occasion.

And first we may begin with the cheefest point of their purpose through out all their books,Import. consid. and especially these last two,Pag. 14. which is to discredit (yf they might) and make odious the Fathers of the Society by laying load of slaunders and calumniations vpon them, as yow haue heard a [...] large in the first Chapter of this book, which being not any way able to proue or make probable (as there we haue shewed) heere they take another way (we mean [...] in their sixt book called Important considerations) which is to sweare, protest and pawne their consciences for the truth of what they say. But with what conscience they do this yow shal see by the euent, for thus they wryte:

These good Fathers (say they) as the diuel would haue it came into England in the yeare 1580.Ibid. pag. 24. being the men in our consciences who haue byn the cheefe instruments of all the mischeefes that haue byn intended against her Maiestie synce the beginning of her raigne, and of the miseryes, which we or any other Catholiks haue vpon these occasions [...]usteyned. And agayne in another place: The Iesuits, as we still think in our consciences and before God, haue byn from tyme to tyme the very causes of all the calamityes which any of vs haue indured in England since her Maiesties raigne.

[Page] Thus they protest and sweare; and by this let euery man iudge of these good consciences, it being an easy matter to gesse how true this assertion may be, seeing the Iesuits came not into England in xxj. yeares and more after her Maiesties raigne, neyther was there any English Iesuite abroad all that tyme of such state or condition or in such place as he might be so much as suspected to deale in any such English affayres, and yet in this tyme were there many, great, and greuous attempts against her Maiestie as these men now affirme, wherby the state was exasperated and the persecution of Catholiks both begone and increased; as the rysing of the northerne. Earles, the matter of the Duke of Norfolke, the excommunication of Pius 5. the setting vp of the bul. by [...]. Folton, the dealing of D. Story in Flaunders; the attempt of Sr. Thomas Steukley for Ireland, the going thither of D. Sanders and other such offensiue things as these men haue gathered togeather to make Catholiks odious therwith,Their slaunders conuinced to be false by many particulers. all which were done before any English Iesuite set foot in England or had any doings abroad; and how then in these mens good consciences could Iesuits be the cheef instruments of these mischeefes, and of the calamityes theron ensuing, as here is protected, sworno, and forsworne by them?

Besides this were not the two doctors named heere by them, to wit D. Morton, and D. VVebbe whome they affirme to haue byn the cheefe dealers with the Earle [...] of the North, were they not secular priests and no Iesuits? VVas Pi [...] 5. a Iesuit? VVas not D. Story a secular doctor and no Iesuit VVas not D. Lewes in Rome a secular priest, who principally (yf not only of our nation) is knowne to haue assisted the action of Sr. Thomas Steukley for Ireland, and ye [...] is not so much as named heere by these true men, for that they would haue, vs think he was of their faction against D. Allen? And finally was not D. Sanders a secular priest also and no Iesuite? how then do these men sweare so solemnely vpon their conscience, that Iesuits were the very causes and principal instruments of all the mischeefes and calamityes ensued in England from the beginning of her Maiesties raigne? Do not these men condemne themselues heere [Page] of so many lyes and false calumniations as there be matters by themselues mentioned? For seing they auouch that euery one of the things before touched exas perated the state and consequently were causes of the mischeefs and calamityes ensued against Catholiks, and that ioyntly they do or must confesse that no Iesuite was then in England or had to do therin; it followeth that to lay all vpon Iesuits with such asseueration of conscience, as heere they do, argueth litle conscience, and gayneth them litle credit with men of good consciences.

And this is now concerning Iesuits before their entrance into England in the yeare 1580.Slaunders against Iesuites after their coming int England. wherin all men wil graunt them to be most fondly slaundered; it remayneth that we prosecute the tyme that ensued synce, which may be some other 21. yeares, wherin yow shal find the like or worse; for that the poyson of malice being once admitted and fostered in mens brests without resistance, buddeth forth dayly more malignant fruits, as yow shal see by this examination: and yow must note that the end and principal purpose of these men being to shew that all the attempts in this space both against her Ma. person and the state came originally from the Iesuits, (a fit argument no doubt for such as professe themselues Catholike priests) they do not proue any one or halfe one to haue proceeded from them, especially from him whome they would make the author of all, which is F. Persons, against whome yf they had any one scrowle or script, memory or witnes, or any auth [...]ntical testimony in this kynd there is no doubt but they would heere haue alleadged it, seeing their malice against him is so ranke, as euery way appeareth; and for so much as they alleadge none at all nor any other enemy of his, heretike, politike or Atheist hath hetherto donne, to our knowledge yow may be wel assured, there is nothing extant, and so these good fellowes do supply with cryes and clamors, oathes, and protestations that which they cannot shew by any sufficient proof or substantial argument, as yow shal better perceaue by the examples that ensue, brought in and handled by themselues against Catholiks, and Iesuytes and especially against the sayd father.

[Page] And first we shal beginne with that they mention of M. Francis Throgmorton his attempt for which he died (yf any such were at all as he was charged with, we would aske, was this by Iesuits counsel and incitation or not? no man we think can say yea; for that it is too much knowne, how that poore gentleman not long before by his brother Thomas his iorney into England was drawne into that new crew and vnluckly association which was lately begone in Paris by M. Paget, The ouer throvv of M. Fr. Throgmorton by the factious. Morgan, and himselfe as adherent against D. Allen F. Persons, and their frends, as in the first and fourth chapters of our Apologie is touched. And yf any man wil doubt of this, let him read but the pamphlet set out by the state at that tyme an. 1584. intituled: A discouery of the treasons of Francis Throgmorion, &c. where they wryte: Item he confessed that he was made acquainted by his brother Thomas Throgmorton by letters and conference, and by Thomas Morgan his letters, (two of the principal confederats and workers of these treasons residing in France) with a resolute determination agreed on by the Scotish Queene and her confederats, &c.

VVe would aske further of D. ParryAbout D. Parry. his sending into England a little after that tyme to kil the Queene, (as he told her Ma.) was this also by any English Iesuits plotting? No truly, for that it is notoriously knowen and can be proued by witnes that D. Allen and F. Persons being at that very tyme in Paris when he was there, and whence he tooke his iorney into England would not so much as talk with him, or heare his plots, as the two forenamed gentlemen of the contrary part entreated them; wherupon he being offended protested to M. VVats an English priest in Roan (his contrey man) at his passing that way, that he would be their enemy in England; and yf all other proofs fayled, yet his owne confession extāt in print doth cleare by name the said D. and Father from all dealing with him or consenting to his attempts. For thus he wryteth in his owne confession set forth after in print.

In October I came to Paris,In the booke intituled a true & [...]layne declaration of vvilliam where I found my credit wel setled, & being one day at the chamber of Thomas Morgan a Catholike gentleman, greatly beloued and trusted on that side, &c. I was (after other talk) desyred by Morgan to go vp with him to another Chamber where he [Page] brake with me &c.Parry his treasons at London by C. B. 1584 pag. [...]3. & 14. I told him it were soone done yf it might be lawfully done and warranted by the opinion of some learned diuines, &c. diuers diuines were named, D. Allen I desyred, Persons I refused by chance came M. VVats a learned priest with whome I conferred, and was oueruled, &c. that it was vtterly vnlawful, &c. And by this we see not only D Allen and F. Persons deliuered from all counsel and participation of this matter but Parry also by his manner of speech to shew himselfe no frende to F. Persons, nether to haue durst to comyt his plots to his iudgement: and yet heare what these our charitable brethren do wryte of this and another case.

Two gentlemen (say they) about that tyme an. Import. Consid. Pag. 23. 1583. M. Arden and M. Someruile were conuicted by the lawes of the Realme to haue purposed and contryued how they might haue layd violent hands vpon her Ma. sacred preson, &c. And D. Parry the very same yeare was plotting with Iesuits beyond the seas how he might haue effected the like villany. About M. Arden & M. Someruile. Thus they say and would lay this villany as yow see vpon the Iesuits, as also the other of Someruile & Arden, yf any such weare, wherin yet neuer Iesuite (we thinke) was so much as named in there proces or otherwise hitherto so as the malice of these men seemeth to exceed that of the heretikes against Iesuits by many degrees, as it doth also in another point following touching the ouerthrow of the Earle of Northumberland M. Shelley,The Earle of Northumberland M. Shelley. and others, by the going of one Mope into England, wherof these men wryte in these words:Ibid. How the worthie Earle of Northumberland was about this tyme brought into the said plot of the Duke of Guise, we wil pretermit, M. Persons that was an actor in it could tel the story very roundly, &c. it wrought the noble Earles ouerthrow 1585. Which may iustly be ascribed to Iesuitical practises of the Iesuite Mendoza and others of that crewe.

Marke heere gentle Reader the malignant proceeding of these men: first they say they wil pretermit how it was done, and yet they name F. Persons wherin are two malignityes;Very great falshood and malignity in these factious priests. first in pretermitting Mope knowne to be the actor, for that he was and is a cheefe pillar of their faction; the other in naming F. Persons, who in all that affayre was neuer so much as mentioned hitherto to our knowledge, the third malignity also is in [Page] naming for a Iesuite Don Bernardino Mendoza, the K. of Spayne his Embassadour in England a lay gentleman yet aliue and no Iesuite nor euer was. And whether he had any thing to do in those actions or no we know not, but su [...]e we are that this is a great malignity to cal them Iesuitical practises as these men do,Discouery of the treasons &c. by Frācis Throgmortō &c. 1584. seing that in the forsaid book set forth by the heretiks against M. Throgmorton is set downe among his confessions that the forsaid Mope alias Spring that came ouer and dealt with the said Earle and M. Shelley was otherwise called Charles Paget, and that Thomas Morgan residing in France hauing brought the said Francis Throgmorton into dealings of state matter with the Q. of Scots and forsaid Embassador, he and Mope sent M. Thom. Throgmorton to his said brother in England to aduertise him by word of mouth of those attempts heere obiected, all which three actors how they were affected to Iesuits & how litle vnion they had with them in their plots and actions all Englishmen know beyond the seas, and may easily be gathered by that we haue wrytten in the first & fourth chapter of our Apologie, wherby may appeare to whome the ouerthrow of this good Earle (ascribed by these men to Iesuitical practises) may truly be attributed and besydes is to be remembred that in M. Shelley his araignmēt certaine cōfessiōs of D. Bagshaw highly cōmended by the Q. solliciter were alledged against the sayd Earle.

After this there followeth in these mens narration: Import. Consid. Pag. 23. Hitherto (say they) we might adde the notable treasons of M. Anthony Babingtō and his compl [...]ces,About the matter of. Babington and his fellovves. in the yeare 1586. which were so apparant as we were greatly abashed at the shamelles boldnes of a yongF. Southvvel. Iesuite, who to excuse the said traytors and qualifie their offences presumed in a kynd of supplication to her Maiestie to ascribe the plotting of all that mischeef to M. Secretary VValsingam, &c.

Marke heere the exceeding malice of these men, who to excuse the persecutors, (though neuer so eager enemyes and heretiks) seek to lay all hurts vpon Catholiks, and for that (yf yow remember) these particular examples are brought in, to prooue not only that Catholiks are culpable & guilty of their owne afflictions, but also to confirme their former general [Page] proposition, that all mischeefes synce her Maiesties raigne haue byn wrought principally by Iesuits. And not finding in this fact of M. Babington, not so much as any one Iesuite to haue byn accused or named as participant or consenting to this action, they take occasion to name one at least, that sought afterward to qualifie their offenses in a supplication to her Maiestie. But what is that to the poynt it selfe that any Iesuite was actor, counselour, consenting, or priuy thervnto? Yf that blessed man whome they insinuate (now a martyr) did go about to mittigate the matter to her Maiestie (they being all Catholike gētlemen that died for the same) and did also signifie that M. VValsingham had entertayned for diuers monethes the knowledge and notice of that association as it is most certainly knowne that he did,Ant. Ty. G. G. &c. by the confession of diuers that dealt with him therin, and therby also most probable that the poore gentlemen were drawne thervnto by his malice and craft, what is this, we say, to proue that Iesuits were any dealers, attempters, or counselers therof? VVas there any Iesuite so much as named in all the processe against them at the barre or otherwise? VVere not D. Allen, and F. Persons, F. Holt and F. Creswel all at Rome or Naples at that tyme, and no one English Iesuite remayning eyther in Fraunce or Flaunders to treat with any in that affayre? VVere not all the consultations about that matter made in Paris with those that were of the opposite faction? VVere not the three priests Ballard, Gyfford, Euident reproof of th [...] falshood. and Gratley that dealt therin secular priests and deuided from the Iesuits as by their owne confessions appeareth, which we haue cyted in our Apologie? nay did not Tyrel the priest being made acquaynted therwith, and opening the same in general tearmes to another priest in London being asked that point confessed plainly, that Ballard had told him that neyther D. Allen nor F. Persons were priuy thervnto, whervpō the said priest disclaymed from it, and refused to heare any further therin; which act of the said priest (soone after taken by the detection of Tyrel and charged with that conference) was cleered for that he had refused to heare therof; And this to be so appeareth by the register and examinations taken at that tyme. And so by [Page] this yow may see the vpright dealing of these our brethren yf any way they may be called brethren:

It followeth in their Catalogue of accusations against Catholiks & their doyngs: Import. Cō siderat. Pag. 24. The treachery (say they) of Sr VVilliam Stanley the yeare following 1587. in falsifying his faith to her Maiestie and in betraying the trust comytted to him by the Earle of Leicester who had giuen him thè honorable title of knighthood, as it was greaty preiudicial to vs that were Catholiks at home, so was the defence of that disloyalty made by a worthie man, but by the persuasion (as we thinke) of Persons, grratly misliked of many both wise and learned.

Heere marke (good Reader) first the odious manner of speech of these priests (yf they be priests) against so worthy a man of their nation and religion as is Sr VVilliam Stanley, About Sir VVilliā Stanleyes rēdring of Dauentry. calling his rendring of the citty of Dauentry to the King of Spaine; treachery and falsifying of his faith to her Maiestie, & betraying the trust committed vnto him, &c. which is both malignant and false, for that the place which Sr VVilliam gaue vp was not vnder her Maiesties obedience at that tyme nor Sr VVilliam or this soldiars that held the same, were in her pay, but in the pay of the rebelled states, vnto whome (those of Dauētrie being free before and without any garrison) the Earle of Leicester by deceipt and force made them subiect, by drawing in an English garrison against their willes.

It is manifestly false also that Sr VVilliam was made knight by the Earle of Leicester as these men heere most fondly affirme, for that he had his knighthood by Sr VVilliam Drury deputy of Ireland long before the Earle of Leicester had charge in Holland; neyther can he be said to haue falsified his faith to her Maiestie as these calūniators obiect, for so much as he was not sworne to her Maiestie in that gouernment, as hath byn shewed, holding not the towne for her, but for the States whome knowing in his conscience to be rebels, and most wrongfully to detayne from ther true Lord and lawful king that and other townes, the good religious knight thought himselfe bound vnder paine of greuous sinne (as indeed he was by all true diuinity) to make restitution therof to the true owner when it lay in his hand, no lesse then when a theefe hauing robbed [Page] or spoyled any honest man, and put the booty in pawne or deposition in another mans hand he is bound (knowing the truth) not to keep it for the theefe, nor to restore it to him againe, but to the true owner, and this we thinke our brethren in their diuinity wil not dare to deny, as nether this case following:An example clerely conuincing the calūniators. suppose any Spaniard, Italian or other subiect of the King of Spayne should hold any towne at this day in Ireland of the Earle of Tyron, and vnder his pay, and becoming a Protestant should therwith thinke it iust and reason and himself bound in conscience to yeld the same freely and frankely without reward or couenant to her Maiestie as to the true owner, would our men (trow you) cry out heere of treachery and breach of faith against the King of Spaine? And yet yf they be Catholiks, (as they pretend) they must needs confesse the case to be no lesse fauorable on Sr VVilliams side, yf not much more, both in respect of his great zeale in Catholike religion, and rare piety of lyfe, shewed euer synce (wherin would God the wryters of these books, being priests (as they say) had any resemblance or would follow him) as also for that (as we are certainly enformed) besides the former warrant of conscience and iustice, he had also for safegard of his honour a particular Patent from his General the Earle of Leicester when he returned into England, with expresse licence therin conteyned to leaue the seruice of the States at his pleasure, which Patent we vnderstand he caused to be shewed to her Maiesties Commissioners at Bullen in the late treaty there, about peace with Spayne and Flanders which no man more than he and other Catholiks desyred to haue byn effectuated. And he being of that renowned vertue and valour that all men know, we doubt not, but he would spend the last drop of his bloud in her Maiesties seruice, setting the only cause of religion and his conscience a side; so as euery way these honest men to flatter the State, and gaine some crummes of grace to themselues, do iniure this worthie knight, but hurt him litle.

And this now were sufficient in our opinion to cleare this case, both for the actor himself, the vertuous knight, as also the [Page] defender our late good Cardinal and F. Persons the counselor (as these men say) but yet for that the fact is notorious,The fact of Sr. VVillem Stanley examined by Cath. diuinity. Ep. to Import. Consid. Pag. 1. and hath byn twise now impugned by some seditious of our side ioyning heerin with enemyes and heretiks first in the yeare 1588. by G. G. and E. G. as in our Apology we haue shewed, and now by these pathetical people (as they terme themselues) but indeed cynical rather or sycophantical calling themselues Catholike priests and so Catholike as none in the world (yf we wil beleeue them) shal go before them in that poynt; we thinke it not amisse to ad a word or two more in this place about Catholike doctrine and diuinity what it is herin for better iustifying of the forsaid honorable gentleman his noble and most Christian fact and resolution.

First then the case being proposed, as before we haue set downe,The first point about restitution. the resolution of Catholike doctrine and schooles is this: that yf a man haue in his hand or custody by what meanes from whome or with what conditions soeuer, the goods of another wrongfully taken from him, eyther by theft, violence, or other vnlawful meanes whatsoeuer, yea though he were possessor bonae fidei; that is to say, that he neyther knew when he tooke them, that they were other mens goods, nor did consent help or aid the same wrong done; yet yf afterward he should come to know the iniustice therof & that it lay in his hands to restore the same, to the true owner it were euer lawful for him so to do, yea he were bound in conscience therunto vnder paine of restitution of his owne part, except only in two cases, to wit when eyther he could not restore them of himselfe to the owner, but with his great losse and daunger, or that he had hope that restoring them to the vsurper he would make restitution therof himselfe, and so saue his owne credit therin; and this first poynt is cleere and without all doubt amongst all learned Catholiks, as may appeare first by the law it selfe: l. officium, F. de rei vendicatione, & l. si bonae fidei possessor, ff. de petitione haereditatis. L. in Causa 1. §. vlt. ff. de minuribus, & ibid. l. plane, & l. sed vbi. And then secondly by all the most learned and approued wryters that treate therof as a thing whereof there is no controuersy at all.

[Page] The 2. pointThe 2. poynt about restitution of goods vvrōgfully beteyned. of Catholike doctrine is in this case (which comprehendeth the fact and state of Sir VVilliam Stanley more fully and properly) that yf he which receaued another mans goods to keep from him, be malae fideif possessor, that is yf he know indeed the goods to be another mans, and that he did consent or cooperate to the taking or detayning therof, as Sir VVilliam cannot be excused (as it seemeth) but that he did, then is there likewisse no question among diuines or Canonists, but that he is absolutely bound by all meanes possible that he can to restore the same to the true owner, and not to the vsurper from whence he had them, notwithstanding any oath or any pretended obligation whatsoeuer made to the contrary: yea he is bound to this by two bands, the one in that he not only knoweth certainly now that they are the goods of another, but did also know the same when he took them: and secondly that he did and doth cooperate and consent to the vniust vsurpation so long as he withholdeth them from their rightful owner, which two bands are so great, as they do not only oblige him to deliuer his hands with all speed possible from this vniust detention of the said goods, but further also, that yf he should restore them to him of whome he receaued them, he should sin damnably, & moreouer be bound to restitution of the whole to the true owner, out of his owne, in case the Vsurper otherwise should not restore the same. VVhich poynt yow may see handled and determined most learnedly and piously as wel by diuinity as law, by S. Thomas 22. q. 62. art. 7. & Caet. ibidem in Commentaris, and other wryters vpon that place; And for Canonists Nauarre in Manuali: Cap. 17. n. 18. & 19. Siluest. verb. Bellum 1. §. 3. & verb. Restitutio 3. q. 8. §. 7. Fumus verb. restitutio §. 16. & verb. Bellum §. 11. Caet. in sum. verb. restitutio. cap. 4. &c.

The 3. poyntThe 3. poynt about him that svveareth not to restore. is more in particular touching the forsaid oath pretended to be made by Sir VVilliam for keeping the towne of Daeuentry, for the vse of the States against the king of Spaine the true and lawful owner, which oath by the doctrine of all Catholike deuynes though it were a synne in him if he did take it, yet being taken it byndeth not at all, being made against iustice [Page] and right and consequently of no force. Yea the said diuines do ad further that it weare an increase of synne to keep such an oath. And consequently each man is bound to breake the same. Thus do teach. S. Thomas 22. qu. 89. act. 7. in crop & ad 2. & ibid. Caet. in Comment. siluest. verb Iuramentum 5. q. 1. Nauar. cap. 12. num. 15. Toletl. Instruct. sacerd. cap. 22. § Primus est. &c. Fumus verb. Iurament. §. 9. & 10. & 17. Conditione 4. & §. 38, &c. and besydes these and the rest of this kinde may be alleaged all the fathers and Interpreters of scriptures treating of the vnlawful oath of Herode for the killing of S. Iohn Baptist.

And this may suffice for Catholike men and all other also that are of good conscience and louers of iustice for the cleering of S. VVilliam Stanleys fact concerning lawfulnes & obligation of conscience.S. VVilliam incurred no dishonor by restoring, but rather the contrary. There remayneth to say a word or two concerning his honour as a souldiar and subiect of her Ma. wherin albeit his cheef defence and iustification be indeed the forsaid obligation of equity, right and conscience towards almighty God which is to be preferred before all other obligation to temporal princes, yet the points before specified or insinuated by vs, are sufficient also, though this so strict diuine obligatiō had not byn, to excuse him from the opprobrious & contumelious calumniatiōs of treachery and faith-breaking wherwith these seditious people so iniuriously do charge him. For yf he held not the said city of Dauentry of her Ma. as before hath byn said, but for the Hollanders, Knowne subiects at that tyme of the K. of Spaine and that he was not only priuy but also present and consenting to the vsurpation of that Citty by the Earle of Leicester against the willes of the cittizens bringing in a garrison vpon them by sleight; yf afterward becomming more Catholike and better instructed in religion, he came to know (as he did) a christian mans obligation in this behalfe. And that besides all this he had a patent of his General (to whome he made his oath) to depart from that seruice when he should think good: the motiue of which graunt was (as we haue heard) not to be vnder the obedience of S. Iohn Norrice left cheefly in the Earles place. If furthermore S. VVilliam did not sel or make any temporal aduantage of that place as [Page] souldiars are wont to do, but only as a most christian knight aduentured for meere conscience and loue of iustice to restore the same to the true owner with his owne great daunger, and with the losse of his father, wife, and children, inheritance, offices, grace of her Ma. and all the rest that his countrey did, or could yeld vnto him, only for the same effect and ende: If all this be so, and diuers other circumstances concurring in his fauour, then is there no least spot of dishonour to be layd vpon him for this fact, but rathe [...] great honour hath he gotten therby both before God and man: and most barbarous is the insolency of these slanderous companions that go about to dishonour him therby as they do.

And the like course they hold with our late good Card. their father and maister,Card. Allen greatly abused by them. whome Ironice they cal worthy man (as before yow haue heard) but do handle him so vnworthily, as all men may see their contempt and hollow harts towards him, their desyre being indeed vtterly to discredit him especially about this act of S. VVilliam Stanley; in proof and iustification wherof the Card. wrote a very christian and learned epistle, which these men do calumniate, condemne and scofat saying among other things that it was made by F. Persons help and counsel, which they say as wel to discredit the Card [...] for making his books by other mens help and counsel, as also to bring in the mention of F. Persons or some other Iesuite in euery act which they desyre to make odious, as though the only naming of a Iesuite, (though they had no part at all therin nor were pryuy or consenting to it (as in this of S. VVilliam Stanleys they were not, nor could he) were sufficient to condemne both the act and them, and to iustifie their former oath and consciencelesse protestation, that in their consciences Iesuits hunc byn the cause of all mischeefes and calamityes from the beginning of [...]. And this much of this matter.

Now let vs go: forward & follow them in their most spiteful and iniurious arraignment of Catholiks by succession & dissent of by [...].Pag. 25. Now we are come (say they) to the yeare 1588. & to that most (bloo [...]) [...] not only against her Ma. & our common enemyes; but against ourselues, and all Catholiks, &c. The memory of which[Page]attempt wilbe (as we trust) an euerlasting monument of Iesuitical treason and cruelty, &c.

Note that they trust it wil be so, which argueth their charitable meaning. But what yf it prooue that no one English Iesuite eyther was in that Armada or in Spaine at that tyme to giue counsel or consent therunto? wil not this assertion then be a perpetual monument of their perfidious and vnchristian malice? Remember then what passed at that tyme, and confesse with vs that they are no priests, but rather lost lads that auouch, so apparant false calumniations. For, as before we haue touched most true it is, that both F. Persons, F. Holt and F. Creswel being at Rome with Cardinal Allen and no English Iesuite at all residing eyther in Spaine or Flaunders when this enterprice was resolued; not only they went not in this. Armada from Spaine, but were neuer so much as asked their opinion or conferred with about that matter as we haue often hard them affirme, and is euident to this day by a letter of S. Frauncis Inglefield wrytten into Fraunce at that very time to a certayne confident friend wherin he greatly complayneth,The letter of S. Frauncis Inglefeld to M. Hopkins in Paris anno 1588. that wheras all the world talked that the said armada went for England, yet that neyther he nor any other English was admitted to know any thing therin. But let vs heare the proof of these men against themselues.

It is apparant (say they) in a treatese penned by F. Persons aduise altogeather as we do verely think that the K. of Spayne was especially moued and drawne to that intended mischeefes against vs by the long and daylie sollicitation of the Iesuits, &c. Import. Consid. Pag. 25. This is somwhat if it were true, but if there be no such thing in that whole treatese, as we most certainly affirme not to be (hauing read ouer the whole for examination of the matter) then iudge yow with vs, what manner of men these be, that against their owne consciences do ly so notoriously. For if the Card. in that book haue these words, or do euer name Iesuits or any of their order to this effect or this sense, then neuer beleeue vs more: and if he do not, then good reason it is, that they hold them for such as they are, wherby also yow wil se how little they are to be credited in the rest which they say in this place, that [Page] this treatese of the Card. was penned altogeather by the aduise of F. persons which if it had bene so it is likely he would not haue layd the matter vppon the Iesuytes? but heare as true an assertion as this; for it followeth presently after:About this point they bely M. VVinstade. The Duke of Medina Sidonia had giuen it out directly, that yf once he might land in England both Catholiks and heretiks should be all one to him, his sword could not discerne them, &c.

Thus they say: But how directly or indirectly these men might come to know any such thing yf it had byn spoken; or how likely it is, that the Duke would say so, the discreet reader may imagine. And a litle before in the same booke they say (as yow haue heard) out of the same duke of Medina his mouth also;Epist. Pag. 7. that he would rather spare Protestants then Catholiks. All which put togeather sheweth euidently out of what forge all these deuises do proceed, to wit, of blynd rancor, wilful malice, lack of conscience, and the like.

VVel; this Chapter of vntruthes groweth somwhat long, and yet remayne there a huge heap sufficient for many books yf we would prosecute all, yea those only which are about F. Persons would make vp a volume so fraught or rather ouercharged with malignant passion against him, who of all other seeketh most to do them good, yf they had vnpassionate eyes to see it; VVherfore we shal runne ouer breefly some few more that concerne him especially, and so make an end, hauing receyued from him and others particular information of the truth and falshood of the matters obiected.

VVherfore to touch them briefely as they [...]ly in this their book of Important Considerations (for we wil omit eyther all or the most part of those that are in their other libel tearmed their Relation of wisbich) wherin there are so many heaped togeather in a certayne mad and furious innectiue of VV. VV. prefixed in name of the rest before the said book [...] as these only with the spiteful maner of vttering the same are sufficiēt to make them knowne, and to discreedit not only the wryter, but all his ayders and approuers with all honest and sober men of what religion soeuer.

[Page] For first they affirme heere, Vntruthes vttered against F Persons Se the 12 Chap. of the Apol. that F. Persons hath se [...]t sundry of his subiects into Ireland already in the behalf of the Spaniard, and that that warre was plotted and sollicited by him and his: that he hath intituled the K. of Spayne to all the 3. kingdomes of England, Scotland and Fraunce,Epist. to Import. Consid. Pag. 7. 8. 9. 10. &c. and the lady Infanta to the same kingdomes; that he did constrayne the students of the Semynaryes in Spayne to subscribe to her interest, forcing them to promise that when they should returne into England they would aduance her title to their vttermost abillity, power and poyse of words; that for not applauding to this Spanish pretence of the Infanta, the L. Dacres was dryuen out of Spayne, and all other Spanish dominions, being slaundered to be a spy for England, and to haue intended to haue set the Spanish fleet on fyre: That F. Persons hath caused diuers of our countrey to be vtterly disgraced, discredited, yea and to leese their lyues in Spayne, for not yeilding to his desyre therin: That after he came in post to Rome and would needs haue the book of Tytles read in the Refectory of the Colledge yf it had not byn resysted, and that for hatred to the secular Seminary priests he gaue out, that book of Tytles to haue byn made by M. Dolman a secular priest, &c.

These and a great multitude more of like accusations and calumniations, which for breuity and lothsomnesse we omit, are heaped togeather in this place, and sprinkeled againe throughout the whole book as occasion is offered. And albeit the most of these are so euidently false and ridiculous, as theyneed no answere, yet wil we say somwhat to each of them in order: and first of that of hauing sent diuers of his subiects already into Ireland to set forward that warre, all men knowe that F. Persons hath authority ouer none,About the late attempt in Ireland. but only English Iesuits: wherof yf any one can be proued to haue byn sent hitherto into Ireland or any one to be there at this day or any one priest of those Seminaryes to haue byn directed by him that way for diuerse yeares then may these slaunders haue some shew or pretence of this their malicious sycophancy but none being at all it maketh them more in excusable.

Moreouer we [...] ad [...] that we haue seene a letter lately wrytten out of Spay ne by a man o credit,The Protestation of Sr. VV. Stanley and M. Th. Fitzherbert about the protestation of two worshipful and honorable gentlemen, Sir VVilliam Stanley and M. Thomas Fitzherbert concerning this affaire of Ireland, [Page] wherin they bothe affirme and protest vpon their soules and cōsciences,about the affayre of Irlād that to their knowledge neyther they nor any one English-man els was euer so much as asked his opinion in this late affayre of Ireland, nor any one hitherto of our nation imployed or sent in that action. And M. Thomas Fitzherbert nameth in that letter one Hewghe Boye an Irish-man Agent for the Earle of Tyron in the court of Spayne, who residing there many monethes to deale in this matter, and seing M. Fitzherbert euery day, as lying in the same court, neuer yet broke the matter with him, nor was willing that any English-man at all should be priuy thervnto, as whome both he and other Irishmen treating therabout,The like protestation for dealing vvith the K of Spayne. presumed to be contrary to their desires and designments therin. And this can and wil the said Boye testifie, seing since that tyme he is passed from the said Earle of Tyrone to her Maiesties seruice.

And further more the said two gentlemen do protest in like maner (vpon occasion offered) that both they, F. Persons and F. Creswel, who haue had hitherto most dealings with the spanish King and counsel did neuer treat in their lyues, nor consent that the said king should haue any temporal interest in the crowne of England, for himselfe, and much lesse that any such conquest of our countrey should be made or attempted, as these folish malitious people do faygne and giue out. And further they protest by the same asseueration, that neyther the old king now dead, nor his sonne now raigning, did euer pretend the same, in word or deed, but alwayes assured the contrary to wit that their only meaning and desire was, and is by their warres against England, that the Catholiks might be releeued from their most greeuous pressures and oppressions for religion, and themselues deliuered from continual molestations which in Flanders, Indies and other places they receyued from England, hauing a desire in themselues to lyue in peace and loue with that crowne aboue all other forraine nations, as in former tymes they did when the State was Catholike. This and diuers other such poynts do the foresaid two worthie gentlemen auow in manner aforesaid, [Page] & is testified by the foresaid letter which we haue seene dated in Madrid the first of October last past 1601.

By this then most of the foresaid calumniations against F. Persons are discouered concerning his dealing with and for the king of Spayne, About a letter of F. Persons intercepted. which is greatly confirmed and made euident by a certaine letter wrytten by the said Father himselfe in great confidence and cyphar also (as his aduersaryes say) to F. Holt in Flaunders from Genua vpon the 15. of March 1597. when the said father arryued there towards Rome, which letter or the copy therof being stolne afterward (as it seemeth) from F. Holt and giuen to his aduersaryes, which in some places they haue shewed, and is like to be that which heere they brag of, saying; that his owne books & handwrytings wilbe brought out as witnesses against him. But hitherto they are not brought or alleadged, and it semeth that this in particular wherof we haue the copie serueth not their turnes so much, as they dare to alleadge it, finding more sincerity, religion, wisdome and grauity conteyned therin (though wrytten in secret and confidence) where he might vtter himselfe boldly) than their malignant enuy wil suffer them to be glad to see, which yet we be inforced in this place through their malignity, not to thinke amisse to acquaint somwhat the Reader therwith.

The superscription was thus: To the Reuerend Father, F. VVilliam Holt, &c. And then within was wrytten this in cyphar, as the rest of the letter also is said to haue byn: A note for F. Holt & such other confident frends as he shal thinke good to communicate the same withal: A lettere of F. P. to F. holt 15. of March 1597. And then began the letter thus: ‘The principal causes of this my iorney are to setle with his Holines and F. General all such poynts as shal seeme necessary for the vpholding of the Seminaries of Spayne, Flaunders, Italy, and of the mission of the society to England, and therfore whatsoeuer shal offer it selfe vnto yow about any of these points (to wit) for facultyes, gouernment, priuiledges, maintenance, or the like, I pray yow and other frends to aduise me with the best speed that may be, for I meane to procure that my aboad in Italy be as litle as may bee, and so I haue promised in [Page] Spaine and for diuers reasons it wilbe necessary.’

