CONCERNING THE Doctrine of the Society impugned by the Anti-Coton. §. I.

IT were in vaine to relate largely vnto you, what is declared in this booke concerning your doctrine; and therefore it shall be sufficient to touch briefly some thinges of more note. Wherefore I find 3. points called in question by Anti-Coton, and answered or declared by this Father. First con­cerning the killing of Princes vnder the title of Ty­rants. Secondly about the secresy of Confession. And thirdly of Equiuocation. In all which he protesteth in general, that the Society holdeth no other doctrine, then the whole vniuersall and Catholike Church maintayneth, and offereth to subscribe to that, which the Vniuersity of Paris, and all other Catho­like Vniuersityes shall decree and declare, to be true and sound doctrine. But to descend to particularityes, and rehearse vnto you in a word, what he answereth to the obiections of Anti-Coton: De Princi­pe cap. 15. pag. 29. first he sheweth, that Fa. Ribadencyra in no sort approueth the action of Iames Clement who slew King Henry the 3. of France: but only referreth the permission therof to the iust iudgment of God. Secondly he declareth, that Clarus Bonarscius speaketh onely of such Tyrants,Amphi­theat. lib. 1. c. 12. pag. 31. as are intruders and vsurpers, and no lawfull Princes. Thirdly he proueth manifestly, that Card. Bellarmine is egregiously calumniated by the Anti-Coton, since [Page 13] that he affirmeth, that he neuer read nor heard, Apolog. cap. 13. pag. 32. that Particides and Assassinats had hope of euerlasting life pro­mised them, if they endeauour to kill Kinges. Fourthly he discouereth the false inference,Instruct. Sacerd. l. 1. c. 13. which Anti-Coton maketh out of Card. Tolet; and conuinceth, that the contrary followeth out of his doctrine. For since that he teacheth, that an excommunicate person looseth not his iurisdiction,pag. 36. & 37. but onely the exercise therof (as his wordes shew, being truly alledged, which they were not by Anti-Coton) it followeth manifestly, that such an one hath the same authority and iurisdi­ction, which he had before, and therfore cannot be slayne for want of it. Fifthly he affirmeth, that it is very foolish to inferre, that subiects may kill their Princes, though they were absolued from their alle­giance, more then any other, to whome they neuer did sweare any allegiance or fidelity at all.

The sixt Author obiected by Anti-Coton, Mariana. is Ma­riana himself; whome my Author doth not wholy ex­cuse: but yet sheweth,pag. 38. that he deserueth not so much blame, as the Protestāts & Hugonots would make mē belieue; for he submitteth his opiniō, not only to the Censure of the Church, but of any other. He remitteth not the matter to iudgment of any particuler subiect or other man, to declare who is a Tyrant, but requi­reth necessarily a publike voyce, and a common iudg­ment. And wheras many others haue written much more dangerously, then Mariana, yet the Protestants doe not so much as name them; which plainly she­weth, that their hatred is not so much against the do­ctrine it selfe, as against the man; and this in respect of his Order; which indeed is one of the chiefest ad­uersaries [Page 14] which heresy hath.

In apho­rism. v. Clericus pag. 52.In the seuenth place commeth Emanuel S [...], who only denieth, that the rebelliō of a clergy man against a King is (properly) to be called treason, though it be a greater sin (as my author affirmeth) who also noteth, that because the words of this learned Author were obscure by reason of their breuity, they were corre­cted in the last edition.Lib. 1. de Clericis cap. 18. Eightly Card. Bellarmine is brought in againe, but wholy against his meaning, since that (as my author declareth) he teacheth, that cleargy men are exempt by Gods law only in Eccle­siasticall affaires:Pag. 53. and that they are bound to obey the temporall Princes directiue lawes, and are exempted from the coactiue, by the Princes themselues, & by the Popes: though not in all cases. I omit his car­ping at the word (profane) which the Cardinall vseth once,Pag. 185. insteed of (lay) because the emphasis and force of his speach & argument did so require: as likewise, that he affirmeth, that Kingdomes are only humane Institutions, and of the law of nations; by which he onely signifieth, that they are not immediatly institu­ted and ordayned by God.

Pag. 78.The last obiection, which the Anti-Coton brin­geth against your doctrine in this first point, is taken out of your rules, or rather out of the Epistle of Bles­sed Father Ignatius, which commonly goeth prin­ted with them; in which he willeth you to take the commandment of your Superior, as it were the voyce of Christ. To which my Author answereth, that if he had read that which followeth in the same place, he should haue found that S. Paul gaue the same coun­saile to all secular seruants, in these wordes: Seruants [Page 15] be obedient to your Lords, according to the flesh, with feare and trembling, in the simplicity of your hart, as to Christ: not seruing to the eye, as it were pleasing men, but as the seruants of Christ, doing the will of God from the hart, with a good will seruing, as to our Lord, and not to men. And for the other clause, which is alled­ged out of the same Epistle, where your B. Father exhorteth you, to obey your Superiors without any search or inquiry; my Author reciteth one place out of the same Epistle, and another out of your Consti­tutions, where there is an expresse exception made, that you must not obey your Superiors in any thing, that is sinne; though S. Paul thought it not necessa­ry, to explicate that circumstance, which is allway necessarily to be vnderstood and supposed.

And thus it is plaine, that Princes are in no dan­ger by this meanes; except any will moue that questi­on, which Anti-Coton was not ashamed to aske: whether the Iesuits were bound to obey their Superiors, Pag. 175. if they should commaund them to lay violent handes vp­on the King? To which my Author answereth, that this is an vnciuill demaund, and morally impossible, and therefore vnworthy to be proposed by any honest man to such as are religious: and yet he addeth, that though the Superior should commaund this a thou­sand times, he were not to be obeyed, but to be ac­cused and denounced to the Magistrate. Thus you see, how friuolous the obiections of Anti-Coton are in this point.Instruct. Sacerd. p, 87. & seq. l. 5. c. 6. n. 16. & 17. But my Author not content to haue an­swered them all thus particulerly, alledgeth diuers places out of the authors of the Society to shew the contrary: as Card. Tolet, who teacheth that no man [Page 16] by his owne authority may kill any other, and much losse a King,To. 3. disp. 5. q. 8. punct. 3. Salm. to. 13. in illa verba Om­nis aenima &c. Leon. Less. l. 2. de iust. & iure cap. 9 &c. Inst. mo­ral. part. 2. lib. 12. c. 5. De iust. commut. tract. 3. disp. 6. n. [...]. how wicked soeuer he be, yea though his gouernment were altogether tyrannicall. And the same is affirmed and proued by F. Gregory of Va­lentia, Salmeron, and Leonardus Lessius: and finally F. AZor goeth further, teaching, that no tyrant, though he be an vsurper, can be slayn in this manner: which he doth not only proue by the authority of the Councell of Constance, and by reason; but also alled­geth F. Lewes Molina another of your Society for the same, and answereth to the contrary arguments. And finally this my author bringeth a prohibition of your most Reuerend F. Generall, for any of the Society, vn­der great penaltyes, to teach, that it is lawfull, cui­cumque personae, quocumque praetextu Tyrannidis, Re­ges aut Principes occidere; for any to kill Kinges or Princes, vnder any pretence of Tyranny. And this shall suffice for this first doctrine.

Concerning the second, there is not much to be sayd, for there neither is, not can be any thing obie­cted against your Fathers about the secret of Confes­sion, which is not cōmon to all other Catholike Do­ctors. For which cause my Author willeth Anti-Coton to informe himselfe of the opinion of the Sorbon, which he alledgeth; and if he findeth it to be diffe­rent from that of Bellarmine, and that any Doctor ey­ther of the Sorbon, pag. 34. or of any other Vniuersity haue written otherwise, he may boldly condemne him, with all the Iesuits. Wherfore I will passe ouer this poynt, with only reciting the answer of Rauaillac the Assassinat to the Commissaries, when they told him, that he was so much the more miserable, if he had ta­ken [Page 17] that wicked act in hand without the counsaile or knowledge of any: to which he replyed;pag. 153. that the cause why he declared not this his pernicious intention to any Priest, was, because he was certainly perswaded, that if he had manifested his purpose conceiued against the King, it had byn the Priests duety to haue seased vpon his person, and to haue deliuered him into the Magistrats hands, be­cause they are bound to reueale such secrets, as cōcerne the publike good. And this was the occasion that he would neuer open it to any, fearing least he should haue byn as soone put to death for the will, as for the fact it selfe. Out of which my Authour inferreth, that they prouide very euill for the safety of their Princes, who make the cōmon people belieue, that their Confessors must reueale their cōfessions, if they cōteine any thing be­longing to treason; for by this means they take away one of the greatest hinderances of such impious de­signes. And if we ioyne to this, the earnest endeauour of those, who wil needs perswade the people, that the Iesuits and many other Catholike doctors doe hold it lawfull, for euery priuate man to kill his Prince, if he esteeme him to be a tyrant; it is not easy to conceiue what more forcible perswasions can be vsed by any to encourage Assassinats to vndertake such execrable attempts. And thus much shall suffice for this second point.

The third of Equiuocatiō is discussed more largely by my Authour: but yet very pithily, & as briefly as the matter would permit: and therfore I shal not omit much of his whole discourse. Wherfore first he an­swereth an obiection made against F. Andreas Eu­demon-Ioannes Cydonius, Pag. 56. & seq. whome the Anti-Coton [Page 18] foolishly calleth by another name, and affirmeth, that he hath very lately written a booke, wherin he main­tayneth stifly, that it is lawfull to deceyue the Iudges in iudgment by Equiuocation: which (saith my Au­thour) is most false. For contrariwise he teacheth, that it is neuer lawfull to Equiuocate in iudgment, but that all must answere according to his intention that asketh iuridically: and consequently, that it is neuer lawfull to lye, because a lye is naturally oppo­site to truth, and to God who is the life, and the way, and the truth it selfe. And for this cause he declareth the manner, how a man may answere without offen­ding God, when he is not bound to answere him that exceedeth his authority, and asketh against reason. Of which they take no great care, who belieue in themselues, and endeauour to perswade others, that lying, slandering, and all other sinnes are remitted, before they be committed, and that the Kingdome of heauen can no more be denied vs, then to Iesus Christ himselfe: and that for our sinnes (sayth Iohn Caluin lib. 4. Inst. cap. 17. §. 2.) we can be no more con­demned then he.

But to discouer better the deprauation of this pas­sage of Eudemon-Ioannes, we must compare this mans translation accompanied with his lying commenta­ry, with the text it selfe. Eudemon Ioannes writeth thus: Cùm quis nullis iustis indicijs in ius vocatur, quia nemo tenetur seipsum magistratui prodere, id (que) lex natu­rae satis docet &c. this Calumniator translateth: when any is drawne into question vnder an vniust iudgment, because no man is bound to denounce himselfe to the Ma­gistrate &c. which is a manifest corruption and de­prauation, [Page 19] and cannot be excused from malice, if it be not by the latin of Accursius, to which he appea­leth in another place: for who euer heard, that nullis iustis indicijs, doth signifie, vnder an vniust iudgment, insteed of saying, without any probable coniectures? which the Doctors otherwise call a semi-plene proba­tion, or halfe entyre. And from this fine antecedent proceedeth the note and obseruation, which he dra­weth out afterward, saying: Heere note, that he stiles the iudgment of the Kings of England exercised against English Iesuits, an vniust iurisdiction, as if they were not bound to appeare before them: for this is familiar with him, to insert and weaue one lye within ano­ther.

After this he answereth another obiection taken out of that famous and learned Canonist Martinus Azpilcueta commonly called Nauar, because he was of that Countrey: which Anti-Coton mistaking, cal­leth him very foolishly Martinus Nauarrus Aspilcueta a Spaniard, placing his Countrey betwixt his Chri­sten-name, & his Syr-name: and besides addeth, that he came out of the same schoole, wheras he was a gra­duate, before the Society began. But the chiefest folly ioyned with malice appeareth in this; that Anti-Coton chargeth this pious Casuist to haue sayd, that it is law­full for a man to dissēble, that he is a Catholike; Q. 13. in c. Humanae aures 22. q. 5. p. 203. impress. Venet. 1601. which he most expresly denieth in these words: Ex hoc proximo corollario inferri, peccare mortaliter eum qui dissimulat se ore Catholicum, licèt corde confiteatur se esse talem; that, he sinneth mortally, who dissembleth him selfe a Catholike in word, though in hart he confesseth him selfe to be one.

I omit the rest, and come to the three propositi­ons [Page 20] in which my Author comprehendeth all that Diuinity teacheth concerning this point. 1. As often as any eyther Regular or Secular is demanded iuridi­cally, he is bound in conscience to answere sincerely without ambiguity, and according to the sense of him who demandeth. 2. The vse of such ambiguityes or equiuocations, before any whosoeuer, without ne­cessity, or euident vtility, is alway a sinne, as a thing repugnant to humane society. To which Card. Tolet addeth, that if any sweare of his owne accord, with­out constraynt, he must vse words in the common signification, and to do otherwise, is a mortall sinne. 3. When one is asked by them, who haue no autho­rity to doe it, he is not bound to answere according to their intention, when some inconuenience would follow, or some notable good should be hindered. The lawyers also teach that no man is bound to de­nounce himselfe; and that there is no heed to be taken to him, who will cast away himself, as being against the law of nature, which is the first of all lawes. The answere, which S. Athanasius made to them, who pursued him, causing his boate to returne to the Cit­tie, is memorable in this matter: and that of Saint Francis, which Nauar mentioneth, is not to be con­temned, whatsoeuer they say, who make no great accompt of the doctrine of Equiuocations, because they haue no great scruple to lye.

In confirmation of this doctrine thus explicated, Eudemon-Ioannes alledgeth not only Syluester and Nauar, Lib. cont. mendac. c. 10. lib. [...]2. cont. Faust. Ma­nich. c. 34. & seq. & lib. 1. in Gen. c. 26. 2. Poster. q. 69. a. 1. c. 2. Hom. 14. in Marc. & 78. in Matt. ca­non. 26. in eumd. & lib. 9. de Trinit. 3. part. q. 10. art. 2. Marc. 13. as this Deceiuer would make men belieue, but S. Augustine in 3. places; in the last wherof he brin­geth in proof of a iust Equiuocation, the example of [Page 21] Abraham, who called Sara his sister, although she were his vvife, which he vvould not haue to be knowne: and the same is confirmed by S. Thomas. He bringeth also S. Chrysostome, S. Hilary and S. Tho­mas, who expound in this sense the words of our Lord, when he sayd to his Apostles, that no man knew the day of iudgement, no not the Angels in heauen, nor the Sonne, but the Father. He alledgeth also S. Gregory, who obserueth that this doctrine was taught by God himselfe, when Samuel excused himself from performing the commandement, which was giuen him to goe and annoynt Dauid King of Israël: How shall I goe, for Saul will hear of it, and will kill me? And our Lord sayd: A calf of the heard shalt thou take in thy hand, and shalt say: I am come to immolate vnto our Lord: where we see, as S. Gregory obserueth, that God appoynted him to couer, and hide his designe with words and actions different from the intention, with which Saul would demaund him.