‘Yf I can do any good also in compounding or ending the troubles of the English Roman Seminary, and of our controuersyes betweene those of our nation els where; I shal do my best, at least I hope I shal make his Hol. and other principal persons vnderstand the true causes and grounds therof.’

By these two first points we may see that F. Persons iorney to Rome was neyther in post (as these men say, being 5. or 6. monethes in coming) nor to cause the book of English titles to be read in the Refectory (as fondly heere is deuised) about which whole matter of succession, he speaketh in his letter so temperatly and indifferently, as may shame his aduersaryes to alleadge it, for he saith in substāce. ‘That he meaneth to proceed therin very softly and coldly, letting his Hol. only to know how matters do stand, & that English Catholiks do only desire (after her Maiestie) some sincere Catholike Prince, F. Persons dealing vvith the Pope about the succession of England. without respect of English, Scottish, Spanish, or other nation in respect of religion, that F. Persons is not an enemy, to the king of Scotland nor Agent for king Philip, as some haue enformed shewing in the first what good offices he hath done for the king of Scotland for many yeares, whilst their was hope that he would be a Catholike, and in the second shewing by testimony of the Nuntio of Madrid, Patriarke Caetan (who hath wrytten effectually in that behalf) that F. Persons hath alwayes persuaded the king & his counsel, that it wil not stand wel for his Maiestie to pretend England for himself, & that he hath obtayned of the king ful promise therof, about which poynt the Nuntio hath seene the papers, & byn priuy to the speches which F. Persons from tyme to tyme hath had vnto that effect.’

‘These are the words of this secret letter, and finally he concludeth; that the best of all would be, yf to auoyd contention, opposition and garboyles after her Maiestie, such a person might be thought of as would be fit, and stand wel both for his Hol. and Maiestie Catholike, Inglish and Scotish Catholiks, the kings of Fraunce, Denmarke, and all the rest, but who that person or persons be he meaneth to suffer his Hol. to thinke vpon, &c.’

Thus he wryteth (as yow see) in great confidence and secresy [Page] to his dearest frend, and was to treate to the same effect with the Pope by the commission (as heere is insinuated) of the king of Spaine himselfe; And his Hol. can be witnesse whether he did so or no, and whether he hath changed his course or no vntil this day. And then let the discreet reader iudge whether these cogitations and endeauors of F. Persons do not tend more to peace, vnion, composition, sauing of his countrey from warres, and garboyles, pacifying of Princes round about, and furthering the Catholike religion, which principally is sought by him as the first and cheef meanes of all ioy and felicity, both in this lyfe and the next, then the distracted passionate clamors of these few discontented people that cry out to pul downe; but set vp nothing, that calumniate other mens actions, but can do nothing themselues, being only fit to vndo, discompose, wrangle, trouble, cry and curse: but let vs see yet a litle further.

They obiect,A vayne [...]aunder. that F. Persons hath intitled the king of Spaine to all the 3. kingdomes of England, Scotland and France, & the Lady Infanta to the said three kingdomes, Let them shew this out of any wryting of his; and if they cannot (as is most certaine) let them be ashamed of this their shamelesse calumniation. For in the book of succession, which they attribute vnto him, is no such matter, eyther about the kingdome of France or Scotland for eyther of those two persons, but rather the quite contrary, which proueth these men not to speak by line or measure or regard of verity, but only what they imagine may sound odiously. And is this fit for priests? yea Catholike priests?

The tale of the students subscribing,A [...]ond tale of the schollers svvearing in the Spanish Semi [...]yes. swearing and promising in Spaine to promote with mayne and might, poyse of words dentibus & [...]nsibus (as our Orators say) the Infanta her title is much like poetical comentaryes and fictions vpon some litle ground of truth: For all are lyes but only this; that our late good Cardinal thinking seriously towards the later end of his dayes of the perilous state of our countrey yf her Ma. should faile, and what great contention and warres were like to ensue about the succession of a new prince, he was [Page] greatly troubled and afflicted in mynd, and casting diuers wayes about how these mischeefes might best be preuented and matters wrought to some moderation and composition both to the contentment of forrayne princes and probability to reduce the Cath. faith agayne into England, he took his pen in hand, and set downe a very wise, moderate and pious discourse of his opinion and iudgment therin sending the same into Spayne with desyre to heare the opinions of his frends about the same, who liking it very wel and being desyrous to haue the same continued and set forward, diuers of the cheef English there, as wel lay men as Ecclesiastical, as namely Sr. Frauncis Inglefield, M. D. Stillington, and others, wrote their likings and approbation therof and requested that the like might be performed frō the Semynaryes for encouraging the good Card. to go forward in that pious cogitatiō. And this is all that in that matter was done or attēpted without any promise, oath or obligation at all, so as all the rest which these men ad is eyther poetical fictions or exaggerations, as we haue sayd.

The calumniation about the L. Dacres is most false & slaunderous,About the L. Dacres. and hath many malignant vntruthes; That which passed betwene him and F. Persons is this, as we are certaynly enformed by them that know it: He went out of England to Vallidolid in Spaine about the yeare 1590. where finding F. Persons begynning his new Seminary, he was most curteously receyued and treated by him therin, and after some dayes recommended by his letters very effectually to the court at Madrid where also he was honorably vsed, from whence he passed to Rome, and there had 60. Crownes a moneth in gold, payed him by the Spanish Embassador, which after some tyme misliking his abode there he left; to returne into Flaunders, where it may be that he fel into some discontentements as banished men are wont to do, but this could not be by any reason or probability with F. Persons, seing he neuer dealt with him after his departure from Spaine, and is presumed to haue had the forsaid prouision in Rome by his special comē dation. VVherfore to say heere as these men do that he was [Page] held for a spy and suspected that he would burne the K. fleete (wherof we neuer heard before) is open calumniation laid vpon the good noble man himselfe, towards whome we vnderstand by very certaine and sure meanes that the said Father is and alwayes was very wel affected in respect both of his religion and house, whatsoeuer this seditious wryter and make-bate goeth about to persuade to the contrary.

As for the other,Another impudent calumniation. that F. Persons hath caused diuers of our nation to be vtterly disgraced, discredited, yea and to leese their lyues in Spaine for being contrary to his designes, is so manifest a slaunder as we are ashamed to repeat: For what one example can these men alleadge for sauing their credit and honestie heerin? It is wel knowne that he hath saued the lyues of diuers, both by deliuering them out of the gallyes as also out of the inquisition, as diuers can beare witnesse that are now in England deliuered by him. And more it is to be noted, that from the tyme of F. Persons comming into Spaine in the yeare 1588. vntil his departure from thence in the yeare 1596. no one Englishmā in any of the Tribunals of all those kingdomes was publikely punished or put to death during those 8. yeares, wheras before many had accustomed to be. And this change is knowne to haue come principally by the information and intreaty of F. Persons with those Ecclesiastical Iudges, letting them vnderstand first and aboue all other things, the true state of men in England, touching religion at this tyme, to wit, that very few especially of the yonger sort (how earnest protestants soeuer they shew themselues) are to be accounted heretiks properly and in rigour of the Canons,Qentle proceeding vvith english heretikes in Spayne by F. Persons meanes. as they appoynt punishments vnto them, for that they lack sufficient knowledge of the Cath. faith, or at leastwise instructions, hauing neuer byn actually Catholiks. And albeit this were not so, yet other circumstances there are of great moment to mitigate the ordinary proceeding of Canonical lawes and punishmēt towards them seing that by experience it was found, that the most part of such m [...]n being prest vpon the suddayne or at their first apprehension were ordinarily so proud and wilful as they would rather burne or abide any other punishment then leaue [Page] or renounce their fancyes, but geuing them tyme and instructing them by reason and good arguments they were easily conuerted, and so it was seene by experience, that in all the foresaid tyme, & euer synce there haue not byn found perhaps two Englishmen, which being taken or otherwise comming to conferēce haue not byn turned and made Catholiks, albeit some of them afterward againe for [...]emporal respects may haue perhaps relented at there arriual in England, wherof also many haue stood constant. And this is and hath byn the manner of F. Persons proceeding with Englishmen in Spayne while he was there, quite contrary to the malitious fictions & lying detractions vsed heere against him, for procuring the ruine & death of his countrey men, &c.

And finally where these accusants obiect against F. Persons that he caused the book of succession to be set forth in the name of one Dolman a secular priest,VVhy the Author of the book of succession vvas called Doleman. and this for hatred of that order, we are informed that it is no lesse false then a malitious cauillation, & that the author of the booke neyther knew any priest to be named Dolman when he wrote that book, nor so much as thought on him, but alluding to the word of the scripture vir dolorum he called himselfe Dole-man in respect of the greife and sorrow he bore in his hart for the affliction and calamity of his Countrey.Ezai. 5 [...]. Afterward it fel out that there was a priest in England called Dolman who being drawne by these men to fauour their faction as it seemeth, was persuaded also to cōplaine that he was made to be the author of the book, which no man yet we think that knoweth him and hath read the book, wil easily beleeue or accuse him of, his talent being knowen to be farre inferior to such a labour, and consequently their complaint in this is both fond and ridiculous.

There ensueth in the said Epistle, that F. Persons in Greenewat made the case cleere;Pag. [...]. that difference in religion or matters of faith neyther ought nor could by the law of God, A notoriously of F. P. speech in Greenevvat. of nature, of nations, or custome euer hard of in any natio [...] depriue any one inferior subiect (much lesse said he in the same place any Soueraigne) from the right of inheritance or lawful succession by byrth or bloud to any thing they had right vnto otherwise, &c.

[Page] Heere now hearing them to name a perticular place and to auow a matter so stoutly, yow may perchance thinke with your selfe (gentle Reader) whether all or some part of this may be true or no, but doubt not therof; For we assure yow vpon most certayne information had from the originalles themselues, that all is most false; F. Persons protesting by his letters that he remembreth not any such place called Greenewat that euer he was in in his lyfe,L Manichaeus. l. Arian. l. quicunque Cap. ad aboendam Cap. excommunicamus extra. de haereticis &in 6. de haeret. cap. super leo. Consil la tera. cap 3. de. haereticis. nor knoweth what, nor where it is. And for the doctrine heere ascribed to him he detesteth it, as fond, absurd, and tasting both of heresy and atheisme (though allowed heere as it seemeth by our people) he being not ignorāt that both ciuil lawes and Church Canons doe depriue heretiks of inheritances, as our men ought to know also. And yf the foresaid book of Titles or succession alleadged by them were wrytten by F. Persons (as they affirme) then is there proofe inough therin to shew him to be contrary to this doctrine, seing that the whole drift of the first book (especially the 6. 7. 8. and 9. Chapters) is principally directed against this doctrine taught (as there is said) by one Belloy a French man, and whome the said first book of titles re [...]uteth by many arguments: so as these men by running headlong vpon F. Persons do breake their owne hornes, and see not their folly.

But heare yet another calumniation more absurd then this against the same man.Ibid. Pag. 14. There is (say they) a letter of F. Persons owne wryting wherein is set downe in playne tearmes to this effect scilicet. How the Iesuits are the most infest enemyes both to the Cath. Church and common welth, that are this day in the world to be found, &c.

But heere againe we require the letter, and aske why it is not alleadged with the date and place, and then consider moreouer, good Reader, how likely it is that F. Persons (except he were mad) should wryte these words of himself and of his whole order and whethet these men may be iudged to be in their right senses, and fiue wits that wryte and put such things in print; though wee haue heard of a certayne letter deuised amongst some of them to be printed as writen by him which yet others of the sayd company not so mad as the rest [Page] dissuaded them from as a thing that would easily be discouered, yet haue they here another assertiō within a few leaues after as bold and ridiculous as this,Import. Consid Pag 15. saying: F. Persons so laboured himself and others in England about matters of state how he might set her Ma. crowne vpon anothers head (as appered by a letter of his owne to a certayne Earle) that the Catholiks themselues threatned to deliuer him into the hands of the ciuil magistrate except he desisted from such kynd of practises, &c.

And heere also we would aske why they do not expresse this letter more particularly, & set downe the words therof. For yf they meane a letter of his wrytten to the Earle of Anguise in Scotland and intercepted heere in Englād concerning his dutiful affection and good merits towards the K. of Scotlād;The letter of F. P. to the Earle of Anguise Ian. 24. 1600. there is no such woord ther in sense nor meaning; if they haue any other (which we assure our selues they haue not) why do they not cite it, as plaine dealing men ought to do, & as we haue done towards them and theirs in our Apologie? VVhy also do they slaunder the Catholiques of England with so base and absurd a cogitation, as to deliuer vp F. Persons to the ciuil magistrate, which we assure ourselues neuer passed through their imaginations, esteeming his discret and feruent labours for them, and their common cause a hundred tymes more then all these vnprofitable wrangling people ioyned togeather.

And now hauing byn much more longer in this matter then we purposed at the beginning, we would gladly end, pretermitting infinite other such like stuffe of the same kind, as in these books are euery wheare found, yet must we not passe ouer one narration of theirs, for that it toucheth great personages. The story is this;Epist. to Import. consid. Pag. 15. that when their two legats M. Bishop and M. Charnock came to Rome in the end of the yeare 1598. they went (as heere is said) first to the frēch Embasador residing there, requesting his help to procure thē audiēce of the Pope,A notorious fiction and contumely to his Hol. who enquiring if they had brought the K. his masters letter in their fauour, & perceauing they had not, told thē that albeit he would with the said letter, if they had brought it, more willingly enter into the said action with them, yet [Page] without it also would he speake to his Hol. in their fauour, and so he did, making a speech which heere in their book they take vpon them to set downe, and the very words he vsed wherby he obtayned ful promise of their audience, with fauour at his Hol. hands. VVhich the Spanish Embassadour vnderstanding of, went presently to the Pope, and made another speech in the behalfe of his maister, to whome the Pope promised that they should not haue audience, which being vnderstood by the french Embassadour, he returned to his Hol. againe and renewed his oration and petitiō for their audience more earnestly then before, and it was resolutely graunted him; which being brought to the Spanish Embassadour he went to the Pope with great vehemency the second tyme, and as it were threatning him from his king made him recal the second tyme his former promise.

Lo heere a sharp combat framed in the ayre, neuer thought of by the partyes as we are informed from Rome it selfe. And first it is to be considered, how bold a deuise this is, and how iniurious to his Hol. himselfe, who is made heere like a doore, opened by one and shut by another, and geuing a creake to each one that moueth it, which contumely how farre it is from the wisdome, maturity and knowen constancy of his Hol. in his resolutions all men do know who haue dealt with him, and it is extreame audacity for these to deuise such absurd and ridiculous matters of him as to say and vnsay fower tymes one thing to so great personages. And thus much of his Holines person.

But now for the matter it selfe concerning the narration,Great probabilityes that the vvhole is fayned. how or whether the two messengers went to the French Embassador in Rome; whether the matter be wholy fayned or no, we cannot precisely affirme, but great probability there is that they were neuer with him, seing that their arriual in Rome being about the 11. of December (as in our Apologie we haue declared) at what tyme the said Embassador was not there, but in Ferrara with the Pope, or in his way towards Rome, his Holines entred not the citty, but some 2. or 3. dayes before the floud, which happened on Christmas eue, and so [Page] empestred the citty, as there was no going vp and downe, and much lesse negotiating, from that tyme to S. Thomas of Canterbury his day Decemb. 29. when they were restrayned and committed to ward by his Holines order, and therby had no tyme afterward to go to the said Embassador.

But howsoeuer this was, we are acertayned by due information taken at Rome both from Cardinal Burghesius Vice-protector of England priuy to all the whole negotiation, and of the Duke of Sessa and Vayena, the King of Spaynes Embassador, whome our brethren appoint for cheef actor and orator of pleading this cause (for of the other two Cardinal Caëtan the Protector and Monsieur Syllarie the king of France his Embassador, the one is dead, and the other gone from Rome) these two great men (we say) do affirme that all this matter to their knowledge is a meere fiction, and that his Hol. when he shal know it (as before this it is likely he hath done) cannot but laugh, and yet be much offended with such audacity to be published in print.

And of the said Duke of Sessa Embassador of Spayne they write from Rome that he laughed hartily when he heard the Story,The speech of the Duke of Sessa about these priests auducity. saying: wel then they make me at least the better orator of the two who finally preuayled with his Hol. But after his laughter past, he asked seriously. But is it possible that English Catholike priests should haue so litle shame & conscience as to vtter such deuises of their owne in print, and father them vpon vs heere who neuer thought nor dreamed therof what may be expected of them for the tyme to come? These men (said he) wil not stick to fayne letters, wrytings and speeches to wreake their wrath against any man. To whome it was answered, that this indeed was doubted against some, and F. Persons by name, whose letters they threaten in many places to bring forth, and yet alleadge none hitherto, for that perhaps they are not yet made, or deuised.

VVel then there were no end yf we should prosecute all they say and rayle against F. Persons as before we haue noted, but especially about the restraynt of their forsaid two Embassadors (a pittiful case) of whome they conclude their former [Page] narration thus:Imp. Consid. Pag. 16. Ep. By this meanes (say they) they were excluded from doing their message, cast into prison, cruelly handled, iustice violated, all lawes broken of God and man, the Popes Holines nor any other competent iudge vnder him neuer as yet hearing of the matter nor of the egregious coggery, A heape of folyes. preiudice & blasphemy against the Sea Apostolike and the sacred Maiestie of our Soueraigne and all other Princes and Prelates abused by these men.

Heere now yow may see as many impertinent follyes and open falsityes as almost there are words for we may go back againe, denying truly euery parte & percel as they are heere set downe. For how were they excluded from doing their message, who were heard for 3. monethes space togeather both by word, and wryting? How can they be said to haue byn cast into prison and cruelly handled, that were retyred only vnto two good chambers of the college, and as tenderly cared for and treated as the best in the house? VVith what probability can they say that iustice was violated and all lawes both of God and man broken, by this their restraint, seing it is an ordinary thing daylie vsed vpon lesse occasions then this, to farre better and greater men then they? with what shame can they auouch, that nether his Hol. nor any competēt iudge vnder him hard their cause, seing two principal Cardinals and his Hol. Fiscal, both heard, examined and determined the same after three monethes hearing, conferring all first with the Pope himself, as appeareth by publike records?

VVe let passe their immodesty in calling this act of so temperate iustice, coggery, preiudice and blasphemy against the Sea Apostolike, and the sacred Ma. of our Soueraigne; And we would only aske them how they ioyne these two togeather, and how the selfe same thing of restrayning a coople of priests may be blasphemy both to the Sea Apostolike and to her Ma [...] and wherin this blasphemy consisteth?

VVe might follow this vayne of our passionate and inconsiderate brethren their folly and falshood (yf we would) to the making vp of a whole volume, but we find ourselues so wearyed and glutted with these (being so grosse as they are) as we are ashamed further to discouer their infirmityes in this [Page] behalf for there is nether end nor measure in their fond rayling against F. Persons, yea though they be forced to say things to his praise and comendations as before hath byn noted: But let vs heare one example more yf yow please.

VVhen they speak of his iorney into Spayne in the yeare 1588. and his doyngs there, they wryte thus: He departed from Rome,Pag. 28. Ibid. went into Spayne and became a courteour to attend K. Philippe wher by Mendoza his fellow Iesuits meanes he grew shortly into so great estimation (not for any goodnesse in him towards this Realme yow may be sure, but rather in respect of his deadly hatred against it) that he procured a Seminary to be erected in Vallidolid. 1589.

Consider these words (gentle Reader) and weigh the exceeding folly and malice of the wryters; He went to Spayne to be a courteour, got great estimation, and yet hath gotten nothing for himself in all these dozen yeares, by al his fauour and estimation, but only to erect some Semynaries for our nation, what courting is this? or what courteour followeth this course to get nothing for himself but for others? yea for those that professe themselues his enemyes as secular priests do; yf we may beleeue these men affirming it euery wheare. These are meere insulsityes.

Againe they say;About Don Bernardino de mendoza & his frendship vvith F. P. that he got his credit in Spaine by Mendoza his fellow Iesuits meanes, &c. But we haue shewed before that Don Bernardino de mendoza was neuer Iesuite but a lay nobleman. He was not in Spaine when F. Persons went thither, nor for diuers yeares after, for that he resided in Paris as Embassador for his king, where he had much more frendship and correspondence with M. Charles Paget and M. Tho. Morgan men of the opposite party (as is knowen) then with F. Persons betweene whome and him we haue vnderstood for certayne that no one letter or message passed for many yeares togeather, to wit after the most disastrous affayre of Ballard, Babington, &c. whervnto he being drawen perhaps to intermedle more then was expedient by the forsaid men and others (though we cannot accuse him therin) and perceauing both Card. Allen and F. Persons then in Rome greatly to haue misliked and complayned therof as a matter so highly preiudicial to the life and states of [Page] many good Catholiks in England and of the Q. of Scotland her self, he neuer had any great confidence afterward with the said two men, and when he returned after some yeares to Madrid, where F. Persons was, we vnderstand that there passed greate expostulations betwene them two about that & some other such matters, wherin the said Embassador had byn thought to haue byn ouermuch misled by the foresaid men & their mates.

By this then yow may see in part how likely it is that F. Persons should get his estimation and credit in Spaine by Don Bernardino de Mendoza his meanes, and much more how probable it is that the said Father procured a Seminary for English priests and students in Vallidolid not for any goodnes in him towards this realme, but for his deadly hatred against it, &c. who could imagine such fond malice to be in men? And yet if we would enlarge our selues vpon this poynt, we should neuer make an end; for against this man it semeth their vvhole conspiracy lighteth; And he may wel say out of the psalme opprobria, exprobrantium ceciderunt super me, read the Catalogue of slaunders set before the preface of our Apologie and the 12. Chapter of our said book that treateth of this man in particular, and then lay them with these which we say heere and that we haue related in the first Chapter of this book and yow wil see sufficient store, and yet more wil ensue after, for that no one part can be touched by them without his particular impugnation, whome they imagine to stand more in their way (for letting their seditious designments) then many others ioyned togeather. And so consequently they are forced by their owne folly and passion to assayle him euery where, and this we feare to their owne confusion in the end, God graunt it be not. And so inough of this.

[Page]

OF THEIR GREAT FOLLY and malignant spirit in obiecting certayne books to F. Persons, which yf they be his, cannot but giue him much credit & commendation, with a brief confutation of a fond pamphlet set forth in answere to the book of succession.
CAP. V.

TRuly it is said that enuy and emulation are two blynd guides, and that anger and passion do oftentymes wound more deeply the assaylant, then the assayled. Yow haue heard how boysterously (not to say furiously) these passionate people haue runne euery where vpon F. Persons dentibus & ensibus, (to vse their owne phrase) and surely if we did not know F. Persons and his merits towards our common cause and them, in particular as we do, yet knowing them, as we may by these their books and libels, and beholding their outragious dealing with him, we must needs think the better of him for it, and that there is some great good thing in him, for which they enuy him so exceedingly, and discouer such rancor and malice against him, as they seeme to be content (we meane of the principal that wryte these books) to put out both their owne eyes according to the prouerb so they might put out one of his. But this is the nature of enuy. Let vs now examine some more particulars of their proceedings with him.

Besides all their former rayling and calumniation against F. Persons,4 bookes specially obiected to F. Persons. wherof we haue treated hitherto, they obiect now further (to leaue nothing vntouched) the wryting of certayne books foure in number, wherof 3. are extant in print, and one only in wrytten hand. The first is in latyn vnder the name of Philopater conteyning an answere to the English Edict, and most rigorous law set forth against Catholiks in the yeare 1591. The second is in English named a VVardword to the VVatchword of Sir F. Hastings by N. D. which two books these men do inueigh against by name,Philopater contra [...] Edictum 1591. and yet in the first of them their owne cause (if they be Catholike priests) as also [Page] the Seminaries and English martirs are so diligently de [...]ended (especially in the 3. 4. and 5. sections) as if enuy had not vtterly extinguished in these people the sense and feeling not only of vertue and gratitude, but of humanity also and ciuility, they would neuer so enueigh against this book wrytten in their behalfes, as neyther against the second, to wit the VVardword, VVardvvord An. 15 [...]8. which is wholy to the same effect, and to defend the most innocent Catholike recusants of our countrey against the bloudy slaunders and imputations of that cruel mynded knight.

The 3. and fourth books obiected by them are the conference about Succession or Titles as they cal it, and the high counsel of Reformation, (for so they fondly terme it) of which two books we shal speake somwhat more in this place, but most of the last, for that it is not in print, as all the other three are, and so may be vewed and examined by the Reader himself, to whome we giue only this aduertisment, that none of the forsaid three haue F. Persons name vnto it, and consequently are no otherwise knowne to be of his making but only by their owne coniectures, albeit all three are such, as be they his or no, they yeild litle matter of aduantage to these poore men but much rather of greef and enuy, as by reading them will appeare. And as for the third of Succession we shal discusse some points therof afterwards beeing vrged therunto by their often carping therat and a childish answere set forth against it in print. Now we wil begin with the fourth, wherof they write thus.

This Polypragman Persons (say they) set out a booke intituled:Epist pag 12. to Import. consid. The high counsel of Reformation of England, &c. wherin he wil haue the old Roman Agrarian law, so firmely established in this land, & no fee simple of inheritance shal be left for any English from the Prince to the freeholder to possesse, enjoy, and leaue by succession of birth, and bloud to his posterity, as to his next heyres, further then as the Spanish Iesuitical court, counsel and gouernors shal appoint for them.

Lo heere a great and heynous charge, and if any one sentēce therof be true or sincerely set downe then shal we be content to beleeue them in all the rest, and if we proue them to be all [Page] and euery one of them meerly false, then yow know what to think of them.

First then we graunt,The Treatese intituled: A memorial for Reformation vvhen time shal serte. that vpō search made we haue found that the said Father (not altogeather vntruly called heere Polypragmon, for the multitude of his cares and labors in our publique cause) hauing had occasion aboue others for more then xx. yeares, not only to know the State of matters in England, but also of many forraine nations and Catholike kingdomes abroad, hath vsed like diligence from tyme to tyme to obserue and note to himselfe certayne excellēt things found in other places, which are not so much in vse among vs in England nor were when it was Catholike: VVhich obseruations he hauing imparted somtymes with certayne confident frēds, they seemed to them of so great importāce for the tyme to come, as they intreated him earnestly to put them at least in wryting for himselfe and for others after him; to publike good; when tyme might serue to vse them, if now he would not make them common, as he signified in no wi [...]e he would.

Herevpon he then being at Siuil in the yeare 1596. and receyuing letters from his Superiors to returne to Rome for appeasing the tumults there he was more earnestly intreated, that before his departure he would performe the same, and so he did, calling it, A memorial or Remembrance for them that shal lyue when Catholike religion shalbe restored into England, wherin he proposeth with all indifferency such matters as he hath obserued and noted to be thought and considered of at that tyme, and eyther to be taken, or reiected limited, chaunged or altered as they should think best, all which appeareth by his owne Preface to that treatese, which for more satisfaction of the Reader and fuller declaration of his intent and purpose, we shal heere set downe word for word as we find it in the said book, wherof we haue procured a true copy out of the original, though with great difficulty, for that no copyes are giuen abroad but only to some few confident frends to haue a sight therof, and giue their iudgement of the matter.

But yet before we set downe the said Preface we may note [Page] the falsity of these first words of our brethren, affirming the book to be intituled: The high counsel of Reformation for England, &c. wheras it is only intituled; A memorial for Reformation, &c. conteyning certaine notes and aduertisments, &c. gathered, and set downe by R P. 1596. Secondly it is not nor euer was set out or published (as these men falsly affirme) but is kept in secret to the author and his nearest frends only, to the end aforesaid. Many foule falsities and calumniatiōs vttered togeather. Thirdly the whole calumniation that follovveth of the old Romaine Agrarian lawes pretended therby to be so firmely established, as no fee simple of Inheritance shal be left for any English, &c. All this (we say) is so notoriously false, as the plaine contrary is therin to be found. First for that nothing proposed in this Memorial is firmely established or set downe by way of resolution but only suggested to be considered of,Memorial part. 3. C. 4. secondly it is both often and expresly prouided in this book, that the old auncient lawes customes and vses of Englād, how so euer some of them may seeme incommodious, and different from other natiōs in diuers poynts, yet are they not easily to be chaunged or altered, but rather conserued and persited, by other good things to be added vnto them, which being considered, and the peeuish and maligne calumniation of these men therby vnderstood, we shal leaue them to their wrangling and lying humour and so passe to set downe the said promised preface of the memorial whose title is this.

The Preface of the author shewing how and why these notes were gathered, and the principal parts to be treated, &c. 1596.

The notes and obseruations of this memorial following,The preface of the Memorial of Reformation. were gathered & layd togeather in tyme of persecution, when there was no place to execute or put them in vre, and it is now more then 17. or 18. yeares past, that the gatherer began first to put some of them in wryting, and hauing had the experience of the yeares which haue insued since, and his part also of trauel in the Cath. affayre of his coūtrey, and seene the practise of diuers other Cath. nations abroad, he was desyrous (in case that himselfe should not liue to see the desyred day of the reduction of England) yet that some of his cogitations and intentions for the publike good therof might worke some [Page] effect after his death, and that therby other men might be the sooner mooued to enter into more mature consideration of these, and such other like points, yea and to descend also vnto many more particulars then heere are set downe, for that the gatherers meaning was only to open the way,The motiues and meaning of gathering these notes of the Memorial. & to insinuate certayne general and principal heads that might serue for an awaking and remembrance at that happy day of the conuersion of our countrey vnto such persons as shalbe then able and desyrous to further the common good, and to aduaunce almighty Gods glory with an holy zeale of perfect reformation, who yet perhaps may be so intangled with multitude of other busines and cogitations at that tyme as they wil not so easily enter into these, except they be put in mynd therof by some such memorial, and aduertisments as heere are touched. And what is said in this Treatise for the kingdome of England is meant also for Ireland so farre forth as it may do good, seing the author desireth as much benefit for Gods seruice and good of the nation to the one countrey, as to the other.

And for that the principal members and braunches whome this memorial may concerne are three,Three parts of this Memorial according to the 3. cheef mē bers of our comm [...]vvelth. to wit, the whole body of the realme iointly, and then the Cleargie, and temporalty apart: therfore the same order shalbe obserued for more perspicuityes sake in treating the matters, that are to be handled, according to these three parts: First of things that appertayne to the whole body of the Realme in general, and then to the Cleargie and Laytie in particular, deuiding each one of these two later members into his particular braunches also, as namely the Cleargie and spiritualty into Bishops, priests and religious men, and the laytie or temporality into the Prince with his counsel, the nobility and commons, making of euery one of these cheefe members their particular Chapters also a part, as in prosecution of this Treatese shal appeare.

And to the performance of this,Tvvo point [...] of encoragment to the gatherer. the author was encoraged especially by two points, which for diuers yeares he hath byn persuaded in; the first that God wil most certainly at his tyme appointed restore the realme of England to the Catholike [Page] faith againe, as may appeare by the euident hand he holdeth now in the worke: the other that England being once conuerted may be made the spectacle of all the world, and an example of perfection to all other Catholike countreys and churches round about it, if want of zeale and good wil do not hinder it, in those that God shal bring to see that blessed day, which the gatherer of this memorial hopeth wil not. And with this hope he setteth downe the notes and aduertisments ensuing.

This is the Preface verbatim, and by this yow may in part conceyue of the Authors whole drift and meaning, which he prosecuteth afterwards according to the former three parts, to wit of the whole body iointly, and then of the Cleargie, Churches, schooles and vniuersityes particularly, and lastly of the laity or temporalty, making 10. Chapters of the first part, 7. of the second, and 5. of the third, proposing diuers and sundry most excellent obseruations concerning each one, quite contrary to all that, which his detractors, do heere or els where set downe or insinuate vpon meere suspition, coniectures and vpon the very name or hearing of this book without reading or seing it, only to contradict his endeauors, whome they haue neyther vertue nor ability to imitate.

It were ouer long and not standing with our purpose of breuity in this place to alleadge (as we might) many excellent places out of this memorial for our comfort, yet some few peeces shal we touch as it were for a tast, and to discouer these mens malitious enuying humour. The first Chapter of the first part hath this inscription. Some special reasons why England aboue all other Realmes ought to procure a perfect reformation when tyme shal serue, &c. And then it followeth in the Chapter thus:

If euer nation vnder heauen were bound to shew themselues grateful to almighty God,The first chapter of the first parte of the Memorial. and turne hartily and zealously vnto him, and to seek his highest glory by a perfect reformation of their countrey, when his diuyne Ma. shal open the way, it is the English nation for these reasons following.

[Page] First for that no other nation in the world,Fauours of God. on whome God hath layd the scourge of heresy hath receaued so many helpes and graces to resist the same, as England hath done, which is euident by the multitude and valour of English Martyrs, by the fortirude and zeale of so many and such confessors, by the constancy, patience, and feruour at home, by the store of Seminaryes abroad, and by the seruent spirit of priests brought vp in them and by many other fauors and priuiledges vsed towards the English nation in these our dayes. All which do require an extraordinary demonstration of forwardnes in English Catholiks when the tyme shal serue, to be answerable in some sort to these extraordinary benefits.

This is his first reason, wherunto he addeth 4. more of no lesse moment, which we notwithstanding are forced for brenityes sake to pretermit, our intention being only to giue a tast, both of the argument handled in this book, and of the maner how it is handled, yet for that the fourth reason being further considered by vs, seemeth to beare with it an euident demostration as wel of F. Persons syncere and plaine meaning as also of his good opinion of these priests that now make so many clamors against him, we are induced to set it downe also, being wrytten, as is euident, before these broyles fel out. VVherfore let vs heare yf yow please his words.

Fourthly (saith he) the facility and commodity that there is and wilbe in England to make this perfect reformation, whensoeuer God shal reduce that countrey doth greatly conuite and oblige vs to the same, for we shal not fynd that difficulty & resistance by the grace of God in England,F. Persons hope of English priestes. which good men do find in diuers other Cath. Countreyes,for bringing in of any reformation that is attempted, and that which the very Prophets found euer among the Iewes, and that Christ himselfe did find among the scribes and pharasyes, to wit, the repugnance, of corrupt, peruerse & stubborne people that wil contradict and resist their owne benefit; we are not like to find (I say the infinite mercy of our Sauiour be blessed for it) eyther backward bishop or dissolute priests, or licentious religious men or women, to oppose themselues [Page] against so holy a designment, as this our reformation is; or if any one such should creep in among the rest, he would not dare to shew himselfe, nor should he fynd followers: all is now zeale and integritie in our new Cleargy: (almighty God be thanked for it) and no lesse in our laity and Catholike gentlemen of England, that haue borne the brunt of persecution for so many yeares; so as if we should want the effects of a true and sound reformation at the next change againe, it would be for want of some zealous men to sollicite and procure the same. For on the behalfe of the Realme & Countrey I persuade my selfe most certaynly, that there will be no difficulty which ought to animate such as feele the zeale of gods glory within their breasts to ioyne hands togeather (as S. Luke sayth all Apostolike men did in the primatiue Church) and each one to seek aboue other to haue a part in the happy procuration of so holy and important a worke.

These are his words. And by this now may any man consider what euil mynd F. Persons had in gathering these notes of Reformation, and whether he were deceaued or no in his opinion and hope of these priests good concurrance therin that impugne so fearsely now the very name of Reformatiō, saying that it was made to put Iesuits in gouerment, wheras throughout the book we find not so much as once any mention to be made of them, but all the high Counsel of Reformation (as scoffingly they cal it) to be comytted by name to Bishops and Noble men to be appoynted by the Prince and parlament, &c.

The second chapter is intituled thus,The second third and 4. chapter of the 1. part of the Memorial. what maner of Reformation is needful in Englād, &c. And the third: How this Reformation may best be procured, and what disposition of mynds is needful for it in all partyes, &c. And the fourth: How all sorts of people, to wit Catholiks, Schismatiks and heretiks may be charitably dealt withall at the next chaunge of Religion: VVhich fourth Chapter beginneth thus, being forced for breuitie to pretermit the other wholy.

After vnion and good disposition of mynd in all, & a harty reconciliation to almighty God, wilbe necessary a sweet, pious, and prudent manner of dealing and proceeding as wel [Page] with such as haue byn frends as enemyes, as wel Catholiks, as Schismatiks, protestants & persecutors.Hovv constant Catholiks are to be dealt vvith all Luc. 17. And as for knowne Catholiks which haue byn constant and borne the brunt in tyme of persecutiō though for their owne parts they ought to follow the most holy and secure counsel of our Sauior: Cùm omnia feceritis, dicite quia serui inutiles sumus, quod debuimus facere fecimus; nothing presuming of themselues or vaunting ouer others, but expecting their reward with humility at Gods hands; yet is it euident, that in all reason and iustice and law of gratitude, they are to be cheefly respected, &c.

Thus he wryteth with much more of this first sort of men, which we are forced to passe ouer for auoyding prolixitie; and no lesse charitably wryteth he of the second sort called commonly Schismatikes, of whome he sayth thus:

As for Schismatikes or close or weake Catholiks that haue fallen,Schismatikes denyed, or dissembled their religion, if they haue done it of frailty, and haue not byn persecutors the more compassion is to be had of their estate, and the more sweetnes to be vsed in raysing & restoring them to the vnity of Gods Church againe, &c.

Thus he wryteth and then sheweth the best and most pious manner of reconciling them, and from thence passeth to the third poynt which concerneth heretikes, as wel such as easily wil returne, whome he iudgeth most courteously to be dealt with all, as with those that are obstinate, towards whome, and their reduction he persuadeth most charity, labour, and patience to be vsed, standing longest vpon this poynt of all other. And surely to shewe the charitable disposition of this man, most contrary to that which the enuy of his emulators do point out and ascribe vnto him we are resolued in this place contrary to our former purpose to set downe some good part of his speech in this behalfe which is this ensuing.

And this (sayth he) for them that wil returne,Heretikes hovv to be dealt [...] vvith. but as for enemyes and obstinate heretikes, whether they be of malice or of ignorance, another course seemeth necessary to be taken for their reduction and satisfaction,MemorCa. [...]. Pag. 37. which is to endeauour by all wayes to conuince them yf it be possible of their errors, [Page] & this by reason and sweet meanes, as farre as may be, wherof I shal touch some particulars in this place.

And first of all perchaunce it would be good considering the present state of the Realme, and how generally and deeply it is, & hath byn plunged in all kynd of heresyes not to presse, any mans conscience at the beginning for matters of religion for some few yeares, to the end that euery man may more boldly and cōfidēntly shew his wounds, and be cured therof, which otherwise he would eyther couer, deny or dissemble to his greater hurt and more daungerous corruption of the whole body. But yet it may be prouided ioyntly that this toleration be only with such as lyue quietly and are desyrous to be informed of the truth, and do not preach or teach, or seek to infect others And by experience it hath byn seene that this kind of suffering and bearing for a tyme hath done great good and eased many difficultyes in diuers townes rendred vp in the low countreyes, which being mitigated at the beginning with this entrance of clemency neuer greatly cared for heresyes afterwards.

This is the beginning of his discourse, wherof he addeth afterwards many reasons, & setteth downe also diuers meanes & wayes in particular, how heretikes might best be persuaded or conuinced, wherof one is, free, publike and in different disputation to be graunted them, with most equal and sure Lawes and conditions, wherof he saith thus.

But for conuincing their vnderstanding in matters of controuersy, A publique disputation vvith the heretiks. I could wish that a playne contrary course were taken by vs towards them, from that which they haue vsed towards vs, seing that our cause doth beare it, which is of contrary state and condition to theirs, for wheras their cause being false and infirme, they would neuer consent to come to any indifferent tryal or disputation with the Catholiks, I would wish, that seing our cause is true and substantial, and the more it is tryed, the more it wil appeare, that once at least at the beginning ful satisfaction were giuen by all English Catholiks to them, and all other heretiks of the world, by as ful free, equal and liberal disputations [Page] as possibly could be deuised within our Realme, &c.

Thus he wryteth, and then setteth downe diuers particulars about the meanes, lawes and conditions that might be prescribed for the good preformance of this affayre, cōcluding in these words.

And thus much for gayning of those,Pag. 51. that haue byn deceaued by error, and are of good nature, and think they do wel, and do hold a desyre to know the truth and follow the same, and finally do hope to be saued as good Christians, and do make accompt of an honest and true conscience, though they be in heresy, &c.

So saith he, and much more which we omit; and by this we may see in part this mannes disposition, & that he resolueth nothing of himself, but only propoundeth to be taken or left in parte or in whole, as shalbe thought best. And thus much for a tast of the first part of this Memorial.

The second part of this worke concerneth the Cleargy,The second parte of the Memorial. contayning Bishops, Priests, Churches, vniuersities, and religious orders both men and women; and hath this title to the first Chapter therof: Of the Cleargie in general, Pag. 1 [...]6. what they are, and ought to do at the next chaunge, and how soundly to be vnited with the laytie, &c. which Chapter beginneth thus.

Hauing to speak of the Cleargie in general which God from the beginning of his Church vouchsafed to name his owne portion, for that they were dedicated more peculiarly then other men to his diuine seruice, and our Sauiour to cal them by the most honorable name of the light of the world and sale of the earth, The name of [...] Cleargie. the first point of all to be remembred vnto them, seemeth to be, that yf euer there were a tyme wherin the effect of these names were needful to be shewed, and put in execution, it wilbe now at the begining of our countreys next conuersion, whose fal and affliction may perhaps in great part be ascribed to the want of these effects in former tymes past, &c.

And furthermore it may be considered, that the State of the Cleargie in England after our long desyred reduction and happy entrance of some Cath. Prince ouer vs, and after so [Page] long and bitter storme of cruel persecution, wilbe much like vnto that which was of the general Church of Christendome in tyme of the first good Christian Emperour Constantine the great,The state of the church in Constantines dayes. after the bloudy persecutions of so many infidel Tyrants that went before him for thre hundred yeare togeather, at what tyme as God on the one side prouided so many notable, zealous and learned men for the establishing of his Church as appeareth by the three hundred and eightene most worthy Bishops gathered togeather in the first general counsel of Nice, so on the other side the diuel ceased not to styrre vp amongest the Cleargie of that tyme diuers and sundry diuisions, emulations, contentions, some of indiscreet zeale against such as had fallen and offended in tyme of persecution, and some other grounded vpon worse causes of malice, emulation and ambition, tending to particular interest, wherby both that good Emperour in particular and all the Church of God in general were much troubled and afflicted, and many good men scandalized, and God almighties seruice greatly hindred, and the common enemy comforted.

And considering that the tymes, men, matters and occasions may chaunce to fal out very like or the same in Englād whensoeuer it shalbe reduced to the Catholike faith againe, great and special care is to be had, least semblable effects should also follow to the vniuersal preiudice of our common cause.

VVherfore this ought to serue as a preparatiue both for our Prince and people, to put on the same pious and generous mynd that Constantyne did,A consideration for the prince and people. to beare patiently with the infirmityes of men, and remedy all matters the best he may, and the people, but especially priests to beware of like deceyt of the diuel, and among other things if perchance in tyme of persecution cause hath byn giuen or taken of offence or disgust betweene any persons whatsoeuer, that haue laboured in Gods seruice and do tend al to one end, to procure effectualy now, that it be altogeather cut of, and put in obliuion, and this especially amongst the Cleargie, and by their meanes also amongst others. And if there should be any vnquiet or troublesome spirit found, that vnder any pretence would sow, or [Page] reap, or maytaine diuision, that the holy Apostles counsel be followed with him, which is to note and eschue him to the end that all may ioyne cheerfully and zealously to the setting vp of this great and important worke of reformation. And thus much for concord.

This is his beginning of the second part, and conforme therunto is the prosecution therof, shewing in the second and third chapters how bishopricks, deanryes, and other cheefe prelatyes ought to be prouided with the first and what maner of men are to be procured for them. And wheras some of these calumniators, haue giuen out and wrytten also in books, that this father would first destroy the auncient subordination and hierarchie of the english Church this is refuted by the very titles of these chapters and much more by his whole discourse therin, and secondly haue affirmed that he would haue no clergie man to haue any propriety in any ecclesiastical lyuing, but only to be put to pensions, this also is euidently false, in Bishopricks, deanryes, Archdeanryes Canonryes and the like, as may appeare in the chapter heere mentioned; for that he persuadeth these first of all to be prouided of incumbents and thirdly it is no lesse false in particular cures and common benefices, as is cleare by that he suggesteth Cap. 2. for their furnishing with fit men by way of opposition and trial both for learning and maners. And wherof then thinke yow arose the calumniations of putting priests to pensions? yow shal heare it out of the fathers owne words:

I haue spoken before (saith he) of English preachers to be sent ouer into the realme with diligence at the beginning,Cap 3. part. 2. Pag. 1 [...]7. allotting to euery bishop so many as may be had for that purpose, and that he deuyde them as he shal thinke most needful, and that for some yeares it wilbe more commodious perhaps for the publike and more liberty for the preachers & priests themselues to haue no appropriation or obligation to any particular benefices, but ample commission rather for all parts, with a sufficient stipend to liue vpon, vntil things be better setled.

Lo heere that which is spoken to great good purpose for [Page] some few preachers only to be free from any particular charge, and this for a while, to the end, they may attend to all places, is turned odiously by these men to all priests in general. VVhat wil yow say of this malitious kynd of dealing? but the narrownesse of this place suffereth vs not to passe herein any further.

There remayneth then the third part of this book concerning the laytie,The third perte of the Memorial. conteyning the Prince with his counsel, the nobility & communalty, and hath this title in the first chapter therof: Of the laity & temporalty in general, & of their agreement, and concurrance with the Cleargie most needful for both their good, the difference also of both their states. And then the Chapter beginneth thus:

By that which I haue spoken in the first Chapter and second part of this memorial about Cleargymen,Cap. 1. 3. part. the difference and distinction may appeare, that is betwixt these two principal braunches of a Christian and Catholike comon-wealth, to wit the Cleargie and layty, which is a distinction obserued from the very beginning of Christian religion,The distinction of Cleargy and laity. and the primatiue Church, as may appeare by the first, second, third, eight, seauenty, and diuers other cannons of the first general Counsel of Nice where often mention is made of this distinction. Tertul l. de Monog. And before that againe Tertullian a most learned and auncient wryter not only setteth downe the same distinction of cleargy and lay-men as receaued generally in his tyme; but sheweth also, and reprehendeth earnestly the emulation and enuy that euen then begonne by art of the diuel to be in diuers of the laity against the Cleargie, &c.

VVe cannot prosecute the rest at large but only giue yow a gesse what manner of matter it is, which ensueth by the first entrance; and so the next chapter being of the Prince and the counsel, begynneth thus:

As the Prince in euery common-wealth is the head and hart,About the Prince and his Counsel. Mem pag. [...] 227. from whence all lyfe and vigour principally cometh vnto the same, so aboue all other things is it of importance, that he be wel affected and disposed, and so much the more in England aboue other countreys, by how much greater, [Page] and eminent his authority is, and power with the people, more then in diuers other places, by which meanes it hath cō men to passe, that England hauing had more store of holy kings in ancient tymes then many other contreys togeather, came to haue also religion and piety more aboundātly setled by their meanes then diuers realmes about them, &c. Thus there.

The 3. Chapter is of the nobility and gentry beginning in these words:Pag. 247. Nobility and gētry. Mem. Pag. 247. ‘By the nobility of England, we do vnderstand according to the fashion of other countreys, not only noble men of title but gentlemen, esquyres, knights and other degrees, that be aboue yeomen, husband men, and the communalty; in which inferior sort of nobility beneath Barons (I meane of knights esquyres and gentlemen) there is not that distinction obserued betwixt their degrees in forraine countreys, as in ours, and I take ours farre the better, and more laudable order.’

This nobility then and gentry being the cheef members of our Realme, are carefully to be preserued by our Catholike Prince in their ancient honors, dignityes, and priuiledges, and whatsoeuer iniury or disestimation hath byn layd vpon them these later yeares by occasion of heresy, it is to be remooued, and particular inquiry is to be made by commissioners appointed by the parlament, For this purpose, wherin and in what points the nobility of England hath byn iniured, dishonored or oppressed to the end that supplication may be made to the Catholike Prince for remedy therof.

And as the ancient nobility of England in tymes past came to that dignity in the common-wealth, and to their credit & estimation, both with Prince and people, first for their piety and zeale in Christian religion, and secondly for their fidelity and valour in seruice of their prince and countrey, so their heyres and posterity must conserue the same, by the self same meanes, &c. And so he followeth on with many other considerations which wee pretermit.

The 4. Chapter of this part is intituled; Of the Innes of Court and study of the common lawes, The Innes of Court and study of lavves. with diuers considerations also about the [Page]lawes themselues, &c. About which subiect diuers important points are suggested for making that study to florish with more honour and profit of the weale-publike and the students good.

The 5. Chapter is;The communalty Mem. Pag. 283. Of the common people of England, and how greatly they are to be cherished and made of: which Chapter beginneth thus: ‘The communalty being the body and bulk of the Realme, and those that sustayne the poyse and labour of the same, they are greatly to be cherished, nowrished, esteemed & conserued; and next after the planting of true religion and knowledge of God, greate care is to be had of their en [...]itching, for that as Constantius the Emperour was wont to say, the princes true treasure, are the coffers of his subiects, and especially of the communalty, who if they be poore, and needy can neyther pay their landlords nortil or mannure their ground, nor help the Prince in his necessityes.’

And by the communalty in this place I vnderstand labouring nun, seruingmen, husbandmen, yeomen, aertificers, citizens, and marchants, all which labour and [...]oyle to the end that others may liue in rest. And in England their condition (as before I haue touched) was wont to be more prosperous and happy, then in any countrey els of the world besides, and may be againe by the grace of God, with the restoring of true religion, the losse wherof brought not only spiritual, but also temporal misery vpon vs all and our Realme, &c.

Thus wryteth he there, laying downe many excellent meanes for comfort of this communalty, which we wil not prosecute in this place for breuityes sake, nor say any more at all of this whole book or Treatese, but only remit our selues to the iudgment of the indifferent Reader to gesse by this litle he hath seene what manner of matter, and with what piety, moderation, and tender loue of our countrey the whole is wrytten; which these men so spitefully do maligne and cauil at. And this shalbe sufficient for a tast of this fourth book.

Touching the third intituled:About the book of Succession. A conference, about the next succession to the Crowne of England, had in the yeare 1593. for that it is [Page] in printe, and in the hands of many, and the contents therof sufficiently knowen, we shal need to say lesse, but only to note vnto the Reader, the like great passion and intemperate folly of these our brethren, in exclaming now so eagerly against it, which not long ago when they were in good tune they liked wel and highly commended, and wheras it is knowen that it came forth with the consent, liking and approbation at least of our late Cardinal Allen, Sir Francis Englefield and others, the most principal Catholiks of our nation beyond the seas, as by their owne hands is yet extant, what malepert saucinesse is this of a few yonglings so bitterly now to inueigh against it?

And if we wil consider the contents therof we shal more maruaile at so insolent dealing of these indiscreet and rash greene heads,Rash [...]aucines in greene heads. deuowed wholy (as it semeth) to carp at other other mens actions, though they vnderstand them not. For what argument (we pray yow) could there be more important, graue, serious, and necessary to be handled at that tyme when this book was wrytten (English affayres standing as they did, and do) then the matter of succession to our crowne, wherof both religion and Realme, spirituality and temporality for the most part dependeth, especially the subiect of the former book, (for two they are in number) is of such weight and consideration, and so ought to be with Catholiks, as it were irreligious to be ignorant or carelesse therin, to wit, that in all pretence and pretenders ro reigne ouer Christians and succession to crownes,The first booke of succession. the consideration of true Cath. religion is the principal point to be respected, and that this is conforme to all lawes both diuine and humane but especially to the ancient accustomed lawes of our land, and that no good Catholike may or can dispence with himselfe or others in this point for any humaine respect or consideration whatsoeuer, which point is so substantially prooued by all variety of learning both ecclesiastical and prophane, and by so many examples and customes of all nations in 9. seue [...]al chapters, as our enuious brethren cannot turne their hands to answere any one thing therin contayned, though neuer so much they [Page] maligne both the matter and the wryter. And this of the first book handling matters in general against heretikes and Atheists.

But the second book of this conference conteyning ten Chapters passeth further on from generalityes to particularityes setting downe all the particular titles,The 2. book of Successiō. pretēces, and pretenders which are or may be probably of the blood royal of our land with an open protestation of all indifferency therin vsed, without hurt, hinderance, or preiudice to any, which Protestation for that it wypeth of all the cauillations which these men or others of their humour do endeauour to lay against the wryter, as though he had penned the same partially in fauour of some particular prince, we haue thought good to set his owne words downe in this place, which ate these.

Hauing to speak (saith the common lawyer) in this discourse of many princes,A protestatiō of the Au [...]hor. peeres and nobles of the royal blood of England (to all which by law of nature, equity and reason he affirmed that he bare reuerent honour and respect) and to discusse their seueral pretentions, rights, interests, and titles to the crowne, he said, that his meaning was, to offend, hurt or preiudice none; nor to determine any thing resolutely in fauour or hinderance of any of their pretences or claymes, of what side, family, faction, religion or other party soeuer he or she were, but rather plainly and indifferently wihout hatred or partial affection to or against any, to lay downe syncerely what he had heard or read or of himselfe conceaued, that might iustly be alleadged in fauor or disfauour of euery [...]iteler.

Thus wryteth and protesteth he, and seing that whatsoeuer he putteth downe in this affayre, is registred in our owne cronycles, and both the authors and places alwayes cyted by him for his defence, and for the discent of blood and genealogie in euery preson named, and that the obiections and arguments to and fro in euery pretence and pretenders are layd forth clearly without partiality, we do not see what reason or probability in the world our discontented preists can haue [Page] (yf they be Catholiks) so intemperatly to exclayme against this book, which in the iudgment of farre wyser Catholiks and more disappassionate then themselues was most needful at that tyme, when it was wrytten, and is greatly profitable now and wilbe most of all hereafter for so much as the first parte therof openeth mens eyes to se their due obligation to religion aboue all other respects and considerations,The effectes of the tvvo bookes of succession. and the second shewing the variety of pretenders togeather with their reasons and propinquityes of blood and other pretences, & giueth more scope to thē that shal haue to do therin, that yf the said due circumstance of Cath. religion be not foūd in one, it may be sought and preferred in another, which is no smal help and comodity to right meaning consciences.

And thus much now being opened and declared, we would aske of these our out cryars, what they haue in reason to say or reply in this case? They tel vs in diuers places of this last libel of Important Considerations, and other where, that the wryting of this worke is greatly misliked and thought preiudicial; and that for this cause that one M. Paget (a cheef man of their crew) hath answered the same,About M. Pagets ansvvere to the conference about succession. which maketh vs somwhat to maruaile. For albeit we haue seene a certayne vayne pamphlet set forth about this matter, & said to be printed at Colen 1600. (others think rather at Paris) Intituled: A discouery of a conterfes Conference, &c. And though we doubt not much of M. Pagets affection in these affayres, neyther of his desyre to contradict the supposed author of the said book of succession (as yow may wel perceaue) by that we haue alleadged more largely in our Apologie:) and albeit on the other side we easily persuade our selues that the wryters of this last rayling and heretical libel of important considerations do know sufficiently who was the true author of the forsaid foolish pamphlet for the good intelligence they haue one with another of that contradicting company, yet hardly can we yeild to thinke so basely of M. Pagets wit (howsoeuer his wil be) that so contemptible a thing should come from him and his pen: we would rather thinke it to be of a certaine neighbour of his, of greater title in learning, but of lesse discretion [Page] and capacity in wit or reason, wherunto yf nothing els yet the very fond and ridiculous title would induce vs which yf yow wil heare it all,A fond title of cōterfeits. is this: A discouery of a counterfet Conference, held at a counterfet place, by counterfet Trauellers, for the aduauncement of a conterfet Title &c. VVherunto yf he had added By a counterfeite Catholike or companion, all had byn ful of counterfets, & it had fitted both the knowen vanitie of the counterfet doctors stile, and the quality of his person.

There followeth the Preface or Epistle to the author of the Conference, A foolish preface. wherin no one thing of moment is handled, but a quarel pickt against him for not putting downe his name, wherunto we may answere with those words of S. Paul: Rom. 2. Inexcusabilis es o homo, qui iudicas, in quo enim iudicas alterum teipsum condemnas, cadem enim agis q [...]ae iudicas. Thow art inexcusable that iudgest another condemning thy selfe by iudging him, seing thow doest the selfe same thinges wherwith thow findest fault in him. The wryter of the Conference putteth downe his name R. Doleman and whether it be his true name or no, it little importeth, the reason therof is before by vs declared in the next precedent Chapter. This other pamphleter cometh forth without any name at all, and yet quarreleth with the other, for not putting a name; is not heere more then S. Paules condemnation against so impudent a cauiller?

But let vs passe from a vayne and idle Preface to the barren bulke of the worke it selfe, which is more ridiculous and absurd then the preamble; what do yow thinke that this discouerer hath performed in his whole little barking pamphlet against the forsaid book? Hath he answered (think yow) any one reason, argument, example or discourse therin set downe throughout those nynteene large Chapters cōteyned in the conference? No truly, nor hath so much as gone about to do it. And wherin then doth he spend his tyme and paper in this discouery? yow shal heare breefely, and therby know the man.

1 First he sheweth himselfe very angry at the common opinion of men about the estimation and credit of this book generally (wherat also VV. VV. doth storme exceedingly in his [Page] epistle to the Important Considerations:) The author (saith he) is so extolled for sharpnes of wit, Discouery [...]ol. 1. Enuy against the author of the book of Succession. plenty of much reading, cunning in conueyance, aboundance of eloquence, and other graces, as none can find any want or default, &c. Do yow not see heere enuy accuse and condemne her selfe?

Secondly he taketh in hand, and this in diuers parts of his 2 Discouery to shew that the setting forth of this book could not be with the priuity of the K. of Spaine that is now dead, or he that now raigneth, nor pleasing to eyther of them, for that it hurteth his cause (a very wise and pertinent argument) and that other betrer meanes might haue byn deuised (yf he forsooth, and his fellowes had byn called to counsel) for the aduauncment of the K. honorable designes, Folly and flattery. seruices and offices (for so are his words (Marry (saith he) in ordine ad Deum & vsque ad aras, and more then this I am sure (quoth he) so good a king wil not require, &c. Do yow se how careful this discouerer is to hold good opinion with the K. of Spaine? how desyrous to further his honorable designes and seruices? in ordine ad Deum & vsque ad aras? shal we thinke this to come from M. Paget? VVe can hardly beleeue it.

Thirdly he taketh in hand to giue many graue notes vpon 3 the reasoning of the two lawyers in the book of Conference, and first of all he complaineth that the speakers in the dialogue or conference about succession, as also the place named by the author are counterfait as in the title of his answere yow haue heard him auouch, which is so egregious a foolery as nothing can be more, for with this substantial reason he may refute euery thing wherin fayned persons are brought in to speake; and consequently condemne and reiect for counterfet things, all Plato and Tullyes works wrytten in dialogue maner, affirming that those their conferences and persons therin named were for the most part fayned and counterfetted. And is not this also a point of great wisdome?

Fourthly he findeth great fault with this book for that 4 therin two lawyers should be brought in to reason and be iudges of so great and weightie a controuersy about the succession & not law it self? But what a iest is this? As though [Page] law is not best vttered by lawyers? or as though to determine weightie controuersyes, the rediest way were to bring many law bookes into the place without lawyers to expound them? VVho seeth not the cauilling vanity of this man?

5 Fifthly he misliketh and com [...]layneth greeuously that the ciuil lawyer should speak first and before the temporal lawyer in this Conference wherof he inferreth; that the intention of the wryter is (when tyme shal serue in England) to haue the ciuil law of Caesar (for so his words are) preferred before the auncient municipal lawes of our Country; which municipal lawes he affirmeth Pope Eleutherius to haue appoynted to Lucius king (saith he) of all the great Britany and to haue commanded this at the request of the Brytish nob [...]lity and people (aboue 1400. yeares past) that Caesars ciuil lawes should be Abolished, &c.

Mark heere (we beseech yow) the learned discourse of our wise Doctor, because the ciuilian speaketh first & more largely in the first book of the Conference, and contrary wise in the second; and for that the said first book is before the second book therfore he inferreth, that the wryter had a purpose to preferre the ciuil law before the temporal.Many ridiculio [...]s ab i [...]dityes of the disco [...]erer. Is he, not worthie a doctorship (trow yow) that so reasoneth? As for the second point about Eleutherius the Pope that he appointed K. Lucius to banish Caesars ciuil lawes and to plant municipal lawes, or that these municipal lawes that now are in England (brought in principally by the Conque [...]oun and increased synce by acts of Parliamēt, as all men know) were in Britany in Pope Eleutherius his tyme; or that K. Lucius, was king of all the great Britany as heere is a [...]ouched vnto vs; or that the said K. Lucius or his nobility did demaund these municipal lawes at the Popes hand, as this wise discouerer affirmeth, these things (we say) being such strange noueltyes as they are, required some proof, at least at the Doctors hand, yf he wil not be held ridiculous, as most of these things are alleadged by him: but citing none at all, euery man wil iudge of him accordingly.

6 In the sixt place after much cōplaint (as hath byn touched) that the Ciuilian lawyer in the first book speaketh more then the temporal, he saith thus:Discou. Pag. 10. The temporal lawyer for his part must [Page]follow an eccho, not betweene two hilles vpon stoppage of breath for modesty and feare but in playne fields not subiect to rebounds boldly without blushing to correspond,Most fond complaints.&c. Consider heere a very graue complaint for that the temporal lawyer is made to answere and allow the Ciuilians speech. But heare yet a much grauer and earnest against the trauellers which being present at the speech do speake also themselues sometimes for varietyes sake telling the lawyers what seemeth best to them; which thing greatly misliketh this wise discouerer, for which cause he wryteth thus against it.

Furthermore (saith he) the trauailers for their parts must help the credit of these lawyers,lbid. Pag. 1 [...]. by a coople of od shifts, els all wilnot go straight, for by the meanes of their ranging throughout diuers countreys we must haue a common opinion settled eurey where, that all is true which these two haue said, and agreeable to the lawes of nature; and consequently the common [...]ame of their horrible blasts must [...]course both ayre and earth, &c. This is his complanit for that poynt.

In the seauenth place yow are to ponder certayne notes of 7 his set downe in the margent of his book, wherby (for breuityes sake) we leaue yow to gesse what is handled more at large in the text. First then he complayneth in one note thus: That the Queene must seeme to be put in security for her tyme (for these are the words of his marginal note) and from that he passeth to other matters of like substance and quality, as may appeare by these other marginal notes following, to wit, first,Discou. Pag. 20. that the wryter of this conference, neyther profiteth the king nor the common cause by discourse of succession. And then againe to the same effect he maketh this other annotation: The disseruice done to the king by this Conference. And yet further in another margent:Ibid. Pag. 22. The book of Conference was not printed with the late Kings priu [...]y or liking: And yet againe [...] This author and lawyer do mock and abuse the K. of Spaine. By all which yow may see how dutiful a seruant to the K. of Spaine this discouerer would make himself,Great profession tovvards the K. of Spaine his s [...]ruice. which yet lying in Paris, we maruaile much that he would professe so openly, as also how he wil like of these confederates of his faction now gone thither out of England (we meane the reuolted priests) who in all their late books and libels do band against [Page] the said king and shew egregious hatred and enmity towards him.

But each one of these good fellowes speaketh for himself and for the tyme present, and as it standeth best for him at that instant, hauing no other vnion or agreement with his followes but to impugne a third: and all their barking is, but as of little whelpes, against them that passe athwart them; and when all is done they may be gotten againe with a bit of bread. And we haue seene a letter of one of them wrytten from Paris to Spaine not long since, wherin he offereth that yf he might haue but 4. or 5. Crownes the moneth from that king, he would be content as before. And we haue the original letter to shew yf need be, though for this tyme we wil conceale his name.

And the like may yow presume of this eager discouerer, that yf any least commodity might be had from Spaine or els where he would quickely bite at it (as he did while it was to be had) though for the present, they say he is most busy and earnest in Paris to set forward the seditious that seek to lay the foundation of their fauour and credit, as wel in England, as with the K. most Christian by professing auersion from Spaine; and this is thought a wise politike course by them, but the end wil prooue all. And so we returne to the treatese of our counterfet discouerer againe.

8 VVe haue shewed hitherto what trifles he hath handled in his vayne and idle discouery not touching any one substantial point of so many of great moment as are contayned and handled in the said two books of succession. For to speak nothing of the second book wherin matters are treated historically for the most part what more weighty or important matters can be handled about the right and interest, of the succession of any crowne then is treated in the first book by the author of the cōference,Great & importāt points handled in first book of succession. as for example, whether gouernmēt [...]e by law of nature, diuine, or humane? how monarchies and kingdomes were begon and continued, and by what right? how great and high reuerence is due vnto Princes? and yet how in some cases they may be restrayned or chasisted by the common wealth? what interest Princes haue in their subiects,[Page]goods, lands and lyues? How oathes made vnto them do bynd, and what oathes princes themselues (as namely those of England) do make in their coronation to the common wealth and how farre they bynd? VVhat is due to only succession by birth or propinquity of blood without other needful circumstances concurring therwith? what are the principal points which a Catholike and godly common welth ought to respect in admitting or excluding any pretender to a crowne or Principality, and how greuously they do synne that neglect these considerations, for interest feare negligence, or other humane respects, &c.

All these and diuers other most worthie and weighty points are handled in the first book only of the conference (to say nothing of the second, which is yet of more variety) with great aboundance and store of proofes, arguments, and demonstrations, wherof no one at all is answered, or so much as touched by this discouerer, but only certaine impertinent trifles, as hath byn said, and therby is discouered his owne weaknes, and his folly displayed. And yet to the end not to seeme wholy to say nothing he standeth finally vpon two fond calumniations: the first: that the conference conteyneth popular 9 doctrine, perilous to Princes, states and common wealthes, &c. Ibid. Pag. 18. And herof he giueth certayne vayne and foolish examples of Antonio Perez, Tvvo ridiculo [...]s cauils. that raysed some trouble against the K. of Spaine in Aragon, and of George Buchanan in Scotland, and of the Prince of Ore [...]ge in Flanders, &c. But this cauil is answered at large in the third Chapter of the said first book of Conference & others that ensue, shewing that there is no reason why the lawful, graue iust, and orderly proceeding of true subiects and moderate commō wealthes against pernicious or vnlawful princes should be stayned or their iust authority left them by all law both diuine, and humane, should be denied, for that some wicked and trooble some subiects haue against law and order misbehaued themselues against their lawful princes.

The other cauil is, that this conference is iniurious to the king of Scotland, The 2. cauil more malitious about the K of Scotland. with whome the discouerer would gladly get some credit by malitious impeaching of others, and to this end he noteth in his margent these words: The authors extreame malice against the king of Scotland. Ibid. Pag. 14. But whether this lightheaded [Page] discouerer doth shew himselfe more malitious in setting downe so malignant a marginal note, or the author of the conference in wryting so tempera [...]ly and reuerently, as he doth, as wel of the king of Scotlands pretence to England, as of all other princes and pretenders to that crowne besides, let the indifferent reader be iudge. Sure we are that in reading ouer that part which toucheth his Maiestie of Scotland, we neuer discouered any the least malice at all in the wryter, but rather a very indifferent mynd to haue the vttermost right of euery man knowne without offering wrong or iniury to any; according to which indifferency the said king of Scotlands title is set downe in the very first place in that book as first and cheef pretender among the rest, neyther is there any one thing emitted (to our knowledge) that truly and rightly may be said or added in setting out of the same title. And when the exceptions made by the opposite pretenders against him are declared, nothing is auouched, which is not openly knowne to be true neyther any thing vrged or exaggerated more, then against the rest: neyther doth this flattering malignant discouerer so much as obiect any such thing done or attempted by the author of this conference, nor can he with any shew of truth so do. And if the said author any where doth shew lesse desyre of the aduancement of the King of Scots his title towards England (which yet in words we find not expressed) while he is of different religion from him, and no Catholike, his Maiestie is wise inough to consider that he could not do otherwise according to the cheef and mayne principle set downe throughout that book about the necessity of true religion (that is to say Catholike) required in all pretenders that must or may be admitted by Catholike subiects. VVhich principle being granted (as in the Conference it is prooued and demonstrated by all arguments both humayne and deuine) to be a most true, Christian, religio [...]s, and necessary principle, it followeth (we say) that the author being a Catholike could not possibly according to the sincerity of that religion (though otherwise he louing and reuerencing the K. of Scotland neuer so much) wish or desyre his [Page] preferment ouer Catholiks whilst he remayneth of the opposite Religion.