To these might be added diuers examples which my author produceth of Iacob, Dauid, Raphael, Gen. 27.24. 1. Reg. 21.13. Tob. 5.15. Luc. 2.46. Mat. 24.36. Io. 2.19. Luc. 24.28. and our Sauiour himselfe not once but often. But I will not weary you with needlesse repetitions of such thinges, as you know already. VVherefore I will conclude this whole paragraph, only noting what is answered to Anti-Coton, who chargeth Eudemon-Ioannes and Syluester, that by iudgment, which is not true, but vsurped vpon those who are not subiects, they meane the iudgement of ciuill Magistrates vpon Clergy men, and principally vpon Iesuites, who are not subiect so much as to Bishops. To this my Author answereth; that these wordes conteyne a double collusion. For [Page 22] both Iesuits are subiect to Bishops in the same manner, that all other Religious men are; and Clergy-men whether they be regular or secular, are subiect to all di­rectiue lawes, & to the coactiue also in certaine enor­mous cases, which are called (priuiledged) of which sort are all treasons, and consequently they are subiect also to the Magistrates, who haue the administration and execution of them. And to this effect my Author answering to the eight demād of Anti-Coton, Pag. 176. which was: Whether a Iesuite being accused of treason, and kept prisoner therupon, may lawfully vse Equiuoca­tion in his answere? sayth, that hitherto no Iesuite hath byn truly accused of any such crime, nor by Gods assistance shall euer be hereafter. But if such a case should happen, neyther he, nor any other could lawfully vse Equiuocation, answering those, who should demand them iuridically.

THE SOLVTIONS TO the personall obiections against the Fa­thers of the Society. §. II.

MY meaning is in this Paragraph, briefly to collect all obiections against the Society, whether they be generall or particuler, only excepting those against F. Coton, which are so many as that they may better be produced seuerally by thē ­selues. Only I thinke it needlesse to say any thing concerning English affaires, so well knowne to you, & wherin it seemeth the writer of this hath not had so [Page 23] full information as might haue beene wished; and I would not also willingly insert any thing, which might offend his Maiestie or the State, especially because I know, that this is your desire also: and no doubt you haue seene F. Eudemon-Ioannes his booke, which cōteineth much more, then I can relate out of this. Wherefore omitting this I will relate the rest, in the same order that I find thē recited, because my leasure will not permit me to put them into any other method. I will also chiefly insist vpon those, as were fathered by Anti-Coton vpō particuler authors, for the other being affirmed without proof, need no o­ther answere but a bare deniall; especially since we see, that this silence could not proceed frō want of will, or frō respect to any, since that in these other calum­niations the greatest personages in France are named.

First then my Author affirmeth,Pag. 39. that the heretikes of France giue out, that Mariana induced Rauaillac to giue that vnfortunate, and execrable blow, and that he knew the booke all by hart. To which he re­plyeth, and will reply an hundreth and an hundreth tymes, vnder payn of loosing both honour and life that Rauaillac did neuer see, read, nor hear the name of Mariana, if it were not, when he was demaunded whether he had read him or not, & he answered, no: and that he knew not who he was, witnesse the Re­uerend Fa. M. Coeffeteau: Coeffeteau witnesse also the verball processe it selfe; yea my author addeth, that though Rauaillac had read this book, yet it is most false, that Mariana teacheth the murther, which this vnfortu­nate parricide committed: yea in some sort it might haue bin wished, that Rauaillac had read Mariana; if [Page 24] he could haue vnderstood him: for Mariana teacheth manifestly and expressely (as F. Gretzerus sheweth) that a lawfull Prince cannot be slain by any particuler man, by his priuate authority, saying nothing in that poynt otherwise then the Councell of Constance, and the Decrees of Sorbon. But his error was afterward, when he determined the publike iudgment to the ap­probation of the learned, although in this also he hath limited his opinion to the case of necessity, and to the comon voyce, and vnder this condition, that the said publik iudgment cannot be had by other means. In which fearing notwithstanding, and perceyuing in some sort, that he was gone too farre, he submit­teth himselfe not only to the censure of the Church, but also to the iudgment of any other.

Moreouer there can be no other reason giuen, why no soueraigne Prince hath taken exception against him hitherto, but because he speaketh onely of Ty­rants, in the number of which they esteeme not them­selues to be. And the Inquisition of Spaine, which o­therwise is very rigorous, & the Pope himselfe, who as a temporall Prince should be as much interessed as others, haue not hitherto thought, that he deserued any further censure. Finally my Author noteth, how falsly and maliciously Anti-Coton slandereth Mariana, making him to meane by the iudiciall sentence, the deposition made by the Pope; and by the approbation of learned men, the counsaile of the Iesuits: of whome Mariana maketh no mention; and neyther the Pope, nor the Iesuites are once named through­out those two Chapters, which treat of this mat­ter.

[Page 25]The next obiection of Anti-Coton is not worth the reciting, for your Reuerend F. Generall and the Visi­tour also, who gaue leaue that the booke of F. Maria­na should be printed, cannot be blamed at all, since that F. Generall committed the matter to the Visi­tours and Prouincials, as he vseth in such occasions: and he had no reason to vse any particuler diligence concerning this booke, before he had notice therof: which as he testifieth by his letter to the Prouinciall Congregation of France, was only after the booke was printed and published, at which time he gaue order presently for the correcting and suppressing therof. And this seemeth one chiefe cause, why it was neuer reprinted by any Catholike, and had bene long since extinguished, had not some Protestants beene more diligent and busy, then they needed. The Visitour also was not to examine the booke in particuler, but to commit it to three learned men, who partly by the authority and learning of F. Mari­ana, and partly by the limitations and moderations which he vseth, might be induced to giue their con­sent; but to these three, my authour opposeth 30. or 40. who allowed the 13. or 14. books of the Society, wherein the contrary doctrine is taught.

The next calumniation against your Fathers is,Pag. 42. that they reigne in Rome. To which my Author an­swereth, that this lying slaunder is iniurious to the Cardinals, and his Holynesse himselfe, whome to­gether with the Iesuits he would make odious to all Ecclesiasticall persons. And besides euery man kno­weth, that the M^r. of the sacred Palace, to whome the censure of books belōgeth, is of S. Dominicks Or­der. [Page 26] To this we may ioyne another, which followeth a little after; that your Fathers in France are in publik hatred or disgrace;Pag. 44. which my Author affirmeth to be false, if by publike hatred he vnderstand not the cha­ritable affection, which the Hugonots beare them, who (if they were hated by others so much) should not need to take so great paines, to inuent and publish slanderous libels against them, without intermission, velut agmine facto. But the truth is that both King and Queene do honour them with particuler affecti­on, togeather with all the Princes and Great men of the Court, as also the rest of the Nobility, and three parts of the whole Sate, besides 30. thousand Schollers whose parents cannot be fewer.

But let vs heare more. There are aliue at this day (saith Anti-Coton) in Paris aboue 2.Pag. 48. thousād witnesses, who will testify, that Iames Clement ordinarily frequēted the Iesuits, and that some of them accompanied him euen to the towne ditch, when he went out of Paris to giue the blow: But my Author answereth the improbability & absurdity of this calumniation; because there was no sense, that the Iesuits should shew themselues in that manner, as well for their owne safety, as not to bring the other into question. Secondly the Court of Parli­ament may seeme to haue byn very negligent, if a­mong 2. thousand witnesses, they could not get one to discouer the complices. Thirdly this calumniator himselfe may iustly be called in question, why he did not bring forth these witnesses sooner. That which followeth of Pope Sixtus 5. his speach, and concer­ning Guignard, is affirmed without proofe, and some things of most importance are plaine falsifications, [Page 27] and grounded only vpon flying and vulgar reports, as would appeare, if the processe it selfe might be seene. Of which sort that also seemeth to be of his be­ing placed among the martyrs of the Society, since that (as my Author testifieth) he is not so much as in those catalogues which were printed at Rome.

Wherefore these and such other fraudulent & ma­licious inuentions are sufficiently confuted by that, which is certayn; that the Fathers of the Society for­sake father and mother, leauing their riches, and hopes of preferment, go to the Indies and new found land; are vsed and loued by the greatest Princes of the world, honoured in Italy, France, Spayne, Polo­nia, Germany, Aethiopia, Iaponia, China; where they haue very many Colledges, and are exceedingly desi­red in all places, being esteemed one of the chiefest vpholders of the faith, sent by Gods prouidence in the same time that Luther and Caluin apostated; and therefore no meruaile, though they be so hated by Hereticks, and persecuted by all Schismatikes. I shal not need to tell the Reader, how falsly the booke inti­tuled De iusta abdicatione Henrici 3. is insinuated to be written by a Iesuit; since that it is manifest, that they had nothing to do with it, no more then with that other of Franciscus Verona Constantinus, who wrote the Apology for Iohn Chastell.

Anti-Coton writeth pag. 28. that F. Fronton du Duc, had affirmed to Monsieur Cazaubon, that,Pag. 72. it were better that all Kinges should be slayn, then that one Confession should be reuealed. All which notwithstan­ding is conuinced of falsity by a letter written by Monsieur Cazaubon himselfe to the same Father in [Page 28] these wordes: Quod scribis de Anti-Cotono, ego ve­rò palàm dixi apud multos, auctorem libri, quisquis ille sit, parùm sibi, cùm illa scriberet, cauisse, quòd me non adierit: si fecisset, numquam dixisset ea te mihi dixisse, quae profecto non dixisti. Concerning that, which you write of Anti-Coton, I haue openly sayd before many, that the Author of that booke, whosoeuer he be, prouided not well for himselfe, when he wrote so, in not repayring to me: which if he had done, he would neuer haue sayd, that you sayd those thinges to me, which certeynly you sayd not.

Pag. 106.I will not omit that friuolous obiection, that be­fore the Society was in the world, no man had euer heard, that the liues of Kings were assaulted vnder the shadow of Religion; which my Author deseruedly calleth an out­ragious and iniurious lye, ioyned with a manifest contradiction; for if he speake absolutly of violent death, can he be ignorant, that the Caesars, Neroes, Domitians dyed such? Hath he neuer read the history of that Countrey, in which they be recited (an horri­ble, detestable, and lamentable thing) by dozens? Did not the Satyricall Poet write long since, as the meanest schollers know,

And if he vnderstandeth it of the pretext of religi­on, and conscience, is not this a cloke, that is now worne out, hauing bin vsed so much? Is not this the pretext, vnder which all factious and rebellious spi­rits haue euer couered their reuolutions, rebellions and murthers? Is not this also to contradict himselfe, hauing in the beginning of his Libell told vs, that [Page 29] Lewes Duke of Orleans brother to King Charles the 6. was slayn by Iohn Duke of Burgundy, and this mur­ther defended by Iohn Petit vnder the colour of con­science?

But let him vnderstand it as he will (saith my Au­thor) we returne it vpon him, & say truly, that before Caluin preached at Geneua and others of his sect at Ro­chell, Nimes, and Mont-auban, no man had heard tell eyther of the conspiracy of Amboyse for the treason of Meaux; nor the surprising of Orleans, Bourges, Lyons and of so many other Cittyes: nor of the battels of Moncontour, Iarnac, & S. Denis, or of so many Lance-knights & Reystres called into France against France; & this against the State, vnder the shadow of religion, & by those, who cal themselues the Reformers of the world. Wheras the Society is no more cause of that, which is obiected, then the other Religious Orders, which came into France a little before, or in the same time, or a little after it. We may likewise say, that be­fore the Apostles begā to follow our Sauiour, ther was no speach of the treason of Iudas, & yet it followeth not from hence, that S. Peter & S. Iohn are to be bla­med. Must the concurrence of times communicate all the sinnes which are committed, to al that are then a­liue? If this reason were of force, we should by the same, attribute to the Fathers the perfection of al me­chanical arts, & warlike exployts, of Policy, Philoso­phy & Diuinity &c. which haue flourished since the Society begā. As therfore this would be a great presū ­ption in them to attribute these things vnto thēselues so likewise it is an intolerable malice in others to im­pute vnto thē those infamous attēpts. I wil not go for­ward [Page 30] (as my Author doth) to confute this fellowes fooleries, who compareth France to the temple of A­donis, the Iesuites to Lyons and Tygers, and Spaine to a desert or wildernesse, out of which they should come.

Wherfore omitting this, and comming to his par­ticular obiections, my Author sheweth at large out of Fa. Richeome, how vnprobable it is, that any of the Society were of Chastels Councel, since than no force of torment could euer bring that yong man to confes­se any such matter, which no doubt God would haue brought to light, how obstinate soeuer the offēder had bin, if they had bin faulty. Anti-Coton also falsifieth the Registers of the Court, making them to affirme, that Chastell had studied Diuinity vnder F. Gueret; wheras that Father at that time had not heard one yeare of Diuinity himselfe. He affirmeth likewise out of the same, that Chastell had confessed his being in a chamber of meditations, painted round about with diuels; wheras there was neuer any such chamber at all, as they can testify who visited the Colledge, and among an hundreth thousand Schollers which the Society hath had in France, no one can be produced, that euer did see any such Chamber. And what can be more desired to shew the innocency of the Society, then that F. Gueret himselfe, who was thought most guilty, was sent back being cleared by the Court, after both ordinarie and extraordinarie examinati­ons?