Nether can this flattering discouerer, or his mutinous parteners (how desyrous soeuer of gayning fauour) say or do the contrary, yf they be Catholikes (as they professe) and haue Catholike consciences, and wil conforme their actions therunto, for that all true Catholike doctrine and piety is against them in this behalf.

And finally whatsoeuer this maleuolous calumniator doth prattle in this place of the Authors euil affection towards the king of Scotland to grace himselfe by another mans iniury, yet yf he be the man that he is taken for, and that the author of the Conference be the party, whome the other and his consorts [...] giue out; it is easily seene and discryed by their former doyngs, who do beare most true good wil to that king the one being constant in desyring his conuersion to Catholique religion, and therby all true aduauncement, both in this life, and the next; the other variable vp and downe, heere and there, and after many windings and turnings and castings about, as offering their seruices now to one, and now to another, do now at length fawne vpon him for priuate interest whome before they most impugned, and this vpon bare need, being broken of, where once they hanged on. And this is sufficient for the present argument in hand, and for confutation of so fond an answere to the book of Succession.

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THEIR FOLLY AND DEceaued spirit in persuading themselues to get credit, or recouer that which is lost, with any sorte of men, be they frendes or enemyes by this their maner of proceeding with clamors and libels.
CAP. VI.

IT is said by a certayne spiritual wise man of some others that in their owne sight seemed farre more learned and wise then he: obscuratum est insipiens cor eorum: [...]om. 1. their foolish hart was blynded, not to see and consider (though they were learned philosophers) that which euery simple man of meane vnderstanding being lightened with Gods grace may see and behold, to wit, that they ran to their owne perdition; which folly also and blyndnes, we feare hath so possessed the deceaued spirits of these our passionate (if not possessed) brethren, as we may say thesame words of them: Obscuratum est insipiens cor eorum: for that hauing suffered their harts, to be obscured, and ouerwhelmed with the perturbation of enuy, emulation malice, reuenge, anger, and other like inchauntments and sorceryes of their soules, yea rather [...]uryes (as we may say) of spiritual madnesse do rage and runne a desperate course of rayling and rauing against all that stand in their way without any respect of persons, state, degree or merit, or of their owne condition, calling, or function, or credit therof, and haue not so much inward light of vnderstanding or consideration as once to ponder or weigh with themselues (as it seemeth) what other men wil think of them, or wether it wil turne to their credit or discredit, help or hurt, releef or ruyne, thus to proceed, wherfore to assist them somwhat in this consideration and to the end that we may lay before their eyes some few pointes of that which is most probable to ensue in this behalf, and therby to styrre vp their memory and help their iudgment in this contemplation. VVe shal runne ouer breefly the cheef partyes or persons with whome they may persuade themselues by this their manner of outeryes and printing libels [Page] to gaine or loose credit, and to repayre or vtterly ouerthrow their owne reputation.

And first of all we may consider of forrayne Catholiks in all countreys Christian,The con [...]ideration of forrayne Catholiks vvhat they vvil think and say. what they wil think of them, when hearing (as they haue and do) of the tumults raysed by them heere in England, and before in Rome, and other places, which are now renewed againe and more published then euer in other nations, sending abroad lately their cheef Captaynes to diuulge the same by their iorney through Flanders, France and other kingdomes and prouinces towards Rome as they pretend and giue out, but as we persuade our selues they meane not to go thither (hauing done, said and wrytten as they haue) no more then they went or sent thither for prosecuting of their Appeale, when lawfully they might, and should haue done, before his Hol. determination made theron, but they (as now for certaine we vnderstand) neuer so much as caused the same to be exhibited in Rome from them or in their names, and much lesse prosecuted or prooued according to law, notwithstanding all their clamors and vaunts in the meane space made heere in England as though they had made the same appeale lawfully and with true intention to follow it, which was not meant in deed, but only to gaine tyme and liberty, and to persuade simple men that they were out of all obligation of obedience to their Superiors, whilest that controuersy lasted, & to make a playne delusion of themselues and others.

VVel then this is their manner of proceeding hitherto (which is of all mutinous and seditious people) to make outcryes and great noyses that they haue receaued great iniuryes and intolerable oppressions, and other like greuances, & that they wil both say do and proue, and yet do meane nothing lesse, but onely as curst childrē to vex their mother and trouble the whole house where they are, by crying without cause only of stomack and stubbernesse and the more they are sought to be quieted and appeased by reason, the more they cry and skrich.

VVe haue hard of their late iorney from Douer to Calis, from [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [Page] Calis to Newport in FlandersThe late [...]orney of the seditious by Flanders. where the Popes Nuntio was, sending first a messenger or two before like great men that dout of their owne estate to aske a pasport or safe conduct (consider how confident these men are in Cath. Countreys, that they need such protections of his Hol. ministers) which being graunted, they went thither. And it is to be noted, that one of their precursors sent before, and falling into the company of a certayne Irishman in the way that went to the Camp., he told him, and by him others, that he was a Iesuite, therby to get the greater fauour at Cath. mennes hāds [...] so as yow see, that when they are among good Catholiks they say they are Iesuits, and when they are among heretiks & other of that humour they say they are enemyes to Iesuits. But now to their dealing at Newport.

First they shewed there diuers pasports,Tvvo kind of pasports frō England. the first as of banished men (and this yow must think was to serue for deceauing some good Catholiks, and to mooue them to compassion of their state) but after being vrged they plucked out another much more general and ample ful of fauour and priuiledge to passe how, when and where, and with what they would; and this was aswel for their safty and protection at the ports as also to grace themselues with all sorts of protestants or other aduersaryes of Iesuits or catholike religion beyond the seas, seing that in Genena also this pasport would make them very grateful.

Hauing shewed their pasports, they began to deale with the Nuntio of their affayres, telling him first a notorious [...]ly, to wit, that the cause why they durst not come vnto him [...] without a pasport, nor had dealt with him before, was for that they had heard him paynted our vnto them (by some of the otherside yow must imagine) for a seuere, inhumane, bitter and tetrical nature (for these are the words of the Nuntio reporting them afterwards) and that now finding the contrary by experience, they would deale confidently with him: and then conforme to this principle of flattery and false preoccupation they related vnto him many other vntruthes in like manner no lesse grosse and odious as this; as for example that [Page] many priests in England being of their side and faction durst not wryte their mynds freely vnto him for feare and terror of the Archpriest and Iesuits, in which kind of false detraction against those men they [...]o enlarged themselues as though they were the greatest tyrants in the world, and themselues ful innocent, myld and meck creatures not offering but receauing wrongs and iniuryes, and that for their owne parts they were most ready to conforme themselues to his Hol. wil and his L. in all points; which when we saw wrytten these dayes we remember the lowly answers giuen by Luther and his frends at Augusta to Card. Cae [...]an the Popes legate, registred both by Coclaeus Surius and others in the yeare 1520. and what insued after, we wil not forbode in matter of religion (God forbid) but in sedition we see it already, and God graunt the other do not follow also in some of them at length. But let vs returne to their dealing with the Nuntio at Newport.

After many complaints the Nuntio at length as a wise man passing ouer their clamors,The causes vttered of their tumults and pressing neere the point it self, he vrged them to vtter the principal causes of this their so scandalous tumultuation, they resolued all vpon two principally. The first that the Archpriest had taken away some of their facultyes for smal and light causes; the other that he had not giuen them and theirs, part of certayne almes sent vnto him to distribute. The Nuntio maruayled to heare no greater causes of so great motions, and offerred yf this were all, he would take vpon him himself to end the matter, wryting back first to the Archpriest to require his answere, which they accepted of, offering moreouer that two of theirs should go back into England to carry the said letters, whilst the rest, to wit M. Bagshaw and Bluet passed further to Paris to conferre with certaine of their companions there about this matter, and so the Nuntio accepted all for that tyme, not being acquaynted with their deceytful manner of speaking and dealing, nor hauing vnderstood of their malitious books printed against Catholiks, and the Popes Hol. himselfe, wherof soone after their departure he had notice, and consequently he wrote into England in another stile concerning their being with him, [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [Page] then he would haue done (as after he said) yf he had byn so farre priuy to their doings and meanings before. He shewed them also an authentical copy of his Hol. Breue of the 17. of A [...]gust last past, wherin their whole cause of Appellation is reiected and decided against them, and they commaunded most seuerely to obey and to be quiet. And the like also did shew to them or their fellowes, the Nuntio in Paris, but all was not sufficient to quiet them or bring them into order againe, hauing promised (as is likely) to their true patrons in England to passe further in this stryf.

VVherfore they departing from Newport towards Paris they past by Lisle and Doway, D. Giff. and as in the former place they receaued (yow must imagine) no smal good cheere and incoragement from one of their cheefe Captaynes residing there, whose hand and hart is knowne to be deeply in these broyles for many years; so in the second, to wit, in the Colledge of Doway, Their being at Lile and Dovvay. though for treaty, they receaued all competent curtesy, and were conuited twise or thrise by the President, Doctors, and other graue men of that house, yet were they dealt withall notwithstanding plainly, touching their negotiation and told the truth, and the greeuousnes of that scandalous and sinful action was layd open vnto them, but in vayne as it semeth, for they vttered by words no lesse folly and fury in diuers points, then in their shameful libels is contayned, which being testified by the witnesse of them that heard them proueth the said libels to be theirs, or at least to be writtē and set forth by their consents; From which notwith-standing some of their crew haue seemed of late to disclayme, but these men shewing to disauouch nothing we shal attend to heare what they wil do in Rome.

And thus now haue we brought our Appellants so farre as Paris (for thither they went from Doway where they are further to demurre vpon that they haue to do or how to proceed in their interprise, being cryed out of in the meane space by all principal English Catholikes beyond the Sea [...] (as we are certainely informed) for this so horrible a scandal giuen by them. And if Englishmen do so, then much more would [Page] we haue yow consider what Catholike men of other nations abroad in the world ( [...]ve began to say) wil think and speak of these men, that haue set such a fire and made such a diuision in our owne litle afflicted Church at home, such a one and with so great and daungerous dammage of the publike cause of religion, as neuer they wilbe able to recompence or satisfie.

And truly it is strange to heare what is already wrytten vp and downe through other contreys about this their affayre and manner of proceeding: For we haue seene letters both from Germany, Flanders, Venice, Rome, Paris, Speches and reports in other countreys of these mens negotiation. & other places euery one telling diuers particulars of them, their iorney, and messuage: but the common agreeing in this, that they are messengers sent by the Queene and Counsel of England to the Pope to offer liberty of conscience vpon condition, that the Iesuits with the Archpriest & his frends may be recalled out of England: others go further (for suspition yow know hath no end, affirming that they are hyred to make debate and set sedition, and to deuide Catholiks one against another, and finally to be spyes against them, both at home & abroad, and that they are in the way also to be heretiks themselues or worse, &c.

These things are wrytten, related and easily beleeued by many: and now consider yow, whether this be a good way for our brethren to recouer their same againe, which they fondly say was taken from them by Iesuits and the Archpriest before, while they were quiet, which yet we cannot see how it can be veryfied in the sight of any wise man, seing that the litle pamphlet of schisme (wherof they most complayne as calling them schismatikes,A vayne quarrel about the pamphlet of Schisme. for their first rebellion) though it were somwhat sharp yet was it nether printed nor published to the world nor did it name any one man in particular, and was soone after recalled againe by the Archpriest vpon the first attonement, and consequently could not be said truly to infame any man, but he that would name himself to be within the compasse of those censures and hard speeches vsed therin and cyted by the author out of Church [Page] Cannons (for they are not his words but of the said sacred Canons) against Schisme and [...]atikes.

But suppose there had byn iust offence giuen by that treatese, was this other a good meanes ( [...]ow yow) to remedy their fame? VVas not this according to the fable of Esope of the fish that leapt out of the frying pan into the fire? But let vs passe from these other countreys to Rome it selfe, and to the censure of men there, where their cause is like to be tryed and ended (and so we wish withal our harts) what (think yow) wil men iudge and speak of them there, euen vpon the first rumour of these their new styrres? so many hauing ben made by them and their fellowes there before, & so obstinately maintayned by the cheefe of these that are tumultuous heere now? VVil not his Hol. remember what passed for three yeares togeather almost in that most scandalous tumultuation of turbulent students in the Colledge?VVhat men vvil think & s [...]y in Rome. VVil he not remember the end that ensued, the means that were vsed, the manners of the men, and the effects that they brought forth? VVil not the Card. Protectors, Visitors, and other officers imployed by his Hol. in appeasing those tumults (such we meane as yet are liuing, & knew how these matters past) think wel of our nation and tel a good tale for these people there, when they shal heare of their new attempts? VVil not Baronius, Bellarmine, Boscius, and other learned men, that haue wrytten so high praises of our English priests hertofore, be more then half ashamed now when they shal vnderstand of these mens wrytings and doyngs to the contrary?

And as for the Roman broyles and seditions and other raysed afterwards els where by the same men and their consorts there are extant diuers letters, and wrytings of three principal Card. Ca [...]tan, Burghesius and Sega the first two being Protector and viceprotector, whose latyn letters these men of meere folly and vainty haue printed of late as testimonyes against themselues in their book intituled Relatio compendiosa turbarum, &c. The third was appointed Visitour of the said Colledge and tumultuous people by his Hol. [Page] that now is. So as all thre [...] being lawful superiors and iudges in this preiudicated naughty cause, their condēnation against them must needs be of vndoubted credit and authority with all wise and indifferent men.

And for that of the foure priests which are said to be in Paris for the present of these tumultuous, we find two by name in the Catalogue of the said Card. Sega prefixed before his visitation and intituled Catalogus eorum alumnorum, qui in Collegi [...] Anglicano tumulinantur ann [...] Domini 1596.The troublesome novv vvere tumultuous befor [...] in Rome. A list of the students that are tumultuous in the English Colledge, which are. Anthony Champney and Francis Barnby, and that a third is found in the register of the same Colledge to haue byn expelled by the Protector Card. Boncompagno nephew to Pope Gregory the xiij. in the yeare 1585. vnder the name of Christophor Bagshaw and that we vnderstand further that many of their other cheefe companions remayning in England are contayned also in the same catalogue or list of the Card. Visitour (which list hath 38. names) and furthermore for that moreouer the true causes of that tumultuation were the very same which haue byn since and are for the present of these of England, to wit, liberty and freedome from all subiection with hatred of order discipline and superiority, & that the same men were principally impugned there which are now, to wit the fathers of the society that held them in order: and besydes all this that the very self same poynts were pretended then by the tumultuous which are now, to wit, that the fathers of the Society should be called forth out of England and be put from the gouernment of the Seminaryes: for these causes and considerations (we say) though in our ApologieApol. cap. 5. we haue set downe some points of this wise and learned Card. Sega his iudgemēt in this matter so long and diligently handled by him, aswel about the spirit of these our tumultuous people, as also, of their manners & merits, we think good in this place to ad somwhat more of his deliberation and graue resolution in this affayre taken out of his formentioned book of visitatiō of the Colledge dedicated to his Hol. vpō the 14. of March 1596. especially we shal let yow heare what he wryteth [Page] about the two foresaid demaund [...] and petitions made by the troublesome of that tyme, and renewed now againe by these of ours, to wit the remouing of the fathers out of England, and from the gouernment of the Seminaryes, of which matter he wryteth to his Hol. thus, in the 25. Chapter of his book, the title of which Chapter is this: Petitiones alumnorum tumultuantium, &c. The petitions of the troublesome schollers togeather with the breef answers of the fathers, &c.

And here yow must note that he had in foure and twenty former Chapters set downe all the complaints and accusations of the said tumultuous with the fathers answers and reproof anexed to euery thing obiected: and now heere in the 25. Chapter he setteth downe the exorbitant demaunds of the said tumultuous for redresse of all of which demaunds the first is this that followeth:An insolent demaund. Vt amoueantur Patres Soc. non tantum ab Anglia, verum etiam à regimine huius Collegij Romani: that the Fathers of the Society be remooued not only from England, but also from the gouernment of the Roman Colledge.

This they demaunded then, being two cheef points (as yow see) in one demaund, though they moderated the second by naming only the Roman Colledg where they resided: but our tumultuous now not contented with that, go further, and do demaund to haue them remoued from all the Seminaryes, yea from those also that were erected by them and their peculiar labors. But what answere doth the said Card. Visitour set downe of the Fathers made to this demaund, yow shal heere it in his owne words and we shal recite them first in latyn to the end the Reader may see the pure and elegant stile also of that learned man besides his wisdome, piety & experience. Thus then he putteth downe the fathers answere.

Ad hanc petitionem nihil aliud respondent Patris,Card. Seg a invisitat. Colleg. Angl. Anno. 1596. [...] Cap. 25. quàm vt sua S. prosua prudentia ac voluntate statuat, quod maximè ad Deigloriam expedire iudicauerit: Societatem enim non sponte sua, sed nonnulla etiam reluctatione, iubente sede Apostolica, vtram (que) hanc prouinciam ab [...]nitio suscepisse, maximis (que) deindè laboribus, molestijs, periculis, & sanguinis etiam profusione per viginti ferè annos administrasse, cofruct [...], quem [Page] omnes vident; non deesse alia quoque alibi loca vbi suam operam S [...]c. homines vtiliter etiam ad [...]andem diuinam gloriam, eodem Domino cooperante impendant, se nullam difficuliatem, in vtraque Prouincia di [...]enda habere; im [...] Collegij dimissionem R. Patrem Generalem aliquoties iam precibus apud S. S. instanter v [...]sisse ne tantis molestijs ab ingratissimis his tumultuantibus perpetuò afflictet [...]r.

These are the very words of that good Cardinal as they ly in the book of his Visitation; and for more perspicuity to the vulgar reader we haue thought good to put them downe also in English thus:

To this petition (saith he) the Fathers of the Society answered no other thing, but that his Hol. might determine according to his wisdome and wil, what he should think most expedient for the glory of God,A modest ansvvere of the Fathers. seing that the Society had not taken vpon them from the beginning any of these two chardges or burdens (to wit, the gouernment of the colledge and mission of England) of their owne choice or election, but by comandement of the Sea Apostolike, with some difficulty or resistance of their parts, and that since that tyme they haue borne and prosecuted the same with great labors, molestatiōs, daungers, and with effusion of some of their bloods for the space of almost xx. yeares togeather, wherof haue ensued these fruits which all men see by increase of Catholike religion in that realme, and that there want not other places also in the world where the men of this Society may imploy their labors profitably to the same glory of almighty God by the help of his holy grace, and that they for their parts haue no difficulty at all in leauing both these charges (if his Holines wil) & that the reuerend F. General of their order had already diuers tymes most instantly beseeched his Holines that they might giue ouer the gouernment of the Roman Colledge, therby once to be deliuered from so great molestations as he was continually afflicted with by these most in grateful tumultuous people.

Thus he wrote in this Chapter,Cap. 25. and then in foure other that do ensue he setteth downe first what the speech and reasons of the quiet schollers were against these tumu [...]ous, Cap. 26. and then in the next:Cap 27. [Page] what their petitions were for restoring of discipline and good order to the Colledge ouerthrowne by these men. Cap. [...]8. To which end also followeth another Chapter, conteyning: The petitions of the Fathers to the same effect. And after that againe a distinct Chapter intituled:Cap. 29. A catalogue of abuses brought in by these tumults and seditions to the manners and conuersation of the schollers against both study and piety, which of necessity are to be reformed. Al which Chapter & discourses being ended he setteth downe in the 30. Chapter this title:

‘Quid de tota remihi videatur:Cap. 30. what is my iudgement of all this affaire.’ And then beginneth he the Chapter thus: ‘Iam ex ijs quae ab vtraque parte prolata hic exhibui nō solum videt Sanctitas vestra, in quo statu, res huius, Collegij sint, sed etiam pro sua singulari sapientia intelligit, quid de tota re statuendum sic, vt me de eadem pluribus disserere iam non magnoperè necessarium videatur, praesertim cum adsit Illustriss. Card. Caëtanus Anglicanae nationis Protector, cuius consilio atque prudentea facilius, & commodius quaecunque huc pertinent transigi, explicarique possint. Vetunt amen vt vel aliquam villicationis meae rationem reddam, cum bona S. vostrae venia, meam de praecipuis huius negotij capitibus sententiam hoc loco paucis aperiam.’

Now (saith he) your Hol. doth see by those things which I haue heer layd forth from both partyes not only in what state the affayres of this Colledge doe stand, but moreouer by your singular wisdome yow wil easily consider what is to be resolued of all, so as it shal not be much necessary that I should vse many words more about this matter especially seing that the most honorable Card. Caëtan Protector of the English nation is present, by whose counsel and wisdome all things belonging to English affayres may better and more commodiously be determined and declared.The iudgmēt and resolutiō of Card. Sega Visitor. But yet to the end I may yeild some accompt of my labors in this visitation. I shal with the good leaue of your Hol. lay open also myne opinion about the principal poynts of this busynes.

Thus wryteth he,Cap. [...]1. & then to the next Chapter he maketh this title for the beginning of his resolution: Patris Societatis ex Anglia nullo modo esse reuocandes, vt tumultuantes censent. That the [Page] Fathers of the Society are no wayes to be recalled out of England, as the tumultuous do think expedient. And this point he proueth by many reasons and prudent considerations which we for breuityes sake cānot alleadge at length as they ly in his book,VVhy the Iesuits are not to be recalled out of England. but in effect, these are the principal, to wit, that the said Fathers being of a spiritual body which besides the ordinary helpes of secular priests, for spirit, discipline and 1 mortificatiō haue diuers other special helpes also to the same effect by the institute of their order, and are more practised therin by the excercise both of their nouitiate and the rest of their lyfe, and more bound therunto by their seueral vowes, cannot but haue more force, skil, and vse in spiritual mannaging of soules, then euery other priest, that lacketh those particular helpes. And consequently to remooue them out of the English Cleargy or mission now, were as it were to let forth the best and most digested blood out of a mans body thinking therby to cure and preserue [...]im.

Moreouer he addeth that the said Fathers being men of 2 direction and hauing correspondence both with those of their owne body that gouerne the Seminaryes abroad, as also with them in England and els where; and being vnited togeather with a more special linck than other men are, that depend each one of thēselues, haue therby better notice of the vertue, talents and merits of euery particular priest that cometh into England, and consequently can better assure the Catholiks what is in them, and how farre they may confide of each one, then any other sort of men can, which is no smal point of moment in these dangerous dayes for true information and assurance of Catholikes in like cases. And then they being moreouer subordinate, as we haue said, the one to another with in the Realme, and all to a general superiour abroad, more certainty may be had of them, and better remedy against any one of them that should misbehaue himselfe, then there can of any other that haue not any such particular Superiour nor wil not, as appeareth by these mēnes dealings. And albeit there be many also amōg the secular Cleargie most graue, wis [...], [Page] learned and vertuous, who do also the same good offices as occasion is offered, yet are they principally assisted and holpen therin by the said Fathers good correspondence, &c.

After this the Card: alleadgeth the knowne fruits of the Iesuits labors, industry, and piety euery where not onely in other countreys, but also in England, and in this mission it self and that this demaund of the troublesome commeth but of enuy, emulation and malice and so concludeth: Quis sanus vnquam dixerit magis indulgendum esse paucorum quorundam improbitati & inuidiae, quam multorum pietati & industriae? Certè quisquis infoeslicissimo illi regno Soc. operam aufert, ille planè totius illius terrae salem, imò & afflictissimae illius Ecc. solem tollere videtur. ‘VVhat man that is in his right wits wil euer say, that we ought rather to attribute more to the naughtinesse and enuy of a few; (troublesome) then to the piety and industry of so many good men? Truly whosoeuer goeth about to take from that vnfortunate kingdome of England [...] labors of the Society in these dayes he seemeth to me to take away not only the salt of that land, but euen the Sunne also of that afflicted Church, &c.’ Thus wrote he, and this was his iudgement both of the matter and men.

And hauing thus determined their first demaund, he cometh to treat the second in the Chapter following making this title therunto:Cap. 32. Patres à regimine Collegij non esse remouendos, vt alumni inquietiores postulant. VVhy the fathers ought not to be remoued from the gournmēt of the Colledge. That the fathers of the society are not to be remoued from the gouernment of the Colledge, as the vnquiet students do demaund. And then he beginneth thus: Quot autem ijdem [...]lumni a [...]rius vrgent, vt videlicet à regimine Collegij Patres amoueantur in eo etiam iuunilis animi impetus, at (que) vt lenissimè dicam imprudens eorum Consilium agnosco. ‘That which the selfesame troublesome schollers do vrge most eagerly to haue the Fathers remoued from the gouernmēt of the Colledge, in this point also I do discouer both the rashnes of their yong mynds (and to speake most temperatly) their imprudēt counsel, &c.’ Thus saith he for which he alleadgeth many particular reasons and testimonyes also of principal English men that [Page] are no Iesuits whose iudgments & opinions about this point of the fathers gouernment he had required by letters as wel from England, as Flanders Spaine and other places, who all agreed, that it was neyther conuenient nor possible (without ouerthrowing all) to depriue the Seminaryes of the Fathers gouernment and assistance. And as for reasons he alleadgeth diuers, saying among the rest, thus:

Si impotenti & lubricae isti aetati fraena laxentur, vt in sua manu positum esse sentiant à quibus velint ipsi gubernari, quorsum res tandem euasura sit, quis non videt? ‘If the bridle of matters should so be let loose vnto this impotent and britkle youth, so as they should vnderstand that it lay in their hands to be gouerned of whome it pleaseth them; who doth not see whether the matter would come at length?’ to wit, euery day to change their Superiors, and demaund new maisters, teachers, and the like. And then he demaundeth them where they would find so many sufficient and expert priests both able and willing to take the labour to gouerne so many Seminaryes, both in Rome, Spaine & Flanders? Diuers other reasons & considerations he alleadgeth which we are forced for breuityes sake to omit; But thus yow see their two principal demaunds decyded negatiuely.

But yet he resteth not heere, but goeth further to treat of the remedy and reformation of the troubles raysed by those seditious, and so frameth his sequent Chapter therof vnder this title: Quaenam remediae praesentibus his tumultibus videantur, adhibendae; nimirum vt seditiosi dimittantur, caeteri rectè instituantur. Cap. 33. ‘what remedyes were best to be vsed for pacyfying these present tumults, to wit, that the seditious he sent away, and the rest that remayne be wel instructed in good order and discipline.’ Heere yow see both the question propounded and answered also in the very title; yet about this matter he disputeth at large with [...]n ample discourse putting downe first this ground: praestat proculdubiò paucos habere modestes, A ground of the Card for Reformatiō. & docilet quam multos per [...]icaces & dyscolos, praestat habere nullos, quam omnino pra [...]uos. ‘It is better to haue a few modest and tractable studēts [Page] then many disobedient and dissolute, yea it were better to haue none, then altogeather euil.’

And thē passing a step further, he sheweth that the way to tame these troublesome is not to graunt them what they desyre, or to remit any thing in discipline for their outcryes: nisi fortè dicamus (saith he) equi faerociter lae [...]ciuientes impetus, detractis penitus frenis facilius atque commodius posse cohiber [...]. ‘Except perhaps any man would say, that the most easiest and commodious way to tame the fury of violent wanton colts, were to take quite away their bridles and let them runne & do what they list.’ Lo his opinion being a stranger vnto vs; and what coltish behauiour he saw in some of our troublesome at that day to make him haue this conceyt is easie to gesse.

But what would he say now, if he were aliue to see some elderly horses also become col [...]s againe, & ferociter lafciuientes, fearcely wanton? would he not giue counsel (think yow) not only to put on bridles and sadles, but also good spurres for their better taming?

And this if wee respect their merits and deserts, but as the same good Cardinal notwithstanding all this, when he cometh to put downe his iudgment in particular how the said tumultuous should be dismissed and sent away, he persuadeth it to be donne with all sweetnes and gentle vsage; so would he do no doubt in this other case of our new turbulét crew, if he were in Rome at their arriual these. And the like course by all probabilitie wil his Hol. according to his accustomed clemency take with them,According to his accustomed clemencie if they go thither; and so we all do most earnestly desyre and that all may be wel and soundly examined and ended.

And yet to prosecute the argument of this Chapter somwhat further, to the effect we haue begone, we cannot but aduertise our said brethren of their great folly and indiscretion in taking this course of clamors in their way towards Rome for [...]ecouering as they pretend their same, nothing being more opposite and cōtrary theirunto then to professe a cause so many wayes reiected, and condemned there already as partly by his [Page] Hol. owne Breues, partly by this Card. sentence of visitation, you haue already heard, especially they adding publikely two circumstances, which must needs with his Hol. make their matter farre worse.

The first, that whoras in the former styrres of Rome,1. Naughty circūstance. it was but suspected that heretiks and the common enemy had secretly their hand therin, and were eyther ayders or abetterers to make those demaunds of remouing Iesuits from England and from the Colledges, now it is openly knowen and confessed, that they are the cheef dealers and styrrers therunto.

The second not much vnlike to this, is,2. VVicked circumstāc [...]. that wheras in the former broyles of Rome, some of the troublesome did vnder hand only and by indirect meanes seek to bring in some princes Embassadors, to fauour their sedition by making it a matter of State, as though they had byn contradicted only by men depending of Spaine: now these our brethren do manifestly in the sight of all the world attempt the same seditious course, by running to [...]aris, and seeking to informe falsely his most Christian Maiestie that he hath interest in their tumultuations, and that it is a matter of State for him to fauour them, for that they oppose themselues against Spaniards and Iesuits deuoted to them, VVhich vnchristian deuise, tending to set Christian princes togeather by the eares about our countrey affayres, as it cannot be but odious to God and all good men that heare of it, so aboue all other it is iniurious to his Holines whose spiritual authority and ordinations are drawen by these men to matters of state (as we haue before both in the Apologie, and this book noted) about his Hol. institution of the Archpriest malitiously drawne by them to matter of Premunire, and no lesse malitious is this to entangle now their obedience to wards his Holines with interest of secular princes.

For we would aske them heere seriously in all law of reason or honesty,A point to be considered of tumultuous proceeding. what can it concerne the state, eyther of the King of France or Spaine, that these men should obay or disobay the Ecclasiastical substitute of his Holines in England? Is [Page] this to be made a matter of state by these new Statists? is this a thing to intrecat secular Princes and monatches with all? no truly, but only where there is intent to set sedition, and to put in garboyle and variance secular princes with the Pope, & therby themselues to be free to say and do what they list vnder the protection of some of those princes abused by them, as Martin Luther and his parteners did vnder the protection of Fredericke Duke of Saxony when they ment to be tumultuous, and to break with the Pope himself, protesting on the other syde no lesse obedience then these men do now, though we hope these meane better, but the course is not vnlike nor other effects hitherto.

These points then and circumstances (as we said) his Hol. of his wisdome cannot but consider; and then hearing furthermore (as is probable he eyther hath or wil do) of their bold and intemperate speches vttered already in their books [...] as that his Holines could not appoint them an Archpriest without their consent, and that in doing so he did against the Church Canons, warning him also very presumptuoufly of his da [...]nger of damnation therby in those woords of the scripture,Lib. Copies of discoutles. Qui amat periculum, peribit in eo. He that loueth danger shal perish therin; affirming moreouer, that they had sufficient power to examine and demurre not only vpō the Cardinal Protectors letters, as they did, though written in his Holines name expressely, [...]ope of Peace. but vpon his Holines letters also them selues if they had come from him, &c. And conforme to this when his Breue came, they saying therof; that they knew not out of what shop it was procured. And then further,Relat. Pa. 57. that his Hol. was not endewed with the worthy gyft of the holy Ghost, tearmed discretio spirituum, when he made his deputation to the Card. Protector for ordayning the Archprist, &c.

And then againe, Import Consid. Pag.11. that his Holines was deceaued in sesting vp the Archpriest, as Pius 5. was in his fact against her Maiestie, and that it was no vnusual thing with Popes so to be deceaued in matters of fact, &c. And yet moreouer; that the Archpriest is an vs [...]rp [...]r in the behalf of the Sea of Rome,Imp. Consid. Pag. 20. 21. 22. that F. Campion M. Sherwyn and other martyrs ought plainly and reseluttly to have professed to stand against the Pope if he [Page] should mooue armes for religion, and not hold their peace or eschue the question as they did, &c. That his Hol. hath no authority. to mooue warre for religion against any temporal prince whatsoeuer, or for whatsoeuer cause or pretence, &c. And that they wil oppose themselues against him yf he should come in person in any such attempt, and that they wil also reueale whatsoeuer they shal come to know therin.Imp. Consid. Pag. [...] ‘And finally that all the hurts, damages, losses, deaths, rackings and other calamityes hitherto suffered by Catholiks in England are to be layed not so much vpon the persecutors, as vpon the rash, vnlawful and inconsiderate doings and wrytings not only of Englishmen, but especially of Popes themselues, as Pius 5. Gregory the 13. Syxtus Quintus. and now this Pope, for concurrance in this last attempt in Ireland, &c.’

VVhen all these things (we say) shalbe read, heard and vnderstood by his Hol. and that they professe to do this for recouering of their good names and credit both with his Hol. & others abroad, yow may easily gesse what wilbe thought of them, and what opinion wilbe conceaued both of their affection & wisdome in choosing such meanes to obtayne their purpose. And so much shal suffice for Rome and forraine nations and countreys.