As for their expulsion, which notwithstanding ensued heerupon, and the Pyramis which was ere­cted to their disgrace, my Author sayth, that he will [Page 31] not say with some, that it proceeded from the sway of the time: nor with others,

But he will only say, that he had rather yeeld to the iudgment of the Court, then censure it: and that there cannot too much rigour be vsed, to make the crime of treason detestable. And he addeth, that the King himselfe had a different iudgment from this Ca­lumniator, when treating of their Institute, and di­scoursing of the vtility therof, he sayd in presence of the Lord Condestable, and many others, who may remember it: that if the Iesuits had known him sooner, they would haue loued him sooner, and if he had knowne thē sooner, he would haue reestablished thē sooner. And another time, that if he were to be a Religious-man and liue a contemplatiue life, he would be a Carthusian: and if he were to liue religiously in the world, and imploy him­selfe in action, he would be a Iesuite. This was at Bourg­fontaine, in the presence of Monsieur du Perron Lord de la Guette, and after of his priuy Counsell, a perso­nage whome his Maiesty honoured with a singular goodwill, togeather with a great estimation of his iudgment and wisdome.

Much more might be sayd to this purpose, there being as many proofes of this great Princes good opi­nion of the Society, as there haue bin Panegyrikes and Apologyes heard made by him for this Order; yet my author contenteth himsefe with a piece of a letter written by his Maiestie to the Mayor & Magi­strats of Rochell in these wordes: Chers & bienaimeZ, ayant experimenté en plusieurs villes de nostre Royaume [Page 32] la probité, suffisance & modestie des Peres Iesuits, lesquels en leurs moeurs, doctrine & commune conuersation, font veoir, qu'ils n'ont rien deuant les yeux que l'honneur de Dieu: Nous auons trouué bon d'enuoyer en nostre ville de la Rochelle pour y prescher, le Pere Seguiran, Predicateur de leur Compagnie, reuestu de toutes les qualiteZ, qui peuuent rendre vn homme digne de cette charge. En date du 17. de Septembre 1606. signé HENRY, & plus bas, Ruzé.

Deare and welbeloued, hauing experienced in ma­ny Cittyes of our Kingdome the vertue, sufficiency and modesty of the Fathers of the Society, who in their behauiour, learning and common conuersation doe declare that they haue nothing before their eyes but the honor of God: We haue thought good to send to our Citty of Rochell to preach, F. Seguiran a Prea­cher of their Society, endued with all the qualityes, which may make a man worthy of this charge or of­fice &c. Dated the 17. of Septembre 1606. signed HENRY, and vnderneath, Ruzé.

Now (saith my Author) who is so blind, that seeth not, or so wicked that graunteth not, that this onely iudgment ought to be of more force, then all the calumniations of the world? For this was written after he had heard a thousand times, in a manner, all the euill of the Society which is sayd at this day, & af­ter he had exactly and carefully made triall of them.

For conclusion of this point, I must not omit to tell you, that the decree against Chastel was not abso­lutly censured at Rome, Pag. 42. as Anti-Coton obiecteth: for the late king was certified by letters from thence, that they censured nothing belonging to the fact, [Page 33] which they detested as much as any in France; but that which they censured, was a clause of the De­cree defining and determining, what was heresie, which appertayneth not to the Parliament of Paris, but to the Church of God, and the chiefe Pastor thereof.

Thus much for Chastell: after whom Anti-Coton returneth to one Barriere, who intended to haue mur­thered the late King before he was admitted to the Crowne by Paris and other Cittyes. And it seemeth,Pag. 116. that he imparted this his designe among others to F. Varade Rector of the Colledge of the Society at Paris: which Citty being at that time in warre with his Ma­iesty, the Father could not by any meanes giue aduise: & yet my Author doth not altogether excuse him in this as his Maiestie himself seemed to do, causing him to be warned, that he should depart from Paris, whē he was to come thither, and neuer calling him in que­stion for it afterward. This is the most, that can be probably belieued against this Father. For the rest, which Anti-Coton affirmeth, of his perswading and adiuring Barriere by the Sacraments of Confession & Communion, conteyneth many absurdities, contra­dictions and falsifications, as my Author sheweth: and it is certayne, that the R. Father Seraphin Ban­qui, who went to his Maiestie expressely to discouer this plot, auouched, that Barriere himselfe had told him, that a Father of the Society at Lions affirmed, that he could not enterprise the killing of the King without damning himselfe. And his Maiestie himself often testifyed, that he had first word of that attempt from one of the Fathers.

[Page 34]That which followeth of the Iesuits rūning from chāber to chamber crying:Pag. 119. Surgefrater, agitur de reli­gione; Rise brother, our Religion is in daunger; is euidētly conuinced to be false by the circumstance of the time, since it is sayd to haue byn betwixt 8. and 9. of the clock at night, when the Iesuits vse not to be in bed. And besydes, if it had bin true, what could Anti-Co­ton or any other calumniator haue made of it? But he wanteth matter, which maketh him goe to the grāmer schollers, and accuse them for making compositions against the King, before he was admitted, in time of the league, which may very well be true in part; but it is false, that after the reduction of Paris to the Kings obediēce, there was any such matter, and much lesse, that any was forbidden to pray for him: but many are yet liuing, who can testify, that there was earnest prayer made for his prosperity, and in parti­culer the R. Father Clement du Puy, their Prouinciall in the Prouince of France ordayned, that the Pensio­ners of the colledg of Clermōt, who were about 200. should euery day in the morning say the prayer, Quae­sumus omnipotens Deus, vt famulus tuus Henricus Rex noster &c.

Pag. 121.All the obiections, which are made against Alex­ander Hayus a scottish Father, appeare sufficiētly to be fictions, by his deliuery out of prison; as likewise that which he addeth of the Fathers sending children into farre countreys, since that he whom he nameth, dealt with no Iesuit, (for the party charged as the se­ducer, was not of the Society at that time.) That which followeth were of more importance, if it were true; and therfore no meruayle though it be so eui­dently [Page 35] cōuinced of falshood. Anti-Coton bringeth the Duke of Sully for a witnesse, that this Noble man him­selfe perswading the late King not to recall the Iesuits, was answered by him, Giue me then security for my life; which my author, not without cause, calleth a slaun­der died in crimson. For the sayd Duke hath testified, both before the Queene herselfe, and the Lord Chan­cellor, and the Lord Villeroy, and many others, and in particuler to F. Coton, that he remembreth no­thing of that, which the Anti-Coton maketh him say to the King, or the King to him.

After some other obiections concerning England, Pag. 123. which I am resolued to omit, at length he commeth to the Reuerend Father Baldwin now in the Tower, and is not afraid to affirme, that he had some intelli­gence with Francis Rauaillac, who (sayth he) had byn in Flanders somewhat before his cursed enterprise. Wher­as my Author sheweth, that Rauaillac was particuler­ly asked, whether he had byn at Bruxels; to which he answered: that he was neuer out of the Kingdome, and that he knew not where Bruxels was.

From England he goeth to Polonia, affirming,pag. 124. that the Iesuits haue perswaded that King to vse such violēce, that he hath byn in danger to loose his King­dome: which my Author calleth a manifest falshod, for Polonia was neuer in the memory of man so pros­perous; nor euer King more beloued, and respected, or more peaceable in his Estates; yea he hath entred into Moscouia, where at this present he obteyneth very great victories. And as for Sweden, euery man knoweth, that his vncle Charles withholdeth it a­gainst all right & iustice, not in respect of the Iesuits, [Page 36] about whome there was neuer any question; but by reason of the Dukes heresie and ambition: shewing by his proceeding (which is most certaine) that out of the Catholicke Church there is no true fayth at all.

Ibidem.That which followeth of Transiluania is a meere fiction; neyther can he produce any such letter, as he feigneth of the Baron of Zerotin; neyther were the Fathers euer suspected of any conspiracy against that Prince; yea F. Alfonsus Carillo was his Confes­sarius, vntill he sent home the Lady Catherine of Austria, and did put his cosen Balthazar Battorius to death. And at this present al (besides the heretikes) do much desire that the Fathers of the Society may re­turne to Coluswar, otherwise called Claudiopolis, & to Fayrwar otherwise called Alba-Iulia. By all which this slander is made manifest, but by nothing more, thē by that, which is added, of putting one of the Fa­thers to death; for neuer any heard of any such, be­sides F. Martin Laterna Confessarius to King Ste­uen Battorius, who being sent by his Maiesty into Transiluania, was taken vpon the sea, and put to death by the Pyrates of Duke Charles, who styleth himself King of Sweden. Because this calumniator could find no colour to charge the Society with any thing against the house of Austria, he taketh a new course, and will needes giue the reason therof to be, because their Generall is a Spaniard, to whome they vow blind o­bedience.Pag. 78. 81. & 125. But my Author sheweth, that it is false, that the Generals of the Society are always Spaniards, as appeareth by the last, who was of Liege; and al­though this who is now, be a Neapolitan; yet he is of [Page 37] the noble house of Aquauiua, sonne to the Duke of Atri, Vncle to the Cardinall Aquauiua now liuing; which family hath alway byn esteemed to fauour the French. It is also vntrue, that in the Society the first vowes are made to F. General, but immediatly to the Superiours of that place, which in France are French­men, who cannot be thought lesse faythfull to their King, then the Spaniardes to theirs: and how their vow of obedience is to be vnderstood, hath bin al­ready declared.

There remayneth yet Venice, Pag. 126. concerning which Anti-Cotō chargeth the Iesuits to haue byn the begin­ners of the last troubles betwixt that Commō-wealth & the Pope: wheras it is manifest out of the bookes of Friar Paul & the rest of that crew, that the cause of those difficulties were, for that his Holynes would not permit the reall libertyes, and personal immuni­ties of the Church to be infringed and violated: for which cause he had imposed a locall & personall in­terdict vpon that State. Neither did the Fathers of the Society proceed any further, then the Capuchins and Theatins, who tooke it not to belong to them, to cen­sure the Popes proceedinges, but rather to obey his Decrees, vntill the Common-wealth had made their remonstrations, and supplications to his Holynesse. And wheras this calumniator addeth, that the Iesuits wrought against the Common-wealth at Rome; my Author sheweth, that the late King of France (in all mens iudgments) a most iudicious Prince, commā ­ded the proofes of this, and other obiections to be e­xamined; but nothing could be gotten, but silence, as that renowned Prelate the Cardinall of Ioycuse, to [Page 38] whome this whole affaire was committed by his Ma­iesty, can witnesse.

Finally the Society can be no more blamed for ha­uing legacies and lands in that State, then in any o­ther, or then all other Religious Orders: Yea, if we speake of their house in Venice it selfe, it was not ca­pable of any rent, or land whatsoeuer. And here my Author hath iust cause to wish all men to informe thē ­selues throughly of the truth before they giue eare to the calumniations and fals reports which the enemies of the Society are wont to raise. This (sayth he) was the lesson, which our great Henry gaue to all those, whome he saw ill affected vnto them, saying often. That it was sufficient to know the Iesuites, for to loue, e­steeme, and defend them. In so much, as all the Prin­ces and great Lords of France can testifie, that they haue often heard him speake of the Society with such great affection, and such honorable commenda­tion, as could be giuen to any Religious Order.

Hauing thus wandred vp and downe forraine Countreys,Pag. 128. this Libeller returneth home to France, and for conclusion of his second Chapter heapeth vp ten lyes in one narration, concerning the erection of a Colledge of the Society in Orleans. First, that they sent one of their Fathers to preach in that Citty the time of Lent; wheras it is manifest, that this prouisi­on of Preachers belongeth to the Bishops themselues; & besides he mistaketh Lent for Aduent. Secondly he affirmeth, that the Cittizens were not well content, nor satisfied with the Fathers preaching; wheras it is certayne, that his Auditory was very great, and his sermons much applauded; in so much, that he could [Page 39] hardly excuse himselfe from preaching the next Lent also, although there was another very eloquent, and learned man appointed. Thirdly (saith Anti-Coton) in steed of studying, this Fa. busied his braines in sear­ching out and intertayning such, as had yet in their hartes any remainder of the old leuen of the league. This is a most malicious lye, and such an one, as on­ly the Hugonots will belieue, whom the late King cal­led the leaguers of his time. And the truth is, that the Father was alwaies ordinarily eyther in the Church, or els in his chamber, as those of the Lord Bishops of Orleans house, where he had his lodging, will testify. Fourthly (sayth this calumniator) this Iesuite gaue out, that it was the Kinges will, that they should be established in that Citty; wheras the King had dis­patched his Letters Patēts to this purpose aboue foure moneths before, and had sent them to the Lord Bi­shop, and Mounsieur Decures. Fiftly he saith, that the Iesuites talke was of driuing out the Monkes of S. Sampson, that they might get their Church. But my Author answereth, that this treatie was in the behalfe of the Reuerent Fathers of S. Francis of Paula his Or­der, commonly called Minims or Bon-homs, & that all was done with due and lawfull circumstances, and with consent of the parties: and if afterwardes some desired, that it might be imployed for a Colledg of the Society, it was with the same conditions. Sixt­ly, like vnto this is that which followeth of displa­cing Monsieur the Mareshall of Chastres Gouernour of that Citty &c. for there was no such matter. Seuēth­ly, he addeth, that the Fathers vsed much importu­nity with the King to this effect: wheras it was his [Page 40] Maiesties owne motion to prefer Orleans before Char­tres, because he thought that a Colledge would be more profitable in that Citty, in respect of certaine families, which were reported to haue changed their Religion not long before. Eightly, the next lye is, that his Maiestie graunted this Colledge vn­der condition, that the Cittizens should be brought to giue their consent: whereas in deed, there is no such word in the Patents, which are absolute, with commendation of the Society, and testimony of the good, which their Colledges cause in all partes. Ninthly he bringeth in one Touruile an Aduocate, prouing that in France a man could not loue the King and the Iesuites both: but this is altogether false, and it would proue, that neither the Cittyes, and Parla­ments, which haue receaued, and do willingly re­taine the Society, should loue their King; yea that the late King loued not himself, since that he shewed thē such extraordinary kindnes & fauours, founding thē Colledges in diuers places at his owne charges, and resoluing to place them in all the principall Citties of his Kingdome. Finally he concludeth, that all the Cittizens concurred iointly in the same opinion, cō ­cluding, that the Society should not be admitted: wheras indeed they were neyther all of one opinion, nor gaue an absolute deniall; but only excused them­selues for want of meanes, offering to receaue them willingly, if his Maiestie would prouide for them. Neyther is it probable, that they would answer other­wise, vnlesse we should measure them by the Hugo­nots, who possessed that Citty in former times. And thus we see, that my Author had reason to affirme, [Page 41] that Anti-Coton must needes be verie shameles, since that he calumniateth so impudently; and ill habitua­ted, since he doth it so often: and finally of little ta­lent, since he doth it so folishly.

In his third Chapter Anti-Coton goeth about to shew,Pag. 145. that the Fathers of the Society were guilty of the murther of the late King of France, which is so incredible a calumniation, and so easily conuinced by many testimonies, and circumstances, that it is a wonder how any could be so impudent, as to auouch so manifest an vntruth: but yet let vs examine, at least so much as may carry any colour of truth, of which sorte, that which he affirmeth of Fa. Comelet is not; and the words of Fa. Hardy are wrested to a wrong sense, for he only affirmed, that Princes were subiect to death and other casualties, as well as mea­ner men.

In like manner that which he bringeth against Fa. Gontier is only proued by the testimony of a dead man, or els by such a witnesse, as openly giueth him the lye, I meane Monsieur de la Grange Secretary to the Prince of Condie, and the matter is cleere in it selfe: for he maketh Fa. Rector at Perigeus, where those wordes should be spoken, Fa. Saphore, which is al­togeather false. Monsieur de Guron, whom he stādereth to haue dealt with the Preachers in Paris, that they should preach seditious doctrine, is a very vertuous and deuout gentleman, and will maintayne against him and al the world, that this is a meere slaunder: yea the Duke of Sully auoucheth, that it is most false, that euer the Curates of Paris came with any complaint to him, either in this, or any other matter. And if Mon­sieur [Page 42] de Guron had giuen any such seditious discourses, they would haue byn published, aswell as others of lesse importance.

But aboue all, the falsitie of this calumniation ap­peareth, in that he maketh the late King not only to dissemble the matter, but also to reward the chiefe malefactor by making (as he saith) F. Gontier his Preacher, & giuing him a pension: both which are al­so most false. For this Father was no more the Kings Preacher afterward, then he had byn before. And as for the pension, not only he, but Fa. Coton him­selfe neuer had any, it being against the institute of the Society, that any of them should take any thing in recompence of the exercise of their function, & much lesse, that any of them in particuler should haue any rent, reuenue, or pension. True it is, that the late King esteemed highly the rare qualities, and excellent talents of F. Gontier, and especially his great zeale, courage, and constancie in Gods cause: and all that euer the Lord Mareshall Dernano sayd of him, was; that he could haue desired, that the remonstrances made before his Maiesty at S. Geruas, had beene in camera charitatis, as his words were, witnesse the Queene Regent her selfe, who was present and heard them.

Pag. 147.Thus much for Fa. Gontier: after whō Anti-Coton commeth to Fa. Aubigny, and is not ashamed to a­uouch that Rauaillac iustified vnto this Father, that he had told him in confession of his intention to giue a great stroke, shewing him the knife, hauing an Heart engrauē vpon it; wheras the Registers of the Court it selfe do witnesse, that Rauaillac being demanded a­bout [Page 43] F. de Aubigny, answered, that he came to him one day after Masse in the month of Ianuary, he being in the Church, & that he declared vnto him certaine visions: and he deposed, that the said Father answe­red him, that he should make no account of them, fearing least his head were crazed; willing him to say his beades, and that if he had any thing to say to the King, he should go to some Noble man to procure audience. Vpon which the said Father and he being confronted the eighteenth of May, he charged him not with any other thing, only adding, that the Fa­ther had bidden him to haue care of his braine, and to eate some good broathes, that he might be able to sleepe. And the day before, the Iudges hauing enqui­red of him, whether he had not demanded of F. de Aubigny, if he ought not to confesse such visions, as exceeded the common course, and namely about kil­ling Kings: the sayd offender answered, noe. Being demāded, whether he had no other speach with him, and if he neuer saw him but that time: he likewise answered, noe. Being demanded againe, when the Father was present, why he went rather to him then to any other: he answered; Because he had vnder­stood, that this Father was a friend to the brother of a certaine Religious Woman.

Besides at other times being vrged by the Iudges to declare those, who had any way assisted him in this crime, or to whome he had imparted his purpose: his answere was, that since his being in prison many had prouoked him to make this acknowledgment, and in particuler the Lord Archbishop of Aix: but he was neuer mooued by any, neither did euer any speake [Page 44] with him of any such matter. And the 27. of May his sentence being pronounced, and he exhorted to preuent the torment by confessing the complices, he tooke it vpon his soule, that neither man, nor wo­man, or any other besides himselfe knew of it. And being laid vpon the torment, he beseeched God with a loud voice to haue pitty of his soule, and to pardon his offence; but yet not otherwise, then if he had not concealed any thing. Which he often repeated after­ward vnder the oath, which he had made vnto God and the Court. And before he was deliuered to the Doctors, he likewise sayd, that he was not so mise­rable to retaine any thing: if he had not declared it al­ready: knowing well, that he could not obtaine that mercy of God which he expected, if he should con­ceale any thing, and that he would not haue indured the tormēt inflicted vpon him, if he had knowne any thing more. And being in the hands of M. Gamache and M. Filsacke Doctors of the Sorbon, he gaue them leaue to reueale his Confession, and to print it also; that it might be made knowne to all, which the said Doctors declared to be: That none but he had giuē the blow, that he had not byn intreated, sollicited, nor induced by any, neither had he imparted the matter to any. He acknowledged that he had com­mitted a great fault, for which he hoped mercy at Gods handes, it being greater then his sinne, but that he would not expect any, if he had concealed any thing. And finally, immediatly before his e­xecution, he confirmed with an oath, that he had discouered all, and that not any in the world had induced him, nor he spoken, or imparted the mat­ter [Page 45] to others. And he alwayes persisted saying the same in the middest of his torments: yea after he had byn drawn halfe an houre with horses, he not­withstanding perseuered in this deniall.

That which Anti-Coton saith of the Preachers,Pag. 150. who might seeme to haue moued him, is a meere fi­ction: for he neuer made mention of them, but when he affirmed, that if he were so much forsakē by God, as to dy without declaring his cōplices, he would not thinke to be saued, nor that there was any paradise for him: because saith he, Abyssus abyssum inuocat, as he had learned of the Preachers, and therfore this would be to double his offence. Besides if he had blamed the Preachers, as Anti-Coton affirmeth; he could not meane those of Paris, since that it appeareth by his confession, that he departed from Angoulesme the last tyme but one of his being there, 13. daies before Christmas, and returned againe before Lent: since that, he confessed and communicated at Angoulesme the first sonday in Lent, and did not set forward from thence to Paris, vntill Easter day; and came not to Paris vntill a weeke after: by which it appeareth, that he was not in Paris in the time either of Aduent, or Lent. And finally this accusation belongeth no more to the Iesuites, then to all other Preachers, and may be applied by a Calumniator to any of them in particuler.

It were but a folly to stand vpon that reporte,Pag. 158. which he affirmeth to haue byn of the Kinges death at Prage and Bruxells a weeke or fortnight before it happned. For to omit the like examples, which my Author produceth, who seeth not, that such rumours [Page 46] vse to runne vpon diuers occasions? though indeed the letters which Anti-Coton alledgeth from Prage to this effect, are feigned, as the sonne of him to whō they were said to be written, testifieth. The Prouost of Petiuiers affirmed by this Calumniator to haue byn in faction a Iesuit, Pag. 160. doth not any way belong to them; and was as deuout, as Anti-Coton himselfe seemeth to be, not hauing byn at Confession for the space of eight yeares.

Pag. 161.The smiling countenance, which this slaunderer attributeth to the Fathers, were indeed true teares, as those, to whom they imparted their griefes, can testifie: and when they were presented by Monsieur de la Varanne, who was cōmanded by the Queene her selfe to bring them, F. Coton who spake in all their names, was interrupted with his owne and the other Fathers sighes and teares.

It is also false, which some giue out, that a prin­cipall personage, and officer should will them when they went to Fleche (to carry the Kings hart) not to forget the tooth which Chastell had strook out some yeares before. For the Fathers did not so much as see, or speake with that personage, and he was to wise to let any such words escape him. No lesse foolish, and false is the next obiection concerning the Fathers be­ing absent from the Kings Funerall, as appeareth by the certification which followeth: I the vnder­written do certifie those, to whome it appertaineth, that the Fathers of the Society residing in Paris, came togea­ther to S. Germain of Auxerois, which was the place appointed for the orders of Religion to meet in, the day of the Funerall of the late King, the great Henry the fourth, [Page 47] and presented themselues to me, that they might haue a place among the rest of those, who assisted in the Funerals: which was denied thē, least it might cause confusion, since they were not inserted in my roll, because it is not their custome to assist in such actions any more then the Car­thusians & Celestines. Which when the sayd Fathers had vnderstood, they went to the Louure, and into the Hall, where the body with his partraiture lay, and there they sprinkled holy water vpon it, and prayed for the soule of his Maiestie. Dated in Paris the 29. of September, 1610. Guiot Rhodes Great Maister of the Cerimonies of France.

There remaineth yet the obiection of Monsieur the Mareshall of Chastres, Pag. 164. Generall of the forces sent from France to Cleues, whom Anti-Coton affirmeth to haue beene diswaded from that iourney by the Ie­suits. But this Nobleman hath discharged them fully and plainly from this calumniation in the presence of the Queene Regent, the Earle of Soissons, and of all the Court; and besides hath giuen the Fathers a testi­mony to the contrary vnder his owne hand. Thus this Calumniator endeth his third Chapter, and in the fourth I find nothing to this purpose.

In the fifth he inueigheth chiefly against F. Coton in particuler,Pag. 243. only at the later end he hath an obiecti­on or two concerning the riches & want of learning of the Society in France. To which my Author answe­reth briefly, that excepting the Colledge of Fleche which was founded & endowed by the late King, there is not any house in all France, in which euery one may haue allotted twentie pounds for his expen­ces by the yeare, accompting not only their meate, [Page 48] drinke, & apparell, but also their Libraries, Infir­maries, Sacristies, Viaticums, intertayning of stran­gers and other publike charges. In proofe whereof, and for preuention of this slaunder, Fa. Coton hath giuen a note of all the goods, which the Society hath in France, to the Lo. Chauncellour, the Lo. of Sully and the Secretaries of Estate, graunting & yeilding all that is not specified in that Roll, to any that can find it out. And whereas Anti-Coton speaketh of aboue an hundred thousand Crownes in rent, pro­cured by the Society in the space of seauen or eight yeares since their Reuocation: My Author in his owne and the rest of the Fathers names, maketh a free gift and donation to him of all, that shalbe found to belong to the Society in France, surmounting the summe of fifty thousand, vpon this cōdition, that he will supply so much, as wanteth to make vp that sum­me. And as for the Nouiship in the Suburbs of S. Ger­main, within the precincts wherof Anti-Coton saith a prety Towne might stand: the truth is, that the whole house, courts, and gardens are not aboue 30. fadome square.

Pag. 247.Finally he concludeth his whole rayling dis­course with telling vs, that the Fathers of the Soci­ety are ignorant persons, and will ouerthrow lear­ning, and is not ashamed to charge the Lord Car­dinall Peron, as Authour of this slaunder. But it were a folly to say any thing in the disproof therof, the whole world being witnesse to the contrary, which would farre sooner approue that encomium of the Lo. Abbot of Tiron, who as Monsieur Yuete­aux the Kings master reporteth, was wont to say, that [Page 49] Imperium litterarum est penes Iesuitas. The empire of learning is among the Iesuits. And the concourse of schollers to their Schooles doth testify the same, which this foolish fellow would perswade men to proceede from not taking any thing, eyther for washing or for candles: as though the flower of the nobility would be moued with such toyes: and this could be a motiue for so many Parents, as in time of the Fathers absence from France, sent their chil­dren to their Schooles in other Countries.

For conclusion of this Paragraph it will not be amisse to note, how falsly Anti-Coton in his Epi­stle Dedicatory to the Queene Regent, auoucheth these his calumniatiōs of the Society, to be the testi­mony of her Maiesties highest Courts of Iustice, the cōsent of the greatest part of her Cleargy, & among them, euen of the Sacred Faculty of Diuinity, and in a word the common vniuersall outcry of all her people. For it appeareth by that, which hath bene said, that this is so farre from being true, that no one honest, or ciuill man can be produced for the proofe of any one of these slaunders. And besides my Author noteth, that the Registers, & procee­dinges of the Court conuince the contrary.Pag. 21. To which he addeth the funerall orations of Monsieur d'Angeres, Monsieur de Ries, and Monsieur d' Ayre: the attestations of Monsieur de Paris: Pag. 309. the deputation which the Cleargy hath lately made in the person of my Lo. Archbishop of Ambrun for the assistance of the reestablishment of the Colledge of Cler­mont: the assembly of the Doctors of the Sorbone the 23. of August, and those of the two Faculties of Phisick, and the Cannon Law in the moneth of [Page 50] September following, the yeare 1610. in which they agreed that the Fathers of the Society should teach with them in Paris, being incorporated to the Vni­uersity.Pag. 306. All which we might finally confirme with the Letters Patēts of this King; for the establishing of all that, which his Father granted in fauour of the Society.

THE SOLVTIONS OF the obiections against Fa. Coton in particuler. §. III.

HITHERTO we haue seene what Anti-Coton was able to say against the Society in generall: now we come to F. Coton in par­ticuler, against whom this malicious mate sheweth exceeding great spite and malice; but with no more truth nor probability, then we haue found hither­to.Pag. 134. And first he chargeth him with certain interro­gations made to a certain possessed person, which he affirmeth that the Father himselfe had written in a ticket, and through ouersight had giuē them to Monsieur Gillot a Counselour, in a booke which he had lent him: But my Author conuinceth this ca­lūniation to be false by many reasons. For first the exorcismes of this maid were publicke, and before many at S. Victor, at S. Genouefa, and at S. Nicolas du Chardonet, & therfore there would not want witnes of these interrogations, if there had beene any such. Secondly it is denied, that euer Monsieur Gillot lent any booke to F. Coton, neither doth the Father re­member, [Page 51] that euer he saw him, and much lesse is it likely that he had any familiarity with him, espe­cially hauing often heard, that he had alway shew­ed himselfe an earnest enemy to the Society, though without all cause. Thirdly when this fable was tould the late King by a Noble man of the preten­ded reformed Religion, the said Father offered to giue another writing of his owne hand, that it might be confronted with that ticket, which not­withstanding would not be accepted. And Mon­sieur du Perron one of the Kings priuie Counsell ha­uing considered the ticket attentiuely, maintayned that it was not Fa. Cotons hand, from whom he had seene & receyued many letters. Fourthly these false witnesses are at variance among themselues, for some of them make these interrogations mount to the number of 30. 40. 50. 60. and more, as may be seene in diuers printed copies; others make thē to be fewer, and Anti-Coton himselfe hath not only not specified more then 5. but also by calling the paper wherin they were written, a ticket, sheweth that they could not be many more, and therefore no meruaile, though the late King vsed to iest at the matter, saying: that it would proue like the libra­ry of Madame de Mont pensier.