And now it shal not be amisse to returne to England againe, and to consider what credit or reputation, they can gayne there, by this their maner of proceeding. For first with Catholiks who doth not see the infinite iniuryes which they haue done them and do lay daily vpon them,Their credit vvith Catholiks. by discrediting so much as lyeth in them, both their cause and persons, and that with all sort of men both at home and abroad; Their cause, in that they would persuade the whole world that all is seditiō; conspiracy and rebellion among them, and not matter of religion: Their persons in that they make them the true authors and occasioners of all their owne troubles, vexations and damages by their owne indiscreet and temerarious actions, as hath byn said. They iustifie also the cause of the persecutors & do lay the fault vpon the presecuted: & what greater iniuryes can be offered then these: [...] [Page] [...] [Page]

[Page] Moreouer by these their later books and libels (they discouering notoriously, their passion venome of stomake, indiscretion, intemperance, lack of conscience modesty, shame and other such poynts, as are euident to those, that read their said books) this cannot but worke in all Catholiks whose mynds are holylie bent, and indued with the contrary vertues a great disreputation and auersion from them. VVe passe ouer their follysh speches vsed comōly against all Catholiks, whome they thinke not to fauour them (which are in effect all) calling them,Epist. to Imp. Consid. Pag. 17. mad dogges, set on by Iesuits to barke and byte & deuour their deare ghostly Fathers, &c. And then againe a litle after in the same place: VVheras (deare Catholiks) many of yow do account vs disobedient, true it is that we are so, and a pious vvish. would to God that yow were so likewise. Yow inferre heervpon that we are factious, seditious rebellious, malecontents, schismatiks, &c. (marke how good opinion Catholiks haue of them by their owne confession) but therin yow do bely vs by false suggestions, put into yowr greene ignorant, passionate, affectionate, indiscretly zealous heads.

Lo what Epythetons they giue them. And in other place they cal them,Epist. Pag. 8. fancyful fellowes of the new fashion, infected with the Spanish pip, iniesuitated, and the like. But it litle importeth what names or cōtumelious speeches they vse towards them in respect of the thinges themselues, and crimes obiected, and vrged against thē, as before hath byn said, wherby they seeme to labour to ouerthrow directly (so much as in them lyeth) the whole merit and honor of the Cath. cause, and of Cath. mens sufferings, making them not to be for conscience, but for practise against the Prince and state, a most wicked and iniuriōs deuise practised principally by Constantius the Arrian heretik, and Iultan the Apostata as Ecclesiastical historyes do recount. And this is held for the principal point, wherin these vnfortunate men are thought to be hyred by the publike aduersary in religion to ioyne with them in this Capital slaunder against their owne brethren and cause confirming herin the reports of our heretikes in forraine countreys who tel staungers that no man is troubled in England for matters of conscience, but [Page] all that are punished are chastised for other delicts: then which vnworthy reproch all men of iudgement do see that nothing can be more falsely, s [...]aunderously or iniuriously laid vpon our publike cause. For auoyding of which our late good Card. stryued so much in his learned book against the libel of English iustice, as all men know, and these men iest at and impugne. This then being the effect of these mens labors and endeauors, and their whole stryse and contentiō, beeing to deuyde, disgrace, and discreedit both Catholiks and their cause, we may immagine what credit they are like to gaine with them by these their doings. And so much of this.

But yet further it shal not be amysse to ponder also what reputation they are like to wyn at length with the very aduersaryes themselues,Their discredit vvith the aduersaryes. who (setting a side the contrariety of religion) being many of them very wise and discreet men, and of no euil nature and condition (especially of those, with whome these men are said to deale) they wil easily discouer the great and strange passion of these men togeather with their intemperate spirit, and that they do not this, they do or say for any loue towards them, but for reuenge towards vs, not of iudgemēt or affection, but of enuy and precipitation, and ther vpon it must needs follow that albeit their treason for the tyme he admitted yet must the traytors be contemptible; and to this effect haue we a notable story recounted both by Eusebius & Zozomenus of Constantius, Father to our great Constantine, who was gouernour, once of England, and perhaps the fact it self fel out heer, & so much the more to be noted by vs.

The forsaid two authors do recount, that this Constantius being a notable wise man,A notable fact of Constantius father to Constantine. though a heathen, at the same tyme, when Dioclesian and Maximinian the Emperors to whome he succeded afflicted infinitely Chirstians euery where, he (though misliking that extreme cruelty) yet to seeme also to do somwhat, for that he was declared Caesar & successor of the Empyre, made an edict or proclamation, that so many of the Christians about him as would sacrifice to his Gods should [Page] not only haue his fauour and enioy honors in his court and common welth, but be vsed and trusted also by him aboue other men, and such as would not, though he meant not to put them to death, yet would he exclude them from his frendship and familarity, and from all dignityes, &c. This being done, euery man began (say the forsaid authors) to shew his affection, some retyred themselues with greef and sadnes, some held their peace, some denyed flatly, but none of all these had intention to please the Prince in his demaund: others there were, that thinking by this occasion to wyn the spurres, and get themselues credit and authority aboue the rest, came fawning to Constantius and his officers, offering to do what he would haue them, and therby shew their true dutyful affections towards his Ma. and the state, with other such like flattering protestations,A iust revvard to flattery. wherof when Constantius heard, and had cōsidered wel of the matter, he caused them all to be thrust out of his court, depriued them of the honors and offices which before they had, and the other that had refused of conscience so to do against their owne religion, he willed to be called back from exile, aduaunced and trusted aboue the rest, vsing that notable wise saying, as Eusebius recounteth it: Quomodo fidem erga Imperatorem (saith he) seruare poterun [...] inuiolatam, Euseb. l. [...]. de vita Constàtini ca. 4. & 1. Zozom. li 1. Ca. 6. Eccles. historiae. qui aduer sus Deum persidi esse manifesto conuincuntur? Quapropter hos procul à regali suo domicilio statuit ainandandos; illos verò stipatores suos & custodes regni consti [...]uit. ‘How can they keep their faith inuiolate towards their Emperor (saith he) that are conuinced to be prefidious toward God: (and their owne religion) For which cause he comaunded these (that flattered) to be banished farre from his royal pallace, and these other (that dealt plainly and syncerly, though contrary to his wil and comaundements) he took them into his owne gard and defence and made them guardians of his kingdome.’

Behold heer a worthy wise example, which our English magistrats cannot but remember and think of, and our brethren ought not to forget to doubt rather, and feare least the [Page] like may happen vnto them in tyme. For albeit our aduersaryes be content to vse them for a tyme, as for a rod to beate vs with all, and therby to increase our affliction, yet rods cō monly are cast away or burnt afterward when the turne is serued or the occasiō past. And this (we say) in case the Prince and state should meane to punish vs more by their incitation or assistance offered, which yet we hope they do not, but rather (as noble mynds are wont to do) wil conceaue the more compassion of our greeuous sufferings by that they see vs betrayed also and iniuriously vexed by our owne, and if God almighty should at length mooue their harts (for which we pray dayly) to harken vnto that most honorable and holsome motion so often propounded by the best Catholiks for some toleration in religion, wherof these men also do whisper and brag much in corners as they passe through forrayne countreys, as though they were designed Embassadors for the same, and that at their demaund the matter were in consultatiō: yet do we most certainely assure our selues, knowing the grauity, honor, and wisdome of our Counsel as We do, that this is but a vayne vaunt; and that when God shal inspire them to harken to this proposition, they wil deale with other manner of men of the Cathol. party then these, who being deuided from the rest, that is from the body, head, and principal of that cause, can haue litle credit to treat or set forward any such weighty affayre, in the name of the rest, being like s [...]ayles that beare each one their castle on their owne backes, that is hauing no further reputation then themselues beare about with them in their owne heads and immaginations, or giue it out by their owne tongues to such as wil beleeue them. And so much of this.

There remayneth to say a word or two of forraine Princes,Their credit vvith forraine princes. whose fauour they seek to gayne by this their dissenting from their fellowes, as namely with the king of Scotland, to whome they sent first to offer themselues, as diuers wayes we vnderstand, and after that to the K. of France by their knowne Agents in Paris, promising to be at his disposition, and to oppose [Page] themselues against all pretences for Spayne, &c. but these are deuises so ordinary in court, and with so great Monarches as these are (we meane to offer mountaynes, and to curry fauour by accusing others) that it cannot worke any great impression in them, especially considering how litle these men cā do eyther pro or cōtra in the weighty affaire which they pretend about the succession of England, and this, whether we consider eyther the protestant party or the Catholike of our realme, for that with the former they haue but very poore credit hitherto, except they go forward, and with the second perhaps much lesse except they turne backevvard; and so for the tyme they rest betweene both, which the wisdome of princes and their counselors wil soone espy and discerne; especially his Maiestie of Scotland (being very wise as he is reported) wil easily heare and come to know,His Maiest. of Scotland. that since they dealt with him by their late messengers to offer their seruices, they haue dealt againe another way in England, and haue deuised a new discourse about the successiō (as we are credibly informed) more to the taste of some great personages of our State, whose present fauour they most desyre.

He wil ponder furthermore, that if they be truly Catholike as they pretend, then can they not with a good consciēce to God and to their owne religion desire sincerely, and from their harts, whatsoeuer they say or pretend, his Maiesties gouernment ouer Catholiks, except he be of the same religion, which if it were, then is the desire of his preferment not only theirs, but common to all Catholiks: and if it be not, then are they in the case of those flatterers of Constantius, wherof we spake before, and not vnlike to be so esteemed by him as those were by the other, though not so roughly handled. And finally his Maiestie of Scotland wil weigh and remember that whatsoeuer these men do say or doe, they being of so smal consideration and credit as they are, and so mutable as we haue shewed, and their motiues so weake and passionate (as by their owne wrytings and doings appeareth) no great account is to be made therof.

[Page]And the like may be said of his Maiestie of France, who being so great and potent a monarch as he is, must needs euery day haue store of such poore sawning people running vnto him for their owne interests, but yet with pretence of offering seruices against Spayne, whome though in wisdome and law of princely royalty he cānot presently reiect, yet considering with maturity of former points and circumstances, to wit, what they are, why they come, from whome and against whome? what groūds they haue to worke vpon, to what end they tend, what they can performe, and other the like, he wil quickely both discouer and discard them, for seing by his wisdome, that to deale much with these men, can neyther be honorable not profitable, as tending rather, to alienate then oblige, or gayne the Catholike party in England. And this wil prooue the true euent of this action, if we be not deceaued, and when they shal haue spent in Paris the good sommes of money which they carryed out of England with them, and shal want the supplyes, which now perhaps they hope and expect, and shal heare from all places (as already they do and wil daylie more and more) the general bad opinion that is of them among all good Catholikes, both English and other, they wil then begin (if we be not deceyued) to see the folly of this bad and mad course taken in hand, which we beseech God they may so do before it be to late to amend it. And this is all we shal say of this matter, for the present.

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OF FIVE OTHER BOOKES or rather absurd and sclanderous libels come forth since the answering of the former two; and tenne more promised.
CAP. VII.

MOST pittiful it is to consider how the frailty and infirmity of man once beginning to slyde, commeth soone after to rush on with violence and precipitation if stay be not made in tyme, lik as when a violent riuer stopped, or bayed vp beginneth to breake forth at a chinke or two and the breaches not remedied at the first it ouerfloweth all, making a deluge irremediable, euen so falleth it out in this disorder of our transported brethren, who beginning to exceed the limits of modesty and truth vpon anger emulation and other such passionate motyues as before haue byn mentioned, and not staying themselues with the consideratiō eyther of reason, conscience, or religion, haue now made such an open breach to all licentious liberty of vnshameful rayling, and being (as the prophet saith) de [...]rita fronte haue so inured both tongues & pennes with a certaine veyne of opprobrious and contumelious scolding, as euery day there come forth and appeare new books from them, the later euer worse and more intollerable then the former. In which kynd, since we took in hand the answering or examining of the former two, fiue other are come to our knowledge, & in the last of these ten more are promised, not books but volumes: so as yow may see whether this breach of modesty that seemed but litle in them at the beginning is now come in so smal tyme, yow wil remember the poet, amisso frontis, petulans, rupto (que), pudore, proruit in praeceps inuenis, &c.

But to the fiue last books already come forth,Propetuis. albeit in truth they are such as do easily answere themselues, and punish also sufficiently their authors with contempt and infamy for their intemperate style, nor do deserue eyther to be [Page] read by discreet men, or refuted by them that haue no tyme to loose, yet we haue thought good for this once to giue a stort taste of each of them in this Chapter aduertising the reader, that yf he wil vouchsafe to reduce them and all their substance, to the former heads & Chapters by vs mentioned, to wit what argument or substance they conteyne; with what wit, grace or modesty the argument is handled; against whome and by what sort of men, what notorious lyes, manifest slaunders and cleare contradictions they conteyne; these poynts (we say) and such other being considered in each of these books, the iudgment wil quickly be made both of them, their substance, quality and authors, as by these ensuing short notes analisis or anotamy is easily also to be seene.

Of the libel intituled, a sparing discouery of English Iesuites, and of F. Persons proceedings, &c. §. 1.

THis is the title of that book, and for the posie therof is wrytten vnder all this sentence: Eccles. 4. Vidi calumnias quae sub sale geruntur, &c. which is so fit a sentence not only to discouer but also to condemne the wryters (the contents of the book considered) as we thinke in the whole scripture would be found, for that the whole narration heere set downe is nothing els indeed but a texture of infinite false calumniations against innocent men, and those oftentymes so scurrilous & immodest as we are forced somtymes to spare the very naming therof, and consequently, the word sparing discouery in their title, might haue byn spared and left out, seing they spare neyther modesty shame or cōscience, nor yet their owne credit in disgorging their gaule against farre better men then themselues and namely the whole body of the most reuerend Society in general, so wel deseruing of them, or F. Persons in particular their hountiful benefactor, how vngrateful soeuer they be to acknowledge it. [...] [Page] [...] [Page]

[Page] And truly it were ouerlarge and lothsome to set downe heere their intolerable wanton malepart and mad spechesIntolerable speeches against Iesuites in general. vttered only in the very preface or Epistle prefixed to this wicked libel we haue in hand yet some yow shal heare for examples sake; and first they take in hand to auerre this general proposition,Epist. Pag. 2. That in very deed the Iesuits are men of the most corrupt manners, imperfect lyfe, and stayne of religion that liue in the Cathol. Roman Church this day, Ibid. &c. And yet further. Iesuits drifts ouershadowed with hypocritical zeale, pharasaical pretence and Cath. shew of true religion, &c. set forth a counterfet of moral perfection, concealing the essentialles of Christian Catholike religious piety, because they are not in them to be found.

And yet further exhorting all men to fly them as most wicked men and daungerous inchaunters they say thus: Pag. 4. Manifest it is, that whether yow giue any thing to Iesuits, or receaue any thing from them the very gift, receite, contract, bargaine, condition, familiarity or act of intermedling with them, is a plague infectiue [...] a poyson remedilesse, a pitch that flouds of watery teares (what yf I should say bloudy) wil not wash away, so daungerous are their inchauntments & [...] charmes, &c.

Thus they say: and did yow euer heare Christian people speake or wryte thus of a whole body of men of their owne religion? But they go forward defying and defaming without exception all Iesuits and their actions, calling the effects of their trauels in England: Pag. 5. the vnsauery fruits of their luckelesse labors: And then further. VVhat foule, lothsome, and fearful vices are among them pharasaically ouershaded with a pretence of religious zeale,Pag. 6. & 7. I could (saithe he) here touch, yf confession reue [...]lors, yf murders, yf extorsions, yf cosenage, yf what not dreadful offenses worse then these (yf worse may be) can touch them, &c. They are failed and fallen from all religious piety in general;Most vvicked speech. and I might take occasion heere (say they) in this anotomie-lecture of the Iesuitical ghosts, the diuersyty of such wicked spirits as transforming themselues into angels of light do lead more soules to hel, then the fiends of most vgly shape appearing in their owne proper coulors, &c. I [...]ight dedact also a triple alphabet of their machauillian practises setting downe their rules atheal, making all lying, [Page] periurie, swearing, forswearing, murder, incest, sacriledge, symmony, idola [...]ry, and whatsoeuer els, to be lawful, pr [...]fitable commendable and necessary, &c.

This and other such like stuffe he wryteth in this his Epistle or prologue saying further of himselfe,Pag. [...]. that he cannot let passe any of his bret [...]rens works that haue hitherto or shal hereafter come to his hands without an exhortatiue epistle vnto all true English harted Catholikes to beware of Iesuitical poyson. And then in the same place hauing [...]euealed in this order against so many hundreds or thowsands of mē whome he neuer knew he becommeth very humble and deuout vpon the suddayne, desyring of the Readers, a charitable remembrance of his poore sinful soule in their Catholike religious deuotions, and then concludeth as orators are wont to do with dixi, as though all were ended with that word. But a man that is acquaynted with Christian diuinity and church discipline would thinke that somwhat more satisfaction were to be required for so hideous and horrible detractions, slaunders and infamations against so many venerable men, then to end with dixi, that his poore sinful soule tearmed so by him in iest hath need of more effectual remedy in deed then a bare remembrance of other men in their deuotions, which yet we (hauing [...]ead his libel and sinful dealing therin) are mooued with true compassiō to yeild him,The sinful soule of vvil. vvatson. praying God that the poore sinful fellow may haue grace to acknowledge in deed, as wel as in words his poore sinful soule to be ouerladen with a heauy sinful burden of so horrible synnes as by so many most vnchristian calumniations vttered, he hath incurred.

But to the end yow may know better this sinful lad, and his poore sinful soule in deed, and how great need he hath not only of a charitable remembrance, but of earnest prayers, sighes & sobbes of his frends, and of some sharper remedy also in himself, to get him out of his sinful suddes, wherof he iesteth against Iesuits, I would haue yow but heare the very first entrance of this his epistle, which discryeth the man sufficiently what is in him, & in what state he is, for thus he beginneth his Epistle.

[Page] VVise was the painter in his amorous conceyt who in portrayting out the porport of Venus,Epist. Pag. 1. drew her picture, with so great arte, sleight and significant resemblance of her natural blazon, as the portrayt of her foreparts all ouer shadowed with the porch where she entred in,A beastly beginning of a book. posteriora eius on the backe, being only seene going into the temple, presented an abstract to the beh [...]lders of so rare excellency, as the type of the prot [...]t ypon by signes and symptons semed to say: giue back enamorades of ladyes bewtyes, seeke not to se the face of the peerlesse, content your curious eyes with this, which though the meanest part of the delightful obiect, yet of that perfection, as wherin yow may behould the works of dame nature to be so farre aboue reasons reach, as wit and art should skip beyond their skil, yf they should attempt to set forth the worthiest parts of this goddesse paragon sance peere. And yet was Venus but a very strompet, a common queane, fitter for Vulcan the blackesmith then for Mars the Captayne and more admired at, talked of and followed for her wanton tricks, in satiable lust, and shape to frame an eye to vice, them for any complemental perfection to be found in the purest parts of her filthy carcasse or lineaments of her vading, though seming fayre, sweet, blisful cheeks shrewded in the auriflame of carnation die, dropt in euery lyne mathematical with argent and gules, milkewhite and scarlet red.

Now yf yow did not know this fellow before, yow may take a scantling of him both in body and soule by this narration and therby make a gesse how poore, defectuous and sinful he is in the one and other. For as for his body and outward feature (yf yow know him) yow wil hardly think him a fit creature to talke so much of natural blazons or enamorades of ladyes bewtyes, &c. or of royal damsels of rare aspect, himselfe being so wrong shapen, and of so bad & blinking aspect, as he looketh nyne wayes at once, as scarsely he can discerne any thing that toucheth not his eyes, which yet we obiect not as natures defect, but as representing rather the state of his mynd, which seemeth by this filthy description of Venus and her posteriora so often mentioned as also by the wanton imaginations of pleasing obiects, and sweet blisful cheeks, and other such lasciuions phrases that he is so deeply ouerwhelmed with sensual and venereous apprehensins, contemplations and desyres, [Page] no maruayle though he cry out so hideously against Iesuits that are sworne enemies to the very thoughts therof: and we know both by experience and otherwise that there is no other motiue of enmity greater then this set downe by the holy Ghost contrarius est operibus nostris, Sap. 2. Iesuits are of contrary life, spirit, iudgment, wil, works and maners to him, and what maruayle then is there if he professe himselfe so mortal an enemy to them.

Yet we do know and can testifie that the tyme hath byn,Epist. to Imp. Considerat. when this sinful and wretched poore fellow being in extreme necessity both of body and soule, and in other sort of suddes then he now threatneth to leaue Iesuites in, had his cheefest releefe by some of ther meanes, though now most vngratfully he forget the same, paying them euil for good as honest men are wont to be paid from such as he is. But a iudgement day wil come to iustifie all; and for that this lost lad and true stayne of his religion and order (as falsly and wickedly he calleth the Iesuits) is permitted by God and vsed by the diuel at this tyme to so publike a reproch of our profession, as all the world seeth, by so many infamous bookes as come daily forth from him or through his hands we are forced in this place, ful sore against our wil and purpose to discouer the man somwhat further vnto yow,The discouery of VVil. vvats. to the end yow may see what a pillar and proctor the factious haue chosen to themselues for their bookemaister, to defame by his labours their brethren and whole religion, this being the especial seruice, for which it seemeth M. Bluet so carefully made his peace with the counsel when he wrote to M. Mush (as in our Apologie we haue set downe) that M. VVatsons peace was made if he would, Se the lettere of Bl. to Mush. Apol. cap. 13. which wil (no doubt) was to agree to some such good seruice of their side, as this is, which now he performeth vnder the direction of my L. of London, of whome yet we cannot but maruaile (being otherwise of that iudgment and temperate nature which some men report him to be) that euer he would vse so base and absurd an instrument as this felow is, hauing byn taken by them in so many trippes as he hath. But yow [Page] wil say that to a base worke a base instrument is fittest; and we see herin verified that obseruation which Philippus Cominaeus maketh in his story, to wit, that in tyme of sedition the worst men do grow fastest, and he that in a quiet and ordinate state of things should be abiect and nothing esteemed in a troubled state becometh admirable: by which meanes VVilliam VVatson (for so at length he putteth downe his name in his book of Quodlibets) who in tyme of quiet was worth nothing, now by broyles is become vpon the suddayne a great maister in Israel amōg our mutined brethren, whose cōmon wealth is no lesse disordered since their rebelliō against their lawful Superiors, then that of the Iewes, since they left their obedience due to Christ and his law; and for that we shal haue occasion after to mencion often this book maister of theirs or prefect rather of their print, we are forced heere to tel yow breefly somwhat for better knowing him.

His coming out of England and maner therof we know not in particular, nor greatly doth it import, only we know that he came to the English Seminary of Rhemes in France a poore litle begging boy,The being of VV. vvatson at Rhemes. where being taken of charity, his first allowance was for a good tyme pottage only and licking the dishes which other men had emptied before him: after this he was admitted to serue at the table, and carry away dishes: after that againe he was admitted to make beddes, swepe chambers and other like offices belonging thervnto, in which kynd he serued especially one M. Boast a good priest and a holy martyr since, which if he had knowne then or suspected that the squint eyed boy (for so he called him) would haue prooued so wicked a man he should neuer haue comen (no doubt) within his chamber dore. And yet further yow must note, that all this while VVil. VVats. besides his poore estate vvas the most contemptible and ridiculous thing in all that house for many yeares, for that his grace was in tumbling and making sport to others, for which his body (if yow know him) was fitly made, and so he passed by the name of wil was, or wat tumbler all that tyme.

[Page] But at length after diuers yeares pretending much humility and deuotion, he was vpon compassion and fauour made priest and sent into England, where for a tyme he vsed himselfe not euil, but by litle and litle falling to liberty and sensuality, and not hauing eyther sufficient wit or learning (but especially grace) needful for the gouernmēt of such a charge, he fel into diuers great disorders and absurdityes, wherof one was his foule fal by going to the protestants Church, and thervpon also the discouery of many Catholiks to the persecutors, wherof M. Bishop (if you remember) speaketh, in his depositiōs at Rome 1598. and we haue made mention therof in our Cap. 9. Apology, and the matter is notorious, and if there were not so many witnesses therof yet liuing as there be, yet his owne letters written therof, to aske forgiuenesse of priests for his fault were sufficient which we haue seene vnder his owne hand with this date and subscription.

Farewel from my Chamber vncertayne the 13. of December 1588. Your poore afflicted frend through bodely persecution and spiritual discomfort. VVilliam VVatson.

This was the end of his letter, but the beginning was as followeth:

Reuerend Fathers (to whome this my true confession with low submission and humble supplication shal come to be read,VVatsons cō fession. heard or seene) may it please yow (for Gods sake) vvith compassion to heare my woful case, and thervnto, according to your (I doubt not) vnfained and Catholike charity, I beseech yow make answer to mitigate my payne. I do freely acknowledg to my wo, shame and greefe, to the diuels confusion, and to the euer aduancement (I trust if with reuerence I may speake it) from hensforth euermore of Gods glory, and our holy another his espoused church Catholike, that my deadly fal (knowne to many in generalty, but to few in respect [Page] of the particular circumstances) was in this doleful wise:

After that I had byn two dayes in Durance I (hearing that I should be vrged to go to the heretical Church) wickedly determined (after a great though short conflict had with my self) to preuent their euil attempt by pernicious pollicy, in requesting conference with some learned protestant, which being graunted,His pernicious pollicy. I did (though faynedly yet altogeather vnlawfully) so farre condescend by a litle and a litle vnto him, that lastly I went to their heretical seruice, with this intent (and truly with none other at that tyme God he knoweth) thinking therby to haue escaped their hands, adding herunto a blynd supposition, that in such an obscure place, I should not giue scandal to any Catholike by that wicked act, because (those being compelled oftentymes that wil not come voluntarily) it should not be knowne (til I had escaped) whether I came without or with my owne accord.

But as this was a meere dissimulation with my Sauiour, so did he iustly punish me for the same: for as soone as I had let him also thinke of his novv. depriued my selfe of his heauenly grace, I had no power to resist that which before I did alwayes most detest and abhorre: so that where I thought by schismatical pollicy to haue dallyed with God almighty vntil I might haue escaped the hāds of men, and so to haue returned vnto his holy Church againe, he most iustly (seing my presumptuous sinne) gaue myne enimyes power ouer me in such sort, that although both at the court and other places in the tyme of my durance, I had vtterly denyed my being with any Catholike after my release of imprisonment, yet that wicked heretike Topcliff, did vrge me so farre, to tel vvhere I had byn and whome I knew (protesting that my shew of coming to the Church should not serue, except I vvould reueale such things vnto him) that I most sinfully at the last did condescend vnto his diuelish request, though at the first I was of that mynd, rather to haue suffered death then to haue proceeded to any further wicked [...]nesse then that (which was to much) in going to their heretical seruice. And so departing, &c.

[Page] Thus farre we thought good to recite of his owne letter, pretermitting a great deale more that followeth, wherin he setteth downe the particular acts and circumstances of his bewraying and betraying Catholiks, for which he confesseth that he was so much eschued and abhorred by all Catholiks, as he complayning therof sayth:

My burden is too great already for me to beare, but that God of his mercy, I trust, wil ease me with this grace, yet I feele none so great discomfort now in my misery, as the want (I dare not say of charity) but of compassion amongst Catholiks of this my wretched state, in so much that it is not sufficient to deny me bodily releefe (as some hard harts haue done,VV. VVat abādoned by all Catholiks. in refusing to help me with a cup of cold water, or a glasse of beere) but further those that pitty this my wretched lyfe are glad to hold their peace, least they should be suspected for speaking in my cause, and therfore are priuately warned by their frends not to medle with or in my defence, if they wil escape blame. I therfore humbly desyre all good Catholiks, first of forgiuenesse for that which is past: secondly of their charity to iudge of me no worse thē they know: thirdly if they can accuse me of any crime, wherof I haue not accused and do not accuse my selfe for Gods sake let me know it, and appoint the punishment due vnto me for the same and I wil withal my hart submit my selfe vnto their censure, and vndertake the payne. Last of all, wheras I heare that diuers are incensed against me (by wrong informatiō truly as I suppose) in accusing me of a new, great and fearful sinne in presuming to celebrate being in the state of excommunication, or at least of irregularity (as they say) wherby (if it were so) I haue incurred a new irregularity & consequently a great sinne,He had more need to look to this matter novv. if inuincible ignorance did not mitigate the offence (as I doubt not but it would) as being a thing wherof as yet I neuer stood in doubt and therfore had no cause to examine the case. I wil therfore set downe my case plainly according to the true confession which I haue already made and set downe in this wryting, and that is, first that my lamentable fall was [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [Page] publike in respect of my schisme and alienation from Gods Church not by publike reuolt at the barre before a iudge, but before ciuil magistrats in a court of common causes. Secondly my great syn of accusation which diuines do cal Clerici percussio was not publike, nether in respect of the company nor place, but priuate as wrytten in my chamber or wards, and sent vnto that wicked Tyrant (very wickedly indeed) closed vp like a letter, &c.

Heere lo yow may see VV.VV. his accusation of his owne offences, which grace would God he had not lost synce; and that this is his owne style yow may iudge in part by the defence he hath made in his book of Quodlibets about the multitude of his parentheses, misliked (he sayth) by some Readers. Secondly yow see after his accusation and confession, both a complaint against the seuerity of some Catholiks, with some excuse of himself. The complaint we thinke verily to be false: for what Catholike (thinke yow) would deny a cup of water, or a glasse of beere (except there where no glasse in the house) to so miserable a poore fellow standing in bodily need, though neuer so much spi [...]itually offending by his fault? As for his excuse or defence it is very simple and ridiculous as yow see especially in that point, where he sayth that his great synne in accusing Catholiks is called by diuines Percussio Clerici, striking of a clarke wherby he sheweth that he hath no learning at all nor knoweth what he saith in matters of diuinity, or yf he do and haue any light or remorse of conscience left him (as then he seemed to haue had) let him consider in how farre worse case he standeth now, then he did then hauing scandalized so much the more Catholiks in this fall,This fal of VV. VV. greater then the former. then in that, by how much this is more publike and preiudicial to the comon cause, hurtful and iniurious to infinite particular persons belyed and slaundered by him, and that this is voluntary conspiring with the comon enemy wheras that was vpon feare and fraylty, this is of meere malice, enuy, pryde, and other like motyues the other vpon infirmity: so as there is much more cause for him to accuse himself of Percussio Clerici [Page] then before, seing the most part of thē that are iniured by him are priests and percussio linguae striking with the tongue is by S. A [...]gustynes iudgment grounded on scriptures the most greeuous and daungerous striking and wounding of all other violences.In tract. super Psal. 63. And consequently this miserable fellow hauing added this syn to his former is in farre worse state of damnation, no doubt, if he repent no [...], and may better bewayle his synnes nowe then before [...] when he wrote the conclusion of his letter thus: I now take my leaue (saith he) in most humble wise, beseeching God to graūt grace, strength & cōstācy to all such as do stād, & to vs sinners that haue fallen true repentance, with continual contrition, and sorrow for our sinnes so long as we liue in this vale of teares, &c.

Lo heere in how good a moode he was, when he wrote this; and if he had byn constant therin, he had neuer fallen into that desperate case, wherin now he hath plunged himself. But soone after this he returning to his former, licentious course abroad, and then being taken and breaking prisons, we know not how often, and once with the death of some of better merit with God, as it seemeth then himselfe, he became in short space to be so gay and gallant with horse and man, and his litle body so decked and loaden with iewels, chaines rings, bracelets, and other such ornaments gotten partly by importunity, partly (as we are informed) by shifts, and other like meanes (wherof we could recount heere diuers particulars, if we had but halfe the desire to discredit him, as he hath malice to bely the Iesuits) as none or few in England were more notorious for those matters then he; and being in this state, and liuing as it were in outlawry with the state by his breaking of prisons, and in no credit with Catholiks for his disorderly life, and notorious foolery, hauing made a ridiculous common welth a litle before about sitting at table & other such proceedings among priests and gentlemen,See VVatsons common vvealth Apol. Cap. [...]. the seditious lacking men of audacity to make more styrres, and immagining him to be for their purpose, M. Bluet (as before hath byn said) made his peace with the B. of London, if he would yeild to the condition appointed him, which by all likelyhood [Page] was this to rayle against Iesuits, the Archpriest and their frends, wryte and print books by the Bishops direction: and this was VVilliam VVatsons holy vocation in the state and dignity of perdition wherin now he standeth. And so much for his person at this present.

Now let vs passe ouer to the book it selfe set forth by him heere in his brethrens name (as he calleth them) that is to say the mutined & discontented priests, though no man in particular setteth his name thervnto.The substāce of the spa [...]ing discouery. And this fellow in his Quodlibets saith that some do disclayme as wel from this as other books set forth in their name, wherby we see, that all is but mutiny, dissention, and disagreeing among themselues, and their wrytings of no substance, ground, or care of truth, but only to raile, reuel and reuile, as turbulent spirits are wont to do, vntil God from heauen or magistrate vpon earth represse them.

And so now if we wil beginne to examine this book intituled A sparing discouery, according to the former points and chapters set downe by vs before, we shal first find, that for argument or subiect this hath none, but only to rayle at Iesuits in general and F. Persons in particular. And secondly for handling, it is farre more shamelesse foolish and malitious then any of the former. Thirdly though it be meant and directed principally against the men aforesaid, yet breaketh it out also most insolently against any other, that is thought by them not to fauour their faction and rebellion: fourthly for open lyes, manifest vntruthes, apparant contradictions and intollerable slaunders (which is the fourth consideration before specified to be weighed in their books, if yow remember) this is so replenished, as it is vnpossible for vs to examine them in this one head or member, whithout making a whole volume in answere, especially if we should descend to particulars; yet some examples for a taste shal we touch vnto yow, & therby yow may gesse of the rest, noting only by the way, that togeather with impudent lyes we meane to ioyne also for breuityes sake the absurd, wicked, and impious speaches in testimony [Page] of their good spirit and holy constitution of mynd, & in the one and the other we shalbe as breef as possible we may be, for we are weary of so lothsome matters before vve begin.

First then they begin this libel with an odious comparison taken from the Scribes and Pharasyes in the old law, as representing (say they) our religious orders now, but yet greatly, reprehended by Christ, &c. which heretical obiection is answered aswel in the old tyme by the ancient Fathers S. Basil, S. Chrysostome, S. Nazianzen, S. Augustine, S. Gregory (which were all religious men, though priests and bishops also) as in like manner by all the wryters in controuersyes in our tyme against Lutherans, zuinglians, Caluinists, Atheists scoffers and ribaldes, of which later sort the wryter of this sparing discouery sheweth himselfe to be, as also a most ridiculous companion, in that after he hath said of Iesuits, that their followers presume to affirme,Sparing discouery Pag. 1. 2. & 3. that they are more free from error, more familiar with God, more particularly illuminated, and more specially indued with the spirit of guiding soules, &c. which yf a man did say, it was but an imitation of S. Bernard. speaking of religious men rar [...]ùs cadunt, Bernard [...]. velotiùs surgunt, securiùs ambulant, saepiùs irrorantur, &c.) he addeth presently of himself and his: VVe professe and glory in our calling, that we do not bold is necessary for the better credit of our functions to vaunt of our more neere acquaintance with the almighty then our predecessors and brethren haue had: that we are most confident not only in the excellency of our priesthood, but also in the assurance, that wee in the execution of our functions haue a sufficient direction of Gods holy spirit, &c. and do pray with all our harts, that God wil euermore deliuer our secular priests from such familiarity (as Iesuits haue) with his diuyne maiesty, &c.