And that which is added, that Fa. Coton went to these exorcismes moued with curiositie, is as false; for he was oftener then once commaunded by the Queene, who dealt with the Lo. Bishop of Paris to that end; and yet the Fa. yeelded not, before he had represented some difficulties, which he found in the matter. By which it appeareth, that he was not dra­wen [Page 52] by any curiosity, and much lesse by any famili­aritie he had with spirits, as this impudent Fellow is not ashamed to suspect; and vpon these foolish suspi­cions to make very odious illatiōs against him, which redound no lesse to the iniurie of the late King, as my Author sheweth. But that there was no such curiosity, familiaritie, nor interrogations, might be proued by the Pastors & Religious mē of the places, where these exorcismes were made. To whom we may adde Mon­sieur Forget a Doctor of Sorbō, and many Princes and Lordes of the Court, to omit the rest. And finally the Lord Bishop of Paris knoweth, that Monsieur de La­ual was Catholike, before Fa. Cotōs going to these ex­orcismes; and therfore it is incredible, that the Fa. would demaund what should be the issue of his con­uersion, which notwithstanding Anti-Coton set­teth downe in the first place.

Pag. 140.The next obiection concerning the Spaniard, who should come addressed to Fa. Coton, with intention to kill the King; is such an impudent, and incredible slaunder, that it deserueth no answere, since that it is against all reason and sense, that Fa. Coton, or a­ny other of his coate should consent to the death of him, who had been so great a fauourer and promotor of their whole Order. And besides Monsieur de Lo­menye Secretary of Estate, and in particuler of the Kingdome of Nauar & of Bearne, hath testified in the presence of the Lord Bishops of Mascon, and Sisteron, that al the letters of Monsieur de la Forze Lieutenāt for the King in Bearne passed through his hāds, & that he neuer saw any such matter in them, out of which not­withstanding, this calumniation is only auouched.

[Page 53]Thirdly Anti-Coton obiecteth, that F. Coton had written the late Kinges Confession into Spaine, Pag. 142. and for that cause was in disgrace the space of 6. weekes: And that the yong King, who now is, hearing ther­of, saied to the Father, that he vvould tell him nothing, because he vvould write it into Spaine, as he had donne his Fathers Confession. But first noe man euer perceaued, that Fa. Coton was in disgrace with the late King for the space of 6. houres, neyther were it any way probable, that his Maiestie would haue contynued to confesse vnto him, vntill his dying day, if he had either knowen, or suspected any such matter. True it is, that F. Coton himselfe requested the King oftentimes to make choice of an­other Confessarius, & in particuler of the Lo. Arch­bishop of Ambrun, by reason of his great vertue, and singular pietie, vsing the help of his brother also to that end: but his Maiesty answered him twice, that he would neuer take any other. And surely it is strange to see, how this Calumniator is not ashamed to ac­cuse Fa. Coton now of reuealing the Kinges Confes­sion, no more then he was before to charge Fa. Fron­ton with a speach which might seeme too strict and rigorous in this point. As for that of the yong King, the Queene herselfe hath taken the paines to make inquiry, being astonished to heare so strange a re­port. And she hath found the truth to be, that his Maiestie neuer heard of any such matter, & much lesse vsed any such words to Fa. Coton, who retay­neth the same place now, which he had before in his Fathers time.

Fourthly this Calumniator addeth,Pag. 150. that Fa. [Page 54] Coton hauing obtayned leaue to speake with Ra­uaillac in prisō, bid him take heed, least he did accuse the innocēt, fearing least he would accuse the Ie­suits. But first Fa. Coton went not to the prison of his owne accord, but by the Queenes commande­ment, as all the Court knoweth. Secondly he v­sed no such wordes to Rauaillac, but that vnfortu­nate wretch complayning, that they would make him accuse either the Iesuits, or the Princes to whō he had neuer imparted his designe; the Fa. replied in these wordes: Thou deceauest thy selfe, none would haue thee to accuse the innocent, but euery one desireth that thou shouldest say the truth. And as thou shouldest be in the way of damnation, by accusing the innocent: so likewise thou shalt be in the same case, vnlesse thou reuea­lest the culpable. Thou must tell the truth, if thou desirest to see his face who hath said; I am the way, the truth, & the life. And of this are witnesses all, that were pre­sent at that time, who can also testifie (which this Calumniator was loath to speake of) that the mi­serable Parricide was moued by Fa. Cotons speaches to acknowledge his fault, which he had not done till then; and to shed aboundant teares, desiring to haue a Confessarius, by which occasion the Fa. said vnto him: If thou hadst imparted thy tentation to a good Confessarius, he would haue vsed the same reasons and perswasions to thee which thou hast heard of me: he would haue made thee to haue knowne thy sinne, and haue perswaded thee to haue giuē it ouer. To which the poore wretch answered: To whome would you haue had me gone to Confession? he would haue accused me, and caused my death. Thou deceauest thy selfe (said the Father) a [Page 55] prudent Confessarius would haue diuerted thee from this heynous cryme, he would haue put the life of the King in securitie, and thine also.

Now we come to the last Chapter of Anti-Cotō: for I think not any thing which he saith in his fourth Chapter concerning Fa. Cotons booke, worth the noting, vnlesse I should tell you of that lye and slan­der, wherin he auoucheth, that the King comman­ded F. Coton to write against F. Mariana; Pag. 43. which my Author denieth, and disproueth at large in the be­ginning of his booke: wherfore omitting this, let vs come to that obiection concerning his liuing in the Court,Pag. 223. which he sayth is a scandall to the whole Church, being a thing contrary, not only to the In­stitution of all Monkes, but particulerly to the Rules of the Iesuits. And Cardinall Tolet houlds it for a ge­nerall truth, that a Religious person, who liueth in the Court is excommunicate, albeit he hath leaue of his Superiour.

To which my Author answereth, that in the third Article of the Societies establishment in France, approued by the late King, his Counsell, and Court of Parlament; it is ordeined, that those of the Society shall haue ordinarily one of their Order about the King, and he must be a Frenchman, with sufficient authority to serue his Maiesty as a Preacher, and to informe him of their proceedings, as occasion shall be offered. Wherefore if F. Coton should depart from the Court, another of the same Society must necessa­rily come in his place. Secondly my Author saith, that the Fathers of the Society are no monkes; yea their Institute and functions are altogeather differēt [Page 56] from those, which a solitary life requireth; and to this end, he alleageth the second and third Rule of the Sū ­mary of your Constitutions: The end of this Society is to attend with Gods grace, not only to their owne sal­uation and perfection, but also with the same grace to im­ploy themselues with all their forces, to the saluation and perfection of their neighbours. And a little after: It is proper to our vocation to passe into diuers countries, and to liue in any place of the world, where Gods greater ser­uice, and the help of soules is hoped for. According to which (sayth my Author) we haue seene, and by Gods help shall see, what great fruit the Societie hath produced in the conuersion of Infidels, in the redu­ction of hereticks, and the instruction of Catholicks. And this is that (saith he) which Monsieur the Prince answered very wisely not long since to one, who would haue disgusted him with the Iesuits. These peo­ple (said he) carry the faith thither, where it is not, & maintayne it, where it is; for which cause I will allvvaies loue them.

After this my Author sheweth at large, how ma­ny that were Monkes, haue left their Cloistres for the good of soules. As for example S. Basil, and S. Gregory, S. Augustine and S. Hierome, S. Remigius & S. Martin, S. Augustine of England and his fower Companions sent thither by S. Gregory the Great; S. Lambert and S. Kilian, S. Wilfrid, S. Willebrord, and S. Svvitbert; so that though Fa. Coton were a Monk, yet he might well be excused by these examples, noe lesse then those foure of the same Society, which ac­company the King of Poland, one of them being his Confessarius, and another his Preacher; as also the [Page 57] Confessarius to the Queene of Spaine, to the Duke of Bauaria, to the Dutchesses of Mantua, & Lorayn; & finally to the Archduke Matthias, now King of Hun­gary. Neyther do there want examples of other Reli­gious orders in the same kind; for the Confessarius of the Queene Regent is of S. Augustines order: the King of Spaine and the Archduke of Flanders vse to confesse to Religious men of S. Dominicks, & the In­fanta to one of S. Francis, to omit the rest.

As for the Authority of Cardinall Tolet, Instr. Sa­cerd. l. 1. c. 40. which he obiecteth against F. Cotons being in the Court, my Author answereth, that in the place by him alledged, there is noe such matter. But yet I haue been a little more curious to see, if I could find, vpon what ground Anti-Coton could gather any such doctrine out of that learned Cardinall; and I haue found, that it is a manifest falsification. For in the Chapter im­mediatly going before, Monks & Chanō Regulars,Cap. 39. not hauing administration, which presume to goe to the Courts of Princes, for the harme of their Mona­steries or Prelats, are sayd to incurre excommunicati­on. But for declaration thereof, Tolet presently no­teth out of the Glosse vpon that text of Canon law,Clement, Nem agro de stat. Monach, § Quia verò. where this excommunication is expressed, that two things are required for those Monks & Chanō Regu­lars to incurre this censure. First, that they enter into the Court. Secondly, that they enter with this minde, whether they haue their Prelats leaue or not. Now then this Calumniator should haue shewed, that F. Coton had any such intention, from which he is so free, that the only naming of that condition would haue cleared him of all such suspicions; which Anti-Coton [Page 58] seemed to forsee, & therefore falsified the Car­dinals authoritie.

The other personall imputations against F. Coton are either most impudent lyes, without all shew of truth, or els meere suspicions, grounded vpon such cō ­iectures as any indifferent man would rather inter­prete to the Fathers commendation.Pag. 229. 240. 241. Such are the ob­iections, which are taken out of his letter to a very deuout and religious woman, and his Booke of deuo­tiō dedicated to the Queene her selfe. And it is suffici­ent for confutation of all these slaunders, that there cannot be any one produced, or named in the whole Court who will testify any the least misdemeanour of him: for if there were any such, it is not likely, that he, who hath not spared the king himself, would passe them ouer in silence, or leauing the Court would run to Auignion & Languedoc to find matter. Which notwithstanding he doth with so euill successe, that the whole Cittyes haue ioyned and giuen their testi­mony against him: and not only they, but euen the Abbot of Boys whome he presumed to father his ca­lumniation vpon, hath openly disclaimed and dispro­ued him. For thus he writeth in a testification, which he sent to F. Coton himselfe:Pag. 231. I the vnderwritten do te­stify, that I was in Auignion all the time, that the Re­uerend Fa. Coton of the Society of Iesus remained there, and I neuer heard any say, that he committed any thing contrary to the dignity, & quality of his profession; which I affirme of that in particuler, wherof the Anti-Coton accuseth him. And because I am made the Author of so manifest a slaunder, I say freely, that I know no such mat­ter, and that I haue alwaies knowne the sayd Reuerend F. [Page 59] Coton to be a venerable, and good Religious man. In testimony wherof, I haue written and subscribed this my present deposition at Paris in my study, this Vigill of S. Denys Martyr 1610.

The Abbot of Boys Oliuier.

And haue sealed it with my seale.

After this, follow in my Author 4.Pag. 232. & seq. other attesta­tions of the Vicar Generall, the Clergy, and the Con­suls of Auignion, and also of the Bishop of Orange, all which do testifie, that they knew Fa. Cotō all the time of his being in that Cytty, and that there was neuer any such matter, as the Anti-Coton chargeth him withall; but contrariwise, that they all receiued great contentment, edification and benefit by his learned Sermons, and other pious and holy endeauours. All which attestations were afterward examined, and ap­proued by the Kings Notaries in Paris.

To the like effect is the Attestation of aboue 30.Pag. 312. of the most principall persons in Languedoc, and espe­cially in the Citty of Nimes; all which do testifie, that both the publicke,Pag. 317. and priuate actions of Fa. Coton did all way tend to the honour & glory of God, and the edification and comfort of others: and that he alwaies behaued himselfe very piously, religiously, and charitably, aswell in his Sermons, Exhortations and Catechismes, as also in visiting the sicke, assi­sting the afflicted, and comforting the poore: in so much, that by his meanes, instruction, learning, and good life (after Gods grace) the faith, deuotion, cha­rity, and other vertues of the Catholick, Apostolick, and Roman Religion haue beene increased, and au­gmented in the same Citty; in which the continu­ance [Page 60] of ciuill warres had caused some diminution, and decrease. And that they neuer heard, nor vnderstood any suspition of any euil, scādalous, or culpable beha­uiour in the person, or actions of the said Reuerend Fa. Coton: Yea they add, that by his publick Ser­mons, and priuate counsailes and admonitions, he maintained, confirmed, and conserued that Citty in peace, amity, and fraternall society; and stirred vp a holy emulation to do good one to another, without partiality, or distinction; and by good examples, & mutuall courtesies to bury the memory of ciuill wars, and the exacerbations, and offences, which the in­iury of former times might haue caused.

Much more might be said in iustification, and commendation of Fa. Coton, by declaring his vertu­ous education from his very childhood,Pag. 222. of which there be many eye witnesses in Paris it selfe. At the age of eighteene yeares he entred into the Society, where my Author protesteth hefore God and his An­gels, that he hath byn accompted alway, and with­out exception, one of the best Religious men of his Order. But I will conclude with the praise, which the late King was wont to giue him, often affirming, that Fa. Coton was the most humble, Pag. 241. and modest spirit, that euer he knew: which commendation Monsieur du Perron Lord of Guette, and a priuy Counselour will witnesse, that he heard of his Maiesty the last Easter before his death. And the truth is, that if he were otherwise, he could neuer haue continued in the Court with such estimation, and good will of the Princes, and principall personages. For as Monsieur de la Forze told him one day before the King,Pag. 221. he had [Page 61] need to take heed, how he did walke, for if he should chance to stumble, there would not want those, that would take him vp.

A BRIEFE NOTE Of the doctrine, and proceedings of Anti-Coton and other Hugonots. §. IIII.

BY occasion of the obiections and calumnia­tions, which Anti-Coton hath heaped to­geather against the Society, my Author hath been inforced to touch something in the same kind against him and his fellow-Hugonots: but yet with such modestie, and moderation, that he hath not intermedled with any their personall crimes, but only with such errours, as are committed in this booke which he answereth, or belong to those poynts of doctrine, which are imputed, and ob­iected against the Society, that is, concerning Equi­uocation, and the killing of Kinges. For the third of the secrecy of Confession appertayneth not to thē, who are professed enemies to that holy Sacrament. And if some in England be content sometimes to take any such mattter vpon them, yet they doe it not with any obligation, or obseruation of secre­cie, as the world knoweth.

VVherefore let vs briefly see, what my Author declareth concerning their practise, & doctrine in the other two points. First then, he demandeth of the Hugonots, Pag. 67. whether they neuer made shew to a­gree [Page 62] with the Lutherans, to the end they might the more easily impugne Catholicks. Secondly, he tel­leth them, that they would seeme to accommodate themselues to the Protestants in England, notwith­standing they mislike so greatly their Church-go­uernment; their giuing of Orders, and Confirma­tion; their celebrating the Feasts of Lord and Sa­uiour, of the Blessed Virgin his Mother, of the A­postles and first Martyrs; their vsing the signe of the Crosse; their saying the Canonicall houres; the retayning Priestly ornaments, and the like. Thirdly, he sheweth, how Theodore Beza the yeare 1556. affirmed in his Confession of Faith (to draw the Lutherans to his sect) that the body of our Sauiour was verè & realiter, truly and really, in the Supper; adding that the Churches of Switzerland, and of Geneua did belieue the same: and neuerthelesse when he did see himselfe contradicted, and refused by the Zuinglians, his answer was, that he spake not of the Lords supper, which is celebrated vpon earth, but of that, which shalbe in heauen,Lib. 4. In­stit c. 1. §. 2 In paruo Catechis. Lib. 4. In­stit. c. 1. §. 4. Lib. 4. In­stit. c 16. §. 24. & 25. &c. 1 §. 7. Lib. 3. In­stit. c. 2. §. 16.17. & 18. where our Sauiour will be present verè & realiter. Fourthly Caluin in one place acknow­ledgeth two Churches, the one visible and the other inuisible. And in another place, he admitteth only the inuisible which comprehendeth the elect. Fiftly, the same Caluin in one place denieth, that any man can be saued out of the visible Church: & in another affir­meth, that the children of the faithfull which dy with­out Baptisme may be saued, although they be out of the Church. Sixtly, he willeth Anti-Coton to make these two propositions of Caluin agree: Euery faithfull man is assured by the certainty of faith, that he is iust, and that [Page 63] his sinnes are forgiuen him; and that he who hath not this certainety, is not a faithfull man. And this other:Ibidem. No man knoweth assuredly, whether he hath true faith, or no: and euery man may be deceiued in this. Lib. 3. Inst c. 13. §. 5. Seauenth­ly, the same Caluin affirmeth in one place; That con­cerning Iustification, Faith is wholy passiue. In Antid. Concil. Trid. sess. 6. can. 9. & 11. Lib. de ve ra reform. Eccles. In Antid. Concil. In consēs. de re Sa­crament. In 1. Cor. cap. 11. And in a­nother; That faith iustifieth, and is the true cause of Iu­stification. Eightly, in one place he sayth; That we are neuer reconciled to God, but that togeather we receaue in­herent Iustice. And in another. I maintaine (saith he) that it is false, that iustice is either a quality, or habit, which remaineth in vs. Ninthly, the same Caluin in one place sayth: that it is necessary for our Lords Body to be as far separated from vs, as heauen is distant from the earth. And in another: I conclude (saith he) that the Body of Iesus Christ is giuen vnto vs really (as they say) in the supper. Where we must note (saith my Author) that he doth not only say, that we take the body, which he might interprete, by faith: but, that it is giuen vs, which cannot be vnderstood, but of the present reali­ty, and reall presence.

Thus much for Caluin, in whom & in the rest, which haue hitherto been spoken of, there is so much the more difficulty, because all the exāples produced are in matters of fayth, in which none but heretickes hould it lawfull to equiuocate. Now my Author com­meth to Anti-Cotō, & chargeth him with dissimulatiō,Pag. 69. because vnder the colour of impugning the Iesuits do­ctrine concerning Tyrants, the Secret of Confession, Equiuocation, Obedience due to the Pope, or in par­ticuler by Religious men to Bishops, their Generals, & others Superiors, he impugneth the common beliefe [Page 64] of the Church. Likewise, he accuseth him of feigning at the least, whē citing Siluester, Nauar, & Eudemon-Ioannes, like a Calumniator, to make his Reader be­lieue, that this was the doctrine of the Iesuits only, he hath concealed many other both ancient, & modern Authors, who teach the same, and are alledged by the three which he nameth. Thirdly he conuinceth him of double, & manifest malice, when in the cita­tion of Siluester, Accusatio 5. quaest. 13. he omitteth as well in the latin in his margent, as in french in his text one of his principall reasons contayned in these wordes: Quia eo casu, cùm non sit eius subditus, non tenetur dicere veritatem ad eius intentionem: Because in that case, since he is not his subiect, he is not bound to say the truth according to his intention: which wordes followed immediatly after those, which the calumniator alledged. Fourthly, he asketh him, whether it be not to equiuocate, dissemble & deceaue, to call himself a Catholike, being an Hugonot? Fifth­ly, he chargeth him which imputing the death of the late King to Fa. Mariana, wheras he knew himself in his conscience, that this was very false. Which may likewise be said of all his obiections, & calumniations against Fa. Coton, & the other Fathers of the Society. And finally, that of the supplicatiō to the Queene Re­gent in the name of the vniuersity of Paris, can be no lesse, as appeareth by the decree, which I related in the beginning.

In the other poynt, concerning the murthering & killing of Princes,Pag. 192. my Author is much more large, reciting very particulerly, & amply the opinions of diuers Hugonots to that effect. But I wil only touch [Page 65] briefly some few assertions of theirs.Pag. 192. In appel­lat. ad No­bilit. po­pulum­que Scot. Impress. Geneu. Pag. 196. In Dani­el. 6. v. 22. Wherefore first Iohn Knox openly & boldly affirmeth, that the Nobi­litie, Iudges, & people of England ought not only to haue resisted, & impugned Queene Mary, but also to haue put her to death, togeather with her Priestes, & all those who assisted her, so soone as they began to suppresse the Ghospell of Christ: (that is, the Hugo­nots Religion.) And Caluin himselfe spareth not to say, that earthly Princes are depriued of their power, whē they rise against God, yea that they are vnworthy to be accompted men, & that their subiects ought ra­ther to spit in their faces, then to obey thē (all which he declareth manifestly to be meant of Catholick Princes.) Peter Martyr supposeth,Pag. 201. In 1. Reg. c. 26. v. 12. Pag. 202. In libro cui titu­lus, Vin­diciae cōtr. Tyrannos. Pag. 215. In Sy­stem. di­scipl. po­liticae, li. 11. c. 28. that a man may be sure that he is impelled by Gods spirit to kil a Tyrant. Beza, or Stephanus Iunius Brutus giueth the people good leaue to ioyne with the Nobility, or the greater part of thē, yea with any one of them, to put down a King whom they manifestly hould to be a Tyrāt, euen as if God himselfe had inuited them to vndertake that warre. And with him agreeth Bartholomaeus Kermanus auouching, That the Subiects may betake themselues to one Noble man, when the rest conspire with a Ty­rant; yea he addeth, that if there be none of the No­bilitie, who hath care of his Countrey, the Subiects may choose themselues a Captaine, for the suppres­sing of Tyranny.Pag. 215. In politi­ca cap. 14. Ioannes Arthusius saith in a man­ner asmuch, teaching that the people ought to resist a Tyrant so long, as he impugneth the Common­wealth by wordes, deeds, subtilty, or craft; doing, speaking, or practising any thing contrary to his co­uenant: and this in such sort, that they may depriue [Page 66] and dispossesse such a Tyrant of his office, and admi­nistration: yea, if they cannot otherwise defend themselues against his violence, that they may kill him, and appoint another in his place.

Of the same opinion was VVickliffe in times past, as appeareth by the Councell of Constance which de­serueth more credit,Pag. 189. then a thousand Anti-Cotons, who against all reason, would now after so many yeares make vs belieue, that all those worthy Prelats, and learned men did eyther slaunder, or mistake that wicked heretick. Neyther is the excuse which he bringeth for him any better, saying; that he was not present in the Councell to defend himself: as though this had either byn necessary, or possible, Wickliff be­ing dead in England 30. yeares before, and his books burnt for heresy.

Pag. 205. 206.I haue reserued Buchanan to the last place, both because his speaches are most plaine, and peremp­tory in this point; and also for that Anti-Coton ta­keth vpon him to excuse him more, then any other. He therfore is not affraid to account Tyrants in the number of wolues and other hurtfull beastes,Lib. de iure regni apud Sco­tos. which whosoeuer mantayneth, hurteth himselfe and others: whosoeuer murdereth, doth a benefit not only to him­selfe, but to all others in publick; & if he might make a law, he would deale with them, as the Romans did with monsters, commaunding them to be carried in­to deserts, or to be drowned in the maine sea far from land; yea he would appoint rewardes to be giuen to those, who should kill them, not only by all the people in generall, but by euery one in particuler, no lesse then to those, who kill wolues and beares, or [Page 67] take their whelps. And afterward he saith expresly: That it is lawfull for euery one of the people to kill a Tyrant, and that this is the opinion of almost all na­tions. I omit the rest and come to the defence, which Anti-Coton maketh for Buchanan.

First then he excuseth him,Pag. 190. because he was no Deuine: But my Author sheweth, that he endeauo­reth to proue his opinion out of Scripture, which the Hugonots hold to be easy, and that euery one may vnderstand it. Besides, that there be few Ministers eyther in Scotland, or France, better learned then Buchanan, either in diuine or humane litterature, as may in part be gathered by his Paraphrase vpon the Psalmes, to which Beza (who was no small foole a­mong them) could not come nigh. And finally the Lords of Scotland would neuer haue chosen this man to instruct their Prince, vnlesse they had been perswaded that he had byn able (according to the principles of their Religiō) to haue taught the peo­ple their duty to the same Prince. The other excuse, which Anti-Coton maketh, that Buchanan prescribed no Rules in this matter, is not worth the mentio­ning; since that it appeareth to be most false by that little, which I haue alledged out of his large dis­courses to the same effect.

This shall suffice for the Hugonots in generall: & if I would endeauour to recount all the heresies, er­rours, & others faults conteyned in the Anti-Coton, I should be to tedious. Wherfore it shalbe sufficient to note some few particulers, which declare him to be neither a good Catholicke as he would seeme,Pag. 249. nor yet a good Subiect. As first, when he maketh [Page 68] a diuision betwixt Roman and French Catholicks, to sow sedition and schisme, as though no good subiect could be a good Catholick. Secondly he sheweth great ignorance, or rather some worse af­fection, when he cannot, or rather will not vn­derstand, how God the Father loued, and appro­ued the euent of his Sonne our Sauiours death cau­sed by the Iewes malice, which was the Redemptiō of our soules. Lastly he calumniateth and slaun­dereth the Pope, and Councell of Constance, as we haue seene.

Concerning the late King he sheweth his little respect towards him, in affirming, that there was no vigour of spirit remayning in his time, and in making him to establish the Society in France for ti­midity and feare; though it were against the good of his estate. And indeed all the malice, which this fellow sheweth against Fa. Coton in particular, & the Society in generall redoundeth to the disgrace of the King himselfe; since that he conuersed with them so familiarly, loued them so intirely, esteemed them so highly, and in al occasions imployed them so willingly. Neyther doth Anti-Cotons affection seeme to be any better to the yong King, whome he is not afraid to slaunder publikly, making him say that which he neuer thought. And as for the Queene Regent, and the present Gouernment, he beareth them as little respect, controlling them, & prescribing lawes vnto them, disposing of persons at his pleasure, putting away some, and retaining others against her Maiesties mind: yea calling in doubt, whether her proceedings may stand with [Page 69] the safety of the present King her sonnes life, or without holding her Subiects in continuall all­armes, and defiance one of another. By this we may easily ghesse, how he proceedeth with infe­rior persons, reprehending the Decrees, Sentences and Iudgements of the soueraigne Courts, and in effect charging those of the Parliament of Paris with high Treason; since that they haue freed the Iesuits, whom this Calumniator will needs make guiltie of the late Kings death.

I omit the falsification of that Courts Registers, as we haue seen. The Doctors of Sorbon haue their part also, being accused to teach doctrine different from that of the Catholicke Church, and to put vp such supplications to the Queene, as the Vni­uersity it selfe hath publickly disclaymed. Finally this libell is so fraught with lyes, and slaunders, that many vpon sight thereof haue protested, that although they had no other proofes, either diuine, or humane to discouer the pretended reformed Re­ligion of the Hugonots to be a pure and most impure heresy, they would iudge it to be so by the manner of this booke, and of the like: since that it is com­posed of nothing, but calumniations, slanders & deceipts, sparing neither Princes, Nobility, nor Counsaile, no not so much as the Ladies of the Court, or Maides of Honor, though neuer so ver­tuous, if they be opposite to them in Religion.

CERTAINE Obseruations, and Instructions, for the Catholicks in France, which may ea­sily be applyed to those in England. §. V.

THERE remaineth now that I tell you, what aduises my Author giueth to his Ca­tholicks in France, for the better auoiding and preuenting the danger of incurring and falling into the cunning sleights, and hidden snares of the Hugonots, which he reduceth to 16. heades, and dilateth amply vpon some of them. I will onely, as hitherto, set downe the substance, as being mind­full to whome I write.

Pag. 260. & seq.Wherefore, his first obseruation is, that as her­tofore the Hugonots haue endeauoured to ouer­throw the state vnder the shadow of Religion: so now they seeke to take away Religion vnder the pretext of the state; as the Iewes did in the time of our Sauiour, who neglected their spirituall profit, not to endaunger their temporall interest, and by that means finally lost both the one, and the o­ther.

The second obseruation is, that the Hugonots knowing very well, that the doctrine of the Society is in all poyntes the same with that of the Church: haue deuised this plot to beguile Catholikes, by [Page 71] seeking to make the Societyes doctrine odious, and inueighing onely against them; hoping by that meanes, when it shall appeare that the doctrine of the Church is the same, they may preuaile against that also.

The third obseruation is, that now in the time of the Kings minority, the Hugonots cause all the worst bookes, which haue bene set forth for these 30. yeares to be printed anew, without making any mention of any answere giuen to them by Ca­tholikes; allwaies mouing the same questions, without desire, that the truth should come to light.