Lo heere two poynts: the first of pryde, and as high presumption as any heretike lightly in these our dayes can professe, to wit, that they are most confident of wel by the excellency of their priesthood, as by the assurance of Gods holy spirit, that they shalbe sufficiently directed for the execution of their functions: Great vanity and prophanity. as though eyther priests by their character only were made secure from [Page] synning, or erring, or that these few companions (for as for the greatest part of priests in England twenty for one to these, we know ful wel do detest this vanity) had any spiritual assurance of Gods spirit aboue the rest, or may confide or glory therin with lesser vanity then all sectaryes do of our dayes.

The other point is of impiety and Lucianisme, iesting at all spiritual deuotion and familiarity with God by frequent meditation, contemplation and other like caelestical vertues most highly commended by all ancient fathers in true seruants of God, but contemned by this good fellow that hath no feeling therof according to the saying of S. Paul. animalis home non percipit ea, quae sunt spiritus Dei: the sensual or carnal man doth not vnderstand those things that are of the spirit of God. But let vs go forward, yow see how they beginne.

And truly it were an endlesse course to follow them in their exorbitant raylings and lying, first against the Society in general, & then against F. Persons in particular. For of the first they say:Notorious rayling against the society in general. Pag. 6. & 7. That albeit the order of the Society being approued by the Pope, is to be honored, &c. yet few do liue according to their calling, but rather as if religiō were nothing els but a meere political deuise, &c. Machauillian rules are raysed vp by them for rebellions, murdering, of Princes, &c. Few Kings Courts are in Europe, where some of their maisterships do not reside of purpose to receiue and giue intelligences to their General in Rome, &c.

These are their owne words with infinite more of like vntruth and immodesty which were ouerlong to recite: VVe shal touch some few matters of innumerable obiected by them, but no one proued or proueable. He accuseth them of slaundring the State of England with iniurious handling of Catholiks both abroad and in prison:Pag. 10. they falsifie the doings of the state (say they) [...]e they neuer so apparantly true, &c. For eyther they do pretend, that the partyes that confesse things commytted were vrged therunto with tortures, Maike these fellovves drifts to discreedit Catholiks. or that it was a plot of the state to make all Catholiks odious, or that there was no such matter at all, or that we wot not what, but they haue alwayes some shift to bleare mens eyes to the discredit of all proceedings in such cases within the realme; if any of our brethren [Page]dy in prison, it is sayd they were poysoned or famished, yf any kil themselues, it is giuen out they were murdered, &c.

Behold heere the complaint against Iesuits for speaking in defence of Catholiks against their presecutors. And are not these proctors (thinke yow) worthy of their fees for this good office done? But heare another more wicked and impious then this in the very next page, where complayning of Iesuits (though very falsely and foolishly and against all Cath. learning, as before we haue shewed in our Apologie) that they teach men to auoyd certayne bloody quaestions by equiuocations: this (say they) amongst others is one of their rules, &c. As for example: one demaunding of yow, whether yf the Pope should come in warlike manner to inuade this land by force of armes, would yow take his part or the Queenes? yow framing this answere in your mynd, Odious and vvicked questions proposed. we wil take the Quenes part, yf the Pope wil comaund vs so to do: may by their doctrine giue this answere lawfully, videlicet we wil take the Queenes part, & cōceale the rest, wherby he that asketh the question is plainly deluded, &c.

Behold heere yong new Herodians that moue and renew most odious and daungerous questions about Caesar and his tribute, all tending (as yow se) to entangle Catholiks againe by a figuratiue maner of accusing Iesuits after the question hath byn solued by the sheding of much innocent blood of martyrs & the memory therof almost extinguished by length of tyme. But heare yet another example more odious then this: And other examples (say they) they may aske vs (to wit the persecutors) whether we haue taught that her Maiest. hath no interest to the crowne of England? and we answere, that we haue not so done, iush say they yow equiuocate with vs, yow keep this in your mynd, videlicet as long as the B of Rome wil suffer her, &c. Pag. 12. Did yow euer heare such wicked deuises to bring innocent men into hatred and daunger? VVhat could these bloody companions say or do more to endanger their brethren, then to bring in this odious dispute?

But now heare another impiety exercised by a sleight and figuratiue speech suggested to them (no doubt) by heretiks to [Page] bring in contempt, suspition, and auersion, the holy sacrament of Confession and holsome vse therof,Pag. 16. saying: Vnderstanding how that our Iesuits are most rigorous in their taking of mens confessions, wherby they know as wel by the seruants as by their maisters & mistresses their seueral confessions, all the secrets in those familyes: the wyues against her husband, the husbands against his wife, and the seruants of them both, &c. VVhat heretike could wryte more odiously then this? And may not the like inconuenience be vrged against all priests? yea against themselues, if they be worthy to heare confessions? Surely this is more like some ribalds speech then of a priest or Catholike.

There ensue a huge multitude of notorious lyes repeated againe in this libel which were handled by them before, and refuted by vs in our Apologie.Pag. 17. & 18. As for example, That the Iesuits were banished out of all the Seminaryes within the State of Milan (an euidently as there we haue prooued) by Card. Boromaeus: Apol. Cap. 4. That Card. Allen should say of Iesuits at their first entrance into England, that they would prooue but thornes in the sides of secular priests: (a shamelesse assertion, as many wayes is convinced) & many other such points there discussed, wherto now we ad, that all that they talk heere Pag. 19. 20. 21. &c. about almes and money wrongfully taken by Iesuits and their followers, is as false as they are shamelesse to report it, being neuer able to proue any one particular.

All their irreligious scoffing and deprauing of the spiritual exercises (frō the pag. 21. of there libel vnto 28.)Against the spiritual exercise. vsed by Iesuits for reducing men from syn and wicked life, to a more cleere & feeling knowledge of almighty God which being mental exercises cōsisting principally in heaue [...]ly meditations, are highly commended by all learned Cath. men of our tyme that haue eyther read thē with attention or experienced thē in thē selues being confirmed also expresly by the Sea Apostolike, & tried by example of infinite mens conuersions to be an excellent rare instrument of Gods deuyne glory in these our dayes, all this contemptuous, and scoffing spirit (say we) against soueraigne helpes and remedyes must needes come eyther of infidelity, [Page] or notable prophane irreligiosity, and lack of spirit and sence in Gods affayres; and consequently it is very probable, that some egregious Apostata, or other heretical or Atheal head, had their parts also in so wicked a woork.

And thus much for the Iesuits in general. But as for F. Persons in particular there is no end nor measure of their outragious detractiō when they fall on him, as though he were the only but against which all heir fiery darts of hellish hatred, & serpentyne tongues were directed.Most spiteful & malitious dealing against F. Persons in particular. And yet if yow consider what hitherto they say or wryte of all their books against him yow shal not find one point of moment alleadged by them wherat worthily they may take iust offence, but as mad or possessed men that raue and rage most at those that most seek their good and most haue assisted them hitherto. And truly in this our English Cath. cause & reduction of our countrey it seemeth that God hath suffered him to be in signum, cui contradicetur, as a marke o [...]signe set vp for all sort of bad people, atheists, heretikes, aposta [...]aes, seditious, contentious, tumultuous, disastred, and dissolute to inueigh against, and this is to the immitation of his maister and Sauiour Christ, who was, and is, and shalbe to the worlds end a signe of contradiction in the highest degree to all wicked whatsoeuer.

VVe haue answered both truly and sufficiently in the 12. Chapter of our Apologie such malitious and enuious calumniations, as these his passionate emulators in their first two books vttered, of which two bookes the first being in latyn & read in Rome by diuers great men that had some acquaintance in English affayres, they found therin so many and manifest malitious slaunders (especially against F. Persons) as they professed afterwards to haue byn ashamed in reading therof and to haue wondred at the impudency of the wryters; and more to esteeme of the said Father then euer before, by discouering the diuels enuy against him. And among others we vnderstand for certayne, that the most honorable, wise and learned Card. Burghesius. Viceprotector of England giuing vp the said book to his Hol. protested vpon his conscience, that he had read many [Page] things which himself knew to be stark lyes and malitious inuentions against the said Father in particular, and therby made a gesse at the vntruth of all the rest.

And further yow haue seene by that we haue discussed in the fornamed chapter of our Apologie, how many most euident and apparant calumniatiōs we haue there refuted, which heere yet & in other their ensuing books these miserable men (for yow know what a pittiful torment enuy is) do repeate, affirme, vrge, and amplyfie againe, yea haue procured heretiks also to publish the same in their books, as appeareth by that which a certayne impudent minister O. E. (but not exceeding the malice of these) hath wrytten and printed of late, about the illigitimation of F. Persons byrth, which these his emulators in their first latyn inuectiue do but cal in doubt, saying that the said byrth was of euil fame (raysed to wit by themselues,) but now (as wicked men are wout to do) they passe further and affirme it in all their later books for a thing certayne, hauing deuised besides, that his Father was parson of a church, and that therof he was called Persons but as then we answered, so now againe hauing informed our selues synce that tyme of more particulars, we affirme & auouch that this is a most vnchristian and diuelish deuise to slaunder and defame their neighbour, and neyther is nor could be true.

For clea [...]ing of which so egregious, a calumniation we haue made diligent inquiry and do fynd that the said Father was borne in the parish of Stowey in Somerset shire in the yeare 1546. a yeare before K. Henry died to which parish there came soone after out of Deuonshire to be vicar their (for parson their is none) Iohn Hayward a vertuous good priest that had byn a cannon regular before, and this man liued there for 30. yeares togeather, vntil after F. Persons departure out of England, who hauing byn his master in the latyn tongue, and liking his forwardnes in learning did euer afterward beare a special affectiō towards him, all the tyme he liued, but yet was ther neuer any least suspection of that which these malitious people haue deuised and geuen out, as those do and wil testifie that lyued at [Page] that tyme, neyther could there be with any probability, the one being borne (as we haue said and appeareth by the register book) before the other came into that countrey neyther is it likely, that he should haue byn called Persons (as they fondly say) for that this priest was a parson, seing that benefice is no personage but a vicaridge as all men know: and more like it is he should haue byn called Hayward after the said priests name, and not by his office if he had byn his sonne:

Moreouer, as in our Apologie we haue said F. Persons had fiue brothers & systers elder then himselfe by the same mother and father borne all many yeares before the forsaid priest came to that coūtrey, & other fiue yonger then he, wherof one is now a preacher heere in England, & chaplayne to a noble man, and all called by the name of Persons; diuers vncles also, nephewes, and cosyns there are of the same name; and how then do these lying lippes, vrge so much that he was called P [...]rsons, for that his Father was Parson of a benefice?

Finally we haue shewed in our said Apologie that his parents were right honest people, and of the most substantial of their degree among their neighbours while they liued, and his Father was reconciled to the Cath. Church by M. Bryant the martyr, and his mother a graue and vertuous matron liuing diuers yeares, and dying in flight and out of her countrey for her conscience, and was neuer so much as suspected for any such matter as these wicked companions haue deuised. And if there were no other argumēt, but that neyther F. Persons himselfe nor any frend of his had neuer any doubt or least scruple therof hitherto (as may appeare by that neyther in his entring into religion nor holy orders of priesthood, any dispensation was required or sought for) this we say were sufficient to any honest man that is tymerous of God and measureth other mēs consciences by their owne, to conuince this exorbitant malice of these cōsciencelesse rayling people, that make no scruple to publish so false a matter, & impossible to be knowen to them for a thing most certayne, wheras in true conscience by Christian Cath. diuinity it is knowne to be a heynōs deadly synne [Page] to publish such a matter of infamy, though it had bin true, (if it were otherwise secret and not knowen before) but much more to deuise and spread the same of malice, or being deuised or brought in suspition by others to auouch and diuulge it, as in all their bookes they do, wherin we can say no more (considering, there desperat course) but remember with feare the saying of the scripture, impius cùm in profundum venerit, contemnit; The wicked mā cōtemneth all when he is once ouer the eares in synne; God help them out if it be his holy wil; but yet in the meane space we are forced to admonish them that this & other such slaunders must needs ly heauily vpon the consciences of the deuisers or publishers, and be a daungerous chirographum against them at the day of iudgemēt, except they repent and make due satisfaction heere, which eyther willing or vnwilling once they must do (est enim qui quaerit, Ioan. 7. & indicat God grant they do it in this lyfe, wherunto we haue shewed before that their ghostly fathers are bound to oblige them if they wil remayne free thēselues from the participation of so great iniquity.

And thus much we haue thought good to ad about this scurrilous obiection so often repeated and [...]o odiously brought in by them in all their later books: and as for the rest though in euery new book they tel againe the very same things which before they inuented, and by often telling do seeme at length as it were to beleeue them (for so it falleth out often in coyning a [...]d frequent repeating of lyes) yet for that our former answers be such as do euidently demonstrate the falshood and folly of the said calumniations and calumniators (especially about F. Persons departure from Oxford, Many calumniations against F. Persons passed ouer as ansvvered before. going into Italy, entring the Society, mission to England, and returne thence into France, with other his publike and priuate actions since) we meane not to wryte againe here that which there we wrote, but to remit the Reader to our said Apologie, and only heere to ad a woord or two about certayne new fresh cauillations framed since the wryting of their two first libels, among which one is this, which followeth:

[Page] To wit that F. Persons,Spar. disco [...]. Pag. 1 [...]. within these later three yeares brought D. Bagshaw and some others for his sake in daunger of his life about the stratage [...]e, vndertaken by one Squiar that was hanged, &c. But how meere and malitious a cauil this is, all men may easily see. For D. Bagshaw was neuer in daunger,A meere and malitious cauil about Squiar & D. Bagshavv. that we know, but in special fauour with the state, and so both his vsage at home and his late going ouer Sea do testifie. The same doth witnesse also his authority with the keeper in VVisbich while he was there, his frendly calling vp to London and vsage in the tower, his power to draw thither from VVisbich whome he li [...]ted of his aduersaryes, and other like circumstances which agree not to a man suspected, and brought in question of so heynous a cryme as poysning her Maiestie and neuer quit by any trial which we know.

Secondly this fiction of Squiars attempt is sufficiently discouered already and prooued to be a meere fiction in deed, and so it appeared by the miserable fellow at his death, and hath otherwise byn declared by euident demonstrations of Catholike bookes, and no man but a counterfeite or cauilling Catholike would for shame make [...]ention therof againe: But howsoeuer that matter were, F. Persons cannot with any probability be presumed to haue had any part therin he being at that tyme in Rome and the thing fayned to be done in Spayne. So a [...] heere is nothing els but malignity with folly and improbability shewed.

Another cauil is about F. Persons speech with one Iames Clark in London before his departure ouer the Sea, to whome he should say, that he meant to go to Padua to study phisick and not euer to be a papist, offering also to sweare the same. But this seemeth a [...]ale of a tubbe neyther probable not importāt, for nether do they say that he swore in deed, and if they did, yet wil yow easily see how farre they were to be beleeued against F. Persons, who are ready of pure malice and swelling enuy to conspire and sweare, against him euery where if therby they might hurt him. But whatsoeuer talk he might haue with M. Iames Clark, 28. yeares past before his departure out of England [Page] about being a papist for the tyme to come (which woord yow know is odious in England, and was at that tyme, and not a terme professed by vs) and whatsoeuer M. Iames Clarke might report therof (which yet if he be the man whome we imagine it is not like he would report iniuriously of his old frend) yet God be thanked F. Persons proued after a good Catholike, and if he had not it is very probable (and morally also sure) that many hundreds who are now such, had not byn so at this day, in which number we may recon diuers also of them that wryte these pestilent books, so ingrateful are they to God and his instruments for their so great and singular benefits.

That which followeth of Cardinal Allens opinion of F. Persons violent nature, Pag. 43. is a violently or slander raysed against the one and the other, and refuted before both by the testimony of the Cardinals owne letters yet extant, as also of such as liued neerest him and knew best his intrinsecal iudgment affections and censure of men, others also that know the said Father and conuerse daylie with him, and do consider his actions, euen towards these violent and virulent people that striue so desperately against him do both [...], and some also reprehend the contrary disposition in him.

There ensueth another long reprehension of F. Persons for dealing in Sir Thomas Stukeley his action for Ireland and setting it forward in the yeare 1578.VVhether F. Persons furthered S. Tho. Stukley his action. which only cauil, if there were nothing els doth euidently conuince that these libellers haue neyther wit not honesty to see or care what maketh for or against them. For first as hath byn touched F. Persons at that tyme had not byn aboue 2. or 3. yeares at most in the Society, and was a student of diuinity in Rome, and not yet priest, and consequently cannot be presumed to haue had any hand in such publike affayres, & secondly it is notorious to all men,Doctor Levves after B. of Cassano. that M. Doctor Lewis afterward Bishop of Cassano, Archdeacon at that tyme of Cambray, and Referendarie to his Holines being the principal Ecclesiastical person of our nation in Rome was the cheef and only man that set the action of Sir Thomas Stukeley forward with Pope Gregory the .xiij. procuring [Page] the said Sukeley to be made Marquesse, and to haue the forces he carryed with him, and vpon that point had he the controuersy with Sir Richard Shelley Lord Prior of England, which these lying people do mencion heere, and lay to F. Persons charge: which matter both Doctor Fagon and other Irish men yet in Rome (as we are informed) wil testifie against our Appellants when they come thither, & against these their shamelesse bookes, if they deny them not, as no doubt but they wil, which Irish men were taken by violence out of their beddes at midnight to be carryed away with Stukely, as was also M. Myuers an Englishman, and M. Thomas Clement should haue byn if he had not saued himselfe in a Card. house which he wil testifie to this day being aliue in Flanders, and that he conferred first his whole affayre with F. Persons who disliked vtterly such hard proceeding both with him & others; and had some disgust with D. Lewes about the same, which Doctor notwithstanding th [...]se false libellers do neuer once so much as name in all this matter, he being the cheef doer as hath byn said and this for that they wil haue men thinke that he was of their faction against the Card. and Iesuits.

All that which followeth for diuers pages against F. Persons (if it be against him and not much more against themselues:) Pag. 45. 46. 47. &c. us that by practises and factious disposition he came to be made Prouincial of the Iesuits that were to be sent into England:A heape of Iyes against F. Persons. (a good disposition yow must think to get credit amongst such men) that he entred with two subiects only Campian and C [...]tam: that M. Blackwel bewayled his coming in, as an vnfit man to be sent; and that it was an indiscreet fact of Doctor Allen to send him, that the Catholikes also misliked it, and told him plainly, that if he desisted not from his courses they would deliuer him into the hands of the ciuil magistrate: that F. Heywood and he striued about superiority: that he made great collections of money pretending therwith to releeue prisoners, but hauing once fingered the money fled therwith into France, &c.

These (we say) and a huge heape of other such wilful calumniations as do follow in this book we find to be so false (hauing informed our selues of the truth) as if they can prooue [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [Page] but any one of all these points to be true but only the first that he was made superior of the mission of England, and sent in with F. Campian & another, but not Cottam; if they can prooue we say but one point only of these and many other which they name, we shal say they are honest men in the rest, and if they can proue none of the former, nor of a hundred more besides set downe by them in this, and other their bookes for truthes, we shal yet be more liberal with them, and giue them another to prooue which followeth immediately in their fabulous Lucianical narration, which is so famous a [...]ly, as it may deserue a crowne to be paynted in the margent, as some learned men did to some of Luthers, wrytten (no doubt) by the same spirit of spite and lack of shame, that this is, and consequently if our libellers wil saue their honesty let them bring forth some proof of this tale,Pag. 47. which is; that F. Persons coming to Paris (in the yeare 1584.) and desyring to exempt himself from the subiection of the Prouincial and other Superiors of his order there (for alwayes these good Christian men do ascribe some naughty meaning to all his actions) he persuaded them that the Q. of England and her counsel did pursue him with such diligence, as they had sent ouer already two men to murder him in Paris, for which cause it was not conuenient for any one of the Society to go abroad with him, but that he might go alone, & to make the matter more probable he hyred a couple of Englishmen with no smal some of money accōpagned with a flemming to come [...] the Colledge late as night and to enquire for him, wher with the Fathers being sumwhat ter [...]ified suffered him to depart to Rome, &c.

This is their tale, which being deuised by one of them is auouched and printed againe and againe in all their later bookes, with some addition alwayes by him that commeth after the rest,Foolish improbabilyties and how probable this tale is that F. Persons liuing in Paris in his habit (which cannot be denyed) should seek to go out alone without a companion, therby to be the more safe from violence, or that he should procure to be deliuered from the subiection of the Prouincial & Superior there by such a stratageme (as they cal it) and with so much cost, [Page] seing it was in his owne hand to stay or not stay with them, being not their subiect: this we say is easy for euery man that hath common sense to iudge but much more for that we vnderstand that he went not to Rome immediatly from thence, as these men giue out but aboue a yeare afterward with D. Allen from the Spaw, where the said D. had byn extreme sick in the yeare 1585. And finally hauing informed our selues thorowly of this fact, we find that there was neuer any such thing eyther done spoken or thought of by the said Father or his Superiors, vntil this ridiculously & so many others came abroad in print; the infamy wherof we leaue vnto the relators, and meane to passe no further in this matter hauing byn longer therin then otherwise we meant, to the end to satisfie such obiections as follow in the other bookes also, of which it seemeth that this is a compendious abstract conteyning a fardel of lyes packt vp close togeather, which in the other libels are somwhat more delated though in substance the same, &c.

And surely if impudency her self with neuer so brasen or iron a face should step forth to scold against all truth, honesty modesty & other vertues at once, she could not behaue her selfe more desperately then these fellowes do in this their book. For if yow would haue a list only of loud lyes most lewdly and desperatly faced out in this libel, and hitherto not so much as named or touched by vs, yow may vew ouer the pages following,A list of loud lyes. to wit pag. 30. the whole story of D. Gyfford his conuention before the Nuntio in Flaunders for slaundering the Society and styrring sedition in the colledge of Rome, & that F. Baldwyn did first aske him pardon in name of the Society, &c. The quite contrary wherof is euident both by the order of the action it selfe (the Doctor being conuented, and nor conuenting) as also by the Nuntio his expresse letters yet extant about that matter.

Page 31. that Robert Fisher (who spread their infamous libel against the Society) was sent from Rome to the gallyes of Naples, A notoriously about R. Fisher. and remayneth there a galley slaue (others ad he was [Page] slayne) wheras the contrary appeareth by his owne letters wrytten to Rome from Viterbo (a quite contrary way to Naples) after his departure from thence, & this doth testifie the whole company of English schollers then in Rome, who both saw his good treaty there, and read his letters afterward.

Page 32. The whole tale about D. Lewes being their General Visitour (as they say) and namely his procuring,A notable fiction about a chayne of pearle. to hush a notorious fraud of the Iesuits for alluring a gentlewoman in the City of Perugia to giue thē a rich chayne of pearle without her husbands priuity, &c. whervpon (they say,) the Society should haue byn expelled from thence. All this we find vpon search to be so notorious a ly, as that neyther the bishop of Cassano was euer General Visitour ouer the Iesuits in his lyfe, but only was ioyned for cōpanion to the Bishop of Montreale for visiting seculars and some certayne religious in Rome, and that his authority neuer extended to Perugia, though it be within the State of the Church, and that neuer any such thing happened in Perugia concerning the Iesuits, as the fact and chayne heere mention, and consequētly neuer any such hush needful, &c.

The like monstrous [...]ly in the same page is,A deuised prayer against the B. of Cassano. that deuised prayer of the Iesuits against the B. of Cassano: Vel Tur [...]a, vel mors, vel daemon cum cripiat à nobis. And almost as impudent is the other that followeth page 34. that F. Hieronimo F [...]orauanto Rector of the Colledge would not suffer the studēts to visit Card. Allen vpon his death-bed himself desyring it, wheras all that liue now in Rome of the Card. kinred and family do testifie the contrary that they weare all there at 2. or 3. tymes.

No lesse shamelesse and yet more insolent is their speech of Card. Bellarmyne page 37. and iterated so often in their other bookes to disgrace him to wit about his speech, that Pope Syxtus 5. was damned, &c. Most vvicked and impudēt suspitious. but more impious are the suspitions cast out by them in the same places about the poysoning of the said Syxtus 5, and of Pius 5. before him, as also Card. Allen, the B. of Cassano and others by the Iesuits, &c. which we are sure the diuel himself wil not obiect for that he knoweth the contrary.

[Page] The sending also of F. Haywood for pennance into Calabria, where he neuer was in his lyfe set downe pag. 49. and the dealing with the Duke of Guise to haue intelligence with the Queene of Scotland the Earle of Northumberland, and others in England anno 1583. layd by them to F. Persons, but proued before to haue byn done by Mope or Charles Paget their cheef pillar sent into England for that purpose.

Their accusing also of F. Persons for Parry his fact sent into England as himself confessed by Thomas Morgan & that crew; The accusing and deprauing the institution of the Seminaryes in Spayne pag. 53. and that Card. Allen wept for sorrow in Rome when he saw the oration made by an English scholler in Vallidolid to the King at his comming to the English Colledge for thanks geuing in the yeare 1592. and that this oration is left out in the printed book set forth about that matter (as they affirme) pag. 54. These we say and a hundred other assertions, as wyld, mad, and insolent as these are set downe without any proof at all; but their owne words, and so recounted as though they were without all controuersy true. This desperate course (we say) is such as seemeth rather to be of franticke and possessed men, then of moderate and wel cōscienced Christians, and therfore we leaue further to refute the same remitting them to that which we haue said before.

VVherfore to conclude, seing that this whole libel is nothing els but a connexion of monstrous lyes, absurd prophanityes, malitious fictions and conscienceles calumniations, we wil follow them no further, eyther in defence of the whole Society or of F. Persons in particular, whose actiōns are so opēly knowne by apparant publike facts to the general good of our countrey, as these wretched and miserable mens harts that wryte so dispitefully against them, may sooner breake with enuy and rancor, then any least discredit come vnto them by these furious barkings in the sight of wise and indifferent Reader.

And heere now the very multitude of these outragious libe [...]s with the immensity of hatred, hellish spirit, & poysoned [Page] entrals discouered therin, do force vs against our former purpose to cut of and stay all further passage and proceeding in this horrible puddle of lyes, slaunderous inuectiues & diuelish detraction, for that the very looking them ouer, doth weary the hart of any true Christian, and consequently wheras before we had determined with our selues to giue yow some tastes or examples out of them all, yet now finding the multitude to be without end, and the quality so base, vile, and malitious as the venome of any lost or loose tongue armed with audacity, and defended with impudency, stirred vp with enuy and enraged with fury, and bounded no way by any limits of conscience, piety or feare of God can vomit or cast out to defame their brethren: finding this (we say) we haue thought good to cease heere without further styrring the lothsome ragges of so filthie a donghil.

Of the libel intituled A Dialogue betwixt a secular priest, and a lay gentleman, &c. §. 2.

HAuing ben ouerlong in examining the former libels we shalbe so much the shorter in this that followeth. The title is, as yow haue heard A Dialogue, &c. and the author therof is esteemed by many to be M. Mush, one of the cheef Appellāts gone to Rome; and for the litle substance therof, it may be wel inough (though we doubt not but he wil deny it when he cō meth thether) the inuention of the book is a deuised talk had bewixt a secular priest and a lay gentlemen: before which treatese VV. VV. to wit, whyly VVat tumbler before mencioned hath put as wise a preface as he is wont to the other bookes of his fellowes that come forth through his handes. And as this worthy worke deserueth, bestowing 7. or 8. pages, to proue by all lawes and lawmakers,Ridiculous vvryting. diuine and humane reasons, and authorities, ‘that mans nature is so weakned by the fal of our first parents, as Iesuits may synne also, and consequently are no better then other men:’ which is like to the discourses made in the beginning of K. Edward his dayes to allure old priests to marry by telling them and proouing, that concupiscence doth [Page] remayne after baptisme, and consequently all must needs haue wyues or do worse, though indeed the discourse of VV. VV. be much more fond if you examyne it.

The bulk of this treatese is much conformeable in substāce to the folly of the Preface, though in words it be more tēperate, for that it goeth about to defend and iustifie the secular Cleargy against Iesuites of many slaunders deuised by themselues and neuer laid vpon them by the Fathers of the Society, so farre as we can learne or vnderstand, which may be proued aswel for that these men are not indeed the secular Cleargie of England (as falsely they presume) but certayne vnworthy rags therof torne and rent from that honorable body by their owne wilful mutiny and rebellion, as also that these plaintifes were neuer hitherto charged in particular to our knowledge with those seueral accusatiōs which heere they set out against themselues by any of the fathers or their followers but only so farre forth as they haue eyther accused themselues or els (which is the same in effect) haue gone about to purge and defend themselues before they were accused,Absurd accusing and defending of thēselues. as namely, in the matter of schisme; their dealing with the Counsel; their Appeale to Rome; their hatred to the Iesuits; and their dealing in matters of State, which are the fiue cheef general points members & branches whervnto this litle new wrangling Clergy of ours do draw the slaunders vttered against them, but whosoeuer shal read their bookes with attention and indifferency, shal find that they are more desyrous to quarrel and pick matter of slaunder against others then able to prooue themselues to haue byn any way slaundered, and whatsoeuer is there said being but repetitions of things vttered in their former libels & fully answered by vs in our Apologie and some former parts of this present book we wil remit the Reader thither, and leaue both the libel & the author, who if he be the man that he is giuen forth hath iust occasion by the wryting of this book to think his burden of conscience more encreased synce his last dealing with the old good Queene Mary priest, who iustly refused to heare his cōfessiō, except he would be ready to acknowledge his synne [Page] and make restitution of fame, for that he had offended in concurring to the setting forth of the two first bookes answered by our Apologie: which refusal and admonishment, though proceeding of meere conscience in the good old man, and of loue also to this mans soule (if he had byn indued with so much grace and humility as to consider it) he took so euil (thinking belike that he being so great a maister in Israel should haue his confessor to follow him, & not he the others iudgment, in such matter of restitution) as he not only fel out with the old Father, but went & told it also most prophanely to a lay gentleman, laying the fault vpon a Reuerend priest Assistant to the Archp. dwelling not farre of & threatning him as though by his coūsel this denial of cōfession had byn made vnto him, [...] a letters of this matter subscribed by diuers handes decemb. 16. 1601. wherby he made three seueral witnesses as yow see of his pride and arrogancy or rather of his ignorance and obstinacy, seing as we haue shewed before in this book both Nauarre & all other learned deuynes do hold this case of detraction and infamation which they haue vsed in these libels to bring with them irremissable obligation to restitution, of their fame whome they haue slaundered and discreditted, and so we doubt not but any learned Catholike man in christendome at this day (if he be not one of their faction and complices) wil say, and knowing truly their case wil not dare to absolue them without they offer themselues effectually to performe the same, and so much the lesse M. Mush then the rest of his fellowes, by how much the lesse remorse of conscience he frameth to himselfe therof, and yet presumeth to know more then others. His syn also of rayling and bitter slaundering the whole company of Iesuits in this libel is so much the more wicked and odious both to God and man, by how much the more he is beholding and most deeply obliged vnto them, for that they both took him into the Colledge at Rome by extraordinary fauour (being a poore rude seruing man before) and vsed such special loue and charity towards him afterward (to make somwhat of him) as moued enuy to many others. And this is euident as wel by the testimony of all them that [Page] liued with him in the Colledge as also by the printed narration of Iohn Nicols where he complayneth of the vndeserued fauours shewed alwayes to Doctor Dodipol Mush which contumelious speech though we approue not in the Apostata, yet sheweth it the ingratitude of this fellow against those men now, and so much the more in that he cannot but speake against his owne conscience in so many malitious things as he hath set downe contrary to that, which hertofore he hath wrytten with his owne hand, and testified with his owne mouth wherof good proofes are extant, and some yow haue heard in our Apologie, and seing that he sued to be of the Society hauing a vow also therof as himselfe to diuers hath professed, and the Society differring his admission (as prudently they are wont) to a better satisfaction of his nature and behauiour; for him now to slyde so farre back, & runne so desperately to the other extreme, as to professe himself their publike enemy (which yet is not rare in such cases wherin diuers of his companions are also with him) this spirit (we say) how farre it may participate of secret Apostasy from religious vocation in the sight of almighty God we leaue to the discreet reader to ponder with him self, and to weigh the euents; which comonly in such men are from bad to worse, and so to Gods grace and their owne consciences we leaue them.

Of the libel of A. C. to his Cosyn. §. 3.

THere followeth in the number of these libels one see forth by A. C. intituled an answere to a letter of a Iesuited gentleman, &c who if be the man that we do gesse, we do not greatly maruayle, that after so great variety of State and formerlyfe as some of vs haue knowne him in, he become now to his l [...]st preferment to serue the seditious for a scold against Iesuits who haue byn his maisters and best frends for many yeares beyond the seas, where both he and his had need of their frendship, and neuer wanted it. For some of vs knew him first, a litle wanton idle headed boy in the English [Page] colledge so light witted as once (yf we remember wel) he went vp with a rose in his mouth to preach or make the tones (as there they cal them) before all the colledge out of a pulpit. After that he fel to such deuotion, as he not only took the oath of the colledge to be priest, which now we see how wel he hath obserued, but also pretended to be an Angustin friar, and proceeded so farre therin, as the friars euery day expected his entrance, but how farre he proceded therin for vow or other obligation we wil not affirme for that we are more fearful of conscience to auouch things we know not for certayne, then he seemeth to be to protest and sweare matters that he knoweth to be false. VVherfore what he did in that behalf then; or what dispensation he hath had synce that tyme in the one or the other we leaue it to his owne conscience at the last day, only it may be taken for an aduertisment to good Catholiks that yonkers which slyde back from so high good desyres and purposes do ordinarily slip afterward into dangerous pit [...] and dungeous of disorders, and contemne when they be in the depth. But let vs go forward.