The fourth obseruation is, that the Hugonots la­bour to perswade the people, that the Pope hath alway been an enemy to the Crowne of France: whereas indeed the French Kinges are preferred be­fore others in the Court of Rome, being called the eldest sonnes of the Church, and their Embassa­dour taketh place before others. By the name of King absolutly, without addition, is meant the King of France. The Popes graunted for a time a priuiledg to these Kings to confirme their election: they haue giuen Indulgences to such, as pray for them: they haue exempted them from the excom­munication of any Bishop of their Realme, & per­mitted them to receaue the B. Sacramēt vnder both kinds the day of their consecration, and when they prepare themselues to dye, for their Viaticum.

The fifth obseruatiō is, that the Hugonots vse fal­sly to affirme that the Popes take to themselues power and authority to change & dispose of Kingdomes at [Page 72] their fancie & pleasure, which is most false.

The sixt, that the Hugonots would perswade the world, that some Catholikes are Roman, & some Roy­all, whereas all good Catholiks are both; the one in respect of their Religiō, & the other in regard of their affection to the State. And experience hath allwaies shewed, that those who are most respectiue to the Church, are likewise most assured to their Prince.

The seauenth, that the Hugonots giue out, that those who defend the Popes Authority, retaine still some old leauen of the league; which are most dange­rous speaches, contrary to former decrees, & sufficient to renew old soares: not vnlike to that other Calū ­niation, by which the same Hugonots vse to apply that which the auncient Fathers, & the Scripture it selfe hath spoken of Rome while it was Pagan, vnder the persecution of Nero & his successors, to the same Cittie as it is Christian, and to the Sea Apostolik, with intent to make the Pope & Cardinalls odious or contemptible.

The eight, the Hugonots to curry fauour with Pre­lates, the Doctors of Sorbō, the Curates & other Ec­clesiasticall men, and to incite them against the Soci­ety, make a shew of praising them; telling some, that the Society doth not loue them, nor yield them obe­dience; and others, that the Fathers contemne them, speake ill of thē, & will swallow vp the Vniuersity, if they be let alone. Wheras the Society is so farre frō being separated from the Clergie and the Prelates of France, that they are beloued, and maintained by al, and specially by the fiue Cardinalls, & nyne Arch-Bishops which my Author nameth; and allmost by [Page 73] all the Bishops without exception; yelding vnto them all due obedience, submission, and fidelity. But these deuises of sowing discord is noe new matter in the Church of God, as my Author sheweth by many ex­amples

The nynth, when any Catholike setteth forth a booke impugning heresy, the heretikes seeke present­ly to discredit the Author by al māner of inuentions. And to diuert the Reader, they spread abroad many little libels, sonets, anagrams, and such other toyes. Thirdly, when this will not serue, insteed of answe­ring, & defending themselues; they goe on in repea­ting their old obiections and arguments, as though nothing had been said vnto them; adding only some new calumniations after the manner of all former he­retikes.

The tenth, they carp at euery word and sillable, where they can espy the least aduantage in any Ca­tholike Authors writing; and of this we haue a nota­ble example in a booke lately published by F. Coton himself; in which cōmending the Kings of France, & shewing their rare priuiledges, he vseth these words: Our Kings in France; where presently the Hugonots took hould of that particle in, & would make the sim­pler sort belieue, tha Fa. Coton had only affirmed, that their Kings had those priuiledges in France it self; wheras it is euident, that those wordes (in France) haue not referēce to the priuiledges, but to the Kings themselues. And besides my Author sheweth, that he could not speak properly in any other māner, because to say (our Kings of France) is noe very good French: & if he had only sayd (our Kinges) it had beene to ge­nerall, [Page 74] and might haue been wrested by a malici­ous Aduersarie to other Kings, aswell as to those of France.

The eleuenth; the same carping humor, which they vse in misinterpreting and wresting to a contrary sense the writings of Catholickes, they practice no lesse in calumniating their actions. As for example; wheras Fa. Coton was beloued by the late King: they say that he had bewitched him. He was his Confessa­rius: that is, in their interpretation, a flatterer. He was his Preacher: that is, he praised him. The King heard him willingly so many yeares: that is (say they) he kept others backe. He esteemed his spirit, wisdome and eloquence: that is (in their opinion) F. Coton spake ill of all, and murmured against others. The King would haue him with him at his meales, in his Coach, and when he went to walke: this they inter­prete, that the Father intruded himselfe euery where. The King did willingly see his writings, & read som­times a Manuall of Praiers, which he dedicated to the Queene: this (say they) was to flatter God, and to bring him a sleepe with wordes that sauour of his quean. The King tooke pleasure in his discourses, & proposed to him diuers questions: out of which they inferre, that the Father was a man of incredible impudēcy. The King did willingly see him at al times, and in all places, as well after so many yeares, as in the beginning; which they call, to be tyed to the Kings girdle, & to assiege his spirit. The King deni­ed him nothing, that he demaunded: the cause wher­of (in their iudgment) was, because he would take no denyall. The King was very beneficiall to the So­ciety, [Page 75] aswell in respect of the affection, which he bare to the whole Order in generall, as in regard of Fa. Coton in particuler: which they would haue to be by reason of F. Cotons extorsion and importunity. The King founded them Colledges, and gaue them meanes to liue: for which cause they compare the So­ciety to a Canker, which alway gaineth ground. The K. permitteth them to haue a Nouitiate in the Suburbs of S. Germain: by which they vnderstand an inclo­sure wherin a Citty may stand. The Society haue more Schollers then others haue: the cause therof (say they) is, for that they take nothing for washing and candles. Their Sermons are frequented with great concourse: because (in their interpretation) they se­duce the people, and preach sedition. Many goe to them for the resolution of their doubts, or to confesse their sinnes: the reason of this (say they) is because they get whole inheritances into their hands. They are beloued of the Princes: which these men calum­niate, saying, that Fa. Coton maketh himselfe their fellow. They are mantained by the Nobility, Parla­ment, & other Magistrats of France: for which cause the Hugonots say, that they haue their Schollers, and disciples in all places. They are sent by God to represse heresie: these men answere, that France was Catho­licke before the Iesuits were in the world (they say not, that France was not so infected with heresie be­fore themselues.) They are learned, and skilfull in all languages, and sciences: for this cause in the iudg­ment of some (that is of the ignorant or malicious) they will destroy learning. They are vertuous, and for all that the heretiks haue raised, inuented, and pu­blished [Page 76] against them, they could neuer prooue any thing hitherto: and therfore are inforced to say, that they dissemble, and to call them hypocrites. Finally they esteeme that which is white, blacke; that which is sweet, sower; and that which is good and cōmen­dable in the opinion of others, is naught and dete­stable in theirs.

The twelueth deceipt which the Hugonots vse is, to call those seditious which answere them, and to calumniate such, as maintaine the accused; terrify­ing their friends, and reprehending them, as though they were the occasiō of all the inconueniēces, which come by seditious writings. And in this many Ca­tholiks are much misled being vnacquainted with the humor of hereticks, who like to their Maister the Di­uell, vse to fawn and yeeld to those who are at de­fiance with them, and resist them manfully: but as­sault those fiercely, whom they see moderate, or fear­full. Which was the cause, that the ancient Fathers S. Iustin, Tertullian S. Athanasius, S. Chrysostome, S. Hie­rome, S. Tho. of Aquin, & S. Bonauenture wrote so many learned and earnest Apologies in the defence of Christian Religion, and Religious orders. And sure­ly it is very strange, that any should thinke much at the answers of the innocent party, hauing beene pro­uoked by so many false calūniations and bitter inue­ctiues. Of which we need go no further for an ex­ample, then to that, which passed in Paris, before F. Coton wrote his Declaratorie Epistle.

The thirteenth is, that so soone as any Minister hath set forth a booke fraught with lyes, deceipts, & slanders: it serueth for many other to write vpon the [Page 77] same subiect, with any little alteration or addition. And of this my Author produceth many exāples both of former times, & at this present. For after the Anti-Coton, came out diuers other Pamphlets here in Paris to the same purpose, which my Author briefly exami­neth in 5. or 6. leaues. But I find nothing worth the mentioning, except I should tell you, that they raile bitterly against a certaine Gentleman called Monsieur de Courbouzen Montgomery a man of great valour, wisdome, & desert, who hath lately forsakē the Hu­gonots after long disputations with them, insomuch that none of them dare encoūter with him any more. But he glorieth & esteemeth it a great honour to be thus abused, and hated by Gods enymies.

The fourteenth obseruation, which my Author maketh, is that the sinnes & transgressions of the Hu­gonots ought not to be so little esteemed among Ca­tholikes; so that when they eate flesh in Lent, laugh at the holy Sacrifice of Masse, raile at the Pope, break Images, or teare pictures, burne Reliques, taking the Reliquaries to themselues, and commit such other a­buses incidēt to their deformed Religion, many make light of it, & in a manner think it lawfull for them to doe these thinges, because they are Hugonots; wheras the truth is, that an Heretike sinneth more in comit­ting these things, then if he were a Catholike. Which appeareth plainly in the sin of Rebellion & Treason, where he who not only reuolteth against his King but maintayneth also that his Rebelliō is iust, seking to draw others after him, & teaching that all those are in euill estate who will not ioyne with him in that wicked action, committeth a far greater offence, then [Page 78] another, who falleth into the same cryme, but ac­knowledgeth his fault, accuseth himself from tyme to tyme, seeketh not to perswade any, and finally doth nothing, but of meere frailtie.

The fifteenth deuise of the Hugonots is, to charge those who defend the Iesuits of being addicted to the Spaniard. For which cause my Author taketh vpō him to examine the ground of this deceiptfull obiection. Wherfore (saith he) if this proceedeth from being Ie­suits; the Societie began in France, in the Colledge of S. Barbara, which is in the Vniuersitie of Pa­ris. Yf it be in respect of their being Religious men, euery man seeth, that there are many other besides them. Yf in respect of France, they in that Countrey are French-men, and there is no reason, why a French-man, should not loue his nation, as well as any Spaniard doth his, or as well, as the Portughese, German, Italian, English, those of Iapo­nia and Perù doe theirs. Yf in regard of the three Religious vowes, they are common to all Religi­ous orders, euen to the Knights of Malta. Yf in respect of the fourth, which is peculiar to them; that belongeth lesse to the Spaniards, thē to the Anti­podes: for it concerneth only their missions among Infidells, and the conuersion of other lost Soules. Yf this imputation be laid vpon their Rules; they are commanded by one of them expressely to loue, and respect all Nations in our Lord, alway giuing the chief place euery man to his owne, as the rule of well-ordered charity doth require. If their fun­ctions be obiected, these are as profitable, & more necessary in France, then in Spayne: neyther can any [Page 79] of them be attributed rather to Spayne, then to any other Nation: besides that many other principall persons do preach, teach, and confesse, who not­withstanding are not accompted Spaniards. Yf the reason be, for that the Society hath one Generall: the Carthusians, and the Dominicans haue but one during his life in like manner. Yf because he is not a Frenchman, those of other Orders are no Frēch­men neyther. Yf because he is a Neapolitan, sonne to the Duke of Atri, and great Vncle to the Duke who now is: he is not therefore a Spaniard. Yea his most noble house hath been alwaies allied to those of France, witnesse the Countesse of Cha­steau-Vilain his Neece. Yf they obiect, that hereto­fore the Society hath had Spanish Generalls: since the time of B. F. Ignatius, who was the first, and of Nauar; there haue been but fower, two Spa­niards, Fa. Laynes, and Fa. Borgia, who before had beene Duke of Gandia; the third Fa. Euerard Mercurian who was borne in Liege; & Fa. Claudius Aquauiua who now liueth, and is an Italian, as hath beene said. But supposing, that they had all beene Spaniardes, that they were so still, and should be soe hereafter: were this any greater cause for Frenchmen to complayne of the Society, then Spani­ards, Italians, and other Nations haue to be grieued, that there be three Generalls of diuers Orders in one only Prouince of France.

But perhaps they will say, that the King of Spayne is a great benefactor of the Society: notwithstanding the truth is, that neither this King, nor his Father, nor any of his Predecessours, Kinges of Spayne did [Page 80] euer found one Colledge for the Society. And if any will suspect, that at least he alloweth some pensions; the contrary is manifest. For since that the Society re­fuseth any recompense for their labours and functi­ons; it can much lesse admit any pension. And noe man aliue is able to proue, that euer any French Fa­ther receyued a penny from the King of Spayne. Fi­nally, no man can deny, but that the late King Hen­ry the fourth fauoured the Society exceedingly, besto­wed great benefits vpon them, had great confidence in them, and obliged them in all respects to loue him: so that it is hard to say, whether of the two calumnia­tions chiefly contayned, and inculcated in the Anti-Coton, be greater; That the Society teacheth any do­ctrine different from that of the Catholicke Church: or, That they should haue any hand in the late Kings death.

Lastly, my Author sheweth, that there is noe cause, why Spaniards should be so odious to French­men, since that they are good Christians and Ca­tholicks, aswell as other Nations, and there is now no warre, but peace betwixt these two nations, sending their mutuall Embassadors one to ano­ther, calling one another brethren, their Subiects hauing free traffique among thēselues. And if this hatred ariseth from any thing that is past, there want not the like occasions with others, who not­withstanding are not thus inueighed against, nor ought to be, although they differ also in Religion. Wherefore this can proceed from no other ground but from the malice of the Diuell himselfe, who is the Father of all diuision, and seeth very well, that [Page 81] the good and quiet of the Catholike Church depē ­deth in great part of the vnion betwixt these two puissant Nations.

A BRIEFE Relation of F. Cotons, and the Societies pro­ceedings; togeather with a Chalenge to the Hugonots, and a Supplication to the Queene Regent. §. VI.

FOr conclusion of this whole discourse, I haue reserued these three points, which my Author handleth vpon different occasions, and in di­uers places. First then, cōcerning Fa. Coton, he saith that he is a Christian, a Catholike, a Priest, a Reli­gious man, who goeth to Confession, and hath cele­brated the holy Sacrifice of the Masse euery day for these eighteene yeares, he hath beene of the Socie­ty 27. yeares and more, in which he hath studied Rhetoricke, Philosophy, Diuinity, the languages, & Mathematiks: and since he hath also taught Huma­nity, Rhetorick, and moral Diuinity, and preached in many of the most principall Cittyes of the Realm: He hath often disputed both by word and writing with diuers Ministers, and other Hugonots. He hath assisted in the conuersion of many, especially in three Prouinces, and that in great number; and since his being at the Court, he hath laboured in the reduction of the Earles de Lauall, de Castelnau, de Mainuille, de [Page 82] Vassan, de Chaumont, and many other: he was sent for thither by the late King, when he thought no­thing lesse, being at that time in Auignion: his con­uersation, his learning and his manner of life were so agreeable, and pleasing to his Maiesty, and his Coun­sell, that he did not onely retayne him at the Court, and in his retinue: but also made him his Preacher, and afterward his ordinary Confessarius. His sermōs, discourses and proceedings were so farre from being tedious to the late King, that he desired to haue him alwaies in his sight and company, in so much that he made choice of him to heare the generall Cō ­fession of his whole life; and did alwaies vpon euery occasion prayse, honour, & commend him, defen­ding him against all his aduersaries. The whole Court will testifie, that nothing was euer obserued in his manners, or doctrine, which might offend or scan­dalize any.

When he was healed & recouered of the blow, or stab, which was giuen him, it pleased his Maiesty to say vnto him: You had neuer a better blow, for the world hath discouered the loue which I beare you, and I haue seen what affection the world beareth you. And another time vpon another occasion he said: Fa. Coton spea­keth well of all the world, he is neuer heard to speake ill of any. Moreouer Fa. Coton is knowen to haue refused Bishopricks, & Arch-Bishopricks, for which cause his Ma^tie told him once, that if he were Pope, he would oblige him to accept of them. But the Father decla­red vnto him, how this was repugnāt to the Institute of the Societie, and to the particular vowes, which he himself had made, and that nothing had done more [Page 83] harme to Religious Orders, then the desire to haue of­fices, or Benefices. Which answere pleased his Ma^tie so much, that he reapeated it often, & before diuers. And this is that which confoundeth the detractors of the Societie, when they are demaunded Cui bono, should these Fathers be so wicked & vnnaturall? For, if they doe it for pleasure, they might enioy it more free­ly, more lawfully, & in farre greater aboundance in the world, remayning in their commodious, & many times noble houses, which they leaue to enter into Re­ligion. If it be for profit, there is not any Colledg in France, which is able to spend twentie poundes a man, as hath been said. And if any will endeauour to proue the contrary, he shall haue the ouerplus for his labour. If they doe it for honours: they renounce them all by a particular vow, by which they are boūd vnder mortall sinne not to admit, or receaue any dig­nitie, but by force & constraint, being commaunded by him, who hath authoritie to doe it.

What therfore can remayn, why they should abā ­don father, mother, kinsfolks, countrey, goods, ho­nours, dignities, hopes, yea & their life it self, which they expose not only amōg Infidels, & barbarous na­tions, but (which I esteeme more painfull) among heretiks, and bad Catholikes, with whom they must continually encounter & combat? Which in respect of the Catholiks is very strange, since that they cānot deny, but that the Fathers teach the youth passing well both in manners & learning. 2. They preach the word of God with satisfaction, and contentment of all Nations in Europ. 3. They carry it to the Antipo­des in Asia, Africa, America, to both East & West [Page 84] Indies. 4. They defend it against heretikes with conti­nuall danger of their liues in England, Scotland, Con­stantinople, and in all other places, where their assi­stance may be a comfort to afflicted Catholikes. 5. They heare Confessions, administring that Sacramēt exactly. 6. They visit the sick. 7. They help thē that dye. 8. They goe to the Prisons. 9. They teach the Catechisme, or Christian doctrine. 10. They intro­duce the frequentation of Sacraments. 11. They ney­ther preach, confesse, teach, nor exhort, but by the consent of the Bishop in the diocesse where they re­side. 12. When they are incorporated into any Vni­uersitie, as they are at Tholose, Bordeaux, Reims, Caën, Bourges, Cahors, Poictiers, they obserue the lawes of the said Vniuersities, acknowledging the Rectors, & performing exactly whatsoeuer is ordayned. 13. They haue among them many men of rare qualities, and the greatest part very well borne. 14. They haue at this present 30000. schollers, and in time past haue had more thē two hundred thousand in their Classes, whome they haue taught, & do teach to feare & serue God, and aboue all to keep themselues from mortall synne, by the meanes of often confessing, & frequēt receauing, binding them all without exception to doe this euery moneth. 15. And among all this great number of schollers, there hath not one been fond to haue complained of any least word spoken vnto thē, which might tend to any immodestie, but they will all testifie, that one of the cheifest cares which the Societie hath, is to preserue them in Angelicall puritie & integritie, so much as may be. 16. One of their So­ciety through extreme frailty & exceeding great tem­ptation, [Page 85] became a Minister among the Hugonots in France: of whom there hath been inquiry made, whe­ther the liues of the Iesuits be wicked & impure, whe­ther they haue intelligence, & correspondence with forraine Nations, whether they be hypocrites, and in a word, whether they be such, as the Anti-Cotō hath since described them? To all which he answered, No; and that all is false. 17. Their life is not monasti­call nor secret, they liue and conuerse with all men, they are seen euery day preaching, confessing, dispu­ting, and discoursing. Now then who euer heard thē sweare, braule, blaspheme, detract, speak wantonly induce to euill, or seduce any? If this Calumniator hath reported any such thing, where are his proofes? 18. Their books in all manner of sciences, & in al lā ­guages are to be seen in all places, and are esteemed by all such as haue not the reformed spirit of contra­diction. 19. Kings & Princes vse them for the guiding of their soules. 20. The Popes haue approued their Institute, & the Councell of Trent hath cōfirmed it. What can be said to these proofes? Are they conie­ctures, suspicions, or rash iudgments? Is it necessary to beg the penne of Ministers, to make a demonstra­tion? Oh how far is this age from the conditions of true charitie, which are, 1. neither to think, 2. nor to iudg, 3. nor to speake, 4. nor to listen to euill of any; 5. but to interrupt such talke; 6. or if this cānot be, to excuse the action. 7. If not this, at least the intention: 8. or attribute it to passiion: 9. & if there be no other excuse, at least exaggerate the tentation: 10. and al­waies say, that if God did not help vs, we should doe worse.

[Page 86]By this which hath bene said, it appeareth what reason my Author hath to tell the Hugonots, that they should do more wisely to desist from these calum­niations against the Societie, especially among Ca­tholikes, to whom by this meanes they discouer the irreligion of their Religion, and make them see that their pretence is not to conserue the flocke of Christ, but to discredit their Doctors, impose silence to their Preachers, and depriue the youth of their good, & faithfull Instructors. They perceaue well inough, that the quarell is not only with Iesuits, though they be the capitall enemies of their deformation; but their mea­ning is to set vpon all Religious Orders, & the whole Clergy, and hauing preuailed against some, they will vndertake the residue, as they did at Antwerp. But to assault them altogether were to painfull, hard, and impossible a matter. Wherfore they would deuide, & weaken them, and so cut of one after another; as Themistocles discomfited the Army of Artaxerxes, conteining aboue a million of Souldiers, intercepting them troupe by troupe in the strait of Hellespont. Or as their brethren did in England, drawing to their par­ty at the beginning the Bishops and secular Clergy, vnder pretence that Religious men belonged not to the Hierarchie of the Church; and that Christianity was before them; and that the splendour of these Re­gular Orders seemed to obscure the dignity of Cathe­drall Churches, and diuert the people from their Pa­rishes &c. And by these fraudulent deuises the Ab­byes being thus put downe, and the Monks turned out, and some of them also put to death for deny­ing the Kings Supremacy; the aforesaid brethren [Page 87] informed the Nobility, that the great riches, which the Church enioyed, were giuen by their Ance­stors; and that there could no better course be ta­ken in this great disorder of the Popedome, and in this licentious and voluptuous prodigality of the Bishops, then to reduce all thinges to their begin­ning, and to render these Ecclesiasticall goodes to the houses, out of which they first came. And in this manner Scotland was depriued of Religious mē Priests, Curates, Chanons, Abbots, & Bishops: which also had been brought to passe in England, if the Puritans might haue preuailed: The spirit of their M. Caluin being impatient of all Superioritie, and Ecclesiasticall Hierarchie.

Moreouer my Author telleth the Hugonots, that by their persecutions they establish the Societie more & more: for they are esteemed so much the more pro­fitable, as by them they are described vnprofitable; & so much the more necessary, as they account them harmfull. And the like is of others, who are no here­ticks; for euery man obserueth, that those who perse­cute the Societie, are neither the deuoutest, nor the best Catholiks of the world; which might easily ap­peare, if they be Churchmen, by inquiring whether they say their Breuiarie or not; and if they be lay, by marking, whether they frequent the Sacraments, not to say any more.

To all which we may add, that the Hugonots haue been heard say in their most secret Conuenticles, that if they ouerthrow not the Iesuits, the Iesuits will o­uerthrow them; that is, their pretended Religion; which is the cause, that they set vpon the Society more [Page 88] fiercely, then vpon some others, on whom notwith­standing they might probably take as great hold. For my Author saith, that he cannot belieue, that they are more zealous of the State, then of their Religion; and therfore there must needs be some enigma, equi­uocation, and mysticall vnderstanding in this great, fierce, and terrible persecution, which they haue resolued in their night-assemblees against the Socie­ty. But he biddeth them do their worst, which will be the best for them, since that they are men, who haue nothing either to loose, or gaine in this world, but only the seruice of God, and the salua­tion of soules.

Wherefore they, who will haue, and vse them in this sort, may; and they who will not, may send them to China, and Mogor, where the haruest is plentifull. And if nothing els did hold them in Eu­rope, but pleasure or profit, they would long since haue departed of their owne accord: for they are not so kindely dealt withall, that they haue any great cause to please themselues according to sense; but their contentments, yea (I may say) their de­lights are crosses, tribulations, slaunders, perse­cutions, and especially, when they come from An­ti-Cotons, and their associats, enemies of the Ca­tholick faith. They are neuer more content, then in such discontentments; neuer more strong, then when they are thus weakened: neuer more vnited to God, then when they are cast of, and separated from this kind of people. All their affliction consi­steth in the offence committed by their enemies against God; in the harme, which Catholicks re­ceaue; [Page 89] & in the losse of the Hugonots soules: Soules, for which they would expose their bodyes, & liues a thousand times.

Notwithstāding they make no great accompt, nor haue any great apprehension of the Hugonots attempts: they know, what they can do, of what weight and value they are: it is all but threats and menaces, which they vse most, when they trem­ble for feare. Caluins spirit is insolent in prosperi­ty, deicted in aduersity; and of it aboue all the spi­rits in the world, we may truly say: that he threat­neth who is much afraid. They know also, that it is proper to God, to defend and maintaine that, which the Diuell impugneth, as they haue experi­enced by their returne into France. For in exchange of 9. or 10. yeares of absence from that part of the Countrey which belonged to the Parliament of Paris, they haue since, not only been reestablished there, but also established in the whole Kingdome, with more augmentation and increase, then their continuall stay could haue produced in an hun­dred yeares. So true it is, that God recompenseth with vsury, whatsoeuer is done or suffered for his sake.

Wherfore they haue reason not only to hope, but also to be certainely perswaded, that vnlesse God should retire himselfe from France for their sinnes,Pag. 302. the Society shal hereafter be imployed and e­steemed in this Kingdome more then it hath byn hitherto: and that in regard of this storme, after which (as is to be hoped) will shortly succeed a quiet calme; especially vnder the gouernement of [Page 90] so wise a Queene, whome God hath chosen like an­other Debora, during the minority of this Great and Little King her Sonne, and their Maister, vn­der the shadow of her Royall protection, the Re­ligious men of this Society so much enuyed by the wicked, and persecuted by those who know it not, will alwaies breath the same aire of deuotion to­wards God, and of inuiolable fidelity towards their Maiesties: requiring one only grace for all the hum­ble seruices, which they desire to yeild them; and it is, that when they shalbe accused in cōmon, or in particuler, either in manners, or doctrine; it will please them to ordaine, that most exact inquisition be made, to chastice them, if they be culpable; or to punish the accusers, if they be found inno­cent.

And because the Author, or Authors of the An­ti-Coton are obliged both voluntarily by their own word, and necessarily by the qualitie of the cryme of calumniation to tell, and declare their names & qualities; they beseech her Maiestie, that it will please her to commaund, that if within 8. daies they doe not manifest themselues, all the rigors and penalties, which Gods and mans law prescribeth and inioyneth against Calumniators, may be vsed against them: and that she would appoint to this end, that extraordinary search, and inquiry may be made. And in case, that they freely name and discouer themselues, my Author in the name of all the Fathers, and particulerly of Fa. Coton, pro­strateth himselfe at her Maiesties feet, beseeching her by all the extension of graces, and power [Page 91] which God hath giuen her, to accord, that Iustice may be done aswell of Fa. Coton, as of all the rest, if the Calūniators shall verify, & make good that which they haue said; and of them reciprocally, if for want of proof, they shall be found conuinced of imposture, or slaunder. And he telleth her Ma­iestie, that this is a matter of no small importance, and therefore she will be pleased, not to attribute this their humble request to importunity. For it belongeth to the seruice of God, who hath inte­rest in their functions, if they be such, as they are described. The good of her Maiesties people doth also require the same: for they ought not allway to liue in this hesitation, but must be cleared from the sinister impressions, which they may haue concea­ued by reading these infamous lybells.

The reputation likewise of the late King, her Maiestyes deare spouse, the great Henry, their Lord and good Maister, is engaged herein; which is stai­ned with the calumniations, that are imposed vp­on him, whome his Maiestie did not onely choose, loue, and fauour; but honour also with the office of his Preacher, and ordinary Confessarius. Likewise her Maiesty her selfe hath part herein, since that she imployeth Fa. Coton in the same charges and offices about her sonne, which he exercised for his Father. The honour of the Lords of the Counsell is touched also, since that they ought to represent vnto her Ma­iesty the euills and daungers, which ensue by the Societyes stay in France, if they be such, as they are accused to be.

Finally it importeth Fa. Coton much, who cer­tainly [Page 92] hath not deserued to be handled in this sort, Innocēcie is the sister of truth: truth is syrnamed the daughter of God, and God himselfe is called the God of truth, by whose loue my Author beseecheth her Maiesty, that she will cause the truth to appeare, that it may deliuer them: & they will beseech him so much the more, that he will be pleased to increase his gra­ces in her Maiesty, to make her Regency peaceable, the wils of her Subiects vnited, and the Scepter of the King her Sonne happy, and of long continuance.