From this spirit of religious and ecclesiastical lyfe he fel back againe soone after to the spirit of poetry, forsaking the ordinary study of the house, for which he was dismissed and sent by the charity of the fathers to the Colledge of Rhemes thinking therby to saue him from further falling, but being arriued there, he presently became an enamorate, and fel in loue with one of Cardinal Allens neeces, and proceeded so farre therin, as he presumed to wryte a letter to the said Cardinal to request his consent that he might marry her, but the Cardinal tooke it in so high disdayne (knowing the leuity of the lad) as he gaue order presently that he should be put from Rhemes also, from whence he went to Flanders and became a souldiar first amongst the English vnder Sir VVilliam Stanloy, where his vnconstant head suffering him not to stay he went to serue among the Spaniards, and had besides, by Father Hol [...]s help and assistance a pension of 25. crownes a moneth, and so hauing eaten of the King of Spaines bread for diners yeares, he [Page] cometh now to pay both him for his maintenance, and the Iesuits for their good turnes towards him with this infamous inuectiue which heere he hath printed against them both, with as great splene and spite as any malitious stomake in the world could vtter against mortal enemyes.

He deuydeth his whole discourse into three points in his first page to wit, Appeale, State, Iesuits, adding therunto this sentence Recta securus, which if Recta be vnderstood in the ablatiue case it agreeth not vnproperly to his case, who seemeth to runne securely & without feare in the right way to perdition, whervnto do lead him not only the vanity and inanity of the yong mans head, but his pouerty and need also, in respect wherof it seemeth he would gladly get in with some of them that be in authority, wherunto he thought good to make this prologue, and his brothers liuing is a great allurement. God graunt we see not him passe further then hitherto is professed by him for where charity is ouerthrowne, faith soone after is quickely shaken; but now in a word to the substance of his book.

The first point concerning Appeale and matter of schisme, is already determined by his Holines especial Breue, to wit, the Appeale reiected, and the controuersy of schisme prohibited from further dispute vnder daine of excommunication ipso facto; into which this man must needs haue incurred if he knew of the said Breue when he wrote this book, and if not then at least wayes the book it selfe remayneth forbidden vnder the same payne and punishment. And albeit this were not so, yet were it but lost tyme for vs to answere this quarreller that seeketh but matter of stryfe and occasion to rayle at the Archpriest, and his Assistants his spiritual Superiors that neuer deserued euil of him, and he not vnderstanding the substance of the controuersy tatleth without any purpose at all, saying the same in effect, but yet much lesse and worse then others of his crew haue said or wryttē before him, and spendeth both tyme and wynd without knowing what he talketh: as for example heare one reason of his.

[Page] Then againe (saith he) for the Iesuits that they are notable schismatikes in this case, it is not their disclayming from being members of the body of the Seminaryes but of another body,Pag. 27. videlicet, their owne society that can excuse them, for that to be a schismatical member to a body is suffiseth to be membrum genericum to that body, though not specificum &c. And herby the discreet reader wil see how wise an vniesuited gentleman this is to instruct his cosyn the Iesuited gentleman in matter of schisme.

The other point about State matter is as learnedly handled by him as this. Harken to one reason of his against the Popes authority to mooue warre for religion.Pag. 40. Besides this (saith he) that Christ did neuer delegate any such power to S. Peter, as tradere gentē in gentē, that being a meere temporal reuenge and he but his Vicar spiritual, yea he expressely rebuked him for drawing his sword, & cutting of Malcas his care, &c. And do yow not see by this reason, that this yong gentleman souldiar, is fitter to cut of boyes eares, then to reason of State-matters or to hacke at the Popes authority by such arguments as these are?

But what saith he of the third point about Iesuits? Oh heere is his vayne in deed, to rayle and reuel against them, who (good men) haue byn alwayes careful, so farre forth as in them hath lyen to stay his shitle braynes, and to make him careful of some christian constancy, but all in vayne as it seemeth. VVe pray yow heare him a litle, & iudge of his vayne in malediction. The truth is it (saith he) that a Iesuite is a piscator, but not like S. Peter, Pag. 12. animarum so much as pecunia [...]m, and therfore his fishing is euer best in a troubled water, &c. And then further a litle after: Haue yow not heard, I pray yow, how not long age a Iesuite heere in London crected a kynd of family of loue, lecturing by night 3. or 4. nights togeather to his auditors all women, and those fayre ones for the most part? Haue yow not heard of the night meetings for feare, Pag. [...]3. a [...] least wise I am sure yow haue hart of many and do know some, who mis [...]ing their wyues the white haue scratched their hearts, whore it iched not, and bit their tippes, &c.

Do yow heare this lasciuious companion going about to discredit good and vertuous men, and in them the whole [Page] Catholike cause, by the me [...]sore of his owne beastly and sensual imagination? Do yow thinke this is a Catholike, but only in the very ryne and paring? No no, this is a copes mate shrowded in a Catholikes coate, an Apostata in his heart from God & all piety, & so wee feare that in the end, he wil prooue, howsoeuer in the meane space he make a shew to beleeue the Cathol. Doctrine, but denying (as the Apostle saith) the vertue force & feling therof both in words & deeds.

And as for particular impudencyes in this treatese of his he is not ashamed to auouch, Pag. [...]. that F. Persons not many yeares since did offer by his letter and messenger both which (saith he) are yet extant) to be her Maiesties true intelligencer from Spaine, & is this likely? That the king of Spaine after the losse of his Armada ran to an aulter,Pag. [...]. and taking a siluer candle stick swore a monstrous oath, that he would wast not only all Spaine, but also all his Indies to that candle stick. but he would be auenged on England, &c. which how likely it is, all they which knew the said King his graue and modest nature may easily gesse. Pag. [...]. That the Iesuits haue by letters gone about to reproch and desame Cardinal Allen since his death, alleadging for proof the words of Doctor Haddock to Sir Francis Inglefeld. bene profect [...] obije. &c. which Doctor was neuer Iesuite in his life nor euer wrote such words in latinor English since he was borne. That F. Persons hauing hyred a couple in Paris,Pag. [...]7. wherof he saith, that he knoweth one [...] come one euening late to their colledge gate with pistole half in sight and half out, and so wish angry lookes to speake with him. &c. and himself with pale look and trembling members to [...] the Rector, &c. that very n [...]ght he was conueyed pri [...]ily out of the Colledge with mency in [...]ugh in his purse, the next day he took his iorney to Rome, &c. which how salfe a deuise it is, before hath byn handled. That the said F. in his book of reformatiō doth appoynt all bishops, Deanes. Prebe [...]s, persons, &c. to be pencioners to the Popes Hol. and to haue no other pr [...]prictyes, &c. but 4. Iesuits with only 2. seculas priestes of their choosings to be his Holines Collectors of these renewes, &c. VVherof no one word, or the like is found in that book, nor euer passed by the wryters cogitation, as may appeare by that weeyted before.

[Page] And finally his deadly and diuelish hatred to Iesuits in General, and to this man in particular, to whome notwithstanding he was wont to professe great obligation for his spiritual good, as he is not ashamed to conclude thus of him: In breef, Pag. 102. if he haue byn a Iudas to Gods church and his countrey, to the disparage of the Seminaryes, &c. And now where yow fynd such vngrateful trayterous and Iudas-like natures to them that haue byn benefical to him and so profitable to Gods Church and his countrey as this man hath byn, what disputing is there with him? VVe leaue him to Gods iudgment, and so an end of that.

Of other two libels, the first called a Memorial, the other the Quodlibettes. §. 4.

IF the former three bookes lately come forth, stuffed as yow haue hard with infinite slaunders, lyes and reproches, would require as many volumes to answere them and lay forth the malice & vntruthes therin conteyned then much more would these two books that ensue demaund the same, the first being only an infarcemēt of malitious deuised calumniations, partly layd togeather in England and partly supplyed in Flaunders by the factious crew, as the author himselfe Robert Fisher returning afterward to himselfe, & going to Rome of purpose,The examination of R. Fisher in Rome Martij 1 [...]. 1595. to discouer the same and discharge his conscience did declare vnder his oath to his Hol. Fiscal, as by publike record appeareth, which Robert Fisher confessed also, that notwith stāding diuers of the poynts he had to set downe were knowne and proued to be false before he came out of Englād, yet was he willed to set them downe, and publish them when he came to Flanders. He discouered also his complices both in England and Flanders; in England the faction of VVisbich, wherof now the heads are gone to Paris and Rome: D. Griff. in Flaunders the two Doct. of the Cleargle in Cambray and [...], wherof the first is gone [...] which we beseech Go [...] may be merciful vnto him in this behalf:D. Giff. The second [...] we heare hath wrytten letters of late into England to some [Page] frends of his (though nothing of his humour) of no lesse seditious falshood then were the points of that Memorial, affirming that he neuer liked the proceedings of such as eyther in word or worke haue dealt or wrytten against the State of England, wheras notwith standing, no man euer flattered so much the late Card. in that kynd as hee nor any mā of the nation hath byn so intemperate in his words hitherto as himselfe, for which we could alleadge his sermons in Rhemes while he was there, his orations also to the Duke of Guise,D. Giffords. letter to Doctor Allen 7. Maij 1516. togeather vvith Sir Frāc. VValsin ghā [...] pasport and letter vnto him 14. Maij 1585. and other princes at their coming thither, his speches to many priuate men yet aliue, his letters extāt to D. Allen Sir Francis Inglefield and others, with such speches of the highest in England, as very modesty maketh vs to forbeare to repeate, except we beforced therunto.

And finally his printed book, de iusta Reip. in principes impios authoritate, wherunto his name is set, doth conteyne such violent matter against all Princes, but especially him of France at that tyme (being also a Catholike) and with whome he had nothing to do, as it is most ridiculous now to see him wryte into England as he doth against modest religious men, who neuer came neare by ten degrees to the acerbity of his spirit against both Prince and State, which we offer our selues to proue at large in another more ample treatese, if we be required thervnto. And for the present it shal suffice that this memorial of Fisher was recalled by himself, disauouched by the cheef suggestors afterward, impugned as [...]lfe and diuelish by the cheef and most grauest Cleargie men of England, as appeareth by a letter of six [...], testifying the same, & many other letters of the grauest priestes of that realme; and finally so absurd in it selfe, and apparantly forged and malitious, as the very reading therof did cause men to abhorre it, togeather with the deuisers and publishers therof,The 6. A [...] stants letter of the 2. of Maij 1601. and yet haue these shamelesse creatures presumed to diuulge the same now againe in print, but it is their condemnation withal men of iudgment, piety or other good respects.

As for the other great grosse libel intituled: A Decacordon of [Page]ten Quodlibetical questions,The [...]ececordon or book of Quodlibets.wherin the author framing himself (as he saith) a qu [...]libet to euery Quodlibet, decideth an hundred cros interrogatory doubts, &c. This is so ridiculous (but yet impious) a peece of worke, as we dare say neuer came hitherto out in our tongue, by any sort of fond, furious mad or pathetical men whatsoeuer. For whether yow consider the Quodlibets or the Quilibets that is to say eyther the worke it selfe, and questions proposed or the author and answerer (to wit wil wat the [...]umbler) nothing can be imagined more contemptible or contumelious. His questions are foolish, impertinent, triuial but yet audacious; His answering rash, vnlearned; confuse and inconsiderate; his speach and manner of handling fan [...]astical, s [...]urrilous, infamatorie, and for the most part contradicting himself, and the purpose that he hath in hand: He spareth no man that standeth in his way, nor beareth respect to any state or condition of men at all, frends or enemyes.

And finally it is a most lewd libel fraught with foolery, ignorance, audacity, and notorious impudency and irregilious impiety, and would require as many volumes, as he hath Quodlibets to set forth the egregious impicty, and contemptibility of this ridiculous Quilibet, which hereafter may chaunce be donne, though in a farre shorter summe, when the rest of his books promised of this argument shal come forth. And in the meane space we vnderstand that the latyn interpreter of our English late Apologie, hath taken vpon him in that language to say somwhat by way of a certaine Appendix to the said Apologie, as wel of this Decacorden as the other former libels of that sort and sute: wherunto we remit our selues, thinking this to be sufficient for this place.

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CERTAINE DIRECTIONS vnto Catholikes, how to discerne the truth; and how to beare themselues in this tyme of contention with an examination of diuers notorious and famous lyes of VV. VV. in his book of Quodlibets.
CAP. VIII.

ALbeit we doubt not (good Catholike Reader) but that yow are weary to heare and peruse these things already vttered against our brethren, and no litle greeued to behold such scandalous contentions raysed & continued among professors of one and the self same Cathol. religion, yet cannot we let passe to trouble yow somwhat further, and to ad a few words more of this matter in the end of this treatese which may serue for some direction in this troublesome and perilous tyme, for such as haue not so great experience of like euents.

And the first aduertisment amongst others may and must be to fly to the contemplation of Gods inserutable prouidence, wherby he permitteth these scādals to fal out; in which high prouidence we shal fynd not only the necessitie or ineuitability of these disgustful accidents, but the profit and vtility also, albeit the first be more easilie seene and confessed by vulgar men then the second, but both are most certayne. For as for the first about the necessity of these accidents it is sufficient to remember the word [...] of the Apostle, oportet haereses esse, 1. Cor. 1 [...]. it is necessary that heresyes and diuisions should be; and then the words of our Sauiour:Math. 1 [...]. necesse est vt veniant scandala; Of the necessity of scandals. it is of necessity that scandals should fal out, &c. And furthermore he that wil but consider the practise of almighty God in this behalf, from the first planting of Christian religion vntil this day, how among the Apostles, the Deacons, the disciples, the first beleeuers, the bishops, pastors and other learned men that followed in all ages, how this prouidence and discipline of almighty God did exercise them in this kynd, of scandals, [Page] breaches diuisions, contradictions, contentions, treasons, afflictions and combustions of mynd (called so by the Apostle, when he saith:2. Cor. 12. Quis scandalizatur, & ego nonvror, who is scandalized, and my hart borneth not for it) he that considereth this (we say) wil easily see the necessity and ineuitability of this probation euery where in Gods worke, and consequently in our English cause also and reduction of our contrey, being so great and weighty a matter as it is, and no man wil greatly maruaile to see the diuel rage and rayse vp so many scandals & stumbling blockes therin as he doth, but rather wil maruayle that he doth not more, and that he had not done it sooner cō sidering matters how they haue past. And this for the first point of the necessity.

As for the second of vtility,Of the vtility of these scandalous contentions. D [...]ut. [...]2. more men doubt, as not seing so easily what profit or emolument may be expected at least wise in our English cause) by these scandalous and enormous attempts, which bring with them so many apparant hurts, perils and damages, but God that draweth out mel de petra, oleumque de saxo dur [...]ssimo, hony from stones and oyle from the hardest rockes, can bring forth good also (if he wil) of these so great euils. And to speake of that we see, and begin to feel already of his Fatherly mercy therin, one great and important good effect mentioned by S. Paul in the place before touched, [...]. Cor. 11. hath begun now to shew it selfe, which is, vt qui probati sunt in vobis manifesti fiant; that those that be of proof amongst vs, may comme to be knowne publikely by these meanes; that is to say, ther zeale, their feruour, their fidelity to God and his cause, their vnion with his seruants and other such like poynts.

Another effect is vttered by the holy prophet S. Simeon in S. Lukes ghospel, who hauing said of our Sauiour yet an infant: Ecce positus est hic in ruinam & in resurrectione [...] multorum & in signum cut contradicetur, &c. Luc. 2. Behold this child is set for the ruine and resurrection of many, and for a signe which shalbe contradicted, &c. he addeth presently, vt reuelentur ex multis cordibus cogitationes; all this shal happen to the end that the cogitations [Page] of many harts may be reuealed, as though he had said, that one principal end and purpose why God sent his sonne into the world to be contradicted by many troublesome spirits was therby to make knowne the good from the bad, and reueale the cogitations of many mens harts which otherwise would be hidden, and this to the ruine or resurrection of many, &c. behold heere a misterious effect, and such a one as is deeply to be wayghed and pondered by those that desyre to comfort themselues in the secrets of Gods iudgments for permitting so great strife, contention and scandals in his Church as he doth.

But now if we wil apply this to our owne particular case,The application of the former places of scripture in our case. therby to instruct and comfort our selues in this doleful and disgustful affayre of our brethrens scandalous clamors & contradictions, and that any should aske vs what particular good or vtility may be expected therby, in England or to English Catholiks? we answere: First that the effect mentioned by S. Paul, to manifest those that are of proof among vs, is euidently already seene, for that many good Catholikes both in Englād and abroad as wel of other nations as our owne seing the indignitie of this scandalous fact of diuision set in our church by these disordinate and discōtented priests haue maruelously shewed their compassion, loue and zeale in behalf of vnion, order and disciplyne and of all good men impugned by the seditious which otherwise perhaps they would not haue done, if this occasion had not byn offered; others also that liued only to themselues before and medled with no other mens actiōs seing now this, manifest assault of Sathā (vnder priests coates) against our whole cause and religion haue styrred vp themselues to knyt and ioyne with others of the same zeale to resist the enemyes malice herin. And this for the first important effect prophesied by S. Paul: vt qui probati sunt, in vobis manifesti fiant. A manifestation (no doubt) which wil turne to the euerlasting prayse of many, for standing zealously in this breach against sedition, whose feruour and fidelity would not perhaps otherwise so much haue byn knowne, or published, [Page] seing that the standing against open knowne enimyes is not so markable oftentymes as the withstanding of domestical.

But now the second effect, of reuealing mens h [...]rts and inward cogitations, mencioned by S. Simeon, is also diligently to be considered by vs, for that the same is more pertinent and important also to this our English affaire then the former, for that by this reuelation made of harts and mynds by this contention, English Catholiks do come to know what substance & weight there is in euery man, and how farre he may be credited when tyme shal require, which is a point of no smal moment as matters stand with vs, for if this reuelation and discouery had not byn made by this occasion, but that so great a depth of daungerous and poysoned humors, as now is broken out, had lurked in mens brests vntil such tymes as their ability might haue byn equal to their naughty wil for setting of diuision and raysing broyles in our cause & contrey; what remediles hurts might haue byn wrought (think yow) both in the one and the other? but now being reuelated, the predictiō of S. Paul, so often by vs repeated before wil no doubt take place,2. Tim. 3. vltra nō proficient, insipientia enim eorum manifesta erit omnibus. They wil not be able to go much forward in this their attempt, for that their folly wilbe manifest to all men.

VVel then,Reuelation of 3. sorts of people. and what wilbe the end, think yow, both of men and matters in this affaire? Surely for the matter we haue no doubt at all, but that it wil receaue vtility by this temptation, for that the holy ghost hath auouched it, factet cum tentatione prouentum, God wil giue profit also with temptations, and this profit is euidēt for that our church after this storme past, wil remayne as,Math. 3. Luc. 3. area purgata & ventilata, as a barne floore swept and cleansed and our corne both winowed and purged.

But as for the men that haue mooued this tempest, though we would be loath to make our selues prophets in their cause and successe, but rather do pray hartily for them, that it may be good, yet if we wil consider matters according to the former prophesies of scripture or els by the foresight of reason [Page] and discourse (which are the best grounds of prophesies of temperate and wise men in these our dayes) we may probably make this triple coniecture that some (especially the wryters & publishers of these late libels and principal dealers with the aduersaryes) are like inough (if God worke not a miracle) to passe further, and become as Th. Bel and others haue done before vpon like and perhaps lesse ground of passion, & malice; and these are to be deplored as yow see: others that do offend vpon euil information only, or haue byn misled by other mens persuasions, not seing the daunger wherunto they are drawne wil (we trust) vpon sight of the truth returne againe, and these are as hartily to be imbraced and highly esteemed, as if they had neuer runne away, the ground therof not being euil intention; but sinister information.

A third sort there is, that probably wil stand indifferent, & doubtful for a tyme, and according to this, wil good mens opinions be also of them, to wit dubious and vncertayne vntil they see the final issues of their actions, and thus cōmeth our Church of England as yow see, to knowe her people distinctly, as wel by manifestation of their actions as reuelation of their thoughts which are the two effects mentioned; prophesied by S. Symeon and S. Paul.

It followeth that we say somwhat how Catholiks are to beare themselues in this tyme of trial, which poynt may be considered eyther in respect of the enemy, and persecutor, or of the trouble some of our owneside, that vaunt to be in credit and fauour with them, and say that the fault is ours,VVhat carrage is expedient tovvards the persecutors [...]. that we are not also: And towards the former sort of men togeather with our Prince and State, there is no doubt or question but that the dutiful maner of carriage hitherto vsed by our English recusant Catholiks in all humility, patience longanimity, obedience and true spirit of Christian sufferance (whatsoeuer these brabling people do or haue calumniated them to the contrary) is absolutely the best way, and most pleasing in the sight both of God and man, and the principal meanes wherby we may hope that God wil one day haue [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [Page] mercy vpon vs and our countrey and inspire the harts both of our Prince and State to deale more myldly and mercifully with vs.

Yet notwithstanding if any question or matter should be vrged against religion, faith or conscience in any one poynt of Christian Catholike doctrine and beleef, therin it is necessary for euery good man to stand firme and immoueable,VVhere and vvhen Catholiks must stand immoueable. and to say with the Apostles:Act. 5. Oporiet mag is Deo obedire quam hominibus. VVe must obay God more then men. And in this point we do not thinke that any one religious Protestant in the world holding his faith for true, would not do and say the like, if the case were his, and concerned his religion, and consequently the yeilding or going further of these our vnquiet spirits in matters that be against true Catholike Doctrine, & to vrge other men also to the same for gayning to themselues some temporal fauour & credit, or to make therby others odious whome they enuy or mislike, is more perfidiousnesse to God, then fidelity to the Prince or State, and so ought it to be held by all men of wisdome and iudgment of what religion soeuer, and no wayes to be imitated by those that be true and sincere Catholiks. And thus much for their carriage towards the Prince and state, and persecutors in Religion.

And as for the second sort, which are our passionate disordered brethren, broken out from vs these monethes past by intemperate heate of emulation and contention, the best direction that we can giue for Cath. mens behauiour and carriage towards them is,Carriage tovvards the troublesome as towards brethren and frends in a frenzie or traunce, or as men rather possessed with violent and raging spirits; that is to say to wish and worke all good vnto them that may be procured by good meanes, but yet to beware of comming into their fingers, or within their reach whiles they remayne in the fit of their fury, and to the end we may know and consider with what spirits they are possessed or ruled by for the present albeit we haue discussed the matter somewhat particularly in the preface of this book, and more largely throughout our Apologie, but especially in the last Chapter [Page] therof, yet now hauing seene and discerned more of their condition and state by reading their later bookes and by the manner of their proceeding and progresse in their affaires. VVe meane in this place to ad somwhat to that which we haue said before, noting first by the way, that the difference of spirit betweene man and man,Difference of spirit, vvhat great diuersity and contrariety it maketh. is the greatest and most important difference that in moral matters can be obserued which holdeth also in beasts, byrds, and other creatures according to the proportion of their inferior spirit or natural instinct, as for example, two egges put in one nest, the one of a doue, the other of a hauke do bring forth two yong byrds, whose bodyes at the beginning are not so easily discerned as the difference of their spirits is seene as soone as they grow vp. And the like is in the whelpes and cubbes of dogges and foxes the one naturally running to mans conuersation the other flying, which diuersity of spirit, and inward instinct, bewrayeth quickely the contrariety of their natures, nor is this only seene in creatures of diuers kynds, but euen in those that be of the same, as two yong colts of one breed the one of a generous, the other of a iadish inclination are so opposite the one to the other in the whole course of their future lyfe by this diuersytie of spirit as the one is of much value, the other contemptible.

And if this hold in horses & other vnreasonable creatures, that haue only the participation of the inferior sensual part of soule or spirit, how much more is the difference to be noted in man, whose higher part guiding all the rest, dependeth of the worthinesse of his spirit for life and action, wherin two men that be brethren in birth, and as like one to the other otherwise as nature can proporture them, yet by this diuersity of spirit may they be as opposite one to the other not only as things of diuers kinds that be enemyes by nature, as haukes & doues wolues and lambes, foxes and dogges but farre more, euen as much as heauen and hel. And this we se by example as wel of Cain and Abel Esau and Iacob, Lucifer and Michael borne brethren, as also by euident reason, seing that the spirit of man [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [Page] is that wherby he is ruled, and the sterne of all his actions gouerned, so as if that be naught, corrupted, peruerted or coinquinate with malice, enuy, pride, ambition, or other such plagues and spiritual poysons, he followeth that with all violēce, as a bark carried away vnder ful sayle with perniciōs wynds to her assured ship wrack vpon rockes of perdition.

And on the contrary side he that is blessed of God with a good spirit, he floweth on sweetly, though more softely and calmely to the assured port of euer lasting saluation, and these two men though neuer so like in shape of body, or neare in propinquity of flesh, office, charge, degree, vocation or other such coniunction vpon earth, yet are they indeed more opposite and contrary the one to the other, then any reasonable or vnreasonable creatures whatsoeuer, except only the good and bad angels Michael and Lucifer, by vs before mencioned so as a good and bad spiri [...]ed man do differ much more then a man and a beast, or then a wolfe and a sheep, which cannot be expressed sufficiently by any other example then by Sathan and Christ, when he was vpon earth which very contrariety remayneth stil betweene men that participate the one or the others spirit. So as to conclude yow need not (for true discerning of men) to seek any other note, signe or argument, but only to look vpon their spirit & markes therof, whether they be of Christ or his enemy Sathan, according to the coūsel S. Iohn:1. Ioan. 4. Probate spiritus si ex Deo sunt, proue spirits whether they be of God or no.Rom. 3. The reason wherof S. Paul giueth: Quicun (que) enim spiritu Dei aguntur, hij fitij Dei sunt. For whosoeuer are ruled by the spirit of God, they are his children, and contrary wise those that are not gouerned by that spirit are children of Sathan & not of God: for so the same Apostle affirmeth playnly in another place:Rom. Ibid. Si quis spiritum Christinon habet, hic non est eius. He that hath not the spirit of Christe pertayneth not vnto him. For which cause he addeth so carefully in the end of his letters: [...]. Tim. 4. Dominus Iesus Christus cum spiritu suo vobiscum. Our lord Iesus Christ be among yow with his spirit. And when he would commend himself and his determination in matters [Page] of virginity, marriage, diuorce, and other such of great importance, he alleadgeth this for cheefest argument:1. Cor. 7. Puto autem quod & ego spiritum Dei habeam. I do persuade my selfe that I haue the spirit of God my Sauiour.

So then all the controuersy or doubt, which heere may be; is, who haue the spirit of Christ or go neerest ther unto in this contention,VVho are likest to haue the spirit of Christ in this contention. for that this being knowne it cānot be denied but that whosoeuer followeth or fauoreth the worser spirit, (except vpon misinformation) he sheweth himself to be ruled by the same spirit. And as for the spirit of Christ our Sauiour which must be our paterne heerin it is euident both by testimony of all scriptures, as also by the example of his lyfe while he was vpon earth, what it was: For EsayEsay 11. the prophet foretold a seauen fold spirit should be in him, to wit the spirit of VVisdome and vnderstanding, of Counsel and Fortitude, of knowledge and piety, and of the feare of God. But himself appearing afterward vpon earth, not only confirmed all this to be true, and other things wrytten of him by the prophets; but preached further, and sheweth in his actions, the spirit of humility, mansuetude, meekenes, patience, modesty, sobriety, truth obedience, pouerty, charity and the like, which spirit, whether our discontented brethren, in their late actions words, and wrytings haue shewed or no, or rather the quite contrary spirit of pride, enuy, renēge, elamors, slaunders, calumniation, disobedience, and the like, is easy to iudge by that which before we haue represented out of their bookes and doings.

And now yf we would but relate vnto yow the hundreth part of that which is vttered of this wicked spirit in their last book (hitherto seene by vs) called Decacordon or Quodlibes, we should tyre yow and make your eares glow and yowr charitable harts to rue with the hearing therof. For first yf we would begin with the very name & nature of Quodlibets which the author setteth downe in his preface, saying; that in this kind of wryting it is lawful for him to d [...]spute, whether God or the diuel he to be honoured? whether our blessed lady were an adulteresse or cōmon woman or not? &c. VVho wil not say, but that this Quodlibetical [Page] companion, calling himself a quilibet, hath a prophane, audacious and impudent spirit to propose and put in print such questions; and then that he hath a spirit also of foolery & lack of vnderstanding in conioyning with these questions other against himself, to wit, whether a Seminary priest or a Iesuite ought sooner to be credited, esteemed of, and followed? &c. VVhether a Iesuite be a good or bad man? whether their doctrine be crroneous, Ibid. treacherous and seditious or not? &c. VVhich questions being ioyned by him with the former, may seeme no lesse absurdly brought in and called in question then the rest. And finally he concludeth his preface thus.

I wil hold the indifferent, The conclusion of VV. VV. epistle to the Decacordon. dispassionate and diligent Reader with no longer discourse of a peramble, but leauing all to his best conceats, I comit his sharp wits or her swyft thoughts to the speedy encounter of this buck of the first head in the quest at euery Quodlibetical relay, set in the pursuite of their gaine, &c. And now we would aske the same dispassionate reader, what wit or sense is there in this wryting? VVhat grauity, what maturity, what consideration worthie of a priest or sober witted man? Is Spiritus sapientiae & intellectus (the first spirit of Christ mencioned by I say) to be found heere? But let vs passe from the Preface to his book, or as he calleth it, his buck of the first head.

The first and most notorious point of his wicked spirit (contrary to that of Christ, and all good Christians and Catholike men synce that tyme) is against religious men, and their profession, affirming first, that all are corrupted. I haue made (saith he) an historical discourse, of the beginning, Quodlib. Pag. 49. progresse, end, and fal, of euery religious order, as wel of the Basilians, Antonians, and other among the greeks, as also of the Benedictines, Augustines, Franciscanes, &c. among the latynes, &c. Secondly he taketh, a position in hand refuted & condemned not only by S. Thomas of Aquine and other wryters of that tyme,D. Tho. but S. Chrisostome also, & other auncient Fathers, wryting against such irreligious companiōs in their dayes & the position is, that the lyfe & State of secular priests is more perfit, thē the state of religious men; for thus he frameth his first article of his third general Quodlibet [...].

[Page] VVhether the Iesuits,Pag [...]. or any other religious order be to be preferred before secular priests or not? And then he holdeth the negatiue. VVho euer hard (saith he) or made any question,Pag. 15. but that a secular priest was to be preferred before a monastical person? And againe in another place; All seminary and secular priests are Superiors to Iesuits,Pag. [...]. or at least their betters. And yet further in another place. Pag [...]. The secular priests, as worthier and superior presons, are euer to be credited and preferred before the Iesuits in matters of any account. And that yow may know how humble he is, he describeth these his high mynded secular priests thus: Pag. 6. A gallant troup of as graue sages, and as fine a breed of wits as the world this day enioyes, &c.A ridiculous definition of a secular priest. Pag. 4. Rightly called seculars because they haue the cure and charge of soules layd on their backes to direct all that liue in a secular wordly, and temporal State.

Thus he saith: & to the end yow should not mistake him, as though he meant of the Iesuits only, or of any other particular religious order, he setteth downe this general proposition:Pag. [...]. Therfore stil (saith he) is a secular lyfe of more perfection then a religious, &c. Now we would aske what spirit this is? what sanoureth it of? what doth it breath forth? Is there heer any thing els, but pride, emulation, ignorāce, temerity and folly? But let vs heare further the effects of their good spirit?

He signifieth page 42. that he would haue,Pag. 42. all Iesuits except (saith he) they amend their manners and reforme their order damned for [...]eretiks, and thrust out of Gods Church, as Apostatates, and Atheists, &c. as those ietting iuglers (the Pharasyes) were out of the temple of Ieruss [...]Iem, &c. Do yow see what spirit of fraternal charity here is? Nay he goeth further to affirme, that their order is no religion at all, and the persons therof neyther secular nor religious, wherby he incurreth a plaine excommunication ipso facto, Pag. 61. by the Bul of Gregory the xiij. which beginneth: Ascendente Domine in [...] lam, &c. confirmed and ratified againe by Gregory the 14. But it seemeth this man litle esteemeth cēsures of Church or Pope, being ingulfed in the mayne Sea of outragious malice, which sheweth itselfe most egregiously,Pag. 35. in that he persuadeth Iesuits to become Apostatates and leaue their religion. I pray God (sayeth he) they may reforme themselues in tyme by comming [...] of[Page]their order and Society, &c. and then conformable to this good & godly prayer he saith of F. Iohn Gerrard (who both for his birth education, learning spirit, wisdome religion zeale, modesty, and all other Christian vertues,Persuading men to Apostacy. is more fit (as yow know) to be this mans maister, then he worthie to be the others man) VVel wel poore man, I pitty his simplicity, that being otherwise of a good nature, he is much blynded and corrupted in his life and manners by being a Iesuite, Pag. 4 [...]. ad marg. which society would God he did and would forsake, &c. VVhat spirit is this? could Martyn Luther himself or any other Apostata, giue other counsel in such a cause?

And for that this fellow and his compagnions do delight themselues so much with secularity and Apostasy, and diuers yea the most of the cheefest heads of this factiō are notoriously knowen to haue slydden back eyther from the habit or vocation of religious lyfe to secular, and that it is probably suspected, that a notorious Apostata or two haue had their hands also in the compiling of these wicked Quodlibets vve shal put, them only in mynd of the sentence and iudgment of S. Bernard as good and wise a man no doubt as any of them, and knowne to haue had the true spirit of Christ by the publike testimony of his Cath. Church, who talking of this very matter of going out of religion, wherunto these fellowes exhort Iesuits, doth make it such an horrible act, and the syn so great in him that goeth out, and others that cooperate with him therin, as is dreadful to read. But his conclusion is this: Quid plura? dissimulatur lex,Bern. Serm. 63. in Cant.abdicatur ius, fas proscribitur, derelinquitur timor domini, dantur postremo impudentiae manus, praesumitur ille remeraerius, ille pudendus, ille turpissimus, plenus ille ignominia & confusione saltus, de excelso in abyssum, de pauimento in sterquilinium, de [...] in eloacam, de caelo in caenum, de claeustro in saeculum, de paradiso in infernum. ‘VVhat shal we say more of this horrible fact of Apostasy or going out of religion?S. Bernard. iudgments of Apostatas. VVhen once a man is come to this resolution, he dissembleth the law of God, he casteth from his sight all equity, he banisheth all iustice, and the feare of God is cast away, and so he giuing himself lastly ouer to impudenty he presumeth to make that rash, that shamful, tha [...] filthy leape [Page] ful of ignominy and confusion, from a high state to a dongton from a fayre pauiment to a fowle donghil from a seat of dignity to a loathsome place of filth, from heauen to earthly myre, from a monastery to the world, and from paradise to hel.’ Thus sayth S. Bernard, and by this may wil VVatson who calleth himselfe here, Iohn indifferent and wilful VVil, Pag. 28 [...]. se what good counsel he geueth to Iesuits in persuading them to make this wicked and miserable leap so described by so great a Sayn [...]. And herby also we see the difference betwene these mens spirit and that of S. Bernard.

VVherfore being ouer long to treate matters in order we shal touch only certayne breef heads of his discourses heer and there, wherby yow may better discerne his spirit. He inueigheth greatly & at large against the Fathers of the Society pag. 140. and after that for diuers pages to geather for that they admit not into their Society euery man that offereth himselfe but,Pag. 48. ad marg. that they examine them wel, and take their chayse, &c. for which most laudable diligence hereuyleth thē in these words: Tow progeny of vipers, yow offalles of scribes and pharasyes, who hath taught yow to eschue iram venturam, to sequester your selues from the world? to take vpon yow the state of perfection? and to include and exclude, to chase and refuse whome ye list, and to thrust, back whome yow like not of that gladly would This is spoken perhaps for that diuers of that crevv, haue byn refused by Gods prouidence and vvisdome of the Fathers that foresavv their conditions. enter in &c. Is this your perfection of lyfe? is this your zeale of soules? &c. [...]y blasphemous wretches yow prei [...] dice christ, &c. No no seditious Choristes, Dathanians and Aby [...]onistes, there is no [...]ne Scripture, no Canon, no decree, no tradition of Church, no consent of Doctors, no rule, no principle, no least clause in the foundation of your society, that makes for yow in this poynt, of singularity election & choyse. And then a litle after agayne.

No no proud pharasyes, yow are deceaued, non est personarum acceptio coram Deo nether hath be left the kingdome of beauen to be giuen to one more th [...]n to another &c. Railing at the fathers for vsing choys in admittinge m [...]. And what spirit think yow cometh this of? Is it folly or madnesse? Is it spiritus vertiginis or arreptitius, that so inuigheth against the spirit of discretion and probation in the Fathers before they admit men to the high calling of religious lyfe? VVe would aske him what he wil [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [Page] say to S. Paul wryting to Tymothy a Bishop, about admitting men to priesthood, [...] Tim. [...]. saying: Manus citò nemini imposueris, &c. do not lay thy hands easily vpon any man to admit him to holy orders. And yf any Bishop should admit all that offer themselues vnto him to serue God in that vocation, & this without trial or notice had of their worthines; would he prayse this man so much trow yow as he rayleth at the Iesuits for making diligent trial of those whome they receiue into their order? who seeth not this madnes?

Againe page 279. and 280. he would haue no more youthes sent to the Seminaryes, but new lawes rather to be made for inflicting greeuous punishments vpon them that send them thither. And this also yow see from what spirit it proceedeth. Furthermore he threatneth the Catholikes page 305. that he & his fellowes, wil surceaese from the execution of their functions, and from the increasing of that number, that wil not be aduised by them, &c. that is to say, to be enemyes with them against the Archpriest, and Iesuits, and consequently also against the Pope himself. And further: They wil conuert no more (as few God wote they haue done already) yf this be not graeunted them. Of what spirit proceedeth this, trow yow? Is this the spirit of Christ? is this of his Apostles?

But yf yow wil see the paterne of a strange spirit indeed framed wholy of deadly hatred and temerity, do yow read what this author of the Quodlibets doth write in diuers places of his bookes most intemperately against F. Persons, that neuer perhaps saw or knew him, nor he the other, for yf he had, and were in his right wits he would neuer wryte as he doth. Pag. 236. 237. 238. 239. &c. I meane, saith he (after much reuiling vsed against him) the great Emperour, irregular, abstract, quintessence of all coynes, coggeryes, and forgeryes, who flying hence with the spoyle of many poore Catholikes, practised in Paris to be exempted from the check of the Parisian Prouincial vnder pretence that the Queene had hyred certayn [...] persons to murder him, &c. This is that famous conquer [...] that hath bathed all England in priests bloud, &c. This is he of whome his owne General reported that he was more troubled with one Englishman, then with all the rest of his [Page] Society: This is he of whome Cardinal Allen held opinion that he was a man very violent and of an vnquiet spirit,Diuelish [...]ayling against F. Persons. and of whome M. Blackwel said that his turbulent head and lewd lyfe would be a discredit to the Cath. cause; and in few, the general conceate of all that euer haue thorowly conuersed with him is this, that he is of a furious, passionate hot, cholerike, exorbitant humour, &c. a most diaholical vnnatural, and wicked fellow, vnworthy the name, nay cursed, be the houre in which he had the name of a priest, nay of a religious person, nay of a temporal or lay Iesuite, nay of a Catholike, nay of a christian, nay of a humayne creature, but of a beast or a diuel, a violator of all lawes, a contemner of all authority a stayne of all humanity, an impostume of all corruption, a corruptor of all honesty and a monopole of all mischeef, &c.

VVe leaue out ten tymes as much as this in the same and other places.Ansvvere to diuers calumniations against F. Persons. And seing his lack of shame, charity and honesty is such as to wish that F. Persons had not byn a man nor Christian but a beast or diuel, consider whether the diuel himself could speake more like himself than this fellow doth, not only by rayling but also by open lying: For as for his going out of England with the spoyle of many poore Catholiks, it is a most malitious falshood, asApol. Cap. 12. other where also hath byn shewed, seing that F. Persons and Father Campian both being wholy mayntayned by the liberality of that most excellent zealous Catholike gentleman M. George.M. George Gilbert.Gylbert took nothing els in effect of any other, neyther had they need. And as for a certayne contribution and collection that certayne gentlemen made at F. Persons instance to be sent to D. Allen for printing of the new testament in English which arriued to some 2. or 3. hundred pounds, we hauing informed our selues, do find that neuer any one peny therof entred into F. Persons power, nor can this calumniator, or any other euer bring proof in any one poynt to the contrary.

The other Parysian fiction, is refuted in the former Chapter; and for the three foule lyes that do enfue concerning the speches and iug [...]ments of the General, Card. Allen, and M. Blackwel, they all are witnesses of the falshood therof; the General yet liuing, and esteeming of F. Persons, as the offices and charges [Page] committed vnto him both of the English Colledge in Rome, with the ouersight and Praefecture of all other Seminaryes & English men of the Society do testifie. And for the Card. do beare witnes not only his actions and letters set downe in the Cap. 4. Apologie, but his nephew also M. Tho. Allen, and M. D. Hadock his kinsman,Three notorious lyes fathered vpon F. Claud. Aquauiua, Card. Allen, M. Blackvvel and maister of his chamber, M. Roger Baynes his Secretary and Mator domo all most intrinsecal to the Card iudgment, sense and meaning, who liuing this day in Rome do detest this wicked fiction of the Card [...] euil opinion or speech of F. Persons. The third is heere in England to answere the matter both by word and wryting, accounting himself nolesse iniuriously slaundered by this wicked forgery, then by other infinite like douises framed against him, which these malitious people haue deuised of their owne brayne.

VVherfore leauing this odious and ireful vayne of rayling, which hath no end meane or measure when it beginneth against F. Persons, it is a strange thing to consider their passion in this behalf, for this fellow hauing alleadged in one place a very moderate letter of F. Persons wrytten by him from Naples in the yeare 1598.A lettere of [...] much abused. though somwhat corrupted both in word and sense in the allegation as by the true copy we haue discouered; in which letter the said Father doth very grauely set downe for excuse of the troubles in the English Colledge at Rome, some extrin secal causes also not knowne or cōsidered by others, this fellow was so much troubled therwith that he wrote as followeth:Pag. 128. & 129. &c. I could not (saith he) with patience set band to paper after I had read this letter, but walked two or three tymes vp & downe my chamber trembling in anger with my hart as high as my head, to think on the villany of this Persons; cursed be the houre wherin he was borne, this filius peccati, sacrilegij, iniqu [...]t atis, diaboli, &c. ô monster! wo worth the wretch, we worth thee and all thy Iesuicical brood! &c. Behold heere, did yow euer heare Hercules fureus vpon a stage Is this preistlike? is this christian man̄er of wryting against our euen Christian? To what manner of spirit wil yow ascribe this?

And yet must yow note heer, that this man or mad fellow [Page] rather is brought by Gods iust iudgment to condemne himself in a marginal note,He condemneth detraction and vseth it. Pag. 124. not ful three leaues before these outragious rauings which note sayth thus: Of all other synnes detraction is holden of deuynes to be most daungerous, because fame styeth furdest, and would the back byter neuer so fayne make restitution, yet he can neuer possibly performe it. Thus he saith and more to this purpose in that note, whervnto we add only those words of our Sauiour: Deore tuo te iudico, serue nequam: Luc. [...]9. I do condemne thee by thy owue mouth & confesion thow wicked seruant. And so much for this.

VVe are weary, and therfore we desyre to make an end. If yow wil see more of these mens spirit, read pag. 134. 135. where they affirme Iesuits doctrine, to be erroneous & heretical, for that they teach the Popes ordinations to be obayed. Read their contemptuous discourse, of the litle respect due to his Holynes excommunications, pag. 178. 183. how they cal their Archpriest and immediate Superior, Antipape, Antichrist, & golden calfe. They say that in matters of succession for our Realme, they meane to abstract the same clerly from matters of religion: pag. 150. as though religion were to be had in no consideration at all, about the next successor; and in the meane space, they wryte, that they desire nothing to themselues,An abiect quiet sought by the seditious. but an abiect quiet, in a froundon state, page 198. which is as much to say, as to eat and drink and liue quietly with other sensual abiections without care of gayning soules or procuring other perfection in them that are gayned, if it be conioyned with daunger of persecution or temporal trouble. And who then doth not see this spirit what it is, and whether it tendeth. But let vs yet heare some other markes therof.

Yow haue heard in ourCap. 9. Apologie what a styrre VV. VV. keepeth in his spiritual common-wealth about places and preeminences, and sitting at table iust as our Sauiour describeth the matter in the ghospel of pharasaical vanity,Matth. 22. amant primos recubitus in caenis, &c. they loue to haue the highest places at the table, &c. But now in this book as a fuller treatese of all their spiritual designments he handeth the matter much more largly [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [Page] in diuers places, shewing therby how he and his fellowes are mightely impressioned with this vanity of sitting in the higher place, and himself telleth storyes of his owne shamelesse striuing for the same with men of great calling, being fitter for his owne basenes, euil feature, and contemptible qualyties to sit lowest at the tables end, or to be thrust out of the parlour into the hal or kitchin, then to sit with such men as he braggeth that he hath done, if he be the man of whome he wryteth. Heare his first complaynt.

Old Pinny (sayeth he) the Inkeper of Broadway in Somersetshire,Pag. [...]. would alwayes take the highest place at the vpper end of the table,A graue complaynt against hostes for sitting at the vpper end of the table. whosoeuer had byn his ghest, which though in some sort his old age might excuse, yet is the contrary course more commended among ciuil gentlemen & nobles generally, &c. And I once being in company where [...] secular preists being at supper with a noble person, his L. would not sit downe vntil they all were set, iesting merily, that priests and women had alwayes the preeminence in the land of peace, &c. But now that a religious man should haue or look for a place of honour or preeminence, among men, hauing by sollemne vow renounced all earthly honors and dignityes, &c. was neuer hard of before this day. And this much in that place against Pinny his host, that sate aboue him, and in comendation of the noble man, that gaue him the vpper place.

But in another place he handleth the matter more largely shewing three valiant exploits done by a certaine priest (which we may immagine was himself) at the table side against other three all gentlemen and the one a priest, that would haue set before him: Pag. 117. A very fit example (saith he) taking his argument about stryuing for places at the table) was of la [...] shewed by a secular priest to three sundry persons all Catholiks, and one of them a priest also iesuited, the first being a lay gentleman, but of meaner calling then eyther of the other to whome he gaue place at table, hand, wal and stile, because he saw it proceeded of simplicity, inciuility and rudenes in him, &c. To the second hauing giuen place also before tyme, because he was an intruding person, and one that thought himself no smal fo [...]le, being able to dispend eight hūdred pounds by the years, the said secular [Page] priest reasoning with him at one tyme about these matters, &c. took him by the sleeue, as they were going to dinner in a Catholike company, where they were sure, and thrust him back sitting downe before him & telling him in playne tearmes that the case was altered, & that albeit he had winked at his arrogancy before, yet now for the honor of priesthood, he must make him know his duty & giue place to his better, &c.

To the third (which was a gentleman priest) vnderstanding that he had boasted of this gentility & noble alliance, & that therfore he was to be preferred before any other secular priest, that was not a gentleman of equal calling with him, they iumping iust togeather vpon a tyme at dynner, he put him back, and after the table was drawne taking him a side he said: Sir,Extreme vanity and folye. I vnderstand yow boast much of your gentility preferring it before your priesthood, it is a foule byrd that defiles his owne nest, a base mynded, ignorant, and vnworthie priest, that knowes not whether he takes his place according to his dignity & calling or noe, & as worthy to haue his skyn razed, cut of, & fleaed both from head and hand, & so degraded, as an abuser of noblenes and gentry deserues to haue his colours reuersed, his armes pulled downe, & his coat pulled ouer his eares, & so degentred for euer after. Know yow therfore Sir, &c.

Mark heer the spirit of humility and meeknesse in these men, and to what case they are come, that dare not only do these things and commit these insolencies, but brag of them also in wryting. Heer is fulfilled the saying of the holy Ghoste,Prou. 2. gloriātur, cū malè fecerint, & exultant in rebus pessimis. They do glory in doing euil and triumph in the greatest wickednesse which they commit.

VVe might heer consider of many other things as vayne, false and wicked as these infarced throughout this book, without all conscience, modesty or respect of christianity, if tyme did permit vs, and that we were not ouercloyed with these.Pag. 12. 13. 37. VVe might set yow downe how wickedly many gentlewomen, and noble personages are heere discouered, discryed and dishonored, some by name, some by signes and letters and other like most perfidious detections. VVe might lay open vnto yow how seditiously the author of this book goeth about to set rancor,Pag. 3 [...]. 113. malice and sedition betweene the [Page] noble houses of Arundel, Howards Dacres, and others. How he threatneth Catholiks with new persecution, if they abandon not the Archpriest, with the rest of his clergie and Fathers o [...] the Society,Pag. 194. against whome he threatneth, that he and his companions,Pag. 25. like angry sleeping dogges vnwillingly awaked by them, wil now both bark, byte, & leap in their faces, &c. all which sheweth the quality of their spirits.

But no one thing sheweth the same so much (as often we haue noted) as their most impudent deuised and forged lyes both against the Society in general,A notorious spirit of lying. as page 311. That the King of Polonia is defeated of the kingdome of Suetia only by their treacherous, ambitious & tampering aspyres (a thing notoriously false as is moste euident) as also against F. Persons in particular without number or limitation. As for example that he wrote a letter to the Marques Huntley of Scotland about that kinges title (to whome we vnderstand he neuer wrote letter in his lyfe) & that he sent a Iesuite preist to the late Earle of Essex to haue him take a pension of the king of Spaine (a meere forgery as we are acertayned) & that the said Father (vnder benedicite be it spoken (saith he) cosened a very reuerend priest and auncient gentleman old M. Midleton of three hundred pounds at least;Pag. 150.and that he dealt with him about the succession of the lady Infanta to England,Pag. 306.& her marriage there.

These (we say) and infinite such other bold assertions being altogeather knowne to be false, and vttered without all remorse of conscience, do plainly discouer the spirit of Sathan delighted principally with lying.Confutation of the lyes about Middleton. For as for this Midleton amōg the rest which often is mentioned by these companions, we haue informed our selues of graue men, that were in Ciuil when he came thither and know all that passed there in his affayres, and do auouch that this Middleton, whome he calleth old being of some forty yeares of age coming out of England into Spayne with some store of money hidden about him (though not halfe so much perhaps as heer is mentioned) about the yeare 1594. bringing with him a youth that was his brothers sonne, and arriuing first at the English Colledge of Vallidolid, and hearing that F. Persons was at Ciuil, he resolued [Page] to go thither, but yet in such miserable poore sort, as though he had byn a very beggar in deed in respect wherof he did not only take the almes of the said Colledge of Vallidolid, but of all other houses also of the Iesuits in the way, which is 300. myles, offering to ly in their stables and hayloftes amongst their seruants, when they had no roome within the house, as at Cordu [...] by name where he got 30. spanish ryals of almes, which had byn gathered in the Church at a sermon for a poore Italian, this man making his necessity to be greater then his, and then comming to Ciuil he so assaulted F. Persons with weeping and teares, and by intercession of D. Stillington and M. Martin Aray his countrey men and others, as he took his nephew for scholler into the house, and himself also for commoner through their infinite importunity, but yet so as he offered to pay his owne commons, and somwhat also at the beginning for his nephew, who being a very proper youth died soone after, and that greatly occasioned (as he said) by his vncles vntemperate dealing with him, and after P. Persons was departed from Ciuil to Madrid, his said vncle the old Midleton was remoued also by the Rector out of the Colledge for his intolerable, passionate and vnruly behauiour, which yet the Father returning to Ciuil did seek to remedy most charitably, and being importuned by his continual sollicitations with teares and cryes, yeilded also at length to haue him made priest by priuiledg of the Seminary,The ingrateful behauiour of M. Midleton tovvards F. Persons. which he once hauing obtayned & F. Persons departed thence againe he fel out with the Rector againe and with M. Martin Aray and other friendes, and so went he away from Ciuil insalutato hospite, and going thence to Madrid he found F. Persons there, who offered againe to prouide for him in the Seminary, or residence of Lisbone, but he refusing to go, stole away secretly from Madrid also and went towards Rome in the yeare 1596. and in the way falling into the company of a Spanish gentleman that loued greatly F. Persons, he made himself his dearest frend and scholler, and therby got the most part of his charges; but when he came to Rome, he ioyned againe which the troublesome there, where [Page] F. Persons arriuing soone after he excused the matter, and asked him pardon, by whome he was very courteously vsed, and often tymes inuited to the Colledge, and being afterward taken in a certayne tauerne with some disorderly schollers and put in prison, he was deliuered againe soone after by F. Persons meanes, and besides this when he meant a litle after to depart from Rome the said Father not only procured him the graunt of xxv. Crownes in gold of his Hol. for his viaticum, but also agreed with one Don Andrea de Cordua a noble Spanish gentleman in Rome auditor of the Rota that M. Middleton should go downe with his nephew a yong noble man, into Flaunders in forme of a certayne tutor, and therby haue his charges born by the way, which yet took no effect, for that two dayes before they should depart according to his former tricks he delighting more in priuate begging then otherwayes to be prouided for, departed secretly out of Rome, without taking his leaue of F. Persons, or any of the English Colledge, in so much as great doubt was cōceaued what was become of him vntil some monethes afterward it was vnderstood that he had passed beging through Germany into France where he placed himselfe in seruice with a certayne Bishop, and thence againe in the yeare 1600. he returned to Rome, and repayring to F. Persons was by him most courteously receaued and entertayned for diuers dayes in the Colledge, notwithstāding all the former prankes played and ingratitude shewed, which he fel vnto afterward againe, ioyning with them that were factious abroad, and so went from Rome againe without saluting him.

And this is the whole true story of M. Midleton so often obiected by our seditious people in their libels, for which cause we haue thought best to relate the same once at large, to the end yow may by this one exāple iudge of many more of like kynd alleadged against F. Persons, the truth wherof we haue receaued by the relation of diuers graue and Reuerend priests that do know all this to be most true, and can proue it by many witnesses, and that F. Persons neuer so much as talked [Page] with Midleton in his whole lyfe of the Infanta to his remembrance, or of her succession or marriage in England, he being no fit man for such treatyes, and much lesse that F. Persons euer had penny of his money by cosenage or other wayes, but that whatsoeuer he brought to Ciuil with him, he carryed away againe, excepting only that litle contribution which for himself and his nephewes commons he paid to F. Peralta the Rector of that Colledge, as he wil testifie, which was much lesse then they spent, or otherwayes could haue had for double in other places. So as heerby yow may see the truth of these libels, or rather the lying spirit of the wryters.

There were no end if we should go forward to repeat but the hundreth part of notorious slaunders and lyes which are diuulged in this infamous book of Quodlibets, About the book or Memorial of Reformation. nay it would aske a particular volume to answere the manifest vntruthes, and shamelesse assertions, that are in one only article of one of his Quodlibets, to wit the second article of the fourth Quod libet where among many other absurdityes and notorious lyes, he presumeth also like a bold blynd bayatd to put downe resolutely and particularly, the Decrees & particular statutes (as he tearmeth them conteyned in the fornamed book ascribed to F. Persons about the reformation of our English Church in a Catholike tyme, of which book we haue wrytten sufciently before in the 5. Chapter of this worke, and only haue to ad in this place, that the audacity of these people, is such, as not hauing seene or read that book as appeareth by their wryting, yet do they euery where vrge the same, first vnder a knowen false title deuised by themselues, calling it, the high Court of Reformation, Supra Cap. 5. the true title being, A memorial for Reformation, &c. as hath byn declared; and then setting downe such decrees (wheras indeed nothing is decreed but suggested only throughout that book) as neuer were made, wryttē or thought of by the author, but rather the quite contrary.

As for example they say, the first decree is, that when England shalbe restored to the Cath. faith, no orders of religious people, shalbe suffered to returne into England or be permitted to liue [Page]within the Brytans Ocean (as their words are) but only Iesuits & Capuchynes, & this for that Capuchines taking no rent or temporal possessions, the Iesuits shal remayne with all, &c. VVheras first he that readeth the said Memorial shal not fynd the Iesuits so much as once named throughout all that book; and secondly there is no speech of Brittish Ocean or Scotland therin contayned, but only of England. And thirdly the plaine contrary to that which they affirme is expressely set downe in diuers parts of the said Memorial, to wit, that all religious orders approued in the Church of God, without exception should be restored in respect of the publike iniury done to all by their expulsion, which is set downe in one place thus:

And for that religious orders haue byn more defaced,Memorial of Reform. part. 1. Cap. 7. dishonored & persecuted in our realme, then in any other Christian countrey in the world, perhaps it would be cōuenient to make such amends and recompence as is not besides in any other kingdome, to wit that all the approued religious orders, that are in the Church of God, should be called into Englād, and placed iointly in the citty of London at least, for that it is to be presumed, that this citty would be capable of all, and from thence they might be deryued afterwards by litle & litle into other places of the Realme as commodity were offered,About the restoring of religious orders into England. and as mens deuotions should require, and as they should be proued to be most profitable and agreable to the state of our countrey, but altogeather to be in London, and that in the perfection of their first institution would be a most excellent thing, and a priuiledge aboue all other kingdomes in the world, where all religious orders are not seene togeather, and much lesse in the perfection of their first institute and obseruance, which ought to be the condition of admitting any order into England at our next reformation, be they men or women, to the end that the greater glory of God be procured in all things.

Thus saith the memorial in this place which is afterward repeated againe vpon diuers occasions, as namely in the second part and 6. chapter, where it is said: that as on the one [Page] side it is greatly desyred (as before hath byn noted) that all the approued religious orders of Gods Church should be admitted againe into England for more honorable satisfaction of impietyes comitted against them in tymes past by their eiectiō; so is there no lesse desyre of good men, that such persons therof may be called, as wil promise the perfect obseruation of their first institution, and rule, and therby be true lights and salt of our countrey indeed, &c. This is there wrytten: and now let euery one iudge how honest and true a man he is, that putteth forth these Quodlibets, and so shamfully auoucheth the contrary.

The second act enacted or Statute (saith he) made in that high infernal Consistory,Pag. 93. was concerning Church & Abbey lands, &c. all which must be vnder the holy Society of Iesus, presently vpon the establishing of the spiritual monarchie, which done, their Father General must cal out 4. Iesuits and two secular priests, (who must be also demy Iesuits) & these six vicars (I pray God not of hell, for of heauen they are not) like six Duch peeres shal haue the lands,Pag. 94. meanes, &c. resigned ouer to their hands, for to allow to Bishops, persons, & Vicars, &c. a competent stypend only to liue on, euen as the Turkes Bassaes & Genisaryes do lyue vnder him.

Thus wryteth he as out of the said book wherof no one word is there but all to the contrary. The third Statute (saith he) was made concerning the nobility & gentry, such as (to omit others) Sir Robert Cecil, Sir Iohn Fortescue, &c. with sundry other knights and Squyres, all which were limited by that blynd prophane parlament, what retinue they should keep, how much should be allowed them to spend yearly, &c. And do yow not think these men to be more then half frantick that publish such deuises in print?

The fourth Statute (saith he) was made concerning the common lawes of this land, & consisted in this principal poynt, that all the great Charter of England must be burnt,Pag. 94.& all the manner of holding lands in fee simple, fee tayle, franke almayne, &c. must be brought into villany, schoggery and popularity, &c. Thus he saith; but if yow read the book it selfe yow shal find the playne contradictory of all put downe in the said Memorial. For in the fourth Chapter of the third part therof which is intituled: Of the Innes of Court and [...][Page] [...][Page] [Page]study of common lawes, &c. the whole course of the same lawes is persuaded to he continued with supply of some points that may be found wanting and reformation of others that may be abused, so as all this heer alleadged is a meere fiction in the ayre.

The fifth Statute (saith he) was concerning Calumniation, with a prouiso in the forsaid Statute that whosoeuer did offend a Iesuit, or speak against this high Counsel of Reformation, it should be lawful for the Fathers or their Synodical ministers to defame, detract & calumniate him or her at their pleasure; be who they shal be, noble peere, or Prince, Bishop, Cardinal or the Pope himself, &c. To this deuised Statute, we know not what ro say, seing there was neuer any such word or thought.

The sixt Statute (saith he) in the forsaid high Counsel of Reformation, may wery wel be called the Statute of Retractation, which is a hoate counterblast to the former horneblast of Calumniation, & it goes vnder the tenour of a prouiso, that if such & such things do happen, then the persons defamed, contemned and condemned ad inferos aliue, shalbe as highly exalted, aduaunced and elcuated ad caelos after their death, &c. This they wryte, which being matters of meere madnes, as yow see, and neuer dreamed of by the author, deserue only contempt and compassion for answere, especially seing that in the end of all their babling about this book of reformation & Statutes therin conteyned, they conclude their whole treatese thus:

Happie were some men,Pag. 109.yf they might but haue a sight of that Statute book, &c. No doubt, but he should fynd notable stuffe in it, that would serue for many purposes, &c. Confession of their ovvne foly & malice [...] This he seemeth to say of himself cō fessing herby that he neuer saw the book by him impugned, so that whatsoeuer he hath set downe in almost 20. pages togeather against the same is not ouely without book but also must needs be forged and deuised hy himself. And this is sufficient to shew the mans honesty and the credit of his compagnions and cause.

All which being considered litle more needeth to be said in this place, for direction of discreet & prudent Catholiks how [Page] to beare themselues (which is the argument of this Chapter) in this tyme of controuersy and contention raysed by the common aduersary and mayntayned by his instruments, wherin we can say no more, but as the holy Apostle S. Iohn said vnctio docebit, 1. Ioan. 2. the sweet direction of Gods holy spirit wilbe a sufficient guide vnto Catholiks in this behalf;1. Cor. 12. and the discretiō or discerning of spirits so often and highly commēded by S. Paul,Hebr. 5. and by vs before recommended wil yeild aboundāt light for the same.

For he that shal but a litle consider with himself on what side goeth the spirit of modesty,Some considerations for discerning the spirit of our contentious. patience, longanimity, obedience, truth, charity, mortification, feare of God and the like, and on the other side the playne contrary spirits of clamors, rage, reuenge, enuy and emulation, audacious speches, disobedience, contempt, resistance, temerarious assertions, false and slaunderous asseuerations, as out of their books haue byn shewed. He that wil weigh further with himself, where how and when, and by what men, and against whome and vpon what causes and motiues these emulations and contentions were first begone, and haue byn continued synce and what manner of men out of all sorts of discontented people haue runne vnto them against their Superiors, maisters, Fathers, & benefactors, & what ends the most of thē haue had or are like to haue, according as in ourCap. 2. 3. 4. & 5. Apologie we haue declared. He that wil ponder moreouer how, and by whome this great worke of Englands conuersion was begonne, and hath byn mayntayned synce, and is brought to the state wherin now it standeth, and that the vnion of this body hath euer consisted in due subordination of one to another, which these men now cannot abide; it wilbe very easy to frame a sound iudgment of the whole cause and men that handle it.

For first denyed it cannot be, that priests and Iesuits ioyning all togeather at the beginning of the Seminaryes, both at Doway, Rhemes, Rome, and other places afterwards, to wit, D. Allen, D. Saunders, D. Stapleton D. Bristow, D. VVebbe & many other graue men of our nation,VVho do gather & vvho do disperse. togeather with the help, credit, and [Page] assistance of the Fathers of the Society, both there and els [...] did set this cause first on foot, and haue promoted the same euer synce, with conioyned labors of teaching, preaching wryting bookes and the like, and God hath prospered their labors, as by the effects we see, which being so it is easy to perceaue what spirit this is now which goeth about to seperate and disioyne all this agayne, vnder fond and odious pretences, that they are of diuers bodyes of diuers Societyes and of different vocations? &c. Is not this that diuelish spirit of dispersing; so much detested by Christ himself in the ghospel? Consider we pray yow, who do gather and who do disperse.

And then further yf we consider wherfore these dispersers haue made all this trouble and diuision, all this foule breach in our publike cause that was so highly honoured and admyred by straungers before, and haue alienated so many mens harts from vs, and giuen so much matter of ioy and laughter to our enemyes at home:VVhy our contentious priests haue styrred so much. yf we examine what hath byn the foundation of all this we shal fynd no other by their owne confession, but for that an ecclesiastical Superiour was put ouer them without their asking or consent. But was this a sufficient cause (trow yow) to make so great broyles in such a tyme and place, as this is? Suppose he had byn an euil man that was so appoynted (as no moderate Cathol. or Protestāt we think wil affirme that know him) had it not byn more modesty, meeknes and prudence also to obay, as the rest of the Cleargie did (being twenty to one of them and their faction) then to haue made these scandalous broyles, for which their soules must one day answere to almighty God?

And yet further when afterward vpon their first tumultuation that litle treatese of schisme was wrytten with diuers sharper words then some could haue wished, but yet takē out of the Canons themselues, and suppose it had byn ouersharply and vnaduisedly done, yet seing it was neuer printed, nor passed furrher then the hands of particular men at home, can this be an excuse to such multitudes of horrible sclaunderous [Page] bookes and libels published fynce for reuenge both in English and latyn, to the vtter infamy of our cause and Nation?

No heretike or Archeretike,All heresyes haue some shevv of iust cause giuen them at the beginning. that euer was, wanted some probable shew of offence or expostulation at the first breach, as may be shewed in euery one of them: and yf we beleeue the wryters of our tyme Martyn Luther had no smal occasion giuen him by the Dominicans, for depriuing him and his order of the preminence to publish the Popes Bulles. Iohn Caluyn also had a great exasperation by the Bishop of Noyon in France, that burned him in the back; But was this inough (think yow) to iustifie or excuse the scandals that after ensued by their seeking of reuenge? One thing is certayne in this our case, & not vnlike to theirs (especially to that of Luther) that as he knowing wel his superiors mynd and iudgment to be against him, and not daring openly to contradict them, gaue fayre words and promises for a good space, but euer did the contrary and passed from worse to worse: so our trouble some people knowing from the first beginning of the institution of the Archpriest yea before he was appoynted, that his Hol. iudgment and affection was wholy against them in this contention and emulation against the Fathers of the Society (for he had told diuers of them so by his owne mouth in Rome before they came from thence and this with very sharp speech as in theCap. 4. & [...] Apologie is shewed) yet went they forward in protesting in their first bookes, that their quarrel was only against Card. Cai [...]tans letters, and the credit therof, and that any least word of his Hol owne wryting should quiet them and end all controuersyes; and yet now after two Apostolical Breues wrytten to content and satisfie them, and diuers other letters both of the Card. Cai [...]tan, and Burghesius, and others to the same effect to testifie his Hol. wil, desyre, iudgment, resolution, determination, and commandement therin, yet are they more troublesome and lesse satisfied then before and do break to further scandals euery day more then other as yow see.

Yf any man wil maruayle at this, and aske the true causes, we can answere no otherwayes, but that this is Gods iudgmēt [Page] against them for breaking vnion and vnity so highly comended, and earnestly commaunded by Christ in his worke. But if we wil seeke for some other causes also a parterei, Causes of obstinacy. there want not diuers, especially that of ambition, liberty of lyfe, and their promises and obligation to their new patrons my L. of London and orhers; All which being considered; no man ought to maruay le if they hold out with great obstinacy in she contraspem, as M. Bluet sayth in his letter to M. Mush, euen against the remorse of their owne consciences. God send them his holy grace to see the daunger wherunto they runne. And with this we end this whole treatese.

FINIS.

[Page]

Information about this book

Title statement

A manifestation of the great folly and bad spirit of certayne in England calling themselues secular priestes VVho set forth dayly most infamous and contumelious libels against worthy men of their owne religion, and diuers of them their lawful superiors, of which libels sundry are heer examined and refuted. By priestes lyuing in obedience.

Parsons, Robert, 1546-1610.

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1602

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Text Creation Partnership,

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2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

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A09105

ID [STC]

STC 19411

ID [STC]

ESTC S119803

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99855009

ID [PROQUEST]

99855009

ID [VID]

20479

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Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 20479)

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— A manifestation of the great folly and bad spirit of certayne in England calling themselues secular priestes VVho set forth dayly most infamous and contumelious libels against worthy men of their owne religion, and diuers of them their lawful superiors, of which libels sundry are heer examined and refuted. By priestes lyuing in obedience., Parsons, Robert, 1546-1610..

Extent

[4], 114 leaves

A. Conincx],. [Antwerp :: Superiorum permissu. 1602.. (By Robert Parsons.) (Place of publication and printer's name from STC.) (Running title reads: A manifestation of folly & bad spirit.) (Reproduction of the original in the British Library.)

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